{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2812", "width": "1762", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "riass\\nBook__\\nCOPYRIGHT DEPOSIT", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "l^\\\\hf-tm/", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "THE HISTORY\\nOP THE\\nSTATE OF GEORGIA\\nFrom 1^50 lo 1881,\\nEMBRACING THE\\njiiim:e important epochs:\\nThe Decade Before the War of 1861-5 The War\\nThe Period of Reconstruction,\\nWITH\\nPORTRAITS OF THE LEADING PUBLIC MEN\\nOF THIS ERA.\\nBy I. W. AVERY.\\nf 3 1801 L\\nCOAfPLETE IN ONE VOLUME.\\nNEW YORK\\nBliUWN DERBY, PUBLISHERS,\\n21 PARK PLACE.", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0013.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "Copyright, 1881,\\nBv BROWN DERBY.\\nC 2.8t", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0014.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "THIS VOLUME IS\\nHBcbitateb\\nPEOPLE OF GEORGIA,\\nA LUSTROUS PART OF\\nWhose Strong State Life is Herein Pictured.\\nUNEMBELLISHED RECORD\\nm Mtn anb f Wbs\\nIS X\\nVIVID EPIC\\nOF\\nVALOR, GENIUS AND STATESMANSHIP.\\nmdebd", "height": "2670", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0015.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nspirits of the Southern Confederacy, and that the stupend-\\nous endeavor at an independent nationality expired upon\\nGeorgia soil, must ever give to our Commonwealth the un-\\nfading interest and profound thought of all philosophical\\nstudents of history.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0016.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nPART I.\\nTHE DECADE BEFORE THE WAR OF 18G1-65.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nPage.\\nGeorgia an Imperial Commonwealth 3\\nCHAPTER II.\\nThe Start OF GoTERNon Brown s Strong Life, 7\\nCHAPTER III.\\nGovernor Brown s Marked Career as a State Senator in 1849, lO\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nIlERSCnSLL V. .loiINSON AS GOVERNOR 24\\nCHAPTER V.\\nGovernor Brown s Scratch Nomination for Governor in 18.57 .31\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nBrown Defeats Ben. IIill in a Hard Canvass, ,39\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nBrown s Election as Governor the Precursor or a Striking Era of\\nChange, 47\\nCHAPTER Vin.\\nThe Fif.ry Battle of the Banks 58\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nThe Way Governor Brown Gashed into old Customs 68\\nCHAPTER X.\\nThe Spirit of 1858 in Georgia 76\\nCHAPTER XI.\\nGov. Brown s Supf.rb Public Endorsement AND Renomination, 84\\nCHAPTER XII.\\nThe Gubernatorial Tussle between Gov. Brown and Warren Akin, 93\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nA Hot Chapter of Gathering Revolution, 10.3", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0017.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "VIU CONTENTS.\\nCHAI TER XIV.\\nPage.\\nThe Fatal Split of the Natiosal and Georgia Democracy in I860, 114\\nCHAPTER XV.\\nThe Momentous Close oi the Last Year of Peace, I860 124\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\nThe Stubborn Battle in Georgia over Disunion, 135\\nCHAPTER XVII.\\nThe Most Vital Chapter of Georgia History Her Secession from the\\nUnion, 143\\nPART II.\\nTHE BLOODY HARVEST OF WAR.\\nCHAPTER XVin.\\nThe Princely Prosperity Georgia Staked on the War, 161\\nCHAPTER XIX.\\nThe Rape of the Gdns, 171\\nCHAPTER XX.\\nThe Birth OF the Confederacy AND the Shadow of War, 180\\nCHAPTER XXI.\\nThe Blazing War Fever OF THE FIRST OF 18GI, 191\\nCHAPTER XXII.\\nThe Precedent of a Century Overthrown, and Brown made Governor\\nTHE Third Time, 201\\nCHAPTER XXIII.\\nGov. Brown s Stormy Time with the Legislature of 18S1-2, 212\\nCHAPTER XXIV.\\nThe Organization of State Troops under Major-Gi^neral Henry R.\\nJackson, 224\\nCHAPTER XXV.\\nBrown and Davis in their Great Tussle over Conscription, 232\\nCHAPTER XXVI.\\nA Gloomy Chapter of War s Ravage, 246\\nCHAPTER XXVIL\\nThe Increasing War Fever of 1863, 258\\nCHAPTER XXVin.\\nThe First Half of the Most Thrilling Tear of Georgia Annals, 1864, 268", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0018.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. IX\\nCHAPTER XXIX.\\nPace.\\nSherman Tears Atlanta from Hood, 281\\nCHAPTER XXX.\\nSberuan s Peace Effort and Famous March to the Sea, 300\\nCHAPTER XXXI.\\nThe Closing Throes OF TBE Revolution, AND THE Tragic End, 317\\nPART III.\\nTHE RECONSTRUCTION TRAVESTY AND A SUPERB\\nREHABILITATION.\\nCHAPTER XXXn.\\nThe Transition Period of Pure Bayonet Rule, 335\\nCHAPTER XXXIII.\\nThe Organization of the State Government under President Johnson s y\\nPlan 345\\nCHAPTER XXXIV,\\nThe Second Iron-Handed and Whimsical Phase of Reconstruction, 357\\nCHAPTER XXXV.\\nA Throbbing Chapter of Reconstruction Harlequinade, Ending with\\nGov. Jenkins Removal 369\\nCHAPTER XXXVI.\\nThe Feverish March of Events in 1868, 381\\nCHAPTER XXXVII.\\nThe Famous Legislative Expurgation of the Blacks, 394\\nCHAPTER XXXVIII.\\nGov. Bullock s Desperate Endeavor to Re-enact Reconstruction, 407\\nCHAPTER XXXIX.\\nA Burning Chapter of FoLLT AND Shame, 419\\nCHAPTER XL.\\nThe Twin Infamies of Prolongation and Financial Mismanagement, 438\\nCHAPTER XLI.\\nThe Downfall of the Reconstruction Regime, and Bullock s Resigna-\\ntion AND Flight, 452\\nCHAPTER XLII.\\nThe Final Act op Joyous State Redemption, 464", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0019.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "X CONTENTS.\\nCHAPTER XLIII.\\nPage.\\nGeobgia s Famous Expurgation OF Fraudulent B0ND8, 475\\nCHAPTEK XLIV.\\nThe Administration of Gov. James M. Smith, 501\\nCHAPTER XLV.\\nGov. Alfred H. Colquitt and his Magnificent Majority, 515\\nCHAPTEK XLVI.\\nGov. Cohjuitt s Brilliant Financial Administration, 528\\nCHAPTER XLVII.\\nThe Extraordinary Crusade of Hostility to Gov. Colquitt, 537\\nCHAPTER XLVIU.\\nThe Powerful Historic Georgia Triumvirate, Colquitt, Gordon, and\\nBrown, 553\\nCHAPTER XLIX.\\nGov. Colquitt Recommended for Governor by the Most Extraordinary\\nAND Excitino Political Convention of Georgia Annals, 5C8\\nCHAPTER L.\\nGov. Colquitt s Overwiielmi.m; Re-election 589\\nCHAPTER LI.\\nThe Journalism and Literature of Georgia, 609\\nCHAPTER LII.\\nThe Railroads, Resources and Future of Georgia, C.il\\nAPPENDIX.\\nA. Georgia Officers who Served in the Civil War in the Coxfed-\\nerate Service, 6.i7\\nB. Correspondence between Jefferson Davis, President of the Cun-\\nfedebacv, and Joseph E. Brown, Gov. of Georgia, on Conscrip-\\ntion 695\\nC. Original Co.mmunication of Mrs. Mary Williams, to the Columrus\\n(Ga.) Times, Suggesting the Decoration Day Custom, 715", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0020.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "ILLUSTRATIONS.\\nI\\n.TFTTT FT. ATE PORTRAn-S.\\n1.\\n2.\\n3.\\n4.\\n5.\\n6.\\n7.\\n8.\\n9.\\n10.\\n11.\\n1-2.\\n13.\\nU.\\n15.\\n16.\\n17.\\n18.\\n19.\\n20.\\n21.\\n22.\\n23.\\n21.\\n23.\\nI. W. AvKKV, (i rouU.spitct;.J\\nJosErii E. BKO^v^^, Mt. 2i\\nJos. Henry Lcmpkin\\nC. J. McUONALT..\\nHowell Cobb,\\nH. V. Johnson,\\nRobert Toomb?,\\nGeo. W. Crawford.\\nAlex. H. STKi in.N^\\nE. A. NiSBET,\\nHenry R. Jachson,\\nJefvers N Davis,\\nB. H. Hjll\\nW. T. Shermas^\\nJoseph E. Johnston,\\nJames B. M\u00c2\u00ab,Phebson\\nW. J. UariJee,\\nC. J. Ji\u00c2\u00bbi\\nJoshua H\\nO. A. LOCnRANli!,\\nHlRAM \\\\Vx;rx li.\\nThos. M\\nAlFRET It .MiiL i 1.\\nCA.MPBEM. AI.LACB,\\nJoseph E. Bi\\nU T U\u00c2\u00a5 1 ;NGRA\\n26. W. II. f^^\\n27. John E.\\n28. Mrs. M. Wilha\\n29. A. R. Lawton,\\n30. Thos. IIardbmax\\n31. R. E. Lbsteiv,\\nPaok.\\n25\\n5 1\\nlU\\n125\\n140\\n150\\n181\\n209\\n227\\n233\\n255\\n274\\n280\\n282\\n313\\n352\\n3!)8\\n451)\\nV.\\n;;TRA1TS.\\n:^l\\nJ 12\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0J(tt\\n:^51\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a010)", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0021.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "Vi\\nILLCSTRATIONS.\\nAugusta Chronicle and Conttitulionalist a Group, 610\\nPage.\\n32. J. B. GoRDOx 506\\n33. James Jackson,\\n34. MAKTiN J. CiiAWFORD, Supreme CouTt Gfoup, filo\\n35. Alkx. M. Speek,\\n30. A. O. Bacon, -23\\n37. L. J. GaRTHELL, 7: u\\n38. L. N. Trammell, .74\\n39. Patrick Walsh,\\n40. A. R. Wright, I\\n41. Jas. R. Randall,\\n42. Henry C. Mooke,\\n43. James Gardner,\\n44. N. r. T. KiNcii. j\\n45. W. A. Hemphill, i Atlanta Con\u00c2\u00ab(i u/ion Group, 014\\n46. Evan P. Howell, J\\n47. CaA9. H. S.M1TU, Bill Arp.\\n48. JoKL CnAJii LER Harris, Uucle Remus.\\n49. W. T. Thompson, Major Jones.\\n50. R. M. Johns: ON, Author Dukfisboro Tales, etc.\\n.51. r. C. Jones, Jr.,\\no-J. E. W. Cole,\\n53. E. P. Alexa.n okr,\\nGeorgia 8 Railway Kuigs, 637\\n55. J. P. Kino, j\\n56. L. P. Graj^t,\\n57. G. J. Foreacre,\\nHumorists, 623\\n^2^", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0022.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "PART I.\\nThe Decade before the War\\nOF 1861-5.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0023.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0024.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER I.\\nGEORGIA AN IMPERIAL COMMONWEx\\\\LTH.\\nA Leader in the august Sisterhood of States. Her Superior ludividuality. Her\\nAdventurous Citizeusliip. Tlie TJieater of Great Events. Tlie Most Potential\\nSouthern State in tlie War of 1861. Her Affluence of Public Men in the Last\\nQuarter of a Century. The Leading Instrumentality of Joseph E. Brown.\\nThe annals of no State in this expansive Union will show a record\\nmore illustrious, and also more picturesque in coloring, than our goodly\\nCommonwealth of Georgia. She was one of the original colonies, tlie\\nhistoric thirteen, that won independence in the forever famous revolu-\\ntion of 1776, and formed the basis of our present marvelous nationality.\\nFounded in 1733 by that noble English gentleman, Sir James Oglethorpe,\\nand embracing the princely scope of territory extending from the\\nAtlantic coast to the Mississippi river, from which .has been cut and\\nformed several of our finest Southern states, Georgia has from that\\nearly day to the present maintained the luster of her origin, and\\nillustrated in peace and war, in arts and arms, in achievement and states-\\nmanship, in population and progress, the virtue, independence and\\npower of a free, intellectual and Christian people.\\nAmong all of the great commonwealths of the Union, there is, per-\\nhaps, no single one as royally endowed by nature as Georgia. There\\nare larger states, there are states surpassing her in individual lines\\nof production, but in the possession of a lavish variety of resource,\\nGeorgia is the foremost. Whether we regard her versatile agricultural\\nfertility, her varied mineral wealth, lier manufacturing possibilities or\\nher commercial advantages, she has them all in affluent profusion; and\\nsuperadding to these a healthy climate ranging from the purest of\\nmountain air to the fresh buoyancy of her ocean border, a prodigal\\npossession of crystal springs and rivers, and scenery variedly picturesque,\\nand it is no exaggeration to claim for her a leading position in the\\naugust sisterhood of the United States.\\nHer career has had a romantic character, befitting her superior\\nindividuality. Hers has been a continuously dramatic destiny. Georgia,\\nfrom her founding- in 1773, has made a luminous chronicle of eventful\\nempri.se and stirring nicident. There seems to have been from the first", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0025.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "4 GEORGIA rf Ur.lLLIANT PUBLIC MEN.\\nan adventurous quality in her citizenship that has shown itself in unusual\\naccomplishment. She has exerted a marked influence in every line o.^\\nher growth and phase of her progress. She has been the theater of\\nstartling surprises and great operations. Both in military and in civil\\nmatters she has had uncommon prestige and achieved striking experi-\\nences. Especially in the wars that have convulsed the country has\\nGeorgia been conspicuous and brilliant. In both revolutions of 1770\\nand 1801 her soil was the arena of momentous and decisive movements,\\nthat gave her renown and imparted vital direction to the final result.\\nIn the great civil war, so fresh in our memories, she played a role that,\\ntake it all in all, was in some respects the most striking and eventful of\\nany Southern state.\\nIt has been her fortune, both before and during the late war, to\\nhave conflicts of argument, involving fundamental principles in our\\ngovernment, with the national administrations, that have alike given\\nthe state celebrity and illustrated the independence of her state authori-\\nties. The fact is that Georgia has antagonized every measure of the\\nFederal Government, that has in her judgment encroached upon con-\\nstitutional law or individual liberty.\\nThe last thirty years, extending from 1850 to the present, have been\\na marked era in her history an era remarkable for the momentous and\\ntragic incidents crowded into the brief period of a little more than a\\nquarter of a century. Tlie agitation of the slavery question, that finally\\nculminated in the attempted dissolution of the Union and its tragic\\nconsequences, may be said in the compromise measures of 1850, to liave\\ntaken its first serious steps to the terrible end that came. It is the\\nphilosophy of compromise to procrastinate evil without curing it. And\\nan inevitable conflict loses nothing of its savagery by abortive patch-\\nwork. The decade from 1850 to the civil crash of 1861, was a period of\\nunconscious preparation for the mighty struggle. And as no state took\\na larger or more vital part in the conflict than Georgia when the con-\\nflict came, so no state contributed more potentially to the influences\\npreliminary to it in the ten years of seething revolutionary preface.\\nAmong the public men of national fame Georgia furnished some of the\\nmost daring thinkers, and famous orators of the day, statesmen of\\nlarge abilit} and powerful public influence. Through her whole history\\nGeorgia has been particularly aflluent in brilliant public men. It is\\ndoubtful whether she ever shone more resplendently in this wealth of\\ngifted characters, than during the thirty years to which reference is made.\\nOur state affairs were, in the decade before tlie war, managed with", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0026.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": ".lOSEril E. BIIOWX. 5\\nunusually brilliant skill, while in the national councils we had represent-\\natives of surpassing prominence and force.\\nMarking as this period of thirty years does, an era alike in the history\\nof our state and the nation, distinctive and dramatic, in which there\\nwas not only a revolution of arms of vast magnitude, but an even\\ngreater revolution of thought and social and political systems, I have\\nselected it for the theme of this book. Looking at the large number of\\nable and influential men of Georg ia who have figured and led in this\\nimportant and dramatic period, the man above all others wjio has been\\nmore closely identified with the great events of this memorable epoch in\\nGeorgia and whose masterful individuality has been the most conspic-\\nuously im])ressed upon these events, is the calm face and slender figure\\nof Joseph E. Brown. His public career for a quarter of a century has\\nbeen the history of his state. There is no year in this long episode of\\nthrilling event that his instrumentality could be dropped out without\\ncreating an important blank in the picture, while no incident of the\\nromantic record could be properly narrated that lacked the recounting\\nof his powerful agency. From the day that, absolutely unheralded and\\nalmost unknown to the state, he was by a mysterious stroke of fortune\\nplaced at the helm of state, he has been the moving power in public\\nmatters. If his ideas have been temporarily vanquished he has seen\\nthem ultimately triumphant. Affluent as the state has been in remark-\\nable men, it is a matter of material doubt if the annals of the common-\\nvv-ealth can show a character of more brain and will than Brown a\\npublic career more valiant and dramatic than his. Bold, able, clear-\\nheaded, aggressive, placid, with unequaled powers of management, and\\nan invincible method with the popular masses, he seized the public mind\\nand impressed himself upon public affairs with as much force as any\\npublic man Georgia has ever had. Coming into public life wlien the\\nstate had a brilliant host of public men, illustrating her magnificently in\\neloquence, statesmanship and influence, Joe Brown, as he has been\\nfamiliarly called, immediately stepped in the very front, and has been\\never since an imperious dominating leader. His public career has been\\na continuous surprise, bristling with dramatic alternations of popular\\nadmiration and odium, and almost uninterruptedly marked by triumphs\\nof power clutched by marvelous exhibition of management in desperate\\npolitical contests, largely flavored with the most earnest personal spirit.\\nIn all the varied vicissitudes of Georgia s history with some of the most\\nimpressive characters to dazzle public attention, it is doubtful if any\\npublic man of her annals has filled a larger measure of public thought,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0027.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "G JOSEPH E. BROWN.\\nor has taken a stronger hold upon the measures and times with which\\nhe has been connected, than tliis indomitable type of equipoised judg-\\nment.\\nIn view of Gov. Brown being the central figure of the last quarter of\\na century of Georgia matters, I have deemed it not inappropriate to\\ndevote a couple of chapters to his early life, not only for the interest of\\nthe work, but to throw upon the heavy facts of our grave history the\\nillustration of so vital an agency during this thrilling period.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0028.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II.\\nTHE START OF GOV. BROWN S STRON-G LIFE.\\nHis Progenitors. Born of Fighting Sires. Gameful by Heredity. A Boyhood of Toil\\nand Close Living. His Imniigr.ation to Historic Gaddistown. The United States\\nSenate and Gaddistown. The Famous Plow Bull. Schooling in South Carolina.\\nA Pair of Steers for Board. Remarkable Progress. A Country Scliool Teacher.\\nReads Law in Resting Hour.s. Dr. Lewi.t. Brown s Fidelity to Friends Admitted\\nto the Bar. Goes to Yale College Law School. A Practitioner of Law.\\nThe full name of Senator Brown is Joseph Emerson Brown. He is not\\na native Georgian, but was born in the adjoining state of South Carolina,\\nin Pickens District, on the 15th day of April, 1821. He was therefore\\nsixty years of age April 15, 1881. His birthplace was near the home of\\nJohn C Calhoun, that apostle of the doctrine of States Rights. It was\\nhere that young Brown had imbibed with the tenacity of his determined\\nnature Calhoun s theory of state government. And it will be seen how,\\nwhen he became Governor of Georgia, these decided views of state\\nsovereignty molded his official conduct, and led him to controversies\\nthat have become historic.\\nIt is not by any means uninteresting to trace in the life of this gentle-\\nman the ancestral qualities that came to him legitimately by hereditary\\ntransmission. His remote progenitors on the paternal side were Scotch-\\nIrish Presbyterians, and way back in those dismal daj s of English\\nhistory, when civil strife would seem to have culminated its horrors in\\nthe time of James the Second, they faithfully adhered to the fortunes\\nof William and Mary. Their home was in the vicinity of Londonderry,\\nIreland, and when that place was subjected to the cruelties of a length-\\nened siege, the ancestors of Joseph E. Brown vindicated their courage\\nand their fidelity by an unmurmuring participation in the sufferings of\\nthat occasion. In an exceedingly vivid sketch comparing Joe Brown\\nand Bob Tombs, H. W. G, in the Constitution newspaper, thus\\nalludes to Brown s progenitors\\nJoe Brown and Bob Tooinhs Both illustrious and great both powerful and\\nstroug aud yet at every poiut, aud from every view, the perfect opposites of each\\nother.\\nThrough two centuries have two different strains of Wood, two conflictiug lines of\\nthought, two separate theories of social, religious and political life, been working out", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0029.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "8 BKOWX ANT) TOOMBS.\\ntlie two types of men, wliicli have in our day flowered into the perfection of contrast\\n\\\\ivid, thorougli and pervasive. For seven generations tlie anccsturs of Joe Brown have\\nliceu restless, aggressive rebels for a lunger time the Tj;ionil)s have been dauntless and\\nintolerant followers of the king and kingline.ss. At the siege of Londouderry the\\nmost remarkable fasting match beyond Tanuer Margaret and James Brown, grand-\\nparents of tlie James Brown who came to America and w.as grand-parent of Joe Brown\\nwere within tlie walls, starving and fighting for William and Mary and I have\\nno doubt there were hard-riding Toombs outside the walls, charging in the name\\nof the peevish and unhappy James. Certain it is that forty years before the direct\\nancestors of General Toombs on the Toombs estate were hiding good King Charles in\\nthe oak at Boscabel, where, I have no doubt, the father and uncles of the Londonderry\\nBrown, w ith cropped hair and severe mien, were proguing about the place with their\\npikes, searching every bush, in the name of Cromwell au l tlie psalm-singers. From\\nthese initial points sprang the two strains of blood the one affluent, impetuous, prod-\\nigal\u00e2\u0080\u0094 tlie other slow, resolute, forceful. From these ancestors came the two men the\\none superb, ruddy, fashioned with incomparable grace and fullness the other pale,\\nthoughtful, angular, stripped down to brain and sinew. From these opposing theories\\ncame the two types the one patrician, imperious, swift in action and brooking no stay\\nthe otlier democratic, sagacious, jealous of rights and .submitting to no imposition.\\nThe one for the king the other for the people. It does not matter that the elder\\nToombs was a rebel in Virginia against the fat George, for tliat revolt was kingly of\\nitself, and the Virginian cavaliers went into it with love-locks flying and care cast to the\\nwinds, feeling little of the patient spirit of James Brown, who, by his Caroliua fireside,\\nfashioned his remonstrance slowly, and at last put his life upon the issue.\\nIn 1745, Brown s ancestors emigrated to America. Tliis was some\\nthirteen years after the settlement of Georgia by Oglethorpe. They\\nrir.st settled in the colony of Virginia, but subsequently removed to\\nSouth Carolina, where they became worthy citizens, keeping up their\\nstern fidelity to patriotic dut} Joseph Brown, the grandfather and\\nnamesake of Senator Brown, was a resolute ^^^hig in the days of the\\nRevolution of ITTC, and did iiis part gamefully in that memorable strife.\\nHe fought ill many leading engagements, including Camden, Kings\\n.Mountain and others. He was true to the rebel instincts of the blood,\\nand upheld the colonial cause until independence crowned the long and\\nweary contest.\\nOf the family of Joseph Brown the revolutionary sire, Mackey Brown,\\nthe father of Joseph E. Brown, when quite a young man sought a home\\nin the state of Tennessee, in the middle section of that commonwealth\\nof bountiful products. Following the intrepid impulses that came to\\nhim from his Londonderry progenitors, Mackey Brown enlisted in the\\nwar of 1812 in the brigade of General Carroll. He went with this com-\\nmand to New Orleans, and shared actively in all of the campaigns of\\nthat war, finally fighting with Old Hickory in the celebrated battle\\nof the Sth of Januarv, 181J, which resulted in the death of General", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0030.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "GADDISTOWX. 9\\nPackenham, tlie British commander the defeat of the British army,\\nand the election of General Jackson as President. It will thus be seen\\nthat Joe Brown comes of a fighting stock, and the unyielding combative-\\nness that has constituted one of the staple ingredients of his character,\\nanil a leading feature of his political life, is a quality of long-transmitted\\niidieritance, perpetuated through generations of resolute blood and\\nfiery trial.\\nMackey Brown returned from the war to Tennessee and married\\nSally Rice, whose people came from England and, settling in Virginia,\\nemigrated to Tennessee. After the marriage, Mackey Brown and his\\nyoung wife moved back to South Carolina to Pickens District, where,\\nin the quiet pursuit of an agricultural life, eleven children were born,\\nthe oldest of whom was Joseph E. Brown.\\nThe early life of Joe Brown was uneventful. His parents were in\\nmoderate circumstances, and he grew up accustomed to farm labor. He\\nwas educated in those simple habits of living, temperate, abstemious\\nand healthful, from which in all the elevations of his extraordinary\\ncareer he has never deviated. From the early age of eight he did\\nsteady farm work until he was nineteen years old, filling in the intervals\\nwith the ordinary country schooling. Before he was grown, however,\\nMackey Brown left South Carolina and emigrated to Union county,\\nGeorgia, where Joseph E. Brown made the humble beginning of his\\nwonderful career in this state. The little valley near which they settled\\nwas called Gaddistowx.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Men make localities famous. It is the province of genius to thus\\nemulate great events in conferring celebrity upon places. The obscure\\nlittle country place of Gaddistown has earned immortality through the\\njKjor uneducated boy that arrived there in his teens over forty years\\nago. When at the close of the most protracted political and personal\\ncampaign ever held in Georgia, in which he was a leader and factor, this\\npenniless and unlettered boy become a millionaire in wealth, all won by\\nhis own strong industry and enterprise, grasped in his powerful hand\\nthe glittering honor of a United States Senatorship by such a majority\\nas the most fortunate of men rarely get, the wondering populace, caught\\nfrom its rural hiding place in the mountains of Georgia, far away from\\nthe whistle of the steam car, the modest locality of Gaddistown and\\nmade it a household word forevermore. Such is the spell of genius.\\nIn the badinage that flashed about the marvelous victory, Gaddistown\\nbloomed into fame as the spot where the millionaire Senator plowed his\\nhistoric bull in the days of his penniless youth, and made the modest", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0031.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "10 r.lI.L Anp s RKMINISCEXCE.\\nstarting of his miraculous career. The papers rang with tlie name of\\nGaddistown. In the ijrilliant breakfast room of the Kimball House,\\nwhere a large number of Senator Brown s friends gathered to dine in\\nhonor of his ovorwhelniiiig election that da} the Gaddistown Club was\\norganized in tribute to the henceforth immortal Gaddistown.\\nDuring these years of his youth up to the age of nineteen, j^oung\\nBrown learned nothing bvit the three R s, reading, riting and\\nrithmetic, and these very limitodly. He worked laboriously, plowing\\nhis now historic bull, hauling wood to Dahlonega, selling vegetables in\\na basket to the hotel and others that would buy, and aiding in the\\nfrugal support of his father s large family. Bill Arp, in one of his\\ninimitable letters to the CoiiMitution, narrates the following interesting\\nincident of the period of Brown s life, told him by Gen. Ira Foster:\\nWlien he got to talking about Joe Brown lie stretched forth his arm anil saiil that\\nman is a miracle. I knew his parents before lie was born. They were exceedinglv\\npoor. His aunt Sidney did my washiug wlieu I was a _voung man living in Dahlonega\\nsome fifty years ago.\\nJoe cultivated a little scrap of hillsi{le land with a pair of l ull calves, and every\\nS.atunhiy liauled to town some potatoes or cabbages or liglit wood or other truck in\\ntrade and took back sometliing for the family. In 1S39, I think it was, I was riding to\\nCanton in a buggy, and I overtook a young man walking in a very muddy lane. He\\nliad a striped bag hung over his shoulder and looked very tired. I asked him if he\\nwould not take a seat, and he looked down at liimself and said he was too muddy, and\\ntliat he would dirty up the buggy. I insisted and he broke off a splinter from a rail\\nand scraped his shoes and got in. I learned from him that his name was Joe Brown,\\nand he w.as going to Canton to get sometliing to do. I liave kept an eye on liim for\\nforty years. He is a wonder to me.\\nBut there was a something in the youth that impelled him irresistibly\\nto a higher and broader life, and his strong intelligence realized the\\nnecessity of a better educational equipment. There is no doubt how-\\never that in these 3 ears of youthful work were laid the foundation of\\nthose inestimable habits of patience, pains-taking industry, frugality,\\nself-control, and a knowledge of and sympathy with the laboring masses\\nthat have so marked his career, and aided in his exceptional success.\\nIn the fall of 18-10 he obtained his father s consent to make a new\\ndeparture and gratify his craving for education. All that his father\\ncould do for the boy who was to carve out for himself so wonderful a\\nfortune, was to give him some home-made clothing and a yoke of steers.\\nWith this modest endowment of worldly goods the youth went back to\\nCarolina and entered the Calhoun academy in Anderson district, prob-\\nably drawn there by his reverence for the name and doctrines of\\nCalhoun. The steers paid for eight months board. The tuition was", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0032.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "liROWX A LAW STUDENT. 11\\nobtained on credit. It can be well imagined that a spirit so determined\\nupon an education improved this opportunity to tlie fullest measure of\\nan uncommon intellect. Returning to Georgia in the fall of 1811, the\\nearnest youngster taught school for three months to get the means to\\ncontinue his schooling, and went back in January 1843 to Calhoun\\nacademy, pursuing his studies by incurring debt for his tuition and\\nboard. A very successful and eminent teacher, Mr. Wesley Leverett,\\nwas in charge of Calhoun academy, and the bond of sympathy between\\nhim and his remarkable pupil was sucli, that when Jlr. Leverett l\u00c2\u00abft the\\nacademy and removed to another school that he established near\\nAnderson Court House, the wise youth followed him and enjoyed his\\ninstruction during that year. The progress of young Brown in his\\nstudies was very rapid and marked. His strong practical mind, with its\\nkeen hunger for knowledge and its native superiority of application and\\nn.iental labor, achieved astonishing results, delightitig his preceptor. His\\nmonev with which to pay board early gave out, but he readily obtained\\nit on credit, there being no lack of friends to trust and encourage a\\nspirit so bent upon an education. The extraordinary progress he made\\ncan be understood when it is known that in two years study from the\\ngroundwork young Brown had fitted himself to enter an advanced class\\nin college. He had to forego college education, however, because he\\nhad not the means.\\nIn January 1841 Mr. Brown, at the age of twenty-two, returned to\\nGeorgia and opened an academy in Canton, Cherokee county. He had\\nto repay the debts incurred in his education, and he fully realized the\\nobligation that rested upon him. He opened his academy with six\\nscholars, the number rapidly increasing to sixty as his admirable\\ncapacity for teaching was demonstrated. The school was popular. He\\ntaught the year through, devoting his days to his pupils and his even-\\nings and Saturdaj-s to laborious study of the law.\\nThis earnest young man wasted no hours. His mastery of the law\\nwas thorough and close. A methodical division of his time with the\\nintensest attention while at study enabled him to accomplish large\\nresults. As a teacher he was unusually successful, and had he pur-\\nsued that vocation he would have made an eminent instructor. His\\nplacid temper, great patience, determined will, admirable tact and\\npractical clear methods, fitted him finely to teach and control scholars.\\nAt the end of the year he had made and saved enough money to pay\\noff the entire debt incurred in Carolina for his education, and with that\\nscrupulous regard for his oVjligations that has distinguished the man", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0033.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "12 UROWN A YOL .VG LAWYER.\\nalways, lie made a special trip to that State and repaid to the last dollar\\nevery iialnlity due for board and tuition.\\nDuring the year 18-1:5 lie continued his law studies in Canton, teach-\\ning the children of his friend and jKitron, Dr. John W. Lewis, for his\\nboard. The relations between Dr. Lewis and young Brown were very\\nclose and tender. It illustrates a strong quality of Senator Brown s\\nnature that in after years, when he became influential and had patronage\\nat his disposal, he remembered his early benefactor and delighted to\\nlionor,hiiii. Fidelity to his friends is a crowning quality of the man,\\nand has been a large factor in his success. He appointed Dr. Lewis\\nSuperintendent of the State Road, and afterwards Confederate State s\\nSenator, when there was a vacancy in that high office. Gratitude is\\ngolden, and it belongs to Joseph E. Brown in a remarkable degree.\\nIn August 1845, Mr. Brown was, after a searching examination\\nof several hours, admitted to the bar. The presiding judge compli-\\nmented him highly upon his profieiency. He is said to have answered\\nincorrectly but one question put to him Ijy the examining committee of\\nlawyers, who seeing that they had an unusually well-informed applicant\\nto test, made the ordeal as critical as they could. At this same term of\\nthe court the young lawyer made his first speech and won a host of\\nencomiums alike from the bar and the audience. In that maiden effort\\nhe, according to the traditions of that day, gave specimen of the simple\\nstyle of effective talk that made him afterwards so potential in speech\\nwhile claiming no pretensions to oratory. He had a clear method of\\npresenting his cause, a faculty of putting the irresistible common sense\\nof the subject, and a homely, direct power of reaching the hearts of his\\nhearers that proved wonderfully successful.\\nTalking in Spring Place, Murray county, in 180G, at a term of the\\nSuperior Court there, with an old citizen and admirer of Brown, who\\nhad often seen him in the trial of cases, the citizen said that in many\\nrespects Brown was the most remarkable young lawj-er he had ever\\nknown. He said he had never seen a young lawyer, nor an old one\\neither, that did not some time lose his efjuilibriuin. In the ups and\\ndowns of a trial, the most experienced were thrown off their balancc.by\\n.some unexpected testimony or some sudden and crushing reverse. But\\nnothing could disturb Brown. His composure and self-possession were\\nimmovable. The worst disaster in a trial found him as cool and placid\\nas a summer morn, with every wit sharpened to nullify it. This game\\nquality impressed others profoundly, and gave him a great advantage\\ni.i forensic battles.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0034.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "P.KOWN AT YALK COrXECE. lo\\nMr. Brown was now twenty-four years old, and had studied the law\\nnearly two years and passed a rare examination in his admission to the\\nbar. He was better equipped for practice than the majority of young\\nlawyers. But he was not satisfied with his preparation. Having an\\nexalted standard of professional success before him, and appreciating\\nthat to be a great lawyer a man must broaden and liberalize his mind,\\nas well as be thoroughly initiated into the fundamental principles of\\nlaw and government. Brown resolved to enlarge and perfect his legal\\neducation. His staunch friend, Dr. Lewis, loaned him the money to\\ncarry out his purpose, and in October 1845, he entered the law school\\nat Yale College and remained there until June 1846.\\nHis year of study at Yale was very valuable. His hard digging at\\nthe law in the mountains of Georgia stood him in good stead in round-\\ning off his legal education at venerable Yale. The mountain youth\\nstood at no disadvantage with the youngsters of wealth at the old\\ncollege. He took the lead easily in his classes. He found it a light\\nmatter with his strong native powers, fortified by two years of close\\nlegal application in his quiet rural home, to take all of the studies of the\\nthree clcigses, and keep up with them, and yet in addition, attend many\\nof the lectures of the professors in other departments, as Professor\\nSilliman on Chemistry and Geology Dr. Taylor on Mental Philosophy\\nDr. Knight on Anatomy, and others. He graduated at the commence-\\nment in 184G in the law school, but did not remain to take his diploma\\nin person. In that practical spirit that governed him in all matters, he\\nrequested permission to stand his examination and leave in .June, in\\norder that he might get the business benefit of attending the fall courts\\nat home in Georgia. His diploma was sent to him. He located in\\nCanton, and at the ripe age of twenty-five years he began the practice\\nof his cherished profession of the law, and soon built into a lucrative\\nbusiness.\\nLooking at Senator Brown s course preliminary to his beginning the\\npractice of the law, there is a fine example for poor young men and a\\nmarked exhibition of that native sagacity that has governed his life.\\nCommencing at nineteen years of age with but a light country school-\\ning, he, of his own wise impulses, devoted six years to his education.\\nHis rare natural abilities were in the vigor of a youthful healthy man-\\nhood. He was ripe for the very best acquisition of learning and the\\nmost profitable training of his faculties. His powerful j oung mind was\\njust in that age of maturity of the learning capacity, that made his\\nstudies doubly useful. This poor country youth was a tardy beginner", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0035.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "14 BROWN MARRIED.\\nof life s practical business at twenty-five years of age, but he in reality\\npossessed a perfection of equipment that few beginners have. Purity\\nof habit and principle that secluded country life gives, habituation to\\nsevere ordeals of physical and mental labor, a long course of legal\\neducation finished at the finest law school in the country, and a social\\nand mental intelligence of unusual grasp capped and widened and\\npolished by the collisions, the culture and worldly knowledge of a year\\nat a cosmopolitan college, all were young Brown s, when he started life\\nin the country village of Canton, in the sunny summer of 1840. And it\\nis not by any means a surprising matter that he succeeded. Such\\npowers, such knowledge and such methods as he had were bound to\\nsucceed. There was nothing brilliant about him. But he made the\\nprogress ever achieved by hard and continuous work. He never lost a\\nclient. He lived as he had been raised, moderately and helpfully, and\\nhis habits continued simple. He made \u00c2\u00a71,200 the first year, and then\\npushed up slowly but steadily to \u00c2\u00a72,000 and S3,000. He never went\\nbackward. He made no blunders. His investments were all safe and\\njudicious. He very early paid $450 for a piece of land which after-\\nwards turned out handsomely for him, a half interest in a copper mine\\nthereon bringing him $25,000, which he invested in farms, and which\\nwas the basis of his afterwards immense fortune.\\nThe next wise and fortunate step that this rising young man took\\nwas to marry a good wife. In 1847 he was united in marriage to Miss\\nElizabeth Gresham, the daughter of the Rev. Joseph Gresham, a Baptist\\nminister of South Carolina. He made a happy marriage, his wife shar-\\ning congenially the eventful fortunes of his remarkable life, presiding\\nwell over his happy home, and raising admirably the large family of\\nintelligent and worthy children that she has brought to him.\\nAs a lawyer, as can be conceived, Mr. Brown immediately took a\\nforemost rank. Instantaneously prompt and punctual, giving immedi-\\nate attention to all matters entrusted to his care, untiringly industrious,\\nworking up his cases thoroughly, examining legal questions to the\\nbottom, exhausting authorities, carefully correct in judgment, full of\\nthe resources of pleading and practice, and an earnest and convincing\\nspeaker, he had every quality needed to give him both reputation and\\npractice.\\nA gentleman had a claim against a farmer residing in ten or twelve\\nmiles of Canton. He arrived there in the afternoon and was referred to\\nMr. Brown. He put the matter in Biown s hands, who told him to call\\nthe next mornin x. Brown rode out to the house of the citizen that", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0036.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "BROWN AS AN ADVOCATE. 15\\nvery evening, managed to get the money, returned to his office, and\\nwhen the gentleman called by appointment early the next morning,\\npaid him his money. He stopped at no trouble or labor in his business,\\nand his swift promptness and tenacious attention to his cases wrought\\ntheir inevitable results. Every lawyer in large practice can point to\\nhis hard forensic battles and romantic victories, won by clever strokes\\nof legal strategy and skillful operations of professional acumen. Mr.\\nBrown had an unusual number of such struggles and triumphs. A\\nplain man and severely practical, lacking the flash of oratory and mak-\\ning no glittering personal display, yet there was a romance and dramatic\\neffect in his management of some of his legal .skirmishes, that surpassed\\nthe achievement of more showy solicitors. Some of his legal contests\\nwere surprises of skill and boldness. A very earnest man, of indomit-\\nable will and unswerving purpose, he was a hard hitting forensic fighter.\\nSecretive as to his plans, he sprung damaging traps ujjon his opponents\\nand he pursued a defeated antagonist unrelentingly. Hon. L. N. Tram-\\nmell, speaking of his power as a lawyer, said his influence over a jury\\nwas extraordinary. While not an orator, his speeches were irresistible.\\nSays Mr. Trammell, Gov. Brown s speeches to juries were marvels\\nof effect. They were as clear as a sunbeam. They exhausted practical\\nsense, and reason, and put his side of a case so strongly and logically,\\nthat he always carried conviction.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0037.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III.\\nGOV. BROWN S MARKED CAREER AS A STATE SENATOR\\nIN 1849.\\nHis Early Drift to Politics. Runs for Senator. The Temperance Issue IIi.s Election.\\nThe Legislature of 1849 noted for its Fierce Political Controversies. Andrew J.\\nMiller and Joe Brown the Leaders. The Veteran and the Neophyte. Brown Leaps\\nto the Front. Brown and Alfred H. Colquitt. A Curious Coincidence. The Per-\\nsoncUe of that Body. The Judges of that Day. Hiram ^ya^uer. H. V. Johnson.\\nMrs. Johnson.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Henry R. Jackson. Ang. H.ansell. James Jackson. Gartrell s\\nResolutions. The Heat upon Slavery. Dissolution of the Union Intimated. Chas.\\nJ. Jenkins.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Chas. J. McDonald.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Millers Hohl.y.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Wom.in s Bill. Gov.\\nBrown against all the New Fangled Ideas. Ricliard H. Clarke. Thos. Butler\\nKing. O. A. Lochrane.\\nBut while Gov. Brown was and is a great lawyer, the dominant ten-\\ndency of his nature was political. A profound and able jurist, his forte\\nwas politics. His greatest capacities drove him to public life. He took\\nto it as a fish does to water. His popular tact was unerring, his fitness\\nfor political contest perfect. Admitted to the bar in 1840, he drifted\\ninto politics in 1849. At that time there were forty-seven Senatorial\\nDistricts in the state, each furnishing a Senator. Forty-si.x of the Dis-\\ntricts were composed of two counties each, and Mr. Brown lived in the\\nforty-first, which was composed of Cherokee and Cobb counties. He\\nreceived the Democratic nomination. Opposed by Col. John M. Edge,\\nthe canvass was an active one and resulted in his triumphant election.\\nThe temperance issue was raised against Mr. Brown, he being a member\\nof the order of the Sons of Temperance. With his usual positiveness\\nhe took square temperance ground when assailed. The objection was\\nmade to him that he was against the liquor traffic. He accepted it\\nboldly, refused to treat to liquor in his canvass, and in his speeches\\nbroadly announced that lie would treat no one, thoug-h the refusal might\\ncause his defeat by thousands of votes. In a rural mountain section\\nwhere the distillation of spirits is largely carried on, it might well be\\nsupposed that such a declaration would be perilous. The custom of\\ncandidates using liquor freely in their campaigns was general. He had\\nthe courage to break the custom, and after a warm contest he was\\ndecisively elected.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0038.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "THE LEGISLATURE OF 1849-1850. 17\\nThe legislature of 18-i9 and 1850 was a right memorable one.\\nGeorgia then had the system of biennial sessions, which she discarded\\nsoon, and then re-adopted in 1877, after she had forgotten the experi-\\nence of a quarter of a century previous. The session was eighty-five\\ndays in length. The same policy was carried out that has prevailed in\\nthe biennial sessions of 1878 and 1881, of having an adjourned term.\\nAnd Senator Brown voted against it in 1849, as he did against every\\ndaily adjournment, nearly, his disposition being to get through his leg-\\nislative work in the quickest possible time.\\nAmonsr the more notable men of this Lejjislature were Andrew J.\\nMiller and David J. Baily of the Senate, and Augustus H. Kenan, Wm.\\nT. WofPord, Thomas C Howard, Gen. Harrison W. Riley, Parmedus\\nReynolds, Charles J. Jenkins, Linton Stephens and Lucius .J. Gartrell,\\nof the House. Joseph E. Brown was a new member and a new man in\\nGeorgia politics. This Legislature was noted for its fierce controversies\\nupon political questions. Andrew J. Miller was the leader of the Whigs.\\nRepresenting the powerful constituency of Richmond county, a lawyer\\nof acknowledged ability, a ready debater, of cool imperturbable temper,\\nhigh integrity and unflinching firmness, he stood very high. Joseph E.\\nBrown leaped to the leadership of the Democrats in spite of his j outh\\nand inexperience, and the two names that figure most frequently in the\\njournals of the Senate during that racy session are Miller and Brown.\\nThe young mountain novice tackled the old city veteran gamely and\\nsuccessfully. And the Democratic measures went through steadily\\nunder the firm leadership of this raw but powerful j oung neophyte.\\nBrown was put on the Judiciary committee in recognition of his legal\\nability, that in three years practice had established itself, and he was\\nmade chairman of the penitentiary committee. In addition he was put\\nupon nearly every important special committee to consider special mat-\\nters of moment. Among these were, committee to enquire into repeal\\nof laws in regard to introduction of slaves into this state committee\\non bill to protect public worship committee on bill to abolish costs\\nin Supreme court: committee to re-organize the Judicial circuits: and\\nother committees, in most of which Brown was chairman.\\nIt is matter of curious note that the assistant secretary of the Senate\\nwas Alfred H. Colquitt, who thirty years later made Joseph E. Brown\\nUnited States Senator, and was united with him in the political cam-\\npaign of 1880, the most savage public contest ever witnessed in Georgia,\\nwhich resulted in the re-election of Colquitt as Governor of Georgia,\\nand the election of Brown as United States Senator. And it is also\\n2", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0039.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "18 THE JUDICIARY OF 1840.\\nanother curious fact tliat of the two speeches reported during the\\nsession of 1849-1850 one was a speech made by Brown, and it was\\nreported by Mr. Colquitt for that strong journal, tlie Macon Telegraph,\\nwhich at that time was only a weekly paper.\\nGov. Geo. W. Towns was the executive of the state. The state road\\nwas in running order to Dalton, was graded to Chattanooga and the track\\nlaid to within seven miles of that place. The benefit of that road is shown\\nby the fact that the business had increased for 1849 over forty-seven\\nper cent, more than in 1817. At this time the judges were elected by\\nthe General Assembly, though an act was passed submitting to the peo-\\nple whether judges should be elected by the Legislature or the people.\\nThe people decided in their own favor, and after this the judges were\\nelected by the people of their respective circuits. This Legislature\\nelected Hiram Warner Judge of the Supreme Court, and Judg es of the\\nSuperior Court as follows: EU H. Baxter, Northern circuit; Henry R,\\nJackson, Eastern circuit; Augustin H. Stansell, Southern circuit; James\\nJackson, Western circuit; Ebenezer Starnes, Middle circuit; Herschel\\nV. Johnson, Ocmulgee circuit; Jas. H. Stark, Flint circuit; Alfred\\nIverson, Chattahoochee circuit; Jolin H. Lumpkin, Cherokee circuit.\\nOf these gentlemen a number became distinguished. H. V. Johnson\\nand Alfred Iverson were made United States Senators; H. V. Johnson,\\nGovernor; Hiram Warner and James Jackson, Congressmen and Chief\\nJustice of the Supreme Court; E. Starnes, Judge of the Supreme\\nCourt; H. R. Jackson, United States Minister to Austria. There has\\nperhaps never been a more brilliant array of judges in the history of\\nthe state. Judge Warner has been almost continuously on tlio bench\\nsince, resigning the Chief Justiceship of the Supreme Court in 1880.\\nJudge Warner is in many respects a remarkable man. He came from\\nNew England. A tall, erect, muscular person of great decision of char-\\nacter, high order of ability, and extensive legal erudition, he has main-\\ntained a striking hold upon tlie people of Georgia in spite of a decided\\nlack of social feeling and generous sentiment. A fearless utterance\\nof his views, an iron resolution and a rigid integrity, have upheld him\\nin popular confidence, notwithstanding the severity of demeanor and a\\nsort of determined rancor of prejudice. Cold and stern, he was able\\nand believed to be honest. Alfred Iverson was a man of much power,\\na small person in stature, but of considerable speaking ability.\\nGovernor Johnson was the ablest of these men. There has been no\\npublic man in Georgia in the last quarter of a centurj the superior in\\nbrain power of H. V. Johnson. A powerful thinker, a strong speaker,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0040.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "MRS. H. V. JOHNSON. 19\\npossessor of an exquisite stj Ie of writing, the chastest and most vigor-\\nous master of language we have ever had in the state, he is one of\\nour few public men that could be called great. He was a timid and a\\ngloomy man, however, and in his manners a brusque person. The\\ncontrast between the bluntness of his ways and speech, and the classic\\nelegance of his writings, was something inexplicable. His state papers\\nwere models of statesmanship and polish. Judge, afterwards Governor\\nJohnson, married a niece of President Polk, the most exquisitely beauti-\\nful and intellectually gifted woman of her day when young. After he\\nbecame executive she made the state house famous by her entertain-\\nments. Of exquisite figure, with features of faultless beauty, clear-cut,\\nintellectual and of the most classic Grecian type, with a complexion as\\nclear and rose-tinted as a healthy infant s, she added conversational\\npowers of surpassing brilliancy, and an attractive sweetness of manner\\nirresistible. She was a notable housewife and devoted mother, yet she\\nwas profoundly read in the political, scientific and religious literature\\nof the day, and could talk upon these matters with wonderful power\\nand genuine eloquence.\\nHenry R. Jackson was one of the most gifted of these men, a magical\\norator, a true poet and an able lawyer. And added to this was a chiv-\\nalric, personal courage and a fiery scorn of anything small. Judge\\nHansell is still Judge of the Superior Court, and preserves those high\\ncharacteristics of manhood that; marked him then. James Jackson was\\na most promising young man, belonging to and constituting a tj pical\\nmember of the famous family of Jacksons that have filled so large a role\\nin Georgia annals, whose founder was one of the early Governors and\\na United States Senator; a man of iron force of character, who burned\\nthe records of the great Yazoo fraud with a sun glass. It has been\\nsomething for Joseph E. Brown to have outstripped these gifted aristo-\\ncrats of Georgia civilization. In the election of these judges the\\nSouthern Rights question entered. Lumpkin, James Jackson and H.\\nR. Jackson were Union Democrats, and came near defeat on that account.\\nJames Jackson wrote to Alex. Stephens asking his influence, appealing\\nto his well-known proclivity to help young men. Through Mr. Stephens\\nhis brother Linton voted for Jackson, though Linton was a Whig.\\nThe chief battle in this General Assembly was over some Democratic\\nresolutions, originated mainly by Lucius J. Gartrell and W. W. Clayton,\\ndeclaring for strict state rights; for a national territory equally slave\\nand free, and branding the Wilmot proviso as unconstitutional. The\\nreport of the committee on the state of the Republic, introductory of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0041.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "20 DISUNION FOKESUAUOWED.\\ntliese warm resolutions, was written by Col. Thomas C. Howard, the\\nchairman of the House committee, regarded then as tlie most promising\\nyoung man in the state. An inimitable conversationalist, flashing,\\nwitty and fervent, there is no man in Georgia that has ever surpassed\\nhim as a talker. He was then and is to-day a remarkable man. His\\nreport on these resolutions was a brilliant piece of writing. The debates\\nover these resolutions were sharp and at times stormy. In the Senate,\\nMiller and Brown had numerous skirmishes. Governor Colquitt told\\n.the writer that the Democrats liad a sense of security when Brown had\\ncharge of the Democratic side that tliey had under no other leader.\\nHis speeches were to the point, clear and forcible, and his readiness and\\nresources equal to any occasion. The resolutions were finally passed.\\nAmong them is the following:\\n9tli Resolvetl. That the people of Georgia euteitain an ardent feeling of devotion\\nto the union of these st.ates, and tliat nothing short of a persistence in the present sys-\\ntem of encroachment upon our rights y tlie uon-slavehokling states can induce us to\\ncontemplate tlie possihility of a dissolution.\\nThese resolutions provided for calling a State Convention in certain\\ncontingencies. Th( y illustrate the inflammatory ag-itation that was\\nconvulsing the country upon the subject of slavery, and the contempla-\\ntion of a severance of the union as an ultimatum that came ten years\\nlater. On the final passage in the Senate the vote stood thirty-five j eas\\nto three nays, Andrew J. Miller being dne of the nays. In the House\\nthe vote stood ninety-two yeas and twenty-eight nays. Charles J.\\nJenkins was the leader of the union party in the House. Mr. Jenkins\\nhas been one of the purest and ablest public men the state has ever had.\\nHe afterwards became Governor and Judge of the Supreme Court, and\\nPresident of a Constitutional Convention of 1877. Possessed of punc-\\ntilious integrity and high ability, known for an adamantine firmness and\\ncourage, patriotic and public-spirited, no man in the state has enjoyed\\na larger measure of respect than Mr. Jenkins. He has been a citizen of\\nwliich any commonwealth could be proud.\\nIn connection with these resolutions the general assembly elected C.\\nJ. McDonald, M. II. McAllister, C. Dougherty and William Law as\\ndelegates to a convention of the people of the slave-holding states of\\nthe union to be held on the first Monday in June, 1850, in Nashville,\\nTennessee, called in conformity with a recommendation of the people\\nof Mississippi, to take some hannonious action in defense of the in-\\nstitutions of .slavery and the rights incident to it under the Constitu-\\ntion of the United States. C. J. McDonald had been governor of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0042.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "ANDREW J. miller s WOMAN s IIII.I.. 21\\nstate from 1S39 to 1843, and was a gentleman of ability wlio possessed\\nto a large degree the conKdence of the people. M. H. McAllister was\\na citizen of Savannah, looming up prominently for public honor, but\\nwho injudiciously sacrificed the sure promise of distinction in Georgia\\nby removing to California. C. Dougherty and William Law were both\\nlawyers of fine ability. Dougherty was a citizen of Athens, of bright\\nmind, member of a gifted family. He was defeated for governor on a\\nclose vote by McDonald. Law was a citizen of Savannah, and became\\na distinguished judge.\\nOne of the notable battles in this legislature was over a measure that\\nbecame in those days known, as the hobby of Andrew J. Miller, called\\nhis Woman s bill. The object was to secure to married women their\\nown property independent of the husband. Miller was sent to the\\nlegislature time and again, and at every session he introduced this\\nmeasure, only to be repeatedly defeated. It finally became the law,\\nand its success was due to the persistent agitation of the persevering\\nMiller. Joseph E. Brown had the old-fashioned notions of the marital\\nrelation and foug ht all of these new-fangled ideas. Miller s W^oman s\\nbill was defeated by a vote of twenty-one yeas to twenty-three nays in\\nthe Senate, Brown voting no. A bill to limit the liability of husbands\\nfor debts of wives incurred before marriage, did pass the Senate, how-\\never, and Brown vindicated his consistency by voting against it.\\nDuring the consideration of the Woman s bill Judge Richard H. Clark\\noffered an amendment submitting the Woman s bill to a popular vote at\\nthe governor s election in 1851. Senator Woods proposed an amend-\\nment allowing females between sixteen and fifty years to vote. The\\namendments were both rejected by only a small majority. Judge Clark\\nhas been a well-known figure in Georgia matters. A delightful gentle-\\nman socially, a writer of exquisite culture, a thorough lawj-er and yet\\nwith a decided bias to literature, Judge Clark has held a high position.\\nHe has been one of the codifiers of the Georgia statute law, and a judge\\nof admitted ability. He is now judge of the city court of Atlanta.\\nAt this session of the legislature important legislation was had on\\nthe divorce law. Joseph E. Brown, as may be expected, fought every\\nproposition widening the domain of divorce, and maintained rigid\\nadherence to all of the strictest ideas of marriage sanctity. He was for\\nstriking out as grounds of divorce intermarriage within the Levitical\\ndegrees, desertion for three j-ears, and conviction for crime, and finally\\nvoted against the bill. An effort was made to incorporate the Grand\\nDivision of the Sons of Temperance, and referred to a special committee", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0043.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "5J i THOMAS BUTLER KIXG.\\nwith Brown as chairman, who was known to be an ardent temperance\\nchampion. He made a strono; report against it, arguing that any legis-\\nlation of the sort would injure the cause of temperance, which was\\nmaking progress, and sliovdd depend for success upon inherent moral\\ninfluence.\\nSenator Brown gave a marked instance of his thoughtfulness of the\\ninterest of his immediate constituents, and his successful method of\\ndoing things in a little post route matter. Mr. Boyd offered resolutions\\nfor mail arrangements to be secured between Marietta and the towns of\\nRoswell and Gumming. Brown moved and carried the motion to strike\\nout Roswell and Gumming and substitute Ganton therefor.\\nAs illustrating the temper of the people on the subject of slaverj an\\nepisode occurred in the Senate which deserves mention. Among the\\nmarked and influential public men of that day was the Hon. Thomas\\nButler King. He was a wealthy planter on the coast, a gentleman of\\naristocratic family, of high social influence and very strong ability. He\\nwas a Gongressman and went later as Gommissionerto Europe. Senator\\nBrown introduced resolutions reciting that it was reported that Mr.\\nKing had resigned his seat in Gongress and was in Galifornia, alleging\\nthat he represented the cabinet at Washington, and was seeking to\\nbecome a Senator from Galifornia under a Free-soil Constitution, and\\nresolving that it was derogatory to a Southern representative in Gon-\\ngress to advocate the admission of California into the Union as a free\\nstate, and still more derogatory to such an individual to accept a seat\\nin the National councils purchased by moral treason to that portion of\\nthe Union that has fostered him, and that Mr. King s conduct met the\\nunqualified disapprobation of the General Assembly.\\nThe resolutions were taken up by a vote of twenty-one to sixteen, and\\nmade the special order for a future day, among those voting in the\\naffirmative being Senator Thomas Purse of Savannah. Final action\\nwas never taken on them, they being based upon misapprehension of\\nMr. King s real attitude. As a further exemplification of the temper\\nof the times upon this absorbing question it may be stated as an incon-\\ngruous attempt to embody the spirit of the people that a military com-\\npany in Lagrange was incorporated as the Georgia Constitutional\\nGuards of Troups.\\nThis legislature passed a special act allowing a young man to practice\\nlaw, who has occupied a large portion of the public attention since, Mr.\\nOsborn A. Lochrane. A poor Irish youth, he began his career in this\\ncountry as a drug clerk in Athens, Ga. He made a speech in a debating", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0044.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0045.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0046.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "miller s prophecy of buo-\\\\vn. 23\\nsociety that attracted the attention of Chief Justice Lumpkin, who\\nadvised him to read law. He did so, and has been a noted person in\\nGeorgia matters. He culminated his profession by a seat on the\\nSupreme Court as Chief Justice. Judge Bleckley said of him to the\\nwriter, that he possessed a dual intelligence one, a flashing surface\\nsparkle of froth and pleasantry, and underneath a strong, industrious,\\nlogical mind, searching, original and vigorous. He has built into for-\\ntune and national repute as a lawyer. The friendly bonhommie of his\\nnature has made enmity to him impossible. Tolerant to all political\\ncreeds, genial and humorous, full of business capacity, a thinker and an\\norator, Judge Lochrane has been a conspicuous example of unusual\\nsuccess, achieved by a capable intelligence sun-shining itself through\\nthe world.\\nSenator Brown s career as a state senator was a noted step in his\\nupward progress. It was too limited an arena and too short an episode\\nto give him a state repute. It enlarged his local fame and home influ-\\nence. It formed a valuable part of his public education. It brought\\nhim into acquaintance with many of the leaders of thought in the state.\\nIt strengthened his confidence in his own powers and resources. And\\nit was a curious piece of discernment, prophecy and candor in his\\nvenerable and distinguished opponent and rival in leadership, Andrew\\nJ. Miller, to have used this remark\\nJoe Brown will yet stamp the impress of his greatness upon the future history of\\nthe state.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0049.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV.\\nHERSCHELL V. JOHNSON AS GOVERNOR.\\nIIowoU Cnlib anil C. .1. JIcDonald in 1851. Tlie Union Victorious over Sonthem\\nRights. II. V. Joliuson ami C. J. Jenliins in 1853. Alfred H. Colcjuitt makes\\n.Johnson Governor. Southern Rights Trininpliant. Brown an Elector. TheWliig\\nParty Riven. C. J. .Jenkins for Vice-President. The Tornado of Know-Notliing-\\nism. A Mad Flurry and a Hard Fight.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Alex. Stejihens and His Political Shroud.\\nTlie Triangular Contest for Governor. H. V. Johnson, Garnett Andrews and B.\\nH. Overliy. Brown s R.ace for Judge against D.avid Irwin. An Acrimonious\\nBattle. Young Brown Victorious. Brown is a Perilous Political Figliter. Gad-\\ndistown Stands to Brown. Brown a Rare Judge Racy Anecdotes of His Judicial\\nAdministration. Brown Comes to tlie Edge of His Destiny.\\nReturxixg home to the practice of law, Mr. Brown gave his atten-\\ntion with all the vigor of a decided nature and strong abilities to his con-\\ngenial profession. He continued practice until the fall of 1855, when\\nhe took his chances before the people of his circuit for election to the\\noffice of judge. The method of selection of judges had been changed\\nfrom election by the legislature to election by the citizens of each judicial\\ncircuit.\\nDuring the intervening period Howell Cobb had been elected Gov-\\nernor of Georgia, and served from 1851 to 1853, beating ex-Governor\\nMcDonald in a well-contested race. The Southern Rights question had\\nbeen made an isstic, and Mr. Cobb, representing the Union party, had\\nwhipped the fight. Mr. Cobb was one of the really great men of the\\nnation. Entering political life young, he had been almost uninterrupt-\\nedly successful. As a representative in Congress, a United States\\nsenator and a Cabinet minister, he had reflected luster upon his state,\\nand made a national reputation for statesmanship. Wise, conservative,\\nable, resolute, amiable and social, Mr. Cobb was one of the most popular\\nand esteemed public men Georgia has ever had.\\nIn 1853, Herschell V. .Johnson was elected Governor, beating Charles\\nJ. Jenkins by a small majority in one of the closest and sharpest cam-\\npaigns of Georgia annals. The Southern Rights party had received a\\nblack eye in the defeat of its candidate, ex-Governor McDonald, by\\nHowell Cobb in 1851, and it was claimed that the issue was settled.\\nBut the Southern Rights men made a new effort in 1853, under H. V.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0050.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "AI.KKEl) II. CULQllTT ET.ECTS JOIIXSUX. 25\\nJohnson, and this time they succeeded, thougli bj a close shave. It was\\nin this race that Alfred H. Colquitt made his first important political\\nfight. He took the field as the nominee of the Democratic Southern\\nRights convention for Congress against James Johnson, the Union can-\\ndidate. The Union men in this district, the second, had a majority\\nof fully three thousand. It looked like a forlorn hope to overcome it.\\nBut young Colquitt and that other bright youngster, Thomas C. Howard,\\ntook the stump, canvassing through the congressional district for two\\nmonths, riding in a buggy and making daily speeches. It was a lively\\nbattle and proved to be the crucial point of the gubernatorial contest.\\nYoung Colquitt had all the prestige of his gifted father s wonderful\\nname and popularity. He was handsome, genial, able and eloquent.\\nAdded to this was the guidance of his father, who was an unprece-\\ndented political leader. The result was a surprise of effective work.\\nYoung Colquitt swept the district triumphantly, carrying the guber-\\nnatorial guerdon on his strong shoulders, and he had the glory of not\\nonly winning his own election by a reversal of the heavy majority\\nagainst his party, but of securing the success of his party candidate for\\nGovernor.\\nThe only political part that Joseph E. Brown took very actively in\\nthese contests, was that in 1852 he was nominated on the Democratic\\nelectoral ticket for Pierce and King, and kept up his practice of politi-\\ncal success by receiving the highest vote of any on the ticket, though\\nhe was its youngest member. It will recall an interesting fact of that\\ncampaign to state that a convention held in Macon nominated Daniel\\nWebster for President and Charles J. Jenkins for Vice-President. Mr.\\nJenkins had declined to support either Pierce, the Democratic candidate,\\nor Gen. Scott, the Whig candidate for the presidency. The national\\ncontroversies on the slavery question had played the wild with parties\\nin the South, and especially in Georgia. The Whigs were driven from\\ntheir national party alignments. Robert Toombs and Alex. H. Ste-\\nphens, the chief Whig leaders in Georgia, had declared the Whig party\\nnorth unsound on slavery, so dear to them, and came to the Democratic\\nparty. A number of the Whig leaders in our state found it hard to\\nyield their old antagonism to the Democracy. It was a mixed state of\\nthings among the Whigs, some supporting the Democracy, some sup-\\nporting the Whig candidate, Scott, and some in the middle and southern\\nparts of the state refusing to support either. Another issue split both\\nWhigs and Democrats in Georgia, and that was the Union and Southern\\nRights question. But its effect was more disastrous to the Whig", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0051.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "26 KNOW-XOTHINGISM.\\norganization. INIr. Jenkins attitude in the presidential campaign lost\\nhim strength in his g-ubernatorial race.\\nRight upon this disintegration of the Whig party was sprung a new\\npolitical question, that furnished a new distraction for the seething po-\\nlitical elements. It swept the country like a prairie on fire. In the\\nhistory of political agitations there never has been an instance of a\\nmore sudden or furious public storm than that created by Know-\\nNoTHiXGiSM. Crushed in the national contest and hopelessly riven in\\nthe Southern states, the Whig party found a temporary refuge in this\\nnew-fangled American party. It had a large following in Georgia for\\na while and a respectable one too. It was bitterly fought. Ex-Gov.\\nJIcDonald, Howell Cobb, Alex. H. Stephens, Robert Toombs and Hiram\\nWarner wrote strong letters against it, while Mr. Stephens made some\\nof the ablest speeches of his career on this subject. The term of Mr.\\nStephens in Congress was out. He was uncertain of running again.\\nHe wrote a letter to Judge Thomas W. Thomas against Know-Noth-\\ningism in response to a request for his views. He was vigorously\\nassailed, and declared to have made his political shroud, when, with\\nthat defiant audacity that has marked his life, he announced his can-\\ndidacy and proceeded to test the issue of his political shroud.\\nHis speeches were masterpieces, and he converted the shroud into\\na wreath of political laurels, returning to Congress by a majority of\\nover 2,000.\\nThe gubernatorial issue was Know-Nothing-ism. H. V. Johnson was\\nalmost unanimously re-nominated by the Democratic convention, of\\nwhich Tames Gardner was president. The candidate of the Know-\\nNothii gs was Garnett Andrews, and the temperance men ran B. H.\\nOverby. The contest was sharp and animated. Johnson was re-elected,\\nhis vote being 54,470 against 43,750 for the American candidate, and\\n6,261 for the temperance man, and his majority 10,726 over Andrews,\\nand 4,405 over both of the other candidates. The American party\\nshowed a surprising strength, and illustrated how Know-Nothingism\\nhad clutched the country. Mr. Charles J. Jenkins, as in the presidential\\ncontest, followed a peculiar course. In a short and characteristic letter,\\nhe stated, Being neither a Democrat nor a Know-Nothing there is no\\nplace for me in this contest.\\nAs the reader will readily divine, Joseph E. Brown was a decided Anti-\\nKnow-Nothing. Its secrecy, its religious proscription, its warfare upon\\nforeigners, little suited his republican tastes and political liberality. He\\nwas too thoroughly imbued with the spirit of our free institutions to", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0052.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "BROWX AXD IRWIX. 27\\nencourage ideas and theories so antagonistic to the genius of our demo-\\ncratic government. In his race for judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit the\\nKnow-Nothing issue was sprung against him, though Judge David Irwin,\\nhis ojjponent, claimed not to be a member of the order. Judge Irwin was\\none of the leading citizens of our state, and is living to-day resjaected\\nand honored for his abilities and worth. He was in active political life\\nin 18-40, an ardent Whig. He was a candidate for elector on the Clay\\nticket in 1844. He was a decided Union advocate in the Southern\\nRights contest of 1850, and the years following. He had, to a large\\ndegree, the confidence of the people of his section. He had been\\nelected to the bench in 1857, and was seeking re-election at the hands\\nof people who knew and esteemed him in endorsement of a just and\\nable administration of the law. It will thus be seen that a more for-\\nmidable opponent young Brown could not have had.\\nThe contest was lively and became acrimonious. Judge Irwin s friends\\nattacked Brown savagely. Brown s friends were not .slow to strike\\nback without gloves. The press was kept warm with attacks and\\ncounter-attacks. The new county of Pickens, which was formed at the\\nprevious session of the legislature through the active agency of that\\nwell known legislator, L. J. Aired, and with the aid of Mr. Brown,\\ngratefully remembered the latter, and at a meeting of the Democracy in\\n.Jasper in June, gave a ringing endorsement of Brown s candidacy.\\nIrwin s friends charged that Brown was a partisan candidate and pull-\\ning down the bench into political mire that Brown had sometime worn\\nunlawful weapons, etc., etc. Brown s friends retorted that Irwin was a\\nKnow-Nothing that he was slow in dispatching business, and had\\nallowed the dockets to get behind that he was afraid to keep order in\\nthe court that he had always fought the Democracy, etc. The cam-\\npaign showed how, in a hot struggle, good men can be belabored and\\nlampooned. Brown gave his popular and powerful competitor a striking\\ndefeat. He had a reasonable majority to start with. But the fight\\nstrengthened Brown largely. He had the same methods then he has\\nused since. He was aggressive, vigilant, untiring, arousing an impas-\\nsioned interest in his friends, and recriminating with all the vigorous\\naudacity of his nature. The truth is that Georgia has never had a more\\nfearless and potential political fighter than Brown. Woe be it to his\\nadversary who goes at no-quarter hitting and has a weak record. Cool,\\nresourceful, relentless, our public annals show no more perilous political\\nopponent than he has proven himself in such a multiplied variety of\\ndesperate battle^ as demonstrate that his masterly powers were natural.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0053.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "28 BROWN AS A JUDGE.\\nOf the eleven counties in the judicial circuit Irwin only carried three by\\nsmall majorities, Campbell, Cobb and Polk. The aggregate majority in\\nthe three counties was only 68 Cobb, Irwin s own county, only giving\\nhim two majority. The remaining seven counties, Cherokee, Fanning,\\nForsyth, Gilmer, Lumpkin, Paulding, Pickens and Union, gave Brown\\n2,808 majority; Union with her now historic Gaddistown standing gal-\\nlantly to her young son by adoption with his famous bull-plowing expe-\\nrience, and rolling up for him a good solid majority of 517 in a vote of\\n1,000. It was a remarkable victory, especially in view of the strong\\nman Judge Brown had to defeat. It was a fair, square fight too, even,\\nequal and honestly won.\\nJudge Brown s administration of the bench was in many respects the\\nmost extraordinary phase of his public career. Tiiough he had served\\nonly two years when he was called to a higher place of trust, his brief\\nperiod of judicial presiding was eventful, and is a tradition of power\\nand success in these mountain counties to this day. Numbers of anec-\\ndotes are current illustrating his salient qualities and positive manage-\\nment. He kept perfect order and an unbroken discipline. For years\\nthere had been a sort of steady drift to a loose, easy governing of the\\ncourts, so much so that it was a matter of complaint that it retarded the\\ndispatch of business. Lawyers had acquired a large latitude of free-\\ndom. Much of the power of the judge had been gradually yielded in\\ncriminal matters, the injurious practice having grown of allowing solicit-\\nors to compromise the grade of verdicts on the basis of certain agreed\\namount of fines fixed beforehand. This of course tended to make the\\nadministration of criminal justice a matter of pecuniary accommodation\\nto the prosecuting officer. Judge Brown was just the man to remedy\\nthese matters and he did remedy them. He had nerve for an\\\\^hing.\\nHe tackled these practices promptly. He instituted perfect order in\\nthe court-room, which aids the rapid dispatch of business. He drove\\nthrough the dockets until he cleared them. He kept counsel to the\\npoint, and stopped legal discussion when his conclusion was reached.\\nHe made his mind up with that decisiveness that has marked him in all\\nthings. The opinion is universal in his circuit that he was the best\\njudge they over had. If he had any fault it was a leaning to severity.\\nHe kept juries and court officers to their duty. Jurors and counsel\\nwere always on hand to the minute.\\nAt one of the mountain courts the Solicitor General got on a spree.\\nThe Judge promptly appointed a solicitor for the time in his place.\\nThe intoxicated solicitor started to rebel, when the Judge coolly", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0054.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "ANECDOTES. 29\\nStopped the insubordination by quickly informing the officer that upon\\nany further demonstration he should order him to jail.\\nAt another court a drunken fellow, a very desperate rowdy and defi-\\nant of the authorities, came into the court room and made a good deal\\nof noise. The Judge promptly fined him. The fellow paid the fine and\\nstarted out staggering noisily, and making much fuss with his creaking\\nboots. The Judge determined to make an effective example of hmi,\\nand ordered the\u00c2\u00b0Sheriff to collect another fine for the noise he made\\nin going out with his creaky boots. Thoroughly subdued and despair-\\ning of getting out noiselessly, the fellow slipped down on his knees\\nand crawled out of the court house, humbly deprecating the Judge s\\nwrath. The incident created much amusement and satisfied the people\\nthat Judge Brown meant to have order in his court. His iron will\\nbrooked no resistance to his legal authority. It must be held in mmd\\nthat off from the railroads, in the rude mountain sections, men are more\\ninclined to be impatient of restriction. There seems to be something m\\nthe mountain air that makes its citizens wilder when insubordinate. At\\nthe same time it is true that in those regions there is a very large meas-\\nure of reverence given to the majesty of the law, as embodied in the\\nJudge. He is a sort of an autocrat, and regarded with high respect as\\nthe powerful agent of the resistless and awful genius of the law.\\nIn the intellectual and legal qualifications of a judge, perhaps there\\nhas never been in Georgia one to surpass Judge Brown. An analytical\\nmind of unusual strength, close discrhnination, patient research, quick\\nlegal intuitions, an exhaustive study of authorities, a logical power of\\nargument and a clearness of statement extraordinary, constituted an\\narray of elements of fitness for judicial duty rarely equaled. An un-\\nusually small proportion of cases in his ridings were taken up to the\\nSupreme Court, and his decisions were rarely overruled. A firm, an\\nhonest, and an able Judge, he made the court honored as a model tri-\\nbunal of justice. Frowning down unnecessary delays, he enabled suitors\\nto get speedy trials. Adamantine in his stand against crime and crimi-\\nnals, he administered the criminal law with a resolute hand. He al-\\nlowed no compromises with wrong, but struck down vice and violence\\nwhenever they showed themselves. Absolutely impartial, he was gov-\\nerned by neither favor nor prejudice, and decided the right as he honestly\\nsaw it, irrespective of personal considerations. A man of christian\\ncharacter, he held in earnest keeping the good of society and the pres-\\nervation of morals. Possessing a business sense of marvelous practi-\\ncality, he carried into the management of his courts that system, dis-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0055.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "30 EKOWX AS A JUDGE.\\npatch and energ}-, that have given him his steady and phenomenal suc-\\ncess in his worldly matters.\\nThis placid, positive, capable gentleman made a remarkable reputation\\nas a Judge in his circuit, a reputation that in the land of telegraphs and\\nrailroads, mails and daily newspapers, would have carried his name\\nbroadcast, and made him a state fame. But, cribbed, cabined and\\nconfined, in the remote hills of North-east Georgia^ whatever his merit,\\nhe had little chance to*be known outside of his hidden bailiwick. There\\nhe achieved a celebrity very marked. There was an iron force of char-\\nacter and a positive way of doing things that made the administration\\nof this slender, quiet-mannered, calm-spoken Judge, a highly dramatic\\none.\\nHe had come, however, to the edge of his destinies, that enlarged\\nsphere of public duty for which nature had lavishly fitted him. And\\nthe transfer came curiously.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0056.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V.\\nGOV. BROWN S SCRATCH NOMINATION FOR GOVERNOR\\nIN 1857.\\nJames Gardner, J. H. Lumpkin, and H. G. Lamar in Gubernatorial Con6ict. Gardner\\nWrecked by a Youthful Indiscretion L. N. Trammell s eye on Brown. Incident\\nof Traniraell and S. J. Smitli. The Famous Conveution. Its Personelle. Liuton\\nStephens. A Long and Heated Balloting. A Dead-Lock for Three Days.\\nGardner s Nemesis. Experimental Voting. The Slaugliter of Gardner keeps on\\nto the Others. Fillibu.steriug without Limit. A Committee of Conference.\\nColiiuitt s Graze at Governor. A Chapter of Surprises. Tlie Gulieru.atorial\\nLightning Strikes Joe Brown, while he was Binding Wheat in the Mountains. An\\nIncident in 1880. Dick Clarke s Speecli.\\nThe gubernatorial campaign of 1857 was a very memorable one in\\nGeorgia politics. It was marked by much personal heat, it ended in a\\nprotracted convention, and liad an utterly unexpected result. It-finally\\nsettled the gubernatorial aspirations of some very prominent and dis-\\ntinguished men, and brought to the front by one of those scratches that\\nsometimes occur in politics, an almost unknown individual who from\\nthat day to this has been the leading factor in public matters, who is\\nto-day the most powerful citizen of our State, and whose future, if he\\nlives and has his health, is big with great possibilities.\\nThere were five prominent gentlemen for the high position of Georgia s\\nchief magistrate, James Gardner of Augusta, Henry G. Lamar of Macon,\\nJohn H. Lumpkin of Rome, Wm. H. Stiles of Savannah and Hiram\\nWarner of Merriwether county. James Gardner, as editor of the\\nAugusta Constitutionalist, had achieved a remarkable influence. A\\nsmall, quiet-mannered gentleman, without any capacity for public speak-\\ning, he was possessed of more political writing ability than any editor\\nwe have ever had in Georgia. Bold and able, coming of a family known\\nfor their courage and decision, Gardner made himself a power in\\nGeorgia politics, and his paper j ielded a tremendous influence. He\\nwas, however, a romantic instance of how youthful folly can wreck a\\nstrong man s greatest hopes. Gardner in his youth had been guilty of\\nan indiscretion with a young lady, whose family was powerful enough\\nto make him feel their resentment. The ghost of this folly followed him\\nrelentlessly. It was exaggerated and used like an avenging Nemesis.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0057.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "32 THE goverxoe s race of 1857.\\nIt defeated him for the Democratic nomination for Governor, and\\nblighted his political ambition.\\nJohn II. Lumpkin was the candidate of North Georgia, which sec-\\ntion vigorously clamied the right to have the Governor. Lumpkin had\\nbeen a Congressman and Judge of the Superior Court, and was a\\ngentleman of excellent ability. Henry G. Lamar was one of the\\nfamous and brilliant Lamar family, that have been so conspicuous in the\\nannals of State and Nation. It has been a family of genius and cour-\\nage, a family adventurous and eloquent. Judge Lamar was a strong\\nmember of this notable and gifted blood. He, like Lumpkin, had been\\nJudge and Congressman. VVm. H. Stiles of Chatham, was a stately\\nand aristocratic gentleman, a writer of e.xquisite culture and a silvery\\ntongued orator. He frequently served in the State Legislature. He\\npossessed excellent abilities. Judge Warner we have spoken of. In\\naddition to these, the name of Alfred H. Colquitt was also discussed,\\nwho became Governor in 1877, twenty years later.\\nA few friends of Judge BroVn in his section, among them L. N.\\nTrammell, Wm. Phillips and Sumner J. Smith, had their eyes upon him\\nand determined, if there was any chance to do so, to press him for Gov-\\nernor. But the general mention of his name for the place even in his\\nown section was not made. Judge Lumpkin being the accepted candi-\\ndate of the section. Mr. Trammell told the writer that he and Smith\\nrode down to the convention as delegates in a buggy together, and were\\nunited in the purpose to jjush Brown if possible. Col. Trammell has\\nbeen a strong factor in State politics for twenty-five years. He was\\nquite a young man then, with only ordinary facilities of education. His\\nfather was a gentleman of great force of character. Young Trammell\\nhas shown a remarkable capacity for political management, and as will\\nbe seen, in this very campaign he gave evidence of his power. Col.\\nSmith was a large, powerful man, of extraordinary vehemence and volu-\\nbility in speaking. In the Legislature, when he got into a controversy\\nwith any one, he had a habit of springing to his feet suddenly, rushing\\nover in the vicinity of his opponent, pouring out the most fiery torrent\\nof declamation with vigorous gestures, and then stopping suddenly, he\\nwould stalk back to his seat and drop into it with a startling suddenness.\\nTatum, of Dade county, a great wag, put a rousing laugh upon Smith\\nin one of these controversies by rising and pointing his long finger at\\nthe rapidly retreating figure of Smith, exclaiming with mock solemnity\\nthe scriptural quotation, The wicked fleeth when no man pursueth.\\nThe convention of the Democratic party to nominate a Governor met", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0058.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1857. STj\\nin Milledgeville, the 24th of June, 1857. There were 107 counties rep-\\nresented, with 399 votes. The President of the convention was Tenant\\nLomax of Columbus, the editor of the Times, a gentleman of fine\\nattainments. Counties with two Representatives cast five votes, and\\nother counties three votes. Among the delegates were Judge R. H.\\nClarke, O. A. Lochrane and James A. Nisbet of Macon Alfred Austell\\nof Campbell, now a wealthy banker of Atlanta George A. Gordon\\nand Philip M. Russell of Savannah; the latter a potential controller\\nof Chatham county politics for the last quarter of a century Win.\\nHope Hull of Athens, now dead; Hugh Buchanan of Coweta county.\\nJudge Thomas W. Thomas of Elbert, E. W. Chastain of Fannin,\\nJudge Augustus R. Wright, J. W. H. Underwood and Daniel S.\\nPrintup of Rome, Thomas Morris of Franklin, John W. Duncan of\\nFulton, W. H. Dabney of Gordon, Linton Stephens of Hancock, F.\\nH. West of Lee, C. J. Williams and Peyton H. Colquitt of Muscogee,\\nHerbert Fielder of Polk, T. L. Guerry of Randolph, Julian Cumming\\nand Geo. T. Barnes of Augusta, E. W. Beck of Spaulding, W. A.\\nHawkins of Americus, S. J. Smith of Towns, L. N. Trammell of Union,\\nGeo. Hillyer of Walton, B. D. Evans of Washington, E. H. Pottle of\\nWarren, D. B. Harrell of Webster.\\nMr. Lochrane married a daughter of Henry G. Lamar; Judge Thomas\\nof Elbert was in that day one of the pronounced and foremost men of\\nthe state. Judge Wright of Rome was one of the brightest thinkers and\\nmost sparkling orators we had, but an embodied independent. Col.\\nPrintup became afterwards a wealthy railroad lawyer. A smart little\\ngentleman was .John y\\\\^. Duncan, whose regret was that he was foreign\\nborn, thus excluding him from being President. Col. Dabney was a\\nprofound lawyer, and since the war was well known as having been\\ndefeated for congress by the doughty Parson Felton, who so long polit-\\nically ruled the seventh congressional district. The most powerful man\\nintellectually in this convention was Linton Stephens, brother of Alex-\\nander H. Stephens. A nervous, sinewy person, there was an intrepid\\naudacity of brain in Stephens, and a muscular vigor of logic that few\\nmen have. His nature was jagged and aggressive. He worked badly\\nin joint harness. His unmalleable spirit illy brooked government, and\\nwas not suited to harmonious cooperation. Positive and independent\\nhe had his own views of things, and was unbending in his convictions.\\nWe have had few men in Georgia the superior intellectually of Linton\\nStephens, but he was too uncompromising and outspoken to succeed\\nby popular favor. He became judge of the supreme court, appointed by", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0059.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "34 THE CONTEST FOR GOVERNOR.\\nGov. Brown, and was afterwards elected and went to the legislature, but\\nhe never could get to Congress, where he would have been a conspicu-\\nous figure. Gen. C. H. Williams of Columbus became a gallant soldier\\nof the war and a warm friend of Gov. Brown. Peyton H. Colquitt,\\nl)rother of Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt, was a splendid physical specimen of\\na man, was rising rapidly when the war broke out, and but for his death\\nin the bloody battle of Chickamauga at the head of his regiment would\\nhave gone up to high political preferment. Herbert Fielder moved to\\nRandolph county and has been a leading figure in state politics since\\nthe war, having been pressed for Governor and United States Senator.\\nCol. E. W. Beck was sent to Congress. E. H. Pottle and D. B. Harrell\\nboth became judges. Augusta has furnished a rare familv of men, of\\nwhich Julian Cunnning was the most gifted. He had glittering charms\\nof mind and speech, but died young. Another gentleman of unusual\\npowers was Willis A. Hawkins, one of the most electrical talkers, and a\\nsuperb advocate. He reached the Suj^reme Bench. Such was some of\\nthe material of this memorable convention.\\nA committee on resolutions was appointed, with Judge Thomas W.\\nThomas as chairman. Gen. C. H. Williams put in nomination Lamar;\\nSamuel Hall, Esq., nominated Gardner; Thomas Morris presented the\\nname of Lumpkin; D. B. Harrell nominated Stiles, and R. J. Willis\\npresented Hiram Warner. The first ballot resulted as follows Lump-\\nkin 112, Lamar 97, Gardner 100, Warner 53, and Stiles 35. Gardner\\nshowed a clean pair of heels and steadily rose to 141 on the si.vth ballot,\\nwith Lumpkin 124 and Lamar down to 46. A sharp fight was made\\nover the right of alternates to vote, and resulted in their being allowed\\nto do so. After the eighth ballot, Lamar having fallen to 35 with\\nGardner at 152 and Lumpkin 122, Lamar s name was withdrawn, and\\nthe ninth ballot resulted with Gardner 172, Lumpkin 127, and Warner\\n(i4. Mr. George Gordon then practically withdrew the name of Wm. H.\\nStiles in a neat speech, saying that it was not the purpose of the Chat-\\nham delegation to present the name of Stiles at the opening of the\\nconvention, hoping if no selection could be made from the more promi-\\nnent candidates the convention would unite on him. A delegate from\\nanother county had put in Col. Stiles, and the Chatham delegates could\\nnot withdraw him, but he begged those who had been supporting him\\nto feel at liberty to vote for any one else. No one but a Savannah man\\ncould have made this diplomatic speech. By this time the convention\\nhad become thoroughly heated up. The alignments were distinctly\\ndrawn. The fight on Gardner became desperate. The Nemesis of that", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0060.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "c^^^\\n^d-cc:^\\nHON. WM. H. STILES, Ex-U. S. Minister to Austria.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0061.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0062.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "GAEDJs EK SLALGIITERED. 35\\nyouthful indiscretion stalked openly and importunately into the battle.\\nExperimental votes were shot in for one after another of new men,\\nHenry R. Jackson, Joseph Day, T. W. Tliomas, J. H. Howard, H. Cobb\\nof Houston, E. Starnes and J. N. Bethune.\\nGardner s friends made a tremendous effort on the tenth ballot and\\nstrained his vote to 173, but it was the top notch that he reached. On\\nthe eleventh ballot he tumbled to 151, and it was evident that he was\\nslaughtered and his chances gone. After the thirteenth ballot a short\\npatriotic letter from Gardner to Col. Clanton, the chairman of the Rich-\\nmond county delegation, written on the 10th of June, five days before,\\nwas read. It was a ringing little letter, characteristic of Gardner. It\\nsaid that a contingency might arise where his nomination was impracti-\\ncable that a harmonious union on a candidate was indispensable, and he\\nregarded party harmony as above the success of any member of it if\\nit became necessary he authorizwl the withdrawal of his name. And\\nhis name was taken out, and his gubernatorial hopes were forever dead.\\nHe was out, but a spirit had been raised that would not down. The\\nslaughter continued, and Gardner s friends prolonged the funeral.\\nThomas lioped his friends would not vote for him.\\nThe name of Lamar was re-introduced by Gen. Williams. The four-\\nteenth ballot was taken amid a suppressed but fiery excitement. A\\nsolid legion of 151 votes were turned loose, and the seething body was\\nburning to see where lightning would strike. Lumpkin bounded\\nto 179, Lamar had 137, Warner took his original 53 with three more,\\nStiles received 4 and Alfred H. Colquitt plumped in with 10. Lump-\\nkins friends became almost delirious. It looked as if his chances were\\nsure at last. Their enthusiasm was unmeasured. The announcement\\nof the ballot brought a storm of applause from them, and the next\\nballot was taken with feeling at fever heat. Mr. Harrell withdrew the\\nname of Stiles, and the fifteenth ballot was taken, showing that Lump-\\nkin had gained four votes, standing 183, Lamar 140, Warner 61, and\\nStiles 4. Lumpkin had reached in this ballot his highest point. On\\nthe next ballot he fell off, and though he rallied to 179 again, there was\\nan unmistakable dead-look. The balloting went on to the twentieth,\\nextending the session of the convention to the afternoon of the third\\nday. The feeling was intense, and seemingly implacable. The Gardner\\nmen stood resenting his treatment and immovable. New names were\\nflung into the contest but unavailingly. Votes were skirmished upon\\nW. W. Holt, Geo. A. Gordon, J. W. Lewis, H. V. Johnson, E. J. Har-\\nden, A. R. Wright of Floyd, John E. Ward, and even three were", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0063.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "30 A CURIOUS SCRAP OF HISTORY.\\nthrown on the nineteentli ballot to Jos. E. Brown. There was fillibus-\\ntering without limit. Strong speeches of appeal in belialf- of each can-\\ndidate were made, but there was the hot dead-lock unbroken and unbreak-\\nable. Col. Pottle futilely moved the abandonment of the two-thirds rule.\\nOn the nineteenth ballot Warner was withdrawn. One more liallot was\\ntaken as a final test. It stood Lumpkin 170, Lamar 175, Warner 1, H.\\nV. Johnson 11, Wright of Floyd 5, John E. Ward 3, J. E. Brown 3.\\nThe realization was universal that there could be no nomination in\\nthe continuance of the conflict. No man had even reached a bare ma-\\njority, much less a two-thirds majority. The convention was wearied\\nand ripe for compromise. Mr. Wm. Hope Hull of Athens moved that\\na committee of three from each District, to be selected by the delegates\\nfrom the District, be appointed to report a mode in which the conven-\\ntion could be harmonious, and a nomination be made. This was done.\\nThat quick-witted and unequaled political manager, Col. L. X. Tram-\\nmell, saw his opportunity for Brown, and in the meeting of delegates of\\ntlic 0th District he moved the selection of the chairman and then\\npromptly moved that three gentlemen, whom he knew to l)e Brown\\nmen, be appointed as the committee men from his district. The com-\\nmittee of 24 were as follows\\n1st District, R. Spaulding, G. A. Gordon, Wm. Nichols.\\n2d District, C. J. Williams, N. McBain, J. A. Tucker.\\n3d District, R. H. Clark, J. A. Ramsay, B. F. Ward.\\n4th District, H. Buchanan, W. T. Thurmond, W. Phillips.\\n5th District, J. W. H. Underwood, E. W. Chastain, W. Shropshire.\\n0th District, S. J. Smith, J. E. Roberts, W. H. Hull.\\n7th District, L. Stephens, Wm. McKinley, J. M. Lamar.\\nSth District, I. T. Irwin, A. C. Walker, E. H. Pottle.\\nThe committee retired. Wm. H. Hull and J. A. Tucker, l)oth dead,\\nare responsible for the following extraordinary scrap of secret history.\\nIn the committee it was first proposed that a ballot be taken, each one\\nwriting his preference on the ballot. The ballots were written and depos-\\nited, but before they were read, I-inton Stephens stated that such a\\nformality was not necessary, and moved that Judge Joseph E. Brown of\\nCherokee be selected as the compromise man, which was promptly\\ncarried by voice, and his name reported to the convention. Through\\ncuriosity the written ballots were counted, and Alfred H. Colquitt was\\nfound to have had a majority of one. It was a close shave to becoming\\nthe Governor of a great state at the youthful age of 31. Had the\\nballot have been examined and announced, what a change of result.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0064.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "BKOWN XOMIXATED WORKING IX HIS WHEAT-FIELD. 37\\nIt is curious to follow out the incident. Joseph E. Brown thus unwit-\\ntingly defeated Alfred H. Colquitt for Governor after Colquitt had\\nbeen really nominated. Twenty years later, Colquitt became Governor\\nof Georgia, winning in an easy fight the place that he held in his grasp\\nby an accident so long before. Twenty-three years later Colquitt, as\\nGovernor, appointed as United States Senator Governor Brown, who\\ntook the governorship from him so many years ago. -And this was\\nfollowed by Gov. Brown aiding Gov. Colquitt to a re-election as Gov-\\nernor in 1880, in the fiercest and most protracted personal and political\\nbattle ever witnessed in Georgia. The matter certainly contributes a\\nsingular and romantic chapter of accidents, surprises and coincidences.\\nJudge Hawkins, who was in the convention, told the writer that Colquitt\\nhad a strong following for Governor then.\\nBut to Joseph E. Brown fell the glittering prize, dropping to him\\nlike heaven-descended manna, unsolicited, unexpected, the outcome of\\na heated struggle, and a providential gift born of a state political con-\\nvulsion. Not the least curious of the incidents of this remarkable nom-\\nination is the undoubted fact, that at the very hour when this magnifi-\\ncent honor was being conferred. Judge Brown was working in his\\nwheat-field on his farm, far away from the telegraph and railroad, in the\\nquiet, distant county of Cherokee, imconscious of his exalted jsrefer-\\nment. The incident keeps up the romantic character of the nomina-\\ntion, as well as preserves the consistency in the dramatic career of this\\nhomespun man. In the fall of 1880 the following incident took place\\nas narrated by the Atlanta Constitution, which furnishes Gov. Brown s\\nown testimony to the fact.\\nGov. Browu on liis way to Canton a few days ago, remarked to some men who\\nwere near Canton That is the fielil, gentlemen, that I was tying wheat in tlie\\nday I was first nominated as Governor of Georgia, pointing ont a field la}ing along\\nTown Creek. I was then Judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit, he continued, and\\nI came homo one day, and after dinner I went to the field to see how my hands\\nwere getting along with their work. I had four men cutting wheat witli com-\\nmon cradles, and the binders were very much behind, and I pulled off my coat and\\npitched in, about half after 2 o clock p. m., on the 1 5th of June, 1857. The weather\\nwas very warm, but I ordered my binders to keep up with me, and I tell you it made\\nme sweat, but I pushed my binders all the evening. About sundown I went home, and\\nwas shaving myself and preparing to wash myself for supper, when Col. Sani l Weil,\\nnow an attorney in Atlanta, but then living in Canton, rode up rapidly to my house.\\nHe came in and said excitedly to me Judge, guess who is nominated for Governor at\\nMilledgeviUe I had no idea tliat I was the man, but I thought from what I had\\nheard that John E. Ward was the most prominent man, so I guessed him. No, said\\nCol. Weil, it is Joseph E. Brown, of Cherokee. Col. Weil was in JIarietta when the\\ntelegram came announcing my nomination. I subsequently ascertained that the uomi-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0065.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "38 KESOLUTIOXS ABOUT KANSAS.\\nnation had licen iiiaile almut three o clock that day, and at tlie very time I was tying\\nwlieat in tliis field. They say in Canton that two or three men have been trying to\\nbuy this field latterly. They want to sow it iu wheat year after next.\\nMr. I. T. Irwin of Wilkes, cliairmaii of the coininittee of 24, re-\\nported to the convention the action of the committee, in a neat speech.\\nRichard H. Clark of Bilib made the following characteristic and admi-\\nrable speech in support of the report of the committee:\\nUnlike the gentleman who preceded him, he was acquainted with Hon. Joseph E.\\nBrown, had served with him in the Senate, knew him to be a man of .sound principles,\\nclear head, uutiuestioned atiility, and speakius powers of the first order. The reputa-\\ntion made by him as a member of the legislature was of the first order. He is a man of\\nnuexceptioiiable char.acter, in e\\\\ery resjieet, private or public. He is young enough for\\nthe services of the camjiaign, and for a long career of usefulness, and not too young for\\na matured judgment, and prudent counsels. His fellow-citizens liave promoted liim to\\nthe Judgesliip of Blue Hidge Circuit, iu which position his reputation as a man of intel-\\nlect and integrity, has .steadily increased. He comes from Cherokee, the stronghold of\\nDemocracy, and the balance of the state tide pride iu nominating him as a proper\\ntribute to them, and will take greater priile in electing him.\\nThis was a graceful and merited tribute from a high source to .Judge\\nBrown. The nomination was made unanimous. Resolutions reported\\nliy the committee on business, were passed, commending the adminis-\\ntration of James Buchanan as President, and H. V. .Johnson as Gover-\\nnor, and the course of our United States Senators, Hon. Robert\\nToombs, and Hon. Alfred Iverson. The main resolution, liowever, was\\none condemning the inaugural address of Governor Walker, of the terri-\\ntory of I\\\\ansas, which prescribed the terms on which Ivansas should be\\nadmitted into the Union as a state, and expressed the opinon that Ivan-\\nsas would be a free state; and the resolution declared Gov. Walker s\\ncourse a gross departure froin the principles of non-intervention and\\nneutrality established by the Ivansas Inll, and expressed confidence that\\nMr. Buchanan would recall Gov. ^Valker.\\nThe convention adjourned, having appointed a committee to notify\\nJudge Brown of his nomination.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0066.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI.\\nBROWN DEFEATS BEN HILL, IN A HARD CANVASS.\\nWho is Joe Brown the Query of tlie State The Know-Nothinsj; Convention. Its\\nPersonelle. Dr. H. V. M. Miller, tho Demosthenes of the Mountains. Kanse\\nWright. B. H. Hill NominateJ. An Earnest Canijiaign. Brown s Practical\\nSpeeches. The Calico Bed Quilt, ami the Cherokee Girls. The Real Issue\\nKuow-Notliingiain. Great Gatherings. Soutliern Conventions. Brown and Hill\\nlock Horns. A Tilt between Severe Common Sense and Splendid Rhetoric.\\nBrown s Plienominal Development. Sliarp .Sparring Brown, D d sound in\\nhis Doctrine. Porter Ingram s Retort. The Mountain Plow Boy Judge elected\\nGovernor over his brilliant Rival. Kuow-Notliingism buried forever in Georgia.\\nGaddistowu Triumphant. The Man for Revolutions had come.\\nWho is .Toe Brown was the earnest inquiry that rang over tlie state\\nupon the adjournment of the Convention. It came sneeringly from the\\nopposition press. It was echoed interrogatively by the Democratic\\npapers. The pfeans of local fame in the mountain countries, unpene-\\ntrated by the iron track, had not sounded beyond their borders. A\\nbrief service in the State Senate was easily forgotten in eight years of\\nstirring public event, when one remained in the back ground out of\\nsight. In a lively sketch in the Constitution, H. W. G. thus refers\\nto this matter:\\nGeneral Toombs when in Texas, hearing tliat Joe Brown was nominated for Gov-\\nernor, he did not e\\\\eu remember his name, and had to ask a Georgia-Te.\\\\an who the\\ndevil it was.\\nBut the next time he met him he remembered it. Of course we all remember when\\nKnow-Nothings took possession of the whig party, and Toombs and Stephens seceded.\\nStephens having a campaign right on him, and being pressed to locate himself, said he\\nwas neither whig nor democrat, but was toting his own skillet, thus introducing that\\nhomely hut expressive phra.se into our political lustory. Toombs was in the senate and\\nhad time for reflection. It endeil by his marching into the democratic camp. Shortly\\nafterwards he w.as astounded at seeing the standard of his party, upon the success of\\nwhich his se.at in the senate depended, put in the hands of Joe Brown, a new campaign-\\ner, while the opposition w.as led by Ben Hill, then as now, an audacious and eloquent\\nspeaker, incomparalde on the stump. Hill ami Brown had had a meeting .at Athens, I\\nbelieve, and it was re]iorted that Brown had been worsted. Howell Col b wrote Toom os\\nthat he mu.st take the canvass in hand at once, at least until Brown could learn how to\\nm.auage himself. Toombs wrote to Brown to come to his home at AVashington, which\\nhe did. General Toombs told me that he was not hopeful when he met the new candi-\\ndate, but after talking to him a while, found that he had wonilerful judgment and\\nsagacity. After coquetting with ilr. Hill a while, they started out on a tour together.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0067.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2iO THE KNOW-NOTIllXG LEADERS.\\ngoing to south Georgia. General Toomljs lias talked to me often about this experience.\\nHe S.1VS that after two or throe speeches Governor Brown was !is fully e[|uip]ied as if he\\nhad been in public for forty years, and he was amazed at the directness with which he\\nwould get to the hearts of tlie masses. He talked in simple style, using the homeliest\\n]ilir;uses, but his words went home every time. There was a sympathy between the\\nspeaker and the people tliat not even the eloijueuce of Toombs could emphasize, or the\\nmatchless skill of Jlr. Hill disturb. In Brown the people saw one of tliemselves lifted\\nabove them by his superior ability, and bis unerring sagacity but talking to them com-\\nmon sense in a sensible way. General Toombs soon saw that tlie new candidate was\\nmore than able to take care of himself, and. left him to make his tour alone im])ressed\\nwith the fact that a new element had beeu introduced into our politics and that a new\\nleader had arisen.\\nThe American or Know-Nothing party held a convention. Fifty-sev-\\nen counties vyere represented. The gentlemen most prominently spoken\\nof for the American nomination were Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Judge\\nRobert Trippe, B. H. Hill, A. R. Wright of Augusta, General J. W. A.\\nSanford, Judge Baxter, and Col. John Milledge, a uiight, brainy, elo-\\nquent galaxy of men. Dr. Miller, though a physician, had won the\\nsoubriquet of the Demosthenes of the Jlountains in his innumerable\\npolitical encounters, for which he had the same passion that the Irishman\\nis popularly believed to have for a free fight. Deeply versed in con-\\nstitutional law and political lore, a reasoner of rare power, and as fine\\nan orator as we have ever had in Georgia, capable of burning declama-\\ntion and closely-knit argument, he was the peer on the stump of any of\\nthe great political speakers of the last half century in Georgia. Unfor-\\ntunately for him, he had two perilous peculiarities, a biting sarcasm that\\ndelighted in exhibition of its crushing power, and that spared neither\\nfriend nor foe, and a contemptuous and incurable disregard of party af-\\nfiliations. He never in his life worked in harmony with any party, or\\nswallowed whole, any single party platform. And no man ever had\\nmore stubborn independence and self-assertion.\\nRanse Wright, as he was called familiarly, was another brilliant per-\\nson, a strong impassioned speaker, witli a high order of mind. He was\\nat times too self-willed and combative. He could not temporize\\nenough, often raising unnecessary antagonisms. But he was a very\\ngifted man, a powerful writer, an effective orator, and a rare lawyer. He\\nmade the Augusta Chronicle a newspaper power. He was a long time\\ndisappointed in political preferment, but he finally received the promo-\\ntion he so richly deserved, and was elected to Congress, but died soon\\nafter, just when long delaj ed gratification of his ambition was especially\\ndear to him, and his ripe maturit\\\\ of mental gifts gave large promise\\nof brilliant public usefulness. He was a very handsome man of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0068.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN II. HILL NOMINATED. 41\\nblonde order. He was offered the Kiiow-Nothing candidacy for Gov-\\nernor, but finally declined. Among the other leading Georgians who\\nwere members of this party, were, F. S. Bartow, Jas. Johnson, N. G.\\nFoster, A. J. ISIiller, ^Vm. H. Crawford, Washington Foe, E. G. Caba-\\nniss, James Milner, F. H. Cone, Jno. McPherson Berrien, C. Peeples,\\nC. A. L. Lamar, J. A. Billups, Stapleton, E. A. Nisbet, Thomas\\nHardeman, and others.\\nThe American Convention put out Mr. Benjamin H. Hill as its nom-\\ninee. Mr. Hill in some respects is as wondrously endowed a public\\nman as the state has ever known. Tall and of commanding presence,\\nwith a marvelously mobile face, he has never had a superior in oratory\\nand pure mental power in the commonwealth. It falls to the lot of few,\\nmen to have such magical potency of speech, such irresistible mastery\\nof assembled masses of men. A mind clear as a sunbeam in its intel-\\nlectual perceptions, operating with a grand simplicity and invincible\\nstrength, and a capacity of expression so fluent, so luminous, and so\\nintense as to be perfect, form a brace of qualities that make the man a\\ndemi-god in brain and eloquence. But he has somehow lacked the\\nsteady purpose and cool judgment that belonged so richly to Governor\\nBrown, and Mr. Hill has not been what could be called a successful polit-\\nical leader, though he has won valuable victories. A pyrotechnical poli-\\ntician, he has had hosts of impassioned admirers, and generally an\\nardent minority following in the state. His superb abilities have won\\nhim office, in spite of defects that would have been fatal to a less gifted\\nman. He is now in the Senate, where he has it in his grasp to achieve a\\ngreat fame. His nomination by the Americans in 1857, created a sen-\\nsation, and his party exulted in his certain triumph over his plain and\\nunknown competitor.\\nThe campaign became an earnest one. Judge Brown was greeted\\nwith a ratification meeting at Canton, his home, and made a strong,\\nsensible speech, full of practicality. He referred modestly to his past\\ncareer. He discussed the Kansas matter, condemning the course of\\nGov. Walker and upholding Mr. Buchanan. He touched upon State\\nmatters, foreshadowing his purpose to make the State road a paying\\nenterprise a purpose carried out with signal success. He promised to\\ncall around him. safe counsel, and administer the State government for\\nthe best interest of the people. His letter of acceptance of the nomi-\\nnation was brief, and a model of good taste and sound statesmanship.\\nIt was like the man, clear and wise, and it excellently typified his intel-\\nligence. Two parts deserve reproduction. He said:", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0069.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "42 THE CAI.ICO BED-yriLT.\\nTlie circumstances ot my nomination precUule tlic idea that I have maile any prom\\nises eitlier express or implied and I shall neither mal^e nor intimate any, to any one,\\nas to tlie distriliution of executive patronage in the event of my election. If your\\nnomination voluntarily tendered, sliould lie ratified hy my fellow-citizeus at the liallot\\nbox, I shall enter upon the discharge of the duties of the important ofiicial trust wliich\\nmay be committed to me, perfectly free and independent of personal obligations. I\\nshall exercise all power I sliall have under the constitution and laws according to my\\nbest judgment, with an eye single to the promotion of the public interest, liolding as I\\ndo, that those jiowers are granted for the sole purpose of upholding and advancing\\nthe rights and interest of the people.\\nThe followino; paragraph is a remarkably fine one, and embodied in a\\nnutslicll the Democratic creed:\\nThe Union is the effect of the Constitutiou. We value it. We cherish the Con-\\nstitution as its foundation, and because it provides the wisest plan of governnieut for\\nconfederated States, and secures, if properly administered, tlie blessings of civil, relig-\\nious and political liberty to the people. With liearts of patriotism we are devoted both\\nto the Constitution and to the Union.\\nThe committee of notification were C. H. Williams, Geo. N. Phillips,\\nE. D. Tracy, AVm. Phillips, Lawsoii Fields, W. Hope Hull, R. M.\\nJohnston and Wm. Schley.\\nMuch amusement was created and an infinite deal of fun was expended\\nbj the opposition press over the fact that tlie ladies of Cherokee Co.\\npresented Judge Brown with a calico bed-t[uilt in honor of his nomina-\\ntion. The Democratic press turned the matter effectively in Brown s\\nfavor. The incident took with the rural masses. Says the Milledge-\\nville Union, concluding a witty article on the subject:\\nAll we have to say is go ahead gals give Joe Brown just as many calico bed-\\nquilts as you please it will l]e a compliment to the Afountain Boy, and save the state\\nsome bundrc-ds beside. Ilurrali for the girls of Cherokee, the plough-boy Judge and\\nthe calico bed-quilt.\\nThe Cherokee girls and their calico bed-quilt became a slogan of vic-\\ntory for Brown.\\nMr. Hill was notified of his nomination by a committee composed of\\nHines Holt, R. J. Morgan, and J. W. Jones. His letter of acceptance\\nwas confined almost to an elaborate discussion of the Walker-Kansas\\nmatter, and arasping indictment of President Buchanan, and said very\\nlittle on State matters, and that merely a general expression of opposi-\\ntion to the Democracy.\\nThe Georgia Democracy was divided upon the subject of Walker s\\ninaugural in Kansas, and the resolution of the Democratic convention\\ncondemning Walker had created some spirited discussion in the Demo-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0070.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "THE KNOW-XOTlllXG ISSUE. 43\\ncratic press. The Know-Nothiiigs hoped to profit by this division.\\nThey very adroitly assaulted Walker, but held Buchanan responsible,\\nand assailed him and the National Democracy.\\nThe real issue of this gubernatorial race was a tapering continuation\\nof the ephemeral but fiery Know-Nothing agitation. It was a stormful\\nflurry wliile it lasted. The people of Georgia especially took the swift\\nepidemic hard, and had a tumultuous paroxysm of it. Along: in 185G\\nthere were mammoth mass meetings running up into the tens of thou-\\nsands. October ITtli and 18th, 1850, there was a vast Democratic gath-\\nering in Atlanta, fully 15,000 people present. Thursday tlie ITth, John\\nA. Calhoun, W. A. Wright of Newnan, George Hillyer of Walton\\ncounty, and R. J. Moses of Columbus, spoke. And on Friday the 18th,\\nRobert Toombs, Alex. H. Stephens, B. C. Yancy, Hiram Warner, Thos.\\nP. Saffold and L. J. Gartrell made speeches. Col. James Gardner was\\nchairman of the huge affair. A banner was given to Newton county as\\nthe one sending the largest delegation.\\nIn October, Toombs spoke in Aug usta against Know-Nothingism in a\\nnoisj tumult. Savannah had upon this inflammable question the hottest\\nmunicipal struggle she had experienced in years. The Democrats nom-\\ninated Dr. Jas. P. Screven and the American party Col. E. C. Ander-\\nson^both representative citizens. Dr. Screven was a stern, slender,\\nwealthy little gentleman, a most positive and influential leader. Col.\\nAnderson was a larn-e, genial, frank-mannered gentleman of a worthy\\nand powerful family of the old and honored inhabitants of tlie place, a\\nman of independence and brain. Tliis fine old city was convulsed with\\nthis contest. It was a close race, the two mettled racers running nip\\nand tuck. But the Democratic candidate came in on the home stretch\\nwith 1,101 votes against 971 for the Know-Nothings.\\nThe Democratic mass meeting in Atlanta was followed by an equally\\nhuge convocation of the earnest Americans. This was October the 2nd,\\n185G. The lowest estimate of the number present was 12,000. Hilliard,\\nAlford, Hill, Miller, Trippe, Wright and others spoke. At this meeting\\nan ominous incident occurred. In raising a flag on a lofty pole, John\\nMcGehagan, a delegate from Morgan county, fell from the pole eighty\\nfeet to the ground and died in a few minutes.\\nIn December, 185G, the Southern convention, called in the interest of\\nSouthern prosperity, met in Savainiah. It had assembled in Richmond\\nin February, 185G, and adjourned to meet in Savainiah. Southern con-\\nventions were held at Macon, Augusta and Charleston in 1838 and 1839,\\nIMemphis in 1845 and 1849, Baltimore in 1852, New Orleans in 1851 and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0071.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "44 BROWN AND HILL IX DISCUSSION.\\n1854, and in Charleston in 1855. Among tlie objects of these conven-\\ntions were the valuable ones of enlarging Southern industries and diver-\\nsifying Southern agriculture. Upon these industrial questions both\\nparties were united, but upon the policy as to guarding Southern politi-\\ncal rights the two were very widely apart, and the gubernatorial battle\\ninvolved largely the national issue. The Georgia Know-Nothmgs were\\ngetting uneasy about their name, and showed some anxiety to get rid of\\nthis objectionable designation and establish their title as the American\\nparty. Linton Stephens, who was nominated in the seventh district, in\\nhis letter of acceptance made the most incisive and trenchant i^resenta-\\ntion of the issues.\\nThe discussion between Judge Browji and Mr. Hill began at Newnan.\\nIt would be difficult to conceive two more radically different men in\\nmind and methods. Mr. Hill was and is a har(J foeman to tackle on the\\nstump. He is both showy aiid strong. He had brilliant repute as a\\npolitical controversialist. Judge Brown was unshowy, conversational\\nand unknown. Both were bold men. Hill was imprudent sometimes,\\nBrown never. Brown was just the man to puncture imaginative rhet-\\noric. When the heat occasioned by Hill s entrancing declamation had\\npassed off, Brown had the faculty to put the common sense of the situa-\\ntion in a clear, direct, unanswerable way. Brown was cool, wary and\\nready-witted. In his first speeches alone he did not pass for his real\\nworth. His conversational talks disappointed expectation. But he\\ngrew wonderfully. And discussion drew out his power. Hill made\\nsome inaccurate statements. Brown used these inaccuracies with tre-\\nmendous effect. Hill was magnificently mature. Brown improved with\\nan accelerating rapidity every trial. It was with him a constant and\\nmarvelous development. Every discussion added to his controversial\\ncapacity. He never winced under a blow no matter how severe, and the\\nharder he was hit the harder he struck back. Without humor he yet\\nhad a grim perception of incongruity that he put so plainly that it was\\nlike humor. The Democratic press crowed lustily over some of Brown s\\nstrokes at Hill. At Newnan, Brown said that the Federal government\\nshould act slowly. Hill replied that Buchanan was too sloio a President\\nfor him, that he believed in z.fast government, and he was afraid Brown\\nwould make too slow a Governor. Brown retorted very happily and\\ntellingly upon his bright rival.\\nIt was true he was not a fast man. Mr. Hill was a Fast Young Man, he was a Fast\\nCanJidale, and if elected would duuhtlcss make a Fast Governor. As for himself he\\nwas a slow man, and if elected would make a slow Governor. He liked Mr. Buchanan", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0072.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "THE CONGEESSIOXAL COXTESTS. 45\\nfor his slowness aud prudence in deciding upon great questions affecting the people.\\nEvery President, holding in his grasp tlie destinies of a mighty nation like ours, should\\nbe cautious aud slow to act.\\nThe applause was lively over this palpable hit, and no little badinage\\nwas used at Hill as the Fast Candidate, afterwards. At Columbus\\nthey met. Columbus is a very fastidious place, used to city manners\\nand collesre trraces. Mr. Hill therefore suited better the ideas of such\\nan audience with his more showy declamation and impassioned utter-\\nances. Judge M. J. Crawford tells the good anecdote that while the\\nKnow-Xothing side was endeavoring to depreciate Brown for his plain\\nwaj s and homely talking, Mr. Porter Ingram came to the rescue and\\nturned the tables by saying earnestly that Crown was d d sound in\\nhis doctrine, unconsciously putting the invincible excellence of the\\nman into the terse brevity of an axiom. The two candidates did not\\nhave many discussions. They each had their separate appointments, and\\nthere was a good deal of sparring about being afraid to meet the other.\\nJudge Brown in all of his appointments invited Mr. Hill to be present.\\nThe result was a foregone conclusion before the election. The Ameri-\\ncan party only claimed that they would reduce the Democratic majoritj\\nThere were several exceedingly racy Congressional contests go-\\ning on that added considerable piquancy to the gubernatorial fight.\\nThe two Stephens brothers were both running for Congress and\\nboth on the stump making effective speeches. Linton Stephens oppo-\\nnent was Joshua Hill, a gentleman of very superior ability. Hill s\\nletter of acceptance was a model of political satire. He made a happy\\nuse of the Democratic predicament in condemning Walker but approv-\\ning Buchanan whose appointee Walker was. Linton Stephens and\\nJoshua Hill were marked opposites, one vehement and intense, the\\nother placid and plausible. In the First District, James L. Seward was\\nthe Democratic nominee against that most brilliant Savannah gentle-\\nman, Francis S. Bartow. Seward was cool, adroit, managing. Bartow\\nwas eloquent, impulsive and wholly artless. The other Democratic\\ncandidates for Congressmen were, Martin J. Crawford, L. J. Gartrell,\\n.Tames Jackson, David J. Bailey, A. R. Wright of Rome.\\nA leading issue in the canvass was the sale of the State road, Mr.\\nHill being for its unconditional sale, and Brown advocating its dis-\\nposition only upon advantageous terms to the State. The road had\\nbeen a source of expense to the State, and there was a good deal of\\ndesire that the State should dispose of it in some way.\\nThe election resulted in the success of Judge Brown over his gifted", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0073.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "46 THE MAX FOR THE TIMES.\\ncompetitor by an increased Democratic majority over the majority in\\n1855. Tlie mountain plow-boy Judge ran with a nimble pair of lieels\\nand came in over 10,000 votes ahead. Alex. Stephens beat T. W. Miller\\neasily for Congress. Joshua Hill left out Linton Stephens by a close\\nshave of 275 votes. Robert Trippe, the Know-Nothinir, beat David\\nJ. Bailey by a small majority. James L. Seward whipped out both\\nGaulden and Bartow. L. J. Gartrell, A. R. Wright and James Jackson\\nwent in over Tidwell, Tatum and Simmons by large majorities. And a\\nLegislature was elected overwhelmingly Democratic. It was certainly\\na crushing victory for the Democracy, and it buried Georgia Know-\\nNothingism forever out of sight. It was the practical end of that\\nshort-lived but animated political doxy. After this, with a few mild\\nflickers, it disappeared out of Georgia politics. Graver issues were\\nrising, that involved something more than mere party success. The\\nshadow of great events, drifting to an awful culmination, was darkening\\nthe country. Mightier matters than political changes were pending.\\nThe spirit of revolution, cruel and implacable, was surely preparing for\\nits colossal work of rupture and upheaval. And amid the marked forces\\nof that vast civil convulsion, was the young plow-boy of the Georgia\\nmountains, the hero of the calico bed-quilt, slender, obscure and homely,\\nwho had just won in a gallant battle the glorious Governorship of his\\ngreat State. Talk of Providence and romances Both were united in\\nthe philosophical chances of this pivotal election. The man for the\\ntimes had come, iron- willed and fitted for revolutions.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0074.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII.\\nBROWN S ELECTION AS GOVERNOR THE PRECURSOR OF\\nA STRIKING ERA OF CHANGE.\\nThe Drift to a Stately Regime Checked. A Popular Revolution. The Antithesis of\\nGov. Johusou anil Gov. Brown. The Aristocrat anil the Mau of the People.\\nBrowu s Inauguration. His Appearance. Tlie Bank Suspension. Brown s Decla-\\nration of War on the Banks. The General Assembly of 1857. Its Persouelle.\\nJohn E. Ward. John W. H. Underwood. Robert Toombs. Joseph HcnryLump-\\nkin. Toombs the Genius of the Impeuding Revolution and its Providential Instru-\\nment. An Analysis of the Great Slavery Issue Pending. A ContUct between\\nLegally Fortified Wrong and Uucoustitutional Riglit.\\nThe inauguration of Gov. Joseph E. Brown stamped the beginning\\nof a new era in Georgia. In the course of state progress and individ-\\nual advancement, families of talent, decision and wealth had become\\naristocratic and dominating. The cities had steadily grasped control-\\nling power, representing culture and accumulations of bank capital and\\ncorporate influence. In the executive administration there was a ten-\\ndency to costly display and court entertainment, far removed from the\\nRepublican simplicity supposed to belong to our free institutions.\\nMen of high family connections and polished manners had the best\\nchances for public honors.\\nIn this drift of things to a stately and aristocratic regime, the elec-\\ntion of a simple man of the people like Gov. Brown, representing to\\nthe fullest extent popular customs and ideas, was a decisive check to\\nthis tendency. Coming direct from the country people, and the mountain\\ncountry at that, symbolizing severe simplicity of life and utter absence\\nof social display, Gov. Brown s elevation to the chief magistracy of our\\ngreat and growing commonwealth was a shock to the dominant public\\nmen and their views and practices. It meant serious innovation upon\\ne.xisting customs. It meant a grave warfare upon powerful institutions\\nand cherished influences. It betokened an important revolution in\\nwell-established prejudices. It foreshadowed a severe struggle between\\nconflicting theories of both social and financial government. And it\\nseemed as if fortune had hit upon the right agent to conduct such a\\ncontest an agent embodying the ideas he championed an agent,\\nearnest, firm-nerved, with unerring, intuitive popular discernment.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0075.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "48 BKOWN AND II. V. JOIIXSOX CONTRASTED.\\nThe writer at that time was just about grown, had been closely famil-\\niar with administrations for several years previous, and was well situated\\nto be impressed with the new regime. Gov. Johnson, who preceded\\nGov. Brown, was an aristocrat intellectually and socially. He did\\neverything in a royal way. He had little popular tact, knew nothing\\nof popular influences, and how to reach the masses. To strong intellect\\nhe added classic culture, and attached great value to courtly proprieties.\\nHe paid a large measure of deference to custom and social and intel-\\nlectual authorit}-. Gov. Brown was the opposite socially a democrat;\\nlooking under the garb for the throbbing heart and breathing humanity.\\nHe did everything simply and plainly, disliking display and averse to\\nfonns. He was full to the brim of popular ideas, had an almost infalli-\\nble popular tact, knew wisely every popular influence, and had the\\nkeenest power of reaching the masses of any public man we have\\never had in Georgia. His powerful mind sought nothing from orna-\\nment, dealt in no rhetorical finish, and was disregardful of ceremony.\\nHe was free from any sentiment of reverence for custom or authority\\nunless his judgment approved. He gave no homage to power, and\\nnever hesitated to tackle it boldly. Social influence and official prestige\\naffected him not at all. And yet Gov. Brown was under the strong\\ndespotism of old-fashioned and primitive ideas of moral government.\\nBut for either social glitter or the glamour of official distincticm, he\\ncared nothing. Whether fighting banks, legislature, the press, or a\\nConfederate administration, this simple, plain-mannered man of the\\nmasses took up the wager of battle with a cool confidence in himself,\\nand an invincible, unj ielding spirit that was something dramatic. He\\nwas certainly a native-born belligerent. Nature had endowed him with\\npowers of intellectual combat that few men possess. He showed him-\\nself at once a positive influence and a new and acknowledged success-\\nful leader on a large arena.\\nHis inauguration, in 1857, is well remembered. He was thirty-six\\nyears of age. His figure was boyishly slender and fragile, but very-\\nerect. His face was cleanly shaven, rather square-shaped and oblong,\\nhaving no comely attractiveness about it, and yet a pleasant, placid\\ncountenance, with a mild expression in marked contrast with his iron\\ntemper and combative disposition. His mouth was wide and thin-\\nlipped, something like Henry Clay s, though not so extensive, and\\nfo a close observer indicating in its set the firmness of the man. His\\neyes had a gentle expression that in his smiling moods threw some\\nsunshine over an otherwise rather expressionless face. His forehead", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0076.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "GOV. brown s personal arpearance. 49\\nwas very hin li and a good demonstration of the phrenological theorv\\ntliat the brain is symboled in the formation of the head. His hair was\\nilark and lay close to his head and behind his ears, leaving a clear out-\\nline of the pale, bloodless face. His composure was perfect, though his\\nmanners, while not easy, were not awkward. There was about the man\\ntiio quiet, steady calm of conscious brain power and self-reliant man-\\nhood, but none of the grace of the man of society. His country raising\\nwas distinct, and in his very clear and not at all musical voice there was\\nthe peculiar accent, long and tending to a rather drawling tone, with an\\nemphasis on the concluding syllable of words that marks rural pronun-\\nciation. His use of the word judgme?it for instance, with a perceptible\\naccent upon the syllable ment, has given rise in connection with his\\nwonderful possession of the golden quality of practical sense to the\\nsoubriquet of old ]\\\\xdigment alike in recognition of his clear brain\\nand his method of speaking. His garb was a plain black without\\nattempt at fashionable fit, neat and simple. His very appearance and\\ncountry marks but rendered him the more observable in his high pro-\\nmotion, and created a varied commentary upon him. His canvass had\\nsomewhat introduced him to the people, but he was still generally un-\\nknown. He was emphatically a new man, with his appearance unfavor-\\nable in impressing upon strangers his genuine power, and giving no\\nindication of his uncommon qualities of will and ability. Those who\\nknew him well staked confidently upon his being equal to the new situa-\\ntion of responsibility. Those who did not know him, and they were the\\noverwhelming majority, underrated him wofully. And, supplementing\\nthe impression made by his appearance with the accident of his nomi-\\nnation, they rated him low. Nor did his brief inaugural allow much\\nroom for display of power. Yet brief as it was, and purely formal as\\nit generally is. Gov. Brown threw out in his quiet way and in a few\\ndeliberate words an utterance that fell like a bomb-shell upon the State,\\nthat occasioned one of the toughest and most dramatic public battles of\\niiis career, and that gave a startled State a pretty fair example of the\\nextraordinary mettle of this untried and youthful country Governor.\\nBefore Governor Brown s inauguration and during Governor John-\\nson s incumbency the banks had suspended specie payment. Gov.\\n.Johnson in his message stated that in the midst of prosperity and\\nremunerating prices for the products of agriculture our banks have\\ngenerally suspended specie payments, resulting in panic, broken confi-\\ndence and general stagnation in commerce.\\nHe stated further that he had taken no action, as the banks claimed", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0077.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "50 brown s war against suspending banks.\\nto have acted in self-defense against heavy drafts on their coin from the\\nXorth, and he thought it prudent to submit the matter to the Legisla-\\nture soon to assemble, and he left it to them whether they would legal-\\nize the suspension and ho cautiously intimated that perhaps it would\\nbe better to do so, first, however, instituting rigid inquiry to ascertain\\nthe sound banks. At this time the banks of Georgia had 81v,0-l0,000\\nof capital with \u00c2\u00a75,6G3,000 circulation, and were in a fine condition.\\nEnthroned in the cities, representing the available money of the State,\\nanimated by the shrewd and cultured financial intelligence and wisdom\\nof the successful capitalist, these banks constituted a formidable power,\\nand any interference with them was a tremendous responsibility. Gov.\\n.Johnson, always a cautious man, handled tlie vast subject tenderly, and\\nfinally threw the grave responsibility on the Legislature.\\nEstimating the question properly, its magnitude and consequences,\\nsome conception may be formed of how the placid young, rustic Gov-\\nernor stirred the State by announcing in his provincial accents, that in\\ntheir unimpassioned utterance gave no indication of the grim nerve and\\nintelligent purpose that lay behind them, that in his judgment the sus-\\npension was unnecessary, and he should at once begin proceedings\\nunder the law to forfeit their charters. x\\\\t first men thought it was a\\nmeaningless menace, uttered in ignorance of the subject, and even if\\nintended, the colossal influence of the banks and their friends could bring\\nsuch pressure as would turn the inexperienced executive right. But it\\nwas no hap-hazard announcement. And circumstances proved the\\ncountry Governor to be the least malleable of metal, and rock-finn\\nagainst any pressure. The excitement soon created, upon the realiza-\\ntion that the Governor was in earnest, was overwhelming. Capital is\\neasy to be terror-stricken. It is the most tremulously impressible of all\\nthe mighty powers of the world. And this potential mass of twelve\\nmillions of solid Bank capital of Georgia became alarmed and aroused\\nto frenzy. And it focalized its thunder upon the country Governor,\\nwho met the storm, the combative commencement of his eventful admin-\\nistration, as cool and game and eager as a gladiator.\\nBefore giving this remarkable Battle of the Banks, it is necessary to\\npresent some idea of the General Assembly that Gov. Brown had to\\ndeal with. The Legislature of 1857 and 1858 was a very strong one,\\nespecially in its Bank representatives. It consisted of 154 Representa-\\ntives and 115 Senators. The Senatorial representation had been changed\\nsince Governor Brown was Senator in 1849 and 1850, when there were\\nforty-seven Senators to a system that gave a Senator to each county.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0078.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0079.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "HON. JOHN E. WARD, Ex-U. S. Minister to China.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0080.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "JOHN E. WARD. 51\\nTlio joint assembly consisted of 2G9 members, a very large body. In\\nits men the legislature was strong. .John W. H. Underwood of Rome\\nwas Speaker of the House, and .lohn E. Ward of Savannah, President of\\nthe Senate, both brilliantly able men. Mr. Ward was one of the most\\nsparkling of our public leaders, a fluent, graceful speaker, a logical\\nthinker, capable of effective effort though an indolent man, of inimita-\\nble tact, delightful manners and sweet temper, a charming companion,\\ngenerous, hospitable, genial, and withal, shrewd, able, practical and\\nambitious. Mr. Ward was a born leader of men, and led wherever he\\nwent. He was strikingly handsome, and a magnificent type of the\\ncourtly Southern gentleman. He was president of the National Dem-\\nocratic convention that nominated Buchanan, and was United States\\nminister to China at the beginning of the war, and conducted the diffi-\\ncult diplomatic relations with that country connected with our Chinese\\ntroubles of those days. He had capacities for anything, and was one\\nof our most promising Southern men at the commencement of the war.\\nHe was a rare advocate, in the lead of his profession of the law, ranking\\namong the foremost in the able and brilliant bar of Savannah. He\\nopposed secession; he had no confidence in the success of the South in\\nthe war; he was very quiet during the war, and after the surrender\\nmoved to New York to practice law, thus removing from the most flat-\\ntering prospects of public distinction at the hands of his native state.\\nIt was a cruel sacrifice of rare political promise. Mr. Ward had made\\nseveral fortunes at the bar, but spent them in his lavish hospitality. He\\nwas the leader of the Bank men in the legislature, and a consummate\\none.\\nIn illustration of Mr. Ward s wonderful tact, it may be said that he\\ndid more to break down the powerful sectional prejudice that a long\\ntime existed among the up-country Georgians against the people of the\\nsea-coast, and especially against the citizens of Savannah, whom they\\nregarded as stuck up, to use a homely phrase of those days. There\\nwas a sort of aristocratic assumacy, or the people of Upper Georgia so\\nthought in the low country folk, that rendered them very unpopular, and\\nraised constant antagonism. It was perilous to any measure in the\\nGeneral Assembly to originate from a Savannah man. The extent of\\nthis feeling cannot be conceived now when it has entirely disappeared.\\nMr. Ward, with his wonted sagacity, struck it down by a course of kind-\\nness and conciliation, and he gained a wonderful hold upon the up-\\ncountry members.\\nCol. Underwood, the Speaker of the House, was a very bright young", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0081.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "03 COL. JOIIX UXDEEWOOD.\\nman, v, ho lias since been a Congressman and a Judge of the Superior\\nCourt. His father was a noted wag, who is said to have given his son\\nJohn a letter of reoommendation sealed, which the young man took the\\nprecaution to read before delivery, and which, to his dismay, stated that\\nMy son John is introduced by this letter as having the largest asj)irations\\nand smallest qualifications of any young man I know. The letter, tradi-\\ntion says, was not delivered. In spite of the waggish father s badinage\\nyoung Underwood possessed both large aspirations and very considera-\\nble qualifications. A racy talker, a fluent, effective speaker and a good\\nlawyer, with a portly,_fine presence and manner, he would have made a far\\nmore commanding figure in Georgia politics, even, than ho has with the\\npossession of a gTcater quota of stability. Among the more notable\\nmen of the House were Augustus H. Kenan of Milledgeville, Thomas\\nHardeman of Bibb county, H. J. Sprayberry of Catoosa county, George\\nA. Gordon of Savannah, R. L. McWhorter and M. \\\\V. Lewis of Greene,\\nD. W. Lewis of Hancock, I. L. Fannin of Morgan, Wm. Luifman of\\nMurray, Wm. A. Reid of Putnam, John Milledge of Augusta, B. H.\\nBigliam of Troup, George Hillyer of Walton. In the Senate were L.\\nH. Briscoe of Milledgeville, Peter Cone of Bullock, Hugh Buchanan of\\nCoweta, Jared I. Whitaker of Atlanta, Joel A. Billups of Morgan, Ran-\\ndolph Spalding of Mcintosh, James Edmondson of Murraj Permetus\\nReynolds of Newton, William Gibson of Richmond, T. L. GuQrry of\\nRandolph, Wm. W. Paine of Telfair, A. G. Fambro of Upson, and W.\\nA. Harris of Worth.\\nCol. George A. Gordon, of Savannah, was chairman of the House\\nCommittee on Banking, an ambitious, talented young lawyer, who be-\\ncame a colonel of infantry in the war, moved to Alabama and died there\\nafter the surrender. Augustus H. Kenan was a stately, imperious\\ngentleman, a despotic power in middle Georgia local politics. Thomas\\nHardeman of Macon went to Congress, served brilliantly in the war, has\\nbeen a prominent candidate for Governor, has served repeatedly as\\nSpeaker of the House of Representatives and President of Democratic\\nState Conventions, and is one of the most popular and eloquent public\\nmen in Georgia. H. J. Sprayberry of Catoosa county was a character\\na grotesque, keen-witted, rough backwoods lawyer, with a homely,\\nliomespun way of talking to rural juries that was wonderfully success-\\nful. He died several years ago. Dave Lewis of Hancock, as he was\\ncalled, was quite a power in those days, a capital speaker. He is now\\npresident of the Dahlanego college. A bright youngster full of talent\\nwas George Hillyer of Walton, barely out of his teens, who made an", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0082.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "LEADING LEGISLATORS. 53\\nentrance into politics and gave high promise of usefulness. He\\nwisely after this retired from politics as an unprofitable business for\\nyoung- men, moved to Atlanta after the war, was State Senator, is now\\na Judge of the Superior Court and growing in fame and fortune. M*.\\nW. Lewis of Greene county, was a lawyer of much influence, was nomi-\\nnated for the present State Senate and died shortly after. Ri L. Mc-\\nWhorter has been a power in Greene county, controlling it politically like\\na local king. During the stormy days of reconstruction he was a mem-\\nber of the Georgia Republican party, and one of the ablest, boldest and\\nshrewdest of its leaders. He was Speaker of tUe House. He is a\\nlarge, powerful man of uncommon capacity for political management.\\nHe is a member of the Senate in the jaresent General Assembly, and\\nwill be a force in politics while he lives.\\nOld Peter Cone of Bullock county was another county king, an odd,\\nblunt, comical old fellow, who in spite of his oddities had the respect\\nof everybody for his honesty and good sense. He is dead. Hugh\\nBuchanan of Coweta was one of the most prominent men of that Sen-\\nate a man of sterling character and fine ability. He has been judge\\nof the Superior Court and recently elected to Congress in the Fourth\\nDistrict. Of the men who were strong in those days perhaps none has\\nhad such marked vicissitudes of fortune as Jared Irwin Whitaker of\\nAtlanta. Wealthy and influential, the proprietor of one of the leading\\npapers, the Atlanta IntdUgencer, representing his county in legislatures\\nor conventions whenever he wished, member of the State Democratic\\nExecutive committee and State Commissary General during the whole\\nwar, handling millions, he was a recognized political power in the State.\\nLosing his fortune, then his influence, illy fitted to be a poor man,\\ntaking to drink, falling lower and lower, drifting down socially and\\npecuniarily, he is to-day to those who knew him in his better daj s a sad\\nspectacle, seedy, impecunious and pitiful. Col. J. A. Billups of Morgan\\ncounty, was a strong man in the Senate of 1857, and is to-day a gentle-\\nman of high character and standing. Randolph Spalding of Mcintosh,\\nJames Edmondson of Murray, and Permetus Reynolds of Newton are\\ndead. Spalding was a good liver, luxurious, aristocratic, but a rare fel-\\nlow; Edmondson and Reynolds were both men of note. William\\nGibson of Augusta was a very able man, a gallant colonel in the Con-\\nfederacy-, and a Judge of high repute since the war. He is still living.\\nT. L. Guerry of Randolph was a strong spirit in that legislature, and\\nhad large promise of political promotion, but since the war seems to\\nhave retired into quiet privacy. W. W. Paine of Telfair, a practical", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0083.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "54 JOSEPH UENEY LUMPKIX.\\nuseful member is now living in Savannah. He has been to Congress\\nand to the legislature since the war. W. A. Harris of Worth, bluff\\nhearty Bill Harris as he is known, will always be a strong influence in\\npolitics while he lives. A positive, one-sided man, a true friend and an\\nimplacable enemy, fighting open handed for or against men or measures,\\nhe has been delegate to state conventions. State Senator, and repeatedly\\nSecretary of the Senate, and is prominently spoken of for Congress\\nfrom his district. John Jlilledge of Richmond was a notable man in\\nthat day, of ancient and honored blood, his father^having been Governor\\nof Georgia from 1803 to 180G. He was a stout blondish person of most\\ngenial manners and address, a gentleman of the old school. He died a\\nfew years ag-o, leaving a bright son to wear the distinguished name, who\\nis a prominent young lawyer of Atlanta.\\nThe legislature of 1857-8, was a strong body, made up of men of\\nmark and it did important legislation. It was a fitting legislative ac-\\ncompaniment to the new Governor. A body of ability and decision, it\\nwas a worthy opponent for the combative young Executive. This gen-\\neral assembly re-elected Hon. Robert Toombs to the United States Sen-\\nate, and put Joseph Henry Lumpkin on the Supreme Bench. These\\nwere two notable men, who will live long in the memory of Georgians.\\nLumpkin was the most genial hearted public man we have ever had in\\nthe state, and the most liberal in his culture. To the sweetest nature he\\nadded an exquisite learning. To the most gracious benevolence he sup-\\nplemented intellect of the highest order. He was a beautiful old man,\\nwith such grace and dignity as rarely falls to men. He wore his hair long,\\nwhich set off his gentle, handsome, intelligent face, and well proportioned\\nfigure. He was well grounded in the rigid principles of tlie law, and yet\\nhe broadened their application with a magnificent erudition. His mind\\nwas buo^ ant with vital force, and was strengthened and ornamented by\\ngreat learning and a robust, healthy imagination. He loved young men,\\nand his kind words have cheered many a struggling young spirit.\\nRobert Toombs was one of the princely-brained men of the Union,\\nthe kingliest character the commonwealth has gloried in, the man of all\\nthe most affluent in personal gifts. Gov. Brown states that he first met\\nhim in 5Iilledgeville in 1849, when he was State senator and Toombs\\nwas a AVhig congressman, idolized by his party, and with a national\\nfame for eloquence. Toombs, he said, was the handsomest man he\\never saw. His physique was superb, his grand head fit for a crown, his\\npresence that of a king, overflowing with vitality, his majestic face illu-\\nmined with his divine genius. Toombs was about forty years of age,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0084.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "1^^^^^", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0087.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0088.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "BOBEBT TOOMBS. 55\\nand in the very prime of his magnificent manhood. He had a figure\\nlike an Antinous, the very perfection of manly symmetry, and an impe-\\nrial grace of carriage that sat upon him well. His face was noble and\\nsuperbly handsome, with great luminous dark eyes full of flashing soul,\\nevery feature perfect, a royal forehead, a matchless dome of thought\\nthat gained in power, through the rich glossy black hair that hung about\\nit straying carelessly over its marble front, suggesting rather than reveal-\\ning its extent. His skin was clear with health. He talked constantly,\\nhis mobile countenance lit with an irradiating smile, or intense with\\nsome dominating and fiery impulse. His conversation was a torrent of\\nstriking thoughts, strikingly expressed. His vivacity never flagged.\\nThe man s mind and spirit were absolutely perennial. He never seemed\\nto have a moment of mental or physical weariness. He scattered hu-\\nmor, wit, wisdom, with a limitless prodigality. He started in life mu-\\nnificently equipped in fortune and education. His father was rich, and\\nhe had every advantage. He succeeded right away at his profession,\\nmaking, it is said, Si50,000 in five years, achieving success easily. It is\\nrare that men so brilliant and impulsive as Toombs have the faculty of\\nbusiness. His pecuniary sagacity has been a marvel like his other gifts.\\nNo man has been a more careful manager of money, making it wisely,\\nspending it in a princely way, yet handling it carefully and prudently.\\nHe bought immense tracts of Texan land, of which he has a hundred\\nthousand dollars profit, and has enough to realize a quarter of a\\nmillion more. In politics he was as swiftly successful as at the law.\\nHe went to the Legislature, then to Congress, and then to the Senate,\\ngrasping these honors by a sort of easy, natural right. He was lordly,\\ngrand, irresistible. Nothing could daunt, nothing vanquish him.\\nToombs had genius, and men recognized it. He was like an inspired\\nman in his speeches. He reveled in public life and intellectual con-\\nflict. No man ever tripped him in debate. He was as ready and\\ndeadly as lig-htning. A rival on the stump threw up to him a very un-\\npopular vote he had made in the Legislature. Yes, thundered the\\nquick-witted and audacious Toombs, it was a d d bad vote What\\nhave you got to say of it And the storm of cheers from the crowd\\ntold how well he had baffled a wound. In a period of crazy contention,\\nand when the public pulse was perilously inflamed, the opposition at a\\npublic meeting resolved he should not speak. Weapons flashed in the\\nsunlight. Blazing with indomitable fire, declaring they might kill, but\\nthey should hear him, the man awed down the infuriate mob and forced\\na listeninjj to his bold words.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0089.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "56 SLAVERY.\\nGeneral Toombs was born for a revolutionary era. No other man ditl\\nas much to precipitate the war as he did. Notwithstanding he came of\\na blood that had the hereditary instinct of loyalty to the crown, he has\\nshown a wild tendency all of his tumultuous life to rebellion. He be-\\ngan it at college he continued his destructive instinct upon the Union\\nhe was a defiant officer in the army he split from the Confederate\\nauthorities in fierce altercation and since the surrender he has gloried\\nin being the single untamed and unappeasable rebel against Federal\\nrule. Believing as the writer does, that in the mighty scheme of human\\nprogress a Providential power fashions the order of things, and that\\ngreat events like our colossal civil war, long preparing and long con-\\ntinuing, and long lasting in great result, are part of the divine plan of\\nphilosophical advancement, it is but a second step of belief to note that\\nhuman agencies suitable to such crises are furnished by the same over-\\nruling intelligence that framed the gigantic evolution of history.\\nSlavery was a wrong for which the South was not responsible. Its ex-\\ntinction was inevitable. And some such convulsion had to tear it up\\nfrom its terribly strong rooting. We of the South, had become blunted\\nby hereditary training and education of centuries to the proper human\\nrepulsion at the awful fact of property in human souls. A striking ex-\\nample of the natural sentiment of humanity upon this, occurred in the\\nwriter s family a short while ago. A little daughter of eight years of\\naae in her readina: came across the word slave and asked its defini-\\ntion. Her look of horror, as she understobd it, was a revelation alike,\\nthat a thing that inspires such a feeling in the impartial instincts of a\\npure nature must be appallingly wrong, and that the public contlemna-\\ntion of the non-slaveholding world would never cease to wage war upon\\nthe wrong until it was extirpated from christian civilization.\\nToombs was one of the Providential agencies of this inevitable revolu-\\ntion, the creature of what was so happily called the irrepressible conflict\\nbetween freedom and slavery, and its resultant emancipation. He was\\na superb type of the Southerner, the cornerstone of whoso social and\\npolitical system was slavery. He was careless, imperial, defiant, auda-\\ncious, volcanic. Toombs represented alike a kingly race of men devoted\\nto their institutions, and the grand principle of chartered rights. He\\nwas aggressive, denunciatory, taunting. He struck for disunion, be-\\nlieving that safety lay alone in the severance, and the bond would make\\nunceasing strife. Looking at the situation as pregnant with an inevit-\\nable issue of attempted separation, and the cure by a storm of an evil,\\nToombs was the man for the work. He inspirited the South and he", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0090.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "PEOVIDEXCE AGAINST SLAVERY. 57\\nangered the North. The South was not responsible for slavery, and\\nhad for it the sacred guarantee of the Constitution. The North had\\nput slavery upon us and was under bond to protect it. The Soutli had\\nlegal rights in a great wrong. The North could only do its duty to\\ncivilization by breaking its obligations. To stimulate the South to de-\\nfend its rights, to incense the North in its aggression upon the evil of the\\nUnion that was its reproach in the eyes of the world, was the work that\\nToombs and his compeers well performed. It was a conflict between\\nlegally fortified wrong and unconstitutional and high-handed right.\\nAnd Providence gave the victory to civilization against the forms of\\nlaw, heroic devotion to a beloved duty and as grand a chivalry as the\\nworld ever knew. Toombs was the genius of the revolution, and will\\nso live in history.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0091.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII.\\nTHE FIERY BATTLE OF THE BANKS.\\nBrown and Toombs \u00e2\u0080\u0094Howell Col)li, Alexander Stephens, Pen Pictures. The young\\ncouutrv Governor defies the capital aud its leaders. The Tremendous Pressure.\\nBrown single-handed Bank Suspension legalized. Brown s hard-hitting Veto.\\nA striking instance of Nerve. The wliite-lieated Excitement. Tlie great Speech\\nof Mr. Ward, Presideut of tlie Senate.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Veto overwhelmed. Doggerel of the\\nDay. Balanced to a Quarter of a Cent. The Issue remitted to the People. A\\nhot Campaign of Ridicule, Abuse aud Passion. Who is Brown? A d n\\nfool. Brown Sididlv Endorsed. An Irresistible Torrent of Public Approval for\\nBrown. A Universal Victory over the colossal Moneyed Power for the new rock-\\nwilled People s Governor.\\nGovernor Browx and Gen. Toombs have been dramatically con-\\nnected through tliis long period of Georgia history that con.stitutes the\\ntheme of this work. The election that put Brown in the E.xecutive\\nchair, placed Toombs again in the Senate of the United States. Dur-\\nino- the war, Toombs stood by Brown in his controversies with the Con-\\nfederate authorities. After the surrender, they were in a deadly antag-\\nonism, which nearly resulted in a duel. And in this progressive era of\\nthe state and nation, in 1881, they represent antipodal ideas and con-\\nflicting public theories.\\nIn 1857, of which time we write, there were two others of Georgia s\\ngifted sons that wielded a large national influence. Howell Cobb was\\nSecretary of the Navy in the cabinet of President Buchanan, and thus\\nhad the ear of that official in all of the Presidential policy of those dis-\\ntracting and momentous public events that so soon were to culminate\\nso dramatically. Cobb was an ardent Union man, while intensely\\nSouthern. He was a wise, conservative man, and firm. If any one\\ncould have used official opportunity in administrative position to keep\\na harmonious Union, he was the one. He had carried the state trium-\\nphantly on the Union issue, against extreme Southern Rights, in 1851.\\nHe was powerful at home, and honored bej-ond. He had uncommon\\nstatesmanship and extraordinary personal tact. But the drift of events\\nwas beyond the power of men to control. A higher power was at work\\nin its own mysterious ways. The revolution was pending, and its genius\\nwas the destructive Toombs, and not the conservative Cobb.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0092.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 59\\nAnother vital personality was that remarkable man, Alexander H.\\nStephens. He too was a Union man. It is hard to write about Alec\\nStephens. He has been all of his life a human miracle. His advent\\ninto public life nearly half a century ago was, and his career ever since\\nhas continued to be, a wonder. Antithesis has been exhausted in de-\\nscribing the man, and yet there is no adequate portraiture of him. For\\nforty years and more Mr. Stephens has held a foremost place in the\\naffairs of the state and nation, and his name and speeches, overleaping\\nthe bounds of the con tinent, reached the old world, rendering him\\nfamous and illustrating Georgia. His purity of life, public spirit,\\nstainless integrity, devotion to principle, love of truth, simplicity of\\ncharacter, munificent charity, lofty patriotism, independence of popular\\njarejudiee, sincerity of conviction, indomitable courage, magnetic elo-\\nquence and vigorous statesmanship have all been continuously displayed\\nin his long, useful and brilliant public career, and form a noble example\\nfor the imitation of our ambitious young men.\\nThat a mind so powerful and a spirit so knightly should inhabit a\\nbody so diseased and frail, has been the miracle of his conspicuous life.\\nAt any time during his laborious and honored existence, his death\\ncould not have surprised. Yet his physical frailty never impaired his\\npublic usefulness. Nearly seventy years of age, he is still at his post\\nof duty, filling, in his own unequaled way, the place in which he has\\nwon his proudest triumphs and most lasting fame a Congressman from\\nGeorgia, a representative of the people and chosen by the people\\nGeorgia s great Commoner. The people that he has loved so well, and\\nthe state that he has so faithfully served and resplendently illustrated,\\ndelight to honor him and hold his solid fame as one of her most jsre-\\ncious heritages.\\nMr. Stephens, too, was one of the strong union men, and to the very\\nlast his potential voice was heard eloquently protesting and unanswera-\\nbly arguing against secession. l\\\\Ir. Stephens has been a statesman and\\nan orator, but the quality that more than all others has tended to give\\nhim his vast public influence has been his wonderful moral intrepidity.\\nIt is a rare quality, heaven-born and God-like, such moral courage as\\nhe has shown all of his life long. No adverse public opinion has had\\nany terrors for this fearless statesman. Majorities have been utterly\\npowerless to sway him. No unpopularity, no prejudice, no popular\\nfrenzy has ever moved his firm soul one hair s-breadth from any con-\\nviction or prevented any utterance he deemed tlie truth. This is\\nremarkable praise, but it is due to the man. But even the miraculous", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0093.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "6\\n60 THE BATTLE OF THE BANKS.\\nStephens was unable to stem the revolution. The storm was comingj\\nand Toombs was its genius.\\nRecurring to the battle of the Banks, from which digression has been\\nmade to fill out the personal features of this important period of Georgia\\nhistory, there probably has never been witnessed a more stubborn and\\nheated contest in legislative walls than was fought in the Georgia Legis-\\nlature of 1857, over the bank question. It was soon found that Gov-\\nernor Brown was in deadly earnest in the resolve to hold the banks to\\ntheir full legal responsibility. The lobbies wefe thronged with bank\\nmen and their friends. The cool young country Governor met the\\nissue unquailingly. Every argument and influence was brought to bear\\nupon him, but vainly. It was a crucial test of his nerve. Even a very\\nbrave and firm man would have wavered. It was boldly claimed that\\nhe would ruin the state and, shock irreparably the public weal in thus\\nwarring upon the banking capital of the commonwealth. Neither\\nappeal nor menace moved him from his position. It was a fearful\\njesponsibility that he assumed, but he never shrank from it. It involved,\\ntoo, an appeal to the people, and public condemnation if he failed in\\nthe contest. It portended a no-quarter fight with capital and leader-\\nship and commercial power. He defied them all. He had announced\\nhis purpose in his ringing inaugural to hold the banks to the law, and\\nhe stuck to his purpose. A bill was introduced, and after infinite and\\nelaborate discussion, passe d, suspending forfeiture proceedings against\\nthe suspended banks for one year. The act went to the Governor.\\nFew believed that he would dare to veto the act. The vote in the\\nHouse was C8 yeas and 33 nays in the Senate 58 yeas and 27 nays.\\nThe excitement was very great. While it was true that the bill had\\npassed both houses by a two-thirds majority, which, if it could be held,\\nwould render an Executive veto a nullit} yet in the heated temper of\\nthe Assembly and the changing influences of the time, there was no\\ntelling what might happen. A change of two or three votes would\\nalter the result. It was represented to Governor Brown that he had\\nmade a fair, brave fight, and after a full discussion the legislature had\\n^iven a two-thirds majority, and he could well rest the matter there.\\nThese importunities fell like water upon a rock. The placid and rural\\nExecutive was in no terror of majorities, and then, as later, failed to\\nlearn the lesson of yielding his convictions to any pressure. He gently\\nwaved aside these advisers, and smilingly ignored counsel that he did\\nnot want, and shutting himself up in his quiet, he fulminated one of\\nthe boldest state papers he ever wrote, in sharp and unqualified veto of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0094.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "GOVEKNOR BROWN AND THE BANKS. 61\\nthe act. Reading that veto message in the liglit of all of the surround-\\nings, and testing it by cool criticism, lifted above the heat of the strug-\\ngle, it i.s a very remarkable document. Gov. Brown, it must be remem-\\nbered, was bred up far from commercial influences and habits. He had\\nlittle practical experience of banks. He had known little of capitalists\\nand had few dealings with capital. His views were not the cultivated\\nexperiences of the commercial world, but they were the instinctive\\nnotions of an uncommonly sharp mind, entirely unprejudiced, and look-\\ning at the matter with a keen vision of the equities of the great subject,\\nand seeking abstract justice at any cost. The views of his message\\nclad in this light, are remarkable. He never wrote a more sinewy, even-\\nhanded and abstractly logical paper, while his personal attitude was\\nromantic in the extreme, and eminently characteristic of his self-reliance\\nand intrepidity. Take a youthful countryman, unused to the dazzle of\\nsuch high station, with its bewildering accompaniments, and put him\\nin Gov. Brown s place in this matter, subject to the pressure of everj\\npowerful influence of social splendor and worldly prestige, and his firm-\\nness in pursuing his convictions to their conclusion, unbacked as he was\\nby any support whatever, and perplexed by the gravity of result that\\nhung upon his action, was a striking exhibition of personal firmness\\nand official duty. It illustrated the man perfectly. It demonstrated\\nhis superlative fiber. It stamped his exalted power of leadership indis-\\nputably. He might be wrong, and doubtless in a calm review of his\\nviews then uttered so incisively, made now in the light of a quarter\\nof a century of unusual practical experience, he would recall much\\nthat he said then. But the fact still stands out saliently that his\\nattitude was one of grand courage, and put him at one bound as an\\nestablished force in the state. His veto was a brave appeal to the\\naugust tribunal of public opinion, against one of the ablest legislative\\nbodies Georgia has ever had, and he struck the popular judgment with\\nmasterly power and a keen discrimination. There is in the message,\\ntoo, a plain, direct, ungloved style of speech that was far removed from\\nthe diplomatic politeness of the accustomed state papers. The veto\\nindulged in no regrets or Pickwickian expressions, but it handled the\\nvital matters touched upon with simple practicality, and gave facts\\nand views in unmincing words.\\nThe veto was j, lengthy and elaborate one, discussing the subject\\nfully. It began by contrasting the money privileges of banks and those\\nallowed individuals; The citizen could only loan money, dollar for dol-\\nlar, at seven per cent. The bank could issue three dollars for one and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0095.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "G2 (iOVEKNOE brown s BANK VETO.\\nuse all four, realizing from thirty to fifty per cent. The privilege was\\nunreasonable, and he branded banking as a legalized system of specu-\\nlation, oppression and wrong. After using their unlimited privileges\\nto amass fortunes, the banks in a pressure suspend, close doors, lock\\nup specie, let their bills depreciate, buy them up at a discount, make\\nfurther distress, and then when the storm is over, step out with in-\\ncreased wealth amid general disaster. It was not right. The banks\\ncould pay specie by buying it at a small premium with their large earn-\\nings. Why did they not resume. Because it was to their interest not\\nto do so. They made money out of the suspension. Warming up, the\\nplain-spoken Governor said that the bankstliat had suspended, and .so con-\\ntinued were guilty of a high commercial, moral and legal crime, depre-\\nciating the value of property, causing pecuniary depression, injuring the\\npublic credit, and violating the law of the state. Private citizens had\\nto meet their obligations. Banks should do so. The citizen could not\\nsuspend. The banks should not.\\nSince the establishment of the Banking system in Georgia, several\\nperiods of distress had occurred, in which the banks made money, while\\nthe people bore the loss. The banks claimed to be obliged to suspend,\\nbut it was because of their speculations. The merchant that overtrades,\\ngets no sympathy when trouble overtakes him. The banks suspended\\nas a speculation. In 1840 there was a financial crisis, when the bad con-\\nduct of the banks caused the passage of the very law of forfeiture for\\nsuspension that was sought to be set aside now. The banks were\\nwealthy and powerful, and illustrated the growing power of corpora-\\ntions. Who doubts that they could, by a little sacrifice, have avoided\\nsuspension at the present, have bought gold and redeemed their prom-\\nises. Instead of doing this they set the law at defiance, relying upon\\ntheir power. They demand legalization of the wrong, threatening in-\\njury to the public interest unless it is done. The issue was boldly ten-\\ndered. In his opinion the richest corporation should be compelled to\\nobey the law like the humblest citizen. He was resolved to know no\\nman or association of men, and that all should bow to the authority of\\nthe law without regard to wealth, power or influence.\\nHe alluded to the fact that numbers of banks in other states, and\\nfour or five in Georgia had not been obliged to suspend. He answered\\nthe point that our specie would be drawn out from the North by saying\\nthat too few of our bills were held North to injure us in this way. The\\nfurther point was made that our banks had suspended in response to\\nthe suggestion of public meetings. His sharj) reply was that bank men", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0096.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "JOHN E. ward s great SPEECH. C3\\ncould easily get up such meetings. The people generally did not want\\nsuspension. Their hundred dollars fell to ninety in value by suspension.\\nEvery point ingeniously made for suspension he as ingeniously met in\\nhis sledge-hammer way, running through the whole paper an adroit\\ncomparison of the advantages the banks had over the citizen. He\\nstruck hard. His last point was that there was a contract between the\\nbanks and the people to redeem their bills in specie on demand or ^j/e-\\nsentatioii, and this had been violated. The law legalizing suspension\\nwas a law impairing the obligation of contract, and therefore unconsti-\\ntutional. He wound up this caustic and aggressive message with these\\nwords\\nI feel it to be m_v duty I owe tlie people of Georgia, to do all in my power to avert\\nthe evils wliicli would follow the passage of an act legalizing the suspension of the\\nbanks. All sulveut banks will doubtless soon resume specie payment. I shall do all\\nwhich the law makes it my duty to do, to liave the charters of such as do not resume\\nforfeited, and their assets placed in the hands of receivers, and converted into money\\nand paid to their creditors as soon as possible. No serious inconvenience will follow, as\\nit is believed most of tliem are solvent, and will resume. Those which are not solvent\\nwill be wound up, and the sooner the better for the people.\\nThe reading of the message created an intense feeling in both\\nbranches of the General Assembly. ^Slr. Ward, the President of the\\nSenate was the bank leader in that bod}-. The veto made a keen sense\\nof alarm amone; the bank men. It was known that it was coming Mr.\\nWard was selected to reply to it. He sat up all night preparing a\\nspeech. Tlie message made a sensation. Its exhaustive, common sense\\ndiscussion of the subject, and its determined views, fell upon the body,\\nengendering dismay. Mr. Hill of Harris moved to take up the mes.sage\\nand read it. After the reading Mr. Spalding moved to take up the\\nvetoed bill. The yeas and nays were called on this motion, and resulted\\nin sixty-one yeas and twenty-one nays. This was an ominous vote for\\nthe anti-bank men, being a loss of six votes from the twenty-seven that\\nvoted on its passage against it. Mr. Young of the negative voters then\\nmoved to adjourn, fighting for time. Upon this the yeas and nays were\\ncalled, yeas nineteen, nays fifty-nine. This was a still farther loss on\\nthe anti-bank side. Mr. Ward had come from the President s seat and\\nhe took the floor. He made a speech of great power and eloquence, an\\nadroit, persuasive, subtle speech, by long odds the best of the session on\\nany subject. With wonderful efEect he sought to put the Governor in\\na position of hostility to the cities, and then proceeded to defend the\\ncities, blending a careful indignation with a judicious pathos. His\\neulogy upon the banks and his picture of the bad results of ir.tsrference", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0097.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "64 BANK DOGGEKEL.\\nwith them, were drawn with eloquent vividness. Every utterance of\\nthis admirable speech was conciliatory and plausible. It was a model of\\nelocution and at the same time the very perfection of argument and\\nappeal. It made Mr. Ward great reputation in the state. He closed\\nhis speech by moving the passage of the vetoed bill and upon that\\nmotion called the previous question to cut off reply. The vote stood\\non this fifty-six yeas and twenty-four nays, a small gain for the anti-\\nbank men. The vote upon the passage of the bill was then taken and\\nstood sixty-one yeas to twenty-two nays, a loss of five votes from the\\nnays on its original passage a loss due to Mr. Ward s powerful speech.\\nIn the House the vote stood the same as on its first passage, showing no\\nchange.\\nA classification of the voting made a month afterwards in the heated\\ndiscussion the matter continued to evoke, showed that in the House,\\nwhere the vote stood sixty-eight yeas to thirty-four nays, forty-eight\\nmembers voted yea both times and twenty-nine nay both times;\\nthat thirteen members voted nay first and yea afterwards; that two\\nvoted yea first and then nay; that fourteen voted yea at first and did not\\nvote afterwards; that eiglit voted nay first and did not vote afterwards;\\nand that one voted against and three for the bill on its second passage\\nwho did not vote first. And forty-four members did not vote at all on\\nthe perilous question. On the last ballot sixty, or more than a third of\\nthe House, dodged a vote.\\nThe following piece of doggerel took the public attention at t.ie time,\\nand had a wide circulation\\nA LEGISLATIVE LAY.\\nBT BILL VETO BANKS, ESQ.\\nOn a uifrlit Viefore Christmas when all tlirough the house\\nNot a meniher was stirring, not even a mouse\\nThe Sec taries Stood at the Desk in great awe,\\nAs if twas the Devil himself that they saw.\\nThe members all nestled down close in their chairs\\nTheir hearts alternating with hopes and with fears;\\nWhen up from the Senate arose such a clatter,\\nThe Speaker sent Jess to report on the matter.\\nAway to the Senate he flew with a chill\\nHe heard that the Senate had passed the Bank hill.\\nThen T e came in, and the House got so still,\\nHis hair stood erect like the porcupine s quill.\\nHe read what the Senate had done, in the aisle.\\nThen boned himself out with such a sweet smile I", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0098.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "BANK BOOK-KEEPIXG. 65\\nI knew by the walk, twas tlie Clierokee lirave,\\nThe Divil may take me, if he could desave\\nBut the fun was not yet over, not by a half,\\nWhidi I ll tell you directly, provided you laugh.\\nAs leaves tliat before tlie wild luirricane fly,\\nSwept clear thro tlie House, Bill Vetos wild cry.\\nConfusion at once seized tlie House with a vim,\\nAnd tlie sliout went around, up Baukey, at him\\nThen tlie Secretary called the roll over with care.\\nWhile the friends of dear Bankey sank deep iu despair\\nFor none iu that House could certainlv know.\\nThe result wliich the ayes and the noes would soon show.\\nNot a breath of disturbance the quietness stirred,\\nKot a hem, nor a cough, nor an audible word.\\nThe roll beini; called and tlie vote counted out.\\nThe Speaker said, passed, then as if in doubt.\\nSaid no, it was lost and tlieu iu tlie Mess,\\nSome man changed liis vote, and settled the fuss.\\nAnd then such a shout !_ Ye Gods and small fishes\\nWhat rattling it made among Cunniugliani s dislius!\\nSo Bankey whipped Veto and winks at his foes,\\nAnd wiggles his thumb at tlie end of his nose\\nHe e.xclaimed as he left in the cars the ne.xt night,\\nHappy Christmas to all and Bill Veto good night\\nBut Baukey will find before he s much older.\\nThe people will turn him a very cold shoulder,\\nUnless he behaves like honest men should.\\nAnd ceases to speak iu the imperative mood.\\nBut the matter was not ended. The legislative storm was but child s\\nplay to the public agitation. The young country Governor had\\nawakened a popular tornado. Abuse and ridicule were heaped upon\\nhim. The use of the expression that the bank accounts balanced to a\\nquarter of a cent was the theme of unlimited raillery over the alleged\\nignorance of the Governor, of Bank book-keeping. The bank cham-\\npions had stated as a reason for legalizing the suspension, that the peo-\\nple owed the banks twenty-two millions, and the banks only owed the\\npeople five millions. In response to this argument the Governor said\\nin his message that the sworn returns of the banks made to the Execu-\\ntive Department showed that the assets and liabilities of the banks\\nbalanced to a quarter of a cent, a proper phrase to render the an-\\ntithesis striking.\\nThe bank question became a veritable sensation. The agitation was\\nwarm enough in the legislature. It grew hotter with its transfer to the\\ntribunal of the entire state. The Milledgeville Federal Union at first\\n5", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0099.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "66 THE STATE ON THE BANK QUESTION.\\nwas the Governor s only newspaper advocate. Tlie Augusta Chronicle\\nand the Savannah Hcpuhllcan were the two champions of the bank side\\nof the question. One after another the state press took sides with the\\nGovernor. The papers were full of it. And the discussion was bitter.\\nThe Augusta Chronicle thus fulminated\\nNever liave ive witnessed in all our experience such a display of stu[)idity, igno-\\nrance, and low grovelinj^ deni.i^ogisni as Gov. Brown lias made in his veto niessajje. It\\nis throughout the low and miseralile effort of a most contemptible demagogue, tu array\\nthe prejudices of the poor against the rich.\\nIn conclusion we cannot Imt congratulate the Democracy on their triumphant success\\nin finding out thus early, Wlio is Brown This was a question which excited no little\\nsolicitude in the outset of the late Gubcrn.atorial canvass, and the f.Tithful in tliis region\\nwere very much exercised to ascertain its true solution. Now when asked, Who is\\nBrown they unhesitatingly respond, a d dfool\\nThe Savannah Republican was no less savage. Said this paper:\\nThe friends of the Governor should hang their heads with mortification and shame,\\nwhile the autlior himself should forthwith besubjected to the surgical operation recom-\\nmended by Benton to Cass, viz, to he cut for the simples\\nBut to the supreme astonishment of the Bank men, the people of the\\nstate rallied to the Governor in almost solid array. Public meetings\\nwere held on the subject, and the Governor endorsed by strong resolu-\\ntions. A meeting for instance, in Carroll county presided over by W. W.\\nMerrell, jsassed unanimously resolutions denouncing the suspension act\\nas unwise and lawless legislation. In Wilkinson county Dr. R. J.\\nCochran offered a resolution that was passed wthout a dissenting voice\\ndeclaring the Governor s veto elaborate, full, clear and unanswerable;\\nand a resolution was also passed unqualifiedly condemning Hon. John\\nE. Ward for calling the previous question, and depriving the anti-bank\\nmen of a chance to reply to him. AVhitfield county had a rousing meet-\\ning and passed a strong set of resolutions reported by a committee com-\\nposed of W. H. Stansel, C. B. Wellborn, Wm. J. Underwood, Dr. B. B.\\nBrown and Rev. John M. Richardson. These resolutions commended\\nthe Jacksonian firmness of Gov. Brown. Even Bibb county en-\\ndorsed the Governor. In Monroe county resolutions were passed de-\\nmanding that the state Constitution be altered so as to prevent the\\npassage of laws legalizing bank suspensions. A meeting at Culloden\\npresided over by W. Rutherford declared that Gov. Brown deserved the\\nmore credit becai:se he did his duty in the very teeth of his own party.\\nA Pickens county meeting denounced the papers abusing Gov. Brown\\nas hireling bank organs. A Campbell county meeting resolved that\\nGov. Brown was under all circumstances the friend of the people when", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0100.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "WHO IS JOE BROWN ANSWERED. 67\\ntheir rights are threatened. Wesley Camp was chairman of this meet-\\ning. A Cherokee county meeting declared its pride in Gov. Brown as\\na Cherokee citizen. Clinch county went ahead of all in declaring that\\nthe members who supported the suspension bill after hearing the\\nGovernor s veto were not deserving support a second time by their\\nconstituency.\\nThese public expressions of opinion taken at random from the action\\nof meetings in all parts of the state will give some idea of the emphatic\\nunanimity of endorsement that Gov. Brown received from the people.\\nIt is not ascertainable that a single public meeting sided with the banks\\nand condemned the Governor. In spite of the colossal monej^ed power\\nof the Banks the Executive single handed carried pojDular sentiment\\noverwhelmingly. It constitutes a remarkable victory, and it put Gov.\\nBrown, at the very inception of his career, solidly entrenched in the\\nhearts of the masses as the friend of the people s rights, a position from\\nwhich no effort was ever able to shake him until the fiery days of recon-\\nstruction, but which he has regained since then in the most marvelous\\nmanner.\\nNo man could ask after this the sneering question, Who is Joe\\nBrown He had answered the query himself in no uncertain lan-\\nguage. He had shot himself like a cannon ball into the very heart of\\nthe state. In every hamlet the people knew him as a man of brain,\\nrock-willed, and the people s friend. He became as exaltedly elevated\\nin public esteem as he had been unexpectedly thrown into high office\\nfrom obscurity. He demonstrated the fact that his promotion was the\\ninevitable outcome of his young life disciplined so marvelously, so\\nfull of thought, sagacity and judgment.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0101.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX.\\nTHE WAY GOV. BROWN GASHED INTO OLD CUSTOMS.\\nThe Abolition o\u00c2\u00a3 Levees.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 No Wine at His Table.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Interference by the Legislature\\nwith Pardons boldly Tackled.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The case of .John Bl.ack.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Old time Ideas of Mar-\\nriage.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 State Aid.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Salaries Increased.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Peterson Thweatt.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The State Koad, and\\na Vigorous Policy. The Coincidence of Gov. Brown and the St.ate Road. Tlie\\nSouthern Commercial Convention.- A summary of Georgia s Leaders, Mark A.\\nCooper, A. H. Chappell, William Dougherty, Junius Wingfield.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Philosopliy\\nof Southern Conventions.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Powerful InstrumentaUties of Sectional Division.\\nLegacies for the Impending Kevolutiou.\\nThe installation of Joseph E. Brown as Governor of Georgia was\\ntruly an establishment of an era of change. The very social features of\\nthe executive administration were sweepingly altered by this simple-\\nmannered and resolute young countryman. It seemed as if no institu-\\ntion that he deemed to need correction was sacred against his deter-\\nmined hand. And there was no fuss in his reforms. He quietly up-\\nrooted long-established customs in a way that evoked the horror of the\\nreverential worshipers of venerable follies. It had been the custom for\\ngovernors to begin their terms with a huge popular Levee, when the\\ndear people were allowed to come uninvited in masses. Magnificent\\nsupper was provided at tremendous cost. It was a festivity of mash\\nand gluttony and plunder. Crates of crockery were broken. The ple-\\nbeians came in swarms as their one social opportunity to mingle in high\\nlife, and they gorged their stomachs and stored their pockets with del-\\nicacies. One who has never witnessed one of these hideous levees cannot\\nconceive of their character. Floors were ruined, table ware lost, and toil-\\nets wrecked. It was jam and crush. It was becoming yearly worse,\\nlarger crowds, more disorder, increased destruction, and less regard for\\no-ood manners. The rabble looked forward to, and improved it. The\\ncustom was old, and supposed to be the very symbol of our democratic\\nprinciples. It was the practical incarnation of equality religiou-sly\\ncherished by the poor and the humble. Of all men, Gov. Brown, the\\nrepresentative of popular privileges, would have been supposed to guard\\nsuch a custom. His practical intelligence, on the contrary, saw it was\\nan occasion of license and rabble disorder, and not what it was meant\\nto be, the tribute of all orderly citizens to a new Chief Magistrate. He\\nswept it out of existence, declining to conform to the ancient precedent.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0102.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "GOV. UROWN S COLLISIONS WITH THE LEGISLATURE. G9\\nHe instituted in its place a series of Friday night receptions, which\\nproved very pleasant.\\nAnother change he made that drew upon him miicli bantering com-\\nment, was abolishing wine from his festal board. He was a temper-\\nance man, and carried out his temperance principles practically. But\\nthe Governor quietly persisted in his plain temperance ways, and the\\npeople learned that ridicule or abuse were unable to move him.\\nHo had several collisions with the General Assembl\\\\ in every case\\nmaintaining his views and asserting the prerogatives of his position in-\\nthe straight-forward sort of way that was characteristic of the man.\\nThe Legislature passed a joint resolution requesting the Governor to\\npardon forthwith two female convicts. He vetoed the resolution\\npromptly, and his message is a stinging rebuke. Adverting to the\\nfact that no reason was given in the resolution for such clemency, and\\nquoting the section of the constitution that gives the pardoning power\\nto the Governor, he said that he understood that other resolutions of a\\nsimilar character had been introduced, and gave his decision upon the\\nmatter in these incisive words:\\nAs a general rule, in my opinion, it woulJ be better to leave all these cases where\\nthe courts and juries have left them. There are a few excepted cases, and for tlie pur-\\npose of finding tliem out, it is often necessary to investigate the evidence, and the cir-\\ncumstances of the trial. The constitution has assigned the duty of investigation to the\\nExecutive Department of the Government, without dividing the responsibility with the\\nGeneral Assembly, and as it would greatly lengthen the sessions, and consume much of\\nthe time of the I^egislature, which could be as well employed in the consideration of\\nsuch matters as the constitution has confided to that branch of the government, I would\\nrespectfully suggest that it might be better for each department of the government to\\nhe coDteut to confine itself within the sphere of action assigned to it by the constitu-\\ntion.\\nThis message put the Governor s views on the subject of the Legisla-\\nture interfering with pardons in a pointed and unmistakable manner,\\nbut it did not settle the matter. The members were somewhat taken\\naback at the sharp terms the Executive used, but the practice of going\\nto the Legislature when the Governor would not interfere in criminal\\ncases had ripened into too fixed a precedent, and was too convenient\\nto be readily abandoned. It was a pernicious practice and plainly\\nillegal, yet it had been permitted. Gov. Brown was resolved to check\\nand if possible stop it entirely. The Legislature clung to the custom.\\nA man by the name of John Black had been convicted of murder and\\nsentenced to be hung in Habersham. The Legislature passed an act\\ncommuting the death penalty to life imprisonment. The Governor", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0103.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "70 STATE AID.\\nvetoed the bill in a lengtliy message of remarkable ability. The Legis-\\nlature in changing the penalty fixed by law to a crime committed in\\nviolation of the law, after the courts had finally passed upon the criminal,\\nmade an assumption of the functions of the Judicial bv the Legislative\\nbranch of the government, and it was unconstitutional. To annul the\\njudgme7it of the court and pronounce another judgment was a judicial\\nand not a legislative function. The constitution forbids the exercise of\\nthe powers of one by the other. The Governor went into the question\\nelaborately, quoting largely from the authorities to show that the legis-\\nlative power to pardon in murder cases did not carrj the power to\\ncommute. They either had to pardon entirely, or not at all. The\\nmessage was closed with a reference to the facts of the case, and to the\\nconsiderations of public policy involved. If the Legislature was allowed\\nto commute as well as pardon, all murder cases would be brought before\\nthe body, and there would be no more punishments by death for the\\nmost flagrant murders. The bill was lost in the house after the Gov-\\nernor s veto by a vote of 27 j eas to 55 nays.\\nAmong other vetoes that illustrate the Governor s views, was one of\\na bill allowing a number of married women to run business on their own\\naccount, on the ground of its destroying the unity of marriage. He\\nclung to liis old-fashioned ideas which he had so strenuouslj- advocated\\nand voted for in the Legislature of 1849 when he was a State Senator.\\nThe subject of state aid to railroads was very fully discussed by this\\nLegislature, but finally voted down. The state aid leaders were Mr.\\nSpeaker Underwood, D. W. Lewis, Mr. Smith and Col. Hardeman.\\nThe anti-state aid leaders were Mr. Bigham, Col. A. H. Kenan, Mr. G.\\nA. Gordon and Col. Jno. Milledge. At that time the aid of the state\\nhad already been pledged to the Main Trunk and Brunswick railroads\\nto a million of dollars. The removal of the state penitentiary from\\nMilledgeville to Stone Mountain was fully argued, but finally defeated\\nafter an able speech against it by Senator L. H. Briscoe, a very brilliant\\nyoung fellow who had been a secretary of the executive department\\nunder Gov. Johnson. The new counties were created of AYilcox, White,\\nSchley, Pierce, ISIitchell, Milton, Glasscock and Dawson. The salaries\\nof the following officers were increased: Governor from ;ti3,000 to $-)r,000;\\nJudges of Supreme Court, $2,500 to $3,500; Judges of Superior Court,\\n$1,800 to S2,500. The practice of biennial sessions was also changed\\nback to annual sessions, which had been the law before 1840, and the\\nsessions were limited to 40 days, unless lengthened by a two-thirds vote\\nof the Legislature.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0104.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "PETERSON TinVEATT. 71\\nThe Legislature had elected as state house officers, .1. B. Trippe,\\nTreasurer; E. P. Watkins, Secretary of State, and Peterson Thweatt as\\nComptroller General. Mr. Thweatt deserves special mention. Before\\nhis administration the reports of the comptroller had been very meager\\naffairs. He instituted a system of statistical returns that have been\\ninvaluable. He improved the collection of taxes, very largely increasing\\nthe return of taxable property and the revenue of the state. His\\nadministration of his otBce was conspicuously able. He is a short,\\nvery stout little gentleman with some oddities of manner, such as vocif-\\nerous whispering to his friends, and a wonderful faculty for hearty\\nlaug hter; and lie was sometimes very irascible, but withal a true-hearted\\nand generous gentleman, and as capable and faithful a public officer as\\nthe state ever had. He was comptroller a long time, but was defeated\\nafter the war, and could never get his consent to do anything else.\\nHis soul was in his office, and he clung for years to the hope of return\\nto it, but vainly. He had taken his salary during the war in Georgia\\nwar notes, which were repudiated, and he spent years getting the legis-\\nlature to let him sue the state for his notes. Legislature after legislature\\nrefused him the privilege, but with indomitable persistence he kept on\\nuntil he succeeded only to have his suit dismissed. Some of his annual\\naddresses to the members were remarkable papers, exhausting the\\njirinter s fonts of quotation marks, italics and capitals; and indulging\\nin such a labyrinthine net-work of parentheses as to make his documents\\nrhetorical puzzles.\\nIn his inaugural Gov. Brown devoted much attention to the state\\nroad. In 1856 it had paid into the state treasury $43,.500. Necessa-\\nrily large amounts had been used in equipping the road, but still the\\n])eople grumbled that it was not a source of more revenue to the state,\\n(^n the 1st of January, 1858, Governor Brown appointed John \\\\Y.\\nLewis, liis faithful friend, as superintendent of the road, under an\\norder remarkable for its concise comprehensiveness of reform and man-\\nagement. It directed cutting expenses, dismissing every supernum-\\nerary, reducing salaries the same as on other roads, requiring absolute\\nsubordination, discharging dissipated employes, using economy, demand.-\\ning trip settlements from conductors and weekly settlements from\\ndepot agents, and paying every dollar of net earnings monthly into\\nthe treasury. Lewis faithfully carried out his instructions. During\\nhis administration Gov. Brown paid as high as \u00c2\u00a7400,000 in a single year\\ninto the treasury. An amusing incident is related that soon after the\\nappointment of Dr. Lewis as superintendent, he and Gov. Brown were", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0105.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "(3 THE STATE EOAD.\\nseen walking the track, picking up the iron spikes that were scattered\\nand wasting along the line of road. The incident was circulated at\\nthe time in derision of the picayune economy of the new regime. Of\\ncourse there was no truth in the story, except that the track hands\\nwere made to not only pick up the large quantity of loose spikes that had\\nbeen left to rust along the line of tlie road, but all of the waste iron\\nwas gathered and advertised for sale, and brought the handsome sum\\nof 820,000. The incident illustrates Governor Brown s watchfulness\\nof the public interest, and to what an extent his vigilance ran to\\ndetails. There was between six and seven hundred tons of this loose\\nscrap iron thus collected and sold.\\nIt forms a curious coincidence of Governor Brown s life that this\\nstate road which he managed so successfully for the state while he was\\nGovernor, and whose brilliant and profitable handling made so marked\\na feature of his gubernatorial administration, should have como under his\\ncontrol as president of a leasing company that rented it from the state.\\nThe road seems to have been destined to become an important factor\\nin his career. He is to-day the president of the lease company, and\\nthe road is most ably managed. It is a strange fact that the road has\\nnever paid much to the state excegt under his management. As\\nGovernor he made it pay from three to four hundred thousand dollars a\\nyear. And its regular rental is now $300,000 a year.\\nOne of those mammoth concerns that filled so large a share of South-\\nern attention, but never seemed to have resulted in any practical benefit,\\na Southern Commercial Convention, assembled during this year in\\nMontgomery, Alabama, on the second Monday in May. Gov. Brown\\nappointed the following delegates which we give in full, as showing who\\nwere the leading men of the State at this time\\nDelegates from the State at Large. AYilson Lumpkin, George R.\\nGilmer, Wm. Schley, Geo. W. Crawford, H. V. Johnson, H. Warner,\\nHinos Holt, Thomas W. Thomas, C. J. Jenkins, Wm. H. Stiles, Jas.\\nGardner, B. H. Hill, F. H. Cone, L. Stephens, E. A. Nisbet, M. A.\\nCooper, D. J. Bailey, A. H. Chappell, Joel Crawford.\\nFirst District. A. H. Hansell, P. Cone, E. J. Blackshear, Charles\\nSpalding, J. H. Cooper, F. S. Bartow, J. P. Screven, G. P. Harrison,\\nJno. W. Anderson, A. R. Lamar.\\nSecond District. Wm. Dougherty, T. Lomax, J. N. Bethune, J.\\nA. Jones, Jr., Jno. A. Tucker, R. H. Clarke, L. M. Felton, A. H. Col-\\nquitt, W. A. Hawkins, W. M. Brown.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0106.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHERN COMMERCIAL CONVEXTIOX. 73\\nThird District. W. Poe, O. A. Lochrane, W. K. De GrafTenried,\\nP. W. Alexander, D. P. Hill, C. Peeples, A. F. Owen, Geo. R. Hunter,\\nJ. D. Watkins, A. R. Moore.\\nFourth District. E. Y. Hill, L. H. Featherstone, A. J. Boggess, B.\\nH. Overby, J. W. Duncan, Robert J. Cowart, J. O. Gartrell, W. C.\\nDaniel, Wm. A. Harris, H. Buclianan.\\nFifth District. Jno. H. Lumpkin, H. V. M. Miller, S. Fouche, Jno.\\nA. Jones, W. T. Woiiford, Lindsay Johnson, Joseph Pickett, G. J. Fain,\\nC. B. Wellborn, Elisha Dyer.\\nSixth District. Sumner J. Smith, Robert McMillan, Asbury Hull,\\nWm. L. Mitchell, John Billups, Wra. A. Lewis, Jas. P. Simmons,\\nSamuel Knox, W. Boyd, S. Reid.\\nSeventh District. Augustus Reese, George R. Jesup, P. Reynolds,\\nMiller Grieve, Sr., S. N. Boughton, R. M. Ornie, Sr., David W. Lewis, J.\\nW. Burney, Robert R.- Slappey, Junius Wingfield.\\nEif/hth District. -Isaiah T. Irwin, Jno. Milledge, .las. T. Nisbet,\\nW. Gibson, Thomas Barrett, A. J. Lawson, A. R. Wright, E. H. Pottle,\\nRobert Hester, Dr. W. Willingham.\\nOf these gentlemen Wilson Lumpkin, George R. Gilmer, Wm.\\nSchley, Geo. W. Crawford and H. V. Johnson had been Governor of\\nthe state. Judge F. H. Cone was the founder of the Know-Nothing\\nparty in Georgia, a man of great power in his day, who had a desperate\\npersonal conflict with Alexander H. Stephens, in which he cut Mr.\\nStephens badly with a knife. Mark A. Cooper was a wealthy iron\\nmanufacturer, who was very prominent in Georgia politics. He was\\none of the famous trio of Colquitt, Cooper and Black that in 1840\\nrevolutionized the politics of the state, and established the Democratic\\nparty in power. He was a leading candidate for Governor at one time.\\nHis large fortune was ruined by the war, and for many years he has\\nbeen passing his old age in cjuiet retirement. A. H. Chappell was a\\nnoted man for many years, a distinguished Congressman. He was\\nknown for liis long speeches, which tradition says he used to recite in\\nadvance of their delivery to his faithful horse in his rides horseback.\\nIt is also told of him that in a courtship after he was sixty years of age,\\nwhile visiting in Monroe county, where the lady lived, he engaged in a\\ngame of blind man s bu\u00c2\u00a3E with her. The incident is probably not\\ntrue, as Mr. Chappell was a very stately, dignified gentleman, and it\\nwas likely invented as a piece of campaign badinage. A. R. Lamar has\\nbeen for the last twenty-five years one of the conspicuous editors of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0107.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "A JUNIUS M-INGFIELD.\\ntlie State, conducting tlie Savannah Georgian and Columbus Times.\\nFew men can equal him in his command of a pure, forcible and elegant\\nstyle of writing. He has been one of the men who have labored long\\nfor party without reward. Win. Dougherty, who is dead, was the great\\nlawyer of his day a man of wonderful legal ability. He took little\\ninterest in polities, devoting himself, unseduced by any charm of public\\nstation, to his profession. He was a strikingly handsome man. W.\\nK. De Graffenreid was a lawj er of abilitj-, much above mediocrity.\\nHe is dead. Cincinnatus Peeples became a judge. He was a large,\\ngenial gentleman, possessed of unusual speaking talent, with a rich\\nvein of humorous illustration. His warm heart and generous impulses\\nmade him very popular. P. W. Alexander was a power as a journalist,\\nediting the Savannah Repuhlican. As a war correspondent he was the\\nmost famous one we had in the South. His war letters were models of\\ncritical accuracy, and clear, forcible descriptiveness. Of all of these\\nleading Georgians of two decades back, none of them recall tenderer\\nmemories of a beautiful manhood than Junius Wingfield of Putnam\\ncounty. He was a gifted lawyer, possessing both high ability and a\\nprofound knowledge of the law. But the charm of the man was in his\\npure, gentle, lovable nature and spotless moral life. His domestic\\nqualities were excjuisite. He was one of the few men who to manliness\\nand intellect added an almost womanly tenderness of character. He\\ndied a few years ago.\\nOf the hundred gentlemen above recorded seventy of them have\\npassed away, and many of them who were conspicuous persons in their\\nday, are almost wholly unknown now. Individuals of brain, culture,\\niulluence and fame as they were then, they have lapsed out of recollec-\\ntion, their names buried in unused records of important events. The\\nlearned judg-e, the eloquent advocate, the famous orator, the influential\\nleader, the honored statesman, the illustrious Chief Magistrate, have\\nalike been rewarded with the same undiscriminating forgetfulness.\\nThe Southern Convention that met in Montgomery in 1858, like its\\npredecessors, did nothing tangible. Resolutions by the wholesale were\\npassed, but no practical scheme was inaugurated for increasing Southern\\npower and enlarging Southern independence. Tennessee, Virginia, the\\ntwo Carolinas, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Texas, Mississippi, Louisiana\\nand Delaware were represented. Mr. A. P. Calhoun of South Carolina\\nwas made President, and Mark A. Cooper of Georgia one of the Vice\\nPresidents. Mr. Spratt of South Carolina set the convention wagging\\niicrcely upon a proposition to reopen the slave trade. This inflamma-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0108.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "SOUTHERN CONVENTIONS AGENCIES FOE DISUNION. 75\\nble issue, and another equally perilous condemning the conference bill\\nfor the admission of Kansas as a state in the Union, which the entire\\nSouthern delegation in Congress had taken as the best they could do,\\nwere the two main topics of discussion. Looking back to that day in the\\ncalm philosopliical retrospection of this, these conventions were simply\\npotential agencies for driving sectional differences to an inevitable rup-\\nture and the logical war that followed so swiftlj Wm. L. Yancey of\\nAlabama, and Mr. Rhett of South Carolina were the moving spirits of\\nthis convention. While its members were patriotic, its objects, its delib-\\nerations, its conclusions were sectional, irritating and defiant. Compar-\\ning these Southern movements with the Northern abolition aggressions,\\nwe can see now what we could not realize then, that the Northern cru-\\nsade, while fanatical and unreasoning in its zeal, was without local benefit\\nto its zealots and embodied the protest of all disinterested civilization\\nagainst slavery. The natural resistance of the South to these extra-\\nconstitutional assaults upon the chief institution of Southern wealth\\nand labor, and the prop of the Southern social polity, was based upon\\nlocal interest, looked to home prosperity. Southern independence of the\\nUnion, and the withdrawal of Southern business patronage from the\\nNorth. Not only were they thus practically antagonistic to Northern\\ninterest in their objects, but in their spirit and language they were bit-\\nter against Northern sentiment. They simply therefore fed sectional\\nhostility and division. It would be impossible to conceive of more\\npowerful instrumentalities of sectional strife. Not so intended by us\\nor so regarded by the North, they yet thus resulted. They were an ef-\\nfective part of the preface to the great struggle in which Providence\\nhad doomed slavery. They were the concentrated utterance, intense,\\nopen-voiced, impassioned and majestic, of Southern resentment\\nagainst Northern aggression upon slavery, and they both stimulated\\nand foreshadowed the inevitable conflict that was coming so soon.\\nEven though their final action was legitimate, that could not remove\\nthe effect of the fiery sectional deliberations that frenzied the very\\nfanaticism sought to be thwarted. This Convention met, argued, acted\\nand adjourned, but its only legacies were fuel for the impending Revo-\\nlution.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0109.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X.\\nTHE SPIRIT OF 185S IN GEORGIA.\\nThe State Judiciary. Its Personelle Judge W. B. Fleming and D. F. Hammond only\\nSurvive iu 1881. H. L. Benning. The Bank Cases. E. G. Cabaniss. A New\\nFiglit uf the Banks. What Gov. Brown did as a Bank Reformer. Brown as a\\nFoenian. The Cotton Planters Convention. The State Newspapers. Wm. T.\\nThompson. Josepli Clisby. A. R. Lamar. Deceased Journalists. Legislative\\nDots. The State Road and Brown s Sweeping Reforms John A. Tucker John\\nE. Ward. Henry R. Jackson and his m.aguificent address upon the E.spausion of\\nAmerican Empire and its effect on Southern Institutions.\\nThe composition of the Georgia judiciary in 1858 was as follows\\nSupreme Court. Joseph H. Lumpkin, Chas. J. McDonald, Henry\\nL. Benning.\\nSuperior Cowrte.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Brunswick Circuit, A. E. Cochran; Blue Ridge\\nCircuit, Geo. D. Rice; Chattahooche Circuit, E. H. Worrell; Cherokee\\nCircuit, R. Trippe; Coweta Circuit, O. A. Bull; Eastern Circuit, W. B.\\nFleming; Flint Circuit, E. G. Cabaniss; Macon Circuit, A. P. Powers;\\nMiddle Circuit, W. W. Holt; Northern Circuit, James Thomas; Ocmulgee\\nCircuit, R. V. Hardeman; Pataula Circuit, David J. Kiddoo; Southern\\nCircuit, Peter E. Love; South-western Circuit, Alex A. Allen; Talla-\\npoosa Circuit, Dennis F. Hammond;. Western Circuit, N. L. Hutchins.\\nOf these officials all of the gentlemen who were Justices of the\\nSupreme Court are dead, and fourteen out of the sixteen Superior\\nCourt Judges. The only living ones of this array of judicial talent\\nare Judge W. B. Fleming, who is now Judge of the Eastern Circuit,\\nand very old, and Dennis F. Hammond, who lives in Atlanta, in fine\\nlaw practice and vigorous health. Judge Hammond is a gentleman of\\npeculiar and original character, and has been perhaps as strong a man\\nphysically as we have ever had in Georgia. A thick-set, massive\\nframe of iron strength, backed by a most resolute will and a most\\nremarkable volubility of words in talk, belongs to him. While he is a\\npreacher a\u00c2\u00bb well as lawyer, he belongs to the church militant, and has\\nbeen ever ready to enforce his spiritual expoundings upon refractory\\nsubjects with a physical drubbing. The anecdotes of his ready and\\nirresistible combativeness are numerous and racy. Nature never made\\na sincerer or kinder or a more stubborn spirit. .Judge Fleming has\\nbeen an upright and able Judge, and has the gratificatio:i of serving on", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0110.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "c", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0113.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0114.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "HENEY L. BENNIXG. 77\\nthe bench of the Eastern Circuit, while he h,is a son equally able and\\nrespected, ^ho presides in the Albany Circuit, Judge William O.\\nFleming. Judge Henry L. Benning, of the Supreme Bench, was a very\\nmarked man in Georgia. He made a gallant record as a Brigadier\\nGeneral in the late war. He won for himself the sturdy soubriquet of\\nOld Rock. He was a man of absolutely crystal truth. He had a\\ncandor and directness proverbial. He spoke with a low, guttural tone\\nand a syllabic precision, that heightened the idea of his manly force of\\ncharacter. He was able to take unpopular positions without loss of\\nrespect, so strong was the confidence in his sincerity. A very strong\\neffort was made in the General Assembly of 1858 to strike down Old\\nRock. The suit of Beall vs. Robinson, from Muscogee county, was a\\ncase involving the liability of the stockholders of a broken bank for\\nbills that had been issued. Judge Benning was the son-in-law of Col.\\nSeaborn Jones, a stockholder, and had been attorney for Gen. D.\\nMcDonald, another large stockholder of another bank. He presided\\nin the case and gave decision against the bill-holders. A petition was\\npresented to the General Assembly urging the body to take some\\naction against Judge Benning, and a resolution was introduced in the\\nSenate advising and requesting Judge Benning and McDonald to\\nresign their offices. The matter created a good deal of feeling, but the\\nSenate voted to lay the resolution on the table for the balance of the\\nsession by a vote of G7 yeas to 45 nays. Judge Benning had been\\nurged not to preside in the case, as it was similar to cases in which his\\nclient and his father-in-law had been interested. He presided because\\nhe deemed it his dvity not to shirk his responsibility, and in the decis-\\nion he explains this very urgency of his duty. The famous lawyer,\\nWilliam Dougherty, was the moving power in these cases, and he\\ninspired the hostile proceedings in the legislature. The incident\\nunjustly did great injury to Judge Benning a long time, which he\\nkeenly felt. And after the war, when he was defeated for the Supreme\\nBench in the legislature by Dawson A. Walker, it was through the\\nactive agency of Mr. Dougherty on account of this very decision,\\nDougherty declaring that he would support Benning for Governor, or\\nanything else, but he should not go on the Supreme Bench if he could\\nhelp it. Benning, who was a man of sensitive honor, though of\\nunbending will, afterwards declined to allow Gov. Smith to appoint\\nhim Judge of the Supreme Court, because he considered the action of\\nthe legislature in defeating him as a condemnation of his course in the\\nBeall-Robinson matter.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0115.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "78 CONTINUED BATTLE OF THE BANKS.\\nOf the judges mentioned Judge E. G. Cabaniss had a high meaalire\\nof public esteem and influence. He was a very conservative public.nipin\\nof solid sense, and the personal consequence that belongs to careful\\njudgment and scrupulous conscience. He belonged to that class of\\ncitizens known as safe men, clear-headed and calm-tempered.\\n.Judge Powers of the Macon Circuit soon resigned, and Gov. Brown ap-\\npointed in his place for the interim Henry G. Lamar, who had been so\\nprominent in the gubernatorial contest that resulted in Gov. Brown s\\nnomination.\\nDuring the year 1858 the banks resumed specie payment long before\\nthe time specified for resumption in November, but some twenty of the\\nbanks failed to make the semi-annual return on the 1st of June required\\nunder the law of the suspension. Upon the failure of the banks to do\\nthis the law required tlie Governor to issue proclamation publishing the\\nnames of the delinquent banks, and notifying the Treasurer not to re-\\nceive their bills. This the Governor did, and when the Legislature met\\nin November his message was largely taken up with a continued dis-\\ncussion of the Bank question. The battle of the Executive with the\\nbanks had not ended. Popular sentiment had overwhelmingly backed\\nthe Governor, but the banks were strong and defiant, and in the exist-\\ning contlition of the law they were powerful and independent. There\\nwas no formidable j)enalty attached to their disobedience of executive\\nauthority, and they had under the statutes as they were, in some cases\\nissued as high as fifteen dollars for one, or at least previous returns so\\nshowed. Gov. Brown has always been a perilous foeman, never hold-\\ning up while he could strike upon a resisting antagonist. If the bank\\nauthorities supposed for a moment they could successfully and with\\nimpunity defy him in his official authority they were sadly mistaken.\\nHe came back with renewed vim. He discussed the whole question\\nwith great ability. He urged that the banks be required to pay a pen-\\nalty of two per cent, a month upon their capital stock while they dis-\\nobeyed the statute, which is now the law. He also held up to light im-\\nperfections of the banking system, which needed correction. Reviewing\\nthis acrimonious agitation, recalling the abuses that had crept into our\\nbank system, and estimating the value of the reforms made in conse-\\nquence of the stubborn fight of our resolute young Executive\\nagainst the combined capital of the state in that memorable session of\\n1857-8, it will be seen that a very large amount of good was accom-\\nplished and a substantial service-was rendered to the people. Before\\nthis the state treasury had suffered a loss of over half a million of dollars", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0116.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "COTTON planters CONVENTION. 79\\non account of the Central liaiik and Daiien bank. Besides, numerous\\nfinancial panics in wiiich the banks were controlling agencies had\\nbrought upon the citizens of the state individual loss. Gov. Brown was\\nthe direct cause of a wholesome and sweeping reform in our whole\\nscheme of banking, a reform going to the very vitals of our prosperity,\\naffecting commerce and agriculture. He so clearly and forcibly brought\\nto light the evils of the then existing system, and he was so unyielding\\nin pressing their reform, that a permanent change for the better was\\neffected through his powerful instrumentalitj\\nDuring the year ISjS a Cotton Planters Convention was held in\\nMilledgeville on the 8th of June, of which Howell Cobb was President,\\nand Gen. B. H. Rutherford and Gen. J. W. Armstrong, Vice-Presi-\\ndents. This convention illustrates the spirit of the South in that day\\nto organizations for Southern benefit. Mr. Cobb addressed the conven-\\ntion, stating its objects. Committees were appointed on the following\\nsubjects, comprehensive enough, it must he admitted: 1. The Cotton\\nPower. 2. Cotton Power as an American Power. 3. Cotton Power as\\na Southern Power. 4. Cotton Power as a Union Power. 5. Cotton\\nPower as a Peace Power. 6. Cotton Power as an anti- Abolition Power.\\n7. Direct Trade with Foreign Countries. The cooperation of other\\nstates was invited, and the convention adjourned to September, when it\\nre-assembled in Macon. Some reports were made, and the convention\\nadjourned subject to the call of the chairman without any action.\\nAmong the leading papers in the state at this time were the Savannah\\nNews, W. T. Thompson, editor; Savannah HcpuhUcan, J. R. Sneed;\\nMacon Telegraph, J. Clisby; Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, Wm.\\nSmythe; Augusta Constitutionalist, James Gardner; Columbus Times\\nand Se7iti}iel, P. H. Colquitt and James W. Warren; Federal Union,\\nS. M. Boughton; Southern liecorder, R. M. Orme; Atlanta Intelli-\\ngencer, A. A. Gaulding; Griffin Empire State, J. H. Steele; Macon\\nState Press; Calhoun Georgia Platform; Cartersville Erpress; Cass-\\nville Standard; GritBn Independent Sotith; N^ ire Grass Reporter;\\nColumbus Enquirer, John H. Martin; Savannah Georgian, A. R.\\nLamar; Athens IVatchman; Newnan Manner and Sentinel; Albany\\nPatriot; Columbus Corner Stone, Gen. J. N. Bethune; Bainbridge\\nArgus; Lagrange Pejwrter, C. H. C. Willingham; Madison Family\\nVisitor; Bainbridge Southern Georgian Dalton Times, T. R. Chris-\\ntian; South- West JTctrs; I^umpkin Palladium, Dr. J. C. C. Blackburn;\\nTemperance Cmsader; Athens Banner; Sumter Iiepid}lican, C. W.\\nHancock. Of the editors then ruling the Georgia press there are liv-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0117.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "80 THE GEORGIA PRESS IN 1858.\\ning, W. T. Thompson, still in eharg e of the Savannah News; J. Clisby,\\nyet at the head of the Macon Telegraph; James W. Warren is Sec-\\nretary in the Executive Department and a most polished writer; J. H.\\nMartin, A. R. Lamar and Gen. J. N. Bethune are out of journalism\\nDr. J. C. C. Blackburn is editing the 3Iadhonian at Madison; J. R.\\nSneed is in the city of Washington, filling the place of Assistant Post-\\nmaster of the Senate. Col. Thompson won an enduring fame as a\\nnatural humorist by the publication of that inimitable book, Major\\nJones Courtship. But he had more than humorous power. A gen-\\ntleman of strong convictions and decided views, he was an able polit-\\nical editor. Jos. Clisby of the Telegraph is one of the most versatile\\nand graceful writers of the Georgia press. Some of his writings have\\nbeen marked by a remarkable grace and a vein of delicate humor. A.\\nR. I^amar was one of the purest writers of English that we have ever\\nhad on the Georgia papers. J. H. Martin has wielded a simple but vig-\\norous stylo, and been noted for a judicial sort of conservatism in polit-\\nical commentary. Dr. Blackburn was a facile writer, and flourishes a\\nready sparkling pen to this day. C. W. Hancock is still publishing the\\nSumter Hcjniblican, one of the best papers in the state, and is a vigor-\\nous and versatile editor. Mr. C. II. C. Willingham is now editing the\\nCartersville Free Press, and is to-day as he was twenty-five years ago\\none of the boldest and most graceful writers in our state journalism.\\nOf the deceased editors, Jas. Gardner, Wm. Smythe, S. M. Boughton,\\nR. M. Orme and J. H. Steele were all editors of state repute as experi-\\nenced, aggressive and capable political controversialists, men that bore\\nthemselves gallantly in the memorable campaigns of those days, giving\\nhard blows and upholding their respective sides with bright capacity and\\nrare vigor. The Milledgeville papers, though weeklies, were powers\\nthen, having large and general state circulation, and wielding great\\ninfluence. Both Mr. Boughton of the ITnion and Mr. Ornie of the\\nliieorder were editors of unusual ability, and their bouts were marked\\nby incisive force and a tine grasp of political argument.\\nThe session of the General Assembly of 1858 has been touched upon\\nin connection with the bank matter. Among the changes that had\\ntaken place in the body, Mr. Cumbie, the representative of Baker\\ncounty, had been cut off in the formation of the new county of Mitchell,\\nand Alfred H. Colquitt, the present Executive of Georgia, was elected\\nas the representative from Baker. In the middle of the session, Mr.\\nJohn E. Ward, the senator from Chatham county, and the president of\\nthe senate was appointed the United States minister to China, and re-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0118.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "RELIGION ON THE STATE EOAD. 81\\nsigned his place. Mr. T. L. Gucrry was elected president, and Mr.\\nWm. H. Stiles was returned from Chatham county, as its senator.\\nThe new counties of Banks, Brooks, Johnson, Echols and Quitman\\nwere created at this session, making thirteen new counties formed by\\nthis General Assembly. A bill was introduced and excitedly discussed\\nto lease the state road. It is a curious coincidence that in his mes-\\nsage. Gov. Brown, in discussing the state road, maintained its great\\nyalue and remunerativeness, and avowed that as a private citizen, he\\nwould be ready to lease the road and bind himself to pay $25,000 a\\nmonth to the state for a long term of years. This very arrang-ement he\\nafterwards consummated and is now executing. In spite of Gov.Brown s\\nsuccessful management of the road, the opposition press fought him\\nsavagely upon it. He persisted in his policy, cutting down every ex-\\npense, keeping the road in good order, and jsaying monthly into the\\ntreasury large sums, until the opposition were silenced, and reluctant\\nenmity was obliged to accord to him a great practical triumph of rail-\\nroad government.\\nEvery species of detraction was em*ployed against him. He had ap-\\npointed as solicitor general of the Cherokee Circuit, in the place of J. C.\\nLongstreet, deceased. Col. J. A. R. Hanks, who belonged to the Bap-\\ntists and sometimes preached. A howl was raised against Gov. Brown,\\non the ground that he was giving a monopoly of his official patronage to\\nhis Baptist brethren, and the charge was made that he had stocked the\\nstate road with this favored persuasion. Some statistical employes of\\nthe state road undertook to vindicate the Governor from this accusa-\\ntion, and published a table showing the religious complexion of the road\\nforce. There were 7 Lutherans, 60 Missionary Baptists, 12 Primitive\\nBaptists, 5 Campbellite Baptists, 31 Presbyterians, 57 Methodists, 8\\nEpiscopalians, and 15 Catholics. This exploded the charge. There\\nwere many personal inducements for opposition to the Governor, in his\\nadministration of the road. He had made an entire change of manage-\\nment in the force from superintendent down, thus creating an intense\\nenmity in the discharged employes. The public complaint because the\\nroad had paid so little money into the treasury, under previous admin-\\nistrations had been so great, that the Governor deemed it best to estab-\\nlish a new regime. Again, the leading politicians of the state had\\nenjoyed the privilege of free passes upon tlie road, and Gov. Brown cut\\noff this, to the great dissatisfaction of the favored gentlemen. In se-\\nlecting officers to run the road, he appointed men solely on his\\nknowledge of their qualifications, and without regard to application or", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0119.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "5\u00c2\u00bb SPEECH OF GEN. HENRY E. JACKSON.\\nendorsement, frequently tendering places to men who had not applied.\\nThe clamor of disappointed applicants thus added volume to the oppo-\\nsition. But the Governor had resolved to make the road a paying in-\\nstitution, and he pushed this purpose to completion, with his accustomed\\njudgment and decision. The petty fuss against his reform, was soon\\nlost in the great current of popular appreciation of his genuine public\\nservice. Nothing succeeds like success has a profound truth in it.\\nA state income from the road of 8200,000 the first year, and ii!300,000\\nthe second, and S400,000 the third, was an argument well calculated to\\nsilence grumblers and please the people.\\nThe Governor in every matter that came under his control had an eye\\nto promoting the State s interest. There was a large amount of the state\\nschool fund lying idle in the treasury. He deposited it with the Bank\\nof Savannah until the time came to pay it out under the law, under an\\narrangement that brought the nice little sum of \u00c2\u00a70,000 interest into the\\ntreasury. Under previous administrations, beginning with Gov. Geo. W.\\nCrawford, a Whig executive, some twelve years before, who set the prec-\\nedent, the practice was to publish executive proclamations in only one\\nof the papers at the seat of government, selecting the organ of the\\nparty in power. Gov. Brown broke this custom, giving the proclama-\\ntions to both papers.\\nIt was during the year 1858 that a gentleman of very considerable\\nrepute, John A. Tucker, of Terrell county, committed suicide. He was\\na man of strong natural talent, without culture, of great local influence\\nand state prominence. He took his own life in one of the moods of\\nmelancholy superinduced by occasional dissipation to which he was\\naddicted. It was also during this year that a very general cattle dis-\\nease prevailed, a sort of sore tongue among cows, that seized every-\\nthing, but was not very fatal.\\nThis year saw a distinguished Georgian, Hon. Jolin E. Ward, selected\\nas the United States minister to China, while anotlier equally distin-\\nguished Georgian, Hon. Henry R. Jackson, had returned to his iiome in\\nSavannah, after brilliant service as United States minister to Austria.\\nMr. Jackson was invited to address the Legislature on public matters,\\nand did so on the evening of the 23d of November, 185S, in a speech of\\nremarkable eloquence and power, on the theme of the Extension of\\nAmerican Empire, and its Effect on Southern Institutions. It was a\\nmasterly vindication of the idea of territorial expansion, and abounded\\nin passages of impassioned and beautiful rhetoric. The Federal Union\\nin speaking of the address, said, that golden thread of poesy, which", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0120.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "SPEECH OF GEX. HEXEY R. JACKSOX. 83\\nin other da\\\\-s linked his soul to the beautiful and the good of earth,\\nstill shines through the inner, and sways the sweet influences of the\\nouter man. The following passage will give an idea of the exquisite\\neloquence of this address\\nFirst and foremost among men, Washington, declining to place a crown upon his\\nown hrow, immaterialized the principle of government, taking it out of material forms\\nand placing it in the abstract law. Tliere it stauds, cold vet pure, uusympatliiziug vet\\nincorruptiWe, a crowned abstraction, holding the scepter of empire in its pulseless hand,\\nthe constitution of the.se United States. (Cheers.) Sublime reflection! that the\\nAmerican citizen is the sul)ject only of thought. Exalting prerogative that wherever\\nor whoever he may be, whether seated in the executive mansion, the nation s chief, or\\nfollowing his plow in tlie broad blaze of the noon-day sun in the solitude of the Western\\nwilderness, he recognizes no material medium between himself and the soul of all\\nthought, of all law, of all trutli, and that when he kneels he kneels alone to his God!\\n(Cheers.)\\nHe thus concluded in a storm of applause\\nNot yours the vast commercial emporium with its countless temptations to corrup-\\ntion and crime not yours the ancient capitol, enriched by the accumulated hoards of\\nlapsed ages of enervating time not yours the luxurious palace, adorned witli the works\\nof semi-sensual art but yours at last is The State, in the simple words, but sublime\\nthought of the poet\\nWhat constitutes a State\\nNot liigh-raised battlement, nor labored mound,\\nHuge walls nor moated gate.\\nNor cities proud with spire, and turret-crowned\\nNor starred and spangled courts\\nWhere low-born baseness wafts perfume to pride,\\nBut men, strong minded men,\\nMen who their duties know, l)Ut know their rights,\\nAnd knowing, dare maintain.\\nThese constitute a State", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0121.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XL\\nGOVERNOR BROWN S SUPERB PUBLIC ENDORSEMENT\\nAND RENOMINATION.\\nThe Codification of Georgia Law Thomas R. R. Cobb. The Universal Demand for\\nGov. Brown s Re-election. The Unkuowu Gaddistowner, the Master of the State\\nin Twelve Mouths. The Unparalleled Torrent of Popular Pmiise. Some of the\\nRoyal Voicings of Press and Peojile. Wonderful and Unprecedented Tributes.\\nA Monotony of Encomium. The Democratic Nominating Convention. Its\\nPersouelle. John B. Walker s Flashing Speech. Formalities Dispensed with-\\nBrown Renominated iu a Unanimous Whirlwind. The Exquisite Lnpromptu\\nSpeech of Henry R. Jackson. A Gem of Eloquence. Brown Brought In A Re-\\nmarkable Acceptance. Resolves to make no Canvass.\\nIt was at this time that the important work of the codification of our\\nlaws began. The General Assembly elected as Codifiers, ex-Gov.\\nHerschell V. Johnson, ex-Jiidge David Irwin, and Judge Iverson L.\\nHarris, at that time presiding over the Ocmulgee Circuit. Judge Har-\\nris was a citizen of Milledgeville, a lawyer of great ability and high\\ncharacter, who was afterwards elevated to the Supreme Bench. He\\nwas a gentleman of purity of nature and very positive and conscientious.\\nHe and ex-Gov. Johnson declined the duty, and Gov. Brown with ad-\\nmirable judgment appointed Judge Richard H. Clark and Thomas R.\\nR. Cobb in their places. Mr. Cobb was the brother of Hon. Howell\\nCobb and one of the leading lawyers of the state. He possessed both\\nhigh order of intellect and an elegant culture. He was also a man of\\nherculean capacity for work. His industry was tireless. He had been\\nfor years reporter of the Supreme Court, was author of a Digest of\\nGeorgia law, and an erudite work on the Law of Slavery. He was a\\nman of deep religious feeling and an elder in the. Presbyterian church.\\nHe was also a professor in the Lumpkin law school at Athens. The\\nCode was finished and adopted in 18(J0, to go into effect on the 1st day\\nof January, 18G3. A legislative committee consisting of Hines Holt,\\nDan l S. Printup and W. W. Paine of the Senate, and Geo. N. Lester,\\nIsham S. Fannin, W. G. Delony, M. W. Lewis, C. N. Broyles and C.\\nJ. Williams of the House examined and reported in favor of the code.\\nThe work was an extensive, original and unprecedented accomplish-\\nment, embodying in concise and symmetrical form the vast body of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0122.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "THE GUBERXATORIAL SUCCESSION. 85\\ncommon and statutory law in force in the state with the judicial expo-\\nsition of the same. In 18C3 the Code was remodeled to conform to the\\nConfederate Constitution. In 18G7 a revision of the Code was made by\\nDavid Irwin, covering the changes made since the surrender, including\\nthe Constitution of 18G5, and this revised Code was examined and re-\\nported upon by a committee of citizens, appointed by Gov. Jenkins un-\\nder a resolution of the General Assembly, composed of Gen. Andrew J.\\nHansell, Col. Logan E. Bleckley and Col. Nathaniel J. Hammond.\\nThis has been known as the Code of 18G8. The last revision of the\\nCode was in 1873, by David Irwin, Geo. N. Lester and Walter B. Hill,\\nand the examination of it was done by the Attorney General of the\\nstate, Hon. N. J. Hammond, under direction of a resolution of the Gen-\\neral Assembly of 1872. This revision contained the Constitution of\\n18G8, and the supreme court decisions and the statute laws up to 1873.\\nIn the beginning of the year 1859 the agitation of the gubernatorial\\nsuccession commenced. The convention was called for .June. The\\nwhole drift of democratic preference was for Governor Brown. No\\nExecutive in the history of the state has ever made such an impression\\nupon the people. His establishment and maintenance of leadership\\nwas something phenomenal. His clutch of the popular heart was a\\nmiracle of personal achievement. His fierce strifes of public policy\\nand sturdy championship of the public interest had rooted him deep\\nand fixed in the affections and admiration of the masses. His popu-\\nlarity was so pronounced that no democrat allowed his name to be\\ncanvassed in opposition to the people s manifest desire for Brown. It\\nmust be considered that at this time it was but a little more than\\na year since he had been sprung, an unknown man, upon the people of\\nthe whole state. Yet in this brief time, in spite of inexperience and\\nthe drawbacks of his obscurity, he had by his iron force of character,\\nmagnificent genius of common-sense, and inborn statesmanship, im-\\npressed himself upon the commonwealth as a vital, foremost, irresistible\\npublic leader, the uncontested and dominant master of the state. It\\nwas a proud work.\\nThe spontaneous utterances of the press, and the unprompted resolu-\\ntions of county meetings in all parts of the state testify strikingly to\\nthe public estimate placed upon Governor Brown after this one short\\nyear of public service as chief magistrate. It was a realization of the\\nancient fable of the consummate Minerva springing full armed and\\nmatured at birth from the brain of Jove. Without the usual appren-\\nticeship in public life, he had shown himself a full-grown statesman.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0123.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "8G PRESS EXDORSEMENTS OF GOV. BROWN.\\nhandling the groat and complicated affairs of state government ^vith\\nunsurpassable ability. Some of the endorsements of him are remark-\\nable. Col. W. A. Lewis of Forsyth Co., who had opposed Brown,\\nwrote to the Lawrenceville N eics that he cordially endorsed Gov.\\nBrown s administration of the affairs of the state. Hon. Wm. H.\\nStiles, who was before the last convention, saw his name mentioned in\\nthe Southern Confederacy, at Atlanta, as a probable candidate for\\nGovernor. He published a brief letter, saying, I have no desire to\\ndisturb an administration which, so far at least as the public prints\\nindicate, seems to afford such general satisfaction. In a very strong\\neditorial Dr. Blackburn of the Lumpkin Palladium used these incisive\\nsentences:\\nHis Excellency, Governor Brown, has, as we predicted in an editorial of May last,\\nwhen the bank organs of the state were hunting him down with blood-hound ierocity,\\nproven himself fully competent to discharge the duties of Governor of a great and\\ngrowing commonwealth, and now is entitled to the proud epithet of being the model\\nGovernor of this Union. He is a safe custodian of the people s honor, a fearless\\nexponent of correct principles, and a safe keeper of the mighty resources of the Empire\\nstate. He has by his fearless course forced his traducers to acknowledge his adminis-\\ntrative capability. He is our only clioice for Governor for the next term, and we believe\\nthat we but reflect the honest sentiments of four-fiftlis of the Democracy of South-\\nwestern Georgia.\\nThe Columbus Times used this forcible language:\\nThe administration of Joseph E. Brown has been from the period of his inauguration\\nto the present moment, successful and satisfactory to the people. We need not refer to\\nthe acts of his administration in proof of what we say we need not allude to his liold,\\nindependent course in displacing officers adhering to true and correct principles, and his\\nsuccessful management of the state affairs, to vindicate us in awarding to him wh.at\\njustice demands. We mean simply to echo the sentiments of the people in wishing the\\nshafts of malice thrown at him to be broken, and that he will remain another term in the\\noffice which he now fills with so much credit to his party and honor to his state.\\nThe llilledgeville Recorder, the uncompromising organ of the oppo-\\nsition, in the following paragraph of bitter sarcasm bore unconscious\\ntestimony to the Governor s influence:\\nIt is known th.at Gov. Brown has won an enviable reputation as an honest man,\\nespecially in a financial oint of \\\\iew, and the knowledge and belief of it was quite\\nvisible upon the legisl.ature. For it was a noticeable fact, that whenever a bill or resolu-\\ntion that had for its intention the appropriation or paying out of money, it was\\nimmediately suggested that it be referred to the Governor to do as he thought best. In\\nother words, the legislature seemed willing to shift all responsibility, and dodge behind\\nthe accredited honesty of the Governor.\\nThe Macon Telegraph stated emphatically:", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0124.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "MILLEDGEVILLE S REMAEKABLE TEIBUTE. 87\\nIt is universally conceileil that the people, or ninety-niue in one hundred, at least, of\\nthe democracy are favorable to the re-uumiuatiou of Gov. Brown.\\nThese are specimens of the complimentary endorsement that the party\\npress of that day gave Gov. Brown. It was, however, in the resolutions\\nof the county meetings that popular approval seems to have uttered its\\nmost ardent expressions. At a democratic meeting held in Milledgeville\\nin March, presided over by Col. D. C. Campbell, a committee composed\\nof Judge I. L. Harris, M. D. McComb, F. G. Grieve, Dr. W. A. Jarratt\\nand D. P. Brown, reported the following extraordinary resolutions,\\nwhich were unanimously adopted, and constitute as powerful a public\\ntribute as any public man ever received:\\nThe year 1859 is destined, politically, in Georgia in some respects from appearances\\nto he remarkable. Within the memory of the eldest among us, the high honor of being\\nthe Governor of the state has never been won and worn without a severe, and most\\nusually, a bitter party contest. It has not unfrequeutly, also, been a matter of difficulty\\nto ascertain tlie choice of the people, and hence the necessity ^vhich has hitherto e.xisted\\nfor conventions to collect, concentrate and reflect their will.\\nIn the ranks of the democratic party there is no contest for this high office if there\\nhave been any aspirations for it, they have been hushed in the general voice of the\\npeople of Georgia. One name one person only is thought of t,ilked of for Governor.\\nIt is folly, it is worse, it would lie madness, to attempt to frustrate that will that\\nmakes itself so unmistakably and audibly heard. Of the people he is emphatically at\\nthis time the favorite of the people.\\nIt will be, we think, the peculiar good fortune of Gov. Brown, though he should again\\nbe presented by the democratic party for re-election to meet with an acceptance from\\nthe state at large, which it never was the lot of any of his many distinguished prede-\\ncessors to secure. Such an event a probability miost likely to occur is strikingly\\nsuggestive. Can it be otherwise than that his administration of the executive depart-\\nment has been singularly wise, prudent, just, vigilant, firm and energetic, and in\\naccordance with the pulsations of the popular heart, to have commanded, as it has done,\\nsuch an unwonted po])ular approval.\\nCompelled by official duty to reside within our limits, the citizens of Baldwin county\\ncheerfully bear testimony to the modest, affable and unpretending deportment, and to\\nthe plain, sim] le, republican habits of this distinguished citizen of the Cherokee section\\nof Georgia, by which he has secured our affections and esteem.\\nThis magnificent and spontaneous encomium, unlike the hackneyed\\nformalism of such occasions, coming from the source that it did,\\nextorted as it was by sheer merit and the luster of unembellished deed,\\ngiving exalted precedence to the simple man of the people above a long\\nline of aristocratic and brilliant predecessors, was indeed such a grand\\npublic recognition as few men deserve and fewer obtain. The Democ-\\nracy of Talbot county resolved, That the wisdom and unwavering\\nfirmness of his excellency Gov. Brown, his upright and judicious admin-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0125.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "88 COUXTY ENDORSEMENTS OF GOV. BEOWN.\\nistration of state government, liis practical and praiseworthy manage-\\nment of public property, his guardian protection of the people s every\\ninterest in his hands, not only warrant his continuance in office, but\\ncommand the respect and admiration of every true Georgian. The\\ndemocrats of the plucky county of Campbell instructed their delegates\\nTo go for Brown first. Brown last, and Brown all the time, and never\\nto surrender our choice to the factious opposition of a minority having\\npersonal injuries to redress and avenge. L. B. Watts was chairman\\nof the meeting, and Dr. T. C. Glover chairman of the committee that\\nreported these pointed words, Butts county declared that the admin-\\nistration of Gov. Brown meets with unanimous approval. B. F. Ward\\nwas chairman, and the committee, A. Taliaferro, C. S. Foster, E. Var-\\nner, Thomas McKibben and J. Carmichael. The Wilkinson countj\\ndemocracy said that Gov. Brown s administration had met witii the cor-\\ndial approbation of almost all parties throughout the state. In a Cobb\\ncounty meeting presided over by Judge Rice, T. H. Moore, chairman of\\ncommittee, reported resolutions declaring that Joseph E. Brown is the\\npeople s choice, and they will be content with no other, and that a\\nconvention was unnecessary. Cherokee and Stewart counties had\\nrousing meetings. In the Stewart gathering, Judge James Clarke\\nspeaking used this slashing language: Joseph E. Brown at the com-\\nmencement of the last political campaign was called in derision the\\nCherohee cow driver; lie has proved himself the driver out of the\\nplunderers of your country; the driver out of dishonesty in high places;\\nthe driver out by his intrepid vetoes of vicious and corrupt legislation;\\nand the driver oict of those exclusive privileges by which one set of men\\nare enabled to enslave another. And he added this applauded compli-\\nment Brown has proved himself as thoroiighly made of hickory as\\nOld Hickory himself. The Pulaski county democracy resolved to sup-\\nport Honest Joe Urown. In Washington county a meeting presided\\nover by Gen. T. J. AVarthen, with J. N. Gilmore and Evan P. Howell as\\nsecretaries, adopted unanimously a graceful and vigorous set of resolu-\\ntions reported by a coiTimittee composed of Col. James S. Hook,\\nThomas O. Wicker, Beverly D. Evans, Jno. Kittrell and W. G. Robson.\\nThe resolutions bear the mark of having been written by that writer\\nand speaker of unusual power. Colonel, afterwards Judge Jas. S. Hook,\\none of the ablest lawyers and purest citizens of the state. The follow-\\ning resolution is a glowing encomium upon Gov. Brown.\\nResolred, That the ailministnition of Gov. Brown stands oat in its own solid, vet\\nunpretending grandeur, a splendid mouumeut of liigh intellectual sagacity and moral", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0126.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "CASS COLTXTY AI.OXE AXTI-BROWX. 89\\nheroism, remimling us most viviiUy of tlie stern and manly virtues of those noble and\\ngreat men who illustrate the early history of tlie republic.\\nThe Merriwether county Democracy complimented Gov. Brown s\\nwatchful guardianship. Wilcox county deemed it but an act of\\nsheer justice to renominate him; Appling county declared him the\\nman who was not afraid to throw himself between the frowns of the cor-\\nporations and the people s interest. Muscogee county, in a meeting\\npresided over by Wiley Williams, declared that Gov. Brown is our first\\nchoice. Even Chatham county, the central point of the bank influ-\\nence, endorsed Gov. Brown s administration as a whole.\\nThe endorsements above selected are taken from an unbroken current\\nof commendation, that the people of the state gave to Gov. Brown. No\\n]iul)lic man has ever been so endorsed. There was almost literally no\\ndissent in tlie Democratic party. Fulton county at first seemed divided\\nupon Gov. Brown, there being many disappointed state road ex-\\nemployes in Atlanta, but a public meeting decided overwhelmingly for\\nBrown. Polk county sent a divided delegation to the convention.\\nAnd Cass county alone sent an anti-Brown delegation headed by a dis-\\ncharged railroad official. The Wire Grass Reporter with a grim humor,\\nsaid editorially, We were really getting a little wearied and jaded at\\nthe everlasting resolution, recurring in every county, pronouncing in\\nfavor of the renomination of Joseph E. Brown, until we came to Cass.\\nHere we found a change come over the spirit of the meeting; a new\\nsensation sprung quite refreshing amid the Brown monotony; a new\\nhu-r-r-ah, reminding us strongly of Rip Van Winkle s approach to the\\nwhig meeting after his thirty years nap, swinging his beaver and huz-\\nzaing for old King George; and like Rip if the Cass boys do not get\\nhustled for it, we shall wonder. Even some of the opposition press\\nwere for Gov. Brown. The Sumter JiepiiMiccm, edited by ilr. Han-\\ncock, was for calling an American state convention, but urged that the\\nconvention should endorse Gov. Brown.\\nThe Democratic convention, assembled in Milledgeville, on the 15th of\\nJune, 1858. It was a very large and able body. There were 405 dele-\\ngates from 117 counties. Among them were Gen. Henry R. Jackson,\\nand Hon. Julian Hartridge of Savannah, Hon. James Jackson of Clarke,\\nGen. William Phillips of Cobb, Milton A. Candler of Dekalb, E. Chas-\\ntain of Fannin, Logan E. Bleckley of Fulton, Daniel S. Printup of\\nRome, W. A. Lofton of Jasper, F. H. West of Lee, Samuel Hall of\\nMacon, Randolph Spaulding of Mcintosh, T. P. Saffold of Morgan,\\nPorter Ingram of Muscogee, H. Fielder of Polk, L. J. Aired of Pickens,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0127.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "90 THE DEMOCKATIC CONVENTION OF 1858.\\nDr. J. C. C. Blackburn of Stewart, AV A. Hawkins of Sumter, D.\\nN. Speer of Troup, 0. J. Wellborn of Union, E. H. Pottle of Warren,\\nGeorge Ilillyer of Walton, J. A. R. Hanks and W. K. Moore of\\nWhitfield, Gen. T. J. Warthen and T. O. Wicker of Washington, and\\nHon. James L. Seward of Thomas.\\nThe business went tlirouijh with a rush in this lartje convention. The\\nparty had spoken with an emphasis and a unanimity rarely seen. The\\ngreat gathering was merely met to record the popular will. The ordi-\\nnary formalities were brushed aside. Jlr. Steele moved to dispense\\nwith the calling the list of delegates and go to business, and it was\\npromptly done. Col. John A. Jones moved a committee on organiza-\\ntion. E. W. Chastain moved that John B. Walker be made president\\nby acclamation, and it went through like a flash. Mr. Walker was a\\nfarmer, but he made a ripping little speech. Modestly claiming to be\\nno presiding officer, he glittered out in a rare succession of eloquent\\nutterances. Said he, warming up:\\nWe have uot assembled here, gentlemen, to discuss our political creed, to repair\\nour political platform, to add a plank to it, or take one from it. No, gentlemen, we feel\\nthat our old political platform is one so durable, that time may wither at its base,\\neternity play around its summit. We have come here to place upon that old political\\nplatform a man that is worthy of our full aud entire coufideuce, and who will secure\\nthe popular vote of tlie state.\\nHe closed in a whirlwind of applause. Several motions were made\\nfor a business committee, but the body was in no mood for formalities.\\nHon. James L. Seward offered a crisp trio of resolutions. The first\\nreaffirmed the Cincinnati platform of I80G; the second endorsed Pres-\\nident Buchanan; the third was as follows:\\nResolved, That the honesty, fidelity and ability which Joseph E. Brown has mani-\\nfested, as the Executive of Georgia, entitles him to the confidence of the whole people\\nof the state, and we hereby nominate him by acclamation, as the candidate of the dem-\\nocratic party of Georgia for the next Governor.\\nThe first and third resolutions were immediately adopted unani-\\nmously. The second resolution about Buchanan was adopted by 371\\nyeas to Si nays. Hon. Henry R. Jackson was called on by the conven-\\ntion for a speech. Rising in response to the call, Mr. Jackson began\\nin that musical, tremulous, penetrating voice that so well suited the\\nexquisite diction and eloquent thought that marked his speeches.\\nAnd what am I to say, Mr. President, in response to a call so flattering to my vanity,\\nbut at the same time so wdioUy unexjiected i)y me. Indeed the occasion for a speech\\nwould seem to liave passed, when by its action tliis convention lias already announced\\nthe almost universal thought. I seize upon the moment, then, uot for argument but for", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0128.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "GEN. UENKY E. JACKSON s ELOQUENT SPEECH. 91\\neongr.itulaticin that argumeut has been in truth at uo time necessary tc3 secure among us\\nconcert of opinion, of feeling and of action. Tlie priucijjles we profess, the course and\\ncharacter of tlie men we support more potent than words of eloijueut persuasion had\\nalready secured it for us.\\nIf I begin where the action of the convention left off if I begin with the nominatioD\\nof Joseph E. Brown for re-election to the Gubernatorial Chair, I feel th.at my hast re-\\nmarlv comes with peculiar propriety from one who represents in part tlie County of\\nChatham and City of Savannah. It seems to have been at one time supposed that such\\na nomination might not be acceptable to the Chatham Democracy. But I am assured\\nthat I utter the sentiments of those who have sent me here as a delegate, and also the\\nsentiment of my colleagues, in tliat delegation, wheu I say that our honored Chief\\nMagistrate, by the general ability of his State Administration, by his iutegrity of pur-\\npose and energy of action has deservedly secured for himself the earnest support of the\\ntrue-hearted democracy of Chatham, precisely as he has tins day commanded the ap-\\nproval of the entire democracy of Georgia. It is not that there may not have been some\\nconflicts of opinion between us in the past nor that the possibility may not still exist of\\nsimilar conflicts in the future but because in the essentials of our political faith we are\\nwith him, and with him in full, honest and warm accord.\\nThe applause that followed Mr. Jackson in these beautiful allusions\\nto Gov. Brown showed how warmly he echoed the popular pulsation.\\nHe concluded with a brilliant defense of President Buchanan s course to\\nthe South. A committee was appointed of S. J. Smith, J. H. Steele,\\nH. R. Jackson, D. C. Campbell and Porter Ingram to notify Gov. Brown\\nand request his acceptance of the nomination. The committee returned\\nin a few moments escorting the fortunate recipient of this marvelous\\nhonor. Gov. Brown came in amid a storm of feeling, placid and com-\\nposed as he ever was. But a brief two years had elapsed since, un-\\nknown to the state at large, he had while binding wheat Cincinnatus\\nlike on his mountain-valley farm, away from the telegraph and the\\niron track, received the une.xpected news of his nomination for gover-\\nnor. The question that pealed from the public voice, Who is Joe\\nBrown was an honest one. It had to be answered. The people did\\nnot know. The homely young countryman had answered it, and the\\nanswer was a real one. It was a response of unparalleled power.\\nBut a year and a half of e.xecutive duty was needed to result in a\\nunanimous and irresistible demand by the great popular will for his re-in-\\nstallation in his exalted trust. The state knew him, and knew him so\\nwell, that the people, the Woolhats that he came from, and whose\\ninterests he had guarded as well as the aristocrats who ridiculed him\\nand whom he had fought, stood shoulder to shoulder in admiring recog-\\nnition of his high public service, and vied. in doing honor to this simple\\nbut superb pulilic administrator of the people s afPairs. And it was a\\nsingular and impressive coincidence that the man of all others that", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0129.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "93 GOV. brown s speech of acceptance.\\nstood as the eloquent mouthpiece of a great state in emphasizing this\\nmatchless tribute to the plain self-made man of the democratic masses\\nwas the aristocratic descendant of one of the great and illustrious fami-\\nlies of the republic, a family princely from its achieved distinctions,\\nwho represented the courtliest constituency in the state, that placed\\nhigli value upon the hereditary transmission of gentle blood and\\nthorough-bred ancestry. Not only this, but this constituency had been\\nthe verj- pedestal of these financial influences that the executive had so\\nsuccessfully antagonized, and it was a striking reward of honest pur-\\npose and underiiable ability that even these embittered powers joined\\nin this splendid and substantial ovation.\\nGov. Brown s impromptu response on this supreme occasion was in\\nsome respects a remarkable one. Expressing the deep sense of appre-\\nciation of the public confidence, modestly referring to his past execu-\\ntive course, incisively endorsing the national policy indicated by the\\nconvention, he went on to speak with pride of the position of Georgia\\nin the sisterhood of states and her unequaled resources. Her bonds\\nwere quoted at a higher premium than those of any other state. Her\\ndebt was only two and a half millions, while she owned property worth\\nfrom seven to ten millions. Her railroad enterprises were being pushed\\nrapidly, so that the people of remote sections were becoming neighbors.\\nHis earnest expressions of interest in the subject of popular education\\ndrew enthusiastic cheering. But the part of his speech that surprised\\ntlie convention and illustrated his dutiful ideas, was his declaration that\\nhe should not undertake to canvass the state. He said\\nMy official course has been open and aliove board, and is known to the people. I\\nam willing, to be judged by my acts. While in office I could not canvass the state with-\\nout frecjuently neglecting important official duties and I am unwilling to neglect the\\nduties of an important official trust confided to me by the people for the purpose of\\ncanvassing for another term in office. If my health permits, and I perform faithfully\\nmy executive duties, and by necessary co-operation with the able, efficient and trust-\\nworthy officers of the state road, can .issist them to jiour into your state treasury from\\nthirty-five to forty thousand dollars in casli per month, I shall feel that I am doing the\\nstate more service than I or any one who may be my opponent could do by traveling\\nover her territory and making stump speeches. This monthly argument I expect to\\ncontinue to repeat. Thirty-five to forty thons.ind dollars per month is an argument in\\nfavor of the ilemocracy tliat will be felt in the elections.\\nSingularly free from the slightest attempt at rhetorical display, Gov.\\nBrown s speeches have been exceptionally effective. His avowal that\\nhe would not canvass for re-election placed him, if anj^thing could, with\\nincreased strength before the state.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0130.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XII.\\nTHE GUBERNATORIAL TUSSLE BETWEEN GOV. BROWN\\nAND WARREN AKIN.\\nThe Opposition Convention calluil liy an Extraordiuarv Pronunciamento. Sharp As-\\nsaults on Gov. Brown. Persouellu uf the Convention. Warren Akin Xoniinateil.\\nThe Canvass of Col. Akin. The Congressional Canvass. Martin J. Crawford.\\nGov. Brown Re-elected. The Legislature of 1859. Its Personelle. Clifford\\nAnderson, John Screven, Robert N.* Elv, George N. Lester, A. R. Lawton. Gov.\\nBrown s Second Inauguration. Review of Gov. Brown s Rare Administration.\\nBrown s Reference to Federal Affairs His Artinitv with the Southern Side of\\nthe Slavery Question. Strong Message. Tribute to Sir James Oglethorpe. An\\nL^nerected Monument Appropriated.\\nThe Kuow-Nothing flurry was over. The name of Know-Nothing\\nhad been discarded for American, and this title was becoming weari-\\nsome. The party was anti-Democratic, but at sea for a proper name.\\nTlie press of that party was divided. The Macon Journal and Mes-\\nsenger, and Columbus Enquirer were against running a candidate.\\nThe Sumter Repuhlican wanted a convention, but wished it to endorse\\nBrown. A number, however, were for a convention, among them the\\nLagrange Reporter, Atlanta American, Athens Watchman, Bainbridge\\nGeorgian and others. The central executive committee of the Ameri-\\ncan party, composed of J. H. R. Washington of Macon, J. W. A. San-\\nford of Milledgeville, J. JI. Calhoun of Atlanta and Foster Blodgett of\\nAugusta issued an address declaring that they did not deem it advis-\\nable to call a convention of the American party. They, however,\\narraigned the Democratic party for a series of unparalleled abuses and\\nfrauds upon the American people and enumerated among these the\\nKansas swindle, squandering the public monej encouraging sectional\\nfeuds, conniving at Mormon protection and electing an abolition Gov-\\nernor over a Southern state. The evils connected with the naturalization\\nof foreigners would be corrected in due time. To hurl the corrupt democ-\\nracy from power was the high public duty of the day. The committee\\ntherefore called an Opposition Convention to meet in Milledgeville\\nthe tiiird Wednesday in July, 1858, to consist of delegates chosen\\nwithout respect to political antecedents, provided they were opposed to\\nthe party in power. This remarkable pronunciamento, one of the most", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0131.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "94 THE OPPOSITION CONVEKTION.\\nastounding political documents ever issued, wound up with these words,\\nOur word for it, we shall be able to organize such a party as will not\\nonly correct all local abuses, but rout the plunderers, and save the\\nnational government of our fathers from demoralization and ruin.\\nThis formidable fulmination of a bewildered committee representing a\\nshattered and floundering party organization, occasioned a flood of rail-\\nlery from the Democratic press of Georgia. Grandiloquence, bombast,\\nlast splutter of the wet powder pyramid, possum party, womble-\\ncropped family, conglomerated, ring-streaked, were some of the ridicul-\\ning phrases that found vent against this amusing manifesto.\\nThe Savannah Republican was the most savage of the opposition\\npress against Gov. Brown. It flamed out ferociously against him. It\\ncalled him that inflated little demagogue Joe Brown, that flapped his\\nwings like a bantam cock said he was disgustingly puerile in\\nhis speech in the convention that an ass would rule the people of\\nGeorgia as well. These terms were somewhat different from the pol-\\nished encomiums of the eloquent Jackson. The Milledgeville Recorder,\\nthe organ of the opposition party candidly owned that Gov. Brown\\nhas done well and deserves the thanks of the whole people of Georgia.\\nThus divided among themselves, the opposition were undecided what to\\ndo. There was one controlling reason why the organization under some\\nname should be kept alive, and this was that in several congressional\\ndistricts they could secure congressmen. The convention was called\\nby the central committee in July in Milledgeville. The Savannah\\nRepuhUcan, in bitter opposition to Gov. Brown, insisted that the\\nopposition convention should not meet in Milledgeville, because Brown\\nhad been nominated there. A call was issued for Macon, and the conven-\\ntion met there and adjourned until the 10th of August, 1858, in Atlanta.\\nThe re-assembling of the convention in Atlanta was during a wet,\\ngloomy spell of weather, that typified the spirit and the prospects of\\nthe party it represented. Hon. D. A. Reese was chairman of the con-\\nvention. A business committee consisting of C H. Hopkins, Jonathan\\nDavis, R. P. Trippe, B. H. Hill, Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Dr. R. D. Winn, David\\nW. Lewis, Joini Milledge, was appointed. Messrs. Trippe, Winn and\\nLewis not being present, their places were filled by Peter AV. Ale.xan-\\nder, Mr. Gibbs of Walton and Jliles W. Lewis. Dr. Miller, the chair-\\nman of the committee, reported that the committee had failed to agree\\nas to the propriety of nominating a candidate for Governor, and desired\\nto refer the matter to the convention.\\nA spirited scene occurred in the body over this matter. Col. W. F.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0132.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "COL. WAREEN AKIN. 95\\nWright of Newnan, who was running for congress against Col. Gartrell,\\nlet it out that in the event the convention decided to nominate the com-\\nmittee had determined on the man. Mr. Alexander wanted the vote of\\nthe convention to be by counties and not by delegates. These two\\nmatters created quite a disturbance. Both Mr. Alexander and Col.\\nJoslma Hill of Morgan charged upon Col. Wright a blunder in divulg-\\ning the action of the committee. The confusion was very great. One\\ndelegate whose name is not given in the proceedings threw a bombshell\\nin the stormy assemblage by saying that he had supposed all along\\nthat the question was not who they should nominate, hut who they\\ncould yet to teike the nomination. If they could get a responsible man\\nto take it, he thought it foolish to waste any more time in determining\\nhow it was to be given to him.\\nAfter a tumultuous time the convention voted to have a nomination\\nand the committee reported the name of Col. Warren Akin of Cass\\ncounty, now Bartow, for Governor. The committee to notifv Col. Akin\\nof his nomination was James Johnson, John Milledge and Cincinnatus\\nPeeples. Col. Akin accepted the nomination in a brief letter that con-\\ntained no enunciation of policy, but declared that he would not be able\\nto canvass the state. This he re-considered afterward.s, however, and he\\ndid make a series of speeches.\\nCol. Warren Akin at this tijue had not been prominent, in state pol-\\nitics, though he had considerable local reputation as a very able and\\nsuccessful lawyer. He was a self-made man, possessing decided ability,\\nand very effective speaking power, and as much purity of private char-\\nacter as any public man we have ever had in Georgia. He was a local\\nmetliodist preacher. Col. Akin was rather a small man in physique,\\nbut had a voice of remarkable compass, both shrill and deep, with pe-\\nculiar ringing quality in its high notes. He had unusual fervor and\\nsincerity of conviction and earnestness of character. He could not be\\ncalled a popular gentleman, on account of a certain unyielding vigor,\\nand a forcible impatience at what he condemned. As a laborious\\nstudent, in a clear comprehension of the law, and in strong argument.\\nCol. Akin had no superior, and few equals in his circuit. No man in\\nhis section enjoyed a larger share of individual and public esteem thJin\\nhe, and his selection to lead the forlorn hope of the opposition was a de-\\nserved tribute to his worth and ability. He was afterwards elected to\\nthe confederate congress, and made merited reputation in that field.\\nHe was a strong speaker, but in his canvass he was not at a proper\\nadvantage. He was principally confined to a warfare upon Gov.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0133.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "96 GOV. BEOWX RE-ELECTED.\\nBrown s administration, and that had been too good a one to admit of\\nsuccessful assault. He traversed the state, making as much of the can-\\nvass as any one could have done. The opposition press settled into a\\nvery bitter and slanderous war upon Gov. Brown, assailing him with\\ndetraction and scandal. Gov. Brown staid in his office quietly discharg-\\ning his executive duties, and letting the democratic press and the peo-\\nple fight his battle. Col. Akin made a gallant but an unavailing\\ncampaign. He had no hope of success, nor did the sensible men of his\\nparty. He made much reputation in the state for eloquence and ability,\\nbut he gained no votes from Brown. On the contrary. Gov. Brown in-\\ncreased his previous majority of something over 10,000, to over 22,000,\\nor more than doubled it. In Brown s own county, Cherokee, and\\nAkin s own county, Cass, as well as in Baldwin, that had never given\\na democratic candidate for governor a majority. Brown obtained majori-\\nties.\\nMixed with the gubernatorial canvass was the congressional cam-\\npaigns. The democrats had nominated Peter Love, Martin J. Craw-\\nford, Alexander M. Speer, Lucius .J. Gartrell, John W. H. Underwood,\\nJames Jackson, R. G. Harper, and Jenks Jones. Mr. Stephens had\\nretired from public life, and Jenks Jones of Burke was the democratic\\nnominee in his place. Against these gentlemen the opposition party\\nwas running J. Mclntyre; against Crawford, Gen. Bethune and Mr.\\nDouglass; Thomas Hardeman, Jr., W. F. Wright, Shackelford,\\nLytle, Joshua Hill and Ranse Wright. The opposition elected\\nHardeman and Hill by small majorities. Three of the democrats re-\\nelected had made high reputation, Martin J. Crawford, James Jackson\\nand Lucius J. Gartrell. All of these had delivered eloquent speeches in\\nCongress, that had attracted much attention. Mr. Gartrell was a large,\\npowerful man, robust, hearty and full of animal spirits, a bold, buoyant\\ndeclaimer, and a ready debater. Crawford and Jackson were both\\nslender, nervous men, but of intellectual vigor and earnest speakers.\\nCrawford has, all of his life, been marked by a dry vein of exquisite\\nhumor, and a keen, practical wisdom that have made him not only an en-\\ntertaining companion, but a man of strong influence. Jackson, of the\\ntw,o, was the most fervent orator. No man in the state has been more\\n^ree from partisanship, whether political or personal, than Crawford. It\\nis a little curious that three of the gentlemen, conspicuous in that con-\\ngressional canvass of 1859, Crawford, Jackson and Speer, now occupy\\nthe supreme bench of Georgia, in this year 1881, and constitute a very\\nable court. Mr. Speer was defeated, but he has from that day to this", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0134.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "THE LEGISLATURE OF 1859. 97\\nbeen an influential public man, especially noted for practical ability and\\na genial disposition. Mr. Jenks Jones is still living in Burke county,\\none of the honored and influential citizens of that fine old county, a\\nlawyer of ability, and a gentleman of great local power.\\nThe Legislature convened in November. It was overwhelmingly dem-\\nocratic. Of those who had so vigorously fought the bank veto of Gov.\\nBrown, few had been re-elected. The House included among its leading\\nmembers, Clifford Anderson of Bibb, Julian Hartridge and John Screven\\nof Chatham, George N. Lester of Cobb, R. N. Ely of Dougherty, T. W.\\nAle.xander of Floyd, R. L. McWhorter and JNI. W. Lewis of Greene, J.\\nL. Harris of Glynn, D. W. Lewis of Hancock, I. Fannin of Morgan, C.\\nJ. Williams of Muscogee, William Gibson of Richmond, and S. J. Smith\\nof Towns. The speaker elect was Isaiah T. Irvin of Wilkes county.\\nAmong the brightest of these men was Julian Hartridge of Savannah, a\\nvery ornate and eloquent speaker and brilliant lawyer, who afterwards\\nbecame a congressman and died in congress. His colleague, John\\nScreven, was a son of Dr. James P. Screven of Savannah, who was the\\nchief founder of the Atlantic and Gulf railroad, in which the state took\\na million dollars of stock. Col. John Screven is still living, a stately,\\nslender gentleman of delightful address. He was for years mayor of\\nSavannah, and succeeded his father as president of the Gulf road. Two\\nmembers of this general assembly, by a curious coincidence, have held\\nthe position of Attorney General of the state under the present execu-\\ntive Gov. Colquitt, Robert N. Ely and Clifford Anderson. The admin-\\nistration of Mr. Ely as Attorney General, has been a conspicuous\\nsuccess, being especially noted for his collection of nearly a quarter of a\\nmillion of back taxes from the railroads. Col. Anderson is a large, dig-\\nnified gentleman of high ability, and a graceful, strong speaker. Col. An-\\nderson was a member of the confederate congress, as also was George N.\\nLester. Mr. Lester has been Judge of the Superior court, and wa s de-\\nfeated candidate for congress in the hot contest in the 7th district, in\\n1878, with the famous Parson Felton. Few men have equaled Judge\\nLester on the stump. Thick-set and solid in figure, with heavy, mas-\\nsive, homely features, bearded to the very eyebrows with dense black\\nwhiskers, with a voice of remarkable sweetness and power in its low\\ntones, with an inexhaustible fund of humorous anecdotes, and an inimita-\\nble humorous way of telling them, with a fine sonorous flow of words,\\nand especial capacity of pathos, this gentleman is a rare talker on thj\\nhustings.\\nThe Senate, which was an enormous body, comprising 132 senators.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0135.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "98 ALEXANDER R. LAWTON.\\nwas an unusually able council. L. H. Briscoe, Phil Tracy, Peter Cone,\\nA. S. Atkinson, Alexander R. I.awton. A. T. Hackett, Daniel S. Printup,\\nThomas Butler Kinff, Geo. T. Bartlctt, Harrison W. Riley, R. Spalding,\\nR. P. Trippe, Hines Holt, George W. Jordan, T. L. Guerry, Clement\\nA. Evans, W. S. Wallace, W. W. Paine, James L. Seward, Edward A.\\nFlewellen and William A. Harris, were in this senate. Philemon Tracy\\nof Macon, was a most brilliant and promising young man, who died\\nearly. A. T. Hackett is at present a state senator, a ready speaker.\\nCol. D. S. Printup has amassed a large fortune by successful practice of\\nthe law. George T. Bartlett has been a judge of high repute. Old\\nGen. Harrison W. Riley was a character, an illiterate man, but a local\\nking, an odd, burly, shrewd old fellow, long since dead. Clement A.\\nEvans brilliantly distinguished himself as a Brigadier General in the\\nconfederate army, and is now a shining light in the Methodist Georgia\\nconference\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a preacher of great power and piety. George \\\\V. Jordan\\nstill continues to come to the legislature from Pulaski county, when he\\nwishes. The strongest man in this legi-slature was probably Alexander\\nR. Lawton of Savannah, who has frequently represented Chatham\\ncounty in the Legislature, who was afterwards Quartermaster General\\nof the confederacy, and who recently was defeated by Joseph E.\\nBrown for the United States Senate. Gen. Lawton has been a force\\nin Georgia for the last twenty-five years. His erect, solid, sturdy,\\nwell-set fiijure and fine, open resolute face, well tyY iiy the man, intel-\\nlectually and morally. His clear intelligence, intrepid firmness, unwav-\\nering truth, straight-forward candor, unpretentious simplicity, blended\\ndignity and politeness and business energy and promptness have made\\nhim a person of growing public influence. Hon. T. L. Guerry was\\nelected president of the Senate, and F. H. West secretary.\\nGov. Brown was inaugurated and entered upon his second term as\\nthe Executive of Georgia under circumstances peculiarly auspicious.\\nHe had made an adminstration especially original and salient. He had\\nripened from being unknown into a state influence and political power\\nunprecedentlv rapid and potential. He had received a popular endorse-\\nment absolutely conclusive. He was enthroned in the public confidence.\\nHis abilitv, practical judgment, energy, immovable will, fearless courage,\\nsagacity and devotion to the public interest, had all been shiningly\\nshown and tested. He had performed great and undeniable public ser-\\nvice. He had reduced the rate of taxation from nine cents to six and\\none half cents on $100. He had brought up the State railroad from a\\ncondition of almost entire unremuneration to where it had paid over", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0136.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "GOV. brown s second ixaugdral. 99\\n8400,000 in a single year, into the state treasury, to relieve the tax bur-\\ndens. He had established a school fund of 8150,000 a year. He had\\ncanceled an extra S100,000 of the public debt beyond what was due.\\nHe had been the direct means of hedging in a latitudinarian banking\\nsystem with safeguards and restraints that to this day are preserved.\\nHe had vindicated the independence of the executive department of\\nthe state government from legislative encroachment. He had fearlessly\\ninaugurated the practice of a true civil service policy. He had instilled\\ninto every branch of the state administration a healthy activity and\\nofficial responsibility. And the people knew and credited him with his\\nvaluable work. His position at this time was a proud one. He stood\\nupon a splendid vantage ground of popular influence. He had attained\\nthis power by his own unaided brain and resolute will. And from this\\ntime on he was destined to be the master spirit in Georgia affairs, holding\\nhis firm rule through all the tumultuous phases of a great strife, and\\namid every shifting change of personal influence.\\nHis inaugural address was a practical, characteristic emanation. Allud-\\ninsr to the fact that he had become Governor the first time in a\\nperiod of trouble and distrust, he modestly said that he had tried to\\nmeet his official responsibilities conscientiously. The people had passed\\ntheir verdict upon his administration. He then entered into a brief\\nreview of the present condition of the State, making an eloquent sum-\\nmary of the resources and advantages of the commonwealth. Amid\\nall of this sunshine and prosperity, however, there was a cloud upon\\nthe northern horizon that portended evil. He thus clearly stated the\\nnational issue pending.\\nOur fathers consented to enter the confederacy of these states only npon terms of\\nperfect equality and we, as their sons, woald he unworthy of our sires, if we consented\\nto remain in the confederacy a day longer than this principle of equality is recognized.\\nPrompted hy ambitious leaders, who are willing to sacrifice their country for place and\\npower, a majority of the people of the northern states have formed themselves into a\\ngreat sectional, political party, which virtually denies our equality in the Union.\\nProceeding to state that in the great presidential contest of 1860,\\nsoon to come, the issue lay between the Black Republican and Demo-\\ncratic parties, he thus concluded:\\nI love the union of these states, and am prepared to make every reasonable sacrifice\\nto maintain it, so long as it does not violate the rights of my native South. But should\\nthe two come into conflict, I love the rights of the South more, and am prepared to defend\\nthem at any sacrifice and at every hazard. In the present condition of affairs I would\\nadvise the citizens of Georgia to stand united with the National Democracy, so long as\\nthey continue to stand by her rights, aud to protect them in the Union. But should this", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0137.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "100 SPIRIT OF THS YEAR BEFORE THE WAR.\\norganization he broken down, and her constitutional rights be denied, and lier equality\\nin the Union debtroyed, I would then advise her citizens to strike for independence out\\nof the Union and to pledge each other, their lives, their fortunes, and their most sacred\\nhonor, never to forsake each other till triumphant success shall have crowned their\\nefforts. My fervent prayer to Almighty God is, that this necessity may be averted,\\nthat wisdom, moderation and justice may control all our National and State couucils\\nand that the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, may be thus perpetuated.\\nThe concluding expressions of this inaugural were the outcome of the\\nnational situation in politics, and betokened the dangerous temper of\\nthe southern people at that time, but a little more than a year before\\nthe great civil war of the century. Gov. Brown s utterances were sig-\\nnificant, and emanating from that source, were full of portent. He was\\nnot a man to utter meaningless words. He was a singularly true expo-\\nnent of the controlling popular sentiment, and has been all of his life.\\nA subtle sympathy with the masses added to extraordinary common\\nsense methods has made him a natural born, popular leader. In the\\npremonitory phase of the great conflict that began in 18C1, Gov. Brown\\nwas in profound affinity with the southern side of that important moral\\nand political convulsion. He represented two especial and practical\\ncharacteristics of southern spirit, the intense state s rights conviction,\\nand the decisive purpose to enforce that conviction. This matter will\\nbe more fully touched upon a little farther on, but at the present the\\nnarrative of state affairs will be resumed.\\nGov. Brown s second annual message was an entirely practical docu-\\nment. It contained some of those business-like suggestions that his\\ncommon sense intelligence was ever deducing from actual experience.\\nAnd they were made in that direct, unmincing .sort of way that belonged\\nto the man. There was no circumlocution, no red-tape diplomacy in\\nGov. Brown s official utterances. He went directly to the pith of mat-\\nters, and dealt with facts without ceremonj In his views he was\\ngoverned by no consideration of the majesty of a coordinate branch of\\nthe state government. There was no glamour of official authority that\\naffected him. He attacked what he conceived to be an error or a wrong\\npractice in the General x\\\\ssembly, and asserted what he conceived to be\\na constitutional prerogative of the Governor s office in a fearless and\\nfrank manner, and without any punctilious palaver of etiquette. He\\nwas a homespun man of business, doing what he deemed his duty care-\\nless of opposition or consequences. He rasped in his message what is\\nto-day, and has always been, an evil practice of legislatures, viz., neg-\\nlecting the earlier part of a session, and hurrying business at the close,\\nresulting in hasty and inconsiderate legislation. He also attacked", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0138.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "THE VETO POWER. 101\\nanother chronic practice of legislation, demanding reform, and which\\nthe new Constitution of 1877 endeavored to correct, trivial class and\\nlocal action. He took ground against the expensive multiplication of\\nnew counties which had become a nuisance. He urged the reduction of\\nthe Senate from its unwieldy size. He assaulted the costly clerk system\\nof the legislature, which had become an onerous pecuniary burden to\\nthe State. His entire message was full of plain, sensible recommenda-\\ntions in regard to the judiciary, education, militia, etc. Among other\\nvaluable suggestions he urged what has since been commenced, a miner-\\nalogical and geological survey of the State. He was then an ardent\\nadvocate for state aid in developing the resources of the commonwealth.\\nHis views on education, as can be supposed, were liberal and broad.\\nAll of his messages and inaugurals pressed the enlargement of free\\neducational facilities for the people.\\nDuring his first term Gov. Brown had used the veto power more freely\\nthan any Governor in the state s history. His enemies had attempted\\nto impair him in the public estimation for this. In his message he made\\na brief allusion to his exercise of the veto power, in which with a few\\nsharp sentences he shattered these assaults. The constitution had\\nassigned to the Governor certain powers and duties as well as to the\\nGeneral Assembly, and the people should hold himself responsible for\\nthe independent exercise of those powers. The revision of bills passed\\nby the legislature was a constitutional power of the Executive. If the\\nGovernor out of mere respect for the General Assembly signed bills\\nhis judgment did not approve, he denied to the people the exercise of\\nthat executive revision which under the constitution they had a right\\nto demand as a protection against hasty or unwise legislation. And the\\nGovernor went on with his vetoes. He vetoed a bill relieving a surety\\non a criminal bond; a man standing between the law and a criminal\\nmust take the consequences. He vetoed a bill granting a divorce to\\ncertain parties; divorces belonged to the courts. He vetoed a bill\\ngiving to certain minors the privileges of adults; the law fixing twenty-\\none years as legal maturity is a wise one, founded on the experience of\\nages, and it is safe to adhere to it. He made other vetoes, but all of\\nthem based upon clear, sound reasons of law or public policy, and\\nevincing the vigilant care and unyielding decision that he brought to\\nthe discharge of his executive duties.\\nThe session of 1859 elected Hon. R. F. Lyon and Linton Stephens\\njudges of the supreme court in the place of Henry L. Benning and\\nCharles J. McDonald. Judge Lyon was almost wholly without speak-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0139.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "1U2 UNEXPECTED TEIBUTE TO OGLETHOEPE.\\ning ability as a lawyer, but he was an able counselor and gentleman of\\nfixed views. He is still living and in the practice of his profession.\\nThe abolishment of imprisonment for debt was a subject of discussion\\nby this Legislature. The following resolution passed the House, but\\nseems not to have been acted on farther, and is a tardy tribute to the\\nman it honors:\\nWhereas, it has been customary from time immemorial with all c\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ ami enlightened\\nnations to honor the memory of their illnstrious anil nolile tlead, and emlilazon their\\ndeeds in marble or brass for coming posterity, it is therefore hut right and proper for\\nns as Georgians, and the dictates of patriotism and a grateful people demand that the\\nlife, memory and character of the illustrious founder of our great and growing state,\\nshould he rescued from the darkening shade of oblivion; therefore be it\\nResolved, That the Governor he authorized and requested to have erected in the capi-\\ntol yard a handsome, elegant and appropriate marble monument to the memory of the\\nillustrious founder of onr state, Gen. James Oglethorpe, who combined in his life and\\ncharacter the great and uoble qualities of a soldier, scholar, statesman, pliilauthropist\\nand christian.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0140.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIII.\\nA HOT CHAPTER OF GATHERING REVOLUTION.\\nThe Drive to Disimion. Yancey s Leaguers of tlie Soutli. Alec Stephens Retired.\\nToombs Disuuiou Speech. Senator Alfred Iversoii s Griffin Disunion Speech.\\nAlec Stephens Union Speech of Farewell at Augusta. Tlie two Utterances a\\nstriking picture of Contrasts. The Disastrous Political Effect on Iversou. The\\nJohn Brown Raid, and the Georgia Legislature s Burning Resolutions. The State\\nAflame, Two State Democratic Nominating Conventions in Georgia to send dele-\\ngates to the National Democratic Presidential Convention at Charleston. Tlie Split\\nof the Georgia Democracy. Howell Cobb and Alec Stephens, Presidential Timber.\\nCobb endorsed by one Convention, and not by the other, withdraws. rl iie Delegation\\nto Charleston. Personelle of the Georgia Conventions. A Succession of Exciting\\nEvents. Anotlier Great Speech of Mr. Toombs. Pull Down tlie Pillars and\\nBring a Common Ruin. Georgia the Dominant Factor in the Revolution at hand\\nand Toombs its Genius.\\nDuEi G the year 1850 the great conflict between the North and South\\nwas steadily maturing. Public sentiment in regard to slavery was in\\nan inflamed and inflaming condition. The popular pulse tingled at the\\nvery mention of the subject. The Black Republicans of the North\\nwere avowed in their purpose to crush slavery. We had in the South\\nbold open disunionists. In Alabama an association had been estab-\\nlished by the Hon. William L. Yancey, called the Leaguers of the\\nSouth, the motto of which was, A Southern Republic is our only\\nsafety. Alexander H. Stephens, the most conservative leader of the\\nSouth, bade farewell to public life, and thus was eliminated from the\\nnational councils the most prudent, influential and eloqutnit union\\npower we possessed. Mr. Toombs long before had made a burning\\nspeech in the United States Senate that thrilled the country, in which\\nhe daringly declared that unless the aggression upon slavery and the\\nrights of the South ceased, he was for Disunion. The Supreme Court\\nof the United States had decided in the celebrated Dred Scott case that\\nthere was no difference between slave property and other property, and\\na Territory could not discriminate against slaves. Mr. Douglas had\\nplanted himself upon the famous squatter sovereignty doctrine,\\nwhich claimed the right of Territorial legislatures to determine the ques-\\ntion of slavery in the Territories. Mr. DougLis was bitterly abused by", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0141.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "104 SENATOR IVERSON s DISUNION SPEECH.\\na large portion of the Southern Democrats for this doctrine, while Mr.\\nBuchanan was denounced by those who sustained Mr. Douglas.\\nSenator Iverson came home and made a lengthy speech in GriiEn,\\nGeorgia, on the fourteenth day of July, 1859, that created intense and\\nacrimonious discussion. It was a most aggressive Southern Rights\\nspeech. His slogan was, Slavery, it must and shall be preserved.\\nHe denounced the Missouri Compromise which, to save the union,\\nhad divided the national territory into free above and slave\\nbelow a certain line of 36\u00c2\u00b0 30 He denounced the Wilmot Proviso,\\nwhich was to shut out slavery from all the territory acquired from\\nMe.xico. He denounced the famous Compromise measures of 1850,\\nwhich provided for the admission of all new states, with or without slav-\\nery, as their Constitutions might prescribe. He declared all lost at\\nthe North, and the Northern Democracy paralyzed and powerless.\\nHe denounced the Kansas bill which made Kansas a free state. He\\nhad once embraced the squatter sovereignty heresy, but he now\\nrepudiated it, and declared that it was the duty of Congress to protect\\nslavery in the territories. Reading this speech of Mr. Iverson in the\\nlight of events since, it was profoundly prophetic. He declared that\\n1861 would witness the inauguration of a free soil President, and he\\nboldly announced that the election of such a President he should con-\\nsider a declaration of war against slavery, and be in favor of separation\\nand the formation of a Southern Confederacy. He was in favor now\\nof a square defiance to the abolition party, a repudiation of all com-\\npromises, and a distinct unconditional demand for the equality and pro-\\ntection of slave property everywhere.\\nThis speech was widely circulated and heatedly discussed. Mr. Iver-\\nson was charged with pandering to extreme Southern prejudice to get\\nre-elected to the senate. Mr. Stephens but a few days before made his\\nwell remembered speech in Augusta, in retiring to private life, in which\\nhe had declared that the great questions of difference between the\\nNorth and South he considered honorably and finally settled, and the\\ncountry was in a most prosperous condition. He declared that slavery\\nwas firm and secure; that it was getting stronger and will continue to\\nget stronger. He declared the compromise of 1850, which opened the\\nterritories to slavery and left them free to all, was a grand triumph of\\nconstitutional equality. He did not believe that we would have much\\nmore slave country without an increase of African stock. Mr. Stephens\\nwound up with this tribute to the Union: With our common country\\nI leave like good wishes and the earnest hope for undisturbed peace and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0142.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "STEPHENS AND IVEKSON. 105\\nprosperity, and that our institutions unimpaired, national and state, may\\nlong continue to bless millions, yet unborn, as they have blessed us.\\nIt would be difficult to conceive of two utterances of public view and\\npolicy so utterly and absolutely antipodal as these speeches of Mr.\\nStephens and Mr. Iverson. Mr. Stephens saw an era of peace, pros-\\nperity, order, the triumph of slavery and the South, and settled princi-\\nples and a fixed Union. Mr. Iverson read in the public aspects, sectional\\nstrife, hopeless conflict of interest, the victory of abolitionism, con-\\ntinued ag gressions and internecine struggles with the horror of Disunion\\nwhich he demanded in preference to Mr. Stephens settlement. It is\\nbootless now to enter into any comparison of the conflicting views of\\nthese two distinguished and able public men. Both were right in some\\nthings, and both wrong. No fallible human intelligence, however\\nstrong, can grasp the great plans of a Divine Providence. The mighty\\nconvulsion that was to end in the utter uprootal of slavery was swiftly\\nculminating. Under the ordinary human judgment, Mr. Stephens\\nseemed right, and the general Georgia and Southern public sentiment\\nconcurred with him. Mr. Iverson was generally condemned, and there\\nis little doubt that his radical disunion speech lost him his re-election as\\nUnited States Senator. He was marvelously and prophetically right\\nin many things. He did not exaggerate the truth when he said that\\nthere could be no compromise with abolitionism, and there would be no\\nlet up in its war upon slavery. He saw with amazing correctness the\\nnature of the crusade against the slave institution, and he portrayed in\\nwonderfully accurate words the drifting portents of the times. He\\ndiagnosed the coming storm clearer than his more generally sagacious\\ncontemporary. The earthquake was at hand, and he foretold it with a\\nwise wit. He was wonderfully right in another thing. Compromises\\nhad but postponed the day of a square fight for slaverv. The true\\nSouthern policy was to have met the issue at once, and fully to have\\nresisted concession at the begiifning. The battle had to come for its\\nexistence. It would have been wise and politic to have maintained its\\nproud and vital equality against every assault. Concession but\\nstrengthened the enemy. But Mr. Stephens was grandly right in his\\nessentially wise and correct judgment that the proper place to fight\\nabolitionism and defend slavery was In The Union. Every advan-\\ntage was given the North in leaving it the name, the memories, the\\nglory, the organization and sacred power of the Union. The Southern\\npeople were with Mr. Stephens then. Less wise and firm than he, they\\ndid not stay with him when the hour of passion was upon them. And", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0143.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "lOG THE JOHN BROWN RAID.\\nStrange, most strange inconsistency, they repudiated Iverson and liis\\npolicy at its very suggestion, and followed his policy when the con-\\ntingency he predicted came, and disregarded the counsel of the wiser\\nStephens. Iverson was for disunion if a sectional free soil president\\nwas elected, and the State of Georgia condemned the man and de-\\nnounced the suggestion. When the event happened, in accordance\\nwith his prediction, they followed his counsel, though they had buried\\npolitically its author. It was a comical yet a pathetic political incon-\\ngruity.\\nBut none the less did Senator Iverson s speech demonstrate the domi-\\nnant possibilities of revolution alive and flaming unconsciously yet pow-\\nerfully, and growing swiftly in the Southern heart, and working out\\nmysteriously the colossal purposes of Providence. Mr. Toombs, in\\nresponse to an invitation, made a speech in Augusta, September 8, 1859,\\nwhich was a careful, exhaustive and masterly review of the whole sub-\\nject of federal legislation upon slavery, in which he, notwithstanding\\nthe squatter-sovereignty views of Mr. Douglas, from which he differed,\\ndeclared his preference for him. Mr. Toombs also took position against\\nputting- a plank in the Democratic platform demanding the protection\\nof slavery in the Territories. While he believed in the right of Con-\\ngress to do it, he was against the exercise of the power. This speech\\nwas a remarkably conservative one.\\nThere occurred at this time an incident that stimulated sectional pas-\\nsion to fever heat. Old John Brown, or, as he was better known, Ossa-\\nwattamie Brown, of Kansas notoriety, organized a slave insurrection at\\nHarpers Ferrj Virginia. Both the Governor of Virginia, Henry A.\\nWise, and President Buchanan promptly acted in suppressing the mat-\\nter. This occurrence was like the application of a lighted match to a\\npowder magazine. It inflamed the whole country. North and South.\\nIt drove argument and reason from the public forum. The South\\nbelieved that the Harper s Ferry affair was but the small part of a\\ngeneral abolition movement to strike down slavery. In the Georgia\\nLegislature Mr. Hartridge offered a set of resolutions declaring the fixed\\ndetermination of the people of Georgia as to their future course and\\nconduct. Referring to the John Brown raid, they said: Fanaticism\\ngrown bold by impunity has invoked the aid of treason, murder and\\nrapine, has crossed the border, and, advancing upon Southern soil, has\\nspread bloodshed and excitement throughout a Southern State. These\\nbold words of accusation concluded with this resolve:\\nXlie State of Georgia holds herself readv to enter into any concert of action with", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0144.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "TWO STATE DEMOCEATIC CONVENTIONS CALLED. 107\\nthe sister Southern States, which will secure their common rights under the Constitu-\\ntiou lu the Union, or if that be no lunger possible, their independence and securiti/ out\\nof it.\\nMr. Lewis, of Hancock, offered an amendment of bitter defiance that\\nWe do not waive or postpone the conflict which such aggressions seek\\nand provoke, and further, that the history of the past taught us that\\nit is unreasonable to expect the protection of our rights by the Federal\\ngovernment. Resolutions were passed thanking Governor Wise and\\nPresident Buchanan for their prompt action in the matter. These\\nofficial declarations of the General Assembly will afiord some concep-\\ntion of the spirit of the people of Georgia and the crushing drift of\\nsentiment to a dissolution of the Union and Southern independence.\\nThe National Democratic Convention to nominate a Presidential can-\\ndidate was to meet in Charleston, S. C. Already public attention in\\nGeorgia was converging to that important gathering. On the evening\\nof the 21st of November, 1859, a largo portion of the Democratic members\\nof the Legislature met in the Representative Chamber in Milledgeville.\\nPeter Cone presided; James J. Diamond was Secretary. Thomas F.\\nJones, of Newton, offered resolutions, which were adopted, calling a\\nState Convention for the Sth of December to appoint delegates to\\nCharleston. On the 22d of November the State Executive Committee,\\ncomposed of D. C. Campbell, E. J. McGehee, Thos. P. Saffold and S.\\nW. Burney, called the Democratic State Convention for the second\\nMonday in March, 1860. Col. Wm. K. De Graffenreid, of this commit-\\ntee, dissented from the committee and joined the Democratic members\\nof the Legislature in their call for a convention for December, before\\nthe Legislature adjourned. Thus there was a conflict upon this matter.\\nIt seemed as if the unfortunate slavery controversy that was convulsing\\nthe country and so swiftly sweeping to a great upheaval of peace, was\\naffecting everything with its discordant spirit of dissension. The strife\\nin the Georgia Democracy became lively over this twin convention busi-\\nness. The practice had begun as far back as 1842 of the party mem-\\nbers of the Legislatiire calling State Conventions to appoint delegates\\nto the Presidential nominating conventions, and had continued unbro-\\nkenly up to this time. And these State conventions consisted chiefly\\nof the members of the Legislature, who represented their counties in\\nthe convention. If counties were not represented or represented only\\nin part in the Legislature by Democrats, such counties sent other dele-\\ngates. The call of the members, therefore, for the convention of the\\n8th of December was in conformity with precedent, and its advocates", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0145.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "108 THE LEGISLATIVE DEMOCEATIC CONVENTION.\\nclaimed that the Executive Committee could only attend to guberna-\\ntorial contests.\\nThe convention of tlie 8th was held, but was not a full body, only 75\\ncounties out of 133 being represented, while it was a large one. Isaiah\\nT. Irwin was made president, and F. H. West and George Hillyer sec-\\nretaries. The committee on business consisted of Messrs. Seward,\\nDeloney, Smith of Talbot, Printup, Briscoe, Smythe, Oliver, Smith of\\nTowns, Hill, Lawton, Broyles, King, Tracy, Cone, Rice, Fulton, Jones,\\nRagsdale, Hutchins and Morris. The resolutions of the convention\\nrecommended Howell Cobb for the Presidency, endorsed Buchanan for\\nhis course in the Harper s Ferry affair, and\\nPledged support of the nominee of the Charleston convention npoa the condition\\nthat it determines to maintain the equality of the states and the rights of the .South\\nthat we will yield nothing of those rights for the sake of harmony, but will demand a\\nfirm, strict and unqualijied adherence to the doctrines and principles on the subject of\\nslavery, and the rights of the South in the common territories of the Union, which\\nhave been recently declared by the Supreme Court of the United States.\\nThe following delegates were elected to the national convention:\\nFrom the state at large: Isaiah T. Irwin, John H. Lumpkin, H. L.\\nBenning, Henry R. Jackson; alternates, Charles J. McDonald, Thomas\\nButler King, William H. Stiles, O. A. Lochrane.\\nThe district delegates were: James I/. Seward, Julian Hartridge,\\nArthur Hood, J. W. Evans, L. B. Smith, E. Strohecker, James J. Dia-\\nmond, L. H. Featherston, G. J. Fain, W. T. Wofford, William H. Hull,\\nS. J. Smith, J. M. Lamar, L. H. Briscoe, D. C. Barrow, L. A. Nelms.\\nFifty-two Democratic members of the legislature published their dis-\\napproval of the action of the convention in appointing delegates to the\\nCharleston convention and protested against the authority of what they\\ncontemptuously called the meeting to bind the Democratic party.\\nAmong these were William A. Harris, A. S. Atkinson, A. B. Mathews,\\nC. J. Williams, R. N. Ely, and James S. Reed. The two members of\\nthe executive committee in Milledgeville, Col. Campbell and Dr. Mc-\\nGeehee, issued a temperate card stating their reasons for calling the\\nMarch convention and leaving the matter to the party to ratify or dis-\\napprove. Judge Benning, Gov. McDonald, Col. Featherston and Col.\\nLochrane of the delegates selected, declined to recognize the validity of\\ntheir appointment and refused to serve. The papers rushed into a hot\\ncontroversy over the matter. A good deal of temper was shown, and\\nconsiderable recrimination indulged in. Mr. Howell Cobb was charged\\nwith inspiring the late convention and molding its action in the interest", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0146.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "HOWELL COBB FOR PRESIDENT. 109\\nof his presidential ambition. The name of Alexander H. Stephens was\\nsprung by his friends for the Presidency, and a decided antagonism was\\ncreated between the adherents of these distinguished Georgians in con-\\nnection with the glittering prize of the national chief magistracy.\\nHon. William H. Stiles, one of the alternate delegates chosen, wrote\\na letter to the Savannah Exjjress maintaining that the March convention\\nwas the only regular and legitimate one, but suggesting a compromise\\nfor harmony. His plan was for the delegates chosen to resign and the\\nMarch convention to re-appoint them, and show the spectadle of a united\\nDemocracy and a united South. Hon. Howell Cobb wrote a most patri-\\notic and characteristic letter, in which he used this conciliatory language:\\nI can but repeat that my name shall uot dinde and distract the party. If there are\\na sufficient number in the Democratic party of Georgia opposed to my nomination, to\\njustify the idea of serious divisions in the party, then I will unconditionally withdraw\\nmy name. This is no time for divisions in the soutli, and especially with southern Dem-\\nocrats, and any personal sacrifice, which I may be called upon to make, to ensure union\\nand liarmony, shall be cheerfully made.\\nAnd he gave this positive assurance:\\nSo far as I am personally concerned, a demonstration of serious opposition to my\\nnomination from the democracy of Georgia, in any shape or form, or from any conven-\\ntion, would end all connection of my name with the nomination at Charleston.\\nThe position of Mr. Cobb was a peculiar one. He had, as secretary\\nof the treasury under President Buchanan, made a national reputation\\nfor ability and statesmanship. The objection to him in Georgia was\\nformulated in the following words of the Columbus Times: Mr. Cobb\\nis far from being the choice of the Georgia democracy for the presidency,\\nas his extreme Union views are in antagonism with the prevaiUmj senti-\\nment in the Democratic ranks. And this criticism shows the tendency\\nof public opinion to the final dissolution, and that conservative views\\nwere becoming powerless in the seething agitation.\\nMr. Cobb s friends were advised by him. to unite in sending delegates\\nto the March convention, in order that the will of the party might be\\ntested. At the various county meetings the matter was fully discussed,\\nand the opinion was conflicting and varied. In many counties the del-\\negates of the December convention were reappointed. A large number\\nof counties endorsed Mr. Cobb for the presidency. A number expressly\\nrepudiated the action of the December convention. It was a warm\\nissue and it stirred the State violently.\\nThe March Democratic Convention assembled on the 14th, 1860, in Mil-\\nledgeville. Ninety counties of the 132 in the State were represented by", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0147.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "110 THE CONVEXTIOX OF MARCH, 1800.\\n203 delegates. Among these were L. H. Briscoe, L. N. Whittlo, O. A.\\nLochrane, P. Tracy, A. R. Lawton, Julian Hartridge, A. S. Atkinson,\\nL. N. Trammell, D. S. Printup, Soloniqn Cohen, Geo. A. Gordon, Jno.\\nM. Guerard, Gen. G. P. Harrison, W. Phillips, R. N. Ely, J. W. Duncan,\\nC. W. Styles, J. M. Mobley, J. G. Cain, Samuel Hall, T. P. Saffold,\\nPorter Ingram, John A. Jones, P. H. Colquitt, L. J. Aired, Henry Cleve-\\nland, Claiborne Sneed, J. D. Ashton, J. L. Seward, D. N. Speer, C. J.\\nWellborn, George Hillyer, E. P. Howell and E. R. Harden. Of these\\nHenry Cleveland was the editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, a bright\\nwriter, and who since the war has written a life of Alexander H. Stephens.\\nClaiborne Sneed is now judge of the Augusta circuit, and has been a\\nstate representative, a gentleman of talent and force. E. P. Howell is\\nnow the editor of the Atlanta Constitution. He was state senator for\\ntwo terms, and has evinced an extraordinary aptitude for public life, and\\nis a gentleman of great shrewdness and practicality, and is destined\\nto wield a strong public influence. D. N. Speer is the present State\\ntreasurer.\\nHon. Alexander R. Lawton was made president of the convention.\\nThe proceedings continued for two days, were stormy and inharmonious,\\nand finally adjourned, leaving the party in the State angry, rent, and at\\nsea. Of the ninety counties forty-seven repudiated the December con-\\nvention and forty-three sustained it. Of the forty-two counties not\\nrepresented in the convention, twenty-four were represented in the\\nDecember convention. There were eighteen counties not represented\\nin either convention. The forty-three counties in the March convention\\nthat supported the action of the December convention, added to the\\ntwenty-four counties represented in the December convention that were\\nnot represented in the March Convention, made sixty-seven counties, or\\ntwo over half of the counties in the State that favored the December\\naction. These figures will show how the party was split. The resolu-\\ntions 01 the December convention were voted down, thus throwing over\\nMr. Cobb and leaving the party without any enunciation of principle.\\nThe same delegates at large were appointed, but the alternates were\\ndifferent save ex-Gov. McDonald alone; Hiram Warner, Solomon Cohen\\nand J. A. Wingfiold being the three others in place of King, Stiles and\\nLochrane. Four delegates from each district were chosen by the dele-\\ngates of the respective districts. These were:\\n1st. J. L. Seward, J. Hartridge, H. M. Moore, ^\\\\m. B. Gaulden.\\n2nd. W. Johnson, John A. Jones, Wm. M. Slaughter, Jas. M. Clark.\\n3rd. E. L. Strohecker, L. B. Smith, O. C. Gibson, E. J. McGeehee.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0148.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0149.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "I", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0150.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "HOWELL conn s withdrawal. Ill\\n4th. J. J. Diamond, L. H. Featherston, W. Phillips, S. C. Candler.\\n5th. G. J. Fain, W. T. Wofford, James Hoge, Lawson Fields.\\n6th. \\\\Vm. H. Hull, S. J. Smith, H. P. Thomas, A. Franklin Hill.\\n7th. L. H. Briscoe, Jefferson Lamar, J. W. Burney, James Thoming.\\n8th. L. A. Nelms, D. C. Barrow, J. D. Ashton, H. R. Casey.\\nAlternates from tlxe districts were also appointed. The district dele-\\ngates of the December convention were all re-appointed save Arthur\\nHood and J. W. Evans. The alternates were nearly all different. An\\nimportant resolution offered by Julian Hartridge, and unanimously\\nadopted, provided for the appointment of an Executive Committee by\\nthe President of the convention with power to call all conventions of\\nthe Democratic party of Georgia, and to exercise all the other powers\\nbelonging to such committee until another convention meets. This\\nestablished the practice that has been uninterruptedly followed since of\\nthe appointment of an Executive Committee empowered fully to repre-\\nsent the party until another convention and the creation of a new com-\\nmittee. And Mr. Hartridge s resolution was intended to remedy the\\ndisastrous party difficulty, whose effects were being experienced in the\\nexisting widespread dissension. The committee appointed consisted of\\nPorter Ingram, A. S. Atkinson, P. Tracy, C. Murphy, D. S. Printup, S.\\nJ. Smith, L. H. Briscoe, and Henry Cleveland.\\nThe action of the convention in refusing to adopt the action of the\\nDecember body urging Mr. Cobb for the Presidency, and failing to\\nmake a declaration of sentiment and policy, was a most unfortunate mat-\\nter, and left a deep breach in the party. Mr. Cobb, in accordance with\\nhis published declarations previously made, addressed a letter to the\\nPresident of the December convention, Mr. Irwin, unconditionally with-\\ndrawing his name from the canvass for the presidency. His letter\\nwas a very graceful and appropriate one, in admirable temper and full\\nof patriotic feeling. ^Vhile he claimed for the convention that endorsed\\nhim absolute party legality, yet he waived all question of regularitv.\\nHe only regarded the party will. He frankly owned that while a major-\\nity of the state Democracy supported him, there was a decided opposi-\\ntion to him. The connection of his name with the nomination was\\ncalculated to produce discord where there should be harmony, and he\\ntherefore withdrew it. The letter was a model of its kind, and its\\nnoble spirit and lofty utterances, so free from the slightest tinge of\\nirritation or disappointment, placed him higher than ever in popular\\nesteem. He wound up with a reference to the approaching contest, in\\nwhich a fanatical enemy was striving to seize the Federal g overnment", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0153.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "112 ROBERT TOOMBs GREAT DISUNION SPEECH.\\nto bring dishonor upon the South. To overthrow this enemy, and save\\nthe government and the South from dishonor and ruin, which would fol-\\nlow the successful inauguration of a Black Republican administration,\\nwas our duty. Union and harmony were necessary to do this, and to\\nthem he should contribute all he could with the confident hope of being\\nfully and cordially sustained by the people of Georgia,\\nAt this time the tendency to peace between the sections was not at\\nall helped by a brilliant, daring and masterly speech of Robert Toombs\\nin the United States Senate, on a resolution offered by Stephen A.\\nDouglas directing the judiciary committee to report a bill for the pro-\\ntection of each State and Territory against invasion by the authorities of\\nevery other state and territory. Mr. Toombs made a terrible arraignment\\nof the Black Republican party. He said that the country was virtually\\nin civil war; that a large body of the Senators before him were enemies\\nof his country, and were using their official power to assail and destroy\\nthe institutions of the states. We demand peace or war. Reviewing\\nthe action of the Republican party in regard to slavery, he asserted that\\nthe Republican hands were soiled with the blood of our constitutional\\ncompact. They mocked at constitutional obligations and jeered at\\noaths. They had lost their shame with their virtue. The speech was a\\nscorching, splendid piece of invective, but it was more, it was a pro-\\nfound, exhaustive and unanswerable argument, welded like an iron bar.\\nGathering vehemence as he concluded, this audacious Mirabeau thun-\\ndered these unforgivable words at his colleagues of the opposite party\\nrepresenting millions of Northern people.\\nI denounce the Republican party as enemies of the Constitution and enemies of ray\\ncountry, and I shall tre.at them as such. I submit it to the judgment of tlie Senate,\\nthe country and tlie civilized world, if according to the public law of all civilized na-\\ntions, we have not just cause of war against our confederates.\\nThe impassioned orator then declared that with the success of the\\ntraitorous Republican party peace and safety are incompatible in\\nthe Union, and concluded with these burning words:\\nListen to no vain babblings, to no treacherous jargon about overt acts they have\\nalready lieen committed. Defend j ourselves, the enemy is at your door wait not to\\nmeet liim at tlie hearthstone meet him at the door-sill and drive him from the temple\\nof liberty, or pull down its pillars and involve liim in a common ruin.\\nThe effect of these fiery and war-like utterances was simply indescrib-\\nable. They rendered peace impossible. They frrenzied the Republi-\\ncans, they enthused our own hot-heads beyond restraint. They drove\\non the revolution by a million-spirit power. Coming from a Senator,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0154.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "THE REVOLUTION AT HAND. 113\\nspoken in the great and august forum of the national Senate Chamber\\nrepresenting the solemn sentiment and grand majesty of a sovereign\\nstate, they were tremendous expressions. They made a peaceful solu-\\ntion of the impending strife an impossibility. They made the State of\\nGeorgia the dominant factor of the strife, and the foremost and control-\\nling agency of the Revolution. It booted little that such conservative\\nand Union instruments as Stephens and Johnson were stemming the\\ndeadly drift. The spirit of discord was regnant. It had sundered the\\nGeorgia Democracy, and in that unhappy division had shorn the rising\\nCobb of his power and promise. It was not an undramatic coincidence\\nthat while Georgia was foremost in her influence in the national coun-\\ncils through her imperious Toombs, and was potentially stimulating the\\nthreatening disunion, she had two prominent candidates for the Presi-\\ndency of the Union, the most prominent of whom she herself slaugh-\\ntered. But a higher power was ruling the destinies of nations. Tiie\\ngreat revolution was at hand, and our Georgia Toombs was its genius.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0155.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIV.\\nTHE FATAL SPLIT OF THE NATIONAL AND GEORGIA\\nDEMOCRACY, IN 1860.\\nThe Charleston Convention. The Georgia Delegation Sundered. A Majority led by\\nII. L. Benning, secede. A Minority Remain. Solomon Colien. William B. Gaul-\\nden the Lion of Liberty. Georgia Democracy Riven like the Delegates. A\\nvivid Batch of Letters on tlie Split from Hiram Warner, Howell Cobb, .Josejjii\\nE. Brown, A. II. Stephens, Peter E. Love, Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson .and\\nE. A. Nisliet. Brown s cool Practical, View. The strange Reversals of Howell\\nCobb, and H. V. Jolmson. Tiie Constitutional Union Convention. Its persouelle.\\nTlie Democratic Convention. Its Personclle. A Volcanic Session and a Burst\\nup. A National State Democratic State Convention organized. Two sets of\\nDelegates to Baltimore. Discord Rife. The Disunion Drift Irresistible. Tlie\\nBaltimore Convention. Georgia Refused to go in. Douglas and H. V. Johnson\\nNominated. Tlie National State Right s Convention organized. Breckenridge and\\nLane Nominated. The Deadly Work Done. The Democracy in Fragments and\\nthe Revolution Sure.\\nStaetling events sped swiftly in Georgia, as in the Union, in tliis cru-\\ncial year of 1800. The Charleston Convention met on the 23d of April\\nand continued in turbulent session until the 2nd day of May, when it\\nadjourned without making a nomination, to reassemble in Baltimore on\\nthe 18th of June. Some 57 ballots were taken, Mr. Douglas leading\\nwith 152^ out of 319, but unable to get more. The platform was hotly\\ncontested. Three reports were made by the committee on platform.\\nOne was the majority report made by the members of fifteen Southern\\nstates and the two states of Oregon and California, being seventeen of\\nthe thirty-three members of the committee. This report presented the\\nCincinnati platform with some additional resolutions declaring the\\nequal right of slave property in the territories and the duty of Congress\\nto protect it. The Cincinnati platform declared for non-interference by\\nCongress with slavery in the territories. The majority report went be-\\nyond the Cincinnati platform in declaring it the duty of Congress to\\nprotect slave property in the territories. Two minority reports were\\npresented, one offering the Cincinnati platform with some resolutions\\nsimply condemning interference with the fugitive slave law, but leaving\\nout the protection of slave property in the territories. The last minor-\\nity report was adopted, which was the squatter sovereignty progrannne", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0156.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "THE CHARLESTON CONVENTIOX. 115\\nof Mr. Douglas. On the defeat of the majority report and the adop-\\ntion of the minority report, the delegates of Alabama, Mississippi,\\nFlorida, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas and a part of those from Dela-\\nware, seceded from the convention under lead of William L. Yancey of\\nAlabama. The Georgia delegation obtained leave to retire, to consult\\nas to their course, and split into fragments. A majoi-ity, consisting of\\nJunius Wingfield, Henry L. Benning, Henry R. Jackson, J. M. Clark,\\nWilliam M. Slaughter, John A. Jones, D. C. Barrow, J. J. Diamond, A.\\nFranklin Hill, E. L. Strohecker, O. C. Gibson, H. P. Thomas, P. Tracy,\\nJ. M. Lamar, E. J. McGeehee, George Hillyer, Mark Johnson, E. R.\\nHarden, J. H. Lumpkin, J. G. Fain, James Hoge and W. J. Johnson,\\nwithdrew from the convention as a duty, as they declared. I. T. Irvyin,\\nW. H. Hull, L. H. Briscoe and Julian Hartridge withdrew in obedience\\nto the vote of the majority. The balance of the delegation remained to\\nshare in the proceedings, consisting of Solomon Cohen, Hiram Warner,\\nJ. W. Burney, William B. Gaulden, James L. Seward, James Thomas,\\nS. C. Candler, J. A. Render, L. A. Nelms, and Henry Cleveland.\\nMr. Solomon Cohen made a speech explaining his position. Mr.\\nCohen was a leading- citizen of Savannah, who was at one time Post-\\nmaster, a gentleman of high social standing and considerable speaking\\nability. He and his colleagues, while in sympathy with the seceders in\\nprinciple, remained behind hoping that a better spirit might prevail and\\njustice be done to the South by the Northern Democrats. Mr. Mont-\\ngomery of Pennsylvania, replied that he was willing for the Southern\\nmembers to retire, if they wished, and that the majority of the conven-\\ntion had made up their minds and would not change. Upon this Col.\\nWm. B. Gaulden, who enjoyed the soubriquet of the Roaring Lion of\\nLiberty County, arose and made a speech that convulsed the conven-\\ntion with laughter. He denounced protection to slavery as a humbug,\\nand said he intended to stand by his Northern brethren until the last\\nday, late in the evening. He then branched into an unqualified sup-\\nport of the African slave trade. But the fragment of the delegation\\nwere not permitted to vote, on the ground that the state delegation\\nwas instructed to vote as a unit. Mr. Seward had previously attempted\\nto cast his individual vote, and the resolution of the Georgia Conven-\\ntion upon the matter had been discussed, and the unit rule had been de-\\nclared to apj:)ly to the Georgia delegation. Mr. Cohen vainly protested\\nagainst the disfranchisement and denounced it as a usurpation.\\nThe seceding members of the Charleston Convention, including most\\nof the majority part of the Georgia delegation, formed a separate con-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0157.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "116 VIEWS OF DISTINGUISHED GEORGIANS.\\nvention, and ciillotl a Convention for the 2nd Monday in Juno, in Rieli-\\nniond.\\nThe course of the Georijia delojiation created a profound fcelinsT at\\nhome. The minority of the delegation issued a brief card explaining\\ntheir course, and stating that they did not feel at liberty to bolt the\\nconvention and disrupt the party. The majority published a more\\nlengthy address, signed by Ileni-y L. Benning, tlic chairman of the\\ndelegation, elaborately arguing the whole question. They wound up\\nthis very able paper with the statement that some of the Northern dele-\\ngates had shown a disposition to modify the platform, and there was\\nsome hope of this. They advised that a State Convention be called,\\nand that such convention appoint delegates to both the Richmond\\nand Baltimore conventions. The Executive Committee of the party\\nissued a call for a state convention to assemble in Jlilledgeville, the 4th\\nday of .Tune. A number of gentlemen of Macon, Robert Collins, John\\nJ. Greshain, James W. Armstrong and others, addressed a letter to the\\nleading public men of the State, expressing alarm at the rupture of the\\nCharleston Convention and asking their views of the situation. Re-\\nplies were received from Hiram Warner, Howell Cobb, Joseph E.\\nBrown, A. H. Stephens, Peter E. Love, Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson\\nand Eugenius A. Nesbit.\\nJudge Warner had been one of the staying delegates in the Charleston\\nconvention. His letter was an incisive one. Believing the democratic\\norganization of the Union to afford the best guarantee for the preser-\\nvation of our rights, ho resisted j\\\\Ir. Yancey s bold attempt to destroy it.\\nBelieving also in the doctrine of congressional non-intervention, and\\nhaving thought the Cincinnati platform a good one in 1856, he deemed\\nit a good one in 18G0, and declared the bolt from the Charleston con-\\nvention to have been based upon a flimsy jirete.vt. Howell Cobb fully\\nendorsed the action of the seceding delegates, and said that the democ-\\nracy of the state should sustain -them. Every state whose delegates\\nwere for the majority platform was a democratic state, and the other\\nsixteen states were republican. The nomination of Jlr. Douglas he\\ncondemned. He suggested a state convention that should reappoint\\nthe same delegates to go to both Baltimore and Richmond, and advised\\na postponement of the Richmond convention until after attempt was\\nexhausted at Baltimore to unite the party. The letter of Mr. Stephens\\nwas such an one as might be expected from him, calm, dispassionate, firm,\\nstatesmanlike. Ho argued that non-intervention had been the estab-\\nlished policy of the party. He had not favored it orig-inally, but had", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0158.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "EOEERT TOOMDS LKTTER. 117\\nacquiesced in it, and now thouglit we should abide it. A convention\\nshould be called and delegates sent to Baltimore. Tlie demand of the\\nseceders should be withdrawn and nomination of a good man made. If\\nwe were determined to quarrel with the North on general account, base\\nit on the aggressive acts of our enemies and not the supposed short-\\ncoming s of our friends. He repeated his previously expressed views of\\n.the impregnability of the slave institution. Mr. Toombs wrote a char-\\nacteristic letter, short, pithy, snapping like a pistol shot, with consider-\\nable moderation ostensibly, but holding the sword in a gloved hand.\\nThe seceding delegates should meet at Baltimore with the adjourned\\nconvention and endeavor to affect an adjustment. If this adjustment\\ncould not be made the Richmond convention could be held with clearer\\nlight for its guidance. If such a policy as he urged met with any\\nconsiderable opposition in Georgia, let a party convention be called to\\ntake action. The reserve hostility of this sententious letter was seen,\\nhowever, in the significant acknowledgment that he was jsurposely\\nyielding nothing, with the ultimate idea of demanding everything, and\\nthe unqualified declaration that, he never could give his assent that there\\nwas any rightful power anywhere to exclude slave property from the\\nterritorial domain. He wound up with the suggestive and pregnant\\nsentences:\\nOur greatest danger, to day, is that the Union will survire the Constitution.\\nLook at tlie preserv ation of your rights. The Union has more friends tlian you ha\\\\e,\\nand will la.st*as ivng, at least, as its continuance will be compatible with your safety.\\nMr. Love would not have advised secession, but did not condemn the\\nseceders. The seceders should go back to Baltimore and try to harmo-\\nnize. Ex-Gov. Johnson s letter was a long and able one, a model of\\nrhetoric and argument. He took the same view that Mr. Stephens did.\\nNon-intervention was the accepted policy of the party. A demand for\\nintervention was unnecessary, while intervention was valueless and of\\nquestionable right, and doubtful policy. He had opposed the compro-\\nmise of 1850, Vjut he was now for sticking to it. It was a matter of\\nhonor to stand to the compact. He advised calling a convention to\\ndetermine our policy, and send delegates to Baltimore. Let us save the\\nnational democracy to destroy Seward and his myrmidons. Judge E.\\nA. Nesbit wrote a mo.st positive, out-spoken letter and a strong one.\\nHe condemned the action of the seceders, and repudiated the Richmond\\nconvention. He asserted that some of the bolters of the other states\\nhad purposely seceded to split the party and disrupt the LTnion. He\\nwas against intervention as inconsistent, in bad faith, dishonorable, crip-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0159.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "118 LETTER OF GOVERNOR UROWX.\\npling to the northern democracy, unsound in constitutional principle,\\ncarrying the dangerous right to strike down slavery, and unavailing.\\nHe urged a convention and sending delegates to Baltimore, regardless\\nof the Charleston action, to harmonize the party.\\nThe letter of Joseph E. Brown was just such a cool, clear, practical\\ncommon-sense, conclusive view of the perplexing subject as might have\\nbeen expected from the man. It embodied a simple solution of the\\nproblem in his plain business waj-. Ascribing the discord to the per-\\nsonal ambition and animosity of leaders, and claiming that the masses\\nof the Democracy were true to the constitution, both North and South,\\nhe proceeded to discuss the situation. Making no reflection upon the\\nGeorgia delegates who seceded or those that remained in the conven-\\ntion, he ascribed good motives to both, and believed that the difference\\nproperly used could be turned to benefit. As an abstract question, he\\nbelieved in the right to protection of slave property in the Territories.\\nThe wisdom and utility- of making an issue on it was another question,\\nand it would seem tor be wise to wait until an occasion rises, which\\nmight never happen, before making such an issue. The Democratic\\ndoctrine heretofore had been 7ion-)ntcrve)itio)i bj- Congress. The\\ntrouble now was over an attempt to put a new plank in the platform\\nof the party. Men might honestly differ on the expediency of such an\\ninnovation. It had been said that the Democratic construction. North\\nand South, was different on the Cincinnati platform. The answer to\\nthis was that the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case had decided the\\nprinciple, and the Northern wing of the party was willing to recognize\\nthe decision of the Supreme Court as the correct exposition. This\\nshould be a satisfactory settlement of the issue. He urged a State Con-\\nvention of men of age and experience, to discuss and decide the matter\\nwithout passion or crimination. Let delegates be sent to Baltimore and\\naccept the Cincinnati platform with the additional resolution that the\\nNorthern Democracy was willing to offer, recognizing the binding force\\nand correct exposition of the Supreme Court decision, or something\\nsimilar, and the trouble would be healed. The Democratic party alone\\npresented any hope for the South in the contest with the Black Repub-\\nlican party, and we should cling to it. It will be time enough for the\\nRichmond Convention when harmony at Baltimore on the ground indi-\\ncated fails.\\nThese were a masterly vivid group of letters, and strangely variant.\\nThere were some curious changes indicated by them, the most notable\\nbeinsr that Howell Cobb and Herschell V. Johnson, who had been in", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0160.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "THE STATE CONSTITUTIONAL UNION CONVENTION. 119\\n1850 SO opposed, Cobb being the Union representative and Johnson the\\npronounced Southern Rights champion, had completely reversed posi-\\ntions. Cobb was the Southern Rights advocate, and squarely defending\\nthe seceders from the Charleston Convention; while Johnson con-\\ndemned them and stood the Conservative exponent. Douglas and\\nBuchanan were very hostile, and Cobb, as a member of Buchanan s\\nCabinet, naturally antagonized Douglas and his platform. It was at\\nthe time charged that the Presidential aspirations of both Cobb and\\nJohnson somewhat controlled them in that exciting crisis.\\nThe conflict of opinion among the leaders was the outcome of the\\npopular agitation. The State was convulsed over this great political\\nissue. In many localities there was a fiery feeling. A duel occurred\\nbetween Dr. Holmes and Mr. Nelms about the burning of the staying\\ndelegates in eflSgy, in which Mr. Nelms was wounded.\\nThe opposition had been for some time showing activity. The party\\nwas disorganized, but still vital. The Chronicle and Sentinel made a\\nsuggestion that met with favor and was soon adojsted, of rebaptizing\\nthe party under the name of the Constitutional Union Party.\\nA Convention was called and held in Milledgeville on the 2d of May,\\n1860. Gen. John W. A. Sanford was made President, and John Mil-\\nledge and Dr. R. A. T. Ridley, Vice-Presidents; C. R. Hanleiter, L. F.\\nW. Andrews and C. H. C. Willingham were Secretaries. Forty-four\\ncounties only were represented by 111 delegates. Among the leading\\nmembers were A. H. Kenan, R. M. Orme, Clifford Anderson, M. W.\\nLewis, R. L. ilcWhorter, D. W. Lewis, R. P. Trippe, C. H. Hopkins,\\nG. E. Thomas, P. Reynolds, John Milledge, Ranse Wright, C. A. Evans\\nand B. H. Bigham.\\nThe resolutions adopted pledged the partj^ to co-operate with all men\\nwho believed in the duty of the government to protect slave property\\nin the territories, and that any legislation to defeat the fugitive slave\\nlaw was unconstitutional. An E.xecutive Committee was made of J. W.\\nA. Sandford, C. H. Hopkins, H. Holt, L. F. W. Andrews, R. A. T. Ridley,\\nDr. H. V. M. Miller, Dr. S. H. Freeman, D. W. Lewis and John Miller.\\nDelegates were appointed to a National Constitutional Union Conven-\\ntion at Baltimore, of whom those for the state at large were Dr. R. A.\\nT. Ridley, Joshua Hill, A. R. Wright and J. C. S. Lee. The Chairman\\nin his speech of thanks declared that the Democratic party that had\\ncontrolled the country so long with a blundering policy was discordant,\\nand could not even be held together by the cohesive power of public\\nplunder. Good men must now rally to save the country. The resolu-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0161.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "120 THE STATE DEMOCRATIC COXVEXTIOX OF JUXE, 1861.\\ntions of this convention were ignored by the Constitutional Union Con-\\nvention of Baltimore, which nominated the Hon. John Bell of Tennes-\\nsee, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts, as its Presidential ticket.\\nThe Republican party had also nominated at Chicago Abe Lincoln of\\nIllinois for President, and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine for Vice-President,\\nupon a platform that declared the territories free, and denied the right\\nof Congress or any other power to give legal existence to slaverv in any\\nterritory. The issue thus made was clear and distinct. It was more,\\nit was defiant and aggressive.\\nThe Democratic Convention of June the -Ith, 18G0, was looked to with\\nprofound interest. One hundred and twelve counties were represented\\nby three hundred and forty delegates. It was a large body and in point\\nof ability a strong one. Among the delegates were L. H. Briscoe, P.\\nTracy, J. Hartridge, W. H. Stiles, H. R. Jackson, S. Cohen, Howell\\nCobb, N. Tift, J. H. Lumpkin, B. C. Yancey, T. C. Howard, Thos.\\nButler King, W. H. Dabney, W. E. Simmons, Herschell V. Johnson,\\nSaml. Hall, Hiram Warner, T. P. Saffold, A. H. Chappell, J. ^yingfield,\\nT. L. Guerry, A. Hood, Jas. Gardner, .Julian Cumming, M^ W.\\n^Montgomery, W. A. Hawkins, T. M. Furlow, H. K. ilcCoy, J. C.\\nMaund, J. L. Seward, George Hillyer, C. W. Styles, J. S. Hook, R. L.\\nWarthen, B. D. Evans, J. C. Nichols, I. T. Irwin.\\nThe President was T. L. Guerry. The chairman of the Business\\nCommittee was Wm. H. Stiles. On this committee were both Howell\\nCobb and Herschell V. Johnson. A majority and minority report were\\nboth made, the latter signed by H. V. Johnson, Thos. P. Saffold, H. K.\\nMcCoy, and A. Colvard. The majority report took imperative ground\\nfor the protection of slavery in the territories, endorsed the seccders\\nfrom the Charleston Convention and reappointed the entire delegation\\nto the Charleston Convention, to represent the State in the Baltimore\\nConvention, and if the slavery programme was not adopted there to go\\ninto the Richmond Convention. The minority report reaffirmed the\\nCincinnati platform with an additional resolution declaring that slave\\nproperty was entitled to the same legal recognition in the territories as\\nany other propertj and the right could not be impaired by Congress or\\na territorial govenimont. The minority report further provided for a\\nnew delegation to Baltimore.\\nThe session of the convention continued two da^-s. The discussion\\nupon the reports was intense and elaborate. T. P. Saffold, Howell\\nCobb, J. L. Seward, Dr. .J. Branham, B. C. Yancey, James Gardner, H.\\nV. Johnson and Henry R. Jackson all spoke. Several of the speeches", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0162.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "THE CONVENTION SPLITS UP. 121\\nwere very able. E.x-Gov. Johnson began liis speech before the noon\\nadjournment of the second day, and concluded it after dinner. His\\nspeech was powerfully begun and a master-piece of argument and elo-\\nquence. Even his opponents acknowledged its magnificent power.\\nBut what slight causes can affect human effort. Wearied at the close\\nof the morning session, and unable from the strain upon him to eat any\\ndinner, he took a glass of wine upon an empty stomach to strengthen\\nhimself, and it sickened him, rendering the continuation of his speech\\nso difficult that its diminution of vigor was marked. Jackson and Cobb\\nboth made strong efforts for the majority report. The Convention was\\nnearly one-sided. The majority report was adopted by a vote of 298f\\nyeas to 41 J oays.\\nThe minority of the Convention then entered a protest against the\\nmajority report thus adopted on the grounds that it asserted proposi-\\ntions that were in violation of the established Democratic doctrine of\\nnon-intervention, and that would disrupt the National Convention; that\\nit by implication condemned the delegates who did not secede at\\nCharleston; and that its appointment of delegates to Richmond de-\\ntached this Convention practically from the National Democracy.\\nAmong others this protest was signed by James Gardner, George W.\\nLamar, T. P. Saffold, J. L. Seward, Hiram Warner and Jas. S. Hook.\\nThe minority of the convention, also, immediately organized what\\nthey called A National Democratic State Convention, of which Hiram\\nWarner was made president. Twenty-four counties with 63 delegates\\nwere represented. In addition to the delegates above mentioned as\\nprotesting against the majority report there were H. V. Johnson, Jas.\\nA. Nisbet, Jas. T. Nisbet, A. E. Cochrane, .1. W. Duncan, A. H.Chappell,\\nJulian Gumming, W. W. Montgomery and others. A full set of dele-\\ngates were appointed to the Baltimore convention, and the minoritv\\nreport was unanimously adopted. The delegates selected were:\\nState at large. H. V. Johnson, James Gardner, Absalom H. Chappell\\nand Hiram Warner.\\nDistrict Ueler/ates. 1st, J. L. Seward, Wm. B. Gauklen; 2d, R.\\nWhitely, B. Y. Martin; 3d, N. Bass, S. W. Burney; 4th, J. P. Hamble-\\nton, S. C. Candler; 5th, A. R. Wright, H. P. Farrow.; 6th, R. McMillan,\\nJ. P. Simmons; 7th, T. P. Saffold, J. Thomas; 8th, L. A. Nelms, A. C.\\nWalker.\\nA committee of three, consisting of H. V. Johnson, Jas. A. Nisbet\\nand Nathan Bass, was appointed to issue an address to the people of\\nGeorgia, explaining their action. The address evidently emanated from", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0163.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "122 THE BALTIMORE CONVEXTIOX OF ISW).\\nthe brain of Gov. Johnson. It was a compact, vigorous, polished paper,\\nblending force and finish. The minority report, it said, was admitted\\nby the majority to be sound in principle, and onlj- differed from the\\nmajority in not demanding the undemocratic doctrine of intervention.\\nIt also refused to recognize the sectional convention at Richmond. The\\nmajorit} report denationalized the Georgia democracy and made it a\\nprobable conclusion that the State would not be received in the national\\nconvention. The minority had appointed delegates upon a sound unob-\\njectionable platform, and if the majority delegates were rejected the\\nminority delegates would attempt to prevent Georgia from being unrep-\\nresented. The address made no censures upon anj- one, but candidly\\ndeclared that it believed, that the urging of the doctrine of intervention\\nwas unwise, and fraught with danger to the national democracy and to\\nthe best interests of the South.\\nIt will be seen how every step of events in Georgia during this year\\nwas marked by unhealed and growing divisions. The spirit of discord\\nwas rife, and the drift to disunion was steady and irresistible. Men\\neither could not or would not harmonize, though harmony was so easy.\\nLooking at the differences at this long distance, out of the fever of\\nthose days, one wonders, with the terrific contingency of a disruption\\nof the part}- and its certain and immeasurable results of evil, that as\\nsensible men as there were in control of matters, did not fix a settlement\\nof the party divisions. There can be but one explanation. There were\\nenough disunionists to drive party disintegration as the sure agency of\\nnational dissolution. The abolitionists of the north were equally\\nresolved to extirpate slavery, and furnished the needed stimulus of a\\nbiting and incessant provocation. Conservative men were powerless,\\nand a moderate policy impossible in the heated temper of the era.\\nThe Richmond convention met and adjourned until the 21st of June,\\n1860. The Baltimore convention assembled. Both Georgia delegations\\napplied for admission. The committee of credentials finally made\\nmajority and minority reports. The majority report favored the admis-\\nsion of both delegations with a division of Georgia s vote, and the\\nadmission of contesting delegations in place of seceders from the other\\nSouthern states. The minority report favored the admission of all the\\nseceding delegations. The convention admitted the seceding Georgia\\ndelegation headed by H. L. Benning, and rejected the national demo-\\ncratic delegation headed by James Gardner. The seceding delegations\\nfrom the other states were rejected and new ones admitted. Delegations\\nfrom Alabama and Louisiana were not admitted at all. Upon this", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0164.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "THE NATIONAL DEMOCRACY EIVEX. 123\\naction the Georgia delegation refused to go in, and the majority of tlie\\ndelegations from Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, California and\\nOregon withdrew from the convention, and Delaware declined to take\\nany part for the present. Missouri alone was entirelj represented from\\nthe south, and a few delegates remained from A irginia, North Carolina\\nand Tennessee. The party rupture was complete. There was no hope\\nof reconciliation. The disintegration proceeded. Kentucky withdrew.\\nThe majority of the Massachusetts delegation went out. Hon. Caleb\\nGushing, the president of the convention, resigned, because his state of\\nMassachusetts was thus unrepresented. One hundred and ninety dele-\\ngates were left, a new chairman was chosen, and Stephen A. Douglas\\nnominated for President, and Gov. Fitzpatrick of Alabama for Vice\\nPresident. Fitzpatrick wisely declined. In Washington on the 2.5th,\\nthe Douglas delegates selected Herschell Johnson of Georgia in his\\nplace, who accepted.\\nThe seceders immediately organized a National State Rights Conven-\\ntion. Hon. Caleb Cushing was made president. Two hundred and ten\\ndelegates, representing twentj -one states, and 284 votes, constituted\\nthe convention. The states were Vermont, Massachusetts, New York,\\nPennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South\\nCarolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiania, Mississippi, Texas,\\nArkansas, Missouri, Tennessee, Kentucky, California and Oregon. The\\nmajoritj report of the Charleston convention was adopted, and John C.\\nBreckenridge of Kentucky was nominated for President, and Joseph\\nLane of Oregon for Vice-President.\\nThe fatal work was done. The democratic party in the very height\\nof its power was stricken down by its own hand. The only constitution-\\nloving political organization in the country that had the popular confidence\\ndeliberately enacted its own disintegration, and turned the government\\nover to a sectional party. The result was a foregone conclusion. Split\\ninto warring fragments, the otherwise irresistible strength of the democ-\\nracy was wasted, and a minoritj party, the Black Republican, regardless\\nof constitutions, but battling against slavery on grounds of humanity,\\nhad an easy victory. In the light of common sense the democratic\\ndivision was a mad piece of policy, useless and destructive. In the\\nillumination of a Providential purpose, it was the means to a great end,\\nto be worked out through a travail, which, if it could have been foreseen,\\nwould have frightened back the consummation. The democratic rupture\\nat Baltimore was the practical inception of the revolution.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0165.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XV.\\nTHE^ MOMENTOUS CLOSE OF THE LAST YEAR OF PEACE,\\n1800.\\nA Jlatcliless State Prosperit} Brown s Grovvtii in Public Esteem. Tlie Gallaglier\\nKifle.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 D. A. Walker. H. V. Johnson s Up-hill Campaign. Electoral Tickets for\\nBreckenridge. Douglas and Bell. The State convulsed. Francis S. Bartow and\\nhis flaming Speech. An Era of Delirium. An Epoch of Eloquence. Georgia s\\nGalaxy of Orators. Varnev Gaskill s Expulsion. No Popular Election in (Seorgia.\\nThe Legislature. Gov. Brown s Message. A Bold Paper. Preparation for War\\nUrged. Retaliatory Legislation recommended. A Convention advised. Tlie Leg-\\nislature elected t/ie Breckenridge Ticket. Tlie Secession Convention called. Ten\\nThousand Troops autliorized. Money Alarmed. Business Shocked. Brown s Bit-\\nter Battle witli tlie Legislature over tlie Bank Que.stion. Gov. Brown opposed Sus-\\npension. Bill Passed. Veto. Bill Passed over Veto. House Attacked Governor.\\nUnquailing Message in Keply. Resolutions of Censure by House. A Universal\\nFighting Time. Brown an Unyielding Foe. He Denounced the Censure and\\nScathed the House. The Electoral Ticket call for Gov. Brown s Views on the\\nCrisis. A Strong Keply.\\nAmid all thi.s trouble in Georgia over Federal politics, the state con-\\ntinued to progress in prosperity under the matchless administration of\\nGov. Brown. He took no active part in national matters, but devoted\\nhimself with his accustomed zeal and vigilance, to the details of state\\ng overnment. He steadily grew in popular esteem, and daily widened his\\nreputation and influence. He continued to deal with state questions,\\npromptly and masterfully. The state road was made to pay increasing\\nmonthly installments into the state treasury. The pardon power was\\nrarely exercised. The surplus in the treasury, placed there by his\\nsuperb management, was devoted to taking up bonds not due, and thus\\ndiminishing the public debt and ta.xation.\\nAMiile he was not an active participant in the political tumult of the\\nday, he was a close observer of events, and had a keen, practical eye to\\nthe future and held in consideration the needs of the state. He foresaw\\nthe coming conflict, and was for preparing for it. Some Savannah gen-\\ntlemen. Dr. M. J. Gallagher and W. H. Gladding, had invented a rifle.\\nGov. Brown had it tested with a view to its manufacture and distribu-\\ntion in the state. Mr. Eli McConnell and John Jones made a competi-\\ntive trial with it, upon twelve inch planks an inch apart. This rifle beat", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0166.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0167.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0168.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "II. V. .rOIIXSOX FOB VICE-PRESinEXT. 1 3,3\\nboth the Sharpc and JFinie weapons. Gov. Brown v/rote as follows\\nabout it to Dr. Gallagher and Jlr. .J. U. Delannoy.\\nRecent events liave, I think, satisfied the southern people th.Tt it is wise for them to\\narm. I liave hut little confidence in liigh-soundinfr speeches and resolutions. We must\\nmeet aggression iu future hy energetic preparation and prompt action. The legislature\\nwhich places your Georgia Rifle or some otlier first rate arm in the hand of every\\nperson in the state, qualified to do military duty, will liave done more to protect the\\nSouth against aggressiou tlian li.is heeu done by all the resolutions of its predecessors.\\nTlie argument is already exhausted. Let us have no more coiiipromisis, and if the full\\nmeasure of our rights is denied in future, let us stand hy our arms.\\nThe resignation of L. W. Crook as judge of the Cherokee Circuit was\\nthe occasion of Gov. Brown appointing in his place a gentleman who\\nafterwards became quite a marked person. Judge Dawson A. Walker\\nwas a Tennesseean by birth. A self-made man and very plain in man-\\nners and habits, he was a lawyer of uncommoit ability and energy,\\nand a citizen of integrity and pure character. He became a Judge of\\nthe Supreme Court, defeating- Henry L. Benning before the legislature\\nfor that office by the aid of William Dougherty. He was the Republi-\\ncan candidate for Governor against Gov. Smith. lie has recently died\\nenjoying general esteem.\\nThe nomination of Breckenridge and Lane was generally endorsed in\\nGeorgia. The only leaders who supported Douglas and Johnson were\\nAle.x. H. Stephens, Ranse AVright, Eugenius A. Nesbit, Hiram Warner,\\nB. Y. Martin, J. L. Seward and Absalom H. Chappell. There were a\\nfew in favor of Bell and Everett, but the nlass of the public men, in-\\ncluding both the Democrats and the Opposition, were for Breckenridge\\nand Lane. But three papers advocated Douglas and Johnson, the\\nAugusta Const itntionalisf, Rome Sout/ierncr and Atlanta Confederacy.\\nGov. Joseph E. Brown gave the Breckenridge ticket a hearty support.\\nWhile deeply regretting the division of the Democratic party, and think-\\ning that no sufficient cause existed for a split, as the division was made,\\nhe stood as he had always stood, with the South. Gov. Johnson, who had\\nbeen so widely popular, experienced the vicissitudes of political favor. In\\nMacon he was hung in effigj but the act was severely condemned liy the\\nBreckenridge press. He spoke a number of times. In Savannah he\\nwas hissed, and defiantly declared that he repeated his views in spite of\\nthe hi.sses of serpents and geese, meeting the indignity differently\\nfrom Mr. Toombs, who, when hissed in Boston during his famous speech\\nthere, good-naturedly told the people that he had no objection to their\\nhissing if the} preferred that method of expressing their feelings and\\nagain, when at some reference to the fugitive slave law they hissed, he", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0171.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "13G THREE ELECTORAL TICKETS IN GEORGIA.\\nquietly remarked that they were hissing the Constitution of their coun-\\ntry and not him. Gov. Johnson had an uphill business in this campaign.\\nHe was a sensitive and not at all a combative man, and illy-suited for a\\nstruggle against such odds as he liad to fight, and against the preju-\\ndices of his own people. The papers rang with charges against his polit-\\nical integrity, and these and the personal discourtesy that flamed out\\nin this hot canvass were something he was little fitted to meet.\\nThe Democratic State Convention met on the 8th of August, 1860,\\nand selected a Breckenridge and Lane electoral ticket. A hundred\\ncounties were represented by several hundred delegates, including the\\nleading men of the State. Mr. Toombs was a delegate, as also the two\\nbrothers, Alfred H. Colquitt and Peyton H. Colquitt from different\\ncounties. W. J. Vason was made Presitlent. Mr. Toombs was chair-\\nman of the business committee. The resolutions were short and to the\\npoint. The following bears unmistakable marks of Mr. Toombs fiery\\nspirit.\\n5th. liesoh-eJ, Th;it ive embrace wifli oiirwliole hearts and trust witli mir whole\\ncounsels those iiul le jiatriots iu the uou-slavehohliug States, svlio, neither dishearteued\\nliy treachery nor overawed liy majorities, niaiutuiu the truth aud staud liy the Cousti-\\ntutiou and the equality of the States, the only bond of everlasting Uuiou.\\nThe electoral ticket was:\\nElectors at large. C. J. McDonald, H. R. Jackson.\\nA-lternutes. A. H. Colquitt, Wm. H. Dabnoy.\\nDistrict Electors. 1st, Peter Cone; 2d, Wm. JI. Slaughter; 3d, O.\\nC. Gibson; 4th, H. Buchanan; 5th, Lewis Tumlln; Gth, H. Strickland;\\n7th, W. A. Lofton; 8th, Wm. M. Mcintosh.\\nThe Dpuglas and Johnson State Democratic Convention met in\\nMilledgeville on the 14th of August, 18G0. A. J. Lawson of Burke,\\nwas made President. Sixty -three counties were represented by 190\\ndelegates. The electoral ticket selected was:\\nElectors at large. Ale.\\\\. H. Stephens, Aug. R. Wright, of Floyd.\\nAlternates. T. P. Saffold, Jas. Gardner.\\nDistrict Electors. 1st, James L. Seward; 2d, B. Y. Jlartin; 3d,\\nNathan Bass; 4th, H. Warner; 5th, J. W. Harris; Gth, J. P. Sinunons;\\nTth, J. S. Hook; 8th, J. Gumming.\\nThe resolutions were a simple endorsement of Douglas and .Johnson\\nand the platform of tlie convention that nominated them. A resolution\\nwas also passed inviting Mr. Douglas to visit Georgia and deliver an\\naddress. Gov. Jolinson was invited before the Convention and de-\\nlivered a powerful and eIoc)uent speech.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0172.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "VRAXCIS S. BARTOW. 127\\nThe convention of the Bell and Everett party put the following ticket\\nin the field:\\nState Elcetorx. ^A ilIiam Law, B. H. Hill.\\nDistrict Electors. 1st, S. B. Spencer; 3d, M. Douglass; 3d, L. T.\\nDoyal; -Itli, W. T. Wright; oth, J. R. Parrott; Gth, H. P. Bell; 7th, J.\\nE. Dupree; 8th, L. Lamar.\\nThe issue was clearly made up with tlie three electoral tickets, all\\ncomposed of the very best men in the State. There was no personal\\nconsideration in the support given. The issue was decided on its merits.\\nThe canvass was very active. The state was covered with large gather-\\nings and swarmed with speakers. Many of the opposition party came\\nover to Brcokenridge and Lane, notably such men as Dr. H. V. M.\\nMiller, and Francis S. Bartow. The canvass was aggressive on all sides.\\nMr. Bell was savagely assaulted for not having endorsed the Dred Scott\\ndecision. Mr. Douglas was charged with being ready to ally with the\\nBlack Republicans, and one of his strongest and most influential sup-\\nporters, Hon. A. H. Chappell, left him on account of this accusation.\\nThe point was fiercely pushed upon Gov. Johnson as to what he would\\ndo if Abe Lincoln was elected, and whether he would submit. He\\nthundered back that he would hold the Breckenridge and Lane party\\nresponsible. The whole tendency of the intensely heirfed canvass was\\nto educate and drive the popular will to disunion if the Black Republi-\\ncans succeeded. Said that most brilliant and impetuous spirit, Francis\\nS. Bartow, in a burning speech in Savannah, with a sad prophetic fore-\\ncaste of his heroic death at Manassas in the very beginning of the war:\\nI am tired of this endless coutroversy. I am wearied with seeing this threateniug\\ncload forever above our lieads. If the storm is to come, and it seems to me as though\\nit must, be its fury ever so great, I court it uow iu the day of my vigor and streugtli.\\n(Applause). If any man is to peril life, fortujie and honor in defense of our rights, I\\nclaim to be one of these men. (Immeuse applause.) Let it come now, I am ready for\\nit. Put it not off until to-morrow, or the ne-xt day, we shall not be stronger by\\nwaiting. (Continued applause.) I do not wish to destroy the government. I am a\\nUnion man in every fiber of my heart. I have gloried in its missions of humanity, iu\\nits heroic birth, and youtliful struggles, and in the grandeur of its maturity. God never\\nlaunched a nation on a more magnificent career. It h.is been the home of the oppre.ssed\\nand the asylum of the descdate from every land. In it to day are wrapped tlie hopes of\\nuniversal man but I will peril all all before I will abandon our rights iu the Union or\\nsubmit to be governed b_v an unprincipled majority. (Great applau.se).\\nIt is the nature of manly men men of high spirit, to fret under sus-\\npense, and to precipitate impending and inevitable issues. It was this\\nspirit whicli made the situation in 1860 so full of delirium and peril.\\nSouthern men saw no end to the slavery agitation save in submission or", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0173.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "128 A CARNIVAL OP ELOQUKNCE.\\nfight. Tlie former was out of the question. Thoy invited the latter as\\nthe only means of settling the struggle. It was a desperate feeling,\\nand it seized the most tame-spirited. Tiicre perliaps has never been\\na time tliat brought to the front more vehement and maddening elo-\\nquence than that stormy year of 18G0. Georgia was full of superb orators,-\\nand in the themes of that wild day they found constant and congenial\\nmaterial for impassioned and irresistible oratory. It is in such whirling\\ntimes of ujjheaval and passion and madness that eloquent men find their\\nmost thrilling mission. The canvass was a carnival of splendid speaking,\\nilen s blood was at fever heat under a long felt and long-repressed sense\\nof wrong. It was no day for reason or argument save what rolled with\\nthe passions, that were rising higher daily. Georgia has never been so\\nafiluent in great minds and superlative speakers as in that time. There\\nwas a superb galaxy of mental giants and genuine orators. Toombs,\\nJohnson, Cobb, the Stephens brothers, Jackson, Bartow, Miller, the two\\nWrights, Hill, and Colquitt were all men of splendid power on the\\nstump, all magnetic, and all throw themselves into that dramatic agita-\\ntion with the whole fervor of their souls. Any one of these men was\\nfitted to lead in any assemblage anywhere, while several enjoyed a\\nnational reputation of the very largest measure. Jlr. Douglas himself\\ncame to Georgia and spoke in Atlanta during the canvass to an immense\\naudience. Ben Hill and Warren Akin bore the brunt of the battle on the\\nBell and Everett side, and did it well. Mr. Hill, near the close of the can-\\nvass, published a letter urging tlie fusion of parties for the sake of the\\ncountry, but he was unmercifully lampooned for the suggestion by the\\nBreckenridge and Lane press and speakers. And Col. Wm. McKinley,\\nthe chairman of the Breckenridge e.xecutive committee, published a card\\nofficially denying for the cammittee any idea of such a fusion. It was\\ncharged that the movement was a confession of weakness and a trick\\nto defeat Breckenridge, but in the light of results, it was a wise and a\\npatriotic proposition.\\nAs an illustration of the spirit that prevailed, the treatment of Col.\\nVarney A. Gaskill is in point. He was chairman of the Fulton county\\nBreckenridge executive committee. Believing that he was coquetting\\nwith the Bell and Everett people, the committee met and passed, and\\npublished the following bitter resolution:\\nWhereas, V. A. G.tskill having forfcitcil all confiJencc of tins Executive Committee,\\nby his poliiical course in the prosiileutial canvass, liy his public and jirivate political ter-\\ngiversations, therefore.\\nResolved, That V. A. Gaskill he expelled from this Executive conmiittee, and that he\\nis no longer worthy of our political fellowship.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0174.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "BEECKENEIDGE AND LAXE ELECTED. I ^O\\nAn organization was established in the state that was originated in\\nMacon, called the Minute Men, irrespective of party, wliose purpose\\nwas to sustain soutliern constitutional equality in the Union, or fail-\\ning in that, to establish our independence out of it. In Atlanta, tlie\\nMinute Men was started by Col. T. C. Howard, and numbered over 4(10\\nmembers. Such men as Howell Cobb, noted as Unionists, emphatically\\nmenaced and foreshadowed disunion. Said Mr. Cobb at Marietta, but\\na short while before the election in a most powerful and effective speech:\\nThe hour of Georgia s dishonor in the Union should be the hour of her\\nindependence out of the Union.\\nThe day of election came at last, and Lincoln and Hamlin were\\nelected. In Georgia the vote stood as follows: Breckenridge and Lane,\\n51,893, Douglas and Johnson, 11,580, Bell and Everett, 42,855. None\\nof the electoral tickets having received a majority of the whole vote,\\nthe choice of the electors was therefore thrown into the legislature.\\nThe success of the Black Republican ticket fell upon the South with\\nmaddening effect. There had been a fi,\\\\ed belief that somehow such a\\nresult would not happen, and the Breckenridge men in Georgia were\\npretty sure of carrying the presidency. But there stood the inexorable\\nresult, and it produced the effect of a volcanic eruption. The Georgia\\nlegislature assembled for its regular annual session, the same legislature\\nthat had held in 1859. The speaker of the House, Hon. I. T. Irwin, had\\ndied, and Gen. C. J. Williams was elected in his place. Several new\\nsenators and representatives had been elected, among them, R. C.\\nHumber, George T. Barnes and John Davison, who have been prominent\\nsince the war. Mr. Barnes is at present the Georgia member of the\\nNational Democratic Executive Committee, this being his second term\\nin that capacity. He is a gentleman of fine talent and character.\\nThe annual message of Gov. Brown was devoted to the business mat-\\nters of the state, and made a striking exhibit. The state road had paid\\n$450,000 into the Treasury. Of the state debt not due, 1117,000 had\\nbeen paid in addition to the interest and principal due. The School\\nFund had been increased \u00c2\u00a7300,000, besides $150,000 paid out for educa-\\ntional purposes. The sum of 875,000 had been appropriated at the last\\nsession to buy arms for the state military. An increase of the appro-\\npriation was recommended. All of the institutions of the state were in\\nthe best condition. The subject of our Federal relations. Gov. Brown\\nmade the occasion of a special message of great length and elaboration,\\nand practical ability. The message was written before it was certain\\nthat the Black Republican ticket was elected, but when sufficient re-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0175.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "130 GOVERNOR brown s MESSAGE.\\nturns had come in to render it ]irobahle. Reviewing the anti-fugitive\\nslave law legislation of half a dozen of the northern states, he urged as\\nthe only means to meet such aggression, a system of retaliatory legisla-\\ntion against such states. He recommended measures of reprisal upon\\nthe property of Massachusetts citizens for instance in Georgia, and with-\\ndrawal of protection to such citizens, besides discrimination against the\\nmanufactures and products of the offending states. In the event that\\nthe Black Republican ticket was elected, he advised the calling of a con-\\nvention of the people of the state, to devise a proper course. He con-\\ncluded with the recommendation that the sura of one million of dollars\\nbe appropriated for a military fund, with the view of armed resistance to\\nany further aggression.\\nThis message of Gov. Brown was a typical instance of the man s\\nmethods. Its keen discernment of the situation, its stern recognition\\nof disagreeable facts, its thoughtful consideration of remedies, its\\nthorough preparation for the worst, its bold assumption of responsibility,\\nits daring aggressiveness, its large comprehension of probable needs,\\nand its mag nitude of plan, all inspired by prompt and iron-willed nerve,\\nand conducted with confidence and practical sense, were all just what\\nthe people had learned to expect from this remarkable man. The mes-\\nsage awakened a general interest over the whole Union. It evoked\\nbitter denunciations from abroad. For a month the table of the e.xecii-\\ntive office was covered with letters from every factory in the North,\\nrepresenting in every variety of penmanship, orthography and rhetoric,\\nthe ills which would befall any number of men, women and children,\\nshould Georgia carry out the policy of her Governor.\\nIt was but a few days until the election of Lincoln and Hamlin was\\na certainty. County meetings were held in all parts of Georgia, and\\nresolutions poured in a steady current upon the General Assembly urging\\naction. Savannah led off under inspiration of the impetuous Bartow,\\nand declared that the election of Lincoln and Hamlin ought not to be\\nsubmitted to, and asking for a convention, and measures to org anize and\\narm the forces of the State. A convention of military companies\\npresided over by John W. Anderson, resolved that Georgia can no\\nlonger remain in the Union consistently with her safety and best\\ninterest. The appropriation of a million of dollars for military purposes,\\nrecommended by the Governor, was endorsed by this convention of\\nsoldiers, and their services tendered to the Governor.\\nGovernor Brown issued his proclamation amiouncing that tliere had\\nbeen no selection of electors by the people, and the duty devolved upon", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0176.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "THE FIRST STEP IN SECESSION. 131\\nthe General Assembly, and he suggested that in view of the fact that\\nthe Black Republican candidates were elected, and the Georgia vote\\nwould not alter the result, that for the sake of harmony, so essential now\\nin the South, a refusal to go through the forms of an election would\\nbe politic. He also announced by authority that ex-Gov. McDonald,\\none of the electors on the Breckenridge ticket, would not allow his\\nname used, as he was too feeble to cast the vote. The legislature,\\nhowever, deemed it imperative to choose the electors, and the Brecken-\\nridge ticket was elected, substituting Alfred H. Colquitt for ex-Gov.\\nMcDonald.\\nThis legislature of 1860 did important work. A convention of the\\npeople of Georgia was called for the IGth day of January, 1861, the\\nelection of delegates to take place on the first Wednesday in January,\\n1861. The act passed unanimously.\\nThe committee upon the State of Republic addressed a communica-\\ntion to the following gentlemen, asking them to meet together in a\\npractical and conciliatory counsel, and suggest a line of policy for the\\nlegislature: Joseph E. Brown, Alex. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, Jo.s. H.\\nLumpkin, R. F. Lyon, Charles J. .leukins, J. W. A. Sanford, H. L.\\nBenning, G. Andrews, Linton Stephens, M. J. Crawford, B. H. Hill, F.\\nS. Bartow, James Jackson, T. R. R. Cobb, H. V. .Johnson, E. H. Baxter,\\nJ. H. Howard. These gentlemen assembled and recommended the call-\\ning of a convention with the following preamble:\\nWhereas, tlie present crisis ia our national .affairs, in the judgment of this General\\nAssembly, demands resistance and, whereas, it is the privilege and right of the\\nsovereign people to determine upon tlie mode, measure and time of such resistance.\\nThe office of Adjutant General of the state was created; the accept-\\nance by the Governor of 10,000 troops was authorized; the purchase\\nof 1,000 Maynard rifles and carbines for the coast defence ordered; and\\nan appropriation of one million of dollars for military purposes made.\\nA Direct Trade Company was incorporated; the sum of $3,500 appropri-\\nated yearly to the State Agricultural Society, a practice still kept up;\\nand $3,500 appropriated to the Cotton Planters Convention. All of\\nthese were practical matters, looking to preparation for the troubles\\nimpending, and for a changed condition of affairs.\\nThe menacing state of politics could, of course, have but one effect\\nupon business. Capital became alarmed. All classes of business felt\\nthe shock of apprehension. Trade was di.sturbed, investments ceased,\\nand general commerce was paralyzed. Money was locked up, and the\\ncloud of financial distress darkened the country. The banks, North and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0177.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "133 ANOTHER BATTLE OF THE BAXKS.\\nSouth, looked forward to suspension, and a bill was introduced and\\npassed, granting relief to the Georgia banks. It seemed as if tlic banks\\nwere destined to be a fruitful and constant source of conil)at between\\nGovernor Brown and the legislatures of the State. Somehow or other\\nthev could not ag ree, and the E.xecutive was not the sort of a person to\\nyield his convictions to any pressure, nor to pin his opinions upon any\\nnumber of coat sleeves. He promptly sent back a veto of the bank\\nrelief bill. lie said that he had been opposed in 1857 to bank suspen-\\nsions, and liis views had been sustained by tlie people. There was less\\nreason now for a bank suspension than then. The advocates of bank\\nrelief admitted that the banks could meet their liabilities, but it woiild\\ncost something. In view of their superior advantages some sacrifice is\\ndue from them. Bank men practiced upon popular credulity with the\\nabsurdity that suspensions were for the benefit of the people. If so,\\nwhy were the lobbies filled with liank officers spending money to secure\\nthe passage of relief bills. He had seen such influences brought before\\nin 1857. The people had not asked for suspension. The relief measure\\nfreed the banks from t!ie penalties of not redeeming their bills, and left\\nthe bill hokler to suffer loss. Was this a benefit to the people It\\nwould be time enough to legalize suspension on account of the political\\nstate of affairs when an occasion arose, and as far as they should go would\\nbe to put in the E.xecutive discretion to withhold proceedings against\\nthe banks if it was required. In the event of suspension of any\\nSavannah, Augusta or Atlanta bank, the collection of debts in the state\\nceased until December 1st, 18G1, and executions became stopped witli-\\nout security. These provisions were an injustice to plaintiffs in/? fii\\nand to creditors, and gave all advantage to creditors out of the .state\\nwho could resort to the United States Courts. Northern merdiants\\ncould enforce claims against Southern merchants, while Southern mer-\\nchants would be powerless to raise money from their debtors, as\\nthis resistance to Northern aggression Regretting to differ from tlie\\nlegislature, he j et was compelled to veto the bill because objectioiuible\\nand unjust.\\n.The bill was promptly jiassed over his veto, but the matter did not\\nstop here. His utterances in the veto message about lobbyists seemed\\nto have given offense. Mr. Dixon of Muscogee, offered a resolution\\nrequesting the Governor to give information showing that any member\\nhad voted for the relief bill for money, or that any bank liad used\\nmoney to secure the passage of the bill. The words about which expla-\\nnation was asked, were these:", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0178.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "TIIK IKIVSE RASPS GOVERNOR liROWX. 13:5\\nWhy is it, that these pentlemen never tal^e upon themselves to guard the people s\\ninterest, ami spend money to secure the passage of bills through tlie legislature, except\\nwlieu it is desirable to pass a bank suspension bill.\\nTo this resolution tlie Governor returned a well-tempered, polite\\nreply, directed to the Senate, in which he said that he took pleasure in\\nsaying to the Senate, that no charge of bribery was intended, that\\nthe language was general, and was meant to be directed against what is\\nknown as lobby influence, when gentlemen leave their homes, and spend\\nmoney for travehng expenses, tavern bills, etc., for the purpose of\\nhanging around the General Assembly to try to influence the minds of\\nmembers, so as to secure the passage of a particular bill. The unruffled\\nand immovable Executive proceeded to say that he saw nothing in the\\nmessage he desired to retract or modify. No member of the Sen-\\nate to whom his message was addressed appeared to have suspected\\nreflection on himself until the discovery was supposed to have been dis-\\ncovered elsewhere. He did not doubt that upon a calm review each\\nSenator would now see that he saw in it no imputation upon himself, as\\nconscious innocence will never appropriate to itself language in which\\nothers can see no charge, or even dubious language as an imputation of\\ncriminality.\\nThis message gave still farther offense to the House, which passed a\\nresolution offered by Mr. Dixon, which was put on the journals of the\\nHouse, reciting that the answer had not been communicated to the\\nHouse, that it was an evasion of a charge the Governor could not main-\\ntain, and the language of the answer was disrespectful to the House,\\ntherefore,\\nResolved, That his Excellency, Gov. Brown, 1ias not only almsed the privileges of tliis\\nHouse, but has failed to maiutain in his official intercourse with this body, that dignity\\nof deportment, which becomes the Chief Magistrate of Georgia.\\nIt was a war-like time then. Men s fighting blood was up. And it\\ntook, in the sweeping belligerence of the imiversal atmosphere, little\\nprovocation to get up a muss between anybody and about anything.\\nJoe Brown too was the worst person in the country to tackle. Nature,\\nin making him, had rather put an over than an under stock of coni-\\nIiativeness. It is rather to be suspected that his Excellency had a sort\\nof natural relish for a set-to with other folks. Be this as it may, it\\nstands true that no one ever struck Gov. Brown without getting hit\\nback, arv,d if he ever declined a combat it is not chronicled, nor has it\\nbeen susceptible of proof. This attack on the Governor was a flimsy\\none, and it is surprising that it was made, and that the legislative body", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0179.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "134 GOVEIJNOR liROWN STRIKES BACK AT THE HOUSE.\\nallowed itsoli to take part in it. Congregations of men nor official\\nveneer never had any terrors for this level-headed man of the people.\\nHe flung back the House censure with a cool, biting defiance and con-\\ntempt. Reviewing the matter concisely he showed that he had not\\nevaded the charge, violated any privilege of the House, nor failed in\\ndignity in his intercourse with the House. He used this language about\\nthe resolution of the House.\\nThey were conceived in passiiju, prompted by a spirit o{ personal revenge, and not\\nof public duty uudignilied in their bearing, untrue in their statemeuts, aud uujust in\\nthe assault which tliey make upon a co-ordiuate branch of tlie government.\\nHe ordered his reply to be entered upon the permanent records of the\\nExecutive Department, the legislature having adjourned before he pre-\\npared the message. Like everything else that he did, this spirited re-\\nply and the controversy that elicited it, only strengthened Gov. Brown\\nwith the people as a fearless champion of the public, interest and the\\nbold assailant of evil.\\nIt was a striking evidence of the hold he had on the public confidence\\nand the estimate that was placed upon his judgment, that the electoral\\nticket chosen by the legislature addressed him alone of all the dis-\\ntinguished public men of the State, a letter asking his views upon the\\nsituation as being eagerly desired. Gov. Brown s response was a\\npractical common-sense view of affairs, in which he said some very strik-\\ning truths. The election of Mr. Lincoln, simply as a successful candi-\\ndate, would not justify secession, but as the triumph of the Northern\\nsection of the Union over the Southern section, upon a platform of\\navowed hostility to Southern rights, justified the South in withdrawing\\nfrom a confederacy where she could not be protected. Submission to\\nthe inauguration of Mr. I.,incoln now would result in the final abolition\\nof slavery. If resistance was not made now it would be fruitless here-\\nafter. He discussed fully the business effect upon the South of the\\nabolition of slavery. Impartially scrutinizing the outlook, he expressed\\nthe opinion that the South could never live in peace with the Northern\\nabolitionists unless we could have new constitutional guarantees that\\nwould stop the slavery agitation. These the Northern people would\\nnever give. There was no doubt that the States around Georgia would\\nsecede, and we would tlius be surrounded by free and independent\\nstates, with whom we liave a common interest, and to refuse to stand\\nwith whom would in no way benefit us. Let wise men be sent to the\\nconvention,- and let them act for the best to protect our rights and pre-\\nserve our liberties.\\nI", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0180.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVI.\\nTHE STUBBORN BATTLE IN GEORGIA OVER DISUNION.\\nA Majority Against Disuuion. The County Appeals to tlie Legislature. A Striking\\nBatch of Papers. The Greene County Resolutions anil M.W. Lewis. Stately Invec-\\ntive. Stephens, Johnson and Ben Hill, agaiu.st Secession. Dr. Loviclc Pierce.\\nHowell Cobb. L. J. Gattrell. The People Halting. Toomlis Drives the WeJge\\nFinally. His Master Stroke of Disunion. His Couserv.itive Danhury Letter. His\\nScheme of tlie Crittemleu RBsolutioas, wliicli Tested the Black Republican Wil-\\nlingness to Compromise. His Ringing Disp.atch for Disunion. William L. Harris\\nof Mis.si.ssippi. Gov. Brown and the Banks Ag.aiu. The Clioice Pardon. Charles\\nJ. Jenkins.\\nA PEETTY fair criterion of the disunion sentiment in Georgia before\\nthe election of Lincohi and Hamlin was the Breckenridge vote. The\\nunion element voted for Douglas and Bell. The Breckenridge plat-\\nform naturally attracted the most pronounced Southern rights men who\\nwere for making an unqualified issue for slavery. The vote showed a\\nmajority against disunion. The election of Lincoln set the current\\nsteadily to secession, and fixed a majority for national dissolution. But\\nthere was yet an immense reserve of decided union sentiment, that\\nresolutely sought to stem the disunion tide. Over forty counties held\\npublic meetings and transmitted resolutions to the General Assembly.\\nThese solemn utterances of public opinion constituted a remarkable\\nbody of popular exjjressions. Whether for or against disunion they\\nwere tinged with a white heat, and echoed the tumultuous agitation of\\nthe time. The bulk of them demanded secession, but there were some\\nmost extraordinary, eloquent and prophetic appeals and pleas for union.\\nThe resolutions from Greene countj presented to the legislature\\nby Miles W. Lewis, cover seven pages in the House journals of 1860,\\nand furnished a striking and masterly argument for a conservative\\ncourse. Pronouncing the election of Lincoln a violation of national\\ncomity, and not to be submitted to except temporarily, they yet declared\\nit was not per se a sufficient cause for immediate dissolution, for a power-\\nful array of reasons: Because it was a constitutional election, against\\nNorthern interest to dissolve the union, because the South was not yet\\nunited, because time and delay should be given to let the North try to\\ndo justice, because haste in the overthrow of the government would cut\\noff sympathy for oiu movement, because the masses of the Southern", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0181.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "13G COUNTY EESOLUTIOXS OX THE CRISIS.\\npeople were not ripe for disunion, because we were not ready for war,\\nbecause no serious effort had been made at reconciliation, because we\\nO .ved a duty to mankind to preserve our republic and its genius, because\\nof the injury to our state and national securitios and the terrible pecu-\\nniary results, and because a dissolution if proper ou^ht to be done with\\nslow deliberation and after every eifort to preserve it, quoting the\\nexample of our colonies which only dissevered finally and irrevocably\\nthe bond to th(? mother country after two years fighting. State conven-\\ntions, and then a Soutliern convention, temperate but firm, should be\\nheld, urging our rights before the North and making a last grand united\\neffort for a settlement such as we wished. The last of these powerful\\nand statesmanlike resolutions deserves giving entire.\\nResolved, That in view of the great and solemn crisis wliich is upon us, wo request\\nour fellow citizens to unite with us in praver to Almighty God that he would deliver us\\nfrom discord and disunion, and aliove all, from civil war and from bloodshed and that\\nhe would so guide our counsels and actions that we may he able to maintain our rights\\nwithout revolution.\\nThere were a number of the counties that sent up similar resolutions\\nto the above, Sumter, Milton, Troup and others. But the majority\\nstruck hotly for immediate secession. Some were magnificent ebullitions\\nof stately and impassioned invective. No man can read this masterly\\nset of puI)lio resolutions witliout being impressed with their dignity,\\nforce, viffor of thought and uncommon e.\\\\ccllence of diction and aujjust\\ngravity and intensified fervor of spirit. TJiey were the outcome of an\\naroused and welded public sentiment, focalized to the most impressive\\nmajesty of deep human feeling and conviction. There was an original-\\nity of conception and a variety of treatment too about them that was\\nwonderful, and indicated the marked ability as well as profound reflec-\\ntion of their authors. The grand problems of our government, the\\ndifficult questions of civil, social and political policy, the philosophical\\nrelations of sections and classes, and tl-.e practical matters of administra-\\ntion were discussed and expounded with a marvelous incisivcncss and\\ncondensation, and an apothegmatic felicity of language.\\nThe Dougherty County resolutions reported to the House by Mr. R. N.\\nEly, presented forciljly an idea, urged by a number of other counties,\\nthat represented the view of the more conservative secessionists. This\\nwas the necessity of co-ojjeration among the Southern States. It w as\\ndeclared,\\nIt would he monstrims if .a sin;, le Southern St.ate should, without consult.ition and\\nby separate action, attempt to decide tlie great question tliat now presses upon the\\nSouth, not only for herself, but for her remaining fourteen sister states.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0182.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "THE l.OXK STAR WIUTK KI..VG IX AUCL STA. 137\\nThis was the very thing that did liappen, a thing that was a great\\nwrong, that was unwise and impolitic to the last degree, and that was\\nremediless. These resolutions put the true wisdom of the crisis in these\\nwords\\nThe time has come for the Jinal settlement of the slavery ijuestion vpon an enduring and\\nunequivocal basis, and to a General Conference of tlie Soiitlieru States, we wciild en-\\ntrust the duty of declaring what that basis shall he.\\nThe Richmond County action, reported to the legislature by Mr. Wm.\\nGibson, contained this beautiful and significant incident. The chair-\\nman having stated the object of the meeting, then informed the assem-\\nblage that it had been made known to him that a white flag with tjie\\nlone star, and inscribed thereon: Georgia Eqitaliti/ in or Indepen-\\ndence out of the Union, had been placed upon the cupola of the Temple\\nof Justice in wjiich they were then assembled; and was then waving\\nover their heads; which announcement was received with long, con-\\ntinued applause. When on motion it was unanimously resolved,\\nThat this meeting adopt the flag and its position as their act, evincive\\nof their determination in the present crisis. It is at such fevered times\\nwhen the public blood is in a state of exalted fervor that poetic trifles\\nlike the above incarnate the solemn purposes of earnest, iron-minded\\nmen and idealize a stern gravity into romance.\\nBut serious as was the crisis, and ominous the drift to revolution, the\\npeople were not ripe for the plunge. Some very strong men were\\nopposing tlie policy of secession. H. V. .Tohnson, Alex. H. Stephens and\\nBen. H. Jlill stood firmly against it. Mr. Stephens made a speech to\\nthe Georgia legislature, that take it all in all, was the grandest of his\\nlife. Unaffected by the whirlwind of passion around him, that terror-\\nized men, he uttered a clear, firm counsel against secession. He daringly\\nasserted that the South was not blameless, and with an unsurpassed\\nmoral and physical courage planted himself against disunion. In the\\ncalm retrospection of those crazy days this appeal of reason was simply\\nsublime. Dr. Lovick Pierce, the powerful methodist Divine, threw his\\nstrong influence against it. Yet he was taunted in the press with in-\\nconsistencj because in 1844 he had urged the secession of the southern\\nMethodist church, because Bishop Andrews was ofliciallj crucified by\\nthe northern Methodists for being a slave-holder. Howell Cobb wrote\\nfrom AVashington a long and unsurpassably able letter, calm, logical,\\ndispassionate and even cold in its temperate, but inexorable argument,\\ndiscussing the whole situation and urging immediate secession. He\\nquoted voluminously from all of the Republican leaders, to show the im-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0183.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "138 THE DRIFT TO SECESSION\\nmovable abolition intent of the party, he demonstrated that the result\\nof the election was war to the death on slavery, he showed that there\\nwas no hope for the South in any other remedy than secession, he\\nargued that honor and interest required immediate withdrawal from the\\nUnion, and he announced that he was coming home to share the destiny\\nof his state, and resigned his position as Secretary of the Treasury. L.\\nJ. Gartrell ^vrote to Dr. William C. Humphries of Atlanta, a letter\\ndeclaring that it was the policy and duty of Georgia to secede. Mr.\\nGartrell had made an enviable reputation in congress and stood among\\nthe promising young men of the state. He had delivered several\\nspeeches in congress that attracted much attention, and had borne him-\\nself in debate so as to win the respect of bis opponents, as well as the\\napplause of his friends. The venerable ex-Gov. WUson Lumpkin, in a\\nletter to Asbury Hull, H. C. ^I. Hammond, E. S. Taylor and others,\\nstated that there was no -hope from the North and secession was the\\nonlv chance of prosperity. Gov. Lumpkin had not been in public life\\nsince 184.3.\\nBut the people still were not matured for the grave step. It was re-\\nserved for Robert Toombs with a consummate management to fashion\\nand drive the wedge that rived apart the stately structure into contend-\\ning halves. To him, beyond all question, belongs the leadership of the\\nSouth in sundering the Union. He was the unquestionable genius of\\nthe revolution. William L. Yancey was a powerful factor in the disin-\\ntegration. But Toombs was the chief and master architect of the dis-\\nruption. His final achievement was a master stroke of diplomacy, sure,\\nsubtle and invincible. It fell upon the South with resistless effect. It\\nswept away the last ftot-hold of conserxatism. The heaviest objection\\nto a resort to disunion, was the idea that the Republicans were willuig\\nto give guarantees against any further interference with slavery, and\\nthis willingness should be tested before going to the last extremitv.\\nTo meet this idea a number of southern senators and representatives,\\nincluding Iverson, Crawford, Jones, Jackson, Gartrell and Underwood of\\nGeorgia, issued an address, brief and pointed, stating that all hope of\\nrelief was gone, and both southern honor and safety required secession.\\nBut this was not satisfactory to the conservative element. It was left\\nfor Mr. Toombs to pat the finishing stroke to the indecision and reluct-\\nance of the haltinff. The legTslature had voted down a resolution in\\nfavor of immediate secession, and in the senate a motion to reconsider\\nwas lost after a stiff debate, in which Harris, Lawton, !Moore, Spaulding\\nand Tracy were for immediate action, and Jones, Trippe, and Ben. Hill", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0184.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "EGBERT TOOMBS FIXES SECESSION 139\\nwere against it. Spaukling dubbed Trippe a submissionist Jones\\nsneered that the co-operationists would have the figliting to do; Harri.s\\nretorted that Jones was a citizen in war and a soldier in peace;\\nMoore declared that Hill s speeches were on both sides; and Tracy\\ncharged that Hill was in love with his subject, and that subject him-\\nself. The sharp sparring showed the feeling at play, and the result\\nevinced the proper deliberation before a grave step.\\nMr. Toombs had been invited to address the citizens of Danburv, Va.,\\nand wrote a letter declining, but giving his views. This letter was a\\nvery adroit one. It was so moderate as to expose him to taunts\\nfrom the extreme secessionists and conservatives both that he was\\nbacking down. But it was the most practical drive yet made to unite\\nthe divided South in disunion. It recommended delay until the 4th of\\nMarch, to test the Republican willingness to do right to the South. At\\nthe same time he incensed the Republicans by boldly charging upon\\nthem the purpose to destroy slavery by hostile laws and stimulating re-\\nvolts and protecting slave-thieves and insurrectionists. He declared the\\nonly remedy for these enormous evils was new constitutional guaran-\\ntees protecting the South. Let these be offered to the Republicans as\\na test of their spirit. These constitutional restrictions were worth a\\ncart -load of political planks, and if the Republicans refused to grant\\nthem, then the time for action was at hand, and he was willing to\\ndelay for such a test in concession to the earnest and honest men who\\nwere hopeful of redress in the Union. Mr. Toombs knew well that the\\nRepublicans would hoot at the idea of sucn constitutional amendments,\\nbut he knew that their rejection would solidifv our people.\\nIn accordance with this programme of Mr. Toombs, the Hon. J. J.\\nCrittenden of Kentucky offered before the United States Senate\\nCrisis Committee of thirteen, a series of resolutions reciting the pend-\\ning trouble, and proposing as a settlement of it constitutional amend-\\nments for the revival of the Missouri compromise line, denial of\\nright to abolish slavery in the arsenals and District of Columbia, transit\\nfor slaves over non-slave-holding territory and payment for fugitive\\nslaves rescued from oiBcers by mobs. A time was appointed when the\\ncommittee agreed to be all present and act on the resolutions. On this\\ncommittee were Messrs. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, Wade, Toombs,\\nGrimes, Hunter, Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Rice and Powell. Under\\nthe rules of the committee no proposition should be considered adopted\\nthat did not pass by a majority of the Republicans. The propositions\\nwere all rejected, Mr. Toombs voting ayainst them, though he declared", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0185.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "140 HOX. -WII.I.IAM L. IIAHRIS, 01 -MISSISSIITI.\\nhe would go for tlieiii if tlip Republicans offered and went for lliem ia good\\nfaith. But the fact stands that he voted against them. He immediately\\ntelegraphed a ringing address to the people of Georgia, reciting that\\nthe Black Republicans had not only voted against any constitutional\\nguarantees for the Soutli, but declared that thej had no guarantees to\\noffer. He wound up with these momentous word.s, the most important\\nand effective for the disunion movement that had been announced by\\nany man or set of men in this tremendous agitation:\\nI tell you upon the faith of a true man, that all fui-ther looking to the North for\\nsecurity for your coustitutioual riglits in the Uniuu, ouyht to lie instantly abaudoned.\\nIt is frauglit with notliing but ruin to yourselves and your posterity.\\nSecession by the fourth of March next, should be tiniiidored from tlie ballot-Vio.K by\\nthe uuauimous voice of Georgia on tlie second d.ay of January next. Snch a voice will\\nbe your best guarantee for Luiertv, Security, Tr.^nquillity axd Glory.\\nFrom this time on, thougli a very considerable portion of the people\\nopposed secession, the policy of disunion in Georgia was an established\\nfact, and the movement sped swiftly and steadily to its consunnuation.\\nThe Hon. William L. Harris of Mississippi, as delegated commissioner\\nfrom that state to Georgia, made an address to the General Assembly\\ncommunicating officially the fact that Mississippi had called a state\\nconvention to consider the situation, and asked Georgia s co-operation\\nin the adoption of efficient measures for their common defense and\\nsafety. The address of ilr. Harris was a very eloquent and effective\\nappeal. His references to Baldwin, Jackson and Troup, the famous\\nGovernors of Georgia, were verj fine. He declared Georgia the bright-\\nest exemplar among the advocates and defenders of state rights and\\nstate remedies. He touchingly alluded to the fact that Mississippi was\\ncut off from Georgia, glorious old mother and that thousands and\\nthousands of Georgia s sons and daughters were adopted children of\\nMississippi, who still fondly looked to their native state for sympathy\\nand guidance. Mr. Harris in his mission for Mississippi but reflected\\nthe feeling in all of the Southern states which looked to the action\\nof Georgia above any other state; and this deep interest in Georgia s\\naction demonstrated how powerful and influential w-as our common-\\nwealth.\\nThe Legislature adjourned on the 10th of December, 1860, having\\npassed resolutions of sympathy with the message of Mississippi as com-\\nmunicated through Hon. Wm. L. Harris, and resolving that should any\\nor all of the Southern states determine in the present emergencj to with-\\ndraw from the Union, such seceding states should form a confederacy.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0186.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "-^-I^\\n.i T\\ny y^y^^^A", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0189.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0190.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "THE CHOICE I ARDOX. 141\\nBefore the adjournment the bank agitation was resumed. After the\\npassage of the bank relief bill over Governor Brown s veto, the banks\\nbegan to suspend specie payment, and one bank liad susjjended before.\\nThe Governor issued his proclamation as required by law, announcing\\nthe suspension, but he showed his unabated hostility to the measure\\nand his unconcjuered resolution in spite of legislative majorities, by con-\\ncluding his proclamation making known the suspension with the paren-\\nthetical statement that he feared too many know it now to their\\ninjury. After a brief trial of the suspension act. Governor Brown\\naddressed a message to the General Assembly making recommendations\\nfor additional legislation. He called their attention to the fact that in-\\nsolvent banks, as well as solvent ones, had the benefit of the act, and\\nwere relieved of all responsibility. He went on to discuss the suspen-\\npension, and showed that his prediction had come true that exchange\\nhad gone up to three per cent. He put in some heavy blows upon the\\nbank relief chamjiions, sliowing how relief relieved the people, increas-\\ning cost of purchases and freights. If the Legislature would not repeal\\nthe obnoxious law, at least let it reduce exchange to one per cent., and\\nplace insolvent banks in a different category from the solvent banks.\\nThese tilings were done.\\nAnother matter that excited much discussion was the pardon by the\\nLeg-islature of a gentleman by the name of Wm. A. Choice, convicted of\\nmurder. He was very highly connected, and powerful influences were\\nbrought to bear for the purpose of saving him from the penalties of the\\nlaw. At the session of 1859 an act had passed for his pardon, and\\nGovernor Brown had vetoed it upon the merits of the case. Ben Hill\\ntook a strong interest in the case, and it was brought before the Legis-\\nlature again. Mr. Hill pushed it with great ability and vigor, and the\\npardon was again granted by the Legislature and again vetoed by Gov-\\nernor Brown. The bill provided for placing Choice in the Lunatic\\nAsylum, and was passed over the Governor s veto by a constitutional\\nmajority. The case attracted general attention in the state, and a right\\nwarm feeling was stirred up between Governor Brown and the friends\\nof Choice. There was some newspaper controversy over it. In the\\nLegislature also there was acrimony on the part of members growing\\nout of the ([uestion whether Governor Brown had a right to- veto a par-\\ndon in a murder case.\\nThe case illustrated the unyielding persistence of Governor Brown s\\ncharacter, and his unswerving adhesion to what he conceived to be his\\ndutj-. The unfortunate subject of this controversy died within the last", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0191.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "143 C. J. JENKINS JUDGE OF SUl REME COURT.\\nyear in tlie asylum. Commenting upon this case, the Augusta Dcs-\\npatch had these words:\\nWe are not much of an admirer of tlie one man power, hnt the judgment, justice\\nand bravery with which Governor Brown has exercised it makes us almost in love\\nwith it.\\nJudge Linton Stephens having resigned as Judge of the Supreme\\nCourt, this Legislature did a.graceful act of honor to the State in elect-\\ninar Charles J, Jenkins.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0192.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVII.\\nTPIE MOST VITAL CHAPTER OF GEORGIA HISTORV\u00e2\u0080\u0094 HER\\nSECESSION FROM THE UNION.\\nGeorgia Foremost iu the Slavery Agitation. Her Potential Men. Her Destiny of\\nLeadersliip to Continue through Joe Brown. Carolina Secession. Its Flaming\\nEffect. Bartow and Lochrane. Gov. Brown s Seizure of Fort Pulaski. H. R.\\nJackson A. R. Lawton. The Convention Endorses Brown. The Soutliern Press\\non the Seizure. The Macon Companies. Richard R. Cuyler. The Secession Con-\\nvention. Georgia the Pivotal State. Personelle of Convention Ahlest Body of\\nGeorgia Annals. E. A. Nisbet.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 T. R. U. Cobb. Dr. Joseph P. Logan. Nesbit s\\nSecession Resolution. ex-Gov. Johnson s Famous Subslitute. A Debate of Giants.\\nTom Cobb gives the Key Note. An Historic Picture. Robert Toombs. We\\nAccejit War. Committee to Draft Secession Ordinance. The Ordinance. The\\nSigning. The Protest of Si.K. The Ship given to the Lightning and the Gale.\\nThe Inspiration and the Effect of Georgia s Secession.\\nFrom 18.50, when Georgia leaped to the front in the slavery contro-\\nversy, and gave to the country the famous Georgia Platform, as tlie\\ncrucial enunciation of Southern doctrine on slavery, up to the crisis in\\n1800, our state had been the foremost in the agitation. The phenomenal\\nStephens had focalized the national gaze in the memorable contentions\\nabout this subject. The imperial Toombs had led the Southern states-\\nmen with a blended brilliance, ability and audacity, that no man ever\\nsurpassed in any forensic arena. The large-souled Cobb had guided\\nthe policy of Buchanan s administration in the culminating years of the\\npolitical strife. In her ponderous-brained Johnson the state had fur-\\nnished as a Vice-Presidential candidate on the Dougla^ ticket one of\\nthe pivots of the campaign. Around the name and agency of Georgia\\nhung the most potential prestige of any Southern state. Her positive\\ninstrumentality in the drama was destined to continue. We have seen\\nhow Mr. Toombs drove the impending storm to a crisis. We shall see\\nhow from this time on, the focal figure in Georgia during the four deadly\\nyears that followed was Joseph E. Brown. He had done little during\\nthe long birth of the revolution. But when it became inevitable, his\\nagency as a leader was someMiing marvelous. It seemed as if nature\\nhad put him in the place for the emergency. His peculiar qualities\\nfound a fitting field for their display and the public benefit. His acts", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0193.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "lii BVRSIXG SPEECH OF F. S. BARTOW.\\nseemed like insinrations. There was a prevision of needs, a forecaste\\nof events, a vigor of action and a daring in responsibility, that exactly\\nmet the appalling crisis and savored of the heroic. The man seemed\\nborn for the time. The homespun mountaineer, hero of the plowing\\nbull and the calico bed-quilt, had ripened into the acknowledged genius\\nof a great commonwealth in the ordeal of a mighty revolution. The\\npeople, masses and leaders, looked to his cool sense, iron nerve, and\\nresourceful capacity in this trial, and he met their demands and hopes\\nfully. His leadership was intuitive, masterly, undisputed. He did as\\none made for the era.\\nPrecisely at fifteen minutfes past one o clock on Thursday, the 20th\\nday of December, 18G0, under an ordinance of secession passed in sov-\\nereign convention, the State of South Carolina withdrew from the Union\\nof the United States, and resumed her independent state sovereignty.\\nThat act was the first stop in the great civil commotion of the century.\\nIt was the beginning of an end of illimitable extent. It was not the\\npractical inauguration of the war, but it was the preface to it. The\\nnews stirred the South wildly. It fired the Southern people into a sort\\nof delirium. All over Georgia the people celebrated the startling event\\nwith gatherings and speeches, and a general exhilaration. In Atlanta\\nguns were fired at sunrise. An immense crowd assembled, and a hun-\\ndred guns echoed the public joy from noon until sunset. There was a\\ngrand torchlight procession and a balloon ascension. Abraham Lincoln\\nwas burned in effigy, and Howell Cobb made a burning and powerful\\nspeech.\\nOn the 2Sth, a few days later, Francis S. Bartow and O. A. Lochiane\\naddressed the citizens of Atlanta. While Bartow was speaking, a\\ndispatch was handed him just received, that Fort Moultrie in Charles-\\nton Harbor had been burned by the Federal troops, and the garrison\\nhad gone over to Fort Sumter, and Charleston had ordered out two\\nregiments. The scene that followed baffles description. The audience\\nbecame wild with enthusiasm. Three cheers were given for South\\nCarolina amid such a tornado of applause as is rarely heard. The ready\\nand impassioned Bartow, resuming his speech with folded arms, rang\\nout with a biting sarcasm, Yes, while you talk of co-operation, you\\nhear the thunders of the cannon and the clash of sabers reach you from\\nSouth Carolina. The applause was deafening over this. Continuing,\\nthe orator thrilled forth: Is this gallant, noble state of South Carolina,\\nthat had the boldness to take the lead in this matter, to be left to the\\ncold calculating of the co-operationists of Georgia? Vehement replies", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0194.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "SEIZURE OF FORT PULASKI. 145\\nof No! Never!! Never!!! Never!!!! thundered from every part of tlie\\ndense gathering.\\nThis action of the Federal authorities in regard to Forts Moultrie and\\nSumter inflamed the already high war fever of the South to an over-\\nmastering fury. Even such far-sighted men as Gov. Brown were not\\ndecided that tlie North would attempt coercion of the seceded states.\\nThey believed that war possibly might not follow. But the Fort Sum-\\nter matter left no doubt of the Federal purpose to resist forcibly seces-\\nsion. Tlie appointment of Mr. Holt as secretary of war in the place of\\nFloyd confirmed this, Mr. Holt being alleged by Mr. Toombs to be\\ninimical to the South, and his selection foreshadowing active hostility.\\nUnder the light of this momentous revelation of policy, so full of un-\\nspeakable results, the disunion sentiment still further increased. It was\\nunder this knowledge that the practical genius and prompt decision of\\nGov. Brown came into play with one of those strokes of action for\\nwhich he has been noted. He began a series of daring assumptions of\\nresponsibility that made Georgia memorable, and himself famous. He\\ntook a step of decisive leadership that at once showed the jjeople, not\\nonly of the State, but of the South, and of the rapidly disintegrating\\nUnion, that Georgia s Governqr was fully equal to the needs of the\\nemergency. And it was this step that continued the remarkable agency\\nof this State as the most potential factor in this great strife, and it gave\\nto Georgia whatever of glory may attach to committing the first overt\\nact of war. Georgia, it must be remembered, was still a member of the\\nUnion. She did not secede until the 19th of January, 1861. She was\\nin the Union, while Carolina was out of it. The seizure of the coast\\ndefenses was not only therefore a dictate of military forecaste and\\nwisdom, but it was an aggressive act of war against the Federal gov-\\nernment, whose authority was still operative.\\nFort Pulaski at the mouth of the Savannah river commanded the ap-\\nproach to that city, and was the chief fortification on the Georgia coast.\\nQuick to conceive a practical idea. Gov. Brown was as quick to execute\\nit. In the event of war. Fort Pulaski was a military necessity to the\\nState, and war was coming. Gov. Brown determined to seize it im-\\nmediately. There had been some private movement in Savannah look-\\ning to an occupation of the Fort by the citizens of the city, but the\\ncooler-headed men advised against such an act, and the Governor was\\nadvised of the purpose. He went to Savannah in person to decide, and\\npromptly determined to officially order the seizure. The first regiment\\nof Georgia V olunteers was commanded by Col. Alexander R. Lawton,\\n10", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0195.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "146 GOV. brown s oedeb to gex. a. r. lawton.\\nto whom the Governor issued the following order, which was carefully\\nprepared, and exjslaiiis the reasons for tlie act.\\nHEADgDAKTERS GEORGIA MiLITIA, I\\nSavannah, January 2, 1861.\\nColonel A. R. Lawton, Commanding \\\\sl Regiment Georgia Volunteers, Savannah:\\nSir: In view of the fact that tlie Government at Washington has, as we are in-\\nformed upon high authority, decideil on the policy of coercing a seceding State hack\\ninto the Union, and it is believed now has a movement on foot to reinforce Fort Sumter\\nat Charleston, and to occupy with Federal troops the Southern forts, including Fort\\nPulaski iu this State, wliicli if done would give the I ederal Government in any contest\\ngreat advantage over the people iu tliis Slate to the end therefore that this strong-\\nhold, which commands also the entrance into Georgia, may not be occupied by any hos-\\ntile force until the Convention of the State of Georgia, which is to meet on the 16th\\ninstant, has decided on the policy which Georgia will adopt iu this emergency, you are\\nordered to take possession of Fort Pulaski as by piihlic order herew ith, and to hold it\\nagainst all persons, to be abandoned only under orders from me or under compulsion by\\nan overpowering hostile force.\\nImmediately upon occupying the fort, you will take measures to put it in a thorough\\nstate of defense, as far as its means aud ours will permit and for tins purpose you will\\nadvise witli Cajitain Ciaghorn, Chatham Artillery, who has been charged with all mat-\\nters relating to ordnance and ordnance stores and their su]i])ly.\\nYou will further arrange with Captain Ciaghorn a series of day and night signals for\\ncommunicating with the city of Savannah, for the purpose of calling for reinforcements,\\nor for other necessary purpose^. And you will arrange with Mr. John Cunningham,\\nMilitary Purveyor for the time being, for the em])loynient of one or more steamboats,\\nor other means of transportation by laud or by water that may be necessary, and for\\nother supplies (except for ordnance stores, for wliich you will call upon Captain Ciag-\\nhorn) as may be required.\\nIf circumstances should require it, the telegraph will be pl.aced under surveillance.\\nI think from our conversation you fully understand my views, and relying upon your\\npatrioti. iin, energy and sound discretion in the execution of this important aud delicate\\ntrust, I am, sir, very resjiectfnlly,\\nTour obedient servant,\\nJOSEPH E, BROWN,\\nGovernor and Commander-in-Chief.\\nAn additional order was issued by the Adjutant-General, Henry C\\nWayne, in regard to the details. There was a spirited rivalry among\\nthe volunteer companies of Savannah to participate in this duty. De-\\ntails from the Chatham Artillery, under Captain Joseph S. Ciaghorn;\\nSavannah Volunteer Guards, under Captain John Screven, and Og-le-\\nthorpe Light Infantry, under Captain Francis S. Bartow, amounting to\\n134 men, 50 each being taken from the infantry companies and 34 from\\nthe artillery, were made of a force to seize the fort. The seizure was\\nmade on the morning of the 3d of .lanuary, 18G0. The writer was a\\nmember of the Oglethorpe Light InfantJ-y, and was one of the detail", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0196.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "FORT rULASKI. 147\\nfrom that company for this duty. The seizure created the greatest ex-\\ncitement over the whole South. It was in accord with the spirit of the\\nhour, and Governor Brown received unstinted encomiums for his deci-\\nsive conduct. Its effect on the otiier Southern states was electrical\\nand wide-spread. It stimulated the war spirit, and immediately gave\\nGeorgia the prestige that she held to the end of the conflict.\\nCol. Lawton in communicating the occupancy of the fort made the\\nfollowing statement of an incident that was regarded as an unpleasant\\ncomplication, but which Gov. Brown promptly settled:\\nOn steaming down the river this morning I ascertained with regret that certain un-\\nanthorized persons had taken possession of the United States revenue cutter, Dobbin,\\nand are now exercising control over lier in the waters of Georgia.\\nCol. Lawton stated that he had taken the cutter, and expressed re-\\ngret that such embarrassing questions should be presented by unauthor-\\nized persons at that critical time. Gov. Brown immediately notified\\nMr. John Boston, collector of the port, that the cutter was at his dis-\\nposal, regretting the lawless seizure of the vessel, and the cutter was\\ndelivered to the captain.\\nThe fort contained when thus taken, twenty thirty-two pounder\\nguns in bad condition, and very little ammunition. Every effort was\\nmade to put the fort in order. The garrison of gentleman soldiers was\\nput under strict military discipline. The guns were properly mounted\\nand ammunition supplied. Drilling and practice firing were daily done.\\nThe cartridge bags for the heavy guns were furnished by the deft fin-\\ngers of the Savannah ladies. Some lady sent down to the fort a fine\\nfruit-cake iced beautifully and the word Secession wrought in with\\nsugar, while another more practical, sent down a package of lint. Gov.\\nBrown remained long enough in Savannah to see the seizure com-\\npleted, and returned to the seat of government. He telegraphed an\\naccount of his proceedings to the Governors of Florida, Alabama, Mis-\\nsissippi and Louisiana, and received strong endorsements of his course\\nin reply, and the intimation that his example should be immediately fol-\\nlowed. Gov. Moore of Alabama immediately seized the forts and arse-\\nnals in that state. The minute men of Macon passed unanimously some\\nresolutions of Charles J. Harris, Esq., approving the seizure, and pledg-\\ning themselves to sustain Gov. Brown at any sacrifice. The state con-\\nvention that met soon after passed this resolution:\\nThis convention highly approves the energetic and patriotic conduct of Gov. Brown\\nin taking possession of Fort Pulaski by Georgia troops, and re(|uests liim to liold pos-\\nsession until the relations of Georgia with the Fedunil government le determined by\\nthis convention.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0197.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "148 WAE SPIRIT IN MACON.\\nThe Governor on his way to Milledgeville was received all along- the\\nline of railroad with demonstrations of ajjproval of his course. On his\\narrival in Milledgeville, a large number of citizens with music and\\ntorches went to the executive mansion and serenaded him, and he made\\na short talk that was clveered with a hearty good will. Tlie press was\\nvery emphatic in approval of the Governor s action. Said the Augusta\\nDemocrat He has exhibited an intelligence, firmness and compre-\\nhensive statesmanship, equaled by few and surpassed by none in the\\nannals of the state. The Southern journals generally commended his\\ncourse. The Alabama Sjiirit of the SoiitJi thus paid him tribute:\\nWe caimot but .ailniire the skillful aud energetic manner iu wliicli Gov. Brown man-\\nages and controls the puljlic .affairs of Georgia. He talies counsel of no man s fears lis-\\ntens to no timid suggestions of delay waits for uo co-operation or compromise. He turns\\nneitlier to the riglit liand nor the left, but proceeds right onward to vindicate the honor\\naud protect tlie riglits of Ids government. He executes his plans with tlie nerve of a. soldier\\naud tlie .skill of a statesman. He defies tlie tlireats of federal power, and lauglis his\\nenemies to scorn. He is full of Jacksonian will and courage possessing wisdom to de-\\nvise and boldness anil sagacity to execute. He has much administrative capacity, and\\nin our opinion is better fitted for President of a Southern confederacy than any man\\nin the .South.\\nThis as contemporary comment, outside of State bias, will afford\\nsome conception of how this self-reliant and resolute Executive of\\nGeorgia in that troublous day impressed impartial public judgment.\\nA little episode occurred at this time that will exemplify the popular\\nfeeling as well as Governor Brown s spirit. The officers of the volun-\\nteer companies of Macon, Captain R. A. Smith, Captain E. Smith, Cap-\\ntain E. Fitzgerald, Captain T. M. Parker, Captain L. M. I.amar and\\nLieutenant Wm. H. Ross telegraphed to Governor Brown, asking him\\nif he would .sanction the movement of Georgia volunteers going to\\nthe aid of South Carolina. This was the prompt response:\\nI will not. Your first duty is to Georgia. South Carolina is able at present to take\\ncare of herself. You may be needed at home very soon.\\nJOSEPH E. BROWN.\\nOn the 9th day of January, 18G0, the State of Mississippi followed\\nthe example of South Carolina and formally seceded from the Union.\\nOn the 11th of January, Florida and Alabama withdrew. Each day as\\nit dawned brougiit some new contribution to the war spirit. The Fed-\\neral steamer Star of the West attempted to run in to Fort Sumter\\nand was fired upon by the Carolina troops in Fort Morris and driven\\nback. It was a rising flood of combative feeling. The sense of coming\\nconflict pervaded the most thoughtless, and serious people thrilled under", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0198.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "THE SECESSION SPIRIT IN GEORGIA. 149\\nthe moving stimulus. Richard R. Cuyler, the President of the power-\\nful Central Road Company, patriotically notified Gov. Brown that his\\nbank was ready to take one hundred thousand dollars of the bonds for\\nthe defence of the State at par. Secession cockades and badges were\\nmade by the thousand and worn openly and gaily. Some lady wore a\\nbonnet made of white and black Georgia cotton, covered with a net-\\nwork of black cotton, the streamers ornamented with Palmetto trees\\nand Lone Stars embroidered with gold thread, while the feathers were\\nformed of white and black worsted.\\nThe Georgia Convention assembled on the IGth day of January, 1801.\\nThe eyes of the whole Union were upon this most august body. There\\nwas an interest in its deliberations, both profound and wide-spread. It\\nwas felt to be the turning point of the real commencement of the revo-\\nlution. If staid, self-poised, deliberate powerful Georgia held back\\nfrom the work of disintegration it would have been such a substantial\\ncheck to the destructive movement as would have done much to stop it.\\nGeorgia s cooperation rendered the revolution sure. The Federal ad-\\nministration looked anxiously to our State as the crucial agency of the\\nagitation. The people of the North focalized their attention upon this\\narbiter of an impending and incalculable convulsion. It was known\\nthat a majority of the people of Georgia favored secession, but the\\nminority in favor of cooperation and delay was a very large and power-\\nful body of public sentiment, ably and patriotically headed. The vote\\ntaken in the election for members of the convention showed an aggre-\\ngate of 50,213 for secession and 37,123 against, giving a majority of\\nonly 13,120 for immediate disunion, out of 87,3GG. This was a much\\nsmaller majority than Gov. Brown had obtained in his last election. In\\nmany counties the anti-secessionists had heavy majorities. Such strong\\ncounties as Baldwin, Floyd, DeKalb, Cass, Franklin, Gordon, Gwinnett,\\nLumpkin, Murray, Walker, Walton and others went some of them over-\\nwhelmingly against disunion. In many counties it was the closest sort\\nof a shave, giving either way only a vote or two. The most one-sided\\nsecession county in the whole State was Cobb, which gave 1,035 votes\\nfor and only seven against disunion. Chatham was also nearly unan-\\nimous for secession. In a very few counties no opposition candidate to\\nsecession was run. In Taliaferro and Tattnall no secession candidate\\nwas put up. These statistics will show how much the people were\\ndivided on this issue, and yet in the crazy fever of the war excitement\\nand the more noisy demonstration of the secession champions, the op-\\nposition was almost unheard and absolutely impotent. A few brave", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0199.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "150 PERSOXELLE OF THE SECESSION CONVEXTION.\\nsj)irits spoke out fearlessly, and courageously endeavored to stem the\\nrushing and turbulent tide of disunion. But the generality of conser-\\nvative men feeling powerless to do anything, and unwilling to incur a\\ncertain odium that clung to men alleged to be lukewarm or opposed to\\nSouthern interest, went quietly along simply voting in the opposition.\\nThe secession convention was the ablest body ever convened in Georgia.\\nIts membership included nearly every leading public man in the State,\\nthe leaders of all parties and shades of political opinion. Tiie President\\nof the Convention was George W. Crawford, who had been Governor of\\nthe State from 1843 to 1847, a gentleman of large influence and command-\\ning ability, and for years a recognized popular leader. There was Robert\\nToombs, United States Senator, and for a short time Secretary of State\\nin the Confederate Administration the two famous Stephens brothers,\\nAlexander H. Stephens, Vice President of the Confederate States, and\\nLinton Stephens, Judge of the Supreme Court. Ex-Governor Herschell\\nV. Johnson, candidate for Vice President on the Douglas ticket and ex-\\nUnited States Senator; Eugenius A. Nesbit, ex-Member of Congress\\nand ex-Judge of the Supreme Court Benjamin H. Hill, present United\\nStates Senator Alfred H. Colquitt, the present able and popular Gov-\\nernor of Georgia; Henry L. Benning and Hiram Warner, ex-Judge and\\nex-Chief .Justice of the Supreme Court. There was also Augustus H.\\nKenan, Washington Poe, David J. Bailey, ex-President of the Georgia\\nSenate, Gen. W. T. Woiford, Francis S. Bartow, Thos. R. R. Cobb, Dr.\\nH. R. Casey, Judge R. H. Clark, H. P. Bell, member of Congress since\\nthe war. Dr. J. P. Logan of Fulton county, one of the most eminent\\nand scientific physicians in the State, Wm. H. Dabnej D. P. Hill,\\nGoode Bryan, Judge W. B. Fleming-, Henry R. Harris, member of Con-\\ngress since the war, Thos. P. Saffold, Judge Augustus Reese, Pur-\\nmetas Reynolds, Arthur Hood now Judge, Willis A. Hawkins, since\\nJudge of tiio Supreme Court, T. M. Furlow, A. H. HaTisell, S. B. Spencer,\\nsince Mayor of Atlanta, P. W. Alexander, C. W. Styles, N. A. Cars-\\nwell, now Judge of the Superior Court, and John L. Harris, since then\\na .ludge.\\nAmong these gentlemen two were the most potential and unexpected\\nworkers for secession. Judge Eugenius A. Nesbit, the author of the\\nOrdinance of Secession, had always been a very conservative piiblic\\nman. He was a small gentleman, tliough of great personal dignit}-. He\\npossessed unusual culture and erudition. He was a christian of pro-\\nfound piety. He had been a Congressman and a Judge of the Supreme\\nCourt, and was known for eloquence, learning, ability, classical educa-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0200.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "DA j-f* sr SRAJii _^ K:rG^ by ^b ia.rcixi^", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0203.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0204.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "DR. JOSEPn p. LOGAN. 151\\ntion, and a moral and social character of exquisite purity. The other of\\nthese two unlooked-for disunion advocates was Thos. R. R. Cobb, like\\nJudg e Nisbet, an earnest, fervent christian worker, but who, unlike his\\ndistinguished colleague, had never taken any part in political life. He\\nwas a lawyer of marvelous industry and acumen. The secession issue\\naroused all the fervor of his earnest soul. The election of Lincoln\\nthrew him into the political arena, the most intense, unwearied cham-\\npion of secession in the state. All of the pov -erful energies of his mind\\nand will were bent upon this mission of withdrawing Georgia from\\nthe Union and establishing a Southern Confederacy. He was, as Mr.\\nStephens fitly called him, a sort of Peter the Hermit in this secession\\ncrusade, pursuing it with an unquenchable enthusiasm.\\nNothing could more vividly show the engulfing fever of the day than\\nthe fact that such men as Dr. J. P. Logan were drawn into public\\nactivity. Leading the medical profession, he was a scientific enthusiast\\nin his high calling. A gentleman of imposing figure and a noble face,\\nwith genial dignity of manner, combining every christian grace of\\ncharacter with decisive manhood, high intellectuality and rare medical\\nskill and erudition, his interest in the movement showed how the solid\\nstrata of our best citizens was stimulated to zeal in this agitation.\\nMr. Albert Lamar was made the Secretary of the Convention. Gov.\\nBrown and ex-Gov. Howell Cobb were invited to seats upon the floor.\\nThe convention was addressed b\\\\ Hon. James li. Orr, Commissioner from\\nSouth Carolina, and Hon. .lohn G. Shorter, Commissioner from Alabama,\\nexplaining the attitude of those states and seeking the cooperation of\\nGeorgia in disunion. On the ISth of January Judge Nisbet introduced\\na resolution declaring in favor of secession and for the appointment of\\na committee to report an ordinance of secession. This precipitated the\\nissue. For this resolution ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson, acting in concert with\\nMr. Stephens, offered a substitute written by ex-Gov. Johnson, reciting\\nGeorgia s attachment to the Union; the assaults that had been made\\nupon slavery and the insecurity they begat in the Southern mind; the\\nperil that threatened the South from a hostile majority, a peril aug-\\nmented by the recent secession of several Southern states; and that\\nwhile Geoi gia could not abide permanently in the Union without new\\nand ample constitutional guarantees, yet she was not disposed to with-\\ndraw hastily or without consultation with her Southern Confederates,\\nwhose counsel and cooperation she invoked to secure our rights in the\\nUnion if possible, or to protect them out of the Union if necessary.\\nThe substitutes proposed an ordinance that Delaware, Maryland, Vir-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0205.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "152 DISCUSSIOX OF GIANTS OVER SECESSION.\\ng-inia, Kentuckj North Carolina, I^oiiisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Ten-\\nnessee and Missouri be invited to send delegates to a conjrress in\\nAtlanta the lOth day of February, 1861, to consider the situation aftd\\ndevise a course. The independent republic of South Carolina, Florida,\\nAlabama and Mississippi were invited to send Commissioners to said\\nCongress. It was further declared in the ordinance that Georgia pre-\\nsented as indispensable constitutional guarantees before she could re-\\nmain in the Union, congressional inability to abolish or prohibit slavery\\nin the territories, surrender of fugitive slaves, punishment of rescue of\\nslaves from officers, protection of slave property like other property in\\nthe territories, the admission of new states with or without slavery as\\nthe people thereof wish; the right of transit and protection for slaves,\\nand the prohibition of negroes holding Federal office. It was further\\nordained by the substitute that upon any attempt at coercion of the\\nseceded states Georgia would join them in resistance; that Georgia\\nwould hold Fort Pulaski and other Federal property until her iinal de-\\ncision; that Commissioners be sent to the other slave states; that if all\\nefforts fail she will help form a Southern Confederacy, and that tiie con-\\nvention adjourn to the 25th day of February, 1801, and concluding\\nwith the unalterable determination of Georgia to maintain her rights,\\nequality and safety at all hazards, and to the last extremity.\\nThe discussion over this issue was elaborate, able and eloquent.\\nJudge Nisbet, Gov. .Johnson, T. R. R. Cobb, Mr. Stephens, Mr. Toombs,\\nAlexander Means, Augustus Reese, Ben Hill and Francis S. Bartow, all\\nspoke. It was a discussion of giants. The secession champions were\\nNisbet, Cobb, Toombs, Reese and Bartow, and pitted against them in\\nfavor of further attempt at a friendly settlement of troubles, were\\nJohnson, Stephens, Means and Hill. The kej^-note of the secessionists,\\nas condensed by Mr. T. R. R. Cobb in a speech of remarkable power,\\nwas, We can make better terms out of the Union than in it! And\\nMr. Stephens gave it as his opinion, that this single, focal idea of Mr.\\nCobb, looking to a more certain re-formation of the Union on a higher\\nvantage ground outside of the Union, did more in carr^ ing the state\\nout than all the arguments and eloquence of all others combined. The\\nsound, unanswerable position of the anti-secessionists was enunciated\\nby Mr. Stephens in the sentence, that the point of resistance should\\nbe the point of aggression. Secession as a remedj for anticipated\\naggressions was not wise or politic, and these gentlemen opposing seces-\\nsion believed that Georgia, standing firm with the border states in an\\neffort to obtain a redress of grievances, would succeed. It was a grand", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0206.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "A GRAND DEBATE. 153\\ndebate over the grandest of themes, tliis discussion of superior minds,\\ntrained to controversy, upon a sul)ject involving the happiness and\\nwelfare, not only of the commonwealth, but of the nation with its\\nmillions. The debate was historic, and deserves to be pictured for\\nposterity. Tliere is little doubt that it .settled the issue the mighty\\nand appalling issue of war or peace. The destinies of a nation hung\\nupon it. Had the milder policy prevailed, and Georgia been in the role\\nof peace-maker, there is no telling how the end would have been. The\\nconservative course was the wise one. It was too grave an issue and\\ntoo awful a result to hqve been decided hastily, and not to have first\\nexhausted every possible means of friendly adjustment in the Union.\\nBut a Higher Power was ruling the occasion. The great and mysterious\\nends of Providence were in process of fulfillment. The frenzy of\\nrevolution was on the people: the counsels of prudence were subordi-\\nnated to the honorable resentment of a chivalric section, and the work\\nof the emancipation of four millions of slaves progressed to its bloody\\nand final consummation.\\nEx-Gov. Johnson had moved the reference of the original and substi-\\ntute to a special committee. After the debate the previous question\\nwas called and sustained, which brought the convention to a direct vote\\non Mr. Nisbet s secession resolution. The resolution was passed by a\\nvote of 106 yeas to 130 nays, under all the circumstances a most extra-\\nordinary vote in its development of anti-secession views. The truth is,\\nthat some of the ablest and strongest intellects of the .state and the\\nconvention opposed secession, and that measure was carried by so small\\na majorit} as to demonstrate how reluctant our people were to enter\\nupon a violent course. Mr. Toombs was the undoubted head of the\\nsecessionists in the convention. His superb qualities of leadership, and\\nhis double leverage as a Senator in the United States and a member of\\nthe convention, with all the power and information that such senator-\\nship gave him, equipped him for hastening the march of the revolution.\\nHe had made a speech in the United States Senate on the 7th of Janu-\\nary, 18C1, of surpassing power\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a speech intended to put upon record\\nthe wrongs and the cause of the South a speech of crushing logic and\\nsublime eloquence. One by one he had in clear, forcible language laid\\ndown the demands of the South, and their foundation in solemn consti-\\ntutional guarantees. He candidly made .the striking admission, that\\na very large portion of the people of Georgia prefer to remain in this\\nUnion with their constitutional rights I would say ninety per cent, of\\nthem believing it to be a good government. Unanswerably arguing", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0207.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "154 COMMITTEE TO DRAFT SECESSION ORDINANCE.\\nthat the Constitution was the compact of union, he discussed every\\ngrievance of which the South complained in the liglit of the Constitu-\\ntion. The speech was full of magnificent bursts of thrilling eloquence.\\nHe concluded with this impassioned passage\\nThese charges I liave proven liy the reconi, and I put them before tlie civilized wnrici,\\nand demand the judgment of to-day, of to-morrow, of distant ages, anil of lieaven itself,\\nupon the justice of these causes. I am content, whatever it be, to peril all in,.so noble,\\nso holy a cause. We have appealed, time and time again, for these constitutional rights.\\nYou have refused them. We appeal again. Restore us those rights as we had them, as\\nyour court adjudges them to be, just as our people have said they are redress these flagrant\\nwrongs, seen of all men, and it u:ill restore fraternity, and peace and unity to all of us.\\nRefuse them, and what then? We .shall then ask you, Let U3 depart in peace. Refuse\\nthat, and you pre.sent us war. We accept it and inscribing npoA our banners the glori-\\nous words, Liberty and Equality, we will trust iu the blood of the brave and the God\\nof Battles for security and tramiuillity.\\nComing to Georgia with these grim words of war upon his eloquent\\nlips, echoing their stem spirit over the whole country, and flaming\\nmen s hearts everj-where in the broad land, he took his seat in the sov-\\nereign convention of his great state, and there resumed the fiery mission\\nof a nation s severance. It was a wonderful work, this disintegration of\\na gigantic government. And looking back from a twenty years stand-\\npoint of tirne, one wonders that no prescience of the immeasurable mis-\\neries that followed were vouchsafed to the architects, the undoubtedly\\npatriotic and pure-souled architects of that act of colossal i-uin and\\ndestruction. God for his own good reasons allowed no prophetic reve-\\nlations of the terrible future, and the revolution went on in which a\\nnoble people, in a sacred cause of self-government, were crucified for a\\nhumanitarian wrong, for which they were not responsible. Thus\\ninscrutably does Providence forge out its great plans.\\nThe secession battle was fought and whipped over Judge Nisbet s\\nresolution. After its passage the colonial flag of Georgia was raised\\namidst a wild e.xcitement. It was a short work to complete the act.\\nJudge Nisbet promptly moved that the committee to report an ordinance\\nof secession consist of seventeen memLers. It was carried. The Presi-\\ndent appointed tlie following gentlemen:\\nE. A. Nisbet, chairman Robert Toombs, H. V. Johnson, F. S. Bartow,\\nH. L. Benning, W. U. Brown, G. D. Rice, T. H. Trippe, T. R. R. Cobb,\\nA. H. Kenan, A. H. Stephens, Jas. Williamson, D. P. Hill, B. H. Hill,\\nE. W. Chastain, A. H. Colquitt, Aug. Reese. Immediately after the\\nappointment of the committee a message was received from Governor\\nBrown in response to a resolution calling on him for any information", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0208.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "THE GEORGIA SECESSION ORDINANCE. 155\\nill liis possession that would facilitate the action of the body, furnish-\\ning the ordinance of Georgia ratifying the Constitution of the United\\nStates, and also a copy of resolutions of the New York legislature ten-\\ndering aid to the President to uphold the Union. The committee\\nreported the following- Ordinance of Secession:\\nAN ORDINANCE\\nTo dissolve tlie Union lietween the State of Georgia and other States united with her\\nunder a cunijiact of Government entitled, The Constitution of the United States\\nof America.\\n]Ve the people of the Slate of Georgia, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain,\\nand it is herehtj declared and ordained\\nThat the ordinance adopted by the people of the State of Georgia in Convention on\\nthe second day of January, in tlieyear of our Lord 1788, wliereby tlie Constitution of the\\nUnited States of America was assented to, ratified and adopted and also all acts and\\nparts of acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying and adopting amendments\\nof the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, rescinded and abrogated.\\nWe do further declare and ordain, Tliat the union now sulisisting between the State\\nof Georgia and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby\\ndissolved, and that tlie State of Georgia is in the full possession and exercise of all those\\nrights of sovereignty, which belong and appertaiii to a free and independent State.\\nOn motion of Mr. Toombs the ordinance was twice read. Ben. Hill\\nmoved, as a substitute for the ordinance, the preamble and resolutions\\nthat had been offered by ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson. On this motion the\\nvote stood 133. yeas to 164 nays, a slight gain in the anti-secession vote,\\nthough the motion was lost. Mr. Nisbet then moved the passage of\\nthe ordinance, and the vote stood 208 yeas to 89 nays, showing that 44\\nof the anti-secession members voted for the ordinance under the idea\\nthat its passage was a foregone conclusion and further opposition was\\nuseless, while it was necessary to give all the moral force possible to\\nthe act. Ben. H. Hill voted on this ballot for secession. But H. V.\\nJohnson, the Stephens brothers. Gen. Woffiord and Hiram Warner still\\nvoted against it. The announcement of the President, Mr. Crawford,\\nthat it was his pleasure and privilege to declare that the State of Georgia\\nwas free, sovereign and independent, was followed by an applause that\\nwas tempered by the gravity of thoughtful men over a step of serious\\nand unknown import. The hour of the passage of this momentous\\nordinance was two o clock p. m., the 19th day of January, 18G1. The\\nAtlanta Intelligencer a year after, recalling the event, thus described it:\\nThere was an exultant shout, and men breathed freer and looked nolder, and felt\\nmore like freemen wlio had liurst the shackles that liail enslaved them for years. From\\nthe hall of the House of Representatives the momentous event soon reached the vast\\nand excited multitude outside, who had crowded to Milledgeville, most of them with the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0209.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "156 PROTEST AGAlXST SECESSION\\npatriotic intent to urge upon tlie convention Georgia s right and duty to secede. The\\npeople shouted, tlie hells were rung, the cannon roared, the citv w.as illuminated, and\\ngreat was the rejoicing.\\nMr. Nisbet offered this resolution, wliioli was adopted:\\nW/ienas, the lack of unanimity in the action of this convention, in the p.issage of\\nthe Ordinance uf Secession, indicates a difference of opinion amongst the menihers of\\nthe convention, not so much as to the rights which Georgia claims, or the wrongs of\\nwhich she complains, as to the remedy and its application before a resort to other means\\nof redress\\nAnd icltereas, it is desirable to give expression to that intention which really exists\\namong all members of this coni-eution to sustain the St.ite in the course of action which\\nshe has pronounced to be pro])er for the occasion, Therefore\\nRcsali-ed, That members of this Convention, including those who voted against the\\nsaid ordinance, as well as those who voted for it, will sign tlie same as a pledge of the\\nunanimous determination of this Convention to sustain and defend the St.ate in this her\\nchosen remedy, with all its responsibilities and consequences, without regard to individual\\napproval or disapproval of its adoption.\\nAt twelve o clock on Monday, the 21st day of January, 1861, the\\nordinance of secession was signed in presence of the Governor and State\\nHouse officers, Judges, and a throng of spectators, and the great seal of\\nState attached. The delegates all signed the ordinance, but six of them\\ndid so under j)rotest, which is as follows:\\nWe, the undersigned, delegates to the Convention of the State of Georgia, now in\\nsession, while we most solemnly protest .against the action of the majority in adopting\\nan ordinance for the immediate and sep.trate secession of this Stiite, and would have\\npreferred the policy of cooperation with our southern sister states, yet .as good citizens,\\nwe yield to tlie will of a m.ajority of her people as expressed liv their representatives,\\nand we hereby pledge our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor to the defense of\\nGeorgia, if uecessary, against hostile invasion from any source whatsoever.\\nJames P. Simmons, of Gwinnett.\\nThos. M. McRae, of Montgomery.\\nF. H. Latimer, of Montgomery.\\nDavis WnEi.cniiL, of Hall.\\nP. M. BvHD, of Hall.\\nJames Slmmons, of Pickens.\\nMiLLEl GETiT,i,E, Ga., Jauu.irv 22, 1861.\\nThis decisive act of Georffia settled the revolution. Whatever doubts\\nhad e.xisted as to the policy or purpose of the South as to secession\\nwere dissipated. The spirit of the Georgia convention, so riven as it\\nwas by a conflict of opinion as to disunion, and yet so conciliatory and\\nharmonious in the final action, confirmed the effect of its example abroad.\\nCommitted to secession after a stubborn conflict and close division,\\nthe State was compactly welded in its cordial support of the adopted", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0210.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "THE ELECTRICAL EFFECT OF GEORGIA S SECESSION. 157\\npolicy. The ship was given to the lightning and the gale against the\\nwishes of a powerful minority of her crew, but when the venture was\\nmade, every man leaped to his post for the storm, devoted, loyal, intrepid\\nand invincible. The news of the action at Milledgeville was flashed\\nover- the wires, carrying the inflammable intelligence. It stirred the\\nState to delirium. Ratification meetings were held every where. Guns\\nwere fired and orators spoke their burning words. The die was cast for\\nwar, and the chivalric spirit of a brave people gave back a unanimous\\nand deep-souled response. In the sister states of the South the effect\\nwas electrical. That solid, staunch old Georgia should throw her\\nsplendid autonomy into the current of secession created a boundless\\nenthusiasm, and the secession crusade became irresistible.\\nLooking at the motives that animated the people of Georgia in this\\nmost serious step, one must admit that they were pure, conscientious\\nand chivalric. They believed they were risking life, property and honor\\nfor liberty and self-government for a violated constitution, whose prin-\\nciples incarnated the genius of republican institutions. It was eternally\\nto their honor that they staked so much for their convictions of right.\\nThat they failed in their cherished cause detracts nothing from their\\nheroic devotion and sacrifice to truth. That they should have been used\\nby Providence in the execution of a humanitarian reform but consecrates\\ntheir heroism.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0211.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0212.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "PART II.\\nThe Bloody Harvest of War.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0213.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0214.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVIII.\\nTHE PRINCELY PROSPERITY GEORGIA STAKED ON THE\\nM AR.\\nGov. Brown s Promptness. The Seizure of the Augusta Arsenal. Captain Elzev.\\nCol. Henry R. Jatkson.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Col. Win. H. T. Walker.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Work of the Convention.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The\\nDelegates to Moutgoinery. Commissioners to Southern States. Their Keports.\\nThe Address of the Convention, written by Mr. Toombs. A Summary of Georgia s\\nCondition. Striking Statistics. Her E.xceptional Attitude. Si.xty-two Millions\\nGrowth in a Single Year. A Romance of State Expansion. A Flood Tide of\\nProgress. Gov. Brown s Marvelous Administration. Georgia s Largest Measure of\\nMaterial Advancement under His Rule. An Increa.se of 176 Millions in Brown s\\nFour Years. An Amazing Growth. Georgia had Ennobled Peace. She was to\\nIllumine War.\\nFrom the date of Georgia s secession, events went forward swiftly.\\nGov. Brown with characteristic promptitude ha.stened to make practical\\nthe sovereignty of the State. The United States flag was still flying\\nover the Augusta Arsenal. Captain Arnold Elzey was in charge of it,\\nin command of eighty United States soldiers. During the heated pub-\\nlic feeling before secession, the people were in great excitement over\\nFederal occupation of the Arsenal. This excitement became almost\\nuncontrollable when the Federal flag continued to float over the Arsenal\\nafter secession, and it was the all-absorbing theme of talk. Gov. Brown\\nwent promptly to Augusta, arriving there on the 22d of January, 1861.\\nColonel, afterwards Gen. Henry R. Jackson, accompanied the Governor\\nas his aid. The following communication was addressed to Captain\\nElzey:\\nAugusta, Ga., Jan. 2.3, I86I.\\nCapt. Arnold Elzey, U. S. A.. Commanding Augusta Arsenal\\nSir. I am instructed by his Excellency, Gov. Brown, to say to you that Georgia,\\nhaving seceded from the United States of America, and resumed exclusive sovereignty\\nover her soil, it h.as become my duty to require you to withdraw the troops under your\\ncommand at the earliest pr.acticahle moment, from the limits of this state.\\nHe propo.ses to take possession of the Arsenal, and to receipt for .all public property\\nunder your charge, which will hereafter be accounted for, on adjustment, between tlie\\nState of Georgia and the United States of America.\\nHe begs to refer you to the fact th.at the retention of foreign troops upon the soil of\\nGeorgia, after remonstrance, is, under the laws of nations, an act of hostility aud he", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0215.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "1G2 THE AUGUSTA ARSENAL.\\nI\\nclaims tliat the State is uut ouly at ])eace, Ijut auxiuus to cultivate the most amicable re-\\nlatious with tlie Uuiteil States Guverumeut.\\nI am further iustruoted to say that au answer will be expected by to morrow morn-\\niug, at uiue o clock.\\nI am Sir, Very Respectfully,\\nYour ObeUieut Servant,\\nHENUY R. JACKSON.\\nAid de Camp, etc.\\nCaptain Elzey refused to give up the Arsenal, and telegraphed the\\nsituation to the authorities at Washington, receiving at one o clock at\\nnight this reply:\\nWashington, Jan. 2.3, 1861.\\nCapt. Arnold, Second Artillery, Commanding Augusta Arsenal, Ga.\\nThe Governor of Georgia hevs assumed against your post ,ancl the United States an\\nattitude of war. His summons is harsh aud peremptory. It is not expected that your\\ndefense should be desperate. If forceil to surreniler by violence or starvation, you will\\nstipulate for honorable terms, aud a free passage by water with your company to Xew\\nYork.\\nT. HOLT, Secretary of War.\\nDuring the day of the 23d the volunteers of the city were ordered\\nout, and some 800 troops responded. The refusal of Captain Elzey to\\nsurrender created the exciting pro.spect of a battle, and hence every\\nman turned out that could raise a uniform and gun. Troops came in from\\nthe country. The companies out were the Augusta Battalion, companies\\nA and B of the Minute Men and the militia, all under the immediate\\nconnuand of Lt. Col. Camming. Brig. Gen. Harris had general direc-\\ntion, aided by Brig. Gen. Williams of Columbus. Col. Wm. Phillips\\nwas on the Governor s staff. Gov. Brown determined to make no\\nhostile demonstration on the 23d, but to allow Captain Elzej a day for\\nconsideration. The troops were dismissed until the 24:th, at nine\\no clock, A. M., when they reassembled and were just about to march for\\nthe Arsenal, when Capt. Elzey sent the following communication, which\\ncaused a countermanding of the order to march.\\nHead Qcarters Augusta Arsejtal,\\nGeorgia, Jan. 24, 1861.\\nSir, I have the honor to inform you that I am directed by Captain Elzey, command-\\ning this post, to say, in reply to the demand of the Governor of the State of Georgia,\\nmade through you yesterd.ay, requiring him to withdraw his command beyond the limits\\nof the State he begs to request an interview with his Excellency, the Governor, for the\\npurpose of negotiating honorable terms of surrender at as early an hour this morning as\\npracticable.\\nI have the honor to be, very respectfully.\\nYour Obedient Servant,\\nJ. C. JONES,\\nTo Col. H. R. Jackson, Aid de Camp. Lieut. 2d Art. Adg.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0216.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "LAEGE CAPTURE OF VALUABLE ORDNANCE. 103\\nAt ten o clock Gov. Brown, with Generals Williams and Harris, and\\nhis staff, Col. H. R. Jackson, Col. Wni. Phillips, Lt. Col. M. C. Fulton,\\nLt. Col. C. V. Walker, and Lt. Col. Henry Cleveland rode to the Arse-\\nnal, where the terms of surrender were agreed upon.\\n1. The United States flag was to be lowered and saluted.\\n2. The company to march out with military honors.\\n3. A receipt ta be given for the property with a view to future ad-\\njustment.\\n4. The company to retain its arms and property, to stay in its quar-\\nters until withdrawal from the State, and to have passage to New York\\nby Savannah. The State obtained a large quantity of valuable ordnance\\nand munitions, among them a fine battery of two twelve-pound howitz-\\ners, two cannons, twenty-two thousand muskets and rifles, many of\\ntliem of the best kind, and heavy stores of powder, grape and other am-\\nmunition.\\nAfter the arrangements were completed, a cordial exchange of\\nfriendly courtesies was had. Col. Wm. Henry Walker crossed the\\nroom and heartily shook hands with Capt. Elzey, assuring him that he\\nhad done all that a brave officer could. A silent embrace was Capt.\\nElzey s reply, and the incident filled with tears the eyes of those who wit-\\nnessed the touching incident between these two old army faends, sud-\\ndenly placed in hostile relations to each other. The two were at West\\nPoint together. Col. Walker was afterwards made a Major General in\\nthe Confederate army. He was the possessor of a courage that bor-\\ndered upon the desperate. He was peculiarly unfortunate, having\\nbeen frightfully wounded on three separate occasions in his service\\nbefore the war, once being literally shot to pieces. He was finally\\nkilled in the battles around Atlanta.\\nThe garrison was called out and the four field, pieces used in firing\\nthe salute. Thirty-three guns were fired, one for each star on the old\\nflag, Georgia included. The flag descended from the staff between\\nthe thirty-second and thirty-third fire. All of the officers of the com-\\npany, and some of those with the Governor had seen active service\\nunder it. Col. Jackson through the Mexican war. As the flag fell\\nfrom the staff, a deep feeling of pain and regret was entertained.\\nRefreshments w-ere ordered by Capt. Elzey, and a number of toasts\\nwere pledged, several of them deserving preservation. Col. Jackson\\noffered this feeling and memorable sentiment: The flag of stars and\\nstripes, mav it never be disgraced, while it floats over a true Southern\\npatriot. This toast was warmly appreciated by the officers of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0217.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "1G4: DELEGATES TO 3IOXTGOMERY.\\nFederal company, who were Southern officers. Governor Brown, while\\nnot drinking wine, proposed a toast to Captain Elzey, in which he paid\\nthat officer a merited and generous compliment.\\nGov. Brown returned immediately to Milledgeville. At three o clock\\nGen. Harris, with twelve of the Washington Artillery, and a squad of\\nthe Oglethorpe Infantry, proceeded to the Arsenal and took possession.\\nAt half past four the representative flag of Georgia was formally raised,\\na pure white banner with a large red five-pointed star in the center, the\\nsymbol and the emblem of the state s supreme sovereignty. Salutes\\nwere fired with two cannon belonging to the Washington Artillerj-\\none gun for the sovereignty of Georgia five guns for the seceded\\nstates; and fifteen for the prospective Southern Confederacy. In com-\\nmenting upon Gov. Brown s judicious execution of this duty, the\\nAugusta Cotistitutionalist complimented him upon the fact that he\\nused every effort to preserve peace between the State and the United\\nStates, and it used these words: Our State may well be proud of her\\nGovernor. It was apprehended at one time that bloodshed wonld\\nensue; but the prompt and overwhelming demonstration of force,\\ngiving time for a calm knowledge of the situation, resulted in the\\npeaceable surrender of the post with its incalculably valuable stores for\\nthe great conflict so soon at hand. This episode added to the enthu-\\nsiasm of the hour, and stimulated the war feeling. Captain Elzey\\nafterwards became a General officer in the Confederate army.\\nThe work of the State Convention proceeded rapidly. Ordinances\\nwere passed in quick succession, perfecting the details of sovereign\\nrule, in regard to citizenship, the courts, inter-state slave trade, postal\\narrangements, and other matters. Delegates were elected to the South-\\nern Convention to meet at Montgomery on the 4th of February, 18G1.\\nThese were:\\nState at Large. Robert Toombs and Howell Cobli.\\n1st District, Francis S. Bartow; 2nd District, Martin J. Crawford; 3d\\nDistrict, EJugenius A. Nisbet; 4th District, Benjamin H. Hill; 5tli Dis-\\ntrict, Augustus R. Wright; 6th District, Thomas R. R. Cobb; 7th Dis-\\ntrict, Augustus H. Kenan; 8th District, Alexander H. Stephens.\\nThis was a very strong delegation. Some complaint was made by\\nthe extreme secession press at the selection of B. H. Hill, A. H. Kenan\\nand A. R. Wright, on account of their not having been secessionists.\\nThe Convention selected also Commissioners to send to Southern states\\nthat had not seceded. The persons chosen were:\\nFor Virginia, H. L. Benning of Muscog ee.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0218.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "EEPOETS Oi SOUTHEKN COMIIISSIONEES. 1G5\\nFor Maryland, A. R. Wright of Richmond.\\nFor Kentucky, H. R. Jackson of Chatliam.\\nFor Tennessee,. H. P. Bell of Forsyth.\\nFor Missouri, L. J. Glenn of Fulton.\\nFor Arkansas, D. P. Hill of Harris.\\nFor Delaware, D. C. Campbell of Baldwin.\\nFor North Carolina, Saml. Hall of Macon.\\nCol. Henry R. Jackson declined to serve, and Dr. W. C. Daniell was\\nappointed in his stead. W. J. Vason had been previously chosen as\\nCommissioner to Louisiana, and J. W. A. Sanford, Commissioner to\\nTexas.\\nReports of their mission to these states were made by Campbell,\\nSanford, Wright, Hall, Daniell, Vason and Bell. Col. D. P. Hill, the\\nCommissioner to Arkansas, proceeded to that state and remained three\\nmonths at work, and did not return until Arkansas seceded, at which\\ntime the Georgia Convention had adjourned, and his report was never\\nmade. He labored faithfully, however, canvassing the state of Arkansas\\nfrom one end to the other. Col. L. J. Glenn went to Missouri, but had\\na ditlicult time, meeting with much trouble in his mission. The reports\\nof the Commissioners constitute a very interesting series of papers, and\\nare embodied in the Journal of the Convention. Col. Campbell found\\nin Delaware a Legislatui e hostile to secession, and hence limited his\\nwork to a brief letter to Gov. Burton, who transmitted it to the Gen-\\neral Assembly without comments. Col. Campbell predicted that when\\nVirginia and Maryland seceded, Delaware would do so. Ranse Wright,\\nthe Commissioner to Maryland, found Gov. Hicks of that state uncom-\\npromisingly opposed to secession, and if a disruption was made he\\nfavored a Central Confederacy, including New Vork, Pennsylvania,\\nNew Jersey, Delaware, Virginia, Missouri and Ohio, and was then in\\ncorrespondence with the Governors of those states upon the subject.\\nAn unofficial convention of secessionists was in session in Maryland,\\nbut adjourned until some time in March. Col. Wright thought the\\npeople of Maryland would take the matter in their own hands and join\\nthe South. The letter of Col. Wright to Gov. Hicks was a very elo-\\nquent and able presentation of the issues involved.\\nThe report of Samuel Hall, the Commissioner to North Carolina, rep-\\nresented a most cordial reception from the Governor, the legislature\\nand citizens of that state. He addressed the legislature in a speech of\\nelaboration and power, that concluded with an eloquent anticipation of\\nthe future glory of a Southern Confederacy. His mission was a success", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0219.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "IGG SECESSIOX ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE.\\nin this, that the legislature submitted the question to the people whether\\na convention should be called. Dr. Daniell was able to do nothing in\\nKentucky. Wni. J. Vason, the Commissioner to Louisiana, addressed\\nthe legislature of that state, but found the state up to the neck in\\nsecession. Col. H. P. Bell, the Commissioner to Tennessee, found the\\npeople against secession, but Governor Harris was confident they would\\ncome to it in time. Col. Lutiier J. Glenn went to Missouri and\\nfaithfully executed his mission. He had a troublesome time, but over-\\ncame the difficulties manfully.\\nThe Convention continued in session until the 20th of January, ISGl,\\nwhen it adjourned to meet in Savannah. A number of important mat-\\nters were ordained, among them, the reduction of the Senate of the\\nstate to a body of forty-four members, as it has Ijcen ever since and is\\nnow. The Congressional Districts were increased from nine to ten.\\nThe Governor was authorized to raise two regiments of troops for state\\ndefense.\\nThe address of the Convention upon the Ordinance of Secession as\\nreported by Mr. Nisbet, chairman of the committee of seventeen, was\\nwritten by Mr. Toombs, and was a masterly review of the causes that\\ninduced Georg ia to secede. It is a clear, concise, ringing statement of\\nthe issue, pithy, concentrated and forcible. x\\\\rraigning the Republi-\\ncan party for its crusade against slavery, the great question of slavery\\nis the burden of the paper. The address concludes in these sinewj\\nsentences. The people of Georgia\\nKnow the value of parchment rights in trcaelierous hands, and therefore they refuse\\nto commit their oivn to the rulers whom the North offer us. Why? Because by their\\ndeclared principles and policy they have outlawed three thousand millions of our pro-\\nperty in tlie conimou territories of the Union, put it under the ban of the Republic iu\\ntlie states where it exists, and out of tlie protection of Federal law every-where because\\nthey give sanctuary to thieves and incendiaries who assail it to the wliole extent of their\\npower, in spite of tlieir nuist solemn oldis.ations and covenants because their avowed\\npurpose is to subvert our society, and sui)ject us, not only to the loss of our propertv,\\nbut tlie destruction of ourselves, our wives and our children, and the desolation of our\\nliouies, our altars an l our firesides. To avoid these evils, we resume the powers which\\nour fathers delegated to the Government of the United States, and henceforth will seek\\nnew safeguards for our liberty, equality, security and tranquillity.\\nA summary of the condition of Georgia in the year 1860, the year\\nbefore the great civil war, will not be out of place for the purpose of\\npractically presenting the stupendous changes wrought by the revolu-\\ntion. The statistics are striking ones, and demonstrate how sturdily\\nthis powerful Southern State adhered to the Confederate cause in that", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0220.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "Georgia s exteaordixart progress ix isgo. 107\\nmost gigantic sti ife of the world s history, and to what extent she de-\\nvoted lier men and means to wliat she espoused. It is a matter of well-\\ngrounded doubt if any State in the Union displayed greater heroism.\\nAnd while she thus practically did her duty in sending her sons and\\ngiving her resources to the cause, she held a singular and exceptional\\nattitude in firmly antagonizing every measure of the Confederate gov-\\nernment that she thought an encroachment upon constitutional law and\\nliberty. Her record in this particular is romantic and impressive in the\\nextreme. She fought to the last some of the most pronounced measures\\nof the Confederate government, arguing and protesting against their\\npolicy, and yet in every case giving the substantial aid called for under\\nsuch measures. Amid the direst necessities of the conflict she sous-lit\\nto preserve the principles of a constitutional government. She gave\\nmen and money whenever called for, more than called for. She prided\\nherself upon the promptitude with which she obeyed every requisition\\nfor soldiers. But she made a decided stand for the Constitution when-\\never she thought Confederate legislation invaded its principles or im-\\nperiled its integritj and when the final history of the war conies to be\\nwritten, several of her conflicts of argument with the Confederate gov-\\nernment, conducted by her stern-souled Executive, will stand as historic\\nconstitutional land-marks. As will be seen hereafter, she was destined\\nto be the theater of controlling gigantic operations for a long period,\\nculminating in thaft famous Sherman s march to the Sea, which\\nquartered the ill-fated Confederacy and proved the most destructive\\nblow the Southern cause received.\\nThe statistics are taken from the report of the Comptroller General\\nof the State, Col. Peterson Thweatt, an officer who instituted the splen-\\ndid system, and has been noted for his accuracy and industry. The\\naggregate wealth of Georgia in 1800 was $673,323,777. Some idea of\\nthe extraordinary progress Georgia was making at that period in mate-\\nrial prosperity, may be understood from the fact that the gain of\\nthe state for 18G0 over the year 1859, was the wonderful sum of\\n$03,732,901. Could there be a more striking example of growth Over\\nsixty millions in a single year. The fact reads like a romance. It sug-\\ngests the sudden expansion of the golden Eldorados of the West.\\nGeorgia was marching forward with a giant stride. No wonder that\\nshe had won spontaneously the noble distinction of the Empire State\\nof the South. It was an honor due to her magical advancement, and\\nher imperial resources. The details of her aggregate wealth showed the\\nlargest single element of wealth to be her slaves, 450,033 in number.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0221.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "1C8 GEORtilA IX 1800.\\nand worth \u00c2\u00a7302,C94,8o5. Her land that paid tax was 33,34:5,289\\nacres, worth $101,704,955. City property stood valued at \u00c2\u00a735,139,4:15;\\nmoney and solvent debts, 8107,330,258; merchandise, 815,577,193; man-\\nufactories, 84,034,252; other unmentioned property, 842,427,295. Her\\npolls were 99,748, which added to the voters not subject to poll tax,\\ngave her fully 110,000 voters. Of free persons of color there were only\\n1,225.\\nThere were 25 banks doing business in the State with a capital of\\n817,000,000, of which they employed 89,028,078. Savannah had nine\\nof these banks using 85,101,337 of capital, and Augusta six with\\n82,075,000 capital. The State indebtedness was the small sum of\\n82,070,750, and the assets consisted of the Western and Atlantic Rail-\\nroad, which had cost 84,441,532, and which paid into the treasury\\n8450,000 in ISGO, or over ten per cent, interest upon cost, and other\\nproperty worth 8807,025. The rate of taxation was then C 1-2 cents on\\nthe 8100, making a revenue of 8400,000. The income of the state was\\nnot only adequate for the yearly expenses of every description, but even\\nat the low rate of taxation, was furnishing a surplus fund for redeem-\\ning a large amount of bonds not due, anticipating the maturity of in-\\ndebtedness. The prosperity of the State was something amazing. She\\nwas rushing forward with an accelerating sweep. It was a very flood\\ntide of weal for a grand and expanding empire. The population\\nwas 1,023,801, of which the white part was 570, 7i9, and the colored\\n447,082.\\nBut in looking at the superb condition of Georgia in that eventful\\nyear of 1800, so remarkable for its luxuriant prosperity as well as for\\nthe inception of a strife that dashed the proud State into the very dregs\\nof a woe and poverty as absolute and boundless as her former stately\\nfortune, it is an act of justice to credit to the administration of Gov-\\nernor Brown its agency in this achievement of progress, whose details\\nwe have given. The statistics will show the striking fact that, from\\nthe beginning of the state government to the present time, with a\\nrecord of some very brilliant periods of chief magistracy. Gov. Brown s\\nregime of four years, from November 1857, to October 1860, gave to\\nGeorgia the largest measure of material growth she has ever had. This\\nis vast praise, but it is due. These four years of Joseph E. Brown s\\nexecutive management stand out the one unequaled and infinitely\\nsuperior epoch of state progress. Like a towering pyramid amid an\\nunbroken stretch of ordinary structures, this historical period of culmi-\\nnating power and splendor under the derided slave-ocracy of the South,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0222.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "geoegia s expansion in four years. 109\\nis a grand monument to the administrative genius of our Governor\\nfrom Gaddistown, the common-sense outcome and exponent of the\\nWoolhat masses.\\nIn 1850 the state s property was \u00c2\u00a7495,51C,224r, and in 1800, $G72,:J22,-\\n7T7, and tiie stupendous and unparalleled increase in four years, SliC,-\\n811,553. The first year the increase was 33 millions, the second year\\n11 millions, the third TO millions, and the 4th 02 millions, making the\\namazing total of 170 millions in 18 months. It would be declared an\\nincredible thing as a prospective achievement. It stands a consum-\\nmated historic fact, proven by solemn official records, whose correctness\\nhas never been disputed. But let us look into the details of this un-\\nprecedented enlargement of wealth and power. Giving their proper\\ncredit to development and to an improved and more rigid return of prop-\\nerty, the undeniable reality exists that in these magical four years the\\nstate grew with the expanding power of a giant under the positive\\nbrainful rule of Gov. Brown.\\nSlave property had increased 33,298 in numbers and \u00c2\u00a792,300,221 in\\nvalue; land had enhanced \u00c2\u00a730,034,909; city property had grown\\n\u00c2\u00a78,957,798; merchandise had extended in commercial bulk, \u00c2\u00a70,300,105;\\nand money and good debts had swelled the huge amount of \u00c2\u00a730,200,042.\\nThese are surprising figures, and create greater surprise, when it is\\nremembered that Gov. Brown began his official rule at a time of bank\\nsuspension and commercial distress, in which he had formulated a policy\\nof his own in contravention of the views of capitalists and trade kings\\na policy looking alone to popular interest and the welfare of the masses.\\nNot only this, but he boldly resisted a legislative doctoring of the finan-\\ncial evils that was in sympathy with the wishes of the financial mon-\\narchs, who were alone supposed to possess the ability to give relief. It\\nwas a daring attitude that he assumed, involving the restriction of bank\\nprivilege and the curbing of the money power. He was threatened with\\nan lUiad of Woes for the state as the logical sequence of his theory,\\nand it took a boundless degree of personal nerve to stand to his views\\nin the face of such menace and prophecy of disaster. The result was\\nout of all probability. A scheme of law, that while giving the broadest\\nproper latitude to the transaction of bank capital which engineered com-\\nmerce, at the same time restrained with an iron hand those illicit specu-\\nlations that abused popular confidence and led to widespread financial\\ndistrust and ruin, was the very one to preserve the state from monetary\\ntrouble, and was the ideal of Gov. Brown, for which ho fought and was\\nsavagely berated. That the state grew so marvelously and jDresented", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0223.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "170 GEORGIA IX PEACE AXD -WAR.\\nsuch a development so rapidly after commercial depression, enhances the\\nprestige of Gov. Brown s administration.\\nIt must ever be a subject of profound regret that the unprecedented\\nprogress of Georgia was checked in the very liour of its increasing\\nsweep. Looking back to the condition of Georgia in 1800, it would\\nseem that Providence was making her and her people objects of especial\\nfavor. She was leading the South in substantial advancement. She\\nwas foremost in the national councils. She had a prodigal affluence of\\neloquence and statesmanship among her citizens, giving her power and\\nfame. She had a future of immeasurable possibilities. It was in the\\nline of her supremacy that she was so potential in precipitating the revo-\\nlution. Her sublime energies from this culmination of her princely\\nprosperity were to be henceforth directed to the mad destruction of war\\ninstead of the arts and aims of peace, in which she had made such\\nincredible strides. The transition but illustrated her native greatness.\\nHer g-enius had ennobled peace; it illumined war; and the very wreck\\nthat she left of her proad and peerless prosperity attested her courage,\\nchivalry and patriotism.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0224.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIX.\\nTHE RAPE OF THE GUNS.\\nGov. Brown s Audacious Reprisal upon Xew Yorli. The New York Authorities Seize\\nsome Georgia Guns Gov. Browu demands Tliem of Gov. Morgan. No Answer.\\nThe Seizure of New York Sliips at Savanu.aU by Henry R. Jackson. Tart Cor-\\nrespondence between Governors Browu and Morgan. Tlie Guns Ordered Released.\\nThe Ships Released. The Guns Retained. The Ships Re-Seized. Spicy Press\\nComment. Action of Now York Legislature Federal Congress and Confederate\\nCongress The Theme of Nation.il Discussion. Gov. Brown s Pluck. The Ships\\nordered Sold. The Guns Released. Justice Torn from Unwilling Hands. The\\nConfederate Congress Rasped Brown. Tlie Augusta Constitiitionalist.-^Btawu for\\nConfederate President. Georgia Holds Public Attention.\\nWe come now to an occurrence that gave basis to the most dramatic\\nepisode connected with Georgia s war record, a bold reprisal upon the\\nState of New York, and which brought Gov. Brown to the attention of\\nthe people of the whole Union in a manner that made him for tlie time\\nthe most marked man of the day. It established his character perma-\\nnently for resolute audacity and intrepid will. It added a flattering\\nprestige to the State abroad, and fi.xed Gov. Brown, if possible, more\\nfirmly than ever in the popular esteem as the undeniable leader for the\\nturbulent war times upon which we had fallen.\\nThe firm of D. C. Hodgkins Sons of Macon, had purchased two\\nhundred guns in New York, and had them shipped on the steamer\\nMonticello for Savannah. There were thirty-eight bo.xes of muskets\\naltogether in the shipment, the balance over the two hundred, belonging\\nit was said, to the State of Alabama. The New York police seized\\nthese guns on the 22nd of January, 18G1, without any lawful authority,\\nand placed them in the State arsenal. Hodgkins Sons were notified\\nof the seizure and immediately sought Gov. Brown, furnishing him\\nproof of their ownership. The Governor fir.st satisfied himself as to\\nthe justice of Hodgkins claim, and then began a correspondence which\\ngrew to be very tart before it was finished, and involved a conflict\\nbetween the Governors of New York and Georgia, the two Empire\\nStates, that e.xcited a deep interest, created a varied commentary over\\nthe whole country and resulted in a complete victory for Gov. Brown.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0225.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "173 GOV. 13E0\\\\VX AND GOV. MOKGAX.\\nOn Saturday, the 2iid of February, 18G1, Gov. Brown sent the following\\ndispatch to Gov. Morgan of New York in regard to the matter.\\nExecutive Department,\\nMu.LEUGEVILLE, Ga., Feb. 2, 18C1. J\\nHis Excellency Gov. Morgan, Albany, N. Y.\\nSir, I have before me s.atisfactur_v evijeuce that two hundreJ muskets belonging\\nto D. C. Huilgkins Sous, citizens of this State, were placed on board tlie ship Mouticello,\\nat Xew York for Savannah, and were seized by the police of that city on or about the\\n22ud of January la.st, .and taken from the ship and are now detained in the State arsenal\\nin the city. As Governor of Georgia I hereby demand that the guns be iinmeiliately\\ndelivered to G. B. Lamar of New York, who is hereby appointed my agent to receive\\nthem. I trust no similar outrage may be perpetrated in future.\\nY ou will oblige by communicating your decision immediately by telegraph,\\nVery respectfully, your obedient servant,\\nJOSEPH E. BKOWN.\\nIt perhaps will serve to show the temper of those days that the ordi-\\nnary ceremonious etiquette between the chief magistrates of two great\\nStateswas wholly waived, and the controversy at the beginning assumed\\nthe hard tone of the prevailing spirit of sectional bitterness. Polite\\nphrases were dispensed with at once. Gov. Brown waited untU Mon-\\nday, the 4th of February, 1861, to hear from Gov. Morgan, but receiving\\nno replj he telegraphed the operator at Albany to learn if the dispatch\\nhad been delivered to Gov. Jlorgan. The reply was that it had. Upon\\nthis. Gov. BroVn, with that decisiveness that he was wont to display\\nunder such, as well as all cireuinstancos, issued the following order to\\nCol. Henry R. Jackson, his aid de camp in Savannah:\\nExecutive DErAisTMEXT,\\nMiLLEDGEVILLE, Ga., Fel). 5tll, 18G1.\\nHalf-past 9, P. M.\\nI have demanded of the Governor of Xew York, the prompt delivery to my agent\\nfor D. C. Hodgkius Sons, citizens of tliis State, of their guns, seized by the police of\\nNew York, on board the M nticello, and dei)osited in the arsenal of that state. The\\ndemand has been delivered to him. He has Iiad a reasonable time and has made no\\nreply. I am determined to protect the persons and property of the citizens of tliis st.ate\\nagainst all such lawless violence, at all hazards.\\nIn doing so, I will, if necessary, meet force by force. I feel it my duty in this cose\\nto order reprisal. You will therefore direct Col. Lawtou to order out sufficient military\\nforce, and seize and hold, subject to ray order, every ship now in the harbor of Savan-\\nn,ah, belonging to citizens of New York. When the property of which our citizens have\\nbeen robbed is returned to them, then the ships will be delivered to the citizens of New\\nYork who own them.\\nJOSEPH E. BROWN.\\nCol. H. R. Jackson, Aid de Camp, Savannah, Georgia.\\nAfter the issuance of this order to Col. Jackson, Gov. Brown received", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0226.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "SEIZUEE OF NEW YORK VESSELS. 173\\na dispatch frnm Gov. Morgan acknowledging the receipt of the first\\ndispatch, alleging that certain arms had been detained in New York,\\nbut saying its grave character and unofficial form forbid him from tak-\\ning action in regard to it without better authenticated information.\\nGov. Morgan s dispatch concluded by saying that a response was given\\nto enable Gov. Brown if the first dispatch was veritable to com-\\nmunicate his wishes by letter. The reply of Gov. Morgan was unfortu-\\nnate in several respects, especially in connection with the prompt\\nmethods and unyielding temper of Gov. Brown. Such a dispatch to\\nverify the authenticity of the first one could have been sent immedi-\\nately. The delay indicated, what was afterwards shown, a disposition\\nto trick in the matter. Gov. Brown was neither insensible to the dis-\\ncourtesy of silence, nor willing to lose his chances of redress by delay\\nor subterfuge. The terms of the reply excited his suspicion of Gov.\\nMorgan s fair dealing. AVary and resolved, he permitted Col. Jackson\\nto proceed in making the seizure of vessels, so as to be upon perfectly\\nequal terms with Gov. Morgan. A less firm or vigilant person would\\nhave acted on Gov. Morgan s evasive telegram, which probably was\\ninspired by information of the order of reprisal.\\nOn the Sth, Col. Jackson seized the following vessels: the brig Kirby;\\nbark, Adjuster; brig, Golden Lead; schooner, Julia, and -bark, Golden\\nMurray. Col. Lawton effected the seizure. Detachments of the\\nPhcenix Riflemen vmder Captain George Gordon were placed in charge\\nof the ships, with instructions not to molest crew or cargo. On the Sth,\\nthe same day. Gov. Brown wrote fully to Gov. Morgan detailing the\\nwhole matter. After a recapitulation of the facts, Gov. Brown thus\\ncontinued and concluded this plain-spoken letter.\\nI am niialile to perceive what reason you hail to doulit tliat my dispatch wa.s verita-\\nble. It was dated at the Executive Departmeut aud signed here by me. You also ob-\\nject to it on account of its unofficial form. It is not only dated at this Department, but\\nI e.\\\\pressly state that I make the dem.and as Governor of Georgia. I am not aware of\\ntlie additional lanjjaasre wliicli your Excellency would consider requisite to give to a\\ndemand of this cliaracter official form\\nA lengthy official correspondence in this case is neither invited or desired. The out-\\nrage was a public one. Citizens of this state have been robbed of their property in\\nyour state l)y officers under your control. As the Executive of Georgia, I have\\ndemanded its re-delivery to its owners. My demand when met, hasibeen met evasively,\\nby raising a technical objection to its form, which has no foundation in fact, as a simple\\nreference to tlie demand itself will show. The case is one, therefore, which requires\\naction, not lengthy diplomacy. I have the honor therefore to notify your Excellency of\\nthe seizure of tlie vessels above mentioned under my order, and that I shall hold them\\nuntil justice be done the injured citizens of this state, above named, by re-delivery of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0227.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "17-t THE PEESS ON THE SEIZURE.\\npuus to them or to G. B. Lamar of New York, whom I have appointed my agent to\\nreceive them. If the projicrty seized as reprisal belongs to citizens uf Kew York, who\\nare friendly to the cause of justice ami truth, and the equal riglits of the peojile of the\\nSouthern states, I shall regret the inconvenience to whicli tliey may be e.vjjosed.\\nI cannot forget, however, that my first duty is to protect the citizens of tliis State\\nagainst tlie lawless violence of the officers or citizens of otlier states. If, in so doing,\\niucidental injury shoulil be done to orderly .and law-abiding citizens of such offending\\nstate, for just and full indemuity tliey must look to their own goverumeut, which has\\nbrought the injury upon them.\\nI trust your Excellency may have no difticulty in arriving at the conclusion that this\\ncommunication is official and veritable.\\nAt the hour of nine o clock P. ll., on the 9th of February, the day\\nafter his letter was written to Gov. Morgan, and before it was received.\\nGov. Brown received this telegram\\nNew York, Feb. 9, 1861.\\nThe arms have beeu put at the command of the owners here please release all\\nvessels. ^i- B. LAMAK.\\nUpon receipt of tliis dispatch Gov. Brown telegraphed to Col. Jackson:\\nI have just received a telegram from G. B. Lamar, my agent in New York, stating\\nthat the arms have been put at the commands of tlie owners. The object for which the\\nseizure was made Iiaviug lieen accomplished, and tlie rights of the citizens of this State\\nhaviug been vindicated, you will order vessels seized to be immeiliately released.\\nGov. Brown also i-eplied by telegram to G. B. Lamar that he had\\nordered the release of the vessels. But the matter was not to end here.\\nThe subject was very fully discussed, and especially the law of reprisals.\\nThe Governor s authority to resort to this arbitrary remedy was clearly\\nshown by quotation from Vattel s Law of Nations. The Savannah\\nRe^yublican took issue on the matter with the Governor, and condemned\\nhis course as hasty, and endorsing Gov. Morgan s action in requiring the\\ndispatch to be authenticated. Public sentiment in the State was, how-\\never, almost unanimously in favor of Governor Brown s action, and\\nthere was much tart commentary on the Savannah Repuhlican. Out of\\nthe State the Governor was highly commended. The Charleston Courier\\nsaid he was the man for his place and for the times. The Richmond\\nDespatch said there was a broad grin over everj^body s face at the\\nlightning-like rapidity with which the New York police let e/o the guns.\\nThe New York Jlrrald dubbed Gov. Morgan s act as the clima.x of\\nabsurdity, folly and political iniquity, and further declared that:\\nGov. Brown will find an abundant justification of the act he has ordered in the\\nrespousibilities of his position, and in the necessity of indemnifying private citizens,\\nwho are his constituents, for an unwarrantable robbery committed by our police, for\\nwhich they could obtain no other redress. It is the very nearest thing to a civil war.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0228.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "MEW YORK LEGISLATURE AND CONGRESS. 175\\nbut let the blame rest where it belongs, upon the Republicau Executive of Xew York,\\nwhose atrocious usurpation of powers that do not heloug to him; lias led to siicli a sad\\nresult.\\n.The New York Herald of the 8th contained a paragraph that Gov.\\nMorgan assumed that the arms were intended to be used against the\\nFederal government, and felt bound by his official oath to interfere.\\nAnd such was, undoubtedly, his motive, and he was sustained by the\\nRepublican press of the North. Mr. Toombs telegraphed from Milledge-\\nville to Fernando Wood, mayor of New York city, asking about the\\nseizure, and saying, that a reply was important to us and to New York.\\nMayor Wood replied, that the seizure had been made, but that the city\\nof New York should in no way be held responsible for the outrage. As\\nmayor he had no authority over the police. If he had tlie power, he\\nsaid, he would summarily punish the authors of the illegal and unjusti-\\nfiable seizure of private property. A dispatch was also sent to Crom-\\nwell Co., agents in New York of the steamer Monticello, from parties\\nin Savannah, stating that the seizure of the arms had created excite-\\nment, and asking if they could not get the arms back, as retaliation was\\nfeared. The matter stirred so much public interest, that it was made\\nthe subject of a resolution in the New York Legislature, requiring the\\nmetropolitan police commissioners to report to the House by what\\nauthority, if any, they ordered the seizure and detention of the arms.\\nThe resolution, however, was voted down. Henry C. Wayne, Adjutant-\\nGeneral of Georgia, addressed a brief communication to the New York\\nHerald, correcting the erroneous statement, that the State of Georgia\\nhad purchased the arms.\\nEarly after the seizure, the law firm of Munn Parsons of New York,\\nrepresenting W. H. D. Callender, cashier of the State Bank of Hartford,\\nConn., demanded of Mr. Kennedy, superintendent of the police, the\\narms. Kennedy referred the matter to his counsel, and finally peremp-\\ntorily refused the demand, and a writ of replevin was served upon him,\\nwhen he placed the arms in the custody of Sheriff Kelly. The agents\\nof the seized ships were in constant telegraphic communication with\\ntheir owners in New York. Mr. G. B. Lamar was notified of Gov.\\nBrown s purpose to seize the ships, and was preparing a dispatch advis-\\ning against the course when he received information of the seizure.\\nIn Washington, Congress took up the matter, Hon. .lohn Cochrane of\\nNew York offering a resolution directing the Secretary of the Treasury\\nto inform the House, whether he had any official information on the\\nsubject, and he further gave notice of his purpose to call up and j^ress", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0229.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "176 SECOND SEIZURE OF VESSELS.\\nto a passage a bill previouslj- introduced, providing for the protection\\nof the commercial interests of the nation against flagitious attacks\\nupon them by the seceded states.\\nThe matter, it will be seen, was for the time the theme of national\\ndiscussion, as well as of home interest. It was even moldins national\\nlegislation. But in spite of promises it was unsettled, and it was des-\\ntined to test still further Gov. Brown s pluck and persistence, and\\nevoke Confederate legislation against Gov. Brown s course, which was\\nas powerless as all the other agencies at work to stop the resolute\\nExecutive in his protection of Georgia citizens and Georgia rights.\\nMr. Lamar was informed that the guns were at the command of their\\nowners and, as has been stated, so notified Gov. Brown, who ordered\\nthe release of the ships. Mr. Lamar waited ujjon Mr. Kennedy, and to\\nhis surprise was informed that he had changed his rriind and would not\\ndeliver up the arms to any person except the sheriff, until compelled to\\ndo so by law, and would also make further seizures of contraband\\narticles. The New York Herald announced the delivery of the arms,\\nbut the New York Tribune denied that they had been given up, prob-\\nably acting on partisan information.\\nIn this state of things Governor Brown met the new issue as squarely\\nas he had the old one. He instantly ordered another seizure of vessels.\\nThere appears to be well-grounded doubt for implicating Gov. Morgan\\nin the treachery that was used, and the retention of the arms after their\\ndelivery had been agreed upon. In fact he denied to a Herald reporter\\nthat he had ever ordered any seizure at all of the arms, and expressed\\nthe opinion that the whole thing had originated in a late charge of\\nJudge Smalley to the grand jury. And a letter was published alleged\\nto have been written by him to Funch and Meincke in New York city,\\nowners of the bark Adjuster, at the first seizure, advising them to\\ngo into the courts for their rights, giving the opinion that the retalia-\\ntion was unjustifiable, and that if idemnity could no where else be\\nobtained, the Federal government itself would in a last resort be liable.\\nThe Herald was disposed to place the responsibility either upon Super-\\nintendent Kennedy or the police commissioners, to whom he owed his\\nappointment.\\nGov. Brown s second order of .seizure to Col. Henry R. Jackson was\\nissued on February 31st, ISGl. His letter of instructions was quite\\nfull, going with considerable detail into the occurrence. In this he\\nstated that Mr. John Boston, the collector of the port of Savannah,\\nhad received word that the guns hail been delivered up. He also", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0230.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "RELEASE OF THE SHIP ADJUSTEEi 177\\nreferred to Gov. Morgan s silence on the subject. It was clearly evident\\nthat it was the settled policy of the New York authorities to subject\\nSouthern commerce to a dishonorable surveillance, and to seize our\\npropertv and plunder our citizens at their pleasure. He added these\\nstrong and manly words:\\nUnder tliese circumstances I feel tliat I, as the Executive of Georgia, ivould prove\\nrecreant to tlie high trust reposeil iu nie Ijv my fellow-citizens, were I to refu e to pro-\\ntect their rights against such unprovoked aggression, by all the means which the law of\\nnations, or the constitutiou and laws of this state have placed at my command. It\\ntherefore becomes my duty again to direct you to call out such military force as may be\\nnecessary for tliat purjiusc, and to renew the reprisuls by the seizure, as soon as practi-\\ncable, of vessels in tlie harbor of Savannah, or other property iu the city, or elsewhere\\nwithin your reach, belongiug to the state, or to citizens of New York, at least eijual in\\nvalue to double the amount of the original seizures made by you. You will hold the\\nproperty so seized, subject to my order and it will be released when the guus iu ques-\\ntion (together with .any other property of our citizens which has been or may in the\\nmeantime be unlawfully seized by the authorities of New York) are actually shipped\\nfrom the harbor, and are beyond the reach or control of the police of the city of New\\nYork or the authorities of that state.\\nIn response to this order Col. Jackson seized three ships, the Martha\\nJ. Ward, the bark Adjuster and the brig Julia A. Hallock. Gov. Brown\\nthen wrote on the 25th of February, ISGl, to Gov. E. D. Morgan, noti-\\nfying him of the new seizure, and concluding with this information of\\nthe additional steps he should take:\\nShould I fail to receive official information from your Excellency, prior to tlie 2.5th\\nMarch next, that the gmis above mentioned have been delivered to their riglitful owners,\\nor to G. B. Lamar, my ageut, and that he has been permitted to ship them from the\\nPort of New York to Savannah, I shall on tliat day, cause the vessels above named, to\\nbe sold in the City of Savannah, to the higliest bidder, and out of the proceeds of tlie\\nsale I shall indemnify the injured citizens of this state against the loss sustained by them\\non account of the unjust and illeg.ol seizure and detention of their property by the\\nauthorities of New York. That you may not fail to receive this notice, it will be sent\\nto you at Albany, in duplicate, by differeut mails.\\nOf the three vessels last seized the bark Adjuster was freighted with\\na cargo of cotton belonging to British and Russian subjects. Proof of\\nthis was furnished to Col. Jackson and by him forwarded to Gov.\\nBrown, who at the intercession of the representatives of the British\\nand Russian governments, permitted the bark to be released and pro-\\nceed to sea instead of compelling them to unload and seek another ship.\\nThis was done to cultivate friendly relations with foreign powers and\\nthrow no obstructions in the way of foreign commerce. This release of\\nthe bark Adjuster was made on the 28th of February, 1801. On the\\n2nd of March, 18G1, executive order was issued to Col. Jackson to adver-\\n12", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0231.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "178 THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS CONDEMNS GOV. ISKOWN.\\ntise tlie two reniaiiiing ships for sale on the 25th of Marcli fur casli.\\nThe advertisement of the sale was published, and would have been car-\\nried out, but on the 18th of March, G. B. Lamar telegraphed that the\\nten cases of arms had been delivered and were on their way to Savannah.\\nDiscerning that they were powerless against Governor Brown s sum-\\nmary and unalterable methods, the New York authorities wiselv gave\\nin and released the guns. The Governor, on the 22nd of March, upon\\nentirely satisfactory proof of the release of the guns, concluded this\\nnovel altercation by ordering Col. Jackson to release the vessels. Tlie\\norder ended with these characteristic words:\\n]t is to Ije hoped that the annoyance and losses to private interests occasioned by\\ntlie lawless, unprecedented and wholly unjnstitialile conduct of the New York authori-\\nties, and the ultimate vindication of tlic riyht liy tlie steps I have liecn constrained to\\ntake, will prevent tlie recurrence of iuiy like complication in the future.\\nThe Provisional Government of the Confederate States had been\\norganized on the 9th of February, 1860, and the Provisional Congress\\nwas in session in Jlontgomery. This Congress condemned the action\\nof Governor Brown in seizing these vessels, on the ground that it was\\nwrong in Gov. Brown to take such independent State action, as this\\nwas the jarovince of the Confederate government. It is needless to say\\nthat the censure weighed not a feather in the estimation of the intrepid\\nand independent Executive of Georgia, whose action was based upon a\\ncareful and deliberate investigation of his authority, and under a sense\\nof duty as to the protection he owed the citizens of Georgia. Nor did\\nit swerve him one hairs-breadth from his course. It was a specimen of\\nhis practical and direct ways that he went straight to results. While\\nthe Confederate states authorities with the multiplicity of great matters\\nupon them, would have necessarily treated this as a minor all air, and\\npursued it leisurely and with ceremonious diplomacy, sending special\\nenvoys and using elaborate manifestoes, Gov. Brown took the short\\npath to success, and wasting time upon no formalities or circumlocution,\\nhe made his peremptory demand, and when it was refused, enforced it\\nwith an iron-handed retaliation that asked no favors and granted none,\\nbut tore justice from unwilling authority.\\nTlie matter was pending from the 23d day of January to the 22d day of\\nMarch, 18G1, just tv/o months, and engrossed as the public mind was\\nwith the secession of states, the disintegration of the Union, and the\\nformation of a new government, this striking controversy between the\\ntwo leading states of the hostile sections, involving sacred rights and\\ntestino- strong remedies, held the popular thought and even evoked the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0232.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "COlirLIlIEXT TO GOVERXOK BROWN. 179\\nofficial consideration of both national governments. Some idea can be\\nformed of liow Gov. Brown s conduct in the affair impressed men from a\\nlengthy editorial in Mr. Gardner s paper, the Augusta Constitutionalist.\\nThis editorial began by saying that the distinguished gentleman who\\noccupied the Executive chair of Georgia had made sundry marks upon\\nthe records of the present, that time will not readily erase, and which\\nthe pen of the historian of those days will not forget to copy. It re-\\nviewed some of his leading acts of rule. Among other things it showed\\nhow, when events were crowding upon each other s heels, and while the\\nFederal administration was amusing South Carolina with empty pledges\\nand really occupying the impregnable walls of Sumter, Governor Brown,\\nwithout the firing of a gun, displaced the Stars and Stripes, wherever\\nthey floated on Georgia soil. It took up the last act of the Governor in\\nhis daring reprisal upon New York. It referred to the charge that had\\nbeen made, that Gov. Brown had, in this, made a political move for the\\nPresidency of the Southern Confederate States. It showed that even\\nthe New York Herald, the leading journal of the Western world, had\\nin an able discussion of the matter, shown that the policy of reprisals\\nhad been conceived and urged upon the legislature of Georgia, by Gov.\\nBrown, in his famous special message on the crisis, and that he was act-\\ning in conformity with a settled policy. This editorial was remarkable\\nin its unqualified tribute to Gov. Brown s statesmanship, as coming\\nfrom a paper owned by a defeated rival for the governorship and which\\nhad persistently fought him. It declared that Georgia was indebted to\\nSouth Carolina for this superb Governor, and it used this culminating-\\nlanguage\\nHe may reasonalily expect .inytliing, for from the poor boy of Pickens, South Caro-\\nlina, he became a Georgia lawyer of good reputation, the Judge of the Superior Court\\nof the Blue Ridge Circuit, then Governor of Georgia; Governor agaiu by tlie largest\\nmajority ever giveu in the State and as a distinguished Congressman once remarlied to\\nus, We might as well send him to the Senate, and nominate him for I resident, for lie\\nis bound to go through, and that will be the quickest way to get rid of biin.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0233.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XX.\\nTHE BIRTH OF THE CONFEDERACY AND THE SHADOW\\nOF WAR.\\nGeorgia Cougressmen Withdraw. Jo.sliua Hill Resigns. Soutlieru Cuuveiitioii.\\nHowell Cobb its Presideut. Georgia Leading. Toombs aud Tom Cobb govern-\\ning spirits. Jeff Dai is, Presideut, A. H. Stei)Iien3, Vice-President. Martin J.\\nCrawford, Commissioner to the United States. His Mission Kuding in a Haughty\\nDefiance. Browu s Vigorous War Preparations. The Leap to Anns. Georgia\\nWar Appointments. Davis Speaks through Georgia. Tlie First Confederate\\nFlag in Georgia. Capt. G. W. Lee. The Secession Convention in Savannah.\\nGeorge W. Crawford s E.xquisite Speech. The Spirit of the Soutli. Fighting\\nProvidence. Troops Organized. Guns Ordered. The Seizure of tlie Dahlonega\\nMint Old Harrison Hilev. Gov. Brown s Admirable Tact in Dealing with the\\nNorth Georgia Union Sentiment. The United States Flag in Pickens County.\\nOn the 23d day of Januaiy, 18G1, all of the Georgia Representatives in\\nCongress, except Hon. Joshua Hill, withdrew from the body in a letter\\naddressed to Hon. William Pennington, Speaker of the House. The\\nletter recited the fact of Georgia s secession, quoting- the ordinance and\\nconcluded thus i\\nThe so ercign State of Georgia, of which we are representatives in this House,\\nhaving thereby dissolved tlie political connection between that State aud the Goverument\\nof the United States, and having thereby repealed the ordinauce of 1788, by which the\\nConstitution of the United States was ratified, and having resumed all the powers dele-\\ngated to the Federal Goverument, we herel)y announce to you that we are no longer\\nmembers of the House of representatives of the United States Congress. Martin J.\\nCrawford, Peter E. Love, Thoniius J. Hanleman, Jr., Lucius J. Gartrell, John W. H.\\nUnderwood, James Jackson, John Jones.\\nHon. Joshua Hill did not withdraw, but resig-ned in the following\\nbrief letter to Mr. Pennington, dated the 23d of January, ISGl, also.\\nSir, Satisfied as I am. that a majority of the couventiou of the people of Georgia,\\nnow sitting, desire that the State should no longer be Kepresented upon this floor, I in\\nobedience to this wisli of the peojde s rejiresentatives, hereby resign the seat I hold as a\\nmember of this House.\\nMr. Hill, upon the seizure of Fort Pulaski by Gov. Brown, had made\\na speech in opposition to this action of the Governor. This speech was\\nmade in Congress, and on the 24th of January a large number of citi-\\nzens of Geneva, Talbot county, assembled and hung Mr. Hill in effigy", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0234.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0235.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "^J^^^Ci-^^-JLt^^^^^^^Z!^.^^", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0236.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "TIIK IMtOVISIOXAL CONFEDERATK GOVERXMEXT. 181\\nfor this spoocli. Gen. Scott was also burned in effigy by the students\\nof Franklin college. Mr. John Boston, collector of the port of Savan-\\nnali, resigned his place. Tiie flag of Georgia was immediately hoisted\\non the staff over the custom house by Major Lachlan Mcintosh, who had\\nresigned from the United States army. The flag raised was of a neat\\ndesign, bearing the coat of arms of tlie State, surmounted by six stars,\\nthe number of the seceded states. Over the whole was an eye. Tlie\\nflag was white, with the stars all deep red save Georgia, which was blue.\\nAt 12^ o clock on the 4th day of February, 1801, the convention of\\nthe seceded states met in Montgomery, Alabama. Hon. Howell Cobb\\nwas made permanent president, and J. J. Hooper of Alabama, secretary.\\nGeorgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina\\nwere represented. A provisional government was formed; and on the\\n9th of February, 18G1, Jefferson Davis was elected Provisional Presi-\\ndent, and Alexander H. Stephens Vice-President. There is no doubt\\nbut that Mr. Toombs was expected to be the President. The Georgia\\ndelegation held a meeting, all being present except Mr. Hill and Mr.\\nWright, and agreed to present the name of Mr. Toombs. It was sub-\\nsequently rumored that Mr. Toombs said his name was not to be pre-\\nsented, and it was then determined, if this was true, that the Georgians\\nwould support Mr. Davis for President, and Mr. Stephens for Vice-Presi-\\ndent. The motion to put Mr. Stephens in the second place, if Mr.\\nToombs should not be presented for the first office, was made in the\\nGeorgia delegation by Mr. Kenan and seconded by Mr. Nisbet. The\\nname of Howell Cobb was also spoken of, but some of the delegations\\nfrom Carolina, Florida and Alabama, who heard of the proposition to\\nelect Mr. Cobb were unwilling to support him on account of old party\\nconflicts. Mr. Toombs did forbid the use of his name, and Davis and\\nStephens were unanimously chosen. It will thus be seen that Georgia\\ncarried into the new Southern movement the same controlling influence\\nthat she had been accustomed to wield, furnishing a President for tlie\\nconvention, two strong men for the Presidency of the Government, and\\nthe Vice-President of the Confederacy. Mr. Toombs and Thomas R. R.\\nCobb were the leading spirits of the committee to draft a constitution for\\na pei-manent government, and Mr. Bartow, chairman of the military com-\\nmittee. On the 18th of February, 1861, Jefferson Davis was inau-\\ngurated as Provisional President, and he made Robert Toombs his\\nSecretary of State. A commission of three persons was appointed by\\nMr. Davis under resolution of the Confederate Congress, to go to\\nWashington and negotiate friendly relations with the United States", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0239.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "183 M M. H. SKW.VF.I) ANI MAKTIX J. CRAWFORD.\\nGovernment. This commission eonsisted of Hon. Martin .T. Crawford\\nof Georgia, John Forsyth of Alabama, and A. B. Roman of Louisiana.\\nMr. Crawford of Georgia was the leading spirit in this important com-\\nmission, clothed as it was with powers of the broadest extent and most\\ndelicate responsibility, in the settlement of the great and dilKeult ques-\\ntions that involved the two governments.\\nMr. Crawford and Mr. Forsyth proceeded immediately to Washington,\\narriving there just as Mr. Buchanan was about retiring from office. On\\nthe 12th of March, ISGl, they addressed a communication to Mr. Wm.\\nH. Seward, Secretary of State under President Lincoln, notifying him\\nof their mission and asking the appointment of an early day to present\\ntheir credentials and enter upon their duties. On the l. )th of March,\\nMr. Seward prepared what he termed a Memorandum, declining\\nofficial intercourse with Messrs. Crawford and Forsyth. Under various\\npretexts and infinite duplicity the decision of Mr. Seward was withheld\\nand the commissioners deceived until the Sth of April, when it was\\ndelivered to them, they remaining under pledges that Fort Sumter\\nwould be given up to the South, and a peaceful solution of troubles be\\nmade. The commissioners on the 9th of April addressed a reply to Mr.\\nSeward a powerful, incisive document, in which they clearly set forth\\nthe attitude of the seceded states, and the duplicity that had been\\nshown to them. They declared that the refusal to entertain their over-\\ntures connected with concurrent action of the United States govern-\\nment was viewed by them, and could only be received by the world,\\nas a declaration of war against the Confederate States. They climaxed\\nthis declaration with these haughty words:\\nThe undersigned, in beli.alf of their government and people, .accept the gauge of\\nbattle thus thrown down to them and appealing to God and the judgment of mankind\\nfor the righteousness of their cause, the people of the Confederate States will defend\\ntheir liberties to the last against this fl.agrant and open attempt at their subjugation to\\nsectional power.\\nGeorgia was still in the lead of this great revolution. Her destiny\\nseemed inevitable for a foremost agency in the now certain strife. It\\nwas through one of her bold sons that a peaceful solution of the matter\\nwas sought, and when that failed, that the prompt, ringing, defiant\\nacceptance of the issue was with heroic emphasis and a lofty spirit\\nformulated to the foe and the world. The war was a settled fact. The\\nretention of Sumter, the war-like preparations and the refusal to treat\\nwith the Southern Commissioners, were simply the preface to the blood-\\nshed so soon to come. Both sides girded for the fight. Georgia cspe-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0240.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "THE WAR FEVER. 183\\ncialh under her prompt and thorough-going Governor, went to work\\nin dead earnest, getting ready for genuine war. The people, though\\nthe} had been divided in the policy of disunion, rallied to the cause\\nwhen it was decided. There was a considerable union element in the\\nmountain section tliat clung to the Federal government, and that stood\\nstubbornly union to the end. It was quite a liberal sprinkling of the\\ncitizens populating the hilly belt far from the railroads, but with this\\nexception the million of Georgia inhabitants backed loyally the South-\\nern cause. Voting not much over 100,000 citizens, the state of Georgia\\ngave 120,000 soldiers to the war, or 30,000 excess of her voting popu-\\nlation. This constitutes a wonderful record of chivalry, not surpassed\\nin the world s history.\\nThe war flush was on the state, and there was a good deal of demon-\\nstration of enthusiasm, but with a settling of the public mind to the\\nbusiness of fighting, there came a deeper real intensity, more quiet.\\nWe felt the heat, but the flash diminished. Men, too, were right noisy\\nover the situation. There was much flurry, and occasionally the enthu-\\nsiasm boiled over, but the consciousness of serious work ahead made\\nthinking peoule serious, and toned down the effervescence. There was\\nan unbounded confidence in the future, save among a few. The leaders\\nbelieved in success. The masses exag-gcrated the ease of whipping out\\nthe North. There was a curious and strange undervaluation of the so-\\ncalled Yankee as a fighter, the belief prevailing that one sturdy South-\\nerner could vanquish several Northerners. This idea prevailed largely,\\nand gave an over confidence to our soldiers. Such men as Herschell V.\\nJohnson and John E. AVard doubted the final success and were pro-\\nfoundly depressed. But the general feeling was buoyant and hopeful.\\nGov. Brown promptly proceeded to organize the two regular regiments\\nauthorized by the Convention. He appointed as Colonels, William J.\\nHardee and Wm. H. T. Walker; Lieutenant Colonels, Chas. J. Williams\\nand E. W. Chastain Majors, L. B. McLaws, Wm. M. Gardner, Alfred\\nCumniing and E. R. Harden. Among the other officers appointed\\nwere Joseph Wheeler, afterwards Lieutenant General of Cavalry, W.\\nW. Kirkland, R. H. Anderson, Alfred Iverson, Jr., Geo. P. Harrison, Jr.,\\nand J. Alexander, Brigadier Generals, and P. 51. B. Young, Major\\nGeneral.\\nJefferson Davis came through Georgia on his way to Montgomery^\\nto be inaugurated as President of the Confederacy. His trip from\\nChattanooga to Atlanta, and thence to Montgomery, was an ovation.\\nAt Ringgold, Dalton, Resaca, Adairsville, Cartersville and Marietta lie", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0241.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "184 THE FIRST CONFEDERATE FLAG IN GEORGIA.\\nwas greeted by crowds. xVtlanta sent a delegation to meet him, of\\nwhich Dr. W. F. Westmoreland was a member. Bartow county was\\nthen called Cass county, and its name was afterwards changed in honor\\nof Francis S. Bartow. Mr. Davis made a speech at Cartersville which\\nhe thus commenced.\\nGeorgians for by no higher title could I address you your Iiistory from the days\\nof the Revolution down to the time that your immortal Truu|) niaiiitniiied the rights of\\nyour State and of all the states, iu his contest with Feder.al usurpation, ha.s made Georgia\\nsacied soil. Nor ha\\\\-e you any reason to be other tlian proud of the events recently\\ntranspiring within your borders, and especially the action of your present Governor in\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0wresting from the robbers of the North tlie property of your own citizens which they\\nhad stolen. His proni])titude in demanding the jjroperty from the Governor of New\\nYork, and in seizing the vessels of citizens of New YorI when the demand was not im-\\nmediately complied with, is worthy of all praise.\\nIn Atlanta the demonstration was a magnificent one. Over 5,000\\npeople gave him a reception, ilayor .Tared I. Whitaker introduced\\nhim to the vast concourse. In his sj)eech he paid high tribute to\\nGeorgia. At every point on the Atlanta and West Point railroad\\ncrowds gathered to do him honor. At Newnan, Miss Buriiey Dougherty\\nwas delegated to present him with a large bouquet. On the 5th day of\\nMarch, ISGl, the first Georgia company was tendered for the Confeder-\\nate service and accepted. It was an Atlanta company called Lee s\\nVolunteers, and commanded by Capt. G. W. Lee. In connection with\\nthis event, the flag of the Southern Confederacy was first raised in the\\nState of Georgia. Capt. Lee was returning from Montgomery to At-\\nlanta after his mission. The passengers obtained at Grantville the\\nrequisite material, and the flag was made on the train between Grant-\\nville and Fairburn, by Mrs. W. T. Wilson and Mrs. H. H. Witt of At-\\nlanta, Miss L. Smith of Albany, Ga., Mrs. Chas. Wallace of Knoxville,\\nTcnn., Mrs. R. F. Butt of New Orleans, and Mrs. S. A. Awtry of Cus-\\nseta, Ala. Col. W. T. Wilson presented the flag to Capt. Lee in a stir-\\nring speed], to whicli Capt. Lee replied eloquently, .fudge Blalock of\\nFairburn, and .1. Beal of Lagrange also .spoke. Capt. Lee paraded\\nin Atlanta the ne.xt day with his company under this flag, which was an\\nexact copy of the first flag of the Confederate States that had been\\nraised in Montgomery, on the 4th of March, ISGl. The flag was com-\\nposed of a blue union with seven stars in a circle, representing the\\nseven Confederate States, with three equal horizontal stripes of red,\\nwhite and red. The incident created much enthusiasm.\\nThe Georgia Secession Convention resumed its session in Savannah,\\non the 7th day of March, 18C1, and continued its deliberations until Sat-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0242.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "THE SECESSIOX CONVEXTIOX ADJOLRXS. 185\\nurdaj the 23rd day of Marcli, wlien it .\u00e2\u0096\u00a0i(ljoiiriied sute die. The Con-\\nstitution was unanimously ratified on the IGth day of March. The Gov-\\nernor was authorized to raise and expend all of the funds necessary to\\ncarry out the acts for public defense, both by issuing bonds and Treas-\\nury notes. Resolutions were passed offering to cede ten miles square of\\nterritory for a capital and permanent seat of government for the Con-\\nfederate states. The control of military operations, and forts and arms\\nwas transferred to the Confederate govenmient. A new state constitu-\\ntion was adopted. The president of the convention, ex-Gov. George\\nW. Crawford, made an address upon its adjournment, brief, but with\\nsome very strong and sententious expressions. Complimenting the\\nbody upon its dignit} he thus continued:\\nWhen first assembled there was less disagreement as to the burthen of our griev-\\nances than to tlieir remedy, and esiiecially as to tlie time of its application. Happily,\\nconciliation produced concord. When our common patroness spoke, her son.s, less from\\nopinion than instinct, forgetful of the |)ast, and mindful of tlie future, rallied to the res-\\ncue. Clasping each other with a fraternal grasp, they were less intent on sharing in the\\nglorv than participating in a common peril and a common destiny. Thus may the sons\\nof Georgia ever be,\\non have overturned a government which had liecome sectional in policy and sec-\\ntional in hostility. It had lost nationality, and tlie first rec{uisitc of every government\\nthat of protection of person and nroperty. True you have overthrown the Federal\\nUnion, but you have preserved the Federal Constitution. You have retained ancestral\\nwisdom in the formation of your government, separated only from those abuses wliich\\nexperience has developed. In short you have effected a political reformation.\\nThese words, so happily chosen, so concisely and clearly put, are\\nremarkable in the definition they present of the loyal devotion of our\\npeople to the idea of our constitutional government. Never were any\\npeople more faithful to a principle than the South was in the late war to\\nthe genius of true republican theory to the very incarnation of char-\\ntered liberty. It must stand as an unalterable truth, that the millions of\\nthe South tried to shatter the Union, the better to preserve the consti-\\ntution and its holy principles. No men were ever truer to the spirit of\\na government than the seceding Southerners. They understood and\\nfelt, and believed its doctrines, and they sought to enforce them when\\nthey conscientiously deemed them in danger. And so the verdict of a\\njust and impartial posterity must be. They miscalculated the method,\\nand they staggered under the incubus of slavery, which closed to them\\nthe practical sympathy of the worhl, as well as that higher and more\\nvaluable support, the aid of the Divine Providence. Weaker people\\nthan ours have conquered more fonnidable odds. Our defeat must ever\\nbe incredible in the light of the glowing history of successful human", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0243.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "180 THE INITED STATES MINT AT DAIILOXEGA.\\nresistance. But in the illumination of a great Providential plan to uptear\\na million-rooted evil against human freedom, our failure is lustrously\\nexplicable. We fought, not men, but a Providential destiny.\\nThe convention turned over niattci s of arms and soldiers to the Con-\\nfederacy, but Gov. Brown was too provident. to cease his organization\\nof State military. He continued to organize the volunteer force. He\\ncontemplated creating two divisions, appointing Col. Henry R. Jackson\\nMajor-General of the First division, and Col. Wm. H. T. Walker Major-\\nGeneral of the Second division; and Paul J. Semmes of Muscogee and\\nWm. Phillips of Cobb, Brigadiers. Only one division was found prac-\\nticable, and Gen. Walker was appointed to command it. Gen. Henry K.\\nJackson generously relinquishing his own chances and urging Walker for\\nthe command. Gov. Brown had contracted with an iron company in Pitts-\\nburg, Pa., for a large number of cannon of large caliber and long range\\nfor coast defense, but when the guns were made, .such was the prejudice of\\nthe people of that city against the seceding states, that the contractors\\ndeclined delivering the guns and abandoned the contract. The Governor\\ngave a new contract to the Tredegar Iron Works of Richmond, Va.,\\nand procured these guns from that source. In order to stimulate the\\nbuilding of a foundry for casting cannon, the convention passed an\\nordinance offering a bonus of 10,000 to any one erecting such a\\nfoundry as could furnish three guns a week, and should make a 10-incli\\ncolumbiad at an early day.\\nThe United States mint at Dahlonega, which had some 120,000 of\\ngold coin belonging to the United States government, was taken posses-\\nsion of in a way that demonstrated the discrimination that Gov. Brown\\nexercised in his difficult role at this time. Reference has been made to\\nthe Union sentiment existing among the mountain people. At the time\\nthe secession ordinance passed. Gen. Plarrison ^V. Riley, a leading poli-\\ntician of Lumpkin county, declared that he meant to seize and hold the\\nmint for the United States. The bold avowal created some excitement\\nand alarm, as the extent of the Union feeling in North Georgia was not\\nknown. Gov. Brown was intimately acquainted with the people of that\\nsection and knew precisely how to deal with them. The convention\\npromptly passed an ordinance making it treason for any person to be\\nconcerned in any attempt to give aid to the enemies of the State. Gov.\\nBrown did not deem it advisable to make any show of military force in\\nthe mountain section, but thought it best to trust to the patriotic spirit\\nof the masses there. Gen. Riley, while a very illiterate man, was a very\\ninlluential one; a bluff, eccentric, determined spirit, with a wonderful", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0244.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "GOV. BROWN AND CiEX. HARRISON W. EII.EY. 187\\nlocal poi)ularity. The report of liis threat to seize the mint was tele-\\ngraphed to Gov. Brown, and a strong pressure was brought to bear\\nupon him, by several leading men of the State, to send troops at once\\nand secure the mint by force, and not permit the rebellious old Riley\\nto get a foothold. The Governor knew Riley well from his boy-\\nhood, and was satisfied that a very large element in his course was a\\ndesire to attract notoriety, and that he was too shrewd to undertake a\\nrebellion against the State in North-east Georgia, unless advantage was\\ngiven him and that with so large a proportion of Union sentiment as\\nthere was in that section of the State, if any difficulty was raised with\\nRiley about the mint, the popular sympathy would have been with him,\\nand there would have been serious trouble. Gov. Brown stated this to\\nthe gentlemen who approached him on the subject, and told them as he\\nknew Riley well and had been partly raised in that section of Georgia;\\nhe would manage the matter rightly if they would leave it to his discre-\\ntion. A few days afterwards the Governor wrote to several prominent\\ncitizens of Dahlonega, telling them that he had heard such a report in\\nreference to Gen. Riley, but had known him too long and had too high\\nan appreciation of his good sense and patriotism to believe he would\\nattempt such a thing, and that as old, personal friends he and Riley\\nmust have no collision. The Governor did not think it best to write to\\nRiley personally, but wrote to friends who would communicate the facts\\nto him. This course had a soothing effact upon Riley; and toned him\\ndown. The Governor also quietly notified the superintendent of the\\nmint that the State now held and possessed it. The superintendent\\nformally recognized the authority of Georgia over and her right to the\\nmint, and consented to act under the Executive, who gave him written\\norders. If any military support was needed the Governor would give\\nit. It shows the inflamed spirit of the day that, not understanding the\\ncourse of the Governor, several of the papers condemned his seeming\\ninactivity in making a demonstration upon the mint; but it was all right\\nwhen understood.\\nAnother incident in connection with Pickens county will show with\\nwhat consummate tact Gov. Brown dealt with the Union feeling of the\\nnorthern part of Georgia. At Jasper, Pickens county, where the\\nUnion loyalty was very ardent, a United States flag was raised upon a\\npole, soon after secession, and kept afloat in bold open defiance of Con-\\nfederate authority for several weeks. It was just such an incident as\\ncould have been injudiciously inflamed into a local breach that would\\nhave given infinite trouble during the whole war, and resulted in an", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0245.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "188 ti:b united states flag in i-ickexs couxtv.\\nangry, cancerous and unhealable sore in our very midst. The provoca-\\ntion was very irritating to the people after we had seceded, to have the\\nflag of the repudiated Union floating defiantly, the insulting sj mbol of\\na rejected authority, tiie aggressive emblem of a hostile power seeking\\nour suojection. Appeals upon appeals were made to Gov. Brown to\\nsend troojjs to cut it down. To all of these the astute Executive was\\nwisely deaf. He preferred to let the Union ebullition spend its force.\\nThere were very few slaves in that section, and in consequence the\\nslavery sentiment was not strong, while the devotion to the government\\nwas very ardent. The veneration for the United States flag was espe-\\ncially earnest. Gov. Brown declined to have the flag cut down. He\\nsaid\\nB} no means let it float. It floated over oiir f.nthers, and ive all love the flajr now.\\nWe have only been com|)C-lleil to lay it a-tiile by the injustice that has liceii practiced\\nnmler its folds. If the people of Pickens desire to hang it ont, and keep it there, let\\nthem do so. I will send no troops to interfere with it.\\nThe flag continued to float for a while, until the people became\\nashamed of this sort of action, and took it down themselves without\\nany disturbance whatever; and the county soon after came in with its\\ntroops, and did good service in the Confederate cause.\\nAs a further evidence of Gov. Brown s sagacious diplomacy in deal-\\ning with this tender-footed section with its intense Union drift, his\\nconduct in the acceptance and organization of troops may be mentioned.\\nMr. Davis, the President of the Confederacy, made a requisition upon\\nGov. Brown for the first Georgia regiment that was called into the\\nConfederate service, to go to Fort Pickens at Pensacola, to aid in its\\ndefense. Gov. Brown made a call for troops. Some idea of the boom-\\ning war fever may be gleaned when it is stated that over 250 companies\\nwere tendered for this service, out of which one regiment was to be\\nselected. There was the greatest possible jealousy among the Captains\\nof the different companies, each being anxious to secure a place in the\\nregiment. The companies were selected according to priority of the\\ndate of their tender, a list having been kept, and the time when each\\nwas offered being carefully noted. The only exception made to this\\nrule, was in the single case of the tenth company, which he gave to the\\ncorps of Captain Harris of Dahlonega, and the regiment was detained\\ntwo days at Macon before the organization was completed, waiting for\\nHarris s company to reach there, as the Governor learned they were on\\ntheir way. The delay was occasioned by the company having to march\\nfrom Dahlonega to Atlanta. On their arrival tiie preference was given", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0246.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "GOV. liKOWX s UAPPy DEALING WITH UNIONISM. 189\\nto theiu in anus, accoutrements and equipments, conceding to them the\\nbest of everything. These courtesies were written home to their\\nfriends, who were among the good families of Lumjakin countj-, and\\nthey were written by men then in the service of the Confederacy.\\nTheir friends, of course, took an interest in them, and their feelings\\nnaturally began to be drawn out after them. The result was that when\\nanother call was made, Lumpkin county tendered another company.\\nA company was tendered from Fannin count} away across tiie Blue\\nRidge. A place was left for the Fannin men until they had marched\\nto Atlanta, where regiments were being organized, and they were put in\\nin the same manner. This policy was pursued, giving preference to the\\nmountain companies in every case. In this way the Governor soon had\\none or more companies in the service from each county in that section;\\nand it was not long until the great mass of the peoj3le there had chang-ed\\nabout, and stood with their friends who had gone into the Confederate\\nservice. Some, it is true, remained Union men to the last, and some\\nfew gave trouble, but not a great many. Had a different policy have\\nbeen pursued and coercion been attempted, or any unkind means used\\nagainst them at the start, tliere would have been serious trouble with\\nthat section of Georgia. As it was by this astute and well-ccnddered\\ncourse, pursued with tact and persistence, a large and troublesome Union\\nelement was not only neutralized, but absolutely enlisted in the cause\\nheartily. In nothing that happened did Gov. Brown more beneficially\\nuse his shrewd practical judgment for the South than in this matter.\\nIt was a serious peril and he discerned it at once. But for this masterly\\nmanagement. North and North East Georgia most probablv would have\\nbecome as dangerous a union stronghold as the memoralile country of\\nEast Tennessee. The value of Gov. Brown s statesmanship in this\\nperil has never been understood or appreciated. But it was a great\\nservice, timely, and of an inestimable benefit.\\nGovernor Brown began to purchase arms before the legislature passed\\nthe act calling the secession convention, and he pressed the matter\\nvigorously, importing every weapon he could until the firing upon Fort\\nSumter cut off our means of purchasing them from the Northern States.\\nEven after that time, however, until the blockade was considered a\\nserious obstruction, the importation of arms into the state was contin-\\nued by Governor Brown. No state in the South did so much in this\\nmatter of furnishing armed troops to the Confederacy as Georgia did\\nunder Gov. Brown s vigorous administration. Fully thirty regiments\\nwere turned over to the Confederate government armed with weapons", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0247.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "190\\nBOATS FOR COAST DEFENSE.\\nbought by the State of Georgia. And in addition to these^ there was a\\nlarge number of arms retained for our state troops.\\nGovernor Brown was authorized to purchase some boats for coast\\ndefense, which he did immediately, placing- this little navy in charge of\\nthat heroic old seaman, Commodore Josiah Tattnall, who had resigned\\nfrom the United States navy and oflEered his services to his native state.\\nThe strong points upon the coast around Brunswick were fortified to\\nthe best of our means, and manned with six months troops.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0248.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXI.\\nTHE BLAZING WAR FEVER OF THE FIRST OF 18C1.\\nThe State a MUitarv Camp Eagerness to Eulist. Pecuniary Sacrifices.^Miss Hen-\\nrietta Kenan. Mrs. Joe Brown s Boys. Forty Georgia Regiments by October.\\nGov. Brown s Marvelous Energy. Tlie People s Demanti for Him to be Gover-\\nnor a Tliird Time. Tlie Famous Letter of Tliomas C. Trice No Time for Fool\\nParties or Swelled-Head Goveruors. The Striking Press Comment. The Man\\nfor the Times. The First Georgia Regiment. The Volunteers Privilege of\\nElecting Officers. Gov. Brown s Ardent Speech. The Great Conier-Stoue.\\nSpeech of Alex. Stephens. The Most Momentous Utterance of the Century. Its\\nImmeasurable Effect. The Anti-Slavery World Set against Us by It. Georgia s\\nContinuance of a Dominant Factorship in the Struggle. Georgia Troops for Vir-\\nginia. Hardeman s Battalion Military Ardor and Womanly Grief. The Ogle-\\nthorpe Light Infantry. Brown and Bartow. The Rape of The Guns. A Hot\\nControver.sy. I Go to Illustrate Georgia. Col. A. II. Cohjuitt Bad Practice\\nof Enlistment.\\nDuring the year 18G1 the military activity in the State of Georgia\\nwas incessant and ubiquitous. The commonwealth was one vast re-\\ncruiting camp. The roll of the drum and the stirring notes of the fife\\nresounded from moiuitain to seaboard. Hill and valley echoed to the\\ntread of armed men gathering, organizing and leaving home and com-\\nfort for the tented field and the soldier s life. It was a wild time a\\ncontinuous day of fevered enthusiasm. Men, women and children par-\\nticipated in the exaltation of patriotic spirit. There was no looking\\nbaek. A brave people had turned their energies to war, and they went\\nat it as a business. Tiie war spirit boomed like a storm. The rivalry\\nto enlist was universal and unquenchable. Letters poured in upon the\\nGovernor seeking commissions for perilous service, until the burden be-\\ncame so heavy that he was forced to advertise in the papers that he did\\nnot have the clerical labor to even answer. For ever} requisition of\\ntroops there was a fifty-fold proffer of eager soldiers. Such a spirit of\\nwilling chivalry as was exhibited was never exceeded in the annals of\\nwarfare. And to show the character of the men and organizations, a\\ncavalrj company in Rome, the Floj d Cavalry, represented a money\\nproperty of \u00c2\u00a7730,000 among 40 men, while another of .3.5 men in Mil-\\nledgeville, the Governor s Horse Guards, stood for two and a half mil-\\nlions of wealth on the ta.\\\\ books.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0249.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "192 PATRIOTIC GENEROSITY OF THE PEOPLE.\\nAll over the State citizens were offering to make pecuniary sacrifices\\nfor the cause. Gov. Brown himself, subscribed and paid one thousand\\ndollars toward the support of the Georgia troops in the service, and\\ndetermined to appropriate the net income of his farm to the same great\\ncause. His wife devoted lier time, as did thou.sands upon thousands of\\nother noljle and delicate women, to making clothing for the .soldiers.\\nMiss Henrietta Kenan, of Milledgeville, a daughter of Col. Augustus\\nH. Kenan, a brilliant, (jueenly woman, tendered to Gov. Brown in behalf\\nof herself and her motiier, for the use of the state, their silver plate of\\nconsiderable value. The Governor said if it became a necessity he\\nwould accept ,it. A company was organized below Gaddistown, in\\nFannin County, and named Mrs. Joe Brown s Boys. In recognition\\nof the compliment, Mrs. Brown, the wife of the Governor, fitted this\\ncompany with a suit of clothes, purchasing the cloth in Milledgeville\\nand making and sending one to each member. All over the state volun-\\ntary generous patriotism was shown.\\nSome idea may be formed of how gloriously Georgia responded to\\nthe demands upon her manhood, from the fact that up to the first of\\nOctober, 1861, she had sent forty magnificent reg imeiits to the battle\\nfield. This makes a grand fact in her war record. And during this\\nwhole seethino- time Gov. Brown stood the central fio-ure and o-uidinjr\\nintelligence, winning opinions tiiat seem almost extravagant, so laud-\\natory were they of his energy, management and patriotism. His genius\\nfor organizing was something marvelous. His cool impetuosity and\\ncomprehensive forecast, his wise audacity and calculating, methodical\\nability for any occasion, were matters of universal recognition and\\npanegyric. The Southern press united in admiring his peerless admin-\\nistration, while the people and press of Georgia idolized him. In Jhe\\nmidst of all of the sweeping war excitement the thoughts of the people,\\nclear in advance of the end of his term began to look to him for the\\nunprecedented distinction of a third term, of gubernatorial service.\\nEarly in March, 1801, a communication appeared from Mr. Thomas C\\nTrice of Pike county, urging the people of Georgia without distinction\\nof party to re-elect Gov. Brown. The letter of Mr. Trice was a plain,\\nbrief, matter-of-fact document, striking right to the point in a few\\nhomely words, but it had a wonderful effect. There are times when\\nmen niak(^ a liajjpy strike by voicing the public thought. Said Mr.\\nTrice in his homely way:\\nI do not helieve there is another man in Georgia, who i;( every way .as well raleula-\\ntcd for Governor as Joseph E. Brown. 1 do not nieau by this tliat Joe Brown has more", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0250.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "THE MAN FOR THE TIMES. 193\\nsense than everybody else. I mean just wliat I s.a_v that no man in Georgia will make\\nsucli an Executive as Joe Brown, auil therefore I tliiuli that he shoulJ be re-elected.\\nWe need just such a plain, sensible, practicable mau as Joe Brown is to attend to the\\nExecutive business of tlie State, while we tr_v to make bread at home. It is no time now\\nfor fool parties amonj, farmers, uor for swelled-head Governors. We need strict economy\\nat home, and prudeut, plain, investigating men to manage our State affairs.\\nThis sententious, blunt-spoken expression of choice started a deluge\\nof responses from all parts of the state endorsing the idea. Mr. Trice\\nawoke to find himself famous as the unexpected announcer of a univer-\\nsal notion. His crisp letter was a formulation of the public wish.\\nSome of the endorsements were in very strong words. One writer\\ndeclared Gov. Brown, with the single exception of Jefferson Davis, as\\nfirst in the affections and confidence of the Southern people, and said\\nthat he was wanted in the Senate of the Confederate States. At that\\ntime, and since, it has been asserted that Gov. Brown aspired to Con-\\nfederate office. But a day or two ago in the United States Senate,\\nwhere Gov. Brown now is, Senator Jlahone of Virginia asserted that\\nGov. Brown desired to be President of the Confeclerate States. There\\nwas not the slightest basis for such an assertion. As will be later seen.\\nGov. Brown had the honor of a Cabinet position in his grasp. But it\\nis the truth that he had not only no wish for any Confederate office, but\\nunder no circumstances would he have given up the jalace of Governor\\nof Georgia for any position in the gift of the people. His measure of\\nambition was to serve his state as Executive. Perhaps the most com-\\nprehensive summary at the time of the estimate in which Gov. Brown\\nwas held in tltose days, and at the same time the most vivid picture of\\nthe situation, are found in the following editorial from the Georgia\\nForester, which was universally copied then. The writing was headed,\\nThe Max for The Tunes, itself a volume of meaning. The editorial\\nthus discoursed:\\nPerhaps there never was a time when strong will, iron nerve and common sense,\\ncombiued in a single chiiracter, were more to I)e valued, or wlien they were more needed\\nthau in the present crisis. A great revolution, civil and political, is progressing. One\\nof the most powerful governments on earth is fast crunililing to ]iieces, and in its con-\\nvulsive deatli-struggles shakes the civilized world. The wildest passions are blazing\\nwith infuriate madness from the breasts of thirty millions of people.\\nAmiil this war of elements, this storm of contending factions, and this whirhnnd of\\nevil passions, there is one mau who stands like the towering sea-built rock, that breasts,\\nbreaks and scatters the angry, surging waves. One who calmly watches the quick,\\nrevolving wheel of events, and with daring intrepidity and dignified deliberation con-\\nfronts every issue th.at is presented, and foils every effort to circumvent his movements\\nor to interrupt his quiet progress. Conscious of the vast responsibilities that rest upon\\n13", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0251.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "194 THE FIKST GEOKGIA VOLUNTEER REGIMENT.\\nhim, and appreciating fully tlie dangers tliat surround and tlireaten to engulf tlie glori-\\nous ship he commands, with iron nerve and a will that increases in strength and rises in\\ngrandeur as ho approaches the Scylla and Cliaryhdis of his voyage, right onward he\\ndirects her course and bids defiance to the swelling wave and the lightning flash. Firm\\nin the right, with truth in his heart, and God o er his head, he acts while others pause\\nto reconnoitre and negotiate and wins the victory, while others stop and calculivte the\\ncost of defe.at.\\nCombining wisdom with p.itriotism, prudence with nerve, and boldness with justice\\nand deliberation, Joseph E. Brown is emphatically the man for the times.\\nThese strong words bear the mark of the intensified fervor of the\\ntime which called them forth, hut they constitute a remarkable tribute\\nfor any man to win, and they show the part Joe Brown was enacting\\nand the manner in which he was impressing days when force and equi-\\npoise were the regnant and inexorable qualities for leadership. From\\nthis time on the idea of the blunt-phrased Trice for Brown s re-election\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0went on steadily to consummation, over-riding custom with the resistless\\ncurrent of the popular will, that incarnation of the voice of God as\\nembodied in the voice of the people.\\nReturning to the current of war progress, the organization of the\\nfirst regiment for Pensacola at JIacon, was a matter of general state\\ninterest. Gov. Brown went over and reviewed and addressed the troops.\\nThe companies consisted of the Augusta Oglethorpe Light Infantry,\\nCapt. Clark; Augusta Walker Light Infantry, Capt. Camp; Dahlonega\\nVolunteers, Capt. Harris; Bainb ridge Independent Volunteers, Capt.\\nEvans; Forsyth Quitman Guards, Capt. Pinckard; Atlanta Gate City\\nGuards, Capt. Ezzard; Perry Southern Rights Guard, Capt. Houser;\\nNewnan Guards, Capt. Hanvey; Sandersville Washington Rifles, Capt.\\nJones; Columbus South Guards, Capt. Wilkins; Etowah Guards, Capt.\\nLarey; Ringgold Volunteers, Capt. Sprayberry; Macon Brown Infantry,\\nCapt. Smith; and Macon Independent Volunteers, Capt. Adderhold.\\nThe appointment of officers by the Military Department of the Gov-\\nernment has been the practice of war and of regular armies of profes-\\nsional soldiers; but the privilege of the election of officers by the men\\nthey command is the delight of volunteers, the outcome of the spirit of\\nour free institutions, and the very foundation of an efficient volunteer\\nservice. It was this privilege, so dear to our volunteer soldiery, that\\ninspired one of the historic controversies that Gov. Brown had after-\\nwards with President Davis. It was under this system of election that\\nall of our State regiments were organized, except the 1st Georgia Regu-\\nlars, which was raised under a special law of the convention. The elec-\\ntion for field officers for the regiment bound for Pensacola, was held", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0252.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "ALEX. STEPIIE S GREAT COEXEK-STONE SPEECH. 195\\nat Camp Oglethorpe, as it was appropriately named, and resulted\\nJames N. Ramsay, Colonel; J. O. Clarke, Lieutenant Colonel; and G.\\nH. Thompson, Major; Col. Ramsay was a Lieutenant, and beat Cap-\\ntains Jones and Pinckard. The regiment was organized the 3d of April,\\n1861. On the 5th, Gov. Brown reviewed the troops before avast assem-\\nblage, and then delivered an eloquent and powerful speech, full of an\\nimpassioned feeling unusual with him, that stirred an over-mastering\\nenthusiasm. He retrospected concisely but burningly the causes and\\nprogress of the revolution. In his references to their mission, he was\\nespecially happy. He said truthfully, My whole soul is in this move-\\nment, and my heart swells with emotions I cannot utter. He con-\\ncluded amid a prolonged burst of applause with these solemn words:\\nGo then, ami may the God of liattles go with you, and lead, protect and defend you,\\ntill the last foot-print of the invader shall be obliterated from the soil of our common\\ncountry.\\nOne company of this regiment was the Bainbridge Volunteers,\\nuniformed in coarse flannel shirts, and pantaloons of the coarsest negro\\ncloth, yet representing over a million dollars of wealth. A battalion\\nwas organized at the same time, with Capt. Larcy as major.\\nIt was but a few days before this that Hon. Alexander H. Stephens\\ndelivered a lengthy speech to an immense audience in Savannah, that\\nwent over the civilized world. It was a remarkable utterance in many\\nrespects, but in nothing more remarkable than in being regarded as one\\nof those advance pioneer expressions of a cardinal idea of new and orig-\\ninal statesmanship, that are only formulated by master minds, and come\\nbut once in generations of men. The great eloquence of the man, the\\nwonderful attraction attaching to him in view of his slender physical\\ntenure of life, so disproportioned to his genius, the exalted position he\\nheld as Vice-President of the new Confederacy, and the resultant\\nauthoritative character of this deliverance, all made the sjjeech a marked\\none. But the great theory of the address a bold, immense and revolu-\\ntionary innovation upon the settled convictions and prejudices of man-\\nkind gave the speech its celebrity, and made it the theme of universal\\ndiscussion among the ruling minds of the English-speaking language.\\nThe address was dubbed the Corner-Stone speech, and the grand\\ncentral idea was that:\\nOur new government was founded upon the great truth that the negro is not equal\\nto the white man that slavery, snbordination to the superior race, was his natural and\\nmoral condition. This stone, wliich was rejected by the first builders, is become\\nthe chief corner stone in our new edifice.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0253.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "196 THE AVORLD SET AGAIXST THE SOUTH.\\nThe enunciation of this startling philosophy by Mr. Stephens evoked\\nan overwhehning enthusiasm at home, and in the South, and excited a\\nprofound feeling North and abroad. It became the representative idea\\nof the Confederacy. It fixed clearly and simply the question of the rev-\\nolution. It was unanimously accepted by the South. It put the civil-\\nized world upon notice as to what a recognition of the Confederacy\\nmeant. It propounded a prodigious issue, moral and political. It pre-\\ncipitated an unappealable arbitrament of the issue which concerned the\\nmost humanitarian convictions of mankind upon the essence of human\\nfreedom. Georgia again exercised that leading agency in this colossal\\nagitation to which she seemed by some strange destiny fated. To one\\nof her great .spirits belonged the crowning honor of originating and\\nformulating in his eloquent and masterly utterances, the very funda-\\nmental thought of the gigantic movement.\\nMr. Stephens left nothing unsaid that perfected his great idea. He\\nstated distinctly that the Union just split, rested upon the fundamen-\\ntally wrong idea that the enslavement of the African was a violation of\\nthe laws of nature. He said that it was apprehended that we would\\narray against us the civilized world. He continued in a magnificent\\ndisplay of eloquence, that drew deafening applause that he cared not\\nwho, or how many they may be, when we stand upon the eternal prin-\\nciples of truth, we are obliged and must triumph.\\nThe moral effect of this great speech was beyond all calculation. It\\nput squarely against the Confederacy the abolition sentiment of the\\nworld. It prevented foreign recognition. It narrowed the issue from\\nthe broad domain of political independence founded upon a contract\\nthat had been violated, and wpon which the sympathy of the world was\\nwith us, to the untenable foothold of the intrinsic righteousness and\\nsupreme good policy of slavery, in which civilized mankind stood\\nimmutably against us. The slavery questioji had been a large one in\\nthe agitation, but it simply represented a greater question of self-gov-\\nernment. This speech of the Vice-President of the Confederacy claim-\\ning slavery to be a divinely originated institution based in truth, and\\nthe soul of the new government, set it uj) as the vital question of the\\nconflict. It changed the battle-ground, shifted the war-flag, substituted\\na new slogan, and put us in isolation. It was an heroic thing, and it\\nworked to the great scheme of Providence for human freedom. And\\nit continued Georgia as the decisive factor of the revolution.\\nOn the 1.3th of April, 18G1, the siege of Fort Sumter ended by the\\nsurrender of Jlajor Anderson. On the 15th of April, President Lincoln", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0254.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "A AVILD TIME OF PATEIOTISM AND PARTING. 197\\nmade his call for 75,000 men to suppress the rebellion. On the 18th of\\nApril, Virginia seceded from the Union. On the 19th of April, Presi-\\ndent Davis telegraphed Gov. Brown for two or three companies to go\\nimmediately to Norfolk, Virginia, and inquired when he could have\\nthem ready. Gov. Brown went to the telegraph office in Milledgeville\\nand telegraphed for volunteer companies in Macon, Griffin and Colum-\\nbus, asking each Captain whether his company would like to go, and\\nwhen they could be ready. The responses in every case were: We\\nwould like to go; how much time can you give us? Ho replied,\\nYou must start to-morrow. While some of them said they would\\nneed more time, yet rather than lose their place in the battalion, they\\nwould go thus hastily. In twenty-four hours the battalion was on the\\ncars in motion for Norfolk, and they were said to have arrived there\\nabout the first troops that reached the place, and a little before the\\nVirginia troops arrived at the sea-board of their own state. This inci-\\ndent will show the eager war spirit of the people, and Gov. Brown s\\nswift celerity in answering requisitions. The four companies forming\\nthis battahon were the Macon Floyd Rifles, Capt. Thos. Hardeman;\\n!Macon Volunteers, Capt. Smith; Columbus City Light Guard, Capt.\\nP. H. Colquitt, and a Griffin company under Capt. Doyal. Col.\\nThomas Hardeman, ex-member of Congress, was made the commander\\nof this gallant corps, and he and they did some of the finest service per-\\nformed in the war.\\nRequisitions were rapidly made upon Gov. Brown for troops, first\\n5,000 and then 3,000 men, ^nd proinj)tly filled. There was no halting\\nin this stern time. Men rushed forward to enlist, and the dear women\\nsent them to the front in heroic tears. The people assembled by the\\nthousand to bid adieu to the departing soldiers. It was a wild day with\\nits under-stratum of sobs and womanly grief. The huzzas of shouting\\npatriotism and the roar of thundering cannon sped the gallant troops\\naway, perhaps forever, amid a torrent of soulful weeping- and convulsive\\nembraces. It was buoyant and sorrowful, art era of proud sadness and\\ndamp-eyed exhilaration. The bounding ardor of the soldier was chas-\\ntened in the tender grief of the women left behind to pray. Handker-\\nchiefs and hands waved fervent farewells from apprehensive but resolute\\nhearts. The whole State was aflame. In every county companies were\\nmade up. Newton county, that had been a Union stronghold, organized\\nfive companies in a few days, and raised a subscription of ten thousand\\ndollars for aiding these military corps. The city of Macon in a short\\nwhile furnished five hundred men. These are examples of the rest.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0255.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "198 A SAVANNAH COMPANY THE FIRST FOR THE WAR.\\nGov. Brown stood to his wonderful labor of organization with an\\nunceasing persistence. His resourceful energy seemed to grow, if\\npossible. He issued a proclamation prohibiting the payment of any\\ndebt of money or property North; and the protesting by any bank of\\nany paper due to Northern banks or people. He also issued a procla-\\nmation exempting persons and operatives engaged in the manufacture\\nof arms, woolen or cotton goods or iron, from military duty. All of the\\ntroops enlisted for the Confederate service up to May, 18G1, were twelve\\nmonths companies, of which five regiments were organized.\\nPresident Davis called the Confederate Congress together on the 39th\\nof April, 1861, and immediately an act was passed authorizing the\\nenlistment of troops for the war. Francis S. Bartow, the chairman of\\nthe military committee, was the captain of a volunteer company in\\nSavannah, the Oglethorpe Light Infantry, of which the writer was a\\nmember and a private. The company was organized in 1856, and was\\none of the popular corps in that gallant city always noted for its mili-\\ntary spirit and the number and efficiency of its military organizations.\\nCapt. Bartow was in couununication with the company, and as soon as\\nthe act authorizing war troops was passed and approved, he communi-\\ncated the fact by telegraph to his company. A meeting was promptly\\ncalled. The writer well remembers the glowing spirit of that meeting.\\nAmid a storm of enthusiasm and excitement a resolution was unani-\\nmously passed tendering the company for the war to the President.\\nThe tender was flashed over the wires in hot haste, so as to be the first,\\nand the acceptance was sent back as quickly, Capt. Bartow immediately\\nseeking Mr. Davis. To this superb company of young men, there\\nbeing hardly a married man in it, among the best young citizens of\\nSavannah, sons of her old and honored families, belongs the honor of\\nbeing the first company in the entire Confederacy that gave its services\\nto the South for the whole war. As this company had also furnished a\\ndetail of men for the detachment that seized Fort Pulaski under orders\\nof Gov. Brown, before the State seceded, it had a record distinctive\\nabove all other companies of the great revolution, which will grow\\nbrighter with time. And as the company in its service in Virg-inia and\\nelsewhere, went through the greatest battles of the war during the\\nentire four years, beginning with the first Manassas, and fought with an\\nincreasing chivalry to the very close, it achieved an illustrious iiistory and\\nmade an imperishable record of glory.\\nThis company left for Virginia on the 21st day of May, 1861, escorted\\nto the depot by the entire soldiery of Savannah and swarming throngs of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0256.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "Bartow s rai-k of the guns. 199\\ncitizens. Amid salvos of artillery and the enmassed applause of the\\nassembled people of the whole city, the train moved off with this splen-\\ndid young organization. They had arms belonging to the State, and\\ncarried them without the consent of the Executive. This rape of the\\nguns elicited a tart correspondence between Gov. Brown and Capt.\\nBartow, in which some hard things were said on both sides, which prob-\\nably both of these patriotic gentlemen would have wished unwritten.\\nGov. Brown contended for the State s authority. Capt. Bartow repelled\\nwhat he regarded as an assault upon his patriotism. In his letter Bartow\\nused an expression, that in connection with his early and brilliant death\\nat Manassas, became a marked utterance. He said, I go to illustrate\\nGeorgia. All of these incidents, the participation in the seizure of\\nFort Pulaski, being the first company to enlist for the war, the forcible\\ntaking away of the State s guns, the controversy over them, and Capt.\\nBartow s high position in the Confederate Congress, all tended at that\\ntime to make the Oglethorpe Light Infantry of Savannah a famous com-\\npany. Its twenty-fifth anniversary was celebrated in Savannah on the\\n19th of January, 1881, by a handsome banquet, when its honorable history\\nwas recalled and commemorated. This company was organized with other\\nGeorgia companies in Virginia into the 8th Georgia regiment, and Capt.\\nBartow was made Colonel; Wm. Montgomery Gardner, Lt. Colonel.\\nThe surgeon was Dr. H. V. M. Miller, so prominent in Georgia politics,\\nwho has recently presented a handsome portrait of Bartow to the Young\\nMen s Library Association of Atlanta. This regiment was finally com-\\nmanded by Col. Lucius M. Lamar, a handsome and gallant officer and a\\nmember of the General Assembly of Georgia of 1880-1. It made a\\nmemorable record of service, on the march, in camp and in battle,\\ncoming up to every patriotic requirement, and in the language of the\\nbrilliant but ill-fated Bartow, illustrating Georgia.\\nThe first regiment organized for the war was the 6th Georgia, of\\nwhich Alfred H. Colquitt, the present Governor of Georgia, was made\\nthe Colonel. The practice of the Confederacy accepting troops directly\\nwithout any reference to the State authority, was a bad one. All\\nrequisitions for soldiers should have been through the Executive.\\nThousands of Georgia soldiers went into the Confederate army in this\\nway, of whom there is no record. No report of them was ever made to\\nthe state authorities, and thus the Georgia records are, and must ever\\nremain incomplete. The writer organized the 4th Regiment of Georgia\\nCavalry, sending the muster rolls directly to the War Department at\\nRichmond, and there is no record of a soldier or officer in the war", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0257.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "200 THE UNKNOWN HEROES OP GEORGIA.\\narchives of Georg-ia, while the organization had, first and last, over 1,500\\nmen in it. This instance will illustrate the matter. It was an iiTegular\\nway of doing things that we now see Gov. Brown was right in opposing.\\nIt made endless confusion and incurable uncertainty in the records of\\nthe state s service. It renders it an impossibility for the full roll of our\\nGeorgia soldiers ever to be obtained, and the entire measure of justice\\nbe done to the substantial devotion of the state to the Southern cause.\\nThousands of gallant Georgians fought and perished in this gigantic\\nstruggle whose names and heroism are unknown and unpreserved.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0258.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXIT.\\nTHE PRECEDENT OF A CENTURY OVERTHROWN, AND\\nBROWN MADE GOVERNOR THE THIRD TIME.\\nGov. Brown in a Constant Battle. Unliinged Times. lien s Fighting Blood up.\\nBrown s Curious Altercations. The Columhua Guards. The Startling Episode of\\nthe Salt Famine. One of the Worst Terrors of The War. Brown s Daring against\\nthe Salt Tyranny. The First Manassas Baftle. Its Stupendous Effect. The\\nGeorgia Coast. Dixie Doodle. Curious War Names. The Nancy Harts.\\nSpoiling for a Fight. The Bank Convention. Cotton Planters Convention. The\\nCobbs. Georgians to the Army. Coast Defense. The New Georgia Constitution\\nCol. Wliitaker s Letter to Gov. Brown. Brown Allows his Name for Governor.\\nA Coincidence. The Grandson of the only Third Terra Governor urging\\nBrown to a Third Term. Bitter Assaults on Brown. Oppo.sitiou Convention.\\nIts Personelle. H. V. Johnson Declines as a Delegate. Judge E. A. Nesbit Nomi-\\nnated. Thos. E. Lloyd.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Press Nearly Solid against Brown.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Brown s\\nTrenchant Address. Brown Overwhelmingly Re-elected.\\nDuRixG the turbulent days of 18G1, Gov. Brown did not by any\\nmeans, find his executive office a bed of roses. It was not in the nature\\nof things that a man so daring and positive, so fearless in assuming re-\\nsponsibility, and so constitutionally combative, should not get into more\\nor less turmoil beyond what an easier-tempered person would have\\nescaped. The Governor was not a milk and water man, taking things\\nlightly and shifting serious burdens upon other convenient peo-\\nple. He met his duties boldly, fully and promptly. He shirked no\\ncrisis. He confronted every emergency squarely. He made mistakes,\\nas no human being can avoid doing. He was sometimes too aggressive.\\nHe occasionally bore too hard on men. He, perhaps, could not brook\\nassault as peacefully as he might. He was, mayhap, too rigid and too\\nunyielding where some concession would have availed better. But in\\nspite of these things, it would have been almost out of the question to\\nhave supplied his place. The whole power and fervor of his strong\\nintense soul were in the cause. It was no time for tender-footed and\\nvacillating spirits. An imperious, dominant will was the need of the\\nera an unhesitating, self-reliant intelligence. The times were un-\\nhinged too. Social bonds were loosened. The ligaments of law were\\nslipping their hold. War was on us, and the passions gathering and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0259.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "203 THE SALT FAIIIXE.\\nStrengthening. The epoch was every day getting wilder. Men were\\nunconsciously going backward in moral restraint under the license of\\nwar. They were ripening in individual audacity, and the stem temper\\nborn of strife. It required a firm nerve to maintain its leadership\\namong the stormy elements at play.\\nGov. Brown had some curious altercations about very strange mat-\\nters. The controversy with Bartow over his rape of guns was a speci-\\nmen. This was extensively discussed, men and newspapers siding both\\nways. Mr. Davis, however, came through Atlanta, and had a long and\\nfriendly talk about the matter with Gov. Brown, and frankly acknowl-\\nedged that the policy of the Confederate authorities receiving troops\\nover the head of the state Executives was wrong, and he intended to\\nhave no more of it, but get all of his requisitions supplied by the state\\nGovernors. Another wholly unnecessary diflBculty was one between the\\nColumbus Guards and Gov. Brown, in which the Executive simply\\ntracked the law, and in doing so, came in collision with a body of men\\nwhose eager desire to enlist rushed them into disregard of law. The\\nstatute prescribed the size of companies to be from fifty to eighty men,\\nnot exceeding the latter number. Capt. Ellis had 130 men, and the\\nGovernor refused to take the extra sixty men, though Martin J. Craw-\\nford urged it. Capt. Ellis took his extra men to Savannah anyhow.\\nThe Governor stuck to the law, telegraphing Gen. Lawton to enforce\\nthe statute. And the Governor was savagely assailed for his action.\\nThe fact is the men of the state were burning to enlist, and in the hot\\neagerness to do a freeman s duty, they quarreled over the privilege of\\nservice and the opportunity for peril. Nothing, however, swerved the\\nExecutive from his line of resolution. And in every case the public\\njudgment sustained him when the facts were understood. In no case\\ndid he act from any personal motive. He sought the success of the\\ncause, and he pursued his object with an immovable tenacity of purpose.\\nA remarkable instance of his daring readiness to take any risk for\\nthe public good, was in the prosaic but incalculably momentous neces-\\nsity of salt. This simple and cheap article of living, that exercises so\\nlittle thought, and that is as plentiful as the air, became the subject of\\nan appalling famine in the South. It lay in measureless quantities in\\nthe boundless ocean that bordered the Confederacy for a thousand\\nmUes. Yet with the coast blockaded, with inadequate facilities for\\nits manufacture, with its importation cut off by the bayonets of a\\nbeleaguering cordon of hostile soldiers, the scarcity of salt became a\\nterror to the people. It was a romantic fate that made this boundless", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0260.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "THE TEEEIBLE EPISODE OF SALT TYRANNY. 203\\ncommodity worth almost pound for pound with silver. It was one of\\nthe strangest straits of the Confederacy, this famine of salt. Specula-\\ntors took advantage of it. Even early in 1861, the war of the salt\\nchangers began. And it continued until the legislature took the matter\\nin hand and sought to protect the people from these salt sharks.\\nWhile the matter was pending the speculators took alarm and started\\nto rush their hoards out of the state. The meat for the soldiers needed\\nsalt to cure it. The salt famine threatened the commonwealth in\\nearnest. In tliis crisis Gov. Brown, with his wonted boldness, liberally\\nconstruing the constitutional provision that allowed the Executive in\\ncases of emergency to seize private property for public use, clutched\\nseveral large lots of salt for the state, and prohibited its general ship-\\nment out of the state. The speculators howled. The price they gave\\nwith freight, storage, interest, drayage and ten per cent, interest, was\\ntendered to the subjects of this rape of salt. The Legislature passed\\nits protective measure, but the Governor had saved the state from the\\nsalt famine by his bold audacity and prompt interference ahead of slow\\nlegislative action. The public uses were provided for, with some sur-\\nplus over, which was sold around to the poor people who could not pay\\nspeculation prices, and thus the public necessities were relieved.\\nHis audacious exercise of authority, such as few men would have\\ndared to use, and especially when it was a matter of discussion as to the\\nright, elicited some hard criticism from his enemies, but the people, the\\nomnipotent depository of opinion and power, sustained him over-\\nwhelmingly, as it will back any man in the end who is disinterestedly\\ndoing the right as he conscientiously sees it. This salt trouble was a\\npermanent one during the war. The salt famine hung over the state\\nwith its vital terrors until the surrender. The legislatures fought it as\\nsternly and persistently as they pushed the battles. They had to come\\nto the relief of the poor finally. The state took in its own hands the\\nmanufacture of salt in self-defense. And not only this, but the state\\nhad to organize a great salt bureau, and appropriate half a million of\\ndollars, and make distribution of the despotic staple. In the archives\\nof the Executive Department are huge volumes of records, and enor-\\nmous books that a strong man staggers in carrying across the room, all\\ndevoted to the novel and terrible episode of our salt tyranny in the\\nwar.\\nThe battle of the First Manassas took place on the 21st day of July,\\n18G1, in which memorable engagement the 7th Georgia, and 8th\\nGeorgia regiments were engaged, and won a signal fame. The 7th reg-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0261.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "204 THE EFFECT OF THE FIKST IIAXASSAS BATTLE.\\nimeut was eoiiimanded by Col. Lucius J. Gartrell, ex-meinber of con-\\ngress. Gen. Johnson, in his official rej)ort, mentions the name of Col.\\nGartrell with others as having distinguished themselves in that engage-\\nment. His son, Henry Claj Gartrell, was killed in the battle. Col.\\nBartow commanded the Brigade consisting of the 7th, 8th, 9th and\\n11th Georgia, and 1st Kentucky Regiments. This battle, the first im-\\nportant action of the war, was a remarkable one in its effects. It was a\\nthorough victory for the Confederates, and a most disastrous defeat for\\nthe Federals. It was at first and for a long time believed that tiie Fed-\\nerals enormously outnumbered us, but recent statistics said to be cor-\\nrect show that the contending forces were nearer equality than has been\\nsupposed. The battle was bloody, and for a while desp{ rate. Our\\nlosses were heavy. The Georgia troops especially happened at the\\nvery brunt of the fighting, and in pursuance of that same destiny,\\nthat seemed to press Georgia into the crucial situations of this great\\nstruggle at vital times, turned the tide of battle with a frightful loss of\\ngallant men, including the intrepid Bartow himself, who fell, caught in\\nthe arms of Col. Gartrell, uttering the now historic exclamation, They\\nHAVE KILLED ME, BUT NEVER GIVE IT up! The state of Georgia thus\\nnot only gave the deciding stroke in this momentous battle, but furnished\\nthe first conspicuous martyr of the war.\\nThe battle gave a terrific momentum to the war spirit of the North,\\nwhile it affected the South disastrously. It seemed a confinnation of\\nthe immeasurable fighting superiority of the South. It aroused the\\nNorth; it demoralized and distracted the South by a controversy that\\nalienated leaders and caused dissension during the whole war over an\\nissue as to whether the fruits of the victory were not neglected. The\\npride, the resentment, the courage of the Northern people were stimu-\\nlated to desperation, and from this time on, the war progressed in dead\\nearnest.\\nIn Georgia the activity, if anything, redoubled. Camps of instruction\\nand of pre-paration were organized, and filled with troops drilling and\\nfitting for the next call. A large attention was given to the coast of\\nGeorgia. The Confederate Government had placed Gen. A. R. Lawton\\nin command from Savannah to the Florida line, and Commodore Tatt-\\nnall in charge of the naval force. Every co-operation was g-iven to\\nthese officers. Gov. Brown spent \u00c2\u00a780,000 in equipping Fort Pulaski.\\nUp to the 2Gth of July, seventeen thousand men had been organized,\\narmed and equipped at a cost of 8300,000, and sent into service, most\\nof them out of the state. Fully 30,000 guns and accoutrements were", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0262.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "IIUMOKOUS INCIDENTS OF THE EAKLY -WAR FEVEE. 205\\nsupplied to tlie Confederacy by the state of Georgia, at her own cost,\\nfirst and last. Three steamers had been purchased for coast defense,\\none costing 8-10,000 and the others less. The Governor purchased\\n$44,205 of material for making gunpowder, which he allowed the Con-\\nfederate authorities to take.\\nThere were many interesting features of the war fever of 18G1, that\\nwould prove very readable. Amid the serious work was a by-play of\\nlight incident that helps to complete the picturesque picture of a\\ndramatic time. Some patriotic poetaster drew from his muse a South-\\nern version of the familiar Yankee Doodle, and dubbed it Dixie\\nDoodle. The names of some of the companies were a typical outcome\\nof the spirit of the times. The company commanded by the present\\nGovernor Colquitt, was the Baker Fire Eaters, and his regiment was\\ncalled the Coffin Regiment, in memory of a soubriquet given to his-\\nfamous father, Walter T. Colquitt, in the memorable political campaign\\nof 1850 and 1851, as the Elder Colonel of the Coffin Regiment.\\nDefenders of the South, Capt. J. A. Norwood of Troup County;\\nUnion Invincibles, Captain Sam Patterson of Union Co. Dixey\\nBoys, Capt. H. Bryan of Thomas Co. .Miller Wild Cats, Capt. B.\\nR. Kendrick of Colquitt Co. Monroe Crowders, of Forsyth Co.\\nSons of Liberty, Capt. E. F. Lawson; Davis Invincibles, etc., were\\nsome of these suggestive names. The ladies of La Grange in their mili-\\ntary enthusiasm organized a company called the Nancy Harts, in\\nhonor of that revolutionary heroine of whom it was said, she was a\\nrare patriot, but a devil of a wife. Of this company Dr. A. C. Ware\\nwas Captain; Mrs. Nannie Morgan, First Lieutenant; Mrs. P. B. Heard,\\nSecond Lieutenant; Miss A. Smith, Third Lieutenant; Miss A. Bull,\\nFirst Sergeant; Miss A. Hill, Second Sergeant; Miss M. E. Colquitt,\\nThird Sergeant; Miss P. Beall, First Corporal; Miss L. Pullen, Second\\nCorporal; Jliss S. Bull, Third Corporal; Miss E. Key, Treasurer. Mrs.\\nOverby, widow of B. H. Overby, and daughter of Hugh L. Haralson, gave\\n\u00c2\u00a7100 for the soldiers families, and pledged herself to continue the\\npatriotic contribution. The Wrightsville Infantry, commanded by\\nCaptain Jessie A. Glenn, was ordered to Savannah. The newspapers\\ncopied extensivelj a piteous letter from Capt. Glenn to Hon. A. R.\\nW^right, after whom the company was named, begging to get away from\\nSavannah to someplace inhere there is a jwospcct of a ftiht. The\\nuniversal hankering was to get a chance at the enemy, and Capt. Glenn\\nvoiced the general wish.\\nTwo Conventions were held in Georgia in June, 18C1, of public inter-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0263.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "206 GEORGIA LEADERS GO INTO THE ARMY.\\nest. The first was at Atlanta, a Bank Convention of the Confederate\\nStates, which met June oil, ami did important work in aiding the finan-\\ncial measures of the new government. Georgia, Alabama, Florida and\\nSouth Carolina were represented. The Georgia delegates were R. R.\\nCuyler, S. Cohen, H. Roberts, Isaac Scott, W. S. Cothran, A. Austell,\\nW. H. Inman, G. B. Lamar, and W. E. Jackson. The President was\\nG. B. Lamar, and Vice-President, Jas. S. Gibbs of South Carolina.\\nResolutions were passed for the banks to receive Confederate Treas-\\nury notes, and asking railroads and tax officers to take them. The sec-\\nond Convention was the Cotton Planters Convention in Macon. A\\ncommittee composed of J. H. R. Washington, Pulaski S. Holt and\\nNathan Bass was appointed to issue a call for a Confederate Cotton\\nPlanters convention, which was done. A camp of instruction, called\\nCamp McDonald, was organized in Cobb county of some 2,000 troops\\nunder command of Brig. Gen. Wm. Phillips. War speeches were made\\nin Atlanta by distinguished gentlemen passing through, among them\\nHon. Roger A. Pryor and Hon. R. M. T. Hunter of Virginia.\\nThe Confederate Congress adjourned in May, at Montgomery, to meet\\nin July, at Richmond. It first authorized an issue of fifty millions of\\nbonds for war purposes. Howell Cobb and T. R. R. Cobb issued an\\naddress to the planters of Georgia, urging them from patriotic consid-\\nerations to invest in these bonds, in which address they called attention\\nto the two proud facts that Georgia was the only State that had adopted\\nthe Confederate Constitution by a unanimous vote, and that she was\\noffering the largest number of volunteers of any State, thus preserving\\nthat leadership in this revolution that Georgia had maintained. As\\nBartow had gone into the army, so our other Georgia leaders drifted in.\\nHowell Cobb accepted the tender of a regiment in June, 1861, unable\\nto resist the war impulse. He was followed smftly by his brother,\\nThomas R. R. Cobb, and by Mr. Toombs, and all of them became Briga-\\ndier Generals. The regiments of Georgia regulars were consolidated\\ninto one, and officered by Col. C. J. Williams and Lieut. Col. E. W.\\nChastain.\\nIn September, Gov. Brown made a visit to the coast, and found the\\nforce under the Confederate authorities there, wholly inadequate to the\\ndefense. He promptly, on his own responsibility, called out additional\\nState troops. Up to the first of September, twenty-five regiments and\\nthree battalions had been organized in Georgia under Gov. Brown s\\nauthority, and some seven independent regiments, making 30,000 troops\\nGeorgia had furnished for the war, and of this number, over 20,000", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0264.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR BROAVN URGED FOR A THIRD TERM. 207\\nwere in Virginia. Manj^ of tliem were suffering for clothing. Gov.\\nBrown issued proclamations making earrtest appeals for the people at\\nhome to contriliute money and clothing. He also made proclamation\\nthat ho v. as exhausted of arms, and called upon the people to loan the\\nState their private rifles and shot-guns for public defense. He ordered\\na full enrollment of all men liable to militia duty. All of his measures\\nwere vigorous and timely. Every point connected with the State s\\ninterest was closely watched and promptly attended to.\\nThe vote upon the new Constitution of Georgia will show how com-\\npletely the people were absorbed in the war to the exclusion of all other\\nconsiderations. The vote for ratification was 11,4:99, and against rati-\\nfication 10,704, a majority of only 795 for ratification, and a total vote\\nof but 22,203 out of 120,000.\\nThe time was approaching for the election of a Governor. The\\npeople early in the year had sounded in no uncertain tones the desire to.\\nhave Gov. Brown re-chosen, in spite of the custom that limited Gov-\\nernors to two terms. In August, Jared I. Whittaker addressed a letter\\nto Gov. Brown propounding two inquiries:\\nFirst. Whetlier iu his opinion it wna proper, under existinf; circumstances, to hold\\na convention to nominate a candidate for Governor, and conventions iu the districts to\\nnominate candidates for Congress.\\nSecond. Whether, if it should be tlie wisli of the mass of the people of Georgia,\\nwithout regard to old party differences, Gov. Brown would in that critical period of the\\nState s histbry, consent to serve a third term iu the executive office.\\nTo this letter Gov. Brown, on the 1.3th day of August, 1861, replied.\\nHe advised against holding conventions. There were no political\\ndivisions and no need for any party machinery, while the people had no\\ntime for any unnecessary assemblages. In regard to his being Governor\\na third time, he frankly stated that neither his personal interest nor\\ninclinations prompted him to give his consent to run again. He made\\nthis allusion to the past:\\nIn the days of your honored grandfather, Jared Irwin, who served with so much\\nability as Governor of Georgia, there was no such usage as that of a first or second term\\nonly, for he was called to the executive chair the third time. The political usage has\\nsince been for the executive to retire at the end of the first or second term. It has, how-\\never, been but a usage, as tliere is no constitution.al difficulty in the way of the same\\nperson holding tlie office for a tliird term. I have had no inclination to violate this\\nusage. If I have made no character in the office in four years, I may not expect to do\\nso iu six. If I have made any reputation during that time, I have then something to\\nrisk by holding the office another term iu the midst of a revolution.\\nIt was a right interesting coincidence, that the grandson of the only", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0265.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "208 A STATE CONVENTION CALLED.\\nGovernor in the history of the State who had been elected for three\\nterms, should l)e the instrument of pressing upon Gov. Brown the\\npopular wish for his undertaking the responsibilities and wearing the\\nhonors of a third term. Gov. Brown continued his letter, quoting the\\nreasons that had been urged for his taking a third. These were, his\\nfamiliarity with the duties and the situation, and the danger of putting\\na new and inexperienced man in the place, and his duty as one who had\\ndone so much to bring about secession to now stand to liis post and bear\\nhis burden of the revolution. He, therefore, felt that he could not\\nrefuse if the peojile desired his services, but that he could not and\\nwould not make any canvass for the election.\\nThis permission of Gov. Brown for the popular use of his name for\\nGovernor was the signal for a heavy assault upon him. In his positive\\nadministration he had awakened some bitter personal enmities. His\\nwonderful popularity excited a wide jealousy among the leaders of public\\nopinion in tlie State. Before his letter some of the press had suggested\\nand advocated a convention for September, and the opposition pushed\\nthe movement. A convention was called for the 11th of September, 18G1,\\nin Milledgeville. Nvimbers of counties called meetings and by resolu-\\ntions refused to send delegates. Herschell V. Johnson was chosen a\\ndelegate to the convention, and declined in a strong letter. He said the\\ncontest before the convention for the nomination would be purely a\\npersonal one, in which he took no interest, the candidates being all\\nworthy; that the State needed a united people, and the convention would\\nnot concentrate public opinion; that a large part of the people, not\\nbeing represented in the convention, would not be bound by its action;\\nthat Gov. Brown was virtually an independent candidate, and thus two\\ncandidates were a certainty; that under these circumstances he would\\nnot be trammeled, but should vote for the man whose elevation he\\ndeemed best calculated to promote the public welfare irrespective of\\npartisan or personal considerations.\\nThere is no doubt that this pertinent letter of ex-Gov. Johnson had a\\npowerful effect in checking representation in the convention. There is\\nno doubt, eitlier, that the people were with Gov. Brown. The homely\\nwords of Trice had struck a bed-rock basis of popular endorsement.\\nThe convention had 17-4 representatives from only fifty-eight counties\\nout of 133, and it was claimed that only forty of these had delegates\\nactually empowered. Col. Cincinnatus Peeples was temporary chairman,\\nand Judge Dennis F. Hammond permanent president. Wm. L. Mitchell,\\nchairman of the committee on business, reported the nomination of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0266.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0267.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "J^a^-f:\\n^FSEOTtOU.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0268.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "EUGEXIUS A. NISDET NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR. 209\\nJudge Eug onius A. Nisbet for Governor. Hon. Gcorg e N. Lester moved\\nthe appointment of a committee, which reported an electoral ticket,\\nheaded by David Irwin of Cobb and Thos. E. Lloyd of Chatham. The\\ndistrict electoral nominees were John L. Harris, Arthur Hood, J. L.\\nWimberly, Dr. E. McGehee, I. P. Garvin, L G. Fannin, O. C. Gibson,\\nJohn Ray, H. H. Cannon and H. F. Price.\\nOf these gentlemen, Hon. Thomas E. Lloyd of Savannah was the\\nadmitted leader of the bar in that city of accomplished lawyers. A\\nmodest gentleman of fortune and old family, indifferent to politics,\\nnothing of an advocate, lacking wholly the charm of eloquence, he was\\nyet a profound and learned counselor of law, and the very head of the\\ncivil branch of jurisprudence. A good liver, fond of his billiards and\\nhis wine, a luxurious bachelor, he was yet an unwearied student of his\\nprofession, and the most pains-taking, erudite and accurate attorney at\\na bar noted for its able and learned members. He was a legal umpire\\nin disputed points of law. He liad a purely legal mind, clear, philosoph-\\nical, discriminating, quick, powerful and analytic. He read widely, he\\ndigested fully. His temper was exquisite, and his spirit thoroughly\\nbalanced. His truth and sense of honor were perfect. He was the\\nfinest specimen of a civil lawyer that we have ever had in Georgia.\\nHis quiet manners and retiring disposition prevented him from earning\\nthat State repute that his extraordinary legal abilities and attainments\\nentitled him to receive. Where he was known he passed for his\\nremarkable value. He never sought office, and when it was thrust\\nupon him he took it reluctantly and laid it down with delight.\\nThe convention further presented Davis and Stephens for re-election\\nas President and Vice-President of the Confederacy. The nomination\\nof Judge Nisbet was a very strong one, the strongest, perhaps, that\\ncould have been made. He was an opponent well worthy of Gov. Brown,\\nand fitted to test to the utmost his popular strength. He had been the\\nleader of the secession convention, and enjoyed all the popularity that\\nfact was calculated to give him. He was pure, able, eloquent, learned,\\ndistinguished. He had illustrated the State in Congress. He had\\ngraced private life, ornamented his profession and adorned the supreme\\nbench. The opposition hailed his nomination enthusiastically. The press\\nof the State, with but a few exceptions, took up his cause and went\\nagainst Gov. Brown in a solid phalanx. The Savannah Repuhlicaii led\\na bitter, unsparing warfare against the Governor. The Augusta papers\\nfollowed in the same line zealously. The Federal Union of Milledge-\\nville and the Atlanta Intelligencer were the principal journalistic cham-\\nu", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0271.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "210 GOVERNOR brown s ADDRESS.\\npions of Gov. Brown, and made pretty nearly a single-handed fight. The\\ncampaign waxed warm. The papers showered their diatribes against\\nthe unquailing Brown, who, refusing to make any canvass, devoted\\nhis energies to the gathering storm of war, leaving the people to attend\\nto liis campaign. He made but one public manifesto, a sharp, tren-\\nchant, but well-tempered paper, stating his position clearly and firmly.\\nThis short address to the people of Georgia was dated the 19th day\\nof September, 1801. He showed that he was before the people of the\\nState as a candidate before the convention assembled, and when there\\nwere no party organizations to render a convention or caucus necessary.\\nMr. Chambers, of Columbus, was also a candidate. The convention, if\\nit had been a full one, representing the people, might have justly asked\\nobedience to its mandates. But the convention did not even represent\\nhalf of the counties of the State, while in many counties that had\\ndelegates the masses of the people had declared against the convention.\\nThe convention had failed to condemn his administration, and this\\nfailure he used eiiectivcly. He charged that the convention movement\\nwas simply a caucus of the politicians and office-seekers to rekindle the\\nfires of party strife when our whole people should be a unit, for the\\nprotection of life, liberty, property and all that was dear to us. This\\npoint he pushed with vigor and plausibility. Perhaps the most character-\\nistic part of this unmincing address was his frank way of dealing with\\nthe value of his executive experience to the State. He thus put this\\ndelicate matter:\\nBut it is insisted with much earnestness, that it has not been the usage for the same\\nperson to hold the office of Governor for tliree terms. This is certainly true, and it is\\nequallv true that it has not been the usage to have revolution, or to have a wicked war\\nwaged upou us, and the soil of our own Stjte tlireatened to be drenched with the blood\\nof her sons, shed by an invading army nor lias it been the usage for Georgia to have in\\nthe field thirty tliousand troops, called out by her executive, whose duty it is to know\\nwhen, and with what preparation each company went to the field, what had been sup-\\nplied to them and what tliey lack, and to know the condition of the finances of tlie State,\\nand her present means of affording the most speedy assistance to her suffering troops,\\nas emergencies may require jirompt action. Whether the public good reijuires that he\\nwho has conducted tliese affairs from the beginning, should retire in the midst of them,\\nand give place to a new man, who has yet to learn the coudition of the financial affairs\\nof the State, and the location and necessities of our troops, is a question which the\\nfarmers, merchants and mechanics of our State are, I think, as competent to decide at\\nthe ballot-box, as a few politiciaus and political aspirants are to decide in caucus at\\nMilledgeville.\\nGov. Brown concluded by stating that he left the matter for the\\npeople to pass upon, not doubting that they would act for their best", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0272.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "GOYEEXOE BROWX RE-ELECTED A THIRD TIME. 211\\ninterest. Like all of Gov. Brown s documents for the people, this plain,^\\nmatter-of-fact business presentation of his cause was effective. It\\nelicited criticism, abuse, raillery, but its common-sense notions seized\\nthe public intelligence. Every sort of accusation was heaped upon tire\\nGovernor. He was charged with being arbitrary, unconstitutional, self-\\nopinionated, greedy of power, assuming to be the State, inflated and\\nvain. But the fighting went on, and he continued his grim war energy,\\nand the newspapers thundered at him, and the people bent their\\nsouls to the bloodshed, unheeding the journalistic cannonade at his\\nindifferent head, and when the day came to vote, they put him back in\\nthe great chair of state, then a herculean responsibility, by a splendid\\npopular majority of 13,691 in a vote of 79,205. Gov. Brown received\\n40,493 votes, and Nisbet 32,802. The fight was whipped, and it was a\\nremarkable personal victory, a tribute of popular esteem, of which any\\nman might be proud, and crowning as it did, four years of exalted\\nofficial trust, and overriding the precedent of a century, it was the\\ngrandest endorsement public opinion had ever given a public official in\\nthe annals of the good old Commonwealth.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0273.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXIII.\\nGOV. BROWN S STORMY TIME WITH THE LEGISLATURE\\nOF lSOl-3.\\nA Nisbet Legislature that will give Browu the Devil. Its Personelle. T. M. Nor-\\nMood. Gov. Brown s Message. Criticism of Confederate Legislation. Gov.\\nBrown s Third Inauguration in a Suit of Georgia-made Jeans. Georgia War Mat-\\nters. The Transfer of Georgia Coast Troops to the Confederacy. Our Coast\\nThreatened. Gov. Brown Urges Defense. E. C. Anderson Runs the Blockade\\nwith Arms. Vetoes. Tlie Two Wars tlie North against the South, and the Legisla-\\nture against Brown. Brown s Message pending the Bill to Transfer Our Troops.\\nLegislative Anger. Warren Akin Deuounces Gov. Brown. Judge E. G. Caljaniss.\\nCol. Ch.ost.-iin s Regiment Refused to be Transferrcil. Savage Committee Report\\nof Norwood. Gov. Brown s Severe Reply. Tlie Generiil Assembly hopelessly\\nDivided. Gov. Brown s Views finally Emljodied. Judges. Toombs Elected C. S.\\nSenator, and Scornfully Rejects it. Confederate Congressmen.\\nBkowx is elected, but we have a Nisbet Legislature that will give\\nhim the devil, was currently reported to be the street gossip of the\\nopposition. A lively session was betokened in this floating chaff, and\\nthe promise was fulfilled. The legislative deliberations of November\\nand December, 18G1, were unusually important, and in their picturesque\\nanimation suited well the war times. The body convened on Wednes-\\nday the 6th day of November. Hon. John Billups was elected Presi-\\ndent of the Senate, and Hon. Warren Akin Speaker of the House. In\\nthe Senate were the following gentlemen: George A. Gordon of Savan-\\nnah; James L. Seward; D. A. Vason of Georgia, afterwards Judge; T.\\nM. Furlow of Americus; J. T. Shewmake; W. Gibson of Richmond;\\nM. W. Lewis of Greene Wier Boyd of Lumpkin A. J. Hansell of Cobb\\nand Hiram P. Bell, afterward a member of Congress.\\nIn the House among the leaders were, L. H. Briscoe; L. N. Whittle\\nof Bibb; Thomas M. Norwood of Chatham, a United States Senator\\nsince the war; L. N. Trammell of Catoosa, afterward president of tlie\\nGeorgia Senate; George N. Lester of Cobb, elected subsequently to the\\nConfederate Congress; Milton A. Candler of DeKalb, since the war a\\nmember of Congress; Robert Hester of Elbert; Z. B. Hargrove, a prom-\\ninent Republican leader since the war; A. E. Cochrane; C W. DuBose\\nof Sparta; W. H. Felton of Macon; E. G. Cabiniss of Monroe; G. T.\\nBarnes of Richmond; Peter E. Love of Thomas, ex-member of Con-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0274.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "THE TURBULENT TEMPER OF THE TIME. 213\\ngress; B. H. Bighara of Troup and James S. Hook, afterward Judge of\\nthe superior court. Hon. Thomas M. Norwood was a small, unattractive\\nlooking gentleman, of little grace of oratory, but a jjerson of some\\nuncommon intellectual characteristics. He had a capacity of cold,\\nstrong logic and elaborate argumentation, coupled with a rich vein of\\ncaustic satire. Not a prolific speaker, he yet was after preparation a\\nvery strong one, and made, as a United States Senator, two elaborate\\nspeeches, that won him a national reputation. Another small, homely\\nperson, who developed after the war into a good prominence, and won\\nsome very flattering political victories, was M. A. Candler of DeKalb.\\nA pale, low-browed, slender individual; he possessed a full, sonorous\\nvoice and an unusual energy of expression and delivery. He was a\\npositive character, and earned justly his promotion.\\nThe General Assembly met under circumstances of unparalleled inter-\\nest and overwhelming import. We were in the very flood tide of war,\\nstraining every power, and threatened with an invasion of our own soil.\\nThe enemy was thundering at our portals, a large fleet beleaguering our\\ncoast. The emergency had to be met promptly and fully. It was\\nunfortunate that there was a strofig fragment of the body disposed to\\nantagonize the Executive. If ever unity was desirable it was in that\\ngrave crisis. But somehow the drift to turbulence was irresistible.\\n!Men were affected by the temper of a revolutionary era. Difference of\\nopinion rushed to extremes and speedily grew to acrimony. Discussions\\ndegenerated into disputes, and debates became altercations. There was,\\nperhaps, no man in the State who was more fitted by nature for the\\ncombative spirit of the times than Gov. Brown. A belligerent campaign\\nsuited him wonderfully. Opposition brought him cordially to the front\\nalways, and aggression nerved every fiber of his soul to an indomitable\\nresistance. His career shows that he never gave up while he could\\nbattle.\\nHis message to the Legislature was a very lengthy and a strong state\\npaper, breathing a spirit of stern manhood that represented faithfully\\nthe sentiment of the people. Tlie philosophy of the war and the\\nneeds of the hour were masterfully argued. He criticised two acts of\\nConfederate legislation that he deemed wrong, the one authorizing the\\nPresident to accept State troops without reference to the State authori-\\nties, and the other, giving to the President the appointment of the field\\nofficers of the State volunteers. His recital of the war measures he\\nhad taken constituted a remarkable record of energy and responsibility.\\nGeorgia had on the first day of November, 1801, fifty regiments in ser", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0275.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "214 GOVEKXOR BKOWX S THIRD IXAUGURATIOX.\\nvice, of which she had armed and equipped thirty. It was an astonish-\\ning work. He urged an appropriation of three and a half millions for\\nthe military needs of 1802, the passage of a stay law, the legalizing\\nfurther bank suspension and other vigorous war measures. He con-\\ncluded his message with this ringing paragraph:\\nI would cheerfully expend iu the cauae the last dollar I could raise, and would fer-\\nveutly pray, like Samsou of old, that God would give me strength to lay hold upon tlie\\npillars of tlie edifice, aud would enable me wliile beudiug witli its weight, to die a glo-\\nrious death beueath the crumbling ruins of that temple of Southern freedom whick\\nhas so long attracted tlie world by the splendor of its magnificeuce.\\nThe message elicited very high encomiums, and was especially com-\\nplimented for its discussion of the means of perpetuating our institu-\\ntions and preserving our commercial independence. The message, like\\nthe inaugural which followed his installation as Governor for his third\\nterm, urged unity and harmony among the members, and co-operation\\ncordially in the trying ordeal through which they were then passing.\\nGov. Brown was re-inaugurated on the 8th of November, at 12 o clock,\\ndressed in a suit of Georgia-made jeans, and the accounts represent him\\nas deejaly imjjressive and solemnly eloquent. It was certainly a\\nstriking situation that he held. His force of character and supreme\\nleadership in a great public crisis had made the people demand the con-\\ntinuance of his administration in the face of long-honored custom. The\\nAtlanta Intelligencer had stated by his authority that it was his per-\\nsonal desire to retire from the office. He had been re-elected over the\\nmost potential representative of the popular secession element in the\\nState, by a splendid majority without making a speech. And he stood\\nthe chosen leader of a great commonwealth under all these impressive cir-\\ncumstances confronting the miglity revolution. His inaugural revealed\\nhis consciousness alike of the tribute and the burden. Nor was his\\nattitude less dramatic because an organized and implacable minority\\nstood facing him, eager and resolute to batter him down and crush him\\nbefore the people. He was aware to the fullest extent of the deter-\\nmined hostility threatening him.\\nThe report of the Comptroller General gave the details of the year s\\nwork. One million of dollars had been spent for military purposes.\\nThe banks had loaned the state S842,o00. The following regiments\\nhad been organized:\\n1st Regiment, Colonel C. J. Williams, Regular.\\n2d H. W. Mercer,\\n1st J. R. Ramsay, Volunteer.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0276.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "GEORGIA CONFEDERATE REGIMENTS. 215\\n2d Regiment, Colonel Paul J. Semmes, Volunteer.\\n3d A. R. Wright,\\n4th Geo. Doles,\\n5th Jno. K. Jackson,\\nGth A. H. Colquitt,\\n7th L. J. Gartrell,\\n8th W. M. Gardner,\\n9th E. R. Goulding,\\n10th L. McLaws,\\n11th G. T. x\\\\nderson,\\n1:2th Ed. Johnson,\\n1:3th W. Ector,\\n14th A. V. Brumby,\\n15th T. W. Thomas,\\n10th H. Cobb,\\n17th H. L. Benning,\\n18th W. T. WoiTord,\\n19th W. W. Boyd,\\n20th W. D. Smith,\\n21st J. T. Mercer,\\n22d Robert Jones,\\n23d T. Hutcheson,\\n24th R. McMillan,\\n25th C. C. WUson,\\nGeorgia Legion, T. R. R. Cobb,\\nPhillips Legion,, Wm. Phillips,\\n1st Battalion, Lt. Col. J. B. Villepigue,\\n2d Major T. Hardeman,\\n3d Stoval,\\nIndependent Georgia Dragoons, Captain I. W. Avery.\\nIn camp in Georgia were also the following:\\nRegiment, Colonel T. J. Warthen, Volunteer.\\nLevi B. Smith,\\nDavid J. Bailey,\\nA. Littlefield,\\n5 Companies, Wm. H. Stiles,\\n7 E. L. Thomas,\\n8 Aug. R. Wright,\\n7 A. R. Lamar,\\n1 Regiment, C. W. Styles,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0277.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "2W MII.ITAnV CHANGES.\\nGen. Henry R. .Jackson had declined the position of Major General\\nin favor of Gen. Walker, and was fighting- in West Virginia as a Con-\\nfederate Brigadier, and had made fame there winning the Greenbrier\\nbattle. Gov. Brown had appointed Gen. W. H. T. Walker Major Gen-\\neral, who had resigned and accepted a position as a Confederate Briga-\\ndier General. Gen. Paul J. Semmes had been appointed Brigadier\\nGeneral, but resigned and accepted the Colonelcy of the 2d Georgia\\nConfederate regiment. Gen. Phillips had organized a Brigade, but the\\nConfederate government refused to take any Georgia appointed Gene-\\nrals, and he was commanding a legion. Gov. Brown had appointed\\nGeorge P. Harrison and F. W. Capers Brigadier Generals, both of\\nwhom had organized Brigades on the coast. Ira R. Foster was the\\nstate Quarter Master General, who had exhibited a signal efficiency in\\nthe arduous duties of this most important department. Col. J. I.\\nWhitaker was appointed the State Commissary General. The Hon.\\nThomas Butler King had been sent as Commissioner to Europe to\\narrange a line of steamers for direct trade, under the act of the last\\nlegislature incorporating the Belgian American Company, and\\ngiving the states guarantee for 8100,000 for five years.\\nWhile the legislature was in session a large Federal naval expedition\\ncaptured Port Royal on the South Carolina coast, and threatened the\\nGeorgia sea-board. The attacking force had forty-one vessels. Com-\\nmodore Tattnall had four small gun vessels, the Savannah, Lt. J. N.\\nMaffitt; Resolute, Lt. J. P. Jones; Sampson, Lt. J. Kennard; and\\nLady Davis, Lt. J. Rutledge. The legislature called upon Gov. Brown\\nfor information as to the protection of the Georgia coast, to which\\nGov. Brown replied, showing the condition of our defences, and asking\\nmeans to protect the state. He immediately called for additional troops.\\nOn the 19th of November he sent a message to the Senate, giving a\\ndetailed account of the past operations on the coast and his correspond-\\nence with the Secretary of War about the matter. On the 2Gth he ad-\\ndressed a message to the House, as the result of a conference with the\\nHouse committee, in which he called attention to the fact that the mili-\\ntary appropriation was exhausted, that he was borrowing money every\\nday, and that it was with difficulty that he could maintain the troops in\\nthe field. The Confederate government was not doing all that was needed,\\nand j et the state had to be defended, and he implored the representa-\\ntives of the people to lay aside all differences of opinion and furnish the\\nmeans to protect the commonwealth, reserving the settlement of accounts\\nwith the Confederacy for the time when the danger was past.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0278.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "COXFLKT BETWEEN GOV. BKOWX AND THE LECISI.ATIRE. 217\\nThe foe was perfecting plans to capture Fort Pulaski, and thus control\\nthe coast. The danger was imminent. The delay of the legislature in\\nvoting means to effectually defend the sea front was the occasion of\\nGov. Brown s importunities and appeals, and of much popular censure\\nand complaint. The legislature was halting, properly feeling that the\\nConfederate authorities, that had the benefit of so large a contribution\\nof Georgia soldiers and arms in other states, owed it to the state to give\\nher protection. Gov. Brown participated in this feeling, but the aid\\nwas not forthcoming and the enemy was at the threshold, his flag wav-\\ning over part of our .soil and insulting the state s sovereignty while it\\nthreatens the e.xistence of her institutions, the liberties of her sons and\\nthe safety and purity of her daughters.\\nAgain, on the .5th of December, 18G1, Gov. Brown sent in a message\\nto the General Assembly. He had been down in person to Savannah,\\nconferring with Gen. Robert E. Lee, who was in command of the South-\\nern coast. A timely arrival of 13,3-1:1 Enfield rifles, 4 cannons, 409,000\\ncartridges, 7 tons of shell and 500 sabres had been made, brought in by\\nCol. Edward C. Anderson, through the Blockade from Europe where\\nthat gallant officer and gentleman had been sent by Gov. Brown, the\\nimportation alike testifying to Gov. Brown s providence and Col. An-\\nderson s faithful vigilance and intrepiditj^ A proposition was before\\nthe General Assembly to transfer the Georgia troops called out by the\\nGovernor for service on the coast to the Confederacy, and if they were\\nnot received to disband them and get rid of the e.xpense. There had\\nbeen a growing breach between the Governor and the legislature, and\\nit was charged by Gov. Brown s friends that this proposed legislation,\\ninvolving delay in voting means and taking the short term state troops\\nfrom Gov. Brown s control was a stroke at him. He had astounded,\\nand displeased the legislature by vetoing a bill reducing the pay of the\\nJudges and Governor fully a third; and a bill fixing the pay of the\\nmembers at five dollars a day. These vetoes had stirred a bitter feeling\\nin the General Assembly, and were regarded as Executive declarations\\nof war. The reduction of the Governor s salary would not affect him\\npersonally, as it did not go into operation during his term. His veto of\\nthe pay of members was applying their views of economy to themselves.\\nThere, is little doubt that a verj^ bad feeling had arisen between the Ex-\\necutive, and a controlling majority of the General Assembly, and the\\nbattle between them became a stubborn and bitter one.\\nSome correspondent in the Atlanta IntelUgencer aptly satirized the\\nmatter and avowed that the country was witnessing two well-established", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0279.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "218 GOVEEXOB BEOM X S BOLD MESSAGE.\\nwars, tliat of the Xorth against the South, and the other of the legis-\\nture against Joe Brown. There was no mistake about it either. The\\nlegislature took the war-jjath and made a lively fusilade against the un-\\nquailing and responsive Governor. Right in the midst of the discussion\\nupon the transfer of our short-term state troops to the Confederacy,\\nGovernor Brown plumped a stiff, daring message into the body arguing\\nagainst the proposed policy. The message fell upon the body like an\\nexploding bomb-shell. The storm it created was something extraordi-\\nnary. It precipitated the long- irooding battle. Recounting the emer-\\ngency that led him to call out these state troops when the Confederacy\\nhad not placed adequate defenses upon the Georgia coast, and showing\\nthat he had foreseen and provided for the very emergency that had\\ncome, he proceeded to discuss what he termed the fatal policy that\\nwith the enemy on our soil in force and our safety imperilled would\\npause to count cost, and look to the contingency of disbandment of de-\\nfense, and the abandonment of the state to the invader.\\nThe Governor s message on this exciting subject at that heated time\\nwas a model of force and unanswerable logic, and the wonder is that\\nany such proposition as he was combating was entertained. He\\nshowed that the destruction of property if the enemy took possession,\\nwould be ten times any cost of defense. He argued the right of the\\nlegislature to transfer the troops to the Confederacy without their con-\\nsent, claiming such forced transfer as a violation of faith. While the\\nPresident of the Confederacy could not accept them under the Confed-\\nerate law, as they were organized under the different state law, with\\ntheir brigade and company organizations in conflict with the Confeder-\\nate law. He thus boldly .ended this intrepid and aggressive message:\\nIf this fatal policy should be determined upon by the General Assembly, I will be\\nresponsible for none of the consequences growing out of it and in the name of the peo-\\nple of Georgia, I now in advance enter my solemn protest against it. If the State troops\\nare disbanded, or tlie appropriations to maintain them are made upon the condition that\\ntliey be transferred or disbanded, wliich is etjuiv;Jent to an order to disband them, it\\nwill become my duty, .as tlie Executive of the State to proclaim to her people, that while\\nthe enemy is tliundering at her gates, lier representatives have left me powerless for her\\ndefense, b y withholding tlie necessary means, and even talving from me those already\\nat my command.\\nIf I have used strong language, I mean no disrespect. Wlien all that is dear to a peo-\\nple is at sialic, tiie occasion requires the utmost frankness and candor.\\nIt is doubtful if in any of Gov. Brown s series of high-spirited con-\\nflicts with the legislative assemblies of Georgia, there was any one\\nwhich exhibited more strongly the man s absolutely unconquerable", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0280.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "COLONEL WARREN AIvIN s ATTACK OX GOVERNOR liROWX. 219\\nintrepidity and independence than this tlie stormiest of them all, and the\\nculminating one. In none did he display so conspicuously that unhesi-\\ntating self-reliance and fearless contempt of any amount of opposition\\nthat belonged to him. He never quailed for a moment or yielded an\\ninch of his position. Even amid the clash of arms, this conflict stirred\\nthe state. An intense interest was felt all over the commonwealth, and\\nthe people endorsed the game Governor.\\nAVhen tlie message was delivered to the House, the Secretary who\\ntransmitted it to that body, Mr. Buleau Campbell, stated that it was on\\nthe sul ject of State defence. Offence was immediately taken at\\nthis, the Speaker, Col. Akin and others declaring that the message was\\nan unwarrantable interference on the part of the Governor with the\\nlegislation then progressing. Mr. Whittle moved to take up the mes-\\nsage, but the motion was lost. The message was read the next day,\\nand Mr. Cabaniss moved to suspend the rules to introduce some resolu-\\ntions denouncing the action of the Governor in sending into the House\\nof Representatives an argument against the passage of the bill then\\nunder consideration for the public defense. The motion to suspend\\nwas lost. The bill was passed. The discussion was fiery and acrimoni-\\nous. The bill was reconsidered the next day, and Mr. Cabaniss again\\nattempted to get his resolution of censure in. The Speaker, Mn Akin,\\nyielded the chair to Judge Cochran and came upon the floor, and\\nattacked the Governor s message unsparingly. His remarks were thus\\nreported in the Milledgeville Union:\\nCol. Akin remarked tliat the Governor had offered the gi-ossest iudignitv to tliis\\nHouse in the message thrust as an argument before ns on yesterday. He proceeded to\\nreview the message. The Governor argued that tlie troops would not submit to the pro-\\nvisions of the bill displacing their officers. He bid the commander-in-chief and all his\\ntroops defiance to-day. Let them come with bayonets in their hands, and drive us from\\nthese halls, if they are not willing to acquiesce in the legislative action. He would bare\\nhis bosom to tlieir bayonets and be the last to jump from these windows on their\\napproach.\\nAs may be conceived, a controversy between the two great co-ordi-\\nnate branches of the State government, the Legislature and the Execu-\\ntive, as important and hostile as this, and conducted with such heat of\\ntemper and vigor of language, stirred a profound excitement all over\\nthe State. Gov. Brown s friends of the press roundly declared that the\\nHouse of Representatives had disappointed the people in all it has\\ndone, and in what it has not done, and from the Speaker down, with\\nsome honorable exceptions, demonstrated an incapacity or a want of\\ninclination to maintain the chivalry and honor of Georgia. The ofiB-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0281.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "220 GOVERNOR brown s MESSAGE REFERRED.\\neers of Col. Chastain s regiment of State volunteers, passed resolutions\\nand sent them to the Governor to be transmitted to the Legislature,\\ndeclaring that they were not the property of the General Assembly to\\nbe sold and transferred from one owner to another, and avowing that\\nwhile pledging tliemselves to the Southern cause, they would not be\\ntransferred without their consent. And even the papers most inimical\\nto Gov. Brown, like the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, while quali-\\nfying their commentary so as not to be misunderstood as being his gen-\\neral champion, approved his position against the transfer of these State\\ntroops.\\nThe message of the Governor was referred to a special committee,\\nconsisting of Norwood, Love, Cabaniss, Schley and Lester, and with-\\nheld from the records until the committee could report. The committee\\non the 13th of December, 18G1, made a savage report. It took g-round\\nthat the message was an unwarrantable interference in the business of\\nthe House and in open, direct and palpable violation of the Constitution.\\nIt charged that the Governor had prostituted his high office in holding\\nover the heads of the Legislature the threat of a disobedient soldiery,\\nto deter them from the passage of a bill which ho disapproved. It\\ndeclared that the Governor had misrepresented their bill in saying that\\nit contemplated leaving the State to the invasion of the enemy. It\\nconcluded with a series of resolutions, enumerating these charges\\nagainst the Governor and ordering the message, with the report, to be\\nentered upon the journals of the House. No official notice of this\\naction was given the Governor. The Senate not participating in the\\naction, the report was not the act of the General Assembly.\\nThe report elicited a warm debate. Messrs. Wiiittle, UuBose, Hook\\nand Cochran maintained that the Governor had the right to communi-\\ncate as he had done. Mr. DuBoso thought that the Governor intended\\nno discourtesy, and deemed it unnecessary to spread the report on tlie\\njournals. Mr. Hood moved as a substitute for the report, to spread the\\nmessage and bill as passed, on the journals. Judge Cabaniss thought\\nthe report just. Mr. Smith, of Brooks, moved to put message, bill and\\nreport on the journals. Judge Cochran made a strong speech against\\nthe report and resolutions. Col. Akin exclaimed that he had done the\\nGovernor an injustice about the refusal of the troops to yield to legis-\\nlative action. He did not think the Governor meant to convey the idea\\nthat the troops would be guilty of insubordination. He had sought\\nthe Governor to personally make the correction. Mr. Hook and Judge\\nCochran commended Col. Akin s conduct.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0282.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "GOV. BEOWN STRIKES BACK AT THE HOUSE. 221\\nGov. Brown came back at the House as aggressively as ever, protest-\\ning against the injustice and misrepresentations of the report. He\\ndeemed it due to the otBce he held to maintain its constitutional pre-\\nrogatives against the unwarrantable assumptions of the House. The\\nConstitution made it the duty of the Governor to give the Legislature\\ninformation of the state of the republic, and to recommend to their\\nconsideration such measures as he may deem expedient. He gave a\\nsynopsis of the bill reported by the finance committee, and showed\\nthat he had not misrepresented the measure before the House, and he\\nadded that if after his message was received the bill was relieved of its\\nobjectionable features, it was an evidence tliat the argument contained\\nin the message was productive of a good effect. In reply to the charge\\nof prostituting his office by transmitting the protest of the soldiers, he\\nshowed that the resolutions of Col. Chastain s regiment were sent to\\ntlie House after it had acted, but he said that he trusted lie might claim\\nthe forbearance of all intelligent citizens for having laid the remon-\\nstrance of a regiment of brave State volunteers against an act of gross\\ninjustice to them before a body whose action had shown that its will\\nwas to perpetrate the act.\\nThe Governor referred to the fact that the message was addressed to\\nthe General Assembly, of which the Senate was a part and which had\\ntaken no offence. The Governor had so overwhelmingly the best of the\\nargument that he came out of this remarkable altercation with increased\\nreputation for courage and firmness. The Legislature divided hopelessly;\\nthe Senate and House split up and antagonized each other; committees\\nof conference were appointed, and finally resolutions of compromise\\nwere agreed upon and passed, which embodied Gov. Brown s views.\\nThey provided for a transfer of the State troops only with their consent,\\nand for retaining them if not transferred. The sum of 85,000,000 was\\nappropriated for a war fund for 1862; also, $200,000 for a Georgia Re-\\nlief and Hospital Association; $100,000 for the support of the State\\ntroops; 8100,000 for the relief of sufferers by the great fire in Charles-\\nton, South Carolina; 150,000 to aid in manufacture of salt. The banks\\nwere allowed further relief and privilege of suspension. Resolutions\\nwere passed pledging the state to fight until peace was won; recom-\\nmending the farmers to reduce the cotton crop and plant provision\\ncrops; and to prevent monopolies and extortions.\\nAmong the other matters done by this General Assembly were the\\nconfirmation of the appointments made by Gov. Brown, of Charles J.\\nJenkins as Judge of the Supreme Court, and O. A. Lochrane, Judge", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0283.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "223 KOBERT TOOMBS DECLINES TO BE C. S. SEXATOR.\\nJIacon Circuit, G. D. Rice, Judge Blue Ridge Circuit, N. L. Hutclilns,\\nJudge Western Circuit, E. H. Worrill, Judge Chattahoochee Circuit\\nand VV. Jlontgomery, Attorney General. The election for two\\nConfederate State Senators resulted in Hon. Benjamin Hill being\\nelected on the first ballot over Toombs, Johnson, Wrn. Law, James\\nJackson and Alfred Iverson. The contest over the other senatorship\\nwas animated and protracted. The first ballot stood, Iverson, 85, Jack-\\nson, 35, Toombs, 4t), Johnson, 22, James Bethune, 5, John P. King, 3,\\nG. E. Thomas and J. E. Brown, 1 each. On the third ballot the vote\\nstood, Iverson, 73, Jackson, 44, Toombs, 83. After tlie otli ballot\\nIverson was withdrawn, and Toombs receiving 129 votes and Jackson\\n67, Robert Toombs was declared elected. Gov. Brown notified Jlr.\\nToombs of his election, who declined the office, stating that he could\\nbetter serve his state and country in the armj^ than in the Senate. He\\nwent on to say in deep displeasure at the struggle over the election, I\\ndeem it not inappropriate on this occasion, to say that the manner in\\nwhich the legislature thought proper to confer this trust relieves me\\nfrom any obligation to sacrifice either my personal wishes or my con-\\nvictions of public duty in order to accept it. It was a characteristic\\nthing in Mr. Toombs, a spoiled pet of popular favor, accustomed to win\\nhis political victories in a lordly way, and with the ease of Kingly right,\\nto angrily spurn a triumph obtained after a close fight and when he had\\nrun through many ballots one of the minority candidates. It was\\nopenly charged at the time that the whigs had clutched the legislature,\\nand it was a sort of confirmation of it that none but old whigs were\\nelected, with one or two exceptions. And it was said that Mr. Toombs\\ndid not go through until the issue narrowed to him and Democrats of\\nlonger standing than himself.\\nTiie election for members of the Confederate Congress had resulted\\nin the success of the following gentlemen\\n1st District, Julian Hartridge.\\n2d\\nC. J. Munnerlyn.\\n3rd\\nHin3s Holt.\\n4th\\nA. H. Kenan.\\n5th\\nDavid W. Lewis.\\nGth\\n^y. W. Clark.\\n7tl.\\nR. P. Trippo.\\nSth\\nL. J. Gartrell.\\n0th\\nHardy Strickland.\\n10th\\nAugustus R. Wright.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0284.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "RESIGNATIOX OF JUDGE NISI .ET. 223\\nThe dissolving of party lines had resulted in bringing in nearly every\\nopposition leader. Judge Nisbet resigned from the Provisional Con-\\nfederate Congress on account of ill-health. The ticket of electors\\nput out by the convention that nominated Judge Nisbet, had no ojspo-\\nsition and was elected, and cast the vote of the state for Davis and\\nStephens.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0285.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXIV.\\nTHE ORGANIZATION OF STATE TEOOPS UNDER MAJOR\\nGENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON.\\nThe Permaueut Confederate State s Government. Georgians in High Civil and Jlilitary\\nOffice. Gov. Brown s Famous Conti oversies witli the Confederate Authorities and\\ntlieir Continuance of Georgia s Foremost Agency in the Revolution. Georgia The\\nCham))ion of Constitutionalism. Old Leaders Swallowed Up. Brown Lifts the\\nState Supremacy. Year 1862 begins Calamitously. Address of Cohh, Toombs\\nand Crawford. Georgia s War Ta.-c. State Forces Organized. Maj. Gen. Henry\\nR. Jackson and His Patriotic Self-Sacritice. Tribute to Gen. Jackson by Gov.\\nBrowu. Col. Chastain. Funny Feminine Suggestion to Whip Tlie Federals.\\nPemberton Succeeds Lee. Fort Pulaski Capture. Col. C. H. Olmstead. A Gallant\\nAct. Effect of This Loss. Reorganization of State Militia. Gov. Brown s Letter\\non Planting Cotton. Gen. Toombs.\\nThe organization of the Confederate States Government under its\\npermanent constitution was made on the 23nd day of February, 18G2.\\nMr. Stephens was Vice-President. Mr. Toombs had gone into the army,\\ngiving up liis place as Secretary of State. Mr. Philip Clayton of\\nGeorgia was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. G. E. W. Nelson of\\nGeorgia was Superintendent of Public Printing. Gov. Brown appointed\\nhis old friend, Dr. John W. Lewis, Confederate State Senator in place of\\nGen. Toombs. Up to this time we had in the Confederate army from\\nGeorgia, Major Generals, David E. Twiggs, Wm. J. Hardee. Brigadier\\nGenerals, Henry R. .Jackson, \\\\Ym. H. T. Walker, A. R. Lawton, Robert\\nToombs, W. H. C. Whiting, L. McLaws, H. W. Mercer, W. M. Gardner,\\nJohn K. .Jackson, Howell Cobb, J. B. Villepigue, T. R. R. Cobb, Ambrose\\nR. Wriglit, Henry L. Benning, J. R. Ramsay, Paul Semmes, and Alfred\\nH. Colquitt.\\nSome of Georgia s strongest men in statesmanship had gone into the\\narmy. Mr. Stephens soon became powerless with the Confederate\\nadministration on account of his decided difference of view with Mr.\\nDavis upon vital measures. Neither of them were men to yield, and\\nthus they soon drifted hopelessly apart. It therefore happened that\\nGeorgia, from having been a controlling power in the revolution,\\nbecame almost a nidlity at this time so far as concerned the guidance\\nof its policy. But the time was soon coming when the state was to", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0286.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "Georgia s stand for coxstitctioxalism. 225\\nresume lier agency in matters, but it was to be on a different line\\nentirely, and yet a consistent one. Georgia had led in breaking the\\nUnion to preserve the principles of constitutional government. She\\nwas destined to figure as an uncompromising opponent of Confederate\\nencroachment upon the spirit and the law of the Constitution. And\\nthe man who was fated to bear the colors in this struggle was the\\nGovernor of Georgia, Joseph E. Brown.\\nThere has been much stricture upon his course, to the effect that the\\nresistance to unconstitutional legislation should have been pretermitted\\nin the hour of war. The time has come to discuss this question fairly\\nand dispassionately. Was Governor Brown right or wrong in princi-\\nple It is admitted that he contended for a right thing, but it is\\nclaimed that it was done at an ine.xpedient time. No time is inex-\\npedient to maintain the right. Right is always expedient. Where was\\nthe greater danger, from unconstitutional legislation, in a Federal 6r\\na Confederate government If it was right to destroy the Union to.\\npreserve the Constitution, it was no less right to deny the sanction of\\nendorsement to the extra-constitutional acts of the Confederacy. It is\\nalso true that the final result was not endangered by these conflicts of\\nconstitutional argument that placed Georgia in a noble attitude as the\\nchampion of that constitutional law and liberty for which we were fight-\\ning. If we were right and sincere in our going to war to secure our\\nideas of government, we then did right in maintaining them in the\\nSouthern republic. The reasoning is irresistible. Georgia in standing\\nup for a strict observance of constitutional limitations did her duty, and\\nshe deserves the more credit that she did it amid all the temptation to\\nignore it that arose from the dangers of war and the anarchy of revolu-\\ntion. The consistency of the South was preserved by this splendid role\\nthat Georgia, under the leadership of Gov. Brown, pursued. It was a\\ndutiful vindication of the conduct of the South in going into the war,\\nand must so be regarded in the calm light of historic truth. There is\\nno escaping the verdict. If we were right to fight for constitutionalism,\\nwe were right to oj^pose. its sacrifice even in the stern exigencies of war.\\nThe war absorbed our old leaders, swallowed them up, as it were, in\\nthe leveling atmosphere of the bayonet. Toombs and the Cobbs and\\nother great spirits of statesmanship sank into excellent brigadiers among\\na host of others. Men like Stonewall Jackson, who in the calm of peace\\nwould have gone through life obscure and undistmguished; or like For-\\nrest, who would have achieved an undesirable notoriety as successful\\nnegro traders, flamed into fame legitimately due to military genius and\\n15", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0287.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "226 THE CONFEDERATE SITUATION GLOOMY.\\nsurpassing acliievement. Georgia had a host of brilliant soldiers and\\ndazzling otficers. She had her Hardees, Gordons, Wheelers, Tattnalls\\nand a host of others of lower rank equally heroic and faithful. But so\\nhad other states, and we had no superiority. The whole South was\\nbrave and true. It was in this monotony of heroism that Gov. Brown\\nraised the State to her wonted supremacy of influence by his hold, able\\nand unanswerable maintenance of our constitutional consistoncv. And\\nat this long day from that era, reading his masterly and exhaustive\\npapers, written amid all the distractions of those tunndtuous times,\\nunder all the tremendous inducements to passive subservience, they\\nstand as unequaled demonstrations of intrepid personal conviction and\\nexalted acts of august official duty. This is strong language, but it is\\ndue. There may have been an infusion of considerations not relevant,\\nand an occasional betrayal of a stem temper into the indiscretion of\\nseverity, but admitting these minor defects. Gov. Brown s defenses of\\nconstitutional principle in his great and memorable controversies with\\nthe Confederate authorities, must be his most striking record of cour-\\nageous and masterful statesmanship, and will constitute Georgia s most\\nenduring claim to historic glory in connection with her sacrifices and\\ncontributions to the cause of Southern independence. State sovereignty\\nand Constitutional government.\\nThe year 1863 began calamitously for the South. Our expectation of\\na speedy end had been disappointed. The Federals had a force of\\n800,000 men in the field, and the South had 300,000. Kentucky and\\nTennessee had fallen into the Federal hands. Lodgment had been made\\non the coast of North Carolina by Burnside s expedition. Southern\\nembassies to Europe had failed to secure intervention and even recog-\\nnition. Just before the provisional government of the Confederacy-\\nended, Howell Cobb, R. Toombs, M. J. Crawford and Thos. R. R. Cobb\\nissued an address to the people of Georgia placing the situation clearly\\nbefore them. What they called unpalatable facts were candidly\\ngiven. The purport of the address was, that we were in a frightful\\nconflict with a determined enemy, whose numbers and resources we\\ncould not equal, and we could only succeed by a united and unconquer-\\nable resistance that would put the torch to every home before yielding\\nit to the foe. The address discarded hope of foreign interference as\\nremote, and expressed confidence in the final result.\\nA requisition was made upon Georgia for twelve additional regiments.\\nThe Confederate war tax on Georgia amounted to $3,494,112.41, and\\nwas promptly raised by the issue and sale of State bonds. Gov. Brown", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0288.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0289.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "^yz--", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0290.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "GENERAL HENRY R. JACKSON. 227\\nhaving the amount in hand before it was due. Ten per cent, was saved\\nby relieving tlie Confederate authorities of the direct collection from the\\npeople, and in addition to this the Comptroller General, Col. Thweatt,\\ndiscovered an error in the Confederate assessment of \u00c2\u00a7G0,01G.1G, which\\nhis vigilance saved to the State. The banks patriotically advanced two\\nmillions of the amount to the Governor as early as February, the tax\\nbeing due April 1st.\\nThe operations on the Georgia coast in the early part of 1862 were\\nvery active. Gov. Brown selected Gen. Henry R. Jackson for the com-\\nmand of the State forces on the coast, and nominated him as Major-\\nGeneral, in chief command of all the State troops, which nomination\\nwas unanimously ratified by the Senate of Georgia.\\nThis gallant officer had served brilliantly in the Mexican war as Colonel\\nof a regiment. His service in West Virginia during 1861 had been\\nconspicuous and valuable. The operations in that locality were ended.\\nGen. Jackson therefore hailed joyfully the prospect of a change to\\nGeorgia, his own State, whose coast was the object of Federal attack.\\nThe selection of Gen. Jackson for this duty was a deserved recognition\\nof his merit, and a compliment of which he could well be proud. Gov.\\nBrown immediately sought to have him ordered on this congenial and\\nhonorable mission, he welcoming gladly a transfer from inactivity to a\\nfield of peril and usefulness that field his own beloved State, and he\\nurged the change. It was one of those strange acts of the Confederate\\nadministration that it so frequently did, to disregard this call for this\\nworthy officer. The campaign in Virginia had ended; by far the larger\\nportion of Gen. Jackson s command had been withdrawn from him and\\nsent elsewhere; he had been ordered into winter-quarters vnthin hand-\\nling distance of the remnant. All eyes were directed to the Southern\\nsea-board as the scene of operations for the winter. Gen. Lee, who was\\nin command on the Southern coast, as he told Gov. Brown, preferred\\nGen. Jackson to command the Georgia troops, and had been negotiat-\\ning with the war department for him at the time. Eager to accept\\nthe flattering call of his own State from an inactive to active duty, Gen.\\nJackson applied for leave of absence to take the more perilous service\\nin Georgia, but was sternly and inexplicably refused. With that chiv-\\nalric patriotism that belonged to the man, Gen. Jackson resigned the\\ncoveted commission which he held in the Confederate army, feeling that\\nhe could not ignore the demands of his own people menafced with danger,\\nto stand peaceful watch in the then quiet mountains of West Virginia.\\nGen. .Tackson as Major-General of the State troops had under him", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0293.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "2 38 TPaBUTE TO GEXEliAL ni:XRY r.. JACKSOX.\\nBrigadier Generals George P. Harrison, F. AV. Capers, and also, William\\nH. T. AA alker, who had resigned from tlie Confederate servieo. Gen.\\nJackson cooperated with Brig. Gen. A. R. Lawton, who had command\\nof the Confederate forces and the territory comprehended in tlio Depart-\\nment of Georgia. Brig. Gen. H. W. Mercer of the Confederate army\\ncommanded Savannah. Gen. Robert E. Lee was in command of the\\nextreme Southern coast, including Georg ia and South Carolina.\\nGen. Jackson received orders direct from Gov. Brown. His Adjutant\\nGeneral was Lt. Col. Charlton H. Way. During the brief campaign of\\na little over three months in which the state troops were in service,\\nthere was a vast deal accomplished. Gen. Jackson was very zealous,\\nand between himself and Gen. A. R. Lawton, commanding the Confed-\\nerate troops, there existed an admirable accord. The official co,rres-\\npondence of Gen. Jackson s division shows many interesting, as well\\nas some lively episodes. Gov. Brown gave a close suj)ervision to\\nevery detail of the service. The Governor entertained a cordial re-\\ngard and admiration for this capable and distinguished officer. In\\nhis message to the General Assembly in the following November, in\\nreferring to the state troops Gov. Brown used this language about Gen.\\nJackson:\\nIt is bnt justice to Major Geiier.il Jackson, tliat it be remarked that lie had, with\\nuntiring energy and consummate ability, pressed forward the preparation of the\\ndefenses and the training of the army, and tliat the people of Georgia owe mnch of\\ngratituile to him for the safety of the city of fSavannah and its present freedom from\\nthe tyrannical rule of the enemy. There is not probably an intelligent, impartial man\\nin the state who does not regret that the services of this distinguished son of Georgia\\nshould not have been properly appreciated by the Confederate authorities, and that he\\nshould not, after the Georgia army was transferred, have been invited liy the President\\nto a command equal to his well-known ability and merit. This was requested by the\\nExecutive of this state, which request was presented to the President by her entire del-\\negation in Congress.\\nCol. E. W. Chastain, who commanded the 8th regiment of Gen.\\nWalker s Brigade, was arrested by Gen. Walker for using severe lan-\\nguage to Major O, C. Myers, the Assistant Adjutant General of the\\nBrigade. The Governor knew the value of the volunteers and their\\nspirit too well to disgrace officers on account of a hasty ebullition of\\nprofanity, and insisted that Col. Chastain should not be punished beyond\\narrest. Capt. Henry Cleveland, in charge of the Savannah arsenal,\\nhad been the editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist, and was a writer\\nof genius. In his position in the Ordnance Department he appears not\\nto have had very harmonious relations with Major Lachlan Mcintosh,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0294.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "FIGHTING THE FEDERALS WITH TUEPENTIXE. 229\\nthe Chief of Ordnance for the state. Writing in January to Gen.\\nJackson, Major Mcintosh thus discoursed:\\nIt is Imt right for me to say ttiat I fully ajipreciate Captain Cleveland s eccentricity,\\nand deeply regret that there is not some other Held open to that gentleman wherein to\\nexercise his wondrous administrative abilities.\\nA lady signing herself P. M. L., made the following unique sug-\\ngestion for the defense of the city of Savannah, stating that she had\\nbeen trying to think up a plan to e.xpel the Yankees from the\\ncoast and had hit upon this plan.\\nTo put on board of boats about 500 or 1,000 barrels of turpentine (first having made\\na calculation of the speed of the water of the Savannah river, so as to allow the proper\\ntime to elapse), and go to within a mile of the fleet (during the uight) and at different\\ndistances have the turpentine turned out along across the water, having allowed the\\nprojjer time to elapse from the turning out of the turpentiue, for it to reach the fleet, as\\nit will not mix with the water. Theu set fire to tlie turpentiue poured upon the water,\\nand it will do them much damage, if not entirely rout them. Now if you will head the\\ne.\\\\pedition to see that all is done at the proper time, and in order and iio failure. I think\\nsomebody will be hurt. It at least will be wortli trying. I only give the initials of my\\nname below, as I do not wish you for a mouif-nt to think that I, a lone female, should\\ndictate to one of your experience and judgment what should be done.\\nThis feminine invention is solemnly filed among the patriotic archives\\nof that exciting period. Gen. Lee was transferred to anotlier depart-\\nment, and Maj. Gen. Pemberton assigned to the command of this de-\\npartment. The enemy inaugurated tl?e series of movements that\\nresulted in the loss to the Southern cause, and to Georgia, of Fort Pu-\\nlaski. Tybee and Warsaw Islands were covered with Federal troops.\\nThe inlets of our coast swarmed with Federal vessels. Skidaway and\\nGreen Islands were abandoned by Gen. Pemberton. The line of defense\\nwas confined to the main land. By the 22d of February, the Federals\\nsucceeded in a complete isolation of Fort Pulaski, by removing the ob-\\nstructions in Walls Cut and thus entering the Savannah river in the rear\\nof the Fort. Commodore Tattnall succeeded in effecting a passage to\\nthe Fort in the very teeth of the Federal gunboats, and supplied the\\ngarrison with six months provisions. Eleven batteries were thrown up\\non Tybee Island.\\nThe garrison of Fort Pulaski consisted of 365 men and 24 officers,\\nunder command of Col. Charles H. Olmstead, a gallant and capable of-\\nficer. He was 9, graduate of the State Military University at Marietta,\\nand combined in a striking degree the graces and culture of the true\\ngentleman with the intrepidity anil skill of the soldier. Gen. David\\nHunter commandino; the Federal forces, demanded the surrender of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0295.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "230 THE SPIRIT OF GEORGIANS TRUE.\\nFort on the niorning- of the lOtli of April, 18C1, and Col. Olmstead re-\\nplied briefly that he was there to defend the fort, not to surrender it.\\nThe bombardment began and continued for two days. The main fire of\\nthe foe was directed on the south-east angle of the fort. The guns in\\nit were all dismounted, and a large breach made through which the shot\\nand shell went directly to the magazine. Retreat was impossible, and\\nfurther defense impracticable. The Fort was surrendered at half past\\ntwo o clock, the 11th day of April, 18G2, honorable terms having been\\ngranted the garrison. Col. C. C. Jones in his well-written sketch of\\nthe Chatham Artillery, relates an incident of personal daring that oc-\\ncurred during this siege that deserves preservation. In the second\\nday s bombardment, in a stonn of shot and shell the flag was shot\\ndown. Lt. Christopher Hussey, of the Montgomery Guards (Capt.\\nGuilmartin), and private John Latham, of the Washington Volunteers\\n(Capt. McMahon), leaped upon the parapet, upon wliieh the fatal hail of\\nbattle was raining an unbroken torrent, disentangled the fallen symbol\\nof defiance, coolly carried it to the north-eastern angle of the fort and\\nfloated it gayly to the ball and breeze on a temporary staff, erected for\\nthe occasion on a gun carriage. It was an intrepid act of personal\\nheroism.\\nThe loss of Fort Pulaski stimulated the preparation for the defense of\\nthe land. The term of enlistment of the troops was expiring in many\\ncases. The hot fever of the early days of the war had very much quieted\\ndown. The effervescence had dissolved. Men were not so eager to\\ntight. A year of actual service had dissipated the poetry of soldiering.\\nMen had come to a recognition of the cold realities of a desperate con-\\nflict. There was a decided toning down of that buoyant eagerness for\\nenlistment that so marked the inception of the struggle, but it was still\\ntrue that the men of Georgia came forward willingly to the serious work\\nin store for us and not to be avoided. The loss of Fort Pulaski stirred\\nevery patriotic heart in Georgia. It nerved every man and woman to\\nresistance, and to cordially persevering in the duty of the hour.\\nGov. Brown issued a Proclamation for a complete organization of the\\nmilitia with a view to a draft if there were not voluntary enlistments.\\nThe State troops had almost unanimously voted against a transfer to\\nthe Confederate war authorities. In recognition of the grave crisis the\\n7th day of March was appointed as a day of Fasting, Humiliation and\\nPrayer. The use of corn in the distillation of spirits was prohibited by\\nproclamation to prevent the consumption in that way of grain needed\\nfor food. A reward of S5,000 was offered for the discovery of any salt", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0296.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "THE BAD POLICY OF PLAXTING COTTON. 231\\nsprings or wells that would afford 300 bushels of salt a day, the Gov-\\nernor taking the responsibility of proclaiming such reward without\\nauthorit} Gov. Brown paid a visit to the coast early in April, and\\nreviewed and addressed the State troops. In this speech he compli-\\nmented their defense of the sea-board, and urged them to re-enlist, mak-\\ning an earnest appeal to their patriotism.\\nA vital subject at that time was the policy of the farmers of planting\\nprovision crops instead of cotton. Judge Linton Stephens in behalf of\\na number of citizens addressed a note to Gov. Brown asking his views\\non this matter. The reply was an able discussion of the subject. He\\nsaid that we had more to fear from the production of cotton than any\\nother disadvantage. The ordinary sources of provision supply were\\nvery much diminished. We would have to rely upon ourselves for\\nfood. The reply ended with an appeal to the farmers to do their duty in\\nthis crisis. Hon. Ale.x. H. Stephens came to Georgia and made a strong\\nspeech, urging the people to continued energy and sacrifices in the\\nprosecution of the war, and in this speech he pressed the paramount\\nnecessity of raising ample food crop. Gen. Toombs incurred much\\nodium by his course on this matter, he boldly insisting upon raising\\nupon his own plantation nearly full crops of cotton. And the following\\ndispatch from Gen. Toombs brought him considerable animadversion.\\nRichmond, June II, 1862.\\nTo Messrs. Geo. Hill, A. F. Newsom and Win. Carter, Committee.\\nGkntlemen Your telegr.ani has lieen received. I refuse a single h.and. My pro]v\\nertv, as long as I live, shall never be sul)ject to the orders of those cowardly miscreants,\\nthe Committees of Public Safety of Randolph County, Ga., and Eufaula. You may rob\\nme in my absence, but you cauuot intimidate me.\\nROBERT TOOMBS.\\nCounty meetings were held in wiiich the farmers pledged themselves\\nto drop cotton and raise provisions.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0297.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXV.\\nBROWN AND DAVIS IN THEIR GREAT TUSSLE OVER\\nCONSCRIPTION.\\nTlie Conscription Act. Not Needed in Georgia. Col. A. II. Keu.an and Gov. Brown.\\nA Caliinet Place in Brown s Grasp. The Correspondence between Gov. Brown and\\nPresidejit Davis. A iModel of Statesmanlike Controver.- y The Discussion. A\\nMile-stone of tlie Revolution, Mr. Davis Treatment of the Controversy in his\\nliise auil Fall of the Confederacy. A One Sided Presentation. Botli Sides\\nFairly Given in this Volume. Gov. Brown Oljeys tlie Act. Tlie State Troops\\nTui ned Over The Officers Refused. Gen. II. R. Jackson s Farewell Order. Gov.\\nBrown s Order. Tliis State Force Episode Romantic. Tlie Folly of tlie Confed-\\nerate Administration. Tlie Arrest of Col. Beu. Laugbridge. Col. C. J. Williams.\\nCol. Walter Ector. Mrs. C. J. Williams. Hon. Alfred IversoiL^UnverHied\\nProphecy. The Funny Blunder of the Types. Stripped Wives. The\\nAudacious Attempt to Seize the State Road.\\nThe Conscription Act passed the Confederate Congress in April,\\n1802. Its passage was the result of the military stress. Mr. Davis\\nrecommended the measure in a special message, and the Confederate\\nCongress j^romptly passed it, under decided and consideralalo opposition.\\nIt was not needed in Georgia. For every requisition there was more\\nthan ample volunteering. Under the last call for twelve regiments, Gov.\\nBrown furnished eighteen. And he expressed the belief tlidt he could\\nhave raised fifty regiments if Mr. Davis had called for so many. The\\nspirit was still rife for volunteering, and it continued to be a difficult\\nmatter to reconcile captains of companies who were left out of regi-\\nments. From the thne the Conscript Act was enforced in Georgia,\\nthere was a greater reluctance to go to the field than had ever before\\nbeen .shown. Even after that, however, there was no difficulty in furnish-\\ning troops promptly and in larger numbers than called for, if they had\\nthe right to form their reg iments at home, and elect their own officers.\\nIt was the practice at the North at the same time that Mr. Lincoln made\\nrequisition upon the Governors of States for troops, to furnish them\\norganized into regiments. And there was no difficulty in Georgia aliout\\ngetting plenty of troops when they were allowed the jirivilege of\\norganizing and electing their own regimental officers. That practice\\nwould have given regiments in our State as long as there were men out", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0298.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0299.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "Z^-0", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0300.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "GOV. EEOWX TENDERED A CABINET PLACE. 233\\nof which to make them. This right of organization they considered\\nthe Constitution clearly guaranteed to them, and they set great store\\nby it.\\nIt must ever remain a mooted point, whether the Conscript Law was\\na benefit or an injury to the Southern cause. It was claimed a neces-\\nsity, and therefore enacted and enforced for this reason. Its opponents\\nbitterly disputed its necessity, while as urgently arguing its uncon-\\nstitutionality. It may well be doubted when people Rave been dragged\\nby law to the forced support of a cause, and when they will not vol-\\nuntarily rally to such cause, whether success can bo achieved. Be\\nthis as it may, conscription was never necesssary in Georgia. The most\\ndetermined opposition to the Conscript Law came from this State. And\\nthe controversies that ensued between Gov. Brown and Mr. Davis and\\nhis Secretary of War were matters of intense and universal Southern\\ninterest, and the antagonism resulting became as bitter as it was\\nhistoric.\\nThere is a curious and interesting incident connected with this act\\nof conscription. The Act awakened a general and lively interest and\\nprovoked a warm public discussion. The people were prepared for it\\nbefore it came. Every effort was made to harmonize popular sentiment\\nupon it that it might go off well. Among the special friends of Mr.\\nDavis was Col. Augustus H. Kenan, one of our Georgia Confederate\\ncongressmen, representing the district in which Milledgeville lies. He\\nwas well known over, the State, of imperious force of character, a large,\\nhandsome, imposing person, rather haughty and aristocratic, but possess-\\ning ability and honor. He was known to be a friend of Gov. Brown,\\nand was probably for this reason selected for the mission of which we\\nare speaking. It was known that Gov. Brown was not favorable to the\\nConscript Act. Col. Kenan came to Georgia, and seeking an inter-\\nview with Gov. Brown, he tried in a long and earnest talk to recon-\\ncile him to the .support of conscription, or at least, to induce him to\\nmake no opposition. The conversation became very animated, and at\\ntimes stormy. Both were positive men, both combative, both unyield-\\ning, both of a dominating temper. Col. Kenan plied every argument\\nand persuasion to the placid but determined anti-conscriptionist, but in\\nvain. Gov. Brown would not yield to logic or entreaty. He was firm\\nand immovable. In the course of the interview, Col. Kenan intimated\\nto Gov. Brown that a place in the Cabinet of Mr. Davis would be at\\nhis command if matters went harmoniously. But Gov. Brown would\\nnot yield his place as Governor of the great State of Georgia for any", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0303.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "234: THE FIRST LETTER OF GOV. BROWN ON CONSCRIPTION.\\nCabinet office. The mission was unsuccessful, and towards the close,\\nthe interview became very warm, both gentlemen getting emphatic and\\nsomewhat plain spoken. And fhey parted in spirited disagreement, and\\nunder considerable display of feeling against each other; but in their\\nnext meeting, having cooled, their temporary misunderstanding was\\nlaid aside and they resumed their wonted friendliness of intercourse,\\nbased upon a hearty respect and reciprocal regard.\\nThe first important correspondence was between Gov. Bro^vn and Mr.\\nDavis, and was on the constitutionality of the Conscript Act, and was\\nconducted with great ability and dignity on both sides. It was a model\\nof statesmanlike controversy, lofty, courteous, argumentative and pow-\\nerful. Both showed themselves masters of the subject each present-\\ning his side with striking force. The first letter of Governor Brown\\nwas dated April 23, 1862, and notified Mr. Davis of his receiving a\\ncopy of the Conscription Act and of his turning over the state forces\\nin compliance therewith to the Confederate command. He went on to\\nstate that Georgia had seceded from the Union because the Federal\\ngovernment had disregarded the rights of the states. He contended\\nthat the Conscription Act puts it in the power of the Confederate\\nExecutive to disorganize all state troops and destroy Georgia s state\\ngovernment by disbanding her law-making power. Under the Con-\\nscript Act every officer of the state governments, the state employes,\\nthe mechanics, railroad operatives and state military officials, etc., can\\nbe forced into the Confederate service. It was unconstitutional for the\\nConfederate Executive to have such power. He argued that the act\\nwas in conflict with the Constitution, which reserves to the states the\\nright to appoint the officers of and train the militia. He declined\\nto have anything to do with the enrollment of conscripts, leaving\\nthe execution of the conscript law to the Confederate authorities, reserv-\\ning any test of the constitutionality of the act for consideration when\\nit may less seriously embarrass the Confederacy in the prosecution of\\nthe war. He desired to know what exemptions would be made. Mr.\\nDavis replied briefly on the 28th of April, 1802, inclosing copies of\\nvarious acts exempting certain classes from military service. The\\nwager of battle was thrown down in the following condensed utter-\\nance: The constitutionality of the act you refer to as the conscrip-\\ntion-bill, is clsarly not derivable from the power to call out the militia,\\nbut from that to raise armies.\\nGovernor Brown s second letter, dated May 9, 1863, started out with\\nthe assurances that while as an individual or Executive he proposed to", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0304.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "LKTTKRS OF GOV. BROWN AND MR. DAVIS. 235\\ngive Mr. Davis all aid possible in the war, lie did not propose to commit\\nthe state to a policy subversive of her sovereignty and at war with the\\nprinciples for which Georgia entered the revolution. The Conscription\\nAct could not aid in getting more arms, but more men, and as more\\nmen could be enlisted than could be armed, the act was not neces.sary.\\nAs to the constitutional point he argued that all the grants of power\\ngiven by the Constitution to Congress must be construed together and\\nbe subject to that paragraph which reserves to the states the right to\\nappoint officers. The grant to raise armies refers to regular armies, and\\nnot those composed of the whole militia of all the states; and if under\\nsuch grant all of the militia of the states could be used by Congress,\\nwith the power of appointment of officers, then the constitutional pro-\\nvision securing the states the reserved rights over militia was a nullity.\\nThe debate on the Federal Constitution shows how sacredly this right\\nof the states was regarded and preserved. This letter wound up with\\nthis strong paragraph:\\nShoiikl you at any time ueeil additional troops from Georgia to fill up her just quota\\niu proportion to the numlier furnished by tlie otiier states, you have only to call on tlie\\nEx bcutive for the uumher required, to be organized and officered as the Constitution\\ndirects, and your call will, as it has ever done, meet a jjrompt response from her noble\\nand patriotic people, who, while they will watch with a jealous eye, even in the midst of\\nrevolution, every attempt to undennine their consiitutional riglits, will never be content\\nto be behind the foremost iu the discharge of their whole duty.\\nMr. Davis wrote his second letter on the 29th of May, 1862. His\\nCabinet, Attorney General and a majority of Congress believe the con-\\nscription constitutional. The power of Congress to raise armies under\\nthe Constitution was broad and unqualified. It could raise armies\\nwithout limitation as to method or material, and to any extent neces-\\nsary. The necessity in this case was urgent, to prevent the disbandment\\nof twelve-months troops whose times were out. The militia of a state\\nare only militia when called out and organized, and are not the citizens\\ntaken singly. The power of Congress to call out state militia is differ-\\nent from the power to raise armies. The grant of exclusive power to\\nraise armies is not restricted by a grant of divided power over militia.\\nThey are two distinct subjects. The armies and the militia are necessa-\\nril} raised out of the same material. The power to enlist nuist be\\nco-extensive with the exigencies of the occasion, and the extent of the\\nexigency must be determined by Congress. The existence of the Con-\\nfederacy being threatened by vast armies, the Congress had in its\\npower called for, not militia, but men to compose armies. Mr. Davis", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0305.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "230 PRESIDENT DAVIS COMPLIIIEXTS GEORGIA.\\nwound up his letter with these sentences, the first remarkable in the\\nlight of the final result:\\nAt some future tlay, after nur indepeudcuee sliall have been estalilislied, it is no\\nimjirobaUe snppositiou that our present eiieuiy may be tempted to ahyse liis naval power\\nby depredation on our commerce, and that we may lie compelled to assert our riylits by\\noffensive war. How is it to be carried on? Of wliat is the army to be composed? If\\nthis government cannot call on its arms-bearing population otherwise than as militia, and\\nif the militia can only be called forth to repel invasion, we should be utterly lielpless to\\nvindicate our lionor or protect our rights. War h;is been well styled the terrible liti-\\ngation of nations. Have we so formed our government that in this litigation we may\\nnever be plaintiff Surely this cannot have been the intention of the framers of our\\ncompact.\\nIn conclusion, I take great pleasure in recognizing that the history of the past year\\naffords the amplest justification for your assertion that if the question had been whether\\nthe conscription law was necessary to raise men in Georgia, the answer must have beeu\\nin the negative. Your noble State has promptly responded to every call that it has been\\nmy duty to nnike on her and to you personally, as her E.xecutive, I acknow ledge my\\nindebtedness for the prompt, cordial and effective cooperation you have afforded me iu\\nthe effort to defend our common country against the common enemy.\\nGov. Brown s third letter was dated June 21, 18G2. It expresses the\\nconviction with great diffidence that Mr. Davis has failed to sustain the\\nconstitutionality of the Conscription Act. He calls attention to the\\nomission of Mr. Davis to answer that part of his argument which\\nestablished that the contemporaneous construction of the Federal Con-\\nstitution nor the earlier practice of the Federal Government sustained\\nthe constitutionality of conscription. This letter is a very lengthy and\\nexhaustive one. He takes Mr. Davis to task for assuming such a strong\\nFederalist position, as that Congress is the judge of its own powers.\\nHe says that he had for years regarded ]Mr. Davis as one of tiie ablest\\nand boldest defenders of the States Rights school. Gov. Brown quotes\\nliberally from the utterances of Madison and Calhoun and from the\\nVirginia resolutions. He follows the exercise of the power claimed for\\nCongress to its full extent, alleging it would make Congress supreme\\nover the states, placing the very existence of the State governments\\nsubject to the will of Congress. It can compel the Governors of States,\\nJudges of State courts. State militia officers to go into service as privates\\nin the Confederate armies, and thus practically disband the State govern-\\nments whenever Congress shall judge that it is necessary. The very\\nexemption acts of Congress are assertions of the ^nconstitutional and\\ndangerous power that Congress claimed and that Gov. Brown opposed.\\nGov. Brown argued at very considerable length the sound policy of\\nallowing the State troops to organize themselves and choose their own", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0306.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "THE CONSCRIPTIOX CORRESPONDENCE CONCI.lDEI 237\\nofficers. The riHit to select tlieir own officers was one dearly cherished\\nbv the troops, and they did better service when allowed the privilege.\\nThe volunteers clung to the right tenaciously. The Conscription Act\\nembraced so large a proportion of the militia officers in Georgia that it\\nwould absolutely disband the organized militia left at liome, and leave\\nthe women and children helpless against negro insurrection. Gov.\\nBrown wound up with these very kind words:\\nIf I have used strong laiifru.ise iu any part of this letter, I l)ep; you to attrihute it\\nonly to my zeal iu the advocacy of principles and a cause which I consider no less than\\nthe cause of constitutional lil)erty, imperiled hy the erroneous views and practice of\\nthose placed upon the watch tower as its constant. guardians.\\nIn conclusion, I heg to as.sure you tliat I fully appreciate your expressions of personal\\nkindness, and reciprocate tliem in my feelings toward you to the fullest extent. I knew\\nthe vast responsihilities resting upon you, and would never willingly add unnecessarily\\nto their weight, or in any way emharrass you iu the discharge of your important duties.\\nWhile I cannot agree with you in opinion upon the grave question under discussion, I\\nbeg you to command me at all times wheu I can do you a personal service, or when I\\ncan, without a violation of the constitutional ohligations resting upon me, do any service\\nto the great cause iu which we are so vitally interested.\\nThe third letter of Mr. Davis, dated July 10, 1862, disclaimed any\\nsentiment that Congress is the final judge of the constitutionality of\\na contested power. He adds that the right of each state to judge in\\nthe last resort whether its reserved powers had been usurped by the\\ngeneral government is too familiar and well-settled a principle to admit\\nof discussion. Mr. Davis concludes thus:\\nAs I cannot see, however, after the most respectful consideration of all that you\\nhave said, anything to change my conviction that Congress has exercised only a plainly-\\ngranted specific power in raising its armies hy conscription, I cannot sliare the alarm and\\nconcern about state rights which you so evidently feel, but which to me seem quite\\nunfounded.\\nJuly 22, 18G2, Gov. Brown wrote his fourth letter, which concluded\\nthis memorable correspondence between the President of the Confed-\\neracy and the Governor of the leading Southern state upon the most\\nimportant act of Confederate legislation. In this letter Gov. Brown\\nstruck Mr. Davis a center stroke and turned his own fire upon him. He\\ninsisted that in all regiments organized in the State, and turned over as\\norganized bodies to the Confederate government, they should be per-\\nmitted to elect their own officers to fill vacancies. He made this demand\\nwith the greater confidence becau.se in the Mexican war, when President\\nPolk tendered Mr. Davis (then colonel of a gallant Mississippi regiment)\\na commission as brigadier general for heroic services, Mr. Davis declined\\nthe appointment on the ground that the President had no right under", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0307.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "238 THE STATE TROOTS TIRNED OVER TO MR. DAVIS.\\ntlie Constitution to appoint a brigadier general to command the State\\nvolunteers then employed in the service of the United States Govern-\\nment, but that the State alone could make such appointments. If such\\nwas the constitutional difficulty then, certainly, under the same pro-\\nvisions, the Confederate Government could not appoint not only the\\nbrigadier generals but the field and company officers of State troops.\\nThe profound interest created by this controversy pervaded the whole\\nConfederacy. The importance of the subject, the high position of the\\ngentlemen and the ability and dignity of the letters make the discussion\\none of the mile-stones of the revolution.\\nMr. Davis in his Rise and Fall of the Confederacy, recently pub-\\nlished, prints his own letter of the 39th of May, 18G2, as his presentation\\nof his own side of the question, except that he omits the paragraphs\\ncomplimenting Gov. Brown and the State of Georgia. He also fails\\nto extend to Gov. Brown the justice of publishing his side of the\\nquestion. The discussion was so important, able and exhaustive on both\\nsides, that it is deemed a matter of sufficient historic interest and value\\nto print in Appendix B of this work the letters in full of Mr. Davis\\nof the 29th of May, 1862, and of Gov. Brown of June Slst, 1862, as\\nembodying the full argument of each distinguished gentleman for and\\nagainst the great subject of Conscription. The reader can for himself\\ncontrast the elaborate pleas.\\nBut notwithstanding his effort to preserve the sanctity of constitu-\\ntional principle. Gov. Brown gave a practical aixl instantaneous\\nobedience to the Confederate law. Hon. G. W. Randolph, the Con-\\nfederate Secretary of War, telegraphed Gov. Brown on the loth of\\nApril, 1862, of the passage of the Conscription Act, which placed in the\\nConfederate service all men between 18 and 35 years of age, not legally\\nexempt. Gov. Brown the same day responded by telegraph, I pro-\\npose to turn over the troops who yet remain in service with the respon-\\nsibility to you, immediately, in such manner as may be most agreeable\\nto the President. This unhesitating and unconditional co-operation\\nwith the Confederate authorities should satisfy all fair-minded men that\\nGov. Brown in defending the principle for which he was fighting was\\ngoverned by a high and commendable sense of duty, and was entirely\\nconsistent with a devotion to the cause and an energy in its mainte-\\nnance, that were not surjiassed in the whole vast extent of the struggle.\\nMr. Randolph telegraphed to Gov. Brown to keep his troops together,\\nand employ his State enrolling officers. Gov. Brown telegraphed on\\nthe 16th to Maj. Gen. Henry R. Jackson the expiration of his command,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0308.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL OEDERS OF GEN. .JACKSON AND GOV. BROWN. 339\\nand directing that the Brigade commanders under him witli tlieir com-\\nmands report to Brig. Gen. Lawton. He tendered his thanks to the\\nofficers and men for their patriotic conduct, and justly stated that the\\nworks around the city of Savannali will relate to posterity the skill, in-\\ntelligence, energy and patriotism of the State troops of 1861-G2. Gen.\\nJackson, on the 10th, issued his order bidding farewell to his Division,\\nin which he used these words:\\nWliile he confesses to a keen disappointment in the disorganization of his command\\nbefore it had encountered the enemy in Ijattle, he feels strengthened by the conviction\\nthat whenever, or under whomsoever, its elements may he called into action, tliey will\\nexhibit not only the heroism of Georgian s fighting for their liberties, but the force and\\nefficiency of drilled .and disciplined soldiers.\\nGov. Brown issued an order, wliich, like the farewell order of Gen.\\nJackson, is a touching and graceful expression of feeling. In it he used\\nthis remarkable language remarkable in connection with the Con-\\nscript Act, in illustrating the conscientious purity of his position in re-\\ngard to that measure.\\nThe country is now in great peril, and the city of Savannah threatened with an\\nearly attack. Under these circumstances whatever may he your npinion or mine of the\\nthe wisdom or jiropriety of the Conscription Act, it behooves us all as Georgian. and\\npatriots, to sacrifice our personal interests, feelings and aspirations u])on the alt,ar of our\\ncommon country. I therefore admonisli eacli and every one of you, to perforin in the\\nfuture, as you have done in the past, .all your duties as soldiers, with promptness and\\ncheerfulness, and to remain in the service without regard to the expiration of your re-\\nspective terms, till Savannah is safe, and the invaders driven from the soil of our be-\\nloved State.\\nTaking it all in all the episode of this gallant division of state troops\\nwas a right romantic one, and of striking interest, and its transfer was\\nfull of touching features. Called into existence under a doubtful\\nauthority, yet through a masterly prescience of the future in Gov.\\nBrown, it was vindicated by the very emergency that he foresaw and\\nthat it remedied, and it was a crowning tribute to his daring readiness\\nto assume responsibility for the public good. It was this quality in\\nGov. Brown that made him so valuable, .so famous and so popular dur-\\ning the war. Signally clear-sighted and absolutely fearless, he uner-\\nringly divined future necessities, and fearlessly acted while other men\\ndeliberated. He did whatever he believed for the best, leaving con-\\nsequences to take care of themselves. Nor was there any vacillation or\\nlooking back after he had acted. lie shrank from no opposition or\\ncriticism, but confronted the logic of his deeds with unflinching intre-\\npidity.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0309.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": ";C43 INJUSTICE AND IJLUXDERIXG OF THE CONFEDERATE AUTHORITIES.\\nThe legislative battle over the State troops was a highly colored act\\nof this lively drama. And it tested Gov. Brown s supreme nerve in\\nadhering to his will. It looked as if the legislature would crush liim\\nout. It raised the V)lack flag against him, nearly, and in its collective\\nmajesty thundered his destruction, ito august aggregate of condemna-\\ntion striking him in his single-handed isolation. But he stood like a\\nrock, defied tluir arguments, recriminated their denunciation, and\\nboldly appealed to the people. They sullenly yielded the victory, which\\nhe firmly clutched from their unwilling hands. But when the treasured\\nfortification of Pulaski fell and the sea-board was beleaguered with\\nfleets and armies, and the brave troops he had so long before called into\\nservice on his own audacious and questionably authorized volition\\nstood the safe-guard and protection of Georgia s liberty, then did he\\nreceive the full meed of praise and gratitude due to what was heroic\\npersonal and official sense and courage.\\nPerhaps the most interesting matter connected with this superb divis-\\nion of state forces, this noble little Georgia army was the generous self-\\nsacrifice of its officers, who so promptly laid down their clierished\\ncommissions and with them the opportunity of that e.xalted ambition,\\nwhich so largely enters into both the patriotism and militarv glory of\\nthe soldier s career. Can it be wondered that a directing administra-\\ntion should finally fail that so wofuUy blundered as to throw over the\\nsuperb oflicers who led this division, who had organized and dis-\\nciplined it, and who could point to a proud piece of handiwork,\\nrenounced in a lofty spirit of self-abnegation, that deserved recogni-\\ntion. There was not in the comprehension of both armies a brighter\\ngalaxy of military spirits than the division and brigade commanders of\\nthis rare little force, and yet not one of them was retained by the Con-\\nfederate government, the command being received by regiments and\\nbattalions. It was a cruel injustice and a fatal folly. And the aggre-\\ngate of such blunders helped the idtimate defeat.\\nThe injustice was especially reprehensible in connection with the\\nheroic and capable commander of this superb division. Gen. Henry R.\\nJackson. In the Mexican war he had served with Mr. Davis, and there\\nhad been some intercourse not entirely smooth. Mr. Davis has been\\nnoted for carrying with him the memory of resentments. There would\\nbe no severe stretch of probabilities to read in the treatment of Gen.\\nJackson the invisible stimulus of an unforgotten prejudice. He had,\\nin order to take this state command at the call of his native common-\\nwealth, been forced to lay down his brigadiership, a leave of absence", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0310.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "MAJOK GENEKAL IIEXRY E. JACKSOX. 241\\nfor tliat purpose having been refused him by the Confederate govern-\\nment. He had wrought his division to superb organization and effi-\\nciency. In the hour of proud consummation he unmurmuringly yielded\\nit up to the Confederate authorities to avoid embarrassment created by\\nhis rank, and retired to the ranks, eVen offering himself as a private\\nin the company he had taken to Mexico. The people of Florida,\\nthrough a committee, called for him to command there, but another was\\nassig-ned to tliat duty.\\nA Georgia delegation from the army of Tennessee applied for Gen.\\nJackson, but the President received the application in silence. When\\nGen. Cobb was ordered to the command of a military geographical\\ndivision, embracing Florida and a part of Georgia, he wrote to Gen.\\nJackson to ascertain whether he would desire the command of a district\\nunder Gisneral Cobb, should a plan which he had submitted, dividing\\nhis command into two districts, be adopted. Gen. .Jackson replied that\\nhe would be thankful for any position in the field, and wrote to Gen.\\nCooper, the Confederate Adjutant General, soliciting the appointment.\\nGen. Cooper replied in a brief note that, as the President did not\\napprove of Gen. Cobb s plan, Gen. Jackson s services were not\\nneeded. It was a strange purposa that withheld service from an\\neager, gallant, skilled and experienced officer of such consummate\\nability, who so urgently and variedly sought military duty.\\nGen. Jackson was finally restored tardily to his Brigadier s rank in\\nthe Confederate army when the ill-fated struggle was drawing to its\\nclose, and with a noble brigade skillfully handled, he accompanied\\nHood to Tennessee. He shone in every battle, and finally in the lines\\nbefore Nashville he held his place until both flanks were driven back,\\nand was captured by -overwhelming numbers. He was retained as a\\nprisoner of war until the surrender of the armies of the Confederacy,\\nwhich occurred a few months afterwards, and thus honorably termi-\\nnated the military career of this brave, accomplished and patriotic\\nofficer.\\nSeveral incidents occurred that demonstrate Gov. Brown s quality of\\ndecision. Upon the issuance of Gov. Brown s order stopping the dis-\\ntillation of whiskey. Col. Laughridge, the commanding colonel of the\\nMurray county militia, not only denied the right of the Governor to\\nissue the order, but himself disobeyed it by running a still. The Gov-\\nernor immediately ordered the arrest of Col. Laughridge, and he was\\ncourt-martialed, convicted, and fined $500. When the Governor ordered\\nthe seizure of salt, he took one thousand bushels belonging to A. K.\\n16", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0311.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "24:3 SIRS. JIAKY A. -WILLIAMS, AUTHOR OF nECORATIOJf DAY.\\nSeago of Atlanta. Mr. Seago was paid for liis salt and receipted for the\\nmoney. The salt was placed in charge of William Watkiiis, one of the\\nmilitary store-keepers of the State. Mr. Seago filed an action of Trover\\nagainst Mr. AVatkins, and made the necessary affidavit to put him under\\n\u00c2\u00a733,000 bail. Gov. Brown promptly ordered the slieril: to release Mr.\\nWatkins from arrest and abstain from any further proceedings, declar-\\ning that in time of war, with the enemy on our -soil, he could not per-\\nmit military operations to bo hindered by civil authority. Learning\\nthat there was some talk of the sheriff refusing to obey the order, the\\nGovernor issued an additional instruction to Gen. W. P. Howard, com-\\nmanding the l.st Brigade of the 11th Division of the militia, to use any\\nforce necessary to prevent Watkins incarceration in prison, or if im-\\nprisoned, to release him and arrest the sheriff. This settled the matter\\nand quieted the sheriff.\\nDuring the early part of 1SG3, two very valuable Georgians died,\\nCol. C. J. Williams of Columbus, colonel of the 1st Georgia Regulars,\\nand Col. Walter Ector of the 13th Georgia Infantry, both gentlemen\\ndying from disease incurred in the service in Virginia. Col. Williams\\nstood very high in the State, and had been prominent in our politics.\\nHe had been Speaker of the House of Representatives. He had in a\\nhigh degree, the confidence and esteem of Gov. Brown. His widow,\\nMrs. Mary A. Williams, originated the beautiful Decoration Day that\\nhas become an established custom of the country. North and South,\\nsince the war. And she also conceived and started into actual opera-\\ntion, from Georgia to Virginia, the beneficent system of Waj side\\nHomes for soldiers, that did so much good during the war. She was\\nthe daughter of Major John H. Howard, a noted politician and railroad\\npresident. In 1840, she presented a flag to the 1st Georgia regiment,\\ncommanded by Col. Henry R. .Jackson, her prospective husband, C. J.\\nWilliams, being Major, wliom she married after the ^Mexican war. She\\ndied in Columbus, at the house of her son, on the l.ith of April, 1874,\\nand was buried with military honors. Her grave is decorated every\\nmemorial day. She sent her only son to the war at fourteen years of\\nage. In Appendix C will be found the original communication,\\nwritten to the Columbus Times, suggesting the Memorial Day custom.\\nA son of hers, C. H. Williams, is one of the leading journalists of the\\nState, now publishing the Atlanta Gazette.\\nUpon the refusal of Mr. Toombs to accept the election as Confederate\\nStates Senator, the Hon. Alfred Iverson, ex-United States Senator, pub-\\nlished a letter declaring that he would not acce;it the appointment from", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0312.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "MRS. MARY A. WILLIAMS, Author of the Decoration Day Custom.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0313.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0314.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "THE AMLSIXG MISTAKE OF THE TYPES. 243\\nGov. Brown, the legislature having defeated him for the office. He\\ntook occasion to refer to his famous Griffin speech, to which reference\\nhas been made in this volume, and which elicited so much hostile com-\\nmentary, and was declared to have buried him politically. In that\\nspeech he had declared for disunion on the ground that the abolitionists\\nmeant to destroy slavery, and separation alone would save slavery. He\\nhad been discarded for that speech, but called attention to the verifica-\\ntion of his views, and the fact that the people now stood with him. The\\nconcluding sentences of this letter of the distinguished ex-Senator are a\\nstriking expression of the confident spirit of the times, and like many\\nother prophecies of that day, read incongruously in the light of the final\\nresult. In complacent review of his disunion efforts, Mr. Iverson thus\\nspoke:\\nOur lilierties will lie won our government will be maintainerl our independence\\nachieved and acknowledged bv all nations. The blasts of wild war will subside and\\ngentle peace retnrn to bless and snn le upon our beloved Southern homes. Having con-\\ntributed all iu my power to bring about these glorious results, I ask no more tlian to\\nenjoy in peace and quiet the blessings of freedom under a government for which mv\\nheart has yearned for years.\\nAn amusing mistake occurred in connection with the patriotic spirit\\nof the people as shown in the willingness expressed to strip their roofs\\nto furnish material to mould into cannon. The matter was generally\\ndiscussed. In the over-mastering desire to aid the cause, the people\\nwere ready to make any sacrifice and give up any property that could\\nbe used. The Adjutant General of the State, Gen. Henry C. Wayne,\\nwrote to a Savannah lady in reply to an inquiry about utilizing brass\\nand copper for manufacturing cannon. The letter was published in the\\nSavannah JVeics, and contained this expression: I mention this that\\nwe may not have our ipi ves stripped to no jmrposc. The letter was\\nwidely copied and evoked a volley of comment and speculation as well\\nas raillery. Tlie Atlanta Commonwealth solemnly declared that an\\nofficial announcement of the fact was uncalled for. It seems that the\\nGeneral s letter should have been printed with the word roo/s in-\\nstead of wives, which would have made the expression read, I mention\\nthis that we may not have our roofs stripped to no purpose. The At-\\nlanta InteUigriici:)- stopped the very ridiculous agitation with an expla-\\nnation of the matter, and trusted that the good wives of the country\\nwould be satisfied and pardon that printer s blunder.\\nIn April of this year, 18G3, occurred a most audacious attempt of\\nsome Federal spies on the State road. The leader in it was a man by", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0315.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "244 BOLD ATTEMPT TO DESTROY THE STATE ROAD.\\nthe name of Andrews, who was at the head of a band of twenty-two\\nmen. He was a tall, black-bearded man, wearing a military black over-\\ncoat with a large cape. The object of the men was the destruction of the\\nthirteen bridges on the Western and Atlantic railroad, besides general\\ndamage to the road. The project was moi-e daring than feasible, or of\\nany practical utility, as it contemplated injury that could so soon be\\nremedied. But it illustrates the spirit of adventurous hazard that\\nprompts bold men in war times. These men got on the train at Marietta\\nand at Big Shanty, some twenty-five miles froni Atlanta, uncoupled\\nthe engine and three cars from the passenger train while the passengers\\nwere in at breakfast, and made for Chattanooga. Mr. W. A. Fuller, the\\nconductor, with Mr. Anthony Murphy, the superintendent of the road\\nshops, and the engineer Jeff Cain, started on foot in pursuit. They soon\\nreached a hand-car, and gathering reinforcements as they went along\\nthey pushed vigorously for the audacious depredators. It was a long\\nand an e.xciting chase. At Acworth the track was blocked with forty\\nor fifty cross-ties, and the telegraph wires were torn down for a quarter\\nof a mile. Reinforced by another hand-car and ten more men, they\\nswept on, to be tumbled in a ditch near Etowah by the torn-up track at\\na short curve. Here an engine was obtained belonging to Hon. Mark\\nA. Cooper, and also a coal car. At Kingston the artful spies had made\\nup a story about carrying ammunition to Beauregard, and duped the\\nswitch keys from the agent. Here the Rome engine was obtained and\\nthey dashed on twenty-five minutes behind the bridge burners.\\nNear Adairsville they came upon a torn track. Fuller and Murphy\\ntook it afoot and met the down train at Adairsville and turned its\\nengine back, having to stop every short while to remove cross ties\\nfrom the track. A mile and a half beyond Calhoun they came in sight\\nof the flying fugitives, who dropped a car to stop the way. Near\\nResaca another car was detached. The. indomitable Fuller switched\\nthese two cars on a sideling at Resaca and dashed on. The spies had\\nloaded their remaining car with cross ties, and dumped them out at\\nintervals to block the way. The trouble with the ready-witted fellows\\nwas that their steam was giving out. The oil-cans and everything\\nelse inflammable were hurled into the diminishing fire. lu sight at\\nDalton and also at the Tunnel, they drove their engine to the last.\\nAt Dalton they piled up cross ties. At Ringgold the engine began\\nto flag, and several miles beyond the race was over, though they ven-\\nomously reversed their engine to collide with ours, and then they took\\nto the woods. The pursuit through the country was as vigorously", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0316.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "THE SPIES PUNISHED. 245\\npressed, mouhted men having started out from Catoosa. Andrews\\nwhen captured, offered $10,000 to be released. He had several thou-\\nsand dollars on his person. The whole number of the spies, twenty-\\ntwo, was caught and carried to Knoxville, where they were tried by\\na court martial convened by Gen. Ledbetter, commanding the post.\\nCol. Leander W. Crook was President of the Court Martial, The\\nprisoners were defended by Hon. John Ba.vter and Judge Gait. The\\nman Andrews proposed the scheme to Gen. Mitchell at Shelbyville, and\\nwas to be paid $60,000 in gold if successful. Seven men of the 2nd\\nOhio regiment volunteered, and fourteen of the 21st Ohio Regiment\\nwere detailed on this duty. Andrews and the seven volunteers, named\\nWm. Campbell, Geo. D. Wilson, M. A. Ross, P. G. Shadrack, Samuel\\nSlavens, S. Robinson, and John Scott were convicted, and hung near\\nAtlanta. Andrews was executed in June, 18C2, near Walton Spring,\\nand the others south-east of the Atlanta cemetery. The 14 detailed\\nmen were not tried, and afterwards were regularly exchanged. The\\nfather of M. A. Ross, who lives in Christianburg, Ohio, came for his\\nson s body after the war. Col. W. J. Lawton was commanding the\\nPost of Atlanta at the time, and O. Winningham was the officer of\\nthe day.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0317.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXVI.\\nA GLOOxMY CHAPTER OF WAR S RAVAGE.\\nGeorgia had Done lier Whole Duty. Negroes for Coast Fortificatious. Gov. Brown s\\nStron;; Mess age oa Conseriptiou. Seiitimeut Couflictiiij; Couscriptiou Tested\\nJudicially. A Warm Time iu the Legislature. Liutou Stephens Great Speech\\nCalumny by the Governor upon tlie Supreme Court Charged by Judge Cabaniss. C.\\nS. Senators ElecteiL Called Session of tlie General Assembly. Tlie Stujieudous\\nMea.sure of the State assuming the Confederate War Deiit. Gov. Brown against it.\\nApp,alling Figures of Indigence. Desperate War Stress. A Beautiful Incident of\\nGov. Brown. He gives his surplus Corn to tlie Poor Large Loss of Georgians.\\nGen. T. R. R. Cobb Killed Gen. Lee s E.xquisite and Touching Letter. Beu. Hill\\nthe Prop of Davis Administration Tlie Curious Interweaving of the Lives of\\nHill aud Brown. Gov. Brown s Rare Joke. The Jlilitia Officers put iu the\\nRanks. Tory Troubles\\nThe Legislature lield its second annual session, beginning Novem-\\nber 6th, 18G2, under much brighter auspices tlian its session of 1801.\\nThe Confederate cause was in the ascendant. We had achieved some\\ngTeat victories ill Virginia, Lee defeating McClellan, Pope and Burnside\\nin swift succession. Stonewall Jackson had dazzled the continent by his\\nmarvelous triumphs. Shiloh in Tennessee and Elkhorn in Missoviri\\nhad adorned Southern valor. Bragg had made his brilliant Kentucky\\nincursion. Confederate prowess had been illustrated by success in\\ngrand battles against great odds. William L. Yancey, who had been\\nsent as a Commissioner to Europe to induce intervention if possible,\\nreturned stating that the people of that continent were against us on\\naccount of slavery. This enunciation, publicly made, had satisfied the\\nSouth that we must depend upon ourselves for independence. And\\nthe splendid successes of our arms had inspired us with buoyant con-\\nfidence in our ability to triumph.\\nGeorgia had done her whole duty. She had sent 75,000 men to the\\nfield. We had sixty-one infantry regiments, five cavalry regiments, six-\\nteen infantry battalions, three cavalry battalions, two legions and four\\nranger battalions, besides scattering companies and large numbers of\\nindividual soldiers sent under the conscription act to fill up existing\\ncompanies. Our cavalry regiments were:\\n1st Georgia Cavalry, Colonel .J. J. Morrison.\\n2nd AV J. Lawton.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0318.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "GEOEGIA KEGIMEXTS. 247\\n3d Georgia Cavalry, Colonel M. J. Crawford.\\n4th I. W. Avery.\\n5 til Partisan Rangers, S. J. Smith.\\nThe cavalry battalions were commanded by Lieut. Colonel Charles\\nSpalding, Major M. Camming and Major D. L. Clinch. The Fourth\\nGeorgia Cavalry was organized under Confederate autlionty. The germ\\nof it was the Georgia Mountain Dragoons, raised by Capt. I. W. Avery,\\nin Whitfield county. It was increased by Capt. Avery, first to the\\n2 3d Battalion of Georgia cavalry, and then to the 4th Georgia cavalrv\\nregiment. The Dragoons participated in the campaign of Gen. Albert\\nSidney Johnson, including the battle of Shiloh. Girardey s Georgia\\nBattery also fought in that battle. The Dragoons were an independent\\nscouting company connected with Gen. Hardee, and was once compli-\\nmented by Gen. Beauregard, commanding the army, for penetrating\\nthe Federal army lines and bringing out important information at a\\ncritical time. The following infantry regiments we had in addition to\\nthose reported at the opening of the session last year:\\n20tii Regiment, Colonel W. H. Atkinson.\\n27th L. B. Smith.\\n28th T. J. Warthen.\\n29th W. J. Young.\\n30th D. J. Bailey.\\n31st C. A. Evans.\\n32d Geo. P. Harrison, Jr.\\n33d A. Littlefield.\\n34th J. A. W. Johnson.\\n35th E. L. Thomas.\\n36th J. A. Glenn.\\n37th A. F. Rudler.\\n38th George W. Lee.\\n39th J. J. McConnell.\\n40th Abda Johnson.\\n41st C. A. McDaniel.\\n43d R. Henderson.\\n43d Skid Harris.\\n44th R. A. Smith.\\n45th Tiiomas Hardeman.\\n46th P. H. Colquitt.\\n47th G. W. M. Williams.\\n48th Wm. Gibson.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0319.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "248 WAR MEASURES IX GEORGIA.\\n-iOth Regiment, Colonel A. J. Lane.\\n50th W. R. Manning.\\n51st W. M. Slaughter.\\n52d Wier Boyd.\\no3d L. T. Doyal.\\n54th C. H. Way.\\n55th C. B. Harkie.\\n5Gth E. P. Watkins.\\n57th W. Barkaloo.\\n59th Jack Brown.\\nGOth W. H. Stiles.\\nWhile our Georgia coast was constantly threatened, the summer had\\nwitnessed comparative quiet on account of our warm climate. The fall\\nbrought more activity. The Brigadier General in command, H. W.\\nMercer, had made strenuous efforts to get Savannah and other points\\nproperly entrenched and fortified. He had called upon the Confederate\\nauthorities for assistance, which was refused. He had then appealed to\\nGov. Brown, who issued a proclamation asking the planters to promise\\na portion of their slaves for such work. The response was meager.\\nAnd when the legislature met the necessity for labor to complete the\\ndefenses of Savannah was reported to the body.\\nGov. Brown s message gave to the General Assembly the military\\nwork of the year in Georgia. Of the five millions appropriation\\n\u00c2\u00a72,081,004 had been expended: 8,000 state troops had been employed\\nand supported for six months; the state s quota of Confederate war\\ntax, \u00c2\u00a72,494,113.41, had been paid; a state armory had been established\\nin the Penitentiary which was turning out 125 good arms a month; and\\narrangements had been made in Virginia for the manufacture of salt.\\nThe Governor recommended measures for the prevention of the distilla-\\ntion of grain; provision for soldiers families; the seizure of factories\\nand tanneries to furnish clothing for the soldiers; a tax upon cotton to\\nprevent its production; the continuance of .state military; and the\\nappropriation of three millions for military purposes.\\nGovernor Brown sent a special message to the General Assembly\\nupon the subject of conscription. The Confederate Congress had\\npassed an additional act, extending conscription to embrace all men\\nbetween 35 and 45 years, and compelling them to enter old organiza-\\ntions until they were filled to a maximum number. Gov. Brown had\\nimmediately written to Jlr. Davis that he should not permit enrollment\\nunder the new law the few weeks until the Leffislature met and acted", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0320.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "THE GREAT CONSCRIPTION ISSUE. 249\\non the subject, as it would practically disband his state militia, and\\nurged Mr. Davis to call for the troops he wished as he was authorized\\nto do under the old laws. His special message furnished to the Legis-\\nlature a copy of his letter to Mr. Davis, and proceeded to discuss the\\nwhole subject in a lengthy paper of surpassing ability, presenting the\\nissue whether Georgia, ready to furnish more than her quota of men\\nand means, should submit to a method of enlistment that degraded her\\nsoldiers and violated the very state sovereignty for which tlie war was\\ninaugurated. He covered the ground embraced in his correspondence\\nwith Mr. Davis, a summary of which has been given before in this\\nvolume.\\nThis clear vigorous message created a profound sensation and a con-\\nflicting variety of comment. There was little difference of opinion\\nupon the illegality of conscription. But there was a decided conflict\\nupon the policy of insisting upon state rights and constitutional re-\\nstrictions in the existing emergencies of the war. And there was also\\na fi.xed diversity of view upon the policy of conscription. Some of the\\nablest men in the State thought with Governor Brown, among them the\\nStephens brothers, Gen. Toombs, ex-Gov. Johnson and others. The\\nCobbs, Mr. Hill, and others were for sustaining conscription. A case\\nwas made before Judge Thomas and another before Judge Iverson L.\\nHarris, to test the constitutionality of conscription. Judge Thomas\\ndecided it unconstitutional, and Judge Harris sustained its constitution-\\nality. Both decisions were able and elaborate. The case decided by\\nJudge Harris of Asa O. Jeffers conscript, versits John Fair, enrolling\\nofficer, was carried to the Supreme Court, and the decision of the con-\\nstitutionality of conscription affirmed. Judge Jenkins delivering- the\\nopinion. The court held, however, that the officers of the State were\\nnot subject to conscription.\\nA warm discussion of the matter was precipitated in the General\\nAssembly by a message frcm Gov. Brown on the 13th of November,\\n1863, communicating the fact that an incursion of Federal negro soldiers\\nhad been made in Camden county, and property destroyed and ladies\\ninsulted. Col. Henry Floyd, commanding the Camden militia, asked\\nleave to call out the militia to defend the county. Doubting his\\nauthority under the Conscription Act, and its approval by the Georgia\\nSupreme Court to call out the militia, Gov. Brown requested the legis-\\nlature to give direction in the matter and instruct him whether as Gov-\\nernor he had the right to use the militia to defend our imperiled\\nhomes. He stated in this message that the decision of our Supreme", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0321.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "250 LINTON STEI llENs CiRKAT SPEECH.\\nCourt had been made under heavy outside pressure, and the counsel on\\nboth sides had agreed in their individual opinion that the decision\\nshould be made as it was made.\\nThe Senate promptly passed a resolution authorizing the Governor\\nto call out the militia. The resolution was immediately transmitted to\\nthe House and there occasioned an able and warm debate. Strange to\\nsay there was opposition to the resolution. Judge Cochran moved a\\nsubstitute to inform the Secretary of War and ask help, and in the mean-\\ntime to call out the militia. Judge Cabaniss moved the reference of\\nthe whole matter to the military connnittee, which was done. On the\\n14th the military committee reported, adopting the part of Judge\\nCochran s substitute that called on the Secretary of War, but instead of\\nauthorizing the call of the militia, in the meantime resolving to take\\nimmediate action upon bills then pending. The discussion that ensued\\nupon this matter continued for days, and was marked by a good deal\\nof bitterness.\\nJudge Linton Stephens made a speech of great power, taking strong\\nground against the Conscription Act. He showed that conscription\\nhad been put upon the country from no necessity, from no conviction\\nof necessities, but from premeditation and deliberation. This speech\\nwas, perhaps, the finest ever made by this sinewy debater, and made a\\nprofound impression. He defended Governor Brown from the charge\\nmade by Judge Cabaniss, that the Governor had uttered a calunuiy ujion\\nthe supreme court, a charge showing the heat that was pervading the\\ndiscussion. The interesting question was also sprung that the decision\\nof the court was not binding upon the legislature, which was a coordi-\\nnate power of the government. Mr. Norwood replied to Mr. Stephens\\nwith great vigor and ability. The debate went on for days. Some idea\\nmay be formed of the interest it excited and the intensity of feeling\\nthat existed from the fact, that at the election for Confederate States\\nSenator on the 18th of November the issue was opeidy raised by Mr.\\nWhittle as to the position of the candidates on the conscript law and\\nthe decision of the supreme court. This was after the first ballot, which\\nhad resulted in: H. V. Johnson, 84 votes; James .lackson, 59; R. Toombs,\\n24; Howell Cobb, 0; T. R. R. Cobb, 12; Alfred Iverson, 3; A. H. Chap-\\npell, 1; Wm. Dougherty, 1; J. W. Lewis, 7; J. E. Brown, 1; A. R.\\nWright, 1 H. V. M. ]\\\\Iiller, 2.\\nNone of the gentlemen voted for had been put ni nomination but H.\\nV. .Johnson and James Jackson. Wlien Mr. hittle sjirung tlie con-\\nscription issue, Jlr. Vason remonstrated against such an issue. Mr.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0322.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "U. V. J011 S0X ELECTED CONFEDERATE STATES SENATOR. 2jl\\nWhittle said tliat he understood Gov. Johnson to believe the coiisciip-\\ntion act unconstitutional, but he would support the law and the\\nadministration. Judge Jackson and Mr. Cobb favored the law and\\nsustained the administration. Mr. J. II. R. Washington and Mr. Candler\\nboth tliought the discussion inappropriate, while Mr. Stephens protested\\nagainst the proceeding- as extraordinary and out of place, and calculated\\nto convert the legislative hall into a hustings and to draw party lines.\\nThe second ballot gave the election of Herschell V. Johnson, he receiv-\\ning- 111 votes; Jackson, 40; Dougherty, 24, and Toombs, 14.\\nThe House appears never to have acted on the Camden county matter.\\nThe joint committee on the State of the Republic made majority and\\nminority reports on the conscript law. The majority report was pre-\\nsented by Judge E. A. Cochran, chairman, and declared that the Con-\\nfederate government could not raise armies by compulsion, only through\\nrequisitions on the states, leaving each state to exercise such compulsion\\nas may be necessary in her own case and to appoint officers; and all laws\\nof the Confederate Congress using direct compulsion without requisition\\nand impairing the right of the states to choose officers were unconsti-\\ntutional. Tlie majority report, however, declared that Georgia would\\nfurnish her just quota of troops and leave the conscription acts undis-\\nturbed, reserving sucli rightful remedies as may be demanded by future\\nemergencies.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Judge E. G. Cabaniss presented the minority report, signed by him-\\nself and J. A. L. Lee, S. L. Barber, W. J. Reese, Z. B. Hargrove, Geo. S.\\nBlack, Peter E. Love, O. L. Smith, L. D. Carlton and Geo. T. Barnes.\\nThis report declared the Conscript Acts constitutional, recommended\\nacquiescence in the decision of the Supreme Court, and that the Gov-\\nernor countermand all orders suspending the e.xecution of the Conscript\\nAct. These reports were discussed in both houses by the ablest men,\\nand numerous substitutes were offered, but the legislature adjourned on\\nthe 13th of December, 18G2, without taking any action, to convene on\\nthe 4th Wednesday in April. The General Assembly passed acts limit-\\ning the cultivation of cotton to three acres to a hand; appropriating\\n^500,000 to supply the people with salt; $100,000 for cotton cards;\\n\u00c2\u00a7545,000 to obstruct our rivers; $400,000 for the Georgia Relief and\\nHospital Association; $1,500,000 for clothing for our soldiers; $2,500,-\\n000 for the support of the indigent widows and families of deceased or\\ndisabled soldiers; $1,000,000 for a military fund; $300,000 to remove\\nindigent white non-combatants from any part of the State threatened\\nwith invasion. This aggregated over six millions appropriated for war", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0323.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "253 ASSUMING THE CONFEDERATE WAR DEBT.\\npurposes. The Governor was authorized to raise two regiments for\\nhome defense, and to impress hands to perfect the defenses around Sa-\\nvannah. The General Assembly further passed a resolution that\\nSavannah should never be surrendered, but defended street by street\\nand house by house, until if taken, the victors spoils should be alone a\\nheap of ashes.\\nJust before the adjournment of the legislature. Governor Brown sent\\nin a message urging that some action be taken to secure to our volun-\\nteers the right which they were seeking to elect their own officers in\\nvacancies occurring in regiments already in service. But nothing was\\ndone.\\nGov. Brown convened the legislature by special proclamation, on the\\n25th of March, 18G3. This was done to urge thkt the law be altered\\nallowing the planters to cultivate three acres of cotton to the hand. The\\ngreat question of the revolution was one of Bread, and the farmers\\nmust produce bread and not cotton. In his message this matter and\\nothers were discussed. The project was mooted at that time of the\\nstates assuming the Confederate war debt, and several states, Alabama,\\nFlorida, Mississippi and South Carolina had agreed to do this. Gover-\\nnor Brown opposed the policy with wonderful acumen, taking ground\\nfor giving aid to the Confederate government by direct taxation. This\\nmeasure occasioned a heavy struggle in the General Assembly. There\\nwere majority and minority reports and debates and substitutes innu-\\nmerable, but finally a bill authorizing the guarantee of the bonds of\\nthe Confederate States on Georgia s proportionate share of $200,000,-\\n000 was defeated by four votes.\\nThe fund of two and a half millions for the indigent families of sol-\\ndiers was distributed between the two sessions, and the distribution\\nreported at the March session. The figures are interesting and pathet-\\nically demonstrative of the devotion of our people to the cause and the\\nravages of that great war among our patriotic population. Tiie vast\\ntotal of the unfortunate beneficiaries of this generous fund was 84,119.\\nOf this terrible number of war indigents, 45,718 were children, and\\n22,037 kins-women of poor living soldiers; 8,492 were orphans, and 4,003\\nwidows of deceased and killed soldiers, and 550 were helpless soldiers,\\ndisabled in service. These are appalling figures for less than two j-ears\\nwarfare for a single state of the Union, and they testify with over-\\nwhelming emphasis to the awful magnitude and destructiveness of the\\nstruggle. No words can bear such impressive witness to the deadly\\ndrift and extent of that revolution as these simple statistics.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0324.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "GEORGIA S DESI ERATE STRESS. 253\\nThe plain, unvarnished truth is that the pressure of that day was\\nsomething desperate. Georgia had three-fourths of her voting popu-\\nlation fighting in other States, who were clamoring for proper clothing\\nand food. Her own borders were threatened by a merciless enemy.\\nAnd poverty and destitution were raging among her people. The\\norders and appeals with which the papers were filled, will afford some\\nconception of the stress. There were calls for troops, orders for desert-\\ners, appeals upon appeals for clothing and shoes, proclamations doling\\nout salt by the half bushel, savage prohibitions of whiskey distillation,\\nimpressments of negroes for fortifications, begging for hospital funds,\\nlists of dead and wounded and diseased soldiers. It was a dolorous\\nand incessant activity. Every heart and every hand were busily at\\nwork, thinking, toiling, straining in the single, overshadowing cause of\\nbrutal war.\\nGov. Brown devoted himself with an herculean and grandlv self-\\nabnegating zeal to the war. A beautiful incident is related of him, that\\ntouches even at this long day, from its occurrence. He went up to his\\nfarm in Cherokee for a day, in March, 1803. A gentleman on officia.\\nbusiness followed him. As he neared the farm, the gentleman overtook\\na large number of wagons and carts, and foot passengers, going the\\nsame way as himself. When he arrived at his destination he found a\\nhost of other vehicles and people, and Gov. Brown in person, engaged\\nat his corn crib in the gratuitous distribution of some four thousand\\ndollars worth of corn and shucks to the poor people of the countv in\\nproportion to the size of their families and their wants. These people\\nreceiving his generous bounty were the families of the soldiers from\\nCherokee county, and he was giving to them every bushel of his sur-\\nplus corn. Said the narrator of this incident:\\nThe sight was a most grateful oue to our traveler, who came back to Atlanta, im-\\npressed with the (loulile couvictioii of Gov. Browu heing not only a good Governor, but\\na good man. Tlie grateful tears which he saw in tlie eves of the good women of Chero-\\nkee who were being made the recipients of Gov. Brown s patriotic lilierality, made an\\nimpression upon liim which he says will be lasting, aud which has tanglit him not to\\nbe chary in his charities iu the future.\\nIt is little to be wondered at that Gov. Brown had gained such a\\nhold upon the masses of the people in that dreadful time. He not\\nonly drove straight to practical success in every measure he urged or\\nattempted, but he gave practical daily evidence of his sympathy with\\nthe wants and sufferings of the unfortunate. He showed the most\\nsubtle perception of the popular wishes, and at the same time he boldly", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0325.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "254 CKS. lee s tribute to gen. T. R. R. COBB.\\nignored the trammels and circumlocution of official red tape. Everv\\ncontroversy he had with any authorit} or power but strengthened liini\\nwith the masses, and was a battle in their interest. In the Camden\\ncounty matter, he was protecting the coast, and the delay and oppo-\\nsition of the General Assembly but magnified his own daring and eay-er\\nreadiness to go to the aid of the alarmed. His fight against conscrip-\\ntion was for the two-fold purpose of vindicating the cherished sover-\\nignty of the State, and assuring to our volunteers a recognition of their\\nrights and manhood. Add to all this, unquestioned championship\\nof the people s wishes and interests, his boldness and common-sense\\ngenius, and then cap the whole with his unsolicited devotion of his\\nmeans to a generous charity, and it would have been a marvel if he had\\nnot clutched the public heart with a resistless grasp.\\nDuring the year 18G2, the Georgia troops suffered very much. Gen-\\nerals Toombs, Lawton, and Ranse Wright were all wounded, and Col.\\nC. A. McDaniel of the 41st Georgia, and Gen. T. R. R. Cobb were\\nkilled. The death of Gen. Cobb was the occasion of the following\\nbeautiful and feeling letter from Gen. Lee.\\nCamp near Fredericksburg,\\nDoc. 18, 1 86-2. S\\nGen. Howell Col)b. Geueral, I beg leave to express ray deep sympathy in your great\\nsorrow. Your noble and gallant brother has met a soldier s death, and God grant that\\nthis army and our country may never be called upon to mourn so great a sacrifice.\\nOf his merits, his lofty intellect, his accomplishments, his professional f.ame, and\\nabove all his Chiistiau character, I need not speak to you who knew him so intimately\\nand well But as a patriot ami soldier death has left a deep gap in the army, which\\nhis military ajuitude and skill render it li.ard to fill. In the battle of Fredericksliurg he\\nwon an immortal fame for himself and liis brig.ade. Hcmr after honr he held his posi-\\ntion in front of onr batteries, while division after division of the enemy was linrled\\nagainst him. He announced the determination. of himself and his men never to le.ave their\\npost until tlie enemy was beaten, and with nnsliakcn coiu age and fortitude he kept his\\npromise.\\nMay God give consolation to his afflicted family, and may the name and fame of the\\nChristian statesman and soldier be cherished as a bright example and holy rememlirance.\\nWith great esteem, your obt. svt.,\\nR. E. LEE.\\nSuch a letter as this from the moderate and pure-souled Lee, using\\nwords so strong, is a crown of honor worth} of all esteem. Consider-\\ning the source and the terms it is as high a panegyric as any man ever\\nwon. Less for its beauty, great as that is, than its inspiration and\\ntruth, should it be valued. The two men, Bartow and Cobb, were a\\nglorious brace of martyrs that Georgia gave to the cause of Southern", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0326.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0327.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0328.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR nROWX AXD HEX IIIl.L. 255\\nliberty, and it was an ominous incidont that these two men, who thus\\ngrandly yet uselessly perished, were the two most representative cham-\\npions and zealous enthusiasts in the Disunion movement. Purer men\\nnever gave up life in any cause.\\nIt was at this time that Hon. Benjamin H. Hill became prominent as\\nthe congressional prop of the Confederate administration. And from\\nthis time on no- man in the Confederate Congress was more potential\\nwith that administration. Georgia, in Mr. Hill, resumed her influence\\nin the direction of the revolution. Closely linked to Jlr. Davis in sym-\\npathy, a constant and devoted personal friend and official adviser,\\nentrusted with frequent and important missions of delicacy, a brilliant\\nand earnest defender and exponent of the Confederate policy, through\\nthe remaining two lurid j^ears of the struggle, Mr. Hill and Mr. Davis\\nstood in a warm cooperation with each other. Georgia could not evade\\nher inevitable destiny of leadership in this war. Mr. Hill came to\\nGeorgia and made to the Legislature a magnificent speech in favor of\\nconscription, and in it he handled Gov. Brown with the gloves off.\\nIt has been curious how interwoven have been the political careers of\\nGovernor Brown and Mr. Hill, sometimes antagonistically, and then in\\na remarkable harmony. When Gov. Brown first ran for Governor it\\nwas Jlr. Hill whose glittering oratory, his homely but magnetic common\\nsense vanquished. It was Mr. Hill s burning utterances that vitalized\\nthe next campaign of Governor Brown, though he was not the figure-\\nhead as before. In Reconstruction days Brown and Hill locked shields\\nin a famous encounter of brains. And to-dav, in warm accord, thev\\nfocalize the celebrity due to two masterful senators of the United\\nStates, splendid complements to each other s rare and most different\\nendowments. In that day of conscription. Hill, representing the Davis\\npolicy, came at Brown with hard blows. Brown struck back as he\\nalways strikes, with vigor. And he rather obtained the advantage of\\nMr. Hill, who made the mistake of giving his argument a personal\\ndirection. The flaw in Mr. Hill s logic was that he voteil against the\\nconscription in Congress, which he was so ably advocating, and Gov.\\nBrown used it unsparingly. No man ever had a keener perception of\\nthe weak places in the armor of his foemen than Gov. Brown, nor\\ndrove the hammer upon the flaws more mercilessly.\\nThe adjournment of the legislature without any action upon con-\\nscription left Gov. Brown uninstructed. He had refused to let his\\nmilitia officers be enrolled as conscripts, the Supreme Court having\\nheld that they were not subject, and the clamor was very boisterous", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0331.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "2o(J GOVERNOR BROWX ORDERS THE MILITIA OFFICERS OUT.\\nThe opposition press rang with abuse of his favoritism to his pets. He\\ntook the storm of abuse with his wonted coolness, and soon gave his\\nabusers a dose of practical punishment that created a lively clatter.\\nGen. Beauregard was commanding the Southern coast. Savannah was\\nthreatened in February, and Gov. Brown was called on for help. It\\nwas a rare inspiration, blending a grim patriotism with a certain rich-\\nflavored humor, that led the Governor to order his whole legion of\\nmilitia officers, from the Generals down to the humblest company rank,\\ninto service at Savannah. The order was perfect in its lively details.\\nIt transformed Major Generals into Captains of companies, turned\\nBrigadiers into Lieutenants and Captains and Lieutenants into pri-\\nvates. If any officers refused to go, their exemption from conscription\\nwas incontinently withdrawn. This novel order commanded immediate\\nservice, and it concluded with these inimitable words:\\nThe liiirh character, intelligence ami military training of the persons of whom this\\nforce will be composed, justifies the e.xpectation entertained hv the Commander-in-\\nChief, that they \\\\vill not only render the State the most effectiye service in this hour of\\ntrial, but that they \\\\yill display an intrepidity of valor upon tlie battle field, wliicli will\\nmake them iuvincil)le, and will satisfy all that injustice has been done the militia officers\\nof Georgia by those who have doubted their willingness to sacrifice their lives, if need\\nbe, in the defense of their State.\\nThis order created a wonderful sensation in the State. Even the\\nopposition press gave m to its felicity and relished and approved it.\\nA grin, so to speak, spread over the State, that added a tinge of\\nrelief to the impending horrors of invasion and the darkness of a really\\ngrave situation. The papers commented upon it spicih and Governor\\nBrown with a stern complacency surveyed the conclusive efifect of his\\nhappy order. Men that had reviled him for shielding favorites from\\nconscription, frankly owned that they were mistaken, and that he had\\nshown that he was actuated by an honest desire to maintain the con-\\nstitutional rights of the State. The Macon Telegraph, a persistent\\nopposer of Gov. Brown, dec!a ed that it was a good conception of his,\\nthat it would give new vigor to the volunteer movement, and that the\\nexample of officers shouldering their guns and taking place in the\\nranks as privates, would stimulate the spirit of self-sacrifice in all\\nclasses. And Mr. Clisby, the editor of that paper, with a fine humor\\nthat belonged to him, gave a vivid account of the effect of the order\\nupon the astounded militia officers. The Confederate authorities had\\nconceded to Gov. Brown the exemption of these militia olBcers from\\nconscription, and they were taken aback at this reduction in rank and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0332.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "TORY TROUBLE IX NOETII-EAST GEORGIA. 257\\nsummary injection into service. They obeyed promptly, however, and\\nreported in Savannah, but the emergency passed and they were sent\\nback home subject to recall if required.\\nAt this time also began trouble in the north-eastern counties of the\\nState, Rabun, Union, Gilmer and adjoining counties, that continued\\nmore or less to the end of the war. At the beginning there was some\\nUnion feeling in that section that threatened formidable resistance to\\nsecession, and which as we have shown, was quieted by Governor\\nBrown s admirable tact. That section in the latter part of 1863 and\\nthe first part of 1863 became the refuge of a band of deserters and\\nUnion sj nipathizers, who organized a rebellion on their own account\\nagainst Confederate authority and the peace of the State. They plun-\\ndered about generally. Gov. Brown issued liis proclamation outlawing\\nthese men, and sent Maj. Gait and Maj. Wynn, commanding detach-\\nments of reserve infantry and cavalry, to break up the mischief. These\\nofficers seized some 50 of the ring leaders, headed by a deserter named\\n.leff Anderson, returned some 200 men directly to their commands, and\\nhustled out fully 2,000 absentees.\\nThe year 1862 ended with one dollar of gold being equal to three and\\nfour of Confederate money. Our Confederate currency was rapidly\\ndepreciating, and patriotic men in vain resisted it. For instance, a\\npublic meeting was held in Macon, presided over by that noble gentle-\\nman and distinguished ex-Judge, Thaddeus G. Holt, to devise means to\\nstrengthen the money of the new nation. Provisions and clothing had\\nnearly quadrupled in value. One of the greatest obstacles that the\\nSouth had to contend against in the war was the speculation that was\\nconstantly made in the staples of life. The General Assembly of\\nGeorgia constantly fought against it. In nothing did Gov. Brown more\\nsignalize himself than in his unsparing warfare against the speculators\\nand extortioners. He stopped at nothing to thwart their infamous\\nschemes and disappoint their subtle calculations. He seized their\\nhoards without mercy, and struck down their nefarious projects.\\n17", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0333.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXYII.\\nTHE INCREASING WAR FEVER OF 1803.\\nThe Average of 1863 against tlie South. Gov. Brown Wislied to Itotirp. Kis Con-\\nscriptiou for Governor Irresi.stilile The Augnsta Constitutionalist Lcatls Off.\\nAn Urgent Letter from some Augusta Gentleman calls Gov. Brown Out Brown s\\nLetter. Josliua Hill ami Timotliy Fnrlow against Brown. A Triangular Fight.\\nForeign Comment. JloJel War Governor. Brown Elected the Fourth Time.\\nConfederate Congressmen.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Legislature of 18G3-4. Its Personelle. Gov.\\nBrown s Clarion Inaugural. His Message. Military Changes. John B. Gordon\\nKising into Fame. Gen. Toomhs. Longstrect s View of Toomhs. Gov. BroWn\\nand Hon. James Scddon. Gov. Brown s Second Memorable Controversy. Gov.\\nBrown and Mr. A. Fullarton, the British Consul. A Spicj- Correspondence. Gov.\\nBrown s Interest in the Soldiers. His Part in the Missionary Mass Meeting and\\nBaptist Convention. Forest s Capture of Speiglit. Tlie Kepnlse by Fort McAl-\\nlister.\\nThe year 1863 was one of increasing war-strain in Georgia. It\\nwas marked by an heroic monotony of sacrifices and service. At short\\nintervals came demands for troops, to which our unconquerable men re-\\nsponded with a gladsome readiness and in every case far beyond the\\ncall. The Federal Government Iient to the conflict with the energy of\\na giant. Congress voted Lincoln five hundred millions of monev, and\\nthree millions of soldiers to whip the fight. On the first of January\\nLincoln issued his famous Emancipation Proclamation. The South\\nmet the colossal storm unquailingly. The year went on in blended vic-\\ntory and disaster, but the average was against us. We lost Tennessee,\\ntiiat luxuriant land of milk and honey, the bounteous paradise of the\\nsoldiers campaigning. Vicksburg fell, and the Confederacy at one\\nstroke was riven into two fragments, split and cleft hopelessly asunder.\\nThe battle of Gettysburg was fought and lost, grandest fight and most\\ndisastrous defeat of the war, and deadly ending of the only formidable\\ninvasion of northern territory made by the South. Stonewall Jackson,\\nthat wonderful warrior, was fatally wounded by our own men and lost\\nto the Confederacy. We won the battle of Chiekamauga, fateful River\\nOF Death, but failing to follow it up, a terribly punished foe rallied\\nand gathered his forces, and the cruel blistering, inexcusable defeat of\\nMissionary Ridge by Gen. Grant, closed the year with our Western", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0334.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "GOVERXOK r.KOWX COXSCRIl TEI) FOR A FOURTH TERJI. 2.j9\\narmy sliattered and demoralized at Dalton, and the bosom of devastation\\nhovering at Chattanooga upon our own beloved State.\\nOur regular biennial election came on this j ear of 1803. The press-\\nure upon Governor Brown had been superhuman. He had been very\\nill once or twice during his term. It was his wish to retire from the\\ngubernatorial chair. But again the people, with a spontaneous and deep-\\nvoiced earnestness, called upon him to serve for a fourth term. It was\\na grand tril)ute to the man and the officer, to the individual, the patriot\\nand the Governor. Desjjite his innumerable conflicts, that bred antago-\\nnisms against him hot and fierce, and many of them implacable, the\\nmasses of the people clamored for him to continue in his great trust.\\nLetters from all parts of the state poured upon him, beseeching him to\\nremain. Journals that had opposed him insisted upon his re-election.\\nDistinguished officers of the army wrote to him to consent to serve.\\nThe movement for his re-election appears to have been started by that\\npowerful paper, the Augusta VonstttutionaUst, which had been almost\\nuniforml} opposed to him. This journal, early in the year, came out in\\na strong editorial and candidly admitted that in a\\nGreat crisis, a time of much peril and excitement, with new revolntionarv phases con-\\ntinually presenting themselves, he has administered affairs with singular wisdom, justice\\nand success, has maintained the character, credit, rights and honor of Georgia and her\\npeople, and aided largely to hring the great struggle in which we are engaged to a suc-\\ncessful and triumphant issue.\\nOn the IGth day of May, 1803, Messrs. George Schley, B. H. Warren,\\n.Tames Gardner and Robt. H. May of Augusta, addressed a letter to\\nGov. Brown asking him to allow his name to be used. They .stated that\\nthey had differed with him on many points of public policy, but appre-\\nciating his honesty of purpose, his adherence to the welfare and charac-\\nter of Georgia, and his devotion to the interest and comfort of our\\nsoldiers, as lovers of our country, they believed they could best promote\\nher cause by merging all past differences in Gov. Brown s re-election.\\nGov. Brown replied on the 31st of May that he would serve if elected.\\nHe said that he had desired the position in time of peace. He had\\nbeen gratified. He could not now decline its responsibilities in time of\\ntrouble. He alluded to the main ground of objection that had been\\nurged against him, that he had opposed the Confederate administration\\non its conscription policy. He had done it conscientiously, under an\\nhonest difference of opinion. He frowned upon any attempt to build\\nup an opposition party to the Confederate administration. He also\\nopposed any reconstruction of the old Union.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0335.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "2G0 liROWX, JOSHUA HILL, AXD T. M. FIRLOW.\\nThere is some interesting secret historj connected with Gov. Brown s\\nfourth candidacy for Governor, that has never been in print. The facts\\nwere furnished by Col. P. Thweatt. Gov. Brown had decided not to\\nrun, and called a meeting of a large number of his friends at the\\nexecutive mansion to whom he announced his purpose. Gov. Brown\\nwished Gen. Toombs to be Governor, and induced Col. Thweatt and\\nother friends to canvass his chances, and after a careful scrutiny it was\\nbelieved that Mr. Toombs trouble with Mr. Davis would prevent his\\nelection. Gov. Brown was very warmly attached to Gen. Toombs, and\\nearnestly desired his election, and reluctantly gave up the idea of his\\ncandidacy. At the meeting of friends, among whom were Col. Thweatt,\\nMr. Seward of Thomas, Mr. Gordon of Chatham, I. R. Foster of Chero-\\nkee and Gen. Wayne, Gov. Brown announced his resolution not to run,\\nand asked them to look about for some one else. It was moved to\\nappoint a committee, and an additional motion was made that Col.\\nThweatt be added to it. Col. Thweatt declined to take any part in the\\nmatter, expressing the opinion, that none of the gentlemen proposed\\ncould be elected, and urging Gov. Brown, if he wished to take care of\\nand sustain his friends, to withdraw his determination and let his friends\\nrun him again. This stopped further action. And Gov. Brown, under\\nthe strong pressure, yielded his inclinations and ran the fourth time.\\nCol. Thweatt says, that until Gen. Toombs assailed Gov. Brown in 1808\\nhe never had a warmer or more devoted friend than Gov. Brown.\\nThis acceptance placed Gov. Brown before the people again. The\\nopposition sought to get out a number of gentlemen. Gen. Gartrell,\\nGen. Colquitt, Judge Cabiniss and Judge Jenkins were all pressed to\\nrun, but declined. Finally the Atlanta Gazttte put out the name of\\nHon. Joshua Hill, and stated authoritatively that he would serve if\\nelected, but that he would not send forth nor deliver any address. The\\nRome Southerner hoisted Mr. Hill s name. The Atlanta Gazette\\nominously expired before the election. A pretty heavy fusillade was\\nmade against Mr. Hill, that he was in favor of a reconstruction of the\\nUnion. Messrs. George W. Adair, Jno. J. Thrasher and James W.\\nCalhoun of Atlanta, addressed him a letter about this charge, to which\\nhe replied denying it, but making no announcement of policy.\\nThe Milledgeville Eecorder put out the name of the Hon. Timothy\\nFurlow, and that gentleman accepted in a letter declaring vigorously for\\nthe support of Mr. Davis and his administration. Thus stood the\\ntriangular contest. It was inspired by a shrewd policy. Mr. Hill was\\nthe representative of the conservative element and the ralljang point for", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0336.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR BROWX EI.KCTED GOVERNOR .THE FOURTH TERM. 2G1\\na decided and growing Union fragment in North Georgia. Mr. Furlow\\nwas a secessionist and an ardent war man, and was expected to divide\\nBrown s support. It was hoped by the opposition that in the spHt of\\nelements the election would be thrown into the legislature, as it was\\nnot believed Gov. Brown could get a majority over both of his compet-\\nitors. Mr. Furlow was a wealthy, liberal gentleman, devoted to the\\nSouthern cause and very popular. The campaign was only tolerably\\nlively. People were too much absorbed in war to take much interest in\\npolitics. The enemy was at the door. The field of conflict was on the\\npoint of transfer to Georgia soil. Civil matters were at a discount in\\nthe turbulence of strife. The jingle of the sabre and the tread of armed\\nmen silenced the ordinary tumult of political agitation. A sort of mild\\ncampaigning was done, but it made little noise. The ch-ead work of\\nrevolution was running its bloody course, and men felt little inclination\\nto vex themselves over civil place. Gov. Brown left his canvass to take\\ncare of itself, and busied himself with preparation for the storm gath-\\nering against Georgia.\\nHow he was impressing impartial minds can be understood from the\\nfollowing opinion of the Mobile Register:\\nWliatever the Georgians may tliiiik of their Governor lie is immensely popular\\naway from home. In his own State he appears to have bitter enemies, auj tills is evi-\\ndence to our mind that he is a man of grit ami not of straw. We look upon Mr.\\nBrown as a model War-Governor a veritable Stonewall Jackson among State E.xecu-\\ntives. For our part we render our sincere thanks to Governor Brown, and\\nwe believe his course meets the general and fullest approbation of tlie country.\\nThe New York Utrdld watched the contest closely and predicted\\nMr. Hill s election. But the ballots told a different tale. There were\\n64,80-1: votes polled, only half a vote, showing the abstraction of the public\\nmind from politics by the war. Governor Brown received 30, .558,\\nJoshua Hill 18,223, and Timothy Furlow 10,024. Gov. Brown had\\n18,330 majority over Hill and 20,534 over Furlow, and he beat both 8,312.\\nThe army vote from seventy-three regiments was 15,223, of which\\nBrown received 10,012, Hill 3,324, and Furlow 1,887; Brown s army\\nmajority over Hill was 6,G88, and over Furlow 8,125, and over both\\n5,801. These figures show how Gov. Brown stood with the fighting\\nmen of the State, and how fully and emphatically the soldiers endorsed\\nhim. The vote also shows the terrible decimation our Georgia regiments\\nhad undergone in the service, testifying eloquently to their manhood.\\nThe following gentlemen were elected to the Confederate Congress:\\nFirst district, Julian Hartridge; second district, W. E. Smith; third", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0337.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "iij2 THE LEGISLATURE OP 1863.\\ndistrict, M. H. Blaiifonl; iourtli district, Clifford Anderson; fifth dis-\\ntrict, J. T. Shewmake; sixth district, H. Echols; seventh district, James\\nM. Smith; eighth district, George N. Lester; ninth district, H. P. Bell;\\ntenth district, Warren Akin.\\nOf these, Wm. E. Smith, H. P. Bell and Julian Ilartridge have been\\nUnited States Congressmen since the war, James M. Smith, Governor\\nof Georgia, and Clifford Anderson is at present Attorney General.\\nIn the Legislature there were some very able men. Among the Sen-\\nators were Thos. E.* Lloyd, the great civil lawyer of Savannah; T. L.\\nGuerry; Phil Cook, since a Congressman; J. H. Pate, now a Judge of\\nthe Superior Court; Gen. A. R. Wright, the brilliant Panse, a Congress-\\nman subsequently; E. H. Pottle, now a Judge; Alex. M. Speer, now a\\nJustice of the Supreme Court; and C. D. McCutchen, recently a Judge\\nof the Superior Court. Among the leading Representatives were Gen.\\nW. S. Holt and Thomas Hardeman of !Macon, the latter an ex-Con-\\ngressman; J. B. Jones, ex-member of Congress; L. N. Trammell, Presi-\\ndent of the Senate since for two terms; Philip M. Russell of Savan-\\nnah; W. F. Wright; R. Hester; Morgan Rawls, a Congressman after\\nthe war; M. Dwinell, a prominent journalist; Gen. R. W. Carswell, now\\na Judge; Jas. M. Russell; J. R. Stewart, now a Judge; Thos. G. Law-\\nson, now a Judge; and B. H. Bigham.\\nThe Hon. Thomas Hardeman was elected Speaker of the House, and\\nHon. A. R. Wright President of the Senate. The fourth inaugural ad-\\ndress of Governor Brown was a remarkably ringing- document, that\\nseemed to have caught the clang of steel from the spirit of the great\\nconflict. It had a single idea in it, put with singular eloquence. It\\nsimply sounded in a clarion voice the manly duty of the hour. Scan-\\nning the vast strug gle, it sped to the State one throbbing idea that we\\nwere in to the death, and must unite and achieve freedom.\\nThe annual message of Governor Brown to this legislature, of Novem-\\nber 1863, was one of the best papers of his executive career. It put the\\nsituation clearly and concisely before the people. It urged some very\\ndecisive measures, the repeal of the substitute law, authority to civil offi-\\ncers to arrest absentees from the army and the increase of the pay of\\nsoldiers. He argued that our soldiers should be clothed and their fam-\\nilies fed by the State whenever it was necessary t(j any amount. The\\nimproper impressment of private projx rty, the right of the State troops\\nto elect their own officers he warmly advocated.\\nThe I^egislature adjourned December 14, l.SOo. It appropriated\\n*.300,000 to the Georgia Relief and Hospital Association; 82,500,000", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0338.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "CONTINUED WAK ENLISTMENTS. 203\\nfor soldiers clothiiiG;; \u00c2\u00a76,000,000 for indigent families of soldiers;\\n$300,000 for salt; 83,000,000 for a military fund; $750,000 for a blockade\\nsteamer. The enrollment of all militia between 16 and 60 years was\\nauthorized, and the Governor empowered to call them out if necessary.\\nResolutions were passed re-affirming the resolutions of the General\\nAssembly of 1861, pledging the state to the fight until peace was\\nestablished upon the basis of Southern independence. A resolution\\nwas also passed accepting battle flags of the 4th, 1-lth, 20th and 20th\\nGeorgia regiments and the 12th Georgia battalion, and several Federal\\nflags captured by the 4th Georgia and Dole s brig-ade.\\nDuring the year 1803 many interesting military matters transpired\\nin Georgia and in connection with Georgia troops. The two regiments\\nof Georgia state troops were organized by the election of E. M. Gait\\nColonel of the 1st regiment, and R. L. Storey Colonel of the 2d. The\\nfollowing infantry regiments also had been organized for Confederate\\nservice:\\n60th Georgia, Colonel \\\\Vm. H. Stiles.\\n61st John H. Lamar.\\n62d J. R. Griffin.\\n63d George A. Gordon.\\n64th Jno. W. Evans.\\n05th Jno. S. Fain.\\nSome light infantry battalions had also been formed. Also the\\nfollowing cavalry regiments:\\n5th Georgia Cavalry, Colonel R. H. Anderson.\\n0th John R. Hart.\\n7th E. C. Anderson, Jr.\\n8th J. L. McAllister.\\n9th J. TaliafeiTO.\\nAlso a second 4th Georgia cavalry under Col. Duncan L. Clinch.\\nMr. Davis had made requisition for 8,000 home guards. Governor\\nBrown called for these troops, and 18,000 offered, demonstrating the\\nready gallantry of our Georgians and the correctness of Gov. Brown s\\nposition that the conscript law was unnecessary in Georgia to raise\\nsoldiers. Mr. Davis would not permit the selection by these commands\\nof their brigade and division officers. Gen. Howell Cobb was made\\nMajor General and assigned to the charge in Georgia. Ho assumed\\ncommand September 14, 1803. Gen. Alfred Iverson, Jr., and Gen.\\nHenry .lackson were reported Brigadiers under him, tlie former at Rome\\nand the latter at Savannah. Gen. Gustavus AV. Smith, who had resin-ned", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0339.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "264 GENERAL TOOMBS RESIGNS.\\nfrom tlie Confederate army, was employed by Gov. Brown in aid of the\\nfortification of tlie state. Col. R. A. Smith of the 4-l:th Georgia, Lt.\\nCol. J. C. ilounger of the 9th Georgia, and Lt. Col. W. T. Harris of the\\n2d Georgia, were killed. A very sad loss to the state was Col. Peyton\\nH. Colquitt of the 4Gth Georgia at Chickainauga, one of the most\\nbrilliant young men in the commonwealth. Col. Wm. Gibson of the\\n48th was badly wounded. It was in April, 18C3, that a Georgia gentle-\\nman was made Brigadier General, who became the most famous and\\nbrilliant soldier the state had in the war. Gen. John B. Gordon.\\nIt was early in this.year that Gen. Toombs resigned. Of this versatile\\ngenius Gen. Longstreet, who arrested him once, said that if he had been\\neducated at a military school in subordination, he would have been as\\nillustrious and successful as a soldier as he was as a statesman, so great\\nwere his natural military abilities. And a curious incident is told which\\nis vouched for by Col. Raphael J. Moses, who was serving under him,\\nthat at one period Gen. Toombs was desired at the same time by Gen.\\nLee and President Davis, one desiring to consult him on a war point,\\nand the other on a matter of civil administration, both important\\naffairs, and he had to hurry from Richmond to the front the same day\\nto fill both momentous advisory lOles. Yet his ungovernable spirit of\\nintractable insubordination to any authority kept him in hot altercation\\nwith his superiors, and resulted in such bitter feeling that he resigned\\nhis coveted stars. His farewell to his brigade was a model of eloquent\\npathos and incisive soldierly ardor. He came home, refused to run for\\nCongress, and started to raise a regiment for the home service.\\nDuring this year, 1863, Gov. Brown had several of his memorable\\ncontroversies that gave him so much celebrity in the Confederacy.\\nIn May, 1863, a correspondence occurred between Gov. Brown and\\nHon. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, in regard to the right of\\nthe Fifty-first regiment of Georgia Volunteers to fill by election, the\\ncolonelcy made vacant by the killing of Colonel Slaughter at Chancel-\\nlorsville. This regiment was one of twelve organized regiments turned\\nover to the President in February, 1862, under requisition of Mr. Davis,\\nand declared by Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of War in 18G2, to be entitled\\nto elect their own officers and have them commissioned by the Gov-\\nernor of Georgia. Gov. Brown claimed, apart from this pledge, that\\nthis regiment came under the clause of the Constitution reserving to\\nthe States the appointment of the olficers. Mr. Seddon claimed that\\nunder the conscription law the President was authorized to appoint the\\nofficers. Gov. Brown argued tliat the conscription law was in conflict", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0340.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "GOV. r.ROMN s COKKESPONDENCE -WITH THE ISEITISU COXSUL. 205\\nvi itli the Constitution, aiul the Constitution must govern. Gov. Brown\\npicad that the principle had been decided on this very question, raised\\nin Col. Benuing s regiment of Gen. Toombs brigade, in favor of the\\nright of the State to commission. Mr. Seddon refused to yield. Gov.\\nBrown concluded his final letter with this thrust:\\nTlie Prcsiileiit has the power in liis owu liauds, aud I am oliliged for the present\\nreluctantly to ac(iuiesce in wliat I consider a great wrong to thousands of gallant\\nGeorgia troops and a palpaOle iufriugement of the rights and sovereignty of the State.\\nI will only add that this letter is intended more as a protest against your decision than\\nas an effort to protract a discussion which it seems can he productive of no practical\\nresults.\\nThere was probably no matter of higher value to our spirited volun-\\nteers than this very privilege of selecting their officers, and the Con-\\nfederate authorities made a great mistake in their policy on this point.\\nWhile it was true, as a general principle, that the ordinary war rules\\nwere founded in a long experience as to regular and professional sol-\\ndiers, our voluntary citizens army was an organization of patriotic\\ngentlemen, inspired by love of country and a blended sentiment of\\nduty and honor. Mr. Davis and Gen. Bragg, both of them, failed to\\ncomprehend the difference. Some of our most skillful fighters and best\\nstrategists were civilians who had not enjoj^ed military education. The\\ngreat bulk of our officers were men untrained in war. Gen. Sidney\\nJohnson and Gen. Lee both appreciated the regime best for the volun-\\nteer. The Legislature endorsed Gov. Brown s views on this subject of\\nelection of officers, and passed a resolution urging them on the Confed-\\nerate Congress.\\nA very spicy correspondence is that between Gov. Brown and Mr. A.\\nFullarton, British consul at Savannah. This was in Jul_y, 18C3, when\\nGov. Brown ordered a draft of, eight thousand men for home defense\\nfrom persons between eighteen and forty-five years, including British\\nsubjects. Mr. Fullarton protested against such service, stating that for\\nmaintaining internal peace and order, British subjects were liable to\\nduty, but not for fighting the United States troops. He claimed that\\nthe United States was not a foreign power in relation to Georgia. Gov.\\nBrown replied, refusing to exempt British subjects from such duty or\\nmodify liis order. The United States was a foreign nation at war with\\nGeorgia. If the British subjects did not wish to incur the burdens of\\nliving in Georgia they could leave. Mr. Fullarton replied that while\\nadvising British subjects to do police or patrol duty, he counseled them\\nif they were required to leave their homes or meet the L^nited States\\nforces in actual conflict, to throw down their arms and refuse to render", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0341.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "2GG REMARKABLE STATISTICS.\\nthe service, which violated their ncutralitj He claimed that Gov.\\nBrown s course was in contrast with the practice of the United States\\nGovernment and other Southern Governors. Gov. Brown replied tliat\\nwhile Her Majesty s subjects lived in Georgia they must perform the\\nduties imposed upon them by the law of nations. The Governor put\\nin a home stroke by saying- that if Fullarton really thought the United\\nStates was not a foreign power hostile to Georgia, he should have\\nappealed for protection to British subjects resident in this State, to the\\ngovernment in Washington, and not to the Governor of Georgia. He\\nadded that if Her Majesty s subjects should act on Mr. FuUarton s\\nadvice and tlirow down their arms on the approach of danger, and thus\\nbe guilty of the unnatural and unmanly conduct of refusing to defend\\ntheir domiciles, they would be promptly dealt with as citizens of this\\nState would be committing such dishonorable delinquency. As to\\nthe United States exempting British subjects, as it had by the use\\nof money drawn large numbers of recruits from the dominions of Her\\nMajesty, in violation of the laws of the realm, it may well afford to\\naffect a pretended liberality which costs it neither sacrifice nor incon-\\nvenience. Mr. Fullarton gave up the contest, and there is no report of\\nany hardship being suffered.\\nIn all subjects pertaining to the welfare of the soldiers, Gov. Brown\\nnot only took a deep interest, but did an active part. A Missionary\\nmass meeting M as held in Griffin, April 2G, 18G3, Rev. Dr. Mell pre-\\nsiding, the object of which was christian ministrations among our sol-\\ndiers in the field. Gov. Brown attended and made an earnest speech\\nfor this noble cause, and gave a liandsome donation to army colportage\\nfor the dissemination of religious reading among the troops. In the\\nBaptist Biennial Convention at Augusta, May 11, 18G3, resolutions\\nof Dr. Broadus were reported, rendering- hearty support to the Con-\\nfederate government and paying tribute to Stonewall Jackson. Rev.\\nDr. Boyce, of South Carolina, opposed these resolutions as covering po-\\nlitical ground. Gov. Brown made a speech of great power and fervor\\nin support of them, and they were unanimously passed. In September,\\n18G3, a dinner was given by the Atlanta ladies to the paroled Vicks-\\nburg prisoners. Gov. Brown was the orator of the occasion, and made\\na most effective and patriotic speech.\\nThere are some remarkable statistics for this year. Confederate\\nmoney fell in value until from 4 to l.in 18G -J, it became 21 to 1 in gold\\nin 1863. The property of the state swelled in figures, from $578,352,-\\n2G2, in 18G2, to \u00c2\u00a7991,59G,583, in 18G3. Polls decreased in number from", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0342.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "GEORGIA THE HEA\\\\ IE.ST LOSEK OF MEN 207\\n91,503 to 00,108. The State road paid in to the treasury, $1,050,000.\\nThe jJiibHc debt had grown to $14,1-19, -110. The Bank capital of the\\nState had enhanced to $70,713,048. An income tax had been imposed\\nwliich showed $15,737,479 of profits on business in the state, yielding a\\ntax of $08.3,235. But the most striking and honorable statistical fact\\nplacing Georgia in a position of unequaled distinction for the jiatriot-\\nism and valpr of its people, and its guiding agency in the war, was her\\ngreater loss of soldiers than any other Southern State. The Second\\nAuditor at Richmond, published the following statement of soldiers\\ndeaths to December 31, 1803: Georgia, 9,504; Alabama, 8,987; North\\nCarolina, 8,201; Texas, 0,377; Virginia, 5,943; Mississippi, 5,307; South\\nCarolina, 4,511; Louisiana, 3,039; Tennessee, 2,849; Arkansas, 1,948;\\nFlorida, 1,119.\\nIt was during this year that two small but most conspicuously brill-\\niant military exploits took place on Georgia soil, the fame of which a\\njust and appreciative history will not permit to die. The raid of Streiglit\\nthe Federal cavalryman into Georgia, wdth a splendid band of 1,800 dar-\\ning and thorougiily equipped troopers was thwarted, and the whole\\ncommand captured at Rome by the unparalleled Forrest with but 000\\nmen. Following them night and day, assaulting- them at every stand,\\nhe finally compelled a surrender at the very threshold of the picturesque\\nlittle mountain city, and saved the state some dreadful devastation.\\nThe other equally historic and glorious incident was the repulse of a\\nfleet of seven Federal monitors and gunships by the intrepid little gar-\\nrison of Fort McAllister, at the mouth of the Ogeechee river on the\\nGeorgia coast, in March, 1803, under command of Capt. Geo. W. Ander-\\nson. Major John B. Gallie, the commandant, was killed at the begin-\\nning of the engagement. This was the seventh attempt that had been\\nmade to take this Fort, a simple earthwork with sand parapets, all of\\nwhich had failed. This was the last and crowning effort. The garrison\\nresisted an eight hours desperate bombardment with guns, throwing as\\nlarge as 15-incli shot and shell, and finally drove off the attacking ex-\\npedition crippled and whipped. The papers rang with the splendid\\nachievement, and the General commanding complimented it in a general\\norder, directing the garrison to inscribe on their flags, Fort McAllister,\\nMarch 3rd, 1803.\\nThe history of war may be searched in vain to find two more heroic\\nand dauntless achievements than these matchless instances of skill and\\nvalor. They were unsurpassable exhibitions of chivalric courage and\\nsublime patriotism.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0343.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXVIII.\\nTHE FIRST HALF OF THE MOST THRILLING YEAR OF\\nGEORGIA ANNALS, 18G4.\\nGeorgia becomes the Cruci.il Battle Ground of the War. Virginia and Georgia.\\nGeorgia the Hope of the Confederacy. Gov. Brown Convenes the Legislature.\\nHis Great Message. A Document that Vivified the Confederacy. Extraordinary\\nPress Comment. Tlie Focal Southern Governor. It Evokes, also, Savage Censure.\\nLinton Stephens Hesolutious .and Menioraljle Speech on Got. Brown s Line. Gov.\\nBrown Endorsed. The Repeal of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Recommended.\\nAlec Stephens Strong Speech. Protest against the Resolutions. Linton Stephens\\nFamous Adjustment Resolutions. Gov. Brown s Fi.xedness. Special Message that\\nthe Legislature must act or he would Re-couvcne it Immediately. The Grapple of\\nJoe Johnston and Sherman. Resaca. Tanners Ferry. The Anguish of Leaving\\nHomes to the Enemy.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Cassville. New Hope Church. The Dead Lock. Keune-\\nsaw and its Twenty-three Savage Days of Fight. Over tlie Chattahoochee. Joe\\nJohnston Removed, and the End Begun. Tlie Protest against Removal. Davis\\nMisgivings The Anomaly of Johnston s Career. Georgia Adhering to her Fate\\nof Supreme Agency in the War.\\nThe year 1804 was a vivid and memorable one .in Georgia annals, the\\nmost dramatic, thrilling- and eventful in her century and a Jialf of\\naugust history. From the first to the last week of this fateful twelve\\nmonths there was a continued succession of throbbing and vital incidents\\nthat involved the fate of the Confederacy and the destiny of the conti-\\nnent. The State became the crucial point of the war, the decisive\\nbattle ground of the conflict, in strange pursuance of that mysterious\\nfortune that seemed to make her the foremost instrumentality of the\\nrevolution. Both in civil and soldierly matters she was the scene,\\nduring this salient year, of controlling occurrences that shaped and\\nsettled the struggle. With the result of events in Georgia in ISCithe\\nwar was practically ended. The conclusion was clearly in sight from\\nthe smitten and smouldering wreck of our noble State ravaged, battle-\\ncharred and desolated out of recognition. The bloody swath through\\nthis State of four liundred miles, from the Tennessee line to the ocean\\nborder, quartering the Confederacy, and destroying the Confederate\\nbase of supplies, left the Southern cause crushed, quivering and doomed.\\nThe Georgi(i campaign made the Virginia campaign simply a question\\nof time, after wiiich the end was at hand, close, final, deadly.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0344.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "GEORGI.V. THE HOPE OF THE CONFEDERACY. 2G9\\nThe difference between Viro-inia and Georgia, in their relative situa-\\ntions and importance in the anatomy of the revolution, was very striking.\\nVirginia was a gate- way on the border. Georgia was the very vitals of\\nthe Confederacy. When Vicksburg fell it was a gloomy halving of the\\nyoung republic of the South. Georgia became the heart of the cause.\\nThis State was the main source of grain supplies. It was also the chief\\nmanufactory of military stores, Atlanta being the grand center of\\nproduction and distribution. Back in the supposed interior point of\\nsafety, the thousands of Federal prisoners in our hands, held under a\\nFederal policy of non-exchange, were huddled at the famous Anderson-\\nville stockades in South-Western Georgia. But the living, dominant\\nspark of Confederate existence and power lay in the grand army, one\\nof the two that propped up the super-incumbent and massive yet\\ntottering cause of Southern nationality. This army reposed on Georgia\\nsoil, gathering its wounded energies for the last, conclusive, desperate\\nordeal.\\nt\\nThe war was at length focalized in Virginia and Georgia, and the crucial\\npoint was Georgia. The loss of Georgia was not only the destruction\\nof one army, but it was the cutting o\u00c2\u00a3E the source of subsistence and\\nmunitions for the other army, and therefore the more important prize.\\nThe operations everywhere save at these points were about ended. The\\nMississippi Valley was practically gone, Tennessee, Missouri and Ken-\\ntucky were riveted, beyond hope, back to the Union, and in the other\\nstates resistance was barren. The unspeakable importance of the cam-\\npaign in Georgia can be imagined, alnd the vital value of the Southern\\narmy here in that vivid year can be but faintly estimated.\\nThe hope of the Confederacy rested upon th e commonwealth of\\nGeorgia, and the year 1864 records the most romantic, sustained and\\nversatile passage of arms on a large scale with the mightiest results\\nknown to modern history. As the year 1863 broke in gloom, so the\\nyear ISC-i began for the South in the same darkness. After the bat-\\ntle of Missionary Ridge our army lay crushed at Dalton. Bragg was\\nforced by public opinion to yield its leadership. Gen. Hardee took\\ntemporary command, but in the grand spirit of patriotism, as morally\\nheroic as it was unexampled, he declined the permanent generalship.\\nThat incomparable organizer, Gen. Joe Johnston, was placed over the\\nshattered force, and the work of rehabilitation proceeded thoroughly\\nunder his superb direction. The Federal head-quarters were at Chatta-\\nnooga, and a magnificent army was organized there, ready when the\\ntugging leash was slij)pcd to precipitate upon the devoted soil of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0345.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "370 WARM COMIM.I5IEXTS TO COVKIIXOU nnOW.V.\\nGeorgia tlio glory and tlie woe of tliis last trial of the stupendous\\nrevoliftion.\\nThe wliole country pulsed with the thrill of the impending storm.\\nThe authorities at Riehmond and Washington looked with equal and\\nfierce anxiety to the clash. The South gazed in breathless suspense.\\nThe people of Georgia braced tlieir unquailing and intrejjid energies\\nfor the encounter, and their dauntless Executive, composed and self-\\nreliant, masterfitlly met the emergency with every reso;u-ce of a power-\\nful state and every sjinpathy of its gallant citizens. Gov. Brown called\\nthe legislature together to convene Thursday, the 10th of March, 18G4.\\nHe sent in to that bod} the best message of his Executive career. It\\nwas a genuine inspiration. He incarnated in its glowing sentences the\\ncentral idea of constitutional government and the very genius of South-\\nern heroism. It fell upon the Confederacy with the vivifying potency\\nof a blended .slogan of battle and of law. From every part of the Con-\\nfederacy came back the ans\\\\vering echo of encomium and approval.\\nSaid the Selma (Ala.) Reporter, From the sea of blood whose fell\\nwaves threaten to sweep away the guerdons that encircle the Ark of\\nour Covenant of Freedom, there rises, in the person of Joseph E. Brown\\nof Georgia, a nucleus around which a summoned resistance will aggre-\\ngate which it were madness to oppose.\\nSaid tlie J/ississippiaii The country, the People are with Gov.\\nBrown in sentiment. Wo hear it on steamboats, in cars, in hotels, in\\n])rivate and public circles. Said the Charleston Jfercrri/ Our sym-\\npathies are in unison with the whole course of Governor Brown s argu-\\nment. Said the Petersburg Express: The Governor of Georgia is\\ndevoted heart and soiil to the cause of the South. Said the Memphis\\nAppeal: Such action by the Sovereign States is at this time needed\\nto prevent usurpation, centralization of power, and preserve intact the\\npersonal libertj^ guaranteed to us.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2These extracts, taken at random from the mass of contemporaneous\\nexpression of opinion out of the State, will give an idea of Gov-\\nernor Brown s prominence in the South, and how he loomed above the\\nwhole file of Southern Governors in that animated day. His influence\\nwent out beyond state bounds. He was the acknowledged leader and\\nexponent of the large element of citizens in his way of thinking. In\\nthe State the majority of the press was against him, as curiously\\nenough it has lieen during the greater portion of Gov. Brown s long\\nand successful public career. But he received from a powerful minority\\nof the State press some striking commendation ujion his message.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0346.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR brown s WAR MESSAGE. 271\\nThe Columbus Sini, Augusta Chronicle, Atlanta Intelligencer, Atlanta\\nConfederacy, and Milledgeville Union all endorsed the Governor in\\nstrong terms.\\nThe message covers forty-five pages of the journals of the General\\nAssembly, and a perusal of its burning sentences and unanswerable\\narguments will explain the profound sensation it created over the\\nSouth. The message recommended some additional war measures, and\\nthen entered into a fervid, powerful discussion of two great subjects.\\nOne was the passage by the Confederate Congress of an enlarged con-\\nscription act, enrolling citizens from 17 to 50 years of age, and of an\\nact suspending the writ of Jtaheas corpus. The other subject was the\\nprinciple involved in the war, and the conduct of the struggle by the\\nNorth. These two vital and gigantic public themes were tieated vnth\\na vigor and exhaustiveness, with an ability and energy, that could not\\nbe surpassed, and the overmastering document fell upon the public\\nmind with tremendous effect. Some parts of this stern, dominant\\npaper are magnificent expressions of sentiment and thought clothed in\\nlofty language. There pervades the whole document a sublimated\\nspirit, born of the extraordinary times, and as exalted as the majestic\\nsubjects discussed. There was a high and sustained power in it that\\nshowed a wonderful ability wrought up to a sublime exercise of its\\nstrength. The seeming ly extravagant encomiums of the press out of\\nthe state given before will demonstrate how able minds regarded this\\nremarkable state paper. It was at once a logical protest against cen-\\ntralized despotism in friend and foe, and a masterful plea for the sanctity\\nof our cause.\\nLooking at the message, with its ability proportioned to the subject,\\nand this is saying much, it was a rare exhibition of discernment and\\ncourage, a profound and philosophical discussion of the principles of\\nconstitutional liberty and a bold, timely admonition of statesmanship.\\nAn Alabama paper voiced the public estimate in these strong words:\\nIt is a majestic pyramid of imprejriialile f.acts, built with the skill of a scholar\\nanil a logician a pyramid whose base is as broad as the sovereignty of the states, with\\nan apex as lofty as the ambition of all lovers of constitutional freedom. It is an epitome\\nof the war in its vit.il aspects, and luminous with a grasp of practical statesmanship\\nadequate to the salvation of the Confederacy, provided its admonitions and teachings\\nfind a lodgment in the popular mind at the South.\\nPerhaps the most vaUuiliIe personal tribute to this message was the\\none paid by Gen. Toombs, who wrote to Gov. Brown a characteristic\\nand lengthy letter, presenting some additional arguments in its sup-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0347.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "273 LiXTOX sTErnExs great srEEcii.\\nport. In this letter lie tendered Gov. Brown his sincere thanks for\\nthe ability, firmness and success with which you have supported the\\ncause of personal liberty. And he went on with these strong words:\\nAmong; your m.iny and well-merited claims upon the confidence and gratitude of the\\npeople of Georgia and of the whole Confederacy for your groat, valuable and unwearied\\nservices in the cause of Soutliern liberty, none rank higher or endure longer than\\nthis nolile defense of the most valuable of all human rights.\\nThe message also elicited some very harsh and opposing criticism,\\nand there was a warm diversity of opinion upon the policy of question-\\ning the acts of the Confederate authorities in the desperate pressure of\\nthe conflict. Some very hard names were applied to Gov. Brown, dis-\\norganizer, madman, marplot, etc. Hon. Linton Stephens intro-\\nduced resolutions enforcing Gov. Brown s vievrs. The debate was\\nable and earnest. Outside gentlemen made speeches at night. Howell\\nCobb, A. H. Kenan and Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar of Mississippi made\\nstrong, eloquent addresses in support of the Acts of the Confederate\\nadministration. Alexander H. Stephens delivered a lengthy and elab-\\norate speech upon the line of Gov. Brown s message. Linton Stephens\\nmade perhaps the strongest speech on the subject an enunciation of\\ngreat power and intensity, in which he uttered with nervous fire the\\nmemorable and ringing expression, I am for the cause and not for\\nDYNASTIES The Augusta Chronicle is responsible for the statement\\nthat the lobby of the Legislature was filled with prominent administra-\\ntion officials opposing Gov. Brown s policy. The resolutions passed by\\na majority of three in the House and eight in tlie Senate. They\\ndeclared the act of Congress suspending Afli^fM corpus unconstitutional,\\nrecommended repeal by the next Congress and obedience to the act\\nuntil repealed. A protest was entered against these resolutions, signed\\nby 43 members, among them Thos. G. Lawson, M. Dwinell, J. D. Mat-\\nthews, Thos. Hardeman, Jr., D. P. Hill, W. S. Holt, W. O. Fleming\\nand others. The protest was based upon the ground that the law\\nshould be acquiesced in until decided unconstitutional by the courts.\\nGeorgia thus led off in the protest against this infringement upon\\nliberty, and took the initiative as the honored sentinel, in the language\\nof Alex. Stephens, to preserve Constitutional liberty and independence\\nas objects co-ordinate, co-existent, co-equal, co-eval and forever insep-\\narable.\\nNor was this action without practical and solid results. The states\\nof Alabama, North Carolina and Mississippi, the home of Mr. Davis,\\nfollowed Georgia and Gov. Brown in tliis vital matter and protested", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0348.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "THE FAMOUS GEORGIA PEACE RESOLl TIOXS. l .J\\nagainst the suspension of habeas corpus. But this was not all. The\\nsecond Confederate Congress after a powerful, exhaustive and heated\\ndiscussion refused to continue the suspension though Mr. Davis insisted\\nupon it. It was a signal triumpli of the Georgia policy inspired by\\nGovernor Brown.\\nA resolution was also passed expressing unabated confidence in Mr.\\nDavis. Another very celebrated action of Georgia through her General\\nAssembly at this time was the passage of some resolutions, also the\\nwork of Linton Stephens, declaring the ground on which the Confed-\\nerate States stood in the war, and the terms on which peace ought to be\\noffered to the enemy. These resolutions have become famous, and\\nstand as a monument of that governing statesmanship that during the\\nrevolution Georgia so supremely and without rivalry exercised. The\\nresolutions declared the object of good government and the right of the\\npeople to alter government to secure those objects; that the Declaration\\nof Independence was the outcome of this principle; that Georgia was\\nsuch a nationality as was entitled to exercise the full right of self-gov-\\nernment; the causes of separation and a justification of secession; the\\nvindication of secession by the subsequent policy of Mr. Lincoln,\\nespecially the proposition to establish governments in the seceded states\\nif one-tenth of them were loyal to the North; that an honorable close\\nof the war was highly desirable, and to put an end to the unnatural,\\nunchristian and savage work of carnage and havoc, the Confederate\\ngovernment, after signal successes of arms, should officially tender peace\\non the great principles of 17T6, allowing the border states to make free\\nchoice of future associations; that the effect of such a course would be*\\nsalutary upon the foe and upon our soldiers and people; but renewing\\npledges of the prosecution of the war, defensive on our part, until an\\nhonorable peace was obtained and the independence and nationality of\\nthe Confederate States established upon a permanent and enduring\\nbasis.\\nAn incident illustrating Gov. Brown s fixedness of purpose was this:\\nThe legislature passed a resolution to adjourn on the 19th of March,\\n18G4, at 13 o clock m., without acting on the Habeas Corpus and other\\nmatters. The morninor of the 19th Gov. Brown sent in a message noti-\\nfying the General Assembly that unless the great questions requiring\\naction were finally settled in some way, he should convene the body in\\nextra session on the 21st. The session was prolonged until night and\\naction taken. Among the acts passed by this General Assembly, of an\\naggressive war character, was a law allowing loyal Southern females in\\n18", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0349.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "274 JOIIXSTOS S FAMOl S RETREAT BEGIXS.\\nGeorgia to secure total divorces from liusbands in the military service\\nof the United States, or voluntarily in the lines of the enemy furnishing\\nthem aid and comfort. Tho battle flags of the 10th and 50th Georgia\\nRegiments wore placed in the archives. The Georgia troops whose\\ntime had expired had generally re-enlisted and resolutions of compli-\\nment were passed.\\nOn the -Ith day of May, 1804, began the great Georgia campaign\\nthat ultimately ended in the downfall of the Confederacy. Gen. Joe\\nJohnston had in the interval between the 37th day of December, 1863,\\nand May, 18G1, brought up the army to the highest point of efficiency\\nfrom its sadly disorganized condition after the calamitous defeat of\\nMissionary Ridge. His force was 42,850. Gen. William T. Sherman,\\ncommanding the Federal army, had 98,797 and 254 cannon; or more\\nthan double Johnston s army. It is to be doubted if there was ever in\\nmilitary annals a more consummately conducted campaign. It was a\\ngame of chess between masters. It was a grapple of giants. It was a\\njoust of arms of unsurpassed skill between two warriors who exhibited\\neach the highest art of warfare. Both wero wary, adroit, sagacious\\nstrategists, and both were bold fighters. Johnston s policy was to pre-\\nserve his precious army at the sacrifice of territory, draw Sherman\\naway from his base of supplies, and give battle, only where he had\\nthe chance of success, and- where defeat to Sherman would be most\\ndisastrous.\\nThe writer was with Johnston during a large portion of the retreat,\\ncommanding cavalry, and participating in the actions until wounded at the\\nbattle of New Hope Church. He therefore knows practically the man-\\nagement of the campaign by Johnston. It was a faultless demonstra-\\ntion of soldierly genius. The fighting was continuous. Johnston fought\\nunder shelter of entrenchments, preserving life to the utmost extent,\\nadministering all the punishment possible, and when flanked, leisurely\\nfalling back without the loss of a gun or canteen or wheel-spoke, his\\narmy intact, deliberate and orderly as on parade. There were no sur-\\nprises, no discomfitures, no disorders. The men were troubled at\\ngiving up their homes to the enemy. But their confidence in Johnston\\nnever abated.\\nSherman s policy was to precipitate a great battle and crush Johnston\\nat one blow. Failing in this, he shied around the strong fronts and\\ncompelled Johnston s retirement. The two captains both showed a\\nmarvelous subtlety in penetrating each other s adroit designs. Between\\nDalton and Ringgold where the two armies confronted each other, lay", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0350.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "LtIl iN Ji-rv/vij", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0353.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0354.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "TANNER S rEr.RY COMPELS KESACA OIVEN UP. 2,0\\nRocky Face Jlountaiii with Johnston impregnably settled against direct\\nattack. Making a vigorous show of assault on the front with Schofield s\\nand Thomas armies, Sherman sent McPherson s army through Snnke\\nCreek Gap on the left, to Resaca, eighteen miles below Dalton on the\\nState road. Johnston had seen the trap and made Resaca too strong\\nfor assault, and the catch failed. Johnston quietly gave up Dalton and\\nconcentrated his army around Resaca.\\nTlie town of Calhoun is six miles below Resaca. At Calhoun was\\nJohnston s base and reserves. The Oostanaula river runs by Calhoun\\ndown to within a mile of Calhoun, when it turns and goes in the\\ndirection of Rome. At Tanner s Ferry, two and one-half miles, a near\\npoint of the bend to Calhoun, Col. I. W. Avery of the 4th Georgia\\nCavalry was stationed with a brigade of cavalry and a battery of artil-\\nlery defending two miles of the river. A mile behind him was Gen.\\nJohn T. Morgan s brigade of cavalry in reserve, and at Calhoun Gen.\\nW. H. T. Walker s division of infantry, both of which commands he\\nwas directed to call upon if too heavily pressed. On the afternoon of\\nthe l-lth of May, 18G4, Sherman made a general attack on Johnston s\\narmy at Resaca, and simultaneously threw a heavy force at Tanner s\\nFerry to drive a crossing. Col. Avery s brigade, extending along two\\nmiles of river, presented a thin line of defense. Immediate dispatches\\nwere sent both to Gen. Morgan and Gen. Walker of the attack, and a\\nmost stubborn resistance was made, but the crossing was forced after\\nseveral hours fighting, in which one half of the brigade was destroyed.\\nGen. Morgan arrived a short while after the enemy were over, and after\\ndark Gen. Walker arrived. The Federals entrenched and strangely\\ndelayed to move upon Calhoun, to which they were three and one-half\\nmiles nearer than Johnston s main army at Resaca. The next morning.\\nGen. Walker, deceived by the enemy s quiet, and against the opinion\\nof the cavalry officers in front, dispatched Gen. Johnston that the\\nreport of the passage of the Oostanaula was unfounded, and caused a\\nchange of plan. Gen. Walker then threw Gen. .Jackson s brigade of infan-\\ntry against the cjuict enemy and met with a quick and bloody repulse,\\nand immediately notified the army commander. That night Gen. John-\\nston retired from Resaca, having repulsed the Federals with a loss to\\nthem of 5,000 men, while his own was inconsiderable.\\nOn the morning of the IGth, Gen. Hardee rode out to the Picket line\\nwhere Col. Avery was, and after a close inspection of the enemy s\\nlines, came to the conclusion from the inactivity that no movement was\\nthreatening. In five minutes after he left, there was an advance sweep-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0355.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "27G soi-DiERS aiviXG up iiojies to the foe.\\ning the cavalry back, and a lively brush occurred between Hardee and\\nMt Pherson. Johnston fell baek to Cassville. Rome was abandoned to\\ntlie Federals. At Cassville, Johnston determined to give battle. It was\\na very strong position for us. The men were burning to fight. The\\nwriter remembers well the afternoon of the 19th of May, 1804, reading\\nJohnston s ringing battle order a model of terse, fiery rhetoric to his\\nbrigade in the falling twilight, in an old field environed by solemn\\nwoods. The men called for a speech, and in common with others, the\\nwriter made a few words of deep-felt appeal from a convenient stump.\\nThe delight of these grim soldiers at the prospect of fighting for their\\nbeloved homes was inspiring. The writer s command was composed\\nmostly of men from the section we were giving up, and in retreating\\nthey were leaving their wives and children behind them to the ruthless\\nmercies of the foe. It is such a test as this that tries brave men to the\\nvery depths. None can understand the anguish of such a retreat, save\\nthose who have undergone it. Death almost were preferable to an or-\\ndeal so full of agony of soul and wretched dread for loved ones. This\\nwas bringing home to soldiers the last and worst horror of the bligliting\\nwar. And when it was announced that a stand was to be taken and the\\nbattle fought, there was such a thrill of joy pulsing the hearts of these\\nbrave patriots as gave stern token of the unconquerable fight they\\nwould have made. Men were never more earnest, and they would\\nhave never yielded that field. But the battle purpose was unwisely re-\\nlinquished by Gen. Johnston, and the golden opportunity of the cam-\\npaign was lost against his decided judgment. Gen. Johnston afterward\\ntraveled with the writer in the fall of 1SG4, from Macon to Charlotte,\\nand said that the battle was renounced by him at the urgent entreaty of\\nGenerals Hood and Polk, two of his corps commanders, who said they\\ncould not hold their positions; while Gen. Hardee, the other corps com-\\nmander, who had the weakest place in the line, declared his ability to\\nmaintain his ground. Gen. Johnston himself, said he regarded it as the\\nloss of the best chance of the retreat, and that he had always regretted\\nthat he did not give battle then. He apprehended, however, that Hood\\nand Polk would not fight with zeal if they did it in fear of defeat, so he\\nyielded to them. The army was discouraged at not fighting this battle,\\nbut soon recovered, and it shows their stern sense of duty and sturdy\\npatriotism, that they remained in the ranks, though they were leaving\\ntheir homes in the hands of the enemy.\\nSherman, presuming that Johnston would utilize the Allatoona Pass\\nfor a stand, made another flank movement for Dallas. The sleepless", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0356.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "THE NEW HOPE CHURCH BATTLE. ^77\\nJohnston cletecteil the now step and quietly interposed Iiis army at New\\nHope Cluirch. Here was a desperate bout, furious and bloody, in\\nwhich Sherman was frightfully punished. Early he made an effort to\\nturn our right and get in between Johnston and the railroad. This was\\nthe afternoon of the 2Gtli of May, 1804. Col. Avery was thrown at the\\ndouble quick with a part of the 4th Georgia Cavalry to check the\\nmovement until troops could get up to thwart it. Gen. Johnston in his\\nNarrative says of this perilous attempt upon his flank, Although\\ndesperately wounded in the onset, Col. Avery, supported in his saddle\\nby a soldier, continued to command, and maintained the contest until\\nthe arrival of forces capable of holding the ground. Major Sidney\\nHerbert, the capable and careful correspondent of that powerful paper,\\nthe Savannah News, writing in ISTS the particulars of a conversation\\nwith Gen. Johnston, reported him as making this additional statement\\nabout this most dangerous and nearly successful effort of a corps of the\\nenemy to cut him from his base, an effort prevented in a manner show-\\ning the value of moments and of the determined resistance of even a\\nsmall force against a large one at the opportune time: Finding him-\\nself confronted by the advance guard of several divisions of Federal\\ntroops. Col. Avery saw that it was hopeless to contend against such\\nodds, yet a stern sense of duty made it plain to him that he must resist\\ntheir advance until the Confederate forces could have time to place\\nthemselves in action. Under these circumstances, and impelled by tins\\nstrong sense of duty, he fought against overwhelming numbers and\\nwith bloody results, until the needed reinforcements came up. His\\nrare personal courage inspired his brave soldiers. Although severely\\nwounded, he remained in his saddle supported by a soldier, and thus ac-\\ncomplished, under great physical suffering, his grand self-imposed task\\nfor duty s sake. From this time to the 4th day of June the two armies\\nlay in a dead-lock, fighting daily. Every effort made by Sherman to\\ntrip his adversary was abortive. Every assault was bloodily repulsed.\\nSherman began to flank again, this time moving to the right of\\nJohnston, and the two vast gladiators faced each other, Sherman near\\nAcworth, and Johnston near Marietta. Johnston manned a line of emi-\\nnences, of which Pine Mountain in the center. Lost Mountain on his\\nleft, and Memorable Kennesaw Mountain on his right composed the ob-\\nstructive trio. Rested, reinforced, provisioned, Sherman determined to\\nbreak the cordon if possible by force, and on the 9th of June, 1864, he\\ncommenced. The history of war reveals lio such battle. Until the 3rd\\nday of July, twenty-three savage days, he battered away with his ponder-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0357.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "278 THE DESPEEATE TWENTY-THREE DAYS BATTLE.\\nous human mallet to break down and through the interposing wall of flesh\\nand steel. It was one incessant straining battle, lulling occasionally to\\na hot skirmish, and then blazing into a deadly struggle. Hood had the\\nright, Hardee the left, and Polk the center. McPherson confronted\\nHood, Schofield faced Hardee, and Thomas grappled with Polk. On\\nthe l-itli of June the Bishop-soldier Polk yielded his sacred life. Sher-\\nman pushed the mortal game with a grand tenacity. Pine Mountain\\nwas first abandoned, and then Lost Mountain was sullenly relinquished,\\nand Johnston contracting his line presented a stronger chain of obstacles\\nthan ever, while Sherman had spent men in vain with a prodigal thrift-\\nlessness. For the first time Johnston threw Hood against the enemy s\\nright in a crisp tentative reconnoisance, but it was done with a repulse\\nand a loss. On the 27th of .Tune Sherman made his crucial drive, and\\na mad, terrific clash it was, Thomas and McPherson with three-fourths\\nof the Federal army striking Hardee and Loring-, who had succeeded the\\nnoble Polk. The Federal line, with a desperate courage unsurpassed\\nanywhere, rolled against Johnston s entrenched ranks, but it recoiled,\\nsmitten and shattered, in crumbling, bloody fragments, with the loss of\\nthousands. Sherman was satisfied with a direct march upon our army\\nfor over three straight crimson weeks, and he returned to his tactical\\nwaltzing. He shot McPhorson s army for the Chattahoochee on the\\nright, and back slid the undeceivable Johnston out of the strategic trap,\\nand after a number of days of lively snapping, on the 9th of July, 1864,\\nhe crossed the Chattahoochee with his army as solid as a packed cotton\\nbale, and North Georgia, reposing in Sherman s grim clutch, helpless and\\nmiserable.\\nBoth armies went to sponging off for the next grapple. For two\\nweeks they rested. It is always wise to heed a foe. The following\\npregnant and impressive sentences so aptly tell the truth that quoting\\nthem is an irresistible temptation. They are from Swinton s famous\\nBook.\\nIn the Latter days of the Confederacy, the grim fatality which from the outset had\\nwalked with it, side by side, along its destined course, silent aud unseen, seemed to\\nthrow off, at length, the cloak of invisibility, to stab it boldly with mortal blows. While\\nin the enthusiasm of the contest, it seemed liardly fanciful to declare that fate itself,\\nshadowing the Confederacy so long through successes, with unsuspected presence, at\\nlength revealed its sardonic figure in tlie moment of destiny, to fix its doom and down-\\nfall. One such mysterious blow to tlie Confederacy was tliat by which Gen. Johnston\\nwas removed from its Western army, at the moment when lie was most needful for its\\nsalvation, kept from command till an intervening general had ruined aud disintegrated\\nit, and then gravely restored to the leadershij) of its pitiful fragments.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0358.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "GENERAL JOE JOIIXSTOn s REMOVAL. 279\\nOn the 17th of July, 18G4, the Federal army resumed its active work,\\nand on the same day the President, Mr. Davis, relieved Gen. Johnston\\nof the command of his army, and substituted Gen. Hood in his stead.\\nJohnston had made vigorous preparations for tlie defense of Atlanta.\\nHe was sitting in his tent talking with Gen. Mansfield Lovell, when a\\npackage of communications was brought to him. He read one, and\\nthen with a quiet unconcern and a pleasant smile handed it to Gen.\\nLovell, saying, What do you think of that It was the order reliev-\\ning him of command. Stunned at the order. General Lovell begged\\nhim to make no obedience to it until an effort could be made to get it\\nreversed. Johnston declined to make any effort. Gen. Lovell, how-\\never, got the corps commanders together. Generals Hardee, Stewart and\\nHood, and they petitioned and protested against the change, deputizing\\nGen. Hood himself as a matter of courtesy to send the protest. Gen.\\nHood sent the dispatch, but it was worded in such a way as to carry no\\nforce and exert no effect. Mr. Davis declined to withdraw the order\\nand Johnston returned to privacy.\\nIn this connection it is said upon the authority of two gentlemen\\nclosely connected with Mr. Davis, one of them, alleged to be Gen. A.\\nR. Lawton, who had been made the Quartermaster-General cf the Con-\\nfederate armies, and the other. Gen. Gilmer, that he was opposed to\\nremoving Gen. Johnston, and reluctantly jdelded to the advice of his\\nCabinet advisers. The account goes that at the meeting when it was\\ndetermined, Mr. Davis walked up and down the room with his hands\\nbehind him in deep anxiety, saying with earnest emphasis and a most\\ntroubled manner, that he doubted the propriety of it. This report is\\nthe more important because it conflicts with the generally accredited\\nopinion and puts Mr. Davis in a different light.\\nIt is not perhaps irrelevant nor an exaggeration to say that Gen.\\nJohnston s career presents the most remarkable anomaly of military\\nannals. From the beginning to the end he was distrusted and depre-\\nciated by the Confederate authorities, yet he held from first to last the\\nconfidence and admiration of armies and people. And every effort of\\nthe several made to retire him to obscurity, but strengthened him in\\npopular esteem, and resulted in calling him to new exaltation of power,\\nnew display of genius and increase of fame. It seemed impossible to\\ndispense with him. The public outcry for his installation in responsible\\nleadership was irresistible. His genius was openly decried, and his\\nadministration condemned by his superiors, yet it was utterly in vain\\nso far as the public confidence was concerned. The people stubbornly", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0359.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "280 THE DOWNFALL BEGAN.\\nbelieved in him, and tlie soldiers clamored for his Generalship and\\nfought under it with an unshakable trust and a loving enthusiasm.\\nAnd while he labored under a continuous censure from the Confederate\\nrulers, lie enjoyed a constant (jHuniph of praise from the masses of the\\npeople. It certainly presents a strange incident of the war, this incon-\\ngruity of Johnston s connection with the struggle. Another curious\\nfatality of Johnston was, that his genius was conspicuously and most\\nmournfully vindicated by the blundering failure of others, instead of\\nthe successes achievable by the enforcement of his counsels and plans.\\nWhen Gen. Johnston was removed he had been fighting an army\\ndouble his own for seventy-four consecutive days, lie had lost in\\nkilled and wounded 9,450 men, and inflicted a loss upon the enemy\\nequal to the Southern army. He turned over to Gen. Hood a splendid\\nexperienced army of 50,637 veteran soldiers, disciplined, seasoned and\\nbuoyant, as fine a band of fighters as the world ever saw, well equipped\\nand armed, well olBccred, well organized and invincible in Gen. John-\\nston s hands against attack. The removal of Johnston was the begin-\\nning of the end. It was the turning point to ultimate failure. Slier-\\nman gave a long, deep breath of relief, and said, Heretofore the fight-\\ning has been as Johnston pleased, but that hereafter it would be as he\\npleased.\\nFrom this time on, the cause steadily sank, until it was engulfed in\\nruin. The army was the prop of the cause, and the leadership was\\ngiven to one who was brave enough, but who fatally underestimated its\\nvalue. Territory lost could be regained. The army gone, the cause\\nwas dead. The downfall was progressing surely, and our great Georgia\\nwas the theater of its enactment in strange fulfillment of romantic\\ndestiny.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0360.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "GEN J E: JOH NSTON.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0363.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0364.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXIX.\\nSHERMAN TEARS ATLANTA FROM HOOD.\\nThe Georgia Militia. Gen. G. W. Smith Gov. Brown .s Heroic Ardor. Johnston s\\nPraise of Brown. Brown and Da^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2is. Hood s Gallant Waste. The Battles of the\\n18th and 22ud of July around Atlanta. The Death of Col. John M. Brown,\\nbrother of Gov. Brown. Sherman s Cavalry. Stoueinan s Capture. Hood s At-\\ntack 28th July. Bombardment of Atlanta. Gov. Brown orders out County\\nOfficers. Hood Sends off his Caviilry. Jonesboro. Atlanta Falls. Its Moral\\nEffect. The South Stunned. The North Vivified. Compliments to the State\\nMilitia. Gov. Brown and Mr. Sedden in tlieir Last Stern Correspondence. The\\nClose of a Series of Intellectual CouHicts th.at will Gain Interest with Time. De\\nFontaine s Pen Picture of Joe Brown. Sherman in Atlanta. His Exile of her\\nPeople Hood and Sherm.an. Tart Letters. Bcaureg.ard. Convention of Gov-\\nernors. Mr. Davis and Ben Hill Visit Georgi.a. D.avis Unwise Speech at Macon.\\nA Photograph of Mr. Davis. His Qualities and Needs. Hood sent to Tennessee.\\nAnd tlie Dark End at Hand. The Appointment of General A. R. Lawtou\\nQuartermaster-General of the Confederate Government. A Distinguished Officer.\\nThe Great Comjjlinient of this Assignment. A Vast Responsibility Well Borne.\\nGeorgia s Controlling Agency Continued in this. Gen. Lawton s Brilli.ant Admin-\\nistration. Destruction of all the Quartermaster s Papers. The Enlistment of\\nNegro Soldiers. A Remarkable Document.\\nWe have come to Hood s fatal assumption of command, in the heart\\nof Georgia, of the most important of the twin armies of the Confeder-\\nacy, on the 17th day of July, ISG-J:. Atlanta and its vicinity were to\\nbecome the arena of momentous occurrences. The defenses around\\nAtlanta had been going on for weeks. Heavy rifled cannon had been\\nbrought from Mobile; the military shops had been removed. Gov.\\nBrown had organized over 10,000 of the State militia, and placed them\\nin the trenches around Atlanta, under Major-General Gustavus W.\\nSmith, with Gen. Toombs as chief of staff, who was placed under Gen.\\nHood s orders. The conduct of Gov. Brown in this crisis deserves all\\npraise. He did all that mortal man could to aid the desperate and fail-\\ning cause. His appeals were eloquent and urgent for the sons of the\\nState to rally to its defense. He had used every possible means to\\nsupply the troops with arms and clothing. He had chartered ships to\\nimport supplies. The Confederate Secretary of the Treasury refused\\nto permit any vessel to clear unless she carried out one-half of the\\ncargo for the Confederate government, which blocked Gov. Brown s", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0365.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "283 THE BATTLE OF ATLANTA, JULY 22X1), 18G4.\\noperations. He had bought 30,000 blankets for soldiers and 30,000\\ncotton cards, and had 300 bales of cotton loaded on the ship Little\\nAda to send out and pay for them, when Mr. Memniinger refused a\\nclearance for her. Gov. Brown, in conjunction with Gov. Clark, Gov.\\nWatts and Gov. Vance appealed to Congress for relief. The matter\\ncreated much comment at the time, but the Confederate authorities\\nI efused to yield.\\nGen. Johnston states in his Narrative, that on all occasions he was\\nzealously seconded by Gov. Brown. Quite an important correspond-\\nence took place between Gov. Brown and Mr. Davis in June, 18(14.\\nGov. Brown wrote to Mr. Davis asking if reinforcements could not be\\nsent to Georgia, and suggesting that Forrest or Morgan cut Sherman s\\ncommunications. Mr. Davis replied, saying that he coulJ not change\\nthe disposition of our forces so as to help Gen. Johnston more effec-\\ntually. Gov. Brown answered: If your mistake should result in the\\nloss of Atlanta and the occupation of other strong points in this State\\nby the enemy, the blow may be fatal to our cause, and remote posterity\\nmay have reason to mourn over the error.\\nGen. Hood lost little time in assuming the aggressive. Throwing\\ncompletely over the cautious Fabian strategy of Johnston, Hood com-\\nmitted an error that the most ordinary soldier would have avoided\\nthrew his army against Sherman s double force, strongly entrenched,\\nand met with a bloody repulse. If Sherman with twice the men had\\nbeen unable to ever drive Johnston, what hope could Hood possibly\\nhave to force strong entrenchments with half the men. Hood took\\ncommand at sunset on the 18th July, ISG-i. On the ;20th, in the after-\\nnoon, he struck Sherman on the Buckhead road running- from the\\nChattahoochee river to Decatur. He indented the Federal line at the\\nfirst onset, but a five hpurs gory battle sent him hustling back with a\\nloss of about 5,000 men against a Federal loss of 1700. Nothing\\ndaunted. Hood moved out on the Federal left on the night of the 21st,\\nand on the morning of the 22nd pounced savagely upon Sherman.\\nThere has been no heavier fighting than this fierce battle. From 11\\no clock until night it raged. The Confederates secured several important\\nadvantages by sheer audacity. Gen. James P. McPherson was killed\\nin this battle. Gen. McPherson, though a young officer, was one of\\nthe most brilliant in the Federal armies. A monument in the woods\\nnear Atlanta marks the spot where he fell. Several batteries were\\ncaptured, and several valuable positions taken gallantly. Wheeler s\\ncavalry did good service. Prodigies of superb but useless valor were", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0366.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "y,^/^^ r:Zt^\\nJ.L", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0369.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0370.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "GOVEEXOR brown s BROTHER KILLED. 283\\ndone by Hood s noble men. But Sherman was too strong and too game.\\nHood withdrew from his fatally earned inches of progress with two\\npitiful guns and the loss double the enemy, whose hard fighting was\\nshown in a summary of 3,7^2 casualties. In this battle Gen. \\\\V. H.\\nT. Walker was killed and Gen. Mercer wounded. Among the desper-\\nately hurt was Lieut. Col. John M. Brown, a brother of Gov. Brown,\\nwho was wounded while leading his regiment, one of the State organi-\\nzations, gallantly in a charge. He was twenty-five years old. He had\\nbeen wounded at the battle of Resaca while holding the rank of Major.\\nHe returned to his command before his wound was healed, and was unani-\\nmously elected Lieut. Colonel. He took part in the Kennesaw battle.\\nHe was commanding the regiment on the 32nd. He was a very prom-\\nising officer, and beloved by his regiment. This was the second brother\\nthat Gov. Brown lost in the service. Col. Brawn died from his wound\\nat the executive mansion on the 25th of July, 1864. While standing\\nby the bedside of his dying brother. Gov. Brown was called upon to\\nprovide means for the defense of Milledgeville threatened by a raid, and\\nit seemed doubtful if he would be permitted to bury his brother in\\npeace.\\nSherman s cavalry were very active. Garrard broke some bridges\\nnear Covington on the Georgia road. Rousseau tore up the West Point\\nroad at Opelika. Stoneman with 5,000 troopers and McCook with 4,000\\nwent.out to meet on the Macon road and rip up matters. Both com-\\nmands were surrounded. McCook escaped, but Stoneman surrendered\\nto a force consisting of Iverson s Georgia brigade, Adams Alabama\\nbrigade and Williams brigade, under command of Brig. Gen. Alfred\\nIverson. Stonemaji had attacked Macon but had been repulsed by a\\npart of Gov. Brown s militia under Gen. Cobb, both Gov. Brown and\\nGen. Cobb being on the field, and acting under suggestion of Gen. Jos.\\nE. Johnston, who was present supervi.sing the engagement. Over 600\\nFederals were captured. The grateful citizens of Macon proposed a\\ndinner to Iverson and his command, but the command was ordered away\\nbefore the purpose could be carried out.\\nThe fighting around Atlanta up to this time had been done on the\\nSouth-east. Sherman moved his forces over on the west side, and Hood\\nfollowed him up. On the 28th of July, 1864, Hood made another of\\nhis daring onslaughts upon Sherman with the same unsuccessful and\\nbloody result, a loss of three or four of his own men to one of the\\nenemy. The losses of Hood in killed and wounded, not including the\\ncaptured, up to July the 31st, from the night of the 18th, or thirteen", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0371.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "284 THE EOMBAEDMENT OF ATLANTA.\\ndaj-^s, were 8,8-11, or only 009 less than Johnston had lost in seventy-four\\ndays continuous battle, in which Johnston had whipped every conflict\\nand Hood lost every one he had fought. On the 5th of August Schofield\\nstruck Hood s line, but was driven back with a loss of 400 men. This\\nwas the sole Confederate success won by Hood, and it illustrated the\\nwisdom of Johnston s strategy. A division of Federal cavalry made an\\nattack upon Macon, but were repulsed by Maj. Gen. Howell Cobb with\\ntwo regiments of militia and several other connnands.\\nSherman constantly bombarded Atlanta, throwing his shot and shell\\ninto the heart of the city. The private residences were daily struck.\\nThe dwelling of Judge C. H. Strong, the present clerk of the superior\\ncourt, the stores of Beech Root and W. F. Herring on Whitehall\\nstreet, tl e residences of E. B. Walker and A. M. Wallace on Ivy street,\\nand hundreds of others, were damaged. People burrowed in their\\ncellars for protection; basement stories were at a decided premium;\\nand holes in railroad cuts were utilized in the cause of personal safety.\\nThe campaign was rapidly culminating. Sherman finding that direct\\nassault was unavailing, and that Hood had learned by costly experience\\nthe lesson that Johnston had so astutely understood at the start, that\\nhe must economize his army, again resorted to his old strategy. In the\\nmeantime Gov. Brown, appreciating the emergency, was reinforcing the\\nState militia. He used every means to get men to the front. Some\\nforeigners wore dodging military duty. Pie issued an order driving\\naliens from the State unless they would do service. He ordered out the\\ncounty officers. He infringed pretty nearly upon the cradle and the\\ngrave. His energy was unbounded. And tire raw State militia did\\nnoble duty. Gen. Johnston on the 7th of July wrote to Gov. Brown\\ncomplimenting the Georgia State troops. After the liattle of the 22nd\\nof July Gen. Hood wrote Gov. Brown that they had fought with great\\ngallantry. The field officers were as follows:\\nFirst Brigade, Brigadier General R. AV. Carswell.\\nFirst Regiment, Colonel E. H. Pottle.\\nSecond Regiment, Colonel C. D. Anderson.\\nFifth Regiment, Colonel S. S. Stafford.\\nFirst Battalion, Lieutenant Colonel McCay.\\nSecond Brigade, Brigadier General P. J. Phillips.\\nThird Regiment, Colonel Jno. M. Hill.\\nFourth Regiment, Colonel R. McMillan.\\nSixth Regiment, Colonel J. W. Burney.\\nIndependent Artillery Battalion, Colonel C. W. Styles.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0372.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "ATLAXTA LOST BY THE CONFEDEEATES. 285\\nThe Staff was as follows:\\nMajor General, Gustavus W. Smith.\\nInspector General, General Robert Toombs.\\nAdjutant General, Major W. K. De Graffenseid.\\nChief of Artillery and Ordnance, Colonel Joseph S. Claghorn.\\nChief Quartermaster, Colonel L. H. O. Martin.\\nChief Commissary, Major W. J. Williford.\\nMedical Director, Dr. H. R. Casey.\\nDivision Surgeon, Dr. Thomas A. Rains.\\nAid-de-Camp, Colonel Linton Stephens.\\nGen. Sherman struck out on the 25th of August, 18G4, for his final\\nmischief in the matter of securing Atlanta. Gen. Hood perpetrated\\nanother of his irreparable blunders, that Gen. Johnston so unerringly\\navoided. Ho sent off Wheeler s cavalry to cut the State road. Sherman\\nleaped to the opportunity. Ho dashed down on the West Point railroad\\nand tore up twelve continuous miles. He then made for the Macon\\nrailroad, threatening it for eleven miles from Rough and Ready to Jones-\\nboro. Hardee and S. D. Lee were at Jonesboro, and made a rushin r\\nonslaught upon the Federal force on tlie 31st of August, 1864, but\\nretired finally with a heavy punishment upon both sides. The next day,\\nthe 1st of September, Lee having beei\\\\ withdrawn by Hood the night\\nbefore, Sherman attacked Hardee s attenuated line late in the afternoon.\\nThe fight was a frightful one, and Hardee s dauntless corps, fighting\\noverwhelming odds, covered itself all over with glory. But a break was\\nmade at one point by the pure pressure of numbers. The line reformed\\nin the short distance of one hundred and fifty yards from the break, and\\nheld until night. But the campaign was ended. The road to Atlanta\\nwas in Shemian s hands, and Hood moved out of Atlanta amid the\\nthunder of exploded magazines and the baleful light of burning military\\nstores, fired to destroy them. In the silence of the night the reverbera-\\ntions of this ominous noise, the counterfeit of battle, and the gloomy\\nglare of conflagrations at Atlanta, came down the twenty miles to cheer\\nthe slumbering Federal conquerors, and to sadden the weary, mutilated\\nlegions of Hardee, sullenly leaving the blood-stained streats of Jonesboro.\\nThe moral effect of the fall of Atlanta was simply immeasurable. In\\nVirginia, Lee had repulsed every assault, destroying innumerable Fed-\\nerals, and manning his lines with a seemingly untouched capacity of\\nresistance. Jubal Early, in the Valley, had won a startling success. The\\nNorth was gloomy. A convention there clamored for peace. The peo-\\nple grumbled savagely. An additional half a million of soldiers was", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0373.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "1\\n286 THE EFFECT OF THE FALL OF ATLANTA.\\ndrafted, and Lincoln squinted at peace negotiations. In tliis pervasive\\ndepression, tlie capture of Atlanta thrilled the Union with its ringing\\nspell. The Southern Heart was reached. Half of Georgia lay writhing\\nin Sherman s iron grasp, and with it the Gate City, the Key to our\\nSouthern railroads, workshops, granaries, prisons, and arsenals. Stand-\\ning midway between the cotton and grain belts the Federal commander,\\nviewing the successful issue of his wonderful campaign, with its superb\\nsuccession of battles and strategy, and the sorely wounded army of his\\nfoe, driven, shattered and bleeding from its cherished and vital strong-\\nhold, sent back to the Nofth such a note of encouragement and triumph\\nas gave lasting inspiration to the Union cause.\\nBut if the taking of Atlanta so enthused and strengthened the North,\\nit fell upon the South with a proportionately depressing effect. j\\\\Ien\\nbegan to talk of peace. Some gentlemen wrote to Alec Stephens and\\nHerschell V. Johnson, the two strong: Union men at the beg inning of\\nthe war, for their views of the propriety of attempting a peace move-\\nment. Both replied advising against it then. In the lull in operations\\nfollowing the fall of Atlanta, Gov. Brown furloughed the state militia\\nfor thirty days to go home and look after domestic matters and prepare\\nfor the next campaign. This militia force embraced men not included\\nin the conscription law, the state officers and boj s down to 10 years,\\nand old men up to 55. Many of them had seen service and been\\ndischarged for disability. They were dubbed Joe Brown s Pets.\\nThey were unable to stand much hardship, but as has been seen they\\nhad fought heroically, and performed service that was gratefully ac-\\nknowledged by both Generals Johnston and Hood, in the following\\nletters:\\nNear Chattahoochee, Ttli .July, 18C4.\\nTo ITis Excellency, J. E. Brown, Gorernor:\\nI have the pleasure to inform you that the State Troops promise well, an l have al-\\nready done good service. While the army was near Marietta they were enii)loyed to\\nsupport the cavalry on the extreme left, and occupied a position quite distinct from any\\notlier infantry of ours. According to all accounts, tlieir conduct in the presence of tlie\\nenemy was firm and creditable. Such Federal parties as approached the crossing places\\nof the Ch.attalioochee guarded by them, have been driven back. These proofs of their\\nvalue make me anxious that tlieir number shall be increased. Is it possible You\\nknow that the distinguished othccr at their head is competent to high command.\\nMost Respectfully, Vour obedient servant,\\nJ. E. JOHNSTON.\\nHeap-quarters, July 2aA, 1864.\\nTo Ills Excellency, Governor Sroicn\\nThe State Troops under Major Geu. Smith fought with great gallantry in the\\naction of yesterday. J. B. HOOD, General.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0374.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "COUnESl OXDENCE BETWEEX GOV. BROWN AND Mil. SEDDOX. 287\\nThe fullowing is an extract from a letter from Major General G. W.\\nSmith to Gov. Brown, relative to the fight of the 22d July, at Atlanta:\\nThe Militia did tliemselves great credit outside of the trenches ou Friday. Tliey\\nmarched over the breastworlcs advanced upou the entrenchments of the enemy in fine\\norder, took position within three hundred yards, and silenced the artillery by musketry\\nfire throuj, h tlie embrasures. We had no support on our right within a mile, none on\\nour left witlilu six hundred yards, and our troops on the left were driven back.\\nWe hehl our position for several hours, and only witlidrew after receiving an order to\\nthat effect from General Ilood, wiiich order w.is given because the troops upon our left\\nhad been repulsed. There was not a single straggler.\\nThese troops were the occasion of the l^ist memorable controversy\\nbetween Gov. Brown and the Confederate administration. Mr. Davis,\\nthrough Mr. Seddon, made requisition upon Gov. Brown for these 10,000\\nmilitia and such other force as he might be able to raise; those in Gen.\\nHood s department to report to him, and those outside to the command-\\nant of South Carolina and Georgia. This requisition was dated Augu.st\\n30, ISC-t, and alleged the condition of the State subjected to formidable\\ninvasion as the basis for it.\\nIn the desperate stress of the Confederacy and the stern spirit that\\npervaded all classes in the consciousness of impending di.saster, the\\nforms of politeness were ignored. The antagonism between these high\\nofficials had widened and become more embittered. The correspondence\\nis as fiery, incisive and biting as it was possible to be. It was war to\\nthe knife. The requisition of Mr. Seddon was received on the 12th of\\nSeptember, and Gov. Brown made immediate reply. He regretted that\\nMr. Davis was so late in discoverinsr that Georg-ia was in such dang-er.\\nThe formidable invasion began in May and was still going on. Pie\\nscathed the military policy that had scattered forces instead of concen-\\ntrating at the point of danger, that had withheld reinforcements until\\nthe damage was accomplished, and that had left in our rear a camp of\\n30,000 Federal prisoners. He scored the administration for not discov-\\nering that these troops were already in the trenches fighting under Gen.\\nHood. As the call for them was unnecessary, he argued that Mr. Davis\\ndesired to get control of the whole of the reserve militia, disband its\\norganization and put his own officers over the troops. These commands\\nhad been gallantly fighting and many of them filled soldiers graves.\\nNo other state had organized such a force not subject to conscription,\\nand placed it in command of the Confederate general, and no such\\nrequisition was made upon the Governor of any state but Georgia.\\nThe requisition, too, was made in such a manner as to take the troops\\nout of the trenches rather than putting them in, dividing the troops and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0375.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "288 THE SECRETARY OF WAR AXD GOVEENOE HROWN.\\nsending a part of them to Charleston. Gov. Brown refused to honor\\nthe requisition, but said that he sliould keep these troops at the front\\nunder command of the Confederate General as long as he staid in\\nGeorgia. Gov. Brown went on to suggest that Georgia had fifty regi-\\nments in Virginia besides soldiers in every State. If her brave sons\\ncould return to fight for their own State, if they could not drive back\\nthe invader, they would perish in a last effort.\\nOctober 8, 18G4, Mr. Seddon replied. He began: It requires for-\\nbearance in reply to maintain the respect I would pay your station and\\nobserve the official propriety you have so transcended. The reason of\\nthe call was to get the full organization of militia, impart unity and\\nefficiency to the troops, and subsist and pay them at Confederate e.xpense.\\nThe President had the right to call such militia. This is the first case\\nwhere the right had been questioned. In tlie war with Great Britain,\\nMassachusetts and Connecticut had made some such point, but it was\\noverruled, and the impression was created that these states were in\\ncollusion with the enemy. Mr. Seddon directly charged that Gov.\\nBrown s prominent and influencing reasons sprung from a spirit of\\nopposition to the government of the Confederate States and animosity\\nto the chief magistrate whom the people of the Confederacy have\\nhonored by their choice and confidence. He said that Gov. Brown s\\nresistance to conscription had impaired the help given to Georgia; that\\nhis suspicions of Mr. Davis wanting to disband the militia to reorganize\\nit with his own officers was chimerical; that he had formed nondescript\\norganizations, scant in men and full of officers, affording scarcely a\\ndecent division of 4,000 men out of an alleged 16,000, and that Gov.\\nBrown had, by the spirit of his past action and public expressions,\\ncaused our enemies to feel encouraged, and the patriotic citizens of the\\nConfederacy to feel mortified. He closed with these biting words:\\nTo the department it would be far more grateful, instead of being engaged in\\nreminding of constitutional obligations and repelling unjust imputations, to be cooperat-\\ning with your Excellency in a spirit of uuity and confidence in the defense of your State\\nand the overthrow of the invader.\\nGov. Brown, on November 14, 1864, replied that he intended no\\npersonal disrespect in his letter. He was dealing with principles and\\nproposed to do so frankly. He dissected the nature of the call made on\\nhim for boys and old men not subject to conscription or to serve in\\narmies, and showed there was no analogy to the case of Massachusetts\\nand Connecticut, who were called on for men liable to service. In the\\ncase of Georgia the call was for militia not subject to duty, or to Con-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0376.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "SOME SIIAEP SPARKING. 289\\nfederate call, and not called for from any other State, but already in\\ntiie field under the Confederate commander. Gov. Brown went on in\\nthis letter to answer the various points made against him; that his\\nnondescript organizations were in exact conformity to the law\\nthat his scarcely decent division of 4,000 men only embraced the\\nterritory between Atlanta and the Tennessee line, leaving the territory\\nbelow with lti,000 men untouched; that any interruption with Con-\\nfederate plans was imaginary; that he could scarcely have given more\\nencouragement to the enemy than Mr. Davis did in his Macon speech\\nwhen he informed the world that two-thirds of the Confederate soldiers\\nwere away from their posts, and that his animosity to Mr. Davis\\nwas really his unwillingness to indorse th,e errors of the administration.\\nHis concluding sentence thus reads:\\nNo militai v atifliority, State or Confederate, can he Lawfully used for any other\\npurpose than to npliold tlie civil autliorities, and so much of it as the Constitution of my\\ncountry has confided to my liands sliall he used for tli.at purpose, whether civil society,\\nits constitution and laws shall he invaded from without or witliin. Measured by your\\nstandard, this is doubtless disloyalty. Tested by mine, it is a higli duty to my country.\\nMr. Seddon answered on the 1.3th of December, 186-i. His letter\\ncontinues the sharp discourtesy, stating that if there had been any\\nwant of faith or breach of duty Gov. Brown was the guilty party,\\nalluding to what he called Gov. Brown s garbled extracts from the\\ncorrespondence with the department, and speaking of his wanton and\\nreckless assaults upon the Confederate administration. In his con-\\neluding letter, dated January 0, 18C5, Gov. Brown refers to the devasta-\\ntion of Georgia, and says that the only slight barrier to the foe was this\\nvery militia of boys and old men that he refused to turn over to Mr.\\nDavis and permit a portion of them to be sent to Charleston as required\\nby Mr. Davis while they were in the trenches defending Atlanta.\\nThis correspondence reflected the temper of those stern days, and\\nclosed a series of constitutional conlllcts that will gain interest with the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0passage of time. And they will become unceasingly famous in illustrat-\\ning, to use the expressive language of Mr. Grady, that vivid viser of\\nwords: Brown, the pallid, forceful mountaineer, who held the helm\\nthrough Georgia s blooiliest daj s, and went through a revolution as the\\nfoil of its President, standing for the sovereignty of the States against a\\ncentralized confederacy.\\nIt will not be inappropriate in this coiuiection to quote from the\\njournalistic correspondence of that day a portion of a letter written\\nfrom Georgia to the Charleston South Carolinian bv ^Ir. F. G. De Fon-\\nla", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0377.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "290 F. G. DE Fontaine s sketch of governor brown.\\ntaine. He wrote over the name of Pcrsonne, which he made famous\\nthen, and he was a rival of our own Georgia war correspondent, Col.\\nP. W. Ale.^ander, who under the initials P. W. A. achieved so much\\ndistinction for his war letters. De Fontaine was very brilliant and his\\nletters were vivid and sparkling pictures. Here is his letter alluded to,\\nand it portrays Gov. Brown:\\nTake a dclicatelv constructed Inimaii form, robe it in a summer suit of Mark with\\nthat careless grace which so well becomes a Southern gentleman give it a light quick\\nstep auil au easy motion which betokens at once the peacefulness of a lamb or the leap\\nof a tiger let tliere rise from the recesses of a roughly turned shirt collar, a loug mus-\\ncular neck, on which there sets a handsomely shaped head not too broad across the\\neyes, but loug from front to rear, and high from ears to summit a little too large for\\nthe body below, both as regards motive power and proportion surmount the whole with\\na not too quickly growing mass of iron gray hair, which is bruslied well iiack from the\\ntemples, revealing a tall, expansive and expressive forehead, marked with lines of men-\\ntal toil set under a brow indicative of the moral strengtli of the man, a pair of keen\\ndark eyes, mild or piercing as Iiis thought.s may chance to flow, whose variable color\\nmav be either gray, black or brown fasten in its proper place one of those solid looking\\nnoses by which Napoleon used to choose his tliinking men close tlie catalogue of feat-\\nures by the addition of a large Henry Clay style of mouth, with an under jaw that can\\nwork with the force and vehemence of a trip hammer, and lips so pliable, that like his\\neves, they express every feeling, and you have the tout ejiscmhle of the not ungraceful\\nform and clean shaven face of a man whose name has gone the rounds of every house-\\nhold in the confederacy Ilis Excellency, Joseph E. Brown, Governor of Georgia.\\nAn hour s conversation has revealed him to me as one of the most remarkable men\\nit has been my fortune to encounter during the war, not remarkable perhaps for high\\nintellectual attainments though probably he is not wanting in these but remarkable\\nin the possession of those strong personal qualities which eminently fit him for t)ie posi-\\ntion he now occupies, as a leader of the people of his state, and au obstinate opponent of\\nthe policy of the general government.\\nIf his m.anner is polite to a fault, and winning in its silent eloijuence, his conversa-\\ntion is iloubly attractive, as the outpouring of a nature evidently sincere, conscientious,\\nand fully imbued with a sense of the grave respi:)nsil)ilities with which he has been in-\\nvested. His utterances are rajiid, though frequently overtaking speech, and his gestures\\nfew, but forcible and nervous. Fastening his eyes on one who converses \u00c2\u00abith him, fad\\nafter fact, and statement after statement roll from his lips in quick succession, until the\\nwhole argument clearly and completely shaped stands before you like a picture. Then\\nhe becomes a ready listener, with great frankness, he combines a determination that\\nnever baulks at difficulty, and would make him almost fierce in the achievement of an\\nend, the way to which was environed with obstacles. Slirewd a-s a politician, genial in\\nhis social intercourse, accessilile to any and all, plausible in Iiis statements, with great\\nsuccess in the administration of st.ite .affairs as an unimpe.achable fact to b.ack him, and\\nmore than all, tor his strength and fortress a principle .always taking with the mass of\\ntlie people, I can readily understand the secret of the popularity which has been attained\\nby Gov. Brown.\\nRemarking to him, in the course of our interview, th.at his policy was not generally\\nnnderstood beyond the limits of bis own state, and was accordingly regarded as inimical", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0378.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "rERSOSXE s SKETCH OE C.OVERNOR liROWX, CONTINUED. 291\\nto the best interests of the Confederacy, lie replleil, and not without some force, that the\\nplatform on wliich he stood now, was the same as that occupied by every state of the\\nConfederacy in 1861. Georijia, in common with her sisters, as a sovereign state, had\\ndelegated to the general government, as an agent, certain powers and only when these\\nwere transcended or usurped by Mr. Davis, or by Congress, had he (the Governor)\\nsteppe l forward to enter his protest .igainst the act. In so doing he had merely made\\nan issue on principle, that it might not be retorted upon him in the future that he\\nsilently acquiesced in measures clearly inconsistent with the spirit of the Constitution.\\nThe encroachments of centraliied power had been the curse of the continent, and it be-\\nhooved every statesman in the South to see to it that while yielding to our own general\\ngovernment all proper support, every attempt by it to interfere with the action of tlie\\nstate authorities should be promptly met and checked. To use the Governor s own\\nillustration we were all sailing in the same boat, and although the pilot at the helm\\nmight be steering upon a reef, the crew while discovering the danger should only pro-\\ntest, not mutiny. Thus he would be the last man in the Coufederacy to throw obstacles\\nin the way of the President, and had ever rendered all the support in his power, lie\\nhad always furnisherl more troops than were demanded, and he was in the present in-\\nstance calling on his militia without a hint to that end from the E.xecutive. Peace he\\ndid not want and would not have, except on terms consistent with the honor of the\\nSouth and hence he was utterly and every way opposed to the efforts on the part of\\na faction in Nortli Carolina to get up a state convention, looking to tlie accomplishment\\nof that object by any other means than those now employed. lie had advised against\\nit and should continue to do so. The idea of a farther secession on the part of any\\nSouthern state was preposterous, and those who imagined that the attitude of Georgia\\nto-day, or of any of her officials, lent color or probability to such an event, were commit-\\nting one of the greatest of errors.\\nI confess myself surprised at the frank definition of his position which Gov. Brow n\\ngave me. Although the aliove is but t!ie substance of his remarks, I repeat them to\\nyour readers, because they will serve to disabuse many a mind of the idea, th.at he is\\nthe dangerous element of dis. ord wliich thousands now believe him to he.\\nThis letter is a valuable, and in many respects a remarkable one, and\\nespecially so in the intuition of Gov. Brown s character attained in so\\nbrief a scrutiny. It is a fine piece of word-painting, and an accurate\\ncomprehension and fair statement of Gov. Brown s important position.\\nMr. De Fontaine s picture is well worthy of presorvatioti.\\nRecurring to Gen. Sherman s occupation of i\\\\tlanta, he inaugurated\\na vigorous policy. His idea seemed to be to make it purely a military\\nstation. Upon his entrance he was met by the Mayor, Col. James M.\\nCalhoun, and other citizens, who sought the protection of the city. He\\nissued an order outlawing Col. G. W. Lee, Col. Alexander M. Wallace,\\nCapt. G. W. Anderson and Mr. C. W. Hunnicutt, on account of certain\\nalleged offenses against Union people. He ordered the departure of all\\nthe citizens from Atlanta, and he notified Gen. Hood, on the 7th of\\nSeptember, 1864, that he would remove them and their baggage to\\nRough and Read} sending the letter by James M. Ball and James R.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0379.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "20Z TUE KXII.K OF THE ATLANTA PEOPLE.\\nCrew. A sharp correspondence ensued. Gen. Hood replied jsronounc-\\niiig- the measure unprecedented in transcending the studied and\\ningenious cruelty of all acts ever before brought before the attention of\\nmankind, even in the darkest history of war. Gen. Sherman retorted\\nback, tartly telling Gen. Hood to talk to the marines; that tlie act\\nwas a kindness to the people of Atlanta; and arraigning the Southern\\ngenerals for savagery in warfare, and the South for causing tlic war.\\nGen. Hood replied, repelling the charge of harsh warfare by the South-\\nern generals, declining to discuss any political questions, and declining\\nalso to accept the statement, that the exile of a whole people of a cit}\\nat the point of the bayonet from their homes in the interest of the\\nUnited States government, was a kindness. The whole number thus\\nexiled was reported to be between 1,C00 and 1,700 persons.\\nThe policy of Gsn. Sherman was a severe one, but it was based upon\\nthe philosojjhy that war is a cruelty, and he drove to results unspar-\\ningly. The e,\\\\ile of the whole people, and the destruction of the city\\nafterwards, were evidently parts of his plan, which had the military\\nmerit, whatever may be said of its humanity, that it gashed the Confed-\\neracy to death and ended the war in favor of the North.\\nGen. Beauregard was assigned to the command of the Department\\nincluding Georgia. Ho visited Gov. Brown at Milledgeville, and received\\nan ovation from the people, to whom he made a brief speech expressing\\nhis belief that Sherman could be driven from Georgia in sixty days if\\ntlie absentees would return to the army. Gen. A. R. Wright was\\nordered to Georgia and placed in command at Augusta. Gen. Hardee\\nwas ordered to Charleston and placed in charge of the coast.\\nA convention of the Governors of Georgia, Virginia, North Carolina,\\nSouth Carolina, Alabama and Mississippi, was held in Augusta on the\\n35th day of October, 1864, when resolutions of Gov. William Smith\\nwere passed, expressing confidence in the success of the cause, and\\npledging to the soldiers in the field every effort to increase our armies;\\nand also recommending the passage of certain measures to aid the\\npresent prosecution of the war.\\nEarly in October President Davis, accompanied b} Hon. Benjamin H.\\nHill, visited Georgia. During all of these trying days Sir. Hill was in\\nclose counsel with Mr. Davis, affording him a hearty co-operation and\\nsympathy. It was a coincidence at once interesting and suggestive,\\nthat the main props and opponents of the administration s policy were\\nGeorgians. Before the removal of Gen. Johnston, Mr. Hill had made a\\nvisit to him as a cjuasi-representative of Mr. Davis. On the visit in", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0380.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "JEFFERSON I1AVIS. 293\\nOctober, 180-4, !Mr. Hill was with him, and they spoke together. At\\nMacon, Mr. Davis made a speech, to which Gov. Brown makes reference\\nin his last letter to Mr. Seddon in the correspondence about the State\\nmilitia heretofore given. Mr. Davis gave a gloomy vifew of matters in\\nthis noted speech. He stated that two-thirds of the Southern armies\\nwere absent from duty. He also called the retreat from Dalton a deep\\ndisgrace. He declared the man who charged that he had abandoned\\nGeorgia a miserable man and a scoundrel. In that unconquerable\\nspirit which belonged to this most heroic man,^the very type and\\nincarnation of dauntless courage he urged the people not to despond.\\nBut in spite of this resolute spirit that breathed from him unquailingly,\\nhis speech did infinite harm. It encouraged the foe and chilled our own\\npeople. The revelation was impotent for good. The tone of Mr. Davis\\nwas damaging to our cause. It was a sour, spiteful utterance, that\\nshowed deep concern and unpoised irritability. It was the anguish of a\\nconscientious soul over calamity to cherished hopes.\\nMr. Davis had noble qualities and was a great man. He had many of\\nthe requirements of his terrific position his overwhelming trust. But\\nyet ho was not the man as a whole for it. He was brave, able, honest,\\nloyal, firm. The heroic element in Davis was great. His intellect was\\nof uncommon power and culture. Mr. Davis was an orator, a statesman,\\na general, a patriot. He was intelligent and conscientious. But he\\nlacked mobility. He was a man of stubborn prejudices and a jagged\\ntemper. The diplomacy of statesmanship he knew not at all. He had\\na large faculty of making enemies. He was not a wise man. He lacked\\ngreat common sense. He obstinately clung to useless and unavailable\\ninstruments. His resentments potently and yet unknowingly governed\\nhis action. He was a singular blending of the true and the unwise.\\nMr. Davis did not seem to learn anything from his mistakes. All men\\nmake blunders, and most men profit by them. He profited nothing.\\nHe clung intrepidly to his errors. He showed a sublime tenacity in\\nadhering to unpopular and unsuccessful recipients of his confidence.\\nBut it is undeniably true that the Confederacy had than he no higher\\nsymbol of unvanquishable courage, constitutional principle and e.xaltod\\npatriotism.\\nMr. Davis and Mr. Hill went to Hood s head-quarters, and the result\\nof the conference of the President with the General of this priceless\\narmy was that in a few days Hood started on that ill-fated expedition\\ninto Tennessee which ended in the annihilation of the army. And Sher-\\nman was free to sTO on his March to the Sea, which ffave the death-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0381.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "^94 GEX. A. E. LAWTOX, CONFEDERATE QU AR.-MASTER GENERAL.\\nblow to the Soutliern Confederacy. Georgia stuck grimly to her fate-\\nful potency in the revolution. It seemed out of the range of possibility\\nto thwart this remarkable destiny.\\nAnother conspicuous instance of Georgia s extraordinary and controll-\\ning agency in this war, was the appointment of that distinguished\\nGeorgian, Gen. A. R. Lawton, to the head of the most important practi-\\ncal branch of the war department, the Quartermaster s. Gen. Lawton\\ntook charge as Quartermaster-General in August, 1803, and continued\\nto perform the stupendous duties of that responsible office until the sur-\\nrender. He was a South Carolinian by birth, a graduate of West Point,\\nand served in the 1st Regiment of U. S. Artillery for eighteen months on\\nthe frontier of the British Provinces. Resigning he became a lawyer,\\ngraduating at Harvard Law School, and settled in Savannah. He has\\nbeen one of the acknowledged leaders of the Georgia bar, conducting\\nmany of the most important cases in the Supreme Court of Georgia, some\\nof them having been carried to and argued in the Supreme Court of the\\nUnited States.\\nAs has been stated, he was Colonel of the only Volunteer Regiment\\nin Georgia when the war begun, and seized Fort Pulaski under Gov.\\nBrown s orders. He retained command in Savannah under state com-\\nmission until in April, 18C1, he was commissioned Brigadier Gejieral in\\nthe Confederate army and assigned to the command of the Georgia\\ncoast until June, 1862, when at his own request he went to Virginia with\\n5,000 men of his command that Gen. Lee called on him to send. Gen.\\nHenry R. Jackson had turned over to him his superb division of State\\ntroops, and he had over 13,000 men under him at one time.\\nIn Virginia his service was brilliant and honorable. He joined Stone-\\nwall Jackson in the Valley, and returned with him to make the flank\\nmovement against McClellan and take part in the seven days fight\\naround Richmond. His Brigade was the largest in Gen. Lee s army\\nand bore a conspicuous part, losing heavily in the battles of Cold Har-\\nbor and Malvern Hill. When Ewell was wounded at 2nd Manassas he\\ntook charge of that officer s division, which he commanded at Chantilly,\\nHarper s Ferry and Sharpsburg. He was seriously wounded at Sharps-\\nburg and his horse killed. He was disabled until May, 1873, when,\\nthough still lame, he reported in person for duty to the Adjutant Gen-\\neral in Richmond. Under Gen. Lawton s command the Ewell division\\nmade a glowing record. The Richmond press declared it had covered\\nitself with glory.\\nBefore Gen. Lawton reported for duty in May, 1863, the Confederate\\nll", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0382.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "A. R. LAWTON,\\nQuartermaster-General, C. S. A.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0383.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0384.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "GENERAL A. E. LAWTOx s GREAT RESPONSIBILITIES. 295\\ncongress had conferred additional rank on the office of Quartermaster-\\nGeneral, and thus gave the President the opportunity to confer that\\nrank on the officer then at the head of that Bureau, or to assign some\\nGeneral officer to the discharge of its duties. The President and Secre-\\ntary of War decided to assign General Lawton to that position. He ob-\\njected strenuously to thj assignment, declaring that he had entered the\\nservice for duty in the field, that he had no experience whatever in\\nbureau service, and that the resources at the command of the Quarter-\\nmaster-General were so reduced that no hand new at the business could\\nreorganize it with success. His objections were such as to cause a delay\\nof two or three months in ordering him to that duty. When it was\\npressed upon him a second time. President Davis said that he considerel\\nthe position one of such importance to our success that there was no\\nman, of any rank whatever in the Confederate service, save only the com-\\nmanders of the two great armies, whom he would not withdraw from the\\nfield, ind assign to that duty, if he could find the person who was best\\nfitted for it. Under these circumstances Gen. Lawton was ordered to\\nthe head of that Bureau, and took charge of it in August, 1803, and con-\\ntinued to perform its great and invaluable duties until the close of the war.\\nThis assignment was a strong tribute to this distinguished officer, and\\nit curiously continued the masterful instrumentality of Georgia in the\\nrevolution. The responsibilities thus assumed by Gen. Lawton were\\nappalling. Tlie Quartermaster s department had charge of all field and\\nrailroad transportation over the whole immense theater of war, includ-\\ning the furnishing and foraging of horses for all branches of the service;\\nit furnished all buildings, tents, and camp and garrison equipage, even\\nto cooking utonsUs; all the clotliing of the army; and was charged with\\nthe payment of the troops. Its supervision e.\\\\.tended from the Potomac\\nto the Rio Grande. Railways, destroyed by the ravages of war, had to be\\nkept in condition for transportation in a country practically without\\niron, without locomotive works or rolling mills. Horses had to be fur-\\nnished for all the exigencies of war, within a territory which had never\\nsupplied one half the demand, even for farming purposes and pleasure rid-\\ning. Clothing had to be created where there were not wool and leather\\nenough within the territory at our command for a complete outfit for\\ntwelve months. These were some of the vast difficulties to be overcome.\\nA prominent Englishman, near the close of the war, remarked that it\\nwas easier for his people to understand how one man, suffering under\\nwrongs and injuries inflicted, could meet and vanquish two or even three,\\nthan it was for them to understand how we made one horse serve the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0385.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "296 SOME OF GEXEEAL LAWTOX s ACHIEVEMEXTS.\\npurpose of three, and one pound of iron, or leather, or wool, perform the\\nservice of three. These great difficulties were met by Gen. Lawton,\\nour capable and resolute Georgian, with an unsurpassable tact and\\nenergy. His enterprise and resources were boundless. While the\\npapers of Kichmoml especially, and of other places, were constantly\\ndeclaring against and finding fault with the other supply departments\\nof the government, not one word of censure was ever written against\\nthe administration of the Quartermaster-General s office while Gen.\\nLawton was at the head of it. This constitutes remarkable testimony\\nto the efficiency of his administration of this stupendous duty, for he\\nhad in the very nature of things to refuse five applications where he\\ncould grant one, so limited were our resources and so great the wants.\\nIt was a colossal responsibility nobly borne.\\nNor were his difficulties lessened by the fact, that nearly every one of\\nthe appointments to office were made under the administration of his\\npredecessor, and therefore he had to deal with the personelle of a\\ndepartment which he had no hand in selecting. He availed himself of\\nevery opportunity to diminish the number of Quarterniastei S, and\\nsteadily refused to increase them. He had to transport nearly all of the\\nfood and horses of Gen. Lee s army a distance of six to eight hundred\\nmiles by land, a thing never before accomplished in the history of war.\\nPerhaps the most striking case of prompt transportation on worn-out\\nrailroads that ever occurred, was the transfer of Longstreet s Corps\\nfrom the Rapidan in Virginia to the Chickamauga in Georgia, in time\\nto change the results of that bloody battle of the River of Death.\\nGen. Lee had a long and .serious interview with Gen. Lawton about\\nsending that corps away, it being a most critical moment, and he feared\\nthat the absence of these troops might expose his army to great danger,\\nwhile they might be too late to help Bragg. Gen. Lawton had all the\\ncalculations made, based upon our resources, and promised to land this\\ncorps at its destination by a certain day and hour. The corps reached\\nit twelve hours before the promised moment. Gen. Longstreet s corps\\nhad quite a sprinkling of Georgia troops. It was a striking coincidence\\nthat the administrative genius of this Georgia Quartermaster-General\\nin the extraordinary movement of this body of troop.s, composed to a\\nconsiderable extent of Georgians, should have given to the Confederate\\narms on Georgia soil one of the greatest victories of the war. Gen.\\nSorrell, Adjutant-General to Gen. Longstreet, expressed the opinion\\nthat this feat of transportation was one of the most successful of the\\nrevolution.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0386.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, AS A DEPOT OF SUPPLY. 297\\nThere were many brilliant features of Gon. Lawtoii s administration\\nof this great dejaartment features marked by that fine, discriminating\\njudgment that constitutes one of the most essential qualities of execu-\\ntive capacity. He found that most of the factories had been stranded\\nby the irregular and arbitrary manner in which the government had\\ntaken control of their wares. He first appointed insj^ec^ors to visit\\nthem all and ascertain their resources, capacity and probable results.\\nThey were then required to sell only a certain portion to the govern-\\nment, leaving tiiem free to sell the rest to the people, so that they could\\nprocure the money, or other things by barter, necessary to keep them\\nrunning. Thus was avoided tha danger of killing the goose that laid\\nthe golden egg. The same course was pursued as to leather and other\\narticles .required for the army.\\nIn this connection every Georgian will take pride in the fact, which\\nalso runs in the line of our State supremacy to which so many allusions\\nliave been made, that the city of Columbus, Georgia, furnished more\\nmanufactured articles of every kind to the Confederate Quartermaster s\\ndepartment than any place in the Confederacy except Richmond, which\\niiad all the protection and fostering care of the government. This\\nsuperiority was not relative, according to population; but absolute,\\nproducing more clothing, shoes, hats, cooking utensils, axes, spades,\\nharness, etc., etc. Gen. Lawton found that clothing and other articles\\ncoming to us through the blockade were at once distributed and con-\\nsumed under the orders of commanders controlling the ports where they\\narrived; and of course those in safe places got the lion s share. This\\nwas all stopped, and every bale of cloth, box of shoes and other supplies\\nwere put under the exclusive control, on arrival, of the Quartermaster-\\nGeneral, and thus they reached the men in tliejreld.\\nEvery branch of this vast and varied department was thus systema-\\ntized, improved and more economically administered by this clear-headed,\\ncapable, positive Georgian, and from the civil and military heads as well\\nas the armies and people, there was a continuous and universal approval\\nof his masterly regime.\\nThe Quartermaster-General did not hold money or property; not be-\\ning a bonded officer, no funds were placed in his hands by the Treasury\\ndepartment, and he never receipted for any property. The confusion of\\nthe surrender found him with nothing left in his charge, but the records\\nand papers of the Bureau, which were all destroyed in the great fire at\\nRichmond on the day of the evacuation.\\nPerhaps nothing can demonstrate more vividlv the stress of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0387.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "298 COLORKU JiXLISTMEXTS UKGED.\\nSouthern cause in the last days of the conflict, and the desperate pur-\\npose of its defenders to succeed than the following extraordinary docu-\\nment, which not only urged the enlistment of negro soldiers, but pro-\\nposed to take colored recruits into white regiments. Gen. Lee and Gen.\\nCleburne favored the policy of negro soldiers, but the people, the armies\\nand the leadft-s, were against. Public sentiment was so much opposed to\\nthis method of recruiting our armies, that it was never done. The objec-\\ntions offered to it were two-fold that it would take away the laborers\\nfrom the field who were raising provision to feed the soldiers, and it was\\nequivalent to practical emancipation. But as large numbers of the\\ncolored men were enlisted in the Federal army and fought against us,\\nit is a grave question whether it would not liave been wise to have thus\\nutilized the blacks, offering them freedom for their service. Whether\\nit would have had any appreciable effect upon the result is a matter of\\nspeculation. The experiment was not tried on the Southern side of the\\nstruggle, and the failure to make it was a conspicuous example of the\\nstreno-th of sentiment in directing an immense practical matter.\\nCamp 49th Ga. Rkg.\\nNear Petersburg-, Marcli 15, 1865.\\nCol. W. H. Taylor, A. A. G.\\nSir: The nndcrsigned commissioned officers of tliis regiment, having maturely\\nconsidered the following plan for ret-ruitiug this regiment, and having freely consulted\\nwith the enlisted men, who almost nnauimously agree to it, respectfully submit it,\\nthrough you, to the Commanding General for his consideration.\\nFirst, That our companies be permitted to fill up tlieir rauks with negroes to the\\nmaxinmm number under the receut act of Congress.\\nSecond, That the negroes iu these counties of Georgia, from which our companies\\nhail from, be conscribed, iu such numbers and under such regulations as the War De-\\npartment may deem proper.\\nThird, That after the negroes have been so conscril)ed, an officer or enlisted man\\nfrom each company be sent home to select from the negro conscripts such who may\\nhave owners, or may belong to families of whom representatives are in the company, or\\nwho from former acquaintance with the men, may be deemed suitable to be incorpo-\\nrated iu those companies.\\nFor the purpose of carrying out more effectnally and promptly the plan, as indi-\\ncated under the third head, it is respectfully suggested that e.ich man in the regiment\\nbe required to furnish a list of relatives, friends or acquaintances in his county, of whom\\nit is likely, that negroes may be conscril)ed, so as to facilitate the labors of the officer or\\nman wlio m.ay be detailed to bring the negroes to the regiment.\\nWhen in former years, for jiecuniary purposes, we did not consider it disirraceful to\\nlabor with negroes in the field or at the same workbench, we certainly will not look\\nat it in any other light at this time, when an end so glorious as our independence\\nis to be achieved. We sincerely believe that the adoption throughout our army of the\\ncourse indicated iu the above plan or something similar to it, will ensure a speedy\\nI", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0388.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "GENERAL LEE Al I UUVES COLORED ENLISTMENTS. 299\\navailability of tlio negro elemout, in our miilst for military purposes, and create or\\nratlier cement a reciprocal attacliinent between tbe men now in service, and the nejiroes\\nhighly beneficial to the service, and which could probably not be otherwise obtained.\\nWe have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servants,\\nJ. T. Jordan, Colonel,\\nJ. B. DuGOAN, Major,\\nM. Newman, Adjutant.\\nL. E. Veal, First Lieutenant Co. A,\\nL. L. Williams, Captain Co s B and G,\\nJ. F. Dugoan, Captain Co. C,\\nL. M. Andrews, Captain Co. D,\\nC. 11. Walden, Lieutenant Co. E,\\nA. G. Brooks, Lieutenant Co. F,\\nS. J. Jordan, Lieutenant Co. H,\\nWm. T. Mullaly, Captain Go. I,\\nE. S. Anderson, Captain Co. G.\\nHead-quarters Thomas Brigade,\\nMarch 18, 1865. J\\nRespectfully Forwarded Approved.\\nEDWARD L. THOMAS, Brig. Gen.\\nHead-quarters Wilco.x s Light Division, i\\nMarch 21, 1865.\\n1\\nRespectfully Forwarded Believing that the method proposed within is the best that\\ncan be adopted.\\nC. M. WILCOX, Maj.Gen.\\nHead-quarters, Third Corps, A. N. Va.\\nMarch 22, 1865.\\nRespectfully Forwarded The plan proposed is commended as wortliy of attention\\nand consideration.\\nH. HETH, Maj. Gen, Comd g.\\nRespectfully Returned The Commanding General commends the spirit displayed\\nby this regiment. Tlie plan of organization which has been regarded most favorably,\\nproposed a consolidation of the regiments of ten companies as they now exist, into\\nsix companies, and tliat the regimental organization be maintained by attaching to the six\\nthus formed four companies of colored troops. Each regiment would then preserve its\\nidentity.\\nPerhaps this plan would be ecinally as accejitable to the 49tli Georgia Regiment.\\nBv command of Gen. Lee.\\nW. H. TAYLOR, A. A. G.\\nMarch 27, 1865.\\nThis novel and earnest document is an historic curiosity, a brave, prac-\\ntical, patriotic paper, that will have a vital interest in all annals of this\\ngreat war. Gen. W. S. Walker, now living in Atlanta, urged the\\npolicy in 18G3 and 18G4, and made the prediction, that the measure\\nwould be proposed when it would be too late.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0389.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXX.\\nSHERMAN S PEACE EFFORT AND FAMOUS MARCFI TO\\nTHE SEA.\\nThe First Attempt at Peace. Gen. Slierm.in its Autlior. Genrr;la Keeps up lier\\nMomentous Play in tlie War. Gov. Brown and Alex. Stephens. Mr. Lincoln\\nLooks with Interest. Joshua Hill. Judge A. R. Wriglit Hood s Fatal Tennessee\\nProgramme. Sherman s Peril Ended by Confederate Folly. Georgia Gaslied.\\nSmashing Things. Atlanta Destroyed. Milledgeville Captured. Gov. Brown\\nand Gen. Ira Foster. The Convict Soldiers The Cabbage Calumny upon Gov.\\nBrown Corrected. The Cadets Battle of GriswoldviUe by Joe Brown s Jlilitia.\\nA Dreary Narrative of Ruin. Union Sentiment Stamped Out. Fort McAllister\\nTaken. Hardee Leaves Savannah. The March to the Sea Eniled. The Death\\nBlow of the Southern Cause. Georgians out of the State. 01u.stee and Alfred U.\\nColquitt. Gen. J. B. Gordon. The Georgia Militia at Honey Hill.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gen. Rause\\nAVright. Two Governors.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Legislature Gov. Brown s Message.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 State\\nPro])orty. Our Indigents. Our War Millionaires. Fabulous Prices. Bewilder-\\ning Aspects of the Pending Downfall.\\nImmediately after the capture and occupation of Atlanta, Sherman\\nconceived and attempted tlie execution of an idea, that if he could have\\ncarried into operation, would have ended the war much earlier, hen\\nthe history of our great civil war comes to be written, one of the\\nmost interesting chapters will be the account of the episode here\\nreferred to, the first effort that was made at peace. Gen. Sherman, as\\nhas been stated, was the author of this attempt, and Georgia was both\\nthe theater and object of his endeavors. The event was a continuation\\nof Georgia s momentous play in the war. She appeared fated to figure\\nin every possible role.\\nThe facts of this important peace movement show it to have been\\nsubtly conceived, important in its results of possibility to the conflict\\nand eagerly watclied by jNfr. Lincoln, the President of the United\\nStates. Gen. Sherman, in his Memoirs of the War, makes brief allusion\\nto this peace matter, but he gives such meager details tiiat the interest\\nand curiosity of the reader are only whetted for fuller information. By\\nan accident the writer s attention was called to it, and by direct\\napplication to all the parties connected with it, including Gen. Sherman,\\nHon. A. H. Stephens, Vice-President of tlie Confederacy, Gov. Joseph", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0390.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "rnESIDF.NT I.IXCOI.n s INTKRKST in SIlKiniAN s PEACE EFFORT. 301\\nE. Brown, Hon. .Tosliua Hill, Jiulge Augustus K. Wright aiid .Mr. William\\nKing, the full particulars of this striking and valuable episode of the\\ngreat war were obtained.\\nGen. Sherman knew that Mr. Stephens, the Vice-President of the\\nConfederacy, had so-differed from Mr. Davis and liis advisers as to lead-\\ning measures of his administration, that he took no share in tiie direc-\\ntion of affairs, and seemed to be in no sort of active connection with\\nthe ruling powers. He opposed conscription and favored the govern-\\nment buying up the cotton crop and sending it to Europe to be used as\\na basis of supply of munitions and recruits. Gen. Sherman also knew\\nof Gov. Brown s controversies with the Confederate authorities, that\\nhad cuhniiiated in what seemed an embittered antagonism. These pow-\\nerful public men were known to represent a large and popular sentiment\\nin Georgia.\\nIn this state of things, the main cause discouraged, the Confederacy\\nriven into fragments, Georgia half overrun, and her leaders many of\\nthem believed to be disaffected, and with the prospect of a complete\\ndevastation of the Commonwealth imminent. Gen. Sherman, with that\\nprolific fertility of resource and ready discernment of opportunity that\\nbelonged to the man, seized the occasion to strike what, if it had been\\nsuccessful, would have proved a powerful blow for the Union. It was\\npractically the attempt to eliminate the powerful state of Georgia with\\nher large forces from the opposition, and at one stroke to have blood-\\nlessly disintegrated the Confederate cause. If Georgia, through her\\nGovernor and his coadjutor in the work, the second officer of the Con-\\nfederacy, had withdrawn Georgia from the v/ar, or even induced her to\\ntake the resolute initiative in peace, the great struggle would have been\\npractically ended.\\nGen. Sherman, in his dispatch to President Lincoln, states his high\\nhope in the matter, and the tremendous importance that he attached to\\nthe movement when he says: T am fully conscious of the delicate\\nnature of such assertions, but it would be a magnificent stroke of\\nolici/ if wo could, without surrendering principle or a foot of ground,\\narouse the latent enmity of Georgia against Davis. And Mr. Lincoln,\\nin his response, said: I feel great interest in the subjects of your dis-\\npatch. And when later Mr. Davis made his visit to Macon and Hood s\\narmy, Mr. Lincoln believed, as he telegraphed to Gen. Sherman, that\\nthe object of Jlr. Davis visit was to see ilr. Stephens and Gov. Brown,\\nto stop the peace mischief that Gen. Sherman had inaugurated with\\nthose two dangerous gentlemen. Gen. Sherman s idea was to appeal", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0391.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "302 Till! DKFECT OF SIIKUMAN s PEACE KITORT.\\nto Georgia s safety from further war ravage and work it througli\\nofficials supposed to be hostile to tlie Confederate administration. No\\nless than three messengers were sent by Gen. Sherman. INIr. AVilliam\\nKing was his ambassador to both Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens.\\nJudge A. R. Wright, of Rome, was sent to Washington, to talk with\\nPresident Lincoln, and by him entrusted with messages for Jlr. Davi.s.\\nHon. Joshua Hill, of Madison, Ga., was sent as messenger to Gov.\\nBrown. Mr. King was a citizen in private life, an elderly gentleman of\\nhigh character, old family, fine intelligence and unquestionable patriot-\\nism. The other gentlemen have been spoken of in this volume.\\nThe fundamental idea of Gen. Sherman was separate State action of\\nGeorgia; and herein was its intrinsic weakness. As much as Mr.\\nStephens condemned the policy of the administration of his E.xecutive\\nMr. Davis and as antagonistic as Gov. Brown felt to certain leading\\nmeasures of the Confederate authorities, neither of them was capable, in\\nany stress of disaster, and under any possession of State influence, of\\ndesertinff the fortunes of the Confederacy and leavings the other mem-\\nbers of the compact to bear the calamities of failure. AVhile it was\\nsimply an impossibility that the soldiers or people of Georgia would\\nhave been willing to purchase exemption from the common peril and\\nuniversal ruin by abandonment of the cause, thus securing safety by\\ndishonor. And both Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens, from their very\\nsupposed attitude of disaffection and hostility to Mr. Davis, were\\nnecessarily the more careful in tlieir conduct that no possible sus-\\npicion of bad faith should attach to them.\\nBoth Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown declined to accept Gen. Sher-\\nman s invitation to visit him on this peace mission. Mr. Stephens con-\\nsidered that neither he nor Gen. Sherman had the proper authority to\\nrepresent and hind their respective governments, though if Gen. Sher-\\nman should think that there was any prospect that he and Mr. Stephens\\ncould agree upon terms of adjustment to be submitted to the govern-\\nments, he would, with the consent of the Confederate authorities, meet him\\nand enter upon the task of restoring peace. This reply of Mr. Stephens\\ndissipated the idea that he would act in the slightest degree independ-\\nently of Mr. Davis and take part in a separate negotiation by the State.\\nGen Sherman, in his dispatch to President Lincoln, discloses the\\nagency he hoped Mr. Stephens would play in this shrewdly conceived\\npeace project, in these significant words: The people do not hesitate\\nto say, that Mr. Stephens was and is a LInion man at heart; and they\\nsay that Davis will not trust liim, or let him have share in his govern-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0392.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "GOV. BUOWn s ACTIOX in the SHERMAN PEACE MOVEMENT. 303\\nment. Mr. Stephens, by his reply, completely dropped liimself out of\\nthe project. Gov. Brown was unwilling; to enter into any negotiations\\ninvolving separate State action. His dismissing the State militia for a\\ntime to go home and harvest the crops, and his calling the Legislature\\ntogether to consider the critical state of affairs, impressed Gen. Sherman\\nwith the belief tliat Gov. Brown was leaning to the peace idea; that the\\ntemporary disbandment of the State troops was an initiatory movement\\nin the matter, while he wanted the Legislature to share the responsibility.\\nMr. Davis made his visit to Georgia at that time, and so strongly had\\nthe peace plan of Gen. Sherman, bj^ securing Georgia s disaffection\\nthrough Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, seized and impressed Mr. I^incoln,\\nthat the President conceived and telegraphed Gen. Sherman: I judge\\nthat Brown and Stephens are the objects of his (Davis visit.\\nBut Gen. Sherman and Mr. Lincoln were both mistaken. They mis-\\nconceived Gov. Brown, who never for a moment entertained the idea of\\nwithdrawing Georgia from her Confederate alliance. It is due to him\\nto say this, and it is also due to say that the people of Georg ia would\\nnot have entertained such a proposition. They were committed to the\\nConfederacy, and meant to rise or fall with it. There is no ground for\\nbelieving, as Mr. Lincoln imagined, that Mr. Davis visited Georgia at\\nthat time to look after Mr. Stephens and Gov. Brown, and stop their\\nsupposed peace mischief. His mission was to confer as to the proper\\ndirection to be given to Hood s army in this critical juncture.\\nThe peace mission was so -important a one that Gov. Brown, at the\\ntime, made a note of the whole matter so far as he was concerned, whicli\\nwas published for the information of the people. His action involved\\nan exceedingly able presentation of the question, showing that he gave\\nthe matter profound and conscientious reflection. That Georgia, in her\\nsovereign capacity, had the right to withdraw from the Southern Con-\\nfederate compact, not through her Executive, but through a convention\\nof her people, he had no doubt. But while she possessed this power,\\nshe would never violate her faith pledged to her Confederate allies,\\nnever shrink from the suffering that fell to her lot, never make separate\\nterms to save herself, and whatever may be the opinion of her people\\nas to the injustice done her by the Confederate administration, she will\\ntriumph with her Confederate sisters, or she will sink with them in one\\ncommon ruin. Gov. Brown argued, that Gen. Sherman and he had no\\npower or right to represent the government of tiie United States and\\nthe government of the Confederate States, or in any way bind them.\\nHon. Joshua Hill, in his interesting and graphic account, gives", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0393.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "304 JUDGE A. R. WKIinn s VISIT TO PRESIDENT MXCOLX.\\nsome valuable itiformation, sliowing Gen. Shonnairs desires, and also\\ncontributes convincing testimony as to the stubljorn fidelity of the\\npeople to the cause. He made a strenuous effort to influence the Legis-\\nlature to take some peace action, but could get no encouragement, and\\nfinally desisted. Gen. Sherman, however, began to doubt the possibility\\nof success on his original idea of detaching Georgia from the Confed-\\neracy, and he widened iiis project to include broader negotiations and\\nlarger agencies. Here conies in Judge Wright, who was sent bv Gen.\\nSherman to see President Lincoln, and, learning his pacific temper and\\nviews, convey them to Mr. Davis.\\nThe version furnished by Judge Wright is a most important contribu-\\ntion to this peace narrative. He spent two weeks in Washington,\\nconferring daily with President Lincoln and his Cabinet, and finally\\nbrought back to Mr. Davis messages of his willingness to enter upon\\npeace negotiations. The report of Mr. Lincoln s views is wholly new,\\nand is of incalculable value historically. Some of his statements will\\nbe a revelation, and must do great honor to his memory. Among the\\nremarkable statements were, that the South was a part of his country,\\nand as dear to him as the North. He had never had an idea of inter-\\nfering with her rights. Also, that he then had his proclamation of\\namnesty written for the whole South, from Mr. Davis down to the\\nhumblest citizen, and though a part of his Cabinet was opposed to it,\\nthe day we laid down our arms it would be published, and the South\\nrestored to her rights in the Union as far as was in his power. Also,\\nthat he was favorable to a gradual emancipation of the blacks in tweiity-\\none years. Mr. Lincoln s message to Mr. Davis was a very earnest one.\\nJudge Wright says that Mr. Lincoln e.xtracted from him a solemn\\npromise that his friendly sentiments and his earnest desires for peace on\\nthe basis of the rights of the States should be truly, fully and earnestly\\nimpressed upon Mr. Davis.\\nJudge Wright never had the chance of seeing Mr. Davis until after\\nthe close of the war, and the message was, therefore, not delivered.\\nJudge Wright, however, told Mr. Lincoln that the peace mission would\\nbe hopeless. There is little doubt, in the light of subsequent events,\\nthat Mr. Davis would have refused to act on these messages. His\\nunquenchable faith in the ultimate success of the Confederate cause,\\nand his unbending resolution to make no compromise, would have been\\nan insuperable barrier to any peace based upon the only idea vipon\\nwhich Mr. Lincoln was willing to close the war, viz.: the submission of\\nthe South to the Union.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0394.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "rUllLIC Ol INIOX IN GEOKGIA ON SHEEMAN s I KACK EfFOET. 305\\nRciiieniberiiig that his peace effort was made in September, lSG-4, and\\nthat tile celeljrated Hampton Roads conference between Mr. Lincohi and\\nMr. Seward, of the North, and Mr. Stephens, Mr. Hunter and Judge\\nCampbell, of the South, took place in February, 18G5, five months after,\\nit will be seen that Gen. Sherman s attempt at peace was the first that\\nwas made. The South, in 18G-1, was in a much better condition to nego-\\ntiate peace than in 18G5, and could have gained better terms. Mr.\\nStephens was engaged in both attempts. In his book, The War\\nbetween the States, he gives a full account of the Hampton Roads\\nconference, and it is a matter of interesting significance that it is shown\\nvery clearly that Mr. Lincoln was governed by the same ideas of policy\\nin both. The two peace efforts constitute a valuable and striking-\\nepisode of the great struggle, and will form an important and suggestive\\nchapter in the history of our civil war.\\nThe matter at the time created a good deal of excitement in the\\npublic mind in Georgia. There was a varied comment upon it. Some\\nclaimed that it was the duty of Gov. Brown and Mr. Stephens to accept\\nGeneral Sherman s invitation, and make an effort to settle our troubles\\nby negotiation. Others, though not many, in their flaming zeal, con-\\ntended that it was the duty of the Governor to seize General Sherman s\\nmessenger and order him hung as a traitor. The prevailing opinion\\nwas that nothing would come of it. But the incident was another\\nlink in the chain of Geora ia s crovernins: influence in the grreat strus-ole,\\nan influence that covered both the war-like and peaceful features of the\\nrevolution.\\nThe final strategy of this ghastly Georgia campaign must look, far\\noff in the cool, impartial future, like a terrible drama of tragic harle-\\nquinade. Hood did the very folly that Sherman would have prayed\\nfor him to do, had he been a pious man. As it was, the wily Federal\\n.said, If Hood will go to Tennessee, I will give him rations to go\\nwith. Mr. Davis had most unwisely blazoned in his speeches to the\\ndejected public this Tennessee programme. And as it reached Sherman\\nhe had thus spoken. With Forrest banging and gashing at his long\\nline of communication, hundreds of miles, and a stout, solid, fierce\\narmy before him, he would have had a tough time. His fiat of exile\\nfor the city of Atlanta evidenced his sense of danger. To have stayed\\nin Atlanta was unspeakably perilous. To have gone back would have\\nyielded the good of his victory. To go forward was to cut loose from\\nhis base into the atmosphere like an anchorless ship. Sherman was\\ndeeply anxious. As he took Atlanta he ir.ade witli a part of his force\\n20", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0395.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "30G SIIERMAX STARTS TO THE SEA.\\na little tentative dash at Hood s ontienched lino at Lovejoys, and\\nrecoiled, sliivering. In this perplexing hour, Hood gayly bid adieu to\\nAtlanta, and coquetting up the state road, capturing squads at Big\\nShanty, Acworth and Dalton, and destroying a respectable amount of\\nrailway track, skipped into Alabama, and thence into Tennessee.\\n.Sherman sent ofE Thomas to care for Hood, took a little scout himself\\nill that direction, satisfied himself that Hood had really gone blunder-\\ning, and stripping himself to about 00,000 men, he started for the\\nAtlantic Ocean.\\nHe began his easy but destructive march on the loth day of Novem-\\nber, 1804. Spreading out his columns to a width of about forty miles,\\nforaging his army as he went along, tearing up everj^ mile of railroad\\ntrack, gutting villages, cleaning up provisions, pillaging houses, destroy-\\ning furniture, gathering hordes of negroes to be dropped, the jaunty,\\nmassive column left a blistering devastation for throe hundred miles\\nupon the fair bosom of our noble state. In the writer s temporary\\nhome in Sandersville a piano was butchered to fragments, books and\\npictures destroyed, and for days the female inmates of the household\\nlived upon corn gathered from whore the horses of the Federal troop-\\ners had been fed. In his dispatches to Gan. Grant about this move-\\nment Sherman foreshadowed the desolation in such expressions as\\nutter destruction of roads, houses and people, make Georgia\\nhowl, make a wreck of the road and of the country, smashing\\nthings to the sea, make the interior of Georgia feel the weight of\\nwar, and ruin Georgia.\\nThere was no opposition to speak of. The strange spectacle had\\nbeen seen of two great armies in deadly tug, deliberately leaving each\\nother, and marching in opposite directions to conquer the fight. A\\ndivision of ^^^llecler s cavalry pegged away on the advancing column.\\nAt Macon, Gen. Cobb went out and rattled with a division of the\\nGeorgia militia at the huge serpent. At Griswoldville, ten miles below\\nMacon, there was a bloody little fight between Sherman and our Georgia\\nmilitia, in whicli these troops fought with the gallantry and skill of\\nveterans, inflicting heavy loss and suffering severe punishment with-\\nsteady nerve. In Burke county tliere was some sprightly but ineffect-\\nual brushing. But Sherman went on flipping off these attacks with\\nunconcern. Our little force kept the tiling lively in proportion to num-\\nbers. Sherman reports 764 men lost on the march, and 1,338 captures\\nof Confederates.\\nThe incidents of this march were dramatic in their destructiveness", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0396.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0WHAT ^VAS DONE IN MILLEDlSEVlLLE. 307\\nAtlanta was fired, and Sherman marclied out amid the crimson flames of\\nthe city and a volley of exploding ammunition that sounded like a des-\\nperate battle, his men singing, John Brown s soul goes marching on.\\nOf about 5,000 houses all were destroyed except about 400. Eleven-\\ntwelfths of the place, shops, depots, mills, dwellings, stores, were burned.\\nA few stores on Alabama street were left. The residences between\\nLloyd and ^A ^ashington streets were left, and most of the churches,\\nthanks to Father O Rilcy of the Catholic church. Three thousand car-\\ncasses of animals lay in the streets. The very dead were taken from\\ntheir vaults and the colTnis stripped of silver tippings. Gen. Sherman\\nhad his headquarters one night on Howell Cobb s plantation, and on\\nlearning the fact ordered the soldiers to spare nothing.\\nOn the 23d day of November, 1864, the legislature of Georgia, being\\nin session, Gov. Brown received a telegram during the dinner hour that\\nGeneral Sherman had left Atlanta the day before and was on the march\\nthrough the country for Savannah. As soon as this information was\\nspread through the town, the people became greatly excited, and the\\nmembers of the legislature, who had adjourned for dinner at the time,\\nparticipated in the excitement, and began making preparation for a\\nrapid transit from the Capital, as it was not known how soon the cav-\\nalry, who were supposed to be a good way in advance of the army,\\nmight reach Jlilledgeville. The bills and other matters before the Gen-\\neral Assembly at the time it adjourned for dinner, were left lying on the\\ndesks and no one returned to look after them. Fabulous prices were\\npaid for conveyances of different sorts and the members during that\\nafternoon had nearly all left the Capital on their way home with the\\nbest means of convej ance at their command, taking such routes as in\\ntheir opinion could not be interfered with by the invading army. Some\\ntook the railroad trains; others got carriages, buggies, wagons or what-\\never else came in their way. This left the city almost destitute of\\nvehicles for transportation.\\nSoon after Gen. Sherman s movements were known. Gov. Brown gave\\norders to Gen. Ira R. Foster, the prompt and efficient Quartermaster-\\nGeneral of Georgia, to secure the removal of all the most valuable per-\\nishable property of the State then at the Capital, consisting of books\\nof record in the State House,- the more valuable furniture there, the\\nfurniture from the executive mansion and the property of the most value\\nin the penitentiar}% arsenal, armorj and in the Quartermaster and Com-\\nmissary departments. Herculean efforts were made by the Quarter-\\nmaster-General to procure transportation and convey the public property", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0397.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "308\\nTHE CONVICTS ORGANIZED.\\nto plapos of safety as rapidly as jiosslble and no one M-as better quali-\\nfied for the task than General Foster, as he had ability, promptness, de-\\ncision and dispatch in such matters, that were very remarkable.\\nUpon consultation with the Governor it was concluded that the more val-\\nuable books of the library and other such property should be carried to\\nthe lunatic asylum and there stored. But as the asylum was located\\nsome three miles from the city, with the limited transportation at com-\\nmand, it was impossible to carry there within the short time\\nallowed all the other public property. It was known of course that\\nGeneral Sherman would not burn the lunatic asylum, and it was sup-\\nposed that State property stored in it which could in no way be used\\nfor forwarding the purposes of the war would be safe. On further con-\\nsultation it was concluded that it would be best to haul the bulk of the\\npublic property of the character above-mentioned, and all the more val-\\nuable property of the State in the city to the railroad depot and try to get\\nit to Macon, before the railroad should be cut, and shipped to south-west\\nGeorgia, as it was believed that neither the cavalry of the enemy nor\\nthe infantry would likely traverse that country. Part of a train of cars\\nwas detained at Milledgeville for that purpose, and other cars in reach\\nwere ordered to be sent there promptly. Tlie property was then hauled\\nrapidly to the railroad and loaded on the cars. But as very few wagons\\ncould be obtained, and there was great consternation in the city, it soon\\nbecame next to impossible to procure labor.\\nHere the Quartermaster-General again consulted with the Governor,\\nwho was doing all in his power to aid in the removal, and the Governor\\ninformed him that he had determined to pardon the convicts in the\\npenitentiary, and put them under command of the Quartermaster-Gen-\\neral for the time, to aid in removing the property of the State to a place\\nof safety, and that he would pardon each who would enlist in the State\\n.service, and thus try to turn them to the advantage of our cause instead\\nof leaving them for Sherman to use against us. As we were making\\nguns in the penitentiary, it was expected that it would be burned; and\\nif the convicts were in the walls when Gen. Sherman reached there they\\nwould either be turned loose for indiscriminate plunder or enlisted in\\nthe Federal army. To avoid this Gov. Brown determined promptly- on\\nthe policy of enlisting them in the State service for the benefit of the\\nConfederacy. He went immediately to the penitentiary, had the .convicts\\ndrawn up in a line, delivered a short address to them, appealing to their\\npatriotic pride, and offered pardon to each one who would aid in the re-\\nmoval of the State property, and then enlist for the defense of the Con-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0398.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "THE DISPOSITION OF STATE PAPEItS. 309\\nfederacy. They responded almost unanimously. There were a few life-\\ntime men in for murder, who were not included in the offer, and they\\nwere sent through tlie country under guard to a point where they could\\nbe shipped on the railroad to South-west Georgia, where they were kept\\ntill after Sherman passed through and were then brought back and con-\\nfined in Milledgeville. But the great body of the convicts were formed\\ninto a military company under the notorious Dr. Roberts, who was a\\nvery intelligent man, and who promptly volunteered, and in that capac-\\nity they did valuable service in aiding to remove the State property, and\\nloading it upon the train. As soon as this service was done, a suit of\\nsoldier s clothing and a gun were furnished to each, and Captain Roberts\\nwas ordered to report to Gen. Wayne, who had command of the\\nGeorgia cadets, from the Military Institute, at Marietta, then in Mill-\\nedgeville, and a small battalion of other militia. The company was ac-\\ncepted by Gen. Wayne, and carried by him to Savannah, on his retreat in\\nadvance of the Federal army, and they were used in ainioying it wherever\\nGen. Wayne saw an opportunity to strike a blow. A portion of the\\nconvicts deserted and left, but a large majority of them, including Capt.\\nRoberts, remained at their post doing duty faithfully during the cam-\\npaign; so that the discharge became honorable.\\nAs already stated, the members of the legislature generally left the\\ncity on the afternoon of the 23rd day of November, 1864 Gov. Brown\\nand family, and Gen. Foster, and Gen. Wayne, and some of the other\\nheads of the departments remained in the city until the next afternoon.\\nAll the more valuable property of the State had been secured either in\\nthe asyluiii or sent to safe places or loaded upon the cars ready to be re-\\nmoved to South-west Georgia. In the State House the old files of doc-\\numents and letters for the last half a century or more, which were not\\nregarded very valuable and could not be assorted and taken care of in\\nthe limited time, were left in their respective places of deposit. After\\nGen. Sherman had passed through Milledgeville, and the officers of the\\nState were permitted to return, thej^ found these papers scattered all\\nover the floor of the State House; and as reported by the citizens, large\\nquantities had been used by the soldiers in kindling their fires. In this\\nway many of the old documents, and many of the papers that were filed\\nwere destroyed or lost, though they were generally of a character not\\ndeemed to be very valuable; and the time, and means of transporta-\\ntion were not sufficient to enable the authorities to care better for them.\\nThe furniture in the Executive Mansion was the last thing attended\\nto. During the afternoon the more valuable and portable portion of it", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0399.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "310 GENERAL IRA R. FOSTEr s ACCOUNT.\\nwas removed as rapidly as possible to the railroad depot and placed on\\nthe trains. The scone was a busy and an exciting one. During the\\ntwenty-four liours the Governor and the Quartermaster-General re-\\nmained in the tliscliarge of their duty, in taking care of the public prop-\\nerty their efforts were untiring. A letter addressed by Gen. Foster to\\na friend in this city at a recent date draws the following picture of the\\nscene:\\nI have oftentimes tlionght ot the scenes tlirongh wliioU we p.assed in getting rcadv\\nto leave Milluilgeville on Slierinau s ilcscent on that auticnt hut memoralilc city of hills.\\nIn this (Inun.a, I .see a man serving his fourth term as Governor of the Great Emjiire\\nState of the South, after giving orders to his Quartermaster-General on tlie near ap-\\nproach of the eueniv.and putting him in charge of the puldic property witli direction to\\nsee that it was taken care of and removed, reversing the order of things bv laving hold\\nwith his own hands ajid working hoth day and night under the direction of his suliordi-\\nuate to secure a fullillment of his genend orders. And I see by his side a delicate but\\nanxious wife, unceasingly laboring to accomplish the s,ame end. Notwithstajiding this,\\nit has been printed in a book and published in newspapers, and reiterated by many mis-\\nguided tongues, that Gov. Brown, wdiile Sherman s army was descending on Milledge-\\nville, carried off his own property, including cows and cabbage, and left the State pro-\\nperty behind uuprotected. I was in command of the transportation of the property at\\nthe time, and I know whereof I speak and I know these statements are unfounded.\\nkiioiv they are untrue. I ought to know more about the taking care and the protection\\nand the removal of the State property at Milledgeville than any one else, as I was there\\nin person and had immediate supervision, with the entire control of the whole thing uu-\\nder my own command.\\nIt is true tliat some of the old papers were left in the State Honse, which, if I had had\\nfurther time, would have all l een removed. But the fates of war denied me the desired\\nprivilege. The removal of the furniture from the E.xecntive Mansion wi\\\\s the last work.\\nIn looking around the mansion to see what ought to be taken along, I discovered in the\\ngarden a fine lot of coleworts, and I directed old Aunt Celia, the good old colored cook,\\nwithout the knowledge or presence of her master or mistress, to cut down the coleworts and\\nbring them near where tlie wagons were being loaded. I intended to take away the last\\none of them, as they would be lost where they were, and I had sufficient room in the car to\\ncarry them. And I knew the Governor s family would need some, and my own family,\\nthen at Dawson, in South-west Georgia, as Uefugees driven from their home iu Atlanta\\nbefore the tierce march of Sherman, would like to have part of them, as they were in a\\nstrange country and had no time to raise vegetables, and were nnich pressed for food of\\nthat character.\\nI had idso, at the E.Nilo camp, near Daw.son. seven hundred persons, compo.sed of the\\nwidows, wives and children of Confederate soliliers, aged men and maimed and dis-\\ncharged soldiers, who had lieen expelled from Atlanta by Gen. Slicrman, homeless and\\nwithout food. I nder Gov. Brown s orders they had been picked up from the line of\\nrailro.ad from Atlanta to Macon, and shipped to Dawson, where I had erected nearly one\\nhundred houses iu which they were sheltered and fed at the expense of the State, under\\nthe immediate su|)ervi.sion of Capt. Milton A. Candler, who did his whole duty in their\\nbehalf. To these homeless sufferers I intended to give most of the coleworts but in", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0400.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "GENERAL lUA R. FOSTER S ACCOUNT. 311\\nthis I was (lisappoiuteU. As I was having tlie last loail of furniture at tlie Executive\\nMansion placed on the wagons, a few moments after I h;ul giien the order to Aunt\\nCelia to cut the cahhage, Gov. Brown received information hy telegrajih, that Sherman s\\ncavalry were making rapid advances to vards the Central railroad, between MiUedgeville\\nand Macon. This message admonisheil us tiiat we should be uji and olT, else \\\\\\\\e might\\nfind ourselves prisoners of war. So I had only a few cabbage wliich were cut aud car-\\nried to the gate by Aunt Celia, tlirown ou top of the load. Teams weie Imrried to the\\ntrain, wagons ([uickly unloaded ou cars, leaving, for waut of time to sa\\\\e tliem, almost\\nthe entire lot of fine cabbage standing in the garden. Steam lieing up, orders were\\ngiven the eugiueer to sound his whistle au{l press for Macon witli all jiossible speed. It\\nis presumable we probably made the irij) (juicker than it was ever done before by any\\neugiue ou that particular road. At Gordon wo stopped a moment to bid farewell to\\nGeu. Wayne and his staff, who had trausportatiou to carry them down the Central rail-\\nroad, with orders to do all in their power to protect the railroad bridge. The State\\nCadets, a uoble band of hoys, was under Wayue s command.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0A very short time only was spent at Gordon, when the train conveying the Governor\\nand family, the Quartermaster-Geueral and his assistants, and a large amount of\\nstate property and furniture was on its way under a full head of steam for Macon, where\\nwe arrived just liefore dark. And on reaching Macon a telegram was handed Gov.\\nBrown, stating that the Federal cavalry had just cut tlie road at Griswoldville, the next\\nstation Ijelow. The advauced cavalry must have been almost in sight of Griswoldville\\nwlieu tlie train p:isscd.\\nWe remaiued in the cars that uight at Macon. Next morniug I went down to\\nSouth-west Georgia with the train and as Sherman s infantry had not reached Macon,\\naud it was understood they would not before that evening, Gov. Brown ran down with\\nus as far as Montezuma, where his family were set off by the side of the road, and left\\nto make their way to his plantation, thirty miles from that point in Dooly county. IIo\\ntook an engine and returned upon it rapidly, tliat eveniug, to Macon, and reached\\nthere, as I am informed, just as Sherman s column, passing by, fired upon the militia.\\nThe engagement amounted to very little. The militia were entrenched, and it was not\\nSherman s ]iolicy to attack localities ou the lines of his march. His desire was to get\\ntlirough to the sea with as little delay and as little difficulty as possilile.\\nWhile we were switched off on a siding at Montezuma, a hurried dinner was pre-\\npared, and while eating dinner aboard the cars I said to Mrs. Brown, she ought to have\\nhad for dinner some of our MiUedgeville greeus. This was the first time I had\\nnamed to Gov. Brown or to his wife that I had cut and put on the train any of the cole-\\nworts from the garden in MiUedgeville. I doubt that any member of the family knew\\nup to that time that a small number of the coleworts which I had secured were on the\\ntrain, as the family had left the mansion for the train liefore the last wagon left that\\ncarried tlie coleworts out aud put them mion the cars. Aunt Celia knew that she had\\ncut aud loaded a small lot iu the yard Ijiit .as she liad gone with the family into the\\ntrain, she di l not know that they had Iieeu transported to the train.\\nI have been tlius particular in giving the whole facts, as tliere was much merrimeiit\\nmade over the cabbage stofy at the time, and much injustice done Gov. Brown, who was\\nin noway responsible for the removal of the few that we carried, and kuew nothing\\nwhatever about it until after it w.is done.\\nAt Gordon the followiiiir incident occurred. Gov. Brown s eldc: t", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0401.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "313 THE DESTRUCTION OF THE MARCH TO THE SEA.\\nson, Julius, a lad sixteen years of age, was a member of the cadets,\\nand got aboard to tell the I aniily good-by. The Gove nor said to him\\nthat he nuist remain at Macon with the troops; that there was no one\\nto go with his mother and little brothers and sisters to South-west\\nGeorgia, and he had better go with them. The youth said he would\\nobey, but ho would ratlier die than to do it, as he was unwilling, under\\nany circumstances, to leave the cadets, or fail to sliare with them the\\ncommon danger. The governor told him to go and do his whole duty;\\nsome provision would be made for his mother and the children. He\\nwent forward with the cadets, and they were placed by Gen. Wayne\\nto guard the Oconee bridge a day or two after, on tlie advance of the\\narmy, where they had a sharp engagement with the enemy; and one of\\nthe cadets was shot down by young Brown s side. They drifted down\\nbefore Sherman to Savannah, and there reported to Gen. Hardee, and\\nwere carried across into Carolina. And this gallant little band of\\nyouths did good service as soldiers during the campaign. They were\\nfinally returned to Augusta, where they arrived almost naked and half\\nstarved. Major G. C. Connor, in charge of some state stores there,\\nfurnished them with a suit of clothes apiece; and after their arrival at\\nAugusta they had the necessary rations. Among them were many of\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2the best youths of the state, belonging to some of the most respecta-\\nble families. They were a gallant and faithful little band.\\nGen. Beauregard, from Corinth, Ben Hill and our Confederate Con-\\ngressmen in Richmond, sent dispatches to the people to destroy the\\nenemy, to be firm, to fly to arms, to burn everything they could not re-\\nmove, which the Federal officers read in papers, captured at Milledge-\\nville and ridiculed unmercifully. In the old State house the Federals held\\na mock legislature, and in a grim spirit of fun repealed the ordinance\\nof secession. Several well authenticated cases of rape occurred. The\\nnegroes gave a cordial greeting to the Federals, and many accompanied\\nthem to Savannah. Many colored women tramped after the soldiers.\\nIt is a dreary narrative to chronicle the ruin wrought by this March\\nto the Sea in the proud old state. It would take volumes to record\\nthe details. There had been in Georgia a growing drift in public opin-\\nion to the idea of reconstruction of the Union. But the march of\\nSherman killed it. Men standing amid the ruins of their dear homes,\\nwith starvation for their loved ones staring upon them, and bitter mem-\\nories of insult and injury rankling in their bosoms, had no gentle feeling\\ntowards the foe that had done the ruin. The work of devastation had\\nbut one redeeming feature, it was, while complete, very brief.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0402.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0403.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "L CEN. HARDEE.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0404.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "THE FALL OF SAVANNAH. 313\\nOn the 10th of December, 1864, Sherman readied and invested\\nSavannah. On the 13tli, Gen. Hazen with his division, carried Fort\\n.McAlistcr after a gallant resistance by Major Geo. W. Anderson and\\nliis lieroic garrison of 250 men. Gen. Wm. J. Hardee had abont\\n10,000 troops in Savannah mainiing the fortifications. On the night of\\nthe 20th of December, Gen. Hardee, finding that he could not liold the\\ncity, quietly withdrew into Carolina, having on the 17th refused to sur-\\nrender. Gen. Sherman took possession of the beautiful Georgia City\\nby the Sea, and Sherman s March was an accomplished historical fact.\\nThe Northern exultation over this achievement was delirious, and Con-\\ngress, voicing the public delight, passed warm resolutions of thanks to\\nGen. Sherman and his army. Concurrently with this substantial victory\\ncame the news of Hood s hopeless and irretrievable defeats at Franklin\\nand Nashville, and the practical annihilation of his army that could not\\nbe replaced. Surely there never was a swifter dissolution of a noble\\nand indispensable force under a purposeless lead of incapacity.\\nThese tremendous movements really ended the war. The surrenders\\nof Lee and Johnston did not come until April, 1865, several months\\nlater, but it was a hopeless struggle from this time. But the end\\nwas approaching. The Georgia campaign gave the death-blow to the\\ncause for which so much blood had been shed, so much treasure expended\\nand so much splendid heroism wasted. It is remarkable, however, and\\nevinces the stern purpose of the Southern people that during these last,\\nhopeless, bloody months of the struggle they were more determined\\nthan ever to succeed, and with the cause palpably crumbling before their\\neyes, they persisted and fought to the last. The various State Legisla-\\ntures passed resolutions against reconstruction, and the State Execu-\\ntives made messages full of ring and defiance.\\nDuring this year, 18G4, the Georgia troops out of Georgia had main-\\ntained their wonted renown. Gen. Alfred H. Colquitt had earned the\\nsplendid title of the Hero of Olustee in the famous little battle in\\nFlorida, which at one stroke had ended Federal operations there. Upon\\nevery battle field in Virginia our Georgians had illustrated the State.\\nGen. John B. Gordon, according to a correspondent of the London\\nTimes, had become the rising military genius of our armies. In South\\nCarolina, at Honey Hill, Gen. Gustavus W. Smitli, at the close of the\\nyear, with his division of Georgia militia, had defeated the Federals in\\na heavy engagement. Gov. Brown having instructed him to carry the\\nGeorgia militia into Carolina if the good of the cause required it. Gen.\\nDick Taj lor, in his book called Destruction, makes statements in ref-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0407.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "314 TWO GOVEKXOUS OF GEORGIA.\\nerence to the militia, on tliis point, that are wholly unauthorized by the\\nfacts. We had lost many fine officers, Gen. George Doles, Col. Ed.\\nWillis, Col. John M. Millen, Col. J. H. Lamar, Lieut. Col. Van\\nValkenburg and others.\\nThe occupation of Atlanta was immediately resumed. The Atlanta\\nIntelligencer issue l a little sheet amid the ruins, on the 10th of Decem-\\nber, 18G4. It was printed on one side only, and was about twelve b_v\\neighteen inclics in size. Gen. Howell Cobb, accompanied by Col. I. W.\\nAvery, rode up there from Macon, picking a way carefully through the\\ndebris. Col. L. J. Glenn was made commandant of the post as early as\\nNovember 2Gth. The Atlanta e.xiles had been carried and quartered\\nnear Dawson in Terrell county, at Exile Camp. Some 300 were cared\\nfor there at public expense.\\nA novel collision of civil authority occurred, that constitutes a very\\ninteresting incident of that chaotic time. Oii the 21st of November\\nGen. Ranse Wright, who had been assigned to command in Augusta,\\nand who was president of the Georgia Senate, issued an order at\\nAugusta, that as Gov. Brown was cut off from communication with the\\nportion of the State east of the Oconee river by the interposition oi an\\nhostile army, it became his duty, as president of the Senate and cx-\\nofficio Governor, during the disability of the Governor, to assume com-\\nmand of all Georgia out of the jurisdiction of the Governor. He\\nrevoked all orders of Gov. Brown, and directed all militia east of the\\nOconee to report to him. Gen. Wright wrote to Gov. Brown explaining\\nhis action, and asking if he approved of it. Gov. Brown replied stat-\\ning that Gen. Wright s course was unnecessary. Tlie press made some\\nexceedingly piquant commentary upon the matter at the time, though\\nGen. Wright s conduct was highly patriotic, but it was speedily forgot-\\nten in the rush of events and the tragic drift of the revolution.\\nThe General Assembly met on the 3rd of November, 1864. Gov.\\nBrown s message was a frank criticism of the campaign, and a candid\\nstatement of the situation, but it was also a bold, stirring exhortation\\nto a continuance of the struggle. While the fight lasted. Gov. Brown\\naided and pressed its unyielding prosecution. In the darkest hour he\\nurged the conflict, and flung the resources of the state, both men and\\nmoney, into the affray without stint. The Northern Democratic party\\nhad advised a convention of the sovereign states, to negotiate an adjust-\\nment of the contest. Gov. Brown favored such a movement, the action\\nof such a convention having to be submitted to the states for ratifica-\\ntion or rejection. He argued the idea masterfully, but at the same time", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0408.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "THE DREARY FIGURES OF GEORGIA S CONDITION. 315\\nhe urged that every arms-bearing man in the South should go to the\\nfront to sustain our armies. The war had reached the point where\\nstatesmanship might aid arms in the settlement of the great issue.\\nLooking at the situation then, Gov. Brown s strong advocacy of this\\nplan was a timely piece of judgment, and could it have been carried\\nout, would have saved a failing cause.\\nThe State s finances exhibited strikingly the effect of the war. The\\nproperty of the State had been inflated from \u00c2\u00a78-10,041,127 to $1,G12,-\\n592,800, the inflation evidencing the ruinous depreciation of Confeder-\\nate currency. Polls had fallen from 52,704: to 39,803, demonstrating\\nthe ravages of the war upon our men. The State s expenditures for\\n1804 had run to \u00c2\u00a713,288,435. The public debt had grown to the enor-\\nmous sum of 823,980,092. But a most ominous fact was that bank\\ncapital had fallen from $70,713,048 to \u00c2\u00a744,810,979, or nearly one-half.\\nThe number of indigent people, families of soldiers, had swelled to the\\nappalling size of 117,889, or the full proportion of the entire voting\\npopulation of the State at the beginning of the war. Could the rav-\\nages of this terrific contest be more strikingly shown than by this awful\\nstatistic of wholesale impoverishment Chatham county had 3,058\\nindigents, Cherokee county 2,598, Gordon county 2,390, Gilmer 2,100,\\nPaulding 1,875, Gwinnett 2,390. These are frightful figures, and must\\nbe appreciated to understand the crushing tale of misfortune and misery\\nthat they reveal. The shocking aggregate of want and disti ess cannot\\nbe conveyed in its full practical meaning.\\nThere is another side of this economic question, equally as interesting\\nand suggestive as these dreary numbers of personal indigence and\\nfamily bereavement. There had been such speculation by the non-com-\\nbatants that there was a wonderful aristocracy of sudden wealth. Of\\n91,505 tax-payers fifteen were worth over half a million; thirty-si.v over\\n$300,000; 131 over 8200,000; 829 over 8100,000; 2,028 over $50,000;\\n4,047 over $30,000; 4,780 over $20,000; 10,048 over 810,000; 13,215\\nover $5,000; 10,438 over 83,000; 8,742 over $2,000; 13,081 over.\\n$1,000; and 22,311 were worth $1,000 and under. This was estimated\\naccording to Confederate values.\\nThere is a strange and dramatic teaching in these figures\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a lesson of\\npathetic and momentous import. While the brave soldiers were strik-\\ning at the enemy in the field, and their families were practical ])aupers\\nat home living upon the bounty of the State, there was liehind the pro-\\ntecting segis of a craven non-combatancy thousands of enterprising citi-\\nzens filling their coffers, and gorging their purses with the profits of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0409.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "1\\n316 THE FABl LOl S PRICES OF 18G4.\\nsome sort of greedy trading. Think of fifteen millionaires in our war-smit-\\nten commonwealth in that destructive day, and a thousand men worth\\nover \u00c2\u00a7100,000 each. Georgia, in her palmiest prosperity of peace, never\\nmade such a prodigal showing of rich citizens. There was something\\ndreadfully wrong. It was a cruel incongruity, and it sajiped the cause\\nwith an unseen but immeasurable potency.\\nNot less interesting is the range of prices for all articles of trade. It\\ntook, on the 31st day of December, 180-1, forty-nine dollars in Confed-\\nerate money to buy one dollar in gold. And the private soldier was\\nreceiving his Sll a month for his bloody service. A month s pay would\\nbuv him a pound of meat that he could eat in two days. Hats were\\nworth several hundred dollars; a horse several thousand; a bushel of\\nwheat from S-IO to $50; a drink of poor whiskey, $5, and good, $10.\\nThe government churned out its money prodigally, but the soldiers had\\nlittle chance at it. There was little to buy, and what there was brought\\nfabulous sums. The commercial aspects and features of that Confed-\\nerate period were among its most romantic characteristics.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0410.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXI.\\nTHE CLOSING THROES OF THE REVOLUTION AND THE\\nTRAGIC END.\\nThe Destruction at Milledgeville. The Legislature in JIacon. The Last Session un-\\nder tlie Confederacy. Enlisting the Slaves for Soldiers. Gov. Brown Against it.\\nGov. Brown urges a Southern Convention. An Eloquent Message.^War Pluck.\\nToombs, Cobb, Hill and Stiles make war speeches. Attacks upon Brown. L. J.\\nAired arrested for Treason. Judge Lochrane releases Him. Gen. W. T. Wofford.\\nNorth Georgia a Ruin. Federal Rule in Savannah. Submission Meeting there.\\nSalt for Carolina. The Hampton Roads Conference. Mr. Stephens. Georgia\\nFigures Foremost to the Last. Gordon, the Companion Figure with Lee, in the\\nLast Throe.^. Surrender.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Davis and His Cabinet Fly to Georgia, where The Con-\\nfederate Administration Dissolves. Last Act of the Confederacy. Romantic Inci-\\ndents. The Gold Bullion Gen. Toombs. Major R. J. Moses. Davis Captured\\nin Georgia. The .Stupendous Losses of Georgia. Gov. Brown.\\nThe Tegislature of Georgia had adjourned upon the 18th day of Novem-\\nber, ISO-t, upon the approach of Sherman s army. The occupation of\\nMilledgeville by the Federal force, while it did not witness the destruc-\\ntion of the state buildings, yet it was marked as has been stated by\\ngreat and irreparable injury to our public records, the floors of the cap-\\nitol and the grounds around beina: strewed with the debris of valuable\\npapers, and many of them were burned. The penitentiary was burned.\\nGov. Brown reconvened the legislature on the 1.5th of February, 18G.5,\\nin Macon. The Senate met three days in succession before there was a\\nquorum. In the absence of the presiding officer, Hon. T. L. Guerrv\\nwas elected temporarj^ President. Gov. Brown s message to the General\\nAssembly was alike a symbol of the man and of the desperate crisis.\\nHe put the dreadful situation plainly. He discussed unmincingly the\\ncauses that had led to the stress. He criticised Mr. Davis freely. He\\nplaced blame where it lay. He concisely argued the great, grave ques-\\ntion, which was then in everybody s mind as an extreme expedient to\\nget out of our peril, whether we should arm our slaves and put them to\\nfighting. Gen. Lee favored the policy, and he was a strong authority\\nfor any measure. Gov. Brown took a square stand against it, and his\\nargument was practical and very strong. He condensed the objec-\\ntion to it in the idea that negroes would not fight heroically to continue", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0411.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "31S GOVEUNOR brown s MESSAGE.\\nthe enslavement of their wives and children. Lincoln could disband\\nthem by brigades, bj a proclamation of freedom and protection. If we\\noffered them freedom to fight, it was an abandonment of slavery.\\nGov. Brown capped his message by urging the call of a convention of\\nthe Southern states to consider the crisis and provide a remedy. He\\npressed the abandonment of the fatal conscription policy and the return\\nto the constitutional method of raising troops by the states; the reor-\\nganization of the troops under officers of state selection, which would\\nput into the army the hordes of enrolling officers and other exempts;\\nthe repeal of impressment laws; and the appointment of a commander-\\nin-chief with full control, except subject to removal by the President\\nand Senate. The concluding sentences of this message are well worthy\\nof quotation, and convey vividly the stern spirit of the Executive and\\nthe tottering condition of the cause.\\nTlie further pursuit of our present policy uot only endangers our rights and our lib-\\nerties, but our independence also, by destroying the iu-stitutious and breaking the spirits\\nof our people. Let us beware how we tritle with tlie rights, the liberties, and the happi-\\nness of millions.\\nI am aware that the freedom and jdainness, which a sense of duty to my country\\nli;is compelled me to exercise, in discussing the measures of tlie administration, and tlie\\njiolicy of tlie government, may subject my motives to misconstruction. I feel tlie proiu^\\nconsciousness, liowever, tliat I Iiave lieen actuated only by a desire to promote the cause\\nso dear to every patriot s heart, and tliereln- secure tlie indepemlence of tli^Confederacy,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0with the civil and religious liberties and constitutional riglits of the people, without\\nwhich independence is an empty name, and the glory and grandeur of our repulilican\\n.system is departed forever. No one can be more vitally interested than myself iu the\\nsuccess of our cause. I have staked life, liberty and property, and tlie liberties of my\\nposterity, upon the result. The enemy have hnrneil my dwelling and other houses, de-\\nstroyed my property, and shed in rich profusion the blood of nearest relatives. My des-\\ntiny is linked with my country. If we succeed, I am a freeman. But if, by the obsti-\\nnacy, weakness or misguided judgment of our rulers we fail, the same common ruin\\nawaits mo which awaits my countrymen. It is no time to conceal iileas in courtly phr.ase.\\nTlie night is dark, the tempest howls, the ship is lashed with turbulent waves, the helms-\\nman is steering to the whirlpool, our remonstrances are unheedeil, and we must restrain\\nliim, or the crew must sink together submerged in irretrievable ruin.\\nThe legislature remained in session until the 11th day of March, 1805.\\nThe body refused to call, a convention. Resolutions were passed to\\ncontinue the war. Addresses of war encouragement were made by\\nGen. Toombs, Gen. Cobb, Ben Hill and Wm. H. Stiles, to the members\\nand citizens. Gov. Brown s message excited a varied contrariety of\\ncomment. Like everything else this positive man uttered and did, it\\nevoked warm commendation and hot censure and a spirited antagonism.\\nThe friends of Mr. Davis abused Gov. Brown, and the latter s friends", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0412.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "L. J. ALRED AXn JUDGE O. A. LOCHEANE. 311)\\ndefended him. One or two papers, the Macon Ttie(iriiph especially, in\\neditorial charge of a bright, little black-eyed poet, Harry Flash, who has\\nwritten some of the finest war lyrics in the English language, struck at\\nthe Governor savagely, and he came near having a duel in consequence\\nthereof with J. Henly Smith, editor of the Atlanta Confedernrij. The\\nsoldiers and the peojjle were with the Governor, however, in spite of the\\nbitterest kind of denunciation from a fierce minority, that hit iiim from\\nfirst to last with merciless malignity. Every conceivable charge had\\nbeen brought against him. Ho had been accused of specuhiting and\\nmaking money out of corn and salt and cotton and everything else.\\nHe struck down tliese slanders, one by one, with vigorous blows. It\\nhas been one unfailing peculiarity of Gov. Brown, that he has met\\nattack, whether in the shape of slander or argument, promptly and\\naggressively. His opposition to the conscription act brought against\\nhim constantly a torrent of crimination that he was untrue to the Con-\\nfederate cause. But against all of these calumnious accusations stood\\nhis sleepless practical devotion to the cause and sacrifices and labors in\\nits behalf.\\nA very interesting episode of this General Assembly was the action\\nit took ag ainst Hon. Lemuel J. Aired, the member of the legislature\\nfrom Pickens county, so long connected with public matters in Georgia,\\nand who to this day preserves his potential agency in the local affairs of\\nhis county, and represents it in some capacity in all of the conventions\\nand legislatures of the State. He was charged with treason and dis-\\nloyalty, and resolutions of expulsion were introduced. It was alleg-ed\\nthat he had raised a tory company, and stood to the United States flag.\\nPie was imprisoned in jail and released upon a writ of habeas corpus by\\nJudge O. A. Lochrane of the superior court, wlio thus pronounced\\naffainst the truth of the charg-e after an investig-ation of the matter.\\nThis release by Judge Lochrane was a peculiarly courageous and credit-\\nable exercise of judicial duty. Judge Lochrane had been appointed by\\nGov. Brown, and his confirmation was pending in the Senate. Yet lie\\nantagonized the body by his prompt reversal of their action and the\\nrelease of Aired.\\nThis session of the General Assembly was a notable one in that it\\nwas the last held in Georgia under the Confederate government; and,\\nnotwithstanding the disheartening condition of matters arnd the gloomy\\nwar outlook, it sustained the manhood and honor of the State with an\\nunshaken courage, and kept its shining faith to the Confederacy in the\\ndarkest calamities of its own ruin.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0413.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "320 GENERAL WILLIAM T. WOFFORD.\\nDuring this woful period one of the distinguished soldiers of tlie\\nState did a service that entitles him to the State s gratitude. This\\nofficer was Gen. Wm. T. Wofford. He was a firm anti-secessionist, and\\ncarried liis county against secession. On the 23rd of January, 1865, by\\nthe request of Gov. Brown and the people of Georgia, and by his own\\ndesire, he entered upon duty as a depai tment commander in North\\nGeorgia. This favored section of the State, rich, liealthy, beautiful,\\nwas a continuous ruin. It exemplified the horrors of war. The white\\nsection of the State, it furnished the bulk of the Union element. The\\narena for contending armies for a long period, it was desolated in its\\nentirety. Left for months outside of the protecting \u00c2\u00a3Bgis of both gov-\\nernments, the hiding-place of guerillas of both armies, the theater of\\nthat worst of all strifes that exist between inimical local factions, it\\nrealized in all its dread malignancy the miserable suffering conveyed in\\nthe realization of anarchy. The melancholy condition of this section is\\nthe saddest picture of all of the sad ones of the late war. Those able\\nto flee, fled. Those unable to get away staid in armed despair, ever\\npresent peril, and subject to daily rapine and death. Courts were silent,\\nschools empty, churches deserted. Dwellings were Uurned and fences\\ndestroyed, until the civilizing deniarkations of home and farm were lost\\nin indistinguishable ruin. Strolling bands of deserters and robbers\\nherded in the mountain caves, made predatory excursions from their\\nfastnesses, and in their inhuman collisions and murderous orgies kept up\\na reign of terror. It was once a smiling country, peaceful, prosperous\\nand happy, converted by the fell Moloch of war into a bloody scene of\\nutter desolation. And to these awful horrors, universal and unmitigable,\\nthe possibility of starvation was superadded. No crops could be raised\\nin this hideous time, and charity could not penetrate this wilderness of\\ndevastation.\\nTo redeem this cursed land, certainly a blessed mission, Gen. Wofford\\nwas sent by Mr. Davis at the request of Gov. Brown, who knew his fit-\\nness for the duty. It was a labor of love for Gen. Wofford, and he en-\\ntered upon liis difficult dut} with zeal. He called in and organized over\\n7,000 men, large numbers of them deserters and stragglers. He exhib-\\nited decided executive ability in his work. The railroad track was torn\\nup and twisted, so that railway transportation could not be used. He\\novercame with masterly will and ability the intrinsic difficulties of his\\nposition. He obtained corn and distributed it among the starving peo-\\nple. His cool, resolved tact was the very quality to handle the turbu-\\nlent lawlessness of the section. He sent a flag of truce to Gen. Judah,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0414.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "THE DISTRESS OF CAPTUKED SAVAXXAII. 321\\nthe Federal commander in North Georgia, and obtained a personal con-\\nference, in which he induced Gen. Judah to do the noble act of distrib-\\nuting corn to the starving people furnished I)y Gen. WofEord.\\nThe capture of Savannah was a very valuable one to the Federals.\\nGen. Sherman sent the following agreeable dispatch to President\\nLincoln:\\nSavannah, Ga., Dec. 22, 1864.\\nTo His Excellency President Lincoln, Washington, D. C.\\nI beg to present you as a Christmas gift the city of Savannah, with one Imndred\\nanJ fifty heavy guns and plenty of ammunition, also about twenty-five tb(jusanJ bales of\\ntotton. W. T. SHERMAN, Major General.\\nIt turned out that there were 250 coast guns and 31,000 bales of cot-\\nton. The city was placed under military government. An order was\\nissued, that among other things, restricted the publication of newspa-\\npers to two, and threatened the editors and proprietors with severe\\npunishment in person and property for any libelous publication, mis-\\nchievous matter, premature news, exaggerated statements, or any com-\\nments whateuer upon the Acts of the constituted authorities. This\\nwas freedom of the press with a vengeance. The wives of Generals\\nG. W. Smith and A. P. Stewart of the Confederate army were in the\\ncity, and were accorded special protection. The capture was a sore\\ncrisis for many elegant people. Savannah is a city of unusual culture,\\nand was inhabited by a citizenry of wealth and high-bred refinement\\nand lu.xury. Ladies of the best families were compelled to vend cakes\\nand ])astry at their basement windows to raise means to subsist. Gen.\\nSherman issued provisions to many families. A meeting of citizens\\nwas held upon call of the Mayor, Dr. R. D. Arnold. Dr. Arnold was\\nmade chairman, and A. S. Hartridge and Robert Irwin secretaries. A\\ncommittee consisting of Col. Rockwell, Alderman Lippman, Dr. Willis,\\nAlderman Villalonga, Martin Duggan, .1. G. Wills, W. D. Weed, Alder-\\nman Lachlison and Alderman O Byrne, reported resolutions which were\\nunanimously adopted, seeking peace by laying down arms and submit-\\nting to the national authority, claiming the immunities and protection\\nof the Federal government, and asking the Goverfior to call a conven-\\ntion of the people of Georgia to give them an opportunity of saying\\nwhether the war should continue.\\nThis action of Savannah was the initial note of submission. On the\\n19th of January, 1805, Gen. Sherman made the first general orders for\\nhis move into Carolina, the continuation of his march. In speaking in\\nhis memoirs of this movement, he uses this language:\\n21", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0415.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "323 THE HEORCIA AND CAROLINA MILITIA.\\nWe were all anxious to get into the pine wooils again, free from the importunities\\nof rebel \u00c2\u00abonieu asking for protection, and of the civilians from the North who were\\ncoming to Savannah for cotton, and all sorts of profit.\\nNo words could better convey the condition of the people of this cap-\\ntured city than these few simple words of the General of the Federal\\narmy. Between the conquering soldiery and the rapacious speculators\\nthe citizens had a hard time. The correspondence between Gen. Sher-\\nman and the Federal authorities throws full light not oidy upon the\\nmarch throuo-h Georgia, but its continuation through Carolina. Says\\nGen. H. W. Halleck:\\nShoulil you capture Cliarleston I hope that by some accident the place may be de-\\nstroyed, and if a little salt should be sown upou its site, it may prevent the growth of\\nfuture crops of nullification and secession.\\nTo this gentle suggestion Gen. Sherman replied:\\nWe are not onlv iigbting hostile armies but a hostile people, and must make old and\\nyoung, ricli and poor, feel the lianl hand of war, as well as their organized armies.\\nBefore we have done with her, South Carolina will not be quite so tompestuous. I\\nwill bear in mind your hint as to Charleston, and do not think salt will bo necessary.\\nWhen I move, the fifteenth Corps will be on the right of the riglit wing, and their posi-\\ntion will naturally bring them into Charleston first and, if you have watched the his-\\ntory of the corps, you will have remarked that they geuer.ally do tlieir work pretty well.\\nThe truth is, the whole army i# Ijuraiug with an insatiable desire to wreak vengeance\\nupon South Carolina. I almost tremble at her fate, but feel that she deserves all that\\nseems in store for her. I look upon Columbia as quite as bad as Charleston, and I\\ndoubt if we shall spare tlie public buildings there as we did at Milledgeville.\\nFrom these expressions of the Federal Generals it can well be under-\\nstood that the frightful severities of this campaign in Georgia and Car-\\nolina were intended. It is not our purpose to follow the fighting far-\\nther. On the 23rd of February, 18C5, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston was\\nre-instated in command of the inconsequential fragment of a Southern\\narmy. In this little force was 1,100 South Carolina militia and reserves.\\nIt is not irrelevant to contrast this small body of Carolina militia, de-\\nfending Carolina soil, to the 10,000 of Georgia militia raised and armed\\nand put in the field by Gov. Brown for months in defense of Georgia\\nsoil. The fact illustrates not the superior patriotism of the Georgia\\ncitizens, but the siiperior vigor and zeal of Georgia s war Governor.\\nOn the 3rd of February, 18G5, took place the celebrated Hampton\\nRoads Peace Conference, between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward of the\\nNorth, and Mr. Stejihens, Mr. Hunter and Judge Campbell of the\\nSouth, which resulted in notliing. This Conference is given in full in\\nMr. Stephens great work, The War Between the States, and consti-\\ntutes one of the most valuable chapters of that important work. It is", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0416.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "GENERAL JOHN B. GORDON. 333\\na singular coincidence that an illustrious Georgian should have been the\\nmain \u00e2\u0080\u00a2actor in both of the two efforts at peace between the sections, and\\nit keeps up the remarkable destiny of Georgia as the crowning factor of\\nthe revolution.\\nBut the end was at hand. The colossal contest was drawing to its\\ndesperate and tragical conclusion, and it was a strange and unerring\\nexemplification of the influential fatality of the State of Georgia in the\\nstruggle, that in the person of her gallant Gordon she figured so con-\\nspicuously in these fateful final scenes. He was the second figure to\\nLee in the dismal glory that marked the gory failure of the revolution.\\nIn the terrible last days, it was the ringing name of John Gordon that\\nmost frequently thrilled the public ear, In tlie mighty throes of this\\nexpiring and gigantic war, it was the knightly figure of Gordon that\\nled the forlorn hopes of the falling cause. It was Gordon with his\\nunconquered bayonets, that last loft tlie futile fortifications of Peters-\\nburg; it was Gordon, undaunted and undismayed, that in the calamitous\\nretreat led and fought in front of the enemy with his shattered band of\\nheroes; and it was this same Gordon that was chosen to cut his w ay\\nthrough the encompassing legions with his fragment of 2,000 intrepid\\nmeii, in the most forlorn hope that was ever contemplated by soldierly\\ndesperation. And when the historic scene of Appomattox Court\\nHouse came, with its memorable surrender of the army of Virginia, and\\nits consequent collapse of the Southern cause, it was Georgia s Gordon\\nthat divided with his great chieftain, Lee, the sad celebrity of that\\nheroic but irreparable conclusion of the grand drama.\\nOn the 2nd of April, 1865, Lee s line at Petersburg was broken, and\\nDavis and his cabinet left Richmond and went to Danville. On the 0th\\nof April, Lee surrendered. On the 2Gth of April, Johnston surrendered,\\nand in swift succession followed other surrenders up to the 25th of May,\\nwhen the great war was ended forever. Georgia witnessed and felt the\\nhorrors of a cavalry invasion by Gen. Wilson of the Federal army from\\nAlabama, that officer reaching Macon at the time of being stopped from\\nfarther devastation by the truce following upon Johnston s surrender.\\nThe President and his cabinet, the small nucleus of the dead Confed-\\nerate government, the helpless representatives of its defunct authority,\\nwere fugitives and uncaptured. The State of Georgia was not to be\\nbalked of. its curious fate of a foremost agency in the revolution, even\\nin the final matter of being the arena of the last order of Confederate\\npower, and the theater of the dissolution of its administration and\\ncapture of its President.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0417.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "324 DAVIS AND CABINET AT WASHINGTON, GA.\\nAs soon as Richmond fell Mr. Davis and his cabinet went to Danville.\\nRemaining there a few days, he proceeded to North Carolina. .When\\nthe armistice was arranged between Sherman and Johnston, Mr. Davis\\ndetermined to go to Texas. A company of Dibrell s brigade of cavalry\\nwas assigned as escort. This was company B of the Ninth Kentucky\\ncavalry, Captain Given Campbell. Mr. Davis had with him Gen. Breck-\\nenridge, secretary of war; John H. Reagan, postmaster general;\\nex-Governor Lubbock, of Texas, aid-de-camp; Burton N. Harrison,\\nprivate secretary; Col. William Preston Johnson, Lieut. Hathaway, Mrs.\\nDavis and four children. Miss Howell, his wife s sister, and Midshipman\\nHowell, her brother. At Abbeville, S. C, his escort left him, except\\nthe captain and ten men, including privates H. C. Anders, James H.\\nSmith, J. T. Walbert, W. N. Ingrain, Heath and Hartness. The party\\nhad five wagons and three ambulances. Mrs. Davis and the family were\\nsent on ahead. Mr. Davis arrived at Washington, Wilkes county, Ga.,\\nthe home of Gen. Robert Toombs, on the 4th day of May, 18G5. Gen.\\nBragg, Gen. J. M. St. Johns, commissary general. Gen. A. R. Lawton,\\nquartermaster-general, and a large number of Confederate officers\\narrived there. The various heads of departments all had left Richmond\\ntogether, and they remained with Mr. Davis in Washington, Ga., until\\nthey separated by his order. It was here that the Confederate adniin-\\nistration dissolved and the last official order oj the Confederate govern-\\nment was issued, which is given in this chapter; and it was a singular\\nand suggestive coincidence, strikingly exemplifying the strange caprices\\nof human events, that a little country village, in a section of Georgia\\nout of the range of military operations, and the home of the man who\\ndid more than all other men in the South to spring the revolution, and\\nwho had been the organizing premier of the Confederate government,\\nshould, by a fantastic fatallt} be the spot where the licroic but ill-fated\\nventure went to pieces and its last note of official authority was given.\\nPresident Davis and most of his staff stayed at the Heath House in\\nAVashington. The building was occupied also as a bank. Mr. Davis was\\nvery much worn, and saw but little comjiany while in Washington. He\\nremained there about thirty-six hours, reaching the town at noon of the\\n4th, and leaving it the 5th of May. St. Johns and Reagan spent the\\nnight with Gen. Toombs, as did Major Raphael J. iloses, of the commis-\\nsary department, from whom we have obtained the most interesting\\nparticulars of this matter, and to whom we are indebted for a copy of\\nthe official order referred to. Major Moses was commissary for the State\\nof Georgia, having been appointed to fill the place of Major Locke, who", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0418.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "THE FAMOUS CONFEDERATE SPECIE TRAIN. 325\\nhad died. He had been sent to South-western Georgia by Gen. Lee, to\\ntry what effect direct appeals from one fresh from the field would have\\nin inducing the people at home to send forward more liberal supplies of\\nfood to the suffering troops in Virginia, who, almost without rations,\\nhad been opposing the well-fed troops of Grant at the Wilderness and\\nother points. On Major Locke s death. Major Moses was put in his place,\\nand his duties as state commissary located him at Augusta in April, 18G5,\\nand his presence was required along the line of the Georgia railroad,\\nand at the time written of liis duties called him to Washington, where\\nhe received from Gen. Toombs an invitation to stay with him. Such\\nhospitality was acceptable beyond expression, at a time when the pay of\\na Confederate major was $103.50 per. month, in a currency that com-\\nmanded at the same time a day s board for the moderate amount of ^50.\\nWhile Major Moses was in Washington, the President and his party\\narrived. Among the other attractions, that which filled the public eye\\nof the watchful Washingtonians almost as much as the distinguished\\nvisitors, was the far-famed specie train, containing really between\\n$100,000 and \u00c2\u00a7200,000, which amount Dame Rumor exaggerated to\\nuntold millions, and which was an object of keen stimulus for the popular\\ncupidity. The bulk of this money was in uncoined bullion\u00e2\u0080\u0094 mostly bars\\nof the precious metal, unmolded into dollars.\\nGen. Dibrell gives thi% interesting account of what he knew of this\\nfamous and exaggerated money:\\nI was directed to furnish four additional wagons to transport the specie, and Gen.\\nBreckenridge in person directed Gen. Duke, witli his brigade, to guard the specie train.\\nWe crossed the Savannah river and halted near Washington, Ga., about sunrise on the\\nmorning of the 2d of May. Tlie specie train was parked in a lot near a house occupied\\nhy Gen. Breckenridge for he.ad-quarters. The specie was taken into his room. I was\\npresent part of the time. The first box opened contained l)ulIion, and was nailed up\\nagain. By direction of Gen. Breckenridge, muster rolls of all troops present were made\\nout. Tills money for the troops, upward of S108,000, was turned over to Maj. E. C.\\nWhite, my division fjuartermaster, (he being the senior quartermaster present,) and the\\namount due each soldier, $26.25, was paid through the regimental quartermaster on\\neach muster roll. Each officer and soldier, including infantry and cavalry, as well as\\nGen. John C. Breckenridge, received just the same amount, $26.25.\\nMaj. Wliite, after the payments were all m.ade, handed me a report in writing of the\\namount received by him and tlie p.ayments made to each command, showing how lie had\\ndisbursed the $108,000. This report I brought home with me, but have lost or mislaid\\nit. M.aj. Wliite was a citizen of Anne Arundel county, Md., but of l.ate I h.ave been un-\\nable to learn his address. G. G. Dibrell.\\nJust before the President (Mr. Davis) left. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0sent Major Moses an order to furnish 250,000 rations to troops return-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0419.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "320 IXCIDEXTS AT WASUIXGTOy, GA.\\niiig to their homes. Tlie Confederate States had at the time of John-\\nston s capitulation with Sherman a very large supply, comparatively\\nspeaking, of rations at different points on the Georgia railroad, which\\nconnects Atlanta and Augusta, some one hundred and seventy miles\\napart, but as soon as it was known that the last hope of the Confederacy\\nhad passed away, the half-starved peojile along the line of railroad soon\\ntransferred the Confederate counnissary stores to more convenient\\nplaces, and there was not a week s rations for one hundred men from\\none end of the road to the other.\\nWe not only had no rations to feed the returning troops, but if we\\nhad had enough to fill every storehouse on the route, there was no way\\nof protecting them. It was in this contingency that Maj. Moses wrote\\nand induced the Commissary General, St. Johns, to sign the last official\\norder ever drawn by the Secretary of War of the Confederate govern-\\nment. It was signed by Gen. J. M. St. Johns, by direction of the Con-\\nfederate Secretary of War, in Washington, Ga., while in transitu and\\nbound for parts unknown. It ordered Maj. Moses to arrange with\\nsome Federal general at Augusta or Macon to supply the returning\\ntroops and provide the hospitals with rations and necessary medicines,\\nand for that purpose apply to the Confederate government for the\\nnecessary funds. The order being signed, Maj. Moses did apply, but it\\nwas like calling spirits from the vasty deep. They did not come. In\\nthis emergency Maj. !Moses applied to Gen. Toombs, and he obtained\\nan order from Gen. Breckenridge, the Confederate Secretary of War,\\nupon the officer in charge of the specie train, to pay Maj. Moses $40,000\\nin bullion, of which \u00c2\u00a710,000 was to be turned over to the Quarterma.ster\\nDepartment, in charge of Felix R. Alexander, Assistant Quartermaster\\nunder Gen. Alexander R. Lawton, the Confederate Quartermaster-Gen-\\neral. Armed with this order, Maj. Moses overtook the train of wagons\\na mile or so from Wasliington, the night of its departure, and received\\nand receipted for what was estimated or guessed to be fi40,000 of gold\\nbullion.\\nThis bullion was carried back to AVashington, and being guarded over\\nnight, \u00c2\u00a710,000 was paid over to the Quartermaster-General, Lawton,\\nand with the other \u00c2\u00a730,000 Maj. Moses started for Augusta, guarded by\\nfour members of the Washington artillery. Maj. Moses had a stirring\\ntime with his perilous treasure. It was, of course, known immediately\\nthat he had it in possession. The war had unhinged men s ideas\\nand principles. But still more demoralizing of the public conscience\\nwas the desperate stress of the people, coupled with the knowledge", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0420.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "ATTEMPTED RAPE OF THE BULLIOX. 327\\nthat the Confederate cause was dead, and that this specie was ownerless\\nand a probable treasure trove and boot} for the Federal soldiery. Maj.\\nMoses, with punctilious honor, was resolved to part with it only with\\nhis life and to deliver it according to orders in fulfillment of its kindly\\nmission.\\nOn the train from Washington to Barnett, where the branch road\\njoins tiie Georgia railroad, he was watched and menaced with constant\\ndanger. At Barnett lie had his car switched off before the train arrived\\nat the depot and left in a cut, but the eager crowd swarmed around it.\\nThe car was taken up to the depot, and for several liours, until the\\nAugusta train arrived, Alaj. Moses was in the most perturbing perplexity\\nand strain of his life. There were some two or three hundred return-\\ning soldiers, besides the no less determined citizens. These desperate\\nmen, a reckless mob, coolly demanded the money, as being as much\\ntheirs as any one s, and they were armed to enforce their demand. A\\nnumber of soldiers and officers stood by Maj. Moses, giving him friendly\\naid, among whom were Private Shepherd, formerly of Columbus, Ga.,\\nthen of Texas, and Gen. Sanford, who is now practicing law in Mont-\\ngomery, Ala. Maj. Moses remonstrated quietly and argumentatively\\nwith the menacing men surrounding him, and appealed to their honor\\nand patriotism and stated his orders. At length it seemed nothing could\\navert the attempted ravishment of this specie.\\nA wounded officer seemed to be the ringleader. Finally, as if by an\\ninspiration, Maj. Moses stepped up to this officer and addressed him in\\nthese words:\\nSir, your rank indicates that you are a gentleman, and your wound\\ntestifies that you have been a gallant soldier. I appeal to you in the\\nspirit of that honor that belongs to all brave men, to assist me in the\\ndischarge of this trust.\\nTlie officer promptly responded that lie would willingly aid in tlie\\nmatter, and he went around among tlie threatening soldiers, quieting\\nthem. Maj. Moses was enabled to safely continue his trip, and delivered\\nthe bullion to Gen. Molineux, stationed at Augusta, and did so upon liis\\npromise to feed the returning soldiers and see that the sick in the hos-\\npitals were cared for. The bullion was weighed and turned out in\\nexcess fully 85,000. It was delivered by order of Gen. Molineux to\\none Adams, of Massachusetts, then acting as provost marshal of\\nAugusta. Maj. Moses has since attempted to learn whether this money\\never reached the Federal treasury, and went in company with Maj. J.\\nD. Waddell to Washington citv, and delivered it to the Hon. Jerrv", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0421.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "328\\nGOLD FOR GENERAL TOOMBS.\\nBlack, witli tlic request tliat lie would trace the fund, but he has never\\nheard the result of the investigation.\\nJust after the departure of Gen. Breckenridge from Washington\\nwith a body of cavalry, a cavalry man rode back in a gallop and threw\\na bag of gold coin over the fence around Gen. Toombs residence, and\\nthen rapidly rode away. No explanation was given of this liberal act,\\nno instructions accompanied the money, and there was no clew ever\\nobtained as to the motive or purpose of the soldier. The bag contained\\n\u00c2\u00a75,000 in gold currency. Gen. Toombs at the time was in great stress\\nfor money, and was borrowing gold for his contemplated flight out of\\nthe country, but he swore with a round oath he would not touch a dol-\\nlar of this money, so strangely and unexpectedly showered upon him.\\nThe bag was turned over to Capt. Abrahams, a Federal commissary, for\\nthe purchase of flour and other provisions for the returning Confed-\\nerate soldiers, and Maj. Moses states that his son aided in this disposition\\nof the fund. Gen. Toombs was a princely financier and has always had\\na lordlv scorn of unclean or illegitimate money. His escape and adven-\\ntures abroad were right romantic. After Mr. Davis and his party had\\nall scattered out from Washington, and Gen. Toombs was about to get\\naway, a Federal soldier rang at the door. Gen. Toombs himself wer^t\\nto the door, and the soldier told him he was after Gen. Toombs and\\nasked if he was at home. The General replied Yes, and asked the\\nsoldier to wait while ho informed the General. Going in and telling\\nMrs. Toombs to delay the soldier as long as possible. Gen. Toombs went\\nout the back door, mounted a horse that he had ready back of his\\npremises, in anticipation of just such a contingency as this, and took to\\nthe woods, making for the coast. Mrs. Toombs held the soldier on\\none pretext and another for nearly half an hour, carrying him from room\\nto room, all locked and the keys lost. These moments enabled Gen.\\nToombs to get away.\\nIn England he was without a dollar in money; but a banking firm,\\nfor which he had done legal business before the war, learned of his\\nbeing in that country and tendered him $100,000 for his use, which he\\ndeclined, except several thoijsand dollars that he used for a friend. He\\nwas traveling on the train and met accidentally a nobleman whose\\nacquaintance he had made in Washington, and this gentleman imme-\\ndiately consulted him professionally on a matter connected with some\\nAmerican securities, and for this legal opinion Gen. Toombs received a\\nfee of $5,000, which relieved his necessities. No man in the Union has\\nbeen a more successful maker of money than Gen. Toombs.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0422.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0423.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "-^^^^I^t^ X^y ^C^ yia^i^^ft^ i/^y/^^--\\n0\\n^f.-\\n^C^\\nT\u00c2\u00bbi,\\nC -Tit^t^i\\n^I^\\ni^^^y l^^e^^^^^. ^^o^ ic^y:\\n*i:\u00e2\u0080\u009eo\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^^22\u00c2\u00ab*/^i^-c^\\nThe Last Order of the Confederate Government,\\nGiven at Washington, Wilkes Countj, Georgia, May 5, 1865.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0424.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "THE LAST ORDEE OF THE CONFEDERATE GOVERXMEXT. 3 id\\n^Ye now come to the last official writing ever issued by the Confed-\\nerate administration. For four years it had conducted this unparalleled\\nwar, directiniT the movements of a million of soldiers and disbursing\\n$1,000,000,000. It iiad issued orders affecting the destinies of States,\\narmies and a grand nation. It had witnessed the dissolution of its\\nmassive hopes, and here was the end of it all, the last olficial act of an\\nagent of such colossal duties. The paper is both intensely interesting\\nand touchingly pathetic. It is as historic a curiosity as the world\\naffords, this last flicker of a mammoth revolution, this final order of a\\nstupendous rebellion this concluding authoritative act of the war of\\nthe semi-world. Such thoughts cluster around it as would make a grand\\nepic. It is a short document, written upon the Confederate made paper\\nthat was manufactured in those days, a yellow, coarse, porous writing\\nmaterial, itself a significant symbol of Confederate times. The paper\\nis of the commercial note size, thin, flazy, hardly bearing ink, rather, a\\ntough textured, blotting sheet, than a usable writing medium. As an\\nordinary document of every day life it would be valueless. It merely\\ndirected the payment of $10,000 of gold bullion, and on the order is\\nwritten the receipt for the bullion, the paper thus testifying to the\\nhonesty and ])romptness of the disbursing officer of a great shattered\\ngovernment an administration gone down hopelessly in a grand ruin.\\nBut as the last order of that Confederacy, that for four years had main-\\ntained the mightiest war of all history, that was alike tlio center of such\\nan immeasurable range of hopes and memories, and tlio striking object\\nof such an immense and turbulent conflict of blood, it has an interest\\nand a poetry that cannot he expres.sed and that will grow with time.\\nBy some curious chance tlie receipt comes first, and then follows the\\norder, indicating that it was all one transaction. The order was written\\nby Maj. R. J. Jloses, as also the receipt. We give the order first:\\nMaj. R. J. Mose\u00c2\u00bb, C. S., will pay SI 0,000, tlie amount of bullion appropriated to Q.\\nM. Dep. by Sec. War, to Maj. R. R. Wood. By order of Q. M. Gen.\\nW. F. ALEXANDER, Maj, and Ass. to Q. M. Gen.\\n5 Maj 1865, Wa.sIiington.\\nThe receipt is as follows: Washikgtox, May 5, 65.\\nReceived from Maj. R J. Moses tbree boxes estimated to contain $10,000 iu Imllion.\\nThis has not been weighed or counted, and is to be opened before two commissioned\\nofficers and a certificate of contents m.ade, wliicb certificate is to be forwarded to Maj.\\nR. J. Moses, and by the amount certified to the undersigned is to be bound.\\nR. R. WOOD, Maj. and Q. M.\\nWith Mr. Davis was captured the balance of the coin and bullion,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0425.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "330 THE LAST OF THE COXEEDERATE r.VI.I.lOX.\\nwliicli was caiiieil to ^Yashington, D. C. In ISGC, certain Virginia and\\nLouisiana banks claimed that this money was their property and not the\\nproperty of the Confederate States. Treasurer Sjjinner insisted upon a\\nparticular description of the captured coin, which could not be given.\\nSubsequently, Secretarj MeCulloch, by order of President Johnson,\\ndirected Treasurer Spinner to turn the money over to the claimants, but\\non consultation with Secretary Stanton, he refused to do so, and soon\\nafter the bullion was coined. At Treasurer Spinner s instance. Congress\\npassed a resolution, approved March 23, 18G7, ordering that this money\\nbe conveyed into the treasury by warrant. This was done. In ISTS Judge\\nJoseph Casey, attorney for the Bank of Louisiana, made another\\nattempt in the United States Court of Claims, to get this money. He\\nhad a rule issued on the Secretary of the Treasury to show the kind\\nand amount of coin cajitured, whether there were certain kegs of gold,\\nSpanish and American coin, sixty kegs or less, and boxes of silver coin,\\nand the disposition made of such coin, and the authority for the dis-\\nposition. Secretary Boutwell referred the rule to Treasurer Spinner,\\nwho gave the information desired, but claimed that Congress, having\\nby resolution disposed of the matters, was the only power that could give\\nrelief. This appears to have ended this episode of the last of the Con-\\nfederate finances captured on Georgia soil with the President of the Con-\\nfederacy in the sunny Jfay of 180.5.\\nIt was a singular coincidence that the Davis government should have\\nfinally dissolved in a place having the same name as the seat of govern-\\nment AYashington the objective goal of the war efforts of that ad-\\nministration. It was a fitting conclvision of the j oung government\\nthat, after four years of unequaled resistance to a Po\\\\ver that had\\nbeen backed by the civilized world, it marked its last act of authority\\nby a thoughtful loyalty to the comfort of its penniless and starved\\ndefenders.\\nOn this 5th day of May, 18G.5, the Confederate administration thus\\ngathered at Washington, Ga., and standing at last shorn of every ves-\\ntige of authority, means, support and power, helplessly fugitive, its\\nlong-fought cause done forever, dissolved and scattered, never more to\\nmeet. General Breekenridge, the Confederate Secretary of War, went\\nin one direction General St. Johns, the Commissary General, in an-\\nother General Lawton, the Quartermaster-General, in still another\\nwhile Mr. Davis and Mr. Reagan, the Postmaster-General, fled leisurely\\nat the rate of about thirty miles a day into the interior of Georgia. It\\nwas a strange want of vigilance and rapidity in Mr. Davis as an escap-\\n1", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0426.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "GEORGIA THE HEAVIEST LOSER OF THE SOUTH. 331\\ning fugitive, and it almost seemed as if he either did not apprehend or\\ndid not care for capture.\\nAt Irwin s Cross Roads, in Washington county, a band of despera-\\ndoes made a demonstration upon Mr. Davis and his party, ignorant of\\nwho they were. At Dublin another attack was threatened by some\\nthirty deserters, but in both cases the bands were frightened or per-\\nsuaded off. A federal force of about two hundred cavalry, under Lieu-\\ntenant Colonel B. D. Pritchard, of the Fourth and Second Michigan\\nregiments, finally captured Mr. Davis and his party near Irwinville, at\\ndaylight on the morning of the 10th day of May, 18G5. The federal\\ncavalry was divided and ran upon one another unexpectedly, firing and\\nkilling several soldiers.\\nFor a lono- time the Northern press circulated the statement that\\nMr. I^avis was captured in woman s clothes, but the statement was\\nfalse, and was undoubtedly fabricated to throw ridicule upon him and\\nthe cause he represented. The report was an ungracious piece of\\nmalignancy, as ungenerous as it was malicious.\\nWith the capture of President Davis on Georgia soil, the final blow was\\ngiven to the Confederate government and the Southern cause that it rep-\\nresented. The first act of war had been committed on Georgia territory,\\nand the ultimate ending, by a providential fortune, came here too. The\\nbrilliant beginning and the calamitous conclusion both belong to Georgia,\\nand with her other masterful instrumentality in the mighty episode, weave\\ntogether a story of heroism, power and disaster, that will live in all ages.\\nThe simple record of the sacrifices of the state of Georgia will show\\nresplendently her war record. She sent to the field over 130,000 sol-\\ndiers, or 20,000 more than her voting population at the beginning of\\nthe war. No statistics were gathered until 1867, after she had enjoyed\\ntwo years of recuperation, and there is no means therefore of accurately\\nestimating the damage she suffered. Her aggregate wealth in 1807\\nwas $191,235,520, or $481,497,381 less than in 1861, and her gain from\\n1865 must have been fully fifteen or twenty millions, making her war\\nloss amount to the prodigious proportion of throe-fourths of her wealth.\\nWc can best illustrate Georgia s heroism and suffering by comparing\\nher losses with those of the other Southern states: Georgia, 481\\nmillions, or over three-fourths of her wealth; South Carolina, 326, or\\ntwo-thirds; Mississippi, 355, or two-thirds; Virginia, 186, or two-\\nsevenths; North Carolina, 160, or one half; Kentucky, 104, or one-fifth;\\nLouisiana, 185, or two-fifths; Tennessee, 69, or one-fifth; Florida 36, or\\none-half; Missouri gained 286 millions.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0427.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "333 THE EXTENT OF GEOROIa s RUIX AND THE WAE ENDED.\\nHer loss in slaves alone was $273,015,400, or thirty-four millions more\\nthan her present wealth. Her lands fell off in value one-half. One-\\nquarter of her railroad track was totally destroyed. Over 2,000 square\\nmiles of her territory had been stripped and ravaged and made a wil-\\nderness of wreck. The public debt was run to over twenty-five millions\\nof dollars, of which over six millions were expended on the families of\\nsoldiers, four millions in sending clothing to the Georgia troops,\\nand six millions more upon our state forces outside of Confederate\\noperations. No state in the Confederacy approximated Georgia in her\\nvoluntary expenditures in aid of the war. And truth requires the\\ncandid admission that Gov. Brown led in this unequaled policy of gen-\\nerous and unstinted military zeal. Concurrently with all of his stub-\\nborn and unyielding conflicts for constitutional principle, he to the\\nfullest extent of his official power, gave practical cooperation to the\\ncause, and contributed his private fortune. The substantial significance\\nof such a force cannot be overlooked.\\nBut the end had come. Our efforts, our sufferings, our sacrifices had\\nbeen unavailing. The war had gone against us, hopelessly, finally.\\nAnd from the unredeemed wreck of unsuccessful revolution the people\\nof Georgia turned their crushed energies bravely to rehabilitation and\\nthe future.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0428.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "PART III.\\nThe Reconstruction Travesty and\\na Superb Rehabilitation.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0429.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0430.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXII.\\nTHE TRANSITION PERIOD OF PURE BAYONET RULE.\\nTlie Wliimsical Tyranny of Recoustruction. Vcnommis Times. Gov. Brown s Dra\\nm.atic Experieuoe. Outliviug a Merciless Ostracism. Gen. Wilson. Stephens,\\nCobb, Hill and Brown arrested. Gov. Brown s Release. Gen. Wilson Siinclches\\nthe Rebel State Autliorities. Federal Cleverness. Gen. Wofford. Mules and\\nCorn Distributed. Gov. Brown s Resignation. His Philosophy to Do the Best\\nwe Can. The Enfranchisement of the Black and Taking the Oath. The Georgia\\nUnion Club in Savaunali. James Johnson Provisional Governor. His Pronuncia-\\n1 mento. His Macon Speech. Civil and Jloral Chaos. Johnson s Mistake. Cling-\\ning to Slavery. The Dazing Effect of Freedom on the Black. The Freedman s\\nBureau. The African Problem. Grim Satire of the Cliicago Times. A Black\\nDeluge and White Bondage.\\nAVe come now to that anomalous, indefinable period in Georgia his-\\ntory, that must stand as the indescribable incongruity of her existence\\nas a commonwealth. It is an epoch that baffles description. Neither\\nwar nor peace; marked by the anarchy of war without its dig nity and a\\npretense of peace without its reality; ruled under a scorching travesty\\nof law, alternating with bayonet desjDotism governed by molj caprice;\\nthis era of whimsical yet savage tyranny, known by the abhorrent name\\nof Recoxsteuction, must ever remain the ridicule of patriotism and\\nthe contempt of statesmanship. It was the spawn of unbridled might.\\nIt violated every principle of good government. It sported wantonly\\nwith every sacred axiom of civil liberty. Inspired by hate, and oper-\\nated with malice, it abortively retarded for a decade of years, the very ob-\\nject it claimed to seek, viz: a solid and fraternal rehabilitation of a sun-\\ndered Union, and a warring people. It was the crudest bit of political\\nharlequinade ever practiced by an enlightened civilization.\\nThe mother that bore the monster Caliban, must have had the same\\nfeeling as she gazed upon the foul, ill-shapen, hideous creature, as the\\nauthors of reconstruction at this day, have in looking back upon the ap-\\npalling abortion, they called into existence to re-unite in holy wedlock,\\nthe resentful sections of a riven nationality. The annals of the world\\nshow no more wicked and inexcusable botch of governmental polity.\\nIn using this strong language there is a meed of justice due to honest\\nSouthern men, who favored the principle of a martyr s submission to", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0431.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "336 GOVERNOR brown s alterxatiox o: popularity.\\nliard terms, as the patriotic requirement of our conquered condition.\\nAnd there is still another meed of justice due to honest Northern\\nmen, who condemned the drift of what they deemed a necesarv policy.\\nThe acrimony of reconstruction was really no less intense and ruthless\\nthan tho savagery of battle. Men were as mad and brutal, and reveled\\nin fully as fiery passion. It is not altogether certain that men were not\\nmore hostile and implacable than when fighting, for the spilling of\\nblood, and the clash of arms was a vent for the turbulence of hostility\\nthat toned down the inner heat, and satisfied the vengeance. But the\\nrepression of active deed during reconstruction made the inspiration\\nof rancor over wrong flame the hotter inwardly.\\nThose reconstruction days were venomous times, spiteful, acrid,\\nferocious, absolutely unreasoning. Their fever was different from the\\nwar-heat, more stinging and unsparingly prescriptive. Tliere was\\nmore execration about it, and utter disregard of magnanimity. It was\\nan epoch of state history, that no Georgian can ever wish to see re-\\nenacted. War has its glories, its stirring delirium, its triumplis, its\\nrenown. But that horrible era of reconstruction has nothing but bitter\\nmemories unredeemed by a single element of alloy. This era was to\\nwitness the most dramatic experience and tragical test of Gov. Brown.\\nFor years he had enjoyed such power and popularity as are vouchsafed\\nto few men in this world. He had strongly swam, not floated, for he\\nbravely breasted his own firm course, upon a flood current of public\\nfavor in as stormy a crisis, and as long as any leader ever did in human\\nchronicles. He had made himself the foremost civilian of the Con-\\nfederacy, engendering a reputation to be envied, with just enough of\\nimplacable enmity to give the proper seasoning to his celebrity, and\\npoint to his victories. He was destined to suffer an alternation of pub-\\nlic favor, so sudden, so complete, so overwhelming and savage as to\\nconstitute the most extraordinary personal vicissitude of the extraordi-\\nnary period. He was to be the victim of this remorseless odium too,\\nwithout a shade of moral obliquity or a transgression that the most\\npunctilious, social, moral or legal scruple could fasten to him.\\nHe, himself, in his uncommon sagacity foresaw much of it and pre-\\ndicted it, but he had no conception of its reach and intensity. He had\\ndisplayed exceptional daring and firmness in many trying emergencies.\\nBut he never had so ferocious a strain ujjon his adamantine nerve as in\\nthis reconstruction time, when he battled with tho sentimental but her-\\nculean prejudices of the people. It was a frightful struggle, and must\\ngive him the horrors to this day. It battered and ostracized him, it made", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0432.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "AKREST OF DISTINGUISHED GEORGIANS. 337\\nhim for a long time aa exile and a practical outcast. It was enough\\nto have crushed and crazed any man of ordinary or even extraordinary\\nmold. Yet he not only resisted but he whipped it, and his political\\nrecuperation is as remarkable a case of sublime and indomitable political\\nvitality as was ever seen. It was a grand test of tlie man s gigantic\\nendurance and power. The writer was warmly on the. other side in\\nthese fierce-hearted days, and in doing justice to Gov. Brown has noth-\\ning to recant of his own convictions. The day of passion, even in\\nmemory, has passed, and the time has come for rational fair-minded,\\ngood-tempered justice. Gov. Brown has been more fortunate than\\nmost men in outliving misconception, so terrific that the pangs of death\\nwere preferable. And he has won such a victory over aspersion as will\\nmake the remaining years of his eventful life happy and influential for\\ngood beyond estimate, and all the brighter for the antithesis of the long\\ndark epoch.\\nThe surrender left the state in military hands. Gen. Sherman, the\\nmost relentless p^jacticer of war s severities, had, witli a splendid states-\\nmanship, endeavored to give effect to the true consistent theory of the\\nUnion movement, and considered the states restored to their autonomy\\nwhen arms were laid down. Gov. Brown acted on this idea. He called\\nthe legislature together to meet in Milledgeville on the 23d day of May,\\n18G5. Gen. Wilson, the Federal commander at Macon, had notified him to\\nsurrender the State troops, and he had done so, taking a parole as the\\ncommander-in-chief with Gen. Gustavus Smith and his division. Gen.\\nUpton was in command at Augusta, Gen. Croxton in Macon, Col. B. B.\\nEggleston in Atlanta, and Maj. JI. H. Williams in Milledgeville.\\n.lust at this time the surprise was shot upon the state of the arrest\\nof Alex. H. Stephens, Gen. Howell Cobb, Hon. B. H. Hill and Gov.\\nBrown. The latter had returned to Milledgeville the day after he was\\nparoled. The next night the Executive mansion was surrounded by\\nan armed Federal force under the command of a captain who notified\\nthe Governor that he was instructed to arrest him. Gov. Brown\\ndenied indignantly the right to molest him, producing his parole. But\\nthe officer replied, I am instructed by Gen. Wilson to take that from\\nyou. The Governor protested against the outrage, claiming that, as\\nhe had not violated his parole, the faith of the United States was\\npledged to protect him. The officer would take no denial, and there\\nwas no chance to resist the armed force, so the parole was delivered up.\\nHe was permitted just thirty minutes to make his arrangements for\\ndeparture, and was not allowed a moment of privacy with his family,\\n22", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0433.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "338 THE DREADFUL CONDITION OF NORTH GEORGIA.\\nfrom wlioin he was tlius so unceremoniously torn. He was carried on\\nto Wasliington and incarcerated in Carroll prison. He addressed a\\nletter to President Andrew Johnson, recounting the circumstances of\\nhis parole and arrest, and urging the injustice and bad faith of the\\ntreatment. After the lapse of a week he was accorded an interview\\nby President Johnson, who promised to investigate the matter. At\\nthe end of several days Gov. Brown s release was ordered on his parole,\\nand he returned to Georgia.\\nGen. Wilson issued an order forbidding the Legislature to meet, as\\ncalled by Gov. Brown. His order stated that Neither the Legisla-\\nture nor any other political body will be permitted to assemble under\\nthe call of the rebel state authorities. The order further said:\\nThe people of tlie state are earnestly counseled to resume tlieir peaceful pursuits,\\nand are as.sured tliat tlie President of tlie United States will, without delav, exert all\\nthe lawful powers of his office to relieve them from tlie hondage of rehel tyranny and\\nto restore them to the enjoyment of peace and order, with security of life, liljerty and\\nproperty under the constitution aud laws of the United States and of tlieir own state.\\nThere must have been a grim vein of satire in Gen. Wilson s compo-\\nsition. The idea of protecting the people of Georgia from rebel tj r-\\nanny must have been the suggestion of a satirical humor ins])ired\\nby an intuitive prevision of the coming cruelties of reconstruction.\\nIn many particulars the Federal soldiers acted very cleverly. Gen.\\nWilson turned over to Gen. Ira Foster the Confederate mules, horses,\\nwagons and harness, for distribution among the poor, and Col. J. H. R.\\nWashington of Macon, was associated with Gen. Foster to aid in the\\ndistribution. In North Georgia, Gen. Wofford induced Gen. Thomas\\nto loan the people 30,000 bushels of corn to feed them while making a\\ncrop, and to let the citizens have the straggling government stock scat-\\ntered over the country, to help them to farm. These incidents do\\nimperishable honor to the gallant Thomas. Gen. Wofford, by his tact\\nand manly, liberal dealing, established a good understanding with the\\nFederal Generals, that enabled him to serve the people effectually. The\\nday after his surrender, which took place on the 12th of May, Gen.\\nJudah paid him the compliment of asking him to prepare orders for\\nthe government of the country, and Gen. Thomas invited him to a\\nconference for consultation. This northern section was in a dreadful\\ncondition, and its distress continued a long time, it had been so fear-\\nfully ravaged. Gen. Wofford was elected to Congress this year, but\\nwas not allowed to take his seat. He went to Washington to get an\\nissue of provisions for the thousands of destitute citizens. The Demo-\\nI\\nm\\\\", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0434.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "GOVEENOR BROWN RESIGNS AS GOVERNOR. 339\\ncratic members of Congress could do nothing, and discouraged him.\\nNothing daunted, the resolute Wofford interested Judge Kelley of\\nPennsylvania, in the matter, who introduced and obtained the passage\\nof a resolution authorizing Gen. Howard, of the Freedmen s Bureau, to\\nfurnish all of the supplies needed, and remedy the famine of this\\nlarge section. Even in the middle of the war these upper counties had\\nto be supplied by the state. It was a suggestive coincidence that this\\nsection of Georgia, the most reluctant in going into secession, was the\\nmost sorely punished by the resulting war.\\nGov. Brown returned to Georgia to find that he was not allowed to\\nexercise the functions of the Executive. The language of Gen. Wil-\\nson, speaking for Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, was\\nThe restoration of peace and order cannot be entnisteil to rebels and traitoi-s who\\ndestroyed the peace and trampled down the order that had existed more than lialf a\\ncentury in Georgia.\\nOn the 29th of June, 1865, Gov. Brown, in order to facilitate the re-\\norganization of the state government and remove any impediment that\\nhe might personally interpose to the solution of the great reconstruc-\\ntion problem, resigned his place in a creditable spirit of patriotism. His\\naddress was a dignified, manly paper, and a curiously characteristic enun-\\nciation of the man. It was the utterance of one who has been noted\\nall of his thrilling life for. facing unpleasant facts fearlessly, and meet-\\ning an emergency plumply, without dallying vnth improbable possi-\\nbilities, or wasting time upon useless expedients. We have never in\\nthe South had a more practical man than Gov. Brown. He drives\\nstraight to substantial results, having the end in sight at the start, and\\nit is his nature to work with a view to that end. He had given every\\nenergy of an unusually powerful nature to winning success in the war,\\nand if all of the men of the South had shown his spirit we would have\\nwhipped the fight. When the cause was irretrievably lost, it was the irre-\\nsistible nature of the man, and the movement of a profound common\\nsense to seek the quickest exit from our dreadful abasement and utter\\nruin. Being conquered summed all the horrors of the situation. And\\nthe defeat following such an effort as we had made was the worst of all\\nfailures that in which resistance had continued until we had desperately\\nspent every resource, and were absolutely exhausted and helpless.\\nGov. Brown recognized our condition, and faced it in entire frank-\\nness. The fighting day was gone. He had put out his best efforts\\nwhile the war was on. When the thing was over, and the day had gone\\nagainst us, and hope was at an end, the unconquerable practicality of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0435.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "340 GEORGIA DISFEAXCIUSKD.\\ntlie man formulated, in that early hour, the policy which he consistently\\nfollowed to the last, under such hideous pressure as was simj)ly a mir-\\nacle to have withstood. Here was his declaration of purpose, in his let-\\nter of resignation:\\nTlie statesman, like the Imsiuess man, sliouM take a practical view of ([uestions as\\nthey arise, and do for those dependent u])on him tlie best that can he dune, under all\\nthe circumstances, by which they are at the time surrounded.\\nCarrying out this idea Gov. Brown advised instant and entire acqui-\\nescence in the abolition of slavery, a cordial support of President John-\\nson s administration, and the prompt and general taking of amnesty for\\nparticipation in the government by all not e.\\\\cepted. President John-\\nson had offered amnesty to all who took the oath of allegiance, except\\ncivil officers of the Confederate government, military officers above the\\nrank of Colonel, naval officers above the rank of Lieutenant, Govern-\\nors, Congressmen, Judges, West Point officers, and citizens worth over\\n\u00c2\u00a720,000. Of the last class there were 12, 470 in the state at the close of the\\nwar according to the tax books. Adding the civil and military officers\\nexcluded, we had in Georgia somewhere between fifteen and twenty\\nthousand men excepted from voluntary amnesty, this number including\\nthe wealth and civil and political leadership of the State.\\nThe two main .subjects of consideration and action were submission\\nto the enfranchisement of the black and taking the oath, both of them\\nhard, bitter pills then one involving the unconditional renunciation of\\nslavery, the cherished corner stone of our fabric for which we had\\ngone to war, and the other, absolute allegiance to the power we had so\\nIons: fouo-ht. Yet where was the power to resist these demands\\nGovernor Brown took the initiative in urging an instantaneous com-\\npliance with them, and his letter breathes a strong spirit of patriotism.\\nIn Savannah, on the 31st day of May, 18G5, a meeting had been held\\nof what was called the Georgia Union Club. The President was\\nCol. Wm. H. Stark, and the Secretaries L. A. Dodge and J. R. Sealy.\\nA committee on business was appointed consisting of L. S. Bennet, M.\\nDuggan, E. S. Riddell, E. Padelford, H. Brigham, Mr. Wadleigh and J.\\nG. Mills, who reported resolutions which were adopted declaring that\\nsympathizers with secession should not be supported for office, and ask-\\ning for the appointment of a military Governor. And the following\\ncommittee was appointed to visit Washington to secure the enforce-\\nment of the resolutions W. Woodbridge, Wm. H. Stark, Henry Brig-\\nham, W. A. Stone, L. S. Bennett, E. S. Riddell, J. G. Mills, C. K. Os-\\ngood, Dr. P. Y. Clark, Ed. Padelford and H. B. AYeed.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0436.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "HON. JAMES JOHN SON PKOVISIOXAL GOVERXOE. 341\\nOn the 17th day of June, Hon. James Johnson of Columbus was ap-\\npointed by President Andrew Joimsoii, Provisional Governor of Georgia\\nto reorganize the State. He had been a member of Congress, defeating\\nGen. Henry L. Benning in 18.51. Gov. Johnson repaired to Milledge-\\nville, and on the 13tli day of July, 18G5, lie issued his Proclamation an-\\nnouncing his appointment, and calling a convention of the people to be\\nelected the first Wednesday in October, 1865, and to assemble on the\\n4th Wednesday in October in Milledgeville. The oath of amnesty had\\nto be taken to qualify citizens to vote. All redress for wrong was re-\\nmitted to the military authority, and slavery was declared extinct. The\\nmost remarkable announcement in this military civil pronunciamento,\\nwas the following, which will give the reader an idea of the unhinged\\ncondition of the times.\\nThat the idea, if any such is eutertainetl, that private property will be distributed or\\nparceled out, is not only delusive, but daugerous and mischievous and if any attempt\\nshould be made by auy person or persons to effect such an oljject by violence or unlaw-\\nful meaus, it will only secure to him or them speedy and merited punishment.\\nOn the 15th of July, 18C5, two days after his proclamation. Gov.\\nJohnson made an address in Macon, in the City Hall, Gen. Wilson\\nand Hon. Thomas Hardeman being with him on the stage, in which he\\nmade a frank statement of his powers and purposes. He declared that\\nhe was appointed for the single object of enabling the people of\\nGeorgia to form a government that slavery existed no more, and the\\nfact would have to be constitutionally recognized. Gov. Johnson pro-\\nceeded to say some very unwelcome things, and it must be confessed\\nthat his manner of saying them was not calculated to woo adhesion to\\nhis counsel. He declared the war a stupendous folly of our own\\nseeking. He concluded with the expression of the belief that Georgia,\\nunder the new regime, would increase in prosperity and civilization.\\nThe condition of feeling among our people was very peculiar at that\\ntime. It is difficult to give a conception of it now. It was a civil and\\nmoral chaos. The South was crushed and bleeding. The only sur-\\nviving faculty was the united capacity for grief and resentment. Prop-\\nerty was gone. From the ashes of a universal ruin, men looked out\\nupon a future apparently without hope. The old order of things was\\ndestroyed. All previous experiences had been set at naught. There\\nwas nothing to forecast the future. Men were called upon to do hercu-\\nlean things, to bury cherished prejudices, to clean away the saddening\\nruins of dear hopes, to sepulcher fierce animosities, to conform to\\nloathsome necessities, to remodel everything precious, social, political", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0437.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "342 THE CLINGING TO SLAVEKT.\\nand moral. It was a cruel thing in Gov. Johnson to go to abusing the\\npeople, and the ungracious reproach he put on the helpless citizens in\\ntiieir misery handicapped him for guiding and serving them. When\\nhe closed his speech in Macon, his hearers retired in a sullen dissatisfac-\\ntion. There was an unpleasant conflict of feeling in the state over\\nslavery. Men clung to tlie dead body, and hoped by some miracle to\\neither revive it, or utilize its remains. The black problem was a grim\\npuzzle in that day. There was all sorts of eager, fanciful hoping about\\nit. It was hard to realize its utter death, and to submit to it. There\\nwas hot and curious contention among our folks over tlie carcass.\\nStrange as it may seem now, in this day of ripe acquiescence in Afri-\\ncan freedom, in the chaotic months following the surrender, and up to\\nthe October convention in 1805, the vital issue was whether slaverj\\nwas dead or alive, and it was acrimoniously discussed. The Govern-\\nment had proclaimed slavery dead, the Freedman s Bureau was\\nuniversally established, and the negroes, as Freedmen, were making\\nvoluntary labor contracts, yet, strange to say, a large part of our people\\nstuck to the hope of at least some modified form of slavery. The\\ndecisive opinion of Gov. Brown and other sensible men carried its\\nweight, but was not conclusive, and tlie chimerical and mercenary\\nfought this barren issue.\\nWe, wlio are living under organized government, can form no idea of\\nwhat it is to be as we were then without civil law, and threatened with\\nan unknown and perilous future. It was an appalling situation that\\nwe were in, under the arbitrary control of armed men who had been our\\nfoes, who were ignorant of our laws and institutions, and only had the\\ncaprice of their own will to govern them and us. Add to this the anxiety\\nabout the ignorant, dangerous element of free black labor demor-\\nalized with the novelty of license, and there was room for thoughtful\\nmen to be troubled. The negroes were as unsettled and disturbed as\\nthe whites. The phase of the colored mind in the bewildering ex-\\nperience of freedom was a psychological study. During the war the\\nnegroes had generally manifested a noble fidelity to their masters.\\nTheir quiescence was remarkable in the light of the fact that they were\\nthe ostensible cause of the struggle, and their destiny was involved.\\nThis was due largely to their want of education and the hereditary\\nspirit of subordination born of centuries of slavery.\\nWhen freedom came there was no proper conception of it in their\\nignorant intelligences. The sudden transformation from slavery un-\\nleashed a legion of wild aspirations, blending in their scope unbridled\\nJ", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0438.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "THE GREAT BLACK rEOBLElI. 34:3\\nappetites and luxurious indolence. The essence of their new liberty\\nwas relief from labor. Idleness and vagrancy were the delicious reali-\\nzation of freedom. It seemed impossible to make them believe that\\nthey must work and support their families. The country negroes flocked\\nto the towns and cities to live upon the bounty of the goveriTment or\\nsteal. They had the most impracticable conception of their rights.\\nThe military masters found an elephant upon their hands. It was a\\nquaint but grave burden to manage the obstreperous and fantastical\\nf reedman of that day. The orders published then are a vivid illustration\\nof the times. And they were curiously inconsistent in their arbitrary\\ndisregard of individual right. It was a comical commentary upon this\\nnew era of Utopian abolitionism, that its beneficiaries, in the first flush\\nof their sacred emancipation, rushed incontinently to theft and vaga-\\nbondism. And the bewildered commanders issued pronunciamentos as\\ndespotic as any ukase of the Russian Czar. Capt. Nunan of the 3rd\\nOhio cavalry, commanding the post at Milledgeville, promulgated an\\norder that reads like a travesty of law. Said this extraordinary fulmi-\\nnation of authority, Freedmen that will use any disrespectful lan-\\nguage to their former masters will be severely punished. They were\\nnot allowed to go from one plantation to another without passes. A\\ndaily inspection of negro cabins was made, to stop stealing and killing\\nof stock. Trading with negroes from the country was prohibited to\\ncheck the plundering of plantations, and all blacks had to have a writ-\\nten permit to sell things given by their employers, and specifying the\\narticles to be sold. Those under contract, who run away from their\\nemployers, and those who harbored run-aways, were arrested. And yet,\\nwith all of this interference with personal liberty, there was a religious\\nadherence to the name of Freedmen, the outward symbol of freedom.\\nIt is due, however, to truth, to say tliat during this transition period\\nof pure bayonet rule, the Federal officers generally sought to admin-\\nister justice and conserve the public interest. They had a hard time\\nbetween the rapacity of the black and the unrest of the whites. They\\nwere obliged to repress the delusion of the negroes that they were to\\nown the property of their old masters, or indeed any property they did\\nnot buy, and it was a difficult task.\\nIn looking at this stupendous black problem, out of the blinding in-\\nterest of those rancorous days, it presented an overwhelming difficulty\\nfor solution. The emancipation of four millions of slaves, worth two\\nthousand billions of dollars, was a vast economic question. The regula-\\ntion of this huge body of unlettered labor and hereditary ignorance,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0439.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "oii THE BLACK DELUGE.\\nand the establishment of proper relations for it to the body politic un-\\nder an order of things antipodal to its entire previous existence and\\ngovernment, was the largest question of our vital century. It is not to\\nbe wondered that the matter was frightfully blundered and botched.\\nFor forty years the republic had been throbbing convulsively over the\\nslave issue. The Union had split upon it. The greatest war of history\\nhad ended in its overthrow. And as before the crash, so this dominant\\nblack question, in the dubious day of national rehabilitation, clutched\\nthe country to the exclusion of everything else. In the hazy chaotic\\nair just following the revolution, the abolition sentiment was wild over\\nthe stupendous achievement of African emancipation, and it kept u])\\nsuch a clatter as drowned for the time all other themes. Said one of\\nthe Western papers, the Chicago Times, of July 7, 18G5, Vividly de-\\nscribing this black craze\\nThe African inunilates us. Inky floods pour over the nation and threaten us with\\nanother and a worse than Noachic cataclvsm. The black deluge ploughs through our\\nstreets, pours along the national a\\\\ euue3, and encircles the altars of religion.\\nThis same paper concluded with this eloquent wail of grim satire\\nThere is a chance in this country for philanthropy. There is a good opening for\\nabolitions. It is to relieve twenty-eight millions of whites held in a cruel bondage by\\nfour millions blacks. It is a bondage worse than that of Helotism. It is one which re-\\ntards our growth, directs our thoughts and absorbs our efforts. It drives us to war, it\\nruptures our government, it disturbs our tranquillity and threatens dirtfully our future.\\nThere never was another such a race of slaves as we tliere never was anotlicr people\\nground so complete in the dust as this nation. Our negro ma.sters crack tlieir whips\\nover our legisl.ators and our religion. They have established a tyranny over us worse\\nthan that of the Pisistradids.\\nIt is time there was something done for these twenty-eight millions of white slaves\\nheld in fetters by four millions of greasy, flat-footed Africans. Having labored and\\nargued and legislated and fought for these our masters, for many years, it is time that\\nwe should be emancipated and enjoy the fruits of our labor. We see no hope, and the\\nfuture of the country is as black as the subject of this article.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0440.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXIII.\\nTHE ORGANIZATION OF THE STATE GOVERNMENT UNDER\\nPRESIDENT JOHNSON S PLAN.\\nSome Ludicrous Incidents of Bayonet Despotism. Tlie Macon Journal Suppressed\\nbecause its Editor Smiled on taking the Oatli. .Judge Erskine. Mrs. Toombs.\\nPardon of Gov. Brown. Springing iiis Name for Governor. The Convention of\\n1865, Typifying the Resurrection of Dead Sovereignty. Its Personelle. Judge C.\\nJ. Jenkins its Leader Gov. James Jolnisou s Biting Message. Aljolition of Slavery.\\nRepudiation of War Debt. Thaddeus G. Holt. Fiue Appeal for Disfranchised\\nCitizens. Gov. Brown and the State s Cotton. Investigation and Strong Tribute to\\nGov. Brown and his Subordinates. Gov. Brown to Judge Jenkins Judge Jenkins\\nElected Governor. Congressmen. The Legislature. Its Personelle. Gov. Jen-\\nkins not allowed to be Inaugurated Immediately. His Final Installation. His\\nSuperb Inaugural.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 State House Officers. Frightful Condition of the State. Gov.\\nJames Johnson s Retirement. The Black Code. Gov. Brown s Advice Against it.\\nGov. Jenkins Message. Inconsistency of Reconstruction. Both in and out of\\nthe Union. Judges Elected. Important Legislation.\\nThis epoch of genuine sword rule in Georgia was marked by some\\ncharacteristic incidents of an arbitrary despotism. One in particular,\\nwhile unspeakably ludicrous, and at this distance silly, illustrates alike\\nthe seriousness of that day and the fatuous drift of a capricious bayonet\\ntyranny. The editor of the Macon Journal and Messenger, Mr.\\nAugustus P. Burr, took the amnesty oath, and published in his issue of\\nJuly 20, 1865, the oath with the editorial statement, that he had to\\nfortify himself for the occasion with an extra amount of Dutch\\ncourage, and that after the performance we smiled and we were\\nfortified in rear and front.\\nSuch badinage should have only elicited laughter or derision. Brig.\\nGen. C. H. Grosvenor, commanding the post at Macon, took it seriously,\\nand in an order, unparalleled for its travesty of sense and its ridiculous\\nfolly, declared Burr s article a high crime against the United States\\ngovernment, and an open violation of the oath taken by the editor.\\nThis extraordinary order proceeded to declare solemnly the editor is\\nnecessarily a bad man incendiary in his character. His word is worth-\\nless, and his oath not to be trusted. Mr. Burr for his harmless pleas-\\nantry was arrested, his office seized and his paper suppressed. A similar\\nincident occurred in Columbus. A man by the name of Betts, a sports-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0441.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "340 JUDGE JOHN ERSKIXE.\\nman, jocularly insisted, when taking the oath, that his dog should do\\nthe same thing. For this he was arrested and imprisoned in jail some\\ntime.\\nArrests were made upon the statement of a commissioned officer over\\nhis official signature. Judges were appointed by the Generals com-\\nmanding districts, by Gen. Steadman at Augusta, and Gen. Washburn\\nat Savannah. It was at this time that Judge John Erskine was\\nappointed, by President Johnson, Judge of the United States district\\ncourt, an appointment that he has held up to the present time, filling\\nthe bench with ability, kindness and dignity. With a large power to\\noppress the people, having questions to handle full of grave responsi-\\nbility and bearing directly upon our prejudices, oftentimes burdened\\nwith duties odious to the people and disagreeable to our citizens. Judge\\nErskine has so deported himself as to win the respect and the confi-\\ndence of men opposed to his political views in a long period of unprece-\\ndented political rancor and personal proscription.\\nAn incident that attracted much attention at the time was an order\\nfrom Brig. Gen. Wilde, assistant commissioner of the Freedmen s\\nBureau, to Mrs. Gen. Robert Toombs to vacate her home with only two\\nweeks provisions, as the premises were abandoned projjertj to be\\ntaken and applied to the uses of the Freedmen s Bureau. Gen. Stead-\\nman, a humane and gentlemanly officer, revoked the cruel order and\\nreinstated Mrs. Toombs. Thus were the liberties and property of the\\npeople made the shuttlecocks of men s caprices, and law and right\\nquivered upon the shifting will of petty, irresponsible military despots\\nin every county. It is little to be wondered, that a man so sagacious\\nand practical as Gov. Brown, should have seen in the prompt acceptance\\nof disagreeable stipulations, that could not be resisted, the escape from\\na condition of things abhorrent to every lover of law and liberty.\\nOn the 7th day of August, 1865, Gov. James Johnson issued his\\nproclamation that Ordinaries could administer the oath of amnesty, and\\nthat civil officers who had taken the amnesty, and were not excepted,\\ncould resume their official functions. Gov. Brown received his pardon\\nin the middle of September, 1865. The Federal Union, commenting\\nupon the matter, used this prophetic language:\\nGov. Brown is now at liberty to devote his great mind and unsurpassed energies to\\nthe restoration of his beloved State to the riglits and dignity of a sovereigu State of tlie\\nUnion, and we feel well assured he will do all in his power to make lier pathway smootli\\nand lier passage expeditious. Gov. Brown accepts tlie terms of reconstrnction, and will\\ntalie hold of the situation in downright earnest. He is not the man to stand idly by", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0442.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 18G5. 347\\nwliile there is such important work to do. We expect, therefore, to see him among the\\nforemost iu sliapiug our uew destiuy as a commouwealtli.\\nIt was a striking demonstration of Gov. Brown s popularity, that as\\nsoon as his pai don was announced, the papers began to teem with\\narticles urging his candidacy for Governor again. He was resolved,\\nhowever, not to permit the use of his name. His houses on his farm in\\nCherokee county had been burned down, so that he could not go there\\nto live. In December, 1865, he moved to Atlanta, where he has resided\\nsince, and where he was to experience the most dramatic episodes of a\\nlife that liad already been startling in its eventfulness.\\nThe convention ordered by Gov. James Johnson, assembled on the\\n25th day of October, 1865. It was called to order by Gov. Johnson.\\nJudge Iverson L. Harris administered the amnesty oath. A number of\\ndelegates were excepted from amnestj but President Johnson had gen-\\nerously pardoned them that they might serve. There was a ijeculiar\\nsolemnity and import in the convening of this body. By the rude hand\\nof war the State had been remitted to chaos and disorganization.\\nOrdinarily the momentous autonomy of govennnents grow from incon-\\nsiderable beginnings by steps of organized accretion, until they swell\\nto the full-fledged dignity of august sovereign States. Here we had a\\ngreat commonwealth of a million of people with a long and illustrious\\nhistory, resolved bj the crushing and brutal force of war into a tyran-\\nnous anarchy, and seeking the rehabilitation of its bloody and shattered\\nnationality. It was an impressive and grave spectacle, and a tragic\\nexperience for the proud State. It was the regeneration of a grand\\nrepublic. It was more it was the imperial resurrection of the dead\\nspirit of august popular sovereignty. The reconstruction of no State\\nof the Confederacy was looked to with the same interest that invested\\nGeorgia. More instrumental in the inception of the storm, more pow-\\nerful in its conduct, more devastated by its ravages, Georgia, in the res-\\ntoration period, was regarded with a deeper interest, and filled a more\\ninfluential and exalted role than any of her sister States.\\nEx-Gov. Herschell V. .Tohnson was elected president, and James D.\\nWaddell secretarj-, of this important convention. Among the leading\\ndelegates was Augustus H. Kenan, J. R. Parrott, afterwards president\\nof the convention of 1867-8; Judge C. B. Cole, T. G. Holt, now Judge\\nof the City Court of Macon; Thomas E. Lloyd, E. C. Anderson, Solomon\\nCohen, W. F. ^Yright, Jolin C. Nichols, a Congressman since; David\\nIrwin, Gen. A. J. Hansell, John H. Christy, a noted editor; M. A.\\nCandler, a Congressman since; Morgan Rawls, a Congressman since; N.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0443.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "1\\n348 GOVERXOR JAMES JOIIXSOX S SEVERE MESSAGE.\\nJ. Hammond, now a Congressman; J. I. Whittakor, G. W. Adair, Nilos\\nW. Lewis, Gen. Eli Warren, C. T. Goode, J. H. Blount, now a Congress-\\nman; Wier Boyd, Pliil Cook, now in Congress; E. G. Cabaniss, Joshua\\nHill, T. P. Saffold, William Luffman, Hines Holt, A. H. Chappcll, J. J.\\nFloyd, P. Reynolds, J. D. Matthews, J. A. Blance, J. L. Warren, Chas.\\nJ. .Jenkins, .John P. King, ex-president of the Georgia railroad; George\\nR. Black, now in Congress; J. L. Wimberly, recently Judge of the Supe-\\nrior Court; Gen. M. Bethune, James L. Seward, A. T. Mclntire, since\\nin Congress; H. D. McDaniel, since a State Senator; .Judge J. S. Hook,\\nWilliam M. Reese, since Judge; and William A. Harris.\\nThe body was an able one, and patriotic, and conservative. Tlie un-\\nquestioned leader of the convention was Judge Charles .J. Jenkins, upon\\nwhose clear judgment and cr3 stal honesty, the members reposed with an\\nunreserved trust. Gov. .James Johnson sent in a message to the conven-\\ntion, a cold, brief document, stating the condition of the commonwealth,\\nand urging certain measures. He said that the cotton purchased by\\nthe state had been captured or burned, and the assets held abroad were\\ndrawn against, to their full value. The state road was rebuilt by the\\nUnited States, and turned over to the state, on the 25th of September.\\nThe public debt was \u00c2\u00a720,81.3,53.5, of wliich S2,GG7,750 was ante-war se-\\ncurities, and \u00c2\u00a718,135,775 incurred during the war. He advocated the\\nrepudiation of the latter, in language harshly condemnatory of the war.\\nHe declared all who participated in the effort to sever the country, vio-\\nlators of law, and the overthrow of the Confederate cause an extinction\\nof the unconstitutional debt. His words were very acrimonious, and the\\ntemper of this curt message, so unsj^nipathetic and biting, as to have\\nplaced liim unpopularly with the people.\\nThe convention continued in session until the 8th day of November,\\n1805. It repealed the ordinance of secession, repudiated the war debt,\\nand abolished slaver} A new constitution was adopted. The state\\nwas divided into seven Congressional, and forty-four Senatorial Dis-\\ntricts. Perhaps no action of the convention excited a deeper feeling\\nthan the repudiation of the war debt. The matter had been animatedly\\ndiscussed long before the convention, and the people were against it.\\nBut when both Mr. Seward and President Johnson telegraphed that the\\nextinction of the debt was necessary to the restoration to the Union,\\nthe repudiation was reluctantly done, and eighteen millions of liability\\nwas wiped out at one stroke, upon the behest of Federal power. It is\\na valuable historic fact, in connection with this unwilling and com-\\npulsory repudiation, and an honorable tribute to the Convention, that", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0444.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "THADDKUS G. HOLT, JR. 349\\nGov. Jame.s Johnson telegraphed to President Johnson these significant\\nwords, We need some aid to reject the war debt. Two members of\\nthe convention, Col. A. T. Mclntire of Thomas, and one other, voted\\nagainst the measure anyhow.\\nAmong the more notable acts of the convention was the passage of\\nan address, asking amnesty for our disfranchised citizens. Hon. Thad-\\ndeus G. Holt, of Macon, was the author, ho being the chairman of the\\ncommittee appointed for the purpose, consisting of T. G. Holt, Jr., M.\\nA. Candler, C. T. Goode, J. I. Whitaker and G. R. Black. This ex-\\nquisite memorial deserves reproduction, alike for the beauty of its sen-\\ntiment and diction as for the tribute it paid to our people.\\nllis Excellency, Andrew Johnson, President United States:\\nThe people of Georgia, through her delegates in Conveutiou assembled, respectfully\\nand earnestly iuvoke the exercise of the Executive clemency in behalf of those of our\\nfellow-citizens embraced within the exceptions to the late Amnesty Proclamation, who\\nmay as yet remain uii|)ardoned.\\nIncluding, as the vast roll of her disfranchised citizens does, many of her finest\\nintellects and purest patriots, and involving much of her available wealth, the Conveu-\\ntiou of our State resjjectfuUy recommend tliese men to your magnanimous clemency, as\\nour needed coadjutors in the mighty task of re organization, and as wortliy sul)jects of\\nyour most generous kindness.\\nThe Convention ])ledges their future fidelity to the government of the United\\nStates. The very tenacity of their devotion to the South in the late struggle, the\\nvery heroism and magnitude of their efforts in au unsuccessful cause, and the very chiv-\\nalry of their cliaracters, as evinced in tlie trying vicissitudes of a gigantic war, will be\\nyour best guarantee of the virtue of their resignation to the result, and of the sincerity\\nof their allegiance to a government which disarms tliem by its magnanimity, enchains\\ntheir gratitude by its kindness, aud punishes tliem only with its clement pardon.\\nBelieve us, sir, there is no looking back. The State of Georgia is prepared to do\\nher whl.^le duty in and to the government, and she now asks for the restitution to her\\ncontrol and use of her entire citizens, for whose integrity aud loyalty she gives you\\nher most solemn pledge, in order that they may assist her to work out from her tra\\\\ail\\naud desolation the high destiny slie still trusts is in store for her and them, under a\\ngovernment tiiat has just emerged unharmed from the most desperate convulsion of the\\nworld s history, and. whose tremendous power w ill be infinitely strengthened by its\\nimmeasurable beuiguity.\\nCaptain, novs^ Judge Holt, the author of this fine paper, had been\\none of our most gallant cavalry officers, and was the scion of that large\\nfamily of Holts whose name is an honored and powerful one in Georgia\\nannals.\\nThe convention provided for an election of state officers and congress-\\nmen on the 15th of November, 18G5. It changed the appointment of\\njudicial officers by the Governor, with the consent of the Senate, to the\\nelection of Supreme Court Judges by the Legislature, and of Superior", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0445.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "350\\nWHAT BECAME OF GEORGIA S AVAR COTTON\\nCourt Judges by the people of their respective districts. An important\\nmatter investigated was the disposition of the cotton bought by Gov.\\nBrown for the state during the war. There has at various times been\\nsome attempt to reflect upon Gov. Brown in connection with this\\ncotton by those unacquainted with the facts. The records of this con-\\nvention and of the Legislature of 1865-6 show every bale of cotton and\\nevery dollar of money realized from the sale of cotton properly\\naccounted for. A committee consisting of Thomas P. Saffold, Chas.\\nS. Jordan, Sr., and O. A. Lochrane, investigated the subject of the\\nstate s financial transactions during the war, for three months, advertis-\\ning for and exhausting every source of information. This committee\\nfully exonerated every one of the state officials from any suspicion of\\nwrong- doing-.\\nGov. Brown bought 6,433 bales of cotton for the state under act of\\n1864, for $1,500,000. Of tliis 383 bales were Sea Island cotton. The\\ndisposition of this cotton was as follows:\\nExported safely Uplaud, 1,556|\\nLost at sea, 5S\\nSolil to Coufeiierate Government, 282J\\nUseil to pay freight on imports, 361\\nSold to Mr. Brigham, 926\\nBurnt, 2,642\\nCaptured 223\\nSea Island, burnt, 202\\nSea Island, captured, 82\\nExchanged and lost by owner, 96\\n6,432\\nThere was also bovjglit 275 boxes of tobacco, which was shipped to\\nWilmington, and taken possession of by Gen. Johnston s army at Tim-\\nmonsville. Vouchers, receipts and drafts covering every dollar of the\\nmoney in Europe and Nassau were shown by Gov. Brown, and the com-\\nmittee make this sweeping and unanimous statement:\\nOur conclusion is, after the most rigid scrutiny into the public and private affairs of\\nthese officers, from Gov. Brown down, that not one of these rumors has been sustained\\nby the .slightest proof. Instead of fortunes having been made by them, we have found\\nthem generally poorer than when they went into office.\\nThis is the solemn official record upon this matter, that has stood from\\nthat day to this unrefuted and irrefutable, demonstrating a matchless\\nintegrity in vast transa ;tions where the control was almost unlimited.\\nThe enormous sum of eighteen millions of dollars was disbursed during\\nthe four years by the same set of officers, under the distractions and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0446.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0447.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "HON. THOMAS HARDEMAN,\\nSpeaker of the Georgia House of Representatives.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0448.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "CHARLES J. JENKINS ELECTED GOVERNOR. 351\\ntemptations of the changeful drama of war and subjugation, yet so per-\\nfectly had the accounts been kept, and so metliodically had the huge\\nbusiness been managed, that after three months searching examination,\\na committee of able and unimpeachable gentlemen were able to say, after\\ntracing every dollar, tliat these great duties had been discharged in\\ntimes of great public trouble with singular ability and official integrity.\\nThis is a grand tribute to Gov. Brown s administration, and a fitting\\nclimax of Georgia s resplendent war record.\\nGov. Brown, having unconditionally declined to allow the use of his\\nname for Governor, the universal thought turned to Judge Jenkins.\\nGov. Brown, on the 30th of October, 18G5, voicing the public desire, ad-\\ndressed Judge Jenkins requesting him to permit the joresentation of his\\nname to the people for Executive responsibility. Messrs J. P. King,\\nA. H. Kenan, R. A. T. Ridley, Wilson Lumpkin, Asbury Hull, E. A.\\nNisbet, Washington Poe, Wm. C. Redding and others urged the can-\\ndidacy. Judge Jenkins replied on the 2d of November, 18G5, in a let-\\nter that is a model of good taste, elegant rhetoric and high sentiment.\\nThe following expressions deserve preservation:\\nAn honest and intelligent review of our past half century convicts us of two\\negregious errors too great proneness to .agitation, and too much division among our-\\nselves. If m_v fellow-citizens detect in me aught of vindictiveness for past divisions, or\\nof proscription for honest opinion s salce, let them all proscribe me.\\nThere was no opposition, and Judge Jenkins was elected Governor by\\nthe unanimous vote of the people, receiving 37,SiOO votes, a proud and\\ncrowning tribute to this distinguished Georgian. The following gen-\\ntlemen were elected to Congress, but were never seated. 1st District,\\nSolomon Cohen; 2d District, Phil Cook; 3d District, Hugh Buchanan;\\n4th District, E. G. Cabaniss; 5th District, James D. Mathews; 6th Dis-\\ntrict, J. H. Christy; 7th District, W. T. WofEord.\\nThe legislature assembled on the 4th day of December, 1865. Wil-\\nliam Gibson was elected President of the Senate, and Thomas Harde-\\nman, Jr., Speaker of the House. Among the leading Senators were\\nGeorge S. Owens of Savannah, David E. Butler, Dr. H. R. Casey, and\\nJ. A. W. Johnson, of Dalton, an eloquent criminal lawyer of North\\nGeorgia. Mr. Butler and Col. Johnson are both living, and are among\\nthe most effective public speakers we have in Georgia. Among the\\nleading representatives were Jenks Jones, ex-Congressman, Gen. G. P.\\nHarrison, Philip M. Russell, R. L. McWhorter, C. W. DuBose, T. B.\\nCabaniss, J. M. Russell, Thos. G. Lawson, now Judge, George Barnes,\\nnow Georgia member of the National Democratic Executive Committee,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0449.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "352 GOVEKXOE CHARLES J. JENKINS INAUGUEATED.\\nC. Snead, now Judge of the Augusta Circuit, J. D. Stewart, now Judge\\nFlint Circuit, E. H. Pottle, Judge Northern Circuit, Hon. Thomas O.\\nWicker, and Col. R. J. Moses.\\nGov. Johnson s message was a plain, brief document, mainly urging\\nthe ratification of the 14th amendment to the United States Constitu-\\ntion abolishing slavery. On the Cth of December, 18G5, a legislative\\ncommittee notified Gov. Jenkins of his election, and asked him to ap-\\npoint a time to be inaugurated. Gov. Jenkins replied, stating that he\\nhad received the following communication:\\nExECDTiVE Office, Milledgeville, Dee. 4, 18G5.\\nHon. C. J. Jenkins\\nDear Sir In tlie iliseliarge of an official duty I beg leave to inform vou tliat I liave\\nbeen directed by tlie President of tlie United States to continue to act as Provisional\\nGovernor of the State of (Jeorgia, until relieved, and my successor recognized by the\\nGoverumeut. Your obedieut servant, J. JULLNSUX,\\nProv. Gov. of Georiria.\\nGov. Jenkins designated the Ifith of .January, 1800, for his inaugura-\\ntion, provided by that time he should be recognized by the United\\nStates government. The legislature immediately ratified the thirteenth\\namendment abolishing slavery. A law was also passed allowing Freed-\\nraen to testify in the courts. This was advanced action of Georgia on\\nthe negro question, and was an indication of the liberal spirit that gov-\\nerned our people. On the 11th of December, 18G5, President Johnson\\ntelegraphed to Gov. Johnson:\\nThe Governor elect will be inaugurated, which will not interfere with you as Pro-\\nvisional Governor. You will receive instructions in a few days in regard to being re-\\nlieved as Provisional Goveruor. Why can t you be elected as Senator\\nOn the 14th of December, 1805, the variegated drama of reconstruc-\\ntion furnished the gladdening act of the inauguration of our noble\\nJenkins as Governor. It was a grateful spectacle for the State, and yet\\nit was marked by most unpropitious surroundings. The day was cold,\\nraw and rainy, and there was lacking the usual display of beauty. It\\nseemed as if nature was giving token that the episode was a temporary\\nand ineffectual part of the tragic comedy of reconstruction. Gov.\\nJenkins inaugural was a very fine paper, eloquent, ornate, stately, earn-\\nest, statesmanlike. There was a singular felicity of language and idea\\nin its strong and polished sentences. It breathed a spirit that every\\npatriot couhl endorse. It contains some striking paragraphs. Said this\\nmasterly address:\\nFive years since reason abandoned and the sword assumed the arbitrament. We\\nopen not tliat record of violence would that we could stamp it witli the seal of oblivion.\\n41", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0450.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "C^^-Pt^\\n-^^t^tl^", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0453.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0454.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR JEXKIXS ELOQUENT INAUGURAL. 353\\nNow the wager of battle is over, and the awanl Is against us, as parties to the issue.\\nOur whole people have risen up and aweptpd it as liy the will of oue mau. What valor\\nfailed to achieve, wisdom has promptly renounced and truth herself has set her signet\\nto the attestation of the deed.\\nWith exquisite beauty and wi.sdom lie added:\\nA tempest of unsurpassed fury has swept over the land. The elements do not sub-\\nside into their normal ijuiet iustant.aneously with the lull of the wind, the sleep of the\\nliglitning, and the hush of tlie tliuuder.\\nTliis extraordinary and unsurpassable inaugural was most remarkable\\nin its discussion of the negro question. Its kindness to the black race\\nwas unstinted yet discriminating. It abounded in happy utterances.\\nEmancipation had come upon us like the destructive engulfing of\\nthe earthquake in volcanic localities. The realization that it was\\nunalterably fixed was tlie first step toward the adjustment of the new\\nsystem. The blacks had exhibited a fidelity in the past and a decorum\\nunder the distracting influences of the present without a parallel in\\nhistory. They should be protected against the crafty machinations\\nof the designing as well as the fatal delusions of social equality.\\nThis part of the address thus fervently concluded:\\nGod is merciful God is mighty God in his abounding mercy and in the plenitu le\\nof his might so dispose our fortunes and theirs, that each class shall be to the other a\\nblessing, not a curse.\\nThe extracts from this superb enunciation will be well ended with\\nthis spendid and prophetic paragraph:\\nPeace restored the machinery of government once more put in operation public\\nand private enterprise aroused from their long sluml er educational institutions re-\\nopened our sacred temples and our altars witli their holy ministrations frequented as of\\nyore, and the blessing of Almighty God overspreading aud vivifying all earnest effort,\\nGeorgia will illustrate the teachings of adversity by .speedily achieving an enlarged\\nprosperity.\\nThe General Assembly only remained in session until the 1.5tli of\\nDecember, when it adjourned until January 15, 1866. The following\\nState House officers were elected: N. C Barnett, Secretary of State; J.\\nT. Burns, Comptroller General John .Tones, Treasurer, and J. W. Burke,\\npublic printer. Col. Barnett is still the Secretary of State, enjoying a\\nripe old age, and honored with a degree of popular confidence founded\\nupon a life of spotless integrity and a character full of manly and social\\nexcellencies.\\nThe condition of Georgia at this time was full of anxiety for patriots.\\nThere were organized bands of thieves all over the State under the lead\\nof bad white men. Every newspaper teemed with accounts of robbery.\\n23", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0455.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "354 THE STATE OX ITS FEET.\\nStock was stolen every niglit, and piinishineut was rare. In localities\\nwere shocking- exhibitions of lawlessness and crime. Large numbers of\\nthe Federal soldiers had been withdrawn from the State, leaving the\\npeople without the protection of their authority and arms. The bad\\nelement of the blacks had become violent, and reveled in a carnival of\\nvicious insubordination, and the courts were not in sufficient punitive\\noperation. Colored incendiaries from abroad were stirring about among\\nthe negroes and stimulating them to lawlessness. The cities and towns\\nespecially were scenes of nmrdor, plunder, assassination and riot. In\\nthis bad condition of order Gov. Johnson contemplated the remedy of\\norganizing and arming companies of discreet volunteers.\\nOn the I Jtli day of December, 18G5, Gov. Jenkins received the fol-\\nlowing telegram from Washington, which terminated the temporary\\nadministration of Provisional Governor James Johnson, and put upon\\nits legs what seemed the permanent state government of the people.\\nThe cherished end seemed at last in sight, and the travail of a painful\\nreconstruction gloripusly ended.\\nWashington, T). C, I9tli Decemlier, 18G5.\\nTo His Excellency the Governor of the State of Georgia:\\nSir, By Jirectiuu of the President I have the honor herewitli to transmit (o you a\\ncopy of a conimunicatioii whicli lias lieen acUlresseil to liis Kxcelleiicy, James Jolinsou,\\nlate Provisional Governor, whereby he has been relieved of the trust heretofore reposed\\nin him, and directed to deliver into your possession the papers and property relating to\\nthe trust.\\nI have the honor to tender you the cooperation of the Government of the United\\nStates, whenever it may he found necessary, in effecting the early restoration and the\\npermanent prosperity of the state over which you have been called to preside.\\nI have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant,\\nW. H. SEWARD.\\nThe thrill of joy that pulsed through the smitten state at the publi-\\ncation of this joyful document can be better understood than described.\\nIt was the practical realization of tliat familiar holy history of the\\npromised land after a toilsome pilgrimage of unspeakable woe. But\\nthe drama of reconstruction was the kaleidoscope of a harlequin. The\\nseemingly glad recovery of our political hope was the beginning of the\\ndreariest and most fantastic political tragedy of the world s annals.\\nAnd the consistency of the unparalleled picture can only be preserved\\nin the mind by connecting with this graceful and dignified installation\\nof a splendid representative state government, its brutal and ignomini-\\nous overthrow and expulsion, and the erecting in its place of a dynasty\\nof force, plunder and execration.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0456.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "THE FEEEDilAS s CODE. 355\\nThe Legislature re-assembled on the 5th day of January, 18GG. The\\nmost serious subject for action was the government of the emancipated\\nblacks. The Convention had authorized Gov. Johnson to appoint a\\ncommittee to prepare a negro code of laws. That committee consisted\\nof Judge Ebenezer Starnes, W. Hope Hull, L. E. Bleckley and Samuel\\nBarnett, and was a rare selection of able, brave and pure-minded men.\\nThese commissioners, after long and conscientious preparation, pj-e-\\nsented to the Legislature the result of their labors a code of laws\\njust and liberal to the freedmen, and safe to the whites. It gave ample\\nsecurity to rights of person and property, but withheld political privi-\\nleges. This code was a matter of solicitous thought and patriotic\\nconcern among the members, and the opinion upon it varied and trem-\\nulous. Several of the General Assembly, R. A. T. Ridley, F. A. Frost,\\nD. E. Butler, John D. Stewart and .Jesse A. Glenn addressed a letter\\nto ex-Gov. Brown, asking his opinion. On the 14th of Februarv, 1866,\\nhe replied in a letter of masterly wisdom. It was a singularly clear-cut,\\nsententious, practical enunciation of view, and in the light of results\\nwonderfully correct. It took positive square ground against a special\\nFreedman s Code, or any laws discrimina ting in court rights and rem-\\nedies. He said the United States Government w-ould not permit the\\nenforcement of a separate penal and civil code. He used this expres-\\nsion, which was a vague and intuitive premonition of the coming\\nspread of the colored revolution: Unless inadness rules the hour,\\nthey will never be placed upon a basis of political equality with us.\\nBut even this far-sighted gentleman did not realize the inexorable\\ndrift of events under the changed order of things, and at that time,\\nas always, he manifested his thorough Southern sympathy and he did\\nnot advocate in advance the inauguration of measures whose accept-\\nance he afterwards advised as a matter of necessity. It is important\\nto look at this in properly estimating his after course, which entailed\\nupon him so much bitter odium.\\nGov. Jenkins in his message called attention to a curious inconsistency\\nof the reconstruction going on. President Johnson had proclaimed the\\namendment to the United States Constitution, adopted by the vote of\\nGeorgia, which had been solicited and accepted in recognition of her\\nrights as a state of the Union. Yet the incongruous sight was witnessed\\nof the state being both out of and in the Union at the same time. If she\\nwas out, the amendment adopted by her vote was void. If she was in,\\nher rights were perfect. This anomaly of her position was one of the\\nfarcicalities of that reconstruction tiiat marked the end of our ffreat war.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0457.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "350 AI.EXAXDEE H. STEPHENS SPEECH.\\nThe legislature elected as Judges of the Supreme Court, Dawson A.\\nWalker and Iverson I-. Harris. Walker beat Gen. Beiining and Rich-\\nard F. Lyon. Harris beat Hiram Warner, Richard H. Clarke, Barnard\\nHill and John Scliley. The defeat of Gen. Denning, a soldier, by Judge\\nWalker, a non-conibatant, was a strange victory, and keenly felt by\\nGen. Benning. It was largely due to William Dougherty, the great\\nlawyer who fought Gen. Benning about his decision in the Columbus\\nBank cases, as has been noticed before in this volume. The General\\nAssembly elected Ale.xander H. Stephens and Herschell V. Johnson,\\nUnited States Senators. Mr. Stephens beat Joshua Hill. Mr. Johnson\\nbeat Gen. L. J. Gartrell, C. Peeples and James Johnson. Gen. Gartrell\\nreceived ninety-three votes on one ballot, the contest being a lively one.\\nHe finally withdrew on the si.xth ballot when within one vote of an elec-\\ntion. Neither of these senators were ever admitted to their seats. Dur-\\ning the session, Mr. Stephens was formally invited to address the legisla-\\nture, and his speech appears upon the journals of the General Assembly,\\nan unwonted and distinguished compliment. The speech was a pro-\\nfound and statesmanlike utterance, philosophical, dispassionate, concil-\\niatory. It took tlie distinct ground that we must accept the issues\\nof the war, and abide by them in good faith.\\nThe legislature adjourned on the 13th day of March, 18CG. Among\\nthe important measures passed, were stay and homestead laws; appro-\\npriations to repair and equip the state road, and buy artificial limbs for\\nmaimed soldiers, and resolutions complimenting President Johnson, and\\nrequesting the withdrawal of soldiers. Gov. Jenkins gave a marked ev-\\nidence of his firmness and courage, by vetoing the stay and homestead\\nlaws in the teeth of a universal public clamor for these measures as a re-\\nlief in the pecuniary stress of the state. Conceiving them unconstitu-\\ntional, the brave and honest statesman refused tliem his sanction under\\nthe solemn obligation of his oath. But the stay law was passed over\\nhis veto.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0458.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXIV.\\nTHE SECOND IRON HANDED AND WHIMSICAL PHASE OF\\nRECONSTRUCTION.\\nThe Memorable Strife between Andrew Johnson and Thad. Stevens. The Fourteenth\\nAnieudnient. Negro Citizenship and White Disfrancliisemeut. The Fierce Ue-\\nfonstruution Committee of Congress. National Union Convention. Gov. Jenkins\\nMes.\u00c2\u00abage against tlie Fourteenth Amendment. The Legislature Rejects the Amend-\\nment. Conservatism Baffled at the North, and the South Trembling in liadical\\nClutches. Two Reconstructions. Practical State Matters. The Federal Court.\\nExGov. Brown and his Triumphs on the Test Oath and the Stay Law. Freed-\\nmen s Bureau. Ladies Memorial Association. Emigration to Mexico and Brazil.\\nTlie Sherman Bill Negro Suffrage Added. Andrew Johnson s Impeachment.\\nThe South luHamed. Gov. Brown s visit North to Probe the Situation. His\\nFateful Letter advising Acceptance of the Conqueror s Terms as the only means of\\nState Regeneration. A Letter that Scorched his Career for Years. Ex-Gov. Brown\\nPredicts its Unjiopularity. The Terrific Storm of Odium he Met. His Frightful\\nAssociations. The Carpet Bagger. T. M. Norwood. Gov. Jenkins Suit to\\nTest the Sherman Bill. An Instructive Antithesis. Brown and Jenkins.\\nThe year 1866 marked the inauguration of one of the most exciting\\ncivil conflicts in the history of our great republic. This was the ever\\nmemorable struggle between the President and Congress of the United\\nStates, over the reconstruction of the seceded and conquered States.\\nPresident Johnson had exacted the abolition of slavery and the repu-\\ndiation of our war debts. The.se demands had been complied with, and\\nthe Southern States reorganized. Congress refused the admission of\\nour Senators and Representatives and remitted the matter of recon-\\nstruction to a special committee. The extreme Republicans of the\\nNorth were not satisfied with the concessions made by the South, and\\nthe fight began over President Johnson s policy of national restoration.\\nIn April, 18G6, President Johnson proclaimed peace restored, and the\\ngreat insurrection at an end. The Southern insurrection was indeed\\nover, but the war waged none the less furiously against the South, not\\na war of Ijlood, but a war of malice and proscription. Thaddeus\\nStevens led the i crusade, whose object w-as the further humiliation of\\nthe South, and the crusade ended in the passage of the Fourteenth\\nAmendment to the Con.stitution of the United States. This amend-\\nment made negroes citizens, reduced representation in Congress in pro-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0459.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "358 NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION AT PHILADELPHIA.\\nportion to citizens refused the voting privilege, and disfranchised all of\\nour citizens who had held office before the war and fought on the South-\\nern side. It was fiercely opposed all over the South. Our people stood\\nsolidly against it. The measure excited a heated discussion over the\\nwhole country. Another measure that was passed over President John-\\nson s veto, and which excited a deep feeling and a hot argumentative\\nconflict, was the Civil Rights bill.\\nThe implacable Reconstrviction committee of Congress, headed by\\nThad. Stevens, continued fulminating its harsh propositions in swift\\nsuccession, which congress after stormy debate passed. A resolution\\nwas forced through that the rebellion deprived the South of civil\\ngovernment, and it was the duty of Congress to provide them with civil\\ngovernments, to continue suspension of liabeas corpus and keep soldiers\\nin the South to protect the blacks and Union citizens. Then another\\nwas ground out that no Senator or Representative be admitted from\\nany Soutliern state until Congress shall have declared such state en-\\ntitled to representation. Upon these came the Fourteenth Amendment,\\nwhich the Southern States must ratify to gain admission.\\nThe National Union Convention was held in Philadelphia on the 14th\\nof August, 18GG, to stop, if possible, this radical mischief. Gov. Brown\\npresided at a county meeting in Fulton county to arrange for delegates,\\nand made an admirable speech that was widely copied and compli-\\nmented. He used this language: While we cannot accord to the\\nnegro race social and political equality, I believe it is the fixed purpose\\nof nineteen-twentieths of the people of Georgia to see that they have\\nlegal equality and that justice and equity be constantly administered.\\nThe delegates appointed from Georgia were: State, A. H. Stephens, H.\\nV. Johnson, A. H. Chappell and D. A. Walker; District, W. B. Flem-\\ning, J. B. Gordon, Eli Warren, J. L. Wimberly, H. Warner, E. H.\\nWorrell, T. Hardeman, P. W. Alexander, Linton Stephens, A. R.\\nWright, J. H. Christy, R. McMillan, R. F. Lyon, Jas. Milner. But all was\\nunavailing. The extreme Republicans had the power and they pushed\\nit ruthlessly. Their whole course was an unbroken carnival of inconsist-\\nency and despotism. They fought the war for the Union, and after\\nsuccess themselves smashed it. They battled for the constitution, and\\nIiaving established, they tlien ignored and violated it. They were for\\nparty and not the country. They acted against law, justice, humanity\\nand the constitution, yet that mattered nothing. And opposition to\\ntheir demands but increased the number and severity of their exactions.\\nThe Fourteenth Amendment disfranchised the leading whites of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0460.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMEXT KIJJEOTED. 359\\nSouth, but it did not confer suffrage on the negro. The rejection of\\nthe one brought both, and it was a perception of the futility of non-\\ncompliance, and the injury of opposition in evoking additional wrongs\\nand accumulating conditions of humiliation that impelled the practical\\nwise-visioned Brown to advise ceasing unavailing contention, and stop\\noppression by the acceptance of irresistible terms.\\nThe leo-islature met in November. Gov. Jenkins in his message made\\na masterly argument against the Fourteenth Amendment, which\\nechoed the public heart. The joint legislative committee, headed by\\nB. A. Thornton of the Senate, and II. A. T. Ridley of the House, made\\na masterly and unanswerable report, written by Col. R. J. Moses against\\nit, which took these two simple and impregnable positions:\\n1. If Georgia is not a state composing a part of the Federal government, known as\\ntlie Government of the United States, ameudnieuts to tlie Constitution of tlie United\\nStates are not properly before tliis Ijodv.\\n2. If Georgia is a state, composing a part of the Federal government, known as the\\ngovernment of the United States, then these amendments are not proposed according to\\nthe re(|uirement3 of tlie Federal Constitution, and are proposed in such a manner as to\\nforbid the legislature from discussing the merits of the amendments witliout an implied\\nsurrender of the rights of the state.\\nThis superb report. concluded with this resolution:\\nResolved, That the legislature of Georgia declines to ratify the proposed amendment,\\nadding a fourteenth article to the constitution of the United States.\\nThe Senate voted unanimously in favor of it, and the House passed\\nit with only two dissenting voices, Ellington of Gilmer, and Umphrey\\nof Fannin. Such unanimity has rarely been witnessed. The two irre-\\nsistible considerations governing the rejection of this amendment were\\nthat it was without the authority of the constitution, and it made our\\n])eople the ignominious authors of the disfranchisement of our own best\\ncitizens. The year 1866 closed with conservatism baffled and beaten in\\nnational matters, and the South panoplied in argument and robed in\\nright, yet trembling in the cruel clutch of a pitiless Radicalism, angered\\nby the contemptuous rejection of its bitter terms by its helpless vic-\\ntim. We had enjoyed two reconstructions. Sherman accepted our\\nsurrender on terms of the immediate restoration of the States to the\\nUnion. Johnson repudiated this consistent result, and, compelling the\\nabolition of slavery and our war debts, organized us on these ideas.\\nCongress upset Johnson as he had overthrown Sherman, and demanded of\\nthe South the voting of citizenship to the negro and the disfranchise-\\nment of the Southern leaders. This was spurned, and the high-con-\\ntracting parties stood lowering at each other in the throes of a battle", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0461.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "3C0 STATE INCIDENTS.\\nmore bitter than the one of bullets so recently ended. But it was all\\none-sided. There could be but one result. We were powerless they\\nimplacable. Resistance did not convince, it only stimulated anger.\\nFailing- of eflFect, opposition invited increased exaction, and put ami-\\ncable agreement out of the question in the savage temper of our adver-\\nsaries and the unbridled force of our victors. Looking back to that\\nburning day, and reviewing the perplexities of tliat emergency, there\\nwas no choice but between the two extremes, the acquiescence of Brown\\nor the deathful hostUify of Toombs. The one gave peace, the other\\nwooed extermination. The situation presented no middle ground seem-\\ningly. But the medium line was pursued, and the writer was its advo-\\ncate, and there came in due and inexorable sequence an additional in-\\nstallment of this hybrid reconstruction, more fantastic and harsh tlian\\never.\\nDuring the year 1866 a good deal was done in practical State matters.\\nMaj. Campbell Wallace was put in charge of the State road, and Col.\\nWm. M. Wadley made president of the Central railroad. Mr. T. KV.\\nChichester borrowed $400,000 in New York for Gov. Jenkins. Nearly\\n8:^00,000 was spent to buy corn for the poor of the State. Some\\n$3,030,000 of State bonds had been issued to repair the State road, pay\\npast due coupons and bonds and buy corn, swelling our State debt from\\n$2,676,500 to \u00c2\u00a75,840,000. Notwithstanding our desperate condition of\\npoverty and ravage, our securities brought ninety cents on the dollar.\\nAnd in spite of the fact that we were not regarded as a State, the gen-\\neral government levied upon the State as a State her quota of a direct\\ntax levied on the Union, her part being $584,067.33. There had been\\ngranted in the South by President Johnson 7,197 pardons up to the\\nfirst of May, 1866, of which 1,328 were in Georgia. Judge Erskine\\nhad opened the Federal Court in Savannah on the 9th da} of May,\\n1866, with Henry S. Fitch, a brilliant Indianian, as United States\\nDistrict Attorney. Judge William Law, who had practiced forty-nine\\nyears in that court, applied for admission and was refused because\\nhe could not take the test oath. Ex-Gov. Brown represented him in\\nattacking the constitutionality of the law creating- the test oath, and\\nmade a speech of great length and magnificent power and legal learn-\\ning. Mr. Fitch made a reply of unconnnon merit and eloquence. Judge\\nErskine ruled the oath unconstitutional and Judge Law was admitted.\\nThe Supreme Court of the United States afterwards declared the test\\noath unconstitutional.\\nE.\\\\-Gov. Brown also was employed in an important case involving the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0462.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "THE BEGINNING OF THE COTTON CRAZE. 3G1\\nconstitutionality of the State stay law, and made a speech of surpass-\\ning erudition and logic. The entire people were deeply interested\\nin this absorbing question, and the case was looked to with profound\\nintensity of feeling. He won his case, the supreme court deciding\\nthe law constitutional. Afterwards, when on the supreme bench as\\nChief-Justice, he ruled in favor of the constitutionality of this class of\\nlaws.\\nA system of county courts was created, the judges being elected by\\nthe people of each county, and holding office for four years without\\nsalary, but allowed fees. These were important courts, having jurisdic-\\ntion of civil cases, except titles to land, and divorces, and criminal cases\\nexcept those capital. The Freedmen s Bureau had an almost exclusive\\njurisdiction of negro affairs. It will ever remain one of the political\\ncuriosities of that unique time. The power in these petty Bureau\\nofficials was autocratic and sweeping. There was never in the world\\nsuch a travesty of law. These agents decided titles to land, granted\\ndivorces, arrested and imprisoned for debt, made compulsory labor con-\\ntracts for blacks who would not make them, and arbitrarily fixed the\\nvalue of the services of laborers at from ^13 to \u00c2\u00a715 a month with board\\nand lodging, the laborer, however, to furnish his own clotliing and\\nmedicine. There were so many outrages perpetrated by these agents,\\nand the clamor was so great, that finally the heads of the Freedmen s\\nBureau were relieved in Georgia, the Carolinas and Alabama, and military\\nofficers were put in charge. It was this year that the planters began\\nthe suicidal farm policy they have so pertinaciously pursued ever since,\\nand which has resulted in so much pecuniary embarrassment, of raising\\ncotton to the exclusion of provision crops. The West became the corn\\ncrib and smoke-house of the South. Provisions were bought on time\\nat enormous usury, and cotton raised at a loss, and thus the planters\\nbecame more involved every year. There was a cotton craze, that for\\na while seemed incurable.\\nAmong the tender and touching things done by the General Assembly\\nwas the appropriation of 85,000 to the Ladies Jlomorial Association,\\nunder the lead of Mrs. Charles J. Williams of Columbus, and Miss\\nMary A. Green of Resaca, to gather together our soldier dead scattered\\nabout and properly mark their graves. Some exquisite speeches were\\nmade in the Legislature by several of the members, among them, Hon.\\nJames M. Russell, Col. R. J. Moses, Col. Claiborne Snead and J. A.\\nGlenn. This Legislature also granted state-aid to the Macon and Bruns-\\nwick railroad, after a very animated struggle. Ex-Gov. II. V. Johnson", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0463.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "3G3 A GLOOMY OUTLOOK AXI) MORE RECOXSl lU CTIOX.\\nwas re-elected United States Senator. In 18CC, J. W. Clift and C. H.\\nPrince qualified as members of Congress.\\nBoth during 1805 and 18CG there was considerable agitation of the\\nsubject of emigration to Me.xico and Brazil, and quite a number fool-\\nishly expatriated themselves. There was a small colony iu Mexico,\\namong whom were Generals Magruder, Hindman and Price and ex-Gov.\\nHarris of Tennessee. But Gen. Lee advised against it, and the good\\nsense of our people condemned such expatriation. And finally the\\nexiles themselves returned, after a bitter experience of hardship in\\nforeign lands. It was the brave thing to stand to our dear land in her\\nadversity, and raise her from her sad ashes. Amid all the obstacles and\\ndistractions, the drawbacks and disturbances, there had been a little\\nprogress in prosperity. Our people had gone to work bravely. Our\\ncities, especially, had picked uji somewhat. Our railroads had been\\nrebuilt, our farms restored in .some degree. But the Radical policy had\\nhindered rehabilitation, creating distrust and engendering discourage-\\nment. Our agricultural labor, the basis of prosperity, was unsettled and\\nin an indescribable condition of demoralization. Adventurers had come\\nin to control this ignorant class, and poison them against their old\\nmasters. There was a brooding sense of calamity in the State, and the\\noutlook was gloomy enough.\\nIn this nebulous state of darkness the Radical element in Congress,\\nrelentlessly pursuing the strife with President Johnson, and imagining\\nthe interest of their party to lie in a truculent increase of severity,\\npassed a measure offered by Mr. Sherman, tendering back the same\\nConstitutional amendment that had been rejected, with negro suffrage\\nadded. The otlier gentle features of this grim Sherman bill were\\nsimply the transformation of our state government into a Provisional\\nconcern, handicapped with a bayonet absolutism, and subject to the\\nimperial caprice of an acrid Congress. Truly it would liave been a\\nmarvel of ingenuity that could have conceived a more incongruous\\nabortion of politico-military polity than this. What a commentary it\\nwas, too, on the rancorous and unreasoning popular sentiment backing\\nit at the North, that sturdy, stern old Reverdy Johnson, true and cour-\\nageous friend of the South in Congress, who had fought a generous\\nbattle for us, sadly voted for this bill as the best he could get, and tiie\\nkindest measure possible. This was reconstruction with a vengeance.\\nAndrew Johnson gamely vetoed it in words of grand force and elo-\\nquence. But the constitutional majority, inspired by public opinion.\\nI", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0464.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0WHITE DISFEANCIIISEMENT AND BLACK SUPREMACY. 363\\nbrushed out his ineffectual yet unanswerable protest, and fastened the\\niron enactment upon the quivering and helpless South.\\nIt was an amazing piece of statesmanship to disfranchise our intelli-\\ngence and make the hereditary slaves of two centuries rulers of our\\npolitical destiny. It degraded, alarmed and exasperated our people.\\nWe had the whole argument of the case on our side. They had the\\nmight. Our reconstructors had excelled themselves in this last fantas-\\ntic of national restoration. Our people were angered to white heat,\\nand thev entered upon an uncompromising fight against the astounding\\nproiect. In this crisis ex-Gov. Brown, with that cool method that dis-\\ntinguished him, went North to look into the matter, and see just how\\nearnest the North was, and what hope there was of resistance to these\\nmost odious measures. He had taken ground as a matter of choice\\nagainst these wrongs. He was powerless, as were his people, to suc-\\ncessfully oppose any measures that were inevitable. And he resolved\\nto ascertain just what was necessary to do to restore the state to the\\ncontrol of his state-countrymen. Judge Dawson A. Walker accompa-\\nnied him. These gentlemen went to Washington early in February,\\n18G7, while the Reconstruction measures were pending, and thoroughly\\no-auged public sentiment upon reconstruction. Gov. Brown probed the\\nsubject to the bottom. He conversed with the most influential men\\nupon both sides. From President Johnson down he conferred with\\nleaders of every shade of opinion. The impeacliment crusade against\\nPresident Johnson had begun. Against the Sherman bill he had fired\\na noble but ineffectual veto, and on the last day of the old Congress it\\nwent through. The new Congress passed the supplemental reconstruc-\\ntion bill providing for a registration of loyal voters, the calling of a\\nconvention by the vote of the people, and the ratification of the consti-\\ntution made by such convention by a popular vote, all under military\\nguidance. Mr. Johnson struck this measure with another spirited veto,\\nbut it was promptly passed, and the revengeful malignancy of impeach-\\nment gathered fresh force from the incident.\\nIt was a gloomy state of things when the very constitutional exercise\\nof official prerogative upon the line of constitutional right in our favor\\nevoked so vengeful a spirit. Gov. Brown satisfied himself that these\\nterms, hard and galling as they were, must be taken, just as they were\\ntaken, and he came home and advised their acceptance by the people.\\nImpartially scrutinizing that act of advice, with the passions of the\\nhour cooled, and in the light of final results, it must be confessed that\\nGov. Brown s course was practical, politic and inspired by his convic-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0465.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "3G4 GOVERNOR brown s FATEFUL RECONSTRUCTION LETTER.\\ntions of duty. A letter was addressed to liim on the 22d of February,\\n18G7, by Ira R. Foster, James F. Alexander, A. R. Reagan, John Collier,\\nL. C. Wells, P. Pease, M\\\\ R. Venable, D. F. Hammond, P. L. Wynatt,\\n-A. K. Seago, R. P. Zimmerman, L. S. Salmons, William Herring, E. E.\\nRawson, J. A. Hayden, Joseph Thompson, E. P. Watkins, J. J. Thrasher,\\nT. W. J. Hill and E. Hulburt, asking his judgment as to what course\\nshould be pursued by the people of Georgia in the existing crisis.\\nHe answered, and it was the most fateful letter of his life. It has\\nbeen burned into the history of the country, and it scorched his career\\nfor dreary years. He was too sagacious a judge of public opinion, not\\nto foresee that it would elicit a large measure of unpopularity. He\\nshowed it to some close friends, and witli an accurate prevision of its\\neffect and of the public feeling, ho said: In the present excited state\\nof the popular mind, the chances are that bold leaders will inflame their\\npassions and prejudices, and they will reject the terms proposed, and\\nhave to suffer the consequences. And in that case, from having been\\nfor years one of the most popular men in Georgia, I shall become for\\na time the most unpopular from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The\\ngentlemen in whom he confided his views concurred with him fully,\\nand begged him to withhold the letter, and not immolate himself.\\nThey urged that he was out of public olTice, and therefore was under\\nno obligation to give advice, that would impair his popularity. Gov.\\nBrown s reply was to this effect: I am indebted to the people of\\nGeorgia for all that I am as a public man, and I have made up my mind\\nto fell them the truth, and warn them of their danger, be the conse-\\nquences what they may to me as an .individual.\\nTo estimate the full effect of this letter. Gov. Brown s position among\\nthe people must be understood. For eiglit long and momentous years\\nhe had been the civil autocrat of Georgia, and in a continuous series of\\nheated conflicts he had clutched popular endorsement with an irresistible\\npower. He was by long odds the most potential and idolized public\\nman in the State, seemingly impregnable among the masses. Such a\\nrevulsion has rarely been witnessed. The popular idol at one stroke\\nwas hurled to the ground, and upon him raged a pitiless storm of vin-\\ndictive execration. The mutterings of the thunder and the play of the\\nlightning began at once on his devoted head. Tlie man who stands\\nbefore the prejudices of a people has a fearful task before iiim. But\\nwhen, as in this case, he confronts not only their prejudices, but their\\nconvictions and their memories, the doom of an overwhelming odium is\\nhis certain fate.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0466.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR r.ROWN s I AIXFUL ATTITUDE. 365\\nTlie perusal of Gov. Brown s letter at this long distance from that\\nvolcanic day, even by one who, like the writer, shared in the fever\\nthat fired the Southern heart tlicn, shows it to bo a singularly argu-\\nmentative, dispassionate, forcible document, calm-tempered, logical, and\\ndriving his cool conclusions home with ponderous emphasis. The Sher-\\nman bill had not even passed when he wrote, but he predicted its\\npassage. He discussed the relative condition of political parties at the\\nNorth, he stated the exact realities of the situation, and he adv sed a\\nprompt, full acceptance of the conditions imposed upon us, as we could\\noiler no further resistance, and every delay but increased the severity of\\nthe terms offered. There was this strong evidence of disinterested sin-\\ncerity in his advice, that he was not a candidate for any office, nor seek-\\ning any personal benefit; and in addition to this, he was among those\\ndisfranchised by the very bill to whoso hard stipulations he counseled\\nobedience. Later, Mr. Sherman, the author of the bill, introduced a\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2measure in Congress for Gov. Brown s relief, and this fact was used\\nagainst the latter as an evidence of some collusion; but it was not only\\nnot a part of an understanding, and wholly unprompted by him, but it\\nwas a natural outcome of Gov. Brown s attitude, and was probably\\nintended to show that the road to certain reconstruction was the path\\nof submission.\\nAnother burdensome feature of this unpopular position of Gov.\\nBrown, was that it threw him into frightful, personal, and political as-\\nsociations. Home men of no character, unanimated by his patriotism,\\nand disinterested sense of public duty, and seeing in the cruel crisis the\\nchance for place or plunder, joined, the reconstruction movement, and\\nsuch accessions imparted odium to him. The Federal army left among\\nus a host of adventurers, and our helpless condition invited a horde\\nfrom the North, who naturally sought the protection of the government\\nand the security of Radicalism, in their schemes of personal advance-\\nment, whose main props were the unscrupulous and ingenious manipula-\\ntion of the deluded African, the supporting tyranny of the soldier, and\\nthe proscription of the good whites. To these some felicitous word-user\\ngave the memorable name of carpet-bagger. The North and the\\nWest have given to the South a large element of noble and precious\\nmanhood, social and business strains of virtuous and enterprising\\nblood, and no citizens stand better, or rank higher. And such superb\\naccretions of citizenship, are always welcome and cherished. But the\\nreconstruction carpet-bagger was none of these. Hon. Thomas Nor-\\nwood has made a clever sketch of this wonderful creature. Said he:", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0467.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "3nf) Norwood s sketch of the carpet-isagger.\\nHis like tlic world has never seen from the (lavs of Cain, or of tlie forty thieves in\\nthe faljleil time of Ali Balia. Like the wind he li .ows, and we liear tlie sound thereof,\\nbnt no man knowctli whence he cometh, or whither he goetli. National historians will\\nbe in douht liow to class him. Ornitholoijista will claim him, because in many respects\\nhe is a bird of prey. He lives only on corrui)tion, and takes his flight as soon as the car-\\ncass is picked. He is no product of the war. He is the canker of a calm world,\\nand of a peace which is despotism enforceil by bayonets. His valor is discretion his in-\\ndustry, perpetual strife, and his eloquence the parcel of a reckoning of chances, as he\\nsmells out a path which may lead from the Wliite House to a custom house, a |)Ost office,\\nthe internal revenue bureaus, or perchance to either wing of the Federal capitol. His\\nshibboleth is the Kcpublican party. From that party he sprung as naturallv as mag-\\ngots from putrefaction. Wherever two or three, or more negroes are gatliered to-\\ngether, he like a leprous spot is seen, and liis cry, like the daughter of the horse-leech, is\\nalways, give give nie office Witliout office he is nothing; with office he is a pe. -t\\nand public nuisance. Out of office he is a beggar in office he grows rich till his eves\\n.stick out with fatness. Out of office he is, hat iu hand, the outside ornament of every\\nnegro s caliin, a plantation loafer, and the nation s lazarene in office he is an adept in\\naddition, division and silence. Out of office he is tlie orphan ward of the administra-\\ntion and the general sign-post of penury in office he is the complaining suppliant for\\nsocial equality with Southern gentlemen.\\nNo record of these unique daj-s is complete without some description\\nof this remarkable character, that flourished in that congenial era with\\nthe luxuriance of the green bay tree. They flocked into the cohorts\\nof reconstruction, and shed by their unwelcome and irrepressible affilia-\\ntion an ignoble discredit upon the honest and patriotic supporters, like\\nGov. Brown, of a public policy condemned in principle, but assented to\\nas a matter of force in the choice of evils. A meeting was called in\\nAtlanta, and the split began immediately. The meeting divided.\\nGov. Brown made a strong, clear talk, but it did not heal the breach.\\nResolutions for and against reconstruction were passed by the sundered\\n.halves of the gathering. A meeting was called in Dalton, and after a\\nwarm discussion, in which the writer opposed the Brown policy. Judge\\nWalker was endorsed on the Brown line by a majority of four votes.\\nGov. Jenkins went on to Washington and instituted proceedings to\\ntest the constitutionality of the Sherman bill. His lawyers were Jeremiah\\nS. Black, Robert J. Brent, Edgar Cowan and Charles O Conor. This\\nwas a great proceeding, that involved the e.xistence of a state govern-\\nment of a million of people, and hundreds of millions of property. The\\nlegal form used was a bill reciting by a quaint anomaly, the attempt\\nand failure of the state to secede, and her fixed status in the Union un-\\nder the very philosophy of such failure and as shown by tlie very act of\\nthe United States government submitting constitutional amendments to\\nher for ratification or rejection. The bill urged that the Sherman bill", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0468.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "GOV. JENKINS BRINCS SUIT FOR GEORGIA S SOVEREIGNTY. 3G7\\nand supplement were iznconstitutional, and asked tliat Edwin il. Stan-\\nton, Secretary of War, Ulysses S. Grant, General of the army, and\\nJohn Pope, General commanding Georgia, be enjoined from enforcing\\nthe Sherman bill in Georgia and come into court to answer. Gov.\\nJenkins issued, on the 10th of April, 18G7, an address, from Washing-\\nton city to the people of Georgia, advising a firm but temperate re-\\nfusal of acquiescence in an adoption of the Sherman bill, and a patient,\\nmanly endurance of military government, until, in the efflux of time,\\nand on the subsidence of the passions generated by civil war, better\\ncounsels shall prevail at the Federal capital we, meantime, strictly ob-\\nserving law and order, and vigorously addressing ourselves to industrial\\npursuits. The alternative of this course was prompt acquiescence in\\nthe demands of Congress, which he counseled against until at least the\\nresult of the great case in the United States Supreme Court was had.\\nHe concluded this dignified and important document with these grave\\nwords, which powerfully indicate his deep sense of responsibility:\\nSliuuM we fail (as fail we may) there will remain nothing that I can do for j-ou.\\nYonr destiny will be in your own hands, and you must clioose between the alternative\\nfirst presented. In making that choice, you haye my counsel, perhaps erroneous but\\ncertainly honest.\\nIt was a peculiarly suggestive and interesting spectacle presented in\\nthe antipodal attitude of these two distinguished Georgians, Gov. Jen-\\nkins and ex-Gov. Brown, in reference to this tremendous question of the\\nvitality of a great sovereign State. Both were men of unusual brain\\npower, both of uncommon firmness, both of undoubted personal in-\\ntegrity and truth, both acknowledged statesmen and patriots, and both\\nwith the stimulus of an established fame and an exceptional popularity\\nto inspire them. And here they stood in absolute conflict of counsel to\\ntheir people under all the great burden of their sacred reputations, the\\nfruit of long and crucial years of illustrious public service. It was a\\ndramatic antithesis of momentous advice. It was an opposition of for-\\nmidable powers over a gigantic issue. Gov. Jenkins was robed in offi-\\ncial authority. Ex-Gov. Brown was but a simple citizen, yet exalted\\nby the prestige of his recent and unprecedented E.xecutive fame and\\nachievements. There were many deep-hued accessories of this picture.\\nIn the stormy days of war Gov. Brown had been the exponent of its\\nclashing turbulence, and .Judge Jenkins on the Supreme Bench had\\nplacidly administered the civil law, the calm symbol of peace amid the\\nred thunder of strife. Now when the cannon were irrevocably hushed,\\nand the current of blood had ceased beyond hope for the vanquished.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0469.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "308 JOSEPH E. BKOWX AND CHARLES J. JENKINS.\\nthe unyielding battler stood in the fullest concession to the compact of\\nsurrender, working for the speedy and practical restoration of the State s\\nlost sovereignty and the people s crushed welfare, while the severe\\njurist sturdily contended in a spirit equally patriotic against the same\\nconcession, even to the certain prolongation of a subjugated condition.\\nIt was a remarkable reversion of attitudes. And following out the\\nstriking antithesis, the course of Jenkins led through the reverential\\napprobation of his own people to his deposition and their further politi-\\ncal crucifixion, while the course of Brown steered through unmeasured\\nand unparalleled obloquy for himself, resulted in the ultimate redemp-\\ntion of the commonwealth and the regeneration of her government.\\nBoth of these gentlemen have since then received unusual marks of\\npopular confidence and favor, and now enjoy an enviable affluence of\\npublic esteem. Gov. Jenkins, in his ripe old age, has retired from\\npublic life, honored and revered, his active years passed away for all\\ntime. Gov. Brown, as a United States Senator, in the very maturity\\nof his great powers, is exercising a marked and beneficial influence in\\ncontrolling and molding the destinies of this gigantic nation. He is\\nnobly representing that very Georgia that once so execrated him for\\nhis devotion to her interest. The matter illustrates the great fact that,\\nhowever obscured and hidden, the truth will ultimately jjrevail. And\\nit is of infinitely more concern to men that they should be sincere and\\nhonest-purposed than that they should be either wise or correct. Gov.\\nJenkins failed in his line, yet in spite of its probably protracting the\\nState s rehabilitation, its inspiration was so noble that his countrymen\\nheld him in even higher esteem. Gov. Brown s course led to restora-\\ntion, and the very ordeal of unpopularity that his unwelcome but\\nsagacious counsel created, evincing his firm nerve in a disagreeable\\nduty, will but enhance the final valuation of his sacrifices and\\nsufferings.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0470.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXA^\\nA THROBBING CHAPTER OF RECONSTRUCTION HARLE-\\nQUINADE ENDING AYITH GOV. JENKINS REMOVAL.\\nThe Georgia Rill. Gov. Brown s Sagacitv. The Bill DismisseJ. Gen. Pope and Gov.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Tenkius. Tlie Storm upon Joe Brown. Alec Stephens. Gen. Toonihs. H. V.\\nJolinson. B. H. Hill. Brown and Hill in a Stern Controversy. Broivn slron Res-\\nolution Fearfully Tested. Geu. Pope s Curious Letter. Judge J.W. H. Underwood.\\nJudge I. L. Harris. Judge Hiram Warner. The Drift of Personal Government to\\nAhsolutism. Judge A. Reese removed. E. Hulhurt. The Democratic Convention\\nat Macon. Fight over Resolutions. A Crisis in the Democratic party. The Recon-\\nstruction Constitutional Convention of 18G8. Its Personelle. Colored Delegates.\\nThe Detested Symbol of Conquest and Odious Change. The Proscription of Recon-\\nstructionists. Ludicrous Incident. Gov. Bro\\\\vn s Strong Influence for Good.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nHis Position. Gen. Pope calls on Gov. Jenkins for Money. Gov. Jenkins Refusal.\\nGen. Meade Succeeds Gen. Pope. Gen. Meade Re-applies to Gov. Jenkins. Gov.\\nJenkins Declines. Ilis Flavorous Sarcasm. Gen. Meade Removes Gov. Jenkins,\\nan l details Gen. Ruger as Governor. Soldierly Moderation under Unlimited Des-\\npotism. Gen. Hancock.\\nBefore the bill was filed for Gov. Jenkins in the Supreme Court of\\nthe United States to test the constitutionality of the Sherman act, a\\nsimilar bill was filed by Gov. Sharkey of Mississippi, but it was dis-\\nmissed for its severe terms. It was a notable continuation of Georgia s\\nforemost place in every phase of the war, that she should stand in the\\nperiod following its close, as the pivot of reconstruction. Her destiny\\nas the regnant factor of the revolution seemed unavoidable. The\\nattention of the country was focalized upon the brave state and its\\ncharacteristic effort, in the highest legal tribunal of the land, to resist\\ndegradation. But her attempt was unavailing. It was ably argued.\\nMr. Stanberry, the Attorney General of the United States, opened and\\nconcluded the argmnent for the government, and Mr. O Connor, for\\nGeorgia, and Mr. Walker, for Mississippi, made masterly addresses.\\nThe case was dismissed, and the ruthless crusade of Reconstruction\\ncontinued, tlie stronger and harslicr for the futile spurt of impediment.\\nIt was a striking in.stance of Gov. Brown s sagacity that lie opposed\\nthe action of Gov. Jenkins in filing the bill for Georgia and predicted\\nits failure on the verj- ground upon which it was dismissed, that it in-\\nvolved political questions over which the Congress and President were\\n24", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0471.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "370 GEOKOIA SENTIMENT ALL AOAINST fiOVEnNOR RKOWN.\\nthe arbiters and not the court. The defeat in the Supreme Court left\\nthe South remediless. Gen. Pope wrote to Gov. Jenkins, asking him if\\nhe had seen his order prohibiting any attempt of officials to influence\\nthe people on reconstruction before he issued his address advising them\\nagainst accepting the Sherman bill. Gov. Jenkins replied that he had\\nnot seen it, but that he should in the future do and say whatever his\\noath required of him. Gen. Pope replied that State officers would not\\nbe allowed to denounce the act of Congress under which he was acting.\\nThe press poured hot shot into Gov. Brown. He was the subject of\\na torrent of vituperation. Denunciations streamed upon him as trai-\\ntor, betrayer of the honor and interest of his State, unduly fright-\\nened, weak-kneed, desired to save his neck^ currying favor with\\nthe Radicals, and a volley of such abuse. He was accustomed to spir-\\nited hitting from his enemies. But such rasping censure from friends\\ncame hard. Gov. Brown, however, met it gamely. He stood reso-\\nlutely to his disagreeable views, and he made strong, even-tempered\\nspeeches in the leading cities of the State, urging the people to accept-\\nance of the terms of Congress. It was a complete separation from his\\nold allies an acrid divergence of political course. Mr. Stephens was\\nsilent, Gen. Toombs had returned home from Europe in March and wrote\\na letter to Mr. M. C. Corrj% Corresponding Secretary of the Democratic\\nCentral Committee at Cincinnati, declaring his readiness to establish\\nthe right of secession. Ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson wrote a letter in July,\\n1867, urging registration but advising against acceptance of the terms\\nproposed. His advice was never to embrace their despotism, and to\\nhope for a reaction in the North and West against the overthrow of\\nconstitutional liberty. Hon. B. H. Hill made a speech in Atlanta in\\nJuly of this year, in which he denounced the reconstruction measures\\nwith unsurpassable and flaming eloquence and he followed it up later\\nwith a series of notes on the situation on the same line, that for\\nmagnificent invective equal anything in ancient or modern annals.\\nThere is no doubt that Mr. Hill was the undisputed leader in this savage\\nanti-reconstruction campaign.\\nIn his Notes on the Situation he attacked Gov. Brown, and that in-\\ndomitable fighter came back with an unsheathed sword. The conflict\\nwas a famous one. They were two ripe controversialists, mental Titans,\\nand the theme was big enough for any minds. They had met in the\\ngubernatorial race ten years back, when Brown was untried and yet\\nhad won the Executive guerdon. They were at it again in the fiercest\\nera of the century, representing implacably hostile forces and theories\\nk", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0472.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "BEX HILL AND JOE liROWX. 371\\nvengefully inimical. Hill liad the public pulse on his side. Brown was\\nbreasting an overwhelming popular sentiment. Hill roile a very flood\\ntide of the people s endorsement. Brown fought, crowded down with\\npublic odium. The agitation gained intensity and bitterness as it pro-\\ngressed. It became more venomous every day. Northern adventurers\\nthronged into the State and began their operations upon the credulous\\nblacks, poisoning their minds, working on their cupidity, and inciting\\nthem to hatred of the whites. It was a frightful time. The war was\\nmore bearable and peaceful. The robust delusion of forty acres and\\na mule, and other impracticable schemes of spontaneous profit, were\\nused freely upon the bewildered colored people with wonderful success.\\nThese rosy fictions were swallowed eagerly without a suggestion of dis-\\nbelief. The people hotly resented this invasion of the Vandals and\\nin the abhorrence of a moral pestilence, the sincere, honest advisers of\\nthe acceptance of reconstruction, as the best that could be done in our\\ndesperate stress, were pilloried in public scorn.\\nIt was a dreadful alternative for a proud man like Gov. Brown to be\\nexposed to, either to adhere to his convictions of public duty under an\\nappalling ordeal of popular hatred, and under alliance with men he\\ncontemned, or cravenly yield to a tornado of public passion that he\\ncould not control, and whose policy he condemned. But there was no\\ngiving up in Gov. Brown s iron composition. As the hail of public indig-\\nnation pelted upon him with an accumulating force, he with set lips and a\\ngrim defiance confronted the hurricane and defied its fury. He never\\nfaltered in his chosen course. It was proscription, fell and remorseless,\\nthat he fought proscription, social and political. Some idea of the\\nburning fever of the time may be gleaned from some of Mr. Hill s\\nwhite-heated invectives: Hellish dynasty, On, on with j our work\\nof ruin, ye hell-born rioters in sacred things! Perjured assassins\\nof liberty, blasphemous conclave of a Congress, and a host of such\\nexpressions testified alike to the violence of the epoch and the abusive\\ncapacity of the orator.\\nThese letters and speeches of Mr. Hill, Gov. Johnson and others,\\nwere made the text of a lengthy and right curious letter by Gen. Pope\\nto Gen. Grant on the subject of reconstruction. It made the strong\\nexpressions and stern spirit of those utterances a justification of the\\ndisfranchisement of their authors, but at the same time it urged perfect\\nfreedom of speech and the press. It candidly owned that some of the\\nreconstructionists were as bitter and proscriptive as the reactionary\\nanti-reconstructionists, as he called them. It further said that if the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0473.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "573 GKNERAT. POPE AND THE STATE UMVERSITV.\\ncolored poojile progressed as rapidly as they had done, five years will\\nhave transferred intelligence and education, so far as the masses are\\nconcerned, to them.\\nJudge J. W. II. Underwood and Judge Tverson L. Harris wrote letters\\nin response to some gentlemen asking their opinion, in which they\\nadvised the people to register and vote for a convention. Judge Hiram\\nWarner counseled tiie acceptance of the tenns, saying, It would be a\\nuseless waste of time to discuss political principles or constitutional\\nrights for anj^ practical purpose. The division of opinion was very\\nmarked, and views were extremely varied. As a general thing in North\\nGeorgia, in the white belt, a majority favored accepting reconstruction\\nsimply as a choice of evils. A large number of men were for non-action.\\nIn the negro belt the whites were solid against the measures to the last.\\nThe steady drift of a personal government, unrestrained by fixed law,\\nis to despotism. The arbitrary exercise of authority is .simply inevitable.\\nThe South, under the rule of the Brigadier Generals in this year of\\n1867, illustrated this tendency. Gen. Pope began well, but he soon\\ndrove into autocratic grooves. His orders show a swift growth of abso-\\nlutism. Men who displeased him were removed upon pretexts and,\\nperhaps, considerable provocation. First, mayors of cities were both\\nremoved and appointed. Foster Blodgett was appointed maj or of\\nAugusta, Capt. Joe Blance, solicitor general of the Tallapoosa circuit,\\nand Col. Albert Lamar, solicitor general of the Muscogee circuit, were\\nremoved. ShcriiTs were displaced. A man charged with homicide, in\\nBartow county, and acquitted, was re-arrested and ironed. The State\\nluiiversity at Athens was closed because a student made a speech\\nobjectionable to Gen. Pope, and it was then re-opened,- with the condi-\\n1 ion expressed, that the press of the State should say nothing of the\\naffair, but the appropriation was withheld for a while. The student was\\nAlbert H. Cox, a brilliant young man, and a member of the last General\\nAssembly. His speech was upon The Vital Principle of Nations\\n)bedience to Organic Law. A copy of the speech was sent to Gen.\\nPope for him to critically examine. And when the college term was\\nresumed, Mr. Cox offered to retire from the institution if it was deemed\\nnecessary to pacify the military monarch of our destinies. This was not\\nrequired. Men were prevented from sitting as jurors who had not regis-\\ntered. Military officers were relieved from all civil process.\\nJudge Augustus Reese, of the Ocmulgee Judicial Circuit, declined to\\noliey the order that unregistered voters should not act as jurors, and he\\nwas prohibited from exercising the duties of his office, after refusing- to", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0474.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "A STATE CONVENTION CALLED CNDER MILITAUY AUSPICES. 373\\nresign. This able and courageous jurist was warmly regarded for this\\naction.\\nSeptember 19th, 18G~, Gen. Pope ordered an election to be held on\\nthe 29th, 30th and 31st of October, for a convention, and for delegates\\nto the convention. The superintendent of registration was Col. E.\\nHulburt, who had been Superintendent of the Express company, an un-\\ncommon individual. Cool, adroit, managing, energetic, bold, personally\\nvery clever, Hulburt was a marked character, and the most useful in-\\nstrument Gen. Pope had. A large powerful man, prompt, decisive,\\nwith superior administrative ability, he handled the problem of registra-\\ntion with unvarying success, for any measure he championed. He had\\nlarge ideas, and a proportionate executive capacity, and he played a\\nvital part in this complicated drama of reconstruction. The registered\\nvoters numbered, according to Col. Hulburt, 188,G4:7. The election con-\\ntinued three days, and then was protracted two days longer. A conven-\\nient order, issued at the proper time, allowed men to vote in other comi-\\nties than where they registered, upon their own oaths that they were\\nentitled to vote. How far the repetition of votes was done under this\\nambulatory method will never be known. There were 10G,410 votes\\npolled on the question of convention, and 103,283 in favor of it, thou-\\nsands of voters who had registered, abstaining from the polls under the\\nsuicidal non-action policy.\\nThe Democrats called a state convention to meet at Macon, on the\\noth day of December, 18C7, to consult on -the situation. This was the\\nfirst political state convention held since the surrender. There were\\ndelegates from sixty counties. Benjamin H. Hill was elected presi-\\ndent. The convention was very stormy, and came near being broken\\nup. Among the delegates were Thomas Hardeman, Gen. A. R.Wright,\\nC. A. Nutting, T. G. Holt, L. N. Whittle, W. S. Holt, A. W. Reese,\\nW. T. Thompson, G. A. Mercer, William M. Browne, W. F. Wright,\\nJ. C. Nisbet, R. A. Alston, M. A. Candler, Nelson Tift, Augustus R.\\nWright, M. Dwinell, W. G. Northern, G. F. Pierce, Jr., Eli Warren, C.\\nC. Duncan, J. W. Preston, J. H. Blount, D. E. Butler, P. W. Alexan-\\nder, Thomas W. Grimes, C. C. Kibbee, Herbert Fielder, C. W. Han-\\ncock, T. M. Furlow, C. T. Goode, C. H. C. WiUingham, E. H. Pottle,\\nI. W. Avery and W. K. Kiddoo. There was a very small representa-\\ntion from North Georgia, only seven counties North of the Chattahoo-\\nchee, having delegates.\\nThe two main points of difference were the non-action policy and a\\nresolution dcnouncinii: advocates of reconstruction as criminals. These", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0475.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "374: THE FIRST POLITICAL CONVENTION AFTER THE WAR.\\nwere both measures of Mr. Hill, and were warmly discussed. The\\nquestion of non-action was referred finally, to the State Executive Com-\\nmittee. Mr. Hill pressed the resolution in regard to reconstructionists\\nupon the platform committee, who rejected it. Nothing daunted, Mr.\\nHill offered it as an amendment to the report of the committee in the\\nconvention, supporting it splendidly. At this juncture, Col. I. W.\\nAvery, the delegate from Whitfield, having vainly urged Judge Wright,\\nof Rome, to present the reasons for opposing the resolution, who\\ndeclared it useless to confront the current, took the floor against it,\\nurging that in the white belt, fully 25,000 white Democrats had sup-\\nported reconstruction as the best thing they could do, and to denounce\\nthese sincere and patriotic men as criminals would drive them from the\\nparty. Gen. A. R. Wright, Col. Thomas Hardeman, L. N. Whittle and\\nothers supported this view. Mr. Hill still pressed his resolution with\\nan evidently large support. The matter was re-committed and additional\\ncommitteemen appointed. The original committee was: George A.\\nMercer, C. B. Richardson, Gen. Phil Cook, T. M. Furlow, P. W. Alex-\\nander, C. H. C. Willingham, Thomas Hardeman, Jr., D. G. Hughes, D.\\nE. Butler, E. H. Pottle, J. Graham, W. W. McLester, L. J. Glenn,\\nand J. A. Stewart. The added committeemen were W. T. Thompson,\\nT. L. Guerry, J. A. L. Lee, T. G. Holt, A. R. Wright of Richmond, I.\\nW. Avery and J. P. Hambleton.\\nThe committee reported the resolution of Mr. Hill, and the battle\\nover it in the convention was resumed with a lively animation and de-\\ntermined earnestness. The JIacon Telajraph, in its report of the dis-\\ncussion, stated the opposition to the resolution in these words:\\nThe gall.int young delegate from Wliitfiekl, Col. Avery, fought nianfullv f\u00c2\u00ab)r the\\npeople of his seutiou on this poiut. He was opposed to their views, hut knew tliat they\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0were honestly entertained, and would never consent to denounce them as traitors or\\ncriminals. He helieved they were wrong, but preferred to show them their error, and\\npersuade them to abandon it.\\nFinally, Col. Avery stated that he was so thoroughly convinced of the\\nimpolicy of the resolution, and its peril to the party in estranging\\nNorth Georgia, that if it passed, he should feel it his painful duty to\\nwithdraw from the convention, as much as he should dislike to break its\\nharmony. Upon this declaration, the question was asked whether the\\nresolution would be acceptable if it was amended so as to denounce\\nthe crime of reconstruction, and say nothing of its supporters. This\\nchancre being satisfactory, the resolution was thus amended and unani-\\nmously adopted. Had the resolution, as originally offered, have been\\nk", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0476.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "THE RECONSTRUCTION CONVENTION. 375\\npassed, as the solemn action of this convention, it would have split the\\nparty asunder in a bitter antagocism. It was a curious coincidence that\\nthe preamble and resolutions adopted by the convention were the reso-\\nlutions (with some additions) written by Col. Avery, and passed at the\\ncounty meeting in Whitfield county, to select delegates to the conven-\\ntion, and read thus:\\nMauly protest against bad pulilic policy is the duty, as well as the right, of all true\\npatriots. And this, without factious opposition to goveruiuout, or untimely interruption\\nof public harmouy. The season for honest discussion of principles, aud for lawful o])-\\nposition to existing abuses aud tlieir growth, is ever present aud pressing.\\nThe Southern people are true to coustitutioual liljerty, and ready to acquiesce in\\nany policy looking to the honor and good of tlie whole country, and securing the rights\\nof all classes of people.\\nWe r\u00c2\u00a3gard the efforts of the present ruling power to change the fundameutal insti-\\ntutions of the United States government as false iu principle, impolitic in actiou, in-\\njurious in result, unjust aud detrimental to the general goveruraent.\\nSilence under wrong may be construed as endorsement. Be it therefore\\nResolced, That we pledge ourselves to sustain law and order, to support cheerfully\\nall constitutional measures of the United States government, aud to recognize tlie rights\\nof all classes of people under enlightened and liberal laws.\\nTo tiiese were added by the Convention resolutions protesting against\\nthe reconstruction measures. H. V. Johnson, A. H. Chappell, B. H.\\nHill, Warren Akin and T. L. Guerry were appointed to issue an address\\nto the people. Gbv. Johnson wrote the address, which was a very able\\none and appealed for a united elfort to restore constitutional govern-\\nment.\\nThe reconstruction Convention met in Atlanta, on the 9th day of De-\\ncember, 18G7. It consisted of 170 delegates. The majority of them\\nwere unknown names. Gov. Brown had advised the people to take\\npart, and send their best men. The mistaken non-action policy had\\nbeen followed in many parts of the state. A gallant attempt had been\\nmade in many sections, however, in conformity with the counsel of Gov.\\nBro vn, and there vras quite a liberal sprinkling of good and true Demo-\\ncrats. Among this class were H. V. M. Miller, David Irwin, A. W. Hol-\\ncombe, L. N. Trammell, S. E. Field, and J. D. Waddell. There was\\nanother class of men who were pronounced Republicans, who were sin-\\ncere in their politics and enjoyed personal esteem. In this class were\\nH. K. McCay, T. P. Saffold, Benjamin Conley, R. B. Bullock, D. G.\\nCotting, A. T. Akerman, Madison Bell, N. L. Angler, J. L. Dunning,\\nJ. H. Flynn, H. G. Cole, J. R. Farrott, and A. G. Foster. There were\\nothers who have been prominent in tlie republican party: A. L. Harris,\\nR. II. Whitely, Foster Blodgett, J. E. Bryant, J. Adkins, C. H. Prince,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0477.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": ".\u00e2\u0096\u00a0376 A BODY ODIOUS TO THE PEOPLE.\\nT. J. Speer, H. M. Turner, G. W. Ashburn, Tunis Campbell, A. A.\\nBradley, N. P. Hotchkiss, G. P. Burnatt, M. H. Bentley, Isaac Seely,\\nC. H. Hopkins, W. L. Clilt, Samuel Gove, J. Sherman, and J. S. Bigby,\\nwhose names have become very familiar to the people of Georgia in\\nthe years since, in the political conflicts that have transpired.\\nThe convention was a new and odious body to the people. The old lead-\\ners were nearly unanimously disfranchised. Here was an organization,\\nincarnating the idea of force and conquest, based upon negro supremacy\\nand white disfranchisement, and with fully one-sixth of its number\\ncolored delegates, in sudden shock of every prejudice and conviction,\\nand thus a fresh set of obscure men hoisted by abhorred means to the\\nleadership of the State. It was a spectacle that intensified the thrilling\\nbitterness of the time. In the course of years we have become accustomed\\nto the sight of colored legislators, but in that day it was a trying-\\nexperience and it stirred men s resentments implacably. To the State,\\nit seemed as if a menagerie had been ransacked for its stock of pup-\\npets and harlequins and the mongrel culling converted into the travesty\\nof a convention, to arrange the liberties and remodel the crushed sov-\\nereignty of a great commonwealth. And the body, symbolizing con-\\nquest, hatred and ignominy, bore the seeming sacred imprimatur of the\\npublic suffrage. Little wonder that the people spit upon, and reviled it\\nwith a double-dyed loathing. And it was a terrible injustice, something\\nlike hanging an innocent man for a murder, to involve in the unsparing\\nodium of the era, pure and patriotic men who conscientiously believed\\nin the necessity of conforming to the situation as the best thing obtain-\\nable, pitiably poor as that was, for the loved ones and the country. Men\\nwho favored reconstruction that day, no matter what their motive, were\\nvisited with a blind full-bodied damnation, both social and political, that\\nwas worse than death. And many a. man who would have favored recon-\\nstruction was driven in terror from it by the proscription.\\nOf the new men {iut forward, R. B. Bullock became afterwards Gov-\\nernor, Ben jamin Conley President of the Senate, J. E. Bryant Represen-\\ntative and a noted leader of the colored men, Foster Blodgett\\nSuperintendent of the State Road, R. H. Whitely, Samuel Gove, and\\nT. J. Speer, Congressmen, J. R. Parrott, Judge, H. K. McCay, Judge\\nof the Supreme Court, D. G. Cotting Secretary of State, A. T. Aker-\\nman. Attorney General in Grant s Cabinet, Madison Bell, Comptroller\\nGeneral, and N. L. Angler Treasurer.\\nJ. R. Parrott was elected President of the Convention. A ludicrous\\nincident occurred in the election of President that created much dcris-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0478.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "THE WORK OF THE RECOXSTRUCTION CONVENTION. 3T7\\nion. When the name of H. H. Christian, a white delegate, was called,\\nhe was absent, and a black negro voted in his place, which made much\\nexcitement. Upon being questioned he said his name was Jones,\\nand he had been sent to vote for Mr. Christian, who was absent, and he\\nwas dismissed from the hall amid shouts of laughter. The incident\\nillustrates the colored man s crude conception of his privileges. The\\nconvention was in session until the 11th day of March, 18G8, taking a\\nrecess from December 24, 18G7, to January 8, 18G8. The Constitution\\nthat was created was a very excellent one, containing many valuable\\nnew features. Gov. Brown threw his whole influence in giving a con-\\nservative direction to the legislation of the convention. Had his\\ncounsel have been followed there would have been a much larger repre-\\nsentation of able and representative men. But still, with the few right\\nmen in the convention, and with Gov. Brown s potential guidance of\\nthe Republican element in safe grooves, the general line of procedure\\nwas kept well guarded and just. It was a fortunate thing in many\\nrespects for the public interests that a person like Gov. Brown was\\naligned with the reconstructionists. Whatever of harm that was done,\\nhe nor any one could prevent, and all that was possible of prevention,\\nhe checked.\\nRetrospecting dispassionately, we can see how our righteous passion\\ninjured us, increased our difficulties, retarded our restoration, and cre-\\nated new and harder terms. Popular fury is a very ruthless tyrant, and\\nnone more so than a just and natural fury. It can seek and find justi-\\nfication in its justice. We were very badly treated, and our wrongs\\ninvolved the cause of law and liberty. Yet the position of Gov. Brown\\nwas very logical. This is all true. It is very bad. But how can you\\nhelp yourself With a half million of armed men you vi^ere powerless\\nto remedy smaller ills than these. What can you do now, conquered\\nand tied, except by contumacy to invite superadded harshness You\\nhad lighter terms. You rejected them and got heavier ones. If you\\ntake these, as you cannot help doing, you will regain your freedom.\\nIf you reject them, you will have still harder terms to take. It is not\\na matter of right, it is a question of force, and you had better yield to\\nit at once, and remove its tyranny. But a gallant people would not\\nsee it, and the hopeless battle continued, and the cloud upon Gov.\\nBrown grew blacker and more vital with storm.\\nDuring the deliberations of the convention two important changes\\nwere made, powerfully affecting the public weal, and illustrating with\\na sweeping emphasis the capricious and tyrannical tenor of our rule.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0479.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "378 GENERAL MEADE AND GOVERNOR JENKINS.\\nGen. Pope was, by order bearing date December 28th, 18G7, relieved of\\nthe command of our military district, including Georgia, and Maj. Gen.\\nGeorge W. Meade put in his stead as the arbiter of our political des-\\ntinies. The convention needed money for its expenses, and passed an\\nordinance directing the Treasurer of the State to pay $40,000 to N. L.\\nAngier, the disbursing officer of the convention, for this purpose. It\\nwas a comical travesty of civil government and of the genius of our\\nrepublican institutions, that here was an august convention of the\\npeople, the highest delegated agent of popular sovereignty, and yet\\nevery edict it made was formally promulgated and enforced by military\\norder. Was it not an unutterable caricature upon civil liberty and\\nconstitutional law that constitutional principles were thus expounded\\nfrom the mouth of the musket, and interpreted under the whimsical\\ndespotism of the bayonet? Gen. Pope issued his order to the Treas-\\nurer, John Jones, to pay the $40,000 for the convention. This order bore\\ndate the 20th of December, 1867. Col. Jones responded the 21st of\\nDecember, declining to pay the amount because\\nForbidden to pay money out of the treasury except upon warrant of tlio Governor\\nand sanction of the Comptroller General, and having entered into heavy bonds fur the\\nfaithful performance of the duties so prescribed.\\nGen. Pope took no action upon the matter, but left it for Gen. Meade s\\nattention. On the 7th of Janiiary, 18G8, Gen. Meade addressed a letter\\nto Gov. Jenkins as Provisional Governor, and requested him to draw\\nhis warrant on the Treasury for the $40,000. He urged, that this was\\nan appropriation made bj law, and Gov. Jenkins could therefore do it,\\nand attention was called to the precedent of the Constitutional conven-\\ntion of 1865. Requesting Gov. Jenkins to show the letter to the Comp-\\ntroller General, Gen. Meade thus concluded:\\nHoping that in the performance of tl .e difficult and embarrassing duties now-\\ndevolved upon me, I may have the co-operation and assistance of the Executive Depart-\\nment of Georgia, I am most respectfully, c.\\nGov. Jenkins response was a model of classic heroism. Through its\\nhigh-bred courtesy ran a veiled vein of sharp satire and unllincliing\\ndefiance. There was no concession in it. The convention, he argued,\\nwas called under a Federal law that prescribed tax to raise funds to pay\\nthe body. This fund did not come under the purview of the constitu-\\ntions of Georgia or of tlie United States, which he had sworn to obey,\\nand he added with a flavorous sarcasm\\nI have a serene consciousness that in declining to obey the behest of the convention,\\nand to comply with your courteous reipiest, I but pay a dutiful homage to both\\nconstitutions.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0480.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR JEXKINS REMOVED FROM IIIS OFFICE. 379\\nGov. Jenkins discussed the Reconstruction acts with reference to\\nthis point, and put his view with another whiflf of subtle irony thus:\\nI can find nothing which, in tlie remotest degree, authorizes the construction that they\\nintend to saddle tlie Treasury of Georgia with the cost of their novel enterprise.\\nUontinuing in the same satirical humor Gov. Jenkins said, that he\\nwas unable to find any duty devolved upon him in the multiplied recon-\\nstruction acts except not to obstruct them, which was a negative\\nduty, and he grimly added:\\nBelieve me, General, in my official position, compliance with your request would\\niuvolve a tremendous activity, nay, even the abandonment of previously imposed duty.\\nWith the statement that the State s money could not pay the conven-\\ntion and at the same time the regular burdens of government, Gov.\\nJenkins respectfully declined Gen. Meade s request. The letter of Gov.\\nJenkins bore date the 10th of December, 1SG7. On the 13th, Gen.\\nMeade, in a short but polite note, informed Gov. Jenkins that he\\nremoved him from his office, viewing his refusal to pay this money, and\\nalso, his refusal to pay the salary of M. S. Bigby, Solicitor General of\\nthe Tallapoosa circuit, appointed by Gen. Pope, as obstructions of the\\nreconstruction laws. Treasurer Jones was also removed.\\nBrev. Brig. Gen. Thomas H. Ruger was detailed for duty as Gov-\\nernor of Georgia, and Brev. Capt. Charles F. Rockwell, Treasurer of\\nGeorgia. On the 17th of January, 18G8, the Comptroller General, John\\nT. Burns, was removed and Capt. Charles Wheaton detailed for duty\\nin his place. These are the words used to fill these great offices. The\\norder in regard to the Executive is given in full, as a document that\\nwill read in the far distant future, when the memory of the war is a\\ndim tradition, as a rare curiosity of military politics:\\nHeadquarters Third Military^Oistirict,\\nDept. of Ga., Ala. and Fla.\\nGeneral Order No. 8 Atlanta, Ga., Jan. 13, 1868.\\nI. Charles J. Jenkins, Provisional Governor, and John Jones, Provisional Treasurer\\nof tlie State of Georgia, having declined to respect the instructions of, and failed to\\nco-o])erate with the Major General commanding tlje Third Military District, are hereby\\nrenio\\\\ed from office.\\nII. By virtue of the authority granted by the Supplementary Reconstruction Act of\\nCongress, passed July 19th, 1867, the following nan .ed officers are detailed for duty in\\nthe District of Georgia: Brevet Brigadier General Thomas H. Ruger, Colonel 33d\\nInfantry, to be Governor of the State of Georgia Brevet Captain Charles F. Rock-\\nwell, Ordnance Corps, U. S. Army, to be Treasurer of the State of Georgia.\\nIII. The above named officers will proceed without delay to MUledgeville, Georgia,\\nand enter upcfti tlie discharge of the duties devolving upon them, sul)ject to instructions\\nfrom these Head-quarters. By order of GENERAL MEADE.\\n[Official R. C. Drum, Assistant Adjutant General.\\nGeorge K. Sanderson, Capt. and Act. Asst. Adjt. Gen.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0481.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "380 THE MODERATION OF OUR MILITARY RULERS.\\nReverting to those unhinged times, one wonders at the moderation of\\ntyranny that accompanied the unlimited despotism in the grasp of these\\nlucky soldiers, invested as if by enchantment with supreme power. To\\ntheir credit be it said that generally they wielded their authority with\\nrespect for old usages and establislied rights. And where they broke\\nover the conventional forms, they did so under the soldiers spirit of\\nobedience to orders. They were directed to enforce the Reconstruction\\nmeasures and they did it to the letter. General Hancock was the ex-\\nception in one splendid respect. He had ideas of civil law and liberty\\nand a rare conception of constitutional principles and of the spirit of\\ntrue republican government In the coming future his renown as a\\nsoldiei great as that is, will pale before the resplendent radiance of his\\nfame as the champion of regulated civil right.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0482.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXVI.\\nTHE FEVERISH MARCH OF EVENTS IN 1SG8.\\nStartling Iiiciilcnts Officers Removed. Gov. Jenkins Suit. Kelief. Tlie Union\\nLeague. The Ku KIu.k Klan. Twin Excrescence. of Reconstruction. R. B. Bul-\\nlock Nominated. Democratic Committee. Judge A. Reese. Judge D. Irwin.\\nGen. J. B. Gordon. Gov. Brown s Frightful Ostracism. E. Hull)urt. Sliarp and\\nQuick. Bullock counted in Governor. Gov. Brown at Chicago. The Killing of\\nAshburn. The Trial of the Columbus Prisoners.^Gov. Brown s Connection with\\nthe Case Fairly Stated. A Bitter Legacy of Censure. The Champion of Civil\\nSupremacy. Gov. Brown s Speech at Atlanta. The Charge of Inciting the\\nXegroes to Incendiarism. The Language Us5d. An Admonition against Trouble..\\nThe State Democratic Convention. Its Personelle. The Electoral Ticket,\\nGen. Gordon.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Judge J. T. Clarke.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A. O. B.acon J. B. Cnmming.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 W. O. Tug-\\ngle. Democratic Mass Meeting. Splendid Invective of Toombs, Cobli, Hill and\\nMoses. The Famous Bush Arbor Speeches. The Fury and the Virtue of that\\nDay. Tempests of Human Passion.\\nStartling and revolutionary events succeeded each other swiftly.\\nMen ceased to be suqai ised at anythinn^, and continued to blazo with\\nan increasing- indignation. No attempt was made to conciliate our\\nmasters. Exasperated and defiant, -the South growled and fought like\\na wounded and unconquerable lion. The soldiers were denounced, the\\nconvention lampooned, the Federal authorities defied, and reconstruc-\\ntion and its advocates spurned, insulted and hated. The people boldly\\nresisted reconstruction, and Gen. Meade firmly enforced it. Col. N. C.\\nBarnett, the Secretary of State, was removed, and Capt. Charles\\nWheaton detailed in his stead. Comptroller-General J. T. Burns was\\narrested and confined in jail a day or two, under a ludicrous mistake, for\\na man named Barnes. James J. McGowan, Tax Collector of Chatham\\ncounty, was arrested for refusing to pay the taxes collected to the Mili-\\ntary Treasurer. Judge John T. Clarke, of the Pataula Circuit, was\\nremoved because he adjourned his court on the ground of Gen. Meade s\\nillegal, unconstitutional, oppressive and dangerous orders\\nGov. Jenkins went to Washington, carrying the Great Seal of State,\\nand about four hundred thousand dollars of money, which was placed\\nin New Vork to pay the public debt. He filed a bill complaining that\\n.Ulysses S. Grant of Illinois, George G. Meade of Pennsylvania, Thos.\\nTI. Ruffer of Wisconsin, and C. F. Rockwell of Vermont, had illegally", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0483.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "382 THE UXION LEA(.UE AND Till: KV KLUX KI.AX.\\nseized the State s property and imprisoned the State Treasurer, and\\nasked an injunction of said parties from further spoliation. The con-\\nvention adjourned, cursed by the people. It had witnessed some lively\\nscenes. A. Alpeoria Bradley, an incendiary negro, was the irrepressi-\\nble orator of the body, tackling with venomous and voluble impartiality\\nthe Republican and Democratic leaders, until it was shown that he\\nhad been in the penitentiary in some northern state for seduction,\\nwhen he was expelled. One of the leading measures was relief from\\nold debts, and a large homestead law, and it was expected that these\\npopular matters would sugar-coat the constitution, and make the\\npeople swallow it. llr. Akerman, an advanced reconstructionist,\\nopposed it. Th3 extreme Radicals tried hard to direct legislation in a\\nbitter channel. Gov. Brown fought this, and declared that if thej-\\ne.xceeded the requirements of the reconstruction measures he would\\noppose their constitution. Some eloquent speeches were made bv such\\nmembers as L. N. Trammell, J. D. Waddell and Dr. H. V. M. Miller,\\nagainst the extreme acts.\\nXo picture of that day will be complete that omits that trulv\\nloyal organism, the Union League, founded and run in secret\\ndeliberations in the interest of the Republican party. Its chiefs were\\nWilliam Markham and Henry P. Farrow. It united its members in a\\ncompact, oath-bound organization of wonderful cohesiveness and disci-\\npline. Its hidden partisan efficiency was remarkable, and it ruled\\nconsummately its unlettered legionaries from Africa. Perhaps the\\nmost pernicious damage done by this order was the utter loathsome\\ndisrepute into which it brought the sacred idea of loyaltj to govern-\\nment. All dissent from the sanctitj of oppression and the virtue of\\ntyranny was disloj-al; all abject approval of every hideous abortion\\nof relentless despotism was loyal. The line of lo} alty was ignomini-\\nous subservience to power.\\nBut there was a companion to this abominable dynasty in the dan-\\ngerous order of the Ku Klux. The one caused the other. The Ku\\nKlux Klan was the perilous effect of which the odious League was the\\nunhealthy cause. The Klan was a veritable body, founded in a holy\\nobject and -often prostituted to violence under great provocation. The\\nwriter knew all about it, and shared in its legitimate work. It com-\\nbined the best men of the State, old, virtuous, settled, cautious citizens.\\nIts object was the preservation of order and the protection of society.\\nIt used mystery as its weapon. It was intended to aid the law and pre-\\nvent crime. In the license of the era it was a matter of self-defence", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0484.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "THE governor s race BETWEEN GORnON AND nULI.OCK. 383\\nagainst plunder, assassination and rape. Botli the I^eague and the Klan\\nwere excrescences of reconstruction, the natural outcome of abnormal\\npolitics and abortive government.\\nThe convention provided for an election on tlie 20th of April, 1868,\\nfor the ratification and rejection of the constitution framed by that\\nbody, and for the election of a Governor and General Assembly. Henry\\nP. Farrow was the choice of his party for Governor. He went into recon-\\nstruction with a ripping energy. He was badly crowded by the Demo-\\ncrats. But he was a game person, and unlike the mass of his colleagues,\\nready to meet personal responsibility. He was denounced as a\\ncoward by Col. M. A. Nevin of Rome. A correspondence ensued. Col.\\nNevin was crippled. Farrow refused to fight him, but went out and\\nexchanged shots with Capt. Thomas O Connor, the second of Nevin,\\nwho then manfully withdrew the charge of cowardice. The Republican\\nmembers of the convention organized themselves into a nominating\\nbod} ignored Farrow, and upon motion of Foster Blodgett, nominated\\nRufus B. Bullock for Governor. It was as good as a play to see the\\nway of Republican politics at tliat time.\\nThe Democratic executive committee was composed of E. G. Caba-\\nness, chairman; E. A. Nisbet, J. J. Gresham, James Jackson, G.\\nW. Adams, L. N. Whittle, J. R. Snead, A. W. Reese, Ambrose R.\\nWright, J. Hartridge, N. Tift, P. W. Alexander, J. I. Whitaker, J. A.\\nW. Johnson, S. J. Smith. The committee on the 13th of March, 18G8,\\nnominated for Governor, Judge Augustus Reese, and for delegates to\\nthe Democratic Presidential nominating convention, J. B. Gordon, A.\\nH. Chappell, B. H. Hill, H. S. Fitcli; and alternates, W. Akin, E.\\nStarnes, A. H. Colquitt and C. J. Munnerlyn.\\nJudge David Irwin announced himself a candidate for Governor.\\nOn the 24tli of March, Judge Reese, who had on the 17th accepted the\\nDemocratic nomination, declined on the ground that he was not\\neligible, and recommended Judge Irwin. The committee thereupon nom-\\ninated Judge Irwin, who accepted. The Republicans sprung the point\\nupon him that he had been a Confederate presidential elector, and Gen.\\nMeade deciding this to disqualify him, he dropped out. The committee,\\nbaffled in tvro trials for eligible material, consulted Gen. Meade as to\\nthe eligibility of John B. Gordon, and receiving the opinion of the\\npolite autocrat that the gallant Gordon was all right, put him out as\\nthe Democratic standard-bearer, against Bullock. The campaign that\\nfollowed was rancorous and much mixed. The Democratic policy was\\nto defeat the Constitution and elect Gordon, which would have made", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0485.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ISi E. n. BULLOCK COUNTED IX AS GOVERNOR.\\nGordon s triumph a iiullitj The Republicans pressed both the Consti-\\ntution and Bullock. A considerable number, led by Dr. H. V. M.\\nMiller, advocated the Constitution and Gordon. Varney Gaskill, tiiat\\nwonderful piece of iiolitical versatility, ran this schedule.\\nRufus B. Bullock was a large, handsome, social specimen of a man,\\nj)leasant-niannered, and well liked. He had been in Georgia nine years,\\nand occupied the place of head of the express company in the State,\\nand president of the Macon and Augusta R. R. He had been somewhat\\nof a savage reconstructionist in the convention. The Democrats were\\nfor defeating the reconstruction measures. Gov. Brown, therefore, had\\nno alternative but to cooperate with the side that, if elected, would\\nenforce his views, and he took the field for Bullock. All of his sympa-\\nthies and innate convictions were with the Democrats and Gordon. But\\nhis sense of the needs of his State and people was for taking promptly\\nthe offered chance of restoration, and at one stroke end a military gov-\\nernment becoming daily more intolerable. The people battered their\\nold idol fearfully. Many would not listen to his speeches; others insulted;\\nall denounced and ostracized him. It was in some degree a question of\\npersonal safety. Few men would have stood to the rack. Gov. Brown\\nwas never one of the yielding kind. Opposition but intensified, abuse\\nliut strengthened, and ostracism fired his conibativeness. It must ever\\nstand an unsurpassed examjjle of human endurance and pluck, that lie\\nnever flinched or wavered in this pitiless ordeal.\\nThe election continued for four days. Hulburt, as fine a master of\\npolitical opportunities as the world ever saw, had the handling of regis-\\ntration, and the election returns. It was a strategic novelty in elections,\\nto run them for several days. The watch of the run of things, and the\\ntransfer of the unidentifiable colored voter to weak points, enabled a\\nsharp and quick manager, like this unequaled strategist, to produce\\nany required result. The constitution was first declared ratified by a\\nmajority of 17,099 votes. The election of R. B. Bullock was then pro-\\nmulgated. The Columbus Sun and Times published the following\\nunique and significant document:\\nOffice SupF.RiNTExnENT Registbatiom,\\nAtlanta, Ga May 8, 1SG8. S\\nJoHX M. DcEn, Esq., Coliimlnis\\nDear Sir Yours of 6tli at hand. We \\\\vant afRilavits proving force, fraud, intimi-\\ndation, ia violation of general orders. We must have them and plenty of them. Go to\\nwork and get them up at once.\\nThe names of -the parties making the affidavits will not he known to any person\\nexcept yourself and tlic Board. Tliey need have no fears on that score. You can swear", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0486.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR brown s COURSE. 385\\nthem Iiefore Capt. Hill. Please go to work sharp anil nulck. Get Chapman and\\nother friends to assist you.\\nThe election in your county will be contested. Defend yourselves by attacking the\\nenemv. KespectfuUv, c.,\\nE. HULBURT.\\nIt was generally understood, in spite of this sharp and quick sort\\nof practice, that the Legislature was Democratic. The National Demo-\\ncratic convention met in New York, and nominated Seymour and Blair\\nupon the bold platform that the new reconstruction amendments were\\nrevolutionary, unconstitutional and void. This was the issue, and a\\nmomentous one it was. It had been foreshadowed for some time, and\\nthe South rallied to it with a joyful exhilaration, looking to the Demo-\\ncratic party to undo Radical reconstruction and restore the governments\\nframed by Andrew Johnson. A Democratic President elected upon this\\nissue would refuse to execute the Reconstruction Acts, and thus the\\nSouthern states could overthrow the reconstruction governments. Gov.\\nBrown believed first, that the Democrats could not succeed on this plat-\\nform, and second, that if they did succeed it would be resisted to blood-\\nshed by the Northern Republicans, and bring continued suffering on the\\nSouth. So believing, and regarding Gen. Grant as favorably disposed\\nto the Sovith, he thought he foresaw the only solution of our troubles\\nin the support of Gen. Grant and the Republican party.\\nGov. Brown went to the Chicago Convention that nominated General\\nGrant and participated as a delegate. His presence there created\\nstormy commentary at home and attracted general attention in the\\nNorth. He made a characteristic speech in the convention, bold and\\npronounced, that elicited a wide variety of criticism. He was in favor\\nof acceptance of the terms of reconstruction. For this he was applauded\\nroundly. But when he announced that he could not support any policy\\nthat would put the negroes of the South over his own race, he raised a\\nstorm, and was denounced as a rebel. It was a daring utterance under\\nall the circumstances. Reviewing Gov. Brown s course out of the pas-\\nsions of that time, and in the light of events that followed, seeing\\nhow he antagonized the extreme men of both sides, how the odious\\nmeasures he advised to be accepted were swallowed whole after ineffect-\\nual resistance, how he pursued the unflinching tenor of his way through\\na pitiless current of scalding execration, his perception and nerve were\\ncrowningly demonstrated. It took simply unlimited courage to support\\nGrant and reconstruction in that day, and the man who dared do it, who\\nwas an honest man as Gov. Brown was and is, did harder work than\\nfighting battles and storming batteries.\\n25", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0487.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "386 THE ASHP.UEX MURDER.\\nIt has boon a poculiarity of Gov. Brown, from the beginning of his\\npublic caroer, that he has had the firmness to lay clown a course that\\nwas unpopular, and adhere to it against every opposition until its result\\nhas been tested. His course on reconstruction was a striking example\\nof this. The universal opposition to his policy by the good people of\\nGeorgia did not abate one jot of his resolution. His position in favor\\nof Grant was one of popular abhorrence, yet he never wavered in it.\\nBut when Grant was elected, and developed a harsh spirit to the South\\nnot expected. Gov. Brown openly opposed his course. The philosophy\\nof Gov. Brown s conduct was, that he approved of no measure oppres-\\nsive to the South, but acquiesced in, or accepted, all measures that he\\ndeemed certain of imposition upon us. His theory was, that if we\\ncould lay down our arms conquered, abolish slavery forever, and repu-\\ndiate our war debts, we sliould swallow other bitter pills that we must\\ntake if we would get our freedom and local self-government. And\\nbelieving that the sooner we took the terms offered by the conqueror,\\nand the less useless resistance wo made, the speedier would be our polit-\\nical rehabilitation, ho conscientiously and under unparalleled opposition,\\nand with superhuman courage advocated sucli a course.\\nThe suj)port of Grant and the prosecution of the Columbus prisoners\\ncharged v/ith the murder of G. W. i\\\\shburn, were the two acts of Gov.\\nBrown at this time, that concentrated upon him the public obloquy of\\nGeorgians. The latter stood against him, however, when the former\\nwas forgotten and explamed. The late campaign for Governor that\\nresulted in the re-election of Gov. Colquitt to the gubernatorial chair,\\nand the popular ratification of Gov. Brown s appointment as United\\nStates Senator, has settled this matter satisfactorily to a large majority\\nof the unprejudiced people of the State.\\nG. W. Ashburn was a member of the Constitutional Convention, a\\nnative of North Carolina, and had been in Georgia for fully thirty\\nyears. He had offered in the convention resolutions asking Congress to\\nrelieve our people of disabilities. He was, however, a pronounced Rad-\\nical and an unlettered man, and he lived with some negroes in Colum-\\nbus. He was killed at night by unknown parties. The murder created\\nmuch excitement in the state. The military took the matter in hand,\\nand arrested Elisha .f. Kirkscey, C. C. Bedell, James W. Barber, W. A.\\nDuke, R. Hudson, W. D. Chipley, A. C. Roper, J. S. Wiggins and R. A.\\nWood. A military court was organized to try them, which convened\\nat Atlanta on the 2 .)th of .Tune, 18G8. The counsel for the prisoners\\nwere A. H. Stephens, M. .T. Crawford, .T. M. Smith,.!. M. Ramsay, I^. J.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0488.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "GOV. brown s connection with the ASHliURN TRIAL. 387\\nGartrell, H. L. Benning and R.J. Moses. The prosoeuting officers were\\nGen. Dunn, Judge Advocate, assisted by ex-Gov. Jos. E. Brown and\\nAlajor Wm. M. Sraythe.\\nWhile in confinement the prisoners were treated badlj^ and subjected\\nto indignities. Inhuman means were used to e.xtort confessions from\\nthem, and to suborn evidence from colored witnesses. The sweat\\nboxes were resorted to at Fort Pulaski, where the prisoners were con-\\nfined, to compel admissions of guilt. These cruelties occurred before\\nGov. Brown s employment by Gen. Meade in the case. Yet in spite of\\nthis fact the odium of this bad treatment was thrown unjustly upon\\nhim. It shows the morbid spirit of those days, that a lawj^er in pro-\\nfessionally accepting employment in the prosecution of a murder case,\\nshould be acrimoniously abused.\\nWeighing the evidence in the matter fairly and dispassionately. Gov.\\nBrown shows very conclusively that in taking part in this prosecution\\nhe was governed by proper motives, and did a service to the public and\\nthe prisoners. He alleges that Gen. Meade employed him on the con-\\ndition required by him, that he should control the case, and that upon\\nthe restoration of civil law the case should be given up by the military\\nauthorities. His employment prevented the retention of very extreme\\nmen. The corroboration of Gov. Brown in this statement, of his agency\\nin this matter, has been very striking. It has been argued against its\\ncredibility that during Gen. Meade s life, no revelation of the explana-\\ntion was made by Gov. Brown when that officer could have verified\\nor denied it. Major A. Leyden of Atlanta talked with Gen. Meade\\nseveral times, and says that he was assured by Gen. Meade that his\\nfears for the prisoners would not be realized. Mr. John C. Whitner of\\nAtlanta states that Detective Whiteley, who worked up the evidence\\nfor the prosecution, told him that the understanding when Brown was\\nemployed was that the military trial was to be run over into the organ-\\nization of the new State government, and the military court dissolved.\\nGen. William Phillips testifies that Gov. Brown consulted with him at\\nthe time upon the subject, and explained to him his object. Maj.\\nCampbell Wallace had an interview at the time with Gen. Meade, and\\nthat interview confirms Gov. Brown s statement. Many years ago Gov.\\nBrown gave to Hon. A. H. Stephens and Dr. J. S. Lawton his version of\\nthis matter.\\nA part of the charge against Gov. Brown, in this connection, was that\\nhe first sought to be employed by the prisoners for S10,000, and failing\\nin this, took a fee from the goverinncnt. Mr. W. A. Bedell explodes", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0489.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "388 COLONEL R. J. MOSES.\\nthis aspersion, stating that he endeavored to employ Gov. Brown for the\\nprisoners, who replied that lie was already retained by the Government.\\nThe Legislature adopted the Fourteenth Amendment on the 21st of\\nJuly. Gov. Bullock was inaugurated as civil Governor of the State on\\nthe 22d of July, 18G8, and on that very day Gen. ileadc suspended the\\nproceedings of the military court till further orders. And on the 2-lth\\nof July, Gen. Meade issued a general order, reciting the welcome fact\\nthat military power had ceased under the Reconstruction Acts in the\\nState, and that the military commission for the trial of the prisoners\\ncharged with assassinating G. W. Asiiburn being adjourned sine die,\\nthe prisoners should be transferred to the custody of Capt. Mills, with\\ninstructions to release them on bond. The object was accomplished,\\nand the service rendered. The innocent men escaped and returned to\\ntheir families and homes, after a fearful experience of the mockery of\\nmilitary government.\\nThis Ashburn matter constitutes one of the darkest episodes of that\\ndark day; It left a more lasting and bitter legacy of hard feeling than\\nany event of reconstruction. It wounded Gov. Brown more deeply\\nthan any other incident of his life, and has followed him with a crueler\\npunishment, and yet if there is anything in human evidence, he was\\ngoverned by a noble motive, he sought a worthy object and deserves\\nhonor for his conduct. The whole occurrence was tragic in the extreme\\nthe gory murder, the wholesale arrest, the torture of the sweat\\nboxes, the despotism of an armed court, the substitution of the bayo-\\nnet for the law, and the soldier for the judge, the perilous pendency of\\nhuman life upon the caprice of the shoulder-strap, the bloody hunger\\nof the clamorous mob at the north, the background of political strife\\nseething with the unsettled passions of war, the resentful fears of an\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0angry state all were strong features of this throbbing picture. But\\nof it all there was no part more striking than the long crucifixion of\\nGov. Brown, seemingly an instrument of unsparing hate, but really a\\nchampion of release and civil supremacy.\\nThere could be no more marked demonstration of the ultimate power\\nof truth than the change wrought in Col. R. J. Moses. He was of\\ncounsel for the prisoners. He even refused to practice in the Supreme\\nCourt while Gov. Brown was Chief Justice. Up to 1877 he had con-\\ntinued to hold Gov. Brown in deep censure. But the light thrown\\nupon him, tested in the judicial crucible of an unusually strong and\\nwell equipped legal intelligence, drove him to make public profert of his\\nexoneration of Gov. Brown. And it loses none of its significance", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0490.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "A MISCONCEPTION OF GOVERNOR BROWN. 389\\nbecause he rectified the honestly entertained misconception of years in\\nColumbus, where the unabated condemnation of Gov. Brown frovmed\\nwith all the terror wielded by a sincere and virtuous public opinion. It\\nwas an act of genuine courage on the part of Col. Moses. ^lanv\\nworthy citizens in that section still honestly hold Gov. Brown in blame\\nin this connection. But the marvelous transformation wroug-ht in the\\nlarge majority of our best people upon this intense question is an\\nearnest of that completed correction that is coming to him from the\\nentire people of the State.\\nAnother charge made against Gov. Brown at this time was a verv\\nserious accusation, but was so utterly incredible as to have gained no gen-\\neral lodgment in the public mind. It was believed and used to some\\nextent, but people generally did not heed it. It was too flagrant for belief.\\nIn an address in Atlanta he was accused of stimulating the negroes to\\nresort to the incendiaries torch if need be in furtherance of their\\nrights. These are the words used by Gov. Brown on that occasion, and\\nwhich have been so injuriously construed.\\nWhen in tlie Iiistory of the past, ilici you ever know four millions of people with the\\nballot in their hands, surrender it without bloodshed It cost revolution to give it to\\nthem, and nothing short of bloody revolution can take it from them. If you ivill allow\\nthem to exercise it without disturbances, they will do it peacealily. If there are anv\\noutbreaks and disturbances, they, I predict, will grow out of the attempts of the white\\nrace to deprive the colored race of this right, or to interfere with its free exercise. I\\nwarn you, my friends, to be cautious on both sides, how you put your lives in jeopardv\\nand your homes and families in peril. And I especially warn my own race of the\\nextreme danger to them in case of collision. The colored people have but little, except\\ntheir lives to risk iu the fight, it it should unfortunately come. The white race have\\nthe same risk, and in addition to this, they have their property to lose. Your houses,\\nyour villages, towns and cities are all pledged to peace. Be careful then how you\\nexcite discorc^ and bloodshed.\\nIt will be seen from a critical and dispassionate examination, how this\\nlanguage in a rancorous time could be distorted into a perversion of its\\nmeaning, and yet there be no real ground for the damaging construc-\\ntion that was put tipon it. In cooler moments of judgment, the speaker s\\npurpose is unmistakably clear of making an argument against anj vio-\\nlent attempt to disturb negro suffrage after it had been legally estab-\\nlished and practically exercised. The words, instead of being an\\nincitement to trouble, was a very decided admonition against it.\\nIn July, 1868, two important bodies convened in Atlanta, the State\\nDemocratic convention and the new General Asseml)ly. The convention\\nmet on the 2.3d, to choose Seymour and Blair electors. .Judge Augustus\\nReese was made president of the body, and the vice-presidents were", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0491.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "390 TIIK GREAT DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OK 18C8.\\nDr. R. D. Arnold, Gen. A. H. Colquitt, L. H. Featherston, John J. Floyd,\\nB. T. Harris, Col. S. J. Smith, and C. D. McCutchen. The gathering\\nwas an unexampled one in Georgia political annals. There were 1,009\\ndelegates from 108 counties, and nearly every leading man in Georgia\\nwas present. There has never been a more heated time in our State\\npolitics; and the fervor was. universal. It wsis a solid assemblage of the\\nleaders of public opinion in the commonwealth, with one conspicuous\\nexception, and that exception the most potential one of all, ex-Gov.\\nJoseph E. Brown, who stood single handed in the most unsparing public\\nconflict of the century. Public passion has never been intenser or\\nstormed higher, and it beat pitilessly upon Joe Brown. The convention\\nratified the nomination of Seymour and Blair, adopted the Democratic\\nplatform, declaring the amendments revolutionary, unconstitutional\\nand void, and put out an electoral ticket composed as follows:\\nAt Large. John B. Gordon, John T. Clarke.\\nAlternates. William T. Wofford, Thomas M. Norwood.\\nDistrict. J. C. Nichols, C. T. Goodo, R. J. Moses, A. O. Bacon, J. B.\\nGumming, H. P. Bell, J. D. Waddell.\\nAlternates. J. H. Hunter, William O. Fleming, W. O. Tuggle, Dr.\\nH. Wimberlv, Gen. D. M. Du Bose, G. McMillan.\\nMany of these were new men. So many of the older politicians were\\ndisfranchised that a selection of new material was unavoidable. Gen.\\nJ. B. Gordon had been our most famous Georgia soldier, and adding, as\\nhe did, the sweet graces of a Ciiristian character to the glittering eclat\\nof the successful general, he became the idol of the people. A hand-\\nsome, noble looking person, with a soldier s carriage and air, a face full\\nof genial chivalry like his soul, a brave, capable, royal gentleman,\\nGordon was, and is to-day, as fine a specimen of the typical Southerner\\nas we have ever had in the South. The man has absolutely rioted in\\npopularity. He became United States Senator under extraordinary\\ncircumstances of personal triumph.\\nJudge John T. Clarke owed his selection as elector to his having been\\nremoved as Judge by Gen. Pope. The choice illustrates the fervent\\ntemper of the people about reconstruction, and the spirit of resistance\\nto military tyranny that prevailed. Judge Clarke is one of the readiest\\nand most accomplished lawyers and debaters in the State, possessing\\nsingular power of thinking upon his feet. He was a member of the\\nlast State Senate. Col. J. C. Nichols has served a term in Congress.\\nCol. C. T. Goode is now dead. He enjoyed the name of the Silver\\nTongued Orator. ilaj. A. O. Bacon has become a very prominent", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0492.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "THE BUSH ARBOR MASS MEETIXG OF 18C8. 391\\npublic man, and has a bright promise before him. A lawyer of uncom-\\nmon ability, he has developed an unusual capacity for public life. His\\nappearance is very marked a tall, shapely person, with a fine head and\\nface, and a long flowing blonde beard, Maj. Bacon is a noticeable indi-\\nvidual anywhere. Repeatedly elected Speaker of the House of Repre-\\nsentatives, no one has ever enjoyed a higher reputation as a presiding\\nofficer. His popularity in the deliberative bodies, over which he has so\\ngracefully reigned, has been something exceptional. All of his public\\naddresses and documents are finished, logical and full of thought. A\\nrecent letter of his in the American newspaper on the political situation\\nwas the finest and most philosophical discussion of public issues of the\\nmany published by that journal. The lack of Maj. Bacon is warmth;\\nand his defect, a tendency to exclusiveness and reserve, that, in a\\nmeasure, has cut him from the masses. An infusion of popular sym-\\npathy into his very rare intellectuality will come to him and will add\\nmaterially to liis political equipment.\\nMaj. J. B. Gumming, a brother of the gifted Julian Cumniing, to\\nwhom allusion has been made heretofore, is a stately Spanish-looking\\ngentleman, whose gifts of manner and speech are very attractive. He\\nwas a member of the last State Senate and one of the leaders of that\\nbody. Gen. D. M. Du Bose, a son-in-law of Gen. Toombs, was an\\nefficient member of Congress several years ago. Col. J. D. Waddell is\\na brilliant writer and speaker, and the aiithor of a delightful book\\nabout Linton Stephens. William O. Fleming is now judge of the\\nAlbany circuit, and a jurist of ability. Col. W. O. Tuggle has made\\nhimself famous by his masterly prosecution of Georgia claims before\\nthe Congress at Washington. A gentleman of fine social qualities, an\\nunusual capacity for handling statistics, and unbounded energy. Col.\\nTuggle will be a useful public man, if he cares to enter politics.\\nThe assembling of the convention was made the occasion of the\\nlargest political mass meeting ever held in Georgia. Dr. J. F. Alexan-\\nder was the chairman of the Fulton county Democratic executive com-\\nmittee, and he exhibited a wonderful management in the creation and\\nhandling of this monster affair. An immense Busii Akbor was con-\\nstructed down in an open space on Alabama street, near the depot,\\nsince built up. The fiery addresses made on this occasion received their\\ndistinctive designation as the Bush Arbor speeches. There was an\\nimmense torchlight procession. People flocked to this gathering from\\nall parts of the State. The four orators of the day were Robert Toombs,\\nHowell Cobb, Benjamin H. Hill, and Raphael J. Moses, a rare and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0493.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "393 THE FIERCE INVECTIVE OF THE liUSII ARIiOK GATHERING.\\nunequaled quartette of popular speakers. Perhaps there never has\\nbeen, in the annals of eloquence, a grander display of red-hot invective\\nthan was given in these memorable Bush Arbor orations. It was a\\nsweltering day in July. The uncomfortable plank scats were packed.\\nA pall of stifling dust hung- over the massed throng and the swarming\\ncity. But for five mortal hours of unspeakable discomfort, the solid\\nmass of people, with fully one-third of it ladies, sat unmindful of the\\ndiscomfort, hanging eagerly upon the torrid utterances of the speakers.\\nThe enthusiasm, at times, was overwhelming. Every note of denun-\\nciation of reconstruction and reconstructionists, was greeted with deaf-\\nening applause. The pelting given Gov. Brown, was simply savage.\\nThere was no qualification in the abuse heaped upon him. When\\npassion subsides, its fierce words, ~in the light of cool sense, read like\\nextravagant lunacy. The rancorous phrases of these undeniable states-\\nmen on that mid-summer day in 1808, conned over in the calm reason\\nof this far distant time, excite wonder at their ferocious exaggeration.\\nSaid Gen. Cobb:\\nOh Heaven for some blasting word that I might write infamy upon tlic foreheads\\nof sucli men\\nSaid Mr. Hill:\\nOh! Give over the miscreants to tlie inextinguisliaUe hell of their own conscious-\\nness of infamy... Ye miserahle spawns of political accidency, hatched by the putrid\\ngrowth of revolutionary corruption into an ephemeral existence renegades from every\\nlaw of God, and violators of ever\\\\ right of man ye unnamealle creatures 1\\nSuch were the hard terms born of the fury of the era that were put\\nupon men who are to-day solid in public esteem. There is a grim les-\\nson in it all. Tempests of human passion, like storms of tlie elements,\\nmake cruel work while they last. But through their craziest fury, the\\ngreat Providence of God is steadily reigning and the sun of truth pre-\\nserving its serene and omnipotent immutability. There were many vile\\nmen engaged in the crusade of reconstruction, who merited the worst of\\nthis crimination. But there were true citizens who, under patriotic\\nduty, urged submission to the choice of evils, who were terribly bat-\\ntered in the unrelenting strifes of that mad epoch, and who have lived\\nto see the reaction that always comes in favor of right-purposed men.\\nGen. Cobb, in conversation with the writer, at the rooms of the Young\\nMen s Democratic Club, the afternoon after the speaking, alluded to\\nhis own severe invective and declared with a grave frankness that he\\nfeared that the denunciation had been unwise.\\nThe very savagery of that day grew out of the natural and honor-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0494.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "THE EXCESS OF VIRTUOUS PUBLIC INDIC.XATION 393\\nable rebellion of a virtuous people s best impulses against indig-\\nnity and wrong. The very excesses of spirit of a good community\\nin resentment of opi^ression, are the best evidence of the possession\\nof those qualities of chivalric manhood and sensibility to injustice, with-\\nout which there can be no great national character. And the sen-\\ntimental martyrdom of intractable zealots, violating the teachings of\\npolicy, has demonstrated the e.valted heroism of human nature and laid\\nthe groundwork for the ultimate triumph of truth and right. The\\nSouth resisted Reconstruction under a noble inspiration. The men\\nwhom she crucified in that day in her splendid fury, can find vindica-\\ntion the more valuable from that fact.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0495.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXVII.\\nTHE FAISIOUS LEGISLATIVE EXPURGATION OF THE\\nBLACKS.\\nThe Racy Legislature of IS6S. A Parody upon Legislation. Its Persouelle I. E.\\nShumate. Tlie Speakership. Geu Meade s Orders. Mr. Cliairmiin Bullock.\\nDuulap Scott. B. Couley. R. McWliorter.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 J. E. Bryant.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Eligihility.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Bullock s\\nInauguration. Go it, Niggers Message. Gov. Bullock s Ailniinistration.\\nGov. Brown s Defeat for U. S. Senator. Ferocity of Pulilic Pa. ision. A Wilrl\\nScene. The Culmination of Gov. Browu s Unpopularity. Atlanta Juliilation.\\nThe State Stirred. Joshua Hill Elected Seu,ator. The Fanny Martin Slander.\\nThe State Reconstructed. Rufus E. Lester. Sam Bard. Ineligihilitv of Colored\\nMembers. Hatred and Picturesque Discussion. Bullock s Tart Messiige. Rcliuke\\nof Gov. Bullock. Bullock s Opportunity. The Colored Members Ousted. J. R.\\nSaus,sy. John Jones. The Camilla Riot. Au Exciting Episode. The Colored\\nConventiou. Marion Bethime. The Curious Effect of Democratic Opposition to\\nRecoustructiou.\\nThe Legislature assembled on the 4th day of July, 1868. The con-\\nvening of this General Assembly was an important event in Georgia\\nhistory, and its deliberations and acts were a symbolical epitome of the\\nvariegated Reconstruction that sired it. It was a strange blending of\\nfarce and melodrama. It was bizarre in the extreme, affording such an\\nadmixture of light and shade as few legislative bodies ever exhibited.\\nThere is nothing like it in the annals of Georgia. It swept out com-\\npletely men s customary notions of legislative conduct. It was at times\\nthe most roaring comedy of a day rich in the comical and the incongru-\\nous. It was again so tragical that it almost engendered revolution.\\nIts elements were varied and racy. Its membership was attractively\\npicturescjue. It was an exquisite parody upon ordinary legislation, and\\na faithful photograj)h of the most novel episode of Georgia history.\\nThe chronicles of this legislature would make a volume of its own.\\nThere was in it a good sprinkling of very fine material.\\nThe Senate showed such sterling spirits as C. B. Wootten, B. B.\\nHinton, E. D. Graham, A. U. Nunnally, M. A. Candler, W. T. Winn,\\nA. W. Holcombe, C. J. Wellborn, J. T. Burns and J. C. Fain. Mr.\\nCandler we have spoken of before. A. W. Holcombe was in the last\\nSenate, and a public man of force. Col. C. J. Wellborn has long been\\nil", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0496.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "THE LEGISLATURE OV 1868. 395\\na power in North-eastern Georgia; a gentleman of clear judgment and\\nlarge influence, and now Judge of the North-eastern Circuit. Col. J. C.\\nFain has been continuously in public life, and is now Judge of the\\nCherokee Circuit, and a person of exceptional powers of political\\nmanagement.\\nIn the House were some marked men: W. D. Anderson, J. C. Nisbet,\\nR. W. Phillips, M. Rawls, Dunlap Scott, M. Ballenger, C. C. Duncan,\\nW. P. Price, W. M. Butt, J. J. McArthur, W. 1\\\\I. Tumlin, J. A. Cobb,\\nF. M. Harper, R. W. Flournoy and I. E. Shumate. Of these, Mr.\\nShumate of Whitfield was the most brilliant. A slender, dark-eyed,\\nheavy-whiskered gentleman, with a clear, sweet, ringing voice of unusual\\ncompass, and a fluent flow of vivid language, he was then, and is to-day,\\na most charming orator, with few equals in the State. He became\\ninstantly a leader in the bodj and was placed at the head of one of\\nthe most important committees, that on the State of the Republic.\\nM. Rawls went to Congress afterwards. W. P. Price became an efficient\\nrepresentative in Congress, and is now a member of the Legislature.\\nHe has been a very useful man to his section, being the main instrument\\nin the establishment of the fine Agricultural College at Dalohnega.\\nMr. Tumlin has been an adventurous figure in Georgia politics, audacious\\nand generally successful. A very active personality, for a long time, in\\nthe public strifes of that day was Col. Dunlap Scotf, who held for years\\na rattling sort of leadership by his boldness.\\nThe Senate stood twenty-six Republicans to eighteen Democrats, and\\nelected Hon. Benjamin Conley, President. The complexion of the\\nHouse was in doubt. Hon. W. P. Price and Hon. R. L. McWhorter\\nran for Speaker. The vote was taken. Mr. Price had stepped out and\\non returning was informed that Mr. McWhorter had voted for him, and\\nhe reciprocated the courtesy by voting for Mr. McWhorter. The vote\\nstood then seventy-six for McWhorter, seventy-four for Price, and one\\nfor Holden. Mr. Price, upon information that he had been deceived,\\nand that Mr. McWhorter had not voted for him, asked permission to\\nchange his vote. The Atlanta Intelligencer, says the permission was\\ngranted and the vote stood a tie. The Journal of the House states that\\nthe permission was refused. Both concur in the statement that Mr.\\nMcWhorter was declared the Speaker elect. Mr. Mark Hardin, a\\nDemocrat, was elected clerk.\\nThe Constitution made by the Convention had been submitted to\\nCongress for revision. Copgress had approved the Constitution except\\ntwo features, one giving relief from suits on claims except for slaves", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0497.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "396 THE ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE OF 1868.\\nmade before June 15, 18G5, and the other to force settlement of such\\nclaims by the imposition of a tax not exceeding twenty-five per cent,\\nafter the 1st January, 1868. Cong ress passed an Act allowing Georgia\\nrepresentation in Congress when she should ratify the Fourteenth\\nAmendment and give assent to the nullification of the relief clauses.\\nGen. Meade issued his order declaring who were elected to the legisla-\\nture, and also an order to Gov. Bullock to effect such preliminary\\norganization of both Houses of the legislature as will enable the same\\nto enter upon the discharge of the duties assigned them by law. Gov.\\nBullock had already notified the body to convene on the 4:th of July.\\nThe organization, in the language of the journals, was made by the\\nGovernor elect as Chairman, Gen. Meade, Judge Erskine and J. R.\\nParrott aiding. Dunlap Scott began that system of badgering that\\nmade him so noted. He moved an adjournment in honor of tlie day,\\nthat we should not desecrate it by wrangling over an organization.\\nThe Chairman refused to entertain any motion. Scott apjiealed to\\nthe House from the decision. Bullock said there was no appeal but\\nto the military. Scott then appealed to the military. Bullock con-\\nsulted with Gen. Meade and refused still to entertain the motion, and\\nimmediately after walked down the aisle and apologized for not putting\\nthe motion, as he was acting under military orders that he could not\\ndisobey.\\nBoth Mr. Conley and Mr. McWhortcr have been bitter Republican\\npartisans, and enjoyed a large share of public odium for many years on\\naccount of their course. Both are men of personal integrity, while Mr.\\nMcWhorter had and still has strong local influence. Both stand well\\nnow as citizens. Among the prominent Republicans in the body were,\\nH. M. Turner, J. W. Adkius, Ephraim Tweedy, J. E. Bryant, A. A. Brad-\\nley, Tunis G. Campbell, F. O. Welch, T. J. Speer, and Jos. Adkins.\\nBradley and Campbell were colored men, and vicious ones. There were\\ntwenty-eight negroes in the body. The most picturesque figure on the\\nRepublican side, perhaps, was J. E. Bryant. He has been an une.\\\\am-\\npled manipulator of the black element for years, until in 1880 he was\\ncompletely unhorsed. He has played a highly-colored part in all of the\\nshifting episodes of reconstruction. No man has ever joined to the\\ndeftest pen and glibbest tongue in presenting the humanitarian aspects\\nof reconstruction, a keener clutch of the more practical instrumentalities\\nthat govern the untutored colored intelligence. He has been both a\\nsubtle and a bold leader of the dark element of -euffrage.\\nThe Assembly was engaged until the 22d of July in testing the eligi-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0498.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "GOVERXOK bullock s inauguration. 397\\nbility of members under the Fourteenth Amendment. There were ma-\\njority and minority reports and much spicy sparring over the matter.\\nMr. Shumate made much reputation by his able report and brilliant\\nspeech, taking and maintaining successfully the ground that all of the\\nmembers were eligible. The Fourteenth Amendment was ratified and\\nassent given to the congressional elimination of relief from our State\\nConstitution, and on Wednesday, the 23nd day of July, 1868, Gov.\\nBullock was inaugurated. Gen. Meade and Staff attending, as the\\nExecutive of Georgia. The inaugural address was a short one, in which\\nthe main point was an encomium upon that patriotic body the Union\\nRepublican party. Mr. Conley declared Bullock Governor for four\\nyears. The Intelligencer, describing the scene, says:\\nSome slight applause hailed the announcement, after wliich a voice from the end of\\nthe chamber was lieard to rise high above evervtliiiig else, witli the exclamatiuu, Go it\\nNiggers This expression created a great sensation.\\nThe incident illustrates the embittered satirical feeling of the people.\\nIt looked as if rehabilitation had indeed come, but the manner and instru-\\nments of its coming were so repulsive that the public gazed on in sullen*\\ndissatisfaction, and reverted with a grim irony to the deposed Jenkins\\nin e.xile with his family in Halifax, Nova Scotia.\\nGov. Bullock s message was a plain business document. The body\\nproceeded regularly to business. Perhaps the most exciting episode of\\nthe ses.sion was the election of United States Senators. Gov. Brown\\nhad been urged by influential men out of the State in addition to many\\nin it to run for the Senate, on the ground that owing to his peculiar\\nattitude he could do the State more good than any other individual in\\nthe commonwealth. While unflinching in his adhesion to his unpop-\\nular course, he felt keenly the odium that his former friends and\\nadmirers were placing upon him. In a position of such power as he\\nwould have had in the United States Senate, he could have served\\nGeorgia so beneficially, that the people would have recognized his\\npatriotic devotion to her interest, and the purity of his inspiration in\\nthat remarkable reconstruction drama. The writer has always deemed\\nthe act of allowing liis name to be used for office in that day by Gov.\\nBrown as the cardinal mistake of his course. It gave to his policy the\\naspect of interest. It lowered him from the high vantage ground he\\nreally held, and for which he would have soon gained full credit in the\\npublic mind. Sternly rejecting oflice, the argument for his disinterest-\\nedness would have been irresistible. Accepting office, he carried for\\nlong years a heavy burden of misconception. He really did not wish", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0499.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "398 GOV. BKOWX DEKEATED FOR THE UNITED STATES SENATE.\\nplace. He was made C liief Justice of the Supreme Court for twelve\\nyears, yet soon laid it down. He did himself the injustice of seeming\\nto profit by his course, when he genuinely sought the public good.\\nHe would have been far earlier in winning the public recognition of\\nhis purposes, had he have wisely declined position.\\nThe election took place on the 28th and 29th of July, and was an\\noccasion of unparalleled excitement. The Democratic object was to\\ndefeat Gov. Brown at any cost. The general white element of the\\nState had focalized an appalling intensity of detestation upon his head.\\nAlmost the single, strong old leader prop of Republicanism in the State,\\nthe popular abhorrence of reconstruction was concentrated upon him.\\nGov. Brown in that fierce day was the focus of a people s liatred. The\\nsavageness of the obloquy burning upon him is incapable of description.\\nHe was the vicarious recipient of the unsparing wrath of a great com-\\nmonwealth. Tliey would have shriveled him to ashes if they could\\nhave done so, in the pitiless intensity of their anger. It was a strange\\nferocity of passion, and constitutes the most remarkable experience in\\nGov. Brown s varied life. Few men could stand such an experience.\\nIt is equally extraordinary that it should be lived down.\\nThe joint ballot showed Brown, 102; A. H. Stephens, 96; Joshua\\nHill, 13, and C. H. Hopkins, 1. It was anything and anybody to beat\\nBrown. The Stephens phalanx broke in a rushing body to Hill, and\\nthe second joint ballot showed Hill 110 votes; Brown, 9-1; Stephens, 1;\\nW. Stiles 1 and Brown defeated. Dr. H. V. M. Miller, on the\\nsecond ballot, defeated Foster Blodgett. The election of Hill and\\ndefeat of Brown, were received in the gallery with a tornado of applause.\\nThe president ordered it cleared. Bryant, pale and excited, suggested\\nthat the police be called. Amid wild confusion, and waving of hats\\nand handkerchiefs, the Senate retired from the Representative chamber.\\nThe city of Atlanta became delirious with excitement and congratula-\\ntions. Buildings were illuminated that night, and bonfires made. An\\nimmense assemblage was gathered before the United States hotel and\\nspeeches made by Joshua Hill, Dr. Miller, Gen. J. B. Gordon, Col.\\nAV arren Akin, and Col. R. J. Cowart. Said Dr. Miller, one of the most\\nthrilling public speakers the State has ever had, in the conclusion of an\\nimpassioned appeal for constitutional liberty:\\nGod preserve Georgia Goil preserve the people God preserve the country.\\nThe State took up the throbbing refrain of exultation over Gov.\\nBrown s defeat, and gave back one responsive echo of universal rejoic-\\ning. From one end of the State to the other, the result was triumph-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0500.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0503.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0504.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "GOVEESOR BROWX MADE CHIEF JUSTICE. 399\\nantfy claimed as a Democratic victorJ^ Tn the crazy hurly-burly it was\\nlost out of memory, that the cherished Stephens, the overwhelming\\nchoice of the Democrats, had been slaughtered, and that by an original\\nand incurable Republican, and the uncompromising opjjonent of the\\nwar Democracy. It was a curious inconsistency of the fever raging,\\nand the dis-illusion came soon enough, and with crushing effect. .Joshua\\nHill has always been a very brave and an uncommonly honest public\\nman. He hastened with swift candor to correct the misconception of\\nhis attitude. He coolly destroyed any Democratic fervor over his elec-\\ntion by announcing that he was elected as a Republican, and he should\\nact as one. It was a grim piece of political retribution. Brown was\\nnever a conviction Republican, while Hill was. Brown was a chooser\\nbetween evils, but Hill believ ed in the princijsles of Reconstruction. It\\nwas a complete realization of the story of the witch and the devil.\\nIn this hour of defeat, the only one suffered by Gov. Brown in his\\nlong public life. Gov. Bullock, with a creditable sense of valuable service\\nand a grateful appreciation of sacrifice endured, tendered Gov. Brown\\nthe place of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Georgia. It was an\\nunsolicited proffer, and was gratefully accepted by Gov. Brown in view\\nof his defeat for the senate. This defeat of Gov. Brown was the culmi-\\nnation of his political eclipse. It was the turning point of his long\\nepisode of proscription.\\nGov. Brown s adventurous career, however, was destined to have\\nevery possible phase of incident. It was during this year that the most\\nanomalous calumny of his life was brought against him and shivered to\\nfragments. Of all men in the world, Gov. Brown should be the last that\\na sensible person would accuse of gallantry with females. His life-long\\nChristianity, his pure, domestic life, his absorption in high intellectual\\nlabors, and the very physical personality of the man, spare, nervous and\\nbloodless, should have stamped the aspersion as utterly improbable. It\\nlooked, therefore, that political enmity had run to a crazy length when\\nGov. Brown was charged with unchaste relations with a lady by the\\nname of Mrs. Fannie Martin.\\nIt looked as if in the fabrication of .such an incongruous calumny as\\nthis, an adventurous destiny was simplj coquetting with a dramatic life\\nto endow it with all possible and impossible experiences. The whole\\nbasis of the charge was several letters purporting to be from Gov.\\nBrown to Mrs. Martin, and these were declared by examination of Rev.\\nC. W. Thomas, Rev. Dr. Wm. T.Brantley, Rev. Wm. H. Hunt, Hon.\\nJohn Erskine, Judge J. D. Pope, Judge J. I. Whitaker, Judge L. E.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0505.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "400 HON. RUFUS E. LESTER.\\nBleckley, Maj. E. B. Walker, J. H. Steele, E. L. Jones, H. H. Waters,\\nH. J. G. Williams and .John B. Campbell to be forgeries. Gov. Brown\\nin his calm, effective way, published a card with irrefutable proof, de-\\nmolishing this incredible accusation, and it fell by the wayside, a queer\\naddition to the episodes of an affluent career.\\nOn the 28th of July, 18G8, the proper order was issued declaring mil-\\nitary rule under the reconstruction acts at an end in Georgia, and it\\nseemed that we had, after a stormy voyage, reached the promised land\\nof a sovereign restoration. But we were wofully mistaken. The end\\nwas not yet. Some of the sharpest experiences of this mongrel recon-\\nstruction were yet in reserve.\\nThe following gentlemen were elected State House officers: D. G.\\nCotting Secretary of State, Madison Bell Comptroller-General, N. L.\\nAngier Treasurer, Samuel Bard Public Printer. Col. E. Hulburt, who\\nhad been so conspicuous as a masterly Superintendent of Registra-\\ntion, was appointed by -Gov. Bullock the Superintendent of the State\\nRoad. The notorious Aaron Alpeoria Bradley, one of the Senator.s,\\nwho had been expelled from the Constitutional Convention on account of\\nconviction for seduction in New York, and sentenced to tlie peniten-\\ntiary, resigned from the Senate to avoid expulsion, and in his place a\\nyoung gentleman was seated as State Senator who has since then\\nfilled an important place in the public affairs of the State, and whose\\ncareer, if he continues in public life, will be brilliant and useful. This\\nwas Hon. Rufus E. Lester of Savannah/- Repeatedly sent to the Senate\\nby the polished constituency of his District, twice President of the\\nSenate, and one of the leading favorites for Governor in the last cam-\\npaign, when Gov. Colquitt was elected, Jlr. Lester has richly deserved\\nhis unusual enjoyment of political leadership.\\nHe is one of the promising young men of the State, and the pos-\\nsessor of ability, eloquence and decision. Rather a small person, yet\\nwith an erect, sturdy figure and an open, characterful face, he has an\\nunusually winning style of public speaking. His voice is silvery and\\nresonant, his logic concise and clear-cut, and his language terse and\\nfluent. Men have not been made firmer and more sincere than Lester.\\nPossessing a blended simplicity and amiability of manner, he is a most\\nfearless and positive person. An incident will illustrate the man, and\\nit is an incident as uncommon as it is striking. He gave a client some\\nadvice about a deed that proved, after a stubborn litigation, to be\\nunsustained by the Courts. Several thousand dollars of property were\\nlost. As soon as he was able to do so. Col. Lester handed his client a", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0506.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "HON. RUFUS E. LESTER,\\nPliESlDENT OF THE GEORGIA SeNATE.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0507.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0508.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "NEGRO INELir.iniLITY. 401\\ncheck for the amount, and thus ro-imbursed his loss. It was a noble act\\nof punctilious professional integrity, and it indicated an uncommon man.\\nOne of the richest characters of that racy era, was Dr. Sam Bard.\\nIt will be long before Georgia will ever see his like. There was an\\nunction about this dramatic comedian of the press that we shall never\\nhave again in Georgia journalism. It is difficult to portray the man.\\nHe was very clever and companionable and had a perennial sweetness\\nof temper in conducting the most muddy discussions. He reveled in the\\ncoup-cVetat. His surprises were bouncing. He shot them upon the State\\nwith a luscious enjoyment. His political flops were something piquant.\\nFrom the very heart of an advanced radicalism, he became without a\\nnote of warning a quadruple-dyed Democrat. His mastery of vitu-\\nperative paragraphing was unequaled. The governorship of Idaho\\ntickled his ambitious fancy, but that remote wild could not seduce him\\nfrom the more civilized territory of the Atlanta post office, whose\\nemoluments he enjoyed for the industriously claimed distinction of\\nhaving been the pioneer in nominating Grant for President. He was\\none of the most typical blossoms of reconstruction, whose unctuous\\nmemory will linger long with the journalists of that day.\\nThe momentous action of this Legislature, that had a larger conse-\\nquence following it than any other, and that was the immediate cause\\nof the imposition of a new installment of this ever-shifting reconstruc-\\ntion upon the State, was the expulsion of the negro members. The\\nquestion of the ineligibility of colored men to hold office under the new\\nConstitution, was first sprung by Mr. Candler, and in his resolution he\\nquoted that Gov. Brown favored this view. The issue was a vital one\\nand evoked a protracted and heated discussion. The debate upon it\\ncontinued until the early part of September. A number of the white\\nRepublicans .sided with the Democrats in this matter.. The vote in the\\nHouse stood 83 to 23, and in the Senate 24 .to 11. Some of the\\nspeeches were very unique affairs. The subject provoked a picturesque\\nvariety of eloquence. The following rare quotation from the speech of\\nHon. W. M. Tumlin will afford a vivid conception of the lively range of\\nthis discursive discussion:\\nCommon-sense, common reason, the welfare of the hhvck race and of the white race,\\nrequire every thinking man to turn them out. The Constitution of the State of Georgia\\nsays turn tliem out. The Constitution of the United States, with all its damnable\\namendments, says turn them out. Therefore, Sir, if we fail to comply with the solemn\\noath we have subscribed to, when this House is tlie judge of the qualification of its\\nmembers, by retaining men here who are clearly ineligible, we will be held to account\\nfor it by our constituency and our God.\\n26", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0509.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "4:03 r.ovKuxoK kui-Lock.\\nA colored member, Romulus Moore, made an exceedingly clear state-\\nment of his claims to his seat, and closed with the use of the following\\nunique assertion:\\nIf God is pleased with the Constitutional amemlment, you can t change it von\\ncan t change it uulesg you cau overoomc the armies of the United States.\\nAnother colore l member, G. H. Clower, is thus reported:\\nWhenever you cast your votes against us, dis nigger will take his hat and walk right\\nstraight out, hut, like Christ, I shall come again. I go to prepare a ])lace for them.\\nStop, IJemocrats stop, white folks! Draw de resolution off de tahle, and let s go to\\nxvork.\\nGov. Bullock sent in a message to the House of Representatives,\\n.stating who had received the next highest number of votes, and argu-\\niiio- against the expulsion of the colored members. He thus wound up\\nIlls message:\\nIn conclusion I most respectfully and earnestly call upon you, as lovers of our com-\\nmon countrv, and well-wishers of the peace and good order of the State, to pause in the\\nsuicidal course upon wliich you have entered, urged on, as you are, liy liold, liad men\\noutside vour hody, whose wicked counsels liave once drenched our laud in Ijlood, and\\nwliose amhition now is to ruin tluvt wliicli they cannot rule.\\nThe House promjstly passed a resolution offered by !Mr. Duncan of\\nHouston, rebuking the Governor for interfering in a matter in which\\nthe House was, by the Constitution, made the sole judge. Gov. Bul-\\nlock had an unexampled op])ortunity, during his term, to have made\\nliimself a great name and a desirable fame. He had borne a good rec-\\nord before and during the war. He came into politics in a convulsion,\\nand by espousing the strong side, obtained a high trust. Had he have\\nmade himself the Executive of the people, and not of a party, he\\nwould soon have overcome the prejudices of the Democrats. But he\\nplayed the partisan to the full, and it became a no-quarter war between\\nhim and the Democracy. He soon dissolved his reliance upon the\\ncounsel of such men as Gov. Brown, and pursued the advice of the\\nworst men of his party. He had plenty of provocation, for the Demo-\\ncrats were unsparing and implacable. The writer of this volume took\\neditorial charge of the Atlanta Constitution newspaper in May, 18G0,\\nand conducted that journal s politics during the whole turbulent period\\nuntil Gov: Bullock resigned and became a fugitive from the State, and\\nwas therefore in close and responsible watchfulness and criticism of Gov.\\n]3ullock s administration. Never making Gov. Bullock s acquaintance\\nin that time, and viewing his regime solely on its official merits, without\\nany prejudice whatever against him, and never failing to commend\\nI", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0510.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "STATE TREASURER, .lOIIS JONES. 403\\nwhat was worthy of approval, tlie retrospection of his term of Execu-\\ntive incumbency shows an administration with little to redeem it.\\nIt is also equally due to truth to say that Gov. Bullock was fired by\\nthe unceasing hostility of a relentless opposition. How far an implaca-\\nble warfare can justify an official in acts that call for censure, an\\nimpartial public judgment must decide for itself. Gov. Bullock was\\nundoubtedly stimulated by the fever of an acrimonious strife to much\\nof his course that deserves condemnation. He stood faithfully to some\\nvery bad colleagues, and adhered manfully to his side with eyes closed\\nto moral considerations or physical consequences. There is no denying\\nthat he showed gameness and fidelity.\\nThe legislature ousted twenty-five colored Representatives and two\\nSenators, and seated in their places the same number of white Demo-\\ncrats. There were very strong young men among the substituted mem-\\nbers, among them J. R. Saussy and Thomas W. Grimes. Jlr. Saussy\\nwas a fine young lawyer from Chatham county, a gentleman of\\nsprightly humor, with an industrious energy and a vigorous intelli-\\ngence. He had worked into a large law practice in a city noted for its\\nable bar. Mr. Grimes has been a State Senator since, and is now the\\nSolicitor General of his circuit. He has shown an exceptional degree of\\npolitical independence, resigning liis seat in the legislature to test popu-\\nlar sentiment upon one of his measures, and winning a re-election by a\\nhandsome majority. The incident is a rare one for so young a legisla-\\ntor, and demonstrated his positive character. Both these gentlemen, as\\nmany others of the new members, became valuable legislators.\\nCol. John Jones, the Treasurer, removed by Gen. Meade, made a\\nreport to this General Assembly, showing that he had taken with, in\\nremoval, $-1:20,704.27 of the State s money, every dollar of which he\\naccounted for, principally in payment upon the public debt. Col. Jones\\nmakes these interesting statements in connection with this novel chap-\\nter of Georgia reconstruction:\\n111 these transactions I am aware that I have incurred tlie high dlsplea.sure o\u00c2\u00a3 some,\\nanil aruuseil the suspicious of others; and I was satisfied in tlie hegiuning tliat such\\nwould he tlie case hut having talieu an oath to ohey the laws under wdiicli I was elected,\\nand given heavy houds for the performance of tlie duties of my office, I conscientiously\\nfelt tliat I had no right, while re.asou and lionesty of purpose were vouclisafed to me, to\\nact otherwise. Not tlie least gratifying circumstance since my removal has heen, that\\naltliongh it was deemed imperative that I slionld be removed, I have heen allowed anil\\ntrusted hy the Comraauding-Geiieral and Provisional Governor Rnger, to carry out the\\ncourse I had adopted, and preserve the credit aud honor of tlie State, up to the surren-\\nder of the government to the civil autliorities.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0511.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "404 THE CAMILLA EIOT.\\nMy personal intercourse with the provisional officers has Iieen as pleasant, as under\\nthe extraordinary state of things, could be expected, and their hearing towards me has\\nbeen ever that of gentlemen to one for wiioin they entertain sincere respect. Tlieir\\nkindness will not be forgotten, nor sliall they ever feel that tlieir sympathy has been\\nmisplaced.\\nIn the month of September, during this session of tlie General\\nAssembly, occurred an incident tliat created great excitement, not only\\nin Georgia but over tlie whole country, and that contributed a large\\nquota of political capital to the Republican campaigns. There has been\\nno stock in trade so serviceable to the Republican party as the fabrica-\\ntion of Southern outrages upon Union men and negroes. The heaviest\\nindictment made against Gov. Bullock was for his part in this so-called\\nslander mill business. From all parts of Georgia were gathered\\nabsolutely incredible accounts of white brutality to the black, and Gov.\\nBullock gave these dark narratives the whole sanction of his official\\nplace. The incident alluded to was the first important episode of\\nso-called Southern outrage.\\nThe facts were these: A body of armed negroes, headed by a man\\nnamed William R. Pierce, the Republican candidate for Congress, John\\nMurphy and a man named F. F. Putney, approached Camilla, Mitchell\\ncounty, to hold a public meeting. The sheriff, M. J. Poore, notified the\\nparties that they must not hold a meeting with armed men. They\\npersisted, a collision ensued and seven persons were killed and forty\\nwounded. Gov. Bullock, in reporting the matter to the Legislature,\\nasserted that the right to peacefully assemble had been violently and\\nbarbarously impaired, and the civil officers of Mitchell county were\\nwholly unable to maintain peace. He urged the Legislature to call on\\nthe President for troops to protect the citizens. Gov. Bullock s attempt\\nto throw the blame of this affair upon the white Democrats evoked much\\nindignation. The arming of the negroes over the State was a notorious\\nfact, creating alarm and foreshadowing trouble. Gov. Bullock had\\nissued his proclamation upon this matter, adroitly ascribing what he\\ncalled the rapid spread of a disposition on the part of those who\\nmaintain the validity of the laws of Congress, and of the state govern-\\nments established thereunder, to protect themselves by arms, to acts\\nof violence by persons distinguished for their hostility to the govern-\\nment of the United States.\\nWith an ingenious subtlety that stirred a deep resentment, his pro-\\nclamation was leveled at those citizens .supposed to interfere with the\\nconstitutional right of persons to assemble for political or other peace-\\nful purpose, while for the illegal armed bodies he merely connnunicated", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0512.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "THE COLORED CONVENTION OF 1868. 405\\nthe information that no authority had been granted for such organiza-\\ntions which were unlawful.\\nThe legislature properly declared that the civil authorities had\\nshown themselves able to execute the law, and there was no necessity\\nfor any military interference. Mr. Marion Bethune made a minority\\nreport that presented some very truthful reflections. He argued that it\\nwas apparent that the people were inflamed and divided, and he urged\\nall parties to meet on a common ground and endeavor to provide some\\nmeasure that will give peace and rest to the excited public mind.\\nThe legislature adjourned on the 5th of October, 18G8. The commit-\\ntee on the State of the Republic made a report written by the chairman,\\nHon. I. E. Shumate, which was regarded as a masterly and statesman-\\nlike paper, and portrayed the political status of the white people of the\\nState admirably. It reviewed the various steps of reconstruction with\\nphilosophical temper; it deprecated any attempt to antagonize the races,\\nand it declared the purpose of the whites to protect the black in his\\nrights. The style of this document was singularly felicitous and forci-\\nble. The members who took tlie places of the ousted negroes presented,\\nthrough Mr. Saussy, a gold watch and chain to Hon. Wm. M. Tumlin,\\nas the one to whom was mainly due the credit of this famous expurga-\\ntion of the blacks. A colored convention was held in Macon, presided\\nover by H. M. Turner, consisting of 136 delegates, from eighty-two\\ncounties, which started the movement that ultimately ended in another\\nreconstruction of the State.\\nThis colored convention was an important and a very melodramatic\\nbody. It held closed meetings, excluding white men. In nothing was\\nit more remarkable than its bitter characterization of the white Radicals\\nwho had voted for their repulsion from the General Assembly. There\\nwere some venomous and incendiary speeches, but these unlettered men\\nwent to work to do their business of retribution and recovery of their\\nprivileges in an extraordinarily practical way. Turner made a strong\\nspeech, declaring he would break up the legislature. He welded his\\nsable hearers in a solid purpose. Committees were appointed for\\nvarious duties, among them to memorialize Congress, and get up re-\\nports of outrages and murder.s.\\nThere was something peculiarly suggestive in the assembling and\\ndeliberations of this colored convention. Mr. Marion Bethune, in his\\nminority report on the Camilla riot, most felicitously stated the feel-\\nings of the poor race in these words\\nIt must be apparent to the most indifferent ob.server, that the uegro feels disapi)oiut( (l,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0513.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "40G THE STATE JUDICIARY OF 18\u00c2\u00ab8.\\nami is exasperated in failing to obtain tlie political rights and privileges that lie antici-\\npated under our new Constitution; whilst, on the other hand, much the larger portion\\nof tlie white people feel that he is claiming privileges, and asj)iring to positions which\\nhe is totally unfit to occupy, and whicli thev regard as degrading to the wliite race.\\nTherefore, it is but natural that each party should feel a deep aud abiding interest in\\nthe result of the approaching election, as each regards the success oi their party as an\\niniportaut step iu settling the dispute iu their favor.\\nDeeply chagrined and incensed at tlie deprivation of the right to\\nhold ofliee, the colored leaders, deserted in this valued matter by their\\nwhite allies, for the first and only time in the protracted play of Recon-\\nstruction, self-reliantly took the bit in their own mouths and organized\\nfor a race victory. Against the whites they stood in an unqualified\\nojiposition. And they whipped their fight. Illiterate, crude in politics\\nand farcical in aspect, they drove to triumph.\\nEvery effort made by the white people to stop the rush of reconstrucj-\\ntion but ended in failure and enlarged the imposition of severities.\\nThe most heroic and white-motived resistance to revolutionary innova-\\ntions not only riveted them the tighter but brought new savagery.\\nEvery stand for principle simply clinched the clianges opposed, and\\nwrought superadded alterations. Whatever the motive the men like\\nGov. Brown, who counseled acquiescence, saw in the ultimate result a\\nstronof vindication of their foresight.\\nThe Democratic electors beat the Republican electors, H. P. Farrow,\\nA. T. Akerman, T. M. Smith, John Murphy, E. J. Higbee, W. H. White-\\nhead, .1. E. Bryant, S. C. Johnson and J. L. Dunning, by a majority of\\n44,638 in a vote of 158,596. The higliest Democratic vote was 101,-\\n786, and Republican 57,195.\\nThe following judges Were nominated by Gov. Bullock, and confirmed\\nby the Senate: Supreme Court Chief Justice, Joseph E. Brown;\\nAssociate Justices, H. K. McCay and Hiram Warner. Superior Court\\nJ. R. Parrott, Cherokee Circuit; C. W. Davis, Western; Garnett\\nAndrews, Northern; C. B. Cole, Macon; J. R. Ale.xander, Southern; D.\\nB. Harrell, Pataula; James M. Clark, South-western; J. W. Greene,\\nFlint; J. D. Pope, Coweta; AVilliam Gibson, Middle; P. B. Robinson,\\nOomulgee; N. B. Knight, Blue Ridge William Schley, Eastern; J. S.\\nBigby, Tallapoosa.\\nThere was a tremendous pressure brought against the acceptance of\\noffice at the hands of Gov. Bullock, and in that day, tlie purest men who\\ndid take position, were exposed to animadvei-sion. And many whom\\nGov. Bullock appointed, were deterred by a fear of public oj)ini )n from\\nassuming trusts in which they could have beneKted the people.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0514.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXVIII.\\nGOV. BULLOCK S DESPERATE ENDExVVOR TO RE-ENACT\\nRECONSTRUCTION.\\nThe Evil Effect of the Black Expulsion.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Its Cue to Congress.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Nelson Tift.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Bullock s\\nObloquy. Wliolesale Aspersion of the State. Our Kulers Seeking the State s\\nCi uciti.xion. Georgia at the Presidential Count. Au E.xciting Scene. Ben. Butler\\nluul WaJe. Submitting Negro Eligibility to the Courts. W. P. Price. Dunlap\\nScott. Senator Winn. Bullock s Vetoes. The Fifteenth Amendment. The\\nUepublicans Defeat It. W. D. Anderson. Foster Blodgett. Inflict Negro\\nSuffrage on the d Yaukees. State Aid. The Battle between Bullock and\\nAngier. The Capitol Question. Bullock s Illegal Advance to Kimball. Com-\\nmittee Reports Condemning Bullock. The Proposition to buy the Capitol. Post-\\nponed. Phillips Resolution on O Neal. RepulJican Convention. The Supreme\\nCourt Decide Negrcjes Eligible. Bullock in Washington working for more Recon-\\nstructiou. The Bureau of Immigration. The State Fair. The State Road. State\\nTroubles. Ncgi o Disorders. Bullock and Angier again. Cliief Justice Browu s\\nGood Work. Angler s Valuable Ser^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0ices.\\nThe expulsion of the negro members from the Georgia legislature\\nhad an immediate effect for evil. It renewed the fell spirit of Recon-\\nstruction. It blew the slumbering coals of race eonrilct Iriio a lively\\nflame. It was a sad error, viewed in the light of its results. It bred\\ntrouble immediately. It gave fuel to the expiring fire of sectional\\nstrife. It was to the northern mind the use of the first note of con-\\nceded peace to declare war. It was as if an unshackled prisoner\\nutilized his initial moment of freedom to strike his releasing captor.\\nCharles Sumner of Massachusetts, early in December, introduced a\\nbill in the United States Senate declaring that Georgia should be\\nreconstructed. The implacable Reconstruction Committee of Congress\\ntook the matter in hand. Gov. Bullock went before this potential\\njunta, none the less proscriptive because Thad. Stevens was dead, and\\nrecommended the reorganization of the Georgia legislature upon the\\nbasis of the enforcement of the test oath, which would re-instate the\\nnegroes and put the General Assembly in the hands of loyal men.\\nSenator Edmunds offered a bill repealing the restoration of Georgia to\\nthe Union, and remitting the State back to Provisional Tyranny. This\\nmeasure revived the military governorshij). Our Senators, Joshua HiU\\nand Miller were vainly knocking at the door for admission to their seats.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0515.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "408 GOVERNOR nil.I.OCK SEEKS MORE RECONSTRUCTION.\\nSix of our seven Representatives had been admitted to their seats in\\nthe House. Nelson Tift sent a circular to the Judges, Ordinaries and\\nMayors in Georgia, asking them to bear witness what was tlie obedi-\\nence to law, the feeling to the blacks and northern men and Republi-\\ncans, the desire for peace, and whether there was any necessity to\\ndestroy the present State government. He held up in an odious light\\nGov. Bullock as seeking to remand the State goverrnnent to military\\nrule or to the dictatorship of a military Governor, with the army to\\nenforce his edicts, on the false ground that there was lawlessness,\\nanarchy, no protection for life or property, and a spirit of persecution\\nof the blacks by the whites.\\nLittle wonder tliat Gov. Bullock incurred a scathing obloquy in this\\nabhorred role. And it was a curious reversal of positions that Bullock\\nwas seeking to uptear and demolish the regime he had so toiled to\\nerect, while the people sought to continue the rule of Bullock, whose\\ninstallation they so resisted, and whose incumbency they detested.\\nThis was another of the strange phases of this kaleidoscopic reconstruc-\\ntion, ine.\\\\haustible in novel developments. It evoked a deep exasper-\\nation, that because the Republicans had failed to get control of the\\nlegislature, Gov. Bullock and his allies should seek to pull down the\\nvery temple of our liberties, that from its ruins might be re-crcctcd a\\nfull Republican structure. The regeneration had been made, and as it\\nwas not a complete Republican dynasty that was fashioned, a re-de-\\nstruction was sought in order to re-mold it. Bullock had failed of\\ncomplete power. To get it he was willing to even undo his own work,\\nstrike down the state government, and remit a great commonwealth to\\nbayonet despotism. And the worst feature of it was that the weapon\\nof this new annihilation of state autonomy was the wholesale ascription\\nof a brutal lawlessness to an entire commonwealth.\\nThis whole inexcusable attempt at the political re-crucifixion of a\\ngreat state is a matter of cold, official fact. The journals of the Legis-\\nlature of 18(59, contain Gov. Bullock s address to the United States\\nCongress on the 7th of December, 1868, as the Executive of Georgia,\\ngravely declaring- that Georgia in her reconstruction had not complied\\nwith the laws of Congress, that there was no adequate protection for\\nlife and property, the maintenance of peace and good order, and the\\nfree expression of political opinion, and asking cong-ressional interfer-\\nence with the restored sovereignty of the state whose e-xalted chief\\nmagistracy he held.\\nThis endeavor of our own Executive to dran; down the state govern-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0516.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "EXCITING SCENE IN CONGRESS OVER GEORGIA. 409\\nment, to dethrone its majesty, and nialie it a dependent military pro-\\nvince aroused a terrible indignation. It was a frightful commentary\\nupon the evil times that our rulers were men who, in their personal\\nambitions, were willing to sport with the august sovereignty of the\\nstate, and degrade the very power they wielded. It was a novel ex-\\nperience in Georgia annals to see an Executive seeking the humiliation\\nof his own commonwealth, and that by the calumny of her honor. The\\nspirit that would invite the rude hand of inimical power to crush our\\nliberties and dominate us with despotism, rather than witness another\\npolitical party control one of the branches of our state government, was\\nsomething so unnatural that the people of Georgia regarded it with the\\nsame horror that they would have given to the crime of a parricide.\\nAll good men felt that no lover of his country would attempt such an\\nunj^atriotic and unholy .work.\\nThe action of the Georgia Legislature in expelling the negro mem-\\nbers continued an absorbing subject of public discussion, not only in\\nthe State, but over the whole country. The press of the North, and\\nCongress chattered incessantly over it. There were many lively scenes\\nthat it provoked. Congress was kept in an acrimonious turmoil.\\nWhen the Presidential vote was counted on the 10th of February,\\n18G9, Ben. Butler objected to counting the Georgia ballot. Wade said\\nhis view was that Georgia s vote should be counted if it would not\\nalter the result, and should not be counted if it would, a decision\\nreceived with shouts of laughter. A wild confusion ensued. Ben.\\nWade, presiding over the joint session, ordered the Senate to its own\\nchamber. The House voted 150 to 41 against Georgia being counted.\\nThe Senate, after a lively struggle, decided in favor of Georgia. The\\njoint session was resumed, and the conflict was fierce. Wade ordered\\nGeorgia s vote read. Butler objected. Wade refused to hear objec-\\ntions. Butler appealed from Wade s decision. Wade refused an\\nappeal and ordered the count to proceed. Butler moved that the Sen-\\nate have permission to retire. He was declared out of order. Butler\\ndemanded that the House should control its own hall. Wade, in the\\nmidst of an intense excitement, ordered the count to proceed. Conk-\\nling began reading the result, but his voice was drowned by cries of\\norder. In the deafening clamor Speaker Colfax sprang to the desk,\\nsaying the Vice-President must be obeyed in joint session, and ordered\\nthe Sergeant-at-Arms to arrest disorderly persons. Order was suffi-\\nciently restored to read the result, when the joint session terminated.\\nButler offered a resolution denouncinij the action of Wade and the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0517.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "410 THE NEGRO EXPULSION ISSl E IN THE LEGISLATURE.\\nSenate. Davis introduced a resolution in the Senate declaring the con-\\nduct of Butler and other members disreputable, and an insult to the\\npeople of the United States. Butler and Bingham had a bitter debate\\nover Butler s resolution. Bingham denounced it as a resolution of\\nrevolution and anarchy. While Georgia was thus stirring up the\\ncountry, she was having an equally lively time at home. The Legisla-\\nture met on the 13th of January, 1869. Gov. Bullock s message dealt\\nmainly with the disturbing problem of negro expulsion. He insisted\\non the Legi.slatui e undoing its work, and again assailed the order of the\\nState. The Democrats themselves divided upon the line of policy.\\nNelson Tift, one of our Congressmen, telegraphed that Grant, the\\nPresident elect, favored the policy of submitting the matter to the\\ncourts. W. P. Price introduced a resolution to this effect. It evoked\\na warm discussion. Such men as Dunlap Scott opposed it. He pro-\\nposed to stick to the expulsion. While he was speaking, an incident\\noccurred that was much remarked upon at the time. Speeches were\\nlimited to fifteen minutes. When Scott had spoken ten minutes, the\\nclock stopped, stood still thirty minutes, and started again just as he\\nwas closing. But Price s resolution passed. Mr. Adkins introduced a\\nresolution to re-seat the negroes. Some idea may bo formed of tiio\\nspirit of the Legislature from the following remarks of Senator Winn\\non Adkins bill.\\nMr. Trosideiit The Senator from the nineteenth, since the expulsion of tlie ne^ro,\\nlooks like Patience ou a monument smiling at grief. lie wants that delicious aroma so\\nneedful to his comfort.\\nLike the vase in which roses have once been distilled,\\nYou may break, you may ruin the vase if you will,\\nBut the scent of the roses will hang round it still.\\nCries of order were heard, and the President decided the remarks\\npersonal and out of order. To the astonishment of all, Gov. Bullock\\nvetoed the resolution of Mr. Price, submitting the eligibility of negroes\\nto hold office to the courts. The resolution did not go far enough for\\nhim. He was for ripping up the whole organization, and not only\\nre-seating the negroes, but purging the Legislature of men wiio could\\nnot take the test oath. And to add to the perplexities of the situation.\\nCongress was discussing the expulsion of our representatives from their\\nseats.\\nThe Fifteenth Amendment was passed by Congress and came before\\nthe Georgia Legislature in a special message of Gov. Bullock, on the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a010th of March, 18G0. The action upon this measure, whicii enforced", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0518.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "DOUBLE DEALIXi; AliOUT TllIC FIFTKKXTII AMENDMENT. 411\\nnegro suffrage, was strangely coniplicateil, and on the part of Gov.\\nBullock and his allies in the movement of securing ariotiier reconstruc-\\ntion of the State, suggestively disingenuous. Both Democrats and\\nItepublicans split upon it. Gov. Bullock was charged by Republicans\\nwith withholding- the amendment from the Legislature as long as possi-\\nble, and with recommending its passage in such taunting language as\\nxvould drive the Democrats from its support! His policy was said to be,\\nto secure its defeat in order to aid his project of further reconstruction.\\nThe charge against him was flatly made, by the more moderate Repub-\\nlicans, of duplicity in making it appear at Washington that he favored\\nthe amendment, while he privately worked to prevent its passage.\\nThe votes in both branches strongly confirm these accusations. In\\nthe House, 25 Republicans on the first action, when the amendment\\nwas carried, voted for the amendment, 4 against it, and 34 dodged a vote,\\nincluding Gov. Bullock s fast friends, Adkins, Tweedy, O Neal and\\nothers. On the motion in the House to reconsider, the ne.xt day, which\\nwas carried, 17 of these dodgers voted for reconsideration. In the\\nHouse a majority of Republicans thus defeated this Republican measure.\\nIn the Senate, 13 Republicans, including President Conley, voted for the\\nindefinite postponement of the amendment, and 6 ag ainst. Upon a\\nreconsideration of the indefinite postponement, 8 Republicans voted\\nfor the passage of the amendment, 8 voted against it, and 8 dodged,\\nand the amendment was defeated by a Republican Senate, after it had\\npassed first a Democratic House. Gov. Bullock s friends voted against\\nit, and many of his appointees electioneered against its passage.\\nThe Democrats were equally divided. The leverage given to the\\nenemies of the State by the expulsion of the negro members had created\\na reaction, and the more conservative of the Democrats had come to the\\nconclusion that it was wiser to promptly perform disagreeable neces-\\nsities. There was some spirited discussion over the matter and some\\nfeeling speeches against it. The vote first stood in the House seventy-\\nfour and sixty-nine against the amendment. Mr. Anderson of Cobb\\nvoiced the conservative view in voting for the measure with this explan-\\natory remark.\\nMr. Speaker Passiou, prejuJice and pride say vote, No wisdom and respon-\\nsibility say vote, Yes.\\nOf the Democrats 42 in the House voted for the Amendment and\\n56 against. In the Senate 5 Democrats voted for and 9 against the\\namendment on its final defeat. The picture of inconsistency as to\\nthis amendment is not complete without recalling the fact that", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0519.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "412 THE CONFLICT BETWEEN BULLOCK AND ANGIER.\\nFoster Blodgett, Gov. Bullock s Achates, visited Washington, and\\nin a conversation with Grant, the President, predicted that the Demo-\\ncrats in the Georgia Legislature would support the Fifteenth Amend-\\nment for the purpose of inflicting negro suffrage in turn on the d\\nYankees. The occasion of this visit to Washington was in company\\nwith H. M. Turner and J. M. Siuuns, two of the e.xpelled negro members\\nof the Georgia Legislature, to present the resolutions of the Colored\\nConvention in Macon, to which allusion has been made.\\nThe Legislature adjourned on the 18th of March, 18G9. This body\\nhad granted State aid to seven railroads, covering millions of dollars.\\nHeavy assaults had been made upon Gov. Bullock s management of\\nthe state finances. A legislative joint committee appointed to look\\ninto the matter of which M. A. Candler was Chairman of the Senate\\nportion, and O. G. Sparks of the House, reported censuring Gov.\\nBullock for various unauthorized acts. They charged that over\\n$32,000 was drawn on unauthorized warrants. They rasped Gov.\\nBullock for inaugurating the expensive and needless practice of gener-\\nally publishing proclamations of pardon, and appointments of county\\ninspectors of fertilizers, this waste already running to over \u00c2\u00a710,000.\\nThey condemned large extra pay to salaried officers, running to $4,421.\\nThe most animated financial battle of that day was between Gov.\\nBullock and Treasurer N. L. Angler over an advance made by the\\nGovernor of some $.31,000 to H. I. Kimball, to heat and fi.x up the\\npresent capitol building. This difficulty between Dr. Angier and Gov.\\nBullock became more rancorous with the passage of time, an 1 had a\\nmaterial effect upon subsequent events. The war between these two\\nofficials was an important episode of that day, and involved large public\\nconsequences. It broke the unity of Gov. Bullock s administration.\\nIt made a formidable breach in the Republican ranks, and it furnished\\nthe Democrats substantial help in fighting the excesses of that damag-\\ninsr rule. This trouble will involve some allusion to the change of the\\ncapital from Milledgeville to Atlanta, and the purchase of the capitol\\nbuilding, that have given rise to so much public agitation.\\nWhen the Constitutional convention of 1868 was in session, the city\\nof Atlanta made the proposition that if the capital should be located in\\nthis city, the City Council agreed to furnish to the State, free of cost,\\nfor the space of ten years if needed, suitable buildings for the General\\nAssembly, for the residence of the Governor, and for all the offices\\nneeded by such officers as are generally located in the State House, and\\nall suitable rooms for the State library and for the Supreme Court.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0520.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "THE CHANGE OF CAPITAL. 413\\nTlie city further agreed to donate to tlie State of Georgia, the Fair\\nGrounds, containing twenty-five acres, as a tocation for tlic capitol, or in\\nlieu thereof, any unoccupied ten acres of ground in the city that might\\nbe selected by the General Assembly as a more appropriate place for\\nthe capitol and Governor s mansion.\\nThe convention, by resolution passed February 27, 18G8, accepted\\nthis proposition, and in the Constitution placed an article making\\nAtlanta the seat of government. On the 2-l:th of August, 1868, the\\nCity Council of Atlanta rented from E. N. Kimball, for 16,000 a year,\\nfor five years, certain parts of the present capitol building, for the use\\nof the State, and by resolution tendered to the State the said rented\\npremises. Mr. Kimball bound himself to have the building ready for\\nthe State by the second Tuesday in January, 1869. This building was\\na brick shell that had been started for an opera house, and the project\\nhad fallen through. The contract made with Mr. Kimball by the City\\nCouncil did not cover the heating and lighting. Instead of exacting\\nof the City Council the fulfillment of its contract, Gov. Bullock, from\\nOctober to December, 18G8, advanced to H. I. Kimball $.31,000 of the\\nState s money to heat, furnish, carpet, paint, and light the building,\\nwithout reporting said advances to the State Treasurer. In September,\\n1868, the Legislature had tabled a resolution in regard to heating the\\nstructure. The City Council of Atlanta regarded their contract with\\nE. N. Kimball as complying with their offer to the State.\\nTreasurer Angler reported the matter to the Legislature, in response\\nto a resolution calling for the facts about the State bonds. This report\\ndrew from Gov. Bullock a tart message, charging upon Dr. Angier a\\nmalicious attempt to discredit the integrity of the Executive. The\\nfinance committee was authorized to examine the matter. A majority\\nand minority report were made. Gov. Brown s opinion was asked, as\\nto the propriety of expenditures without authority of law by the Execu-\\ntive. He replied that the practice had been for the Executive in the\\npast, in pressing emergencies that warranted it, ig pay the State s\\nmoney without appropriation, honestly and judiciously for the public\\nservice, but that in all such cases the Governor should be prepared to\\nassume the responsibility if the legislature should disapprove his\\nact. The majority report, signed by W. H. F. Hall, chairman, de-\\nclared that there was no legal or urgent necessity for such expendi-\\nture, while the Governor s motives are not questioned. The minority\\nreport, signed by A. S. Fowler, O. G. Sparks and six others, is a sharp,\\nsententious, plain-talking document. It declared the expenditures", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0521.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "414 THE CAriTOL IRII.DIXG CONTIXIED.\\nuiiauthorizetl, reckless extravagance, and witliout precedent. It com-\\nmented upon the fact that there had been anij^le time to explain the\\ntransaction, and no itemized bill of particulars had been furnished;\\nthat costly heating, lighting and furniture was not contemplated by\\neither the city or state for a- temporary capitol. The House adopted\\nthe minority report by a large majority.\\nThe altercation between Dr. Angier and Gov. Bullock grew very\\nbitter. Gov. Bullock charged upon Dr. Angier that he had drawn\\ninterest on the public funds, receiving 835G. Dr. Angier showed that\\nhe received less interest because the bank had loaned Gov. Bullock\\nSI 7,000 on his private account. The City Council of Atlanta proposed\\nto confer with a joint committee to settle the liability for the 831,000.\\nGov. Bullock, in transmitting this request, stated in his message that\\nhe thought the City Council was responsible for the expense, and that\\nif ho had failed to incur that cost, the Legislature would not have\\nhad a proper place to assemble. The resolution to appoint a commit-\\ntee was passed. The committee had a conference with the City Council\\nof Atlanta. The committee reported a proposition for the City to pay\\n$100,000 towards the purchase of the Kimball Opera House for a\\npermanent capitol, and recommended that the State appropriate\\n$300,000 in interest bearing seven jjer cent, bonds for the balance of\\nthe purchase money, the Kimballs to refund the State the \u00c2\u00a731,000,\\nthus costing the State $109,000. This proposition was not acted\\nupon, but postponed, and the Legislature adjourned. This building\\nwas the subject of continued trouble, which will be hereafter noted.\\nThere will never in the history of Georgia be a parallel to tliis\\nGeneral Assembly. Some of its incidents seem incredible. On the\\n17th of February, Mr. Phillips, of Echols county, stands responsible for\\nthe following resolution:\\nResolved, That the publication which appears in the \\\\ew Era of tliis morning, that the\\nHon. J. W. O Ne.al was drnnk on yesterday, is infamously false, and it is due to the coun-\\ntry and to this House that it be so branded, and should meet witli the promjjt con-\\ndemnation of all lovers of good whisky in the present General Assemlily.\\nThe report goes on to say that after a warm discussion the resolution\\nwas withdrawn. A Republican convention was held in xVtlanta on the\\n5th of March, 1809. Hon. Ben. Conley was made President. The\\nresolutions adopted were harsh, referring to rebel-democratic rowdies,\\nand declaring that the State was as practically under the control of\\nthose who spurn the Federal government as it was during the rebellion.\\nA committee was appointed of Foster Blodgett, P. M. Sheibley, H. P.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0522.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "GOV. bullock s ATTEMrX TO RECONSTRUCT THE STATE AGAIN. 41.J\\nFarrow, J. AV. Clift, J. M. Simms, .J. T. Costin and H. M. Turner to go\\nto AYasliington to urge Congress to carry out the desire of this\\nconvention.\\nIn .Fune, 1SG9, the Supreme Court, Judge Warner dissenting, decided\\nin the case of Richard W. White, a colored man, elected Clerk of the\\nSuperior Court of Chatham county, that negroes were eligible to office\\nin Georgia. This decision raised the question as to whether the Leo--\\nislature should ro-seat the colored members who were expelled. Gen.\\nA. R. Wright, editor of the Augusta Gli.ronirle and Soitinel, sent a\\ncircular letter to the leading men of the State, asking their views upon\\nthis question. There was a pretty unanimous opinion among the\\nDemocrats that new elections should be ordered. The subject eng-aged\\nthe public mind to a very general and intense degree. Hon. A. H.\\nStejohens, Judge Wm. B. Fleming, Col. Warren Akin, Judge J. W. H.\\nUnderwood, Gen. A. R. Lawton, Thomas E. Lloyd, Judge E. J. Harden,\\nJunius Hillyer, Col. Crawford and others, supported the position taken\\nby the Atlanta Constitution that the decision of the Supreme Court\\nshould be obeyed, but the parliamentary method would bo to have an\\nelection to fill the vacancies.\\nImmediately aftsr the adjournment of the Legislature, Gov. Bullock\\nwent on to Washington, and endeavored to take advantage of the\\nfailure of the Georgia General Assembly to ratify the Fifteenth Amend-\\nment, a failure due as has been stated to his own Republican friends in\\nthat body, to secure further reconstruction of the State. But no plan\\nwas desired by him except one that purged the Legislature of Demo-\\ncrats under the test oath. The mere re-seating of the negroes would\\nnot satisfy these destructionists, because that still left them without\\ncontrol of the Legislature. Every effort was made to get the Butler\\nbill through Congress before adjournment, but Nelson Tift and P. M.\\nB. Young and others succeeded in blocking this game. The weapon\\nthat was most potential in preventing the success of this measure of\\ncontinued reconstruction was the passage by both branches of the\\nLegislature of Georgia of the resolution to test the negro eligibility\\nissue in the State Supreme Court, whicii Gov. Bullock vetoed, to destroy\\nits effect in preventing his schemes. Congress adjourned without\\ninterference with Georgia, and he and his allies returned home baffled,\\nbut not defeated. During the summer and fall of 18G9 every prepara-\\ntion was made for renewing the baleful design of re-dismantling the\\ngood old State.\\nDuring this year a number of important State matters transpired. A", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0523.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "41G THE ATTEMPT AT IMIIIGRATIOX.\\nbureau of immigration was established, and George N. Lester was made\\nHome Commissioner, and .Samuel Weil, Foreign Commissioner. The\\nsum of $10,000 was appropriated. The printing was limited to \u00c2\u00a73,000.\\nThe salary of Col. Lester was $2,000 and .Mr. Weil 5,000. Faithful\\nefforts were made by both commissioners, but owing to the persistent\\nand rancorous Republican slanders against the good order of the State,\\nno good was aceoniplishod, and Col. Lester, finding his office unavailing\\nior benefit, resigned it before the expiration of his two years term.\\nCol. Weil returned from Europe after fourteen months absence, bringing\\nhis niece with him, and there was a good deal of raillery among the\\nanti-immigration men over tiie alleged harvest of one immigrant as the\\nresult of this elaborate scheme of State immigration. The report of\\ntliis attempt at immigration showed that Col. Weil had received $3,000\\nsalar\\\\ and spent $1,530 for printing; Col. Lester received $3,508 salary,\\nand spent $500 for printing. Weil s expenses exceeded his salary, and\\nLester s were nearly one-half of salary.\\nThe State fair at Macon, in October, 1869, was largely attended by\\ndistinguished Northern gentlemen. A negro labor convention was held\\nin Macon in October, to organize a union to control prices of labor.\\nThe leading spirits in this body were Jeff. Long and H. M. Turner. An\\nimmense Southern Commercial convention was held in Louisville, Ky.,\\nof which Mr. Fillmore was president. Georgia was largely represented\\nby such men as V. A. Gaskill, A. D. Nunnally, D. E. Butler, H. W.\\nHilliard, B. C. Yancey, R. H. Chilton, A. Hood, C. Howell and some\\nseventy others. There were committees on every conceivable subject\\nof practical utility, immigration, a Southern Pacific, Mississippi Levees,\\nAgriculture, Manufacture of Cotton, direct trade, and other kindred\\nmatters. Some sarcastic journal epitomized the work of the convention\\nin the satirical summary, that its chief result was the resurrection of the\\nburied Fillmore to build .continental railwaj^s by resolutions.\\nCol. Hulburt had made a fair administration of the State road, pay-\\ning in to the State Treasury pretty regularly, $25,000 a month. He\\nhad an undoubted genius for the practical development of public re-\\nsources. His ideas of the necessity and value of cheap coal and iron\\nwere far in advance of the time. He steadily worked for these great\\nends. He was an earnest cliampion of the Georgia Western road that\\nGen. Gordon has at last put under way. But Hulburt was handi-\\ncapped by his connection with the Republican registration and his\\nSharp and Quick repute. Even then it was said that Foster Blod-\\ngett, who was treasurer of the State road under Hulburt, was striving", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0524.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "417\\nto supplant him as superintendent, a change that did soon come, and\\nthat was followed by a year of the most reckless and wholesale mis-\\nmanagement and extravagance that ever marked the administration of\\na public trust.\\nDuring this year there was a legitimate outcome of the pernicious\\nRepublican tampering with the colored race. A frightful negro riot\\noccurred near Savannah, on the Ogeechee, where the man A. A. Bradley\\nhad sway. Col. R. W. Flourney, a Democratic member of the I egisla-\\nture, a bright young citizen, was murdered by negroes. Mr. Charles\\nWallace, editor of the Warrenton Clipper, was assassinated, and Dr.\\nG. W. Darden, a noted Republican, arrested and in jail for the atro-\\ncious murder, was shot.\\nIn reviewing that period, with all the bad influences at work upon the\\nignorant colored race, and the unspeakable provocation against the\\nwhites, one is surprised that there was not more violence. The radical\\nregime of that day stimulated the blacks to deviltry, and fired the\\nwhites to a righteous exasperation. And the natural resentment of\\nhonest Democrats was evoked and used as the intended weapon of their\\npolitical injury. AVe had suffered enough, and should have been near\\nour redemption. But the end was far off, and mockeries were to be\\nenacted that were to surpass even the previous shocking experiences of\\nthis monstrous reconstruction.\\nThe warfare between Gov. Bullock and Treasurer Angier continued,\\ngrowing daily more embittered. The Governor brought heavy suits\\nagainst the treasurer. Gen. Alfred K. Terry had been assigned to\\nmilitary command in Georgia, to aid in preserving order. He was in-\\nvoked as a pacificator between these two belligerents. He had made\\npeace between Gov. Bullock and the N^cio Era, which, under Dr. Bard,\\nhad been warring upon His Excellency. The truth is that there was a\\ndecided schism in the Republican ranks, growing out of Bullock s reso-\\nlute proclivity to a rehash of reconstruction. The more patriotic men\\nof that party rebelled against it. And no man wielded a more powerful\\ninfluence in antagonizing and eventually thwarting the ultimate phases\\nof this partisan monstrosity than Chief Justice Brown. His whole\\ncourse was simply acceptance of only necessary and inevitable terms of\\nevil, and condemnation of every gratuitous abomination. From all the\\nunholy crusades of the Bullock dynasty he kept firmly aloof, and this\\nwhen he was cruelly bespattered and falsely classed as one of the com-\\nmon enemy.\\nDr. Angier wrote a -letter to the Federal Union in September, stating\\n27", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0525.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "418 DU. angier s wakkake ox bullock.\\nthat Gov. Bullock had paid i? 15,000 out of the State treasury as retain-\\ners to lawyers, \u00c2\u00a79,000 of it iu tlie last thirty days, of which SI, .500 was\\nto F. S. Fitch, the editor of a Gritfiu paper, besides large amounts to\\nthe Attorne} General, H. P. Farrow, and other amounts out of the\\nState road funds. He also charged that Gov. Bullock was offering\\nexcessive amounts, from one to five thousand dollars of rewards. In\\nDecember, Dr. Ang ier wrote to one of the members of the Recon-\\nstruction Committee of Congress, in reply to a letter, stating that in\\nthe teeth of two adverse and condemnatory reports of a legislative\\ncommittee upoH his advance of $31,000 to the Kimballs on the opera\\nhouse builditig, he had made a further illegal advance to the Kimballs,\\non the same account, of \u00c2\u00a730,000 since the Legislature adjourned. Dr.\\nAngier charged that to cover these unlawful amounts, Gov. Bullock\\nhad hypothecated seven per cent. State Railroad mortgage bonds, that\\nunder the law were to be issued only in renewal of bonds then due.\\nHe furtlier charged that Gov. Bullock exhausted the contingent fund\\nof $30,000 in less than six months, and under a vague India rubber\\nblanket section of the appropriation act, lie had drawn nearly $100,000,\\nthe greater part in the way of patronage to buy influence.\\nThere is no doubt that Dr. Angier was the most liurtful opponent\\ntliat Gov. Bullock had, and the people of Georgia owe him a deep\\ndebt of gratitude for the revelations he made. It was indeed a for-\\ntunate antagonism for the State, this angry combat between the Execu-\\ntive and Treasurer. All efforts to heal it failed. The writer, then con-\\nducting the Atlanta Constitution newspaper, the leading Democratic\\njournal at the seat of government, and while striving to do even-tem-\\npered justice to Gov. Bullock, yet thundering daily at the palpable\\nwrongs of his administration, was under obligation to Treasurer Angier\\nfor many a valuable piece of information that served materially the\\npublic welfare.\\nGov. Bullock struck fiercely at Dr. Angier to crush him. He tried to\\nbreak him down with heavy prosecutions, and sought a mandamus to\\nmake him pay refused warrants. But the game Treasurer stood undaunt-\\nedly to his fight, and the ponderous blows he dealt the Executive,\\nresounded over the State, and brought him many a glad acclaim from\\nthe grateful tax-payers.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0526.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXIX.\\nA BURNING CHAPTER OF FOLLY AND SHAME.\\nTlie most notable Events o{ Georn;ia History. Gov. Bullock Then and Now. His Plan\\nfor Auotlier Reconstruction The Central I adical Committee. A Cruel Procla-\\nmation The State Indicted hy Her Executive. The Slander Mill. The Writer s\\nEditorial Then. The Fifteenth Amendment Hanging on Georgia s Vote. The\\nGospel of Anarchy. Bullock in Congress. The New Keconstruction. Bullock s\\nRejoicing. The Georgia Legislature. Farrow s Opinion. Intimidation. Chief-\\nJustice Brown s Patriotic Course. Opinions of Leading Men. Thomas Harde-\\nman. Cliief Jnstice Brown. Warren Akin. The Radical Committee. Bluff.\\nAttorneys Employed. The Reorganization. T. W. G. Mills and A. L. Harris.\\nThe Conservative Republicans Split from Bullock. J. E. Br\\\\-an. B. Couley. A\\nBitter Speech, Harris the Autocrat Bold Despotism. Pistols Drawn. An\\nAstounding Turn. Gen. Terry and His Jlilitarj Board. The Soldiers to Purge\\nthe Body Selling Beef Creates Ineligibility. Five Members Kicked Out. Nine-\\nteen Frightened Off. Minority Men Seated. The Speaker s Election a Vital\\nPoint, The Btillock Men Elect McWhorter througli Democratic Division and\\nFollv. Bullock s Victory Complete. Bullock s Message. A New Deal and Pro-\\nlongation. The Fight Remitted to Congress.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Bullock Goes to Washington.\\nA Stirring Battle.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 BuUock s Discomfiture. Prolongation Scotched. Bullock s\\nBribery Investigation. A Republican Committee Censure Him. Hard Press Com-\\nment on Bullock. The Georgia Legislature takes another Recess Bullock and\\nAngier Investigation Committee. Congress Admits Georgia at Last.\\nPEEnAPS, take them all in all, the \u00e2\u0080\u00a2ovcnt.s recorded in this chapter are\\nthe most notable of Georgia history. They present a picture so novel\\nthat aftertimes will find it hard to believe the amazing reality. It\\nseemed as if a comical fate had in pure whinisiness sought to twist every\\npossible travesty out of the gravest concerns of state government. See-\\ning Gov. Bullock to-day, a quiet, autumnal figure moving in the streets\\nof Atlanta, attending to the prosaic matters of cotton manufacture, one\\nfinds it difficult to recall the portly, gorgeous personage that in the year\\nof our Lord, 1870, only eleven years ago, was the central power of a\\nsuccessful partisan crusade that dismantled our goodly State and made\\nhim autocrat of Georgia amid the unqualified abhorrence of her virtuous\\ncitizens. Reveling in a brief enjoj ment of such rule as worthy men\\nhope may never come again to a proud commonwealth of enlightened\\nfreemen, it was a stirring culmination of this dynasty of revolution to\\nsee its head, dropping the imperial authority in hot haste and for years", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0527.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "i lO bullock s arraignment of the state.\\na liidden fugitive from criminal indictments. Repeated attempts to\\nsecure had failed, but finally the e.x-E.Kecutive was brought to trial\\nwhen years had effaced the bitterest memories of the time of wrong,\\nand criminal acquittal was given after a hard forensic fight.\\nThe proper tribunal for such public charges was an impeachment\\ncourt, which was costly, ponderous and barren, and its penalty of removal\\nfrom office, pointless. The career of this official is one of the marked\\nelements of Georgia reconstruction, and the simple, unembellished\\nrecord makes a striking chapter of that unique epoch.\\nBefore Congress met in the winter of 1869, Gov. Bullock had per-\\nfected his plans for revolutionizing again our State government, that\\nhad already undergone so many shifting farces of reconstruction, that\\nit seemed as if a grim destiny had exhausted both folly and malice\\nin our case. On the 2-l:th of November, a secret meeting of the Radi-\\ncal Executive Committee of the State was called. The Atlanta Consti-\\ntution gave an account of the meeting that was never denied. Among\\nthose present were Bullock, Blodgett, Hulburt, Farrow, Blount, Con-\\nley, Long and others. A sub-committee, compogpd of Farrow, Hulburt,\\nConley, .Teff I^ong and a negro, was appointed to report on urging- Con-\\ngress to reconstruct Georgia again. All of this sub-committee were\\nsaid to be against such action, except Mr. Conley. Majority and mi-\\nnority reports were made. The discussion in the main coinmittee was\\nsaid to be stormy. Through the efforts of Bullock and Blodgett, the\\nminority recommendation of Conley was sustained. Armed with this\\nformidable document, Gov. Bullock proceeded to Washington, to work\\nout in person his revolutionary scheme.\\nBefore going, however, he issued a lengthy proclamation, which he\\npublished all over the State, that both as an instrument for his\\ndestructive purpose, and as a cool, deliberate piece of premeditated\\nmalice, was never surpassed. The pronuneiamento began with these\\nvenomous words:\\nTo the People of Georgia The recent renewal nf active hostilities against the per-\\nson ami property of colored citizens and white Repnl)Iicans, Ijv the organized hands ot\\nsecret assassins in certain portions of the State, seems to indicate a concert of action\\nand a purpose on the part of said organizations to persist in defying the ei\\\\il law.\\nWith this wholesale indictment of the good order of the State,\\naccompanied by the bold assertion, wholly unfounded, that under\\nthe statutes at present in force, the Executive is prevented from\\ntaking active measures for the suppression of civil disorders; he\\nproceeded to offer five thousand dollars I eward each, for the alleged", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0528.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "ATLANTA CONSTITUTION AGAINST BULLOCK. 421\\nperpetrators of a long list of crimes, covering the State and including\\nhundreds of men, and whose aggregate payment would have taken a\\nmillion of dollars. And it was a significant part of the chapter of\\nthese, and a host of other like extravagant rewards so lavishly oilered,\\nby this generous-handed Executive, that the alleged criminals were so\\nuniformly uncaught. It would be difficult to more conclusively explode\\nthe calumnies of the public peace, so malignantly used in that day as\\nthe most potential weapon of Radical success, than fcy this single fact.\\nThat potential institution, the Slander-mill, was revived in all its\\nvigor, and outrages of every kind ground out unceasingly. The New\\nYork Times had an editorial on Georgia s condition that came in nicely\\nas a help to the new crusade. And this was followed by a congratula-\\ntory letter from Gov. Bullock to that journal. Gen. Alfred H. Terry\\nfurnished his quota to the scheme in a lengthy report that the state of\\ndisorder in Georgia demanded the interposition of Congress.\\nThe following earnest editorial of the writer in the Atlanta Consti-\\ntution, published on the 13th of December, 18G9, reflected the feeling\\nof the good citizens of that day towards Gov. Bullock:\\nSuppose that in the days when Geo. M. Troup, or any of Georgia s sons and states-\\nmen filled lier Executive Chair, the President of the United States had advised, and\\nCongress had coutemphited a blow at her sovereignty\\nCan any man doulit what would have been their course Every sentiment of State\\nfealty, every impulse of patriotism, would have quivered under the peril and the indignity\\nto our beloved coramonwealtli. They would have been stung by the shame of the\\ninsult, as well as concerned in the damage to her welfare. Having tlie interest of the\\nState at heart, identified with her honor, and alive to the weal of her great people, tliey\\nwould have consecrated their lives to her defense, and engaged with an unalterable\\nheroism in her redemption.\\nTo-day, is .seen the sad, piteous, shameful spectacle of her Executive conspiring with\\nher enemies for the overthrow of her liljerties. Plotting, scheming, bribing, truclcling,\\nmaligning, toiling for her injury and abasement, he is alike bliud to her sufferings,\\ncallous to her dignity, inimical to her interests.\\nNo state of facts can justify such an act in such an official. The people overwhelm-\\ningly differ with him on great pulilic questions involving their welfare, not his. Yet,\\nforsooth, because his personal views are not carried out, lie leaves his duty to machinate\\nagainst the people for their injury, recking nothing that the government of a million\\nvirtuous people is demolished by tlie act, and anarchy and the rule of ignorance substi-\\ntuted therefor.\\nHow long, Oh Cataline As old as time, and stamped with the imprimatur of\\nHoly Book, is the utterance, that when the wicked are in power their people groan in\\ntribulation.\\nGeorgia is no exception. Her rulers are against her, not for her tliev are seeking\\npersonal aggrandizement, not the puliIic weal; they govern for plunder and despotic\\ncontrol, not for the interest of their people.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0529.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0123 BULLOCK IX -VVASIIIXCTON PRESSING GEORGIA S CRUCIFIXION.\\nCan Gov. Bullock womler that lie enjoys the scorn of the good 1 It is not nature\\nfor mcu to love the eneinv to their liljerties and tlieir pros))erity.\\nHe may succeed iu his fell purjiose, hut success cau bring him neither respect nor\\nhonor. It will be the triumph of reckless cupidity and unliuly ambition. That man,\\nwho for personal iuterest can drag his country down, is a foe to humauity itself.\\nIt was one of those mysterious strokes of evil fortune that steadily\\naccompanied our ill-fated State in those evil days, that just at that\\njuncture the success of the Fifteenth Amendment hing-ed on Georgia s\\nvote. This stern necessity fixed our fate. Morton introduced a hill in\\nthe United States Senate to reconstruct Georgia, and making the\\nratification of the Fifteenth Amendment the condition of admission to\\nthe Union. President Grant, in his message, recommended further\\ntinkering with Georgia. Senator Edmunds had postponed his bill to\\nenforce the Fourteenth Amendment in Georgia, so as to allow the new\\nmeasure a chance. Representative Shanks, in the House, introduced a\\nbill to complete reconstruction in Georgia. Bullock went before the\\nreconstruction committee, and pressed the crucifixion of the gallant old\\ncommonwealth. The measure came up in the Senate, Bullock on the\\nfloor, urging the rape of his own State s sovereignty. He had taken\\nexpensive apartments, kept a carriage, and wined and dined with a\\nroyal prodigality. The State road had paid no money in three months\\ninto the State treasury, and the press indulged in every species of\\ninsinuation as to where the money went.\\nThe Senate passed the despotic measure by a vote of 40 to 9. The\\nHouse then passed it swiftl} Warm debates in both houses transpired.\\nGeorgia rilled a large measure of the public attention. Dr. Angier s\\nletter on Gov. Bullock s financial errors was sprung in Congress, and\\nstaggered a nmnber of the supporters of the measure. Trumbull and\\nThurman both fought the bUl, and also Mr. Bayard. The New York\\nM^orlcFs report said:\\nWhile Mr. Bayard was speaking, the author of all this rascality was sitting on a\\nsofa in the Senate, with folded arms and dramatic stylo, Ijut he changed position repeat-\\nedly, wandered about uneasily, and finally took a seat by Mr. Morton. Bullock is a\\nlarge, portly, vulgar looking man of aliout fifty-five, wears a full, reddish beard, and a\\nlarge neck-tie, with long, projecting ends.\\nThe correspondent of the Augusta Chronicle thus wrote:\\nBullock has been lying around the Senate chamlier all day, and seemed to be greatly\\ninterested iu the discussion. Between the acts he has been gorging himself with the\\nSenators in the lunch-room, or restaurant in the Senate. He is still going it with a high\\nhaud, and is spending somebody s money like water. He gave another supper to Con-\\ngressmen and other officials, last Thursday night, which is represented to have been a\\nmost magnificent affair.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0530.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "BULI.OCK FEASTS OVER GEORGIA S DISMANTLEMENT. 43.3\\nIn the House there was an even wanner time than in the Senate.\\nMr. Beck, of Kentucky, made a speech and had Dr. Angier s letter read,\\nstating that the letter had been read by himself this morning, to Gov.\\nBullock, so he might contradict the charges if he could, but neither he\\nnor any friend of his had suocessfuUy done so. Hon. S. S. Co.x made\\na biting speech against the bill, declaring\\nIt is the gospel of anarchy, aud tlie philosophy of dissolution.\\nOne of the papers had this to say of Bullock s agency in the House:\\nGov. Bullock seemed, in fact, to he managing the hill in the House. He was on the\\nfloor all day, and was consulted hy Butler at every stage. His presence was remarked\\nas heiug about the huUest piece of lobbyiug ever witnessed iu Congress.\\nThe House passed the bill by 131 yeas to 51 naj s. Bullock con-\\ntinued as accoucher to the bill, accompanying Senator Thayer, chair-\\nman of the committee on enrolled bills, to President Grant for his sig-\\nnature. The President signed without reading. The National Intelli-\\ngencer published in Washington, thus records Gov. Bullock s feasting\\nover the result:\\nTlie celebrated Cafe Fraticaise was the scene on Wednesday night of a Bacchana-\\nlian feast, given by Gov. Bullock, in honor of liis triumpli over tlie people of Georgia,\\nto the aiders and abettors of the scheme. Wine flowed like water, and rich viands\\nwere greedily devoured in the midst of which the company gloated in fieudisli triuni])h\\nover the vengeance tliey had wreaked upon an unhappy and defenseless people. Wliat\\nmattered the expense? The people of Georgia would be made to foot tliis and many\\nother bills of like nature. With his bauds to the elbow in the State Treasury, Mr.\\nCarpet-h.agger Bullock can well afford to be sumptuous, aud to dine and wine, and feast\\nand flatter the men who have done big bidding on the floor of Congress. Whether or not\\nhe has inaugurated a gift enterprise, iu which these servile and traitorous Congress-\\nmen are to participate, we cannot say.\\nThe act directed the Governor of the State of Georgia by proclama-\\ntion to convene the legislature. Members must be required to take an\\noath that thoy had not shared in the rebellion after liolding an office, or\\nthat they had been relieved by Congress. Any one taking a false oath\\nshould be punishable for perjury. Any one hindering a member from\\ntaking the oath or acting as member after taking the oath, would com-\\nmit a felony. The exclusion of members for race or color was forbid-\\nden. The Governor was authorized to call for the military. And the\\nratification of the Fifteenth Amendment was required before senators and\\nrepresentatives could be admitted.\\nIt was a curious piece of legislative inconsistency, and evoked some\\nscathing criticism. The validity of the Fourteenth Amendment was par-\\ntially resting on Georgia s ratification as a State, and yet she was declared", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0531.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "424 GEORGIA ^ROFOU^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0DLY DEPKESSED.\\nnot a State, while the said ratification was claimed as good. The State\\nwas not allowed to be a State, and yet its ratification of the Fifteenth\\nAmendment was sought, the act of a State, before it should become a\\nStatQ. Such a blaze of political incongruities will find no parallel.\\nGov. Bullock called the legislature to convene on the 10th of ,Ian-\\nuary, 1870. In entire lack of authority from the act he signed this\\nproclamation as Provisional Governor. Gen. Terry was announced\\n^from Washington as commander of the district of Georgia, under the\\nReconstruction Acts, instead of as Department commander, in order to\\ngive him civil authority.\\nThe action of Congress excited a profound feeling. The year 1870\\nbegan in deep gloom for the people. The apprehension of calamity\\nwas wide spread and universal. While men had become wearied in\\ntheir very powers of indignation at Ihe recurring oppressions and\\ncaprices of reconstruction, they felt keenly this last stroke and regarded\\nBullock and his allies in the abhorred work with an intense loathing.\\nYet never did a people deport themselves with more dignity and\\npatience. The new reconstruction act had been drawn with great\\nshrewdness and forethought. The clauses imposing the penalties of\\nperjury for a false oath, and making it a felony to hinder men taking\\nthe oath, were meant, the one to intimidate Democrats, and the other\\nto strengthen timid Republicans. But by a curious reversal of results\\nthe felony clause was vigorously used to check the radical effort to\\nalarm the Democrats from taking the oath.\\nGov. Bullock immediately called upon Col. H. P. Farrow, the Attor-\\nney General, for an opinion, who gave a sweeping one, that no officers,\\nfrom Notary Public up, could qualify themselves. And to clinch this\\nruling, he got an approval of it from Gen. Terry. The whole policy\\nwas to deter and frighten enough Democrats from taking the oath\\nunder fear of a prosecution for perjury, to give in addition to the\\nnegro members, enough Republicans to control the Legislature. And\\nit will be seen that this policy was pursued to success under the most\\naudacious assumptions of unauthorized power, and daring disregard of\\nrights and law. The Democrats saw the drift and set to work to\\nremedy it.\\nA committee composed of members of the Legislature, including\\nboth Democrats and a few conservative Republicans, addressed a letter\\nto Chief Justice Joseph E. Brown, who had opposed every scheme of\\nunnecessary reconstruction, asking his view of the principle urged by\\nFarrow that Notaries Public, Road Commissioners, officers of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0532.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR brown s LETTER AGAINST THE CONSPIRATORS. 425\\nmilitia, officers of municipal corporations and State Librarians were\\ndisqualified from being members. Judge Brown responded, giving his\\nopinion, as questions about disabilities of Legislators could not come\\nbefore him as Chief Justice for adjudication. He made a strong, unan-\\nswerable argument, squarely antagonizing Col. Farrow, and demonstrat-\\ning that none of these officers were disqualified from being members.\\nTlie paper was a very able one, and had great weight. It was a heavy\\nblow to the Bullock wing, and gave them a good deal of trouble.\\nCol. Avery, editor of the Constitution, addressed a circular letter to\\na number of leading men, asking their views upon two points:\\n1. Upon the legal scope of the bill (the late act of Congress to promote the recon-\\nstruction of Georgia), and the full extent to which the General Assembly can go under\\nits provisos in disturbing the present State government.\\n2. What is the course that patriotic members of the Legislature should pursue for\\nthe interest of the State.\\nSome of the responses were very striking papers. Perhaps the most\\nremarkable of them all was from Hon. Thomas Hardeman. It was both\\na brave and an exceptionably able document. He put some very\\nunpleasant truths in fearless language. He said Democrats must quit\\ndefying Congress, stop the foolish non-action policy, cease driving rtien\\ninto the Republican ranks by denunciation, and adopt a kind and con-\\nciliatory course to the blacks. The reply of Chief Justice Brown urged\\nthat the legislature submit to tlie inevitable and promptly ratify the\\nFifteenth Amendment. Negro suffrage was already a fixed fact in\\nGeorgia. This Amendment made it a certainty in the North. The\\nobjection urged against the Chicago platform, on which Grant was\\nelected, was that it approved negro suffrage as good enough for\\nGeorgia, but not good enough for Ohio. Why should Georgia be shut\\nout from representation rather than impose negro suffrage upon those\\nwho put it on us. Judge Brown placidly referred to the verification of\\nhis prophecies of harsher terms for rejecting the original reconstruction,\\nand condemned the policy of non-action. He intimated his perception\\nof the purposes of the champions of additional reconstruction in these\\nsignificant words:\\nMany patriotic citizens believe they see in the present movement schemes of per-\\nsona! ambition and personal gain at the expense of the State. If they are right, it is\\nall important that every friend of Georgia, who is in a position to serve her, should be\\nat his post, to protect the public property, the public credit, and the public interest.\\nGov. Bullock made the blunder of his administration when he cut\\nloose from the calm, conservative, firm counsel of Gov. Brown. He", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0533.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "420 ATTEMPT TO INTIMIDATE DEMOCRATS.\\nwould have been kept in the rut of a safe, capable and honest govern-\\nment. He had the chance to make an administration of unprecedented\\npower and popularity. As it was he drove the conservatives of his own\\nparty away from him, he incurred the righteous hatred of his opponents,\\nand he steered the stout old vessel into the storm and upon the rocks.\\nCol. Warren Akin in his letter declared the expulsion of the blacks\\nand the seating of the next highest members to be mistakes. He urged\\nall elia ible members to attend and vote aprainst the Fifteenth Amend-\\nment. Gen. Wm. M. Brown said the law was irresistible, and the\\nDemocratic members should conform to its requirements. Judge Lin-\\nton Stephens, in a letter of great power, urged non-action. The Demo-\\ncratic E.xecutivc Committee met and conferred with a large number of\\noutsiders. The committee urged attendance, but gave no advice about\\nthe Fifteenth Amendment. Col. Nelson Tift urged the ratification of\\nthe Fifteenth Amendment.\\nThe Radical Central Committee convened and organized an aggres-\\nsive campaign of daring bluff. They declared that there were fifty\\nineligible Democrats. It was announced in the papers that the law\\nfirms of Lochrane Clark, Dougherty Culberson, and J. L. Hop-\\nkins had been employed to aid A. T. Akerman in prosecuting such\\nalleged ineligible members for perjury, if they dared to take the oath.\\nJudge R. H. Clarke and W. Dougherty denied such employment\\nfor themselves as individuals. Judge Hopkins acknowledged the\\nemployment, but disavowed any purpose to be a party to any political\\npersecution.\\nThe Democratic Executive committee met this with a counter decla-\\nration, that able counsel would be employed both to defend members\\nthus prosecuted, and to prosecute for felony those who should seek to\\nhinder tlieni from qualifying. It was a novel feature of the political\\nsituation that there should be this sort of cross-play of threatened pros-\\necution. Gov. Bullock subtly offered to aid any, who might be in\\ndoubt of their eligibility, in getting relieved by Congress of their disa-\\nbilities. Every effort was made to stiffen the backbone of the Demo-\\ncrats, but in spite of it all the Bullock strategy was partially successful.\\nThere never has been and never will be seen in Georgia annals such\\nanother wretched, humiliating, arbitrary, lawless farce as the reorgani-\\nzation of that Legislature, beginning the 10th day of January,. 1870.\\nThajt body had undergone two transformations. It was to pass througli\\na third, that violated decency and shocked every principle of law and\\nbond of precedent. It was the vilest travesty of legislative propriety", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0534.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "A FOREIGN STRANGER ORGANIZES THE HOUSE. 427\\never perpetrated in any time among any people. It had neither tlie\\nsemblance of law nor chivalry. It was a mockery of both legal and\\nmilitary honor. It was marked by the brutality of the sword and a\\njeering contempt of the statute. It kept up a repulsive comedy of\\nblended civil and soldierly harlequinism. It excited the derision of\\neven its supporters. It elicited the hot scorn of its enemies. It evoked\\nthe disdain of everybody. Men of respectability absolutely looked on\\naghast and bewildered at the cool audacity of the nameless outrage.\\nIt was a profanation of everything sacred in government. It sprung\\nupon the country a succession of surprises as fantastic and indefensible\\nas would be the pranks of so many ii-responsible monkeys. These are\\nstrong words, but not overdrawn. The conservative portion of the\\nRepublicans branded the outrages openly, while a congressional report\\nof a Republican House officially rebuked the whole proceeding.\\nWhen the members assembled, Gov. Bullock selected J. G. W. Mills\\nto organize the Senate, and A. L. Harris, one of the employes of the\\nState road, to organize the House. Harris was a western man of enor-\\nmous corporosity, weighing three or four hundred pounds, a cool,\\nhumorous, drj^-witted, careless giant, indifferent to abuse, keenly relish-\\ning the aljsurdities of the situation, and equal to any emergency. No\\nattack could ruffle, and no inconsistency of order disconcert him. He\\nwas an admirable selection for the odious and perplexing service\\nneeded. He obeyed orders implicitly, and held to his arbitrary role\\nwith a fine blending of pluck and fun. The organization was run\\nalong capriciously to suit the exigencies of radical necessity. Bullock\\nhoped that he had terrified enough Democrats off, with the re-seated\\nnegro members, to give an easy and safe Radical majority. The open-\\ning not only showed the Democrats unfrightened, but there was quite\\na sprinkling of the more moderate Republicans, headed by J. E. Bry-\\nant and Caldwell, who refused to go with the extreme men of their own\\nparty.\\nThis was an alarming surprise, but it was met daringly by Bullock.\\nHis resolve was to have no organization until he could get such a one\\nas he wished, and this programme was carried out to the letter. It was\\nthe richest puppet show of the age. The proceedings were interrupted\\nand adjournments ordered at any time. For days the farce was run of\\na fat,- jolly Westerner, a foreigner to Georgia institutions, a paid subor-\\ndinate of the State railroad, organizing a sovereign Assembly of\\nGeorgia Legislators at his imperial caprice, backed by Terry s bayonets,\\nsetting aside parliamentary law and the remonstrance of representatives,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0535.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "428 SENATOR JOSHUA hill s ironical speech.\\nwith a sportive sneer and an unappealable absolutism. Such a specta-\\ncle has no parallel save in the fantastics of reconstruction.\\nThe Hon. Joshua Hill in the United States Senate, in April, 1871, in\\na powerful speech against tiie admission of Foster Blodgett as United\\nStates Senator, made the following graphic reference to this outrage,\\nwhich shows that even an honest Republican sentiment revolted from it:\\nTliere is a gooil deal of curious liistory about the assembling of tljat Legislature\\nunder the act of Congress of December, 1869. It was a very memorable occasion in\\nGeorgia, a most remarkable event in its history. I happened to be a spectator of some\\nof the scenes that occurred tliere. They were curigus aud if it had not been for the\\ngravity of their cousequenres, they would have been ludicrous enough to have tempted\\nthe pen of a Cervantes or the pencil of a Cruikshanks. Wliy, sir, there sat on that occa-\\nsion, with the representatives of the people called together under this Congressional\\nact, a great ton of man, from the State of Ohio, I believe, or somewhere else, who,\\nenthroned like anotlier Falstaft, acting the part of King Henry IV. before his profligate\\nson, overawed and tlumdered into silence the representatives of the peojile. Who was\\nhe aud whence came he\\nMr. Sherman If that gentleman was from Oliio, I should like to know his name.\\nMr. Hill He is big enough to come from Ohio, from Porkopolis, or any wliere else.\\nHis name is Harris. Mr. Blodgett had been appointed, by tlie Governor of Georgia,\\nSuperintendent of tlie Western and Atlantic railway. As I am informed, Mr. Harris\\nwas the Supervisor of that great pulilic work, appointed by Mr. Blodgett, and by some\\nhocus-pocus, he appeared there on that occasion to organize this Legislature, taking his\\nchair of State, and looking as I fancy Norbary did when he rode the bloody assizes in\\n1798.\\nMen looked amazed aud aghast. If there were ev^r Ku Klux in Georgia, it occurred\\ntome that that was about the time they ought to have showed themselves\u00e2\u0080\u0094 when a\\nstranger, a man wholly a stranger to the Legislature, and almost to the wliole people of\\nthe State, appeared tliere, and occupied the chair of the Speaker, thundering ont his\\nedicts to the representatives of the people, ordering them to disjiorse and liegone to\\ntheir homes, adjourning tliem at liis pleasure and calling tliem back when he jileased,\\nand these obedient servants of the people going aud doing his behests Why, sir, the\\nscene was pitiable.\\nThe Senate swore in swiftly, and Benjamin Conley was elected presi-\\ndent. While the members were taking the oath, printed protests were\\noffered by the colored Senator Campbell, against a number of Demo-\\ncratic Senators qualifying, and the same thing was done in tiie House\\nby O Neal. It was confidently relied that the fear of prosecution\\nfor perjury by the Democrats against whom the protests were filed,\\nwould frighten them from qualifying, and it was a significant fact that\\nnegroes were selected to present these protests which really made their\\nauthors liable to prosecution for hindering members from swearing in.\\nBut the game failed, and a change of tactics became necessary. Mr.\\nConley, in his address on taking the presidency of the Senate, made as", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0536.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "STORMY SCENES. 429.\\nbitter a speech as was delivered during tlie whole reconstruction era.\\nHe denounced the good order of the State, savagely assailed the Demo-\\ncrats and intensified its hot blaze of rancor with this extraordinary\\nutterance:\\nThe Government has determined that in this repnblic, which is not, never was, and\\nnever can be a democracy, that in this republic Republicans shall rule.\\nIt must ever be among the unexplainable anomalies of that time that\\na man like llr. Conley, of evident and acknowledged personal integrity,\\nshould have become so warped, and said, and lent himself to, such grave\\ndeviations alike from good feeling and public rig-ht. It illustrates to\\nwhat extremes worthy men can go in partisan conflict.\\nIn the House there was a lively time the first day. Harris refused to\\nanswer questions upon points upon which he was unloaded, and curtly\\nnipped off suggestions. Bryant, before he was sworn in, objected to\\nreading Col. Farrow s construction of the Georgia bill. Harris called\\nhim to order. Bryant declared Harris had no authority to be where he\\nwas. Harris ordered the sergeant-at-arms to arrest Bryant. Bryant\\nrefused to be arrested, declaring this was an attempt to intimidate\\nmembers. Hinton and a son of Foster Blodgett attempted the arrest.\\nGreat excitement prevailed. A negro drew a pistol on Bryant. There\\nwere some violent harangues. Order was at length restored, and the\\nswearing proceeded.\\nAt length Bryant moved that J. H. Caldwell be made chairman of the\\nmeeting. The motion was carried in a storm of applause. Bryant\\nstarted with Caldwell to the chair, but Caldwell got alarmed and drew\\noff. Dunlap Scott nominated Bryant for chairman, which was carried.\\nBryant mounted a chair, and a motion being made to adjourn until ten\\no clock the next morning, he put the motion which was carried, and he\\ndeclared the House adjourned. He appointed Caldwell, Scott and\\nOsgood a committee to wait on Gen. Terry. Harris, cool and undis-\\nturbed, proceeded with his call of the roll. The committee returned\\nfrom a conference with Gen. Terry, who said that the attempt to read\\nFarrow s opinion was wrong. Harris refused to let the committee report,\\nand when he was charged with treating Gen. Terry with disrespect he\\nordered Scott to take his seat. Harris carried his authority with a high\\nhand. A messenger came in from the Executive department, and\\nwhispered to him, and he adjourned the House. A Radical caucus was\\ncalled to consider the situation. Another matter that created a lively\\ncomment was, that the proceedings were conducted with closed doors,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0537.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "430 A MILITARY COURT MARTIAL TO rURGK THE LEGISLATURE.\\nand parties had to get printed tickets of admission. And between\\nsessions Bullock kept the rolls of the House.\\nBut matters took a most startling turn when the roll of the House\\nwas nearly finished. Between the Conservative Republicans and the\\nunalarmcd Democrats the control of the Legislature by the Bullock men\\nwas in doubt. The strategy resorted to was desperate indeed. Like a\\nclap of thunder in a clear sky, an order was plumped into the General\\nAssembly, on the 14th of January, by Bullock, approved by Gen. Terry,\\ndirecting a recess until Monday the 17th, after the roll-call was finished,\\nfor inquiry into the eligibility of certain members. And following right\\non, taking the people s breath away, was a military order from Gen.\\nTerry, creating a board of officers, composed of Maj. Gen. T. H. Ruger,\\nBrig. Gen. T. J. Haines and Maj. H. Goodfellow, to inquire into the\\neligibility of Senators W. T. Winn, J. J. Collier, A. W. Holcombe, W.\\nJ. Anderson, B. B. Hinton and C. J. Wellborn.\\nWhen this astounding turn was given to affairs, it may well be\\nimagined how the public quivered in its indignation. This was recon-\\nstruction with a vengeance. The setting up of an absolute autocrat in\\nthe person of the gigantic Harris, to tyrannically twist as he pleased\\nthe organization of the elected representatives of a free people and a\\ngreat commonwealth, was a revolting usurpation. But great as was\\nthis wrong, it paled before the enormity of flagrantly violating the\\nvery law under which the reorganization was proceeding, which made\\nevery member the keeper of his own conscience in taking the oath, and\\nof seeking to purge the Legislature by a court martial. The law\\n])rescribed indictment in the Federal Court as the remedy for any\\nperjured qualification of members. And 3 et here was the bayonet\\ninvoked to mutilate the Legislature and thwart the solemn rijrhts of\\nthe people without a shadow of authority. It seemed as if this rang-\\ning abomination of reconstruction was to invent and enforce every\\niniquity and fantasy in the scope of an unbridled and malignant inven-\\ntion. And not the least curious thing of it all was that this miserable\\nbusiness of a crazy tampering with rights and laws, while evoking the\\nderision and contempt of everybody, and while condennied and repu-\\ndiated by Congress itself, was permitted to stand in its wanton exclu-\\nsion of legislators from their constitutional rights. Such crimes\\nagainst the government were like the defilement of sanctuaries. Our\\npeople shuddered and suffered them in impotent horror, and bestowed\\nupon Gov. Bullock and his coadjutors in the fell work an immeasurable\\nloathing.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0538.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "LEGISLATOES EXPELLED BY THE MILITARY. 431\\nThe Senators had as counsel before the Military Board, John Collier,\\nR. II. Clark, and George N. Lester. They made a protest against the\\njurisdiction of the Board. Attorney General Farrow conducted the\\nprosecution. After getting through with the Senators, the Board\\ntook up the Representatives. A committee of the Legislatui;e applied\\nto Gen. Terry to allow the Court to determine the questions involved.\\nThe Legislature was adjourned to a later date to await the investiga-\\ntion. The Board made the remarkable announcement, after a while, that\\nwhile it could compel witnesses to be present, it had no authority to\\nforce members to attend. The tremendous public odium against tlie\\nproceeding was having its effect. Senator Morton in a speech denied\\nthat President Grant had authorized the Board. Gen. Sherman said\\nthat Gen. Terry might have appointed a board of three citizens as well\\nas a board of officers, but still the mischievous and illegal commission\\npursued the tenor of its way. And only Democrats were the objects\\nof its inquisition.\\nOn the 35th of January, 1870, Gen. Terry sent in his order to the\\nHouse to the effect that R. A. Donaldson, E. M. Taliaferro and J. H.\\nNunn were ineligible, and prohibited them from qualifj ing, and that\\nJ. B. Burke, J. A. Brinson, A. T. Bennett, A. JL George, David Groff,\\nW. J. Hudson, D. Johnson, H. C. Kellogg, J. W. Meadows, J. H. Pen-\\nland, R. C. Surrency, J. R. Smith, H. Williams, .1. C. Drake, J. T. Ellis\\nand J. M. Rouse, having refused to take the oaths, and having filed\\nwith Gov. Bullock applications for relief of their disabilities by Con-\\ngress, admit thereby their ineligibility, and were therefore prohibited\\nfrom taking their seats.\\nOn the 28th an order was issued declaring Senators W. T. Winn and\\nAV. J. Anderson ousted, and E. D. Graham and C. R. Moore ineligible\\nbecause they had failed to qualify, and filed applications for relief.\\nSenator J. J. Collier had taken the oath, but applied to withdraw it,\\nand filed his application for relief, and was therefore declared ineligi-\\nble. Senator Winn had sold some beef to Confederate soldiers, for\\nwhich he was deprived of his high trust as a State Senator. Certainly\\nit would be difficult to find a better illustration of the tragic silliness\\nof this high-handed procedure.\\nThe result was that five Senators and Representatives were kicked,\\nout under this bayonet process, and nineteen frightened from taking\\ntheir seats. And months after, a correspondent of the Augusta Chron-\\nicle reported that some of the applications of the credulous gentlemen\\nwho had filed their applications with Gov. Bullock for relief from their", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0539.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "433 bullock s victory complete.\\ndisabilities, were lying in the Executive office. The mingled game of\\nintimidation and relief had been partially successful.\\nThe next step in the programme was learned from the Democrats\\nthemselves, and that was seating the next hig-hest candidates. Gov.\\nBullock recommended this, afraid to run the gauntlet of an election.\\nThe highest were seated. There were vacancies, but the Executive\\nwithheld orders to fill them by election for months.\\nThe next battle was over the election of a Speaker of tlie House, and\\nan important one it was. With a friendly presiding officer the Demo-\\ncrats had much to gain. Here, with an inexcusable blundering, they\\nthrew away the chance. Bryant was selected as the candidate of the\\nDemocrats and Conservative Republicans, and was defeated by R. L.\\nMcWhorter, because ten Democrats refused to go for Bryant. Five of\\nthem, Harrison, McArthur, Parks, Radish and Smith voted for Mc-\\nWhorter. V. P. Sisson threw away his vote on John Sm ith, and Rawls,\\nIrwin, Tumlin and Welchell voted for Price, who refused to be a candi-\\ndate. A personal collision occurred between J. E. Bryant on the one\\nside, and the Blodgetts, Tweedy and Fitzpatrick, in which they bruised\\nBryant.\\nThe victory of Bullock was complete. He had absolute control of\\nthe legislature. Thirty-one negroes re-seated, and twenty-four Demo-\\ncrats ousted and Republicans in their places made the General Assem-\\nbly overwhelmingly Republican. There was an under-current of move-\\nment running along concurrently with the public events that would be\\nvery interesting. The restless conflict of secret chicanery, the partial\\nsuccesses on each side, nipped untimely, would make a readable chapter.\\nThere is no doubt that Gov. Bullock s bold usurpations endangered his\\nofficial tenure. Several times the Democrats, by unity, had in their\\ngrasp control of the situation. Every conceivable influence was brought\\nto bear to destroy the compact integrity of the Democratic organiza-\\ntion. And sometimes honest weakness was as damaging as venality.\\nNothing will better show the spirit of the men controlling this body\\nthan the offering of a resolution, that only those reporters should be\\nallowed to be present that gave fair reports.\\nGov. Bullock sent in a message to the legislature that foreshadowed\\nthe balance of his comprehensive and revolutionary programme. He\\nwas certainly playing a bold and desperate game of ambition. The\\nmessage was an able one, but bitter as gall. It slandered the peaceful-\\nness of the State to the full. It argued that the State was simply a mili-\\ntary province, with a provisional g-overnment existing by caprice. The", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0540.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "EXTIIAORDIXAEY EECONSTEUCTION STRUGGLE. 433\\nwhole purpose of the message was to secure new United States Sena-\\ntors, and pave the way for getting Congress to prolong liis term, and\\nthe term of the legislature two additional j ears. He advised the rati-\\nfication of both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendment^, though the\\nFourteenth had already laeen ratified. But his theory was that there\\nhad been no reconstruction, that the first ratification was invalid, and\\nthat every thing must be done over again. The obedient legislature,\\nin spite of Democratic protest, ratified the Fourteenth and Fifteenth\\nAm-^ndmeiits, and the expurgation of the Relief clause in the Con-\\nstitution, anil adjourned until the lith of February. On the 1.5th of\\nFebruary tlie body elected a new batch of United States Senators. R.\\nH. Wliltely was elected in Dr. Miller s place, until March, 1811, and II.\\nP. Farrow in Joshua Hill s place, until March, 1873. The duty of select-\\ning a senator for the term ending March, 1877, belonged properly to the\\nnext General Assembly that would follow this one. This body was not\\nto be chouselled out of the privilege, and elected Foster Blodgett Sena-\\ntor for that long term. The legislature then adjourned on the 2nd, un-\\ntil the 14th of February.\\nThis extraordinary reconstruction struggle was transferred to the\\nHalls of Congress, and the new phases upon a national arena were\\namong the most notable of this racy farce. Bullock hurried to Wash-\\nington on the adjournment of the legislature, to eng-ineer his schemes\\nin person. He had been marvelously successful before. He was des-\\ntined this time to some hard defeats. Men cannot always succeed in\\nthe wrong.\\nThe .ludioiary Committee was instructed to inquire whether the\\nGeorgia Legislature was organized properly. Bullock had an uphill\\ntime. He found the set of things against him. Bryant, Osgood and\\nCaldwell were there opposing him actively. Bullock had Blodgett,\\nTweedy, Conley, John Rice and Judge Gibson giving- him aid. He\\nfinally left in disgust, and Judge Gibson made an argument for him\\nbefore the committee. The legislature re-assembled on the 14th, elected\\nSenators as we have stated, and adjourned on the 17th of February\\nuntil the 18th of April, 1870, to await the action of Congress.\\nGov. Bullock returned to Washington to resume his momentous\\nfigiit. He went at it with his gloves off. He invoked every influence\\nthat could purchase or win. The Slander Mill was put vigorously to\\nwork. He sought every aid possible. He argued before the com-\\nmittees. He enlisted every legislative power. A correspondent of the\\nNew York World reported that his expenses were $100 a day. The", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0541.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "434 BULLOCK DEFEATED IX THE HOUSE.\\nmatter excited a national interest. Tl.e ratification of the Fifteenth\\nAmendment was being delayed for tlie passage of the Georgia bill.\\nThere was no longer any motive to deal any farther harshness to\\nGeoro-ia The credentials of Whiteley and Farrow were presented m\\nthe Senate and withdrawn. Hill and Miller having been elected before\\nthe negro members were expelled, there was a decided disposition to\\nSGfl-t tlipm.\\nThe main fight that Bullock was making, however, was to have the\\nwhole thing declared provisional with a view to removing objectionable\\nofficers who had condemned the extreme measures of the Bullock\\ndynasty, and get Congress to make the term of the dynasty begin with\\nrestoration to representation. It was a heavy blow when the House\\nCommittee reported against every act of the re-organization of the\\nGeor-ia Leo-islature. It condemned the use of A. L. Harris, the seat-\\nin r o1 the next highest candidates, and the reference of the question\\nof eligibility to the Military Board. A warm discussion ensued m\\nthe House And finally the action was a grave defeat for Bullock.\\nThe bill was passed restoring Georgia with an Amendment of Mr.\\nBino-ham preventing interference with officers or prolongmg terms.\\nThe\\\\ill went to the Senate, and the struggle over it there was long and\\nsevere.\\nThe crushing disaster in the House nerved Gov. Bullock to renewed\\nefforts The man s persistence, resources and savagery, were phenom-\\nenal His o-ameness was worthy of abetter cause. He enlisted Forney s\\npaper to cirampion his project, paying his establishment 84,459 for work\\nand services. He had a delegation of the negro members of the Georgia\\nLeo-islature to visit Wasliington, and file a protest against the Bingham\\nAmendment, to whom he advanced $1,400 for expenses. He induced\\nthe neo-ro Senator Revels to make a speech against it. He got up a\\nlaro-e meeting in Washington. His expenditures in Washington ran to\\nUl 500, as elicited by the United States Senate investigating committee,\\nthat was appointed to look into certain charges of bribery that were\\nmade of which he showed the committee a considerable part spent on\\nprivate account. His hotel accounts alone were $1,868 for a few weeks,\\nas testified by the proprietors of ^Yilla^d s hotel.\\nThe oravest matter connected with this painful Georgia episode in\\nthe UnTted States Senate was, that the investigating committee, Messrs.\\nTrumbull, Edmunds, Conkling, Sherman and Carpenter, reported evi-\\ndence showing that improper means had been used to influenc^ the\\nSenate on this Georgia measure. Mr. James Hughes swore that Lewis", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0542.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "REPUBLICAN CONDEMNATION OF liULI.OCK. 435\\nPorter, assistant postmaster of Washington, told liim that $10,000 of\\nGeorgia railroad bonds would be put up to influence the vote of\\nSenator Carpenter on the Bingham Amendment. H. M. Atkinson, a\\nson-in-law of Senator Tipton, swore that a man named Gibbs offered\\nto give $1,000 if Tipton would vote against the Bingham Amendment.\\nTwo members of the committee, Stewart and Rice, dissent from the\\nmajority of the committee in censuring Gov. Bullock.\\nThis revolting matter created a profound sensation over the whole\\ncountry. The press dealt with Gov. Bullock severely. The New York\\nHerald pronounced it an infamous attempt to influence legislation.\\nThe Philadelphia Age spoke of the Georgia Conspirators. The\\nChicago 7V;\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00abs characterized the developments as scandalous facts.\\nThe Chicago Ti-ihunc, the leading Republican journal of the North-west,\\nwas very pungent, declaring the connection of Forney s Chronicle with\\nthe affair, disgraceful to journalism. The New York Commercial\\nAdvertiser, another Republican journal, thus discoursed:\\nThe people of the United States are just about siek of tlie name of Bullock. A\\nSenator remarked last week tliat Congress had Bullock on tlie hraiu.\\nSumner, Hamilton and Morton were the leaders on the Bullock side,\\nmaking bitter speeches. Morton especially delivered a truculent, bad-\\nspirited enunciation. Senator Hamilton of Texas, closed his speech by\\nsaying, that the people of the South were the most blood-thirsty set\\nof cut-throats God had ever permitted on his foot-stool. The reporter\\nstated, that Gov. Bullock of Georgia and Gov. Clark of Texas shook\\nhands with Hamilton on his conclusion. The Cotistitutioti made this\\ncommentary upon this incident:\\nThe thoughtful and fervent lover of his State sees matter for amazement in the\\naffair under any possible supposition creditable to the m.an. An hoiioralile and patriotic\\nspirit, giving credence to a state of public disorder that liard facts would not let him\\ndisbelieve, would mourn over the sad state of things, and seek its correction in a remedy\\nthat carried as little of shame to his people as possible. The exultation he exhiliited\\nover the mendacious expositions of the man Hamilton, finds a ])arallel alone in the\\nribaldry in which a drunk.ard might indulge over the grave of his father.\\nLet us turn the leaf over one of the most sickening pages of Georgia s history.\\nEdmunds, Norton, Carpenter and Ferry made biting speeches against\\nBullock s scheme. Senator Norton said:\\nWhen we are told that the Ku Klux Klan are ravaging that State, the Governor of\\nthat State is here in the Senate cliamber, lobbying and log-rolling to keep hinisfelf and\\nhis friends and his political party in power. Sir, let him go home\\nSenator Edmunds gave Gov. Bullock a severe punishment. Senator\\nFerry also used some very harsh terms in denouncing the measure.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0543.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "430 BULLOCK KETLKXS HUME SJIARTIXG.\\nSchurz and Trumbull followed in able speeches against the iniquity.\\nThe Senate passed, April 19, 1870, a substitute for the whole matter,\\nwhich recited that irregularities had existed in both organizations of the\\nGeorgia Legislature, and declared the government of Georgia pro-\\nvisional to continue under military rule, but that a new General Assem-\\nbly should bo elected on the 15th of November, 1870.\\nThe bill thus changed, went back to the House. The bribery investi-\\ngation in the Senate followed, holding up Gov. Bullock to the scorn of\\nthe whole country. Baffled and stung, smarting under the excoriation\\nof the ablest Republicans in Congress, Gov. Bullock returned to\\nGeorgia. The Legislature convened on the 18th of April, 1870, and\\nadjourned on the 4th of May, to take a recess until the Gth of July,\\nappointing committees to investigate the Governor and Treasui er, the\\nState Road and the penitentiary.\\nThe Bullock-Angier committee was Bethune, Shumate, Bell, Price\\nand Darnell.\\nThe State Road committee was Lee, Parks, Maxwell, Phillips and\\nTweedy.\\nThe fact is, that in the defamation of Georgia poacefulness it was\\noverdone upon the United States Senate, and resulted in horrifying\\nCongress to such an extent that there was a disposition to undo not\\nonly the State s reconstruction, but Bullock himself. The Senate bill\\nwent to the House. Four substitutes were offered for it. The measure\\nwas accommodatingly postponed ten days on Ben. Butler s account, at\\nhis request, as he was called away.\\nThe House Reconstruction Committee consisted of thirteen members,\\nof which Butler was chairman. It had four Democrats, Beck, Wood,\\nWoodward and Morgan, who stood gallantly to Georgia. Our people\\nowe a special debt of gratitude to Representative Beck of Kentucky,\\nnow Senator from that State. The committee adopted Butler s Georgia\\nbill by a majority of one on the 19th of May, 1870. Gov. Bullock\\nwas in Washington on the 16th, having been summoned to testify\\nin the bribery investigation matter. The new bill admitted the State\\nat once, leaving the question of the tenure of the Legislature an\\nopen one, to be settled in the State and not in Congress, and gave\\nthe Governor the power to organize the State militia. The bill was\\ntlie same as the acts admitting Virginia and Texas, save that the or-\\nganization of the militia was allowed. The measure hung until it finally\\npassed the House on the 24th of June, 1870, declaring Georgia en-\\ntitled to representation in the Congress -of the United States, allowing", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0544.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "GEOR\u00c2\u00abIA AT LAST RECONSTRUCTED. 437\\nthe organization of militia, but breaking tlie Bullock programme in this\\nclause:\\nBut notliing in this Act contaiued shall be construed to deprive the people of\\nGeorgia of the riglit to au election for members of tlie General Assembly of said State,\\nas provided for in the Constitution of said State.\\nThe bill went back to the Senate, was discussed and fought over\\nthere for weeks. It at last was amended and passed, the -amendment\\nagreed to by the other branch of Congress, and on the 15th day of\\nJuly, 1870, it was signed by President Grant. The act reads thus:\\nSec. 1. That the State of Georgia having complied with the Reconstruction Acts\\nand the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution of the United States,\\nhaving been ratified in good faith by the legal Legislature of the State, it is hereby\\ndeclared tliat tlie State of Georgia is entitled to representation in the Congress of the\\nUnited States, and nothing in this or any other Act of Congress shall be construed to\\naffect the term to which any officer has lieen appointed or any member of the General\\nAssembly elected as prescril)ed by the Constitution of the State of Georgia.\\nSec. 2. That so much of the Act entitled An Act making appropriations for the\\nsupport of the army for the year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purposes, approved\\nMarch 2, 1867, as prohibits the organizing or calling into service of the militia forces\\nin the States of Georgia, Mississippi and Te.xas, be and the same is hereby repeated.\\nThis ended Congressional action upon Georgia, though it failed to\\nquell the restless and disturbing demon of reconstruction, which threat-\\nened and toiled for new phases of interference.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0545.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XL.\\nTHE TWIN INFAMIES OF PROLONGATION AND FINAN-\\nCIAL MISMANAGEMENT.\\nThe Semblance of Free Ballot. Prolougatiou attempted iu tlie Legislature. Bullock s\\nSubtlety. His Message. Cougress Set AsiJe. Xo Election. Akermau and Far-\\nrow against Bullock. Deep Excitemcut. Prolongation Killed. The Grotesque\\nElection Scheme. Democratic Folly and Absenteeism.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Legislative Adjournment.\\nIts Obituary. Its List of Outrages. Tlie Kimball Opera House. Frauds. Re-\\nport of Legislative Committee on Bullock s Misrule. Proclamations. Pardons.\\nTheir Abuse. Wrongs of State Aid. Bonds Endorsed for Uncompleted IJailroad.\\nState Bonds Over-issued. Gold Bonds. Henry Clews. The State Road in 1870\\nunder Foster Blodgett. A Mountain of Infamy.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -Wholesale Siinandering and\\nThievery. Two Slillions Gone. The Road a Refuge for Tramp.s. W. L. Clark.\\nRacy Details of Plunder. N. P. Hotchkiss and Rigid Economy. Blodgett\\nand his Political Policy of the Road.\\nIt might have been reasonably supposed that the decisive action of\\nCongress, made law by the Presidential sanction, would have termi-\\nnated the matter in Georgia, and given quiet to the long-suffering\\nState. Prolongatiox, that most abominable of all the odious infa-\\nmies of reconstruction, had been expressly rebuked. Even the unspar-\\ning extremism of the day recoiled from this most antipodal graft upon\\nour free institutions, this perpetuation of dynasties afraid of the popular\\nwill. It is a noticeable fact that imder all of the tyrannies of recon-\\nstruction there was an underlying attempt to preserve the semblance\\nof the free ballot. Prolongation was simply the ugly, unredeemed\\nspirit and practice of despotism, and it was contemptuously crushed.\\nBut Gov. Bullock and his allies were not to be thus thwarted.\\nThe struggle for this loathsome thing was transferred to the Georgia\\nLegislature, and the most desperate and exciting conflict of this\\nunprecedented General Assembly, the battle of all its battles, that\\nfired more heat and made intenser rancor, was the one over pTolong-a-\\ntion. The movement was begun immediately. Gov. Bullock proved\\nhimself, through the whole stormy play of his term, an exceedingly\\nable manager. He was subtle and ingenious inventive in ruses, and\\nas audacious as he was diplomatic in execution. He addressed a brief\\nmessage to the General Assembly, which had convened on the Gth of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0546.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "ATTEMl T TO DEPRIVE THE PEOPLE OF AX ELECTION.\\n439\\nJuly, 1870, ill which he communicated the passage of the Act admitting\\nGeorg-ia, but said that Congress had adjourned without having admitted\\nour Senators and Representatives. He then proceeded to say that^\\nsection five of the reconstruction act of 1807 made tlie actual admission\\nof Senators and Representatives a condition precedent to the abroga-\\ntion of military authority, which would therefore continue until the\\nassembling of Congress in the winter.\\nThis cool setting aside of the recent act of Congress and attempted\\ncontinuation in force of the old act of reconstruction, stirred a deep\\nresentment. His message was signed Rufus B. Bullock. A flood of\\njeering badinage was showered upon him for thus dodging his title.\\nHe hid, in the first days, signed himself Provisional Governor, then\\nGovernor, and then Provisional Governor again, and in the non-\\ndescript exigency of this last condition he ingeniously put himself down\\nsimple Rufus B. Bullock; neither Provisional Governor nor\\nGovernor, but citizen Bullock, ruling a mongrel concern that was\\nhalf province and half state, and yet neither the one nor the other, and\\nto be kept shorn of sovereignty for the personal purposes of this Exec-\\nutive and his friends.\\nA measure was introduced that we should have no election. It was\\nfirst agitated in the Senate. The State rang with denunciations of the\\nwron r\u00c2\u00b0 Col H. P. Farrow, the Attorney General, published a letter\\na-raiirst it, thus splitting from Bullock. Chief Justice Brown resisted\\nit^with all of his energy. But Bullock and his friends pressed it with\\ngrim persistencv. He and they knew it was the only way to get a con-\\ntinuation of rule beyond their term. Never did men cling more stub-\\nbornly to power. It was a deliberate attempt to set aside the right of\\nelection and prolong office at the e.xpense of law, and in violation of\\nrio-ht and everv principle of our republican government; but tlus mat-\\ntered nothing. The unholy crusade to deprive the people of the ballot\\nand fasten the Bullock dynasty and legislature on the State for two\\nyears beyond the term for which they had been chosen, was persisted in\\nas an alleged right under the law.\\nThe Senate showed its resolute partisanship by admitting a man\\nnamed Wm. Henry, a minority candidate, in place of Senator B. R.\\nMcCutchen, who had died. The Senate then passed the prolongation\\nwron- by a vote of 21 to 14. The papers of the State for days kept\\nstanding in large capital letters the prolongation senators, in a column\\nheaded Roll of Infamy. The battle was transferred to the House.\\nMr. A. T. Akerman had been but a short time before (some time in", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0547.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "440\\nrEOI.OXGATIOX KILLED l;Y A CLOSE VOTE.\\nJune) appointed by President Grant, Attorney General of tl.e Unite!\\nStates in his cabinet. Col. Akennan, to his honor, rose above tlie\\npartisan aspects of the case, and wrote a powerful and unanswerable\\nopinion against prolongation, and took an emphatic view that the people\\nshould have the right of election in the fall. This document fell with\\nresistless force upon the public. On tlie 1 1th of August, IS ro, the vote\\nwas taken in the House, Chief Justice Brown working zealousl y against\\nthe wrong, and amid an unparalleled excitement, the measure was de-\\nfeated by a vote of 63 yeas to 73 nays, 12 Republicans voting with the\\nDemocrats.\\nThere never has prevailed at any time a deeper excitement than\\nthere was over this indefensible measure. Tiie writer believes that if it\\nhad passed the House and been approved by Bullock, its enforcement\\nwould have been resisted and there would liave been some sort of revo-\\nlution. The feeling was .intense. Congress and the Federal adminis-\\ntration had condemned it. And Bullock, not only in the very teeth of\\ntlie public wdl m Georgia but in reckless defiance of the policy of his\\nown party, was pressing this lawless and revolutionary scheme of hold-\\ning over. The people would certainly have resisted its execution\\nBut the trouble was not by any means over with this defeat. The fell\\nspirit of reconstruction assuiped protean shapes. With an exhaustless\\ninvention it took new forms. Prolongation was not only scotched, but\\nkilled and buried, and an election was a certainty. Tlie next effort of\\nGov Bullock was to tinker that election into suitable shape to enable\\nlis party tocontrol the State. The author of the scheme was reported\\no be Associate Justice McCay of the Supreme Court, and some ascribed\\nIt o Mr. Akennan Be this as it may, it was one of the most extra-\\nordinary election plans ever devised, combining the grotesque tvranny\\nof a bayonet machine with the more puzzling novelties of a metropoli-\\nan packing jugglery. This beautiful piece of partisan mischief was to\\nla tthi-eedays. This feature was borrowed from Reconstruction. It\\na lowed for the transfer around of the frequent voter. The Governor,\\nMththe advice of the Senate, picked three managers and the Ordinary\\nofVmT fT ^PP\u00c2\u00b0 -ere subject to fine;\\nof ^100 for failure to serve. This cumbrous and original device was\\nootained from no existing human experience in elections. No ballots\\ncoul. be refused, and no voter be challenged. This reversal of alt civil-\\nized laws in elections was another original astonisher. Only one man\\nat a tune could be at the polls, and the others must stand off in a line\\nhf.een feet distant, while stragglers mu.t hustle away fifty f^et The", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0548.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "AX ASTOUNDING ELECTION LAM 441\\nSheriffs were put under tiio absolute control of the managers. These\\nmanagers had plenary powers of arrest, and also could fine Sheriffs $100\\nfor contempt of their imperial orders.\\nReading the details of this odd, unprecedented, despotic scheme of an\\nelection, one can hardly get to the point of believing that any set of\\nsane men under a Republican government could solemnly have voted\\nby the forms of legislative sanction, a j^lot so preposterous, fantastic\\nand tj-rannous a scheme marked by such blended absurdity and viola-\\ntion of principle. The battle was tough over this monstrosity. It\\nexcited derision and resentment. It was denounced as it deserved. It\\nwas stilTly discussed, and opposed with intense heat. Chief Justice\\nBrown tin-ew himself against it, as he did every gratuitous oppression,\\nwith his whole soul. But it was all unavailing. Democratic absenteeism\\nand folly gave the victory to the Republicans.\\nA Democrat offered a resolution that a bare majority could suspend\\nthe rules. Before this it had taken a two-thirds majority to suspend\\ntlie rules. Without suspension a considerable time must have elapsed\\nbefore the bill could have been reached in its regular order. The\\nRepublicans immediately saw the value of this Democratic slip, as well\\nas the Democratic leaders. The inconsiderate mover requested to\\nwithdraw his motion, but the Republican presiding otTicer refused, and\\nthere happening to be a Republican majority the new rule was voted\\nthrough, and the election bill promptly taken up and passed, nine\\nDemocratic members being aljsent, while the majority was only four.\\nThis measure became the law in spite of all opposition and the popular\\ncensure.\\nOn the 25th day of October, 1870, the House adjourned sine die,\\nthough the Senate continued in session until the 6th day of December,\\ntaking a recess until November, the 21st. The two houses had disa-\\ngreed about adjourning, so a resolution was passed requesting the\\nGovernor to adjourn the House, on the 2.5th of October, and the Senate\\ntake a recess until 31st of November, to confirm appointments. Thus\\neven in the simple matter of a final adjournment, this body did some-\\nthing out of tlie ordinary custom. No deliberative body has ever\\nconcluded its sittings in the State under such a deep public execration.\\nThe writer at the time in the Co/istitifiion published the following\\nol)ituary, which expressed the popular feeling-, and evinces the temper\\nof that time, even among conservative men.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0549.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "4-42 OlilTL AKY Of THE RECOXSTRUCTION LEGISLATURE.\\nIN MEMORIAM.\\nPLAYED OUT.\\nOu the 25th Jay of October, 1870,\\nTiiE House of IIei-resestatites\\nof the\\nGeneral Assembly of Georgia for 1868, 69 and 70.\\nTlxis body\\nReceived its squelchmeut from tlie hands of\\nOne Rdfus B. Bullock,\\nIts Master,\\nWhom it served not wisely but too well\\nFor tlie State s good.\\nBorn of Desjiotism,\\nIt was a true chip of the parent block.\\nIT\\nWill be forever luminous in the\\nPHOSPHORESCENCE OF ROTTENNESS.\\nIt lived\\nBut as the tool of partisan viUainy,\\nAnd its disdained dissolution\\nCamo most fittingly\\nThrough the agency\\nOf the power that despised while using it,\\nAnd contemptuously killed it\\nThe moment its subserviency\\nCeased to be\\nProfitable.\\nRansacked History\\nCan show no parallel to this Hybrid\\nFor\\ncorrdptiox,\\nWeakness,\\nEffrontery,\\nIgnorance,\\nEvil Pliancy.\\nIt did its best and utmost of wrong faithfully,\\nand what liarm it left undone was\\nwhat it was not asked to do.\\nCriminal Speculators\\nWill mourn with tender grief\\nIts demise.\\nIT\\nHad one Idea,\\nTliat pervaded it ever and always;\\nAnd when the most of\\nIts members die.\\nThe winds\\nI", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0550.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "LEGISLATIVE KECONSTRUCTION OBITUARY CONTINUED, 443\\nWill siug it as their requiem,\\nAud Time will malic it glitteriugly\\nIiifamous,\\nTliat better tliau Honor, Country or God\\nThey loved\\nNINE .DOLLARS A DAY.\\nFor mouths\\nIt ucgjecteU business.\\nDoing tlie work of but a few days\\nAnd then in a few days, it hustled\\nThrough the work of months.\\nTo the State s vast\\nInjury.\\nIts Obituary\\nMakes so heavy a draft on Language\\nFor words of Wickedness\\nThat it can never be thoroughly written.\\nIt has emulated\\nApes\\nlu fantastic foUy.\\nIn ruinous aggression upon popular rights\\nIt has been as destructive as the\\nDEVIL.\\nIts monument\\nIs\\nAn incongruous heap\\nof\\nBroken Laws,\\nDebris of a sliattered Constitution,\\nOutrages upon liberty and sacred law,\\nSliameless scoopings in the Puljlic Treasury,\\nWild havoc with every interest of the State,\\nReckless trifling with the vital public credit.\\nAnd a rubbish pile of the\\nWorst Partisan Deviltry,\\nTliat\\nPolitical malignity aided by human\\nImbecility\\nCould abort.\\nIts twin master,\\nTlie Sen.ite,\\nStill holds its baneful sessions\\nTo carry out Executive behests.\\nAnd\\nWorry an oppressed Commonwealth.\\nBut\\nThe task of this Memorial\\nStaggers the pen.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0551.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "44-1 INIQUITIES OF THE EECOJfSTRUCTION LEGISLATURE.\\nHumanity\\nWoulil be proud to erase the sad record\\nOf this bodv.\\nFailiu;;?, however, iu tliis,\\nHuman nature exphiins to posterity\\nThe dread stifjnia\\nOf tins Legislature s depravity\\nBy cue word\\nRADICAL\\nThis Legislature was in session 338 days, and cost the State nearly\\none million of dollars, the accurate amount being $979,055. Its sessions\\nof 1870, alone, cost \u00c2\u00a752G,89L It had at one time 84 clerks and attaches.\\nThe pay was put at SiO a day, and was drawn for twelve days of recess,\\nas well as days of actual session, some of the Democrats, however,\\nrefusing to take per diem for the reccs.s. The expelled negro members\\ndrew some $28,938 of pay for the time they did not serve. As the\\nmembers holding their places drew per diem, there was thus a heavv\\namount of double pay made. And at every session after each recess,\\nno matter how short, this thrifty body drew mileage. Tiie mileag e bill,\\nduring the year 1870 only, amounted to the moderate sum of $G3,99G.04,\\nand the clerk hire $51,740. These figures make a startling record, but\\nthey are a consistent part of the picture of that unparalleled body.\\nTheir significance may be understood by comparison. Nine years of\\nDemocratic legislation, from 1853 to 18G3, cost only \u00c2\u00a78GG,385, or less\\nthan this single Radical General Assembly.\\nState aid was granted to twenty-eight railroads, aggregating the\\npledge of the State s liability for over thirty millions of dollars to more\\nthan 2,500 miles of road. A system of district courts was created,\\nexpensive and cumbrous. The new judicial circuits, the Albany, the\\nAugusta, and the Allapaha, were created. A pulilic school system was\\norganized, and Gov. Bullock appointed Gen. J. R. Lewis as the State\\nSchool Commissioner. The school fund, however, to the amount of\\n$327,000, was used for other purposes, leaving- the public schools unsup-\\nported, and the teachers to be paid by Gov. Smith s administration.\\nThe act authorizing the lease of the Western and Atlantic railroad,\\nintroduced by Diinlap Scott, was passed and approved, October 24, 1870,\\nand was one of the few really meritorious measures enacted. It is under\\nthis act that the present excellent Iea.sc was made. There were a number\\nof iniquitous measures to gobble the road, but they were thwarted.\\nThe resolution for the purchase of the Kimball opera house was\\npassed, August 19th, 1870, and approved, October 25th, 1870, and the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0552.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "THE KIMBALL OPEKA HOUSE PUUCIIASE. 4-45\\nresolution for the purchase of the residence of John H. James, for an\\nExecutive mansion, was approved October 27, 1870. Tlie first resolution\\naccepted the proposition of the city of Atlanta to donate 8130,000 of\\nits bonds, ten acres of unoccupied land, and an Executive mansion, free\\nof cost to the State for ten years, in lieu of the existing contract. The\\nState was to buy the State House from Mr. Kimball, the Governor to\\nissue seven per cent, bonds running 20 years, reserving enough bonds\\nto secure the \u00c2\u00a754,500 advanced to Kimball by Bullock. The resolution\\ndoes not mention the price to be paid by the State, but accepts Mr.\\nKimball s proposition, which was for $250,000 of State bonds.\\nA committee reporting upon the matter stated that the original hull\\nof the building cost the Opera House companj- that put it up, \u00c2\u00a783,000.\\nKimball paid 832,000 for it, and expended \u00c2\u00a7182,167.56 upon it. Add\\nthe \u00c2\u00a776,871 paid for heating, light and furniture, and the whole cost to\\nKimball was \u00c2\u00a7291,038.56, of which Bullock illegally advanced him\\n\u00c2\u00a754,500. Kimball received \u00c2\u00a7130,000 of Atlanta city bonds, said to be\\nworth then, \u00c2\u00a790,000, and \u00c2\u00a7250,000 claimed worth only \u00c2\u00a7225,000, mak-\\ning an actual cash value of \u00c2\u00a7315,000, or a clear profit to Kimball of\\n\u00c2\u00a723,961.44, at the depreciated price of the bonds. Estimating the bonds\\nat their face value his profit was \u00c2\u00a788,961.44.\\nThis whole State House matter has proven to be a source of mortifi-\\ncation and trouble. Every step was marked by wrong. Gov. Bullock\\nhad, without authority, advanced \u00c2\u00a731,000 to Mr. Kimball in doing what\\nthe city of Atlanta should have done. Though rebuked by the legisla-\\ntive committee and the House, Gov. Bullock repeated his unauthorized\\nact, and advanced \u00c2\u00a723,500 more to Kimball on the same account. When\\nthe sale was made there was a mortgage of \u00c2\u00a760,000 to the North-West-\\nern Life Insurance Company from Kimball, which was not paid, though\\nthe titles were made, and the full amount of purchase bonds paid and\\nreceived. This mortgage the City council of Atlanta had to pay, and\\nnow holds. The Mayor of Atlanta, Wm. Ezzard, gave a certificate that\\n\u00c2\u00a7130,000 of city bonds were due on the Opera House, the bonds to be\\npaid to the holder of the certificate. This certificate was untrue, in\\nfact, as by an arrangement with ilr. Kimball, only \u00c2\u00a7100,000 of bonds\\nwere to be paid. He had already received \u00c2\u00a730,000 of rent bonds, of\\nwhich he had used \u00c2\u00a710,500, and at the purchase returned the balance,\\n\u00c2\u00a719,500. This certificate, by written agreement, was turned over to\\nGov. Bullock to hold until the \u00c2\u00a760,000 mortgage was paid. The mort-\\ngage was not paid and the bonds were used by Mr. Kimball against the\\ncontract, and in neglect of the State s interest.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0553.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "4-10 THE KIMISALL OPERA HOUSE rURCUASE CONTINUED.\\nBut tills is not all. At the time the legislature passed the reso-\\nlution of purchase there were only currency bonds, and these were\\ntherefore the consideration. At the greater value of gold securities,\\nthe State would pay fully \u00c2\u00a730,000 more in them than in currency\\nbonds. Gov. Bullock first gave the currency bonds to Mr. Kimball, and\\nthen, afterwards, the gold bonds to be exchanged for the currency\\nbonds. The exchange was never made, andthtis, not only was the illegal\\npayment of gold bonds made, but both sets of bonds were used bj- Mr.\\nKimball.\\nThe $54,500 advanced to Mr. Kimball by Gov. Bullock was to be re-\\ntained by Gov. Bullock, under the resolution of purcliase of the legisla-\\nture. This was not done. The committee of the legislature of 1872,\\nE. F. Hoge, S. A. McNiel, W. IL Payne, C J. Wellhorn and John C.\\nNicholls report that the whole testimony touching the Opera House\\npurchase the\\\\ believe,\\nEstablishes, bevoiul iloubt, not only the official corruption o\u00c2\u00a3 Gov. Bullock, but bis\\nvenality.\\nThe legislature of 1873 appointed committees that made tliorough in-\\nvestigations of Gov. Bullock s administration. These committees were\\ncomposed of conservative, conscientious men. The investigations were\\nconducted under oath, and were full. The statement of the facts of\\nGov. Bullock s rule are taken from tlie official reports.\\nThe committee, whose report we have quoted about the Opera House,\\nfurther state that Gov. Bullock permitted Mr. Kimball to borrow\\n$255,000 in ihe name and upon the credit of the State, and to retain\\nthe money in his hands. They report 8776,834.09, as Gov. Bullock s\\npersonal special account with the Georgia National Bank, in wliicli\\nwere mingled State and private money of Bullock and Kimball. They\\nfurther report that during Gov. Bullock s administration, he paid for\\nExecutive orders and proclamations published in forty-two papers the\\nvast sum of S143,397. Proclamations of reward would be followed by\\nproclamations of pardon of the same criminal after his capture and\\npayment of the reward. Proclamations of reward were published after\\nthe capture of the criminals. The committee reported that $49,361.75\\nhad been spent in lawyers fees by Gov. Bullock. They further report\\n523 cases of pardon by Gov. Bullock, including 566 persons, many\\nbefore conviction, and some cases of brutal murderers. Some of the\\nGovernor s political household were engaged in pardon brokerage.\\nAmong the pardons granted was one to V. A. Gaskell, given in antici-\\npation of prosecution for violating section 4,402 of the Code of 1868,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0554.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "4-47\\nRAILROAD I .OXD FRAUDS.\\nhe bavins paid the State Treasurer money to sign certain railroad\\nbonds. The committee use this language:\\nwi,-, nWin,r ami encoura-in- coini.laints to the Federal fcovernment of couutlcss\\nr fu n rpe e.a For th cir heinousuess upon the hnaginatio. of those\\ncrimes, many of tliem (lepenuLu T!,,llock wrenchea open, with the\\n:::t: ^^^.S^r:;:. our peop,e Ao... of ,.ur,leror. hur.lars and thieve.\\nThe abuse of the pardon power was one of the strongest charges\\nao-ainst Gov. Bullock. In the matter of the unauthorized endorsement\\nof rli la^l bonds, Gov. Bullock, according to the commrttee, commit ec\\nhis ..ravest and largest breach of official trust. And they note the\\nfactlhat all of these illegal endorsements were done in the rnterest o\\nC oads of which Mr. Kimball was President. The Brunswick and\\nAllany railroad was the cap-stone of these frauds. The enormous sum\\nof $5,210,000 of State bonds and endorsements were g ^y G^\\nBuUoLk to Mr. Kimball on bonds of this road. The law of State Ad\\nfeied the road to be completed to get the State s endorsement twent\\nmiles at a time. The sum of 81,098,000 of bonds were issued illegalh,\\nfor which there was no road completed; and even where the road was\\ncomplete, the endorsement was in advance of the work\\nTie Balnbridge, Cuthbert and Columbus railroad bonds were endorsed\\nbv Gov Bullock to the amount of SG00,000, yet not one mile of road\\n.:as ever completed by the laying down of cross-ties or\\none dollar ever invested in the road by private parties as the Con i-\\nlon required. The Cartersvllle and Van Wert railroad and the\\nCherokee railroad were the same railway, and enpyed thus a double\\ninstallment of bonds, one of $275,000 and the other of $300,000.\\nWhen three and a half miles were completed the governor, who\\ninspected the road in person, accommodatingly gave Mr. I-mbaU hi\\nendorsement upon the whole road. The name of the road was change\\nto the Cherokee Road, and a new set of $300,000 of bonds was asked\\nand obtained to take up the first set. The exchange was never made,\\na^d both sets of bonds used, as in the case of the Opera House bonds\\nIn the matter of State bonds the same spirit of disregard of law and\\nreckless extravagance was shown. There was needed some $300,000\\no p y the legisfature, and Gov. Bullock issued two millions of currency\\nlondf to rais: the money by hypothecation. These \u00e2\u0080\u00a2^-^---^f\\nunder the Act of August 27, 1870. An act was passed September 15,\\n18 authorizing the issue of gold quarterly bonds to take up the cur-\\nenc^ bonds and for other purposes. Gov. Bullock issued three millions", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0555.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "448 iiEXRY clews famous account.\\nof these bonds, largely in excess of any need. The gold bonds were\\nput out, but a million and a half of the currency bonds were left\\nuncanceled. Henry Clews had $800,000, and Russell Sage \u00c2\u00a7530,000 of\\nthe dead currency securities. Jlr. Kimball used \u00c2\u00a7l;iO,000 of them to\\nget a loan of $50,000 from the firm of J. Doorman Johnston Co., and\\n$50,000 for a loan of $35,000 from the Fulton Bank of Brooklyn. Both\\nMr. Clews and Russell Sage, though receiving ample gold bonds to\\nsecure them, refused to give up their currency bonds. The committee\\nsays that it is forced to the conclusion that a jjortion of this money was\\nraised for the private account of Mr. Kimball.\\nOf the three million gold bonds, $1,750,000 were placed with Clews;\\n$500,000 with Russell Sage to secure a loan of $375,000; $300,000 with\\nthe Fourth National Bank; A. L. Whiton $100,000; $350,000 to H. I.\\nKimball on the Opera House, and $100,000 to J. H. James for the\\nExecutive mansion. Mr. Clews presented his account. He sold\\n$1,650,000 of gold bonds for $1,432,330. He had claims against the\\nState of $1,489,384.04, of which $41,001.78 was interest, and $03,995.30\\ncommissions, making the handsome interest and commission account of\\n$134,057.08 for handling less than a million and a half dollars. Of\\nthis account, $009,193.78 was paid on notes and drafts of Gov. Bullock\\nand Foster Blodgett in violation of law, and $377,000 was paid on\\naccount of the State Road. The sum of $10,087 was paid by Clews to\\nnewspapers. Add to the enormous commissions the loss of $211,500\\nupon the face value of these bonds, and we see the State out $350,000\\nthrough Clew.s.\\nGov. Jenkins had negotiated three millions of bonds at a cost of\\n$1,110, and with an advertising bill of only $931; selling our securities\\nat ninety-five cents. When Gov. Jenkins did this, gold was $3 pre-\\nmium, while when Gov. Bullock was mismanaging our finances, it was\\n$1.13 premium.\\nIt would require a volume to detail the particulars of the mismanage-\\nment of Gov. Bullock s financial administration. It would not be an\\nexaggeration to say, that there was hardly anything about it right.\\nThere was one unbroken continuation of violations of law and bold\\nextravagance. Treasurer Anarier and the Atlanta Constiltttion fought\\ninch by inch this financial misgovernment. The bulk of the irregulari-\\nties did not come out until the long and exhaustive legislative investi-\\ngation evolved them, but there was a great deal that was discovered and\\nopposed, and clearly ventilated.\\nThere is one subject that has not been touched, that was the great", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0556.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "THE HUGE STATE ROAD FRAUD. 449\\nunapproachable sum of all villainies. The State road, for 1870, furnished\\na companion pretty nearly to the famous Yazoo fraud. Maj. Campbell\\nWallace had taken the road under Gov. Jenkins, and made a brilliant\\nadministration. He regenerated it with a masterly skill. It was in\\nruin. He restored it. His net earnings for the year 1SU7 were $330,202.\\nCol. E. Hulburt ran the road in 1869, commencing August, 1868, doing\\na fine business, and making regular payments into the State treasury,\\nuntil the last month or two, when he was hampered. The treasurer of\\nthe road was William W. Clayton, a gentleman of large business expe-\\nrience and shining integrity. In July, 1809, against Ilulburt s earnest\\nprotest, Mr. Clayton was removed, and Foster Biodgott made treasurer.\\nHulburt was a professional railroader, and took pride in making a good\\nadministration, and he remonstrated that Blodgett was not regarded\\nby the people of Georgia as a man of integrity, and he believed him\\nto be an unprincipled man.\\nOn the first day of January, 1870, Hulburt was removed, and Foster\\nBlodgett appointed superintendent of the State road, liolding the\\nposition until the 27th day of December, 1870, lacking a few days of\\nmaking a year. In the annals of railroading there has been no such\\ntravesty of railroad management. Blodgett knew nothing of railway\\nsuperintendency. Add to this ignorance the ingenious and wholesale\\nutilization of the road as a pure partisan machine, and, as can well be\\nconceived, the circumstances were perfect for a stupendous botch of\\nadministration. But the reality surpasses any possible ideal of perverted\\nhandling. Results will best describe the mismanagement.\\nThe road was in fine order. The receipts during Blodgett s adminis-\\ntration were, $1,464,737, out of which 145,000 only was paid into the\\nState Treasury. Hulburt turned over to Blodgett, $109,131, making\\n$1,573,868 that Blodgett had during the year. This amount, except\\nthe $45,000, was spent during the twelve months. Just before Blodg-\\nett s superintendency ceased, he represented to the legislature that\\nthe road was in such a condition as to need half a million of repairs.\\nAnd he left a legacy of some $000,000 of debt in round numbers, that\\nwas afterwards paid by the State. This made the incredible aggregate\\nof over tioo millions of dollars spent in one year, with the road so run\\ndown as to need another half million to repair it properly.\\nThe details of this vast mismanagement are picturesque. Unauthor-\\nized offices were created. The road was packed with political em-\\nployes, and made the refuge for party tramps. In 1809 the party roll\\nshowed 743 men. Under Blodgett there were 1,442 names, or an\\n29", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0557.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "450 PICTURESQUE DIJTAILS OF THE GREAT STATU ROAD FRAUD.\\nincrease of C99 useless officers fed at the public expense for partisan pur-\\nposes. The increased pay roll was \u00c2\u00a7178,574 over 18G9. JIany men\\nwere paid who rendered no service whatever, others were members of\\nthe legislature, and others in other business wholly incompatible with\\nany work on the road. Hundreds of thousands of dollars of legitimate\\nexpenses were left unpaid. The investigating committee of the legis-\\nlature of 1872, reported 1499,90.3 as due from plundering officers and\\nother sources. Attachment suits for $3GG,274 were brought in Fulton\\nSuperior Court. And thirty-three indictments were found for various\\ncrimes, including two against Gov. Bullock, one for cheating and\\nswindling, and the other for larceny after trust.\\nW. L. Clark made a minority report that was a very clever piece of\\nwriting. It was a semi-satirical, humorous and shrewd presentation of\\nthe matter from a Repulilican stand-j)oint. Ho frankly owned that a\\ngreat number of petty frauds were clearly proven. One of the leading\\nfrauds was the Tennessee Car Company swindle. Mr. E. X. Kimball\\nwas the manager of the Car company, and made contracts and received\\npay for some fifty-six box cars, to the amount of $42,500. No such cars\\nwere ever delivered, and Gov. Bullock, Foster Blodgett and E. N.\\nKimball were indicted for cheating and swindling. Tliis was one of\\nthe cases which was clearly made, but Gov. Bullock was not proven\\nconnected with it, and was therefore acquitted. Mr. Clark surmised\\nthat the parties did not intend to defraud the state, but their enter-\\nprises miscarried, money was needed to bridge over a chasm, and this\\nquestionable plan was devised for raising it.\\nThe main point of this sharp-witted minority report of Jlr. Clark was\\nthe showing that Democrats as well as Republicans had shared in the\\nrobberies. The figures were ingeniously arranged and interesting.\\nThe Republican pickings in the matter of law fees were $15,480, and\\nthe Democratic $48,247. The printing given to Republican journals\\nin 1870 were $19,103, and to Democratic papers, $32,904. Of\\n$1,580,188 that he said was paid, $035,018 was traceable to Republicans,\\nand $809,580 to Democrats. Of clearly proven fraud, however, he\\ntraced $113,442 to Republicans, and $50,703 to Democrats. Clark\\nclaimed for the Republican administration that it gave liberal rates, and\\nfinally took the road out of politics. But he candidly owned this in\\nregard to what he calls the record of crime and shame.\\nThe examination Ii.is conclusively sliown that tlie late snperintendent w.is a liad\\nman, and utterly unworthy of the trust confided to him hy tlie Governor, and of the\\nconfidence reposed in him liy the Republicans of the State. lie not only defrauded the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0558.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "FURTHER RICH ITE^rS OP RAILWAY MISJIAXAGEMEXT. 4.51\\npeople of their money, hut the demornllzation of liis example ivas felt throughout the\\nsocial and basiness and political circles in which he moved.\\nThis is strong opinion to come from a Republican source. It may not\\nbe uninteresting to mention some of the specific matters of varied fraud\\nthat marked this redeemless year of railway misrule. Receipts for\\n$7,296 of lard oil were forged in the name of A. J. Orme. A. L. Harris\\nwas paid $3,760 for a worthless railway switch. Receipts for $1,850\\nin the name of L. B. Langford were forged. Large numbers of Ten-\\nnessee negroes were carried free down to Atlanta to vote. Accounts for\\n$.3,000 for boarding hands were raised to $8,923. E. S. Nixon, local\\nagent at Chattanooga, caused a freight blockade, by giving preference\\nto his own freight bought on speculation. Bogus names were placed\\non the pav roll and money drawn for them. Col. Hulburt testified\\nthat Gov. Bullock wanted him to advance money from tlio State Road\\nTreasury, to jaurchase the JVe/in Era newspaper. And finally, in 1870,\\n$7,000 of money for this purpose was raised on State road fraudulent\\npassed bills. City Directories, for 1870, to the amount of $300 were\\nbought. During the year 1870, a committee of the Bullock legislature\\ninvestigated the road, and the bill for liquor, cigars and music for this\\nfestive set of inquirers was only $1,6.50, including some fifty gallons of\\nwhisky, fifteen gallons of sherry, 7,100 cigars and fifty-seven dozen\\nlemons.\\nThese unique specimens of the minor frauds will afford some contep-\\ntion of the ingenuity of grotesque swindling that continuously marked\\nthis unequaled year of State railroad mismanagement in the wonderful\\nyears of reconstruction. Several humorous incidents will gracefully\\ncap this rich chronicle. Mr. Blodgett stated with an inimitable humor\\nthat he took charge of the road to manage its public and political\\npolicy. This was only surpassed in its dry wit by the response of the\\nAuditor, N. P. Hotchkiss, who made a reply that became ludicrously\\nhistoric to the question as to how he managed to. save up twenty or\\nthirty thousand dollars in a year or two, out of a two or three thousand\\ndollars salary. Said this thrifty person by the exercise of the most\\nrigid economy.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0559.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "i CHAPTER XLI.\\nTHE DOWNFALL OF THE RECONSTRUCTION REGIME AND\\nBULLOCK S RESIGNATION AND FLIGHT.\\nBullock s $25,000 Libel Suit against tlie Atlanta Constitution. That Paper refuses Bul-\\nlock s Proclamation. State Democratic Convention. The Democratic Executive\\nCommittee. Linton Stephens Difference with the Committee. The Election.\\nA Democratic Legislature. Congressmen. Howell Cohb s Death. Chief Justice\\nBrown s Noble Eulogy. .Joe Browu and Ben Hill. Hill s Letter of Submission to\\nthe Amendments. The Harsli Ordeal of Public Odium he Underwent. Touching\\nUtterances. The Lease of tlie State Road. Chief Justice Brown Resigns. 0. A.\\nLochraneas Chief Justice. The Kimball House. An Historic Landmark of Recon-\\nstruction. The Desperate Situation of the Bullock Re gime. Gathering Troubles.\\nFoster Blodgett Fails to get in as United States Senator. Senator Joshua Hill. The\\nGreene County Presentments and McWhorter. The Ku Klux Investigation.\\nSeeking the State Crucifixion. Impending Cr.ash. The Brunswick and Albany Rail-\\nroad Tumbles. Gov. Bullock s Resignation and Flight. Seven Days Prej)aration.\\nBenjamin Conley Sworn in as Governor. Gov. Bullock s Aspersion of the Legisla-\\nture. Lively Comment on the Hegira. Gen. Toombs. No Bleeding Martyr, liut\\na Spavined Rogue. Bullock s Criminal Prosecution. Requisition for Bullock.\\nHis Arrest and Final Acquittal. Review of his Administr.ition.\\nA MATTER much comiiientctl upon at the time was a libel suit for\\n$25,000, brought by Gov. Bullock against the Atlanta Constitution, to\\ncheck that paper, if possible, in its zealous warfare upon the wrongs of\\nhis administration. But the suit simply evoked derision, and .stimu-\\nlated the paper to greater activity of opposition. This journal also\\nrefused to publish Gov. Bullock s proclamations, denouncing thefr\\nextravagance. This course brought a warm fusillade from a large\\nportion of the Democratic press. Not until Gov. Smith was elected as\\nthe Executive, did the Constitution take one dollar of any sort of pa-\\ntronage from the administration. This course gave that journal a\\nstrong hold upon the affections and confidence of the people.\\nOn the 17th day of August, 1870, a Democratic convention was held\\nin Atlanta. Gen. A. H. Colquitt was made President, and on the same\\nday he was chosen President of the State Agricultural Society. This\\ntwo-fold honor, voluntarily tendered by two representative bodies, the\\nfarmers and public leaders of the State, was a public tribute of which", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0560.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "LINTON STEPHENS. 453\\nany man could be proud, and evinced the popular appreciation of this\\nworthy son of an illustrious sire.\\nThe convention had 300 delegates from 109 counties. Among the\\nmembers were Thomas HardemJin, Jr., W. S. Holt, A. O. Bacon, S. A.\\nCorker, P. Thweatt, Wm. M. Browne, J. S. Boynton, C Peeples, D.\\nScott, R. E., Lester, E. F. Hoge, J. Collier, N. Tift, R. N. Ely, L. N.\\nTrammell, Geo. Barnes, J. R. Randall, A. R. Wright, A. H. Colquitt,\\nW. A. Hawkins, Linton Stephens, W. M. Reese, A. R. Lamar, J. L.\\nSeward, A. R. Lawton and J. Hartridge. Among these were two\\nyoung men of promise. E. F. Hoge of Atlanta has since been in the\\nGeneral Assembly, and shown himself to be a person of substantial\\nability and decided character. James R. Randall is one of our genuine\\npoets, who, as the author of My Maryland, has won an enduring\\nfame. That poem will last while the English language is spoken. Mr.\\nRandall has been one of our most gifted and scholarly newspaper men,\\na writer of singular and vivid power, and at present, as one of the edi-\\ntors of the Augusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist, one of the\\nornaments of Georgia journalism.\\nThe resolutions of the convention were drawn by Linton Stephens,\\npledging the Democracy to stand on the unchangeable principles of a\\nconstitutional government, and to overthfow a corrupt state adminis-\\ntration. No speeches were made, greatly to the disappointment of the\\nRepublicans, who hoped for some indiscreet utterance for political capi-\\ntal. An E.Kecutive Committee was appointed of L. Stephens, J. Hart-\\nridge, J. T. Clarke, M. J. Crawford, J. Jackson, A. Reese, W. M.\\nBrowne, and R. A. Alston.\\nLinton Stephens was elected Chairman, and R. A. Alston, Secretary.\\nJudge Stephens accepted the chairmanship in a ringing letter, in which\\nwhile he acquiesced in the prevalent idea that none but eligible men\\nshould run for State oflSces, he took the ground that for Congress some\\nineligible candidates should be nominated and elected to make an issue.\\nThis letter struck the Democratic leaders of the State unfavorably,\\nand a hot di-scussion was precipitated, the majority of the press dis-\\nagreeing with Judge Stephens. In a few days Judge Stephens pub-\\nlished an eloquent and masterly letter defending his views, but refused\\nthe chairmanship because he vinderstood there was not a quorum\\npresent when he was chosen chairman. Col. Clifford Anderson was\\nthen made Chairman.\\nThe election came off, and in spite of the e.xtraordinary facilities for\\nthe administration to control it, the result was a sweeping Democratic", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0561.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "ioi JOSEPH E. BliOWX AXD HOWELL CVUU.\\nvictory. The wrongs of Bullock s rule had been so strongly presented\\nand pressed, that in many cases Republican candidates for the Legis-\\nlature in the wliite belt were compelled to repudiate the administration.\\nThe following congressmen were elected: D. M. Du Bose, Thos. J.\\nSpeer, P. M. B. Young, A. T. JMcIntyre, J. S. Bigby, W. P. Price and\\nNelson Tift. But R. H. Whitoley was seated in Tift s place., The only\\nDemocrats of this delegation were Young, Price, Du Bose and Mclntyre.\\nThe year 18?0 was prolific in startling events. Gen. Howell Cobb\\nfell dead suddenly in New York from a stroke of apoplexy. His death\\nshocked the State. Perhaps the most striking tribute paid to him was\\nby Chief Justice Joseph E. Brown in the Supreme Court. The eulogy\\nupon the distinguished deceased, by the presiding officer of this august\\ntribunal, was a noble attestation to the character and greatness of Gen.\\nCobb, and it was especially touching in view of the strong animadver-\\nsions made by the dead in his life upon the eulogist. Referring ten-\\nderly to the harsh conflicts of sentiment. Judge Brown added these\\ngraceful and honoring words:\\nAll these iliffereuces, which grew out of coufiicting opinions on puhlic policy, in\\ntimes of high political excitement, and producing alienation and estrangement, are\\nevanescent and soon pass away. In the grave they are forgotten. And when under\\nIJiviue Providence, one party precedes tlie other, for a little while to that habitation,\\nwhich awaits all the living, they are never remembered and cherished by any honorable\\nand generous survivor.\\nChief Justice Brown had made large advances in regaining the esteem\\nof the public so rudely torn from him. His condemnation of Bullock s\\nschemes had shown the people that his position of acquiescence in recon-\\nstruction was conscientiously taken for the public good as he saw it, and\\nthat under an overwhelming pro-vocation of unmerited and scathing\\npublic odium he had stood firm against the unnecessary and gratuitous\\nindignities his unwelcome political allies had sought to put upon the\\nState. His great ability and dignity upon the Bench, and lustrous\\njudicial integi ity, had made him an ornament to the State s judiciary.\\nThe popular passion had begun to subside, and men were learning to\\ndiscriminate between the reluctant Republicanism born of sincere, pub-\\nlic spirit, and the partisanism begat of venal ambition and looking to\\nunlicensed power and an unctuous plunder.\\nIt was a curious coincidence that while this distinguished and unsur-\\npassable Georgian was emerging from his baptism of obloquy, another\\nbrilliant citizen, who had been foremost in the unsparing excoriation of\\nChief Justice Brown, was himself suffering the same political crucifi.xion", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0562.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "BENJAMIN II. IIII.L GOES TIIllOLGII THE SHADOWS. 455\\nfor the same kiml of public opinion, that had brought Brown into cen-\\nsure. Hon. Benjamin H. Hill issued an address on the 8th of Decem-\\nber, 1870, to the people of Georgia, in which he took ground that the\\nabhorred amendments were in fact, and would be hold in law, fixed\\nparts of the national Constitution. Usurpation, the most glaring, suc-\\nceeding, became law. It may have been criminal was criminal to ?.id\\nin committing the usurpation; it is crime itself to break the law. His\\nconclusion was, that we had a new National Constitution, with new and\\nenlarged powers of government, cstaljlishing new and dilTerent relations\\nbetween the General and State governments. And he urged the duty\\nupon the Southern people to obey the new Constitution, to protect\\nnegro suffrage, and to cease quarreling over the divisions on the prin-\\nciples and events which led to the existing condition.\\nThis address fell upon the State like a clap of thunder on a clear day.\\nAnd for years Mr. Hill walked through the valley of shadows. He was\\nlampooned, abused, and howled at. Ho was called Radical; accused of\\nselling out to the Republicans; of changing politics with a view to\\nelection to the Senate, by a Republican legislature; and a thousand\\nother hard criminations. For years he fought against public odium\\nas Gov. Brown had done. It looked as if he was politically shelved.\\nHis best friends turned upon him. His ordeal was not altogether as\\nsevere as Gov. Brown s, but it was a harsh one, and his recovery was a\\nstriking instance of political vitality-. He made a public speech in\\nFebruary, 1873, that contained some peculiarly pathetic sentences.\\nSaid he:\\nI freely state that my jiolltical life is au enigm.a.\\nHe added after in a burst of defiance:\\nI had rather be the luimhlcst of those wIid would save you, and perish amid your\\ncurses, than be the chiefest architect of your ruiu, and live forever the unworthy recip-\\nient of your deluded huzzas.\\nThere is no stranger and more suggestive instance of the instability\\nof human passion and the evanescence of human prejudice than the\\nsavagery of proscription endured by these two remarkable men, rounded\\nas it has been by an elevation so august, in a time so short. The\\ncoincidence continues markedly, in the fact, that in every particular\\ntheir experiences have been identical, and that so antagonistic once,\\ntheir accord now is complete a conjunction of absolute diversities. It\\nwas a wonderful triumph for Brown to see his old foeman with him.\\nBut it was only the beginning of a broader political corroboration in\\na practical point of view.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0563.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "456 THE STATE ROAD LEASE.\\nOn the 2Ct]i clay of October, 1870, Gov. Bullock advertised the West-\\nern and Atlantic railroad for lease under the lease act. On the 2Tth\\nof December, 1870, the road was leased to the present company at a\\nrental of $25,000 per month for twenty years, the company giving a\\nbond of eight millions of dollars with tlie Georgia, Central, South\\nWestern, Macon and Western, Atlanta and West Point, Macon and\\nBrunswick, Brunswick and Albany, Nashville and Chattanooga, and St.\\nLouis and Iron Mountain Railroads for security. Gov. Brown was\\nelected President of the company, having resigned his position as Chief\\n.Justice of the Supreme Court before he made a bid for the lease, and\\nhaving served a little over two years, renouncing ten years of his term.\\nHis resignation testifies conclusively to the fact that lie did not desire\\noffice, and that place was not tlio insjiiration of his political attitude\\nupon reconstruction.\\nAs a Supreme Court Justice, Judge Brown maintained to the fullest\\nextent his admittedly great abilities. A perusal of his decisions, cov-\\nering every topic of jurisprudence and every principle of civil and\\ncriminal law, shows careful discrimination, profound discernment of the\\nspirit of laws, wide and accurate legal learning, and the very perfection\\nof a judicial temper, impartial, equipoised and punctilious. The truth is\\nthat Chief Justice Brown was tlie very paragon of a Judge, and adorned\\nthe ermine as much as any jurist that has ever sat in the Supreme tri-\\nbunal of the State. He possessed an exceptional blending of a placid\\nand untiring patience with fixedness of decision and luminous legal\\nacumen.\\nGov. Bullock appointed as Chief Justice in Gov. Bro\\\\^Ti s place, until\\nthe meeting of the General Assembly in Nov., 1871, Judge O. A. Lochrane.\\nThis gentleman had sustained himself upon the Superior Court Bench\\nwith rare success. Appointed by Gov. Brown as Judge of the Macon\\ncircuit at the beginning of the war, and taking his seat under heavy\\nand open opposition, due to a certain jovial vein in his versatile compo-\\nsition, he had handled a number of grave and novel questions with\\noriginality and undoubted legal power. He had upheld both the dignity\\nand ability of the bench. Some attorneys at Twiggs court agreed to\\ncarry their case by consent to the Supreme Court to avoid his jurisdic-\\ntion. With placid poise he marked and announced the case dismissed\\nfor want of prosecution, and had the humbled lawyers pleading for the\\nrestoration of their case to the docket with much earnest compliment to\\nhis Honor. He enforced the writ of Habeas Corpus against Confeder-\\nate suspension; he decided the conscript law unconstitutional; he refused", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0564.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "y", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0567.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0568.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "THE DOWNFALL OF THE lU LLOCK REGIME FORESHADOWED. 457\\nto recognize the government of England that did not recognize the\\nConfederacy; he held that tiie State of Georgia had the riglit to a writ\\nof possession for arms loaned the Confederacy, and called on Gov.\\nBrown for means to enforce his order. These rulings indicate legal\\nability and inflexible decision.\\nAfter the war he resigned, and moved to Atlanta. He was appointed\\nJudge of the Atlanta Circuit, and served from August, 18G0, to August,\\n1870, when he resigned, to be appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme\\nCourt in January, 1871.\\nAmong the historic landmarks of the reconstruction is that magnificent\\nbuilding and most valuable instrument of Atlanta progress, the Kimball\\nHou.se. It was a superb hostelrie, far ahead of the growth of Atlanta.\\nIt was begun in April and finished on the 17th of October, and its con-\\nstruction was a marvel of rapid work. It cost over $000,000, and the\\nagent of Henry Clews, Mr. Crosby, told the writer that $300,000 of the\\nmoney advanced on State endorsed bonds to build the Brunswick and\\nAlbany railroad had been traced into this hotel. Its history is one of\\nvicissitudes, litigation and strange changes of ownership.\\nThe year 1871 was another eventful twelve months of Georgia history,\\nwinding up with a most dramatic surprise. The absolutism of Radical\\nrule had seen its culmination when Congress passed the law of July\\nloth, 1870, for the admission of Georgia, and when under it a Democratic\\nlegislature was elected in December, 1870. It must be held in thought,\\nin order to comprehend the situation and the starting denouement, that\\nthe Republican regime had before it the certainty of a full Democratic\\ninquiry into matters. There had been enough open acts of wrong and\\nunlawful extravagance to justify grave apprehensions of trouble for\\ntheir authors. As was afterwards developed, there were worse derelic-\\ntions concealed. From this time on the Bullock administration was in\\na fearful strain to secure the success of its projects, and in final\\ntriumph make temporary illegalities forgotten or justified. But it was\\nan uphill business. Kimball was carrying more than mortal man could\\nbear. He was President of seven railroads, and the master of a monster\\nhotel. The bonds were poured out so freely as to overstock the\\nmarket, and the load was the heavier that dimly discerned irregularities\\nwere battered at by the opposition, until the enterprises staggered un-\\nder the growing burden of discredit.\\nThe situation daily became more desperate. Ruin threatened every\\nproject. In the pitiless stress new illegalities were resorted to, that\\nfailed to remedy the perils. Bullock stood gamely to his friend Kim-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0569.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "458 FOSTER BLODGKTT CLOSKD OUT OF THE U. S. SENATE.\\nball. Illegal eiidorsemeiits were given in succession. And yet all was\\nunavailing. Angier in the Treasury prompted the clue to suspicious\\nmatters, the Atlanta ConstUiitlon probed and ventilated them, and the\\nDemocratic press, both in and out of the State, kept up a lively fusillade\\nand publication. And so the final crash was steadily focalizing.\\nFoster Blodgett went to Washington, and tried to get admitted as\\nUnited States Senator, on the 4th of March, 1871. The effort was\\nvain. His record was ventilated fully. Senator Thurman made an\\nunanswerable speech against his admission, taking the ground that he\\nwas elected by a Legislature that had no right to choose a Senator for\\nthe teriij Blodgett claimed. Senator Joshua Hill made a rare -speech\\nagainst his admission. It was a document full of fearful punishment\\nfor Blodgett and his sponsors. It was witty, satirical, caustic and\\nargumentative. Coming from a Republican source, it was irresistibly\\neffective. It alike pilloried not only Mr. Blodgett but the Legislature\\nthat elected him. A Republican delegation from Georgia, consisting\\nof Conley, Harris, Tweedy, D. D. Snyder, and A. D. Rockafellow, went\\non to Congress to press Blodgett s admission for the reason that it\\nwas for, the welfare of the Republican party. Congress adjourned\\nwithout seatino; Blodgett.\\nSenator Hill introduced two measures in April, 1871, that have\\nexcited great interest. One was the bill for the survey of the Atlantic\\nand Great Western Canal, and the other a pet project of Col. W. P.\\nPrice to convey the United States mint building at Dahlonega, Ga., to\\nthe trustees of the North Georgia Agricultural College an institution\\nthat has done a great amount of good, and is one of the most valuable\\neducational seminaries in the State. Gen. Young also introduced in\\nthe House, a resolution for a post office building. We now have it.\\nPerhaps nothing could bettor show the downward drift of Gov.\\nBullock s administration in the popular opinion, than certain present-\\nments of the Grand Jury of Greene county, in March, 1871, of which\\nex-Speaker McWhorter was a member of the one, and signer of the\\nother, censuring Bullock s wasteful expenditures of the public monc}\\nand his wicked and heartless abuse of the public credit. Nor\\nwas Bullock without the leverag e to help him, given by the incessant\\nRepublican agitation of the Southern outrage crusade. In Con-\\ngress a committee was engaged in perpetual investigation of Ku Klux\\nenormities. This was the stock in trade of extreme Radicalism. It was\\na striking evidence of Bullock s waning influence with the national\\nleaders of his own party, that his contributions to this wretched campaign", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0570.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "THE BULLOCK DYNASTY GIVES WAY. 459\\nof calumny availed him nothing. He issued a detestable proclamation\\nof rewards for an imaginary batch of hideous Ku Klux outrages. The\\nslanderous pronunciamento under the Executive impress was advertised\\nbroadcast at the public expense, disseminating its envenomed poison\\neverywhere. In July, 1871, he wrote a letter to Congressman Scott, on\\nthe condition of Georgia, rendering a bad account of the afflicted old\\ncommonwealth, that had fallen into the cruel hands of political Philis-\\ntines. Gen. Gordon went before the Ku Klux committee, and endeav-\\nored to neutralize the mischief.\\nIt was an appalling criminality for men with the prestige of autlior-\\nity giving them weight, and with every incentive of State patriptism to\\nconserve the interest and foster the fame of Georgia, deliberately seek-\\ning to re-crucify the State, tlieir own mother. But tlie power to harm\\nwis rapidly diminishing. The reign of evil was passing away. The\\nBullock rule was swiftly drawing to a tragic close. There came out\\nwliispers of Kimball s embarrassment. Gov. Bullock went away, and\\nwas gone nearly three months. Finally the irrepressible Angier gave\\nnotice that he would pay no warrants not signed by a resident Gover-\\nnor, as the law requires. The State road mismanagement was giving\\nout a noisome odor. The Treasurer of the road was arrested. A com-\\nmittee of citizens. Judge Hammock, Dr. Redwine and Judge Collier\\nwere appointed to examine the State road books. A large array of able\\ncounsel, led by Gen. Toombs, volunteered in the investigation.\\nThe first note of an impending general crash came in the disintegra-\\ntion of the huge enterprise known as the Brunswick and Albany rad-\\nroad, the recipient of a double State aid, and an indistinguishable com-\\npound of equity and fraud. Claims poured upon it, which were not\\nmet. The Superintendent, J. A. Burns, dropped it and left. The road\\nwas seized by the Governor. This was after the middle of October.\\nEvery one felt that the end was approaching. The radical edifice began\\nto shiver. The portents were unmistakable. The conclusion was at\\nhand. But it must be confessed the finale took an unexpected shape.\\nWhen it was announced that Gov. Bullock had fled the State, leaving\\nhis resignation, it was like an overwhelming electric shock. The sur-\\nprise over, one flashing note of universal rejoicing resounded over the\\nState.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0571.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "460\\nThe minutes of tlic Executive Department, show that on the 23rd of\\nOctober, 1871, the resignation was written and reads as follows:\\nExEfUTiTE Department,\\nAtlanta, Georgia, October 23, 1871. j\\nTo Whom it May Concern Greeting\\nBe it kuown, that guod ami sufficient reasons, me thereunto niovins;, I do hereby\\nresign the office of Governor of tliis State, to take effect on Monday next, the 30th dav\\nof October, in the year of our Lord, 1871, and on tliat day and date, deliver over to the\\nHon. Benjamin Conley, President of the Senate, the Executive powers of the Govern-\\nment, until the election and qualification of a Goveruor, in the mode prescribed by\\nparagraph IV., Article IV., Section 1 of the Constitution of this State. And the Secre-\\ntary of the Executive Department will enter the foregoing of record in the Executive\\nMinutes, and place the Capitol building. Executive records, Documents, Seals, and\\nMausion in the control of the said Benjamin Conley, upon his taking the oath of office\\nprescribed by Paragraph V., Section I., Article IV^. of the Constitution.\\nRUFUS B.BULLOCK, Governor.\\nOn the 23rd of October, 1871, the Executive Minutes show that R. H.\\nAtkinson, Secretary of the Executive Department, says that he trans-\\nmitted, by direction of Governor Bullock, this resignation to the Hon.\\nD. G. Cotting, Secretary of State, to be filed in his office. On the\\n30th day of October, 1871, at 3 o clock p. m., seven days after the resig-\\nnation, and after Mr. Atkinson s claimed transmission of the same to\\nMr. Cotting, the Executive Minutes show that Mr. Cotting thus\\naddressed Hon. Benjamin Conley, President of the Senate:\\nSir I have at this moment been placed in possession of the enclosed coramunica^\\ntion, from the Hon. R. B. Bullock, being his resignation of the office of Governor of the\\nState of Georgia, said communication beine transmitted to me through the hands of\\nCol. R H. Atkinson, Secretary of the Executive Department.\\nI hereby give you notice to repair to the Capitol, in Atlanta, within ten days of the\\ndate hereof, and take the oath of office, as Governor, before any Judge of the Supreme,\\nor Judge of the .Superior Court, otherwise it will be my duty to consider you as having\\nresigned, and I shall proceed to inform the Speaker of the House of Representatives.\\nThe Executive Minutes show that on the same day, the Hon.\\nBenjamin Conley, President of the Senate, took the oath of office, and\\nwas installed as Governor, by Chief .Justice O. A. Lochrane.\\nThough the resignation was seven days made before announcement,\\nno whisper of it got out. It was managed with wonderful secrecy, and\\nwhen it was given to the public. Gov. Bullock was out of the State,\\nand Mr. Conley acting Governor. The Washington Patriot stated\\nthat Gov. Bullock admitted to a United States Senator, that he did not\\nlike the cour.se politics were taking, and he feared impeachment. There\\nis no doubt that Gov. Bullock apprehended impeachment, and it was a", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0572.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "SEVERE COMMENTARY UPOX GOVERXOR BULLOCK. 461\\nsubtle stroke to resign, before the new Legislature mot, and not only\\nescape this, but devolve the State government upon Mr. Conley, instead\\nof the President of the new Senate.\\nGov. Bullock wrote a letter from New York giving his reasons for\\nresignation, in which he took a parting and malicious blow at the State.\\nHe stated that a majority of the House of Representatives had pledged\\nthemselves to vote for articles of impeachment against him without in-\\nvestigation, and that the Senate had determined to unseat a sufficient\\nnumber of Republican Senators to secure his conviction without regard\\nto the truth and validity of the charges. He also charged that the peo-\\nple of Georgia had recently denounced or ignored the Constitution of\\nthe United States. This letter created a deep indignation against the\\nfugitive, and the General Assembly by solemn resolution branded it\\nas false and defamatory.\\nThe resignation of Gov. Bullock evoked earnest attention over the\\nwhole country. The comment was uniformly unfavorable, and some of\\nit stinging. The New York Tl^orld said he was\\nNo bleeding martyr, but a spaviiieil rogue.\\nThfc Boston Post declared that he\\nPreferred speedy slaughter by liis own ,ict, to the more painful fate a living Bar-\\nbecue in fact.\\nWilliam Markham, one of the most pronounced Republicans in\\nGeorgia, was reported in the press to have said of Bullock\\nHis whole administration has been in violation of every principle of honor, and dis-\\ngraceful to the Republican party, and regardless of the interest of the people of the\\nState.\\nGen. Toombs expressed, perhaps, the justest judgment upon Gov.\\nBullock s administration in these words:\\nHe certainly deserves to be impeached. He has committed a hundred offenses, any\\none of which is sufBcient to convict him. The trouble witli the fellow is that he don t\\nknow lialf the time when he does wrong. He does not understand tlie law nor the duties\\nof liis position.\\nIn 18T2, when Gov. Smith was the E.xecutive, and the bond investi-\\ngating committee discovered that the City bonds of Atlanta pledged\\nfor the payment of the $60,000 mortgage upon the Opera House had\\nbeen abstracted from the State, leaving the mortgage unpaid, a warrant\\ndrawn by Gen. Toombs charging Gov. Bullock with the larceny of these\\nbonds was issued, and upon it a Requisition was made upon Governor\\nHoffman of New York for Gov. Bullock, Col. John B. Gumming being\\nthe State s agent. Gov. Hoffman objected to the affidavit. Gen.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0573.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "402\\nToombs drew another one, very lengthy and technical, and a new\\nKetjuisition was issued. Col. Cumniing reaching Albany Saturday,\\nMarch 3(1, 1872. Gov. Hoffman still objected. Gov. Smith sent a tart\\ntelegraph, e-vpressing the opinion that Gov. Hoffman was quibbling.\\nOn Tuesday Gov. Hoffman issued his warrant for Gov. Bullock s arrest,\\nand Col. Cumniing proceeded to Albion, New York, to find his game\\ngone, and a broken down iiorse in the stable. From tliis time on ho\\nwas liiding out, avoiding arrest.\\nThe Atlanta Constitution had this editorial written by the writer at\\nthat time, that expressed the sentiment of the good people of Georgia\\nThe career of Bullock is a fine instance of extraorrliuarv alternations of Iiuniau\\nvicis.sitiKle.\\nBubbled to the surface .imiil the convulsions of political disorder and social turmoil,\\nhe rode for a while on a despotic pre-eminence as a stranger Executive of the proud\\nState of Georgia. The alisoUito supremacy of his power and his cool disdain of tram-\\nmels for three years constitute a picture of hold, evil rule not often seen, and admirable\\nin its malicious and tyrannical consistency. Tlie man niiide and unmailc Legislatures,\\ntoyed with tlie State s sacreil sovereignty like a worthless liauble, swayed the judiciary,\\nand scattered the people s money witli tlic lavish lilierality of a prince, and the reckless\\ncaprice of a munificent madman.\\nHe preserved his gorgeous deportment amid it all, arrayed like a monarch, impo.sing\\nin presence, smiling and affable, the princely, imperturbable and benignant patron of\\nthieves and adventurers.\\nHis-abdication came like a lightning stroke in the very zenith of his power, Down\\nthe metallic deity fell with a long descent and a dull thud. Governors have played the\\ngame of justice over the higlicockolorum fugitive, and to-day sees him a miserable\\nskulker from the offended law and an outcast from home, friends, society and govern-\\nment.\\nIn 1876, Gov. Smith made a successful attempt to arrest Gov.\\nBullock, sending Col. O. P. Fitzsimmon.s, recent United States Marshal\\nof Georgia. Gov. Bullock gave bail easily. The case lingered for a\\nyear or two in the courts. Gen. L. J. Gartrell was his leading counsel.\\nOn the final trial, the proof connecting him criminally witii the frauds\\non the State was not sufficient, and he was acquitted.\\nIn estimating Gov. Bullock s administration, the time has hardly\\ncome to do it exact justice. It has been too recent. It was an event-\\nful one all through. It was rancorous, turbulent, revolutionary. It\\nwas in antagonism to the good people of the State. It was frightfully\\nbad. And j-et the times were conducive to much of the wrong. Bul-\\nlock was warped by provocation, by necessity, by desperate stress, by\\nunprincipled connections, by horribly evil counsel. He was naturally a\\nclever, amiable, correctly disposed person. He started wrong and never\\ngot right.\\n1", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0574.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "A CEITICAI. ESTIMATE OF GOV. BULLOCk s ADMIXISTHATIOX. 403\\nHe liad to contend with an opposition that was sensitive and soured,\\nthat had been liarried and was resentful, whose cliivalry and lionor were\\nboth inflamed almost to madness by believed outrage, that he justified.\\nHe had neither tact, statesmanship nor congeniality with the people of\\nGeorgia. He represented a partj-, composed mainly of newly enfran-\\nchised negroes and foreign adventurers, that pressed an odious public\\njioliey. He was the agent of a disagreeable mission. He not only did\\nnot ligliten its severities, but he increased them. At best, he must have\\nevoked dissatisfaction. He did the worst that could have been done,\\nand lie drew execration. He resented it, and the conflict between him\\nand the people became reckless and unsparing on both sides.\\nIt was a desperate conception that he carried through, to uptear\\naccomplished reconstruction, because his power was not as absolute as\\nhe wished. His very success in the doing of this unspeakable wrong,\\nmade the way easy to every species of Executive dereliction, since\\nCongress, in the caprices of reconstruction tyranny, seemed willing to\\ncommit any enormity and approve any crime at the behest of its loj-al\\nSouthern dynasties. Had the certainty of responsibility been sure,\\nmany risks of transcended authority would not have been taken.\\nBut be tlie temptation what it may, Gov. Bullock s term was contin-\\nuously worthy of censure. It grew in its criminality. It was unbrokenly\\nevil. Every stop was marked by personal scheming, disregard of nat-\\nural feeling, wasteful extravagance, violations of law and wanton\\nattempts to degrade the State s autonomy. These are hard words.\\nBut they are coldly deserved. The simple, undeniable ofiioial facts\\njustify them. And not the least censurable feature of this painful\\nepisode of evil, was that it was successfully achieved by the vile weapon\\nof State defamation under the hypocritical pretext of the public\\ninterest.\\nHonest men enough at the North were made to believe that the\\nChristian people of Georgia were such a set of piratical law-breakers\\nand brutal conspirators against legitimate Federal authority, as to\\ndemand the very dissolution of government, and the substitution of an\\narmed anarchy for the protection of society and obedience to Federal\\npower. The whole rule of Gov. Bullock, in the writer s judgment, was\\ncrime against the State, the Nation, and humanity. That rule fitly\\nended. It went out in disgrace and amid public rejoicing. And it\\nwill live in the cool, clear future as the darkest era of Georgia history.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0575.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XLII.\\nTHE FINAL ACT OF JOYOUS STATE REDEMPTION.\\nThe Legislature of I87I. An able Body. Its vast Work. Its Personelle. L. N. Tram-\\nmell. James M. Smith. Prolongation Again. Gov. Conley and Bullock s Term.\\nDemocratic Moderation. President Trammell s Patriotic Sacrifice. Election.\\nCouley s Term. Its Good and Bad. Democratic Convention. James M. Sniitli\\nNominated and Elected Governor. Tlie Republican Perplexity. Gov. Smitli s\\nInauguration -The Public Joy. Foreign Comment. Tlie New York World on\\nGeorgia. Obituary on Georgia Radicalism from tlie Atlanta Constitution. E.\\\\-\\nGov. C. J. Jenkins Superb Letter. He Restores the Great Seal of tlie State.\\nThe Dark Period of Reconstruction Rule. Tlie Fateful Decade from Secession to\\nComplete Restoration. An Era of Red Terror and Black Misrule. The Proud\\nSpectacle of Regenerated Georgia.\\nThe Legislature convened on the first day of November, 1871, two\\ndays after President Benjamin Conley, of the Senate, took Bullock s\\nplace as Governor. This body was an unusually able one, and it\\nassembled under circumstances of unspeakably grave public import.\\nIts work was incalculably important, and while it made some mistakes,\\nits general action was able and patriotic. Twenty-two of the old Senators\\nheld over and twenty-two new ones were electeil. Among the new ones\\nwere some very strong men. In fact, nearly every one of the new Sen-\\nators was a public man of recognized power in popular leadership.\\nAmong them were R. E. Lester, John C. Nichols, L. C. Hoyle, B. B.\\nHinton, R. Jones, Charles C. Kibbee, T. J. Simmons, E. Steadman,\\nWilliam M. Reese, W. S. Erwin, M. V. Estes, George Hillyer, James\\nR. Brown, and L. N. Tramniell.\\nT. J. Simmons has been President of the Senate, and is now Judge of\\nthe Macon Circuit. A tall, fine-looking gentleman with heavy blonde\\nwhiskers, a most genial person. Judge Simmons has been a valuable\\nand successful public man. He has never been beaten. Judge William\\nReese was an ornament to the Bench and an incomparable legislator.\\nClear, positive, practical, honest, he has had great weight in every delib-\\nerative body in which he has served. George Hillyer is now Judge\\nof the Atlanta Circuit, and fast building into an enviable reputation\\nas a jurist. James R. Brown is a brother of Gov. Brown, and has", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0576.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "THE LEGISL.VTCRE OF 1871. 4G5\\nmany of the stroiiff characteristics of his more famous kinsman. He\\nis now Judge of the Blue Ridge Circuit, and both in the legislative\\nchamber and upon the bench has been marked by fine practical sense,\\nthorough courage and immovable honesty.\\nHon. L. N. Trammell was unanimou.sly elected President of the\\nSenate, by a voice vote, without even the formality of a written ballot.\\nThis was a deserved tribute to Mr. Trammell, and no gentleman has\\never sustained himself as a presiding officer with more parliamentary skill\\nand personal dignity. His administration was simply perfect. Quick,\\nimpartial, firm, courteous, thoroughly versed in parliamentary law, he\\ngoverned the deliberations of the Senate with consummate tact.\\nThe House also had some marked men on its roll. There was John\\nW. Wofford, W. H. Payne, Isaac Russell, Emanuel Heidt, W. D. An-\\nderson, E. D. Graham, R. W. Phillips, Morgan Rawls, Dunlap Scott,\\nM. R. Ballenger, E. F-. Hoge, Henry Jackson, J. C. Fain, R. E. JIc-\\nAYhorter, W. E. Simmons, Garnett IMcMillan, Geo. F. Pierce, J. W.\\nMurphy, G. W. Bryan, W. P. Johnson, H. W. Riley, S. E. Field, .1. M.\\nSmith, J. F. Pou, L. J. Aired, M. H. Bunn, J. H. Guerry, J. B. Gum-\\nming, Claiborne Snead, C. B. Hudson, J. C. Dell, John I. Hall, .1. AY.\\nRenfroe. Of all these bright gentlemen, perhaps there was none of\\nthem more brilliant than Garnett McMillan. He possessed a fervent,\\nflashing mind. He died several years after. W. E. Simmons was a\\nperson of unusually strong intelligence. W. H. Payne was a man of\\ncool, substantial caliber. George F. Pierce has been almost continu-\\nously since in legislatures and conventions, and has an oratory almost\\nequal to his gifted uncle. Bishop Pierce. He is now Solicitor of one of\\nthe judicial circuits.\\nW. P. Johnson was a son of H. V. Johnson, and a young man of\\nbrisrht brain. .1. W. Renfroe has since been State Treasurer for five\\nyears, making a wonderful administration. Claiborne Snead is now\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Judge of the Augusta Circuit, and a young man of uncommon power.\\nOne of the most notable men in this body was John I. Hall, who has\\nbeen Judge of the Flint Circuit. He has been a warm friend of Gov.\\n.Tames M. Smith. .Judge Hall has been one of the cleverest political\\nmanagers in the State, with a singularly practical vision of the public\\ntemper, and a wary, shrewd use of political opportunities. A very\\npromising young man was Henry .Jackson, eldest son of Gen. Henry\\nR. Jackson, who has figured so brilliantly in Georgia History in the last\\nquarter of a century. Whether as a lawyer or legislator, Capt. Henry\\n.Jackson has been a marked young man. He has been Reporter of the\\n30", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0577.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "4C6 THE BATTLE FOR THE GOVEEXOE s OFFICE.\\nSupreme Court for nearlj ten years, making as eflScient an official as\\nthe lamented Thos. R. R. Cobb, whose daughter he married.\\nThe House organized by the selection of James M. Smith as speaker.\\nCol. Smith had been a gallant officer in the war, and a member of Con-\\ngress. He was a person of solid, powerful build, with a square resolute\\nface, and an appearance of rugged strength that betokened the type of\\nhis mind. A self-made man, originally a blacksmith. Col. Smith, who\\nafterwards became Governor, was a strong and rising character. He\\nwas an able lawyer and an effective political speaker. At the time of\\nhis election as Speaker, he was in a law co-partnership with Col. P. W.\\n.\\\\lexander, the famous war correspondent, P. W. A. Col. James D.\\nWaddell was elected Clerk of the House.\\nThe important question that confronted the Legislature was, who\\nshould be Governor, Benjamin Conley, President of the last Senate, whose\\nterm had expired, and who was no longer a senator or president, or L.\\nX. Trammell, who was the President of the existing Senate The Con-\\nstitution devolved the duties of Governor upon the President of the\\nSenate. The Democrats claimed that when Mr. Conley ceased to be\\nPresident of the Senate, he had no right to act as Governor, and when\\nMr. Trammell became President of the Senate he became endowed with\\nthe riffht to discharge the Executive duties. That this was the law\\nthe best lawyers agreed, and it was the legal solution of this very vital\\nissue.\\nGov. Conley not only claimed the right to be Governor, but he main-\\ntained that he should serve as Executive for the whole balance of Gov.\\nBullock s term. Prolongation had been the Republican theory, and it\\nwas pursued in this instance fearlessly. It was a fitting and picturesque\\ntermination of reconstruction rule, that it should be marked by this\\nbattle for the Governorship, this contest for the executive authority.\\nThere never has been a finer piece of political moderation than the con-\\nduct of the Democrats in this emergency. Xor has there ever been a\\nloftier exhibition of patriotic self-sacrifice than the action of President\\nTrammell in foregoing his undeniable right to step into the august hon-\\nors of the executive office.\\nIn a spirit of conciliation and conservatism, admirable and conclu-\\nsive in falsifying the slanderous aspersions upon democratic peacefulness,\\nthe Legislature permitted Gov. Conlej to hold until an election, and\\npassed a bill to have an election on the 3d of December, 1871. Gov.\\nConlej vetoed the bill. But it was passed over his veto. The Repub-\\nlicans made a prodigious noise over this measure, and denounced it as", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0578.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR CON LEy s ADMINISTRATION 467\\nrevolutionan-. But it was all in vain. With a quiet firmness, the\\nDemocratic policy was carrierl out, and the work of State regeneration\\nproceeded to its complete consummation.\\nGov. Conley s administration was a very great improvement on Gov.\\nBullock s. He did some commendable things. He did some acts for\\nwhich he was severely censured. He stopped immediately Gov. Bul-\\nlock s extravagant proclamation business. He paid out some \u00c2\u00a72.5,188\\nof the contingent fund in the two months and twelve days of his\\nincumbency. He also pardoned Foster Blodgett for all possible charges\\nagainst him growing out of the State Road administration. For these\\ntwo acts he received much popular animadversion. He had several\\nlively conflicts with the Legislature. He vetoed a bill reducing legisla-\\ntive pay to seven dollars from nine; another continuing the session five\\ndays beyond the constitutional forty days; another repealing a Bullock\\nlaw remitting the pajnnent of poll tax for the past three years; another\\nrepealing the District court* law; another repealing the India rubber\\ntwentieth section of tlie appropriation act under which Gov. Bullock\\nhad spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on every species of claim;\\nand another authorizing an investigation of our bonds.\\nTiiese were all party battles, and were made by Gov. Conley to press\\nRepublican strategv. The tussle between Conley and the Democrats\\nbecame right animated. He was game and personally honest, but he\\nwas an uncompromising partisan, and struck the democracy every hard\\nlilow that he could. No charge of inconsistency could move him. He,\\nhad prolonged hundreds of days in the Bullock Legislature, but yet he\\nvigorously stormed over the alleged outrage of Democratic prolonga-\\ntion of five days to wind up business. He took -S9 a day for 320 days,\\nbut condemned Democratic extravagance that wanted \u00c2\u00a77 a day. He\\nwas scored roundly with these inconsistencies, but it made no difference.\\nHe pounded away vigorously upon the Democrats, and he gave them\\na deal of trouble, and kept them actively retorting.\\nThe Democratic convention to nominate a candidate for Governor,\\nmet in Atlanta, on the Gth day of December, 187L There were 372\\ndelegates from IS-t counties. Among the delegates were Barney Hill,\\nT. G. Holt, C. C. Kibbee, M. Rawls, R. T. Fouche, J. C. Fain, T. M.\\nPeeples, ^Y. E. Simmons, A. D. Candler, G. F. Pierce, B. B. Hinton,\\nH. L. Benning, M. Blanford, L. F. Garrard, P. W. Alexander, A. R.\\nLamar, L. J. Aired, J. C. Nicholls, J. T. Clarke, J. B. Gumming, C. F.\\nCrisp, C. W. Hancock, C. J. Wellborn, I. E. Shumate, J. A. W. John-\\nson and William M. Reese. This was the first political appearance of a", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0579.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "4G8 r.ov. JAMES Ji. smith elected and inaugurated.\\nvoiy briglit young man, C. F. Crisp, son of a disting-uislied theatrical\\nactor. Mr. Crisp is now Judge of the South-western Circuit, and is a\\nrising jurist.\\nHon. Julian Hartridge was elected Chairman of the Convention. The\\ncontest was between Herbert Fielder, Gen. W. T. Wofford and Col.\\nJames il. Smith. Fielder and Wofford withdrew, and Smith was\\nunanimously nominated. A new Executive Connnittee was api^ointed,\\nconsisting of Clifford Anderson, E. F. Hoge, J. B. Cumming, C. W.\\nStyles, J. C. Dell, J. H. Hunter, C. C. Kibbee, W. O. Fleming, A. R.\\nLamar, H. Buchanan, A. D. Hammond, J. I. Hall, G. F. Pierce, J. D.\\nMathews, G. McMillan, W. E. Simmons, J.* T. Burns, and C. D. Mc-\\nCutchen.\\nThe Republicans finally declined to run a can^lidate. Col. H. P. Far-\\nrow published a letter afterwards, giving an interesting account of the\\nRepublican perplexity. A caucus was held at the capitol, consisting of\\nJ. Johnson, John S. Bigby, J. R. Parrott, Madison Bell, R. L. Mott and\\nothers. The Bullock administration was the ineubus. There seems to\\nhave been an entire repudiation of Bullock s rule. They were in no\\nway connected with the Bullock ring. Foster Blodgett s resignation\\nas Chairman of the E.vecutive Committee was received, and James At-\\nkins was nominated for Governor. Col. Atkins declined. Among the\\nphrases used in this Republican caucus were such as the shameful\\nadministration of Gov. Bullock; fled the country dishonored, yet\\nunwept, unhonored and unsung and betrayed in every essential\\nparticular the confidence of the party.\\nJames M. Smith was elected Governor, the fact that there was no\\nopposition causing a light? vote, only 30,703; and Gov. Conley in his\\nmessage transmitting the ballots to the General Assembl3-, with some\\nbitterness, but incorrectly, claimed that the smallness of the vote dem-\\nonstrated that the people of Georgia did not desire an election to fill\\nthe unexpired term of Gov. Bullock. The Governor elect resigned his\\nplace as Speaker, and Jos. B. Cumming was elected in his place.\\nOn the 12th day of January, 1873, Gov. James M. Smith was inau-\\ngurated amid universal rejoicing. The Representative Chamber was\\npacked. Gov. Smith was accompanied by the State officials and Judges,\\nGen. Toombs, Gen. Colquitt, ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown, P. W. Alex-\\nander and others. His inaugural was a concise, earnest address, that\\nwas fully applauded. He used this expression:\\nRecurring to the occasion wliich lias brought us togetlier to-d.av, it cannot escape\\nthe most careless observer, tliat we liave as.semble(l nmler circumstances of an extraor-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0580.jp2"}, "541": {"fulltext": "Georgia s redesittiox. 4tJ9\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2linary character. The late Governor, whose uuexpired term of office I liavo been chosen\\nto fill, is a voluntary fugitive from the State of his adoption. During his brief incum-\\nbency there has been an addition of untold millions to the public debt. He has left the\\nfinances of the State in the utmost confusion and disorder.\\nXo words can convej the depth and fervor of the public joy over this\\nrestoration of a rule resting on tlie free choice of the people. Over the\\nlength and breadth of the commonwealth welled up one universal, deep-\\nsouled acclaim of gladness. There was a double satisfaction in the\\nevent, the end of misrule and the inauguration of good government.\\nThe despotism of the bayonet was gone, and it seemed as if we had,\\nafter an unspeakable pilgrimage, reached the promised land.\\nNor was the rejoicing confined to Georgia. From every part of the\\nUnion came back to us congratulations and the responsive echoes of\\nour delight. Some of the comments were very striking. The New\\nYork World in particular made the event the subject of some reflections\\nthat contain a profound philosojahy, and well merit quotation. Said\\nthis journal:\\nGeorgia, more than any of the Southern states, has suffered from the process of\\nreconstruction, and her present deliverance is an am])le proof of how futile that process\\nhas lieen. All the powers of the Federal Government tlie army, the treasurv, the\\ncourts have been exhausted to keep lier in a certain position, and at the first election\\nwe find her escaping out of that condition and assuming a position of her own. Had it\\nbeen s(nue powerful Xortheru state, like Xew York, or Massachusetts, or Illinois, that\\nhad been time and again hound hand and foot, aud yet burst its bonds almost in tlie\\ninstaut tliey had been completed, the wonder would not be great but that a beaten and\\ninii)Overished commonwealth like Georgia has risen superior to the whole strength of tlio\\nAdministration is something amazing. It shows how little real root there is in centrali-\\nzation, and how fully able a State is to cope with the whole Federal Government when\\nthat Government is prostituted to party euds. Nothing that Congress could do\u00e2\u0080\u0094 nothing\\nthat the President could do has been able to keep this St.ate in tliat vass.alage to which\\nCongress aud the President bent all their energies to reduce lier. It has lieeu impossible\\nto keep the cork under water, whatever the superimposed force. No less than seven acts\\nof Congress were leveled at Georgia; no less than tlireB times was lier civil establisli-\\nnient superseded by martial law and the end of it all is that the State is to-day just\\nwliere it was in 1866 in absolute aud entire control of her own people. Tlie recon-\\nstructed legislature is gone, the reconstructed judiciary is gone, tlie reconstructed Gov-\\nernor is a fugitive thief, the bayonets are gone, the laws are inoperative, and, in the\\nlaiiguag-e of the ring,- the State, after an iufiiiitude of punishment, comes up to the\\nscratch smiling aud knocks its antagonist out of time.\\nIf the public happiness was great over the exhilarating spectacle, that\\none of Georgia s own sons, bj her own untrammeled suffrages, sat in\\nher honorable Executive seat, tliere was an equally profound sense of\\nrelief, that tlie dismal roigii of Radical misgovernment had ended forever.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0581.jp2"}, "542": {"fulltext": "470 OBITUARY OF GEORGIA RADICALISM.\\nThe writer at that time gave expression to the popular feeling in the\\nfollowing editorial article in the Atlanta Constitution, which a general\\nreproduction in the State press attested to be the public conception of\\nthe defunct reconstruction dynasty, and which, though written in the\\nhaste of rapid preparation and witli the over-coloring due the feverish\\ntimes, presents the truth:\\nOBITUARY.\\nGEORGIA RADICALISM.\\nPeriiihed tlu-ougli its own corruptiou,\\n12 Ji JamuiiT lath, 1872,\\n111 Atlanta, Ga.,\\nIn tlie Representative Cliaiiiliei- of the General Assembly,\\nAnd liy tlie free ballota of tlie virtuous people it outraged,\\nThe detestable btidy of\\nGeorgia Radicalism.\\nIt was aborted\\nJanuary .lOth, 1868,\\nOf the horrible rape of State Sovereignty\\nBy the brutal Bayonet.\\nIt lived three years, eleven months aud twenty seven days,\\nA ghastly thing\\nOf ceaseless, iiifinile, niuiainable\\nVlLI.AlNV.\\nIt debauched the\\nState s Chikf Magistracy\\nInto a Iiissing term of loathsome scorn.\\nAnd a glaring by-word of ignominious reproach.\\nIt clutched in its leprous grasp the\\nState s Pdre Judiciaky,\\nAnd bedraggled it in slime\\nUntil its spotless ermine was as black and offensive.\\nAs Radicalism s own adored Africa.\\nIt transformed tlie\\nState s Great Legislature\\nInto a howling pandemonium of indecency and jilunder,\\nAn uncou\\\\ icted penitentiary of thieves, blackguards and felons,\\nIn which a few good men\\nMade the large majority of its memliers\\nMore cons])icuouslv infernal l y the tremendous contrast.\\nPolitics it reduced to a scientific scheme of\\nPolitical Harlotry.\\nHypocritically making a liobby of Education,\\nStole\\nEvery dollar of the State Educational Fund.\\nIn the name of justice.\\nIt turned loose the imprisoned convicts", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0582.jp2"}, "543": {"fulltext": "OBITIAKY OF RADICALISM CONTINUED. 171\\nOf the wliole broaJ State,\\nTo recruit its corrupt ranks and create crime.\\nIt ascribed this crime to the virtuous people,\\nTo perpetuate its power\\nBy maldujr such purposed disorder\\nA dialiolical pretext\\nFor the overthrow of State government.\\nAnd the iuterfereuce of iiatioual despotism\\nTo crucify the coniuiouwealth\\nPor the Radical heuefit.\\nIt made tlie State\\nA HELL,\\nla practice for its own certain destination.\\nIt pounced its ravenous claws\\nOn tlie State s giant property, its great railroad,\\nWith the rabid rapacity of a hungry hyena.\\nAnd its plan of gohUenient will glare\\nThrough the accumulated rotteiniess of ages\\nAn unecjualed model for all\\nBig and bold-schemed bandits.\\nIf it had a single virtue.\\nConcentrated microscopic partiality\\nHas failed to find it.\\nMalice knows no crime it has not committed,\\nWhile it has enriched\\nThe catalogue of Satan\\nWith its new and devilish devices\\nOf Evil.\\nTo the State s honor\\nBe it eternally said\\nThat it found little State stuff.\\nVile enough for its use.\\nIt imported\\nIts scamps from the moral North,\\nAnd the hegira\\nOf its gorged buzzards home\\nUnder the law s lash.\\nLeaves little of its organism\\nSave the deluded masses\\nOf its despised, robbed and ignorant\\nAfricans,\\nWho rue its rule.\\nAnd curse its existence.\\nIt spewed all the good men from its association.\\nAnd left them sick, shocked and stranded\\nOn the great rock\\nOf a remediless political blunder.\\nBut we cannot hope to do it justice.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0583.jp2"}, "544": {"fulltext": "-ii~ THE KECOXSTRUCTIOX RULE.\\nWords are unequal to tlie task.\\nWhat evil it diil not do\\nAVas uot from waut of venom\\nBut of physical capacity.\\nThe hottest torture\\nIt will know in tlie flames\\nOf its inevitable home v\\\\ill be\\nIts own uua]]peased malignity,\\nIts hungry disajipointment at unaccomplished crimes.\\nTo sum up its record\\nIt has broken every law,\\nViolated every decency, betrayed every trust,\\nInjured every interest, hurt every industry,\\nWronp-ed every citizen, neglected every duty.\\nCommitted every crime, omitted every virtue.\\nIt has done falsehood, tlieft, hypocrisy.\\nSlander, perjury, oppression, blasphemy,\\nMurder, treason and sacrilege.\\nHereafter among Shame s penalties.\\nThe most stinging l)lazonry of Scorn\\nWill be the mere fact\\nThat a man was\\n0/ it.\\nIts short career constituted\\nGeorgia s Dark Days.\\nIts downfall\\nMakes up a joy and a blessing\\nAs bright and blissful\\nAs its rule was dark.\\nAnd language cannot convey that.\\nIts epitaph\\nNo time can obliterate\\nFrom the hearts of future\\nAs well as present generations.\\nIt is this\\nCURSES ON ITS MEMORY.\\nIt may well be conceived that a rule that drew such contemporaneous\\ne.xpression of conservative opinion had been black and heavy indeed.\\nOn the 30th day of January, 1868, Gov. Jenkins was removed by Gen.\\nMeade. On the 4th day of July, 18G8, Gov. Bullock assumed to be\\nChief Magistrate as Provisional Governor. On the 21st dav of July,\\n18G8, he was sworn in to the Executive trust. On the 30th day of Oc-\\ntober, 1871, he resigned. And on the 12th day of January, 1872, Gov.\\nJames M. Smith was installed as the Executive. From the 30th day of\\nJanuary, 18C8, to the 12th day of January, 1872, of this ncver-to-be", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0584.jp2"}, "545": {"fulltext": "EX-GOV. JENKINS RETURNS THE GREAT SEAL OF STATE. 473\\nforgotten epoch of ;i foreign and hostile ride, it was four years lacking\\neighteen days.\\nOne touching act of restored sovereignty needs record to complete\\ntiic picture of jo^ ful State redemption. Ex-Gov. Charles J. Jenkins,\\nwith the conclusion of military domination, returned from his long exile\\nand gave back to the custody of a lawful Executive the great Seal of\\nState, and certain executive papers that he had taken with him. The\\nletter of ex-Gov. Jenkins, in discharging this agreeable duty, is a paper\\nof exquisite diction, lofty sentiment and noble dignity. There is no\\ndocument among the great records of this or any other State or Govern-\\nment to surpass this superb emanation of an exalted and patriotic states-\\nmanship. It presents the chronicle of the abhorred rape of our State s\\nsovereignty, and his own dutiful efforts to protect the commonwealth\\nfrom ignominv, in fitting language and an heroic spirit. Breathing the\\nsentiment of liberty and law, speaking a broad devotion to the princi-\\nples of a constitutional government, imbued with the heroism of martyr-\\ndom for the right, and maintaining in lofty words the obligations of\\npersonal honor and official responsibility, this great enunciation of the\\nnoljle Jenkins was alike an innneasurable rebuke to the evil dynasty it\\nfollowed and a glorious inauguration of Geora ia s reg cnerated majesty.\\nThis peerless paper thus characteristically concluded in words deserv-\\ning forever to live:\\nThe removal of tlie books and papers was simply a cautionary measure for my own\\nl i-otection. Not so witli tlie seal. That was a symhol of the Executive autliority, and\\naltliough devoid of intrinsic material value, was hallowed by a sentiment wliicli forbade\\nits surrender to unautliorized liauds. Afterwards, whilst I was in Washington, vainly\\nseeking the interposition of the Supreme Court, a formal, written demand was made\\nupon me by General Ruger for a return of these articles, witli wliicli I declined to com-\\nply. Tlie books and papers I herewith transmit to your Excellency, that they may re-\\nsume tlieir place among the archives of tlie State. With them I also deliver to you the\\nseal of the Executive Department. I derive high satisfaction from the reflection that it\\nhas never been desecrated by the grasp of a military usurper s hand, never been prosti-\\ntuted to authenticate official misdeeds of an upstart pretender. Unpolluted as it came\\nto me, I gladly ])lace it in the bauds of a worthy son of Georgia lier freely chosen Ex-\\necutive my first legitimate successor.\\nCounting the years from the 19th of January, 18G1, the day of seces;\\nsion, to the 12th of Januarj% 1872, which witnessed the complete restora-\\ntion of the wandering star of Georgia to the orbit of tlie Union, a period\\nof eleven years lacking one week, and we see what must ever be the\\nmost stupendous era of her history in its events and changes. The mind\\nfairly reels in the retrospection of this turbulent decade. It is sucii an", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0585.jp2"}, "546": {"fulltext": "474: Georgia s fateful career from secession to redemption.\\nhistoric picture as the future chronicler will dwell upon with wonder and\\nawe, and portray with a pulsing pen.\\nStarting from an unjiarallcled prosperity and progress in a sunny\\npeace, the lordly craft, cut from its moorings by its own friendly hands,\\nshot into the fiercest storm of human annals. There was no extreme of\\nwoe, blood, wreck, ravage, anarch} misrule, despotism and sliame that\\nit had not suffered to the very dregs. War was terrible; peace proved\\nmore so. Failure seemed the culmination of ignominy fortune showed\\nthe mistake. An evil destiny fatigued its invention in the supplement\\nof grotesque dishonors it swarmed upon a shattered commonwealth.\\nThe story of shade, blight and rancor can never be e.xceeded. To see\\na community of a million of people tossed for eleven long years in such\\na drift of mad event is something touching, and full of awe. It looked\\nas if a dark fate deliglited in expending its endless catalogue of hor-\\nrors upon one poor republic. The unconquerable vitality of a fine state-\\nhood was shown in this iron ordeal. Like a repressed giant, the spirit\\nof our free people was indomitable and asserted itself with resistless\\nforce. As soon can the untamable wind be cribbed, as to curb the\\naspiring life of a manly breed of men.\\nIt was a decade picturesque with red terror and black misrule. It\\npiled woe after woe upon the State. It furnished prodigally every\\nexperience of human suffering, and every fantastic phase of misgovern-\\nment. But through it all, a Christian citizenry carried its honor, its\\nspirit of freedom, its integrity and its religious civilization, sacredly\\npreserved, and the very second that marked the withdrawal of the rude\\ngrasp of repressive power saw the proud and instantaneous spectacle of\\na re-established State nationality, erect, perfect, and aug ust, the very\\nincarnation of an enlightened popular sovereignty Regenerated\\nGeorgia.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0586.jp2"}, "547": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XLIir.\\nGEORGIA S FAMOUS EXPURGATION OF FRAUDULENT\\nBONDS.\\nKx-Gov Joseph E. Brown s Emergence fron Odium.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 His Opposition to BuUoi-k s\\nSdiemes.-The Seelev Trick Rebuked.-Tlie State Road Lease.-Gov. Brown Re-\\nsolves to Fi-lit a Duel witli Gen. Toombs.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Correspondence.-Ofiicial Changes.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094J. G. OiT.-Gov. Smith s Staff.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 P. W. Alexander.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 J. W. Warren.- T. M.\\nNorwood Elected United States Senator.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Great Bond Question.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Bond\\nCommittee, Simmons, Hall and McMillan.-Report.-Statement of Bonds.-The\\nBonds Rejected.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The New Legislature.- Its I ersonelle.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 T. L. Suead and Ins\\nBond Compromise.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A Measure of State and National Agitation.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Letters of\\nLeading Georgians upon it.-The Constitution of 1877 Settles the Bond Matter\\nEinall}\\nIt was a significant fact that ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown accompanied\\nGov. Smith to be inaugurated. Tlie long and painful separation from\\nhis former political allies was coming to a fitting close. It was destined\\nto be still a long time before he came back to the full political fellow-\\nship that was due to his sincerity of conviction and thorough courage.\\nWhile in no way had the merited bitterness against the venal recon-\\nstructionists abated, the public mind was discriminating, and men occu-\\npying Gov. Brown s position were getting a correcter judgment. Gov.\\nBrown sturdily antagonized the wrongs of the Bullock regime, and he\\neffectively opposed the iniquitous attempts at additional gratuitous re-\\nconstruction- acts for Radical partisan purposes. No man was more\\ndevoted to the best interest of Georgia than he, and while he was for\\nacquiescing in inevitable hardship, he was the last man in the State to\\nseek the iiuposition of superfluous ignominy upon the people.\\nA man by the name of Isaac Seeley sent out a circular urging that\\naffidavits be gotten up to show that voters were denied the right to\\nvote by challenges for non-payment of taxes, and if necessary, Repub-\\nlicans must challenge each other at the polls. The object of this swin-\\ndling trickery was to manufacture a foundation for Congress to^pass an\\nact to prevent abridgment of voting by the assessment of taxes. This\\nwas one of the innumerable Radical schemes for controlling the State\\nthrough Congress that were so ingeniously used in that day. Seeley\\nsent a circular to Gov. Brown, who, in an open letter, exposed and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0587.jp2"}, "548": {"fulltext": "i lQ THE STATE ROAD LEASE.\\ndenounced the villainy, and declared that the wisest thing Congress could\\ndo was to sweep from the statutes the last vestige of political disahilitv.\\nThe battle over the State road was hard fouglit, and a striking-\\ntriumph for Gov. Brown. A rival company, composed inainK of At-\\nlanta citizens, had sought to lease the road, hut had been defeated by\\nGov. Brown s company. The most determined effort was made to break\\nup the lease. The papers were filled witii the subject. It was brought\\nbefore the legislature. A joint committee was appointed to investi-\\ngate and report upon the fairness or unfairness of the lease, composed\\nof Senators Wm. M. Reese and A. D. Nunnally, and Representatives\\nG. F. Pierce, Geo. M. Nethcrland and C B. Hudson. The inquiry was\\nexhaustive. Every possible witness was examined under oath. Ma-\\njority and minority reports were made. There were extensive discus-\\nsions. The fight was full of very hot blood and a deep conflict of\\nmoneyed interest. The jsurpose to break the lease was resolute and acri-\\nmonious. There was no tendency to compromise, but the fullest deter-\\nmination to fight it out on both sides to the bitter end.\\nThe legislature finally sustained the lease by an overwlielming ma-\\njority, and Gov. Brown had reason to be proud of his victory. He had\\nthe best metal of the State pitted against him. His management of\\nthe long conflict was a model of cool temper, sleepless vigilance and\\nmasterly force. It was curiously illustrative of the disrepute into which\\nthe expelled Bullock regime had fallen, that the heaviest burden the\\nSeago Company, as it was called, had to carry, was the connection with\\nit of Foster Blodgctt s name. There is an interesting feature of this\\nmemorable lease that deserves mention. Nearly all of the original lessees\\nhave sold out their shares, and yet the practical anomaly is seen of the\\nnew owners, being- unable under the lease law to control their property,\\nwhich remains under the management of the first lessees, who alone are\\nlial)le to the State, and with whom alono the lease contract was made,\\nand who by the statute are made the directors of the company for the\\nwhole period of the lease.\\nWe now come to a strange episode in Gov. Brown s life. He seemed\\ndestined to have every possible experience that falls to man. The\\ndrama of his career was a complete catalogue of suqjrises and alterna-\\ntions. He had been from boyhood a member of the church, a devout,\\npious Baptist, a man of prayer, a pillar of his denomination. His life\\nwas practically Christian. It was a powerful set of circumstances that led\\nhim deliberately to prepare to enter into a duel under the Code. Yet\\nthis he did, and Geij. Robert Toombs was his antagonist. Is o one contem-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0588.jp2"}, "549": {"fulltext": ".THE DUEL liKTWEKX ISnoWN AXn TOOMBS. 477\\nplated tlie idea for a moment, that Gov. Brown would deteiTiiine upon\\nsuch an act, .so foreign to his life and character. But in the long years\\nof political proscription and personal abuse, a nature constitutionally\\ncombative, had become fired by a keen sense of injustice at the savage\\ninvective, that while much abated, still fusilladed him with considerable\\nvigor from several quarters. Gen. Toombs, with a capacity for scath-\\ning characterization, had made Gov. Brown a special object of attack.\\nThat Gov. Brown should resolve to check the current of vituperation\\nwas not an unnatural conclusion for a man of his inherited belligerence\\nand stern temper. He made up his mind iii his quiet way, to go to the\\nfield and fight. He secured Col. James Gardner as liis second, and had\\nevery arrangement made to push this issue to extremes. The corres-\\npondence tells the whole story, which is permitted to speak for itself.\\nThe duel did not come to a meeting, owing to a hitch that will be seen\\nin the correspondence, but it is none the less true that Gov. Brown had\\nmade up his mind to fight the duel. And it was a strange result, testi-\\nfying loudly to the inconsistency of the best human nature that Gov.\\nBrown s resolution to fight not only did him a wonderful amount of\\ngood with the ungodly, but as they felt he had long suffered great in-\\njustice and wrong it pleased his Christian friends, whose moral and\\nreligious ordinances he proposed to violate. The meekest people like\\n])luck and spirited resistance to wrong. Gov. Brown remained in his\\nchurch relations, not only not injured by his war-like episode, but with\\nan increased respect and an enlarged church influence.\\nThe cause of the difficulty was the following private letter, published\\nby the Griffin JVews, on the 27th of June, 1872, to a gentleman of that\\ncity:\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Washixgtox, June lOtli, 1872.\\nDear \u00e2\u0096\u00a0^ir: I do not Icnow tlie heirs of Mitchell, and do not know whether they are\\nmen, women nr children, and certainly made no allusion whate\\\\ er to them in tlie speech\\nreferred to, and I will add that I have no doubt that if they had any rights to the prop-\\nerty referred to, the} were strii)])cd of the largest portion of their rights, as well as the\\nState.\\nThe jimrnals of the Legisl.ature show, tliat in the face of a direct offer of one\\nhundrod thousaTid didlars for a quit-claim deed to the property in dispute made liy Gen-\\neral AnstcU and others, and of the unanimous opinion of all the lawyers employed in\\nthe case liy Bullock, except one, tliat the title of the State was clear, the Legislature\\naccepted tlie offer of thirty-five thousand dollars from Lochrane, Kimhall and Brown,\\nwho engineered the bill through the Legislature in the name of the Mitchell heirs.\\nThe term orphans of Mitchell was applied to them in derision of the pretenses,\\nunder which the peojile were .stripped of their property for the use of these orjihans.\\nThis action of the Legislature -w.is the result of briliery, pnrc and simple. The", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0589.jp2"}, "550": {"fulltext": "478 OOVERXOK brown s DENUNCIATION OK TOOSIBS.\\nacceptance of tlie thirty thousand dollars in lieu of the liundreil thousand offered under\\nthe circumstances contained in the journals is conclusive proof of that fact.\\nI did state further, that as far as niy knowle lge extended, all of the puljlic plunderers\\nwho pretended to he Democrats, from Tammany Hall down to the smallest pettv lar-\\nceny thief on the State Hoad, were Greeley men, and so is the fact.\\nThe spoliators of every party iu this country dread nothing so much as the return\\nto power of the State Rights Democratic party of the United States That party is\\nthe terror of all the enemies of the puhlic by whatever name they may be called.\\nI am verv respectfullv, your ob t serv t.,\\nR. TOOMBS.\\nGov. Bro\\\\vn made this reply in the Constitution of July 3, 1872:\\nAtlanta, Ga., July 2, 1872.\\nEditors Constitution My attention has been called to a letter published in the Griffin\\nDai!// Neics, signed R. Toombs, in reference to the pas.sage of the resolution of the\\nLegislature of 1870, compromising the litigation between the heirs of Samuel Mitchell\\nand the State of Georgia, in which Gen. Toondis uses the following language\\nTlie Legi. ^lature accepted the offer of S35,000 from Lochrane, Kimball and Brown,\\nwho engineered the bill through the Legislature in tlie name of the Mitchell heirs. The\\nterm orphans of Mitchell was applied to them in derision of the pretenses under which\\nthe people were stripped of this property, for the use of these orphans. This action\\nwas the result of bribery pure and simple. I did state further that as far as my\\nknowledge extended, all the public plunderers who pretended to be Democrats, from\\nTammany Hall down to the smallest petty larceny thief on the State Road, were\\nGreeley men, ami so is the fact.\\nNow if Gen. Toombs intends by his language to say that I have been guiltv of\\nbribery in engineering this bill through the Legislature, I pronounce his statement\\nan infamous falsehood and its author an unscrupiUous liar.\\nVery respectfully,\\nJOSEPH E. BROWN.\\nJudge Lochrane publislied an aggressive and denunciatory reply to\\nGen. Toombs, in which he argued the facts, and thus concluded\\nToo long liave the interests of Georgia been cursed by the bewildering folly of\\nToombs. May the God of justice interpose to save the State from the further infliction\\nof his pestilential influence, and as the State has heretofore been spared his precedent,\\nmay Providence, iu the future, spare her the curse of his parallel.\\nThis very neat piece of abuse is given, as in Gen. Toombs reply there\\nis some clever counter-crimination. The contest between these two was\\nmerely wordy. The difficulty with Gov. Brown was a serious affair, and\\nhe meant fight, and conducted the correspondence to that end. Gen.\\nToombs sent Col. John C. Nicholls on the 9th of July, 1872, to Gov.\\nBrown, to informally inquire if he would give Gen. Toombs satisfaction\\nunder the Code. Gov. Brown, in a very polite, but as he considered it\\na very positive conversation, gave the assurance plainly, as he thought,\\nthat he would give satisfaction when called on by Gen. Toombs. After", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0590.jp2"}, "551": {"fulltext": "GENERAL TOO [l!s REPLY. 479\\nCol. Nicholls retired Gov. Brown ;it once telegrajilieil Iiis friend, Col.\\nGardner, at Augu.sta, requesting him to come to Atlanta by tlie first\\ntrain. Col. Gardner arrived on the early morning train of the 10th.\\nGov. Brown called on Jiitn immediately, and gave him a full statement\\nof the interview between him and Col. Nicholls. Col. Gardner told him\\nhis onlj mistake wa.s, that he did not have all communication on the\\nsubject conducted in writing that if Col. Nicholls should have misun-\\nderstood him, or should give a different version of the conversation, it\\nmight be unfortunate. Col. Gardner then advised Gov. Brown to see\\nCol. Nicholls without delay, and agree in writing, what was said in tlie\\ninterview. It was early in the morning, and Gov. Brown at once in-\\nquired of the hotel-keeper for Col. Nicholls room. But he was informed\\nthat Col. Nicholls had left the previous evening for his home in Southern\\nGeorgia. Ho was also informed that Gen. Toombs had left very early\\nthat morning for his residence in Washington, Ga., and curiously enough\\nCol. Gardner was assigned to Gen. Toombs vacated room. As neither\\nGen. Toombs nor Col. Nicholls were in Atlanta, it was not then in his\\npower to see Col. Nicholls to reduce the conversation to writing, nor to\\ncommunicate it immediately in writing to Gen. Toombs. Col. Gardner\\nthen advised him to reduce the conversation just as it occurred to writ-\\ning, and forward it by express immediately to Gen. Toombs, at his\\nhome, so that there could be no dispute about its receipt by him. This\\nGov. Brown did, and sent the written statement to Gen. Toombs by the\\nexpress of that day, and took the receipt of the express eompanj for\\nthe communication, which he was informed by the expressmen was\\npromptly delivered.\\nThis communication, so far as it relates to the interview between Col.\\nNicholls and Gov. Brown, is copied into Gov. Brown s card to the public,\\ndated July 17, 1873, and need not be inserted here. The address and\\nthe memorandum referring to Col. Gardner s advice to see Col. Nicholls,\\nand have the conversation reduced to writing immediately, are omitted.\\nOn the IGth of July, Gen. Toombs published the following article in\\nthe Atlanta Sun, dated the 11th.\\nFrom the Sun\\nWashington-, Ga., July II, I!?72.\\nTo the Editors of the Sun A lirare of ex-Cliief Justices, of this State, lionoreil\\nme with their notice and vitnperation in The Constltulion of the 3(1 instant. There were\\na trio of tliese chevaliers d industrie en/jaged in the transactions referred to. The third\\nmember of the firm (Mr. H. I. Kimball) is absent from the State, I suppose, from cir-\\ncumstances beyond his control. These assaults excite no surprise.\\nSince the adjournment of that band of public plunderers whom Geueral Terry and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0591.jp2"}, "552": {"fulltext": "480 GENERAL TOOMBs KEPLY.\\nBullock installoi] astlie Legislature of Georgia in Octolier, 1S70, I have devoteil iiuu li\\nof my time anil stren};tli iu eiuleavorliig to secure tlie persons of these accoinjilices iu\\nguilt, and to preserve tlie evidence of llieir crimes from destruction, until the criminal\\nlaws could be enforced against tliein, and a free jjarliament of the peoi)le could as-\\nsemble to aid the administration of justice, and wrest from the grasp of the spoilers so\\nmuch of their ill-gotten gains as miglit be within the reach of law or legislation.\\nThese efforts have not been wholly unavailing, and I trust I have been al)le to render\\nsome small service to some of the very able and efficient committees whom tlio Legisla-\\nture have charged witli the consummation of this great work. My small portion of the\\nwork has excited the deejicst enmity of the whole gang of spoliators against me. I\\naccept it as some eviilence that I have not labored wholly in vain.\\nIt is wortliy of notice in the beginning, that not a single statement made by me in\\nthe publication to which they refer, is denied Ijy either Loclirane or Brown. They do\\nnot deny that they, in connection with Kimball, engineered through the Legislature the\\nresolution ceding the Kailroad Park property in Atlanta, in tlie name of tlie heirs of\\nMitchell nor that the Legislature accepted thirty-five thousaml dollars from their\\nclients in the face of a responsible offer of one hundred thousand dollars for a quitclaim\\ndeed to the same property nor that thi.s action of the Legislature was the result of\\nbribery, pure and simple nor that the acceptance of the thirty-five thousand dollars in\\nlieu of the one hundred thousand dollars offered under the circumstances contained in\\nthe journals, is conclusive of that fact. Here are the specific charges contained in my\\nletter, and the proof referred to, to sustain them.\\nI shall dismiss the reply of Lochrane very summarily. Treachery, mendacity,\\nvenality, servility to Bullock and the R.odical gang, rottenness in and out of office since the\\nsurrender, has so strongly stamped hischar.acter, that nothing he could now say no new\\nfalseliood he might utter, and no new crime he might now commit would, in the le;v\u00c2\u00bbt\\ndegree, affect his pulilic rejjutation or his private character where he is known.\\nHe l)oasts of buying a large portion of the Park property, and of large amounts\\nexpended in its improvement, when I know that since that purc]ia,se, if purchase it be, he\\nhas been comjiromisiug his honest debts for about thirty cents on the dollar and if the\\nmoney for the improvements came out of his purse, it must have been ac(iuired by his\\npractices under color of his profession, or his malpractices on the Bench.\\nE.x-Chief Justice Brown denies neither of the statements which I afiirmed. He con-\\ntents himself with quoting from my letter, and then adding Now if General Toombs,\\nby this language, intends to say that I have been guilty of bribery in engineering this\\nbill through the Legislature, I pronounce his statement an infamous falsehood, and its\\nauthor an unscrupulous liar.\\nHe quoted the language, and therefore knew I diil not say so. If he felt in doubt\\nabout the iuteution the construction of the language he might have asked for an\\nexplan.ation. The propriety of this conr.se is so obvious th.at no gentleman could fail to\\nperceive it. Brown preferred hypothetical denunciation, the usual dodge of a vulgar\\npoltroon, and played his characteristic role. He is extremely technical General\\nToombs intends by this langn.age tliat T have been guilty of bribery in engineering this\\nbill through the Legisl.ature, etc. I think the probaliilities are very much against\\nBrown s being pcrsonaUij engaged in the bribery. I think he is too cunning and skill-\\nful a lohbyi.st to run any snch unnecessary risks, especially with such experts as Kimball\\nand Lochrane, aided by Blodgett, assisting him iu the work of engineering the bill\\nthrough the Legislature.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0592.jp2"}, "553": {"fulltext": "GENERAL TOOMIis REPLV. 4,S]^\\nTho plain liistory of the case, and the examination of the ioun.als of tlie Legislature\\n(the evidence to whicdi I referred) will fidly vindicate the correctness of my opinion of\\nthe transaction.\\nIn 1842, Charles :\\\\Iitchell, with the view to secnre the location of the depot of the\\nroad on his laud, donated, in fee simple, by deed of warranty, five acres of land to the\\nState for placing thereon the necessary buildings which may hereafter be required for\\npublic purposes at the terminus of said road. The State entered, occupied and hel.l\\nuudisturljed possession of this property for nearly a quarter of a century.\\nIn 1867, Brown and Pope brought suit for the heirs of Mitchell for the park portion\\nof the property. No action was ever had on this suit but in 1S68, the case was carried\\nbefore the Legi.-Iature, and the claim rejected. It there slept until Bullock got another\\n.reconstruction act tlirough Congress, and he and General Terry had, by fraud and force\\nejected a large nnmb.-r of tho true representatives of the people, and replaced them with\\na sufficient number of his own pliant and corrupt tools to render powerless the honest\\nmen whom he could get no pretext for ejecting.\\nThe State being thus prostrate at tho feet of the usurpers and plunderers, Bullock,\\ntheir cliief, with a corrupt Judiciary of his own appointment, with a venal Legislature,\\nsounded his bugle and called his clans to the sacking of the Commonwealtli.\\nLochrane was among the very first to obey the call. In Julv, 1870, he put in the\\nrejected claim of the heirs of Mitchell, in a proposition to Bullock, to give him the\\nwhole of the property iu dispute in the suits, except a strip of land two hundred anil\\nforty feet wide, between Lloyd and Pryor streets, where the depot then and now stands,\\nfor thirty-five thousand dollars. This property was estimated then to be worth between\\nthree hundred thousand and four hundred thousand dollars, by some of the best citizens\\nof Atlanta. The proposition was referred by Bullock to the counsel he had employed\\nto defend the State s interests. Mr. William Dougherty, Judge Collier, Mr. Hoyt,\\nJudge Hopkins and Mr, Nnnnally, of the counsel, met, consulted, and except Nunnally\\nunanimously decided that the title of the State was clear and unquestionable, and directe d\\none of their number so to report to the Governor.\\nJudge Hopkins differ^ with Messrs. Dougherty, Collier and Iloyt as to the other\\nfacts, liut agrees that the title of tlie State was clear.\\nBullock sent in Lochrane s proposition, with a false statement, as was his haliit,\\nof a material fact in the ca,se. This message was received on the 13th of October, 1 87o[\\nreferred to a select committee of both houses the same day, and on the next day n as re-\\nported back with a recommendation that Lochrane s proposition be accepted. The\\ncounsel for the State Ii.ad no notice of the meeting of the committee, and were not pres-\\nent, except Nnnnally, whofavoreil Lochrane s proposition, and Judge Hopkius, who sug-\\ngested tr) Bullock a compromi.se, on such terms as the relative vantage ground of the\\ntwo parties will justify. Lochrane represented the Mitchell heirs.\\nThis report was made the special order of the day for the 17th of October. It was\\ntaken up on tliat day. Mr. Candler, on tlie 14th, having moved to request the Governor\\nto send in the opini.ms of the counsel for the State, his resolution, on motion of Mr.\\nSpeer, was laid on the table.\\nOn the 17th Mr. Candler moved a substitute reciting the offer of General Austell\\nand others, to bid one hundred thousand dollars for a quit-claim to the Park, and pro-\\nviding for its acceptance and putting the property up at auction with that upset bid.\\nMr. Bradley offered as a substitute to the whole a resolution to give the heirs of\\nMitchell the right to sue in the courts of tlie State for the property, which substitute\\n31", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0593.jp2"}, "554": {"fulltext": "482 GEXEKAL TOOIIDS Klii LY.\\nwas rejected, ami tlie sulistitiite of Mr. Canfller was also rejected by one vote and the\\nreport was then adopted by 22 to 1 1 votes.\\nThe Cliairnian of the House Committee, on tlie 4th of Octolier. made the same joint\\nreport to tlie House. It w;xs taken up on the 20th, and Mr. Hall moved the adoption of\\nthe Senate s report as a substitute for his own.\\nMr. Scott then submitted the offer of General Austell and twelve other citizens of\\nAtlanta, to pay one hundred thousand dollars for tlie State s i|uit-claim deed to the prop-\\nerty within ninety days after date and offered a resolution providing for commissioners\\nto put up the property at4)ublic auction; and providing further, that if the commis-\\nsioners failed to get a bid of one hundred thousand dollars for a quitclaim title to the\\nproperty, the Governor should be authorized to accept tlie proposition of the Mitchell\\nheirs for thirty-five tliousand dollars. This proposition was rejected by a vote of 49 to\\n73, and the Senate s substitute was adopted.\\nSuch is the record upon whicli I formed the opinion that the action was the result\\nof bribery, pure and simple. I did not suppose that all who voted for the bill were cor-\\nrupted. Some men were doubtless misled. Others, influenced by other than corrupt\\nmotives, but it is clear that the managers of the scheme of [ilunder profited by tlieir\\nbetrayal of the public trust.\\nThe record is complete. Tlio state s title was settled by the judgment of the\\nSupreme Court was clear and iudisputable, in the opinion of four of the leading counsel\\nof tlie State.\\nTlieir opinions were suppres.sed by a direct vote of the Senate The friends of the\\nbill refused to permit the claims to go before the courts for trial, though counsel fees to\\nthe amount of fifteen thousand dollars were paid to defend the titles. Thirty-five\\nthousand dollars was accepted from the Mitchell heirs for a property in lieu of one\\nhundred thousand dollars offered by others, without the pretense of a reason therefor\\nbeing found on the record except Jackson s letter to Bullock which property, within a\\nfew days after the consummation of this wickedness, with all the cloud of this corruption\\nbanging over it, br.jught at public outcry over two hundred thousand dollars.\\nGov. Brown does not deny that he aided in lobbying this measure through the Legis-\\nlature. He was present in the Senate when the bill was before it, as was also Lochrane,\\nKimball and Blodgett; and he was justly rebuked on the floor of the Senate by Mr.\\nCandler for his conduct in this matter.\\nLobliying is a crime a misdemeanor at common law a crime intensified by his\\nhigh jmlicial position.\\nBut there is yet a still graver charge than lobbying ag.ainst the ex-Chief Justice.\\nBefore these occurreil, the case of Thornton and others vs. Trammell and others, came\\nbefore the Supreme Court. It was a case really against the Western and Atlantic Rail-\\nroad, for the Dalton depot, and involving the same principles. The counsel for the Koad\\nobjected to Brown s sitting in that case, on the ground that he was employed in the\\nMitchell heirs case, which was undecided See 39th Georgia, 208. Brown stated that\\nin that c;ise, the language of the deed is different, and have turned over the case with the\\nnliHgation of the fee to the other counsel. Under these circumstances, he was adjudged\\nby the other Judges competent to sit on the case\\nHe did sit, dissented from, the court, but gave no opinion. He weakened the opinion\\nall he could by bis dis.sent, but gave no opinion himself.\\nWas that statement of Brown true If so, be eltlier liad no claims on the Mitchell\\nheirs for fees, or he afterwards contracted for aud accepted fees while on the Beuch. If", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0594.jp2"}, "555": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR urown s Rlirl.V. 483\\nnot true, lie sat in a case in the decision of xvliicli lie was interested, and decided in liis\\nown favor.\\nIt is a liijjli crime in the highest judicial officer of the State to Iiring his influence to\\nhear in any way to control the action of tlie Legislature. His very position may control\\nthose who have suits before him. Tlie ordinary criminal may ho in his hands. He may\\nhave power to save from just punishment for his crimes even the victim of his own per-\\nfidious debauchery. K- TOOMBS.\\nTo tliis article of Gen. Toombs Gov. Brown made reply on the 17th\\nof July, 1872, the day after its publication:\\nTO THE PUBLIC.\\nATL.iXT.i, Ga., July 17, 1872.\\nEditors Constitution: As Gen. Toombs has thought proper to appear again in print\\nbefore the puldic, while a personal issue was pending between him and me, I have a very\\nsimple replv for him. In his card, dated the \\\\ltli instant, and published on the 16M, he\\nrefers to me as resorting to the usual dodge of a vulgar poltroon.\\nThis man, having been branded by me as an unscrupulous liar, fancied, perhaps, that\\nhe had sufficient courage to defend his personal honor, or perhaps he thought he could\\n.safelv jdav the role of a bully. Accepting, therefore, the position of the injured party,\\nand feeling no little concern about my church relations, he .sent a friend to me to inquire\\nif I held myself amenable to the code of honor. I replied as follows\\nCol. J. C. Nicholls entered my office, on tlie morning of tlie 9th instant, and said, I\\ndesire to see you a moment privately, when tlie following conversation occurred\\nNicholls I have come iu behalf of Gen. Toombs to make an inquiry of you.\\nBrown Well, sir, I will hear you.\\nNicholls On account of your church rel.ations. Gen. Toombs does not know\\nwhether you hold yourself amenable to tlie code, and while I admit this is an irregular\\nproceeding in behalf of Gen. Toombs, I make tlie inquiry.\\nBrown It seems to me, this course is extraordinary. Gen. Toombs has nothin;;\\nto do w ith my church relations. If he desires to send me a communication, I am ready\\nto receive it at any moment. I have conferred with a friend who does not reside in\\nAtlauta, hut I will telegraph him at once, and respond to a communication, if made,\\nafter referring it to him, without unreasonable delay. Are you Gen. Toombs friend in\\ntliis matter\\nNicholls I am not, in that sen.oe. I expect to have nothing whatever to do with\\nthe matter. I only come to make this inquiry, at Gen. Toombs suggestion. He m,ay\\ndesire a little time, as he will have to get a friend who resides out of the State, for he\\ndoes not wish to complicate his friends in the State.\\nBrown I shall not trouble persons out of the State. I have a friend in the State\\nwho will serve me.\\nNicholls I would like to know whether you hold yourself bound by the code 1\\nBrown Say to Gen. Toombs distinctly, that I am ready to receive any communi-\\ncation that he desires to send, and if I don t respond properly, he knows his remedy.\\nNicholls What I have done in this instance is simply an act of friendship to Gen.\\nToombs, because he requested it. I expect to take no part in any unpleasant affair\\nbetween vou and hira.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0595.jp2"}, "556": {"fulltext": "484 COLONEL J. C. XICHOLLS S VERSIOX.\\nBrowx Say to Gen. Toonilis I liold myself rcaJy to p lve him auy satisfaction\\nwhich may he due him, or to which he is entitled as a ^entleniau.\\nThis language is in Gen. TooiuIjs possession in writing, over my own signature To\\nbe certain that he received it as uttered, it was sent to him, ou the lOtli, after he left\\nAtlanta, hy the first express to his home at Washington.\\nThis code-of-houor gentleman left Atlanta the day after this language wa,s uttered.\\nHe responds in the newspapers. I leave the public to judge who is the poltroon, and\\nwliether Gen. Toombs preferred newspaper artillery to heavier metal.\\nJOSEPH E. BROWN.\\nThe following publication by Col. Nicholl.s, giving his version of the\\ninterview, was published on 19th of July, 1ST2:\\nAtlanta, July 18, 1872.\\nGem. Robert Toomrs, Atlanta, Ga.:\\nDear General A card is published this morning in the Constitution and Sun, over\\nthe signature of Joseph E. Brown, which purports to give the verbiage of a conversation\\nhad with me on the 9th instaut.\\nThis statement of the conversation is substantially nutrue.\\nGov. Brown states that he wa.s advised to see me and have me to agree in writing\\nwhat occurred. He failed to follow the advice. He has not approached me on tlie\\nsubject.\\nAs Gov. Brown has seen fit to pursue this extraordinary course, I feel that it is due\\nto you and to myself, that you publish my statement of the conversation.\\nSiuccrelv your friend,\\nJNO. C. NICHOLLS.\\nA STATEMENT OP THE MATERIAL FACTS OF A CONTEESATIOX HAD\\nWITH JOSEPH E. BROWN ON THE 9tH INSTANT.\\nI said I call on yon in belialf of Gen. Toombs to ascertain if you are responsible,\\nin the way usual among gentlemen, for the language contained in your card of a recent\\ndate\\nHe replied, I am responsible for my language.\\nI then said, Gen. Toombs desires to know if you will give him satisfaction under\\nthe code. If he should address a note to you demanding a meeting, will you meet him\\nin the usnal way\\nI explained that, whilst the inquiry was perhaps made in an informal manner, yet it\\nwas thought to be warranted by his well known position in the churLdi. To this he\\nbowed assent and answered\\nIf Gen. Toomlis addresses me a note, I will consult with a friend, and then reply\\nto it. I will answer your inquiry when he submits it iu writing. He declined to\\nanswer the question more directly.\\nIn my opinion, from the language and manner of Gov. Brown, he will decline to\\nanswer the inquiry in the atiirmative, if submitted by you in writing. I am impressed\\nwith the conviction that it is his purpose to use a formal call, to your injury, under the\\nconstitution of this State.\\n[Signed] JNO. C. NICHOLLS.\\nTo Gex. Robert Toombs.\\nTo this Gov. Brown made the following reply, conchuling this episode.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0596.jp2"}, "557": {"fulltext": "GOV. KUOWN s final I ERSONAL CAUD AGAINST GEX. TOOilliS. 485\\nwhich excited a profouiiJ interest at the time and a large amount of\\ndiscussion:\\nTO THE PUBLIC.\\nAtlanta, Ga., Jul} 20, 1872.\\nEditors Constitution I liave read tlie card of Col. Nicliolls, published iu your paper\\nyesterday. Bet\\\\yeen Iiim and myself there seems to be a couHict of uieuiory as to the yer.\\nbia e aud purport of the iuterview. But Geuei al Toombs cauuot shield his poltroonery\\niu that way, for he could not mistake the language oyer my own signature, sent him by\\nexpress, aud doubtless received by him, before he penned bis last card published five\\ndays afterwards.\\nCol. NichoUs, in hia card, referring to my own of the previous day, says, Gov. Brown\\nstates that he was advised to see me, and have me to agree in writing what occurred.\\nThis statement nowhere appears in my published card, but it does appear in a memo-\\nrandum appended to my version of the iuterview, which was sent to Gen. Toombs by\\nexpress. The proof is conclusive, therefore, that my \\\\yritten statement was received by\\nGen. Toombs.\\nThe verbal report of a conversation would never be the guide to a proud brave man\\nas to what bis houor demanded, wbeu he had in writing before bim, the pledge that ho\\nwould receive, if he called for it, the satisfaction due a gentleman.\\nJOSEPH E. BROWN.\\nVery fortunately a meeting did not take place, and two very valuable\\nlives were spared, while the State was saved the spectacle of two ven-\\nerable and distinguished Statesmen in a life and death encounter. Col.\\nJS icholls erred in supposing that Gov. Brown did not mean to go to the\\nfield. And the public universally credited to Gov. Brown the firm pur-\\npose to fight.\\nCommenting upon this matter, H. W. G., in an exceedingly clever\\nsketch of these two masterful men, as he felicitously calls them, thus\\nspeculated on the result of a meeting:\\nWhile I join with all good meu in rejoicing that this duel was arrested, I confess\\nthat I have been wicked enough to speculate on its probable result had it occurred. Iu\\nthe first place. Gen. Toombs made no preparation for the duel. He went along in hia\\ncareless aud kingly w.ay, trusting, ])resumably, to luck aud a quick shot. Gov. Brown,\\non tlie contrary, made the most careful aud deliberate preparation. lie made his will,\\nput his estate in order, aud tlieu clipped all the trees in his orchard practicing with the\\npistol. Had the duel come off which fortunately it diil not Gen. Toombs would liavo\\nfired with his usual magnificence and bis usual disregard of rule. I do not mean to im-\\nply that he would not ha\\\\e hit Gov. Brown on the contrary, he might have perforated\\nhim iu a dozen ))laces at once. But one thing is sure Gov. Brown would have clasped\\nliis long wliite fingers arouud the pistol butt, adjusted it to his gray eye and sent his\\nbullet witliiu the eighth of an inch of the place he had selected. I should not be sur-\\nprised if he drew a diagram of Gen. Toombs, and markeil off with square and compass\\nthe exact spot he wanted to hit.\\nGen. Toombs had made grave charges in his card against the parties", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0597.jp2"}, "558": {"fulltext": "48G GOV. brown s letter to the public.\\nconnected with the coniproniise of the case between the state and the\\nMitchell heirs, which Gov. Brown was not willing to rest under without\\na statement of the facts in refutation of the charges. He was, how-\\never, advised by his friend, Col. Gardner, that he could not address any\\nfurther communication to Gen. Toombs on the subject, but that he\\ncould witii propriety address a connnunication to the public, giving all\\ntlie important facts in the case. He then addressed to the editor of\\nthe Constitution, the writer then filling that position, the following\\npublication, which is given to complete the record of this noted contro-\\nversy that filled at that time so large a share of public thought:\\nAtlanta, Ga., August 5, 1872.\\nEditor Constitution\\nI uoticed, a few ilays siuce, an abstract ia your eilitorial of the evidence taken before\\nthe Committee appointed by the General Assembly, known as the Bullock Committee,\\nin which reference is made to the property in Atlanta, known as the Mitchell propertv,\\nor park, in front of the Kimball House. It seems some testimony was taken liefore tlie\\nCommittee, which led them to conclude that there hail been fraud, or improper influence\\nin the settlement of the case, between the heirs of Jlitcjiell and the State of Georgia.\\nAs I was one of the original counsel who brought the action for the recovery of this\\nproperty and of the portion then held by the city of Atlanta and as I and my part-\\nner, Messrs. E. Waitzfelder Co., of New York, purchased over )0,000 worth of the\\nproperty at the sale, after the compromise had been made, and paid that amount in\\ncash and as we are now constructing a building on a portion of it, at a cost of about\\nS27,000, I feel that my interest is such as to justify me in taking some notice of any-\\ntliing that relates to the title of the property.\\nI w.is applied to, while practicing law with Judge Pope, prior to the time when I\\nwent upon the Supreme liench, to bring suit in behalf of tlie heirs of Mitchell for the\\nrecovery, uot only of the park property, lyiug between the passenger shed and Decatur\\nstreet, but also of the property lying between the passenger shed and Alabama street,\\non the other side, running from Lloyd street up to Wliiteliall.\\nOf this property, the sijuare of five acres, bounded by Alabama, Decatur, Lloyd and\\nPryor streets, w,is originally conveyed by Samuel Mitchell to the State of Georgia, for\\nplacing thereon the neces.sarv buildings which may hereafter be reijuired for puldic pur-\\nposes at the terminus of the State Road. In the same deed Mitchell conveyed, for the\\nuse and purposes of said road, a space in breadth wide enough to answer for a right of\\nw.ay for the road, to be designated by the engineer for said purpose, through his lot,\\nwith the privilege of taking and using timber, stone and gravel, being on said space,\\nnecessary for the construction of saiil road. In other words, he conveyed to the State\\na right of way througli his lot, upon wliich to locate the Western and Atlantic Kailro.ad,\\nwith five acres at its terminus, for a location of the buildings required for puldic pur-\\nposes at its terminus. Some time thereafter Mitchell also conveyed to the Macon and\\nWestern Railroad the land bounded as it now is, by Alabama, Whitehall and Pryor\\nstreets on three sides, and the Western and Atlantic Railroad, or its riglit of w.iy, on\\nthe fourth, (e.xccpt the corner that had been sold off, and which is now occupied as\\n.Tames bank building and contiguous buihlings,) which he conveyed to said ro.ad for rail-\\nroad purposes excitisivelij. The state located, in connection with the railroad companies.\\nii", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0598.jp2"}, "559": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR brown s I-KXTER TO THE PUCMC. 487\\ntlie general passenger shed, upon tlie portion of tlie land granted to lier, and also locateil\\nthe road upon the right of way through Mitcliell s lot to said car slied, and also located\\nsuch buildings as were, at the time, thought necessary upon other portions of tlie five\\nacres.\\nSubsequently it was ascertained that the location where tlie park now is, was not\\nwell suited for purposes of the road, and tliat it had no special use for tlie portion of\\nground lying lietween the car shed and Alabama street, and a contract was made between\\nthe State, represented by the proper officer of the Western and Atlantic Kailroad, and the\\nMacon and Western Railroad, by which the State swapped to the Macon and Western\\nR. R. the portion of land conveyed to her by Mitchell, lying south of the car slied down\\nto Alabama street, for a piece of laud belonging to tlie Macon and Western Railroad,\\nwhere the present freight depot, platforms, etc., of the Western and Atlantic Railroa l\\nnow stand. And the Western and Atlantic Railroad has h)cated upon the piece of\\nground which it received from the Macon and Western Railroad in excliauge for the\\nportion of land conveyed by Mitchell to the State, its depot, ])latforms, etc so that the\\nState got for the portion of land conveyed by Mitchell the land upon wliich her depot,\\n])hitforms, etc., now stand. She also got a location for a passenger shed, and for all\\ntracks necessary for the working of the road.\\nAfter the swap lietween the Macon and Western Railroad and the Western and\\nAtlantic Railroad, by wliich the Western and Atlantic Railroad got the land she needed\\nfor her depot, the Macon and Western Railroad located its depot upon the land which\\nit received from the State in e.xchange, and upon the land conveyed to it by Jlitchell.\\nIn 1859, the State having no further use for the Park property for any railroad pur-\\npose, an act was passed by the General Assembly, autliorizing the city of Atlanta\\nto enclose and beautify it as a park. Thus the matter stood at the close of the war,\\nwhen it was found that the freight depot, tracks, and probably turn-table of the Macon\\nand Western Railroail, located on the Mitch.dl jiroperty, near the car-shed, obstructed\\nPryor street, and was a great nuisance to the city, if rebuilt, and kept up there and it\\nwas agreed between the City and the Macon and Western Railroad that they would\\nexchange lands, and in carrying out that agreement tlie Macon and Western Railroad\\nconveyed, by i/iiit claim (for she would not give a warranty), the portion of the hand of\\nthe Mitchell ]iroperty, which the State had swapped to Iier for the lands ivliere the\\nWestern and Atlantic Railroad Depot now stands; and the portion of land conveyed to\\nher by the Mitchell heirs, embracing the vacant space south of the Railroad, between\\nDecatur and Lloyd streets. The Macon and Western Railroad then moved her depot\\nout to its present location, and thus the matter stood when the Mitchell heirs ajiplieil to\\nme and my partner to bring suit for the property. The State had received all the\\nbenefit which she desired or could need for railroad purposes under Mitchell s grant.\\nShe bad her tracks located upon the right-of-w.ay, and she had her passenger shed upon\\nthe property, and slie had her freight dcjiot upon the land which she had received in\\nexchange for a portion of the property and she surely could liave no further claim to\\nthe property which she had exchanged for other lands upon wliich to locate her depot.\\nBut she had no use whatever for the Park projierty, for the purpose for which it was\\noriginally conveyed to her, nor had she pretended to use it for any such purjiose for some\\neight or ten years previous to the complaint niaiie by the heirs.\\nI refused to bring the action until I had carefully examined the authorities, which I\\ntook time to do, and satisfied my own mind vci-y clearly, that if the law were admin-\\nistered, there could be no doubt of the right of the heirs to recover back not only the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0599.jp2"}, "560": {"fulltext": "488 GOVERNOR HUOWX S LETTER TO THE PL IiLIC.\\nproperty coiive.vcil to tlie State, for railroail purposes, ami aljandoiied Iiy lier for that\\nuse, but the property eouieyed to tlie Slacou anil Western railroad for railroad jmr-\\nposes exclitsiveli/, and also abaniloued by lier for railroad puri)oses wheu she excliange l\\nit to the city.\\nAfter a careful examiuation of the autliorities, I advised the heira that in my\\nopiuion, tliey bad a right to recover, and tiie linn of Brown Pope was eniploved to\\nbring the action, with the understanding that we associate Ju lge I ittniau, and Col.\\nBleckley, Mr. Dougherty or Jlr. Hill with us. We did afterwards associate Judge\\nPittmau and Col. Bleckley, and the action was commenced.\\nI predicated my opiuion as to the rights of tlie heirs, upon the fact that tlie property\\nhad been conveyed by tlieir father for a specific and particular use, and for no other use,\\nand wheu the State and tlie Macon and Western liailroad Company found tliat they\\nno longer needed the property for that use, and abandoned it, that it reverted to the\\ndonor upon the principle tliat if I convey laud to a religions congregation for the ]iur-\\n])Ose of erecting a cburcli U]ion it, aud for no other purpose, and tlie congregation sliould\\nabandou it for that piir]iose, aud sell it to A. B. who locates a doggery upon it,\\ntliis would be in violation of the contract uuder which the congregation held the iiroji-\\nerty, and it would revert to me as tlie donor. Or, take the very case itself, supjiose after\\nMitchell had made the conveyance to the State of Georgia, giving the riglit of way\\nthrough his lot, aud five acres at the eud of it for a location for the necessary buildings,\\nc., the engineer of the road had changed its location entirely aud liad run it to anotlier\\n(ermtHMS, not touching Mitchell s lot, and had never used it for railroad purposes. Would\\nit be contended that the State wouki have a good title to the projierty Surely not. Then\\nsuppose after its location upou Mitchell s laud, it had been kept tliere for live years aud\\nfor some good reason tlie Road s location had been changed and thrown entirely off tlie\\nlot, why would it not, in law, equity and justice have reverted to Milcliell, on tlie grouiiil\\nof its entire abaudonment for the purposes of the grant? If so, and the State used all\\nshe needed of it for railroad purposes aud swapped a portion that she did not need\\nfor the proper location of her necessary buildings elsewhere, and abaudoued another\\nportion that she did not need for the purpose of the grant and turned it over to the\\ncity for a park, why, upou the .same principle would it not revert to the donor or his\\nheirs I might give very numerous cases from tlie books sustaining this doctrine which\\nis founded not only in sound law, but in the broad principle of natural cijuity but I will\\nnot enlarge upon this point.\\nThus the matter stood, pending the litigation, when I went upon the Supreme\\nBench, aud I turned over the case, and subsequently the obligatiou for the fees, so far\\nas I was concerned, to Judge Lochrane, who was then practicing law, and under it, he\\nrepresented me. And while I was upou the Bench, the heirs of Mitchell becoming iiu-\\n)iatieut with the delay of a long, tedious litigation, and being broken up by the war, and as\\nI am informed, very poor, after having conferred together, concluded to apjily to the Leg-\\nislature to order the re-conveyance of the I ark jiropcrty, the portion which the State\\ndid not need for railroad purposes, to them, as an act of justice and a memorial was\\nlironght before tlie General Assembly asking a re-conveyance. This was met liy the\\ndetermined opposition of Gov. Bullock and Col. Ilulbert, the then .su|jerintendeiit of the\\nroad, who went so far as to break the park fence and run a short track out into the jiark\\nand locate a few cars to stand there to re-possess the property for railroad pur jioses, though\\nall could see at once, that tliis was simply inteiideil to make the appearance of railroad\\nuse, when it was not in fact needed for any such ])urpose. The case was brought before", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0600.jp2"}, "561": {"fulltext": "GOVEKXOR KROWN S LETTER TO THE PirRI.IC. 489\\nthe General Asscnilily ami reforrcil to a special coinmittee of five from the Senate and\\nuiue from the House, composed of a majority of Democrats from each house, with a\\nDemocratic Chairman from each.\\nThe superintendent of the road, who actively opposed the re-conveyance to the\\nheirs, appeared before the committee as the Journals show, and submitted evidence\\nagainst the proposed re-conveyance. Having considered the question, the committee,\\nthrough their Democratic Chairman in each Hou.se, sulimitted a unanimous report in\\nthe following language\\nThe committee to whom was recommitted the claim, of the heirs of Samuel\\nMitcllell, after having had the same under consideration, with tlic facts for and against\\ntlie claim, unanimously recommended tlie passage of the bill now before the Senate,\\nreconveyiug the property claimed. The bill came up on its passage in the Senate and\\nwas defeated by two majority. Kext morning a motion was made to reconsider it and\\nlost by one majority. On the final vote it stood for and against the heirs, as follows:\\nDemocrats, for, 10; Republicans, for, 8; Democrats, against, 7 Republicans, agaiust,\\n12. So that a committee composed of a majority of Democrats, with a Democrat as\\nChairman from each House, unanimously recommended the reconveyance of the park\\nproperty to the Mitchell heirs without a dollar of compensation, and they were sustained\\niu* tlie Senate by a majority of Democrats voting for it, while the majority of Republi-\\ncans voted airainst it.\\nAfter this action, the heirs of Mitchell through their counsel, proposed a compro-\\nmise to the City Council for tlie portion of laud held and claimed by them under the\\nconveyance from the Macon and Western railroad, for wliicli suit had been brought.\\nThe matter was very thoroughly canvassed, and tlie eom]n omise was finally agreed\\nu])on, by whicli the heirs conveyed to the city the portion of land lying between Pryor\\nstreet and Whitehall, which w,as included in the grant from MitcIiell to tlie Macon and\\nWestern road, and one hundred feet along the side of Pryor street, fronting on Ala-\\nbama street, of the property originally conveyed by Mitchell to the State, and by the\\nState conveyed to the Macon and Western road, and by that road to the city. And the\\ncity agreed to convey to the Mitchell heirs the balance of the property which had been\\noriginally conveyed to the State, and by her conveyed as aforesaid, from the line of said\\none hundred feet down to Lloyd street, being the property between the present passen-\\nger shed and Alabama street, e.Kteuding to Lloyd street\\nIn the meantime, jirior to the compromise between the heirs and the citv, the\\nSuperintendent of the Western and Atl.iutic railroad, with the assent of the Governor\\nand the otlier railroad companies interested, had locatiJd the new passenger shed, and\\nhad gone forward with the construction of it until there had been probably more than\\n$100,000 expended. This new passenger shed was not placed upon the original location\\nof the shed which e.\\\\isted prior to the war, but for the convenience of the roads, in\\nrunning the tracks into it, it was so located tliat about one-fourth of it was upon the\\nland originally conveyed by Mitchell to the State, and afterwards conveyed by the State\\nto the Macon and Western road, and sulisequently conveyed by the Macon and Western\\nroad to the city, and which the city had agreed to convey to the Mitchell heirs, but to\\nwhich she did not make a deed until after the comjiromise with the State, though a\\ncontract of compromise had been agreed on between the heirs and the city.\\nPending these transactions the counsel for the. Mitchell heirs mentioned to me that\\nthey had determiueil to propose a compromise to the State in reference to the park\\nproperty. I inquired into the then status of tliat matter, and was informed that some-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0601.jp2"}, "562": {"fulltext": "490 GovEuxoR brown s letter to the runi.ic.\\ntime in the previous spring Jlr. ICimbiill liail coiicluileil to purchase all the couflicting\\ntitles to the property, and liaJ made a contract with the lieire to purchase their riyht,\\nand had taken a deed from them and paid them some mouey intending also to pur-\\nchase the State s right, whatever it might be, and the part to wOiidi counsel might he\\nentitled under their contract with the Jlitchell heirs. But finding difficulties in extin-\\nguishing all the outstanding titles, he soon after re-conveyed it to tlie lieirs and suhse-\\nijuently, by a contract betweeu him and them, became their agent to take charge of tlie\\nmatter, and effect, if possible, a compnimise witli the State, which he was then attempt-\\ning to accomplish. And he desired the aid of their counsel in its consummation. I\\nasked wliat it was proposed the heirs should pay the State for her claim to tlie laud, and\\nwas informed that tliey proposed to pay the Western and Atlantic railroad 535,000\\ntoward the construction of the new depot. My opinion was, at the time, that this was\\nmore than the heirs ought to pay. I regarded theirs as the better title, and said if it\\nwere my case I would never consent to pay S35,000 for a coin])romise with the State.\\nBut it was insisted that the heirs were an.\\\\ious to realize sis nmch as possible, and that\\nthey did not wish to wait for an almost interminable litigation, and that they preferred\\nthat course. 1 made no further objection and the matter was brought before the Leg-\\nislature, I think, by a memorial prepared by their counsel but Mr. Kimball, who was\\ntheir agent under the contract with them, had the active management of the matter.\\nAfter the case was submitted, I felt an interest in their success, because I believed their\\nclaim a just one, and while I took no very active part in the matter, when approached on\\nthe subject, I always said 1 believed their jiropositiou was a liberal one, and that the\\nState ought not to hesitate to accept it.\\nI felt fully justified in saying this much, for the reason that I was the original\\ncounsel consulted in tlie ca.se, and they seemed to Iiave relied mucli upon my judgment,\\nand though I was upon the bench, under the laws of the State, I could in no event pre-\\nside in the case, and therefore felt at ]ierfeit liberty, so far as the case was concerned, to\\nconfer with the heirs or their counsel in reference to their case, and to give them any\\nadvice which, in my judgment, would promote their interest. But I know of no unfair\\nor illegal means used by any one to carry the bill through the Legislature.\\nA proposition was submitted by Gen. Austell and others to give $100,000 for a quit-\\nclaim title to the jiroperty. It was my opinion at tlie time, and the opinion of coimsel\\nfor the Mitchells, tliat tliis proposition was not intended in good faith, hut it was only\\nthrown in to embarrass the settlement between the heirs and the State as Austell\\nowned property fronting the park and wished it kept open. It was sulmiitted in such a\\nshape that I was satisfied the parties could not be compelled to carry it out if the com-\\npromise had failed betweeu the State and the heirs.\\nBut I was equally well satisfied, if it was made in good faith, that, in a pecuniary\\npoint of view, it was the interest of the State to accejit the proposition of the heirs and\\nreject that of Austell and his associates, fur the following reasons: First, there could\\nbe no question about it tliat the land upon which one-fourth of the passenger shed, a\\nvery extensive structure, as already stated, which cost about \u00c2\u00a7150,000 at the time of its\\ncompletion, stood upon the land which the State had conveyed away to the Macon and\\nAVestern railroad, and which, in the compromise between the city and heirs, was then\\ncontrolled by the heirs, and if the compromise had not been made with the State there\\ncould have been no question as to that part of it, that the State could have been ejected\\nfrom it, as she had previously sold it for other land for the location of her depot which", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0602.jp2"}, "563": {"fulltext": "OOVEIINOR IIROWn s l.ETTICR TO THE PUBLIC. 491\\nwould have coni])elled the removal of tlie eutire car shed. Tliis would have been at a\\nvery heavv loss and expeuse to the State.\\nlu addition to tlii.s, I thiuk there is no room for doubt, eveu if I am wroug as to the\\nriglit of the Mitchell heirs to recover back the park property frdm the State, ou account\\nof her haviug al)aiidoued it for railroad purposes, that they did have the right, holding\\nthat provisiou of the deed to be a coveuant aud not a condition, to restrain tlie State or\\nher vendee by an action of coveuant, or otiier proper proceeding, from using it for any\\nother purpose tliau for the original purposes of the grant, to-wit: railroad purposes.\\nAud if the State could, in no case, use it for any other purpose, Austell and his com-\\npanions, as grantees of the State, standing in her shoes, would be bound by tlie like\\ncovenant, aud they too could he restrained from making any other use of it.\\nThe decision of the Supreme Court of the State of Georgia, in the case of Thorn-\\nton vs. Trammell, 39 Ga., 202, where a question arose upon a grant made to the Western\\nand Atlantic railroad, in the city of Daltou, for the location of a depot though the\\nlanguage of the deed was different from that made by Mitchell lield, that it did not\\ncontain a condition, and that the grantor could not recover it back; but the Supreme\\nCourt, Warner, J. delivering the opinion, recognizes fully the right of the grantor to\\nenforce the covenant contained in the deed. Numerous authorities might be quoted to\\nsustain this doctrine, that where a conveyance is made for a specific jiurpose, and the\\nlanguage of the deed is not such as to make a condition sub.sequent, tlie party convey-\\ning may, by action of covenant, restrain the grantee from violating the contract and\\na]ipro])riating it to other uses.\\nWhat tlicii would have been the result if the proposition of Austell Company liad\\nbeen accepted Suppose we admit for the argument that tlie heirs had no right to\\nrecover tlie property back. It was very clear that they had tlie riglit to restrain the\\nuse of it for any other purpose than railroad purposes; and it was so situated,\\nthat it could not be of any use for railroad purposes. Tlie result must therefore have\\nbeen Wiat the property would have remained unimproved, and the State, the County,\\nand the city must have lost the taxes which they will perpetually receive from it when\\nit is built up. As the result of the compromise, already, the city has sold off a small\\nportion of the jiroperty conveyed to her by the heirs, to John II. James, who has\\nexpended in the purchase and the erection of a building upon it, about $75,000. And\\nupon tlie park property there has been expended, in buildings, largely over a hundred\\nthousand dollars. There are, therefore, over 6200,000 of improvements already placed\\nupon the property, as the result of the compromise, upon which the ta.xes are annually\\npaid to the city, county and State and when all the balance of the ]iroperty is built up,\\nincluding the portion to which the city s title w.as quieted, and tlie |iortion to which the\\ntitle of the heirs is quieted, there will jirobably be a million of dollars worth of im-\\nprovements to be taxed annually. In a few years this will pay the difference between\\nthe $35,000 proposed by the heirs, and the .fl 00,000 proposed by Austell Co. And\\nafter the difference is made up, the property will remain perpetually subject to\\ntaxation, and will in the end pay to the State many times the difference. Therefore, in\\na pecuniary point of view alone, the proposition made by the heirs of Mitchell was\\nmuch the better one for the State, and was so regarded by intelligent members of the\\nGeneral Assemlily.\\nBut in .iddition to this, the heirs agreed to convey to the State all the portion of the\\nproperty necessary for a passenger shed, including the part formerly sold by the St.ite\\nto the Macciii and Western Railroad, and to which she had not a shadow of title.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0603.jp2"}, "564": {"fulltext": "402 GOVERNOR brown s letter to the PUIiLlC.\\nthereliy quieting tlie title to tlie depot or passenger shed, including the part of it to\\nwhicli no one can contend she liad a riglit prior to the compromise. Slie lias, tlierefore,\\nin addition to lier large income from increased taxes, saved the expense of a lawsuit and\\ntlie necessity of removing the depot off tlie land owned by the heirs, or of delivering it\\nup to them and tlie whole matter is amicably adjusted.\\nBut suppose the quieting of the title to the depot building, and the taxes on the\\nimprovements made and to be made upon the property had uot even equaled the\\n$65,000 difference Ijetween the two propositions, sliould Uot an enlightened and liberal\\nLegislature have justly concluded, as the Democrats did at the former session of the\\nsame Legislature, that, as tlie father of these lieirs has given the State all she needed\\nfor railroad purjjoses, iucludiiig the right of way through his land, aud the location for\\na passenger shed, and the property which she had swapped for the present site of her\\nfreight buildings, aud the State had no sort of use for the balance of it for the purpose\\ninteniled by the donor, and his heirs were left poor, that it was magnanimous aud\\npro])er to return the balance, not needed, to them, as an act of justice and propriety,\\nwithout regard to the pecuniary bid that venal speculators might liave thought jiruper\\nto iutcrjiose in the way of such an act of justice and niagnaniniity. This was the liew,\\nas already stated, which the majority of tlie Democrats had taken at the previous ses-\\neiou. Aud if they then thought it just to return it without coinpensatiou. surely it is no\\nevidence of bad faith in thein aud their associates, at a subsequent session, to agree to\\nre-convey it for the sum of !5,000. They might well have made that discrimination\\nin favor of the heirs of him who liad donated to the State property that is now worth\\na very large sum, and which is iu daily use b_v the Western and Atlantic Railroad, when\\nall must admit the portion returned had beeu abandoned, so far as the inirposes of the\\ngrant are coucerued, by the donee.\\nThe above statement gives the substantial facts, so far as they interest the public,\\nin the case of the compromise between the State and the Mitchell heirs, and will, I\\ntrust, satisfy all unprejudiced minds, that, .so far as I or the other counsel are concerned,\\nwe have done them no injustice, but have conferred upon them a substantial and valua-\\nble benefit. So far as the State is concerned, she has received, as a donation from\\nMitchell, all the land .she needed for the original ]uirposcs of the grant, and, in addition\\nto that, ha-s received the further donation of S.35,000, in cash, towards the construction\\nof the ]:assenger depot, while she lias surrendered only the portion of the ]iroperty for\\nwhich she had no earthly use, for the purposes coiitemiilated, either by her or Jlitchell,\\nat the time of the conveyance. It is clear, therefore, that the injustice and wrong which\\nhave been charged in this tran.saction, exist only in the diseased imagination of persons\\ncontrolled by passion, piejudice aud vindictiveness towards the parties at interest.\\nJOSEPH E. BROWX.\\nIt is not inappropriate to say, that in nothing has thcro been a more\\nstriking change in popular sentiment than in the general condemnation\\nof dueling that now prevails. There has grown up steadily a strong\\npublic opinion against this practice, and a man of character and family\\ncan refuse to accept the arbitrament of the Code without loss of .stand-\\ning, as was the case years ago.\\nMany changes took place in the State government. Col. II. P. Far-\\nrow resigned as Attorney General. Col. N. J. Hammond, Supreme\\n1", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0604.jp2"}, "565": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0605.jp2"}, "566": {"fulltext": "^%V-;^^^ ^P^^^.u", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0606.jp2"}, "567": {"fulltext": "AN INTKRKSriNG WAR INCIDENT (IF APT. HENRY JACKSOX. 493\\nCourt reporter, was appointed Attorney General. Captain Henry\\nJackson resigne(^l from the Legislature and became Reporter of the\\nSupremo Court, a position which he continues to fill with marked in-\\ndustry and ability. Both Gen. Hood, in his Advance and Retreat,\\nand Jefferson Davis on page 340 of vol. 3, of his Rise and Fall of the\\nConfederac} relate a unique incident of Henry Jackson at the battle\\nof Sharjjsburg, not giving his name, which we supply. Gen. Lawton\\nwas commanding Ewell s Division, September 17, 1862, and had relieved\\nHood s Division in Stonewall Jackson s line. The Federals made a\\ndesperate endeavor to break through; corps after corps were hurled\\nagainst tlie heroic division. Gen. Lawton sent his only remaining staff\\nofficer, Lieutenant Henry Jackson, then a youth of seventeen, to Gen.\\nHood for assistance. It was a curious and typical demonstration of the\\npolite chivalry of our Southern boys, that in this grim strife Lt. Jack-\\nson dashed up to Gen. Hood, saj ing, Gen Lawton seinh his comjyli-\\nments witli the request that you come at once to his support. Lt.\\nJackson conducted Hood s division to its place. Gen. Lawton and his\\nhorse were shot down, and tiie gallant and ceremonious aid had his\\nGeneral borne from the field, though several men were struck in so do-\\ning. Chief Justice Lochrane resigned from the Supreme Bench, and\\nGov. Smith appointed Associate Justice Hiram Warner as Chief Justice,\\nJanuary 19, 1873, and filled the vacancy made by the promotion of\\nJudge Warner, by the appointment of Judge W. W. Montgomery,\\nFebruary 8, 1872. Gov. Smith appointed Professor J. G. Orr, State\\nSchool Commissioner. This was a most admirable selection. A gentle-\\nman of erudition, energy, sleepless zeal, crystal purity and integrity and\\nfine organizing capacity, Mr. Orr has in the nine years of his continuing\\nincumbency seen the Public School system flourish and grow under his\\nable direction, until its former unpopularity has been wholly changed\\nand its sterling benefits are everywhere admitted.\\nGov. Smith offered the place of Attorney General to Col. P. W.\\nAlexander, but that gentleman declined it, and became, as a Secretary\\nof the Executive Department, Chief of his civil staff, a place he filled\\nwith tact and ability. Gov. Smith selected as the additional Secretary\\nof the Executive Department, Major James W. Warren, who was also\\ncontinued in the same responsible position by Gov. Colquitt, and has\\nserved continuously for ten 3 ears. ISLajor Warren was editor of the\\nColumbus Times. One of the most vigorous and polished writers in\\nthe State, industrious, accurate, reliable, possessing a charming genial-\\nity of nature, and a quiet rich humor. Major Warren has discharged the\\ndelicate and responsible duties of his position with grace and ability.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0609.jp2"}, "568": {"fulltext": "494 TIIK liOXD INVESTIGATION.\\nThe legislature elected Hon. Thomas M. Norwood, United States\\nSenator. Mr. Norwood presented his credentials to the Senate on the\\n4th daj- of December, 1871, and on the 10th day of December lie was\\nadmitted to his seat, and the final blow given to the Senatorial hopes\\nof Foster Blodgett.\\nThe legislature had many vital questions before it, but the most\\nimportant was the bond matter. Senator Thomas J. Sinnnons and\\nRepresentative Jolm I. Hall, both introduced bond bills, and finally a\\nmeasure was passed that required the registration of all bonds to sift\\nout the bad from the good, under a temporarj^ suspension of interest.\\nA bond committee was appointed, consisting of Thomas J. Simmons,\\nJohn I. Hall and Gamett IMcMillan, to conduct this bond investigation.\\nThe committee gave public notice, December 12, 1871, and began its sit-\\ntings in Atlanta, March 1, 1872, holding session until Slay 1, 1872.\\nThe committee visited New York and held an extended session there.\\nVoluminous depositions were taken in Europe. An attempt was made\\nto get Gov. Bullock before the committee. The papers contained a\\nparagraph narrating an alleged joke of his, that he had received two invi-\\ntations to meet the Bond Committoo and Col. Gumming with his requisi-\\ntion, that he could not visit Ijotli, and rather than offend either by accept-\\ning the other s invitation, he would do the kind thing and see neither.\\nCol. C. C Kibbee gave valuable assistance in the investigations of\\nour bond troubles. A gentleman of public spirit, a lawyer of ability\\nand discrimination, and a legislator of uncommon qualification.s, careful,\\nsearching and devoted to the public interest, Col. Kibbee made an envi-\\nable reputation in the General Assembly. Col. Thomas L. Sncad was\\nof great aid to our bond committees, and opened up a vein of informa-\\ntion that would have probably been inaccessible but for him. Every\\nobstacle was thrown in the way of the committee in New York. It was\\nafterwards discovered that they were tracked day and night by skilled\\ndetectives employed by the bond-holders to watch and trap them. At-\\ntempts were made to drive them into complai.sance. And it was a right\\ncreditable fact tliat this body of gentlemen, unaccustomed to the seduc-\\ntions and tricks of the metropolis, should have carried through their diffi-\\ncult mission so successfully and in such skillful avoidance of the perils\\nset for them.\\nThe committee investigated fully and made an unusually able report.\\nThe following table covers their statement of the bonded liability of\\nGeorgia, showing the increase under the Bullock rule to have been over\\nTwelve Millions of dollars.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0610.jp2"}, "569": {"fulltext": "7r", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0613.jp2"}, "570": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0614.jp2"}, "571": {"fulltext": "THK r.OXn OO.MMITTEKS REPORT.\\n4 .)5\\nCor^soU dated Statement of the Public Debt of Georgia, [incJud niq endorsed bonds of this\\nState,} on the Jirst day of November, 1871, showing date of issue and maturity of\\nbonds.\\nWhen Issued.\\nWhen Due.\\nAmount.\\n1841 and 1866\\n1871\\n8 1.54,500\\n730,000\\n1842 and IS. ja\\n1872\\n1842 and 1843\\n1873\\n137,000\\n1844 and 1848\\n1874\\n251,500\\n1S.58\\n1878\\n100,000\\nI8r)9\\n1879\\n200,000\\n1860\\n1880\\n200,000\\n100,000\\n3,764,000\\n165,000\\n268,000\\n6,380,000\\n1861\\n1881\\n1866\\n1886\\n1867\\n1887\\n1868\\n1888\\n1870\\n1890 and 1894\\nE JI I-V, 1868.\\nGrand Total of State Bonds\\n$12,450,000\\nINDORSICD BONDS, INDOKSKU SINt\\nTo Brunswick Albanr Kailroad\\n83,300,000\\n600,000\\nTo Macon and Binnswick Kailroad\\n600,000\\nTo Cherokee Kailroad\\n300,000\\nTo Cartersville Van Wert Kailroad\\n275,000\\n464,000\\n194,000\\nGrand Total Indorsed Bonds\\n85,733,000\\n12,450,000\\nBonds\\n$18,183,000\\nThe committee reported in favor of declining to recognize tlie illegal\\nbonds. The report elicited a full and able discussion. The truth is,\\nthat the Georgia bond issue became a national question. The holders\\nof the illegal bonds made every effort to stem and prevent the con-\\ndemnation of their securities. The Northern press teemed with articles.\\nThe incorrect brand of repudiation was applied to the proposed\\naction and the State threatened with utter destruction of her credit.\\nThe distinction between the repudiation of an honest debt and the\\nrefusal to recognize an illegal claim, was purposely confused. Perhaps\\nthe .strongest speech made in favor of throwing over the fraudident\\nsecurities was by the Hon. A. O. Bacon. His portrayal of the Bullock\\nLegislature was a very graphic picture, and his argument against the\\nbad bonds was masterly and conclusive.\\nThe Legislature declared the following bonds to be void:\\nGold Bonds in Clews hands,\\nGold Bonds, second issue to B. A. R. R.,\\nCurrency Bonds,\\n8102,000\\n1,880,000\\n1,500,000", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0615.jp2"}, "572": {"fulltext": "490 THE LEfilSI.ATlRE OF 1873.\\nEndorseiTiPnt B. A. R. R., $3,300,000\\nEndorsement li:unbridp;e C. C. R. R., 600,000\\nEudorsenieut, Cartersville Van Wert R. R., aT i.ooo\\nEndorsement Clierokee R. R., 300,000\\n$7,9J7,000\\nThe bond question was still agitated. The new Lcgi-slature of 18T3\\ntackled the subject again. Of this body Hon L. N. Trammell was\\nelected President of the Senate, and Hon. A. O. Bacon Speaker- of the\\nHouse. Among the new Senators were Joseph A. Blance, John W.\\nWofford, W. H. Payne, J. G. Cain, J. M. Arnow, W. A. Harris, S. J.\\nAViiin and H. AV. Mattox. In the House were J. J. Turnhull, C. A.\\nNutting, J. H. Hunter, .1. B. Jones, G. A. Mercer, Henry H. Carlton,\\nAY. D. Anderson, E. F. Iloge, Clark Howell, AA^ F. Calhoun, George\\nF. Pierce, Patrick AA alsh, J. C. Dell, Allen Fort, F. M. Longley, J. C.\\nClements, H. D. AIcDaniel, C. S. Du Bose.\\nMr. Nutting was the author of the bill for tlie issue of the twelve\\nhundred thousand of eig-lit per cent, bonds. Mr. G. A. Alercer was an\\nal)le young lawyer of Savannah, and ayoung man of an unusually clear\\nmind and smootli elocution. Dr. Henry H. Carlton was the author of\\nthe bill establishing tlie Geological Bureau, one of the most valuable\\nmeasures of the century. He was a strikingly handsome gentleman,\\nand a forcible and ornate speaker. Hon. Patrick AValsh was, and still\\nis, the editor and proprietor of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, now\\nthe Chronicle and Const ituiionalisi. This was the first appearance in\\npublic life of Mr. A\\\\ ^alsh, who will be a very large figure in Georgia\\npolitics, and to whom further reference will be made hereafter. Allen\\nFort took immediate stand as a young man of mark. F. M. Longley\\nhas been judge of the Superior Court, and is a solid young lawyer.\\nJ. C. Clement became Senator, and is now a member of Congress,\\nwith as much promise of usefulness as any young man in the State.\\nH. D. McDaniel has been repeatedly sent to the Senate since, and has\\nmeritedly earned a reputation for substantial judgment and integrity.\\nCol. Thos. L. Snead of New A ork came before this General Assembly\\nwith the following Bond compromise\\nThe proposition which I have snbmitted to the Governor, on the part of certain\\nholders of Georgia honds, is simjdy this\\nIf the State will agree to pay to the holders of the State bonds which have been\\ndeclared null and void, the sums which these holders liave, actually, and in perfect good\\nfaith advanced upon or paid for these bonds (that is to say, about 31,500,000 and interest),\\nthese parties will guarantee that such action of the State will comjjletely re-establish", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0616.jp2"}, "573": {"fulltext": "snead .s i;oni compromise. 497\\ntlic preclit of Georgia, ami enable it to borrow, at seveu ]ior ceut. per year, all tbe money\\nwliieli it may need.\\nThey also desire that tbe Legislature shall declare the readiness of tlie State to carry\\nout its promi.ses as to the ijidorseineiit of the first mortgage bonds of the Brtuiswii-k and\\nAlbany Railroad t oinpany and the Cherokee aUey Kailioad Company, so far, and only\\nso far, as tbe State is now constitutionally and lawfully bound by such promises; when\\nthese companies siiall have complied witii all of the rctjuiremeiits of the ConsLitu ion\\nand laws of Georgia, and shall have also completed their respective roads.\\nIf the State accepts this propositioji, it will have toissue about 51,600,000 seven per\\ncent., currency bonds to the holders of the outstanding gold and currency bonds, who\\nundertake to thereupon return to the Treasurer for canceilalion\\n$1,880,000 gold bonds and interest, equivalent to $2,450,000\\nCurrency bonds 1,500,000\\nGuaranteed bonds of the Bainbridge, Cuthi)ert and Columbus Railroad 600,000\\nGuaranteed bonds of (.be Cherokee Valley KailroaJ 300,000\\nGu.-ir.anteed bonds of the Cartersville and Van Wert Railroad 275,000\\nGuaranteed bonds of the Brunswick and Albany Railroad 3,300,000\\n$3,425,000\\nWhich includes every bond that has been declared null and void.\\nThis proposition is made on tbe p.art of banks and capitalists, who own more of tha\\nvalid bonds of Georgia than of its discredited one of them alone (Mr. Russell hiage) hold-\\ning over $1,000,000 of good and acknowledged bonds, while he owns only $50,000 of\\nthose which have been declared null and void.\\nIn this matter I represent the foreign as well as the American bond-holders, and .am\\nauthori /ied to express the acquiescence of ilio holders of any one of tlic discredited bonds\\nin tlie proposed settlement.\\nTIIO.MAS L. S^^XD, A jent of the Bond-holders.\\nAtlanta, February 12, 1873.\\nThis proposition was fully agitated and discussed.- It created a deep\\ninterest and was presented to the public sen.se in every possible aspect.\\nThe editors of the Atlanta Constitution, E. Y. Clarke and I. W. Avery,\\naddressed a circular letter to the leading men of the State askinar their\\nviews on this matter. The responses made an interesting and vivid\\nscries of letters, presenting the important subject from every possible\\npoint of view. Ex-Gov. J. E. Brown, Major Campbell Wallace, Col.\\nJames Gardner, Col. John Screven, T. P. Branch, Col. George Hazle-\\nhurst, Senator T. M. Norwood, Judge David Irwin and Hon. John E.\\nWard advocated compromise in some shape. Gen. H. L. Benning, Gen.\\nR. Toombs, John H. James, Wm. H. Hull, Ben H. Hill, Col. Wm. M.\\nWadley, and Herbert Fielder opposed any compromise. Politicians,\\nlawyers, bankers, rai.roaders and business men were thus consulted and\\ngave a remarkable variety of opinion. Lawyers Brown, Norwood,\\nIrwin and Ward were in conflict with lawyers Toombs, Benning, Hil\\n32", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0617.jp2"}, "574": {"fulltext": "498 LEADING OPINION ON THE liOVI) COMl KOMISE.\\nand FielJer. Ilailroadors Wallace, Screven and Hazleliur.st differed\\nwith railroader Wailley. Banker Branch opposed Banker James.\\nMr. Hill took the novel and daring position that none of the Bullock\\nbonds were valid because the Bullock government was the creature of\\nFederal authority and liad no right to bind the State, and the United\\nStates government should pay these Bullock claims. If, however, the\\nBullock rule was recognized as valid, then the claims of innocent\\nholders of these bonds should be recognized. The State ought to have\\nreferred the holders of the Bullock securities to the Federal govern-\\nment, and helped them push the claim.\\nMr. W. H. Hull thought the void bonds should not be paid. He had\\ntried to buy new State sevens in New York, and could not get them\\nfor less than ninety cents. The bonds were null, and the State s credit\\nwas not affected. Col. Wadley endorsed Mr. Hull s views. Maj. C.\\nWallace urged the compromise. The bond trouble was affecting the\\nState s credit and all private enterprises.\\nGov. Brown s letter was an exhaustive review of the whole subject,\\ncovering its legal and business features. His idea was that the equities\\nof these bonds should be recognized. Some of them were good, and\\nwhere the State had received the benefit of the money invested in\\nthem, the right thing was to assume the obligation. And he urged\\ntliat the courts should be opened to test the matter.\\nGen. Benning declared the only question to be whether the State s\\ncredit was affected injuriously. Our credit was not hurt.. As for\\nborrowing money he did not wish the State to do it. Col. Gardner\\nhad fir.st opposed the bond compromise, but upon investigation changed\\nhis mind. Bullock was de facto Governor, and the State s agent. The\\nState must stand up to the acts of its agent so far as the innocent bond-\\nholders had an equitable consideration. The State liad enjoyed increase\\nof property through these enterprises, and should pay for it.\\nGen. Toombs contended that all of these bonds lacked the vitality of\\npopular consent, and were not in conformity with law or constitution.\\nThe public credit was undoubtedly injured some. The bonds would be 1\\na constant source of lobby agitation. His idea was to stand by the I\\nlaw, and make a new constitution killing the bonds and stopping lobbying\\nfor them. John H. James declared it untrue that the State s credit was\\nhurt. Georgia bonds were selling well. He had tried to buy some at\\n87 1-2 cents and could not. There was no use for the State to give away\\nthis money and add to tlie taxation.\\nSenator T. M. Norwood thought that all monev actually loaned the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0618.jp2"}, "575": {"fulltext": "THE BOND COMPROMISE REJECTED. 490\\nState should be refunded. He did not think the State s credit injured,\\nthough tlie bond-holders were trying to hurt it to force a compromise.\\nHe advised delaying action. Herbert Fielder thought if the innocent\\nholders of Confederate war bonds could stand it to lose, the holders of\\nthe Bullock fraudulent bonds deserved no more consideration. The\\nbonds were clearly illegal and should not be paid. We had to bear the\\nconsequences of a bad government. T. P. Branch thought that every\\npractical enterprise was injured by this bond complication. He favored\\nmaking the compromise and paj ing it by taxation.\\n.fudge David Irwin s letter attracted much attention. He urged that\\nthe matter should not be closed without an investigation, and the void\\nlionds should be rejected, but all just equities should be recognized ac-\\ncording to the facts. Hon. John E. Ward said there were two difficul-\\nties. The State should not act under any menace to her credit, and n\\ngeneral compromise like the one offered recognized the bad as well as the\\ngood claims. The just course was for the State to give parties a chance\\nto show just what their equities are.\\nThe press of the State were equally divided with perhaps a small ma-\\njority ag-ainst the compromise. The writer took the position that while\\nthe bond committee had investigated the legality of the bonds, it had\\nnot examined into the equities, and the\\\\^ should not be condemned \\\\yith-\\nout an investigation. Tiiere were Brunswick and Albany Railroad\\nbonds that had been signed by Treasurer Angier, who opposed Gov.\\nBullock s irregularities, and these bonds had been sent to Europe and\\nnegotiated in Germany at a good value. There seemed to be a valid\\nequity in such bonds as these. The legislature would do nothing with\\nthis compromise. In 1877 the constitutional convention carried out\\nGen. Toombs idea, and incorporated in the constitution a prohibition\\nagainst the fraudulent bonds and a clause against lobbying.\\nJudge O. A. Lochrane, in 1872, was the attorney for some two mil-\\nlions of the rejected bonds, and made a strong effort to get them paid.\\nHe is still hammering away upon it, and the last move is said to be an\\namendment to the Federal Constitution, to allow States to be sued for\\nsuch obligations. The State has never suffered by her bond action, and\\nher securities stand the peers of any in the civilized world.\\nThis General Assembly re-districted the State under the new appor-\\ntionment of representation in the Congress of the United States result-\\ning from the census of 1870. Georgia gained one Representative in\\nthe Federal Congress, and the State, which had been divided into eight,\\nwas cut up into nine districts. An interesting incident occurred in con-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0619.jp2"}, "576": {"fulltext": "500 HON. A. H. STEVKNS AND THE EICIITIF DISTRICT.\\nnection with the new apportionment which is a very valuable piece of\\nunderlying history, and not only demonstrates how grave public matters\\noften have a curious personal inspiration, but also the strong esteem in\\nwhich one of our most remarkable public men is held. Major E. D.\\n(jrahain was chairman of the committee on apportionment. He says\\ntliat Hon. Alex. H. Stephens called upon him, and in his peculiarly shrill\\nvoice requested that Taliaferro county in which he resided might be\\nl)laced in the Eighth District, that he did not desire to direct the dispo-\\nsition of any other county, but that he wished his own county to re-\\nmain in the Eighth. The concession was cheerfully granted, though it\\ndisordered the regularity of number, and brought the three northern dis-\\ntricts in the sequence of 7 8. But for this, the district in wliicli\\nMr. Stephens lives would have been numbered in its order.\\nIt was presumed that tlie distinguished Commoner, Mr. Ste])hens,\\nwas prompted by a natural desire to preserve the numerical designation\\nof the district which lie had made so famous. He was not then in Con-\\ngress, but was elected in 1873 to fill the vacancy occasioned by the\\ndeath of Raiise Wright. Taliaferro county, in 1843, was in the Seventh\\nDistrict, though there were then eight districts. In 1851-2 the eight\\ndistricts were reorganized and Taliaferro county was placed in the Eighth\\nDistrict, and until the retirement of Mr. Stephens, just before the war,\\nthat district was represented by him. It was natural tliat he should\\nwish to retain the familiar and honored number that he had so brilliantly\\nillustrated. And it was a graceful compliment to his services and fame\\nthat his desire should have been respected.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0620.jp2"}, "577": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XLIV.\\nTHE ADMINISTRATION OF GOV. JAMES M. SMITH.\\nThe Republican Revolt in 1872. Horace Greeley. \u00e2\u0080\u0094Alexamler Stephens and the Con-\\nstitution. Delegates to Baltimore. Tlie Greeley Electoral Ticliet. Stephens\\nStraight Figlit. The Laud Scrip Fund. The Georgia Memorial Association. The\\nState Geologist. Department of Agriculture. Judge J. T. Henderson. Great\\nWestern Canal. Jolin B. Gordon elected United States Senator A Lively Battle\\nof the Ballots.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A. H. Stepliens for Congress. The Great Seal and ex-Gov. C. J.\\nJenkins. A Beautiful Incident. Gov. Smitli s Adniini.stratiou. His Misunder-\\nstandings Jack Jones and his Painful Kplsode. The Double Bond Payment.\\nJolin W. Renfroe. His Fine Administration. A Controversy. Dr. W. H. White.\\nNew Congressmen.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Hon. B. H. Hill. Dr. Feltou aud his Independent Fight in\\ntlie Seventh District. Emory Speer.\\nDl Kixg the year 1873 there was a lively time in Georgia over national\\npolitics. The Liberal Republicans revolted from the Radical party and\\nnominated Horace Greeley for President. The Northern Democracy\\ndetermined to support Greeley instead of running a Democratic candi-\\ndate. This policy evoked a fierce controversy in the Democratic ranks,\\nNorth and South, but especially South. The Stephens brothers and\\nGen. Toombs opposed it bitteily. Alexander H. Stephens was editing\\nthe Atlanta tSiui, and wrote daily against it. Linton Stephens and\\nGen. Toombs made strong speeches against it. Mr. Stephens declared\\nhe would not support Greeley. A stifl discussion ensued between Mr.\\nStephens in the Siui and the Atlanta CoiiM/ttitio/i, under the writer,\\nwhich continued for months. The Constitution urged support of the\\nNational Democracy. A convention was called June 26th, 1873, at\\nAtlanta, and there were 424 delegates present from 135 counties.\\nAlbert R. Lamar was made President.\\nAmong the delegates were Gen. Toombs, B. H. Hill, A. H. Colquitt,\\nThomas Hardeman, Warren Akin, .1. Ilartridge, Linton Stephens, H. L.\\nBenninff, A. R. Wrisi^ht and others. It was one of the strongest con-\\nventions ever held in Georgia. The resolutions sent delegates to the\\nBaltimore Convention untrammeled to do the best for the party. This\\nwas a clear defeat of the Stepliens policy. The delegation consisted of\\nH. L. Benning, Julian Hartridge, A. R. Wright, T. Hardeman, C. T.\\nGoodo, A. H. Colquitt, J. B. Gordon and I. W. Avery from the State", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0621.jp2"}, "578": {"fulltext": "502 TIIK SIATIO ELECTIONS IN 1872.\\nat large. As tlie names were read out Gen. Toombs was heard to\\nexclaim audibly Packed By God.\\nAt Baltimore Greeley was nominated, and the Cincinnati platform\\nadopted, the Georgia delegation voting against the platform. On tiie\\na4th of July, IST^, another State Democratic Convention was held.\\nThomas Hardeman was made President. The convention was an im-\\nmense bod^ having G ii delegates from 130 counties, and including all\\nof our public leaders, nearly. The resolutions endorsed the Baltimore\\nConvention, recognizing- the exigency of the times, which required\\nthe nomination cf Greeley and Brown and pledging their support. The\\nLiberal Republicans asked that Col. T. P. Saffold be put on the Elec-\\ntoral ticket, but this was not done.\\nThe Electoral ticket nominated consisted of Wm. T. WofFord, H. L.\\nBenning, Washington Poc, Julian Hartridge, H. G. Turner, R. N. Ely,\\nW. J. Hudson, J. M. Pace, H. R. Casey, J. N. Dorsey, E. D. Graham.\\nGov. Smith was re-nominated for Governor. Judge Linton Stephens\\nhad died, and the Convention paid a noble tribute to this illustrious\\nGeorgian. The brief eulogy upon him by Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., was an\\nexquisite bit of eloquence and taste.\\nMr. Stephens fought Greeley s nomination sturdily. The cla.sli\\nbetween him and the Constitiitioii, under the writer, continued to the\\nclose. He supported the Straigiit movement with Charles O Conor as\\nthe Presidential candidate. x\\\\ Straight Convention was called and had 57\\ndelegates from 23 counties, which put out an O Connor electoral ticket.\\nThe Republicans held a conventjion of 2T3 delegates from 77 counties,\\nwith John S. Bigby as chairman, which nominated Dawson A. Walker for\\nGovernor, and put out a Grant electoral ticket, composed of A. T. Aker-\\nman, B. Conley, A. W. Stone, J. Johnson, W. B. Jones, W. W. Merrcll,\\nJ. R. Griffin, J. F. Shine, C. D. Forsyth, G. S. Fisher and C. A. Ellington.\\nThe election resulted as follows: Greeley 75,890; Grant 02,485;\\nO Connor, 3,999; total vote, 142,370. Greeley s majority over Grant,\\n13,411; over O Conor, 71,895. Gov. Smith was re-elected the Execu-\\ntive over Walker by 58,444 majority. Gov. Brown supported Gov.\\nSmith and voted forGreeley. The following Congressmen were elected:\\nMorgan Rawls, R. H. Whitely, Phil. Cook, H. R. Harris, J. C. Free-\\nman, James H. Blount, P. M. B. Young, Ambrose R. Wright and H.\\nP. Bell. Greeley was defeated for President, though he carried\\nGeorgia. He died before the day for casting the vote. There was\\nmuch speculation as to iiow the Georgia Electoral college would vote.\\nThe electors curiously enough s[ilit up as follows:\\n1\\ni", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0622.jp2"}, "579": {"fulltext": "THE LAND SC KIl FUND. 503\\nGen. BL iniiiig, Washington Poe and Col. Hudson voted for Greelpy\\nfor President.\\nGen. Wofford, Col. Hartridge, Mr. Ely, Col. Pace, Col. Dorsey and\\nMajor Graham voted for B. Gratz Brown for President.\\nCol. Turner and Dr. Casey voted for e.\\\\-Gov. C. J. Jenkins for\\nPresident.\\nGen. Benning, Mr. Poo, Col. Hudson^ Dr. Casey and Col. Turner\\nvoted for Gratz Brown for Vice-President.\\nCol. Hartridge, Col. Pace, Col. Dorsey, Mr. Ely and Major Graham\\nvoted for Gen. Colquitt for Vice-President.\\nGen. Wofiord voted for Gen. N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, for Vice-\\nPresident.\\nThe new Democratic Executive Conunittee, appointed by Col. Harde-\\nman, was John L. Harris, Warren Akin, Nelson Tift, J. H. Christie, J.\\nC. Nicholls, J. H. Hunter, H. Fielder, T. M. Furlow, E. H. Worrell, J.\\nC. Wooten, J. S. Boynton, T. G. Lawson, Augustus Reese, J. B. Jones,\\nT. S. Morris, J. B. Estes, I. W. Avery and L. N. Trammell. Col.\\nHardeman was elected Chairman, and I. W. Averj Secretary.\\nAmong matters of general interest was the Land scrip fund. By act\\nof 1862, Congress gave each State 30,000 acres of land for every Sen-\\nator and Representative. Georgia s part was 270,000 acres. The fund\\nwas to be used in endowing an agricultural college in five years. By\\nact of 1872 further time was given. The Legislature of Georgia, in\\nISGfi, accepted the donation, and authorized the Governor to apply for,\\nreceive, and sell these lands. Gov. Conley, in his term, obtained and\\nsold them for ninety cents per acre to Gleason F. Lewis, of the West,\\nfor |;.50,000 cash, and the balance in eighteen months, making 8243,000\\nrealized. Some of the States realized four and five dollars an acre.\\nGov. Smith had to organize the college by the 2d of July, 1872, or the\\nland scrip would have been forfeited. Many of the cities applied for\\nthe fund. He finally gave it to the State University at Athens, insti-\\ntuting The Georgia State College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts.\\nThe interest alone can be used. The principal was invested in Georgia\\nState bonds. The first $50,000 Gov. Smith used in buying- Georgia\\nbonds at ninety cents, thus adding $5,000 to the fund.\\nThe Georgia Memorial Association, under charge of Mrs. Marv A.\\nWilliams and Miss Mary J. Green, had most faithfully used the $4,000\\ngiven to remove the Confederate dead. A cemetery was established\\nat Marietta, and 2,393 bodies removed, principally from the battle", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0623.jp2"}, "580": {"fulltext": "504 THE GEOLOGICAL AND AGRICULTUUAL DEPARTMENTS.\\ngrounds of Chickamauga and New Hope Church. There are also local\\nConfederate Cemeteries at Hesaca, Atlanta and Griffin.\\nDuring Gov. Smith s administration two departments of incalculable\\nState benefit were established. The office of State Geologist was created\\nby Act approved February 27, 1874, and Gov. Smith appointed Dr.\\nGeorge Little to the place August 10, 1874. The Department of\\nAgriculture was created by Act approved February 20, 1874, the act\\npassing the House by the vote of Speaker Bacon, and on the 26th of\\nAugust, 1874, Gov. Smith appointed Dr. Thomas P. Janes State Com-\\nmissioner of Agriculture. The State Geologist held office until re-\\nmoved by the Governor or the office was abolished, received 82,000\\nsalary, and was allowed two assistants at 81,200 each. The sum of\\n$10,000 yearly was appropriated, for five years. The Commissioner\\nof Agriculture held office for four years, received 82,000 salary and was\\nallowed a clerk at $1,200. The sum of 810,000 was appropriated for\\nthe annual expenses of the Department.\\nDr. Little was an accomplished Geologist, and his work of survey\\nproceeded vigorously. He made a large collection of minerals and\\nwoods. He had up to 1879, when the appropriation ceased, completed a\\nsurvey and maps of nearly half of the State. He had developed the\\nmineral resources of the State, inducing the investment of hundreds of\\nthousands of dollars of foreign capital. The legislature of 1870 failed\\nto make a further appropriation. The office was not abolished. Dr.\\nLittle is still State Geologist, but there being no money appropriated\\nthe geological survey has ceased. The wagons and surveying tools\\nhave been sold, and the magnificent collection of geological specimens\\nis in charge of the Commissioner of Agriculture.\\nThe Department of Agriculture was successfully established by Dr.\\n.lanes. It proved to be a great practical benefit. Its distribution of\\nseeds, its introduction of new ideas, its valuable reports and publica-\\ntions, and its inspection of fertilizers preserving farmers from frauds in\\ncommercial manures, have been of large utility to tlie fanning vocation,\\nthe basis of all of our prosperity. Dr. .lanes was a zealous worker, and\\nhe accomplished much good. In 1878 he was re-appointed by Gov.\\nColquitt. He resigned his place in September, 1879, and on the 24th\\nday of September, 1879, Hon. ,Tohn T. Henderson was appointed by\\nGov. Colquitt as the Commissioner.\\nMr. Henderson s administration of the office has been most brilliant.\\nTaking the position when there was for some reason a good deal of pub-\\nlic opposition to the Department, he has popularized it in the general", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0624.jp2"}, "581": {"fulltext": "IIOX. JOHN T. HENDERSON, COMMISSIONEK OF AGKICUI.TURE. 505\\nesteem. He has exhibited nerve, tact, discrimination and capacity.\\nHe had a battle with the fertilizer manufacturers that tested his pluck\\nand decision conclusively. He fought their analyses, and under acri-\\nmonious demonstration from them, persisted in his reforms until he had\\nrevolutionized and graded up the standard of artiheial manures. He\\nwas instrumental in getting- up a National Convention on this subject.\\nHis enterprise has been sleepless, and his labors judicious and admi-\\nrably directed. The Department is on a solid basis, and its usefulness\\nyearly increasing-. The receipts from the inspection of fertilizers last\\nyear, were $76,233.0.3, and the expenses of the department |!l2,171,81,\\nleaving a handsome balance of $64,060.23 that went into the State Trea-\\nsury. One of the new projects of Commissioner Henderson is the\\nestablishment of an experimental farni. It will be a progressive move-\\nment that would benefit the State. And under the present able com-\\nmissioner it would be a success.\\nGov. Smith was instrumental in May, 1873, in calling a convention of\\nGovernors and delegates in the interest of the Georgia and Great West-\\nern Canal. Three hundred members were present, including Gov\\\\ John C.\\nIJrown of Tennessee, President of the Convention, Gov. Silas Woodson of\\nMissouri, and Gov. T. A. Hendricks of Indiana, from the Eighth District.\\nTwo notable events in the year 1873 were the election of Gen. John\\nB. Gordon United States Senator from Georgia by the General Assem-\\nbly, and the election of Hon. Alexander H. Stephens as the Representa-\\ntive in Congress from the Eighth District.\\nGordon s victory was a signally striking one. He had for competitors,\\nHon. A. H. Stephens, Hon. B. H. Hill, Hon. Herbert Fielder and Hon.\\nA. T. Akerman. The friends of these gentlemen threw themselves\\nvigorously into the canvass. Gen. Gordon and Mr. Hill both made\\nspeeches. Mr. Stephens was in Atlanta, and his quiet, effective influ-\\nence was seen in the ardent rallying of his admirers in his favor.\\nThe triumph of Gen. Gordon was one of which any man could be\\npioud. He had an unparalleled array of competitors, the most popular,\\ngifted and veteran public leaders in Georgia men around whom clus-\\ntered peculiar considerations of public support. Mr. Stephens in par-\\nticular had been a public idol, maintaining in a long career an unbroken\\nseries of political victories. He had been elected Senator after the war\\nand was not admitted. It seemed a proper thing to return him again.\\nHe was handicapped, however, by his decided disagreement in the\\npresidential campaign with the bulk of the party.\\nOn the first joint ballot Gordon received 84 votes, Stephens 71, Hill", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0625.jp2"}, "582": {"fulltext": "50G JOHN li. CORDON S EXC1T1N KI.KCTION AS U. S. SENATOR.\\n35, Akerman 14, Fielder 8. Mr. Stojilions vote was remarkable in view\\nof his contest with his party, and could have been evoked by no other\\nman under the same circumstances. He grew in strength in succeed-\\ning ballots. For a time it was thought lie would be elected. Upon the\\ndisintegration of Hill s and Fielder s votes Gordon swept to victory.\\nOn the fourth ballot Gordon had ninety-five and Stejiliens seventy-five,\\nnecessary to elect one hundred and seven. On the fifth ballot Gordon\\nran to one hundred and one, and Stephens seventy-si.x, when men began\\nto change, amid as wild an excitement as ever existed in a deliberative\\nbody. Three of Gordon s men broke to Stephens, Mattox, Brantley and\\nScott. Nine of Hill s men followed to Stephens. Two of Akerman s\\nmen added themselves to this growing tide. Two of Stephens men,\\nPeabody and McClellan, rushed to Gordon to give variety to the battle.\\nNine of Hill s men followed suit. Three of Akerman s joined this cur-\\nrent. Baker of Bartow, with commendable impartiality, changed from\\nStephens to Gordon, and then back to Stephens. Watt did the same.\\nDorsey, not to be outdone, plumped from Hill to Stephens and then\\nfrom Stephens to Gordon. Lee of Appling shifted from Gordon to\\nStephens, and then back to Gordon. The confusion and e.xcitement\\nwere simply indescribable. Everybod}^ was at fever heat. The gal-\\nleries were packed with spectators, with a large sprinkling of ladies.\\nAt one time it was said by some investigating arithmetician who traced\\nout the changing phases of the ballot, that Mr. Stephens was elected by\\none majority. The transfer of ballots was so swift and mi.xed that\\nmen were in perplexity, but amid the torrent of confusing changes\\nGordon went up steadily until the ballot was announced, Gordon one\\nhundred and twelve, and Stephens eighty-six, and in a hurricane of\\nshouts, the atmosphere variegated with the tossing hats, Gordon was\\ndeclared elected.\\nIt was a large clutch of honor for the young Gordon to have won\\nthis high trust, and the whole State was pleased. He had in the war\\ncarved his way to fame with the sword, rising to continental reputa-\\ntion. He was a fine representative of the chivalry and patriotism of\\nthe South. Endowed with a clear -mind, a strong honor, and a pulsing\\npublic spirit, backed by a rare physical vigor, Senator Gordon became\\na marked figure in the national councils, and gave an administration of\\nhis exalted trust, both useful and brilliant.\\nThe ne.xt day after the election the Atlanta Constitution raised Mr.\\nStephens name for Congress. Gen. Toombs announced that Mr.\\nStephens would stand for Congress in the Eighth District, and the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0626.jp2"}, "583": {"fulltext": "GEN. JOHN B. GORDON, Ex-U. S. Se.vator.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0627.jp2"}, "584": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0628.jp2"}, "585": {"fulltext": "SUl KUB TRlliUTl TO ClIAltl.KS J. .1 KiV KINS. 507\\nluiiiierous aspirants dropped out and down, and the Commoner, as he\\nwas felicitously called, was returned to Congress, where he still continues\\nto give the country his services. Forty years ago he had been elected\\nto Congress. For sixteen consecutive years he had served, his stout\\nlioart and large brain, in a weak frame, battling manfully for the rights\\nand interest of the whole country. Retiring voluntarily from public\\nlife, he emerged from his privacy to become the second officer of the\\nConfederate government. After -thirteen years absence he returned to\\nthe seat in Congress he had vacated, the representative of the princi-\\nples, thoughts and policies of the best school of American statesman-\\nship. The event was a notable one, and created national comment and\\ncongratulation.\\nThis Legislature elected as State House officers, Col. N. C Barnett\\nSecretary of State, Col. John Jones Treasurer, and W. L. Goldsmith as\\nComptroller General. Col. Barnett and Col. Jones had both been\\nremoved from office by Gen. Meade, and their election was the sponta-\\nneous tribute of the representatives of the people to these officers for\\ntheir fidelity to the State s interest.\\nA very interesting incident of Gov. Smith s administration was con-\\nnected with ex-Gov. Charles J. Jenkins. Hon. J. B. Cumming intro-\\nduced a resolution, which passed and was approved August 23, 1872,\\nauthorizing the Governor to have made and present to Mr. Jenkins a\\nfac-siniile of the great seal of State that ho had taken with him when\\nremoved from office, with this additional inscription: Presented to\\nCharles J. Jenkins by the State of Georgia, and this legend, In\\nArduis F uldli^r\\nGov. Smith had the gold copy made, and in July, 1873, he transmitted\\nit to e.\\\\-Gov. .Jenkins through the hands of Mr. Cumming, the author\\nof the resolution, in a suitable letter. Tiie formal presentation of this\\ntestimonial of a republic s gratitude, this State recognition of fidelity\\nto iier honor and prosperity, was certainly an event of beautiful signifi-\\ncance. The letter of ex-Gov. Jenkins, in reply, was like everything\\nelse emanating from his brain, a document of grace and power. The\\nexquisite elegance of diction, the rare propriety of sentiment, and the\\nstrong tenor of vigorous thought that mark this letter, make it a paper\\nto be read with admiration and treasured in remembrance. This senti-\\nment deserves preservation:\\nMy position is that there is now no cause for desponilencv that the wrongs and\\noppressions we liavc endured resulted from administrative abuses, not from structural\\ntlumges in the government. This distinction should be kept constantly in view. lu a", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0629.jp2"}, "586": {"fulltext": "508 GOV. smith s controversies.\\nciimplex government like our own, tlie political powers diviileJ between the general and\\nState governments, let it never be conceded that a power once usuiped is tkenrrfurth a\\npower trans/erred nor that a rifjfit once suppressed is for that cause a riffht extinijnishtd\\nnor that a Constitution a thousand times violated heroines a Constitution abolished; nor\\nfinally that a (/orernment prostituted by two or three consecutive administrations to purposes\\nof tijrannij and corruption must thereafter he regarded as a yooernineut revolutionized,\\nBrave, noble words t liese were, tliat rang over the length and breadth\\nof tiie State, giving truth and inspiration to every wearied champion of\\nconstitutional government.\\nGov. Smith s administration was firm and able and made him very\\npopular. He concluded his fragment of Bullock s time, and entered\\nupon his regular term of four years amid the general and earnest favor\\nof the people. His whole administration, nearly as an entirety, was a\\nbeneficial and capable one. There were, however, two matters that\\noccurred that marred the harmony of his regime. There was an aggres-\\nsive quality in his temper that developed itself, and that was productive\\nof many personal misunderstandings, and created an unnecessary oppo-\\nsition. He was unfortunate enoug h to got up some very grave conllicts\\nof statement with several distinguished gentlemen in the State upon\\nthe delicate subject of their appointment to office. Whatever may have\\nbeen the merits of these controversies, they made hostility to Gov.\\nSmith. E.\\\\-Gov. H. V. Johnson was the most prominent of the persons\\nwith whom Gov. Smith had these by no means beneficial differences.\\nGov. Johnson considered that Gov. Smith had promised to put him on\\nthe supreme bench, and Gov. Smith denied it, and the issue drifted into\\nquite an unpleasant correspondence. Such incidents made an opposi-\\ntion disproportioned to what might be supposed their legitimate effect.\\nAt the expiration of Dr. Angler s term as Treasurer in 1873, as has\\nbeen stated, Col. John Jones, Treasurer under Gov. Jenkins and who had\\nbeen removed by Gen. Meade, was elected to this office. The election was\\nunfortunate for himself and for Gov. Smith. He had earned an unusual\\nreputation, and was endeared to the people by his striking experiences.\\nHonest Jack Jones was his enviable designation. It was a cruel thing\\nthat such a character, so uncommon and priceless, should have been sacri-\\nficed, with every undenialsle purpose to merit its continuance, and with\\nthe fact of integrity untouched. Charges of loose management became\\ngenera!, and the alleged payment of duplicate securities was formulated\\nupon the public thought. The I cgislature of 1875 put a committee at\\nwork to investigating the Treasurer s office. This connnitteo reported\\na bad state of things existing in that office, and resolutions were passed\\ncensuring the Treasurer, instru^-ting suit against (hat ofTicer and Iiis", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0630.jp2"}, "587": {"fulltext": "THE STATE TREASURY. 509\\nsureties for money illogally paid by liim, and autlioriziiig the Governor\\nto appoint a competent person to aid the Treasurer in doing all things\\nnecessary for the State s interest. Dr. James F. Bozeman was selected\\nas the official to do this important duty. The choice was admirable.\\nDr. Bozeman proved himself a careful, capable, patient, honest financier,\\ntracing out the difficult problem of our confused State finances to an\\nunerring conclusion.\\nThe whole episode was a painful one. It involved a Democratic\\nofficial who had peculiarly strong claims upon the party. Yet the inves-\\ntigation was made with a resolute thoroughness that marked the differ-\\nence between a Democratic and the Reconstruction administrations. A\\nDemocratic rule probed and punished its own derelictions. The Repub-\\nlican regime had shielded its offenders.\\nGov. Smith decided upon examination that the Treasurer s bond\\nwas insufficient, and on the 15th day of November, 1875, he issued an\\nE.xecutive order requiring a new bond. This the Treasurer failed to give,\\nand on the 2Gth of November, the Governor declared the office vacant\\nby operation of law. From the 25th of November until the 4th of\\nDecember, the Comptroller acted as Treasurer under the Executive\\nappointment. On the 4th of December, 1875, Gov. Smith appointed\\nand commissioned as State Treasurer, Hon. John W. Renfroe, who\\nserved the balance of Col. Jones term, and in 1877 was elected and\\nserved for the full term of four years to 1881.\\nThe administration of Col. Renfroe through its entirety was a signally\\nable one. He had been for j^ears the tax collector of the large county\\nof Washington, and had made a marked reputation for efficiency, skill\\nand promptness. His collections were thorough and his returns a model\\nof book-keeping. He tco the treasury chaotic, disordered and unsys-\\ntematized. He made it methodical, clear and smoothly running. He\\nhad something more than good steady business ways. He possessed\\ngenuine and original financial ability, blending, in a singular degree,\\nnerve, judgment and fertility of resource. He held the many reins of\\nState money interest with a firm hand and an intelligence equal to any\\nemergency. He was economical and managing, saving the State in\\nevery possible manner.\\nIt was a most fortunate selection. The State s credit steadily went\\nup under his financial direction. He negotiated large amounts of bonds\\nat less cost than any other Treasurer. And with all his strict discharge\\nof his duties he was uniformly polite and accommodating, and won a\\nuniversal regard by his courtesy and spirit to convenience people.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0631.jp2"}, "588": {"fulltext": "510 THE doudl:-; paymknt of bonds.\\nThe irregularities in tlie Treasurer s office and tlio clian res of adiuiii-\\nistration startled and shocked the public mind. I here has never been\\nsuch a demonstration of popular synipatiiy as followed Col. Jones in\\ntliis unfortunate calamity. The proof of an inefficient management was\\nirrefutable. But the public clung to the idea of his integrity, with a\\ntouching tenacity. Great losses to the State were proven, but the gen-\\neral thought maintained the good intentions of old Jack Jones.\\nStunned, dazed, fluttering in his helplessness, and in dreamy doubt\\nof a di.saster that he scarcely comprehended, and which he fought with\\nall the gallant consciousness of honesty, the old man reeled under the\\nterrific loss of his cherished repute, and finally as the evidence accumu-\\nlated overwhelmingly to show an incompetent and careless management,\\nhe bowed his head in mute anguisii. The iron ordeal of an unpitying\\ninquiry went on.\\nCivil suits were instituted. Months were spent by an auditor. Col.\\nJohn M. Pace taking evidence. The trial ran far into Gov. Colquitt s\\nadministration, and finally, on the 23rd day of May, 1879, a judgment\\nwas obtained against Col. Jones and his sureties, John T. Grant and C.\\nA. Nutting, for $96,000. The counsel for the State were the Attornev\\nGeneral, Col. N. J. Hammond, and the following lawyers employed bv\\nGov. Smith, Gen. Toombs, McCay Trippe, Willis A. Hawkins an 1\\nWm. T. Newman. Col. Jones had for his leading counsel, Hon. B. H.\\nHill. Mr. John T. Grant ofifered $35,000 cash in settlement of his lia-\\nbility which was accepted by Gov. Colquitt upon the advice of the\\nState s entire counsel.\\nThis most unpleasant affair was an injury to Gov. Smith s adminis-\\ntration. Henry Clews Co. had paid, during the administration of\\nGov. Bullock, the entire bonds falling duo in 1870 and 1871. These\\nbonds were reported paid by the bond committee in 1871, as also by\\nGov. Conley in his message, and in his first message to the legislature\\nas Governor in July, 1873, Gov. Smith had mentioned the bonds due in\\n1872 as the first bonds needing attention. Of the redeemed bonds of\\n1870 and 1871 Col. Jones had paid a second time, $149,250 with $34,-\\n782.15 of interest. These bonds had never been canceled by Henry\\nClews, but were sold at public auction in New York on one day s notice,\\nfor $18,625 to J. D. Hayes, the Misses Clews and Chittenden and Hub-\\nbard. Somebody presented them at the State Treasury and Col. Jones\\npaid them. He had no clue to the person who got the mone} After\\nthat payment Gov. Smith passed his warrant to Col. Jones for these\\nbonds. And whether rightly or wrongfully the public held it a matter", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0632.jp2"}, "589": {"fulltext": "OONGRKSSION.VI, CON TF.STS. 511\\nfor censure in the otherwise cxceHont financial admitiistration of Gov.\\nSmith.\\nGov. Smith had pressed a controversy upon the writer in connection\\nwith the autliorship of a newspai^er letter, attacking him savagely, written\\nby a Mr. Cowart. And in this controversy the writer entered fully into\\nthis doul)le bond payment, and charged upon Gov. Smith a grave\\nneglect of duty. The controversy which brought to light more clearlv\\nthe facts of this bond mistake, demonstrated the tendency heretofore\\nalluded to in Gov. Smith to provoke unnecessary antagonisms. It is\\ndue to Gov. Smith to say that tlie full e.xtent of condemnation to which\\nhe should justly be subjected is simply such oversight of the fact of\\npayment as would have prevented his signing a warrant for these bonds.\\nThe bonds had been paid. The money could not have been recalled.\\nNo iiuman suspicion could attach any blame to Gov. Smith for the\\ndouble payment. These are milder vievFs of Gov. Smith s share of\\nblame than the writer entertained at the time of the very tart corre-\\nspondence in 187G, and are given in justice to both parties.\\nIn 1870 an event occurred that attracted very much attention. Dr.\\nW. H. White, who has since died, a gentleman from Iowa settling in\\nAtlanta, was tiie successful originator and instrument of a large e.\\\\cur-\\nsion of western citizens to the South, that went a great way to break\\ndown tlie ignorant bitterness e.xisting between the sections, and which\\nhas proved so great a barrier to national reconciliation. Dr. White was\\na public-spirited citizen of energy and enterprise, who deserved the\\nesteem he held among our people.\\nThe death of Gen. Ambrose R. Wright and Thomas J. Speer, mem-\\nbers of Congress, was followed by the election of Hon. A. H. Stephens\\nand Col. Erasmus W. Beck to fill the vacancies. In November, 1874,\\nthe following gentlemen were elected to Congress, viz. Julian Hartridge,\\nWm. E. Smith, Philip Cook, H. R. Harris, Milton A. Candler, James\\nH. Blount, Wm. H. Felton, Alex. H. Stephens and Garnett McMillan.\\nIn the nominations of Col. Candler and Col. McMillan there had been\\nprolonged, exciting and stubborn contests. McMillan beat Hon. B. H.\\nHill in the convention in a conflict that excited State interest. Col.\\nMcMillan soon died, and Mr. Hill was nominated and elected May 5,\\n1875, to fill the vacancy, and from that time has been in Congress. The\\nmost remarkable, and in some respects romantic, congressional contest,\\nwas the one in the 7th District, which resulted in the election of Dr.\\nWilliam H. Felton as the Representative, which revolutionized the pol-\\nitics of that District, which introduced a new and powerful factor in", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0633.jp2"}, "590": {"fulltext": "513 PARSON l- ELTOX.\\nthe public matters of the state, and made the quiet old Seventh Dis-\\ntrict the scene of political strife so turbid and active as to focalize the\\ngaze and the speculation of the whole people.\\nSome several weeks before the Democrats held their nominating con-\\nvention, Dr. Felton had taken the field as an Independent Democratic\\ncandidate, on the general ground of the trickery of the convention\\nsystem, which, he argued, disappointed instead of enforcing the popu-\\nlar will. He was a tall, slender, gray-haired Methodist preacher, with\\na singularly effective eloquence and a very subtle power in reaching and\\ncontrolling his hearers. The people of mountain sections seem to have\\na natural proclivity to that loose wearing of political trammels that\\nmakes party independentism easy. It is a curious geographical fact\\nthat, in the Tth and 9th Congressional Districts, both mountain coun-\\ntries, the Independents have been most active and successful.\\nDr. Felton made a steady headway. His wife, a very comely lady,\\nfearless, positive, managing, a born politician, a vigorous writer, and a\\ntireless worker gave him a wonderful co-operation. Together they\\ninaugurated a revolution that swept the District, made it the focal bat-\\ntle-field of the State, and planted independentism in State politics for\\nyears to come. The placid parson became the central figure of public\\nmatters.\\nThe convention nominated Hon. L. N. Trammel! as the Democratic\\ncandidate for Congress. Dr. Felton attacked the fairness of llis nomi-\\nnation and his political record. Tramtncll met him squarely, hammer-\\ning down his assaults. They met in debate several times, and Dr.\\nFelton declined to discuss with him longer. The disaffection in the\\nDemocracy of the seventh so perceptible gave serious trouble to the\\nparty all over the State. There were elements of discord at work that\\nseemed uncontrollable. With a deft tact and consummate ability the\\nclever parson used the chance. It was immaterial who was the nominee,\\nthe opposition to nominations e.xisted. Whether Dabney, Lester or\\nTrammell, it was the same breeding repulsion to convention work.\\nTramniell was an unexampled manager, full of resources, and a watch-\\nful, masterly, political leader.\\nCol. Trammell wrote to the Executive Committee putting himself in\\ntheir hands for the party good. It was a generous abnegation. The\\ncommittee propoised to Dr. Felton that both retire and let the party\\nsettle the contest in some way. Dr. Felton declined. The committee\\ndecided that Col. Trammell must continue the fight. There was then\\nevery chance for the nominee. Trammell could have made the victory", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0634.jp2"}, "591": {"fulltext": "DR. KELTON DEFEATED AT LAST. 513\\nBut tberc was treachery in our own ranks. Realizing it, Col. Trammell\\ndetermined that it should not be ascribed to him that the party wa.s\\ndivided, and jseremptorily withdrew. Col. Wm. H. Dabney was nomi-\\nnated. The battle became hotter still. The schism grew, the rancor\\nintensified, the struggle deepened in bitterness. Outsiders who were\\ninvited to come in and take a hand were warned off. The District\\nseethed like the witches cauldron in Macbeth. It was a red-hot time,\\nfull of accelerating fury.\\nCol. Dabney was an irreproachable gentleman and a fine lawyer, able\\nand earnest. But Dr. Felton went for him. Dabney lacked personal\\nmagnetism and political strategy, and was not a match for Felton. We\\nhave never had a man in Georgia politics that has been so dangerous an\\nassailer of personal records as this plausible preacher. He struck\\ndeadly blows. He held religious service on Sunday, and spoke politics\\non week days, and played perilous work generally with personal ante-\\ncedents. His hold on the people was something marvelous, and could\\nnot be shaken. He inspired a tenacity of attachment in his followers,\\namounting to fanaticism.\\nHe defeated Col. Dabney by over 200 majority. He ran again in\\n1875, and Col. Dabney was pitted against him, and he got an increased\\nmajority running to 3,4G2. The Republican vote went solid for him.\\nIn 1878 George N. Lester was nominated, and made a lightning race,\\nfull of fire. But Felton came in again with a majority of 1,350. It\\nlooked like the parson was invincible, and Independentism supreme.\\nThe contagion had spread. In the 9th, in 1878, a handsome, glittering,\\nyoung man, showy, eloquent, ambitious, Emory Spcer, who in 1876 had\\nbeen defeated, slipped in over Col. J. A. Billups, the nominee, by a\\nsmall majority, which in 1880 he swelled to over 4,000 in a tug with H.\\nP. Bell.\\nBut Dr. Felton s victory over Col. Lester closed his extraordinary\\nseries of successes, and in 1880 a sturdy, clear-headed, even-tempered\\nyoung man, who had been first in the House of Representatives and\\nthen in the Senate from Walker county, entered the race and left the\\ngallant parson behind. This sensible individual, Judson C. Clement, took\\na new tack. He would have no stock in a personal contest. He made\\na quiet elevated canvass, dignified, devoid of personality, soothing the\\nasperities of an angry division, and treating Dr. Felton and his follow-\\ners with a uniform personal courtesy, and when the vote was counted,\\nto the surprise of the State, and with somewhat of a shock to tiie par-\\nson, Clement was declared elected.\\n33", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0635.jp2"}, "592": {"fulltext": "514 EMORY SPEER.\\nThe defeat of Parson Felton has left his youthful and brilliant young\\ncolleague, Emory Speer, the leader of the Independents a critical and\\nperilous pre-eminence. He has shown, like the Parson, an able brain\\nand a steady head, a thorough self-reliance and a shrewd mastery of the\\nmasses. It cannot be seen that Dr. Felton made any blunder to evoke\\ndefeat, but fell througli in the reaction from a species of revolution and\\nunder the natural subsidence of men into customary and familiar polit-\\nical grooves. It remains to be tested whether the gifted young Speer\\ncan avoid the fate of his wise old colleague, and maintain outside of\\nparty lines that personal supremacy, which, while it utilized Democratic\\ndisaffection and a handy Republican balance of power, yet demonstrated\\nan undeniable genius for leadership.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0636.jp2"}, "593": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0637.jp2"}, "594": {"fulltext": "^^-^r^^^^ c^^\\ne-^y^\\nSUPREME COURT OF GEORGIA.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0638.jp2"}, "595": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XLV.\\nGOVERNOR ALFRED H. COLQUITT, AND HIS MAGNIFICENT\\nMAJORITY.\\nThe Popular Thougrht Points to Alfred H. Colquitt for Governor. His Long Declen-\\nsion. Gen. L. J. Gartrell. H. V. Johnson. John H. James. Thomas Hardeman\\nRetires. Gen. Colquitt s Character. The State Democratic Convention. The Col-\\nquitt Caucus.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Weil and Wright. An Amusiug Episode. Colquitt s Nomination\\nand tlie Entliusiasm. The Hepuhlicaus put up Jonatliau Norcross. Colquitt s Easy\\nElection and Vast Majority. Tildeu and Hendricks. The Texas Banner Won. The\\nCongressional Delegation Re-elected Entire. Ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown. Gregg\\nWriglit s Witty Article on Brown. Gov. Brown s Service in Florida. Changes on\\ntlie Supreme Bench. James Jackson and Logan E. Bleckley. Martin J. Crawford.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Alex. M. Spear.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Legislature of 1877.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A. O. Bacon, Speaker. R. E.\\nI-ester. E. P. Howell. Patrick Walsh. Gov. Cokpiitt s Splendiil Finaucial Message.\\nHis Practical Economy. The Bankrupt Railroads. Gov. Colquitt s Aljle Dis-\\nposition of Them. B. H. Hill Elected United States Senator. State House Officers.\\nDuring the years 1875 and 187G, the question of Gov. Smith s suc-\\ncessor in the Executive office was actively agitated. Gov. Smith finally\\ndeclined to be a candidate, and turned his aspirations to the United\\nStates Senate. The prominent name in the public mind was Alfred H.\\nColquitt. As early as 1857 the popular thought had pointed to him\\nfor Governor. After the war he had steadily declined political pre-\\nferment, and constantly grew in public favor. Coming from a blood\\nrenowned in Georgia annals; the son of a father, the most versatile and\\nbrilliant public man the State has ever known, Walter T. Colquitt; the\\ninheritor of eloquence and ability for the administration of public\\naffairs; a gentleman of rare Christian character and life, adding the\\ngrace of a deep piety to the attractions of a very handsome face and\\nperson, and with manners singularly simple and hearty, and reflecting a\\ntemper uniformly genial. Gen. Colquitt enjoyed an exceptional popu-\\nlarity, and had such a hold upon tlie respect and affection of the masses\\nas few men have ever enjoyed.\\nHe refused repeated solicitations to allow his name used for Congress,\\nas well as for Governor and the United States Senate. He was con-\\nstantly chosen as elector and delegate to National Conventions. He\\nhad, in 1872, been elected on the same day President of the State Deni-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0639.jp2"}, "596": {"fulltext": "516 THE CANDIDATES FOU GOVERNOR IN IbTC.\\nocratic Convention and President of the State Agricultural Society,\\nlie had been unanimously re-elected, year by year, President of the State\\nAgricultural Society. Under this focal enjoyment of public regard he\\nwas at length squarely entered into the lists for the gubernatorial suc-\\ncession.\\nGen. Lucius J. Gartrell was. mentioned and pressed by his friends for\\nGovernor, but when ex-Gov. H. V. Johnson s name was presented, he\\nwithdrew. Gov. Johnson was sprung as a gubernatorial candidate by\\nMr. Willingham of the Press, and warmly urged by Mr. Gregg Wright\\nof the Augusta Chronkle and Sentinel. The late introduction of Gov.\\nJohnson into the canvass was an injustice to that distinguished and\\npopular statesman. His support was no criterion of the strength he\\nhad with the people. He neither endorsed nor declined the use of his\\nname, but still left it before the public. The writer, a warm friend and\\nadmirer of Gov. Johnson, wrote him a letter, urging that so many of his\\nfriends were friends of Gen. Colquitt and had committed themselves to\\nthe latter, that he owed it to himself not to run.\\nMr. John H. James, Banker of Atlanta, a gentleman of great native\\nshrewdness and large means, accumulated by an uncommon financial\\nsagacity and energy, had resolved, if possible, to cap his business suc-\\ncess with the honorable distinction of Executive responsibilit} Against\\nGov. Smith in 1872, he had made something of a commencement of iiis\\nattempt at the Executive chair. He regularly entered the race against\\nGen. Colquitt, and devoted himself to the campaign with that cool, sys-\\ntematic energy and calculation that marked the man. Deficient in\\neducation, he yet ^ad a large fund of good sense, good temper, and real\\npractical capacity. He pursued his canvass astutely.\\nThe strongest competitor that Gen. Colquitt had, however, was Hon.\\nThomas Hardeman, Jr. This gentleman was very popular. As Legis-\\nlator, Congressman, Speaker of the House, Confederate officer, he had\\nshown himself capable, eloquent, honorable, patriotic and public spirited.\\nHe had convictions and the courage to defend them. He was and is a\\nfluent and attractive speaker. He was true in his friendships, and\\ndirect and candid in his politics. Possessing a genial nature, he in-\\n.s])ired a general regard. Col. Hardeman has been one of tlie sincerest\\nmen in our public matters, meriting his repeated trusts, disciiarging his\\nduties efficiently always, and enjoying public respect and regard.\\nWalter T. Colquitt, the father of Alfred H. Colquitt, was a most con-\\nsummate master of politics, and he transmitted to his son a full share of\\nthis power. The writ( r does not think that in the State there has ever", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0640.jp2"}, "597": {"fulltext": "AI.FRKn H. COLQUITT. 517\\nbeen a wiser manager of a political campaign than Gen. Colquitt. Un-\\nder his pleasant, unpretentious, genial e.xterior, he carries a keen judg-\\nment of men, an accurate perception of chances, a broad range of\\nresources in management, a power of severe practicality, a thorougii\\ngrasp of detail, and an unwavering decisiveness upon a deliberately\\nselected line of policy. There were some other qualities in Gen. Col-\\nquitt that gave him strength. No man was ever more crystally truth-\\nful and direct, no man was ever truer to friendship, and no man was\\never more strongly .governed by duty and conscience.\\nThere have been many misconceptions of Gen. Colquitt s cpialities,\\ninconsistent with his striking political successes. No mistake as to his\\ncharacter has been more widely at fault than the idea that his enemies\\nhave used against him, that he possessed a pliant and yielding character.\\nThis has grown from that perennial sweetness of temper and genial\\ncourtesy of manner that belong to the man. In truth he is as positive\\nand unwavering a public man as we have ever had in Georgia. Not an\\naggressive person and not given to seeking combat, but a most un-\\nchangeable and patient man upon a line of policy he has shown himself\\nto be. Every political campaign he has been engaged in has demon-\\nstrated fixedness, persistence and resolution of an unusual quality.\\nPerhaps the strongest trait of Gen. Colquitt s nature is his contempt\\nfor affectation or pretense. With a hearty scorn for shams, caring\\nnothing for show, yet with a genuine pride of principle and gentilitv,\\nhe has kept his poise, preserved his common sense, and maintained the\\nsolid purity of his character and intelligence in a manner that testifies\\nconclusively to his native worth. No public man has ever been more\\nuntouched by the glitter of official distinction, or has borne high prefer-\\nment with more modesty. This simple wearing of ennobling trust has\\nbeen accompanied by a strong practicality that he shows in all matters,\\nand which is the essential basis of a very strong personality with an\\nunlimited reserve power in it. The qualities of this distinguished\\nGeorgian will be further discussed. lie was destined for unprecedented\\ntriumph and a remarkable experience.\\nThe nominating convention was held on the second day of August,\\n187G, in Atlanta. The selection of county delegates to the body\\ndemonstrated the overwhelming drift for Colquitt. When enough\\ncounties had acted to show the popular preference. Col. Hardeman, with\\nthat patriotic sensibility that has always signalized his public course,\\nwithdrew his name in a most graceful letter, yielding a prompt acqui-\\nescence in the public will. At the Kimball House, the head-quarters of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0641.jp2"}, "598": {"fulltext": "518 GovERNOK coi.qi itt s nomixation.\\ntlio Colquitt, Johnson and James delegates were cstablislieil. A caucus\\nof Colquitt s friends was lield in the largo ball-room of the Kimball\\nHouse. The Johnson men met in tlie breakfast-room, and Major J. B.\\nCumming stated that ho iiad in his possession a letter from Gov. Johnson\\ndeclining- to have his name presented to the convention. The caucus\\nresolved to support Colquitt.\\nIn the Colquitt caucus the enthusiasm was overwhelming. The\\nlarge room was packed. The proposal of three cheers for (.Colquitt\\nbrought out a ringing response which echoed throughout the immense\\nbuilding in thunderous notes. Mr. H. D. D. Twiggs announced the\\nwithdrawal of Gov. Johnson s name and that Johnson s friends would\\nsupport Colquitt. The excitement that followed this announcement\\nwent to fever heat. Cheers were given for Gov. Johnson and his\\nfriends. Hon. Josiah Warren of Savannah was called, and made an\\nelecti ical little talk. Among other tilings he used these notable words:\\nAs an original Hardeman man, and one wlio believes he is one of the purest and\\nnoblest sons of Georgia\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and who witlidrew in favor of one who is liis peer in everv\\nrespect, [cheers] Gen Colrjuitt f cheers], and .as a friend of Gen. Coli|nitt, and as one\\nwho is in favor of tlie harmony of the party, I congratulate yon and the wlio^e peujile\\nujion llie evidence here to-uiglit of the future harmony and uuison of the Democratic\\njjarty of the State of Georgia [cheers].\\nCol. Hardeman made such a speech as he alwa3 s makes, fitting and\\neloquent. The convention consisted of 5.30 delegates from 135 counties.\\nHon. Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., was made temjiorary Ciuiirman, and Hon.\\n(Clifford Anderson permanent President of the body. Col. S. Weil of\\nF ulton county withdrew the name of Mr. James, and movotl the nomi-\\nnation of Gen. Colquitt. Mr. H. Gregg Wright of the Richmond dele-\\ngation had been empowered to announce the witiidrawal of Gov. .Johnson\\nand put in notnination Gen. Colquitt. It is a part of the under-current\\nof tlie history of this convention that the movement of Mr. Weil in iiis\\nGerman idiom was a surprise, and unexpectedly interrupted the pro-\\ngramme of the Richmond delegation. It created a sort of ripple of\\nanuisement, but the ready and quick-witted Wright met. the sudden\\nemergencv cleverly, and put in his most felicitous speech with a spirit\\nthat brought the house down, stating that Johnson s name would not\\nbe presented, and urging Gen. Colquitt s nomination by acclamation.\\nThe nomination went through witli a rush, and Gen Colquitt was\\nbrought in, and made a stirring speech. Electors were chosen on the\\nTildon and Hendricks ticket. They were A. R. Lawton and J. W.\\nWofford from the State at large; and district electors, A. M. Rodgers,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0642.jp2"}, "599": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0643.jp2"}, "600": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0644.jp2"}, "601": {"fulltext": "GOVERXOK Colquitt s sui ubi! majority. 519\\nR. E. Kennon, J. M. Dupree, W. O. Tuggle, F. D. Dismuke, F. Chain-\\nbcTs, L. N. Trammell, M. Du Bose and J. N. Doisey.\\nThe Republicans in convention at Macon, Aug. IG, 1876, nominated\\nJonathan Norcross for Governor, and for electors, D. A. Walker, E. C\\nWade, J. T. Collins, C. W. Arnold, B. F. Bell, R. D. Locke, J. A.\\nIloltzclaw, Jeff. Long, Z. B. Hargrove, V. M. Barnes and M. R. Archer.\\nThe whole Democratic ticket for State officers, electors and congress-\\nmen was easily elected. Mr. Norcross was an odd, grizzly person, an\\nintense, double-dyed Republican, unskilled in party management,\\nregarded as possessing very cranky political theories, and an impracti-\\ncable public man, but personally honest, a successful business man, one\\nof the earliest settlers of Atlanta, though of northern birth, and enjoy-\\ning the respect of all who knew his undoubted personal worth. He\\nwas the last man in tlie State to lead the party. Some idea of his party\\nmanagement may be gleaned from a maneuver of his in the last cam-\\npaign, when with nine-tenths of his party organization colored, he\\ndeliberately inaugurated the policy of establishing a white man s\\nRepublican concern, and ignoring the colored brethren. This would\\nliave been simply to have wiped out at one stroke the Republican party\\nin Georgia.\\nThe Georgia elections of 1876 resulted in easy and overwhelming\\nDemocratic victories. The State election took place in October. Gov.\\nColquitt s majority over Mr. Norcross was unprecedented, running to\\n77,854, and the largest ever given in the State. The whole vote was\\n144,839, of which Gov. Colquitt received 111,297, Norcross 33,443,\\nscattering 99. The popular Colquitt swept in to the E,\\\\ecutive office\\non a flood tide of public favor. Amid universal acclaim and a flatter-\\ning expectancy he took his seat. The Republican party was crushed\\nas by the hand of a giant. Swollen to invincible proportions, the\\nDemocracy had no opposition whatever. Unified, with every wandering\\nelement gathered to the fold, compact and resistless, it led the Demo-\\ncratic hosts of the Union. Some Democratic Clubs in Dallas, Texas,\\nchallenged the States of the Union to roll up a heavier majority than\\nthe Lone Star commonwealth, the trophy to be a silken banner. Espe-\\ncial dares were given to Georgia and Kentucky.\\nThe enormous majority given to Gov. Colquitt was duplicated for\\nTilden and Hendricks in November, and in due time there came from\\nDallas to Gov. Colquitt a magnificent banner, the badge of Georgia s\\nDemocratic superiority. Gen. Lawton was elected President of the\\nElectoral college, which assembled in Atlanta on the 8th of December,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0647.jp2"}, "602": {"fulltext": "520 GRECC. WRKUIT ON tJOVEUNOR BROWN.\\nami cast the State s vote for Tilden and Hendricks. The most extraor-\\ndinary result of the November election was the return to Congress of\\nthe entire Representatives eh^cted in 1874, something that has never\\nhappened before or since. The members thus re-elected without an\\nexception, were Julian Ilartridge, Wm. E. Smith, Phil. Cook, Henry R.\\nHarris, Milton A. Candler, Jas. H. Blount, Wm. H. Felton, Alex. H.\\nStephens and Benjamin H. Hill.\\nDuring the past years. Gov. Brown had, after a series of long and\\nhard conflicts in the Legislatures and before the people, established\\nirrefutably the integrity and validity of the State Road lease, and his\\ncompany was firmly fixed in its occupancy of the road. But during\\nthese years, though out of politics, and devoting his extraordinary\\nenergies and sense to material enterprises, his powerful personality was,\\nin the public imagination, a persuasive and irrepressible influence. No\\nman has ever been accredited with so much mysterious and potential\\nmanipulation of political affairs. It was a strange tribute to both his\\nl)ast power and still existing domination.\\nThat witty and sparkling young journalist, Gregg Wright, editor of\\nthe Augusta Chronicle, who died so young, and yet so marked in liis\\ncalling, happily expressed the remarkable estimate the public placed\\nupon Gov. Brown, and the repute that attached to him in political mat-\\nters, in this sketch.\\nMr. William Dugas Tramiiiell was uot far wrong iu the liescription wliiih he pavp\\niif ex-Gov. Brown in bis communistic romame, Ca Ira. Uuiler the name of Mr.\\nMalcomb, he .speaks of him .as a man universally feared and admired, who was believed\\nto be always engaged with the Governors, I^eglslutures, City Councils, railroad ofticials\\nand great speculators, in certain mysteries. If he was on speaking terms witli the\\nHovernor, there were those to swear that lie was the real Executive and was miming\\nthe government; if his carriage topped in front of a printing office, the editor was\\nliouglit up if he whispered in the ear of a member of the General Assembly, the Leg-\\nislature was bribed if a newspaper said a good word of him, it was paid to do it. ]f\\nit was consistently friendly, he owned an interest iu the establislimcnt. No one who\\nh;is liveil in Georgia since the close of the war can doubt tlie fidelity of the portrait by\\nthe communist arlist. If the ex-Governor lie a man of any humor whatever, he must\\nlie as much amused as offended by the manifold and conflicting charges brought against\\nhim, and the multiplicity of schemes which he is declared to have originated. The evil\\nspirit of the Indians was never an object of more fear to the ignorant children of the\\nforest than this man is to the people of Georgia, nor were the stories of the power of\\nand designs of the one a whit more wild than some of the fables which have been set\\nafloat concerning the Cherokee chieftain. Nothing, it would seem, has been too extra-\\nordinary or iniprobalilo for the imagination of writers or the credulity of readers. If\\nthe man did a tithe of wh.at he is accuseil of doing, he is a mental and physical phe-\\nnomenon- -an eighth wonder of the world,, more wonderful than the other seven com-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0648.jp2"}, "603": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR BROWN IN FLORIDA. 521\\nLiiieil. He is evervwiiere at tlie same tiiiifi irrepressilile, omnipresent, omnisiient.\\noniiiipiiteiit. He runs the city of Atlanta, lie runs the State of Georgia, he runs\\nrailroads, coal mines, iron furnaces, steamship companies, ne\\\\\\\\ spapers, job ctftices,\\nchurches, free schools, colleges, universities, the farmers, the democratic party, the lih-\\nerals, the conservatives, the negroes ami the whites, anil between whiles engages in\\nbanquets, dilKculties and duels. One day we are informed tliat he is intriguing ener-\\ngetically, adroitly aud with good chauces for success for the Vice-I residency. The\\nnext he is plotting to prevent any Atlauta man from warming his feet or cooking his\\nfood with coal which does not come from his mines. The ue.\\\\t he is at the head of a ring\\nwhich has control of the whole State; and is parceling out the offices to his friends and\\nadherents. Thene.\\\\t he is manipul.itiuga congre.ssioual couventioii by telegraph. The\\nue.xt he is dictating to the Georgia Legislature. The next he is heading a faction an l\\nwaging war witli the lessees of the Western and Atlantic railroad. The next he selects\\na chancellor for the university, etc. If he speaks, every word is sifted to discover a\\nmeaning which it does not bear on its face. If he remains quiet, he is plotting giving\\naway such trifles as governorships, seats iu Congress, on the bnpreme Beucli and in the\\nUnited States Senate.\\nLast Wednesday the Atlanta Xcies sounded a long note of warning to the people of\\nGeorgia The ex-Governor is caucussing and making up .slates this time in the inter-\\nest of the holders of the bogus bonds. It is reported that the political slate includes\\nthe candidature of Mr. James Brown, a brother of ex-Gov Brown, for Governor, and\\nthe appointment of certain parties to judgeships, besides the running of candidates for\\nthe Legislature in all the counties. This is the programme for 1876. Such a man is\\ndangerous to the country and the people. With the lamp of Aladdin, the purse of\\nFortunatns, tlie p.ass word of Ali Baha, the helmet of Pluto, the armor of Achilles, the\\ngenius of Napoleon, the diplomacy of Talleyrand and the pertinacity of the devil,\\nthere is no withstanding him. Can we not make him a respectable kingdom either in\\nMexico or South America aud induce him to emigrate Tlie experiment is certainly\\nworth trying.\\nGov. Brown had come into full accord with the Democratic partj\\nSupporting Gov. Smith for Governor against his life-time friend, .Judge\\nD. A. Walker; and Greeley for president against Grant, he had aligned\\nhimself squarely with the Democracy. He gave in connection with the\\nTilden-Hayes presidential contest, a demonstration of his Democratic\\nfealty and individual value to the party, that drew upon him national\\nattention. Florida was one of the States whose vote for President\\nafforded the chance for thwarting the election of Mr. Tilden. It was\\none of the three battle-fields of that novel conflict, which it is to he\\nhoped may never be again witnessed in this Union, and which involved\\nthe defeat of the people s will by the abominable mechanism of party\\nreturning boards.\\nGov. Brown, though sick and unfit for duty, yielded to a general\\npublic desire, and went to Florida to give his great abilities to protect-\\ning the puritv of the ballot, and ensuring a fair count of the Tilden\\nvote. Through the wearisome phases of this vital conflict he remained,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0649.jp2"}, "604": {"fulltext": "522 JAMES JACKSON AND LOGAN E. BLECKLEY.\\ncontesting fraud at every stop, and finally made an argument of unex-\\nampled power in the cause. This episode of valuable service strength-\\nened Gov. Brown s advancing restoration to the public confidence, due\\nto his large measure of public usefulness.\\nDuring Gov. Smith s term some changes had taken place upon the\\nsupreme bench tliat require notice. The Hon. R. P. Trippe was\\nappointed to succeed Judge Montgomery, February ITtli, 1873. .fudge\\nTrippe and Judge McCay resigned from the supreme bench in 1875, and\\nin their places Gov. Smith appointed, July 27th and 29th, Hon. James\\nJackson and Hon. Logan E. Bleckley. Two more fitting appointments\\ncould not have been made. Both were singularl} pure and simple-man-\\nnered men, both of scholarly culture, both lawyers of the first ability,\\nand both persons of unusually sincere conviction and unbending integ-\\nrity. Judge Jackson had filled many public trusts, and Judge Bleckley\\nvery few. As Congressman and Judge, Hon. James Jackson bad won\\nan enviable reputation. Judge Bleckley had been supreme court\\nreporter, and was noted for accuracy, and a certain indescribable style\\nof original thought and sententious polished expression.\\nTwo higher types of men we have never had upon our supreme bench\\nmen more thoroughly representative of the inanliest grade of South-\\nern character men gentle, unpretentious, gifted, resolute, and yet\\nlearned in the law. Judge Jackson added to his high qualities the grace\\nof a Christian piety, holding up in his strong life the cause of practical\\nreligion. Judge Bleckley has had some interesting peculiarities. A\\ncertain vein of witty singularity ran through his nature and cropped\\nout in all sorts of curious ways, carrying an odd conception of a not\\nunpleasant quaintness. It was a thing that few men could do, for him\\nto signalize his resignation from tlie supreme bench with a poem, that\\nstands to-day upon the grim records of the court. Yet he did it with\\na touching effect, and in utter relief of the seeming incongruity of\\nsuch a proceeding. It may show the honorable eccentricity of his\\ncharacter, running to a sort of refined Quixotism of good, to recall an\\nincident.\\nJudge Bleckley called to renew his subscription to the Atlanta Iltr-\\nald. He found that his paper had been delivered several weeks beyond\\nthe time for which the subscription was paid. He was very much dis-\\npleased, and said the running over must not happen again that when\\nhis time was out his paper must be stopped that it was a rule of his\\nlife to go to bed owing no man anything and he had been made to vio-\\nlate his rule. There is a strata of poesy in Judge Bleckley s nature,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0650.jp2"}, "605": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0651.jp2"}, "606": {"fulltext": "A. O. BACON,\\nSpeaker ok the Georgia House of Representatives.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0652.jp2"}, "607": {"fulltext": "THE ITvliSENT SLTllliME IIEXCll. 523\\nand an irrepressible tendency to quaint conceits of thouglit, that find\\nvent even in the iron formularies of a Supreme Court decision.\\nJudge Bleckley was re-appointed Judge in January, 15th, 1877, by Gov.\\nCohpiitt. He resigned in 1880, and Hon. Martin J. Crawford was\\nappointed and cpialified in liis place, February 9th, 1880, by Gov.\\nColquitt. Chief Justice Hiram Warner resigning in 1880, Judge Jack-\\nson was appointed Chief Justice, September 3, 1880, and Hon. Willis\\nA. Hawkins was selected for the vacancy occasioned by Judge Jackson s\\npromotion. On the 17th of November, 1880, the General Assembly\\nelected James Jackson Chief Justice, and Martin J. Crawford and Alex.\\nM. Speer Associate Justices, and this is the present status of the\\nSupreme Court. It is an able, a strong and a learned bench, such an\\nappellate tribunal of final resort as graces the jurisprudence of great\\ncommonwealth, gives guarantee of an exalted administration of justice,\\nand exalts the dignity and vitalizes the influence of an august judiciar}\\nJudge Speer, the junior member of the court, has been an honored\\ncitizen of Georgia, repeatedly elected to positions of trust, and filling,\\nbefore his merited elevation to the Supreme Bench, the higli place of\\nJudge of the Superior Courts of the Flint Circuit with an ability and\\ndignity not surpassed in the judicial annals of Georgia. Judge Craw-\\nford has been distinguished as a statesman and jurist for a quarter of a\\ncentury, he and Judge Jackson both illustrating the State in the national\\ncouncils as well as in the judiciary of the commonwealth.\\nTlie legislature of 1877 was organized by the election of Hon. A. O.\\nBacon as Speaker of the House, and Hon. R. E. Lester as President of\\nthe Senate. Major Bacon had evinced such extraordinary qualities for\\na presiding officer that he was chosen Speaker without opposition.\\nClear, rapid, prompt, polite, with a loud, distinct enunciation, always\\naudible in every part of the hall, thorouglily versed in parliamentary\\nlaw, using wonderful dispatch in the business of the body, with an\\nimposing manner and uniform dignity, and with an unvarying courtesy\\nof manner, Jlr. Bacon was a model Speaker, and his superiority for gov-\\nerning the deliberations of the House so unquestionable, that he was\\nelected by a sort of involuntary and connnon consent. The same com-\\nplimentary distinction was conferred upon him by the legislatures of\\n1878-9 and 1880-1, to both of which he was elected a Representative, the\\nAssembly of 1880-1 being now in session and Major Bacon presiding\\nwith his accustomed grace and efficiency.\\nCol. Lester vi^as also a fine presiding officer, directing the delibera-\\ntions of a mucli smaller body, the Senate, and one easier to handle,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0653.jp2"}, "608": {"fulltext": "524 E. r. HOWELL and i-atricic avalsii.\\nbut his parliamentary qualities were none the less thorough tliun tliose\\nof Speaker Bacon. Col. Lester was also elected President of the Sen-\\nate of 1878-9. Hon. Evan P. Howell was chosen President of -the\\nSenate pro tan., during both of Col. Lester s terms. Mr. Howell\\nsucceeded Mr. George Hillyer as the Senator from the Atlanta Dis-\\ntrict. He had been for years chosen as one of the city fathers of\\nAtlanta. He had signal capacity for public affairs, uniting in a marked\\ndegree unusual power of party management to a bold, shrewd, practi-\\ncal judgment. He had an exceptional poise of cool sense, and a singu-\\nlarly direct way of going to the marrow of things. In 1870 Mr. Howell\\nbought an interest in the Atlanta Constitution, and has since then been\\none of tlie proprietors and editors of that powerful paper, and his enter-\\nprise and wisdom have been controlling qualities in its wonderful success.\\nMr. Howell will be an influential factor in Georgia politics in the future.\\nAmong the notable men of the legislature of 1877 was another mem-\\nber of the Georgia press, Hon. Patrick Walsh, one of the Representa-\\ntives from Richmond county, and one of the proprietors and editors\\nof the Augusta Chronicle and Setitincl, now the Chronicle and Con-\\nstitutionalist. Mr. Walsh has a solid, stoutly-built, medium-sized fig-\\nure that gives token of the man, and his substantial momentum of\\ncharacter. A grave, impassive face, and a steady, deliberate manner,\\nincrease the idea of strength that attaches to iiim. Of Irish blood, Mr.\\nWalsh has a good deal of the sturdy combativeness that belongs to\\nthat race, and yet he is free from the excitability that leavens largely\\nthe Irish nature.\\nMr. Walsh is a person of unusual force, direct, simple, truthful,\\npositive, and with an irrepressible rising quality in him that will carry\\nthe man very high. He is daring and yet methodical and self-poised.\\nHe is a true and earnest person, a faithful friend and an open opponent,\\nstriking hard but honorably. He is both a forcible writer and an\\nimpressive speaker. One of the colleagues of Mr. Walsh, from Riclmiond\\ncounty, was Col. J. C. C. Black, a gentleman of earnest and effective\\noratory, who made some speeches of uncommon power in the campaign\\nof 1880. There were some very bright men in this body, who have\\nsince steadily risen in public esteem. Among these were A. P. Adams,\\nA. H. Gray, II. H. Carlton, Henry Hillyer, N. L. Hutchins, A. D.\\nCandler, W. J. Northern, J. T. Jordan, A. l. Miller, J. H. Polhill, J. A.\\nReid, J. D. Stewart, AV. M. Hammond, A. II. Cox, F. II. Colley.\\nAmong the older members vi^ere P. M. Russell, W. P. Price, R. J. Moses,\\nJas. M. Smith, W. W. Paine, Wm. Phillii^s.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0654.jp2"}, "609": {"fulltext": "GOV. Colquitt s fine financial administration.\\n525\\nGov. Colquitt was called upon for suggestions in regard to the\\nfinancial matters of the State and sent in a message showing a most\\nthorough investigation of every point connected with the management\\nof the finances, and suggesting a comprehensive system of retrench-\\nment and reform. The ideas advanced by him covered the ground of\\nthe reform afterwards instituted by the Convention and legislatures.\\nThis message is a remarkable document, and Gov. Colquitt may well\\nplume himself upon its practicality and comprehensiveness. He dis-\\ncussed ably the saving by a more e.\\\\act return of property for taxation,\\na more rigid collection of taxes, a more economical collection of taxes,\\nreduction in the cost of legislation and legislative clerk hire, decrease\\nin the outlay of the contingent, printing and building funds, reduction\\nin the number of clerks in the various departments, lessening the num-\\nber of judicial circuits, the cutting off of superfluous offices, and the\\ninauguration of small economics.\\nGov. Colquitt put in practical operation the economies he suggested\\nas far as lay in his power. He immediately imposed the duties of the\\nKeeper of Public Buildings on a clerk in the Executive office without\\nextra pay. He made considerable savings in the contingent, printing\\nand building funds. Every expenditure for the State was scrutinized\\nas closely as a private account. Gas, coal, labor, stationery, postage,\\nprinting, advertising, clerk hire and incidental expenses were all reduced\\nin cost\u00c2\u00b0to the State. The extraordinary financial fruits of Gov. Col-\\nquitt s administration will be shown hereafter.\\nAmong the legacies of burden left from previous, administrations to\\nGov. Colquitt were several bankrupt railroads, whose bonds the State\\nhad endorsed. These were the Macon and Brunswick, the North and\\nSouth, and the Memphis Branch railroads. The Brunswick and Albany\\nrailroad had received State aid in Gov. Jenkins term to the amount of\\n$1,950,000, and subsequently \u00c2\u00a7000,000 in Gov. Bullock s term. The\\nIGOO.OOO had been thrown over. The ^1,950,000 were recognized, and\\nin July, 1873, Gov. Smith seized the road for non-payment of interest.\\nIn May, 1874, Gov. Smith endorsed the bonds of the Jlemphis Branch\\nrailroad for $34,000, and seiz the road in ]\\\\Iay, 187G, for non-payment\\nof interest in January and July, 1875. In December, 1873, Gov. Smith\\nendorsed the bonds of the North and South railroad for \u00c2\u00ab!240,000, and\\nin April, 1874, he seized the road for non-payment of interest. These\\nthree roads were placed in the hands of receivers, were sold, and all\\ncame into the ownership of the State. The Macon and Brunswick rail-\\nroad was sold at public outcry and bought in, Juno, 1875, by Gov.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0655.jp2"}, "610": {"fulltext": "526 GOV. COLQUITT AND THE SEIZED RAILROADS.\\nSmith for the State, and put under the management of E. A. Flewellen,\\nW. A. Lofton and George S. Jones.\\nIn 1876, the Macon and Brunswick railroad showed 1^28,000 paid into\\nthe treasury. From December 1, 1876, to September 30, 1878, under\\nGov. Colquitt, $65,000 was paid into the treasury, and $164,608.12 from\\nSeptember 30, 1878, to February 29, 1880, showing tlie increased pay-\\nments to the State. The iron and property of the Memphis Branch\\nrailroad was sold in August, 1877, for $9,000, to the Marietta and North\\nGeorgia railroad. The North and South railroad was sold to Louis F.\\nGarrard and others for 840,500, and the money is now in the treasury.\\nThe Macon and Brunswick railroad was sold, conveyance made and the\\nproperty transferred on the 28th day of February, 1880, for $1,125,000,\\nof which $250,000 was paid down, and the balance is to be paid in\\npayments of $250,000 in two years from that date, and $625,000 in four\\nyears. The company is under obligation to extend the road in five\\nyears from date of sale to Atlanta, and is building such extension.\\nIn 1876, the sum of $542,000 of bonds was issued and sold, and the\\nproceeds used to jiay the accrued back interest on the JIacon and Bruns-\\nwick, and North and South railroad bonds. In 1877, the sum of\\n$2,298,000 of six per cent, bonds were issued to exchange for the seven\\nper cent, endorsed bonds of these railroads, and the ^Memphis Branch\\nrailroad. The aggregate bonded liabilitj of tlie State on these railway\\nenterprises is $2,842,000. Under Gov. Colquitt s administration the\\nsum of $1,174,500, principal, will be realized from them, leaving tlie\\nbalance against former administrations of $1,667,500 of loss from unfor-\\ntunate endorsements.\\nThe General Assembly of 1877 elected a successor to Hon. Thomas\\nM. Norwood, United States Senator. The contest was quite an ani-\\nmated one, and continued for several days. The first day s joint ballot\\non Wednesday, January 24th, 1877, resulted T. M. Norwood, 96\\nvotes, B. H. Hill 78, Jas. M. Smith 27, H. V. Johnson 11, D. A. Walker\\n4 total 216, needed to elect 109. Mr. Norwood was the strongest can-\\ndidate on this vote, but lacked 13 ballots to elect him. The struggle\\nwas between Mr. Norwood and Mr. Hill. The under-current of strategy\\nwas active and interesting, and gossip gave to Gov. Brown the direction\\nof the final result. On Thursday the joint ballot stood: Norwood 95,\\nHill 77, Smith 29, Johnson 10, Walker The coquetting of both the\\nNorwood and Hill managers with the Smith men was ardent. Rumor,\\nthe jade, put it that Dr. Carlton was very instrumental in some clever\\nwork for Mr. Hill. The gossip ran that some of Mr. Hill s men had been", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0656.jp2"}, "611": {"fulltext": "STATE HOUSE OFFICERS ELECTED. 527\\ndetailed to vote for Gov. Smith, and at the proper time initiated the\\nmovement that carried Hill through. Be this as it may, on Friday, on\\na single joint ballot, the vote stood. Hill 114, Norwood 85, Smith 5,\\nJohnson 5, not voting 4, and Mr. Hill was transferred from the House to\\nthe Senate for the six years beginning March 4, 1877, and ending March\\n4, 1883.\\nThe same legislature elected N. C. Barnett, Secretary of State, J. W.\\nRenfroe, Treasurer, and W. L. Goldsmith, Comptroller General.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0657.jp2"}, "612": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XL VI.\\nGOVERNOR COLQUITT S BRILLLVNT FINANCIAL ADMIN-\\nISTRATION.\\nGrumbling at the State Constitution of 1868. The Legislature of 1877 Inaugurates a\\nConvention Movement. The Constitutional Convention of 1877. Its Persouelle.\\nEx-Gov. C. J. Jenkiius its President. The Work of the Convention Geu. Toombs\\nand R.-iilroad Restriction. IJic Capital Question Settled. A lively Battle between\\nMiUedgeville and Atlanta. New Judges. C. D. McCutchen. Henry Tompkins.\\nPresident R. B. Hayes Visit to Atlanta. Gov. Colquitt s Memorable Speech of\\nWelcome. Gov. Colquitt s Spleudid Financial Administration. The Growling\\nover Financial Success. Tlie State Road Droppings. Tlie Tuggle Picking. Bo-\\nnanzas and Grumbling. The Railroad Back Taxes.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Macon and Brunswick\\nRailroad Earnings. Floiiting Debt Knocked Out. Public Debt Reduced a Million\\nand a half. Taxation Cut Down ne.arly one-half. Tax Burdens Halved. Sniall\\nEconomies. Every Expense Decreased. Noisy Minorities and Quiet but Over-\\nwhelming Majorities. Tlie International Sunday-School Convention. Gov. Col-\\nquitt made President. A Great om]iliment. Chatauqua and Brooklyn. (Jov.\\nColquitt as a National llarmouizer, and Georgia a Foremost Agent of Mural\\nCivilization.\\nThe State Constitution of 1808 wq.s in the main a good one, and in\\nordinary times would have been cherislied by the people. It contained\\nsome minor defects, that could have been remedied. It was, as a\\nwhole, a document of organic law, well suited to the changed condition\\nof public affairs, progressive, liberal, and yet conservative. But unfor-\\ntunately the method of its formation and imposition upon the State\\nwas a standing shock to the public sentiment of a free people. It was\\nthe creature of bayonet reconstruction, and had been forced upon the\\ncommonwealth. Wiiatever merits it had were ignored in the resent-\\nment born of its origin and the manner of its enforcement.\\nAs soon as the Democrats came into power the agitation began for a\\nconvention to frame a new Constitution that shoidd be the product of\\nthe State s free volition. The them e continued to be discussed, and\\nexcite a growing interest, until the I..egislature of 1877, after a pro-\\ntracted discussion of the subject, passed a bill introduced by Hon. A.\\nD. Candler, of Hall county, submitting the issue to the people to say\\nby a popular election, whether a convention should be held. The elec-\\ntion was held on the second Tuesdaj in June, 1877, and resulted in the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0658.jp2"}, "613": {"fulltext": "THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1877. 539\\nsuccess of the convention movement. The vote was small, ag:ffre\u00c2\u00a3ratinsr\\nonly 8T,2. 58, out of tlie 214,005 polls in the State, oC which 48,181 were\\nfor, and 3!),05T against, the convention, the majority being 9,124.\\nThe Convention was called together on the 11th day of July, 1877, by\\nthe Governor. There were 194 delegates. The body was a very able\\none, and its deliberations were marked by dignity. Ex-Gov. Charles J.\\nJenkins was elected President, a fitting conclusion to his honored, useful\\nand illustrious public career. There were some very strong men in the\\nconvention. It included among others, Gen. Robert Toombs, Judge\\nW. M. Reese, Gen. L. J. Gartrell, Judge Thos. G. Lawson, Judge\\nAugustus Reese, Hon. Joshua Hill, Gen. A. R. Lawton, Judge M. L.\\nMershon, Judge A. H. Hansell, Hon. J. L. Seward, Hon. Nelson Tift,\\nHon. T. L. Guerry, Judge D. B. Harrell, Hon. T. M. Furlow, Col. M. W.\\nI^ewis, Judge T. J. Simmons, Gen. Eli Warren, Judge J. T. Willis, Col.\\nJ. Hammond, Judge Hugh Buchanan, Judge L. H. Featherston,\\nJudge S. W. Harris, Judge J. R. Brown, Gen. W. T. Wofford, Judge\\nAug. R. Wright, Hon. L. N. Trammell, Judge J. C. Fain, Col. W. K.\\n.Moore, S. Hawkins, C. J. Wellborn, A. W. Holcombe, W. O. Tuggle, Col.\\nJohn Collier, Col. P. L. Mynatt, Col. Wier Boyd, Dr. H. R. Casey, Hon.\\nPope Barrow, Col. J. M. Pace, W. R. Gorman, Col. Wm. T. Thompson,\\nPorter Ingram, E. C. Grier, Judge J. L. Wimberley, B. E. Russell, Hon.\\n.1. L. Seward, Col. John Screven, J. L. Warren, W. R. Gignilliatt, War-\\ning Russell, Col. John M. Guerard, Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., R. L. Warthen.\\nThere was in the body one ex-Governor, two United States Senators,\\neight Congressmen, seventeen Judges, and ex-legislators innumerable.\\nThe convention continued in session from the 11th day of July until the\\n25th day of August, 1877. There was much discussion and some of it\\nwas very able. Some very radical changes were made and striking\\ninnovations were grafted upon the organic law. The theory of State\\naid was killed and buried, and a prohibition against increase of the pub-\\nlic debt or any expenditure of public money for any purpose save run-\\nning the State government was passed. The terms of officers were\\n.shortened one-half and salaries reduced, making elections more frequent.\\nThe selection of Judges and Solicitors was taken from the appointment\\nof the Executive with the consent of the Senate, and changed to an\\nelection by the General Assembly. The largest subject before the con-\\nvention was the control of railroads by the State. This was a pet meas-\\nure of Gen. Toombs, and was pressed by him with vigor and ability,\\nand finally was carried. The homestead was largely reduced. The\\npayment of the fraudulent bonds was forever prohibited. An endeavor\\n34", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0659.jp2"}, "614": {"fulltext": "530 TIi;3 LIVELY CONTEST OVER THE CAPITAL.\\nwas mado to check local legislation by requiring notice to be given in\\nthe counties affected by it, and by cumbering legislative action upon it\\nby unusual formalities, the practical operation of vs-hich has been to\\nprotract the time and increase tiie trouble without diminishing the\\nquantity of local legislation. Biennial sessions were adopte l.\\nThe location of the capital at Atlanta or Milledgeville was left to\\nthe people to decide by an election, as also the choice of the homestead\\nof 1808 or the one of 187 1*. The election for ratification of the new\\nconstitution, the location of the capital and the choice of a Homestead\\nwas held on the 5th day of December. Atlanta and Milledgeville had\\na warm contest for the capital. The battle was lively and somewhat\\nacrimonious. The arguments used were some of them of a novel and\\nfarcical character. That Milledgeville was a .stagnant locality where\\nthe average legislator would browse in public retrogradation, and that\\nAtlanta was a den of immeasurable iniquity whose atmosphere would\\nI uthlessly poison the virtue of the most faultless legislative body, was\\nirrefutably proven by incontestible evidence. The press entered into\\nthe fight with wonderful earnestness. Atlanta was mathematically\\ndemonstrated to be responsible for every enormity of the Bullock\\nregime and a despotic reconstruction, while in the same unanswerable\\nmanner Milledgeville was shown to be only fit for a conclave of fossil.s.\\nAtlanta fought the struggle with characteristic liberality and enterprise.\\n.Slie had her committees and flooded the State with documents.\\nThe vote stood: for ratification of the Constitution 110,442: against,\\n40,947: wliole vote, 151,389, out of 214,065: majority for Constitution,\\n09,495. The vote on the capital was for Atlanta 99,147: for MiUedg;;-\\nville, 55,201: majority for Atlanta, 43,940. The vote for the Homestead\\nof 1877 was 94,722: for that of 1808, 53,000: majority for Homestead\\nof 1877, 43,722.\\nIt was an interesting incident of the convention that it exceeded the\\n$25,000, prescribed in the Act of the legislature calling it, to pay its\\nexpenses. Under tlie written opinion of the Attorney General, R. N.\\nEly, the Treasurer, ,1. W. Renfroe, declined to pay beyond the 825.000.\\nGen. Toombs vowed that its deliberations should not bo stopped for\\nwant of funds, and he advanced $30,000 to pay its further expenses.\\nThe convention passed an ordinance covering the amount, and Gov.\\nColquitt repaid the loan. It was made quite a cause of complaint in\\nthe gubernatorial campaign of 1880, that Gov. Colquitt had no right to\\nrepay the money without an act of the Legislature authorizing it. But\\nthe people brushed away the causeless censme. Gen. Toombs did a", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0660.jp2"}, "615": {"fulltext": "TllK .)i:i)I IARY OK 1877. 531\\nsimilar thing when Gov Smith vv:is first elected. Mjiiey was needed\\nto run the State. Bullock had left us stranded and without credit.\\nGen. Toombs raised $300,0()() on his own account to bridge over the\\nemergency, until money could come in by taxes.\\nGov. Colquitt appointed in .lanuary, 1877, the following Judges:\\nGeo. N. Lester, Blue Kidge Circuit: Martin J. Crawford, Chattahoochee\\nCircuit: C. D. McCutchen, Cherokee Circuit: H. Buchanan, Coweta\\nCircuit: H. Tompkins, Eastern Circuit: C. Peeples, Atlanta Circuit:\\nK. H. Pottle, Northern Circuit: J. M. Clark, South Western Circuit.\\nJudge C. D. McCutchen was a gallant cavalry officer in the Regiment\\nof Col. I. W. Avery. He had been a State Senator. He was a lawyer\\nof unusual ability and legal discernment, and a gentleman of the highest\\nsocial and Christian character, possessing a punctilious integrity, severe\\ntruthfulness, and a finely balanced temper and judgment. He made\\none of the best judges in the State. Notwithstanding his admirable\\nspirit of equable temper, he was a very positive Judge, evincing his\\nsturdy decision conspicuously in making the Grand Jury of Bartow\\ncounty strike some objectionable matter from its presentments, the\\nnovel altercation exciting State interest, and resulting in the complete\\njiopular endorsement of Judge McCutchen.\\nJudge Henry Tompkins, of the Eastern Circuit, was a handsome\\nyoung Alabamian, who fought at sixteen years of age, in the war, and\\nlocated in Savannah after the surrender. He made a capable and pop-\\nular Judge. Judge Peeples died in June, 1877, and Gov. Colquitt\\nappointed George Hillyer in his place. Judge B. Hill, of the Macon\\nCircuit, died in September, 1877, and Gov. Colquitt appointed W. L.\\nGrice in the vacancy. Judge J. M. Clark, of the South-western circuit,\\ndied in June, 1877, and Gov. Colquitt appointed on that bench a very\\nbright, handsome young lawyer, who had been Solicitor of that circuit,\\nCharles F. Crisp, a son of the well-known tragedian, and a character\\nfull of fine promise.\\nIn November, 1878, the following Judges were elected under the new\\nConstitution of 1877; George Hillyer, Atlanta circuit; C Snead, Augusta\\ncircuit; J. L. Harris, Brunswick circuit; Alex. M. Speer, Flint circuit;\\nThomas J. Simmons, Macon circuit; H. V. Johnson, Middle circuit;\\nThomas G. Lawson, Ocmulgee circuit .1. W. H. Underwood, Rome cir-\\ncuit; C. F. Crisp, S. Western circuit; and Alex. S. Erwin, Western\\ncircuit. The election of Judges by the General Assemblj has proven\\nto be very objectionable, consuming much time of the body, creating a\\ndisagreeable experience of electioneering, resulting in combinations of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0661.jp2"}, "616": {"fulltext": "533 GOVERNOR Colquitt s fine financial administration.\\ninfluence injurious to a choice by merit, and not beneficial to the State\\nJudiciary.\\nDuring October, of the year 1877, Rutherford B. Hayes, the Presi-\\ndent of the United States, visited Georgia, accompanied by his wife,\\nMr. Wm. M. Evarts, Secretary of State, and D. M. Key, Postmaster-\\nGeneral. The demonstration of respect in Atlanta was overwhelming.\\nGov. Colquitt and the Mayor of Atlanta, Dr. N. L. Angler, both\\nmade addresses of welcome. The speech of Gov. Colquitt was the\\nperfection of good taste and eloquence, and was copied over the whole\\nUnion. It was a singularly felicitous utterance. A banquet was given\\nto the distinguished guest, and Gov. Colquitt honored him with a\\nreception at the E.xecutive mansion.\\nThe most brilliant and successful single feature of Gov. Colquitt s\\nremarkably beneficial administration has been its financial results.\\nWatching the minutest details of expenditure in his control, he lias, in\\nall matters requiring it, maintained the good faith and proper liberality\\nof the State. And, sing\\\\ilarly noticeable, the improvement of the\\npublic finances has not only been shown in the ordinary, but in unusual\\nways. It seems as if some fortunate fatality had guided the pecuniary\\naffairs of the commonwealth during this long rule of Gov. Colquitt,\\nwhile by a curious piece of fortune, no Executive ever suffered so much\\nof annoying animadversion. While every year has shown the State s\\nprogress so far as her treasury is concerned, concurrently with such\\nbetterment of money matters, there has been incessant growling at the\\nChief ]\\\\Iagistrate. Large measures of public good were only regarded\\nfrom a stand-point of dissatisfaction at alleged defects. Heavy pay-\\nments into the public treasury from unexpected sources, literally picked\\nup, afforded themes for such envenomed grumbling as would indicate\\nthat the instrument of these benefactions was an enemy to the com-\\nmonwealth and the source of injury to the popular interests. The\\ninstances of this sort of treatment are numerous and interesting.\\nThe State bought the equipments of the State Road from the\\nUnited States Government, after the war, and paid for them. Gov.\\nBullock employed Col. Baugh to re-open the settlement and get back\\nsome of the money in excess of the real value. A number of men joined\\nBaugh. Gov. Smith enlarged the contract from 13 1-3 per cent, to not\\nexceed 25 per cent, commission, and allowed more attorneys to come\\nin. The g^entlemen enffae ed were Robert Baujjh, Gen. A. C. Garling-\\nton. Col. R. A. Alston, J. C. Fain, Henry R. Jackson, A. R. Lawton,\\nW. S. Basinger, W. A. Prescott and C. D. Willard. The claim was", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0662.jp2"}, "617": {"fulltext": "THE TUGGLE FEE. 533\\npushed through by that very electrical worker, Col. R. A. Alston, and\\n8199,038.58 was collected from the United States Government. Gov.\\nColquitt allowed the ten attorneys to have their 35 per cent., and\\n$152,278.94 went into the State Treasury to rejieve the people. Yet,\\nstrange to say, there was less rejoicing over the large gain of money\\nthan growling over the fees paid the attorneys under a contract fixed\\nby Gov. Colquitt s predecessors.\\nBut it was impossible to balk Gov. Colquitt s evidently inevitable\\nmission of financial benefit to the State. He kept up his enlargement\\nof State funds. Col. W. O. Tuggle found out that there had been an\\nerror of interest grov^fing out of a claim of the State against the\\nUnited States Government, connected with the Indian hostilities of\\n183G, in Georgia. The claim was settled. Gov. Colquitt gave Col.\\nTuggle authority to re-open the matter, having first written to Hon.\\nA. H. Stephens and Hon. H. P. Bell to learn if any such claim was\\nbeing prosecuted at Washington, and receiving reply in the negative.\\nCol. Tuggle collected the sum of $72,290.94, received his fee of 15\\nper cent., amounting to 10,844.54, and paid the balance into the State\\nTreasury, of $01,452.40. It was not iin unreasonable thing to suppose\\nthat some considerable flush of popular satisfaction would have ensued\\nover this spontaneous and munificent chance of good fortune. But\\nthere was a lively episode of altercation over the rich dropping.\\nHon. James A. Green of Baldwin county was agent of the State for\\nsome claims, and thought he ought to have a portion of Col. Tuggle s\\nfee. Mr. Green had done none of the work, but he memorialized the\\nGeneral Assembly of which he was a member on the subject. A com-\\nmittee was appointed, C. J. Harris, R. C. Humber and H. T. Hollis.\\nThe House passed a resolution asking the Governor for the facts, and\\nhe gave them in a message. Mr. Humber moved to lay the message\\non the table. Mr. Green s authority covered claims of the war of 1812\\nand former wars. The committee thought former wars included\\nthe war of 183G, and that Mr. Green had rights, though he does not\\nappear to have had anything to do with this particular claim, but pro-\\nposed to leave the contestants to the courts of the country. Mr.\\nTuggle has not been disturbed in his fee.\\nThus had the Governor seen in the first two years of his fortunate\\nadministration $213,731.34 picked up and put in the public purse. But\\nthis was not all. In 1874 an act passed to tax railroads like other\\nproperty. Many roads claimed chartered exemptions. Gov. Smith\\npressed the matter by suits and obtained some money.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0663.jp2"}, "618": {"fulltext": "534 SAVINGS AND KKDUCTIONS BY THE MILLIOJf.\\nThe decisions of the courts were mostly against the State. The liti-\\ngation was re-opened by Major I?. N. Ely, Governor Colquitt s Attor-\\nney General, by the authority of the Governor. Major Ely, aided by\\nGen. Robert Toombs, pressed new suits vigorou.sly and ably. The\\nhandsome amount of $:ilC,U83.27 of back taxes was collected for the\\nState for the years 1874, 1875 and subsequent years. And a principle was\\nestablished that will bring a large annual revenue into the State from this\\nsource. This was a valuable installment for the Treasury, but there was\\nyet some very acrimonious howling at the Executive, Major Ely and\\nGen. Toombs, on account of their fees. Legislative committees were\\nappointed and sent for witnesses and investigated, and there was a\\nmighty stir to no purpose. Here now was 8430,414.01 plumped into\\nthe people s purse from extraneous and extraordinary sources, and yet\\nevery dollar had been the subject of growling and censure.\\nThe earnings of the ]\\\\Iacon and Brunswick road, as before stated,\\nrunning to $1G4,C08.12, can be added to this amount. When Gov. Col-\\nC|uitt was inaugurated, the State was carrying a floating debt of\\n^:J50,000. In 1877 this was reduced to S200,000, and in 1878 com-\\npletely wiped out. The public debt, when Gov. Colquitt came in, was\\n$ll,095,87t It is now 19,643,500, having been reduced $1,453,379,\\nl)esides four per cent, bonds issued and redeemed. The rate of taxation\\nin, 1876 was five-tenths of one per cent., or fifty cents on the hundred\\ndollars, and raised $1,229,268 on a taxable property of $245,853,750.\\nThe rate of taxation has been reduced under Gov. Colquitt s regime to\\nthree-tenths of one per cent., or thirty cents on the hundred dollars, and\\nwill raise in 1881 $750,000 on the taxable property of $250,000,000.\\nThis is a marvelous result in five years a reduction of taxes, two-fifths\\nor almost a half, and relieving the people from $679,268 that they paid\\nin tax burdens in 1876. And so far as the Executive of the State can\\nbring such an end, credit is due to Governor Colquitt.\\nIt has not been simply in large matters that there has occurred a\\nmarked reduction of expense, but, also, in the smaller affairs of State\\nadministration, under the good rule of this conscientious chi( f magis-\\ntrate, the Christian Colquitt. The saving in the cost of ninning the\\nlunatic as3 lum was $40,000 in the years 1877 and 1878, and out of the\\nretrenchment was erected a $25,000 addition to the institution for\\ncolored patients. The deaf and dumb and blind asylums were also\\nmore economically administered. The expenditures under the contin-\\ngent, printing and public building funds were diminished one-third.\\nEven in the minor items of postage, proclamations, gas, coal and sta-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0664.jp2"}, "619": {"fulltext": "GOV. COLQUITT AS PRKSIDENT INTEUX ATIOX AL S. S. CONVENTION. 535\\ntioriery, there were substantial economizings. Proclamation printing\\nwas decreased from over \u00c2\u00a73,000 to less than 81,000 for instance. And\\nas these economies were begun before the convention of 1877 and the\\nlegislatures that followed, and, as Gov. Colquitt suggested the reforms\\ninaugurated by these bodies in his first special message in January, 1877,\\nthe credit of the valuable retrenchments that have been made must be\\naccorded to him.\\nAnd in spite of the active and unceasing misrepresentation of his acts,\\nthe masses of the people appreciated his course and overwhelmingly\\nendorsed him. The anomalies of his public career have been many and\\nstriking, but ijone more than that one of the most valuable administra-\\ntions of Georgia history has been so rancorously assailed and so signally\\napproved. The crusades against him have been aggressive and impla-\\ncable, and have seemed to be mighty and invincible. Yet when the test\\nhas come, and the public has spoken its verdicts, the popular opinion\\nhas shown itself so crushingly against his assailants, and given in this\\nage and country of small political majorities such ponderous endorse-\\nment as to make men doubt the evidence of their own senses, and\\nwonder that minorities can be so disproportionately noisy and phenom-\\nenal majorities be so quiet.\\nAn event worthy of noting in the early part of Gov. Colquitt s adminis-\\ntration, was the assembling of the International Sunday School conven-\\ntion in 1878, in Atlanta. This body, representing a constituency of eight\\nmillions of Sunday School teachers and scholars, the Christian children\\nof the English-speaking world of all denominations, was the grandest\\nand most important convocation of the century. It had as delegates\\nthe leading spirits of the world in eloquence, piety and Christian influ-\\nence the men of power and genius in every section profound thinkers,\\ntranscendent orators, learned and devout divines of world-wide fame.\\nThere never has been a gathering of brighter and more illustrious men.\\nIt was an unbroken galaxy of Christian intellectualities.\\nIt was a proud, personal triumph as well as a rare tribute to the State\\nthat the Governor, by his personal magnetism and moral and mental\\npower, captured this body of superior men. Gov. Colquitt was unani-\\nmously chosen as the President of this impressive convention for four\\nyears. He made some of the most eloquent speeches of the session, and\\nleft an impress upon its sacred deliberations and critical membership\\nthat was an honor to himself and Georgia. To the four corners of the\\nglobe was carried the praises of our enlightened commonwealth and her\\nrepresentative Christian Governor.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0665.jp2"}, "620": {"fulltext": "bob GOVERNOR COLQUITT AT THE NOUTll.\\nIt was a gratifying continuation of tliis unusual and enviable in-\\nfluence and repute, that Governor Colquitt was invited to, and attended\\nvast religious gatherings of the Christian thinkers and workers of the\\nNorth, at Chatauqua and Brooklyn. His speeches were equal to the\\ngreat occasions, and reacted nobly upon the State. Among recognized\\nintellectual powers he took a foremost stand. He contributed some\\npotential outgivings in the cause of national fraternization, and gave to\\nGeorgia the lofty prestige due to a sectional harmonizer. It was an august\\nmission for any man, a mission requiring brain and eloquence and\\nspiritual fervor a mission strengthened by a handsome presence, a\\nnoble face, and the warm, genial and magnetic Southern manner that\\nmake up the piiysical personality of Gov. Colquitt. Few men could\\nhave gone to these focal centers of critical intelligence and have sus-\\ntained, so brilliantly and with such harvest of fame, so trying an ordeal.\\nAnd not the least of its superb results was that the State of Georgia\\nwas thereby placed foremost among the admitted agencies of moral\\ncivilization.\\nli", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0666.jp2"}, "621": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XLVII.\\nTHE EXTRAORDINARY CRUSADE OF HOSTILITY TO GOV.\\nCOLQUITT.\\nTlie Democratic Party of the State Overgrown and UnwieMy. Dissension Inevitalile.\\nUniversal Desire fur Ottice. Gov. Colquitt s Popularity. His Friends after Place.\\nThe Torrent of Applications and Disappointments. Gov. Colquitt s Inaugural.\\nThe Assaults upon Him Begin. The North-ea-steru Bond Endorsement. A\\nGreat Calumny. Gov. Colquitt s Kinging Message Demanding Investigation.\\nThe Legislature of 1878-79.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Its Personelle.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 II. D. McDaniel\u00e2\u0080\u0094 J. B. Cumming.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nE. P. Howell.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 H. G. Turner.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 W. M. Hammond.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A. L. Miller.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 L. F. Garrard.\\nThe North-eastern Bond Enquiry. The Complete E.\\\\oneration of Gov. Colquitt.\\nWholesale Investigation. A Carnival of Nosing. The Comptroller General, W.\\nL. Goldsmith. Bribery Attempted. Excitement. Goldsmith Impeached. The\\nTrial. A Defence Full of Mistakes. Judge Warner as Presiding Officer. The\\nDefence Breaks Down. The Comptroller s Conviction and Sentence. Tlie Treas-\\nurer. Attempt and Failure of His Impeachment. Prof. Orr. Col. N. C. Barnett\\nand His Wax. Capt. John W. Nelms. The Principal Keeper of the Penitentiary.\\nA Lively Investigation. The Effort to Involve Gov. Colquitt. An Exciting Epi-\\nsode. The Recoil of a Personal Attack. Gov. Colquitt s Fine Attitude Amid an\\nEpidemic of Suspicion.\\nThe overwhelming majority of the Democratic party in Georgia in\\n1877, would at fir.st flush seem a favorable augury for Gov. Colquitt and\\nhis administration. It was really a state of things full of the worst\\nportent. The organization was overgrown, unwieldy, and heteroge-\\nneous. It was composed of the confused and illy-welded fragments of\\nthe conflicting parties of half a century of shifting political strife.\\nAntagonism to reconstruction had, under the inspiration of a common\\nSouthern sentiment, united under a common party banner every diver-\\nsity of party adherent, representing every shade of public opinion, and\\nthe most irreconcilable party theories. It was a curious jumblenient\\nof views and prejudices, destined inevitably to dissensions in the absence\\nof opposition to weld together its incongruous elements.\\nThere were many most potent causes to breed trouble in the vast and\\nloosely organized partv. The war had impoverished the whole people,\\nand the aspirants for office were countless. It was a clamorous question\\nof bread. The smallest public salaries had a value strangely dispropor-\\ntioned to their amount, and the character and abilities of the men seek-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0667.jp2"}, "622": {"fulltext": "538 Till! RUSH FOK OfKU E IN 1877.\\niiig thom. Places were very few, and applicants iniuinierable and\\nimportunate.\\nAgain Gov. Colquitt had become a sort of public idol. His popu-\\nlarity was phenomenal. His wonderful agreeability, captivating tact, and\\nshininc: moral life, endeared him to men of all classes. He had hun-\\ndreds upon hundreds of personal friends, who worked zealously for his\\nelection, and each one thought that he should be preferred above all\\nothers, and granted anything he might wish. It has yet to be recorded\\nthat any man s friendship stood the test of a disappointment of his\\noflice aspirations, even though it was a conclusively proper disap-\\npointment.\\nThere will never, in the history of Georgia, be such another universal\\nrush for office as there was in tile year of our Lord eighteen hundred\\nand seventy-seven. From the day that Gov. Colquitt was nominated,\\nthe torrent of earnest applications poured in upon him. From all parts\\nof th2 State tiiey came, running to hundreds, for each position in his\\ngift. Friends of long standing, with touching pleas of necessity,\\nappealed to him for the opportunity to make a living. There were\\njiathetic revelations of pecuniary distress, that would have moved any\\nheart, much less, one so sympathetic as Gov. Colquitt s. The ordeal was\\nappalling. This siege of the friendly unfortunates, many of them life-\\ntime intimates in sore need, was the most trying situation of his life.\\nThe offices were pitifully meager. Five places in the Executive office,\\nan Attorney General, a Keeper of tlie Penitentiary, a Librarian, ten\\nSuperior Court Judges, and as many Solicitors, were the small sum\\ntotal of the patronage in his gift, about thirty, all told. And for\\nthese, hungry, desperate men, by the thousand, were ferventl_v entreat-\\ning. There were over one iiundred applications for the office of Prin-\\ncipal Keeper of the Penitentiary; and as many for State Librarian.\\nThirteen able lawyers wanted to be Solicitor of the South Western\\nCircuit, and eleven to be Judge, making twenty-four in all, in one little\\ncircuit of the most intelligent and influential leaders of opinion, of\\nwiiom twent^ -three must be offended. One friend was held, and twenty-\\nthree active, prominent, implacable enemies were gained at one stroke.\\nGov. Colquitt gazed aghast at the situation, and realized, though not\\nfully, for no man could anticipate it, the storm that was brewing. It\\nwas an extraordinary time. The hunger for place was exaggerated\\nl)y long deprivation and men s really stern needs. ^Yith Gov. Colquitt s\\nelection bj such an unheard-of majority, it looked as if the political\\nmilleniurn had come to his necessitous supporters. Men seemed to\\nI", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0668.jp2"}, "623": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR COl.yLl IT AMI TllK IIISA ITi)! N li;i). 539\\ntliink that tlio offices were ample Cor any dcmaiul. Hundreds applied,\\ndesignating no olTice, but asking for some place, and leaving it to the\\nGovernor s discrimination to select one that would suit their respective\\nqualities. There can be no more pathetic and suggestive reading than\\nthis vast collection of letters filed in the Executive Department, and a\\nhundred years from now the curious delver of that day into the official\\nrecords of this time, will read in the plaintive story of these multitudi-\\nnous applications, the most eloquent portrayal of a State s impoverish-\\nment, and of the cruel visitation of implacable enmity that came ujion\\nthe Executive, whose offending was tiiat he did not have an office for\\nevery worthy applicant.\\nGov. Colquitt was inaugurated on the 12th day of January, 1877.\\nIlis chaste and eloquent inaugural concluded in these exquisite words:\\nOur ivorlc is befo-e us, gentlemen, and a grand acliievement is witliin our grasp.\\nThat worlc is the restoration of a vast heritage, wliicli a sad fortune has sorely wasted\\n.\u00e2\u0096\u00a0tnd damaged. It is to evoke a tliousaud splendid resources, now unutilized. It is to\\nmaintain the proudest and uohlest traditions an Iionor unsullied the status of as\\nworthy and respectahle a constituency as exists, and its position by the side of the most\\nadv.anceil of commonwealths. This labor, vast as it is, exacts no impossii)le thing at our\\nhands. With the blessings of Heaven, and the agencies of clear heads and pure hearts,\\nit may be accomplished.\\nAgain solemnly invoking the Divine aid upon ourefforts to serve our beloved State, I\\nnow take the oath .of office.\\nHe immediately made liis appointments, and the mutterings of the\\n]iuljlic thunder began. There was no delay in the g-athering of the\\nstorm. No human power could parallel the miracle of the loaves and\\nfishes, and make thirty ollices embrace 3,000 people. There were 2,970\\ndisappointed men; they were scattered over the State; they were the\\nliest citizens, influential and active, and they made a nucleus of hostility\\nthat from that day to this has growled at and battered the Executive,\\nheading an implacable opposition to Gov. Colquitt, and making his ad-\\nministration, perhaps, the most turbulent of the century. No Executive\\nin the annals of the State has had such an unremitting and virulent\\ncrusade of assault as Gov. Colquitt.\\nHe differed from Gov. Brown, and from his great father, Walter T.\\nColquitt, in this, that while they made aggressive battle, he fought\\nvvith an invincible defensiveness. In all the fierce warfare kept up\\nincessantly against Gov. Colquitt and his administration, with his\\nassailants striking fiercely not only his public acts, but malignantly\\nseeking to besmirch his personal honor and honesty, to the eternal\\ncredit of his resolute religious firmness be it said, that he never", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0669.jp2"}, "624": {"fulltext": "540 THE NORTll-EASTEUN IJOND CALUMNV.\\nattempted to retaliate a slander or indict an injury. Unj ielding, and\\nset immovably against his foes, he never touched them to wound, but\\nwith a heroism of patience, as unusual as it was lofty, he was satisfied\\nto win the triumph of his reputation from the overwhelming verdict of\\nthe people, leaving his enemies to public opinion, and unscathed by the\\nmalice they deserved.\\nIt will be a noble figure in Georgia history, this comely Christian\\nGovernor striking down the hot calumnies against his private and\\npublic fame, without having sullied his victory by the indulgence of\\neven a justifiable resentment against his slanderers. The figure will\\ngrow brighter with time. A more unsparing temper, and a campaign\\nof recrimination, might have saved iiim from many an attack provoked\\nby his moderation, but it could not have added one particle to his com-\\nplete victory.\\nThe act of Gov. Colquitt s administration that was most unscrupu-\\nlously used against him, was the endorsement of the bonds of the\\nNorth-eastern Railroad for $200,000, or 86,500 per mile for forty miles.\\nThe matter was investigated fully in every possible light for weeks by\\na legislative committee, and not only sworn legal evidence taken, but\\neven rumors sifted under oath. It constitutes one of the most extraor-\\ndinary episodes of cither individual or public record. That so flimsy a\\npretext should be made the basis of so grave a calumny and so\\nextended an official inquiry, is something anomalous, and savors of the\\nfarcical. The occurrence illustrates how an unreal thin can be exaa*-\\ngerated and falsified by a whispering malice into such proportions that\\nhonest human character totters in the balance, and a crreat State\\nbecomes the grand inquest to puncture the aspersion. It shows further,\\nhow an act done under the purest considerations of private conscience\\nand public duty can be perverted into wrong under an ingenious\\nhostility.\\nThe aid of the State was pledged to this road in 18T0. In 1874, State\\naid generally was repealed except where vested. The same legislature\\nof 1874, by resolution, excepted this road from the general repeal.\\nGov. Smith appointed J. H. Powers, J. A. Grant and C. B. Wallace to\\ninspect the road for State aid, and they reported favorably .lanuarv !l,\\n1877, a few days before Gov. Colquitt s inauguration. Gov. Colquitt\\ntreated the matter very carefully. He advised its submission to the\\ncourts. The Supreme Court decided that it had no jurisdiction in the\\ncase, and referred the matter back to the Governor.\\nThe Governor finally granted the aid to save the road from being sold", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0670.jp2"}, "625": {"fulltext": "THE I.EOISLATIIIE OK 1878. 541\\nundor an indebtedness of some $237,032.07, incurred upon the faith of\\nthe State, that the State s endorsement would be given when the condi-\\ntions of the law were complied with. The Atlanta Rolling mill and Citi-\\nzen s Batik had large interest in the decision, the Rolling mill having\\nfurnished iron for the road, and the bank backing the mill. Mr. J. W.\\nMurphy, the Treasurer s clerk, was employed by the Rolling mill to get\\nup the statements of leading members of the legislature of 1874 to\\nshow that the intention was to e.xcept the North Eastern railroad from\\nthe operation of State aid. Hon. B. H. Hill was also employed by the\\nRolling mill to secure the endorsement. The subject created a pro-\\nfound interest. Of the legislature of 1874, A. O. Bacon, Speaker, L. N.\\nTrammell, President, T. J. Simmons, Chairman Finance Committee,\\nGeo. A. Mercer, Geo. F. Pierce, Jr., Chairman Judiciary Committee,\\nH. D. McDaniel, and also Gen. Toombs, Gen. A. R. Lawton and ex-\\nGov. Jos. E. Brown favored the endorsement.\\nJlr. Goodnow, general manager of the Schofleld rolling mill, wrote a\\nprivate letter expressing the intimation that Gov. Colquitt had yielded\\nto improper considerations in granting the aid, and the air became filled\\nwith the painful rumors that the Executive had participated in Mr.\\nMurphy s fee. That so incredible a calumny should find a lodgment in\\nthe public mind was indeed a shock to Gov. Colquitt, and he met it\\nwith indignant spirit.\\nThe legislature of 1878 met November G, 1878. It proved to be a\\nsession of extraordinary work that this body held. Hon. R. E. Lester\\nwas elected President of the Senate, and Hon. A. O. Bacon, Speaker of\\ntlie House. Among the Senators were D. A. Russell, E. C. Bower,\\nJohn T. Clark, Wm. Harrison, J. M. Hudson, J. C. Clements, Jos. B.\\nGumming, J. A. Stephens, C. W. Du Bose, T. B. Cabaniss, T. W.\\nGrimes, H. D. [McDaniel, J. A. Speer, J. W. Preston, H. R. Casey, S.\\nW. Lumpkin, A. D. Candler, E. P. Howell, A. W. Holcombe, S. Grant-\\nland, C. J. Wellborn, J. C. Fain, Saml. Hawkins. This Senate was a\\nvery strong one, and had in it some gentlemen of superior ability and\\ndecision.\\nMr. McDaniel is in the present Senate. A sound thinker, a clear\\nspeaker, having a well-balanced temper and judgment, direct and honest,\\nwiiHiing universal respect by his dignity and sincerity, Mr. McDaniel\\nlias been a most potential member of the legislature, always carrying\\ngreat weight. It has been a striking evidence of the large influence he\\nhas exercised, that a considerable imperliment in his speech has been no\\nbarrier to the exalted appreciation of him entertained by the General", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0671.jp2"}, "626": {"fulltext": "542 THE iiuisi! oi- ra;i Ui;sii.\\\\TATivES ok 1878.\\nAssembly and tlie public. Men in listening to his strong, sensible views\\nso clearly expressed, forget entirely the manner of their utterance. Mr.\\n.1. W. Preston was a marked Senator in this body. A very ready,\\ne.xtemporaneous speaker, earnest and faithful to his convictions, Mr.\\nPreston was a recognized leader. Perhaps, the most polished debater in\\nthe Senate was Major .1. 15. Gumming. There is a peculiarly musical\\ntone ill his delivery, and ho has a diction chaste and ornate. Mr. A. I).\\nCandler was a forcible debater, always speaking with an emphasis and\\ndirectness that insured attention and gave him weight. Mr. Clements\\nis now a member of Congress, ami was a modest, solid Senator then, a\\npractical, clear-headed, positive legislator, who- enjoyed universal respect.\\nMr. T. 13. Cabaniss held an excellent position and spoke well. A fine\\ndebater was Judge .John T. Clarke, a model of logical argument. T.\\nW. Grimes was a young Senator, blending singularly a fine courtesy\\nwith an uncommon decisiveness of character and independence of con-\\nviction. .Col. J. C. Fain is now judge of the Cherokee circuit, and had\\nan exceptional power of management. Capt. E. P. Howell was the\\nvery essence of a practical, common sense, animated by an exceedingly\\nrich humor, and grappling all questions and measures with force and an\\nunvarying success. All of these men will impress themselves on the\\nfuture of the State.\\nThe House, also, had som notalilo and promising characters. Among\\nthese were A. O. Bacon, T. W. Milner, R. A. Nisbet, H. G. Turner, A.\\nH. Gray, A. P. Adams, W. H. Hulsey, P. L. Mynatt, W. R. Rankin,\\nAllen Fort, N. I.. Ilutchins, .1. E. Redwine, \\\\V. J. Northern, R, L.\\nMcWhorter, A. L. Miller, J. H. Polhill, H. C. Roney, Reese Crawford,\\nL. F. Garrard, L. F. Anderson, James M. Smith, H. G. Wright, John I.\\nHall, J. C. Maund, \\\\Vm. M. Hammond, A. H. Cox, J. F. Awtry, J. A. R.\\nHanks and F. H. Collcy. Col. H. G. Turner is now a member of Con-\\ngress, and was the leader of the House. His utterances commanded a\\nremarkable attention. Having little oratorical grace, speaking without\\nfervor and very plainly, and often too low for hearing, yet members\\nalways showed an undisguised eagerness to hear what he had to say,\\nand his position on any measure generally decided its fate. His legis-\\nlative career was a singular demonstration of personal influence. He\\nwas rather under-sized, stoutish, with a large, expansive forehead run-\\nning to baldness, lit up by dark eyes, and he was very quiet, grave and\\npolite in his simple manners.\\nAV. M. Hammond ranked very high. His fine face denoted intelli-\\ngence and culture. A Carolinian by birth, and a member of the gifted\\nI", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0672.jp2"}, "627": {"fulltext": "TllK rEl:.SO\\\\ EI,I,E OK TIIK (iENKRAL ASSEMBLY OF 1878. 541}\\nTl.-imtuoiul blood of that State, lie has, in Georgia, taken the high posi-\\ntion due to his strong and cultured intellect, graceful courtesy and\\neloquent speaking power. Mr. J. H. Polhill was a recognized leader, a\\nlawyer of ability, and a person of integrity and convictions. One of\\nthe most marked men in the body, and possessing some e.\\\\ceptional\\nqualities, was A. L. Miller. A slender, clear-faced gentleman, with\\nsearching, coal-black eyes, he had as much power on the floor as any\\nmember in the House. There was no more successful debater. His\\ntalks could hardly be called speeches, but were rather keen thrusts and\\nincisive statements, cutting to the quick the weak points of the opposi-\\ntion, and presenting plainly the practical ones of his own side. He was\\ninimitable in defending an assaulted report of the finance committee, of\\nwhich he generally took the lead. Mr. Miller made a hobby of economy,\\nand rather ran it to extremes. A ready parliamentarian, he shrewdly\\nanticipated defeat by some adroit concession that secured him a modi-\\nfied victory. Mr. L. F. Garrard was one of the brightest and most\\nactive member.s, generally uniting his energies with Mr. Miller. He\\noriginated several large public financial measures, and he had an\\nunwearied zeal and tact in getting them through. Bold, combative\\nand ready, Mr. Garrard took an unusual stand for a new and young\\nlegislator.\\nA marked young- member also was Arthur H. Graj whose frankness\\nis a refreshing and unconmion quality in a day of political hypocrisy.\\nH. G. Wright was witty and poiiular. Perhaps the most original char-\\nacter in the House was John C Maund, a man of peculiar jest and\\nf|uaintly practical. His hard sense was flavored with an unctuous and\\nperennial humor. One of the brilliant young members was A. H. Cox,\\na natural orator and legislator. His ringing voice penetrated the House\\nmore resonantly than any one, and his clear tones never carried a weak\\nutterance. No man commanded a more attentive hearing than Mr.\\nCox. Col. P. L. Mynatt was a mo.st useful and influential legislator.\\nA very gifted young representative was A. P. Adams, eloquent, argu-\\nmentative, the master of a compact logic. James M. Smith of Ogle-\\nthorpe county, was a progressive, successful farmer of large operations,\\nentirely at home on the legislative floor. W. H. Hulsey was a gallant\\nofficer in the war, was made Mayor of Atlanta soon after, and was a\\nbright, pleasant, promising young fellow.\\nThe action of this legislature will ever be a memorable chapter of\\nGeorgia history. It settled the North Eastern railroad bond calumny\\nupon the Governor. Shocked anil indignant at the aspersion, Gov.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0673.jp2"}, "628": {"fulltext": "IIENT,\\ne, 1878.\\n544 GOVIiUNOU C()I.(JU1Tt s RI.NCiINC MESSAGE.\\nColquitt met it with tlio lilg-li spirit tliat belonged to tlie man, ami lie\\nsent into the General Assembly the following matchless message, as\\neloquent, fitting, and sententious a paper as was ever penned:\\nKxKCDTiVE Department\\nAtlanta, (j\\\\,, Xuveinber\\nTo The General Assembly:\\nA grievous necessity lias Ijeen imposed upon me to demand at your liands a thoroush\\ninvestigation of my motives and conduct, as tlie Executive of Georgia, in placing tlie\\nState s endorsement upon tlie bonds of the Northeastern railroad. This necessity haj*\\nbeen created by widely circulated slanders and innuendoes, vile .and malignant, and so\\nmendacious and wicked as to make all comment and paraphr.ase upon them utterly\\nfutile. Nothing but a thorough sifting of my every motive and act in regard to these\\nbonds, as far as human insight and judgment can reach these, can sati^fy aggrieved\\nhonor, or give such entire assurance to the people of Georgia, as they have a right to\\ndemand in the premises. To a man who values his good name far more than life, it\\nwould be an act of supremest injustice to deny the most plenary vindication rendered in\\nthe most august and authorit.-itive form known to the laws, or to jiublic opinion. To tlie\\npeople of this great Commonwealth, it is of the last coiisc(|uence tli.it they should know\\nbeyond all peradventuie, that the man who fills, at their call, the chief seat of authority,\\nis above reproach or suspicion.\\nMv denunciations of an awful and stupendous slamler, forged and uttered to dishonor\\nme, will not be enongli. The General Assembly of this State a co ordinate power is\\nappealed to for that justice which, while it will, I know full well, exonenate me as a\\nniau, will also vindicate the fair fame of Georgia, assailed by cruel slanders on her Chief\\nExecutive. ALFRED LI. COLQUITT.\\nThis ringing document went over the State carrying like an electric\\nspell the inspiration of its resenting innocence and stern defiance.\\nThere was never a more stirring or exquisite expression of a wounded\\nspirit of honor. A joint committee was appointed in conformity with\\nthe request of the Governor, to investigate the matter, consisting of A.\\nH. Co.x, W. M. Hammond, R. C. Humber, H. G. Wright, John I. Hall,\\nW. J. Northern, Allen Fort and A. H. Gray of the House, and J. W.\\nPreston, J. F. Troutnian, H. II. Casey, J. P. Tison and Saml. Hawkins\\nof the Senate.\\nThe investigation continued, and the committee reported on the 12th\\nday of December, 1878. During the inquiry there were many inci-\\ndents, to keep the public sense excited. A per.sonal difficulty nearly\\noccurred between Maj. .1. W. Murphy and Hon. 15. A\\\\^. Hill, and a suit\\nwas started between them about the fee paid by the Rolling mill. It\\nwas a painful ordeal for a proud man like Gov. Colquitt, to thus have\\nhis private integrity and official honor under investigation. But such\\nis the disagreeable accompaniment of public trust. Gov. Colquitt s\\nconduct in this unspeakable trial was perfect. He stood serene.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0674.jp2"}, "629": {"fulltext": "THE NORTII-EASTEEN BONO SLANDER. 545\\npatient, unirritated, acting with a noble christian dignity that endeared\\nhim to the public esteem. The majority of the committee thus re-\\nported:\\nIn the opinion of this committee, the reports and rumors that connect the name of\\nthe Governor with any improper conduct in tlie matter of the endorsement of the bonds\\nof the North eastern Hailroad Company, are vile and malignant slanders.\\nThe minority of the committee, Wm. M. Hammond and R. C. Ilum-\\nber, thus reported:\\nWe brand as a libel the insinuation that the determination of Governor Colquitt to\\nendorse tlie bonds was induced by any sinister influence or unworthy motive.\\nThe committee was unanimous and emphatic in vindicating the Gov-\\nernor, but divided upon the question of approving the action of Maj.\\nJ. W. Murphy in taking a fee in the matter. The majority of the com-\\nmittee exonerated Mr. JIurphy. The minority declared it an abuse for\\nany government employes to receive rewards in consideration of in-\\nfluencing or attempting to influence the official conduct of any officers\\nof the government.\\nThe reports being made on the 12th of December, 1878, and the\\nlegislature adjourning on the 13th, there was not time for an examina-\\ntion by the body of the voluminous evidence. The action on the re-\\nports was therefore deferred until the summer session. Mr. McDaniel\\ni)f the Senate, offered this resolution.\\nIiesoJved, That this General Assembly cannot adjourn, in justice to a co-ordinate\\nbranch of the Government, to themselves, and to the St.ate, without placing upon the\\nrecord an avowal of our undiminished confidence in the integrity aud purity of the Gov-\\nernor of our State.\\nMr. Gumming offered the following amendment, which was added, and\\nthe resolution passed both branches:\\nResolved, That the postponement by the General Assembly of .iction on the report of\\nthe Investigating Committee, is not to be construed as an expression tli.it its confidence\\nin the character of the Governor, a character exalted by his civil, military and private\\ncareer, is at all shaken, but such postponement by the General Assembly is simply due\\nto its own appreciation of the proprieties of judicial proceedings, which forbid judgment\\nin any and all cases, before the cases have been heard.\\nThe legislature reassembled July 2d, 1870, and during this session the\\ncommittee united upon the following, which was adopted by the bodv\\nas the final conclusive action upon this matter, entirely and formally\\nrelieving Gov. Colquitt.\\nYour committee, from the want of any evidence sustaining such charges, and from\\nthe mass of evidence disproving such charges, report this conclusion That his Excel-\\nlency deserves, at the hands of the General Assembly, comjilete vindication on the issues", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0675.jp2"}, "630": {"fulltext": "5-iO THE INVIJSTICATKIN (\u00c2\u00bbK THE CO-Ml l UOI.I.ICR C.ICN EBM..\\nmade by him, and s])0( ified aljove. Vuur committee have unanimously concluded that\\nhis Excellency did not, in any way, shape or form, participate in the fefe received bvMr.\\nJohn W. Murphy that no offer of any such thing was made hy any one to his Kxcel-\\nlency that said fee did not control his conduct in said endorsement, and that, whether\\nthe act of endorsement was legal or illegal, the motives of the Governor were pure.\\nWhile this inquiry so signally exonerated the Governor, it seemed as\\nif its effect was to stimulate an epidemic of legislative investigation.\\nA scries of inquests was inaugurated. Committees were appointed to\\nlook into the Comptroller General s office, the Treasury, the Dejjartment\\nof Agriculture, the State School Commissioner s office, the penitentiary\\nsystem, the public printer and the Secretary-of-State s office. It was a\\ngeneral nosing for wrong. The Legislature put itself upon a prowling\\nrecognizance for dark deeds in the various departments. In the wiUI\\nland office of the comptroller s department there had been for a year or\\ntwo public mutterings of mismanagement and dissatisfaction. And a\\nconnnittee had spent weeks looking into the trouble. It found much\\ncause of complaint, and a majority of the committee, D. A. Russell, 1*.\\nD. Davis, L. Strickland and .J. C. Maund, recommended that all .sales of\\nwild land under transferred be declared null and void. Mr. A. D.\\nCandler made a minority report dissenting from this recommendation.\\nI pon tlic heels of these reports, Mr. P. D. Davis and L. Strickland\\nstartled the Legislature by the declaration, that Mr. H. P. Wright had\\nsought to induce them by bribery to sign a paper prepared by the\\nComptroller General, making some modifications in their reports.\\nIt would be difficult to convey the excitement created by this dis-\\nclosure. The wild land committee made a supplemental report, recom-\\nmending that articles of impeachment be preferred against Col. W. L.\\nGoldsmith, the comptroller. A committee of thirteen, C. D. Phillips.\\n\\\\i. L. McWhorter, B. M. Davis, G. R. Sibley, R. A. Cannon, W. .1. Pike,\\nA. C. Westbrook, W. T. Irvine, .f. A. R. Hanks, A. M. Du Dose and F.\\nH. Colley, was appointed to investigate the facts, and recommend action.\\nThe first eight reported articles of impeachment, and the last four dis-\\nsented from the recounnendation. Resolutions for impeachment wen-\\npassed. A committee of C. D. Phillips, R. L. McWhorter, B. M. Davis,\\nG. R. Sibley, R. H. Cannon, A. C. Westbrook and W. T. Irvine was\\na])pointed to notify the Senate. An election for managers of the\\nimpeachment was held on the (Uh day of August, 18T9, and the follow-\\ning gentlemen were elected: H. G. Turner, W. JI. Hammond, C. D.\\nPliillips, B. M. Davis, .1. H. PolhiU, W. .1. Pike and A. P. Adams.\\nOn the 10th of August, ISTU, the managers presented articles of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0676.jp2"}, "631": {"fulltext": "TlIK IMI KACIIMIiNT OK .1. W. (iOI.DSMITII. 547\\nimpeaclimciit hofore tlie Soiuite, tlie IIoii. II. (i. Turner liaving been\\nchosen the chief manager. .Mr. Goldsinitli was cliarged witli illegally\\nreceiving $4,58;J.50 as costs on tax executions; illegally issuing eight\\ntax executions; extorting illegal costs; illegally refusing to receive tax;\\nillegally issuing and transferring 228 wild land executions; illegally\\npaying out $8,179.73 of the public money without authority; illegally\\nordering sherilTs to pay tax money in excess to owners; illegally retain-\\ning $11,193.17 of public money; making false returns of $2,303.61 of\\npublic money; illegally retaining $9,720.40 of insurance taxes and fees;\\nfraudulently altering the wild land records; making false returns of\\n$0,134.45 of insurance tax; attempting bribery; and for lucre establishing\\na disgraceful precedent.\\nOn the 21st day of August, 1879, tlie Senate organized as a High\\nCourt of Impeachment, with Hiram Warner, Chief Justice of tlie\\nSupreme Bench, as the presiding officer of the court. The Senate cham-\\nber and galleries were packed with people to witness these novel proceed-\\nings. Several Senators asked to be excused from voting, Mr. Me-\\nDaniel on account of relationship; D. A. Russell and A. D. Candler\\nbecause they had been on the committee of investigation; Mr. Speer on\\naccount of ill health; and J. P. Turner because he had transferred some\\nof the wild lands _//. fas. But the Senate did not excuse them. Mr.\\nGoldsmith was allowed until September 1st, 1879, to prepare his answer,\\nwhich denied the jurisdiction of the Senate, alleged that the matters\\ncharged did not constitute an offence, and declared his innocence. The\\ncounsel of Mr. Goldsmith were Judge J. L. Hopkins, Col. Milton A.\\nCantUer, Capt. Harry Jackson, and W. S. Thompson.\\nIt was generally regarded that the defense made a mistake in filing\\npleas to the jurisdiction, and to the sufficiency of the articles. All tech-\\nnical resistance should have been foregone and the issue met squarely\\nupon its merits. The argument on these dilatory pleas was made by\\nCol. Candler and Judge Hopkins, for Mr. Goldsmith, and W. M. Ham-\\nmond and A. P. Adams, for the prosecution, and was very able and\\nexhaustive. The pleas were unanimously over-ruled. The defense\\nmade another mistake in objecting to testimony covermg conduct during\\nMr. Goldsmith s first term, on the ground that the articles of impeach-\\nment failed to designate him as a former comptroller. This objection\\nwas over-ruled, and had an injurious effect in showing a disposition to\\ncut off the examination of charges on their merits. Nearly a week was\\nconsumed in tiiis profitless sort of skirmishing. The vote had to be\\ntaken by ballot separately on each article, and consumed a deal of time.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0677.jp2"}, "632": {"fulltext": "548 THE ENt) OF THE UtPEACIIMENT.\\nIt was a right curious matter, that the able Chief Justice, so long\\naccustomed to preside over a judicial tribunal, did not successfully gov-\\nern the deliberations of the Senate as a court of imppaclinient. He was\\nlittle acquainted with parliamentary law, and his decisions were con-\\nstantly over-ruled by the Senate. The taking of the testimony began\\non the 8th of September, 1879, and continued until the l, 3th, when in\\nthe beginning of the defense, the counsel of Mr. Goldsmith asked an\\nadjournment of the court. Mr. Goldsmith tendered his resignation to\\nthe Governor, who declined to receive it, pending the impeachment\\ntrial. On the loth of September the counsel of Mr. Goldsmitli an-\\nnounced that they would introduce no more testimonj-, and had notliing\\nmore to say. The defense thus breaking down, Mr. Turner made a\\nbrief speech, and the trial ended by taking the vote on the 17th of Sep-\\ntember, 1879. Mr. Goldsmith was found guilty of illegally receiving\\n$4,582.50 as costs on tax executions; illegally extorting costs; illegally\\nrefusing to receive tax; illegally issuing and transferring 228 wild land\\nexecutions; illegally retaining $9,720.40 of insurance fees and tax;\\nmaking false returns of $0,1.34.45 of insurance tax; and establishing a\\ndisgraceful precedent. It was a curious feature of this conviction that\\nthough the accused had abandoned defense-, and thus stood unresisting\\na condemnation on every charge, the Senate critically tested every\\ncount in the impeachment, and acquitted Mr. Goldsmith upon a number\\nof them. Mr. Lumpkin offered an order that the punishment should be\\nremoval from, and life disqualification to hold office. Mr. Howell moved\\nto strike out the disqualification feature of the penalty. This motion\\nreceived fourteen yeas and twenty-five nays. Mr. Lumpkin s order\\nthen passed by thirty-seven yeas to two nays, Senators Head and Pres-\\nton voting against.\\nTlie sentence was declared on the 19th of September, 1879, and its\\nenforcement was a touching spectacle. Judge Hopkins made an im-\\npressive statement for Mr. Goldsmith. The Senate chamber was filled,\\nand there was a deep feeling pervading the largo assemblage, as this\\nsolemn and irreversible fiat of out-lawry was officially announced against\\nthis citizen. The incident lost none of its significance, from the fact\\nthat in the whole popvdation of a million and a half of this large com-\\nmonwealth he was the single individual that was thus deprived of the\\npolitical privileges of a freeman. It was a tragic isolation for any man\\nto occupy, and it carried with it a sympathy that strangely tinged the\\nstern justice of the act.\\nor the other investigations several were lengthy and elicited deep", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0678.jp2"}, "633": {"fulltext": "THE ACQUITTAL OF THE TREASURER. 549\\nfeeling and warm discussion. The Treasurer, Col. .J. W. Renfroe, had\\nconducted the affairs of his office with unsurpassable ability. The\\nmajority of the committee reported articles of impeachment against\\nhim for taking interest on the public deposits. Hon. J. E. Redwine\\nmade a minority report against impeachment, quoting the resolution of\\nthe General Assembly, of December 8, 1871, relieving Treasurer N. L.\\nAngier from liability for interest on the State deposits, and dismissing\\nsuits against him for $7,000 of such interest. He urged that if Mr.\\nRenfroe had accepted moneys that should have gone into the State\\nTreasury he could be made to pay them over; but to prosecute so\\nfaithful an officer by costly impeachment would be unjust to him and\\ncontrary to sound policy. Col. Renfroe offered to the House his resig-\\nnation and the money taken as interest.\\nThe House declined to receive this reparation. Messrs. A. H. Cox,\\nT. W. Milner, Allen Fort, Reese Crawford, R. A. Nisbet, N. L. Hutchins,\\nand W. A. Turner were elected Impeachment Managers. Col. Renfroe\\nhad, as counsel, Gen. Henry R. Jackson of Savannah, and Capt. Harry\\nJackson of Atlanta, father and son. The prosecution was ably con-\\nducted. The defense was a consummate piece of legal management.\\nRenfroe s counsel offered to admit all the facts, and required none of\\nthem to be proven. Every effort was made to expedite the trial, and\\nget a hearing on the merits. Much raillery was indulged in at the time,\\nthat the young and talented managers were unmercifully deprived of\\nthe opportunity to make some groat speeches, prepared in anticipation\\nof dilatory pleas and demurrers, which were not filed. The facts being\\npromptly admitted, the argument came on swiftly, and was very able.\\nAllen Fort and A. H. Cox spoke for tiie managers, and did it well. The\\nspeech of Mr. Cox was a remarkable one. Harsh in voice, awkward in\\ngesture, full of grimaces and shrieking, the speech was a master-effort,\\npowerful, striking and eloquent. Its argument, sarcasm and eloquence\\nwere extraordinary. It was sustained from beginning to end. It cov-\\nered the whole ground. It held the immense audience electrically. It\\nshowed deep study, exhaustive thought and vividness of expression.\\nCapt. Harry Jackson made a clear, concise, strong legal argument.\\nGen. Henry R. Jackson is a fervid orator, fluent, imaginative and im-\\npassioned, and he made a powerful and thrilling speech. The Senators\\nconsumed four days in discussion. Senators Cummings, Cabaniss,\\nHarrison, Preston, Bryan, and others, advocated acquittal. Senators\\nMcDaniel, Clarke, Bower and Lester, spoke for conviction. Upon the\\nvote being taken. Treasurer Renfroe was acquitted. A resolution was", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0679.jp2"}, "634": {"fulltext": "550 THE BATTLE OVEU JUMN \\\\V. NEI.MS.\\npassed instructing the Governor to issue execution against liiui and liis\\nsureties for the interest. Tliis was done, but the courts decided in favor\\nof Renfroe, and lie thus stood exonerated. His conduct through tlic\\nwhole painful ordeal was manly, open, frank and courageous.\\nThe committees investigating Prof. Orr, the School Commissioner,\\nand Col. Barnett, the Secretary of State, found nothing to condemn\\nand everything to approve in their departments. It was jocularly\\ndeclared that Col. Barnett had used several cents worth of wax in\\nputting the great seal of State to public documents, and Prof. Orr had\\npaid his own expenses in traveling around in the interest of the public\\nschools. Dr. Janes, the Commissioner of Agriculture, had made some\\nerrors of judgment in establishing his valuable department, that, in\\nany other time than an epoch of diseased suspicion, would have passed\\nunnoticed. Dr. Janes resigned his position on the ground that the\\nopposition to the Bureau was persoiial opposition to him, and he was\\nunwilling that the Department should suffer on his account.\\nOne of the most interesting battles was over the administration of\\nCapt. John W. Nelms, the principal keeper of the penitentiary. This\\ngentleman, in many respects, is a very uncommon character. Having\\nonly moderate education, he is one of the most untiring and effective\\npolitical managers in the State. A devoted friend and an unsparing\\nopponent, an open-handed, free-hearted, out-spoken, fearless character,\\naffectionate in his attachments, wielding a remarkable influence, shrewd\\nand enterprising, he has shown himself a valuable political ally in any\\ncontest. He moved to Campbell county when a set of fighting men\\nheld a pretty strong political rule. He not only held his own, but\\nadministered some severe punishment in several tough encounters\\nforced upon him, and obtained a firm grip on the men of that county.\\nHis administration of the penitentiary was careful, conscientious and\\ncapable. He had kept up a custom inaugurated by his predecessor.\\nCol. John T. Brown, of removing convicts for the lessees at so nnu^h a\\nhead. This was an open arrangement between him and the lessees, in\\nno way affecting the State. This was the point of attack ag-ainst him.\\nThe committee was divided. Four members. Chambers, AValters, Gar-\\nrard and Tarver, condemned the Principal Keeper, but suggested no\\naction. Four members. Ivy, Tatum, Butt and Patterson, entirely justi-\\nfied Capt. Nelms. Mr. Anderson made a third report, not altogether\\nexonerating the Principal Keeper, but leaving the matter to the\\nGovernor.\\nThe Legislature referred the subject to the Governor, who did not", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0680.jp2"}, "635": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR COlAiVn T s EXEJIIKS MAlvK A liAl) lil.L NDKU. 551\\nremove a faithful officer. Growing out of the method of the investiga-\\ntion with closed doors, a sharp controversy ensued between ex-Gov.\\nJoseph E. Brown and Hon. L. F. Garrard, in which the prosecution of\\nthe Columbus prisoners, cliarged with the killing of Ashburn, was\\nre-opened, discussed, and placed in a new light, as has been stated\\nbefore in this volume.\\nAn attempt was made to throw the responsibility of Nelms conduct\\non Gov. Colquitt. Col. C. D. Phillips, of Cobb, boldly charged tiiat\\nthe Governor was as guilty as Nelms, and if Nelms went the Governor\\nshould go. The utterance fired the House like an electric shock. R.\\nC. Humber endorsed Phillips. Du Bose, of Hancock, replied that the\\nGovernor was not under investigation. Turner, of Brooks, followed on\\nthe same line. Humber offered a resolution censuring Gov. Colquitt\\nfor Nelms conduct. This was like putting a torch to a powder maga-\\nzine. In all of the investigations of the State House officers, there had\\nbeen a large, decided under-current of hostility to the Executive, and\\nit was hoped, through them, to reach him. The issue was clearly mad(^\\nby Humber s resolution. It would be ditTicult to convey the excite-\\nment created. The House adjourned, and a lively night of agitation\\nfollowed. For once and at last Gov. Colquitt s friends became aroused.\\nThe idea of attacking the Executive in a matter that did not concern\\nhim, and without even a hearing, evoked a whirlwind of disapproval.\\nThe Governor was cool and placid. He seemed glad that the issue had\\ncome, and welcomed the chance to meet squarely the secret and unrea-\\nsoning warfare that was ever threatening him. The fight had to come,\\nand could not present itself in better shape.\\nThe excitement kept up during the night. Men rallied to the Gov-\\nernor, who had never been allied with him. It was recognized that the\\ntime had come to rebuke the personal crusade against the Executive.\\nThe reaction was overwhelming. The issue was whipped by the mere\\nforce of public opinion. In the morning the vote stood 119 against,\\nand 16 for the Humber resolution, and of the sixteen, three voted\\nunder a misapprehension, and recalled their vote.\\nPersistent effort was made to throw upon Gov. Colquitt the respon-\\nsibility of all the matters evolved from these investigations. But it\\nWas in vain. Wholly unconnected with any transgression of any sort,\\nor any lapse of any official; assailed rancorously in every conceivable\\nway, and yet standing pure and unstainable in a very pestilence of\\naccusation; the object of an enmitj ruthless and implacable, but so\\npanoplied in integrity that the most unsparing dissection of motive or", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0681.jp2"}, "636": {"fulltext": "552 AN EPIDEMIC OF SVSPIOION.\\nconduct could find nothing in him to visit with a shadow of disap-\\nproval, Gov. Colquitt went through such an ordeal as falls to few\\npublic servants, and he emerged from it with an unfading crown of\\nhonor.\\nThere has never been such a fierce fever of suspicion and groping,\\nwide-spread inquisition. It was a sort of morbid plethora of public\\nvirtue, a riot of harsh inquiry, that in its furious sweep suspected all\\nmen, no matter how pure and e.\\\\alted, and doubted all transactions,\\neven though faultless. It was a curious phase of public sentiment, and\\nstrangely blended honesty and malice, a proper public spirit and very\\ncensurable motives of private, personal dislike and interest. There was\\nmuch good done, and much injustice threatened. There was a fair\\nmeasure of evil corrected, a good deal of injustice done and some wrong\\nbarely escaped. The matter forms an interesting and exceptional chap-\\nter of Georgia history, that has a rich instruction and a vivid interest.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0682.jp2"}, "637": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XLVIII.\\nTHE POWERFUL HISTORIC GEORGIA TRIUMVIRATE\\nCOLQUITT, GORDON AND BROWN.\\nThe Railroad Commission. Ex-Gov. James M. Smith. Maj. CamplicU ^yaIlace.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Col.\\nSamuel Barnett. Gov. Coliiuitt Vilifieil into the Gubernatorial Race. A Flamiug\\nContest. The Most Violent Political Struggle of State Annals. Slander and\\nCalumnv. Tlie Candid ites. Rufus E. Lester. L. J. Gartrell. liiram Warner.\\nThomas Hardeman. An Event that Turned the State Wild. Tlie Resignation\\nof United States Sen.ator John B. Gordon. Appointment of ex-Gov. J. E. Brown.\\nBargain and Sale Charged. Gordon s Fine Senatorial Career. Great and Bril-\\nliant Services. Thorougli Vindication. Gen. Gordon s Eloquent Speech. The\\nValue of tlie Tender to e.x-Gov. Brown. The Alliance of Colquitt, Gordon and\\nBrown, a Union of Ponderous Agencies. Gov. Colquitt as a Political Fighter.\\nGordon s Power. Senator Brown s Valuable Three Weeks Service in the United\\nStates Senate. His Succe.ss. Personal Disappointments at not Getting this Ap-\\npointment. A Brewing Storm.\\nO.VE of the most important things done by the Constitutional Con-\\nvention of 187 7 was the passage of Gen. Toombs pet idea that it was\\nthe duty of the General Assembly to regulate freight and passenger\\ntariffs, and prevent discriminations. It was a vast measure for the\\nState to take the regulation of fifty millions of private property, upon\\nwhich rests the whole commercial fabric of the commonwealth, and is\\nits largest single element of power. The discussion in the Convention\\nover it was protracted and befitting its importance. In the freneral\\nAssembly the bill to carry out this provision of tlie Constitution was\\nintroduced by Hon. W. R. Rankin of Gordon county, a gentleman who\\nhad been for several years one of the best journalists of the State. He\\nis a member of the present legislature and chairman of the railroad\\ncommittee. He is a person of ability, and a clear, forcible speaker.\\nHon. Allen Fort also introduced a bill forbidding railroads making-\\nunjust discriminations. Substitutes, amendmet;ts and long discussions\\nmarked every step of the measure through House and Senate, demon-\\nstrating the great interest it e.xcited. But it finally passed, and was\\napproved October 14, 1859.\\nUnder this act Gov. Colquitt, with the advice of the Senate, appointed\\nthree Commissioners: ex-Gov. James M. Smith, lawyer, for six years;\\n.Maj. Campbell Wallace, railroader, four years; Samuel Barnett, two", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0683.jp2"}, "638": {"fulltext": "55i Tiiii nAii.Rt .vn commission.\\nyears. The Commissioner s salary is 82,500, and he must not own railroad\\nstocks or bonds, or be in the employ of any railroad company. Gov.\\nSmith s appointment created much commentary. He had supported Gov.\\nColquitt for Governor. When he was defeated for United States Sena-\\ntor, he had made a breach of friendship with Gov. Colquitt, and had\\nbecome very hostile against him. When the North-Eastern bond slander\\nwas started against Gov. Colquitt, e.\\\\-Gov. Smith promjitly condemned\\nit, and amicable relations were restored. Gov. Colquitt, under that high\\nsense of oflicial duty that elevated him above personal considerations in\\nliis public acts, appointed Gov. Smith on account of his estimated fit-\\nness for the place. And it was said that Gov. Smith, who had suffered\\ndenunciation from men whom he had favored, declared that he would\\nlay down the commission of Gov. Colquitt whenever he antagonized him.\\nMaj. Campbell Wallace has been a marked character in Georgia for\\nmany years. He was one of that large body of influential and enter-\\nprising citizens that came to Georgia from East Tennessee, and that\\nhave become leaders amorf^ the business princes of middle Georgia and\\nespecially Atlanta. Among these desirable Tennessee immigrants, men\\nof brain, energy and leadership, may be mentioned Judge John L. Hop-\\nkins, the Inmans, P. L. Mynatt, the Lowrys, Wm. T. Newman, the\\nParrotts, the Fains, J. J. Williams, Reuben Arnold, S. R. McCamy,\\n.John G. Dunn, Wm. H. Tibbs, and the members of that strong firm\\nof Moore and Marsh. W. M. Lowry was United States ilarshal for\\nEast Tennessee under Pierce and Buchanan. Mr. Triplett, of the\\nThomasville press, was one of these valuable East Tennesseeans. Major\\nWallace had been President of the East Tennessee and Georgia railroad.\\nHe had performed wonders of service during the war in moving Con-\\nfederate troops and supplies. After the war he was made superintendent\\nof the Western and Atlantic railroad in 1866, by Gov. Jenkins, and did\\na rare work in restoring that ruined railway. He managed the road\\nduring Ruger s and Meade s regimes, and resigned when Bullock was\\nelected Governor. He is now President of the Merchants Bank, and\\nwas tendered, unsolicited, a place as Railroad Commissioner. To an\\nunusually strong common sense. Major Wallace adds a fine humor, a\\nperennial amiability, tireless energy, an unbending positiveness and high\\nExecutive capacity.\\nCol. Samuel Barnett is a gentleman of a hearty turn for statistics\\nand scientific investigation, and an unwearied power of clear-cut,\\nvivid writing, who has tackled the stupendous anil inexhaustible\\nsubject of railroad facts and figures with the keen relish of an", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0684.jp2"}, "639": {"fulltext": "^^^^^^y^ /^^^2^^", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0687.jp2"}, "640": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0688.jp2"}, "641": {"fulltext": "GOVEEXOE COLCiUlTT I Oi: A SEOUND TERM. 555\\nenthusiast. The only apprehension is, that lie will give us a railway\\nliterature as voluminous as our Supreme Court decisions. The com-\\nmission has a congenial and efficient clerk in Maj. R. A. Bacon. The\\nCommissioners have handled the big subject boldly, cutting down and\\nmaking uniform rates and fares. The Savannah, Florida and Western\\nRailroad, the old Atlantic and Gulf Railroad, under that strong and\\nrising young lawyer. Judge Walter S. Chisholm, of Savannah, made a\\nvigorous effort, in the United States Court, to strike down the commis-\\nsion, but the court sustained it unqualifiedly. An attempt is being\\nmade, under the lead of ex-Gov. Josepli E. Brown, to get the present\\nLegislature to restrict the autocratic powers of the commission. The\\nendeavor is being stoutly resisted. The success remains to be seen,\\nbut however it results, there is the prospect of an endless agitation of\\nthe matter, superinduced by the inevitable rebelliousness of so vast a\\nbody of strong capital over its arbitrary regulation by a power, not\\ndirectly interested in its profitable management.\\nIt is doubtful if Gov. Colquitt would have permitted the use of his\\nname for a second term as Governor, liut for the unremitting and ran-\\ncorous onslaught upon him. Tlie Convention had cut the term from\\nfour to two years, and the salary from $4,000 to $3,000 a year. His\\nprivate affairs needed his attention, while the salary did not pay the\\nexpenses of the station. But the assaults upon him had been so\\nfierce and rankly unjust that it was but a question of self-respect to\\nsubmit the issues of his administration to the popular judgment, and\\nhe determined to do so. The result was the most bitter political battle,\\nthe longest campaign and the most crushing personal victory, that have\\never happened in the State s history. For nearly si.\\\\ long months did\\nthe extraordinary conflict rage, with a gathering heat every week and\\nmonth. The battle became violent beyond description, and yet, strange\\nto say, there was not in it a single direct, legitimate political question.\\nIt was all personal, and in its ultimate analysis, involved several very\\nlarffe moral and social considerations and a sentimental matter of\\nnational effect. The distant and philosophical reader of the extraordi-\\nnary incidents and phases of this roaring and flaming contest will\\nwonder at its desperation, brutality and causelessness.\\nGeorgia has had some memorable political conflicts. The Troup and\\nClarke flurry from 1823 to ISvT, was warm enough as far as it went.\\nThe Colquitt, Cooper and Black storm in 1840 stirred things up. But\\nthe anti-Colquitt campaign of 1880 was such a tornado of violence as\\nto make all previous disturbances mere child s play. And its interest", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0689.jp2"}, "642": {"fulltext": "556 GOVEUNOR Colquitt s hold on the people.\\ndoos not diminish from the fast that it was not a political issue, but a\\nmoral and religious civilization tliat stood at stake. Gov. Colquitt was\\nthe exponent and champion of temperance, religion and sectional fra-\\nternity. He embodied in his life, virtue and Christianity. He repre-\\nsented a great question of a kinder practical accord between the races.\\nEvery exalted moral and social mission was enthroned in the candidacv\\nof this gentleman. And it was a vital feature of the stern battle that\\nGov. Colquitt, under the strong inspiration of his Christian qualities,\\nwas immovably fixed in the homes and hearts of the popular masses.\\nHe was rooted in the public heart, and no violence could tear him from\\nhis hold.\\nThis indissoluble clasping of the people s esteem must ever stand one of\\nthe marvels of this raging affair. For months every species of detraction\\nand besmirchment was poured upon Gov. Colquitt. It was bred in a\\nthousand protean forms, damaging enough, if true, to have damned his\\ncharacter, and killed forever the public confidence. If a tithe of what\\nwas charged had been the truth, Gov. Colquitt would have been deserv-\\nedly an outcast. Yet all this deafening crusade of defamation fell\\nimpotent upon the great, moral public thought, and when the day of\\nverdict came, the people, with a resistless force, crushed out of existence\\nthe numberless brood of black criminations, spawned in this furious\\nstruggle.\\nAnd it was the most inexplicable feature of all of this extraordinary\\nbattle of slander, that there was a stubborn iteration of disproven scan-\\ndals. The North-eastern bond calumny had been stamped out by the\\nGeneral Assembly, but it was rung and re-rung with unwearied persist-\\nence, just as if it had never been tried and shattered. So with other\\naspersions. But the clear-seeing, undeludable masses, with a cool poise\\nheld unshaken amid the boisterous fury of malice to their faith in the\\nChristian Governor, who had the novel experience of a martyr s ordeal\\nin the exigencies of a political strife.\\nThere were two phases of this stirring campaign, the contest for the\\nnomination, and then the fiercer struggle for the election. Usually the\\nnomination in Democratic Georgia ends the tussle. In this campaign\\nthe nomination was simply the hot preface to a hotter sequence. It\\nmerely begun the battle well, and intensified its animosities.\\nThe candidates for the nominatioai were five, viz., Gov. Colquitt,\\nHon. Thomas Hardeman of Macon, Hon. Rufus E. Lester of Savannah,\\nGen. Lucius J. Gartrell of Atlanta, and Chief Justice Hiram Warner of\\nthe Supreme Bench. These distinguished gentlemen have all been", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0690.jp2"}, "643": {"fulltext": "GOVKKNIH: COl.CJL Ill s )1 1 ().NE.NTS. 557\\nsketched in this volume. ILinlomnii qnd Lester proved to be the next\\nin strength to the Governor. Lester had some strong geographical\\nconsiderations to aid his candidac^^-, Savannah not iiaving had an Ex-\\necutive in a long time. Lester s campaign was finely organized and\\nmanaged. It had some intelligent and masterly direction, and was\\nshaj)ed with method and strategy. His strong counties were captured\\nearly, to give him a boom. The ultimate issue was the field against\\nColquitt, and the strongest man would gather and focalize the oppo-\\n-sition. Lester refused to cativass, taking high grounds against it.\\nBut his friends organizecl consummately. He labored under one disad-\\nvantage one not seen at the surface, yet a substantial difficulty. His\\nco-operation at home was not unstinted. He was a new man in that\\nold place a recent acquisition to its aristocratic ranks. A community\\nlike Savannah is wedded to its antecedents, and its blood. Lester was\\nbright and popular, but there were older men and older citizens that the\\npeople, under their strong ideas of family reverence, would have selected\\nas a representative of the city for gubernatorial honors. That the bold\\nambitious young statesman should have shoved aside the older material\\nwas a disability for him, so far as home backing was concerned.\\nGen. Gartrell had no organization, and made no systematic campaign.\\nHe had strong friends in various parts of the State, and a large backing\\niiy the press. He had been before and since the war an ardent and\\neffective political worker. He was prominent very early in his man-\\nhood, and as Legislator, Congressman and Confederate Colonel and\\nGeneral, he had sustained himself ably. He was the author of the cele-\\nIjrated Southern Right s Resolutions of the legislature of 1849; he\\nmet Cobb, Toombs and the Stephens brothers on the stump in the great\\nUnion fight of 1850; he canvassed the fourth Congressional District in\\n1855 against Know-Nothingism, for Hiram Warner against Ben Hill;\\nhe was the Buchanan and Breckenridge elector in 1840, and canvassed\\nthe State; he went to Congress in 1857 and 1859 from the Fourth Dis-\\ntrict, by large and growing majorities. His Congressional record was\\nvery bright; he was on important committees and made some notable\\nspeeches. He was Regent of the Smithsonian Institute. His career in\\nthe Confederate Congress was valuable. He held the high position of\\nChairman of the Judiciary Committee. As a Confederate officer he ranked\\nhigh, and did excellent service. Since the war he has been one of the\\nleaders of the Atlanta bar, an able lawyer and an eloquent advocate.\\nJudge Warner had been all his life grazing at the Governorship.\\nThis was his last chance, necessarily, in the course of advancing years.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0691.jp2"}, "644": {"fulltext": "558 Gordon s resignation and brown s ArroiNTjiENT.\\nHe soon became eonvincprl that Gov. Col (uitt was the strongest man\\nin the field, and with that grim frankness tliat belonged to him, he so\\ntold one of liie other candidates. He left his canvass to take care of\\nitself. The trouble with Col. Hardeman was that his friends were Gov.\\nColquitt s friends, mainly. No man in the State had been a more\\nzealous and disinterested party-worker. His strong abilities and nadv\\neloquence could be counted on at any time in any party stress. He\\nhad a cheery, stimulating way with the people, and was a valuable and\\nwilling worker in any cause of a public character. He was always a\\ngenerous antagonist, just, courteous, fair and honorable, scorning anj-\\nunderhanded advantage, and dealing none but legitimate blows. Such\\nmen as this candid and lofty gentleman make polities honorable, and\\nelevate public agitations. The truth is that Tom Hardeman, as he is\\nfamiliarly called, is the type of truth, directness and fidelity, and has\\nbeen a true representative of our best Georgia manhood. And he never\\nmade a poor or uninteresting speech in his life. Gov. Colquitt, Gen.\\nGartrell and Col. Hardeman all made campaign addresses.\\nIn Ma} 1880, occurred an event that enlivened the campaign, some-\\nthing like the effect that the explosion of a powder magazine would\\nhave in a fortification. There has never been an incident in our politi-\\ncal history that created a more sudden and uncontrollable fury of the\\npolitical elements. It shook the State from center to circumference.\\nThings were comparatively quiet. The swift storm that ensued was\\nblinding and ferocious. It was for a while like a raging cyclone it\\nblew men s wits off their feet, so to speak. Gov. Colquitt thought he\\nhad been pretty heavily abused before this. He received a gust of\\nthundering public vituperation that nearly took his breath away. The\\nevent that had such an overwhelming effect was, that Gen. John B. Gor-\\ndon resigned his place as United States Senator from Georgia, to which\\nhe had been so recently elected, and Gov. Colquitt appointed in the\\nvacancy ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown.\\nThe relations between Gov. Colquitt and e x-Gov. Brown had been\\nvery friendly. Between Gen. Gordon and Gov. Brown there existed,\\nperhaps, a less cordial intercourse tjjan among ordinary acquaintances,\\ndue to an assault of the latter on Gen. Gordon about his course as a\\nSenator in the Presidential matter. There was, therefore, a cordial\\ngood feeling between Colquitt and Brown, and an absence of the same\\nbetween Brown and Gordon, and yet a charge of bargain was\\ninstantly formulated by the opposition, based upon the very opposite\\nof these relations, involving acts of kindness and benefit done bv", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0692.jp2"}, "645": {"fulltext": "IJAUCAIN CIIARGEn AGAIX.ST COI.QUITT, GORDOX AXD BROWX. 559\\nBrown for Gordon to win Brown s support for Colquitt. The State\\nrang with the calumny of an understanding between the throe, which\\nmade Gordon give up his seat that Brown might be appointed in his\\nplace, Gordon to get railroad favors from Brown, including the Presi-\\ndency of file State road, and Brown to help Colquitt politically. The\\ncircumstantiality with which this incredible fiction was urged was\\nsomething wonderful. With a fierce passion but a severe logic, appar-\\nently, sensible men and honest journals afguod this monstrous aspersion\\nvi])on three of tiie purest, ablest, best tried and most trusted public\\nmen of the State. Intelligent and conscientious men believed it,\\nthough there never was a piece of ])opular injustice that had less basis\\nof fact. Against life-time honor and integrity, against thrice tested\\ncharacter, against illustrious public service, against reason and proba-\\nbility, the swift, hot, unreasoning charge of the darkest personal dis-\\nhonor and official criminality was blazoned against these gentlemen.\\nThe incident illustrates how rancorous can be political hostility. The\\nlives of these men was a standing disproof of such reproach. Gen.\\nGordon had made an illustrious fame as a soldier and Confederate Gen-\\neral. For seven years he had illustrated Georgia most magnificently as\\na United States Senator. His career in the national councils had been\\nconspicuously able and influential. His first speech in the United\\n.States Senate was upon the great financial question of the day. It\\nmade a profound impression upon the whole country. Senator Morton\\npronounced it the ablest effort made on the subject. The Agricultural\\nConvention which assembled in Georgia soon after its delivery unani-\\nmously adopted a vote of thanks to Senator Gordon for it. The New-\\nYork Times, a Republican paper, while criticising the speaker and\\ndiffering with him, used this language: Gen. Gordon is the ablest man\\nfrom the South in either House of Congress. This was very high\\npraise from an opposition paper.\\nSenator Gordon s next eiTort, which attracted, most attention, was the\\ndefense of the South in the debate with Morton and Edmunds. The\\napproval of our people was universal, while even the Northern press\\npassed upon it the highest encomiums. It was the first time anything\\nlike an elaborate vindication of the South had been made by a Southern\\nman. Every effort was made by Morton, Edmunds, Conkling and\\nothers, to provoke Gen. Gordon into imprudent utterances; but the\\nfriends of the eloquent Senator and of the South all over the country\\nthought that the whole of our case was managed with tact, skill and\\nability by him in that memorable debate.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0693.jp2"}, "646": {"fulltext": "5(50 (iENEBAL Gordon s senatoriai, career.\\nPerhaps the next most striking fact in Gen. Gordon s senatorial\\ncareer was his bill and spoocli intended to secure reform in the civil\\nservice of the country, and especially in the Revenue Department, the\\ncentral idea of which was tiio separation of the revenue from party\\npolitics. Some conception of the impression made upon the whole\\ncountry may be obtained from the commentary of the press. The\\nlie])ublican and Independent papers of the North were forced to com-\\nmend the views of our distirtguished young statesman. The Spring-\\nfield liepiihU.can declared of this measure of Gordon that it was the\\nfirst notable demonstration in the direction of civil service reform from\\nhigh Democratic authority, and warmly endorsed it. The Chicago\\nTimes said editorially, There never has been brought to tlie attention\\nof Congress a proposition of civil service reform so practical and\\nthoroug-h as that which Mr. Gordon had indicated. It is, in truth, the\\nonly suggestion of a practical remedy for the all-pervading official\\ncorruption that lias ever been brought to the attention of Congress.\\nThe Boston Ailvcrtiser, New York Ilcrald, New York Trihiine, New\\nYork PoKt and Chicago Tribune, all of which were among the leading\\npapers of the United States, strongly endorsed and commended the\\neffort. The Now York World pronounced the speech iin]iassioned,\\nable, eloquent, logical and impartial. There is little doubt that Sena-\\ntor Gordon would have succeeded in engrafting some such policy upon\\nthe administration of our revenue, had he have remained in jjublic life,\\nfor the country was with him upon it.\\nThese are some of the great occasions, when Oen. Gordon arose to\\nthe full stature of a Senator, handling vast themes of public policy,\\noriginally, eloquently, and with unquestionable statesmanship. He was\\nable to impress himself upon the critical thought of a great nation.\\nNot only in these large matters, but in every possible phase of private\\nand public service, he bore himself with the duty and dignity befitting\\nhis high trust. He wielded a powerful influence among his colleagues\\nand in the Departments, and he won from the masses of the broad\\ncountry the fame due to an acknowledged public leader, whose exalted\\nindividuality gave an added renown to the great commonwealth he so\\nwell represented.\\nAnd this was the official who, at the beginning of a second term of\\nsix years of his most dazzling distinction, laid it down to attend to his\\nprivate affairs, sadly neglected. And this was the official whose almost\\nunprecedented renunciation of an august responsibility was charged to\\nbe the subject of a corrupt personal bargain. In the light of subse-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0694.jp2"}, "647": {"fulltext": "THK FACTS OF SEXATOR GORDON S RESIGNATION. 561\\nqiicnt developments, the monstrosity of such a charge is so overwliehn-\\ninplv demonstrated as to excite amazement that it ever liad an exist-\\nence. Public meetings in Columbus and Pike county denounced Gov.\\nColquitt, Gen. Gordon and ex-Gov. Brown. The cry of Trade\\nrang over the State. The severity of denunciation of these distin-\\nguished and honored Georgians was something phenomenal. Base\\nand treacherous conduct, a stench in the nostrils of honest men,\\nSenatorial deformity, slimy pits of dishonor and degradation,\\neternal infamy, and a thousand similar phrases, were showered upon\\nthem. The issue was made clear, sharp and savage, and it was met\\nwith a gameful readiness that betokened what resulted, that the people\\nhad to settle the stirring question.\\nThe facts were very few and simple. Senator Gordon had long\\nwanted to get out of public life, to build up his private fortunes. He\\nwas offered a valuable chance in Oregon. He tendered his resignation.\\nGov. Colquitt tried to get him to withhold until the session of Congress\\nended, which would be in a few weeks. He had to utilize his busi-\\nness opportunitj and declined to postpone his resignation. Gov.\\nColquitt, upon his own inspiration, sent for Gov. Brown and tendered\\nhim the place unconditionally. And this was all of the bargain no\\ncollusion, no conditions no trading. The presidency of the State\\nRoad was not resigned by Gov. Brown and given to Gen. Gordon.\\nGov. Brown knew nothing of Gen. Gordon s resignation until the\\nappointment was tendered him. Gen. Gordon knew nothing of Gov.\\nBrown s appointment until it was made. Gov. Brown was already a\\nsupporter of Gov. Colquitt for Governor, and therefore there was no\\ninducement to win liis championship. Mr. Newcomb, the president of\\nthe Louisville and Nashville railroad, after Gordon s determination to\\naccept the Oregon offer and to resign, offered Gordon a business propo-\\nsition that allowed him to stay in Georgia; which he accepted, getting\\nreleased from his other contract. With this Gov. Brown had nothing\\nto do. And since then, Gen. Gordon has succeeded in organizing and\\nstarting the construction of a great line of railway from Atlanta to the\\nMississippi, through the coal fields of Alabama, utilizing the defunct\\nGeorgia Western railroad, and connecting with the Richmond and\\nAtlanta Railway scheme, independent of the State road, or the Louis-\\nville and Nashville road.\\nThus one by one of the specifications in the fierce charge of Bar-\\ngain have been disproved by that unfailing healer of injustice. Time,\\nand its inevitable co-worker. Truth. The storm, like all storms, did\\n36", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0695.jp2"}, "648": {"fulltext": "5G3 Gordon s eloquent speech.\\ngood. The right was vindicated after much travail. It was a deadly\\nstruggle, but a marvelous victory. The final result was beneficial to the\\nState and to the country. Gen. Gordon came home, and in a masterly\\nand eloquent speech in Atlanta, thus stated the motives governing Gov.\\nColquitt in this appointment:\\nLet us place ourselves in Gov. Colquitt s place, and layiug aside all passion, see what\\nour cool juilgnient would dictate. [Lan};hter aud applause] Let me premise wliat I\\nam about to say by the remark that while, as a, matter of seutiment, most of us would\\nhave preferred some other Georfjiau, yet there are thousands iu and out of the St,ate\\nwho are beginning to agree with that greatest of living generals, Joseph E. Johnston,\\nthat Josepli E. Brown was the very best selection that could have been made under all the\\ncircumstances surrounding our present and the momentous issues involved in our politi-\\ncal contests for the future. There are great men and true men now in high places of\\nresponsibility, who believe that the time had come in the South when the integrity of\\nour society, the security of our property, and the supremacy of our political principles\\nrecjuire that we should so liber.ili/,e our policy as to extend the olive branch to all\\nmen now in accord with our principles, although they had differed from us in the\\ntransition stage succeeding the war as to the public policy. Thej saw in Gov. Brown\\nthe most dl.stiuguished representative of that class of citizens in the entire South. They\\naw in him a man of intellect, of long experience, of distinguished services in tlie ante-\\nbellum history of the State. A man of large property, deeply interested in tlie material\\n])rogress of the country and in stable government a life-long Democrat, who, altliough\\ndenounced by us for voting for Grant and reconstruction in 1868, was joined by us in\\nvoting for Greeley and reconstruction iu 1872. [Appl.iu.se.] This is, I say, what other\\nmen, able aud true, s.lwin this appointment. Wh,at did Gov. Colquitt see to guide him\\nto a conclusion which his enemies now .seek to use to his detriment. If he will permit it,\\nI will publish bis letter informing me of Gov. Brown s appointment, and of the results\\nhe expected to be produced upon himself, the party, and tlie country. lie saw the two\\nstrongest Democratic districts in the State lost to the Democratic party. He saw iu a\\nthird, the same fate seriously threatened. He .saw in a fourth, Hammond, able and elo-\\nquent, elected after a most laborious struggle. He saw the party upon whose supremacy\\nseems to depend all that is valuable to us as a people, apparently on the verge of disso-\\nlution. He s.aw the friends and life-long followers of Gov. Brown among the hardy\\nyeomanry of the movintains, dissatisfied and ready to break with the organization and\\nho felt th.at he might thus recall them to their allegiance, recajiture these Demo-\\ncratic strongholds, harmoniie former differences, assuage bitterness, and assure the\\nfuture of Democratic supremacy. I wish to repeat here that everybody knows that I\\nam not the ch.ampion of Gov. Brown, but it is due our manhood that we either cease\\nhostility to Gov. Brown, or cease to ask his time and talents and money for the\\nbenefit of our party. It is due to truth to state that Gov. Brown has been unfaltering\\nin his devotion to the Democratic party for ten or twelve years; that he was the sup-\\nporter of Milton Smith, of Alfred Colquitt and of myself in my hast race for the Senate,\\neven against his life-long friend that upright jurist, and great statesman, Herschell V.\\nJohnson. It would be unworthy in me were I to fail, in this public manner, to testify\\nto the earnest, unswerving, potential aid given in the la.st campaigns to myself and to\\nthe standard-bearers of the party in these hotly contested mountain districts. [Applause.]\\nIn thus speaking at some length upon the purposes of Gov. Colquitt in making this\\ni", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0696.jp2"}, "649": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0697.jp2"}, "650": {"fulltext": "^y^^ 8\\nX", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0698.jp2"}, "651": {"fulltext": "THE SUGGESTIVENESS OF GOVERNOR ISKOWN s APPOINTMENT. 563\\nappointment, I have done liim nothing but simple justiie. If I know mvself I speak in\\nthe cause of trutli, of harniouv, o\u00c2\u00a3 Democratic unity. [Applause] One thing is cer-\\ntain, that while otliers high in position were apologizing for, or defending Grant, while he\\ndrove the cold iron into the bre.ast of Louisiana, Gov. Brown was denouncing this act\\nof tyranny. [Applause and cries of that s so.]\\nFor Gov. Brown, the unsolicited tender of this peculiar trust was an\\nevent of unspeakable import and most dramatic connection. It recalled\\nthe grim memories of that painful experience of twelve years back, in\\n1868, when the people of his State stood solidly against him, and he was\\ndefeated for this very office, under such pitiless public execration as few\\nmen ever experience and fewer outlive. It looked then as if he was\\nforever buried, politically. He went down in the mad savagery of that\\ntime, a recipient of as noble a resentment, though unjust, as any people\\never e.\\\\ercised. He had lived to see the subsidence of passion, and the\\nabatement of obloquy. He had steadily cured the misconceptions of\\nhis course, coming with a wonderful elasticity above the cruel repression\\nand odium that struck him down. And the redemption had at last,\\nafter many a weary delay, arrived, but was not, even with this appoint-\\nment, couiplote. This was the act of the Governor. It failed of the\\nrequisite finish unless rounded off by the popular endorsement. There\\nwas much speculation as to whether Senator Brown would seek an elec-\\ntion at the hands of the legislature, his appointment only running to the\\nsession of that body in the winter of 1880.\\nThere is, perhaps, no earthly inducement that could have withheld\\nJoseph E. Brown from that test of the public pulse. The opposition\\nmade the appointment an issue, and the leading issue of the guberna-\\ntorial campaign. But if this had not been done, he would have fashioned\\nit so. Every prompting of his pride and memory, every impulse of his\\nnature, every tingling nerve of his combative temperament drove him\\nirresistibly to a naked trial of this single question by the majestic in-\\nquest of the popular suffrage. His friends led off in suggesting that\\nthe approval of the Brown appointment be directly canvassed and voted\\nupon.\\nIt was a very strong triumvirate of influences, capabilities and man-\\nagement, this union of Colquitt, Gordon and Brown. Each one of them\\nwas powerful, and had shown himself pretty nearly invincible, each\\nachieving victories single-handed that recorded marvels of majorities.\\nEach one could point to personal triumphs that were out of the range\\nand scope of ordinary political success. The alliance of the three in a\\nbattle where their coalition was intensified by a reciprocal interest and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0701.jp2"}, "652": {"fulltext": "5G4 IJROWN, GORDOX AND COLQUITT.\\na common defamation of their conduct, was the junction of tlie most\\nponderous agencies of our Georgia leadership. And as well equipped\\nmanagers as they each were, each found valuable aid in the others.\\nGov. Colquitt s enemies iiave decried his abilities and decision. No one\\ncould look at his firm set mouth, and not read there an uncommon\\nreserve of will. It comes to him by inheritance. His life, critically\\ndissected, has shown it strikingly. And as for management, his father,\\nM alter T. Colquitt, was the very incarnation of the sagacious and\\ninvincible manager, and transmit tod it to his diplomatic son. Under that\\ngentle grace and iiearty simplicity Gov. Colquitt carries as practical a\\nsense, as rare a tact, as broad a scope of plan, as nice a discernment of\\nagents, as resolute a persistence, as astute a retention of his own\\nsecrets, and as true a fidelity to his friends, as any man in tlie State.\\nAnd to these subtle qualities he adds an effective magnetism in impress-\\ning and swaying masses of men, and an exceptional prudence of ex-\\npression that leaves him no indiscretions to correct.\\nEx-Gov. Brown has been an unequaled conductor of political cam-\\npaigns, and brought to this strong junction of force his superlative and\\ndisciplined capacities. Gen. Gordon has been a lordly campaigner,\\ngoing direct to the popular heart with his chivalrous esprit, bold, direct,\\nlofty and gallant. There has always boon something in this gentleman\\nto make men love, admire and trust him, an unfailing glow of generous\\nsentiment, a manly self-respect, and a vigorous, healthy intellectuality.\\nHis ideas are all liberal and large, his impulses knightly, his nature\\nattractive, and his bearing princely. Never a foeman, unless under\\nattack, he is always an open-handed, magnanimous opponent. And\\nevery fiber of his soul is^ loyal to friendship and the popular good. It\\nwas a strong trio, and when the struggle came, an irresistible coalition.\\nIt was no slight benefit in the campaign that the anticipation of\\nSenator Brown s service in the few weeks session of the United States\\nSenate was realized, and was an example of instantaneous and poten-\\ntial influence. In a body where large-brained and distinguished men\\ngo through a long probation and apprenticeship of quiet and initiation.\\nGov. Brown took immediate rank as an acknowledged leader. The\\ntuition of years in this august parliament he mastered immediately.\\nHe gained the ear of the body at once, and his voice was heeded. He\\nwas sworn in on the 20th of May, 1880, and Congress adjourned on the\\nIGth of June, giving him three weeks service only. In that short time\\nhe secured a $10,000 appropriation for the harbor of Brunswick against\\nthe report of the appropriation committee, and came near increasing", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0702.jp2"}, "653": {"fulltext": "JOSEPH E. BROWN S SHORT TERM IN THE U. S. SENATE. 505\\nthe appropriation to the Savannah river from 805,000 to 8100,000. lie\\npassed a bill to allow the Savannah, Florida, and Western railroad to\\nbuild a bridge over the St. Mary s river, which is now being used. lie\\ndiscovered and defeated a provision in the census bill that would have\\nlost Georgia a representative in the United States Congress. This pro-\\nvision provided that enumerators should report a list of all males over\\ntwenty-one years disqualified from voting, and such number be deducted\\nfrom the inhabitants of the State in making up its basis of representa-\\ntion. On account of the voters in Georgia disqualified for non-pay-\\nment of taxes, this would have lost Georgia twenty or thirty thousand\\nvotes in estimating our representation in Congress.\\nSenator Brown made three speeches in his strong, practical way, that\\nattracted general attention, that placed him among the recognized\\nleaders of the Senate, and carried to Georgia a substantial basis for\\npopular sanction of his appointment. In urging increased appropria-\\ntions for our State harbors, he put so clearly our claims to greater lib-\\nerality that Senators Thurman, Bayard, Davis, Blaine and Vance com-\\nplimented him. Senator Blaine raised quite a laugh by saying he\\nnever heard so fine a speech from so young a Senator. It was in the\\nspeech, however, delivered on the 12th of June, 1880, upon the Mexican\\nPension bill, that Gov. Brown made a profound impression upon the\\ncountry, and instantly stamped himself as a master of debate, an origi-\\nnal thinker and a positive actor in the national councils, able to cope\\nwith any of the practiced powers of that august body, and to place his\\npeople in sharp advantage upon the delicate questions of the war. An\\namendment was offered to strike Southern soldiers who had participated\\nin the last war from the benefits of a pension for service in the Indian\\nand Mexican wars. Gov. Brown strenuously opposed this exclusion of\\nSouthern soldiers. Senators Ingalls, Conkling, Kirkwood and Blaine\\nkept a running fire upon him, injecting adroitly into the discussion the\\ndisunion and war issues.\\nGov. Brown s speech was a master-piece of diplomacy and argument.\\nHe took occasion from the interruptions to go into the whole subject of\\nSouthern sentiment upon war questions, and without an imprudent\\nword, he completely turned the tables upon his sharp questioners, and\\nstruck the Bloody Shirt policy, as it was felicitously called, of keep-\\ning up war prejudices, the deadliest blow it has received. His temper\\nwas perfect, his readiness unfailing, and his retorts irresistible. He\\nmade every stroke cut. His acceptance of reconstruction was used hap-\\nj)ily. The galleries were crowded, and the ablest men of the other side,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0703.jp2"}, "654": {"fulltext": "5GC SENATOR brown s SPEECH AGAINST THE BLOODY SHIRT.\\nthe recognized experts of debate and the keenest wits of the Republi-\\ncan party were using every efifort to trip the new Senator. They came\\nat him from every quarter and struck him vigorously. Parrying every\\nlunge, cool, poised and prompt, he met every attack successfully, and\\nfollowed his adversary to an undeniable discomfiture. He evaded\\nnothing. Senator Ingalls asked him if he did n t think now he was right\\nin defendinar secession. Gov. Brown shot back the affirmative instan-\\ntaneously, but added that secession was not a living issue, and had been\\nsettled forever by the war.\\nHe drew with the nicest discrimination the difference between the\\nquestions decided by the revolution and Our living rights. He thus\\nadmirably concluded:\\nWlien we returned to the Union, we ilul so in good faitli. The question of tlie right\\nof secession is .settled forever, and witli its settlement our faith is pledged to stand l)y\\nand defend the Constitution and the Union. In the field vou found tlie Southern\\narmies to be brave men, and lirave men are never treaclierous. Sliould our relaticjiis\\nwitli foreign powers at auy time involve this Government in war, the people of the\\nNorth will liave no reason to complain of tlie promptness, earnestness and gallantry\\nwith which the people of the Southern States will rally around the old flag, and bear it\\ntriumphantly wherever duty calls. If that emergency were now npon us, the comrades\\nin arms of Sherman and Johnston, who once coufronted each otlier with such distin-\\nguished heroism, would rally togetlier in the cause of the Union, and vieing with each\\nother, would perform sucli prodigies of valor as the world has seldom w itnessed. This\\nbeing tlie present condition of the country, the present feeling of the great masses of\\npeople ou each side, let us do justice to each other, restore cordial and fraternal rela-\\ntions, and folding up the bloody shirt, let us bury it forever iieyond the reach of resur-\\nrection; and let us unite in the enactment of such laws as will sliow to tlie world that\\nwe are once more, not in name only, liut in reality, a nnited people, ready to do equal\\nand exact justice to all. And let us move forward gradually and gloriously in united\\nefforts to restore to every section of the Union substantial, growing, material prosperity\\nand we will then bring to the whole country peace, happiness and fraternal relations.\\nThis seems to me to be a consummatioa devoutly to be wished by the patriotic people\\nof all parts of the Union.\\nThere was a universal acknowledgment that the new Senator had\\nfulfilled the great expectation of his value in the National councils, and\\nthe issue of his appointment had to be met upon that vantage ground.\\nBut there was one .strong complication in this animated contest, that\\nexerted a powerful underlying influence. How many distinguished\\ngentlemen had hard feelings against the Governor for not being selected\\nfor this distinction, will never be known. Men who had passed beyond\\nactive life, immiMuorial friends of the Executive, men on tlie political\\nshelf, and individuals who had no shadow of claim upon him, were dis-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0704.jp2"}, "655": {"fulltext": "TUB HOSTILE CRUSADE AGAINST GOVERNOR COLQUITT. 507\\nappointed, ami added their hidden dissatisfaction to the gathering\\ncrusade of hostility in this remarkable contest. There was a focaliza-\\ntion of hostile elements for a thunderous storm, and it exploded with\\na stirring effect.\\nThis crusade against Gov. Colquitt was the aggregation of every\\npolitical disappointment, every soured ambition, every personal griev-\\nance connected with the Democratic party, every partisan pique, every\\nirritated sensibility of private malice, every envenomed spite of a public\\nnature, every restless dissatisfaction with existing politics, and every\\nstrong yearning of hope from new combinations of party and personal\\nelements. It was homogeneous in the one common purpose to over-\\nthrow the existing and establish a new dynasty.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0705.jp2"}, "656": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XLIX.\\nGOVERNOR COLQUITT RECOMMENDED FOR GOVERNOR\\nBY THE MOST EXTRAORDINARY AND EXCITING PO-\\nLITICAL CONVENTION OF GEORGIA ANNALS.\\nThe Convention to select Presidential Delegates. The Fiery Campaign before the Gu-\\nbernatorial Convention. Colquitt s Atlanta Managers. Ilenrv W. Grady the Cliief.\\nK. P. Ilov/ell. The City Papers. Hardeman, Gartrell, Lester and Warner. A\\nFierce Crusade of Calumny against Colquitt. A Savage Contest. Gordon and\\nColquitt. Amusing Conflict of Estimated Strength of the Candidates. The Two\\nThirds Rule. The Convention. Its Personelle. The Colquitt Caucus Gov.\\nBrown s Advice. The Fine Leadership of Patrick Walsh. Conces.sions of the\\nMajority. L. N. Trammell Permanent President. His Brilliant Presiding.\\nAlmost Two Thirds for Colquitt. A Wily and Implacable Minority. Any body\\nbut Colquitt. Seven Long Days of Stirring Session. Majority Indiscretion.\\nThe Two Thirds IJule Adojjted. The Fight over tlie Rules. Gag-Law Discussed.\\nClifford Anderson. Dr. Henry Carlton s Compromise. Hot Scene over it. Ring-\\ning Speecli of Patrick Walsh We will Nominate Colquitt. Tliomas D. Wat-\\nson s Burning Speech. Joe Warren. All the Compromises Rule out Colquitt.\\nLivingston of Newton. Gen. Imboden. Break in the Cohpiitt Ranks. W. A.\\nReid Suggests Thomas G. Lawson. Joe Warren s Ambu.scade. Cohjuitt s Men\\nStand Solid A Sparkling Debate. S. G. McLendon Drops Colqnitt.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 R. W. Pat-\\nterson s Brilliant Speech. The Majority Rock-firm Final Resolutions to Recom-\\nmend Coli|nitt after Three Ballots. The Minority Ask Time. A Recess The\\nMinority Disintegrating. On the Final Ballot Colqnitt Gains, but no Nomination,\\nand his Recommendation goes into Effect. Electornl Candidates Chosen. .State\\nHouse Officers Nominated. Delegates on Final Adjournment begin Coming to\\nColquitt. Carlton and Norwood Raise Points of Order, and stop the Chauge of\\nVotes. Adjournment of Convention.\\nThe Democratic State convention that met in Atlanta, on the 0th of\\nJune, 1880, to appoint delegates to the Cincinnati convention, was the\\nfirst State gathering after the resignation of Gordon, and the appoint-\\nment of Brown. A majority of the members were for Colquitt, and\\nthis fact demonstrated the popular sentiment. Hon. L. N. Trammell\\nwas made temporary, and Hon. A. O. Bacon permanent Cliairman of\\nthe Convention. There were 350 delegates from 119 counties. The\\ndelegates selected for the National Convention were at large, Gen. A.\\nR. Lawton, Hon. Geo. T. Barnes, Hon. E. P. Howell and Gen. P. M.\\nB. Young District, W. A. Wilkins, J. M. Couper, J. R. Alexander,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0706.jp2"}, "657": {"fulltext": "Colquitt s Atlanta, campaigners. 5G9\\nB. E. Russell, L. M. Felton, D. M. Roberts, T. W. Grimes, P. H.\\nBrewster, J. D. Stewart, C. C. Duncan, J. G. Ockington, A. C Mc-\\nCalla, J. C. Fain, A. H. Gray, D. M. Du Bose, P. AValsh, W. P. Price,\\nT. M. Peeples.\\nGen. A. R. Lawton was made chairman of the delegation at Cincin-\\nnati. Hancock and English were nominated as the Democratic ticket\\nfor President and Vice-President, creating great enthusiasm in Demo-\\ncratic Georgia. The main interest of our people in this State, how-\\never, clustered around the gubernatorial race, and it intensified to a\\nwhite heat. An organization of Gov. Colquitt s friends was made in\\nAtlanta a very thorough, strong and vigorous body. The loaders in\\nit were an incomparable collection of bold managing young spirits, keen-\\nwitted, indefatigable, resourceful and aggressive. Henry W. Grady,\\nas cliairman of the campaign committee, is entitled to the leadership,\\nthough Evan P. Howell, William T. Newman, S. M. Inman and W. D.\\nEllis were not far behind him in their contributions. All of these long-\\nheaded young fellows buckled to the contest with a wonderful energy\\nand tact. Howell was perhaps the most experienced of them, but\\nGrady s enthusiasm was irresistible, and he finally took the undisputed\\ncommand, and he manifested an executive capacity that was extraor-\\ndinary. He threw himself into the struggle with his whole heart. He\\nwatched every point, kept the whole State in his observation, devised\\nmeans, wrote letters, sent myriads of dispatches, strengthened doubt-\\nful localities, and placed help wherever it was needed.\\nThe managers of the large dailies, the Atlanta Constitution^ Augusta\\nChronicle and Constitutionalist, Savannah News, and Macon Tele-\\ncjraph and Messenger were personally for Gov. Colquitt, though the\\njournals were held neutral until the convention. The Columbus En-\\nqiiirer-Sun, Atlanta Post and Augusta News strenuously opposed him.\\nThe large majority of the press favored Gov. Colquitt. The struggle\\nfor control of the convention was ferociously acrimonious, and settled\\ninto Colquitt and anti-Colquitt, it soon being discovered that he was\\nstronger than the whole field together. Hardeman and Gartrell made\\nspeeches, fair, unexceptionable and effective, abstaining from any\\npersonal discourtesy, and discussing Gov. Colquitt s official record legit-\\nimately. Lester and Warner did no speaking. The auxiliary speakers\\nand press against the Governor, however, kept up a lively fusillade.\\nThe savage character of the campaign against Gov. Colquitt was out-\\nside of the opposing candidates, and was difficult to understand. Some-\\nhow this gentleman has never been on good terms with the professional", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0707.jp2"}, "658": {"fulltext": "570 THE COLQUITT MASSES SLOWLY AROUSED.\\npoliticians. His strength has been with the quiet, undemonstrative\\nmasses, wlio take little active interest in politics, unless aroused by\\nsome unusual inducement. The country wire workers have always\\nantagonized him. The noisy element of the cities has been against him.\\nThe bar-rooms and their frequenters have fought him. His wonderful\\nhold upon the people has excited the envy of the leading public men\\nwith some exceptions. The inability to use him has made him odious to\\nthe average partisan. His impregnable morality and identification with\\ntemperance, virtue and religion, have been a standing rebuke to the\\nvicious and immoral. The bitter opposition that was aggregated against\\nthis godly gentleman, was something marvelous, and the resulting war-\\nfare was unparalleled in its fierceness, persistence and malignity.\\nEvery invention of calumny was evoked against Gov. Colquitt. His\\nDemocratic fealty was assailed, his ability denied, his personal honesty\\nquestioned, and his religion travestied. The opposition press teemed\\nwith charges against him of every kind, affecting his moral and religious\\ncharacter. Corruption was asserted against him in both personal and\\nofficial matters. Every act of his administration was attacked and fal-\\nsified. And in the noise following the Brown appointment, it looked\\nas if the whole State was down upon the Governor. But it was a large\\nmistake. The sluggish masses of good men began to take an interest.\\nSlowly the reserves came into action, and under the steady advance of\\nan awakened people the opposition disclosed its real weakness. Such\\nan arousement of the State has not been seen in a century in Georgia.\\nMen who had never taken any active part in politics came to the front\\nas leaders. Old church deacons who had hitherto pursued a serene\\ncourse of passivity in the turbulent turmoil of political strife, turned out\\nzealously in the cause of morality and religion, imperiled in its cherished\\nexponent. Usually few men turn out to nominations. The popular\\nvoting is reserved for elections. That contest for a nomination had all\\nthe intense interest of an election. The ordinary political managers in\\ncounties were aghast to see the people taking the authority from their\\nhands. Tricks and tickets were set at naught. Town cliques, usually\\nomnipotent, were brushed aside like cobwebs, and their manipulations\\npunctured like empty bubbles. In Richmond county over 2,000 votes\\nwere polled. In numbers of counties a thousand men turned out to\\nselect nominating delegates. Such a primary expression of the voice of\\nthe people had never before been given in the political annals of the\\nState. And it was almost a continuous thunder tone of endorsement\\nfor the slandered Colquitt.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0708.jp2"}, "659": {"fulltext": "COLQUITT SWEEPS THE STATE. 571\\nIn the middle of tlie fight a new and frightful aspersion was shot\\nupon the air just when a majority of the important counties were to\\nact. It was the last and reserved fire of the calumniators. It made\\nColquitt more votes. The people, thoroughly aroused, rolled up in-\\ncreased majorities for the gameful Colquitt. Tiie speeches made by\\nColquitt and Gordon were stirring and effective pieces of hustings\\noratory. They were invited to all parts of the State. Innnense gather-\\nings met them wherever they were announced. Both are strikingly\\nhandsome men, both possessed of magnetic personal presence, both\\ncaptivating public speakers, both individuals of exalted Christian piety,\\nand both had been successful and brilliant soldiers. The victories in\\nsome of the counties were extraordinary, and the enthusiasm they\\ncreated was unbounded. In the powerful county of Burke, where\\nLester was born, the toughest struggle of the campaign resulted in a\\nsolid delegation for Colquitt. The wealthy and influential county of\\nHouston, one of Hardeman s strongholds, chose a fervent Colquitt dele-\\ngation. Even Merrivvetrher county, the life-long home of the venerable\\nJudge Warner, gave a majority of district delegates for Colquitt for a\\ncounty convention to select State delegates. The Warner men\\nappointed delegates, and there resulted a contest in the State Conven-\\ntion. The victory for Colquitt in Merriwether was not a beneficial one\\nin results. It very much displeased Judge Warner, and begat in him\\na stern opposition that he pushed in no half-handed way. It is due to\\ntruth, however, to say that amid all the vilification of Governor Col-\\nquitt, he never spoke a word of abuse against his rivals. He went\\nsteadily forward in firm reliance upon his own merits, uttering no\\ndetraction of others.\\nIt was very amusing to see how widely apart the strength of the can-\\ndidates was put by the opposing papers. The Constlfution of Atlanta,\\nwhose information had been culled and sifted with vigilant care, and\\nthat had the benefit of all of Gov. Colquitt s comprehensive and accu-\\nrate correspondence, gave Colquitt 224^ votes out of the 350 votes in\\nthe Convention, or within nine of a two-thirds majority. When 320\\ndelegates had been chosen, the Constitution gave Colquitt 203^, Harde-\\nman 44, Lester 38^, Gartrell lOi, Warner 3, Doubtful 7, anti-Colquitt\\n7^. Tlie Atlanta Post-Ajipeal divided 308 votes as follows: Colquitt\\n143^, Lester 72^, Hardeman 42, Gartrell 29, Warner 7, Underwood 2,\\nanti-Colquitt 18. The Macon Telefjruph and Messenger estimated 318\\nvotes as follows: Colquitt 189^, Hardeman 54^, Lester 42, Gartrell IG^,\\nanti-Colquitt and Doubtful 15^, but gave Colquitt 215 votes for the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0709.jp2"}, "660": {"fulltext": "573 THE NOMINATING CONVENTION.\\nfirst ballot. A bare majority was 17G. The Anti-Colquitt papers esti-\\nmated Colquitt s vote under a majority. Both sides claimed to be un-\\nerringly correct.\\nA question that excited much feeling and speculation, was whether\\nthe convention should adopt the two-tiiirds rule. The majority rule\\nwould give the nomination to Colquitt. The old usage of the Democ-\\nracy had been the two-thirds rule in National Conventions. This rule\\nwas adopted in the Democratic Conventions from 1843 to 1857, in the\\nConvention that nominated Gov. Brown. In December, 1871, Gov.\\nSmith was nominated under the majority rule. The Convention of\\n1872, that renominated Gov. Smith, adopted the same rule. The\\nConvention of 187G used no ride in the nomination of Gov. Colquitt.\\nThe Convention met in Atlanta, on Wednesday, the 4th day of Au-\\ngust, 1880, at half past two o clock. The delegates assembled in the\\nrepresentative chamber, at eleven o clock, but it was found that the\\nlarge hall would not hold them, unless the desks were moved out, and\\nthe hour of meeting was postponed for this purpose. There were 549\\ndelegates representing every county in the State, and 350 votes.\\nThere never has been in the history of Georgia, and there never proba-\\nbly will be such another Convention. During war days no such fever\\nhas been aroused. Gov. Colquitt s crushing sweep of county triumphs,\\nand magnificent popular majority, had not subdued in the slightest ex-\\ntent the determined hostility of the opposition, but rather intensified it\\nseemingly. The convocation of inflammable spirits came together\\nprimed for an irrepressible explosion, and the out-burst ensued inex-\\norably.\\nGov. Colquitt s friends met in caucus in the large Concordia Hall,\\nLester s adherents in the breakfast-room of the Kimball House, and\\nHardeman s supporters at the Markham House. Colquitt s caucus was\\nlike a convention and packed the large hall. It was an unwieldy gath-\\nering, but it somehow settled, by its own inspiration, -into cohesiveness\\nand accord of action. Caucus meetings were held nearly every evening,\\nand the policy of the next day discussed and decided. And it was a\\ncurious demonstration of zeal and interest that these advisory gather-\\nings continued to the last with full attendance. Several of them were\\na species of political love-feast. The first and main subject of dis-\\ncussion was the two-thirds rule. There was a contrariety of opinion.\\nSome very strong men, led by Hon. Patrick Walsh, were in favor of the\\nmajority rule. Gov. Brown advised the adoption of the two-thirds\\nrule, and some of the Colquitt men would have no other. This subject", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0710.jp2"}, "661": {"fulltext": "HON. PATRICK WAI.SII. 573\\nwas ably discussed from every stand-point. Gov. Brown believed that\\nenough delegates would, after a while, come from the opposition to give\\nthe two-thirds to Colquitt, if his friends stood firm. But if they did\\nnot, and it was necessary to go before the State with the Democracy\\nsplit, because the minority refused to carry out the will of the major-\\nity, and the opposition party vote should become a balance of power,\\nit would be easier to get that vote than if a regular majority nomina-\\ntion was made. One fact had to be confronted squarely, and that was,\\nthat the leaders of the minority had come to the convention to defeat\\nColquitt at anj^cost and in any way. His friends were equally resolved\\nto carry him through.\\nThe anti-Colquitt men boldly declared that, if the majority rule was\\nadopted, which Colquitt s supporters could do, they would bolt the\\nconvention, and make a separate nomination. Under tliis rule\\nColquitt s nomination was a certainty. Under the two-thirds rule\\nthey hoped to prevent his nomination. Mr. Walsh saw the spirit of\\nthe opposition, and was for taking the bull by the horns and mak-\\ning the issue, leaving the minority to their remedy of acquiescence or\\nthe responsibility of disintegrating the party by disobedience to its\\naction. Mr. Walsh developed in this whole .session in caucus, and on\\nthe floor of the convention, the most salient and potential traits of\\nleadership. When his sturdy, strong-set, firm-planted figure rose, his\\ncoat closely-buttoned, shoulders thrown back, his head poised solidly\\nand unmoving on his stout nock, his determined, massive face gazing\\nsteadily forward, with his short, straight hair rolling back in a leonine\\nway from the brow, and his resonant, compassing voice uttering with a\\nsingularly strong emphasis, his clear-cut, direct sentences, he was a\\nstriking embodiment of force and earnestness, and he held the eager\\nattention of the vast body upon every ringing syllable. There was no\\ndeviousness in this superb Irishman s strategy. He was as direct as\\nthe course of a cannon ball. His individuality was the more impressive\\nthat he has nothing in him of the mercurial and flashing quality sup-\\nposed to belong to his high-mettled nationality. His best power was\\nhis fine, intense repose and freedom from nervousness. Fearless, true,\\nable, eloquent, earnest, devoted, immovable by menace or temptation,\\nMr. Walsh made more repute, stood upon higher ground and was more\\nthe target for the hostile fire of the opposition than any other member\\nof this stormy and unprecedented convention.\\nGov. Brown s view was adopted by a large majority in the caucus.\\nMr. Walsh was made temporary Chairman of the Convention, which", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0711.jp2"}, "662": {"fulltext": "574 THE rERSONELLE OF THE coxvExnox.\\nwas opened by Judge Geo. N. Lester, Chairman of the State Demo-\\ncratic Executive Committee, in an eloquent little speech, earnestly urg-\\ning party harmony. Mr. Walsii delivered a ringing address. Among\\nthe delegates who figured during the session were: A. L. Hawes, F. C.\\nFurman, F. G. Du Bugnon, T. W. Akin, A. W. Fite, P. M. B. Young,\\nClifford Anderson, S. H. Jemison, R. W. Patterson, Samuel Hall, R. F.\\nLyon, J. L. Hardeman, E. II. Harden, E. F. Lawson, R. O. Lovett, J. P.\\nThomas, J. L. Warren, A. P. Adams, T. M. Norwood, H. H. Carlton, T.\\nN. Rucker, P. W. Ale.xander, U. B. Wilkinson, L. H. Featherston, .1.\\nC. Nisbet, David A. Vason, R. Hobbs, J. R. Towers, Wm. T. Newman,\\nW. M. Lowry, Walter R. Brown, G. W. Mabry, M. L. Mershon, W. R.\\nRankin, T. M. Peeples, Henry Perry, W. J. Northern, Geo. M. Nolan,\\nJohn W. Glenn, J. W. Preston, W. P. Johnson, F. H. West, H. T.\\nHollis, Thos. E. Watson, J. R. Casey, W. R. Gignillatt, G. A. Caba-\\nniss, W. Luffman, W. W. Giddens, S. E. Field, F. G. Wilkins, John\\nKing, J. ]M. Russell, L. F. Livingstone, James M. Smith, J. C. Nicholls,\\nN. J. Tumlin, C. M. Bozeman, Geo. W. Jordan, W. A. Reid, W. M.\\nAnderson, T. L. Guerry, R. H. May, J. V. H. Allen, P. L. Cohen, W.\\nDaniel, P. Walsh, J. C. Dell, John D. Stewart, E. P. Speer, W. A.\\nHawkins, John A. Cobb, A. A. Carson, J. T. Willis, L. C. Hoyle, S. G.\\nMcLendon, H. W. Hopkins, F. M. Longley, A. D. Abrahams, F. B.\\nW^imberly, C. J. Wellborn, W. H. Pilcher, A. B. Purdom, D: B. Har-\\nrell, J. H. Nichols, F. H. Colley, L. N. Trammell, I. E. Shumate, J. A.\\nW. Johnson, W. A. Harris.\\nThere were contests from Clinch, Chattahoochee, Merriwether, Wash-\\nington and Wilkinson counties. The Colquitt men having a majority,\\nhad the whole matter in their own hands, but the seated delegates were\\npretty equally divided between the contesting sides. Among the contest-\\nants admitted were W. T. Revill, J. Sweat, J. N. Gilmore and J. K. Hines.\\nThe Hon. L. N. Trammell was elected, unanimously, President of the\\nConvention. There has never been, in the history of public conventions,\\na finer piece of parliamentary presiding than Mr. Tramniell s govern-\\nment.of this fiery convocation. It must be held in mind that he was a\\nwarm Colquitt supporter, and he had to steer between the expectation\\nof his friends for that decided leaning to his own side, that an expe-\\nrienced chairman can so helpfully give, and the proclivity of the oppo-\\nsition to suspect his fairness and censure his rulings. It was the highest\\npossible tribute to Mr. Trammell, that both sides were satisfied and\\ndeemed his action fair. Not only this, but in the clash of parliamentary\\nstrategy and in the turbulence of heated debate, there were repeatedly", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0712.jp2"}, "663": {"fulltext": "W/ 1\\nHON. L. N. TRAMMELL, Pueside.nt Democuatic Convention.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0713.jp2"}, "664": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0714.jp2"}, "665": {"fulltext": "HON. L. N. TRAMMEI.I, AS CHAIRMAN. 575\\ntwo dangerous contingencies constantly threatening, viz., inextricable\\nconfusion in the order of business and an ungovernable turmcjil. Mr.\\nTramnioll met both of these perils with a most masterly skill and firm-\\nness. His solution of a jiarliamentary puzzle was instantaneous and\\ndecisive. No man with a le.ss available and thorough knowledge of the\\nlaw of deliberative bodies could have been equal to the trying occasion.\\nHis intuitioiK were like lightning, and as resolute as the edicts of an\\nautocrat.\\nBoth sides stood in eager, reckless antagonism, and fought for every\\nadvantage. Both sides were determined and combative, and their\\nspirit drove to an explosion. Mr. Trammell held the unruly elements\\nwith a strong hand, and carried the stormy proceeding for seven long\\ndays to an orderly conclusion. It was a splendid triumph of presiding\\ngenius. And it was an extraordinary and unequaled piece of tact,\\nintelligence, firmness and leadership. The policy of the Colquitt men,\\nlooking to win converts, was conciliation. The policy of the opposition,\\nlooking solely to defeat Colquitt, was collision that would solidify the\\nanti-Colquitt men, and they therefore used every means to stir strife\\nand sting the majority to feeling and aggressiveness. In the Colquitt\\ncaucus the line of a determined silence was laid out, but the minority\\nleaders were so adroit and annoying, putting the smart so effectively\\nthat time and again some of the majority, worried and goaded out of\\nall discretion, slopped over and went to fighting back in good fashion\\nto the unspeakable delight of the minority leaders.\\nThere never was just such another parliamentary battle. It was a\\nlarge body of unusual intelligence. It was an unbroken majority\\nagainst a solid minority. The leaders on both sides were men of\\nsplendid wit. Tlie masses of both sides were men of conviction and\\npride. Colquitt s hold on his followers was a marvel of personal influ-\\nence. The other candidates were speedily absorbed in the over-\\nwhelming and implacable purpose to defeat Colquitt, and the hold, of\\nthe opposition leaders on their coalition of four conflicting squads,\\ncaring notliing for each other, and only united in a crusade to defeat a\\ncommon opponent, was a phenomenon of management. The minority\\nleaders were afraid of their men, who were disposed to yield an unavail-\\ning fight, especially when they were placed in the disagreeable position\\nof an obstinate and factious minority. And these leaders would stir up\\na hot debate, when an injudicious speaker of the majority, under some\\nscorching provocation, would blurt out a reproach that would weld the\\ndissolving minority. The greatest danger was in the withdrawal of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0715.jp2"}, "666": {"fulltext": "570 THE TWO-TIlIUns EfLE ADOPTED.\\nminority candidates, i under the appeal that tliey wore holding their\\nnames as instruments to prolong a strife and balk a decided majority.\\nThe minority leaders overcame this peril by pressing the obligation\\nupon these candidates to stand to the friends who had fought tlieir\\nbattle. It was a cruel slaughter of men for an honorable idea.\\nAll through tlie thrilling conflict it seemed as if a series of well-meant\\nacts of the majority played into the hands of the keen-witted and\\nimplacable minority leaders. Just when the convention seemed at a\\nsolution, some unfortunate episode would remit the body back to tur-\\nbulence and irreconcilable division. Every effort was made to break\\nthe unity of the Colquitt phalanx. Man after man of its leaders was\\ntempted with the nomination. The minority, it was alleged, was ready\\nto support any one the majority would offer, except Colquitt. It\\nwas a strange and persevering fight on one unalterable line. It was a\\nmiracle of hostile tenacity. Nor is there any reasonable solution of it\\nin the mere opposition to Gov. Colquitt. Men were pushing this\\ncrusade of enmity to Colquitt, who had none of it, and were merely\\nusing it as a weapon. This will be referred to later.\\nGen. Young threw the two-thirds rule at the minority with a ringing\\ndefiance that roused every spark of the war spirit. In the majority\\ncaucus it had been determined to concetle the two-thirds rule for this\\nconvention, but to urge that the majority rule prevail in future conven-\\ntions. Mr. Walsh made an eloquent effort to press the majority rule\\nfor the future, but strange to say, the unspeakable folly was committed\\nof the members of the majority voting in the convention against a\\nmeasure they supported in caucus. This episode did no good to the\\nmajority, and gave the minority a manifest advantage. One of the\\ngentlemen who made a fine impression on this body, was I. E. Shumate,\\nof Dalton, Whitfield county. Both in caucus and convention, he was\\nvery brilliant and impressive. His oratory is musical and stirring, and\\nhis matter and manner dignified, conservative, and magnetic. He\\nevinced a rare quality of leadership. His colleague. Col. J. A. W.\\nJohnson, in several meetings of the caucus, made some talks in his own\\ninimitable, tingling style, that will stay in the memory of every man\\nthat heard them.\\nThe next movement that excited sharp discussion, was the report of\\nthe Committee on Rules. Judge D. A. Vason was the author of the\\ntwo regulations that no man should be voted for, who was not nomi-\\nnated, and no man should be nominated whose permission had not been\\nfirst obtained. Tiiis was an innovation upon the ordinary code of gov-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0716.jp2"}, "667": {"fulltext": "THE FIRST BALLOT. 577\\nprninent of conventions, but it was done to prevent the practice of\\nringing in dark horses. Judge Ilarrell, and Mr. Thomas E. Watson,\\na bright young anti-Colquitt man from McDuffie county, opposed these\\nrules, declaring them gag law. .ludge Vason, a clear-headed, solid\\ngentleman, defended the rules as necessary to prevent disorganizers\\nbreaking up the convention. The rules were adopted. An immediate\\nattempt to reconsider the matter was made by Mr. Sam Jemison of Ma-\\ncon, a gentleman of unusually fine speaking power, with a fluent, forci-\\nble diction, and a voice of penetrating quality. Ho was supported by\\nA. P. Adams of Chathanr, and Dr. H. H. Carlton of Athens. J. W.\\nPreston of Jasper, and B. L. Ross of Hou.ston, opposed reconsideration.\\nOn motion of E. F. Lawson of Burke, the reconsideration was tabled.\\nOne of the undoubted leaders of this strong body was Hon. Clifford\\nAnderson, who headed the Macon delegation for Col. Thomas Harde-\\nman. He made some brilliant speeches, and showed a consummate\\nreadiness in debate. He moved that the members of the convention\\npledge themselves to support its nominee. J. W. Warren, W. T. New-\\nman, Patrick Walsh and Mr. Jemison supported the motion, which was\\ncarried. Mr. Jemison alluded to the infamous gag, and was promptly\\ncalled to order by the chairman, when he as promptly withdrew the sharp\\nphrase. Mr. W. J. Head, of Haralson county, boldly declared that he\\nshould vote against Colquitt now, and vote against him in October.\\nIrrepressible little outbursts of a heated temper, continuously occurring,\\nindicated that there was trouble ahead.\\nThe nominations were made with eloquent taste. John D. Stewart,\\nof Spalding, presented the name of Gov. Colquitt Mr. Walter R.\\nBrown, of Gen. L. J. Gartrell Clifford Ander.son, of Thomas Harde-\\nman Thomas M. Norwood, of Rufus E. Lester, and Mr. .J. N. Jervis,\\nof Judge Hiram Warner. The first ballot was taken amidst profound\\nattention, and the deepest interest. The original alignment of the\\nfive little representative armies, was the most important movement of\\nthe battle. The vote stood, Colquitt 208^ Lester 58i Hardeman\\nfijg Gartrell ITi and Warner 11. Nine ballots were taken right\\nstraight along on this the second day of the convention. The 0th bal-\\nlot stood Colquitt 209J, Lester G9, Hardeman .50J. Gartrell Ui and\\nWarner 6. Colquitt had crept up a vote, while I-ester had gained con-\\nsiderably. It was a dead-lock, however, the masses of each division\\nstanding firm, while a few votes skipped around.\\nOn the third day occurred two exciting episodes that fired the Conven-\\ntion to an almost uncontrollable pitch. The minoritv leaders spranga", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0717.jp2"}, "668": {"fulltext": "uib THE MEMou.vnLi; speech of Patrick wai.sh.\\nsubtle ambuscade with masterly sharpness. Dr. Henry II. Carlton, one\\nof the shrewdest of the minority chiefs, proposed that a committee of\\ntwo from each of the five parties be aj)pointed to go out and select a com-\\npromise nominee. The inequality of this proposition, giving to Judge\\nWarner s eleven supporters the same proportion of committeemen with\\nGov. Colquitt s nearly two-thirds majority of the Convention, and sub-\\nmitting the rigiits and preferences of the majority of the body, to an\\numpire, in which the majority had a two-tenths voice, and the minority\\nan eight-tenths control, was something so immeasurably cool and\\nunreasonable, tliat it excited a Hurry of indignation. It was felt to\\nbe an open, glaring declaration of war upon Colquitt, and the an-\\nnouncement of an uncompromising policy of resistance to the will of\\nthe majority, so far as his nomination was concerned. It was a charac-\\nteristic act, of the fearless and straight-forward Walsh, to meet this issue\\nclearly and frankly. Rising with cool deliberation, and speaking with a\\nmeasured, but intense emphasis, he made the most memorable speech\\nof that long and fiery convention. It threw off all qualifications and\\nstopped the parleying. With the characteristic directness of the man,\\nit put the opposition upon the fullest manly notice, and it laid down\\nthe end in a remarkable spirit of prophecy. Recognizing that the\\nminority meant a no-quarter war, it accepted the issue distinctly and\\nboldly, in these ringing words.\\nMr. Chairman Speaking for the distinguished gentlemen whom I have the honor\\nto represent, I will say to the Convention tliat we have anticipated the resolution intro-\\nduced liy the gentleman fro[n Clarke, and tliat we have conferred and have come to a\\ndecision, and tlie decision is to carry out tlie voice of the people of Georgia as expressed\\nin ne.arly two-thirds of the counties of this St.ite [appl.Tnse] and that voice is that\\nAlfred H. Colquitt shall he the next Governor of the people of Georgia [cheers]. I s.iy\\nthe people, in order to preserve tiie integrity of this party and to conform to its usages,\\nhave upon this occasion and tliis occasion differs from no other State Convention that\\nhas been held sent us here to jierform a formal duty. They have passed upon it\\nthemselves, and I say we will not lie true to the voice of the people if this Convention\\ndoes not nominate Alfred H. Colr|uitt [continued cheering.] In this great State a\\nmajority nearly two thirds of the people prevail in that opinion, and the friends of\\nGov. Colquitt, in a spirit of harmony, in a spirit of pe.ace, and with a liberality that\\nsliould be admired aud appreciated, have deviated from the usages and customs of our\\nparty in the past ten years, by adopting the two-thirds rule. But gentlemen say that,\\nin former State Conventions there was no reason why the two-thirds rnle should have\\nbeen enforced, because there was no opposition. Why, sir, so much the more reason for\\nthe rule being used at all times in the Democratic party. If it is to be so mnch\\nrespected there was all the more reason why it should liave been adhered to in the former\\nState Conventions. l?nt. sir, it wasthe voice of the men of brains, progress and patri-\\notism that the rule sliould be repealed and the majority rule should prevail [cheers. I", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0718.jp2"}, "669": {"fulltext": "THE MINORITY OFFKK A I.ARC.E HILL OF FARE. 579\\nI say we made tliese concessions in a spirit of liarmonv, in order to maintain the integ-\\nrity of tlie party. But we have come to respect the will of the people, and we do not\\nintend to depart from the city of Atlanta until we have nominated Alfred H. Colquitt\\n[great applaii.se. We have come here to do that if it takes us until Christmas to do\\nit. [Ueucwed cheering.\\nThe excitement that followed was indescribable. The motion was\\ntabled and a ballot taken. Mr. Watson then arose and offered the fol-\\nlowing list of gentlemen, and moved that six delegates be appointed\\nfrom each faction in the Convention, Colquitt and anti-Colquitt, to\\nselect a candidate other than those before the body, stating that he did\\nthis to answer Mr. Walsh: Gen. A. R. Lawton, Gen. Henry R. Jackson,\\nHon. Thomas M. Norwood, Hon. Joseph B. Gumming, Hon. J. C. C.\\nBlack, ex-Gov. James M. Smith, Hon. M. H. Blanford, Hon. P. W.\\nAlexander, Hon. Martin J. Crawford, Hon. A. O. Bacon, Hon. Clifford\\nAnderson, Hon. H. G. Turner, Hon. James Jackson, Hon. Augustus\\nReese, Hon. George Hillyer, Hon. George T. Barnes, Hon. Henry D.\\nMcDaniel, Hon. W. H. Dabney, Hon. A. T. Mclntyre, Hon. W. M.\\nHammond, Hon. Milton A. Candler, Hon. David E. Butler, Hon. John\\nI. Hall, Hon. Robert P. Trippe, Hon. Jool A. Billups, Hon. J. H. Blounf,\\nHon. Thomas M. Lawson, Hon. H. V. M. Miller, Hon. N. J. Hammond,\\nlion. Alexander H. Stephens.\\nMr. Watson followed with a bright and most fiery little speech, that\\nswept the minority into a perfect whirlwind of delirium. His sentences\\ncame out with a condensed intensity of passion. Among other things,\\nhe said:\\nSir, I am tired of hearing the cry of generosity, when I see no generosity [applause]\\n1 am tired of this cry of harmony, when I see no liarmony [applause]. I have not come\\nliere to he fattened on ch.aff, nor filled with taffy. You might as well attempt to gain\\nflesh on corn-cob sonp in January [laughter].\\nMr. Chairman, I have said, and I say now, that I am here with no bitterness of\\npartisan rancor. I have fought this mmh-named gentleman, A. II. Colquitt. I have\\nfought him honestly. I have advocated Rufus Lester. I have advocated him honestly.\\nBut high and serene above them botli, above my opposition to Colquitt, above my sup-\\nport of Lester, rises my love, my devotion to my State, like the tranquil star that burns\\nand gle.ams beyond the reach of the drifting clouds [cheers].\\nSir, the gentleman s position means that we must take Colquitt or the party shall be\\ndisrupted. Sir, if it must come, let it come [cheers]. We love the party, honor it, are\\ndevoted to it, hut we will not yield when the gentleman s speech has made it a loss of\\nself-respect to surrender.\\nIf they will split this Convention, we will be here to the end [applause]; if they\\nwill sink the ship, we will remain in her shadow to the last [applause]. We would", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0719.jp2"}, "670": {"fulltext": "580 REPEATED ATTEMPTS TO CROAVD OUT COI.Ql ITT.\\ndeprecate it. AVe would tle[iIore it. But if she cau only be saved ou terms as uuniauly\\nas these, then\\nNail to the mast her holy flag.\\nSet eiery threadliare sail.\\nAnd give her to the god of storms,\\nTlie lightning and the gale.\\n[Great applause.]\\nThe effect upon the combative and heated minority was electrical.\\nFrom all parts of the hall they crowded up to him to sliake his hand and\\ncongratailate him. Mr. T. W. Akin followed with a spirited appeal.\\nUpon motion of Mr. Walsh, the resolution was laid on the table, and Mr.\\n.Joseph stirred a shout of laughter with this motion: I move the mole-\\nhill now come to the mountain.\\nAmong the ablest heads of the minority was Mr. Josiah L. Warren, a\\nfine speaker, a rare talker, an affluent humorist, an unsurpassed political\\nmanager and an unsparing opponent of Colquitt. He rose and with\\na .soft diplomacy said it had been the purpose of the minority to present\\nthe olive branch of peace, and they stood ready to unite in friendship\\non some standard bearer other than the one you have. Mr. Ross of\\nHouston offered Hon. Alfred H. Colquitt as the man on whom to\\nunite. Mr. Livingston of Newton replied, urging the friendly spirit of\\nthe Colquitt men, alluding to yielding the two-thirds rule and dividing\\nthe contested delegates. He added:\\nI desire to say that the Colquitt men are not for disruption, and do not intend to\\nproduce it. I desire to say that if you are tired of your friends, aiul if you are so\\n])atriotic as to desire a compromise, present it to us and we will see what we will do\\nwith it. [Applause.] We have no intention of dropping Colquitt now. [Cheers.] We\\nwould he untrue to the people and ourselves to do so [Cheers.] We have no feeling\\nin this matter outside of our dnty. [Applause.]\\nThe balloting went on to the 10th with little change: Colquitt\\n211\u00c2\u00a73i Lester SSjj, Hardeman ,51, Gartrell 15^ and Warner 13. Gen.\\nImboden offered a resolution for four of the minority to meet five of\\nthe majority and select a candidate whose name was not hefore the\\nconvention. He made a strong speech* for his motion. Mr. Livingston\\nasked if the opposition hail centered on a man. Col. Imboden said\\nthey could not present a man without his consent, but for the majority\\nto name him and the minority would come to him. Col. Geo. M. Nolan\\nof Henry county, who made some admirable speeches in caucus and\\nconvention, said this was the same voice in another dress it was the\\nhand of Esau, but the voice of .Facob. The majorit}- had time and\\nagain presented the name of a spotless character. Mr. Duncan moved\\nII", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0720.jp2"}, "671": {"fulltext": "A COLQUITT DELEGATE BREAKS: THE CONVENTION WILD. 581\\nto amend by leaving out the words excluding tlic present candidates,\\nbut Ool. Iinboden withdrew his resolution.\\nOn Saturday the 4tli day this racy convention had a new and tingling\\nexperience. The Colquitt men were pretty solid, but not wholly so.-\\nThey had sturdily refused to jneld Colquitt, and nothing had been able\\nto move them. When therefore Judge W. A. Reid of Putnam, a\\nColquitt delegate, arose and urged Judge Thos. G. Lawson for nomi-\\nnation, the fury it created was maddening. Mr. Shumate replied in a\\nsuperb response of exquisite felicity and eloquence for Gov. Colquitt,\\nurging his support by two-thirds of the people as an evidence that he\\ncould rally the party around the standard of unity, and intimating that\\nChatham county could, by a patriotic course, now secure Lester in the\\nfuture. Mr. Norwood charged that the Colquitt men were putting\\nColquitt above the party. Col. Willis Hawkins arose on his crutches\\nand in his inimitable and electric way replied that they were there to\\nenter up judgment for the people who had rendered their verdict. Mr.\\nMurphy retorted that his side would file a bill of exceptions. Mr. J. W.\\nPreston declared that he would vote against Gov. Colquitt, if any man\\nwould prove a single act of wrong against him. It was, however, when\\nMr. Preston alluded to Clifford Anderson having, after fruitless balloting\\nin the Congressional convention in the Sixth District, secured J. H.\\nBlount s nomination for Congress and broke just such a dead-lock as this\\nby an eloquent appeal for harmony, that the most prolonged and\\ncraziest e.xcitement of the convention occurred. Delegates rose to\\ntheir feet waving hats and handkerchiefs, and peal upon peal of deaf-\\nening cheers thundered throug-h the house. The point was the stronger\\nbecause Mr. Preston himself was defeated by Mr. Blount, for the\\ncongressional nomination, through this very appeal of Col. Anderson.\\nCol. Anderson arose cool, serene and poised, and met the palpable hit\\nwith consummate force and adroitness; utterly unconfused and undis-\\nconcerted he drew an elaborate discrimination between Col. Blount and\\nGov. Colquitt, arguing that the former was the onljf man that could\\nunify his District, but Gov. Colquitt could not unite the Democracy of\\nthe State. Gen. Young put in a question that brought down the house,\\nas to whether, when it was found that Hancock had a majority of the\\nNational Convention, did not every one flock to him.\\nThe truth is that this debate was sparkling and fervent beyond\\nmeasure, full of hits and oratory, a magnificent and sustained combat\\nof eloquence and ready intellectuality. At the proper moment Mr.\\nWarren, thinking the fever right, arose, and hoping and planning to", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0721.jp2"}, "672": {"fulltext": "582 THE COLQUITT PHALANX UNBREAKAULE.\\ncarry the convention in one of those mad tornadoes of impulse that\\nsometimes seize bodies of men, wearied with strife and unavailing bal-\\nlots and ready to drop anybody and go for anybody almost, he moved\\nthat Thos. G. Lawson be nominated by acclamation. The maneuver fell\\ndead. The minority went for it with a wild rush, but the solid Colquitt\\narmy, compact and immovable, untouched by the frenzy and tempta-\\ntion, grimly frowned down the ambuscade. Alarmed that the move-\\nment might release the minority delegates from tlieir candidates, the\\nquick-witted Warren, discerning the failure of his plan, and the threaten-\\ning peril, promptly withdrew the nomination and told the minority to\\nrally to their leaders. The twenty-fifth ballot was finally taken, and\\nthe convention adjourned until Monday.\\nIt must not be overlooked in measuring this remarkable convention,\\nthat the delegates were getting no pay and were on heavy expense,\\nand many of them men of moderate means who had come onlj prepared\\nto stay a day or so. It will show the fire that had become kindled that\\nthe convention held together. Men raised money to see the battle\\nthrough, and the body re-assembled Monday, the 5th day, in full force.\\nIt was a settled conclusion, that a number of the leaders of the mi-\\nnority meant to default Colquitt at all hazards. Whether they could\\nhold their followers was the practical question. Col. Norwood was\\napproached Saturday by a Colquitt delegate, and was reported to have\\nsaid there could be no compromise, and Colquitt must be defeated.\\nGov. Colquitt made a speech to the caucus Saturday night, that was a\\nmiracle of effect. He would gladly withdraw from the contest and the\\nresponsibilities of office, but he never retired under fire, and the fight\\nupon him simply forced him to keep the field. The delegates in strong\\nenthusiasm, pledged him continued support. Telegrams poured in from\\nvarious parts of the State to stand firm.\\nThe convention re-assembled Monday morning. Judge Reid withdrew\\nJudge Lawson s name. The twenty-sixth ballot was taken with no\\nchange. Another episode occurred of a break in the Colquitt ranks,\\nbut it was powerless to change the alignment. Mr. S. G. McLendon,\\nof Thomas county, a very effective young speaker, said that he had stood\\nto Colquitt as long as there was a chance of his nomination, that a nom-\\nination was impossible with the names before the convention, and that\\nhe could not follow Colquitt to the peril of the party. Mr. McLendon\\nwas followed by a gifted young delegate from Bibb county, Mr. R. W.\\nPatterson, who made one of the most brilliant and impassioned speeches\\nof the convention a speech that at once fixed his fame as an orator.\\nI", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0722.jp2"}, "673": {"fulltext": "THE RESOLUTION RECOMMENDING COLQUITT. 58;{\\nHe plead for party harmony. The twenty-ninth ballot was taken, and\\nthe Convention adjourned.\\nOn Tuesday morning matters came to a focus. In the Colquitt\\ncaucus Monday night, it was resolved to allow a fair chance for an har-\\nmonious conclusion of tlie strife, and if tliat could not be had, to pass a\\nresolution recommending Colquitt as the Democratic candidate for Gov-\\nernor. Judge liarrell offered a resolution requesting the five candi-\\ndates to withdraw, but it was voted down. Mr. Walsh then offered the\\nfollowing resolution, that has become historic:\\nResolved, That the Democratic party of Georgia, in Convention assemhled, herein-\\nrenews the expression of its devotion to the great principles of the Democratic party of\\nthe nation, and pledges the united and entliusiastic support of the Democracy of Georgia\\nto Gen. Wiufield Scott Hancock and the Hon. Wra. H. English, the nominees of the\\nCincinnati Convention.\\n2. Whereas, After a long and tedious session of this Convention, and continuous\\nballoting, it appears that no nomination of a candidate for Governor can he made un-\\nder the two-thirds rule therefore, be it resohvj, Tliat this Convention recommend Ui\\nthe people of Georgia, Gov. Alfred H. Colnuitt as the Democratic candidate for the\\noffice of Governor at the ensuing election, provided tliat this resolution sh,all not go into\\neffect until three ballots shall have been h.id under the two-thirds rule, and it is demon-\\nstrated that no nomination can be effected tliereby.\\n3. Resolved, That a committee of nine, consisting of one from each Congressional\\nDistrict, be appointed by the Chair to notify Gov. Colquitt of the action of this Conven-\\ntion and request his acceptance.\\nThe reading of the resolution created a profound sensation. Mr.\\nWalsh said, in his resonant accents, that the argument was exhausted,\\nand he moved the suspension of the rules and called the previous ques-\\ntion. The excitement was intense. The minority resisted bitterly.\\nThe fiery young Watson said gamely, We were tied to the names\\nbefore us, hemmed up, penned up, starved out. I said that these gyves\\nbeing upon me, I could never go to Colquitt, and I never will. The\\nrules were suspended. The first resolution about Hancock and English\\nwas unanimously adopted. Dr. Carlton offered a resolution that was\\nread by courtesy, That this convention nominate Alexander H.\\nStephens by acclamation. Dr. Carlton tried to speak. Cries of\\norder. Mr. Brown, of Fulton, began to say something of why sen-\\ntence of death should not be passed upon the Democratic party. Cries\\nof order and go on. It was a confused time, but the Chairman,\\nMr. Trammell, held the Convention to its business with a steady hand.\\nIt was evident that the crisis had come. The majority had the power,\\nand were firm. Judge Willis of Talbot, asked Mr. Walsh to withdraw", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0723.jp2"}, "674": {"fulltext": "584 A STIRRING TIME.\\ntlie resolution long cnouyh to allow the minority time to consult. An\\nadjournment was made until 3 o clock for this purpose.\\nThe minority met in caucus first at the Kimball, and then at the\\nMarkham House. It was apparent at once tiiat the solidity of the\\nminority was broken. Strong men refused to go farther in the fight\\nupon Colquitt, and in the disintegration of the Democracy, notably\\n(Jol. Clifford Anderson, .Judge J. T. Willis, and 11. W. Patterson. But\\nthe greater part of the minority stood immovable and unrelenting. The\\nconvention met in the afternoon, under very intense feeling, the ma-\\njority quiet but expectant of success, and the minority depressed and\\ndivided, but with its opposition element stubborn and watchful. The\\nresolutions of Mr. Walsh were adopted. The 30th ballot was taken,\\nand was unchanged, save that the minority concentrated on Col. Harde-\\nman, and for the first time the contest was narrowed to two men. The\\n31st ballot showed a concentration of the minority on Lester, but with\\na grim adherence of each side to its man.\\nMr. Reid of Putnam, offered a resolution for a Conference Committee\\nof three from the majority, and two from the minority, to consult and\\nreport. Gen. Young favored the resolution. The rules were not sus-\\npended, so the resolution failed. Col. P. W. Alexander of Cobb, of-\\nfered a resolution that it was the supreme duty of the convention not to\\nadjourn until it nominated. A fiery discussion ensued. There is little\\ndoubt that some of the minority leaders drove the discussion, to heat\\nthe body and solidify the minority. It was a debate full of fire and\\ntaunts. There is no doubt, either that some of the utterances of the\\nmajority speakers, thus provoked, stopped the change to Colquitt. Dr.\\nCarlton and Col. Alexander made speeches, and were replied to by Col.\\nPreston and Col, Livingston. When Col. Preston said the minority\\nwas determined not to nominate Colquitt, the response no! no!\\nnever! pealed from that side. Col. Livingston declared that it had\\nbeen the policy of the minority to stuff into our face everybody s\\nname, but that of Alfred H. Colquitt, and that persistency on that\\nline was an insult to the Colquitt delegates. Prolonged applause,\\nhisses and great confusion followed this statement. He thus con-\\ncluded:\\nIt cannot mean that they are in earnest it cannot mean that they hope to accom-\\nplisli anything by it, because I give tliese gentlemen credit for good common sense. If\\nyou do not hope to gain anything by it, why persist in it If you do not intend to\\ninsist and stir up the baser feelings of our nature, and get up turmoil .and strife in the\\nconvention, why insist It has been manifested liy Colquitt s friejids tliat they intend\\nto nominate him under the two tliirds rule if they can or if not to elect him by the\\nI!", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0724.jp2"}, "675": {"fulltext": "COLIJUITT RKCOMJI ENDED. 585\\npeople, and von iiiif;lit as well receive it now. [Applause, long contiuued.] And they\\nintend to put him in office next November. [Renewed applause.]\\nThe heated sparring continued until Col. Anderson asked a recess of\\nhall an hour. The convention re-assembled, and the 32nd ballot pro-\\nceeded. Col. Clifford Anderson cast 2 J votes for Colquitt as an offer-\\ning of peace. The applause was prolonged over this noble act of moral\\nfirmness. Judge R. F. Lyon, of the Macon delegation, with fierce\\nemphasis, stated that he cast IJ vote for Thomas Hardeman, in the\\nhope that it will unite the Democratic party in solido. Applause and\\nhisses greeted this. Judge Willis, in an eloquent speech, cast 3 of the\\nTalbot county votes for Colquitt, saying that they were now testing the\\nquestion whether they should dissolve the organized party, or cling to\\ntheir preferences. Applause and hisses accompanied this manly utter-\\nance. The last ballot went on in blinding excitement, and the result was\\nannounced Colquitt, 230Ji5, Lester, 58|, Hardeman, 463 Gartrell,\\n15J, Warner, 8J. Gov. Colquitt still lacked 14 votes of a two-thirds\\nnomination, but stood the recommended candidate of the party for\\nGovernor.\\nThe convention then elected candidates for Hancock and Tilden elec-\\ntors. Hon. J. C. C. Black and R. E. Kennan were chosen at large, and\\nA. P. Adams and L. J. Gleini, alternates. The District electors were\\nS. D. Braswell, W. M. Hammond, C. C. Smith, L. R. Ray, John L Hall,\\nR. B. Nisbet, T. W. Akin, Seaborn Reese, and W. E. Simmons. The\\nnext day N. C. Barnett was nominated by acclamation for Secretary of\\nState, and W. A. Wright for Comptroller General. A spirited contest\\noccurred for the nomination for Attorney General, between R. N. Ely,\\nJ. W. H. Underwood and J. T. Glenn. Maj. Ely had a heavy majority,\\nand Mr. Jemison offered a resolution in sport, that he be declared nomi-\\nnated, and that his resolution was offered to carry out the letter and\\nspirit of the two-thirds rule. A shout of laughter greeted this rally.\\nCol. J. S. Boynton s name was put in and withdrawn. Col. Clifford\\nAnderson s name was announced, and he received the nomination.\\nMaj. D. N. Speer received the nomination for Treasurer.\\nIn the afternoon, W. A. Harris moved to adjourn sine die. Judge\\nWillis, in voting against it, appealed to the minority to come to Colquitt,\\nand make a nomination. Before the vote on adjournment was an-\\nnounced, Mr. Dendy, of Harris county, said he did not wish the conven-\\ntion to adjourn without a nomination, and he changed four votes to Col-\\nquitt from Hardeman, bringing Gov. Colquitt within 9 votes of a two-\\nthirds majority. The enthusiasm over this was immense, and the cheering", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0725.jp2"}, "676": {"fulltext": "58G THE CONVENTION ADJOURNS.\\nprolonged, and there is no doubt that the changes would Iiave con-\\ntinued, and secured the nomination. But both Dr. Carlton and Col.\\nNorwood objected to any changes of votes for the nomination, on a\\nmotion to adjourn. The convention adjourned with matters in this\\ncondition, and Gov. Colquitt was before the people as the selected\\nclioice of the Georgia Democracy for Governor, through the action of\\nthe most extraordinary convention of Georgia political annals.\\nThe conduct of the convention was in the highest degree revolu-\\ntionary, and it resulted in a schism in the Democratic party that the\\npeople alone could settle, and which they did settle with an overwhelm-\\ning emphasis.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0726.jp2"}, "677": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER L.\\nGOVERNOR COLQUITT S OVERWHELMING RE-ELECTION.\\nThe memoralile Coliuitt Election Campaigu of 1880. The Minority Organize a Revolt\\nfrom the Action of tlie Convention. .1. C. Dell and Mr. Wade. Tlie Invitation to\\nDr. Felton to Run. Hon. Thomas M. Norwood put out .as the Minority Candi-\\ndate for Governor Gov Colquitt Accepts. Judge Hiram Warner Resigns from\\nthe Supreme Bench and Speaks Against Gov. Colnuitt. The State Press for Col-\\nquitt. The Discussion between Colquitt and Norwood A Disgraceful Scene at\\nMacon. Attempt to Silence Colquitt, by a Violent Mob. The Benefit to Col-\\nquitt. The Leaders of the State Against Colquitt. The M.asses of the People for\\nHim. A Sharp Tilt between Gen. Gordon and Gov. Smith. The Inspiration of\\nthe Opposition to Colquitt. Tlie Republican Convention makes no Nomination.\\nA Desperate Campaign of Calumny Against Colquitt. Ben. C. Yancey s Charge\\nand its Withdrawal Gen. Henry R. Jackson s Superb Speech. The very Safety of\\nSociety and the Preservation of Character at Stake. The Convict Catechism.\\nThe Appointment of Gov. Brown as United States Senator, a Leading Issue.\\nThe Race between Gov. Brown and Gen. Lawton. Gov. Brown s Work. The\\nCiihiuitt Workers. Gov. Cohjuitt s Election. Tlie State House officers and their\\nAids. Tlie Canvass for United States Senator. Gov. Brown s Election.\\nThe adjournment of the stormy convention of August, 1880, was\\nthe beginning of the second and still more heated phase of the memo-\\nrable Colquitt gubernatorial campaign. The members of the minority\\nwere asked to remain in the ball. Mr. Norwood was made chairman.\\nA connnittce of nine was appointed to prepare an address to the people\\nand business for the meetintr. The committee was H. H. Carlton, R. F.\\nLyon, F. G. Wilkins, J. L. Warren, T. JI. Imboden, ,J. W. Staton, D.\\nB. Harrell, W. R. Brown, P. W. Alexander and H. T. Hollis. At\\nnight a re.solution was reported that the recommendation of Gov. Col-\\nquitt was not binding, and the minority should have a candidate for\\nGovernor. There could not be a finer exhibition of moral courage than\\nthe action of Mr. J. C. Dell and U. P. Wade, of Screven county, minor-\\nity delegates, in opposing this resolution, in fearless dissent from the\\nsentiment of the meeting, which expressed itself in hisses, though both\\nwere cheered. Their remarks were thus reported:\\nMr. Dell continued, and declared that the resolutions would inangnrate a new party\\nin Georgia. The que-tion is, shall we submit to tlie inevitable, or shall we begin revo-\\nlution in the party. I speak for myself and for nine-tenths of my people that we shall", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0727.jp2"}, "678": {"fulltext": "588 IIUN. T. M. NORWOOD, THE MINORITY CANDIDATE.\\nabiile by the action of tlie inajui-ity of this Convention. It lia. clec]aro l that Governor\\nColquitt is tlie tlioice of tlje people, and I Ijelieve the people will endorse that verdict.\\n[Cheers.] It is the duty of patriotism to adjourn now and go home without stirring\\nup mischief in the party. [Cheers and hisses\\nMr. Wade, of Screven, said he had battled with the minority and hail followed ii\\neverywhere. But the ciuestiou now is, if we are not putting weapons into the hands of\\nthese men? I shall tell my people that it is best to submit to the inevitable. Gov. Cid-\\nquitt will be elected in spite of us. [Great cheers and hisses.] I cannot approve these\\nresolutions and I will clearly speak my sentiments. No men or set of men shall ever\\ndeter me from doing what I deem my duty. [Cheers and hi.sses.]\\nA. P. Adams, S. H. Jemison, H. Van Epps and S. W. Small made\\napplauded speeches full of fire and opposition to Colquitt. For\\nseveral days the air was full of rumors as to who would be presented by\\nthe minority. It was a heavy blow to the minority when it came out\\nthat on the 10th of August, before the convention adjourned, H. H.\\nCarlton, J. L. Warren and Wm. -Garrard had telegraphed to Dr. Wm.\\nH. Felton, the acknowledged leader of the Independents in the State,\\nasking hitn if he would make the race against Gov. Colquitt, assured\\nof strong support, a request that Dr. Felton declined, as his friends\\nwished him to continue the race for Congress. It was with a grim and\\nexultant glee that Dr. Felton gave this significant correspondence to\\nthe public, and it so handicapped the minority that the gentlemen, who\\ndid the mischief, endeavored to break the force of the injury by as-\\nsuming it as a personal act of their own.\\nIt was rumored that Mr. Stephens, Col. Candler, Gen. Wofford and\\nothers would make the race. The problem was solved when Col.\\nThomas JI. Norwood was declared the candidate of the minority. The\\ncommittee of the minority, with G. M. McDowell as an additional\\nmember, issued an address explaining their course, and published the\\ncorrespondence with Mr. Norwood. A large Executive Committee\\nwas appointed, with Col. P. W. Alexander, chairman, and a campaign\\ncentral committee, with Col. M. A. Candler as chairman, and C. H.\\nWilliams as secretary. There is no doubt of the efficient labors of\\nthese committees. They conducted a campaign of remarkable vigilance\\nand vigor. Mr. Williams, the secretary, was at his post to the last,\\nand kept the struggle lively. Mr. Norwood s letter of acceptance bore\\ndate the 13th of August, 1880.\\nOn the 13th of August the committee appointed by the convention,\\nPhilip L. Cohen, R. Ridgeley, R. Jones, W. A. Hawkins, F. M. Long-\\nley, Geo. M. Nolan and Samuel Hall notified Gov. Colquitt of the ac-\\ntion of the convention, and requested that he bear the standard of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0728.jp2"}, "679": {"fulltext": "JUDGE HIRAiT WARNER ENTERS THE CONTEST. 589\\nparty. Gov. Colquitt replied in a singularly strong and dignified let-\\nter. He thus epitomized his adniinistnition:\\nIt has been gratifying to see a steady improvement in indivl lual welfare ami in\\nevery phase of tiie pulilie comiition, ami I am not insensible to the compliment con-\\nveyed in your letter tliat you accord to me credit for these results to the full extent that\\nan executive may properly claim in our scheme of public polity. Among the yaluablo\\nresults wrought in these years are, an elevated st.ate credit, a diminislied public debt, a\\ndecreased rate of taxatiou, enlarged sources of income, exaltation of the state s dignity\\nabroad, and an abatement of sectional strife through Georgia s influence. To these\\nmay be added kindlier relations between the white and colored races, due to a liberal\\nspirit in the encouragement of popular education and equal justice in the protection of\\nall races in every right of citizenship to the fullest extent of executive authority.\\nTlie issue was thus made up, and the most intense and desperate\\npolitical contest of Georgia hLstory began. T. N. Rucker, a minorit}\\ndelegate from Clarke, had said when the convention adjourned, it will\\nl)e the bitterest campaign ever known in Georgia, and he predicted\\ncorrectly. Mr. Norwood wrote to Gov. Colquitt, proposing a mutual\\nretirement. Gov. Colquitt declined to retire under the heavy arraign-\\nment m|ide by the minority against him, -and contrasted his own candi-\\ndacy as the choice of nearly two-thirds of the party with that of Mr.\\nNorwood, as the nominee of a committee of nine. Both sides came\\nilown to work. It would require a volume to record the notable inci-\\ndents of this unparalleled campaign. The contest preceding the con-\\nvention had been a hot one. It was child s play compared to the\\nstruggle leading up to the election. It was a species of black flag fight,\\n.fudge Hiram Warner resigned his place as Chief Justice on tlie IGtli\\nof August, for reasons of a private nature exclusively. In a speech\\nin Greenville, during the campaign, he gave the following reason for his\\nresignation, in connection with a decision of the Supreme Court on a\\nsuit of the State against the securities of R. A. Alston:\\nThe Governor thought proper to take an appeal before the people from the Supreme\\nCourt of the State, of which I w.as at the time Chief Justice. I had no intention at\\nthat time of resigning. I was able and willing to perform the duties of the office as I\\nhad been for the ten years, so far as I knew but when I saw one department of the\\ngovernment arraigning another department of the government before the country in\\na maimer calculated to weaken public confidence in its Judiciary, I felt that I could no\\nlonger, with honor to myself and credit to the people, hold that position.\\nTherefore I tendered my resignation so as to give the Governor an opportunity to\\nappoint a personal judge who might be willing to decide upon his official acts in accord-\\nance with his own personal wishes, and thereby save him the trouble of appealing to\\nthe people to review the judgment of the Supreme Court.\\nThere was no more remarkable incident of this unprecedented cam-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0729.jp2"}, "680": {"fulltext": "500 THE ISSUE MADE UP.\\npaign than this slip of the venerable Chief Justice. It showed the\\nrancor of politics; it showed the excess to which an honest man can\\ngo under a virulent anger; and it demonstrated tiie severity of this\\ncanvass. The people thouglit too highly of Judge Warner to believe\\nhim earnest in a reason for resigning that was neitiier just to him or\\nGov. Colquitt.\\nMr. Norwood spoke in Atlanta, and Gov. Colquitt replied to him in\\na letter. This speech and letter formulated the issues of the canvass,\\nand were both able and exhaustive. Mr. Norwood tripped up upon\\nsome of his facts and figures, and thus put himself at some disadvan-\\ntage. But his speech was bold, earnest and aggressive. Gov. Col-\\nquitt s letter was the strongest document of the campaign, and it will\\npass into history as a model of political disputation. It was felicitous,\\ndignified, concentrated and unanswerable. It was trenchant without\\ndiscourtesy, and handled his antagonist unsparingly in a decorous man-\\nner. It covered every point of attack against him, and rested impreg-\\nnably upon official facts and figures. Mr. Grady, the chairman of the\\ncampaign committee, sent it into every county in the State for the\\nquiet perusal of every voter, and its clear statements supported by the\\nrecords, carried an irresistible weight.\\nThe large majority of the State papers took ground for Gov. Col-\\nquitt, led by the four povperful dailies, the Atlanta Constitution, Au-\\ngusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist, Savannah News, and Macon\\nTelegraph and Messenger. The strongest opposition to Gov. Colquitt\\nwas in the cities and towns, and all of these papers had a noisy and\\nvigorous sentiment to antagonize. In Savannah and Macon it was\\nespecially bitter. Col. Estill of the News, was menaced in Savannah,\\nwith the loss of patrons and business. This was the home of Col.\\nNorwood, and the campaign on that side ran into proscription. Col.\\nEstill, with cool nerve, pursued his course, regardless of the pressure,\\nwhile Col. Thompson wrote some of the best leaders of the campaign.\\nThe four Titans of the press wielded a prodigious influence. The\\nColumbus Times later came out for Colquitt, and put in some telling\\nblows. The Columbus Enqvirer-Sim, Atlanta Post-Appeal, Savannah\\nRecorder and Augusta Nems kept the liveliest sort of a fusillade\\non the Norwood side, and well exemplified the power of an earnest\\npress.\\nA discussion was arranged between Gov. Colquitt and Col. Norwood\\nand covered seven appointments, beginning at Augusta and ending\\nwith Columbus, and including the intermediate points of Madison, Co-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0730.jp2"}, "681": {"fulltext": "COL. NORWOOD AS THE MINORITY LEADER. 591\\nvln-ton, Griffin, Macon, Butler, Talbotton and Columbus. It was an\\namusing peculiarity of the canvass that both sides claimed the complete\\ntriumph of their respective champions, and the utter demolition of\\ntheir opponents. The matter depended very much upon whose side\\nhappened to have the majority present. Whoever had the numbers\\nmade the largest racket. Perhaps the fairest statement came from\\nthe Augusta Chronicle. It thus measured the speakers:\\nCandor compels us to say that Hon. T. M. Norwood is no stump speaker. His two\\nspeeches in the Senate led our peojde to helieve that he was a gentleman of oratorical\\npower He has no magnetism whatever, and as a pul.lic speaker he is not above the\\ngrade of mediocrity. Our whilom Senator is no match for Gov. Colquitt on the\\nstump.\\nThe selection of Col. Norwood was not a fortunate one in many\\nrespects. An elaborate and logical pleader, and possessing an affluent\\nbut not a ready or contagious intellectuality, he lacked fire and the\\nmao-netic element. A plain man in appearance, he was cold and un-\\nclectrical. He was not the leader for the masses. His antecedents too\\nwere against him. He had not participated in the war; he had taken\\nthe unpopular side as a receiver of back-pay in the Senate; he had been\\nao-ent for some of our contested Bullock bonds; he had used some very\\nliard things in liis speeches about the negroes, whose votes were needed\\nto elect him. All of these matters were used effectively against him.\\nIn Macon and Columbus the majority of the people assembled to hear\\nthe discussions were against the Governor, but at the other points were\\nfor him. An incident occurred at Macon that did great injury to Mr.\\nNorwood s cause. He had the opening and the conclusion. The scene\\nwas unparalleled for a civilized .community. Mr. Norwood made a\\nsevere arraignment of Gov. Colquitt. The Governor arose to reply,\\nintroduced by Hon. A. O. Bacon. The Macon Tdegraph and Messenger\\nthus describes the wild time that ensued:\\nThereupon occurred one of the most remarkable scenes ever witnessed, probably, in\\nthe state For two hours the man stood before the people, speaking amid a storm of\\ncheer, hisses groans, cries, cat-calls, jeers and insults. Eloquence was powerless before\\nit and the presence of the most substantial and dignified citizens of Macon had little\\neffect A dozen times the speaker was forced to stop entirely, and several times Col.\\nWhittle Capt A. O. Bacon and others sought to calm the people in vain. It was only\\nwhen Colquitt s time dwindled down to thirty minutes that he secured a comparatively\\niiuict interval. i,\\nIt was the most disgraceful scene ever witnessed in this city, but let ,t be said to the\\ncredit of the greater portion of the crowd, that when called upon to endorse or condenin\\nthe confusion, there arose a shout of condemnation that for a little while awed the\\nremainder into silence. The speaker struggled through it all, reminding a looker-on of a", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0731.jp2"}, "682": {"fulltext": "592 THE WILD SCENE IN MACOX.\\nstrong swimmer I)at lins lth the waves, He kept liis temper nearly all the way\\nthrough, letting his imlignation only find voice when it seemed as tli()u\u00c2\u00ab;h liflmaii coiiraj^e\\nanri patience could endure no longer. Whatever else his enemies may say of him,\\nthere were few who last night did not admire tlie uucomiuerahle spirit that would not\\n1)6 overwhelmed.\\nNo intelligihle report of the speech as delivered can be given. It was broken up\\ninto snatches through winch were mi.xed the questions of the crowd and his answers.\\nThe conclusion of tliis brave exliibition of manhood and endurance is\\nthus portrayed by the Telegraph:\\nAt this time the crowd kept up a pretty lively fuss, but when the speaker ended his\\ndescription of liow Norwood was nominated, the excitement and confusion became ovcr-\\nwlielming. Gentlemen advi.sed the Governor to cease, but he refused. No one could be\\nheard for a long time. Fin.ally Captain Bacon addressed them, and iu a sharp speech\\nshamed the crowd into silence.\\nWhen the speaker could be heard he attacked Norwood s war and senate record,\\nbut tlie confusion became so great that even the reporters within a few feet of him could\\nnot hear his words. Some one said something aljout Joe Brown, and the governor\\nsingled him out, and calndy said I will give you Joe Brown, if you wish it.\\nlie tlien gave them in clear language his reasons for the appointment. Brown was a\\ndemocrat had voted tlie ticket for twelve years had acted with the democratic com-\\nmission in Florida. He had voted for Grant the democrats had voted for Greeley\\nhe had favored the reconstruction measures the democrats had afterwards endorsed\\nthem he had not always been a democrat, but there were whigs in the crowd around\\nhim.\\nThis latter part bnrst from Ids lips in a torrent of writhing sarcasm, and, wearied,\\nthe Governor took his seat.\\nThis occurrence will afford soine conception of the desperate crusade\\nas^ainst Gov. Colquitt, and of the lengths to which this stormy canvass\\nran. Here was the E.\\\\ecutive of the State insulted by a howling mob;\\nhere was an officer whose record had been assailed, refused a hearing in\\nreply to his assailant. The incident made hundreds of votes for Gov.\\nolquitt. His splendid bearing, under this trying ordeal, demonstrated\\nthe game quality in the man that all men so much admire. The stirring\\nincidents of this canvass would fill a volume of the most dramatic type.\\nIt was a curious feature of it all, that tlie drift and the noise seemed to\\nbelong to the minority. The huzzaing and fire appeared overwhelm-\\ningly on that side. It looked like Gov. Colquitt was being swep.t away,\\nyet to the critical and posted observer it was apparent that the great\\nheart of the people, in its trust for him, was true and untouched.\\nStrong leader.?, one after another, threw themselves into the current\\na jainst him, and unavailingly added their best energies for his defeat.\\nE.\\\\-Chief Justice Hiram Warner, ex-Gov. .Tames M. Smith, ex-United\\nStates Senator II. V. M. .Miller, Gen. A. R. Lawton, Hon. Rufus E.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0732.jp2"}, "683": {"fulltext": "HEAVY SUPPORT OF LEADERS. 503\\nLester, Gen. Robert Toombs, Gon. Wm. T. Wofford, Col. .1. C. C. Black,\\nHon. Milton A. Candler, Maj. Joseph Ganahl, Hon. A. P. Adams, Saml.\\nH. Jemison, Esq., S. B. Spencer, Esq., H. Van Epps, Esq., Col. Jolm\\nD. Ashton, Samuel W. Small, Hon. Louis F. Garrard, Hon. JIark\\nBlanford, Hon. Thomas W. Grimes, Col. J. T. Jordan, Gen. Eli Warren,\\nHon. Nelson Tift, W. M. Bray, Rev. J. R. Respess, Col. David E. But-\\nler, Mr. Walter G. Charlton, Mr. Alvin Freeman, Dr. H. H. Carlton and\\nothers, joined in the affray and spoke or wrote letters against Colquitt.\\nAn effective worker on the Norwood side was Col. George W. Adair,\\nbrimful of resources and expedients, and of a sleepless energy, and\\nwithal one of the wittiest of speakers. There was a close canvass of\\nthe whole State, and in many places elaborate discussions. Perhaps\\nthe attitude of Gov. Smith created the most varied commentary. It\\nhad been charged, that when he accepted the office of Commissioner of\\nRailroads from Gov. Colquitt, he had stated that he would resign it\\nwhenever he antagonized his administration. Be this as it may, the\\ncriticism upon him was not kind, and in his speech in Atlanta he said\\nhe would resign, but it should be to Gov. Norwood that he tendered\\nhis resignation. His speeches were very aggressive. He and Gen.\\nGordon struck at each other sharply.\\nGov. Smith commented severely upon Gen. Gordon as urging that\\nGov. Colquitt was persecuted for floating the banner of the King of\\nKings. And he continued with sarcasm:\\nHe has preached, as I have been informed, and as he says liimself, to the colored peo-\\nple of tlie State. Again, we say all right. But did our good Governor ever think it\\nwortli wliile to preach to a camp of convicts in Georgia? [Great cheering.] Thousands\\nof holy men have enlisted to teach Sunday schools, but wlio has felt himself commis-\\nsioned to visit the camps of these poor unfortunates, and teach them the way of salva-\\ntion? Has our Governor ever done so? If so, whea and where? [Continued applause\\nfrom whites and blacks.]\\nTo this Gen. Gordon made the telling reply:\\nBut Governor Smith makes his climax against the present administration, when he\\ncharges that Governor Colquitt does not preach to the convicts. [Laughter and ap-\\nplause.] Of all the marvelous things which have transpired in this marvelous campaign,\\nthe most remarkable and farcical is the spectacle of James Milton Smith lecturing\\nAlfred H. Colquitt upon his duty as a christian. [Great laughter and cheering.] Why,\\nI thought the charge against Colquitt was that he spent too much time running\\naround to Sunday schools, and was neglecting on this account his dutv as Governor;\\nbut it seems that this wa.s all a mist.ake, .and that tlie real complaint is that he did not do\\nenough running about. [Langhter.] Fellow-citizens, it would take forty of the best\\nlawyers in Georgia to tell what Governor Colquitt s opponents would have him to do. In\\none breath he is wasting too much time on religion, and in the next he is not wasting\\nenough. [Laughter and applause.]\\n38", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0733.jp2"}, "684": {"fulltext": "594 GENEEAI, GORDON- AXD GOVERNOR SMITH.\\nThis was keen sparring between these strong talkers. Another\\npractical matter that was the subject of a racy tilt between these\\ngentlemen, was the endorsement of the North Eastern Bonds. Said\\nGov. Smith:\\nThe opinion of Attorney General Hammond was adverse to the indorsement, and\\nthe same I hold has never been nor can be successfully met. It is still on tile in the ex-\\necutive office. Disregarding all these, however, the Governor at last allowed liimself\\nto be persuaded to make the indorsement. But not until after the ratification of the\\nconstitution of 1877, which provides that the credit of the State shall not he pledged in\\naid of any work of internal improvement. The fundamental law which tlie Governor\\nwas sworn to obey, took awa.v from the Governor, and from every other official, the\\npower to ]dedge the credit of the State in such c.ises. Nevertheless the Governor, in\\nthe f.ace of tliis provision of the constitution, made this pledge. The constitution said\\nhe should not do it. But he made the pledge. He swore to obey the constitution. I\\nmake no comment upon this. [Applause.]\\nGen. Gordon thus replied to this assault, the interruptions showing\\nthe fever of e.xcitement that prevailed:\\nBnt Governor Smith places his chief objection to Colquitt s endorsement on the ground\\nthat Attorney General Hammond, the former Attorney General of the State, had ad-\\nvised against the endorsement. AVell, if Attorney General Hammond s opiuion ought\\nto have controlled Governor Colquitt, who did not appoint liim to office, it certainly ought\\nto have controlled Governor Smith, wlio did appoint liim to office. Mr. Hammond was\\nGovernor Smith s legal adviser when he was iu the K.xecutive chair. Mr. Hammond was\\nnot Governor Colquitt s legal adviser, since he occupied th.at chair. Governor Colquitt s\\nlegal adviser (Major Ely) did not advise against Governor Colquitt s indorsement of\\nthe North-eastern Kailro.ad bonds, and Governor Colqnitt therefore, with the advice of\\nthe ablest counsel, gave the indorsement. Governor Smith s legal adviser did advise\\nhim not to indorse the bonds of the North and South railroad, but Governor Smith\\nturned a deaf ear to his legal adviser and indorsed them notwithstanding. Governor\\nColquitt, with tlie advice of able lawyers, indorseil for a bro.ad gauge road at the rate of\\nSG.OOO per mile. Governor Smith, contrary to the advice of his own Attornev General,\\nindorsed for a narrow gauge road to the amount of 812,000 a mile. Governor Col-\\nquitt s indorsement never cost the State one dollar in money. Governor Smith s in-\\ndorsement cost the State the lo.ss of nearly or quite a half million dollars. [Cries of\\nGive it to him, Hurrah for Gordon, Hurrah for Smith, Laughter and hisses.]\\nGovernor Smith indorsed for the North and South Road, to the e.\\\\tentof $240,000 in all.\\nTwo liundred thousand of tliis was lost as principal, besides the interest for twenty years\\non the bonds which yon are bound to pay. But this is not all. Governor Smith indorsed,\\nagainst the advice of the Attorney General, for another railroad, narrow gauge at that,\\ncalled the Memphis Branch up here at Kome, and he lost the State nearly every dollar of\\nthat money. [Laughter.] Tliis railroad has long since gone where the woodbine twin-\\netli. [Gre.at laughter, cheers and hisses.] It is among the things tliat were. (Laughter]\\nThere is nota car, nor engine, nor b.ar of iron, nor cross tie left to mark the place where\\nit once was. [Laughter.] Colquitt, according to Governor Smith, is a very weak Gover-\\nnor. Well, I am glad he has left no such monument of strength as tliis. [Applause\\nI rejoice that he was not strong enough to brave tlie advice of his own Attorney General", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0734.jp2"}, "685": {"fulltext": "THE REPUBLICAN fOXVENTION 59.\\nand pocket such a loss for Georgia. [Great applause.] Oh, my countrvnieu, what do\\nyou think of this warfare made upon Governor Colquitt by an ex-Governor who indorses\\none narrow gauge railroad for $240,000, and then buys it for $40,000 [cheers and\\nhisses] and who indorses for another narrow gauge road and loses it all except the\\npittance for which the iron and cars sold, leaving nothing else save the bare and gullied\\nearth where it once was. [Loud cheering.]\\nBoth speeches were delivered at Columbus, though at different\\ntimes. These speeches will also give an idea of the heat pervading\\nthis acrimonious contest. Against the powerful array of Norwood\\norators were enlisted and speaking for Gov. Colquitt, Gen. John B.\\nGordon, Col. Raphael J. Moses, Col. John D. Stewart, Gen. O. C.\\nHome, G. W. Mabry, Esq., Grigsby E. Thomas, Esq., Walter B. Hill,\\nEsq., R. W. Patterson, Esq., Hon. I. E. Shumate, Col. J. A. W. John-\\nson, W. C. Glenn, Col. Jenks Jones, Geo. Fry, Willis Hawkins, David\\nVason, J. A. Billups, and others. The odds in the number of orators\\nwere against Gov. Colquitt.\\nOne of the Colquitt papers presented a list of the Norwood leaders,\\nshowing that the majority of them had been defeated candidates for\\nsome place and shrewdly surmised that the movement was a powerful\\neffort to build up a new party, that would bring the outs in, and\\nthe extraordinary personal crusade against Colquitt, was the selected\\nmeans to accomplish the end. It was the fact that attack on Colquitt\\nwas the weapon of opposition. Mr. Norwood had his point of assault\\nwritten out under some si.xteen heads or more, and the document was\\nso bulky that the huge and formidable indictment evoked a storm of\\nbadinage and retort. It certainly was an incongruous thing that so\\nmany ordinarily conservative men were engaged in this bitter personal\\ncampaign, so foreign to them, and so inconsistent with their character.\\nIt was a deeper motive than one man s alleged shortcomings.\\nThe Republican convention met on the 7th of September, 1880, after\\nthe split. It was composed chiefly of colored delegates. The question\\nof the Republicans nominating a candidate for Governor was a very\\nimportant one. The Republican Executive Committee of the State\\nhad questioned their own authority to act, and had called a convention\\nof nine delegates from each Congressional District. W. A. Pledger, a\\nbright young colored man, was Chairman of the Executive Committee,\\nand calldd the convention to order. W. J. White was elected President.\\nThe convention was a very turbulent one, but still quite unanimous.\\nCol. Jonathan Norcross was a delegate, and offered a resolution for the\\nRepublicans to support Norwood. He made a speech supporting his\\nresolution, and declaring that he had a letter from Marshall Jewell, say", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0735.jp2"}, "686": {"fulltext": "59G THE FIN^AL SLANDER.\\ning it was for the interest of the Republican party to go for Norwood.\\nA hot discussion ensued. The convention finally passed a resolution\\nby 7 -J yeas to 9 nays, to make no nomination. This left the Republi-\\ncans free to vote for whom they pleased. The colored voter was a strong\\nfactor in the contest, and was sought by both sides. The penitentiary\\nlease system entered very largely into the canvass. A number of col-\\nored speakers took the stump on both sides.\\nGen. Wofford made the most effective talks to the negroes, and was\\nvery potential in changing them to Norwood. The battle waxed hotter\\nas it neared the election day. The whole State was in a turmoil. The\\npapers were filled with the notes of the angry strife. In the midst of\\nthe stormiest time, an incident occurred that gave a tremendous shock\\nto the Norwood cause. Col. Ben. C. Yancey published a letter charg-\\ning that Gov. Colquitt had drawn from the State $7,500 for the State\\nAgricultural Society, and not accounted for the money. The next day\\nfollowed the statement of the Secretary of the Society, Col. Malcolm\\nJohnston, showing by the books the charge to be utterly unfounded,\\nand every dollar accounted for. Col. Yancey was in Athens, and seeing\\nthe reply of Col. Johnston, he telegraphed his prompt withdrawal of\\nthe frightful error. This was the straw that broke the camel s back.\\nThe people had before become sickened with the crusade of calumny\\nagainst the Christian Colquitt.\\nIt was in the unparalleled turbulence of this phase of the conflict\\nwhen the opposition was thundering its heaviest volleys against Col-\\nquitt; when it looked as if an unsparing enmity would be satisfied with\\nnothing less than the moral wreck and political annihilation of a noble\\nGeorgian; but when the great public sense and feeling were quivering\\nunder an accumulated sense of indignation and injustice, that a chival-\\nrous gentleman threw himself, stimulated by his own burning sensibility\\ninto the rancorous struggle, and gave eloquent, impassioned and unan-\\nswerable utterance to the overmastering popular sentiment that had\\nbeen hitherto unvoiced. It was a dramatic incident, full of thrilling\\ninspiration. The distinguished and brilliant citizen, who was thus irre-\\nsistibly impelled into politics, in which he had taken no part since the\\nsurrender, was Gen. Henry R. Jackson. With every fiber of his intense\\nsoul throbbing over the prostitution of a great public election to the\\ndefilement of private character, this loyal scion of honor and courage,\\nwith the magnificent inspiration that is the child of truth and genius,\\nunder the guidance of right, struck the electrical key-note of the great\\nconflict. It was not a question of policy or politics, of administrations", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0736.jp2"}, "687": {"fulltext": "GENERAL HENRY R. .IACKSON s GREAT SPEECH. 597\\nor dynasties, it was something grander and more vital; the very exist-\\nence of civilized and Christian society demanded the crushing rebuke\\nof slander as a political weapon and the protection of private character.\\nIt has often happened that, in a public agitation there has been some\\ncrucial idea in the public mind that has been gathering an overwhelming\\nsilent momentum, and yet been unspoken, until at last, at a timely and\\ninspired hour, it has been happily expressed, and carried a mighty force\\ndue to the fact that it incarnated the popular thought. And if, as in this\\ninstance, the utterance, so seasonable and suggestive, comes with the\\nentrancing accompaniments of poetic diction, lofty spirit and glowing\\neloquence, and with the highest prestige of character in the speaker,\\nit more than bears the impression and wields the spell of resistless\\ninspiration. The people were inflamed. The State was on fire with\\nfierce passion. The mad battle of slander, pursued with reckless audac-\\nity and resisted with desperate resentment, had set the public blood\\nthrobbing in feverish pulsations. Every fair-minded man in the State\\nwas in a growing rebellion against the horrible drift of the campaign.\\nAt this opportune moment it was that this gifted Georgian, Gen. Jack-\\nson, the very instrument for such a mission, born an orator, unstudied\\nin political policy, careless of results in the search of the right, and a\\nrare type of knightly sentiment, mido one spontaneous, fervent, noble\\nprotest against personal defamation for political purposes, arguing Gov.\\nColquitt s cause with an unanswerable logic, and formulating an\\nappeal of resistless power.\\nPublic sentiment had been grossly outraged by a secret campaign\\npamphlet, entitled the Convict Catechism, meant to put the negro\\nvote ao^aihst Gov. Colquitt, appealing to the worst prejudices of the\\nblacks, dealing in the vilest falsehoods, and doing great injury to our\\nState abroad in furnishing material for aspersing the very civilization of\\nthe Commonwealth. The direct charge of personal dishonesty against\\nthe Governor, circumstantially given by a responsible gentleman, and\\nwithdrawn in twenty-four hours upon the presentation of facts, easily\\nin his access, fired the State, and brought the campaign of calumny to\\nan explosive focus. The time and the people were both ripe for Gen.\\nJackson s transcendent and potential effort his single, unsurpassable\\nconclusive speech. The following extract from that address will afford\\nsome conception of its style and influence:\\nI ask everv true-hearted man who listeus to my voice, whether, if he had been one\\nof that majority, and if lie had believed in the innocence of his candid.ate, or even had\\nsimjily believed tliat tlie charges against him were yet to be proved whether he cuuM", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0737.jp2"}, "688": {"fulltext": "598 GENERAL HENRY K. JACKSOn s ELOQUENT SPEECH.\\nhave obtained his owu consent to surrender tliat candidate to such a fate [Cheers.] I\\nam aware tliat it is not wise to indulge in strong words, and yet I cannot restrain my-\\nself from saying that the delegates who declared upon the floor that rather than do it\\nthey would rot iu their seats, commanded my cordial sympathy. [Cheers.] It lias\\nbeen contended by gentlemen, who possess my highest esteem, that Governor Colquitt s\\nsupporters, having themselves adopted tlie two-thirds rule for the control of the conven-\\ntion, and he having failed to obtain a two-thirds vote, the majority could not honorably\\nrecommend him for election, and Gov. Colquitt could not honorably present hini.self as\\na candidate to the people. This is a conclusion which I cannot accept. [Ajiplanse.]\\nMy whole nature rises up in re.slstance to it. If I be allowed to refer to myself, I have\\nno hesitancy in saying that. Were my name placed before such a convention, and were I\\nto lose the nomination, not simply by failing to secure a two thirds vote in my favor,\\nbut by a two-thirds vote against me, and were I to be satisfied that this result had been\\nreached through the belief of charges involving my integrity or my personal honor, made\\nfalsely against me, I would unfurl my flag of resistance, though it might seem to others\\nthe frailest of rags. [Cheers.] I would write my declaration of war, though the words\\nmight be traced on the sands of the seashore. [Cheers.] I would challenge the juris-\\ndiction of any nominating political convention to pronounce condemnation njiou me un-\\nheard I would, indeed, appeal to my own people for a hearing would call forth each\\nof mv peers to listen to my words, and to look an honest man in the eye and if after\\nall, their verdict sliould bo rendered against me, while the hair would grow whiter on\\nmy head and the wrinkles grow deeper iu my brow, and the very earth upon the verge\\nof my grave crumble and falter beneath my feet, I would at least sink into its embrace,\\nproudlv conscious of carrying witli mo a heart which had not been untrue to itself, which\\nhad not tamely yielded to the despotism of a lie. [Greet cheering.] A man s country\\nmay call upon him for the sacrifice of Ids time, his limb, his life but for the sacrifice of\\nhis honor never never! never [Cheers That is suniething between liimself, his con-\\nscience, his prosperity, aud his Go l. Let us beware that, in the e.xcitemeut of tempo-\\nrary conflict, we do not trample npon heaven-borD principles wliich must outlive thp stars\\nThe conclusion cannot be iuestioned that the minority of the convention, by their\\naction during its session, and by placing a candidate in nomination after its adjourn-\\nment, practically resolved themselves into the grand inquest of a criminal court, with the\\nprosecutor and the State s counsel enrolled among their number, and proceeded to pre-\\nfer an indictment before the people of Georgia. [Applause] They have thus made of\\nevery voter a petit juror to try tlie issue of guilt or innocence. I have not failed to\\npursue the argument of the case, in some instances falling from tlic most eminent lip.s,\\naud yet wholly ineffective to control my convictions. I have seen that charges, involving\\nabsolute personal infamy, have been solemnly, and yet most remarkaijly made. The\\nhonorable withdrawal of such may indeed rectify the personal I do not think it can\\nwbullv rectify the pnblic miscliief. Despicable appliances have been resorted to, which,\\nas it seems to me, cannot fail to tarnish tlie character of our State abroad. No author\\ncan be found to father them but unqnestioualily, the parties wlio engendered the con-\\nflict, are practically responsible for their appearance. [Applause.] Under these cir-\\ncumstances, the fact that I was myself at one time opposed to Gov. Colquitt that I,\\ntoo, have made complaints of him, never in public, but among my friends, has made me\\nfeel the more restless, aud the more anxious to repair any mischief which might pos-\\nsibly result from a word of mine. [Ap]danse.] Before the wrongs which, in my juilg-\\nment, have beeu iuflicted upon him, anything of which I may have complained, has been", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0738.jp2"}, "689": {"fulltext": "THE BROWN APPOINTMENT. 599\\nconstrained to pale its ineffectual fire. [Applause.] And now, as the canvass draws\\nto a close, so far as I am capaMe of forming a correct judgment, the calm, exhaustive\\nletter which he wrote at the hegiuuing, remains unanswered, and in all essentials is a\\ngood defense. Therefore liave I raised my voice here in liis support, aud will hereafter,\\ncordially give him my vote. [Great cheering.]\\nThe effect of this speech on those who heard it was indescribable.\\nCheer upon clieer followed in deafening succession. It was copied all\\nover the State, and thousands sent out by mail. It struck a universal\\nfeeling, and met with an endorsing response everywhere.\\nOne of the main issues of the campaign was the Brown appointment,\\nand, in consequence. Gov. Brown flung himself into the struggle with\\nhis whole strong energy. But this issue was curiously complicated.\\nCol. Norwood ignored it entirely, though Gen. Lawton, who was run-\\nning for the United States Senate, upon a magnificent presentation of\\nhis name by the people of Chatham county, for that august office, took\\nbold ground against Gov. Colquitt, in conflict with the usual consider-\\nations of prudential policy that govern candidates. Gen. Wofford, who\\nwas supporting Norwood, favored Brown for the Senate. Gen. Toombs\\ntook no stock in the slanders upon Colquitt, but opposed the Brown\\nappointment. It. was right amusing when Gen. Wofford was booked\\nfor a speech at Columbus, where Gov. Brown had many opponents, that\\nhe should have been alarmed away by the threatened development of\\nhis support of Brown.\\nThe gubernatorial and senatorial issues ran along together. Gov.\\nColquitt warmly championed his appointment of Brown, meeting that\\nissue handsomely, and planting himself squarely upon its propriety.\\nGen. Lawton and Gov. Brown were worthy foemen, but the contest\\nwas not equal. Gen. Lawton stood at that terrible disadvantage result-\\ning when a strong man is shorn of his strength. He was handicapped\\nby Norwood s cause, and carried a double burden. He had many\\nfriends among Gov. Colquitt s supporters, yet his course drove them\\nfrom his cause with a few exceptions, notably the powerful Chronicle\\nand Constitutionalist of Augusta. Gov. Brown had his own massive\\nbacking, and he had Gov. Colquitt s too, almost unbroken, since the\\ndefeat of Brown was the condemnation of Colquitt on a question\\ninvolving alike official honor and personal integrity. It was a striking\\nfeature of this whole campaign that nearly every issue was foolishly\\nfreighted by the minority with some uncompromisable question of\\nsacred character, to have yielded which would have been an unforgiva-\\nble and crushing dishonor in Gov. Colquitt, and desertion in his friends.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0739.jp2"}, "690": {"fulltext": "600 GOVERNOR Colquitt s active frienDs.\\nAnd this very overmastering subject of conflict of Gov. Brown s\\nappointment as United States Senator carried with it the vital repute\\nof Colquitt, Brown and Gordon. The opposition made a controlling-\\nmatter of a simple act, practically unimportant, properly regarded.\\nThe mere filling of a three weeks vacancy in as high an office as\\nUnited States Senator was a trivial occurrence. When it was con-\\nstrued to involve betrayal of Senatorial trust in Gordon, barter of Gu-\\nbernatorial integrity in Colquitt, and the base purchase of distinction by\\nBrown, it became magnified into overwhelming import, it comprehended\\nthe transcendent idea of the purity of public service, and it engendered\\ninevitably a conflict of personal disgrace and political extermination.\\nAnd the intensity and desperation of the struggle were proportioned\\nto the magnitude of the cause. Gov. Brown has never been a mediocre\\npolitical fighter. He gave to this supreme contest his best effort of\\nbrain, e.xperience and energy. He rallied his vast legion of personal\\nand political friends to Gov. Colquitt s support. He devoted every\\nresource of his extraordinary management to this conflict.\\nEffective work was done in all parts of the State by enthusiastic\\ncoadjutors for the Colquitt cause. A series of unusually trenchant and\\nargumentative articles upon the issues appeared in the Macon Teleijraph\\nand Messenger, over the signature of No-Axe. Their author was\\nWalter B. Hill, Esq._ one of the foremost young lawyers in the State.\\nAmong those who did a large work in tlieir localities were Dr. W. H.\\nPilcher of Warren, H. W. Hopkins of Thomas, E. F. Lawson and\\nJenks Jones of Burke, Judge E. R. Harden of Brooks, Judge T. G.\\nHolt and Charles Bartlett of Bibb, Phillip M. Russell and Gen. George\\nP. Harrison of Chatham, G. E. Thomas and H. Bussey of Columbus,\\nA. D. Abrahams of Lagrange, A. L. Hawes of Baker, G. W. Mabry of\\nGlynn, Judge W. D. Nottingham of Houston, Col. J. W. Preston of\\nJasper, Col. M. C. Fulton of McDuffie, Col. H. R. Harris of Merri-\\nwether, Col. L. F. Livingston of Newton, C. M. Bozeman, Gen. O. C.\\nHorno and George T. Jordon of Pulaski, B. F. Adams of Putnam,\\nJudge W. F. Eve of Richmond, B. D. Evans and T. J. Smith of\\nWashington, Col. W. A. Harris of Worth, Dr. H. R. Casey of Colum-\\nbia, R. L. Barry, and a host of others. Dr. Casey has been a prominent\\nfigure in State politics, and stands among the first citizens of Georgia.\\nThe day of election came, and the result was sucli an overwlielming\\nvictory for Gov. Colquitt, and crushing defeat for the minority candi-\\ndate as to excite a wonder that so small an opposition liad been able to\\nmake such a deceiving show of strength, as indicated by the noise.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0740.jp2"}, "691": {"fulltext": "GOVERNOR Colquitt s great victory. 601\\nThe whole vote was, 183,353. Gov. Colquitt received of these, 118,349,\\nand Col. Norwood, 64,004. Gov. Colquitt s astounding majority was\\n54,345. The import of this triumph may be estimajted by comparison.\\nIn the large Northern States, where there are from a half to three-\\nquarters of a million of voters, majorities run to a few thousand only in\\nheated contests, and a 40,000 majority is something exceptional. The\\npeople spoke in no uncertain voice, and with an overmastering emphasis.\\nAnd the condemnation of personal slander as a political weapon was\\nbefitting our great State. Hon. Clifford Anderson was elected Attorney\\nGeneral, Hon. N. C. Barnett, re-elected Secretary of State, Hon. Wm.\\nA. Wright elected Comptroller General, and Hon. Daniel N. Speer,\\nTreasurer.\\nThe State House offices were in the main most admirably filled, and\\nwell organized. The Executive Department proper had the original\\nstail of the Governor nearly entire. Major J. W. Warren and Col. I.\\nW. Avery, were and are the Executive Secretaries, Col. .John B. Baird,\\nthe Adjutant General, Mr. R. A. Murphy the Warrant Clerk, and Col.\\nT. C Howard in charge of the minutes. Col. Baird has taken a zealous\\ninterest in the organization of the Military department, whose present\\nstatus is largely due to his labors. Mr. Murphy is a tall, dark-bearded\\ngentleman, of uniform suavity of manner, and a most pleasant associate.\\nThe Comptroller s assistants are Robert A. Hardeman, one of the most\\naccomplished book-keepers and rapid and tasty penmen of the State,\\na brother of Col. Thomas Hardeman, and a marvel of figures, memory\\nand correctness, Dr. William King and Mr. Will Haralson. Mr. Speer,\\nthe Treasurer, is aided by his brother, W. J. Speer, and both are close\\nbusiness gentlemen. The State Librarian is Mr. Frank L. Haralson, a\\nhandsome and bright young lawyer, talented and aspiring, and with the\\npromise of both legal and political distinction before him. Capt. John\\nW. Nelms, the Principal keeper of the Penitentiary, a faithful official,\\nand a true man, has his half brother, Mr. Turner, doing his clerical\\nwork. Prof. Gustavus J. Orr, State School Commissioner, has for his\\nassistant. Col. Mark Johnston, one of the most pleasant and efficient of\\nthe State House attaches. The staff of Col. .John T. Henderson is a\\nstrong one, composed of Mr. J. R. Redding, Mr. J. S. Newman, Wm.\\nH. Howell and W. B. Henderson, all attentive and skilled in their\\nduties. Col. N. C. Barnett has had with him for years a gallant officer\\nof the Confederacy, Col. J. F. Jones, who well suits his venerable and\\nirreproachable chief.\\nThe Legislature elected, which convened on the 3d of November, 1880,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0741.jp2"}, "692": {"fulltext": "G02 JOSEPH E. BROWN ELECTED SENATOR.\\ngave an overwhelming endorsement of the appointment of Gov. Brown\\nas United States Senator by Gov. Colquitt, by electing him to the\\naugust responsibility over his worthy and distinguished competitor,\\nGen. A. R. Lawton, by a vote of 146 for Brown to 64 for Lawton, or\\n82 majority in 310 votes. Both Gov. Brown and Gen. Lawton gave\\npublic utterance to their views. It was a right suggestive contest in\\nits philosophical aspects, and it was an even, fair battle, honorably\\nfought and unobjectionably won. The issues were clearly presented by\\nthese illustrious intellectual foemen. The night before the election,\\nGov. Brown made a speech in De Gives Opera House in Atlanta, in\\nwhich he made an explicit declaration of his opinions. He reviewed\\nthe course of the Democratic party, and his own position, on the recon-\\nstruction measures, and the fourteen and fifteen constitutional amend-\\nments; and showed conclusively, that his present position on those\\nquestions was identical with that occupied by him in 1868; and tliat he\\nnow stood upon the precise platform occupied at present by the Demo-\\ncratic party on those questions. He took position in favor of a faith-\\nful and just execution of the constitutional amendments in letter and\\nspirit. He was for a free ballot and a fair count. Laying aside obso-\\nlete issues, he favored a broad progressive statesmanship, embracing in\\nits benefits every section of the Union. The world moves, said ho,\\nand we must move with it. It was one of the ablest and most\\nremarkable speeches of the age a bold, advanced, progressive enunci-\\nation of public sentiment. An anonymous writer, John Temple, in\\nthe Sunday Banner, gave a sketch of the scene that is well worthy of\\npreservation as a clever piece of word-painting.\\nI sat in the Opera House the other night and watched a scene of unusual interest.\\nA crowded house\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the beauty and tlie chivalry of Georgia s capital fairly glittering\\nin the blaze of gas-Iiglit an eager, brilliant throng, throbbing in synijiatliy with the\\noccasion, or thrilling with the pain of unavailing regret. The stirring strains\\nof music from a band of Union soldiers, a brief demonstration as the prominent figures\\nin the General Assembly filed in and took seats upon the stage, and then a pause, a\\nhush, and a burst of passionate applause as a gray-bearded and attenuated man walked\\nawkwardly in.\\nThe members of the Assemldy arose and bowed profoundly.\\nThe grav heard bowed ungracefully in return.\\nIts wearer sunk into a sofa, and, while the band played a stirring lyric, we had time\\nto scan him well.\\nNothing in the man s appearance or manner suggested the idea of a more than\\nordinary occasion.\\nNot a line of the calm, meek face betrayed emotion not a quiver of the thin lips,\\nnot a flash of the gray eye, or a nervous movement of the frame and yet that gray-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0742.jp2"}, "693": {"fulltext": "A VIVID COXTKAST. 603\\nbearded figure, sitting there so quietly under the glare of the footlights, faced the eve\\nof a cousunimated and realized ambition for which he bad watched and waited, toiled,\\nplanned and hojied for a wearv lile-time.\\nIt was a singular face not a line or a curve that suggested birth or blood not a\\ntouch of the aristocrat had been boru of the twenty years of atHueuce that had rolled\\nover him a calm face, with a wonderful depth of quiet patience aud tranquil determi-\\nnation iu its placid outlines the face of a man who would have smiled calmly at the\\nstake, not from warrior pride or fortitude, but because the equable pulse of his disci-\\nplined and philosophical temperament accepted the inevitable.\\nAnd now he sat, facing a to-morrow that would bring, with a certainty which he\\nhad calculated to a mathematical nicety, the realization of his lile-dream.\\nIt had come at last.\\nFrom the plow handles to the helm of State, from Gaddistown to the National Cap-\\nitol, and from handling the rope that gee d or haw d tlie famous bull to haudling\\nthe reins that veered the Government.\\nHe rose to speak. His first sentence, awkward like himself, spoken in tlie vernacu-\\nlar of the masses, proclaimed himself of the people a commoner indeed. But there\\nwas a homely strength in what he said, a practical vein of thought, a well-defined and\\nevident purpose in his life, a sort of utilitarianism breathing in his policies that com-\\nmended him to ,in impoverished people, and, withal, a telling force in his ideas, that jus-\\ntified, perhaps, his elevation to the high position which he fronted.\\nUp above him, in the gallery, with arms folded proudly and gracefnllv, showing just\\none aristocratic hand in wliose blue veins the rich blood coursed calmly in the tranquil\\nfiow of his higli-bred composure, sat another figure.\\nThere was the air of the soldier about this man. His erect carriage, his easy and\\nyet faultless dignity of dress and manner, the perfect grace of movement, the firm\\nmouth and the strong lines of the handsome face, with the flashing eye, all proclaimed\\nthe old blooded Southerner, fine fibered and high-mettled as an Arab steed.\\nHe had the magnetism and dash of a born leader.\\nThe man in the gallery was the rival of the man on the stage. The prize to be\\nawarded on the morrow was sought by both, but the winner was already known.\\nThe patrician iu the gallery, throned in the hearts of Georgi.a s chiv.alry, had\\nreached out his white hands, and pointing to his bright record and his stainless charac-\\nter, had asked this si^eudid gift of the State. And she said to him, Nay with a pang\\nat her heart.\\nThe plelieiau on the stage, deified in the reason of the people, had pointed his\\nthin, patient fingers to the pregnant future, which his judgment alone could utilize to\\ntheir advantage, and said, I am one of you. Give me this\\nAnd with utter faith they gave it to him.\\nThe people loved Lawtou s purity and Ills shining character.\\nThey trusted Brown s sagacity and his wonderful management.\\nThere the two men sat, in the struggle for the best honor in the gift of the State.\\nAnd I could not help thinking of the forces and ideas that were at stake in the contest\\nbetween them. It was the l.ast close struggle for supremacy between the spirit that\\nruled the old South and the spirit of the new South. The old South was a South of\\ntraditions, of sentiments, chivalric memories, of heroic impulses. The new South is a\\nSouth of conservative tendencies, of practical ambitions, of democratic ideas.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0743.jp2"}, "694": {"fulltext": "004 SENATOR brown s SERVICE.\\nThe scene was certainly an impressive one, and the result it prefaced\\nwas invested with a vivid and philosophical interest. It is a pretty idea\\nthat contending forces of variant systems of civilization were involved.\\nPerhaps they were to some extent. But there could be no better\\nrepresentatives of the best of the Old and New South, than either Gov.\\nBrown or Gen. Lawton, while Gov. Colquitt and Gen. Gordon stood as\\nstriking types of the most cherished sentiments and practices of our\\nante-war civilization. The result had a two-fold significance. It was,\\nto a considerable extent, personal in noting the restoration of public\\nconfidence to Gov. Brown as well as harvesting the fruits of the recent\\nvictory. And it demonstrated tlie determination of an honorable but\\npractical people to conform to the new order of things to the fullest\\nextent necessary for the public welfare.\\nThe election of Joseph E. Brown to the United States Senate by a\\nLegislature so representatively Democratic, over a competitor so for-\\nmidable, and who would have received the cordial support of the body\\nunder other circumstances; and after so full, free and searching a test\\nof the issue on its merits, was as fair a triumph as has ever been won\\nin the State. And it was a victory for both Gov. Colquitt and ex-Gov.\\nBrown. The element of Gov. Brown s pre-eminent capacity for the\\ngreat trust entered largely into this battle, and his career as a Senator\\nin the session of Congress of 1880 and 1881 crowningly verified tlie\\nanticipation of his usefulness. He had in the three brief weeks of his\\nappointment in 1880 placed himself immediately among the foremost\\nfactors of the august body he entered. In the first lengthy session of\\nhis elective term he continued conspicuously and prominently his strong\\nand valuable service. He made a number of speeches that seized the\\nattention of the Senate and people. He steadily grew in influence and\\nprestige. He became a recognized party leader. He made a strong\\nspeech upon the important subject of establishing an educational fund.\\nHis interest in the cause of free and liberal education has been earnest\\nand unceasing. Perhaps the most effective speech that he made was on\\nthe Peculiar Coincidence in the determination of Senator Mahone\\nof Virginia to support the Republican party in effecting an organiza-\\ntion of the United States Senate.\\nThat memorable contest is recent in memory. Senator JIahone, a\\nDemocrat, gave the Republicans a majority by his vote, and his friends\\nGorham and Riddleberger were nominated for Secretary and Sergeant\\nat Arms by the Republican caucus. The contest between the Demo-\\ncrats and Republicans over the organization of the Senate continued", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0744.jp2"}, "695": {"fulltext": "HIGH OriXlONS OF SENATOR BROWN. 605\\nfor weeks. The Democrats refused to go into the election of these\\nofficers after the committees had been organized. The Republicans\\nrefused to go into Executive session to transact the business requiring\\nattention. Many of the Democrats were for yielding. It was Senator\\nBrown who held them to the policy of resistance, a policy that finally\\nsucceeded and that gave new strength and courage to the somewhat\\ndemoralized Democratic party.\\nSenator Hill first uncovered the position of Senator Mahone, and\\nGov. Brown demonstrated the matter, and was fiercely assailed by\\nMahone, to whom he made a crushing reply. The matter illustrated\\nthat peculiar quality of successful leadership for which Gov. Brown\\nhas been so remarkable in his long and varied life. Senator Lamar\\nsaid of him that the ease, dignity and power with which he estab-\\nlished himself as one of the leaders of the Senate was simply marvel-\\nous. Mr. Hill, his colleague, could not find words to express his esti-\\nmate of Gov. Brown s discretion, sagacity and inflexible patriotic\\nsentiments. Senator Conkling said that he looked to see Senator\\nBrown one of the most notable men in the country. Senator\\nMcDonald of Indiana uttered this strong encomium:\\nHe is one of the most valuable additions made to the Democratic force in the senate\\nfor ye.ars. More than that, he is a senator whose influence will be felt all over the\\ncountrv. He seemed to recognize instantly upon coming into the senate that it was not\\na debating society, but strictly a practical business body. He therefore became at once\\na sensible, straightforward, sagacious worker, and won the confidence and esteem of\\nboth sides of the chamber. He can be a power for good in the practical questions that\\nmust be settled now tliat sentimental issues have died out.\\nThese strong opinions from the highest sources will show how Sena-\\ntor Brown impressed himself upon the strong brains of the Senate.\\nHis political stature to-day cannot be estimated. He is in the very\\nripest maturity of his potential faculties, and has the largest possible\\narena for their exercise, a domain of distinction and usefulness com-\\nmensurate to any man s abilities. Ho is fortified by his religious ante-\\ncedents and connections, and his christian liberality is an undying monu-\\nment to the man. Mr. J. P. Harrison in his book of Baptist celebrities\\njust published, thus speaks of his charities.\\nThrougli life he has been a most liberal giver yet his charities have been so unos-\\ntentatious that few if any are aware of their extent. Some of his donations have\\nnecessarily been public, and a few of them it may be well to mention.\\nHe contributed $800 to tlie building of the Sixth Baptist Church of Atlanta $1,000\\nto the Georgia Baptist Orphans Home; $1,000 to Mercer University; $500 to the\\nSouthern Baptist Convention SSOO for an organ for the Second Bai)tist church of At-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0745.jp2"}, "696": {"fulltext": "606 THE LEGISLATL RE OK 1S80-81.\\nlanta S3, 000 for repairs and additions to tlie same church $500 (some years ago) to\\nthe Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, and recently (1880) 550,000 to the same\\ninstitution; and hist year he contributed S800 towards the payment of his pastor s\\nsalary. His smaller charities, from one hundred dollars, and downward, have been\\nsimply iunumeral)le.\\nHe holds a largo variety of heavy trusts: President of the Western\\nAtlantic Railroad Companj-, President of the Dade Coal Company,\\nworking 350 hands, President of the Walker Iron and Coal Company,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0working over 300 hands, and making 75 tons of iron per da} Presi-\\ndent of the Southern Railway and Steamship Association, including\\nthe transportation companies interested in Southern traffic, Presi-\\ndent of the Board of Pxlucation of Atlanta, etc. These largo responsi-\\nbilities practically testify to the versatile genius of this masterful\\ncharacter, and give augury, that in the near future we may expect alike\\nin great business enterprises, and august political achievement that\\nSenator Brown will enlarge his own fame and give luster to our State.\\nThe Congressional election resulted in a fine corps of Representatives,\\nviz.: George R. Black, Henry G. Turner, Philip Cook, Hugh Buchanan,\\nN. J. Hammond, James H. Blount, Judson C. Clements, Alexander\\nH. Stephens, Emory Speer. These gentlemen have been alluded to in\\nthis work. Col. Black has been identified for years in high place with\\nthe State Agricultural Society, and is a handsome, talented person, a\\nfine specimen of our Southern gentlemen. Col. N. J. Hammond has\\nbeen a member of the Constitutional Conventions of 18G5 and 1877, and\\nAttorney General of the State, under Gov. Smith s administration, and\\nis now serving his second term in Congress. He is one of the best\\nequipped men wo have in public life, with uncommon powers of intel-\\nlect, information and eloquence. Somewhat of a cold and exclusive\\nindividual, with little popular warmth, he has, by sheer force of intellec-\\ntual power and available public capacity, clutched high trust. He is a\\nmarked character, strong and brilliant, and his future is one of large\\npromise.\\nThe Legislature of 1880 and 1881, elected Col. James S. Boynton\\nPresident of the Senate, and Hon. A. O. Bacon, Speaker of the House.\\nCol. Boynton is a tall, stately, dignified gentleman of sterling ability,\\nthe very highest possible character, and of most agreeable manners.\\nHe has made an admirable presiding officer, and both he and Mr. Bacon\\nare prominently spoken of for Governor. Among the more experienced\\nmembers, who have been mentioned before, we find in the Senate, A. C.\\nWestbrook, R. L. McWhorter, Wm. B. Butt, H. D. McDaniel, W. P.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0746.jp2"}, "697": {"fulltext": "THE TERSONELLE OF THE LEGISLATURE. G07\\nPrice, .1. M. Wilson, S. M. H. Byrd, 15. 0. Duggar, II. T. Fouclie and\\nA. T. Hackett. In the House of the better-known legislators were: P.\\nBarrow, W. S. Basinger, .1. B. Estes, L. F. Garrard, A. 11. Gray, W. M.\\nHammond, A. L. Miller, N. L. Hutchins,T. W. Milner, W. J. Northern,\\nE. A. Perkins, J. H. Polhill, W. R. Rankin, M. P. Reese, H. M. Sapp,\\nJ. L. Singleton, J. M. Smith, H. D. D. Twiggs, P. B. Whittle, W. M.\\nWillingham, C. T. Zachry.\\nMr. Pope Barrow has been a most useful member with an unusual\\ncapacity for legislative work, and a happy vigor and courtesy in dis-\\ncussion. Col. W. S. Basinger is one of the most original and intellec-\\ntual members, a gentleman of thought, conviction and culture. Judge\\nH. D. D. Twiggs has taken a high prominence, a fluent, ornate and\\neloquent speaker. He had graced the Bench, and ho was equally and\\nconspicuously at home in the legislative halls. The other gentlemen\\nhave been sketched in this volume. This legislative body has been\\nunusually rich, in bright young men, just entering public life.\\nHon. P. W. Meldrim, in the Senate, has made a brilliant reputation.\\nRepresenting the critical constituency of the 1st District, including\\nSavannah, a handsome, thorough-bred looking gentleman, with a pecul-\\niarly silvery elocution, he has at once become a legislative leader. Dr.\\nR. B. Harris, E. P. S. Denmark, A. L. Hawes, James G. Parks, Du\\nPont Guerry, S. G. Jordan, John S. Reid, W. .1. Winn, B. F. Payne,\\nare new men. These are all promising young Senators. Among the\\nyoung Representatives are F. G. Du Bignon, a classic young gentleman,\\nmaking gems of exquisite speeches, and carrj ing important measures\\naffecting his constituents with a wonderful success; J. C. Branson, Reese\\nCrawford, son of Martin J. Crawford, W. C. Carter, J. M. Dupree, E. F.\\nDu Pree, F. C. Foster, Henry Hillyer, J. J. Hunt; Davenport Jackson,\\nson of Gen. Henry R. Jackson; II. C. Jones, .T. J. Kimsey; Lucius M.\\nLamar, Colonel of the famous 8th Georgia Regiment, in the war, and\\nripe now for congressional honors; T. W. Lamb, Eolwin Martin, J. H.\\nMartin; S. W. Mays, of Richmond, a brilliant young lawyer; W. H.\\nPatterson, W. A. Post, W. W. Price, F. P. Rice, H. C. Roney, L. L.\\nStanford, Dr. C. M. Summerlin, J. L. Sweat, W. B. Wingfield, W.\\nC. Winslow; Seaborn Wright, a rare young orator, gifted by inherit-\\nance with eloqueace from his silver-tongued father, Judge Aug. R.\\nWright. Mr. J. T. Youngblood and U. B. Wilkinson must not be\\nomitted from the valuable new members, though not young men.\\nThe work of this body has not been very valuable, while it has illus-\\ntrated the impolicy of biennial sessions and the impracticability of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0747.jp2"}, "698": {"fulltext": "608 GOVERNOE Colquitt s aids.\\nlaws on local legislation. This legislature has been singularly illiberal\\nin many respects, and yet it has expended nearly a quarter million of\\ndollars beyond the State expenses. It refused to begin the construc-\\ntion of a much-needed new capitol; it declined to even make a bid upon\\nsome valuable colonial records of the State, on sale in England; it\\nkilled a general temperance law; it left the railroad commission law\\npractically unchanged; it voted S165,000 to enlarge the lunatic asylum;\\nit authorized the expenditure of $18,000 for a new revision of the code\\nmade by Geo. N. Lester, AV. B. Hill, and it has improved the convict\\nlaws without any radical changes.\\nIt elected as Judges of the Superior Court the following gentle-\\nmen: William O. Fleming, George Hillyer, James R. Brown, .James T.\\nWillis, J. C. Fain, F. M. Longley, S. W. Harris, William B. Fleming,\\nJohn D. Stewart, R. W. Carswell, E. H. Pottle and C. F. Crisp. A\\nnew judicial circuit has been created, the North Eastern, and Hon. C.\\nJ. Wellborn elected the Judge. During Gov. Colquitt s administration\\nthe following Aids were appointed on his staff: Col. B. B. Ferrill, of\\nSavannah, a pleasant and public-spirited young gentleman, of one of\\nthe old families of that city, and Col. W. D. Mann of Albany; and\\nrecently Lt. Col. J. H. Estill, tlie proprietor of the Savannah JVeirs, one\\nof the first citizens of Georgia, I^t. Col. L. C. Jones, of Atlanta, and\\nLt. Col. T. W. H. Harris, of Rome. Of Col. John B. Baird, who, under\\nthe new law, was appointed by the Governor Adjutant General of the\\nState, with the rank of Colonel, the convention of military officers that\\nmet in July, 1880, in Rome, passed the following complimentary reso-\\nlution in appreciation of his services in this department, the resolution\\nbeing offered by Lt. Col. Magrudcr:\\nWhereas, Col. John B. Baird accepted appointment as Adjutant General of Georgia,\\nand has zealously and laboriously discharged the duties of that office without compen-\\nsation\\nliesolved. That in behalf of the Georgia Volunteers we do hereby express our high\\nappreciation of the valuable and gratuitous services thus rendered, and we commend\\nhim as a faithful and efficient officer.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0748.jp2"}, "699": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER LI.\\nTHE JOURNALISM AND LITERATURE OF GEORGIA.\\nA fine Eiulowmeiit of Press Writers. The Daily .Jouruals. A Strong Array of Papers.\\nGifted Editors. Newspapers running Ijaclc to tlie Revolution nearly. The\\nWeekly Journals. The Religious Press. The Literary Periodicals. A Heavy\\nCorps of Xews and Political Weeklies, Original, Independent and Progres.sive.\\nA Galaxy of Bright Thinkers and Writers A Steady Growth of a Vigorous\\nJournalism. Model Editors. Georgia s Picturesque Literature. The very Home\\nof the Nation s Humor. An Unequaled Quintette of Humorists of wide Repute.\\nOur Historians and Biographers. Men known to the World. A Glittering Endow-\\nment of Poets of National Fame. Our Novelists and Miscellaneous Writers.\\nTake them all in all, Georgia has as briglit, independent and gifted\\njournalists, and as newsy and vigorous a batch of papers as any State\\nin the Union. Our press typify admirably the sturdj-and self-asserting\\ncharacter of our people, and blend a sparkling vivacity v^ith resolute\\nconviction and an admitted ability. It is a matter of undeniable fact\\nthat there have been in the past, and are to-day, more notable and brill-\\niant men that have illustrated and adorned our journalism than any\\nState North, East, West or South. Tiiere is now a larger endovnnent\\nof superior press writers connected with the papers of this common-\\nwealth than any other can show. We have men that can be pitted\\nagainst any workers on the continent, witty, tasteful, scholarly, discrim-\\ninating, masterful spirits of the pen whose labor finds a ready market\\nin the metropolitan papers of largest circulation, and the most critical\\nmagazines of the times.\\nOur ablest statesmen, orators, jurists and business men have been\\nmany of them connected with our State press. Some of the most pow-\\nerful names among our people have vivified and given it honor, among\\nthem Alex. H. Stephens, Gen. A. R. Wright, Judge Cincinnatus Pee-\\nples, e.x-Gov. H. V. Johnson, Gen. Mirabeau B. Lamar, Col. James\\nGardner, Gen. Henr^ R. Jackson, H. W. Hilliard, Samuel Barnett, P.\\nW. Alexander, Gen. Wm. M. Browne, Dr. H. V. M. Miller, Albert R.\\nLamar, and others. At the present time, as has been stated, we have\\na superb array of known and gifted writers, whose utterances are\\nquoted over the whole country, and make Georgia a marked State in\\nits able and progressive journalism.\\n39", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0749.jp2"}, "700": {"fulltext": "CIO THE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE AXD COXSTITUTIONAI.IST.\\nOf the daily press of the State, we can point to Walsh and Randall\\nof the Augusta Chronule, Moore of the Augusta Neios, Howell, Finch,\\nGrady and Harris of the Atlanta Constitution, Clisby and Reese of the\\nMacon Telegraph, Thompson and Richardson of the Savannah 2^ews,\\nKing of the Columbus Enquirer-Sini, and De Wolf of the Columbus\\nTimes, while H. H. Jones, J. H. Martin and S. W. Small Old Si.\\nstill browsing in daily newspaperdom, though not editing, are still rec-\\nognized powers of the press. Dr. H. H. Tucker of the Index, Rev.\\nAtticus G. Haygood of the Advocate, and Mrs. Mary E. Bryan of the\\nSunny South, are among our recognized paper celebrities.\\nThe daily press of Georgia is able, enterprising, independent and\\nfinancially strong. It has a high reputation abroad. Several of them\\nare among the oldest journals in the country, running back almost to\\ntiie Revolution, and enjoying the distinction of having been established\\nand edited by very illustrious men. The oldest living paper is the\\nAugusta Chronicle and Constitutionalist, representing two old jour-\\nnals, the Chronicle having been founded in 1T8.5, and the Constitution-\\nalist in 171)9. A history of this powerful consolidation of venerable\\npapers would pretty nearly furnish the chronicles of Georgia for three-\\n(juarters of a century. Mr. William Smythe was not the editor of the\\nhronicle and Sentijiel in 1858, as stated in page 79 of this volume,\\nbut James M. Jones was chief editor then. In 1846\u00e2\u0080\u009447, James M.\\nSmythe, father of Wm. W. Smythe, was assistant editor. The contro-\\nversies in 18.50 between the Chronicle and Sentinel and Wm. W.\\nSmythe, resulted in a duel between Tom Thomas and Smythe, in which\\ntiio latter, at the third fire was shot in both thighs. In 1839, Mr.\\n.lones employed Mr. V. M. Barnes to aid in editing the Chronicle,\\nwhich he did with vigor and ability, and in 1860 and 1801, Mr. Barnes\\nwas chief editor. In 18G.3, Mr. Barnes edited the Constitutionalist, and\\nwas a member of the Constitutional convention of 18G.5. The Consti-\\ntutionalist, under James Gardner, from 1850 to 18C0, was the most\\npotential political paper we have ever had in Georgia, and Gardner\\nwould have been Governor on the strength of his editorial power Init\\nfor an early indiscretion. The two Wrights, father and son, Ambrose\\nR., better known as Ranse, and Gregg, were two brilliant writers.\\nThe younger, H. G. Wright, was a witty and felicitous paragrapher,\\ncapable of heavy work, and yet with a singularly happy fund of keen,\\nhearty humor. Its present management is exceedingly able and bright.\\nPatrick Walsh, James R. Randall, and a sprightly young writer. Pleas-\\nant Stovall, conduct it. WaLsh has fine chances to realize Gardner s", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0750.jp2"}, "701": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0751.jp2"}, "702": {"fulltext": "JAS. R. RANDALL.\\nJAMES GARDNER.\\nAUGUSTA CHRONICLE", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0752.jp2"}, "703": {"fulltext": "HON. PATRICK WALSH.\\nAND CONSTITUTIONALIST.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0753.jp2"}, "704": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0754.jp2"}, "705": {"fulltext": "THE COLUMBUS ESQCIKEE-SUX, AND ATHENS ISAXXER. Gil\\nbaffled hope of filling the Executive chair of Georgia, and giving to his\\npaper the glittering distinction it so closely escaped a quarter of a cen-\\ntury ago, of furnishing tlie State a Chief Magistrate. Randall is\\nperhaps the most scholarly and versatile writer we have on the Georgia\\n])ress.\\nThe next paper in seniority is the Columbus E))qu!r( r-Siin, which\\nwas established as the Enqidrer in 1828, by Mirabeau B. Lamar, who\\nafterwards became so famous as the first President of the Republic of\\nTexas. Gen. Lamar ran the paper until 1830, when he was succeeded\\nby Hon. Henry W. Hilliard, recent United States minister to Brazil,\\nwho edited it for a year. Gen. Lamar resumed control, in 1834, for a\\nwhile. S. M. Flournoy was editor, through various changes of proprie-\\ntorship, from 1834 to 1857, when he died. Mr. Thomas Ragland was\\nsole and senior proprietor from 1843 to 1873. Mr. Flournoy was a vig-\\norous writer and ardent whig. John H. Martin was editor from 1858\\nto 1S7G, of whom we have spoken elsewhere. The sons of Mr. Rag-\\nland, in 1874, sold the paper to Mr. A. R. Calhoun of Philadelphia, who\\nran it until 187G. Mr. Calhoun made things lively. He cut about at\\nmen and measures in a manner somewhat unusual to our quiet news-\\npaper experiences, and kept in an incessant turmoil of editorial and\\npersonal conflict. In 1873 he bought out the Sim,, and adopted the\\npresent name of the Enquirer- Sun. Major W. L. Salisbury bought\\nout Mr. Calhoun, and conducted the paper, with Mr. J. G. De Votie as\\neditor. Major Salisbury was .-^sa-ssinated in 1878. Mr. John King, the\\npresent proprietor, bought the paper soon after. Mr. De Votie contin-\\nued as editor until his death, in April, 1881, when Mr. King assumed\\neditorial as well as business management. The paper is a model of\\ntypographical beauty, and one of the progressive journals of the South.\\nIt was made a daily in 1858. Under the enterprising and able manage-\\nment of Mr. King, it wields a powerful influence.\\nThe Athens Sanner, made a daily in 1879, by Dr. H. H. Carlton,\\nand now owned and edited by that very high type of our best Georgia\\njournalism, .J. T. Waterman, runs back to 1816. Alliens took early to\\nthe press. The first paper was brought in a wagon from Philadelphia,\\nby Rev. John Hodge, a Presbyterian minister. It lived but a short\\ntime. A little sheet was published by Samuel Wright Minor, who\\nwas the first editor that hoisted the name of Gen. Jackson for Presi-\\ndent. Jackson remembered him by making him printer of the laws of\\nthe United States, though Minor had removed to Fayetteville, Fayette\\nCo., Georgia. The Southern Sanner was published and edited by", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0755.jp2"}, "706": {"fulltext": "G12 THE SAVANNAH NK\\\\VS.\\nAlbion Chase ami Alfred Nesbit, and was the only Domocralic paper\\nin that part of the State. Alfred Nesbit went to Milledgeville and took\\ncharge of a paper started by John A. Cutiibert, afterwards United\\nStates Senator from Georgia. Col. Hojjkins Holsey, Mr. James Sledge,\\nMr. S. A. Atkinson, Messrs. T. W. and T. L. Gantt, Dr. H. H. Carlton\\nand Messrs. Chapman and Ingraham, in succession, owned the Banner.\\nMr. Waterman bought it in September, 1880. Mr. Waterman is one of\\nthe really independent and original members of the Georgia press. Ho\\nis a trenchant and a cultured writer, fearless, honest and immovable in\\nhis convictions, a keen, witty paragraphist, and with a modesty that\\nruns to shyness in his manners.\\nThe Savannah A^ws was established in 1850, on the 1.5th day of .Jan-\\nuary, by John M. Cooper, publisher, and Wm. T. Thompson, editor.\\nSavannah has had a numljor of papers that have had an honorable\\ncareer, the Georgia Gazette, founded by James Johnson, in 1703, and\\nsuspended in 1799; the Savannah Republican, by John F. Everett, in\\n1803, and running for seventy years, covering twenty-four changes of\\nmanagement and including P. W. Alexander and J. R. Sneed among its\\nconductors; the Savannah Georgian, in 1818, by Dr. John Harney, living\\nto 1859, and numbering those two bright men among its editors, Gen.\\nHenry R. Jackson in 1849, andAlbert R. Lamar; the Evening Journal, in\\n1852, by J. B. Cubbege, and Adoertiser in 1805. The Savannah JVeics\\nwas started as a cheap business daily, its price being four dollars a year.\\nThe paper has had a number of changes of proprietorship, but through\\nthem all Col. Thompson has been the editor for the thirty-one years of\\nits varied and influential existence, except from the fall of Savannah in\\nDecember, 1804, to August, 1865, when Mr. S. W. Mason ran the paper\\nas the Savannah Herald, a little war affair. Col. Thompson was propri-\\netor from 1855 to 1858. T. Hlois and Aaron Wilbur have been among\\nthe proprietors. Col. J. H. Estill became proprietor in July, 1807, and\\nunder his business management and the capable editorship of Col.\\nThompson, the Keii^^ has become one of our most powerful representa-\\ntive Southern journals, financially successful, boldly enterprising, inde-\\npendent, dignified, and potentially influential. It is a model of typo-\\ngraphical beauty and taste. Col. Estill is destined for large things.\\nNo man can tell where he will bring up. He has a cool sense, a clear\\njudgment, and a firm nerve that are the components of a strong indi-\\nviduality. He handles everything well. His executive ability is very\\nmarked. Whatever he touches, prospers. He owns a street railroad.\\nHe has erected one of the finest buildings in the State for his paper.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0756.jp2"}, "707": {"fulltext": "THE MACON TEI.ECRAni AND MESSENGER. 613\\nHe is President and Director of railroads, benevolent societies, press\\nassociations, etc., without limit, his energetic and discriminating busi-\\nness ability making him valuable everywhere and in all practical matters.\\nMr. B. H. Richardson, one of the brightest journalists of the State, is\\nthe city editor of the News.\\nThe MacoTi Tdegraph and Messenger was established in 1826. It\\nhas been a notable paper in Georgia ainials. The name that has been\\ncontinuously connected with the Tdegraph, since in 1848, like Col.\\nThompson with the Savannah News, has been the familiar and honored\\none of Joseph Clisby, but it has had some very brilliant men associated\\nwith him. Among these may be mentioned J. R. Sneed, of the Savan-\\nnah Itepuhlican; Captain Henry Flash, one of our genuine Southern\\npoets, the author of that ringing lyric, Ode to Zollicoffer; Col. H.\\nII. Jones, one of the truest men and most graphic writers of the\\nGeorgia press; A. R. Watson, another poet; A. W. Reese, an editor\\nof trenchant writing capacity, one of the hardest political hitters in\\nour State journalism. The Telegraph absorbed the Messenger some ten\\nyears or more ago, a paper established by Simri Rose, published at the\\ntime of consolidation by Rev. John W. Burke, and edited, among\\nothers, by A. W. Reese and Gen. Wm. M. Browne. Gen. Browne\\nmade fame as a Washington editor; he was on the staff of Mr. Davis\\nduring the war, and is now Professor of Agriculture at the State Uni-\\nversity at Athens. When Mr. Rose started the Messenger, Macon was\\na diminutive village. No man did more to make it a handsome city\\nthan he. The beautiful cemetery bears his name. This and the\\nMessenger were his pets. He was a bright Mason, too. The Messen-\\nger absorbed the Georgia Journal of Milledgeville. The surviving\\nassociates of Mr. Rose are the Hon. .1. T. Ni.sbet of Macon, and that\\nmost accomplished writer, Rev. Joshua Knowles of Greensboro, Ga. Mr.\\nClisby has been spoken of elsewhere in this work. His writing has an\\nAddisonian purity of style. His treatment of subjects is poised and\\nconservative, while underlying and pervading his lucubrations, there is\\na perennial strata of the most exquisite humor.\\nThe remarkable and unapproached paper of Georgia is the Atlanta\\nConstitution. In sparkle, push, versatility, enterprise, genius and suc-\\ncess, it has no peer in the South, except the Louisville Courier-Jonrnal.\\nIts career has been full of romance, and dramatic in the extreme.\\nDuels and libel suits have been among its varied experiences. It was\\nestablished the 10th of June, 1868, by Carey W. Styles Co. The com-\\npany was J. H. Anderson, and W. A. Hemphill was the business man-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0757.jp2"}, "708": {"fulltext": "G14 THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTIOX.\\nager, and has continued in tliat place to the present, a model of\\nmanaging capacity, and more responsible for the business success of\\nthe paper than all others combined. Col. .Styles edited the paper, and\\na red-hot administration it was, fighting liadicalism without quarter,\\nand with a burning bitterness. Styles Co. ran the paper four months,\\nwhen Styles went out, and W. A. Honiphill Co. took the paper, the\\ncompany being Mr. Anderson, J. AV. Banick edited the journal until\\nMay, 18G9, when Col. I. W. Avery took editorial charge. In 1870,\\nCol. E. Y. Clarke bought Mr. Anderson s half interest. In 1873, the\\npaper was changed into a stock concern. In 187-4 Col. Avery retired\\nfrom the cditorsliip, buying an interest in the Atlanta Herald from Col.\\nR. A. Alston and Henry ^y. Grady. Mr. N. P. T. Finch came into\\nthe paper in 1872. Col. Clarke was managing editor until 1870, when\\nho sold out to Hon. E. P. Howell. The present j)roprietors are E. P.\\nHowell, W. A. Ilemphai, N. P. T. Finch, Henry W. Grady and R. A.\\nIlemjihill, who kept the books of the concern for four years in its early\\nhistory, and has recently boug ht an interest, and become book-keeper\\nagain, a strong business addition to its corps.\\nCapt. Howell decides the political course of the journal, and writes\\neditorials like rifle shots, that snap and go straight to the mark, and\\nbring the blood. Mr. Finch is an editor of universal versatility and an\\nindustry that knows no bounds. He reads and culls every one of tlie\\nhundred exchanges that come to the office, and writes fine leaders upon\\nevery conceivable subject. Mr. Grady s flashing and inimitable sketches,\\neditorials and articles give an unremitting sparkle to the paper. On\\nthe staff of this journal are two of the best writers of the Georgia\\njjrcss, Mr. J. C. Harris and Mr. F. H. Richardson, and an industrious\\ncompiler, Mr. J. T. Lumpkin. Mr. Harris can compass anything in\\nnewspaperdom from a strong editorial to a pungent paragraph. Every-\\ntliing ho writes is both strong and dainty. His book reviews are schol-\\narly and charming, witii a vein of delicious humor and quaint reflection,\\nand often a subtle and aromatic irony most exquisite. His Uncle\\nRemus sketches have made him famous. Mr. Richardson is a scholarly\\nyoung writer of rare promise. No journal in the Union has a better\\nintellectual and literary equipment than this paper. This is strong\\npraise, but it is every bit merited. Ilis contemporaries on the journal\\nwill not consider it a derogation from their hig-h claims to say that Mr.\\nGrady is the genius of this powerful paper. There is a vividness, an\\naudacity and a velvety splendor about his articles that are peculiar to\\nhijiisclf, and that no other man has ajiproximated.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0758.jp2"}, "709": {"fulltext": "j^.(p.7/SUUj^f^^^^\\nATLANTA CONSTITUTION.", "height": "2660", "width": "1596", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0759.jp2"}, "710": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0760.jp2"}, "711": {"fulltext": "THE ATLANTA CONSTITLTION AND AUCiUSTA XEWS. G15\\nThe journal had a romantic time during; Reconstruction. Its editors\\nand proprietors had five dueling affairs. It then took that root in the\\naffections of the people of the State that gave to it its first growth,\\nand laid the basis for its enduring and remarkable prosperity. During\\nthose fiery days of Reconstruction, under the editorial management of\\nUol. I. W. Avery, it battled with a steady conservatism, yet an unwea-\\nried devotion for the public interest, refusing the patronage of the\\nBullock administration, and fighting every measure of wrong. Mr.\\nGrady s connection with the Constitution began then. He was a stu-\\ndent at the University of Virginia, and wrote a boyish letter of gossip\\nfor publication. Col. Avery was struck with the uncommon vivacitv\\nand grace of the communication, and in accordance with his policj of\\nmaking superior correspondence a special feature of the paper, he\\nencouraged the boyish writer. AVhen Col. Hulburt, as Superintendent\\nof the State Road, who was a wonderful genius in enterprise, originated\\nthe first press excursion to go over the State Road, to have it written\\nup. Col. Avery telegraphed to Mr. Grady, who had left college to return\\nto his home in Athens, to come and represent the Constitution on that\\naffair. Grady s letters, under the name of King Hans, were the best\\nof the hundreds written then, and were copied into the whole State\\npress. This e.xperience turned the bright boy into liis native journal-\\nism, where his genius finds its legitimate field.\\nThe Augusta Daihj Evening News lias had a flattering success. It\\nwas issued November 20, 1877, by Wm. H. Moore, who had been with\\nthe writer in conducting the Atlanta Herald. Mr. Moore had associ-\\nated with him Messrs. Gow and Weigle, all practical newspaper men.\\nMr. Gow had the material, but none of the gentlemen had any capital.\\nThe paper paid its way from the start, and has gained a fine circula-\\ntion and advertising patronage. Mr. Moore is a peculiarly snappy,\\nvigorous writer, with a good stock of shrewd humor and piquant\\nobservation. He has, to a remarkable degree, the true journalist s\\nkeen instinct for news. His paper is a paragraphic epitome of current\\nevents, a trenchant critic upon all things and men, and a very unusually\\nrapid and growing success.\\nThe Columbus Times is a fine and influential paper that is the re\\\\aval\\nof one of the most venerable of our anti-war journals. It was started\\nin its second career six years ago. It is now run by Wynne, DeWolf\\nCo., and is one of our best journals, conducted in a fair, conservative\\nand enterprising way. The Rome Courier started as the Coosa liiver\\nJournal in 1843, by S. Jack, Dr. H. V. M. Miller and W. Spencer. It", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0761.jp2"}, "712": {"fulltext": "61G THE EEMAIXIXG DAILIES OF GEORGIA.\\npassed through various hands when, in 18-i9, A. M. Eddleman and S.\\nM. Jack bought it and changed the name to the Rome Courier. Joshua\\nKnowles, and Wm. J. Scott, in succession, owned it. In 1855 M. Dwi-\\nnell and S. Finly bought, and in 185(j Mr. DwlnoU became sole proprie-\\ntor, and has owned the paper ever since and made a fortune out of it\\nby his successful management. Mr. Dwinell was in the war when the\\npaper was managed by B. G. Selvago. Tlio Courier was suspended\\nfrom May IT, 1864, to September 1, 1805. The daily was established\\nFebruary 1, 1881, after twenty-one years successful publication of the\\ntri-weekly. Since 1857 the Courier has absorbed four other papers by\\npurchase and consolidation, the Calhoun Statesman, the Cedartown\\nPatriot, in 1858, the Chattooga Advertiser in 1874, and Rome Commer-\\ncial in 1876. Som3 of the best writers of our press have edited the\\nCourier, notably Mr. Grady, Mr. Willingham and Mr. Harris. Mr.\\nDwinell has written an excellent book of European travel.\\nThe Atlanta Daily -Post-Appeal was established October 1, 1878, by\\nCol. E. Y. Clarke, who sold it January 12, 1880, to David E. Caldwell,\\nwho has since owned and edited it, and has made it a well-established\\nand paying property. The Post-Appeal may be called the war paper\\nof Georgia. It generally takes the opposition to the majority, and it\\nmakes matters lively. It slashes rig lit and left and has a large amount\\nof vim and enterprise. It has had on its staff Col. Sawyer, one of the\\nstrong men of the Georgia press, and Mr. Wallace Reed, a graceful\\nand well-known Georgia journalist. The Griffin Daily JVews was estab-\\nlished in 1871. It was run for years by J. D. Alexander. It is now\\nconducted by C. A. Niles, a capable and independent journalist. It\\nis a staunch little paper, the steadiest, truest, most conservative jour-\\nnalistic craft in the State. The Rome Bulletin was started in 1860,\\nand is run by the Mosely family, who write well, and all write, Mrs.\\nMosely, who has recently died, being a most excellent journalist. The\\nSavannah liecorder was established by R. JI. Orme in 1878, but is now\\nconductiMl by other parties.\\nOne of the best and most pronounced little dailies is the Albany\\nXews and Advertiser, published and edited by Henry M. Mcintosh\\nCo. This was the consolidation of the News, established in 1844, and\\nthe Advertiser, in 1877, the union occurring in September, 1880. Mr.\\nMcintosh is one of the most vigorous and independent editors of the\\nState press. He comes of the famous Mcintosh blood.\\nThe weekly press of Georgia has aKvays included an unusual number\\nof clear-headed, out-spoken, independent and well-informed editors.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0762.jp2"}, "713": {"fulltext": "THE RELIGIOUS AND LITERARY TRESS. G17\\nAnd it was never in as thriving and influential a condition as it is to-day.\\nThe mental activity of the age finds in the weekly newspaper, literary,\\nreligious, scientific or political, the vent for that more quiet and philo-\\nsophical phase of its operations, that deals not so much with the fact\\nof news, like the daily journal, as with its application to life and society.\\nThe Georgia weekly papers have some remarkable instances of original\\nand striking individuality, and can probably number as many potential and\\nsuccessful thinkers and workers as the press of any State in the Union.\\nThe religious weekly press of Georgia is very powerful and capable.\\nThe two oldest papers are the Chrlistiuii Index (tiid Jjiiptist, founded\\nin 1820, published by James P. Harrison, and edited by Dr. Henry H.\\nTucker. Both are remarkable men. Mr. Harrison is tlie son of Hon.\\nGeo. W. Harrison, Secretary of State under Gov. Town s administration,\\nwho was Governor from 18-1:7 to 1851. He is a business man of extraor-\\ndinary enterprise, practical, ambitious, accurate and successful, and\\nwithal a simple-minded, true-hearted, loyal friend and gentleman. Dr.\\nTucker is one of the large-brained men of Georgia, a profound thinker,\\ncrystally candid, and a muscular, logical writer. The Wideijaa Chris-\\ntian Advocate, owned and in part edited by the Rev. John W. Burke,\\nwith Rev. Atticus G. Haygood as chief editor, one of the most eloquent\\ndivines and powerful writers of the country, was founded in 1837, and\\nis a fine journal. Mr. Burke, too, is a marked man, like Mr. Harrison,\\na marvel of energy and business triumph. In Butler, Taylor countv,\\nthe Gospel Messenger, founded in 1878, and edited by Mr. J. R. Res-\\npess, is published.\\nGeorgia has a weekly literary journal, the Sunny Sonth, established\\nin 1875, by the Seals Brothers, with Mrs. Mary Bryan as editress, that\\nequals any paper in the Union. It has a national circulation, and is a\\nbrilliant publication. Another literary and society weekly of peculiar\\nmerit, is the Atlanta Gazette, founded by Henry W. Grady, in 1878,\\nand now owned and edited by Williams Palmer. The Atlanta Pho-\\nnograph is a weekly literary and political paper, started in 1878, by W.\\nH. Christopher, a young man of some uncommon qualities. The WeeJdi/\\nPost is a good paper owned by Col. E. Y. Clarke.\\nThe oldest news and political weekly is the Milledgeville Union and\\nRecorder, now owned by Barnes Moore. This paper was the combi-\\nnation of the Southern Recorder aTid the Federal Union, in 1873. The\\nRecorder was established in 1819 by Grantlaiid Camak, who sold\\nto Grieve Orme. The Union was started in 1835, as the Statesman\\nand Patriot, and sold to Henry Solomon, and the name changed to", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0763.jp2"}, "714": {"fulltext": "G18 GEOK(;iA WEEKLY PRESS.\\nthe Union in 1830. John G. Polhill was the editor. In 1831 .Jolm A.\\nCuthbert, who has just died in Alabama, and who was a congressman\\nfrom Georgia, was associated with Mr. Polhill in 1831. Mr. Wilkins\\nHunt, Park IJogers, and Armstrong Campbell, in succession\\nowned the paper. Boughton, Nisbet Barnes bouglit it in 1851.\\nE.\\\\-Gov. H. V. Johnson edited it once. Mr. J. M. Moore became part\\nproprietor in 180 3. Mr. Nisbet retired in 18G7. Mr. Boughton died,\\nand Barnes Moore are the present proprietors. Tlie consolidated\\njournal, the Union and Hecorder, is one of the honorable land-marks\\nof Georgia history, and has furnished to the writer more valuable polit-\\nical historic material tlian all other sources combined. It is, to-dav, a\\nprogressive paper, representative of the State s best civilization and\\nmost virtuous and independent public thought.\\nThe Mountain Signal at Dahlonega, the center of the famous\\ngold region, was put forth in 1839. It is now owned by Col. W. P.\\nPrice, one of the valuable and most public-spirited men of Georgia.\\nThe next paper in age is the Sandersville Herald and Georgian,\\nfounded in 1841, and now run by Wni. Park. The Lagrange Reporter\\nwas started in 1843 by Dr. Bronson, with Col. W. B. Jones and Hon.\\nJohn F. Awtry as printer.?, and the name then was the Lagrange Her-\\nald. B. H. Bigliam and Col. Jones owned the paper a while. Wm. J.\\nScott of Scott s Magazine, edited it, for a period. Alexander Speer,\\na most remarkable man, father of Judge Speer of the Supreme Court,\\nand grandfather of Emory Speer, the congressman, was editor a long-\\ntime. Thomas J. Bacon, a relative of Speaker A. O. Bacon, conducted\\nthis journal. The paper had a stirring administration under C. H.\\nC. Willingham, who was threatened with arrest for his unsparing\\ndenunciations of the military reconstruction government. Mr. J. T.\\nWaterman bought the Reporter in 1872, and ran it for eight brilliant\\njournalistic years, making it a model in every respect. He sold to\\nWm. A. Wimbish, who has recently disposed of the paper.\\nThe next weekly paper in point of time was that exquisite specimen\\nof typography and sustained taste and ability, the North Georgia\\nCitizen, published and edited at Dalton by J. T. Whitman. It was\\nstarted in 1847 by Ware Wyatt, as the Mountain Eagle. Its name\\nhas been often changed to Spirit of the Tirms, North Georgia Times\\nand Citizen. In 1858, the proprietor and editor was J. Troup Taylor,\\nand not J. R. Christian, as stated in chapter ten, page seventy-nine. In\\n185fl, J. T. Whitman, the present owner, bought the paper. It was\\npartially destroyed by Gen. Sherman s men, and was suspended a", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0764.jp2"}, "715": {"fulltext": "Gi:OR(iI\\\\ WEHKI.Y I UKSS. (JIO\\nwhile. It has been Democratic, conservative ami aljly conducted,\\nand is one of the solid institutions of Dalton. In 185-1: Col. C. W.\\nHancock established the Sumter Rgpnbliean in Americus, when the\\nplace had three hundred people. It was a Whig- paper, but has been\\nDemocratic since the war. It was suppressed by Gen. Steadman a\\nmonth, in 18G5. It is a fine journal, and Col. Hancock is a leader of\\nthe Georgia press. It has a splendid scope of territory, it has grown\\nsteadily in circulation, and its present and only proprietor, if he lives\\nfiftj years longer, will leave it a legacy of honor and profit to his\\ndescendants. The Soiiihern Wutchina/i, at Athens, was also estab-\\nlished in 1854. The Sout/wni Enterprise, at Tlioniasville, began its life\\nin 1855, and is now brilliantly run by Mr. C. P. Hansell.\\nIn 185G the Monroe Adoertlser was launched at Forsyth. J. P.\\nHarrison ran it long. J. C. Harris began his bright journalistic^\\ncareer upon it. It has always been a mo lol of a paper, and Henry H.\\nCabaniss now keeps it up to its unsurpassable standard. In 1857 the\\nCartersville -Eepress was put forth. In 1853 the Gainesville Et^/h;\\ncommenced a strong career, J. E. Redwine long managing it. Its edi-\\ntor is a bright writer, H. W. J. Ham. In 1859 the Early Conntij\\nKe i)s, at Blakely, and the Elberton Gazette, at Elberton,were established,\\nboth first-class journals.\\nThe Warrenton Clipper, so far as we can learn, is the only war-born\\npaper in existence, it having been established in 18G.3. It has had a\\nstirring time, one of its editors, Mr. Wallace, having been murdered.\\nIt is now run by Rev. John A. Shivers, one of the noted men of the\\nState press, a bold, born editor. After the surrender, the Nevvnan\\nHerald came to us first in 18G5, and also the Georgia Enterprise at\\nCovington. The year 18GG saw an increased activity in the birth of\\npapers. The Marietta Journal, Waynesboro Herald and Expositor,\\nDawson Jonrnal, Eatonton Messenger, Greenesboro Herald, Hawkins-\\nville JJispatch,Jesup Sentinel, Sparta Times and PlaiUer, und Washing-\\nton Gfizette, all vigorous bantlings, inaugurated healthy, influential jour-\\nnalistic lives. The ^Marietta .lourntd. was issued when the town was in\\nruins and garrisoned by Federal soldiery. It served a good mission,\\nand gave hope to the county. It fought reconstruction boldly, and\\nwas menaced time and again. R. M. Goodman Co. owned it up to\\n18T5, when Xeal Massey bought, and still run it. It is a first-class\\njournal. The Waynesboro Herald and Expositor is under control of\\nR. O. Lovett, and was a consolidation, in 1880, of E.rpositor, .started in\\nISGG, and the Herald in 1878. The Eatonton Messenger has been a", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0765.jp2"}, "716": {"fulltext": "G20 GEORGIA WEEKLY PRESS.\\nspecially valuable and vigorous paper. It was called first the Presn\\nand Messenger. It has changed hands and names several times. Its\\nj)ul IislR r and editor is Goo. W. Adams. It is one of the progressive\\njournals of Georgia.\\nIn 18G7 the Valdosta Times was established. In 1868 the Barnes-\\nville Gazette was introduced to the public by Lambkin Pound.\\nMr. Pound, McMichael Allen, and lastly J. C. McMichael owned the\\npa]ier in succession, the last gentleman now being the proprietor. The\\njournal has been twice enlarged, so great has been its prosperity. It is\\nread in si.\\\\ counties, and is a strong publication. The Brunswick\\nAppeal was started also in 18G8. The year 18G9 saw several excellent\\nweeklies given to the public, the Madison 3fadisonian, the Calhoun\\nTimes, the Fort Valley Jfirror, the Perry Home Journal, the Rome\\nJiulletin, and the Talbotton Eef/lster and Standard. The Madisoniaa\\nwas the project of Dr. J. G. C. Blackburn, for thirty years identified\\nwith our State journalism. It is ably conducted. Dr. Blackburn being\\naided by his son, B. M. Blackburn, and especially and wisely devoted to\\nlocal news. The Talbotton Standard \\\\vj.s the enterprise of two remark-\\nable young men, John B. Gorman and J. T. Waterman. Mr. Gorman\\nwas a gallant soldier, has been a successful business man, and a great\\nwalker, traveling on foot over 1,200 miles, and is altogether a genial and\\noriginal character. The Standard w s consolidated with the Hegister in\\n1880, and is now owned by J. B. Gorman and O. D. Gorman, and edited\\nby O. D. Gorman, who is a facile writer, and noted for his enterprise\\nand fearless views. It is one of the model papers of the State, and\\nwields a deservedly great influence in the progressive county in which\\nit is published.\\nIn 1871 the Catoosa Courier was published, and has a large circula-\\ntion, under R. M. Morris. The Hinosvillc Gazette was first issued in\\n1871, and that sterling journal, the Gwinnett Hcr(dd, published now\\nby Col. Tyler M. Peeples, at Lawrenceville. This is one of the strong\\nweeklies, and edited by an ornament of the newspaper calling. The\\nMcDtiffie Joun^al, at Thompson, and the Louisville Xews and Farmer\\nand Bainbridgc Democrat by Mr. Ben. Russell, complete the list of 1871.\\nThe Carroll County Times is a vigorous weekly, founded in 1872 by\\nEdwin R. Sharpe. It has a pure moral tone, and steadily strives to ele-\\nvate public sentiment. CarroUton is the terminus of the Savannah,\\nGriffin and North Alabama Railroad, and the county is large and its\\nprospects bright. The Eastman Times, the Toccoa News, the Green-\\nville Vindicator by .1. T. Revill, tlie Luitipkin Independent, all came", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0766.jp2"}, "717": {"fulltext": "GEORGIA WEEKLY PRESS. 621\\nout in 1872. The Vindieator is conducted with singuhu- power and\\nindependence. The Greensboro Georgia Home Journal was founded\\nin 1873 by Rev. J. Knowles, an eloquent preacher and an able writer.\\nThe Hamilton Journal and Middle Georgia Argus at Indian Springs,\\nOglethorpe Echo at Lexington, and Montezuma WeeJclg, and the\\nThomasville Times by J. Triplett, also appeared in 1873. In 1874 the\\nState Line Press at West Point, by S. P. Callaway; the Covington Star\\nby J. H. Anderson, the Joiicsboro N ews, Quitman Reporter, Sumnier-\\nville Gazette, and the Darian Timber Gazette, by Richard W. Grubb,\\nwere established. These are all the very highest types of weekly jour-\\nnals, bold, able and enterprising. Mr. Callaway aided to found an\\nadmirable system of public schools. Mi Anderson s career has been\\nromantic, he figuring largely in the famous Kansas troubles, and is one\\nof the strong men of our press. Mr. Grubb is a genius. His bright,\\nnewsy paper has been a departure in journalism, and is to-day a recog-\\nnized leader among our State publications. In its files it has embalmed\\nthe local history of its county and the famous citizens. It has given\\nsome twenty-five sketches of the journalists of the State. His office has\\nbeen twice destroyed by fire. As delegate to political conventions,\\nmember of State Democratic Committee, he has been unusually honored.\\nThe Gazette has a large circulation, copies of it going to Hong Kong,\\nCalcutta and Europe. The year 1875 -saw the birth of the Berrien\\nCounty N^ews at Alapaha, the Brunswick Advertiser, the Carnesville\\nIlegister, Hartwell Sun, Irwinton Southerner and Appeal, Jefferson\\nForest JVews.\\nThe Rome lYihune, the Marion County Argus, the Dublin Gazette,\\nthe Ellijay Courier and Butler Herald, Crawfordsville Democrat, now\\nunder charge of a bright Atlanta youth, Mr. Ed. Young, De Kalb\\nNews at Decatur, Franklin News, Henry County Weekly by Brown\\nMcDonald, Walton County Vidette at Monroe, Coffee county Gazette,\\nSwainsboro Herald, all had birth in 1876. The Crawfordsville Democrat\\nwas established by W. D. Sullivan, then sold to M. Z. Andrews, who\\ndisposed of the paper to Ed. Young Co. Mr. Young has doubled the\\nsize and circulation of the paper in a month, and its editorial manage-\\nment shows the first order of ability. The Tribune was founded by that\\npowerful writer. Col. B. F. Sawyer, and is now run by an efficient\\neditor, T. E. Hanburj The Argus, published by W. W. Singleton at\\nBuena Vista, is a conservative and well conducted journal, having a\\nlarge scope of territory. The Dublin Gazette was the enterprise of\\nJohn M. Stubbs. It had a number of editors, A. T. Allen, J. M. G.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0767.jp2"}, "718": {"fulltext": "023 GEORCIA WEEKLY TRESS.\\nMedloek, Ini T. Stanley, J. H. Etheridge, and now it is managed ably\\nl)y David Ware, Jr. The Ellijay Courier was begun by Lumsden\\nBlatts. It changed hands several times, until in 1877 it came into the\\nvigorous control of W. F. Combs, its present efficient editor. It is the\\nofficial paper of Fannin, Gilmer and Pickens. It has been a faithful\\nadvocate of our pulilic school system. The Du Pont Olcefcenolcean,\\nWalker County JIcsse)if/er at La Fayette, Quitman J^i-ee Press and\\nXiriifin Siui belong to the year 1877. Mr. C. R. Hamleiter edited the\\ntSiin vigorously, and recently sold it to Randall Randall.\\nIn 1878 the Dade County Gazette, the Conyers WeekJij, and the\\nDaltoii Argus, Blackshear News, Cartersville Free Press, by C. H. C.\\nWillingham, that sturdiest of our political editorial fighters, the Cedar-\\ntown jidrertiscr, the Dublin Post, and Louisville Courier, came forth\\nto healthy usefulness. The Rev. J. A. Darr put out the Gazette, Dr.\\nT. J. Lumpkin bought it in 1870, and runs it now. Its motto well\\nexemplifies its management Faithful to the right and fearless against\\nthe wrong. Mr. J. N. Hale established and now conducts the Conyers\\nT?^ ec7i and it is a paragon of good administration, run strictly on a\\ncash basis. The Arf/ns was the bantling of II. A. Wrench at Dalton,\\nand was a spicy, outspoken, combative, keen-cutting striker. It is now\\nrun by Hamilton Willingham, and is still a piquant paper.\\nIn 1879 several most excellent journals were established, one of them\\nin its scholarly, forceful and vivid editorials equaling any journal. North\\nor South. This paper, the Sparta Ishmadite, edited by Sidney Lewis,\\nis marked by a commanding ability, thorough fearlessness, and an\\nincisive discrimination in its editorial conduct. Mr. Lewis is certainly\\na strong and gifted writer, and one of the ornaments of Georgia jour-\\nnalism. The Fort Gaines Trihune was the enterprise of S. E. Lewis, and\\nlias deservedly grown into large circulation. The Douglassville Star\\nwas founded by Rev. J. B. C. Quillian, and sold the same year to its\\npresent proprietor, Robert A. Massey, who has made it one of the live\\npapers of Western Georgia. The other papers, born in 1879, were the\\nArlington Advance, Cochran Enterprise, Aniericus Recorder, Bellton\\nGeorgian in Hall county, Dawsonville Mountain Chronicle, Fort\\nGaines Trihune, Fort Valley Advertiser, Harlem Columbian, McVille\\nSouth Georgian, Newnan Leader, Sylvania Telephone, Thomaston\\nMiddle Georgia Times, Thomasville Post, and Warrenton Oiir Country.\\nThe year 1880 was right prolific in new journals, the Walkinsville\\nAdvance, Spring Place Times, Danielsville Yeoman, Cleveland Adver-\\ntiser, Canton Advance, Camilla Despatch, and Elberton Neics.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0768.jp2"}, "719": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0769.jp2"}, "720": {"fulltext": "y^. 77^..jC^,^,\\nGEORGIA HUMORISTS.", "height": "2690", "width": "1606", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0770.jp2"}, "721": {"fulltext": "OUR GEORGIA HUMORISTS. 023\\nThe year 1S81 has witnessed the estabhshtnent of several successful\\npapers; the Walton A^eics by B. S. Walker, which from January to Sep-\\ntember has obtained the extraordinary circulation of 1,100 the Pike\\nCounty JVews, by that veteran and accomplished journalist, Col. J. D.\\nAlexander, who so long conducted the Griffin JVems. Col. Alexander\\nwas a gallant Confederate, a good lawyer, and has been one of the best\\neditors in Georgia. lie is a pleasant gentleman, true, able and full of\\nthe honor of his calling. His paper has had a remarkable success. He\\nhas just sold his journal to E. T. J. E. Pounds.\\nIt has been an extraordinary mark of progress that the colored people\\nhave two well established weekly newspapers, one the Journal of\\nProgress at Cuthbert, edited by an intelligent man named Wright, and\\nthe other the Ulu le at Atlanta, edited by W. P. Pledger, Chairman of\\nthe Republican State Executive Committee, and a very well educated\\nand smart person, a good writer and excellent speaker. This account\\nof the journalism of Georgia is the beginning of what constitutes an\\ninteresting part of our State history, and is necessarily imperfect from\\nthe difficulty of collecting information of so multifarious an interest.\\nThe literature of Georgia has not been voluminous, but it has been\\nin many respects original and picturesque, and marked by a vivid\\nindividuality. The field in wliich Georgia literary genius has been most\\naffluent is that subtle and delicate range of intellectual demonstration\\nknown as Humor. Our State can point to five writers of national\\nreputation, who have rightfully won the fame due to genuine and\\noriginal humorists. No state or country on the globe can show in one\\ngeneration such a galaxy of humorous writers as Georgia. These five,\\nin the order of their seniority, are .Judge A. B. Long-street, author of\\nGeorgia Scenes, Col. William T. Thompson, author of Major Jones\\nCourtship, Col. Richard .\\\\I. .Johnston, author of the Dukesboro Tales,\\nCiiarles H. Smith, our Bill Arp, and Joel Chandler Harris, our Uncle\\nRemus. The first three, Longstreet, Thompson and Johnston, have\\npictured the racy flavor of country life Mr. Smith has ranged over the\\nwhole domain of humorous thought, touching up the world of human\\nfoible with a gentle satire while Mr. Harris has portrayed with a\\nmaster hand that wonderful and obsolete character, the plantation negro\\nof the gone slavery days. Perhaps it is not invidious to say that the\\nyounger one leads the quintette. Uncle Remus has gone to Europe\\nto capture the critics and literary savans there, and it is not less an\\ninimitable and sustained piece of character drawing, imbued with a\\nmatchless humor, than a priceless contribution to ethnological science.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0771.jp2"}, "722": {"fulltext": "02-i Georgia s humorists.\\nThe South owes a debt to tliis author for snatching from oblivion\\npictures of a personality so pathetic and so valuable.\\nMr. Harris is versatile. He writes dainty poems, strong political\\nleaders, business editorials, discriminating literary criticisms, pungent\\nparagraphs upon the absurdities of the day, and he has sketched a\\nserial story, the Romance of Rockville, that betokens the power of\\nthe novelist. He is now engaged upon a story for Scribner s Mag-\\nazine, depicting the old slave life in the South. The most attractive\\n([uality of Mr. Harris genius is his own utter unconsciousness of its\\nversatile power.\\nJudge Longstreet valued very little his talent for humorous writing,\\nand was said to be ashamed rather of his successful venture. His\\nRansey SnifJlo will live forever. Col. Thompson wrote also Major\\nJones Travels, the Chronicles of Pineville, Hotchkiss Codifica-\\ntion of the Statute Laws of Georgia, a dramatization of The Vicar of\\nWakefield, and The Live Indian, a comedy out of which John E.\\nOwens, the comedian, made fame and money, without pay to the author.\\nAnd strangely too. Col. Thompson was tricked out of the copj-right of\\nhis Major Jones Courtship, in the very flood tide of its extraordinary\\nsale, and by a chain of curious circumstances has reaped no profit from\\nits great circulation. This book was first published in the Madison\\nJliscellani/. A chaste writer and an inimitable humorist. Col. Thomp-\\nson will live in our literary annals enduringly.\\nCol. Johnston is writing regularly for the magazines, Harpers and\\nScribners His Puss Tanner s Defence, in Harpers several months\\nback, is simply unsurpassable. It, like his Dukesboro Tales, is a\\ndelicious piece of characterization, veiling in its exquisite humor, and\\nfaultless portrayal of personality, a pathos as gentle and an underlying\\ntragic intensity as strong as any man s pen ever embodied. As for Bill\\nArp, the man seems perennial. Week after week for years he has sent\\nout his unfailing messengers of wise fun, scalping with a kind keen-\\nness the every day fatuities of life, and beneath it all bubbling out a\\nnever ceasing current of touching human nature. His book Peace\\nPapers had a fine run. .Judge Longstreet has gone to his long home.\\nCol. Thompson, in his editorial labor, does no literary work. Long may\\nhe and Johnston and Arp and Uncle Remus be spared to scatter their\\nhumorous wisdom and illustrate Georgia in the world of letters.\\nWe have had considerable Historical writing in our State. McCall\\nand Stevens gave us fragments of Georgia History. The Rev. George\\nWhite furnished valuable contributions in his Statistics of Georgia,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0772.jp2"}, "723": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0773.jp2"}, "724": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0774.jp2"}, "725": {"fulltext": "COLONEL CHARLES C. JONES, JR. 625\\nand Historical Collections of Georgia, coming to 1854. In 1779,\\nwe had the Historical Account of the Progress of the Colonies of\\nSouth Carolina and Georgia, by Rev. Mr. Herbert. In 1809 a History\\nof Georgia was printed by T. S. Arthur and W. H. Carpenter. Hon.\\nThomas R. R. Cobb wrote in 1858 an Historical Sketch of Slavery.\\nStephen F. Miller in 1858 published his Bench and Bar of Georgia.\\nJudge E. J. Harden printed a Life of Gov. George M. Troup. Hon.\\nA. H. Chappell put forth in 1874 Miscellanies of Georgia, and\\nThomas Gilbert of Columbus was the publisher. Hon. William A.\\nStiles wrote before the war a History of Austria, a scholarly work.\\nJudge Garnett Andrews was author of Reminiscences of an Old\\nGeorgia Lawyer. A very remarkable book of historical Biography by\\na Georgian is Reminiscences of Fifty Years, by William H. Sparks,\\na work of uncommon vividness, value and dramatic power. Col. Sparks\\nhas a second volume of these interesting Reminiscences ready for the\\npress.\\nThe undisputed head of our Georgia historic writers is Col. Charles\\nC. Jones Jr., a gentleman of the highest literary culture and a born\\nantiquarian. He has published twenty-five books and pamphlets relat-\\ning to Georgia matters, and is now engaged upon a three volume work\\ncovering the entire field of Georgia History from the founding of the\\ncolony to the present. His most important work, that has attracted\\nthe attention of the literary savans of Europe and won him the degree\\nof LL. D., from the University of the City of New York, is the\\nAntiquities of the Southern Indians, Particularly of the Georgia\\nTribes. This volume has a large scientific value, is a model of ornate\\nand strengthful style, and is the fruit of antiquarian research, critical,\\naccurate, and profound. Col. Jones numbers among his other valuable\\npublications, Indian Remains in Southern Georgia, Monumental\\nremains of Georgia, Historical Sketch of the Chatham Artillery,\\nAncient Tumuli in the Savannah River, Ancient Tumuli in Georgia,\\nHistorical Sketch of Tomo-chi-chi, Mico of the Yamacraws, Remi-\\nniscences of General Henry Lee, Kasimir Pulaski, The Siege of\\nSavannah in 1779, The Siege of Savannah in December 1864, Ser-\\ngeant ill^am Jasper, General Officers of the Confederate Service,\\nThe Dead Towns of Georgia, The Life of Commodore Josiah Tatt-\\nnall, Aboriginal Structures in Georgia, Hernando De Soto, His\\nMarch Through Georgia, Memorial of Jean Pierre Purry, The\\nGeorgia Historical Society, The Colonial Acts of the General Assem-\\nbly of Georgia, 1754^-1774. Besides these important publications, whose\\n40", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0775.jp2"}, "726": {"fulltext": "026 Georgia s poets.\\nscope and variety give token alike of tlie literary labors of tliis classical\\nwriter and accomplished antiquarian, Col. Jones has contributed innu-\\nmerable articles to the reviews and periodicals of the country. He adds\\nthe graces of a charming gentleman to his literary tastes, and has a superb\\ncollection of original historical manuscripts and important Indian relics.\\nHe writes with remarkable tiuency and taste, in a chirography like copper-\\nplate. His History of Georgia will be a work of unspeakable value,\\nand it is fortunate that the important luljor has fallen to one so capable\\nand finely equipped.\\nInteresting sketches have been written of Savannah by of\\nMacon, by J. Butler; and of Atlanta, by E. Y. Clarke. Ex-Gov.\\nWilson H. I umpkin left valuable manuscript of record of a number of\\nyears of Georgia History, that has never been published. Col. Herbert\\nFielder has ready for the press, manuscript of a History of Georgia\\ncovering the late war which must prove a valuable work. One of the\\nmost important books of historical bearing is the famous War Between\\nthe States, by Hon. Ale.xander H. Stephens, in two volumes, which\\nhas had a wide circulation, and is a profound and accurate presentation\\nof the philosophy of the great civil war. Two very interesting biog-\\nraphies of Mr. Stephens havebeen written, one by Henry Cleveland, and\\nthe other by Richard M. Johnston and William H. Browne. Another\\nbrilliant Georgia biography is the Life of Linton Stephens, by J. D.\\nWaddell.\\nGeorgia has had a lavish affluence of poets, and can number among\\nthem some of the admitted masters of poetrj Such names as James\\nR. Randall, Paul II. Hayne, Sidney Lanier, Charles W. Hubner, F. O.\\nTicknor, Harry Flash, Henry R. Jackson, and Richard Henry Wilde,\\nconstitute a galaxy of genuine poetic genius. Mr. Randall has won an\\nimmortal fame by his My Maryland. Ilis handsome face, lit with the\\ninspiration of his soul, is a noble outward indication of his exalted strain\\nof pure poesy. His newpaper work is uniformly of the highest order,\\nchaste, glowing, thoughtful, alike full of solidity, faultlessness and radi-\\nance. Mr. Ilaync has taken a high stand in the world of literature, he\\nbeing the only one of our writers who devotes himself to it as a pro-\\nfession. He has published several volumes of poems. He is a fine\\nmaster of versification. He has written some very fine sonnets. He\\nhas just furnished the ode for the opening of the International Cotton\\nExposition at Atlanta, that is a fair out-giving of his poetic genius,\\nwarm, scholarly, nuisical and vivid.\\nThe name f I idnoy Lanier evokes the tenderest thought of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0776.jp2"}, "727": {"fulltext": "SPARK I.I SG GEORGIA POETS. G27\\nreader. His recent death, so young and yet so established in fame, and\\nwith such affluence of distinction before him, has made him rarely\\nmourned. He was a singularly gifted person. His mind early dis-\\nplayed originality, brilliance uud critical taste and beauty of scholarship.\\nHe published Tiger Lilies, a novel, in Georgia, a book full of his\\nindividuality. He moved North and fi.xed liimself in the literary world\\neasily and shiningly. He was chosen from the whole rich range of\\nAmerican poets to deliver the opening poem at the Great Centennial at\\nPhiladelphia a glittering pre-eminence. He published in succession\\nwith increasing fame, The Science of English Verse, and Boys\\nKing Arthur. And he died in the midst of a new project, and occupy-\\ning the distinguished chair of lecturer in literature at the John Hopkins\\nUniversity. Lanier was a genuine genius. He had the true poetic\\ninspiration and a divine master s faculty of poetic utterance. Richard\\nHenry Wilde s My Life is like a Summer Rose, will live with the\\nlanguage. Gen. Jackson is a true poet, and has written some exquisite\\ngems of poetic feeling and expression. He published in 1850 a volume\\nentitled Tallulah and other Poems. Perhaps My Father, and\\nJ/y Wife and C hild,^ are his best poems and breathe the true inspi-\\nration. Harry L. Flash, editor of the Macon Telegraph, was a poet of\\nrare power. He has settled down in some distant State to the sale of\\npork, but to that prosaic business in which he is said to be succeeding\\nadmirably, he is devoting a poetic faculty as dainty as exists. In 1860\\nhe published a volume of poems, and he has written fugitive pieces\\nas exquisite as anything in the English language.\\nOne of the daintiest and sweetest poets we have in Georgia is\\nCharles W. Hubner, now employed upon the editorial staff of the\\nChristian Index. He has published a number of volumes, all rythmi-\\ncal, fervent and sparkling. His Souvenirs of Luther, Wild Flow-\\ners, Cinderella, and Modern Communism, have given him an\\nadmitted standing as the possessor of the true poetic faculty. He is\\nnow issuing, through the fine publishing house of Brown Derby, a\\nvolume of Poems and Essays that will enlarge his rising fame.\\nThere is one name upon which every Georgian can linger with a tender\\nadmiration. Dr. F. O. Ticknor. His poems were thrown off carelessly,\\nand never published in book form until after his death, but he had a\\nflashing vein of poetic genius, and deserves to rank among the true\\npoets of America. His Little Giffen of Tennessee is one of the liv-\\ning lyrics of the English language. J. R. Barrick, once editor of the\\nAtlanta Constitution, and A. R. Watson of the Macon Telegraph, were", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0777.jp2"}, "728": {"fulltext": "C28 GEORGIA BOOKS OF A SERIOUS NATURE.\\nboth fair poets. Mrs. M. C. Blgby of Nevvnan, Ga., has written some\\nmeritorious verses. Mrs. E. B. Gastlen of Macon, published a sprightly\\nvolume of poems under the title of Autumn Dreams. Miss Annie\\nR. Blount of Augusta, printed a volume of poems before the war. Mr.\\nS. Yates Levy of Savannah, wrote a successful drama, The Italian\\nBride, for Miss Eliza Logan, that evinced merit. Father Ryan wrote\\nsome of his best poems in Georgia while editing the Hanner of the\\nSouth in Augusta. His Conquered Banner has become historic.\\nMiss Carrie Bell Sinclair of Augusta, published a volume of poems.\\nMr. John C. Langston of Bolingbroke, has recently printed a volume.\\nMrs. Jennie Porter has published Valkyria this year, a work com-\\nmemorating the war, with many poetic flaslies, and having an excellent\\ncirculation North. Mr. James Maurice Thompson, formerly a lawyer of\\nCalhoun, Ga., has become a regular and popular poetic contributor to\\nthe literary journals of the country. He has written many fine tales.\\nOf serious works, Georgia has produced quite a number. Mr. John\\nS. Wilson published the Necrology of the Synod of Georgia in 1871;\\nRev. James P. Simmons of Lawrenceville, the War in Heaven; Prof.\\nJoseph Le Conte, a Text Book of Geology, and with his brother.\\nDr. John Le Conte, a Text Book of Chemistry; Dr. P. H. Mell, the\\npresent able Chancellor of the University of Georgia, Baptism,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Predestination, Corrective Church Discipline, and a Manual of\\nParliamentary Practice; Rev. F. R. Goulding wrote Life Scenes\\nfrom Gospel History, besides an inimitable series of boj s books that\\nhave had a world-wide circulation. The Young Marooners was\\nprinted in 1853 and has been issued by the tens of thousands in America\\nand Europe. Mr. James P. Harrison has just issued one of the most\\nvaluable publications of the day, a volume of 900 pages, giving the biog-\\nraphies of Southern Baptist divines, illustrated with over 400 portraits.\\nIt has been edited with great care, and printed by his own publishing\\nestablishment, the Franklin Printing House. A remarkable work just\\npublished is Our Brother in Black, by that powerful writer and\\neloquent divine. Rev. Atticus G. Haygood, president of Emory College\\nand editor of the Methodist Adnocate. It is an able, fearless, original\\nand conservative work, dealing with the problem of the colored race in\\nthe South with both a Christian and statesman-like hand. It is one of\\nthe most sententious, pregnant and philosophical publications of the\\ntime, and deserves the general circulation it is getting. Capt. M.\\nDwinell, of the Rome Courier, gave us Common Sense Views of Foreign\\nLands, a remarkably clear book of travels, written with force and sim-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0778.jp2"}, "729": {"fulltext": "OUU GEORGIA NOVELISTS. 629\\nplicity. Rev. J. M. Bonnell, president Wesleyan Female College, Macon,\\nissued a Manual of the Art of Prose Composition. Prof. R. M.\\nJohnson published The English Classics as a text-book in colleges, a\\nwork clear, accurate and discriminating. Col. W. S. Rockwell printed\\na Hand-Book of Masonry. Mrs. Mel R. Colquitt is one of our most\\ngifted lady writers, who has written no book, but gained high reputation\\nfor her varied contributions to the periodicals of the day. Mr. White\\nof Athens has written a book on Southern Gardening that is an\\nauthority.\\nIn the domain of fiction Georgia has done well. The leading novelist\\nof the South, Miss Augusta J. Evans, now Mrs. Wilson, author of\\nBeulah, Macaria, etc., and is a Georgia born lady. Hon. Henry W.\\nHilliard, recent U. S. Minister to Brazil, Congressman from Georgia\\nfrom 1845 to 1851, issued a novel, De Vane: a Story of Plebeians and\\nPatricians, in 1866. Mr. Clifford A. Lanier, a brother of Sidney Lanier,\\nhas given the State two novels, Thorn-Fruit and Two Hundred\\nBales; Rev. Mr. Warren of Macon, the novel of Nellie Norton;\\nMrs. Maria J. Westmoreland, Heart-Hungry and Clifford Troup;\\nMrs. Mary E. Tucker, the Confessions of a Flirt; Mrs. Emma L.\\nMoffett of Columbus, Crown Jewels; W. D. Trammell, Ca Ira;\\nMiss L. A. Field, Helen Freeman on the Right Path; Mrs. M. J. R.\\nHamilton, Cachet; Mrs. Fannie Hood of Rome, Maude, a Life\\nDrama; Mrs. Hammond of Atlanta, has recently put out the Geor-\\ngians, a novel of unusual power.\\nOur two romance writers at present, of largest celebrity, are Mrs. Mary\\nE. Bryan and Prof. William Henry Peck. Mrs. Bryan has published\\nManche and Wild Work, two very dramatic novels, given out\\nunder the strong imprimatur of the Appletons, and displaying talent\\nof a high order. She has been for years editing the Sumiy South.\\nThat she has found time and been able amid her severe absorption of\\njournalistic duty to produce two such fictions, is something remarkable.\\nWild Work is a reconstruction romance, founded in fact, and\\ndepicting some of the anomalous phases of that strange era in the South\\nfollowing the war, that has been narrated in this volume in its place in\\nthe march of turbulent events. Mrs. Bryan has genuine literary genius,\\nand it is finding a wide and appreciative recognition. She is also a lady\\nof lovely character and delightful social qualities. Prof. William Henry\\nPeck has probably- made more money than all the rest of our literary\\nworkers. He lias been professor, president of a college, editor and\\nnovelist. His fecundity of literary production is extraordinary. He", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0779.jp2"}, "730": {"fulltext": "630 GEOKIJIA .lOLU.VAI.IS.M AM) LITERATURE.\\nhad published thirty-four serials up to 18G9, many of them stories of\\nthe late war, the Renegade, The Conspirators of New Orleans,\\nThe Phantom, The Confederate Flag of the Ocean, The Maids\\nand Matrons of Virginia, etc. In 18G8, Prof. Peck moved to New\\nYork and lived there until 1875, when he located in Atlanta. In New\\nYork he wrote only for Bonner s great paper, the Ledger, the I^ew\\nYork Weekly and the Philadelphia Saturday Wight. Mr. Bonner, with\\nthat bold management that has marked him, has for years monopolized\\nthe genius of our Georgian, whose stories have so largely contributed\\nto his paper s success, and paid him tlie salary that railroad presidents\\nreceive. Mr. Peck has had $5,000 for a single story. His novels are\\nprincipally historical, requiring laborious study before the author begins\\nto fill out his plots. He writes usually five hours a day, sometimes ten.\\nHe studies five hours a day, and in addition reads everything published\\nand keeps up with the press. He is a student of faces, voices, manner-\\nisms and peculiarities, and combines the result of his observation in his\\ncharacters.\\nIt has been no accident or stratch that enables this industrious Geor-\\ngian to lead the serial writers of the world, to command a princely\\nincome, and to maintain his hold upon the largest reading constituency\\nin America and England. Since 1870 he has written some forty novels,\\namong them The Stone Cutter of Lisbon, The King s Messenger,\\nThe Queen s Secret, Flower Girl of London, The Miller of Mar-\\nseilles, etc.\\nThe characteristics of both our Georgia Journalism and Literature\\nare marked, healthy sentiment, independent thought, and a rapidly\\nincreasing culture. The genius of our Georgians is pure, original, and\\nof a sunny, picturesque quality, but lacking in discipline and equipment.\\nThe epoch of reconstruction has in many respects favored the demon-\\nstration of our Southern literary talent. The stimulus of necessity has\\nforced latent intellectuality to vigorous exercise. Success, of unquestion-\\nable capacity, has only been possible in competition with the trained\\nmethods of literary professionals, and to this end have our bright\\nGeorgia intalligences studied and striven. The warm fancy and strong,\\nvivid, ready brainfulness of the minds of a race, gifted by nature and\\ninheritance, have developed wonderfully. And, in the light of the ver-\\nsatile intellectual activity in our State in the last decade, reaching the\\ndemands of cosmopolitan criticism, grasping the attention of the world\\nof letters and running into the highest forms of manifestation, we can\\nindulge in large augurv for our State s literary future.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0780.jp2"}, "731": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER LII.\\nTHE RAILROADS, RESOURCES AND FUTURE OF\\nGEORGIA.\\nTlie State use of TJailroads. Stui)eudous Railway Schemes Centering iu Georgia\\nrecently. Our State Railways. The Central, Georgia, Air Line and State Rail-\\nroads. \\\\Vm. M. Wadley and his Great Flan. E. \\\\V. Cole and his Dramatic Vici.-i-\\nsitudes. The Erlanger Syndicate. The Richmond and Danville, and Georgia Pa-\\ncific Combination. I he Louisville and Nashville Organization and Gen. E. P. Alex-\\nander. \u00e2\u0080\u0094Over 2. )0 Millions of Railroad Pro[]erty Focalizing on Georgia; and 25\\nMillions Building on Georgia soil.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Our Railroad Superintendents. L. N. Tram-\\nniell, Railroad Commissiouer. Georgia s Mineral Affluence. A Grand State in\\nMiueral Wealtli. The Results of the Geological Survey. Our Agricultural\\nAttractions. The Work of our Agricultural Department. Cotton Production.\\nFruit. Immense Range of Production. Productive Fertility.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Stock. Water\\nPower Illimitable. Small Farms. Cotton Manufacture. Free Schools. The\\nInternational Cotton Exposition. An Amazing Enterprise. A World s Fair put\\non foot in 108 days. The Men of this Great Work. The Opening of the Expo-\\nsition. Great Speeches. Senators Z. B. Vance and D. W. Voorhees. The\\nScope of the Exhibit. A New Era betokened, and Georgia its Apostle. The\\nSumming up of Georgia s Career and De.stiny. A Noble Statehood, leading in the\\nrush of Civilization and Progress. The End.\\nOxE of the most powerful elements in Georgia s striking progress\\nhas been that lier people early learned the value of the railroad, as an\\nirresistible instrumentality of advancement. And it has been a curi-\\nous exemplification of her potential destiny, that in the last year or two\\nthis State has been the focal point of five stupendous railroad combi-\\nnations, including thousands of miles of track, radiating through a\\nquarter of the vast Union, and involving hundreds of millions of property.\\nAnd it is a fact, significant and honorable, that tiie majority of the mas-\\nter spirits of tlicse colossal enterprises are from Georgia. It is no acci-\\ndent that this supreme pre-eminence has fallen to our conmion wealth,\\nbut it is the result of adequate causes her geographical advantages,\\nher superb resources, and the genius of her men.\\nWe have now in Georgia 2,Clfi completed miles of railroad property\\nin the State, estimated as worth si.\\\\t_y millions of dollars. The capi-\\ntal stock in 1880 was )S31,r)80,6r)0; funded and other debt, 124,136,-\\n727\u00e2\u0080\u0094 total \u00c2\u00a755,517,342. These roads cost M9,G7U,723. They earned", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0781.jp2"}, "732": {"fulltext": "632 LEAPING GEORGIA RAILROADS.\\n*8,41G,G25, net earnings being $3,429,018, of which $1,019,030 was paid\\nas dividends, and $1,051,111 as interest. The first railroads built were\\nthe Central, from Savannah to Macon, 191 miles in length, and the\\nGeorgia railroad, 171 miles, from Augusta to Atlanta. The experimen-\\ntal survey for the Central Road was made by Col. Cruger, at the cost of\\nthe city of Savannah, in 1834. The Central Railroad and Banking Com-\\npany was organized in 1835, the road begun in 1830, and completetl\\nin 1843. The master spirit of this initial enterprise was W. W. Gor-\\ndon, Esq., a gentleman of uncommon energy and administrative ability.\\nThe charter of the Georgia road was granted in 1833. A part of it\\nwas operating in 1837, and the road completed in 1845. The\\nMacon and Western Railroad was chartered in 1833, the charter\\namended in 1830, and the road completed from Macon to Atlanta, 1(13\\nmiles, in 1840. These roads had been constructed by private capital.\\nOur enterpri.sing people immediately turned their energies to connect-\\ning our comjjleted triangular .system from Savannah and Augusta, to\\nAtlanta, with the great West. Some bold spirits, among them Hon.\\nAlex. 11. Stephens, chartered, and voted the State s money to the West-\\nern and Atlantic Railroad, 138 miles, from Atlanta to Chattanooga,\\nTenn. This road was completed in 1850. The Air Line was chartered\\nin 1850. Mr. .Jonathan Norcross was the first jsresidont. The road\\nwas located in 1800. Work was not begun until 18G7, under Col.\\nBuford as president. The first ground was broken March, 1809, and\\nthe first rail laid October, 1809. The road was completed August 20,\\n1872, the 205 miles from Atlanta to Charlotte costing $7,950,000.\\nThe name. Col. J. G. Foreacre, has a powerful and honorable connection\\nwith this great road. He was its general manager for years, and is a\\ngentleman of extraordinary ability and enterprise. He is now presi-\\ndent of the X(jrth-Eastern Railroad. Still another name of strong\\nprominence that had connection with the Air Line, is IMaj. John B.\\nPeck, who has long managed the South Carolina road, an able railroad\\nwriter as well as manager.\\nTo show the benefits of railroads, on the Air Line road, the popu-\\nlation decreased from 1850 to 1800, when there was no railroad, at least\\ntwo per cent., or from 108,800 to 105,247, while on the Western and\\nAtlantic railroad it increased thirty-five per cent., or from 98,208 to\\n132,549. The enhancement of property in value was over twenty-two\\nmillions, or eighty per cent, greater on the State road. After the Aii-\\nl^ine road was built, the increase in fourteen counties was fifteen\\nmillions in four years, and 2,000 voters, repre.senting 14,000 people.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0782.jp2"}, "733": {"fulltext": "WILLIAM JI. WADLEY. 633\\nThe South-western Railroad, 143 miles, from Macon to Eufaula,\\nAla.; the branch from Gordon to Eatonton, 38 miles; the branch from\\nAugusta to Millen, 53 miles; from Barnesville to Thomaston, 16 miles;\\nfrom Fort Valley to Columbus, 71 miles; from Perry to Fort Valley, 12\\nmiles; from Smithville to Arlington, 59 miles; from Cuthbert to Fort\\nGaines, 23 miles; from Griffin to Carrollton, 60 miles, all now belong\\nby purchase or lease to the Central, making 787 miles.\\nThe Georgia Railroad, 171 miles; Macon branch, 78 miles; Washing-\\nton branch, 18 miles; Athens branch, 40 miles; Hartwell road, 10\\nmiles, and Lavvrenccvillc road, 10 miles, making 327 miles, have been\\nleased by the Central Railroad, giving that enormous corporation 1,114\\nmiles of track in the State, besides its outer connections of the Western\\nRailroad of Alabama, Montgomery and Eufavila road, and Port Royal\\nand Augusta road, running its total to 1,494 miles of road. It is in\\nclose sympathy with the Atlanta and West Point Railroad, 89 miles,\\none of the most valuable and best managed railways in the South, whose\\nstock has valued high, and whose governing spirit has been Col. L. P.\\nGrant, one of the most capable railroaders in the Union. The gentle-\\nman whose name is most identified with the Georgia Railroad is Hon.\\nJohn P. King, once a United States Senator, and for forty years a real\\nrailroad monarch, able, far-seeing, public-spirited and influential. The\\ngenius of this powerful combination is William M. Wadley, a gentle-\\nman of iron force of character and a capacity for broad enterprises.\\nMr. Wadley is a large, noble looking man, with a face of singular\\nbenevolence of expression. He began in the humblest capacity on the\\nCentral Road. lie has risen to a masterful pre-eminence through an\\nindividualitv, unusually strong, simple and direct, with a vigorous posi-\\ntiveness of will, and far-reaching conceptions, and yet with a narrowed\\nrange of thought in some matters due to lack of earl^- culture. He is\\na great-brained and indomitable man. His superb system, grasping the\\nmost vital railways of the State, connecting at Savannah with the\\nNorthern ports by a magnificent line of Ocean steamers, clutching the\\nSouth Carolina seaport metropolis of Charleston, with its roads, holding\\na direct link with Alabama and Mississippi and the great West, is a\\nmonument to his consummate and sagacious audacity. Mr. Wadley\\nIjuilds solidly, and he is one of the Railway Kings, not only of Georgia\\nbut of the South.\\nThe Macon and Brunswick Railroad was begun in 1859 and finished\\nin 1869, costing four millions for the 196 miles, including the branch to\\nHawkinsville. Col. George H. Hazlehurst was the ruling spirit of this", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0783.jp2"}, "734": {"fulltext": "G34 COI-ONEL E. \\\\V. COLE.\\nenterprise, a t-liarmiiig gentleman, and an accomplished railway manager.\\nThis road, whose history is romantic in the extreme, is the corner stone\\nof the famous Cole-Scney combination. The history of these colossal\\nrailway movements in Georgia is a glowing chapter of startling sur-\\nprises, sudden, secret and overwhelming purchases on a gigantic\\nscale, splendid demonstrations of individual management, and formidable\\ncoalitions of capital and genius. And connected with these dramatic\\naudacities of railway enterprise, have been some touching episodes of\\npersonal strategy, success and disappointment. Col. E. W. Cole, long\\nin charge of the Georgia Railroad, had while President of the Nashville\\nand Chattanooga and St. Louis roads, conceived and carried out appar-\\nently a powerful scheme that gave him supremacy to the Georgia coast.\\nIn the very hour of success, the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, under\\nVictor Newcomb s daring young guidance, bought the Nashville and\\nChattanooga road, dethroned Cole and clutched his great scheme. It\\nwas like Sedan to Napoleon, seemingly, the end of an empire.\\nCol. Cole bore his downfall philosophically. He had in his long rail-\\nroad career demonstrated abilities so conspicuous, judgment so sound,\\nexecutive power so superlative, and a scope of conception so accurate\\nand broad, that when he organized in a few days a plan covering a cash\\nexpenditure of sixteen millions of dollars, and gathering into a compre-\\nhensive and symmetrical chain the scattered links that railroaders had\\nstruggled with for years, the country gave to the indomitable Cole the\\nacclaim due to his enterprise and genius. Taking Brunswick, Georgia,\\nas his ocean terminus, he bought the Macon and Brunswick road, Selma,\\nRome and Dalton road, East Tennessee and Virginia road, leased the\\nMemphis and Charleston road, and has thousands of hands building the\\ngaps from Macon to Rome, through Atlanta. Baffled in leasing the\\nCincinnati Southern, he has perfected his scheme by securing connec-\\ntion with Norfolk and by Knoxville to Kentucky, and from Morristown\\nto the Carolina roads. His associates are Mr. George I. Seney of the\\nMetropolitan bank of New York, whose gifts to the Georgia colleges\\nhave so endeared him to the people of our State. The whole line of\\nthis combination includes 2,138 miles, penetrating the seven states of\\nGeorgia, Teiniessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Kentucky, North Carolina\\nand Virginia, and represents fifty millions of dollars.\\nThe Brunswick and Albany railroad, Ijke the Macon and Brunswick\\nroad, a Georgia enterprise full of romantic eventfulness in its construc-\\ntion, begun before the war and finished since, a memento of the most\\ntragic episode of Reconstruction, embroidered with the association of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0784.jp2"}, "735": {"fulltext": "THE EUl.ANGliR .SYNDICATE. 035\\nover five million of fraudulent bonds, lias been made the initial link of\\nanother vast railway scheme, known as the Erlanger syndicate of Frank-\\nfort capitalists in Europe, represented by Mr. Fred Wolfe. This line\\nextends from Brunswick, Ga., to New Orleans, and from New Orleans\\nthrough Chattanooga to Cincinnati, and from New Orleans to Texa;^.\\nIt owns besides the Brunswick and Albany road, the Vicksburg and\\nShreveport, and the Vicksburg and Meridian, the Memphis, Holly\\nSprings and Sehna roads, and has leased the Cincinnati Southern. It\\nhas invested over twelve millions, and is building between thi-ee hundred\\nand four hundred miles of new road. The Erlanger line embraces at\\npresent one thousand six hundred and thirty-one miles of road, worth\\nforty millions of money, and it is still extending. It includes at present\\nthe following lines:\\nCincinnati Sontliern iae niilfs.\\nAlaliaina Southein, 296\\nMeridian to Vick.sliur;;, 145\\nVicksburg to .Slirevepoit, 196\\nMeridian to Xew Orleans, 193\\nFlutaw to Memjiliis, iTH\\nEutaw to Selina, 52\\nSclnia to Alliany, 16.3\\nAlbany to Brunswick, 85\\nTotal 1,631\\nMr. Wolfe has twenty-five millions to invest. Baron Erlanger, the\\nhead of the syndicate, is the husband of the daughter of John Slidell,\\nConfederate Commissioner to Europe, captured on the British steamer\\nTrent. To the historic fact of Slidoll s embassy and the affectionate\\ndevotion of his daughter to the South, do we owe this enormous invest-\\nment of capital, commencing in Georgia, in the railways of the South.\\nThe Georgia Western Railroad, running from Atlanta into the inex-\\nhaustible coal fields of Alabama, has been a cherished project of Georgia\\nenterprise for years. Starting and failing, organized and reorganized\\ntime and again, finally Gon. .John B. Gordon caught up the unutilized and\\naffluent op]3ortunity, and has given it life. He and his brothers, E. C.\\nGordon, Walter Gordon and Gov. A. H. Colquitt, organized the Georgia\\nPacific Syndicate, with twelve and a half millions of capital, to build a\\nline from Atlanta through Birmingham, Ala., to the Mississippi river.\\nThat rich and powerful syndicate, the Richmond and Danville, already\\nowninsT the Air Line road in Georgia, has taken in the Gooro-ia Pacific.\\nThis maa-nificent scheme covers the folio wina; roads:", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0785.jp2"}, "736": {"fulltext": "630 THE GREAT LOUISVILLE AND NASHVILLE KAILKOAD CO.\\nRichmond to Danville, Va., 140 miles.\\nPiediriout Kailroad, Danville to Greensboro, N. C 49\\nNorth Carolina Railroad, Goldsboro via Greensboro to Charlotte, N. C., 2:i3\\nNorth-western North Carolina Railroad, Greensboro to Salem, N. C, 29\\nAtlanta and Charlotte Air Line Railroad, Charlotte to Atlanta, Ga., 2G9\\nN. C. Narrow Gauge branches, 70\\nCharlotte, Columbia and Augusta Railroad, Charlotte via Columbia to\\nAugusta, Ga 191\\nColumbia and Greenville Railroad, Columbia to Greenville, 143\\nC. G. branches 85\\nSpartansburg, Union and Cohimbia Railroad, Alston to Spartansburg, S. C, 68\\nAshville and Spartansburg Railroad, Spartansburg to Hendersouville, N. C, 48\\nWestern North Carolina Railroad, Sallsbnry to \\\\V, F. Ashville, 155\\nVirginia Midland Railroad, Alexandria to Danville, Va., 233\\nManassas Junction to Strasburg, Va., C2\\nFranklin Junction to Roey Mouut, (N. G.,) 37\\nOrange C. H. to Gordonsville, Va., 9\\nWarrenton Junction to Warrenton, Va., 9\\nRichmond, York River and Chesapeake Railroad, 39\\nNorth-ea-stern Railroad and Georgia, Athens to Lnla, Ga., 40\\n1,899\\nAdd to this net-work of 1,895 miles the Georgia Pacific from Atlanta\\nto Greenville, Miss., and Arkansas City, and its branches, of 500 miles,\\nand we have the superb aggregate of 3,395 miles, worth seventy-five\\nmillions of dollars, with Atlanta ^nd Richmond its centers. The Pres-\\nident of the Richmond and Danville Company is N. S. Buford of Rich-\\nmond Vice Presidents, George W. Perkins of New York and A. Y.\\nHokes and T. M. Logan of Richmond, with T. M. R. Talcott, as General\\nManager, A. Pope, General Agent, and R. Temple as the Chief Engineer.\\nThe Georgia Pacific remains under the Presidency of Gen. John B.\\nGordon.\\nWe now come to the powerful combination, that seems to be invinci-\\nble, spreading its strong tentacles ubiquitously, clutching new conquests\\nwith a giant s hand, preserving an acknowledged supremacy amid all\\nthe shifting changes of railway domination, and enlarging its colossal\\nrule with a steady, irresistible force. Working in an impenetrable\\nsecrecy, its purposes are only discovered when successful. It in some\\nway crushes rivalry, while it has a masterful capacity of beneficial coali-\\ntion. The Louisville and Nashville combination is the mysterious and\\npotential organization to which allusion is made. It inaugurated its\\nfirst startling movement in invading Georgia and dethroning the irrepres-\\nsible Cole. It is bound in a cordial alliance with Wadley s gigantic\\n.system in Georgia. It bought a majority interest in the Western and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0786.jp2"}, "737": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0787.jp2"}, "738": {"fulltext": "GEORGIA S", "height": "2680", "width": "1626", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0788.jp2"}, "739": {"fulltext": "^^^^XJ\\ns\\nRAILWAY MAGNATES.", "height": "2665", "width": "1596", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0789.jp2"}, "740": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0790.jp2"}, "741": {"fulltext": "GEXKUAL E. I\\\\ ALEXANDER. G37\\nAtlantic railroad, and but for the wily brain and lirni nerve of Joseph\\nE. Brown, whose forethouglit framed, and whose skillful management\\nenforced, the provision in the law of the lease that kept the control of\\nthe road in the hands of the original lessees, and made a forfeiture of\\nthe lease the penalty of discrimination, this subtle and iron-handed cor-\\nporation would have obtained the possession and guidance of this\\nregnant little State road of ours. And it has been a curious piece of\\nrailway drama, that this steady, diminutive railway of 138 miles, planted\\nin Northern Georgia, has held its imperial monopoly of power and\\nbusiness, firm amidst toppling syndicates, unaffected in a liurly-burly of\\nvast changes and the war of massive schemes, making every one of the\\nstupendous enterprises of thousands of miles of steel track, typifying\\nmillions of aggressive capital, pay tribute to its sovereignty. No rival\\nlias yet sj^rung into life, though King Cole is seemingly about to accom-\\nl)lish the achievement.\\nIt is an interesting fact, that the active spirit of this colossal combi-\\nnation, the Louisville and Nasliville, is our own brilliant young Georgian,\\nGen. E. P. Alexander, a noble officer of the South in the war, and now\\none of the railway magnates of the Union. He is carrying ably a vast\\nresponsibility. Wadley and Cole are Hearing sixty years in age.\\nAlexander is in the forties, and may well be called the young Napoleon\\nof the railways. The Louisville and Nashville has over 3,300 miles of\\nroad, worth one hundred millions of dollars, covering the South and tlie\\nWest. An instance of its daring and watchfulness is shown in the fol-\\nlowing recent movement in Georgia.\\nIn 1853, the Savannah, Albany and Gulf railroad was projected. Dr.\\nJohn P. Screven was the master-spirit, and his son, Col. John Screvr n,\\nsucceeded him. The road was dons to Thomasville, 200 miles, in 1801,\\nand almost destroyed during the war, and rebuilt to Bainbridge, 236\\nmiles, in 18G7. It has branches, Dupont to Live Oak, forty-nine miles;\\nThomasville to Albany, fifty-eight miles; and the Waycross and Florida\\ndivision from Tebeauville to Folkston, thirty-four miles, extending to\\nJacksonville. This road had a million dollar subscription from the\\nState, and $1,200,000 from Savannah. It is in the hands of a new com-\\npany, and bears the name of the Savannah, Florida and Western rail-\\nroad. The Louisville and Nashville road has, with its accustomed\\nsagacity, comjjined with tlie Savannah, Florida and Western railroad,\\nwhich extends its line to Chattahoochee, Florida, connecting with the\\nPensacola and Mobile road, now constructing by the Louisville and\\nNashville Company, and forming a direct and unbroken trunk line from", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0791.jp2"}, "742": {"fulltext": "038 GKOKGIA THE CENTER OF GREAT R. R. SCHEMES.\\nNew York l^y Savannah to New Orleans. Thus does a Georgia line,\\nstarting from a Georgia seaport, afford the main Atlantic Southern\\noutlet for another grand scheme. The Louisville and Nashville covers\\nits shining tracks of steel from Norfolk to New Orleans by two routes,\\nfrom Louisville to Pensacola, and from St. Louis to the Gulf of Mexico\\nand the Atlantic Ocean.\\nAgain, Mr. Garrett, President of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, is\\nsaid to be seeking his own line from Danville, Va., through Spartansburg,\\nS. C, to Atlanta, at a cost of ten millions of dollars. These colossal\\nenterprises stagger the imagination, and yet they are realities. The\\nwhole tendency of railway management is to vast consolidation, which\\nis now experiment. It remains to be seen whether the huge net-works\\nof railway will prove homogeneous and successful systems, or loosely\\nknit schemes, heterogeneous and inharmonious. One thing is certain,\\nand that is that in the face of these sweeping systems. State railroad\\ncommissions, governing isolated links of great chains, must be power-\\nless to regulate them, especially in the absence of a uniformity of policy\\nin the States. It looks as if a National commission must ultimately be a\\nnecessity.\\nIt is another evident contingency of this consolidating phase of rail-\\nroadism, that the still larger combinations of the North and West may\\nbo expected to have an eye to the South, sooner or later, and with their\\nillimitable capital and herculean enterprise, we may look for disarrange-\\nments of our Southern syndicates. Jay Gould has 12,000 miles of rail-\\nway, from New York to California and Mexico. Railroads are secured\\nby purchase of a bare majority of their stock. When it becomes to the\\ninterest of Gould or Vanderbilt, in the rushing development of Georgia\\nand its enhanced value in a commefcial view, to turn a longing eye\\nhere, we may not unreasonably anticipate a flutter and displacement of\\nour present syndicates.\\nBe this as it may, Georgia to-day occupies a position unparalleled in\\nthe Union. Ten thousand miles of railway corporations, aggregating\\n;500 millions of money, are pouring capital into and seeking control of\\nGeorgia commerce. Between twenty and twenty-five millions of capital\\nfrom the North arc being invested in railways in Georgia to perfect\\ngrand schemes. In every part of the State new iron pathway s, besides\\nthose long lines already mentioned, are opening up the counties to the\\nmarch of progress. The Marietta and North Georgia railroad, twenty-\\nfour miles from Marietta to Catiton, is building on to the Carolina\\nborder. The North-eastern road, .thirty-nine miles from Athens to Lula,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0792.jp2"}, "743": {"fulltext": "THE RESOURCKS OF (JEOROIA. 0.39\\nis swiftly exteiMling-; a road from Gaiiiosville to Dahlonoo-a is in process\\nof construction; from Arlington to Blakely in Early county, the link\\nis almost done; the North and South road from Columbus to Hamilton\\nis booked for Lagrange; the Augusta and Knoxville road has its four-\\nteen miles built in Georgia, and is going on; innumerable charters have\\nbeen granted; Atlanta and Alabama, Home and Chattanooga, Rich-\\nmond county railroad, Rome and Lagrange, Cumming and Suwannee,\\nBuena Vista road, Logansville road, Rome and Carrollton, Kingston\\nand Gainesvillf, Tcnnillo and Wrightsville, Covington and Oemulgce,\\nCovington and North Georgia, Covington and South River, Hawkins-\\nville and Florida, Jefiersonville and Southern, Belt road, Cleveland and\\nLulu railroads.\\nIt would not be proper to conclude reference to our Gcorg-ia railroads\\nwithout some allusion to its fine array of Superintendents, men of\\nsuperior capacity and character. Among these are Mr. Raoul, Mi-.\\nWm. Rogers and W. F. Shellman of the Central, Gen. Wm. McRae of\\nthe State road, Col. H. S. Haines of the Savannah, Florida ami\\nWestern, Mr. I. Y. Sage of the Air Line, Mr. John Green of the\\nGeorgia, and Mr. J. M. Edwards of the Macon Brunswick. A change\\nhas been just made in the Railroad Commission, Col. N. C. Barnett\\nretiring, and Col. L. N. Trammell taking his place. Col. Barnett filled\\nthe place well. Col. Trammell has all the qualities to make a superior\\nCommissioner. He brings to the high duties a splendid practicality,\\nambition to serve the public interest, and natural diplomacy.\\nThe resources of Georgia are not fully known. The Geological sur-\\nvey, so well conducted for five years by Dr. George Little, still incom-\\nplete, presents such an exhibition of varied wealth, even in its partial exe-\\ncution, as places our commonwealth foremost in its transcendent natural\\nadvantages.\\nThe results of the survey have been: 1st, a collection of ten thousand\\nspecimens of minerals, rocks, ores, fossils, plants and woods, represent-\\ning every county in the State, arranged in geographical position, so\\nthat any one may walk through the room on county lines and see\\nsamples of everything which would be seen by traveling over the whole\\nState.\\n3. A topographical map of the State, half completed, showing the\\ncounty lines as now establi-shed by law, county towns, villages, post-\\noffices, churches, schools, mills and roads.\\n3. A geological map of the State, showing the different formations\\nand periods in its history, and the mines in operation.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0793.jp2"}, "744": {"fulltext": "G40 TllK MINERALS OF GEOKOIA.\\n4. A hj psometric map showing the elevations from tide water to\\n4,811 feet on the Blue IJidge.\\n5. A map showinnf tlie river systems and drainage areas.\\n6. County maj)s of Dade, Walker, Catoosa, Chattooga, Murray,\\nWliitfield, Gordon, Bartow, Floyd, Polk, Cobb, Fulton, Hall and Haber-\\nsham, and of the Okefenokce Swamp, embracing portions of Clinch,\\nWare and Charlton counties.\\n7. A map of the Ocniulgee River, from Covington to Macon, show-\\ning all the sites for manufactories in a distance of seventy miles, with\\nan aggregate fall of 400 feet, with an atlas representing the topography\\nof the separate falls.\\n8. A map of North- West Georgia with two sections, showing the\\ng eological features from the North-west corner of the State to the line\\nof metamorphic rocks, in Bartow county.\\n9. Unfinished maps of the counties in the western half of the State,\\nfor which all tiie data have been collected on sectional maps.\\n10. Gold n:ines have been put in successful operation in Rabun,\\nTowns, Union, Fannin, Gilmer, Pickens, Cherokee, Cobb, Paulding-,\\nHaralson, Dawson, Lumpkin, White, Hall, Habersham, TJncoln, Ogle-\\nthorpe and Meriwether. In 1874 there were twenty-five stamps in\\nLumpkin; in 1881, 425. The 400 increase represent about 400,000 dol-\\nlars of investment of capital.\\n11. Copper has been worked by the Hunt Douglas process, in\\nHaralson county.\\n13. Lead has been mined in Lincoln county.\\n13. Manganese mines have been opened in Polk, Floyd and Bar-\\ntow. From the last $00,000 worth was shipped during the last year.\\n14. Iron mines have been opened, and large shipments made, from\\nBartow and Polk and Dade counties, and over 100 miles of outcrop of\\nfossiliferous iron ore located in Dade, Walker and Chattooga counties.\\n15. Coal has been mapped over a territory of 175 square miles.\\n16. Soapstone is now worked into blocks for furnaces and kilns and\\nstoves, in Atlanta, from the mines in Cherokee.\\n17. The largest acid chambers in America have been built at At-\\nlanta, for the manufacture of sulphuric acid and the mills for produc-\\ntion of acid phosphates. These form the basis for the fertilizers, of\\nwhich Georgia consumed last year $5,000,000 worth.\\n18. The North-eastern railroad is well under way to reach the gold,\\nasbestos, serpentine and corundum of North-east Georgia.\\n19. The Marietta and North Georgia railroad is moving toward", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0794.jp2"}, "745": {"fulltext": "MINING IN GKOUGIA. 641\\ntlie iron, marblo, mica, graphite, tale, soapstone and gold of North\\nGeorgia.\\n20. The Georgia Pacific is building to the gold, copper, magnetic\\niron, asbestos, mica and corundum of West Georgia, the coal-fields of\\nAlabama, and the cotton belt of tiie Mississippi.\\n21. Georgia has taken the first rank of the Southern States, from\\nthe publication of its resources for mining, manufacturing and agricul-\\nture, its climate, health resorts, mineral waters, timber and variety of\\nsoils.\\nUp to this time there have been collected and placed in the geological\\nrooms, at the State Capitol, carefully labeled with the name of the\\nowner, and the number of the lot, district and section, and arranged by\\ncounties: Asbestos from nine counties; Barite or Heavy Spa, two;\\nBuhrstone or Mill Rock, twenty-seven; Chrome for paints, two; Coal,\\nthree; Copper, twelve; Corundum for Emery wheels, six; Diamond,\\none; Graphite or black lead, ten; Granite for building, forty-five;\\nGliss sand, two; Green sand, fertilizer, four; Grindstone and Whet-\\nstone, four; Gold ores, sixty-one; Gypsum, land plaster, two; Hy-\\ndraulic Cement, two; Iron ores, seventy-one; Iron Pj rites (sulphur),\\nseven; Kaolin, for china ware, eleven; Lead ore, eight; Lig iiite, fuel,\\nfour; Limestone, forty-eight; Manganese, fifteen; Marble, si.\\\\; Marl,\\nfertilizer, twenty-two; Mica, eleven; Nickel, one; Nitre, two; Peat,\\nfour; Quartz (opal, amethyst), forty-si.x; Slate, roofing, four; Soapstone,\\ntwenty-two; Serpentine, mantels, etc., eleven; Rutile, seven; Zinc ore,\\ntwo.\\nThe following counties have minerals as follows: Jiabiin, Gold,\\nAsbestos, Serpentine; Toions, Gold, Copper, Corundum; Union, Gold,\\nMica; Fannin, Gold, Copper, Iron, Marble, Talc; Gilmer, Gold, Copper,\\nIron, Marble, Soapstone; I ickeiis, Gold, Iron, Mica, Marble, Graphite;\\nCherokee, Gold, Copper, Iron, Mica, Soapstone; Milton, Gold, Iron;\\nForsyth, Gold; Dawson, Gold, Corundum; Lun.pkin, Gold, Copper,\\nIron; White, Gold, Asbestos, Diamond; Ilahershaiii, Gold, Iron, As-\\nbestos; Hall, Gold, Lead, Iron, Mica, Asbestos; Dade,lTon, Coal, Fire-\\nclay, Holloysite; Walker, Iron, Coal, Marble; Catoosa, Iron, Marble,\\nLimestone.\\nWe have now in Georgia fifty gold mills with 500 stamps, the ma-\\nchinery worth $500,000; one copper mine,$50,000;one Sulphuric Acid fac-\\ntory, $200,000; one Soapstone mill, $10,000; one Asbestos mine, $10,000;\\none Manganese mill, $100,000; eighteen Iron Furnaces, $2,000,000; one\\nLead mine, $1,00(1,000; one Corundum mine, $10,000; one Mica mine,\\n41", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0795.jp2"}, "746": {"fulltext": "643 AGIUCLI.TLKAI, DEl AKTM liNT.\\n$5,000; Lime Kilns, $20,000; one Ferro-Manganese Furnace, $10,000;\\naggregating four millions dollars of mineral establishments. Georgia\\nhas grown from the production of 0,034 tons of iron in 1S70 to 35,152\\ntons in 1880.\\nTiie State of Georgia has the honor of being the first State in the\\nUnion to organize a Department of Agriculture, presided over by a\\nCommissioner cliarged with the administration of the office, untram-\\nmeled by an advisory board.\\nThe administration of the Department throughout, and especially by\\nHon. J. T. Henderson, has been vigorous and profitable to the State by\\neducating the farmers through many valuable publications, by increasing-\\nproduction and elevating the j)ursuit of agriculture. It contributed too,\\nmore largely than any other instrumentality, to the advertisement of\\nthe resources of Georgia, and to the enhancement of her reputation\\nabroad. It is a source of gratification to Georgians, when traveling in\\nother states of the Union, to hear the encomiums passed upon their\\nState, and especially upon the work of their Department of Agriculture.\\nTiie commissioner has control of the inspection and analysis of\\ncommercial fertilizers, and by the thorough system of supervision the\\nfarmer is very thoroughly protected from loss, bj the purcliase of spu-\\nrious goods.\\nThe fee for the inspection of fertilizers is fifty cents per ton. The\\nState derived during the last season the sum of $64,060.23 in revenue\\nfrom this source. Previous to 1877, the inspectors received the fees as\\ncompensation for their services.\\nUnder the law of 1877, the inspectors receive salaries and the fees are\\npaid into the treasury. Since that time nearly $200,000 have been\\npaid into the treasury, in fees for inspection, or $100,000 more than tlie\\nDepartment of Agriculture has cost since its organization.\\nThe influence of the publications of the department have e.xerted a\\nsilent, yet decided influence on the agriculture of the State, which has\\nbeen overlooked by many, but which has not failed to impress itself\\nupon the observant of this as well as other states of the Union nor lias\\nthis influence been confined to Georgia, but has been felt for good in\\nadjacent states. The manuals on Slwep-huslxuulrij, the Ho(j, on Cattle,\\nFarmers Scientific Manual, the Hand-book of Georeria, Manual oi\\nGeorgia, the reports of the soil-tests of commercial fertilizers in the\\ndifferent sections of the State the crop rejjorts indeed all of the\\n])ublications issued by the department, have exerted a most salutary\\ninfluence upon the productive industries of the State, by supplying a", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0796.jp2"}, "747": {"fulltext": "GEORGIA THE SECOND COTTON STATE. 643\\nvast ainouiit of useful inforruatioii to tlio tillers of the soil, which they\\nhave not failed to turn to practical account.\\nA few facts and figures in this connection will serve to illustrate\\nsome of the beneficial effects of the work of this Farmers Department\\nconducted by farmers in the interest of farmers. The jiroduction of\\noats in the State in 1870 was, according to the census, 1,004,001 bushels.\\nThe census of 1880 shows a production of 5,544,161 bushels, on 012,-\\no50 acres. This increase has been induced, in the main, through the\\nagency of the publications of the Department, which informed the\\nfarmers in every section and county of the State as to the varieties\\nwhich had given best results. The influence of the information in\\nregard to the Rust Proof variety of Oats, published by the Depart-\\nment, has been most marked.\\nThe influence of the Department in inculcating correct ideas in\\nregard to the use of commercial fertilizers, has been decisive in the\\nincrease in cotton production. According to the census of 1870, the\\nCotton Crop of the State was 473,934 bales, while the census of 1880\\nshows a production of 814,398 bales, upon 2,617,138 acres, aggregat-\\ning 193,430 tons of lint cotton, and 380,859 tons of cotton seed. This\\nincrease in cotton production has not been accompanied by a reduction\\nin grain. On the contrary, besides the increase in oats already mentioned,\\nthe last census shows that Georgia produced 5,544,013 more bushels of\\ncorn in 1879 than in 1869. The census reports of 1880 reveal the\\ncomplimentary fact that Georgia stands the second State in the Union\\nin the total production of cotton, a fact due to better cultivation of\\nthe soil, the use of fertilizers and the thrift of an industrious popula-\\ntion. It has been a remarkable fact in the cotton production of\\nGeorgia, that the use of the commercial fertilizer has made Northern\\nGeorgia a large cotton-producing section by hastening the seasons.\\nGeorgia, in her versatility of climate and soil, is adapted for every\\nvariety of fruit, and is making rapid progress in fruit culture. The\\nraising of early fruits and vegetables for the Northern and Western\\nmarkets, is becoming a vast business. Judge Cunningham, of Atlanta,\\nis the leader in the fruit industry. He has the largest orchard in the\\nSouth, 60,000 trees covering nearly COO acres. The first peaches bring\\nthirty-five dollars a bushel in the New York market.\\nThe range of production in Georgia is very wide an l varied. Sea\\nIsland cotton, rice, sugar and tropical fruits, in the Southern part; cot-\\nton, corn, fruit and the cereals all over the State; and grasses and\\nclovers in the middle and Northern parts, alTord any kind of farming.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0797.jp2"}, "748": {"fulltext": "644 FERTILITY OF GEORGIA SOIL.\\nthat any one can desire. The vast pine forests in the lower portion\\nhave supplied an immense and growing lumber and turpentine trade.\\nThe tea production has been proven a success, oiTering an illimitable\\nsource of wealth with the proper labor.\\nSome remarkable cases of productive fertility have been shown.\\nMr. R. H. liardaway, in Thomas county, raised 117 bushels of corn\\nto the acre; Mr. S. W. Leak, of Spalding county, has obtained\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0iO\\\\ bushels of wheat on an acre; Mr. J. F. Madden, in the .same\\ncounty, raised 137 bushels of oats; Mr. T. C. Warthen, of Washing-\\nton county, five bales of cotton; Mr. J. R. \\\\Viiiters, of Cobb county,\\nover three tons of clover hay; D.-. T. P. Janes, of Green county, five\\ntons of clover hay; Mr. R. Peters, Jr., of Gordon county, nearly five\\ntons of Lucerne hay; Dr. W. Moocly, of Greene county, seven tons of\\nBermuda hay; Mr. John D/er, of Bibb county, 398 bushels of .sweet\\npotatoes; Dr. J. S. Lavender, 155^ bushels of turnips in Pike county,\\non one acre. These are fine results, and show alike the fertility of the\\nsoil, and the e.vcellence of the farming.\\nIn stock raising, Georgia has the best capacities, and has achieved\\ngood results. The Jersey cattle are taking strong and general hold on\\nour people. Col. Richard Peters, of Atlanta, has been the leader in\\nthe introduction of stock. He has experimented in every variety of\\nthoroughbred cattle and hogs. He has tried Devon, Ayrshire, Brahma,\\nDurham and Jersey cattle, .settling down finally upon the Jersey breed,\\nthe Merino sheep and the Angora goats. Col. W. B. Cox has made a\\nspecialty of Jerseys, and also .Mr. Rhode Hill, Judge John L. Hopkins,\\nand Mr. J. B. Wade, and others.\\nThe water powers of Georgia are almost innumerable, covering three-\\nfourths of our counties. There are mineral springs of strong potency\\nin 23 counties. The develop nsiit of cotton manufactures is progress-\\ning with a giant stride. The manufacture of cotton where it is grown\\nis an idea that is seizing the world, it has proven so profitable. In\\nAugusta 17O,O0U spin lies are ruiuiing, and the proKt for eleven\\nyears of one mill, has been 18 per cent. The Eagle and Phenix mills\\nof Columbus, in 1870 used 1937 bales, and in 1880, 19,000, and have\\nmade 25 per cent, profit. The following figures taken from an article\\nin the Savaiuiah N^i irn will tell the tale of our manufactures:\\nThere .ire two classes of f.artories in our State tliose exemjrt from taN.ition for a cer-\\ntain perioil, .and those whioli pay taxes anniiiUy to tlie oniptroller General Tlirough\\nthe einirtesy of Robert U. Ilarileman, Esq., the able chief of this department of the\\nComptroller s office, we have verified our figures, as far as such a thing was possible.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0798.jp2"}, "749": {"fulltext": "FACTORIES, KAKMS AND KREE SCHOOLS. 045\\nOf the taxable factories, Bibli county lias invested witliiii lier liunlers $77,500, Brooks\\n813,955, Clarke 9260,000, Colili $156,750, Coweta $7,500, Diicatur 55,000, Early $6,500,\\nGreene $52,000, Hancock S10,S00, Harris $75,000, Hart $6,000, Houston $25,000,\\nMuscoijee $501,565, Newton $15,500, I ulaski $6,000, Kiclinioud $540,000, Taylor $1 1\\n000, Troup $40,000, Ujjsou $45,000, Walton $56,000, Warren S:iO,000, making a total of\\n$1 ,066,070. Of the nontaxable corporations Cobb county has invested $53,000, Cliattooga\\n$225,000, Coweta $75,000, Chatbaui $100,000, Cherokee $16,000, Bibl( $70,000, Brooks\\n$30,000, Bartow $49,000, Early $57,000, Fulton \u00c2\u00a5286,000, Muscogee $500,000, Pickens\\n815,000, Hichmond $1,700,000, making a total of $3,176,000, and a grand total of\\n$5,142,070. This, however, does not include the splendid new cotton factories under con-\\nstruction at Augusta, in Kichniond county, which, when fully completed and put in\\noperation, will add over 82,000,000 to the foregoing grand total.\\nThese are marvelous figures.\\nThe policy of running small well-tillcd farms in the place of the Vjaro-\\nnial plantations is becoming engrafted beneficially upon our husbandry.\\nFrom 18G8 to 18T3 our small farms had increased 3 2,8 -J-l:, and now the\\nenlargement will number 138,62G, of which 7G,451 are owned, and the\\nbalance rented. Only 3,401 are 1,000 acres and over; T,01i of 500 acres\\nto 1,000; 53,635 of 100 to 500; 2(;,059 of 50 to 100; 30,524 of 20 to 50;\\n8,694 of 10 to 20; 3,110 of 3 to 10; and 101 under 3 acres. Georgia\\nhas more farms than any Southern State. The colored people have\\nbecome thrifty and own 680,000 acres of land. The farmers must gen-\\nerally adopt the policy of raising provisions and making cotton a sur-\\nplus crop, and then with the tnultiplication of manufacturers we siiall\\nsee an era of prosperity that can not be measured.\\nIn free education the State is marching apace with the age. Prof.\\n.1. G. Orr, the State School Commissioner, has done a noble work.\\nThe attendance since the inauguration of the school system in 18T1,\\nexhibits the gratifying fact of a steady growth of the system in each\\nyear. In 1871, white pupils, 42,914; colored, 6,664; total, 49,578. In\\n1873, white, 63,922; colored, 19,755; total, 83,677; increase, 34,099.\\nIn 1874, white, 93,167; colored, 42,374; total, 135,541; increase, 51,864.\\nIn 1875, white, 105,990; colored, 50,358; total, 156,394; increase, 20,808.\\nIn 1876, white, 121,418; colored, 57,987; total, 179,405; increase,\\n23,011. In 1877, white, 128,296; colored, 62,330; total, 196,626; in-\\ncrease, 11,211. In 1878, white, 137,217; colored, 72,655; total, 209,872;\\nincrease, 19,246. The total number of children of school age is 433,444.\\nCities and towns have local school laws, paying $200,000. With the\\nState school fund the sum of $600,000 is paid for free schooling. The\\nState gives an endowment of $10,000 to the State University at Athens,\\nand $8,000 to the colored college at Atlanta. The State Universitv and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0799.jp2"}, "750": {"fulltext": "G4G CONDENSED STATEMENT OF GEORGIA ADVANTAGES.\\nits branches at Dahlonega, Jlilledg evillf, Cutlihert, aiul Thomasville,\\neducate free in the highest college curricuhim over 2,000 pupils. We\\nhave nourishing denominational and private schools and colleges. Mr.\\n(Jeo. I. Seney of New York, deserves a large share of State gratitude\\nand appreciation for $100,000 donation to Emory College at Covington,\\nand \u00c2\u00a7T0,000 to Wesleyan Female College at Macon. The State is espe-\\ncially affluent in Female Colleges. Wesleyan, at Macon, is the first\\nFemale College that was established in the world. The Southern\\nMasonic Female College at Covington, Catholic Pio Nono College at\\nMacon, Rome Female College, Rome Cherokee Baptist Female College,\\nHouston Female College at Perry, Martin Institute at Jefferson, Con-\\nyers Female College, Collingsworth Institute, Levert Female College\\nat Talbotton, Southern Female College at La Grange, West Point\\nFemale College, and two Female Colleges at Dalton, are among our\\nprosperous seminaries of learning.\\nThe following sviccinct and condensed statement of the advantages of\\nGeorgia was made by Hon. .Joseph E. Brown, and gives an admirable\\nrecapitulation of our great State:\\nTile climate is genial and healthy, with every variety to suit the preferences of the\\niniinigraiit, wiiatever may be his iutended jiursuit. If lie desires to raise rice, sea island\\ncotton and senii-tropic.il fruits, incUuling the orange, and h.ave tfsli in abniidance, or\\ndesires to engage in the culture of early vegetahles and fruits for Northern consumption,\\nhe can find a suitable location upon her sonthern coa.stH or islands. If he desires to\\nengage extensively in the lumber business, there is no better field open to him in the\\nworld. In connection with this, he can make turpentine and naval .stores to any extent\\nthat his capital and enterprise may justify. If he desires to raise cotton, and pro-\\nduce the cereals necessary for his own use, there in no better field than Middle and\\nSouthern Georgia. If he desires to embark in sheep husbandry or the raising of\\ncattle, he can do so with great success in all the wire grass section of the State, where\\nthey winter themselves upon the spontaneous productions of the earth. It he wishes to\\nmake sugar and syrup for his own use, .and even for market, .South Georgia affords him\\nan .ample field. If he wishes to cultivate clover and the other grasses, with corn, i\\\\he.at,\\noats and cotton, the rich valleys of upper Georgia hold out a most inviting prospect.\\nIf he wishes to raise the apjde and other fruits of the higher latitudes, the high table\\nand mountain lands of North-e.astern Georgia afford him an ample field with liberal\\nremuneration. If he wants to engacre in the culture of jiotatoes aud vegetables in com-\\nmon use, he can find a suitable location in almost any part of the State. If he wants a\\nhealthy retreat in the he.at of summer he can find among the mountains of North-east\\nGeorgia locabties where the buds scarcely begin to swell before the first days of June,\\nand where he will need fire in his room every night in the year. If he wants to engage\\nin the manufartnre of cotton, w.ater power of the best kind .abounds without limit, and\\nhe will never lie interruji eil a clay during the year by the streams being frozen over with\\nice, or if be prefers the use of steam power, he can have that in the upper part of the\\nStale, near the coal mines, as cheap as he can have it anywhere in the Union. And if", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0800.jp2"}, "751": {"fulltext": "THE INTERXATIOXAI. fOTTOX EXPOSITION 647\\nhis tastes or his training lead liim into the business of merchandising, Atlanta Savannah\\nand other centers of the State extenil to him an inviting field and a cordial invitation.\\nIn a word, ive offer to the immigrant of every country and of every calling or pursuit\\na cordial welcome and an inviting field of operations, where industry, energy and\\neconomy soon lead not only to competency, but to the accumulation and possession of\\nlarge wealth.\\nThe year 1881 will be a memorable one in Georgia annals in marking\\nthe most momentou.s and far-reaching event of her extraordinary mate-\\nrial progress. It has at one single step placed her indisputably among\\nthe foremost states of the Union and the leader of the South. It has\\nstrikingly worked out her manifest destiny of supremacy. The\\nInternational Cotton Exposition, the first World s Faie in the\\nSouth, was opened on the 5th day of October, 1881, with imposing\\nceremonies. In its significance and results it was a ma.ssive occurrence.\\nAn immense crowd witnessed the pageant. The Right Rev. Bishop\\nRabert W. Elliott, son of Bishop Stephen Elliott, one of the most\\ngifted and pious divines of Georgia, opened the ceremonies with a\\nbeautiful prayer. The Director-General, H. I. Kimball, gave a brief\\nhistory of the enterprise, and presented the Exposition to the public.\\nGov. A. H. Colquitt, the President of the Exposition, formally received\\nthe Exposition in a brief address of fervent eloquence. Succinctly\\nalluding to the financial and material purposes of the project, he broad-\\nened its inspiration in these noble words, which evoked deafening\\napplause:\\nWhile material objects aud results have been wisely considered in this exposition,\\nfor one, I feel sure that the nohle and beneficent impulse of this enterprise is to\\ndraw the people of every section of this great country nearer and more firmly to-\\ngether, and closer to eai-h other s hearts. The idea that has run like a thread of light\\nthrough every measure and labor of this enterprise is, that all sections or portions of this\\nvast country are truly, essentially, virtually parts of it. You, gentlemen, propose to\\nencircle in the warm embrace of your fraternal love our fellow-citizens of every state,\\nand to unify the S|)irit of our common country. A sublimer work was never designed\\nor attempted liy nuirtal agency. Let the good work prosper and go on. Let the\\nministering spirit of peace and good will, with strong pinion, take the sweep of this vast\\nheritage of onrs, and may every patriot feel that in the house of our Father, we cherish\\none heart, one hope, one destiny.\\nU. S. Senator, Z. B. Vance, of North Carolina, followed in an\\nexquisite little speech. His tribute to Cotton was poetic. Designating\\nit as the infant heir of the blood royal to the empire of trade, he\\ncontinued in these beautiful words:\\nThe merchant in the distant city listens for tidings of its coming up the manufac-\\nturer ami 1 liis Ijrick walls and t.all chimneys anxiously observes its bloom the restles.s", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0801.jp2"}, "752": {"fulltext": "As V. S. SKNATORS Z. B. VANCIJ AXIJ I W. VOORIIEKS.\\nspeculator gazes upon its opening bolls; tlie mariner, with his hroad sails flapping iilly\\nagainst his masts, waits for its maturing anil the poor everywhere pray for the gentle\\nshower and the soft snnlight uu which it feeds, and rejoice at its safe ingathering.\\nIts growth is tlie idyllic poem of our people its mature existence is a system of\\ni)litical economy. It is the source of the hoarse shout of the steam engine it is the\\nmeloily of the soft song of the spimile and the loom; it is the fairy of the waterfall; it\\nis warnitli, it is comfort, it is beauty. It is the pride of our fields, the source of our\\nHealth, the king of our commerce.\\nMr. Vance gave this soulful Southern welcome, tlie characteristic out-\\nllow of the sunny iiospitality of our people:\\nFarmers, merchants, manufacturers, miners, curriers, laboring men and men of\\nletters, the great army of civilizers and supporters of progress and free government,\\nthe men of the press, strangers aud lookers-on, countrymen and countrywomen, we\\nwelcome you all. To every one present, or to come, we extend a Southern welcome,\\nwarm as our sunsliine, and bid him behold wliat can be douc by a land whose fields were\\nl)Ut yesterday kneaded into bloody sods by the maddening wheels of artillery, whose\\nbeasts of burden were swept away by devastating armies, whose nolilest sons were\\nslaughtered in battle, whose homes were burned with fire, and whose governments ha\\\\e\\npassed through an era of corruption worse than anarchy. We invite you with pride to\\nwitness tliese conclusive tests of the genial nature of our climate, the fertility of onr\\nsail, the energy of our pcoide, tlie conservative vitality of our political institutions in\\nshort, we invite you to see that we have renewed onr youth at the fountains of industry\\nand found the hills of gold in the energies of an imperishable race.\\nTo every human soul from all the broad domains of Christendom, w liich may have\\none ilesire to promote the hapi)iness and stimulate the progress of our race, which can\\nadd one voice in praise of tlie triumphs of peace, we say welcome, in Gods name, to\\nthe hearts and homes of this Southeru laud.\\nThe response to this was given by U. S. Senator Daniel W. Voorhees,\\nof Indiana, in a speech of eloquence and statesmanship, holding the\\nimmense gathering upon his stately utterances for one hour and a half.\\nThis address elaborately recounted the history and triumphs of Cotton.\\nThe whole speech was a groat one. There were expressions in it of\\nnoble imjjort, and a broad grasp of inspired prophecy.- The paragraphs\\nfollowing deserve perpetuation:\\nThis is a world of compensations, and it .seems to me that for the sorrows of the\\npast we are now standing in the dawn of a better day than American history has ever\\nknown, and that the splendor of its unclouded sun will soon break over our heads. Sir, the\\nSouth enters the arena to contend, for the first time, for the supremacy in all the\\nindustrial pursuits. She comes with the light of youth and hope in her face, her eyes\\nno longer red with weeping, and every patriotic heart in the North .salutes her here on\\nthese grounds with a fraternal embrace. This is a field of peaceful strife over which the\\nangels in heaven have joy. The South aud the North meet here ith one language, one\\nterritory, one government, one allegiance, one flag and one heart for the prosperity of\\nall. Those whom God liatli thus joiued togetlier let no man seek to alienate or put\\nasunder", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0802.jp2"}, "753": {"fulltext": "SENATOU VODKllKKs IJKEAT SPEECH. 04!)\\nTill- rclati iiis whicli tlip soiitliei ii states liear to tlio great (lucstidiis of proiUu-tioii\\nand iiiaimfiieture are ui vital anil oviTsliaduwiug importance. Here slretches tliat\\nmighty cotton licit wliiili startled and revcdiitionized the trade of tlie world less than a\\ncfntury ago whose fields, with their tinted hlossonis, are richer and more valuahle to\\nmankind than all the mines of gold and diamond tichls of the earth. It was once\\nthought that the cotton plantation was depemlent upon a certain s_\\\\stem of hilior. J he\\nrapidly increasing production of cotton during the la- t fifteen years has, to the joy\\nof the world, exploded that error. It is the creature of intelligent imlustry hy whomso-\\never bestowed. It invites the labor of every nauvity and color, and remunerates them\\nall.\\nThere is such a thing .as fair play in the history of a people, and the time has now\\ncome for tlie south, in my opinion, to enjoy its fruits. There is a gigantic double profit\\nwithin your reach if you will put forth your liands and take it. The profit of the pro-\\nducer yon already have; the profit of the manufacturer which enriches nations is\\nyours to command it awaits your call, and if I mistake not the meaning of this day,\\nthe call has been made. Be assured that it will he answered. It is my fond hope and\\nbelief that he who is living twentv -five years hence will behold the transfiguration of\\nthe south. Kew industries, incoming capital, and teennng populations are in store for\\nher future. The cottou belt proper, extending from North Carolina to Texas, will be\\nstudded with gems more resplendent than ever shone on the belts or diadem of roy-\\nalty. Along the banks of southern streams, inlets and bays, new cities and villages will\\narise, sending to all the markets of the world the manufactured productions of the\\nneighboring plains.\\nThe Creator has here spread His .amplest bounties for the human race, and the south\\nnow for the first time, with the authority of circumstance and ceremony, invites the capital\\nand labor of the world to assist in their development. Throughout all this vast\\nextent of country, the capabilities of the south for cotton-raising and for manufacturing\\nher own productions are pr.actically without limit. There are young men and women\\nnow listening to me, who will as certaiidy liehold a crop of twenty million bales in the\\nfuture, as they have seen one of five millions in the past. And they will with the same\\ncertainty, behold the purchasers of the whole world coming here, not only for their\\nsnpjily of the raw material, but also for manufactured gcods in such quantities as to\\nrule all markets, foreign and domestic. Such is the great and puissant future which I\\nforesee for the South, springing forward, as she now is, to grasp all the improvements,\\nthe inventions, and the progression of the present age, and all the benefits and blessings\\nof her government.\\nSir, I come from the North-west, and I bring to you the hail of hope, good cheer,\\nand American brotherhood from every true and manly heart in all that mighty region.\\nA few moments more and the first world s fair on southern soil will begin its three\\nmonths career. AH the na ions will take note of the experiment. Your brethren of\\nthe East, of the North and of the West are looking on, hoping all things and believing\\nall things favorable to its success. *fter a little while it will take its place in history,\\nand from that point may a new era of national prosperity be opened before the Ameri-\\ncau people, and may they be inspired with new and lasting affection for each other.\\nThe ceremonies closed with a fitting poem by Paul H. Hayne, read\\nhy Col. N. J. Hammond, a rare tribute to Atlanta, whose irrepressible\\nenterprise has made this august achievement a success. The concep-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0803.jp2"}, "754": {"fulltext": "C50 THE ORGANIZATION OF TIIK COTTON EXl OSITION.\\ntioii of an liitcriiiitional Cotton Exposition belongs to Mr. Edward\\nAtkinson, of JJoston, Mass., and tiie original idea was to combine in\\none great display, every conceivable form of cotton production, manu-\\nfacture and invention. This idea was soon eidarged, and tlie Exposi-\\ntion was broadened into a World s Fair. There was much competition\\nfor the Exposition between southern cities, and some very strong\\nitiducements iield out, but Atlanta won it. On the 2r)th of Februarv,\\n1881, the first meeting of business men was held in Atlanta, andatem-\\nj)orary organization was effected. A charter was procured and a per-\\nmanent organization effected on the Kith of April. The enterprise\\nwas jilaced in tiie Iiands of an executive committee of 29 members.\\nThe committee was composed as follows:\\nII. I. KIMBALL, Chairman Atlanta.\\nI?. K. CRANE, Chairman, /^ro few Atlanta.\\nJospjili IC. Biown Atlanta, Ga.\\nS. .\\\\I. Inniaii Atlanta, Ga.\\n.T. W. l!_vcknia:i, Pliiladelpliia, I a.\\nIt. J. Lo\u00c2\u00ab rv, Atlanta, Ga.\\n15. F. Madcl.ix Atlanta, Ga.\\nW. A. Moure Atlanta, Ga.\\nM. C. Kiser Atlanta, Ga.\\nL. V. Grant Atlanta, Ga.\\n.Ino. A. Fitlon Atlanta, Ga.\\nB. J). Spaldinc Atlanta, Ga.\\nBk-liard Betcrs Atlanta, Ga.\\nK. I lldWuU, Atlanta, Ga.\\nSidncv liuLit Atl.anta, Ga.\\n.1. \\\\V. Paraniorc, St. Louis, Mo.\\nB. F. Abbott Atlanta, Ga.\\nT. G. Healey Atlanta, Ga.\\nW. C. Neff Atlanta, Ga.\\nJno. L. Ho|)kinii, Atlanta, Ga.\\nJno. T. Ilenders in, Atlanta, Ga.\\nJ. F. Cuniminfrs Atlant.a, Ga.\\nJas. B. Wvlie Atlanta, Ga.\\nJ C. Beck Atlanta, Ga.\\nE. P. Chamherlin, Atlanta, Ga.\\nEdward Atkinson, Boston, Mass.\\nCyrus Bussey, New Orleans, La.\\n]{icliard G.arsed, I biladel]iliia, I a.\\nJno. II. Ininan, New York.\\nMr. H. I. Kimball v.as made Director-General, and Mr. J. W. Ryck-\\nman, editor of the Textile Jiecord, the Secretary. The first President\\nof the convention was Joseph E. Brown. He resigned on account of\\nf amil} aflliction, and Gov. Alfred H. Colquitt was made the President.\\nMr. Kimball has an uncommon talent for enterprises of tliis kind, possess-\\ning energy, inventiveness and administrative facultj Mr. Ryckman has\\nbeen the rigiit man in a responsible place. The committee has proven\\nto be a body of extraordinary management. Mr. Kimball visited the\\nNorth and West, and Hon. Thomas Hardeman the South and West, in\\nthe interest of the Exposition, addressing the Boards of Trade of the\\nleading cities, and securing some $200,000 of subscriptions to the enter-\\nprise. The interest in it was general and profound. Business men took\\nhold of it eagerly. Dr. H. V. M. Miller was sent to Europe as agent of\\nthe Exposition.\\nPerhaps never, in the history of such enterprises, has there been any-\\nthing to equal this one in the rapidity and completeness of its execution.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0804.jp2"}, "755": {"fulltext": "COTTON. 651\\nIt is an unequaled monument of bold and immense business skill and\\nenergy. On the 30th of May, 1881, the contract was signed for the\\nmain building, which had been enlarged four-fold beyond the original\\nsize to suit tiie enlarged demand. On the 1st of June, ground was first\\nbroken, and in 108 days, to the 5th of October, 1881, when the Exposi-\\ntion was opened, buildings have been erected, furnishing twenty acres\\nof exhibition space, eleven miles in circumference, using eight million\\nfeet of lumber, five miles of sewerage pipe and six miles of steam pipe.\\nBeautiful grounds liave been created. An hotel for the accommoda-\\ntion of 1,000 guests has been erected at the grounds.\\nThe work done has been simply amazing. Over 2,000 exhibitors have\\nsougiit space, and hundreds have been refused. Every kind of business\\nis represented. Some exhibitors have expended l 35,000 on their displays.\\nThe varied exhibition of general industries is complete. In executing\\nthe chief idea of the Exposition, the show of cotton, textile machinery,\\nand the hundreds of appliances and processes that have grown out of the\\ngreat staple all over the world, is something phenomenal. Seed of every\\nkind of cotton grown in the world were obtained by telegraphic order by\\nMr. S. M. Inman, the Treasurer of the Exposition, and are planted and\\ngrowing in the same field. There is cotton from India, from Hindoostan,\\nfrom China, from Japan, from Australia, the North coast of Africa,\\nBrazil, Chili, and the South Sea Islands, the Cape of Good Hope, Mexico,\\nCentral America, Bombay, and every other climate in wlilch the cotton\\nplant has ever been grown. Each plant preserves its characteristics\\nadmirably, and side by side may be seen cotton with the perfectly red\\nflower growing ten feet high, and the stalks, with perfectly blue flowers,\\ngrowing less than two feet high. There is the queer Chinese cotton\\nwith a pinched, contracted look that marks everything that comes from\\ntiiat country; the Pei uvian cotton, with its flowers of Indigo and its\\nsmall bolls; the Indian cotton, with its tropical appearance, but imperfect\\nfruitage, and all of them with their various marks crowned by a few\\nrows of our own, king of them all. Cognate to this, and a part of the\\nsame exhibition are bales and bags, and packages of cotton received\\nfrom every country, in wliich cotton is handled, packed, or baled in the\\nmanner peculiar to each country. This exhibition of itself is a wonderful\\none, and shows that while tlie South may be ahead of all other sections\\nin growing cotton, that there are older, if not wiser people, who know\\nhow to pack it better.\\nThe display of cotton machinery is complete and instructive. Every\\nprocess of manufacture is practically shown, and the aggregate in-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0805.jp2"}, "756": {"fulltext": "G52 (lEOUUI.v s GREAT INVENTORS.\\nveiitions of this keen-witted age arc grouped together in the beiiel-\\niceiit collision of peaceful rivalry for the beiieKt of all peoples and\\ncountries.\\nAmong the most picturesque demonstrations, are those made by the\\ngreat railroad systems, of the woods, minerals and agricultural produc-\\ntions of the country on their lines of track. States have made similar\\ndisplays of their resources. It is impossible to enumerate the extent\\nof this stupendous exhibition. It includes the commerce and manufac-\\ntures of the world. Throngs of people arc swarming to the Exposition,\\ngiving the supplement of a vast attendance to the supreme achievement.\\nThe problem of entertaining thousands of visitors in a city of 40,000\\ninhabitants, has been a critical one, but it has been nobly solved by\\nhospitably throwing open the homes of the indomitable little metropolis\\nt) the inundation of welcome guests.\\nKeviewing the past of Georgia, impartially estimating her present\\nimportance and power, it requires no itrain upon the imagination to lay\\ndown for her a crreat future. She seems to have been selected for \\\\\\\\n-\\nusual achievement. Her history glitters with incidents of moral and\\nintellectual supremacy, some of them valuable and important, and\\nfreighted with associations of renown and humanitarian utility.\\nGeorgia was the first and only free and anti-slave colony in America,\\nand continued tlnis for a number of years, until the superior growth of\\nthe slave colonies around her necessitated a change. Her code of laws\\nof 17!)0 was so wise and symmetrical that it was engrafted upon the\\nhoary and venerable body of English jurisprudence. The first steam-\\nship that ever crossed the ocean sailed from Savannah, an instrumen-\\ntality that has revolutionized the international commerce of the world.\\nThe first female college in the world, the Wesleyan Female College,\\nwas established at Macon, Georgia. The Cotton Gin, that oinnipotent\\nweapon of human benefit was invented in 1793, by Eli Whitney, near\\nSavannah, on the plantation of Gen. Greene of revolutionary fame.\\nAnd it is a fateful coincideijce that our great International Cotton Ex-\\nposition, the first of the world, now progressing in Atlanta, should be\\non Georgia soil, and the outcome of that wonderful invention of nearly\\na century ago that here found birth.\\nThe first sewing machine was invented by a Georgian, Rev. F. R.\\nGoulding, author of the Young Marooners. The archives of the\\nGeorgia State Executive Department contain a letter written by James\\nLongstreet, father of A. B. Longstreet, author of Georgia Scenes,\\nin 1793, to Edward Telfair, Governor of Georgia, asking his help to", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0806.jp2"}, "757": {"fulltext": "GEORCil.V THIS I.KADISIJ OK THE CONFEDERACY. 653\\nequip the steamboat tliat lie Iiad invented, thus establishing Georgia s\\nclaim to the Kist invention of this benefaction.\\nThe State has witnessed another incalculable contribution to the\\nworld s great benefits in the discovery, by Dr. Crawford W. Long, a\\nnative of Athens, Ga., of AnvESTIIesia, in 1843, who thereby takes\\nrank among the benefactors of mankind. Science and humanity have\\ndetermined that the two greatest boons conferred on mankind were\\nvaccination and Anajsthesia. England gave tiie one and Georgia the\\nother. The portrait of Dr. Long was presented to tiie State of Georgia\\nby Mr. Stuart, and formally received by the General Assembly, and it\\nnow hangs in the Representative Chamber, in the State House in At-\\nlanta, among the historic pictures of our distinguished men.\\nThe four years before the war of 1801, the increase in the taxable\\nwealth of Georgia was 176 millions of dollars, an astounding fact. In\\nthe slavery agitation preceding the war, Georgia was the leading instru-\\nmentality, and to Robert Toombs, of this State, is due above all others\\nthe responsibility for secession. The declaration of defiance for the\\nSouth against the North was fulminated by Martin J. Crawford, a\\nGeorgian. The first act of war was by the Georgia Governor, Joseph\\nE. Brown, in seizing Fort Pulaski. Georgia s reprisal upon New York\\nthrough Gov. Brown evoked the attention of the Congresses of both\\ngovernments. The shaping spirits of the Southern Confederacy were\\nGeorgians. Howell Cobb was President of the Convention, Thomas R.\\nR. Cobb was Chairman of the .Judiciary Committee, Francis S. Bartow\\nwas Chairman of the Military Committee, Alexander H. Stephens was\\nVice President of the new government, and Robert Toombs was premier\\nof the President in the provisional, and the formative period of the per-\\nmanent. Confederate governments. Mr. Stephens great Corner Stone\\nSpeech put the world against the South on tiie slavery issue. Gov.\\nJoseph E Brown made Georgia historic by his eloquent controversies\\nwith Mr. Davis and the Confederate administration upon the momentous\\nissue of preserving the integrity of constitutional principle. Confed-\\nerate States Senator, Benjamin H. Hill, became the strong prop of Mr.\\nDavis in the closing years of the war, and another strong Georgian,\\nGen. A. R. Lawton, the administrator of the most important depart-\\nment of the Confederate service.\\nGeorgia became the center of field supply, and of manufacture of\\narmy stores, as well as the main depository of Federal prisoners.\\nFinally the chief battle ground was transferred to Georgia, and the\\ndecisive campaign of the struggle, resulting in the capture of Atlanta,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0807.jp2"}, "758": {"fulltext": "G54 GKORGIA A LEADING STATE OF THE UNION\\nSherman s March to the Sea, the annihilation of one of the twin armies\\nof the Confederacy, and the destruction of the subsistence of the other,\\nbrought the war to its end. The first effort at peace was made by Gen.\\nSherman in this State. The Confederate administration drifted to and\\nwent to pieces in Georgia, the last order of the Confederate govern-\\nment was issued, and Mr. Davis, the President, was caj)tured in Georgia.\\nGeorgia sent more troops to the field, lost more soldiers in battle, and\\nsacrificed more property than any other Southern State. And a\\nGeorgia lady, Mrs. Mary A. Williams, was the originator of the Decora-\\ntion Day custom, observed by both sections universally in paying honor\\nto the dead of the war.\\nIn the era of Reconstruction Georgia played a more potential jiart than\\nany of her sullering sisters, undergoing three distinct and different\\nrehabilitations, furnishing the most conspicuous champions for and\\nagainst that motley experiment of governmental workmansliip, fighting\\nits abuses most stubbornly, focalizing the public attention most conspicu-\\nously, eliciting more of Congressional legislation, and finally regenerating\\nwith more sturdy vigor and superb recuperation than any other Confed-\\nerate commonwealth. Since the complete restoration to her own State\\nsovereignty in 1871, just ten years ago, Georgia has, in the liberality of\\nher statesmanship and in material progress, outstripped all of her rivals.\\nShe is the first State of the Union in the extent and variety of her\\nmineral and agricultural resources, the second State in the production of\\ncotton and the first in the South in its manufacture. In education, in\\nliterature, in journalism Georgia has kept apace with the best progress\\nof the age. In furnishing the railway genius of the South this com-\\nmonwealth has had no rivalrj while in the colossal focalization of\\nrailroad capital and enterprise in her borders, that will bring a tidal wave\\nof new population and boundless development, Georgia has had the\\nmost magnificent possible practical tribute to her unequalable supremacy.\\nThe prodigious power of these gigantic instrumentalities of connnerce\\nand increased production must give her irresistible capacities for growth\\nand prosperity. Supplement this with the transcendent benefactions\\nof the great Cotton Exposition now progressing, which will iiitroduce\\nthis State to the world as the favored Southern home of Cotton, the\\nimperial monarch, and surely no people or country will or can have the\\nbasis for a more august future.\\nBut at last the proudest excellence of this commonwealth lies in her\\npolitical, moral and Christian civilization. Lovers of constitutional\\ngovernment, devoted to a true, fraternal ITnion, loyal to law and liberty,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0808.jp2"}, "759": {"fulltext": "TIIK EXP. ()55\\nwedded to temperance and morality, elieiishing the sanctity of liome\\nand imbued with tlie spirit of the genuine religion of the living God,\\nher million and a half of God-loving people at last constitute the real\\ngreatness of Georgia. And most striking of all her glories, this State,\\nso potential in severing tlie Union, is to-day, by her broad-hearted senti-\\nments, her catholicity of patriotism, her genius for substantial enterprise\\nand her elevated philanthropy, the dominant agencj in re-uniting the\\nbroken brotherhood of States, in re-cementing the sundered sections of\\nthe nation, and in restoring the lost harmony of tiiis mighty Republic.\\nThus does the record close in 1881 for Georgia.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0809.jp2"}, "760": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0810.jp2"}, "761": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX A.\\nGEORGIA OFFICERS\\nWho served ijj the Civil War of 18G1-5 ix the Confederate\\nService, including General and Regimental\\nField Officers and Captains.\\nThe following list is admittedly incomplete and painfully imperfect.\\nIt was taken from the Confederate war records in the custody of the\\nFederal Government at Washington, D. C, and has been enlarged and\\ncorrected as far as possible from the meager documents in the Georgia\\narchives, and such personal information as has been obtainable and\\nauthentic. The war department of the Confederacy was most loosely\\nrun as far as its records are concerned. Regimental muster-rolls were\\ncuriously mingled and confused, very few of the constantly occurring\\nchanges in military organizations were noted, and altogether a ha])-\\nhazard and inaccurate method of clerical work seems to have prevailed.\\nIt will be found in the following list, faithfully transcribed, that men s\\nnames are both wrongly spelled and omitted, and there has been no\\nopportunity to rectify the one or supply the other. Gen. Marcus J.\\nWright, who is employed to edit the Confederate records, is giving to\\nhis important work in the War Archives office under Col. R. N. Scott, an\\nintelligent and faithful industry, and is daily perfecting the Confederate\\nwar chronicles. But as his task covers the whole Confederacy, he can\\ndevote but a portion of his time to Georgia.\\nThis list of our Georgia officers is given as a beginning, with the ho] e\\nthat in future editions, it may assume something like accuracy and com-\\npleteness through the voluntary co-operation of the survivors of the\\nConflict. Those who have been omitted or improperly printed, can, by\\nfurnishing the author with the facts, appear as they should hereafter.\\nAnd it would be well for commanding officers of organizations to com-\\nmunicate with Gen. Marcus J. Wright, at Washington, D. C, the\\nfacts about their commands, in order that the publication of Georgia s\\nservice and personelle in the great civil war, may be as complete as\\npossible.\\n42", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0811.jp2"}, "762": {"fulltext": "658\\nAri EXDIX A.\\nTlie writer is much indebted to Gen. M. .1. Wright, for assistance in\\npreparing this list, and also to Major Sidnoy Herbert, for valuable aid\\nin making a full roster of Georgia general ofRcers, and for the roster of\\nGeorgia A\\\\ est Point oflBcers who entered the Confederate service.\\n.Major Herbert is a disinterested and pains-taking collector of valu-\\nable historical information as well as a graceful writer.\\nGeorgia Generals.\\n.\\\\i.EXANDER, E. Porter\\nV,a.\\\\)i. Corps of Engiuecrs, C. S. A., April\\n2, ISUI.\\nCliicf of Orilnance, A. of N. Va., Aug.\\n1862.\\nLt. Col. of Artillery, Dec. 31, 1861.\\nColonel of Artillery, Dec. 5, 1862.\\nChief of Artillery, Lougstreet s Corps,\\nSept. 2.5, 186.\\nBrig. Gen. of Artillery, Feb. 26, 1864.\\n(West Pointer and I d Lt. Eng. Corps U. S. A.)\\n.\\\\ndkrsoN C. D.\\nHrig. Geu. in Georgia State foree.s.\\nAnderson-, George T.\\n.il. 1 1th (ia. Iiifantrv, .July 2, 1861.\\nISrig. Geu. F. A. C. S., Nov. 1, 1862.\\nANDKRaOM, EoRERT II.\\nl.st Lieut. Corps of Artillery, C. S. A\\n.March 16, 1861.\\nMajor 1st IJatt. Ga. .Sliarp Shooters,\\nJune 20, 1862.\\nCnl. -.th Ga. Cay.alry, Jan 20, 186.3.\\nJ5rig. Gen. V. A. C s .luly 20, 1864.\\n(West Pointer and I d Lt. luf. U. S. A.)\\nAvery, Is.v.vc W.\\nI riv.ate 8th Ga. Vol., May 21, 1861.\\nCapt. Ind. Cay. Co., Nov. 1, 1861.\\nLt. Col. 2. !(1 Ga. Cay. i?at Aug. 1862.\\nCol. 4th G.a. Cay., Nov. 1862.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Feh. 1865.\\nBartow, Francls S.\\nCapt 8th Ga. Vols., May 21, 1861.\\nCol. 8th Ga. Vols., May 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S 1861.\\nBrowne, Wiliam M.\\nBrigadier General.\\nBattle, Cullen A.\\nGeneral. A native Georgian, en-\\nlisting from Alahauia.\\nBo\\\\vEX, .Joiiv S.\\nMajor General.\\nBennino, Henry L.\\nColonel.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., ,Tan. 17, 186.S.\\nBOGGS, W. R.\\nCapt. Corps of Engineers, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 4, 1862.\\nChief of .Staff to Gen. E. Kirhy Smith.\\n{West Pointer and 1st Lt. Ord. Xj. S. A.)\\nBryan, Goode\\nCol. 16th G.a. Infantry, Feb. 15, 1862.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 29, 1863. Re-\\nsigned Sept. 30, 1864.\\nCop.D, Howell\\nCol. 16th Ga. Infantry, July 15, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Feb. 13, 1862.\\nMaj. Gen. P. A. C. S., Sept. 9, 1863.\\nConn, Thomas R. R.\\nCol. Georgia Legion, Aug. 28, 1861.\\nBrig. (General, Nov. 1, 1862.\\nClayton-, Henry D.\\n.Major General. A native Georgian en-\\nlisting from Alabama.\\nCarswell, R. W.\\n15rig. Gen. State forces.\\nCoLouiTT, Alfred H.\\nCol. 6th G.a. Infantry, May 27, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. s., Sept. 1, 1862.\\nJIajor General, March 1865.\\nCapers, F. AV.\\nBrig. Gen. State forces.\\nCook, Philip\\nCol. 4th Ga. Infantry, Nov. 1, 1862.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 5, 1864.\\nCuMMiNG, Alfred\\nM.ajor Corps Inf. C. S. A., Mar. 16, 1861.\\nLt. Col. 10th Ga. Regiment, June 1861.\\nColonel Sept. 25, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C S Oct. 29, 1862.\\n(West Pointer and Capt. Infantry, U. 8. A.)\\nDkshler, James\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., July 28, 1863.\\nDoles, George, killed.\\nCol. 4tli Ga. Iiifantrv, May 8, 1861.\\nBrig, (ion, P. C. S No v. 1, 1862.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0812.jp2"}, "763": {"fulltext": "AITENDIX A.\\n659\\n])u BosE, DnDi.F.Y M.\\nCol. 15tli Ga. Iiifautrv, Jan., 18C:i.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Kov. IB, 1864.\\nEvans, Clement A.\\nMajor 31st Ga. lufantrv, Nov. 19, ISfil.\\nCol. Mav 13, 1862.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., May 19, 1864.\\nGardner, W. Montgo.merv\\nMajor Corps Inf. C. S. A., Mar. IG, 1861.\\nCol 8th Ga. lufautrv, Aug ai, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 14, 1861.\\n(West Pointer and Capt. Infantry U. S. A.)\\nGartrell, LtlCIDS J.\\nCol. 7th Ga. Inf., Mav 31, 1861. Resigned\\nDec., 1862.\\nMember of Confederate Congress.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Aug. 22, 1864.\\nGiRARDET, Victor J. B.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., July 30, 1864.\\nGordon, John B.\\nLt. Col. 6l]i Ala. Infantrv, Dec. 26, 18GI.\\nCol. 6th Ala., April 26, 1862.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 1, 1862.\\nMajor Gen., May 14, 1864.\\nLt. Gen., 1865.\\nHardee, William J.\\nCol. Corps of Cav. C. S. A., Mar. 1 6. 1 861\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 17, 1861.\\nMajor Gen., Oct. 7, 1861.\\nLt. Gen., Oct. 10, 1862.\\nTendered full Generalsliip. 1864.\\n(West Pointer and Lt. Col. Cav. U.S. A.)\\nHarrison, George P., Jr.\\nCol. 32d Ga. Infantrv.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Feb., 1865.\\nHarrison, George P., Sr.\\nBrig. Gen. State forces.\\nHoLTzcLAW, James T.\\nBrig. Gen. A native Georgian, enlisted\\nfrom Alabama.\\nHenderson, Robert J.\\nColonel.\\nBrig. Gen., 1865.\\nJackson, Henry R.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 4, 1861.\\nResigned Dec. 2, 1861.\\nMajor Gen. St.ite troops, Dec., 1861.\\nRe-appointed Brig Gen. P. A. C. S.,\\nSept. 21, 1863.\\nJackson, John K.\\nCol. .-itli Ga. Inf.antrv, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Jan. 14, 1862.\\nJones, David R.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 17, 1861.\\nMajor Gen., Oct. 11, 1862.\\n(West Pointer and Capt. in Adj. Gen. Dept. U.\\nb. A.)\\nIverson, Alfred, Jk.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., 1863.\\n(1st. Lt. Cav. U. S. A.)\\nLawton, Alexander R.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A C. S., April 13, 1861.\\nQuarter Master Gen C. S., August, 1863.\\n(West Pointer.)\\nLongstreet, James\\nLt. Col. Corps Inf. C. S. A., Mar 16, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., June 17, 1861.\\nMajor Gen., Oct. 7, 1861.\\nLt. Gen., Oct. 9, 1862.\\nMartin, James B.\\nBrig. Gen. A native Georgian enlisting\\nfrom Alabama. Killed.\\nMcLaws, Lafayette\\nMajor Corps Inf. C. R. A., Mar. 10,1861.\\nCol. 10th Ga. Infantrv, June 17, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. R., Sept. 25, 1861.\\nMajor Gen.. Mav 23, 1862.\\n(West Pointer ajid Capt. Inf. U. S. A.)\\nMercer, Hugh W.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Oct. 29, 1861.\\nMcCoy, H. K.\\nBrig. Gen. State troops.\\nPhillips, William\\nBrig. Gen. State troops.\\nPhillips, R. J.\\nBrig. Gen. State troops.\\nPerry William F.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S. A native Geor-\\ngian enlisting from Florida.\\nPrather, J. S.\\nBrevet Brigadier.\\nSemmes, Paul J.\\nCol. 2nd Ga. Inf., Mav 7, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Mar. II, 1862.\\nSimms, James P.\\nBrig. Gen. State troops.\\nSmith, W. D.\\nCapt. Corps Cavalrv, C. S. A., Mar. 16.\\n1861.\\nCol. 20th Ga. Reg., .Inlv 14, 1861. Brig.\\nGen. P. A. C. S., March 7, 1862. Died.\\nSorrel, G. Moxley\\nChief of Staff to Gen. Longstreet.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S, Oct. 27, 1864.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0813.jp2"}, "764": {"fulltext": "660\\nAPPENDIX A.\\nS*. John, Isaac II.\\nCapt. Corps Kugineers C. S. A., Feb. 1.5,\\nMajor Artillery, Head Nitre and Mining\\nBureau, A pril 18, 1862.\\nLt. Col. Miiiiug Coriis, May 2S, 1863.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., and Commissary\\nGeneral, C. S., Feb. 16, 1865.\\nStovall, Maucellus a.\\nLt. Cul. 3nl Ga. Bat. Inf., Oct 8, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. F. A. C. S., January 30, 18G3.\\nTiio.MAS, Edward L.\\nCol. 35th Ga. Inf., Oct. 15, 18G1.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Nov. 1, 1862.\\nThomas, Bryan M.\\nCol. of 51st Tennessee, IS. Alabama\\nand Cavalry Keginients.\\nBrig. Gen. 1 A C. S., Aug. 18G4.\\n(West Pointer and 2ud Lt. Int. U. S. A.)\\nTracy, Edward D.\\nBrig. Gen. F. A. C. S. Killed.\\nToombs, Robert\\nBrig. Gen. F. A. C. S., July 19, 1861.\\nResigned Mar. 4, 1863.\\nSecretary of State to I resident Davis.\\nTwiOGS, David E.\\nMajor General F. A. C. S., May 22, 1861.\\nDied July 15, 1862.\\nWalker, Wm. H. T.\\nBrig. Gen. F. A. C. S., May 25, 1861.\\nResigned Oct. 29, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. State troop.-i, Dec. 1861. Re-\\nappointed Brig. Gen. P. A. C. S.,\\nFeb. 9, 1 863. Major Gen. May 23,\\n1863. Killed.\\n(West Pointer and Bat. Lt. Col. Inf. U. S. A.\\nWayne, IIesry C.\\nMajor General State troops and Adju-\\ntant General of (Jeorgia.\\n(West Pointer and Brevet Major, U. S. A.)\\nWalker, W. S.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S.\\nWright, Gideon J.\\nBrig. Gen. tjtate troops.\\nWright, A.mbrose R.\\nCol. 30tli Ga. Inf., May 8, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. s., June 3, 1862.\\nMajor Gen., Nov. 26, 1864.\\nWilson, Claudius C.\\nCol. 25th Ga. Inf., Sept. 2, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. 1 A. C. S., Nov. 16, 186.3.\\nWillis, Edward\\nColonel.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S. Killed.\\nWheeler, Joseph\\nCaptain and Colonel, 1861.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S., Oct. 30, 1862.\\nMaj. Geu., Jan. 30, 1 863.\\nLt. Gen., Feb. 28, 1865.\\n(West I oiutcr and 2nd Lt. Mounted EiHe-\\nmen, U. S. A.)\\nYoung, P. M. B.\\nMajor Ga. Legion, Sept. 5, 1861.\\nLt. Col., Nov. 15, 1861.\\nCol. Cobb s Legion, Nov. 1, 1862.\\nBrig. Gen. P. A. C. S Sept. 28, 1863.\\nMaj. Geu., Dec. 30, 1864.\\nZachary, C. T.\\nCol. 27th Georgia Inf 1861.\\nBrig. Geu. P. A. C. S., March, 1865.\\nWent Point Georgia Students who entered the Confederate Army\\nand served helow the Rank of General.\\nAndrew J. Ford, Capt. and A.fst. Surg.\\nAbraham B. Kagau, Major and Pay-\\nmaster.\\nJohn T. Mercer, Col. 21st Ga. Inf.\\nLeroy Napier, .Jr.\\nWilliam 1). Smith.\\nJohn R. Churcli.\\nGeo. A. Cunningham.\\nAbner Smead.\\nSt. Clair Dearing.\\nOwen F. Solomon.\\nEdward F. Bagley.\\nAlexander B. Montgomery.\\nAurelius F. Cone.\\nArthur Shaaf.\\nGeorfjians on the Federal Side in the War.\\nBrig. Gen. Brevet, Maj. Gen M. C. Meigs,\\n(Juarler Master GeiL U. S. A.\\nCol. and Bvt. Brig. Gen. John M. Cuyler,\\nSurfxeon. U. S. A.\\nCol. and Bvt. Brig. Gen. Henry D. Wallen,\\nU. S. A.\\nBrig. Gen. George F. B. Dandy, Quarter\\nMaster Dept. U. S. A.\\nCapt. Mason Carter, 5th Inf.\\nLt. Col. Julian McAllister, Ordnance Dent.\\nU. S. A.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0814.jp2"}, "765": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX A.\\n661\\nINFANTRY.\\n1st Georgia Rcfjulars, Infantry.\\nColonel Chas. J. Williams, Eesd.\\nWm. J. Maglll.\\nII. A. Wayiie.\\nLieutenant Colonel Wm. J. MagiU.\\nWm. Martin.\\nK. A. Wayne.\\nMiller Grieve.\\nMajor Jolm D. Walker.\\nU. A. Wayne.\\nMiller Grieve.\\nA. A. F. Hill.\\nAssistant Quarter Master L. T e Laigle.\\nW. W. Paine.\\nCaptain (E) R. A.Wavne.\\n(E) J. li. DuBose.\\n(F) ,J. G. Patten.\\n(II) M. Grieve.\\n(I) L. H. Kenan\\n(L) A. M. Wallace.\\nCajitaiu (C) H. A. Cannon.\\n(M) A. A. F. Hill.\\n(G) .J. G. Montgomery.\\n(D) Jolm Milleilge.\\n(A) H. H. D. Twiggs.\\nT. Fort.\\nG. W. Antlersou.\\nJolm Howard.\\nE. P. Bowdre,\\nW. W. Paine.\\nK. H. Atkinson.\\nF M Mvers.\\nThos. Burdell.\\nChas. L. Wvlly.\\nB. H. Hudsin.\\nJ. D. Anthony.\\n(B) Wm. Mariin.\\n(K) Jacob Head.\\n\\\\st Georgia Volunteers, Infantry.\\nColonel J. N. Ramsay.\\nLieutenant Colonel Geo. H. Thompson.\\nMajor Jas. W. Anderson.\\nCajitaiu (A) Geo. M. Hanvey.\\n(B) T. G. Wilkins.\\n(C) John A. Houser.\\n(D) U. B. Adams.\\nCaptain (E) S. A. M. Jones.\\n(F) C. A. vStone.\\n(G) John W. Ev.ang.\\n(H) T. B. CabanLss.\\n(I) S.amnel H. Crump.\\n(K) J. S. Pinkard.\\n\\\\st Georgia Volunteers, Infantry 510 {%d.)\\nColonel Charles H. Olmstead.\\nLieutenant Colonel W. S. Rockwell.\\nM. J. Ford.\\nMajor W. J. Ford.\\nA. C. S., E. W. Drummond.\\nAssistant Quarter Master E. Hopkins.\\nF. M. Hull.\\nAdjutant M. II. Hopkins.\\nCaptain A J. H. Flannery.\\n(B) David O Connor.\\n(B) James Dooner.\\n(C) J. W. Anderson.\\nCaptain (C) G. W. Anderson.\\n(D) S. Y. I.evy.\\nP. C. Elkins.\\n(E) J. M. Dolierty.\\n(F) J. S. Turner.\\n(G) A. C. Davenport.\\n(G) G. Ebeiliart.\\n(H)F. W.Sims.\\n(H) J. Lachlison.\\n(I) C. Werner, Kd.\\n(I) C. A. H Urn bach.\\n(K) Jolm Cooper.\\n2d Georgia Infantry, Voln nicer s 750.\\nColonel Paul J. Scmmes.\\nEdgar M. Butt.\\nLieutenant Colonel Skidmore H.arris.\\nW. T. Harris, Kd.\\nWm R. Holmes, Kd\\nW. S. Shepperd.\\nMajor Edgar M. Butt.\\nW. S. Shepperd.\\nWm. T. Harris.\\nMajor W. W. Charlton.\\nA. M. Lewis.\\nAssistant Quarter Master Jas. Houston.\\nA. C. S S., G. W. Dillingliam.\\nAdjutant W. Redd.\\nCaptain (A) G. Candler.\\n(B) Wm. T. Harris.\\n(C) Wm. S. Shepperd.\\n(D) Wm. R. Holmes.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0815.jp2"}, "766": {"fulltext": "662\\nAPPENDIX. A.\\nCaptain (H) W. A. Campljell.\\n(K) Thos, E. Dickerson.\\n(G) Koswell Ellis.\\nCaptain (H) Jesse A. Glenn.\\n(1) Charle.s R. Wiggins.\\n(K) Jared J. BaU.\\n2d Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized.\\nCaptain (A) W. W. Charlton.\\n(A) John W. Owens.\\n(B) A. McLewis.\\n(C) W. S. Sheppcrd.\\n(C) Kobei t Howard.\\n(D) W. A. Thonipsou, Kd.\\nCaptain (E) T. J Morri.s.\\n(F) A. B. SImford, Kd.\\n(G) T. Chaffin.\\n(H) B. L llamock, Kd.\\n(I) Jno. T. Maddo.x.\\n(K) J. B. Newell.\\n6d Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 1145.\\nColonel Ambrose R. Wright.\\nEdward J. Walker.\\nLienten;iut Colonel James S. Reid.\\nU. B. Nesbit.\\nC. Suead.\\nMajor Augustus II. Eee.\\nJohn R. Sturgis, Kd.\\nA. B. Montgomery, detailed with\\nregiment.\\nMajor John F. Jones.\\nG. E. Haves.\\nA. C. S., H. S., Hughes.\\nAssistant (Quarter Waster, A. Phillips.\\nAdjutant W. W. Turner.\\nAdjutant J. B. Halwrsliara.\\nJ. W. I crr.v.\\nS. L. Ale.xander.\\nCaptain (A) Wm C. Mu-^grove.\\n(B) R. B. Nisbet.\\n(C) R. L. MeWhorter.\\n(I)) C. H. Andrews.\\n(E) J. R. Griffin.\\nF) Wm. O. Beall.\\n(G) Edward J Walker.\\n(H) John Jone.s.\\n(I) N. A. Carswell.\\n(K) H. C. BiUups\\n(L) Jas. W. Ilcudon.\\n3c? Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized 1064.\\nV\\nCaptain (A) S. A. Corker.\\n(B) R. B. Nisliet.\\n(B) John S. Keid.\\n(C) J. T. Geer.\\n(D) C. H. Andrews.\\n(E) J. A. Hamilton, Kd.\\n(E) G. W. Allen.\\n(E) J. G. Roval.\\n(F) J. M. Waters.\\n(F) J. A. Mason.\\n(G) E.J. Walker.\\nCaptain (G) C. Snead.\\n(H) John F. Jones.\\n(H) L. F. Luckie.\\n(H) J. H. Evans.\\n(I) N. A. CarsweU.\\n(K) H. C. Billups.\\n(K) 1). B. Eangston.\\n(I) J. J. MeKee, Kd.\\n(I) W. H Bearden.\\n(I) H. J. Hughes.\\n\\\\th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 870.\\nColonel George Doles.\\nPhilip Cook.\\nAV. H. Willis.\\nLieutenant Colonel John J. Matthews.\\nW. T Jordan.\\nPliilip Cook,\\nDavid R. E. Winn.\\nMajor Charles L. Whitehead.\\nWm. F. Jordan.\\nDavid R. E. Winn.\\nR. S. Smith.\\nEdwin A. Nash.\\nF. H. de Gr,iffenreid.\\nWm. H. Willis.\\nA. C. S., J. B. Morgan.\\nA. C. S., J.as. F. Mnrphv.\\nA.ssistant Quartermaster H. R. Daniels.\\nWm. H. Tiusley.\\nAdjutant Philip Cook.\\nA. J. Roberts.\\nCaptain (A) B. Cuslev.\\n(B) Robt S .Smith.\\n(C) Ed. A. Nash.\\n(D) Geo. F. Todd.\\n(E) Y. G. Rnst.\\n(F) B. R. Maves.\\n(G) (Jeo. F Bartlett.\\n(H) Same M. Prothro.\\n(I) Wm. L, Johnson.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0816.jp2"}, "767": {"fulltext": "ArriiNDix A.\\n663\\nith Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized 720.\\nCaptain (A) J. P. Strickland.\\n(A) Jas. H. Weeks.\\n(B) K. S. Smith.\\n(B) M. H. Hill.\\n(B) A. C. Gilw)u.\\n(C) E. A. Nash.\\n(C) Geo. F. TodJ, Dd.\\n(C) A. C. Fro.st.\\n(E) Wni. E. Smith.\\n(E) F. II de Giaffeuseid.\\n(F) Geo. G. Carey.\\nCaptain (F) Jas. F. Sullivan.\\n(K) I). K. E. Wiun.\\n(K) H M, Bisel, Kd.\\n(G) Win. F. Jordan.\\n(G) John T. Laug. Dd.\\n(G) C. 1{. Ezell\\n(H) J. W. Caraker.\\n(II) Wallace Butts.\\n(I) S. M. Prothro.\\n(1) Wm. H. WiUis.\\nbth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 825.\\nColonel John K Jackson.\\nSaml. W. Mangham.\\nWm. F Rlack.\\nWm. T. Beach.\\nCluxs. P. Daniel.\\nLieutenant Colonel Thos. Beall.\\nCharles H. Day.\\nJohn F. Iversou.\\nMajor Wm. L. Salisliury.\\nCharles P. Daniel.\\nD. H. Anslev.\\nW. B. Hundley.\\nA. C. S., H. B. T. Montgomery.\\nAssistant Quartermaster, Jas. M. Cole.\\nAdjutant II S. Cheatham.\\nCaptaiu (A) Charles A. Piatt.\\n(B) Siinil. W. Maugham.\\n(C) John II. Hull.\\n(D) Ed. H. Pottle.\\n(E) C. B. Wootten.\\n(F) William H. Lang.\\n(G) William J. Sears.\\n(H) Hugh iM. King\\n(I) John T. Iverson.\\n(K) William J. Horsley.\\nbth Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized 424.\\nCajitain (A) D. H. Anslev.\\n(C) H. P. SteeneV.\\n(D)Ulm B. Hundley.\\n(F) John F. Kiddor.\\nCaptain (G) John J. Hurt.\\n(H) Stephen K. AVeston.\\n(I) John F. Iverson.\\n(K) AVm. G. Horsley.\\n^th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 849.\\nColonel A. H Colquitt.\\nJ. T. Lofton.\\nS. W. Harris.\\nLieutenant Colonel James M. Newton, Kd.\\nW C. Cleveland.\\nJ. T. Lofton.\\nS. W. Harris.\\nW. M. Arnold, Kd.\\nMajor Phil Tracy, Kd.\\nC. D. Anderson.\\nW. C. Cleveland.\\nW. M. Arnold.\\n.L M. Culpepper.\\nA. C. S., T. J. Collier.\\nA. Q. M., R. N. Ely.\\nAdjutant B. Russell.\\nAdjutant J. H. Rogers.\\nCaptain (A) W. M. Arnold.\\n(B) John Hauua.\\n(B) W. M. Tidwell.\\n(C) C. D. Andenson.\\n(C) J. M, Cu!|.epper.\\n(D) J. I). Watiiou.\\n(D) S. M. Ralston.\\n(E) W. C. Cleveland.\\n(F) E. H. Sii.ackelford.\\n(G) .John T. Griffin.\\n(H) W. L. Plaine.\\n(H) B.J. Russell.\\n(I) J. A. Parclav.\\n(K) J. T. Lofton^\\n(K) S. W. Harris.\\nth Georgia Infantry, Volunteers SOL\\nColonel L. J. G.artrell.\\nW. T. Wilson.\\nW. W. White.\\nColonel G. H. Carmicliael\\nLieutenant Colonel John Dunwoodv.\\nW. W. AVhite.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0817.jp2"}, "768": {"fulltext": "C(i4\\nA1\u00c2\u00bb1 HM)IX A.\\nLieutenant Colonel George H. Carmicliael.\\nM. T. Allmaii.\\nMajor L. B. Anderson.\\nE. W. llovle.\\nA. C. S., W. J. Wilson.\\nA. Q, M., R. K. Il.illi.la.v.\\nAdjutant E. W. llovle.\\nJ. E. Shaw.\\nCaptain (TV) G. H. Carniii liael.\\nC aj)tain (B) G. J. Foreacre.\\n(C) C. S. Jenkins.\\n(D) J. B. Lindlev.\\n(E) John VV. Fo wler.\\n{i} Kli Benson.\\n(G) C. N. Featherstoa\\n(II) Thos. K. King.\\n(I) Wni VV. White.\\n(K) W.J. Ballard.\\n7/k Georgia Volunteers, lieorganizcd 634.\\nMajor G. H. Cannichael.\\nH H. Wiet.\\nJohn Kizer.\\nT. S. Hartridge.\\nM. T. Allman.\\nA. Q M., B E. Henry.\\nCaptain (A) (J. 11. Carniichael.\\n(B)H. H. Wiet.\\n(C) D. T. Peek, Kd.\\nCai tain (C) I. M. Holcombe.\\n(D) J. Kizer.\\n(D) T.J. Hartridge.\\n(E) W. W. Bradherry.\\n(F) J. C. Wadkins.\\n(G) M T. Allm.an.\\n(H) R. B. Hicks.\\n(I) W. W. Wliite.\\n(K) Juo. MeLeudon.\\n%th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers Tlo.\\nColonel F. S. Partow, Kd.\\nWin. M Gardner.\\nL. M. Eaniar.\\nJohn R. Towers.\\nLieutenant Colonel .John R. Towers.\\nE. J. Magruder.\\nMajor E J. Magruder.\\nGeorge O. Daw.son.\\n.Surgeon H. V. .M. Miller.\\nA. C. S Geor ;e C. Norton.\\nA. Q. M., E A. Wilco.x.\\nAdjutant J. L. Braneh, Kd.\\nA. R. Harper.\\nW. F. Shellman.\\nCaptain (A) E. .T. Magruder.\\n(A) S. H. Hall.\\n(B) A. F. Butler.\\n(B) J. H. Couper.\\n(B) J. West.\\n(C) H. J. Menard.\\n(D) H. E. Malom.\\n(E) D, Scott.\\n(F) J. T. Lewi,s.\\n(G) T. D. L. Ryan.\\n(II) George N. Yarhorongh.\\n(I) George 0. Dawson.\\n(K) J.acob Phinizv.\\n(K) T.J. Bowling.\\ndth Georgia Volunteers, Infantry.\\nColonel E. R. GonldiuR.\\nR. A. Turnipseed.\\nBen Beck.\\nE. F. Hoge.\\nLieutenant Colonel R. A Turnipseed.\\nJohn C. Mouuger.\\nE. F. Hoge.\\nJ. G. Webb.\\nMajor John C. Monnger.\\nW. M. .Jones.\\nC. J Webb\\nJ. W. Arnold.\\nJ. C. Waddy.\\nR. J. Cowart.\\nJ. W. Sutton.\\nE. I Watkins.\\nAdjutant A. O. Baron.\\nJohn Jones.\\nA. C\\nA. C. S.\\nA. Q M\\nA. y. M\\nCaptain (*A) John Lane.\\n(A) Gideon J. Norman.\\n(B) Wm. M.Jones.\\n(B) Wni. E. Cleghorn.\\n(C) George Hillvcr.\\n(C) J. W: Arnold.\\n(D) J. G. Webb.\\n(D)T. A. Hurt.\\n(E) P. A. S. Morris.\\n(E) R. P. Wellborn.\\n(E) S. A. Jemisou.\\n(F) Ben Beck.\\n(F) Hanip Doles.\\n(G) E. F. Hoge.\\n(G) G. G. Gordon.\\n(G) E. A. Sharpe.\\n(H) John C. Mounger.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Transferred to Artillery.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0818.jp2"}, "769": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX A.\\nGG5\\nCaptain (H) R. A. Ilardee.\\n(II) S. 1). Corker, Kd.\\n(II) T.J. Hardee.\\n(1) L. C Belt.\\n(I) K. V. Fulcher.\\nCaptain (I) Tlioni.is Ronght.\\n(K) J. M. D. Kiug, Ud.\\n(K) N. C. Duncan.\\n(K) M. E. Sparks.\\nlO^A Georgia Volunteers, Infantry 808.\\nColonel Lafayette McLaws.\\nCaptain (B) C. H. Pliinizy.\\nAlfred Cuniiuiug.\\n(B) A. P. Bo};gs.\\nJohn B. Weems.\\n(B) W. S. Davis.\\nW. C. Holt.\\n(C) Willis C. Holt.\\nA J. McBride.\\n(C) J. W. Keil,\\nLieutenant Colonel J. B. Weems.\\n(1)) Hei)rv L. Leon.\\nWilli.s C. Holt.\\n(E) Andrew J. McBride.\\nC. C. Kibbee.\\n(F) Wni. F. Jolmstou.\\nMajor R. R. Hawes.\\n(F) W. G. Green, Ud.\\nWillis C. Holt.\\n(F) T. H. Wood.\\nP. H. Loud.\\n(G) C. C. Kibbee.\\nA. C. S., G. H. Cheever.\\n(H) P. H. Loud.\\nA. Q. M., S. T. Neal.\\n(H) E. JL Foster.\\nAdjutant R. G. Strickland.\\n(I) Y. L. Wootton.\\nJohn H. Dobbs.\\n(i\\n(K) J. P. W. Read.\\nCaptain (A) 0. S. Kinibrough.\\nIt\\n(K) T. C. Cone.\\n11th Georgia\\nVolunteers,\\nInfan try 750.\\nColonel George T. Anderson.\\nCapta\\nin (C) Wm Luffman.\\nl H. Litlle.\\n(C) W. K. Hamsay.\\nLieutenant Colonel Tlieo L Guerrj\\n(D) W. R. Welsh.\\nWra. Lnffman.\\n(E) S. C. Dobbs.\\nMajor Wm. Lnffman.\\n(F) J. D. Hvde.\\nW. R. Welsh.\\n(F) J. W. Jobn.iton.\\nH. D. McDaniel.\\n(G) John Y. Wood.\\nC. T. Goode.\\n(H)M. T. Nunn.allv, Kd.\\nA. C. S Hockenhull.\\n(H)E. C. Arnold.\\nAs.sistant Quarter -master J. Guthrie.\\n(I) Samuel Th.itcher, Dd\\nAdjutant J. F. Green.\\n(I) F. M. Bled.soe.\\nCaptain (A) Wm. H. Mitchell, Kd.\\n(1) E. B. Braunan.\\n(B) J. W. Stokes.\\n(K) G. W. Wimberlv.\\nI ith Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 745.\\nColonel Edward Johnson.\\nZ. F. Conner.\\nEdward Willis, Kd.\\nLieutenant Colonel Abner .Sncad.\\nF. B. Scott. Kd.\\nAVillis A. Hawkins.\\nMark H. Blauford.\\nJ. Hardeman.\\nMajor Willis A. H.awkius.\\nEdward Willis.\\n.T. Hardeman.\\nJ. T. Careon.\\nCaptain I A) Samuel Dawson, Kd.\\n(A) S. G. I rior.\\n(B) Isaac Hardeman.\\n(B) Jos. N. Beall.\\nCaptain (C.) John McMnUan, Kd.\\n(C) T. W. Harris.\\n(D) Wm. L. Furlow, Kd.\\n(D) D. D. Peden.\\n(E) T. B Scott.\\n(E) ,T.as. A. Wbitesides.\\n(F) Wm. F, Brown, Kd.\\n(F) J,a,s. Everett.\\n(G) R. T. Davis, Dd.\\n(G) A. S. Reid.\\n(H) J. G. Rodgers.\\n(H)0. T. Evans.\\n(I) J. W. Patterson, Kd.\\n(I) .Lames JL Brigas.\\n(K) Mark H. Ulanford.\\n(K) R. McMichael.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0819.jp2"}, "770": {"fulltext": "666\\nAPI EXDIX A.\\nloth Geoff/ia Infantry, Volunteers 947.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0uloufl Walker Ector, Dd.\\nJlarcellus Doiijjlass, Dd.\\nJames M. Smith.\\nLieutenant Colonel James M. Smith.\\nJohn II. Baker.\\nMajor James M. Smith.\\nJohn II Baker.\\nA. C. S., J. U. Manffham.\\nA. Q. M., M. Gomerly.\\n.Vdjutant O. K. Walker.\\nCaptain (A) J. II. Mitchell.\\nCaptain (B) Jame.s McCanley.\\n(C) J. L. Moore.\\n(D) W. W. Hartsfieia.\\n(E) W. A. Clarke.\\n(K) B. P. Brooks.\\n(F) S. W.Jones.\\n(G| J. T. Crawford.\\n(II) Kich M-iltha.\\n(1) E. W. IJoliinson.\\n(K) J. A. Long.\\n14^/t Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 770.\\nColonel A. V. Brumby.\\nCaptain (A) J. W. Maves.\\nFeli.K Price\\n(B) C. C. Keliv.\\nRobert W. Folsom.\\n(B) W. N. IMe.\\nR. P. Laster.\\n(C) L. A. Lane.\\nLienteuaut Colonel R. W. Folsom.\\n(I)) James M. Fielder.\\nW. A. Harris.\\n(E) R. P. Lester.\\nJames M. Fielder.\\n(E) S. B. David\\nv.. P. Lester.\\n(E) R. N.. Rogers.\\nW. L. Goldsmith.\\n(F) R. P. Harmau, Kd.\\nMajor W. A. Harris.\\n(F) W. 0. Clegg.\\nJames M. Fielder.\\n(F) J. H. Hicks\\n1{. P. Lester.\\n(G) William A. Harris.\\nW. L, Goldsmith.\\n((i) T. T. iMonnger.\\nC. C. Kelly.\\n(H)Tlio M. Yopp, Caslid\\nA. C. S., T. C. Moore.\\n(Hi H. B. Smitli.\\nA. Q. M., E. A. Heggis.\\n(I) R. W. Mc.Michael, Kd.\\nAdjutant A. Tallialerro.\\n(K) W. L. Goldsmith.\\nT. C. Moore.\\n(K) R. A. Holt.\\nCaptain (A) J. H. Etheridge, Kd.\\n(K) J. M. Evans.\\nIbth Georgia Volunteers, Infantry G60.\\nColonel T. W. Tiiomas.\\nWilliam T. Millican.\\nD. M. DeBo.se.\\nLieutenant Colonel W. M. Mcintosh, Kd.\\nT. J. Smith.\\nMajor T. J. Smith.\\nP. J. Shannon.\\nA. C. S., J. H. Willis.\\nA. Q. M., H W. Forbes.\\nAdjutant B. H. Lofton.\\nL. Pierce.\\nCaptain (A) A. B. Cade.\\n(A) J. S. Callawav.\\n(B) WiUiam T. aiillican.\\nCaptain (C) L H. O. Martin.\\n(C) W. J. Willis.\\n(D) S. J. Farmer.\\n(D) S. J. Flvnt.\\n(E) T.J. Smith\\n(F) John C Burch.\\n(G) S. Z. Hearnesberger.\\n(H) William R. Poole.\\n(H) T. H. Jackson.\\n(I) William H Mattox.\\n(I) J. A. (i.iines.\\n(K),L L. Culver.\\n(K) Mark Latimer.\\nIGth Geoi-gia Volunteers, Infantry 865.\\nColonel Howell Cobb. Major H. P. Thom.as.\\nGoode Bryan. James S Gholston.\\nJames S. Ghol.ston. J. H. Skelton.\\nLieutenant Colonel Gooile Bryan. .V. C. S L. McGuire.\\nHenry P. Thomas, Kd. A. Q. M.. R. Thoma.s.\\nB. E. Stiles. Adjutant T. W. Gumming.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0820.jp2"}, "771": {"fulltext": "API ENDIX A.\\nGC7\\nCaptain (A) J. S. Gliolston.\\nA) H. C. Nasli, Kd.\\n(A) J- M. Sims.\\n(B) A. M. Heynolds, KJ.\\n(C) J. H. Skelton,\\n(D) J. N. MoiitgoineiT.\\n(E) B. E. Stiles.\\nCaptain (K) J. H. I) JkRae.\\n(G) A. C. Tlionipson.\\n(H) N. lieeJer\\n(H) H. M. Hichanlsuu.\\n(I) N. h. Hntchius.\\n(K) K. J. Buvd.\\nI ith Georgia lafaiitnj, J olu/Ueers 6:36.\\nColonel H. L. Beuuiug;.\\nWesley C. llodge.s.\\nLieutenant Colonel W. C. Hodges.\\nClias.W. Matthews, Kd\\n\\\\V. A. Bardeu.\\nMajor Thomas Wall^er.\\nJ. H. Picliett.\\nW. A. Barden.\\nJ. B. Mooi-e.\\nA. C. S G. H. King.\\nA. Q. M., T. C. Sliorter.\\nAdjutant T. A. Klinli.\\nCaptain (A) D B liariell.\\n(A) I). H. AVilinot.\\n(B) H. L. Fiencli.\\n(C) F. S. Chapman.\\n(C) J. B. Moore.\\nCaptain (D) C. G. Campliell.\\n(D) V. A. S. I arlvs.\\n(D) J. H. Martin.\\n(E) John A McGroi^or.\\n(E) J. N. Tvers.\\n(K) D. B. Tlionipson.\\n(F) H. McCanlev.\\n(F) J. H. Weelis\\n(G) Aug. C. Jones, Kd.\\n(G) A. B. Nichols.\\n(H) I{. E. Keniion.\\n(II) W. A. Barden.\\n(I) C. W. Matthews.\\n(K) Jolm H. I ickett.\\n(K) A. M. Jone.s, Kd.\\n(K) M. H. ftlarsliall.\\nEnsign B F. Sliivers.\\n18(h Georgia Infanfr//, Volunteera 750.\\nColonel William T. Wofford.\\nS. Z. Ruff, Kd.\\nJos. Ai instrong.\\nLieutenant Colonel S. Z. Buff.\\nF. M. Ford.\\nMajor Jefferson Johnson.\\nJ. A. Stewart.\\nW. G Gallahan\\nCaptain (A) J. B. O Neill.\\n(B) J. A. Stewart.\\nCaptain (C) T). L. Jarratt.\\n(D) S. D. Irvin.\\n(E) E. J. Starr.\\n(F) J. C. Roper.\\n(G) J. C. Maddox.\\n(H)F. M.Ford.\\n(I) Jos. Armstrong.\\n(K) Jno. A. Crawford.\\n(K) W. Brown.\\n(K) L. C. Weems.\\n19?/t Georgia Lifantri/, Volunteers 753.\\nColonel W W. Boyd.\\nAndrew .J. Ilutchins.\\nJ. H. Neal.\\nLieutenant Colonel Thos. C. Johnson.\\nA. J. Hntuliins.\\nJas. H. Neal.\\nT. W. Flvnt.\\nR. B. Hogan.\\nMajor A. J. Hutcliins.\\nJ. H. Neal.\\nJ. W. Hooper.\\nC. W. Mahry.\\nWm. Hamilton.\\nAdjutant .Jas. P. Perlvins.\\nS. G. Turner.\\nCaptain F. M. Johnston.\\n(B) Jas. H. Neal.\\nCaptain (B) John Keely.\\n(f) J. J. Bealh\\n(C) R. B. Hogan.\\n(D) Jas Hunter.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0(E) Clias. W. Mahrv.\\n(E) D. H. Sims.\\n(F) Wm E. Curtis.\\n(K) A. H. Blaik.\\n(F) Wm. Ilandlton.\\n(G) Tilman W. Flvnt.\\n(II) Jolin B. Hcall\\n(I) John T. Chamhors.\\n(K) John W. Hooper.\\n(A) .Jolm Morrison.\\n(B).Ias II. Neal.\\n(15) Denis S. Myers.\\n(t A. J. Riuliardson.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0821.jp2"}, "772": {"fulltext": "GC8\\nAPPENDIX A.\\nCaptain (G) Elliott, Kd.\\n(H) J. W. Neallv.\\n(I) T. W. Abercrorabie.\\nCaptain (I) Lalor.\\n(K) A. J. Howe.\\n20th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 764.\\nColonel W. D. Smith.\\nJ. H. Cmiiining.\\nJ. 1). Wad.lell.\\nLieutenant Colonel J. B.\\nJohn\\nE. M\\nMajor .Tolin A. Jone.s.\\nKo^er L. Gamble.\\nJ. i). WadileU.\\nWm. Craig.\\nAdjutant J. O. VVaddell.\\nCumminp.\\nA. Jones, Kd.\\nSeago.\\nCaptain (A) A. B. Ross.\\n(14) John A. Strother.\\n(C) Hoger L. Gamble.\\n(D) Jas. 1). Waddell.\\n(K) I). Little.\\n(F) K. M. Seago.\\n(G) Jolin R. Ivev.\\n(II) J. A. Coffee.\\n(I) Van A. Leonard.\\n(I) C. B. Minis.\\n(K) Wm. Craig.\\n21st Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 749.\\nColonel John T. Mercer, Kd.\\nThomas W. Hooper.\\nLieutenant Colonel James J. Morrison.\\nThomas W. Hooper.\\nT. C. Glover.\\nMajor T. W Hooper.\\nT. C. Glover.\\nM. Lynch.\\nAdjutant T, J. Verderv.\\nL. F. Hakewell.\\nCaptain (A) T. C. (ilover.\\n(A) W. M. Butt, Kd.\\nCaptain (B) A. .S. Hamilton.\\n(C) J. F. Woddail, Kd.\\nH. T. Battle.\\n(E) J. R. Hart.\\n(F) John T. Boykin.\\n(G) Weslev Kinmau.\\n(G) N. B. Hndgins.\\n(H) Jas. C. Kisbet.\\n(H) Jolui B. Conntiss.\\n(I) Michael Lvnch.\\n(K) John B. Akridge.\\n2%nd Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 805.\\nColonel Robert H. Jones.\\nGeorge H. Jones.\\nI-ieutenaut Colonel T. W. Pritchett.\\nJoseph Wasden, Kd.\\nMajor .7. Wasden.\\nLawrence D. Lallerstedt.\\nAdjutant I. A. Gir.irdeau.\\nS. L. Bedell.\\nJ. I). Daniel.\\nCaptain (A) L. IV Lallerstedt.\\n(A) G. W. Rush. Kd.\\n(B) Thom.as S. Huudlev.\\n(B) J. W. Walker.\\n(B) F. M. Heath\\n(B) I. C. A. Beall\\n(C) B. C. McCurry.\\n(I)) John Gibson.\\nCaiitaiu (D) J.\\nN.\\nMercier.\\n(E) H\\nN\\nHowell.\\n(E) J.\\nD.\\nFoster.\\n(F) P.\\nE.\\nWillis.\\n(G) J.\\nJ.\\nJones.\\n(G) W\\n.F\\nJones, I)d.\\n(G) G\\nW\\nJ homas.\\n(H)J.\\nD.\\nW. McDon\\naid.\\n(H) F.\\nM\\nCounally.\\n(H) J.\\nW\\nLeonard, Kd.\\n(H) H\\nJ.\\nL. Beall.\\n(I) Gc\\norge H. Jones\\n(I) A\\nB\\nHodgers.\\n(K) J.\\nAUiert, Kd\\n(K)J.\\nW\\nCallaway,\\nKd\\n(K) F.\\nM\\nClayton.\\n23?y/ Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 811.\\nColonel Thoma.s Hntcherson.\\nW. P. Barcby, Kd.\\nEmory F. Best.\\nJ. H. Huggins.\\nM. R. Ballenger.\\nLieutenant Colonel \\\\V. P. Bard.ay.\\nLieutenant Colonel E. F. Best.\\nJames H Hnggins.\\nM. U. Ballenger.\\nJ. J. A. Sharp.\\nMajor E. F. Best.\\nJ. H. Hnggins.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0822.jp2"}, "773": {"fulltext": "AITEXDIX A.\\n669\\nMajor M. R. Ballen^er.\\nJ. J. A. Sliarp.\\nW. J. Boston.\\nAdjutant C. Saunders.\\nE. Fort.\\nCaptain (A) Ben G Pool.\\n(A) W. J. Boston.\\n(B) J. H. Hus;, ins.\\nC M. li. BuUenger.\\nCaptain (C) H. T. Kennon.\\n(I)) John L. Steele.\\n(E) James Lovless.\\n(F) B. F Kins.\\n(F) li. W. Mitc liell.\\n(G) John J. A, Sharp.\\n(H) Franc-is M. Young.\\n(I) M. E Priti-hett.\\n(K) Andrew Youug.\\n24:th Georf/ia Infantry, Volunteers 775.\\nColonel Robert McMillan.\\nC. C. Saunders.\\nLieutenant Colonel C. C. San lers.\\nJ. N. Chandler.\\nT. E. Winn.\\nMajor R. E. McMillan.\\nT. E. Winn.\\nF. C. Smith.\\nAdjutant D. E. Banks.\\nU. S. Turner.\\nCaptain (A) J. N. Chandler.\\n(B) P. E. Davant.\\n(C) W. L. Smith, Kd.\\n(C) F. C. Smith.\\nCaptain (D) John Corn.\\n(U) H. II. Smith, Kd.\\n(E) J.N. Cannon, Kd.\\n(E) II. P. Cannon, Dd.\\n(F) J. li F. Matto.x.\\n(F) T. E. Winn.\\n(G) W. T. Leonard, Dd.\\n(G) W. S. Brewster, Kd.\\n(11) John H. Mosely, Dd.\\n(H) George W. Keeling.\\n(H) N. J. Dortch, Dd.\\n(I) H. L Pool.\\n(K) J. G. Porter.\\nEnsign W. C. Sears.\\n25 /i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers.\\nColonel C. C. Wilson.\\nW. J. Winn.\\nLieutenant Colonel W. P. M. Ashley.\\nW. H. Wvlly.\\nA. J. Williams.\\nMajor W. J. Winn.\\nW. H. Wvllv.\\nA. W. Sniith.\\nA. Q. M W. U. Bacon.\\nAdjutant II. E. Lester.\\nCaptain (A) A. W. Smith.\\n(B) M L. Brvau.\\n(C) J. Roberts.\\nCaptain (D) A. J. Williams.\\n(E) W. S. Norm.in.\\n(F) (ieorge T. Dunham.\\n(G) W. D. Hamilton.\\n(H) W. H. Wvllv.\\n(I) A. II. Smi th.\\n(K) M. J. McMullen.\\n(L) R. J. McClary.\\n(B) Jos. Brv.an.\\n(D) J. R. Cooper.\\n(D) A. Jackson.\\n(G) Jas. W. Best.\\n2.5 /t Georyia Volunteers, Reorganized. 870.\\nCaptain (A) W.-H. Wylly.\\n(B) A. W. Smith.\\n(C) R. J. McCLary.\\n(I)) A. H. Smith.\\n(E) G. W. Holmes.\\n(F) R. R. Young.\\nCaptain (F) J. R. Moore.\\n(A) J C. Brvan. Cashd.\\n(A) J. C Howell.\\n(H) S. I). Bradwell.\\n(I) J. M. Smith.\\n(K) J. R. Cooper.\\n26 A Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 951\\nColonel C. W. Styles.\\nE. A. Atkinson.\\nLieutenant Colonel W. A. Lane.\\nE. S. Grillin.\\nJ. S Blain.\\nWm. A McDonald\\nMajor Thos. N. Gardner.\\nMajor E. S. Griffin.\\nJ. S. Blain.\\nB. F. Grace.\\nAdjutant. E. A. Atkinson.\\nAndrew J. Lvles.\\nCaptain (A) G. C. Dent.\\n(B) A. S. Atkinson.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0823.jp2"}, "774": {"fulltext": "c:o\\nAri Ii.NDIX A.\\n(^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2jptain\\n(C)\\n(K)\\n(F)\\n(O)\\n(II)\\n(I)\\n(K)\\n(L)\\n(A)\\n(A)\\n(B)\\nJ. C. Nichols.\\n1). J. McDonald.\\nEli S. Griffin.\\nWm. H. D.islier.\\nBen. F. Moselv.\\nWm. A. McDonald.\\nAlex. Atkinson.\\n.Tas. S. Blain.\\nBen. A. Wliite, Jr.\\nM. H. C cisdell. Reorganized.\\nJa.s S. Blain.\\nN. Di.M.n.\\nA. Atkinson.\\nCaptain (B) Jas IT. Hunter.\\n(C) Jas. Knox.\\n(D) David Davidson.\\n(E) E. S. Griffin.\\n(F) Jolin Lee.\\n(G) C. M. Howell.\\n(H) J. P. Smith.\\n(H) R. Paxton.\\n(I) C. W. Hilliard.\\n(I I Thos. J. Ivey.\\n(K) B. F. Grace.\\n(K) J. Hilton.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a22 tth Georgia Infantry, Volimteern 721.\\nColonel Levi B. Smith.\\nCajMain\\n(A) W. R. Doughertv.\\nC. T. Zaclij-.v.\\n(B) J. W. Stuhhs.\\nLicatenant Colonel C. T. Zachry.\\n(B) J. J. Allen.\\nBrewer.\\n(C) C. J. Denis.\\nJohn \\\\V. Stubhs.\\n(C) J. W. Murray.\\nJ. M. Horsey.\\n(C) W. W. .loljnston.\\nJainp.s (Jardner, Kd.\\n(C) Thomas Grace.\\nH. Bu.s.sev.\\n(D) J.N. Dorsey.\\nJIajor H. B. H.dliday.\\n(D) Geo. Latham.\\nC. J. Dennis.\\n(E) W. H. Renfroe.\\nJ. Gardner.\\n(E) Aliercombie.\\nH. Bnssev.\\n(F) .T. Wilcher.\\nW. H. Henfroe, Kd.\\n(F) Edwards.\\n1. D. Graliani.\\n(G) W. D. Reilding.\\nAdjutant J. Gardner.\\n(G) M. L. Billingsley.\\nI. B. Pve.\\n(H) C.T. Zachry.\\nA. C. S. Thomas Bacon, Kd.\\n(H) W. H. Delamar, Kd\\nJ. M. Zachrv.\\n(H) R. A. Harkie.\\nA. Q. M\u00e2\u0080\u009e II. B. Hnliiday.\\n(I) 0. A. Lee, Kd.\\nB. Biiclianan.\\n(I) J. D. Graham.\\nCaptain (E) Spr.atlin, Dd.\\n(I) Baxlev.\\n(E) J. M. Zachry.\\n(K) H. Bnssev.\\n(A) P. C. Carr, Dd.\\n(K) C. Calhoun.\\n28th Georgia Itifinttnj, Y(. liintcersi\u00e2\u0080\u00941\\\\%.\\nColonel T. J. Wartheu, Dd.\\nTnlly Grayhill.\\nLieutenant Colonel Geo. A. Hall.\\nJames G. Cain.\\nW. P. Crawford.\\nMajor J. G. Cain.\\nTuUv Gravl.ill.\\nJas. W. Banning.\\nAdjutant .7 W. Roliinson.\\nC aptain (A) TuUv (iravhill.\\nA .J. K Tucker.\\n(B) E. B. Hook.\\nCapt,^in (B) R. W Flonrnov.\\n(C) Wm. P. Crawford.\\n(D) N.J. Garrison.\\n(E) Geo. R. Moore.\\n(F) Jessie Burtz.\\n(F) L. R. Wade.\\n(G) .Tohn Hill, Jr.\\n(11) Wm. L.Johnson.\\n(H) ,L A. Johnson.\\n(I) Isaac F. Adkins.\\n(K) John N. Wilcox.\\n29^A Georr/ia Vohintecr.% Infantry 850.\\nColonel R. Sp.aulding.\\nWm. .J. Young.\\nLieutenant Colonel T W. Alexander.\\nW. D. Mitchell.\\nMajor L. J. Knight.\\nJ. C. Lamh.\\nAdjutant G. Butler.\\nCaptain (A) C. S. Rockwell.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0824.jp2"}, "775": {"fulltext": "ArPKXDIX A.\\ncri\\nCaptain (B) W. J. Young.\\n(C) T. S. Wyllv.\\n(D) J. C. Lamb.\\n(E) F. M. Jackson.\\n(F) W. \\\\V. Billopp.\\nCaptain (G) I. J. Owen.\\n(II) W.I). Mitchell.\\n(I) J. W. Turner.\\n(K) H. C. Bowan.\\n22(h Georgia Yolinitccrs, Reorganized.\\nCaptain (A) J. D. Henderson.\\n(B) W. W. Spencer.\\n(C) L. J. Knight.\\nCaptain (D)J. C. Lamb.\\n(E) B. Y. Stanford.\\n30?A (ieorg ia Infantry, ^^dunteers 7G7.\\nColonel David J. Bailey.\\nTlionias \\\\V. Mansham.\\nJatnes S. Boyntoii.\\nLieutenant Colonel jliles M. Tidwell.\\nTlionias W. Maugham.\\nJas. 8. Boynton.\\nMajor Cicero A. Thorpe.\\nJ. I{. Boynton.\\nHeury Hendricks.\\nA. C. S., A. N. McLarty.\\nJ. C. Little.\\n.A. Q. M., J. C. Hightower.\\nAdjutnnt J. W. McCord.\\nCaptain (A) John L. Harnett.\\n(B) H. Hendrick.\\n(C) J. O. Lindsev.\\n(D)Tlios. C. Bartlett.\\n(E) lioliert M. Hitch.\\n(F) Wm. N. Maponick.\\n(G) John Edmond.son.\\n(H) Francis M.Hanall.\\n(I) C. A. Dollnr.\\n(K) Wm. B. Kichards\\n30 A Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized TSS.\\nCaptain (G) John Edmondson.\\n(G) Jno W. M.I.eod.\\n(H) F. M. Harrell.\\n(J) C. A. Dollar.\\n(K) Geo. T. Loiigino.\\nCaptain (A) Felix L. Matthall.\\n(B) Henry Kendrick.\\n(C) R. J. Andrews.\\n(D) Hudson Whitakcr.\\n(E) R. M. Hitch.\\n(F) Ulni N. Magouick.\\nZlst Georgia Volunteers, Infantry\\nColonel P. J. Phillips.\\nClement A. Evans.\\nLieutenant Colonel Daniel V. Ilill.\\nJ. T. Crow.\\nMajor C. A. Evans.\\nJ. H. Lowe.\\nA. C. S., J. H. Sutton.\\nA. Q. M., A. B. Redding.\\nAdjutant J. H. Woodbridge.\\nWm. M. Head.\\n-800.\\nCaptain (A) Apollo Forrester.\\n(B) Rodolphns T. Pride.\\n(C) Archer Griffetts.\\n(D) John T. Crowder.\\n(E) L. B Redding.\\n(F) Warren 1). Wood.\\n(G) J. H. Lowe.\\n(H) John W. Murphy.\\n(I) Geo. W. Lewis.\\n(K) R. H. Fletcher.\\nCaptain (A) A. Forrester, Dd.\\n(A) C. L. Shorter.\\n(B) R. T. Pride.\\n(C) J. G. Sanders.\\n(D) Tbos. B. Settle.\\n(E) L. R. Redding.\\n31s Georgia Volunteers, Reorganized.\\nCaptain (F) M. D. Wood.\\n((i) J. H. Love.\\n(H) J. W. Murpbv.\\n(I) Geo. W. Lewis.\\n(K) R. H. Fletcher.\\n(K) S. W. Thornton.\\n32d Georgia Volunteers, Infantry\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ^880.\\nColonel Geo. P. Harrison, Jr.\\nLieutenant-Colonel W. H. Prnden.\\nE. H. Bacon.\\nMajor E. H. Bacon, Jr.\\nW. Y. Holland.\\nAdjutant G. M. Blount.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0825.jp2"}, "776": {"fulltext": "c;;\\nAITEXDIX A.\\nCaptain (A) W. Y. Holland.\\n(A) W. D. Cornwell.\\n(B) J. B. McDowell.\\n(C) S. J. Heath.\\n(1)| K. K. nines.\\n(I)) J. A. Hincs.\\n(E) S. A. U. Joues.\\nCaptain (E) P. R. Talliaferro.\\n(F) C. A. Willis.\\n((J) J. A. Phillips.\\n(11) S. 1). Mubley.\\n(I) J. F. Lewis.\\n(K) F. G. Goclliee.\\nK) J. L. McElmurry.\\nColonel A LittlefieUl.\\n33(? Georgia olunteers.\\nI\\n3-i/A Georgia Infantry, M)liintee7 S.\\nColonel J. A. W. Johnson.\\nLieutenant Colonel J. W. Bradley.\\nMajor Tlios. T. Donough.\\nJohn JL Jai kson.\\nAdjutant I. J. McLemlon.\\nCaptain (A) Caleb Cliitwood.\\n(B) Tliomas A. Neal.\\n(C) li. A. Joues.\\nCaptain (D) Wni. E. Block.\\n(E) Jordan Rowland.\\n(F) W. A. Walker.\\n(G) G. M Blackwill.\\n(H) Jolm M. Jackson.\\nA. T. Bennett.\\n(K) A. P. Daniel.\\n35th Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 056.\\nColonel E. L Thomas\\nBollins II Holt.\\nLieutenant Colonel (iustavus A. Bull.\\nB. H. Holt.\\nW. H. McCullough.\\nMajor B. H. Holt.\\nW. H. McCullough.\\nW. L. Groves.\\nL. A. Williams.\\nJ. T. McKlvany.\\nAdjutant J. H. Ware, Kd.\\nS. W. Tliom.-is.\\nCaptain (A) Wm. L Head.\\nCaptain (B) I. M. White.\\n(C) I), i?. Hcnrv. Kd.\\n(D) L. A.J. W illiams.\\n(D) J. M. Mitchell.\\n(D) I. P.Johnston.\\n(E) E. R. Wliitlev.\\n(F) R. M. Rawlings, Dd.\\n(F) J. T. McElvanv.\\n(G) Wm. S. Barrett.\\n(H) A. K. Richardson.\\n(I) W. L. Groves.\\n(I) R. T. Irvine.\\n(K) W. H. McCulloch.\\nMt/i Georgia Infantry, Volunteers 086.\\nColonel Jesse A. Glenu.\\nC. E. Broyles.\\nLieutenant Colonel Alex. M. Wallace.\\nMajor Chas. E. Broyles.\\nJuo. Loudennilk.\\nAdjutant John S. Ault.\\nCaptain (A) J. W. Aderhold.\\n(B) H. J. Spravherrv.\\n(D) J. K. Rliodes.\\n(E) W. H. Howard, Jr.\\n(F) J. P. Gir.ardv.\\n(G) R. T. EuKlish.\\n(II) J. T. Kerr.\\n(I) J.N. Edwards.\\nCaptain (K) E. S.Amos.\\n(A) Joseph Glenn.\\n(B) Geo. A. Cooper.\\n(C) B. B. White.\\n(C) F. M. Dwipht.\\n(D) Juo. Louderniilk.\\n(E) J. D. Gilbert.\\n(F) E. L. JLirtin.\\n(G) D. H. Elledge.\\n(H) A. P, Roberts.\\n(I) J. L. Morgan.\\n(K) A. A. Dver.\\n(L) Thos. Williams.\\n^rUh Georgia Infantry, Volunteers.\\nColonel A. F. Rudler.\\nLieutenant Colonel .1. T. Smith.\\nMajor J, J. Bradford.\\nMajor R. E. Wilson.\\nAdjutant G. H. Slierod.\\nCaptain (A) R. E. Wilson.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0826.jp2"}, "777": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX A.\\n673\\nCaptain (B) T. E. Blanchard.\\n(U) .1. G. MiMullan, Kd.\\n(D) \\\\V. M. Clark.\\n(I) M. Keudrick, Dd.\\nCaptain (I) T. D. Wright.\\n(I) Wni. Huteliinson.\\n(K) W. H. H. Phelps.\\n38th Georgia Infantry, YohuUcers-\\nColonel A. R. Wrislit.\\nGeii. \\\\V. Lee.\\nJ. Matliews.\\nLieutenant Colonel Geo. W. Lee.\\nLewis J. Parr.\\nJ. U. Matliews.\\nP. E. Davaut.\\nMajor L. J. Parr.\\n.T. H. Bomar.\\nCaptain (A) Win. L. McLeod, Kd.\\n(B) Robert P. Eljerliart.\\n(C) John Y. Flowcr.s.\\n(D) Geo. W. MuCleskv, Kd.\\nCaptain (E) Wm. H. Battey, Kd.\\n(E) J. W. Brinson.\\n(E) L. W. Farmer, Kd.\\n(F) Corneliu.s R. Hanleiter.\\n(G) Wm. Wright.\\n(G) Geo. F. Robinson.\\n(FI) Thomas H. Boinar.\\n(I) Jolni C. Tlionitou.\\n(I) .1. O, Maxwell.\\n(K) Jas. D. Matthews.\\n(K) Chas. A. Hawkins\\n(K) R. T. Donongh.\\n(K) L. H. T. Bomar.\\nKd.\\n39 /i!. Georgia Infantry, Yohmtcers 899.\\nColonel J. T. McConnell, Dd.\\nJ. F. B Jackson.\\nLieutenant Colonel J. F. B. Jackson.\\nMajor J. H. Randall\\nAdjutant W. M. McCallister.\\nCaptain (A) L. W. Crook.\\n(M) T. H. Pitner.\\n(C) Timothy Ford.\\nCaptain (D) J. W. Cnreton.\\n(E) C. I). Hill.\\n(E) H. B. Osborne.\\n(F) Jas. H. Anderson.\\n(G) B. J. Brown.\\n(K) J. W Bradv, Kd.\\n(II John D. Hayes.\\n(H) Will. H. Edwards.\\n40^/i. Georgia Infantry, Volunteers.\\nColonel Ahda .Johnson.\\nLieutenant Colonel Robert M. Young.\\nMajor Raleigh G. Camp.\\nAdjutant G. W. Warwick.\\nCaptain (A).Tno H. Matthews.\\n(B) John U. Dobbs.\\n(C) Z. B. Hargrove.\\nCaptain (D) Francis II. Hall.\\n(E) .1. F. Groover.\\n(F) John Middlebrooks.\\n(G) Thos. J. Foster.\\n(H) Joseph L. NeeL\\n(I) jMxla Johnson.\\n(K) Alex. Murchison.\\ni\\\\st Georgia Infantry, Volunteers G83.\\nColonel Charles A. McDaniel.\\nLieutenant Colonel Wm. E. Curtis.\\nMajor John Knight.\\nW. S. Nail.\\nAdjutant E. Elless.\\nA. Q. M A. 1). Abrahams.\\nCapt.ain (A) J. E. Stallings.\\n(B) Geo. N. Lester.\\n(B) D. MoCleskev.\\n(15) Thomas I. IJobb.s.\\nCaptain (C) Geo. S. Averv.\\n(D) Jiio. W. Powell.\\n(E) J. C. Curt Wright.\\n(F) A. 1). Abrahams.\\n(F) S. D. Clements.\\n(G) Wnshinsrton Henibree.\\n(Ct) R. a. Wood.\\n(H) Newton J. Ro.ss.\\n(I) W. B. Thomason.\\n(K) J. J. Bowen.\\n42(? Georgia Infantry, Volunteers\\nColonel Robert J. Henderson.\\nLieutenant Colonel R. F. Maddox.\\nWm. H. Hulsey.\\nMajor W. H. Hnlsey.\\n43\\n-939.\\nMajor L. P. Thom.as.\\nAdjutant H. M. Wvlie.\\nCaptain (A) L. P. Thomas.\\n(B) B. P. Weaver.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0827.jp2"}, "778": {"fulltext": "(;;4\\nAl l lCNDIX A.\\nCajitain (C) II. W. Parris.\\n(D) Natliaii Clay.\\n(E) T. J. Mercev.\\n(F) Jas. M. .Summers.\\nCaptain (G) Enocli E. McCollum.\\n(H) J. T. Mitchell.\\n(I) John II. Barrett.\\n(K) Win. L. Caliiouu.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0I -irJ. Georgia Infantnj Yolunteera lOGO.\\nColonel Skiilmnre Harris.\\nH. C. Kellosir.\\nIJeuteiiaiit Colonel Hiram I Bell.\\n.Major Henry C. Kellogg.\\nAiljutaut J. S. Allen.\\nCaptain (A) Win. F. Mnllins.\\n(A) A. M. Keinhart.\\n(A) W. I. Sloan.\\n(B) M. M. Grautliani.\\n(C) Ben. F. Hanie.\\nD) Wm. P. Brown.\\nCaptain (D) M. J. Kagstlale.\\n(E) Tho.s. G. Pilgrim.\\n(F) Jame.^ F. La\\\\y.\\n(F) Cicero IT. Furr.\\n(G) M. M. Mintz.\\n(G) J. M. Storey.\\n(H) H. U Howard.\\n(I) W. C. Lester.\\n(K) John F. Rives.\\n(L) M. II. West.\\n4:4 /i Georgia Yohmteers 018.\\nColonel Robert A. Smith.\\nCaptain (C)\\nJohn B. Estes.\\n(I\\nSam l, P. Lumpkin.s.\\n(O)\\nWm. H. Peehles.\\n(E)\\nLieutenant Colonel J. B. Estps.\\n(E)\\nS. P. Lumpkin.\\nt\\nW. H. Peebles.\\nF)\\nJas. W. Beck.\\n1\\n.Major Richard 0. Banks.\\n(F)\\nJos. W. Adams, l)d.\\n(G)\\nW. H. Peebles.\\n(G)\\nJ. W. Beck.\\n(11)\\nJolm C. Key.\\n(H)\\nAdjiiiautChas. M. Wilev.\\n(I)\\n(aj.lain (A) W. H. Peebles.\\n(I)\\n(A) H. M. Credille.\\n(I)\\n(B| John C. Key.\\n(I)\\n(B) Jas. Henderson.\\nSam l. P. Lumpkin.\\nJolin B. Estes.\\nR. R. Hanes.\\nJoseph W. Adams.\\nJ. H. Connall.y.\\nDayid L. Hitchcock.\\nC. IX Pearson.\\nG. G. Green, Kd.\\nJ. B. Reese.\\nJolm Huie.\\nJ. L. Blaluck.\\nJno. C. Redding.\\nJno. W. Butler.\\nCh.a.s. W. Alliston, Kd.\\nJ. II. Harris.\\nJas. W. Beck.\\nThomas T. Eason.\\n\\\\.hth Georgia Infantry Volunteers G8G.\\n(Colonel Thomas Hardeman.\\nThomas J. Simmons.\\nLieutenant Colonel T. J. Simmons.\\nW. L. Grice.\\nJ. W. Carter.\\nW. S. Wallace.\\nC. A. Conn, Kd.\\nMajor W. L. Grice.\\nM. R. Rogers.\\nJ. W. Carter.\\nA. W. Gibson.\\nAdjutant Geo. F. Cherry.\\nCaptain (A) M. R. Rogers.\\n(A) W. H.Shaw.\\n(A) Geo. F. Cherry.\\nB) J. W. Dozier.\\nCaptain (C) Jas. JI. Carter.\\n(C) John H. Raskins, Dd.\\n(C) H. G. Lamar.\\n(I)) Jos. H. White, Dd.\\n(H) Jesse Ma vs.\\n(E) Wm, S. Wallace.\\n(F) Richard M. Bonner.\\n(F) John Hardeman.\\n(G) C. A. Conn.\\n(H) Wm. M. Davis.\\nII John G. Brown.\\n(H) W. n. Killen.\\n(I) L.J. Dupree.\\n(I) .L I. Hall.\\n(I) J. M. Carter.\\n(K) A. W. Gibson.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0828.jp2"}, "779": {"fulltext": "ai 1 i;niii.\\\\\\n675\\nAGt/i Georgia Infantrij Volunteers 883.\\nColonel Peyton H. Colquitt, Kd.\\nS. J. C. Duiilap.\\nLieutenant Colonel Win A. Daniel.\\nMajor Alex M. Speei-.\\nS. J. C. Dnulap.\\nAdjutant W. W. Charlton.\\nW. R. Bedell.\\nCaptain (A) T. B. Hancock.\\n(B) Sani l. J. C. Duulap.\\n(C) A. II. Cooper, Kd.\\n(C) T. C. Tillman.\\nCaptain (D) E.G. Raiford.\\n(E) \\\\Vm. A. Andrews.\\n(F) Jolin V Beatv.\\n(F) K. M. Dixon.\\n(G) G. A. Ball.\\n(G) Malconil) Gillis.\\n(II) Kleazer Taylor.\\n(I) VV. F. Moore.\\n(I) W. A. Davis.\\nK) A. G. Bedell.\\n(K) I. F. Pou.\\n47?/t Georgia Volunteers 814.\\nColonel G. W. M. Williams, Dd.\\nA. C. Edwards.\\nLieutenant Colonel A. C. Edwards.\\nW. S. Phillips.\\nJ. S. Cone.\\nMajor J. S. Cone.\\nA. G. Cone.\\nAdjutant B. S. Williams.\\nCaptain (A) M. J. Dovle.\\n(U) Pat. Gorinley, Cashd.\\n48?A Geejrgid Infantry Volunteers 1052.\\nColonel William Gilison.\\nM. R. Hall.\\nLieutenant Colonel R. W. Carswell.\\nM. R. Hall.\\nMajor J. R. Whitehead.\\nM. R. Hall.\\nAdjutant Julian Cumming.\\nT. H. Gibson.\\nCaptain (A) A. Kellev, Kd.\\n(B)M. K. Hall.\\n(C) H. J. Dortic, Dd.\\n(C) L. Ci. Doughty, Kd.\\n(C) J. K. Evans.\\nCapt.iin (D) ,Tohn W. Harlow, Kd.\\n(D) U. L. Sliinner.\\n(E) T. H. Polliill, Kd.\\n(E) R. W. Carswell.\\n(E) W. J. Smith.\\n(F) Thos. W. Kent.\\n(G| Ulvs.ses A. Rice.\\n((i) T J. Roherston.\\n(H) Kiell McLeod.\\n(H) A. C.Flanders.\\n(I) R. J. Wilson.\\n(K) T. J. Hamilton.\\n(K) D. T. Wilson.\\n4:i)th Georgia Infantrij Volunteers 763.\\nColonel Andrew J. Lane.\\nS. T. Plaver.\\nJ. T. Jordan.\\nLieutenant Colonel Seaborn M. Manning.\\nJonatlian Rivers.\\nS. T. Plaver.\\nO. H. Cooke.\\nJ. T. Jordan.\\nW. J. Williams.\\nMajor J. Rivers.\\nS. T. Player.\\nJ. H. Pate.\\nW. J. Williams.\\nJohn Durham.\\nJ. B Dujrg.in.\\nAdjutant M. Newman.\\nCaptain (A) S. T. Player.\\n(A) J. B. Dugfran.\\n(B) Jas. Humphreys, Dd.\\n(B) W. J. Willi.ims.\\nCaptain (C) Wm. M. Carter.\\n(C) J. T. Jordan.\\n(D) Wm. F Holden.\\n(I)) .lohn Durham.\\n(E) Sam l. D. Fuller.\\n(E) A. C. McLeunon.\\n(F) O. H. Cooke.\\n(F) T. D. Wilcox.\\n(G) Jas. T. Cappell.\\n((J) II. B. Stanley,\\n(H) A. D. Jernigan.\\n(H) C. M. Jones, Kd.\\n(11) W. G. Bell.\\n(I) Jas J. Lawrence.\\n(I) A. J Lane.\\n(I) J. W. Allen.\\n(K) H H. Whitfield.\\n(K) S. M. Manning.\\n(K) J. H. Pate.\\n(K) 0. A. V. Rose.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0829.jp2"}, "780": {"fulltext": "676\\nAPl EXDIX A.\\n50th Georgia Infantry Yolunteers 074.\\nColonel W. R. Manniiijj.\\nPeter McCJlaslian.\\nLieutenant Colonel F. Kearse.\\nW. U. Fleming.\\nMajor P. C. Peiiilletou.\\nI). Ciinn.\\nW. O. Fleming.\\nP. Shcftall.\\nAdjutant Jas P. Graves.\\nCaptain (A) Jiio. T. Wilson.\\n(B) P. B. Beclfcml.\\n(B) P. C. Pendleton.\\nCaptain (C) Jolm M. Spencc.\\n(l))Jas. T. Beiill.\\n(E) Cicero H. Young.\\n(F) Duncan Currv.\\n(F) W. O. Fleming.\\n(G) Jolm B. U.steeii.\\n(H) Jes.se M. Wells.\\n(I) E. C. Morgan.\\n(I) C. Townseud.\\n(K) Pliny yiielticld.\\n(K) Jolm G. McCall.\\n(F) H. L. Iteeves.\\nb\\\\st Georgia Infantry Volunteers 968.\\nColonel W. M. Slaugliter, Dd.\\nE. Ball.\\nJames Dickey.\\nLieutenant Colonel IC. Ball.\\nO. P. Anthony.\\nJ. Dickev.\\nJ. P. Crawford.\\nMajor O. P. Anthony.\\nH. M. Dunwuodv.\\nJas. j:)ickev.\\nJ. P. Crawford.\\nAdjutant J. H. West.\\nCaptain (A) H. M. Dunwoody.\\n(A) S. Alexander, Kd.\\n(A) W. U. McLean.\\nCaptain (B) W. C. Ware, Kd.\\n(B) W. H, Chastaiu.\\n(C) A. Ciiml)ic.\\n(C) J. W. Brooks.\\n(D) F. M. D. Hopkins.\\n(F.) .James Dickey.\\n(F) B. J. Keudrii-k.\\n(F) T. M.Jones.\\n(G).Jolm P. Cr.awford.\\n(II) E.lwaril Ball.\\n(11) Wm. F. Davis.\\n(I) O. P. Anthony.\\n(1) S. A. McLemion.\\n(K) Wni. M. .Slaughter.\\n(K) Kichard Hobba.\\n52\u00c2\u00ab(? Georgia Infantry Volunteers. 890.\\nColonel Wier Boyd.\\nLieutenant Colonel C. D. Phillips.\\nAdjutant W. A. James.\\nCaptain (A) S. H. Vandiviere.\\n(B) Jolm J. Moore.\\n(C) R. R. Asburv.\\n(D) John A. Parker.\\nCaptain (D) J. W. Woodward.\\n(E) 1). W. Killian.\\n(F) S. M. Beck.\\n(G) Lewis B Beard.\\n(11) W. W. Brown.\\n(I) John R. Ku,ssell.\\n(K) T.F. Cooper.\\nh ird Georgia Infantry Volunteers.\\nColonel L. T. Doy.al.\\nJames P. Sims.\\nLieutenant Colonel Thomas Sloan.\\nMajor J. P. .Sims.\\nAdjutant John F. Hanson.\\nCaptain (A) 1 W. Atkins.\\n(B) Thos. W. Sims.\\n(I) J. M. D. Bonds.\\nCaptain (D) J. W. Hance, Kd.\\n(E) Jas. P. Sim.s.\\n(E) S. W. Glass.\\n(F) Thomas Sloan,\\n((i) R. P. Taylor.\\n(11) W. B. Baker.\\n(C) Sam l. W. Marshbone.\\n(K) J. M. Ponder.\\n5ith Georgia Infantry Volunteers 815.\\nColonel Charlton H. Way.\\nLieutenant Colonel Morgan Rawls.\\nMajor Wm. H. Mann.\\nAdjutant T. II. Brantley.\\nCaptain (A) T. W. Brantley.\\n(B) Geo. W. Moody.\\n(C) D. A. Green.\\n(C) T. M. Brantley.\\nCaptain (D) A. S. Roberts.\\n(E) J. D. Evans.\\n(E) H. M. Tally.\\n(F) W. T. Chisholm.\\n(G) Geo. W. Knight.\\n(II) C. R. Russell.\\n(1) L. L. KIkius.\\n(K) Geo. Ea.son.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0830.jp2"}, "781": {"fulltext": "Al l KNDIX A.\\n077\\n55th Georgia Infantry Yohtntccrs 1008.\\nColonel C. B. Ilarkie, Cashd.\\nA. W. Persous.\\nD. S. I liiitup.\\nLieutenant Colonel A. W. Persons.\\nU. S. Priutup.\\nMajor D. S. Priutnp.\\nM. P. Tucker.\\nA. C. S., Wright.\\nAdjutant K. C. Saxon.\\nCaptain (A) Turner J. B.all.\\n(B) James Jl. Griltin.\\nCaptain (C) Wm. J. Collins.\\n(D) Joliu G Lester.\\n(E) Ben R. Kendiick, Kd.\\n(F) 11. \\\\V, Baker.\\n(F) J. J. Kolierson.\\n(G) K. L. Mitchell.\\n(11) J. P. Allen.\\n(I) D. A. Lee, IJd.\\n(K) M. P. Tucker.\\n(L) E. JI. Westbrook.\\nbGth Georgia Infantry J ^olunteers.\\nColonel E. P. Watkins.\\nLieutenant Colonel J. T. Slaughter.\\nMajor M. L. Poole.\\nJ. P Brewster.\\nAdjutant Ja.s. N. Bass.\\nCaptain (A) J. P. Brewster.\\n(B) J. B. Martin.\\n(C) J. A. Gricc.\\nCaptain (I)) W. S. Monroe.\\n(E) J. F. Albert.\\n(F) P. H. Prathcr, Kd.\\n(G) E. M. Street man.\\n(H) J. M. Parrish.\\n(I) J- M. Cohh.\\n(K) B. T. Sherman.\\n(K) J. H. Harrison.\\nblth Georgia Infantry Volunteers.\\nColonel Wm. Barkaloo.\\nLieutenant Colonel E. S. Guyton.\\nMajor John W. Sliinholser.\\nA. C. S., M. W. Juhnston.\\nAssistant Quartermaster II. Cleveland.\\nAdjutant T. J. Dy.son.\\nStephen l)e Bruhl.\\nGeo. II. Hunter.\\nCaptain (A) L. C. Brvan.\\n(B) James M. Smith.\\nCaptain (C) Lucius Q. Tucker.\\n(D) Henry K. Bvington.\\n(E)C. H. l!ichardsou.\\n(F) Juhn F. Vin.son.\\n(G) James P. .lordan.\\n(11) John K. Bonner.\\n(I) George W. Bishop.\\n(K) J. W. Shinholser.\\n(K) J. N. Sliinholser.\\nbSth Georgia Volunteers.\\n5dt/i Georgia Infantry Volunteers 833.\\nColonel Jack Brown.\\nLieutenant Colonel C. J. Harris.\\nB. H. Gee.\\nMajor B. H. Gee.\\nC. J. Harris.\\nM. G. Bass.\\nW. H. Ficklin-.\\nA. C. S., W. A. Sparks.\\nAssistant Quartermaster B. F. Bruton.\\nAdjutant H. Marshall.\\nM. F. Ba.ss.\\nCaptain (A) B. H. Gee.\\n(B) John G. Collins.\\n(C) W. II. Ficklin.\\nCaptain (D) n. C. Smith.\\n(D) B. H. Miller.\\n(E) M. G. Bass.\\n(E) B. L. Brown.\\n(F) James M. IJouse.\\n(G) G. F. Brown.\\n(H) Jack Brown.\\n(H) F. M. Kohinson.\\n(H) W. W. Train.\\n(I) E. Cain, Dd.\\n(I) John W. Hutchinson.\\n(K) C. J. Harris.\\n(K) F. W. Johnson.\\n(K) S. H. Gates.\\nColonel W. II. Stiles.\\nW. B. Jones.\\nLieutenant Colonel Thomas J. Berry\\nMajor W. B. Jones.\\nGOth Georgia Infantry Volunteers.\\nA. C. S., A. D. Murray.\\nA.ssistant Quartermaster D. N. Speer.\\nAiijutant B. F. Keller.\\nU. L. McFarlin.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0831.jp2"}, "782": {"fulltext": "678\\nAPPENDIX A.\\nCaptain (A) T. D. Bertody.\\n(15) W. B.Jones.\\n(C) J. C. Warillaw.\\n(C) James C. Ward,\\n(C) J. A. Kdinuudson.\\n(U) W. Talliaferro.\\n(E) J. W. Beck.\\nCaptaiu (F) W. P. Jarrett.\\n(G) Jolin B. Coldiiig, Kd.\\n(H) W. H. Stiles.\\n(H) W.C. Leake.\\n(I) B. F. Fari.s.s.\\n(K) W. H. Howard.\\nCist Georgia InfatitriJ Toltiiiteem.\\nColonel John II. Lamar.\\nLieuteaaut Colonel J. Y. McDuflie.\\nC. VV. McArthur.\\nMajor A. P. JIcRae.\\nPeter Breniian.\\nH. Tillman.\\nAssistant Qnarterniaster Geo. Higgins.\\nAdjutant G. W. Lamar.\\nG. C. Connor.\\nCaptain (A) G. 1). Wilcox.\\n(B) 1). U. A. Johnson.\\n(C) Dau l. McDonald.\\n(D) S. H. Kennedy.\\nCaptain (E) C. W. McArthur.\\n(E) T. M. McUae.\\nK) P. Brenuan.\\n(G) \\\\V. Fannin.\\n(H) J. M. Dasher.\\n(I) J. I). Van Valkenburg.\\n(K) E. F. Sharjie.\\n(C) J. A. Edmoudson.\\n(G) II. T. Collev.\\n(A) J. Y. McDuffie\\n(D) H. Tillman\\n(B) A. P. McKae, Kd.\\nQ ind Georgia Infantry Volunteers.\\nColonel J. R. Griffin.\\nLieutenant Colonel Randolph Townes.\\nJohn T. Kennedy.\\nMajor John T. Kennedy.\\nW. L. A. Ellis.\\nA. C. S., T. Meara.\\nW. R. Baldwin.\\nAdjutant B. B. Buucr.\\nW. A. Iiols.)n\\nCaptain (A) John P. Davi.s.\\n(B) Jas. W. Nichols.\\n(B) B. B. Bower.\\nCaptain (C) W. L. A. Ellis.\\n(D) Wm. H. Fancett.\\n(D) R. Duvall.\\n(E) W. A. Thompson.\\n(F) S. B. .Jones.\\n(G) Pat. Gray.\\n(H) Thus. A. Janes.\\n(H) A. P. Xewhnrt.\\n(I) Jno. A. Richard.son.\\n(IC) E. W. Westhrook.\\n(K) S. L. Turner\\n(L) Theo. G. Barbara.\\n63)-f? Georgia Infantry Volunteers 986.\\nColonel George A. Gordon.\\nLieutenant Colonel Geo. R. Black.\\nMajor John R. Giles.\\nJ. V. H. Allen.\\nA. C. S., 6. W. Lamar.\\nAssistant Quartermaster C. J. White.\\nAdjutant J. S. Hammond.\\nCaptain (A) J. V. II. Allen.\\n(B) James T. Buckner.\\nCaptain (C) E. J. Craven.\\n(D) E. H. Harrison.\\n(E) Thad. (Iliver.\\nf F) .John H. Losser.\\n(G) n N. Martin.\\n(H) H. H. Scranton.\\n(I) C. W. Howard.\\n(K) Wm.J. De.xra.\\nColonel John W. Evans, Kd.\\nW. H. Weems.\\nLieutenant Colonel James Barrow, Kd.\\nW. H. Weems.\\nMajor W. H. Weems.\\nC. S. Jenkins.\\nAssistant Quartermaster E. R. Peabody.\\nAdjutant .1. A. Byrd.\\nCaptaiu (A) John K. Redd.\\nGith Georgia Infantry Volunteers.\\nCaptain (B) T. J Pritchett.\\n(C) N. W. Garrard.\\n(D) Geo. S. Thomas.\\n(E) C S.. Jenkins.\\n(F) P. Rohinson.\\n(G) D. C. Smith.\\n(G) C. A. C. Waller.\\n(H) S. A. Towusley.\\n(I) J.T. McCIusky, Cashd.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0832.jp2"}, "783": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX A.\\n679\\nGath Georff/a Infaidrij Volunteers.\\nColonel C. J. Smith.\\nJolin S. Faiu.\\nR. }I. Moore.\\nW. G. Foster.\\nLieuteuaut Colouel J. S. Fain.\\nR. H. Moore.\\nJ. W. Pearce.\\nMajor B. F. Browne.\\nR. H. Moore.\\nJ. W. IVrcv.\\nS. F. Williams.\\nA. C. S., W. A. Martin.\\nAdjutant T. W. Ale.xander.\\nCaptain (A) .S. F. Williams.\\n(B) Andrew H. Morris.\\n(C) John H. Craven.\\n(D) W. G. Foster.\\n(E) W. F. J honias.\\n(F) A. Rudolph.\\n(G) John W. Holmes.\\n(H) F. M. Kitchens.\\n(I) Henrv L. Snjith.\\n(K) W. W. Grant\\nColonel J. C. Nishet.\\nLieutenant Colouel\\nMajor\\nA. C. S.\\nGGth Georgia Tnfuntnj Volunteers.\\nCaptain (F) A. H. Reld.\\n(G) G. V. Hall.\\n(I) J. Thornton.\\nColtlis Georgia Legion 1018.\\nColonel Thos. R. R. Cohlj, ICd.\\nPierce M. B. Young.\\nG. I. Wrifrht.\\nLieutenant Colonel P. M. B. Young.\\nG. B. Knight.\\nJeff. JL Lamar, I)d.\\nLuther J. Glenn.\\nR. S. King.\\nWm. G. Uelonev.\\nMajor Ben C. Y ancey.\\nJ. M. Lamar.\\nW. G. Peloney.\\nL. J. Glenn.\\nZ. A. Rice.\\nThos. I\\\\L Camack.\\nG. I. Wright.\\nW. P. Conyers.\\nAdjutant J. C. Rutherford.\\nInf. Captain (A) W. D. Conyers.\\n(B) C. A. McDaniel.\\nInf. Captain (B) W. W. McDaniel.\\n(C) L, J. Glenn.\\n(C) M. F. Liddell.\\n(C) A. C. Grier.\\n(D) Tliomas Camack.\\n(D) W. A. Winn, Kd.\\n(D) .las. F. Wilson.\\n(E) W. S. C. Morris.\\n(E) T. B. Cox.\\n(F) W. F. S. Powell.\\n(G) G. B. Knight.\\n(G) J. C. Barnett.\\nCav. Captain (A) T. P. Stovall.\\n(A) J. J. Thompson.\\n(B)Z. A. Rice.\\n(C) W. G. Deloney.\\n(C) T. C. Williams.\\n(D) W. J. Lawton.\\nArt. (A) M. Stanley.\\nPhillip s Georgia Legion 725.\\nColonel Wm. Phillips.\\nJohn S. Norris.\\nLieutenant Colonel Seaborn Jones, Jr.\\nR. T. Cook, Kd.\\nE. T. Barclay.\\nJ. Hamilton.\\nW. W. Rich.\\nMajor John D. Willcoxon.\\nW. P. C. I uckett.\\nJoseph Hamilton.\\nE. S. Barclay.\\nAdjutant Jas H. I awrence.\\nJ. W. Wofford.\\nF. S. Fuller.\\nAdjutant ,1. A. M.attliias.\\nlufl Captain (A) O. K. Daniel.\\n(l?l R. T. Cook.\\n(B) Thos. Hamilton.\\nFirst Lieutenant (B) J. F. B. Jackson.\\nCaptain (C) E. S. Barclay.\\n(C) J. S. Norris.\\n(C) A. S. Erwin.\\n(D) II. F. Wimherley.\\n(E) Jos. Hamilton.\\n(F) Jackson Barnes.\\n(G) Chas. Duiiignon.\\n(H)W. W.Rich.\\n(H) J. F. Mitholliu.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0833.jp2"}, "784": {"fulltext": "C80\\nAPrEXUIX A.\\nCaptain (I) W. B. C. Puckett.\\n(K) R. S. y. Loiiy.\\n(I) J- \u00e2\u0080\u00a2Jul\\n(L) J. T. Luwrv.\\n(M) J. F. McClesky.\\n(M) Sani l. Y. Harris.\\n(N) S. S. IJimlaj).\\nT. IC. .Spruull.\\nII. I. MeConnick.\\n(P) W. W. Tlioinas.\\nCav. Captain (A) J. H. Nicliols.\\n(A) C. Du Biguou.\\n(A) A. K. Love.\\n(B) \\\\Vm. H. Kich.\\n(B) T. G. Wilkes.\\n(B) B. B. MeKeuzie.\\nCav. Captain (C) E. C. Hardin.\\n(C) VV. B. C. Puckett.\\n(C) G. A. Koljerts.\\n(D) P. L. Y. Lung.\\n(I)) H. Bucl.anau.\\n(E) A. P. liuuter.\\n(F) W. W. Thomas.\\nInf. Captain (A) 1). B. Sanl ord.\\n(A) F C. FuIIlt.\\n(A) O. P. Daniel.\\n(A) P. B. Hubiijsou.\\n(B) I i Dod.l\\n(E) W. H. Bailer.\\n(E) J. M. McDonald.\\n(F) P. McGovern.\\nArty. H. N. Ella.\\nS7n.ith Georgia Legion of 375.\\nPartisan Bangers.\\nColonel Sumner J. Smith.\\nLieutenant Colonel .Jolm R. Hart.\\nJohn S. Fain.\\nMajor B. F. Brown.\\nRobert H. Moore.\\nAdjutant B. F. Cliastain.\\nJas. M. Gartroll.\\nAssistant Surgeon B. P. White.\\nJohn W. Farrell.\\nAssistant Quartermaster Jas. W. Laugston.\\nC. M. Bale.\\nCaptain (H) A. Rudolph.\\n(C) W. F. Thomas.\\n(H) Jas. Harlow.\\nCav. Captain (G) John R. Hart.\\n(G) A. F. Ball.\\n(B) T. C. Fain.\\n(C) L. M. Stiff.\\n(D) S. M. Ralston.\\n(El L. Harlow.\\n(E) J. T. Burns.\\n(F) S. Anderson.\\n(A) G. W. Standridge.\\nInf. (iaptain (A) .Jaooh W. Piercev.\\n(B) Sam l. F. Williams.\\n(C) A. II. Morris.\\n(D) John H. Craven.\\n(E) Ben. C. Gr.ant.\\n(F) Ulm G. Foster.\\nColonel Aug. R. Wright.\\nLieutenant Colonel G. VV. Lee.\\nWrighfs Georgia Legion.\\nI Major Lewis J. Parr.\\nThomas Legion 395.\\n\\\\st Georgia Reserves.\\nColonel .J. H. Fannin\\nCaptain (A) W. B. Wood.\\n(B) G. A. Hall.\\n(V) E. Baker.\\n(D) J. C. Thornton.\\n(E) J. H. Grant.\\nCaptain (F) G. W. Austin.\\n(G) W. H. Hartnett.\\n(H) J. II. P..weU.\\n(I) J. Whatflv.\\n(K) J. D. Watson.\\n2/ic? Georgia Reserves.\\nColonel R. F. Maddox.\\nCaptain (A) S. Chamberlain.\\n(B) R. Adams.\\n(C) E. Holc-ombe.\\n(D) T. C. .lackson.\\n(E) J. F. McCloskey.\\nCaptain(F) M. Richardson.\\n(G) E. M Douehoe.\\n(H) C. M.. Jones.\\n(II) N. Clav.\\n(I) S. S. Fears.\\n(K) J. R. Mehaffey.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0834.jp2"}, "785": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX A.\\nC81\\ndrd Georgia Reserves.\\nGolouel E. J. Harris.\\nLieutenant Colonel J. S. Moore.\\nMajor J. B. (irilKn.\\nAdjutant S. D. Martin.\\nCaptain (A) J. A. McMauus.\\n(B) C. D. Amos.\\n(C) W. F. Scott.\\nCaptain (D) T. P. Lloyd.\\n(E) N. Miller.\\n(F) O. Cruniwell.\\n(G) I). Nutt.\\n(H) S. E. Cila.^s.\\n(I) T. 11. llodykiss.\\n(K) G. A. CiLuuingliam.\\n4 A Georgia Jieserves.\\nColonel R. S. Taylor.\\nLieutenant Colonel A. D. Candler.\\nMajor J. H. Bu.sh.\\nAdjutant \\\\V. T. Florence.\\nCaptain (A) G. S. Feavv.\\n(B) J. M. B. Carlton.\\n(C) J. F. Hudson.\\nCaptain (D) R. T. Bowie.\\n(E) B. I). J.ilmson.\\n(F) A. C. Allen.\\n(G) J. G. Jurdon.\\n(H) U. C. Saxon.\\n(I) T. L. Anderson.\\n(K) M. A. Adams.\\n5th Georgia Reserves.\\nColonel J. B. Cumming.\\nLieuteuant Colonel C. D. Fiudley.\\nMajor C. E. McGregor.\\nAdjutant O. T. Tliweatt.\\nCaptain (A) M. R. Freeman.\\n(B) B. D LunLsden.\\n(C) B. AVhiddon.\\nCaptain (D) W. Paine.\\n(E) \\\\Y. A. Cobb.\\n(F) J. C. Jarratt.\\n(G) C. E. Clarke.\\n(H) W. M. Gunn.\\n(I) \\\\V. P. Mobley.\\n(K) W. H. Lawson.\\nGeorgia State Guards.\\nColonel J. G. Yeiser.\\nLieutenant Colonel J. R. Freeman.\\nMajor T. W. Alexander.\\nCaptain (A) .J. H. Lawrence.\\n(B) J. Trout.\\n(C) S. D. AVragg.\\n(D) A. A. Terliuue.\\nCaptain (E) M. L. Troutraan.\\n(F) J. Taliaferro.\\n(G) IL F. Wimberly.\\n(H) S. A. Bordoers.\\n(I) n. B. Dean.\\n(K) C. O. StilhveU.\\n1st Georgia Battalion Infantry.\\nLieutenant Colonel J. B. Villepigne.\\nG. A. Rmith.^\\nChas. Spauldiug.\\nMajor W. S. Lovell.\\nAdjutant E. G. .Teffers.\\nCaptain (A) .T. AV. Aderliold.\\n(B) H. J. Spr.avberry,\\n(C) G. A. Smith.\\nCaptain (D) .T. R Rliodes.\\n(E) W. II. Howard, Jr.\\n(F) .T. P. Girardey.\\n(G) W. S. Lovett.\\n(H) .T. F. Kerr.\\n(I) J. N. Edwards.\\n(K) G. S. Ames.\\n\\\\st Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp- Shooters JVo. 2. 333.\\nMajor Arthur Shaaf.\\nCaptain A. Shaaf.\\n(A) H. I). Twvman.\\n(B) A. L. Hartridge.\\nCaptain (B) B. IJ. Hardee.\\n(C) Wm. H. Ross.\\n(D) G. C. Dent.\\n(D) C. T. Berwick.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0835.jp2"}, "786": {"fulltext": "682\\nArrE.NDIX A.\\n2nd Georfjia Battalion Infantry.\\nMajor TIios. Hardeman.\\ntjeo. W. Uoss.\\nAssistant Quartermaster F. S. Gross.\\nA- C. S., C. S. Kogei-s.\\n^Adjutant \\\\V. S. Uobinson.-\\nSiirtieoii A. V. I aliai erro.\\nCa|)taiii (AJ C. J. MolKt.\\nCaptain (A) \\\\V. F. I. Ross.\\n(B) John F. Dupvee, Dd.\\n(B) W. F. \\\\V.illier.\\n(C) Geo W. Koss.\\n(C) C. K. Kedding.\\n(D) Geo. S. Jones.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0ind Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp- Shooters JVo. 3.\\nMajor J. J. Cox.\\nK. H. Wliiteley.\\nAssistant Quartenniister Thos. B. Gower.\\nCaptain (A) K. 11. Wluteley.\\n(A) C. li. George.\\nCaptain (B) Wm. 11. Brown.\\n(C) E. W. Ausley.\\n(C) M. G. Hester.\\n(D) Sam l. D. Oliver.\\n(E) O. C. Mvers.\\nord Georgia Battalion Lifaittry.\\nLieutenant Colonel J. B. Stovall.\\nMajor A. F. Rudler.\\nAdjutant C. P. Uolierts.\\nA.ssistant Quartermaster B. T. Jones.\\nJ. A. Anderson.\\nR. Orme.\\nH. P. Richmond.\\nCaptain (A) Jas. D. Yeiser.\\nCaptain(B) Robert E. Meson.\\n(C) M. Kc-ndrick.\\n(D) Geo. M. Me Howell.\\n(E) Andrew J. White.\\n(F) J. J. Bradford.\\n(G) A. F. Rudler.\\n(G) T. D. Caswell.\\n(H) W. H. II. Plielps.\\nird Georgia Battalion Infantry Sharp- Shooters JVo. 2 320,\\nHutchius.\\nLieutenant Colonel N. L\\nMajor H. II. Smith.\\nCaptain (A) Wm. M. Crumley,\\n(B) Garnet Mo.MiUaii.\\n(B) .Johu W. King.\\n(B)F. E.Ross.\\n(C) W. E. Simmons.\\nCaptain (C) W. T Anderson.\\n(C) N. N. Gober.\\n(E) John F. Martin.\\n.\\\\djutant R. J. Davants.\\nJ. H Williams.\\nP. E. S.avans.\\nAssistant Quartermaster J. P. Phillips.\\nith Battalion Georgia Infantry.\\nLieutenant Colonel W. II. Stiles.\\n.Major Thos. J. Berry.\\nAssistant Quartermaster D. N. Speer.\\nA. C. S., R. H. Cannon.\\n.Surgeon E. N. Callioun.\\nCaptain H) M. A. Leake.\\nUh Georgia Battalion Infantry Ska rp- Shooters Xo. 2.\\nEnsign A. W. Collins.\\nCaptain (A) S. M. Jackson.\\nCaptain (B) W. M. Carter.\\n(C) B. M. Turner.\\niith Battalion Georgia Infantry.\\nMajor G. M. Gunnels.\\nCaptain (A) W. G. Rice.\\n(B) John G. Williams.\\nCaptain (C) Jas. J. Shumate.\\n(A) G. M. Guunells.\\nGth Georgia Battalion Infantry. JVo Bolls,\\nth Battalion Georgia Infantry. Consolidated with Gl6 Georgia.)\\nI Major Jolm H. Lamar.\\nLieutenant Colonel C. A. L. Lamar.\\nJohn H. Lamar.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0836.jp2"}, "787": {"fulltext": "Al l EN DlX A.\\n683\\n8lh Georgia Battalion Infantry 390.\\nLieutenant Colonel J. T. Kcid.\\nA. LittleHekl.\\nI,. L. Walters.\\nMajor B. F. Hunt.\\nAssi.staut Quaricrniaster II. S. Crawford.\\nAdjutant J. VV. Gray.\\nCaptain (.V) H. M. l^uuipkin.\\n(li) M Y. be.xtou, Caslid.\\nCaptain (C) Wm. Holsonback.\\n(D) I. L. Walters.\\n(I)) J A. ILardin.\\n(E) Jiilin A. Hopper.\\n(K) Joim A. I enn.\\n(K) L. N. Jackson, Cashd.\\n(F) .1. W. Boaz.\\n(tj) T. J. ra.\\\\tou.\\nWith Georgia Battalion Infantry 478.\\nMajor John E. Hylander, Kd.\\nJ. D. Freiierir.\\nEnsign Wm. C. Tinsley.\\nAssistant Quartermaster J. W. Whitehead.\\nCaptain (A) Jas. D. Frederick.\\nCaptain (B) Dan Henderson.\\n(C) B. F. Bclk\\n(I)) Wm. L Jones.\\n(E) John L. Adderton.\\nllth Georgia Battalion Infantry 693.\\nLieutenant Colonel G. W. M. Williams.\\nCaptain (A) Wni. S. riiillips.\\n(B) Pat. Gornilev.\\n(C) Jns. H. Latimer.\\n(D) I hiUip G. Tijipius.\\nCaptain(E) A. C. Edwards.\\n(F) John I). Ashton.\\n(G) Is.aac M. Aikin.\\n(H) Wm, W Williams.\\n(I) M. J. Doyle.\\nVlth Georgia Battalion Infantry 543.\\nLieutenant Colonel IL D. Capers.\\nMajor H. D. Capers.\\nSani l. II. Crump.\\nG. M. Ilanvey.\\nAssistant Quartermaster Ker Boyce.\\nAdjutant F. W. Baker, Kd.\\nE. F. Cla\\\\ ton.\\nCaptain (B) J. W. Kudisill.\\nCaptain (P) Geo W. Johnson.\\n(C) Sam l. n. Crnmp.\\n(C) J. H. Taliaferro.\\n(I) J. V. II. Allen.\\n(D) Geo. M. Ilanvey.\\n(I)) J W. Anderson.\\n(F) Geo. M Hood.\\n(E) J. J. Kewsome.\\n\\\\?)th Georgia Battalion Infantry.\\nMajor Geo. A. Gordon.\\nAdjutant L. T. Mallory.\\nA. C. S., W. J. Neville.\\nSurgeon J. B. Head.\\nCaptain (A) Geo. R. Black.\\n(B) Jno. U. Giles.\\n(C) Jas. T. Buckner.\\nllth Georgia Battalion Infantry 469.\\nMajor Joseph T. Smitli.\\nAssistant Quarterma.ster T. C. Burcli.\\nCaptain (A) J. G McMuUin.\\n(B) D. L. Gholson.\\nCaptain (C) D. C. Young.\\n(D) Geo. Eherhart.\\n(E) S. G. Pettis.\\n\\\\%th Georgia Battalion Infantry.\\nMajor .John Screven.\\nW. S. B.asinL:er.\\nAssistant Quartermaster R. IL Footman.\\nAdjutant E. P. Stair.\\nCaptain (A) W. S B.asinger.\\n(A) Thomas T. Screven.\\n(B) G. W. .Stiles.\\n(C) G. C. Rice,", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0837.jp2"}, "788": {"fulltext": "684,\\nAPPENDIX A.\\n2oth Battalion Georgia Infantry.\\nLieutenant Colonel G. AV. Lee.\\nGeorgia State Guards, StepJiens^ Battalion.\\nCaptain (E) 11. D. Biirnan.\\n(E) Linton Stephens.\\n(F) \\\\Vm. H. Sworui.\\nCaptain (F) J. A. Shivers.\\n(G) R. Waldeu.\\n\\\\st Battalion Georgia Reserves.\\nMajor W. R. Syinons.\\nCaptain (A) J. M. Dye.\\n(A) VV. H. C. Mills.\\n(15) J Cuniiinfr iain.\\n(C) Wm. M. Pavidson.\\nCaptain (D) J. B. Ilnssey.\\n(E) A. Morrison.\\n(F) B. Millicaii.\\n(G) U. A. Peoples.\\n(H) Vf. C. Allen.\\n\\\\st Battalion Georgia JReseroes 2. Augusta Fire Brigade.\\nLientenant Colonel C. A. Piatt.\\nM. ijor C. B. Day.\\nCaptain (A) C. W. Mersey.\\n(B) J. D. Butt.\\nCaptain (C) C. B. Day.\\n(D) J. Henrv.\\n(E) J. C. Moore.\\n(F) J. W. Adams.\\nAtlanta Fire Battalion.\\nLieutenant Colonel G. W. Lee.\\nMajor J. II. Mccasliri.\\nCaptain (A) .1. Sladelinan.\\n(B) E, Kii-hardson.\\n(C) J. A. Taylor.\\nCaptain (D) J. T. Banks.\\n(E) P. Brown.\\n(K) T. P. Fleming.\\n(G) S. B. Love.\\nIll) S. P. Bassett.\\n9 /j Battalion Georgia Light Guard.% Macon Ordnance Guards\\nBattalion.\\nColouel Patrick MeU.\\nMajor II. T. Price.\\nCaptain (A) C. W. Bond.\\n(B) C. Dodd.\\nCaptain (C) A. De Laperrier.\\n(D) R. C. Saxon.\\n(E) R. H. Cannon.\\nProvost Battalion Georgia Volunteers.\\nCaptain(A) M. D Lee.\\n(A) Win. McConuell.\\n(B) T. .1. lOchols.\\n(C) J. W. Lonyino.\\nCaptain (D) E. Holmes.\\n(E) J. C. llendrix.\\n(F) L. L. Strozer.\\n(G) U. P. Eberhart.\\n9tA Battalion Georgia Volunteers.\\nMajor .1. T. Smith.\\nCaptain (A) ,J. (J. McMullin.\\n(B) D. L. GlioLston.\\nCaptain (C) D. C. Young.\\n(D) G. Eherhart.\\n(E) S. G. Pettus.\\nMiscellaneous Georgia Infantry.\\nCaptain A. C. Daven])nrt.\\nJohn B. Ilussey.\\nW. II. Banks.\\nCaptaiii E. R. Whitley.\\nA. Boward.\\nC. S. Jenkins.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0838.jp2"}, "789": {"fulltext": "APPEXDIX A.\\n685\\nCaptain P. Robinson.\\nS. M. Kaltiton.\\nD. Cruni.\\nD. C. Smith.\\nF. T. Cuileng.\\nJ. R. Hart.\\nWm. A. Carawell.\\nG. Lumpkin.\\nJ. F. Cooper.\\nW. S. Da Bose.\\nCaptain J T. McClusky.\\nN J. Macarthy.\\nW. S. Goodwin.\\nE. Uicliartls.\\nC. H, Way.\\nW. A. Artama.\\nT. A. Skelton.\\nJ. K Cumming.\\nJ. Hill, Jr.\\nW. C. Thornton.\\nCAYALRT.\\n1st Georgia Cavalry Regiment.\\nColonel J. J. Morrison.\\nS. W. Davitt.\\nLieutenant (\\\\iloneI A. R. Harper.\\nMajor S. W. Davitt.\\nAdjutant John N Perkins.\\nCaptain (A) \\\\V. M. Hatchings.\\n(B) J. H. Strickland.\\n(C) M. H. Hayuie.\\nCaptain (O) R. Trammell.\\n(E) M. Blahick.\\n(F) V. J. Reynolds.\\n(G) J. L. Kei-r.\\n(H) Wm. M. Tumlin.\\n(I) F. Leak.\\n(K) H. A. North.\\n2w(? Georgia Cavalry Regiment.\\nColonel W. J. Lawton.\\nArthur Hood.\\nC. C. Crews.\\nLieutenant Colonel Arthur Hood.\\nJ. E. Unnlop.\\nF. M Isou.\\nMajor C. A. Whaley.\\nAdjutant R. F. Lawton.\\nCaptain (A) G. C. Looney.\\nCaptain (B) W.J. Lawton.\\n(C) Charles Crews.\\n(D) O. Winningham.\\n(E)F. M. Ison.\\n(F) Thos. H. Jordan.\\n(G) W. I). Grant.\\n(H) W. H. Ch.apman.\\n(I) J.as. W. Mayo.\\n(K) J. C. Dnnlop.\\nZrd Georgia Cavalry Regiment.\\nColonel Martin J. Crawford.\\nR. E. Kenuon.\\nW. R. Thomp.son.\\nLieutenant Colonel li. E. Kennon.\\nMajor H. H. Johnston.\\nAdjutaut I. P. L. Mudar.\\nCaptain (A) W. R. Thompson.\\n(B) Beverly A. Thornton.\\n(B) W. J. Underwood.\\nCaptain (C) J. H. Persons.\\n(I R. E. Kennon.\\n(E) J. T. Thornton.\\n(F) Jas. A. Fowler.\\n(I) I). H. Collins.\\n(H) D. F. BoDten.\\n(K) A. R. Hughes.\\n(I) John W. Hurt.\\nMh Georgia Cavalry Regiment (Is?) 1015.\\nColonel Isaac W. Avery.\\nLieutenant Colonel W. L. Cook.\\nM.ajor D. J. Owen.\\nJ. R. Stewart.\\nAdjutant B. H. Newton.\\nAssistant Quartermaster Wm. K. Moore.\\nAdjutant J. W. Ramsay.\\nA. C. S., Jos. M. Stones.\\nCaptain (A) R. A. Keith, Kd.\\nYufX Lieutenant (A) G. D H.ancock.\\nSecond Lieutenant G. A. .Sloan.\\n(A) J. Hill.\\nCaptain (B) G. B. Mav.\\nFirst Lieutenant (B) T. S. May.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0839.jp2"}, "790": {"fulltext": "C8G\\nAITEXDIX A.\\nSecond Lieutenajit (R) J. C. Mtliitvre.\\n(li) W. Hains av.\\n(H) Dave May, Kil.\\nCaptain (C) Jeff Jcilmsoii.\\nFirst Lieutenant (C) H. C. Erwin.\\nSecond Lieutouaut (C) U. A. Holland.\\n(C) A. R. liates.\\nCaptain (D) Wm. J. Kogers.\\nFirst Lientenant (D) J. C. llartnian.\\nSecond Lieutenant (1)) J. M. Uovdston.\\n(J)).J. Keaddick.\\nCaptain (E) W. L t^ook.\\n(E) Olin Wellliorn.\\n(E) B. C. Woddail.\\nFirst Lievitenant (E) J. Johnson.\\nSecond Lieutenant (E) J. J. Jones.\\n(E) A. n. Jones.\\nCaptain (F) C. D. McCutchen.\\n(F) Jos. E. Helvingstone, Kd.\\n(F) F. G. Horn.\\nLieutenant (F) F. G. Horn.\\n(F) J. E. Helvingstone.\\n(F) J I). Allen.\\n(F) J. W. O Neal.\\n(F) J. K. Sloan.\\nCaptain (G) Win. K. Logan.\\nCaptain (G) H. E. Kingsley.\\nF irst Lieutenant (G) K. E. Creekmore.\\nSecond Lieutenant (G) H. J. Dean.\\n(G) W. M.C.Parkinson.\\nCaptain (H) G. H. Gr.aliam.\\nFirst Lieutenant (H) J. T. Freeman.\\n(H) Wni. T. Arnold.\\n(H) W. M.Martin.\\nCaptain (I) L \\\\V. Averv.\\n(1) D.J. Owen\\n(I) H. H. Burke.\\nFirst Lieutenant (I) D. J. Owen.\\n(I) H. H. Burke.\\nSecond Lieutenant J. Shehan.\\n(I) A. C. Guntz.\\n(I) G. W.Mitchell.\\n(I) U. Sutherlaud.\\nCaptain (K) J. R. Stewart.\\nFirst Lieutenant (K) I W. Stewart.\\nSecond Lieutenant (K) W. O. Cain.\\n(K) F. A. Eubanks.\\nCaptain (L) L B. Anderson.\\nFirst Lieutenant (L) J. C. N. Foote.\\nSecond Lieutenant |L) W. B. Chappell.\\n(L) W. A. Nolan.\\nCaptain (M) John D. Ashton.\\nAth Georf/id Cavalry Regiment {2nd) 807.\\nColonel Duncan L. Clinch.\\nLieutenant Colonel John L. Harris.\\nMajor J. C. McDonald\\nCaptain (A) J. S. Wijrgins.\\n(B) W. M. llaz/.ard.\\n(C) N. A Brown.\\n(D) Jno. Kaddick.\\nCaptain (E) R. N. King.\\n(F) J. P. Turner.\\n(G) A. McMillan.\\n(H) T. S. Wvlley.\\n(I) J. C. Nichols.\\n(K) D. Crum.\\n5th Georr/ia Cavalnj Regiment.\\nColonel Robert H. Anderson.\\nLieutenant Colonel Ed Bird.\\nMajor R. J. Davant.\\nA. C S., G. S- Barthelniess.\\nAssistant Qnartermaster T. B. Gowan.\\nCaptain (A) O. C. Hopkins.\\n(B) W. A. Wiltberger.\\nCaptain (C) R. F. Aikin.\\n(D) J. M. Marsh.\\n(E) M. N. Call.\\n(G) G. B. Beste.\\n(H) W. L. Walthour.\\n(I) W. Brailsford.\\n(K) H. L Strother.\\nQth Georgia Cavalry Regiment.\\nColonel John R. Hart.\\nLieutenant Colonel B. F. Brown.\\nJ. C. Fain.\\nMajor J. C. Fain.\\nAssistant Quartermaster T. W FultOQ.\\nAdjutant B. F. Chastain.\\n1th Georgia Cavalry Regiment.\\nColonel W. P. Wliite, Dd.\\nLieutenant Colonel J. L. McAllister, Kd.\\nMajor E. C. Anderson.\\nJohn T. Davis.\\nCaptain (A) W. T). Rnssell.\\n(A) E. W. Moise.\\n(B) A. R. Miller.\\n(B) L J. Smith.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0840.jp2"}, "791": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX A.\\nr,s:\\nCaptain (C) J. N. Davis.\\n(C) h\\\\ E. Biu-ke.\\n(C) W. E. Cropp.\\n(C) E. C. Anderson.\\n(D) 1{. H. WvUev.\\n(D) J. II. SyUes.\\n(D) P. A. L Morris.\\n(E) II. K. Harrison.\\n(E) F. Beasley.\\n(K) K. F. Jones.\\n(F) J. R. Johnson.\\nCaptain (F) C. C. Bowen.\\n(G) F. W. Hopkins.\\n(U) T. S. Hopkins.\\n(H) J. Hines.\\n(H) J. L. McAllister.\\nJ. W. Brunihy.\\n(1) F. G. I itt.\\n(K) L. S. Qu;irterman.\\n(Iv) L. W. Pljilllps.\\n(K) I. S. McAllister.\\n8th Georgia Cavalry Regiment.\\nColonel R. J. Griffin.\\nLieutenant Colonel J. M. Millen.\\nMajor J. .M. Milieu.\\nW. G. Thomas.\\nS. B. Spencer.\\nAdjutant T. G. I oncl.\\nM. E. Willi.ams.\\nCaptain (A) J. P. U.avis.\\n(A) T. S. I aine.\\n(A) H. L. Norfleet.\\nR. Towns.\\n(B) 15. B. Bower.\\n(H) B. L. Screven.\\n(B) W. G. Thompson.\\n(B) J. N. Nichols.\\n(V.) W. L. A. Ellis.\\n(C) J. G. Smith.\\n(D) T. R. Duval.\\n(D) M. J. Smith.\\nCaptain\\nColonel G. T. Wright.\\nLieutenant Colonel B. S. King.\\nMaior M. I). Jones.\\nAdjutant Jas. Y. Harris.\\nCaptain (A) T. B. Archer.\\n(A) Z. A. Rice.\\n(A) T. P. StovaU.\\n(A) B. C. Ring.\\n(A) O. H. P Juhan.\\n(A) J. J. Thomas.\\n(A) B. C. Yancey.\\n(A) V. H. Sanders.\\n(A) W. L. Convers.\\n(B) M. D. Jones\\n(B) L J. (Jlenn.\\n(B) \\\\Ym. W. McD.-uiiel3.\\n(C) W. G. nph)nev.\\n(C) T. C. WiUianis.\\n(D) G. L Wricht.\\n(D) C. H. CamfielJ.\\nOif/j Georgia Regiment\\nCaptain\\nD) S. B. Spencer.\\nD) W. H. Farrertt.\\nE) \\\\V. H. Thompson.\\nE) J. G. Cress.\\nE) J i\\\\I. Turpin.\\nE) W. J, Deas.\\nF) S. B. Jones.\\nF) M. E. Williams.\\nG) P. Grav.\\nG) J. R. Harper.\\nH) T. A. James.\\nI) A. J. Love.\\nI) J. B. Edgerton.\\nI) J. A. Richardson.\\nI) W. A. Lane.\\nI) J. T. Kennedy.\\nK) S. L. Turner.\\nK) E. W. Westhrook.\\nL) T. G. Barham.\\nCavalry.\\nD) W. J. Lawton.\\nD) J F. Wilson.\\nD) W. A. Winn.\\nE) W. C. Dial.\\nE) B. S, King.\\nE) T. B. Cox.\\nE) W. S. C. Morris.\\nF) W. D. Jones\\nF) Wm T. S. Powell.\\nF) G. W. Moore.\\nG) Wm. M. Williams.\\nG) J. C. Barnett.\\nG) G. B. Knight.\\nH) J. E. Kitch.\\nH) W A. Cain.\\nI) W. B. Young.\\nI) Wm. Duke.\\nK) F. E. Eve.\\nK) J. J. Floyd.\\nL) A. M Rogers.\\nlOth Georgia Cavalry Regiment.\\nColonel V. H. Taliaferro.\\nLieutenant Colonel F. D. Claiborn\\nMajor Jesse II. Sikes.\\nCaptain (A) E W. RToise.\\nLieutenant (A) J. Cox.\\n(A) Wm. E. Crapp, Kd.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0841.jp2"}, "792": {"fulltext": "088\\nAPPENDIX A.\\nLieutenant (A) J.\\nCaptain (B) L. J.\\nLieutenant (H) J.\\n(15) G,\\n(B)S.\\nCaptain (C) J. II.\\nLieutenant (C) P.\\n(C) I.\\nCaptain (D) F. E.\\nLieutenant (I)) J.\\n(I)) I\\nCaptain (E) F. A.\\nE. Moses.\\nSmitli.\\nM. Buyers.\\nW. Austin.\\nT. Ivin;_ sberrv.\\nl^ikes.\\nA. S. Jliirris.\\nW. Ware.\\nBurke.\\nN. Carter.\\nBaker.\\nBeaslev.\\nLieutenant (E)\\n(K)\\n(K)\\nCaptain (K) K.\\nLieuteuaut (K)\\n(K)\\n(K)\\nCaptain (L) J.\\n(L| S.\\nLieutenant (L)\\n(L)\\n(L)\\nT. C. McLenilon.\\nJiis. Coily.\\nC. D. Kaiuwater.\\nG. I itt.\\nY. B. Sliarpe.\\n15. P. Jenkins.\\n.M. B. Pict.\\n15. Bonner.\\nT. Kinfjsherrv.\\nT. C. Miarpe.\\nH. I. Sniitli.\\nH. L Boon.\\nWf/i Georgia Cavaby Jlegiment.\\nColonel A. Yonn r.\\nLieutenant Colonel IL W. Barday.\\nMajor Mailison Bi U.\\nCaptain (A) .M. Bell.\\n(B) E. P. Bedell.\\n(C) J. Keid\\n(D) D. JL West.\\nCaptain (D) J. M. Crawford.\\n(E) J, Kelly.\\n(F) \\\\V. C. Price.\\n(G) D. M. We.-it.\\n(II) W. S. Erwin.\\n(I) J. N. Dor.sey.\\n(K) N. T. Taber.\\n2nd Georgia Regiment of Partisan Rangers.\\nColonel A. A. Hunt.\\nIst Battalion Georgia Cavalry.\\nMajor Pohert II. Anderson.\\nAdjutant 1{. Wayne.\\nKobert Grant.\\nAssistant Quartermaster R. H. Footman.\\nCaptain 0. C. Hopkins.\\nWm. Iluf^lies, Jr.\\nAbial Wiuu.\\n1st BaUalion Georgia Cavalnj N o. 2.\\nCaptain (1) O. G. Cameron.\\n2) John Shawban.\\n(3) Jas. M, Tlionia.s.\\n(4) Ezekiel F. Clay.\\nCaptain (5) John B. Ilolliday.\\n(01 R. G. Stoner.\\n(7) P. M. Milieu.\\n2n l Battalion Georgia Cavalri/.\\nLieutenant Colonel Edward Bird.\\nMajor 15. J. Davant.\\nCaptain (A) II. J. Strobh.ar.\\n(B) N. U. McCall.\\nCaptain (C) G. B. Best.\\n(D) W. H. Wiltherger.\\n(E) J. M. Marsh.\\n(F) U. F. Aikin.\\n3r(l Battalion Georgia Caivilrg.\\nLieutenant Colonel Duncan L. Clinch.\\nMajor John L Harris.\\nA.ssistant (iuartennaster H. TJ. Fort.\\nCaptain (A) A. C. Strickland.\\n(B) L C. McDonald.\\nCantain (C) I. S. Wiiffina.\\n(D. W. M. Ilazzjird.\\n(E)N. A. Brown.\\n(F) John Readdick.\\nO^A Battalion Georgia Cavalry.\\nMajor Wm Phillips Captain (C) W. A. Austen.\\nCapta.n A K lamnck. (p) J. Loveless.\\n(B) G. D. Kice. (F, t. R. Sheats.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0842.jp2"}, "793": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX A.\\n(!8(t\\n10^/t Cavalry Georgia Battalion.\\nCaptain (A) M. A. Candler.\\n(3) A. C.Sloan.\\n(C) G. T. liakestraw.\\n(D) B. M. Long.\\nIbth Battalion Georgia\\nLieutenant Colonel J. 11. Griffin.\\nCaptain (E) A. K. Williams.\\n(Fj E. S. Ferguson.\\n(G) VV. S. K. llariluian.\\n(Jaiialrg [Partisan Rangers).\\nI -Assistant Quartermaster R. P. IIowcll.\\n\\\\(jth Battalion Georgia Cuiialrg {^Partisan Hangers).\\nLieutenant Colonel F. M. Ni.\\\\.\\nSaui l J. VViun.\\nMajor S. J. Wiun.\\nE. Y. Clarke.\\nAdjutant E. Y. Clarke.\\nThos. E. Winn\\nCaptain (A) T. F. Jones.\\n(C) A. J. Walters.\\nCaptain (I)) David A. Camp.\\n(E) Wm. L. Merler.\\n(V) .Tolni Simms.\\n(G) F. J. Whitelicad.\\n(15) Wm. B. Baikv.\\n(U).J. F. Kav.\\n(1) J. A. Strange.\\n(K) \\\\V. S. Thomas.\\nI dth Georgiei Battalion Cavalrg.\\nMajor Cliarles T. Goode.\\nAssistant Quartermaster Jas. Goode.\\nCaptain (A) Thaddeus G. Holt.\\nCaptain IB) James L. Leath.\\n(C) \\\\V. L Vasou.\\n(D) G. H. Coley.\\nHQth Georgia Battalion Cavalry [Partisan Rangers) 29.3.\\nLieutenant Colonel John M. Millen.\\nM.ajor S. B. Spont-or.\\nAdjutant M. E. Williams\\nAssistant Quarterma tor L. S. Varnedoe.\\nCajitain (A) S.-im l B. Spencer.\\n(A) Moses J. Smith.\\n(B) W. G. Thompson.\\nCaptain (C) J. G. Cress.\\nWm. A. Lane.\\n(E) A. J. Love.\\n(E) Thos. S. Paine.\\n(F) J. B. Peacock.\\n(F) M. E. Williams.\\nilst Battalion Georgia Cavedry {Partisan Rangers).\\nCaptain (B) C. C. Bowen.\\n(C) R.L. Miller.\\n(D) W. H Banks, Cashd.\\n\\\\Y)) H. K Ilarri.son.\\n(E) K. F. Jones.\\nMajor Wm. P. AVhite.\\nAdjutant B. Green\\nAssistant Quarterm.aster Wm. L Piatt.\\nWm. F. Laws.\\nCaptain (A) W. D. Ru.ssell.\\n(B) Jerry R. Johnson.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Z Ard Battalion Georgia Cavalry.\\nT.iontPuant Colonel Tsa.ac W. Avery.\\nAdjiUaut B. H. Newton.\\nAssistant Quartermaster Wm. K. Moore.\\nA. C. S., Josejih Stones.\\nCaptain (A) I. W. Avery.\\nCaptain (A) W. L. Cook.\\n(B) Jeft Johnson.\\n(C) G. B. May.\\n(D) C. 1). McCutchen.\\n(E) D. J. Owen.\\n24 A Georgiei Battalion Cavedry.\\nMajor Edward C. Anderson, Jr.\\nAdjutant A. J. Sctze.\\nAssistant Quartprmastr-r B. C. Henrv.\\nCaptain (A) T. S. llopkiis\\n44\\nCaptain (B) John N. Davis.\\n(C) R. H. Wvllev.\\n(C) John W. Br umhy.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0843.jp2"}, "794": {"fulltext": "090\\nAI 1 KM)I.\\\\ A.\\n29 /i Georgia Battalion Cavalry.\\nLieuteiuuit Cuhuu l A. Hood.\\nCaptain (A) A. W. Iliii.lcr.\\n(IJ).I-T. Wimlierly.\\n(C) I J Biowuiiig.\\n(E) L. Little.\\nCaptaiu (F) F. L. Pipper.\\n(G) S. 0. Hall.\\n(H) K. W. Wade.\\n(I) J. C. Lasseter.\\n30 A Battalion Georgia Cavalry.\\nLieutenant Colonel A. Young.\\nCaptain (A) M. Bell.\\n(B) K. 1 Bedell.\\n(C) J. Beid.\\n(1)) I) M. West.\\n(U) J. JI. Crawford.\\nCaptain (E) J. Kellv.\\n(F) W. C. Priee.\\nII) W. S. Erwin.\\n(I) J. N. Oorsey.\\n(K) N. T. Taber.\\nStephens Battalion Georgia Cavalry.\\nI ieutenant Colonel Liuton Stephens.\\nMajor J. A. Shivers.\\nAiljutant W. H. Lawson.\\nCaptain (A) J. Kaley.\\nCaptain (B) T. E. Brown.\\n(Cl S. G. White.\\n(D) J. F. Geev.\\nCulberson s Battalion State Guard Cavalr\\nColonel A. B. Culberson.\\nCaptain (A) T. A. Sharpe.\\n(B) J. B. Rogers.\\nCaptain (C) J. M. Easteilii\\n(I)) Wm. Mahan.\\n(F) J Joues.\\nStephens Cavalry Battalion.\\nMajor Jolin T. Stephens.\\nCa])taiii (A) B. (i. Lorkett.\\n(B) J. W.Ellis.\\nCaptain (C) J. R. Banks.\\n(D)C. F. Reddius.\\nMiscellaneous Georgia Cavalry.\\nCaptain H. A. Gartrell.\\nJ. F. Waring.\\nT. J Kfv.\\nW. C. Ilumplu ejs.\\nCaptain L. W. Ilumphrevs.\\nT. J. Watts.\\nJ. S. Pemberton.\\nGeneral S. D. Lee s Escort.\\nCaptain T. M. Nelson, Kd. Captaiu Gill Eagland.\\nGeorgia Mountain Dragoons.\\nCaptain Isaac W. Avery.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0844.jp2"}, "795": {"fulltext": "AI l KXDIX A.\\nGDI\\nARTILLEBY.\\n9 A Battalion Gconjla Ai lilleri/.\\nMajor A. Leydeii.\\nAJjiitaut G. A. Lofton.\\nAssistant (.inaitennaster J. \\\\V. Browu.\\nSurgeon N. A. D Alvi^ ny.\\nCaptain (A) Elias Holcomlje.\\n(B) Win. W. SenteU.\\nCaptain (B) H. P. Handall.\\n(C Georije VV. Atliiusou.\\n(C) A. li: Woliliin.\\n(C) B. \\\\V. York.\\n(D) T. M. Teenies.\\n(E) B. F. Wjly.\\n\\\\Uh Baiter ij Georgia Artillerij.\\nLieutenant Colonel AUuu S. Cutts.\\nMajor A. S. Cutts.\\nJolni Lane.\\nAssistant (Quartermaster Thos. IL Johnston.\\nCaptain (A) A. S. Cutts.\\n(A) II. JL Uo.ss.\\nCaptain (B) G. M. Patterson.\\n(C)C C. P. Crawford.\\n(C) J. Lane.\\n).[as. A. Blackslienr.\\n(E) Jolin T. Winglield.\\n12 (reorf/iu Ballcnj Arl dlenj.\\nCajitain\\nLieutenant Colonel H. U. Capers.\\nMajor H. D. (Papers.\\nS H. Crump.\\nG. M. Hanvey.\\nAdjutant F. W. Baker, Kil.\\nE. F. Clayton.\\nAssistant Quartermaster Ker Boyce\\nCaptaiu (A) J. \\\\V. Anderson.\\n\\\\\\\\Ah. Georf/ia Battery Artilleri/.\\nCaptaiu\\n(A) G. M. Hanvey.\\n(15) J. W. Kudisiil.\\n(B) S. II. Crump.\\n(C) G. \\\\V. Johnson.\\n(D) J. N, Taliaferro.\\n(E) J. J. Newsome.\\n(F) G. M. Hood.\\nLieutenant Colonel .1. T. Montgomery.\\nMajor Joseph Palmer.\\nAdjutant .1. H. Cox.\\nA. C. vS., C T. Swift.\\nCaptain (A) J. Palmer.\\n(B) Thos. H Dawson.\\n(C) C. B. Ferrell.\\n(D) E. li. KiuR.\\n(E) Franklin Koherts.\\n(H) Jas G. Gibson.\\n(F) S. A. Muses.\\n33/(.rf Georijiit BaUunj SImju Artillerij (J6G\\nLieutenant Colonel Wm R. Pritchard.\\nMajor John B. Gallie, Kd.\\nM. J. McMullau.\\nD. T. Bertody.\\nAdjutant J. J. Symoiis.\\nH. Symous.\\nAssistant Quartermaster II R. Washhurn.\\nVi. .J. Dawsou.\\nCaptain (A) T. D Bertody.\\n(A) J. M. Cam hell.\\n(A) G. R. Niles.\\n(B) M.J. McMullau\\nCaptaiu (B) T). A. Smith.\\n(C) John Lama.\\n(C) .L A. Beals.\\n.1. B. Gallie.\\n(D) Richard J. Nunn.\\n(D) J. Manning.\\n(E) C. Ilu.ssey.\\n(E) L. J. Guilmartiii.\\n(F) A Bonauil.\\n(F| Geo. A. Midiols.\\n(G) F. T. Cullens.\\n(II) R. A. Turnipseed.\\n%%th Georcjla Batterij Artillery.\\nMajor A. Bonaud.\\nCaptaiu (A) J. A Cottei\\\\.\\n(B) L. B, Ficklinsr.\\n(C)C. P. Crawford.\\n(D) J. Wilcher.\\nCaptaiu (E) M. T McGregor,\\n(F) J. R. Blount.\\n(G) J. D, Godwin.\\n(H) T. J. Key.\\n(I) R. F. Bisliop.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0845.jp2"}, "796": {"fulltext": "d M APPENDIX A.\\nCherokee Light ArtiUery.\\nCaptain M. V. D. Corput. Captain John G. Yeiser.\\nWhiteh Artillery.\\nCaptain B. F. White.\\nTerrell Light Artillery.\\nCaptain E. G. Dawson. Captain John W. Brooks.\\nColumbus Light Artillery.\\nCaptain E. Croft.\\nCampbeU Siege Artillery.\\nCaptain C. G. Campbell.\\nChestatee Artillery.\\nCaptain T. H. Bomar.\\nMurtiii s Light Artillery.\\nCaptain K. Martin.\\nJackson Artillery.\\nCaptain G. A. Dure.\\nDanieWs lAght Artillery.\\nCaptain C. Daniells.\\nJo. Thompson Artillery.\\nCaptain C. R. Ilanleiter. Captain L. J. Parr.\\nrritnhard s Artillery.\\nCaptain E. E. Pritchard.\\nMaxwell Artillery.\\nCaptain J. A. Maxwell.\\nMacon Light Artillery.\\nCaptain C. W. Slaton. Captain H. N. Ells.\\nScogi)i s Light Artillery.\\nCaptain J. Scogin. Captain O. C. Gibson,\\nOglethorpe Siege Artillery.\\nCaptain (A) ,r Lama^ Captain (B) G. F. Oliver.\\n(B) Hicharil ,1. Nnnn.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0846.jp2"}, "797": {"fulltext": "ArrENDlX A.\\nCUiiclis Artillery.\\nCaptain N. B. Cliuch.\\nMercer A rfilleri/.\\nCaptaiu A. J. Matartliy.\\nEchols Llejlit Artillerij.\\nCaptain J. II Tiller.\\nJieirnweirs Liylit Artlllcri/.\\nCaptain A. Smith Barnwell.\\nBartow Artillery.\\nI Captain A. C. Dunn.\\nMassenbury Battery.\\nI Captain G. H. Dure.\\nPalmer s Artillery.\\nI Captain J. H. Yates.\\n6i)J\\nCajjtaiii T. I). Bertody.\\nCaptain T. L. M;i.ssenburg\\nCaptain M. W. Harris.\\nK. \\\\V. Anderson\\nCaptaiu J. F. \\\\Vlieaton\\nNelson s Artillery.\\nCaptain J. Milledge.\\nChatham Artillery.\\nI Captain J. S. Clagliorn.\\nGirardey s Battery.\\nCapt. J. P. Girardey.\\nIloioelVs Battery.\\nCaptain Evan P. Howell.\\nMiscellaneous Artillery Roll.\\nCaptain F. T. Collins.\\nM. Kendrick.\\nJ. H. Baker.\\nS. P. Hamilton.\\nJ. K. Booton.\\nJ. Talley.\\nJ. C. Fraser.\\nJ. P. W. Read.\\nJ. D. Hawkins.\\nG. T. Barnes.\\nC. Sweet.\\nF. Blodgett, Jr.\\nCaptain J. W. Brown.\\nJ. P. Ginirdev.\\nH, II. Carlton.\\nK. Croft.\\nE. P. Lumpkin.\\nA. J. White.\\nC. C. Campliell.\\nJ. S. Cleghorn.\\nE. E. Priti-Iiard.\\nWm. VV. Sentell.\\nJ. T. Culpeper.\\nC. Daniells.\\nIndependent EchoVs Artillery.\\nCaptain John H. Tiller.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0847.jp2"}, "798": {"fulltext": "SUPPLEMENT TO APPEI^DIX A.\\nADDITIONAL NAMES AND FACTS.\\nMajor General Jeremy F. Gilmer.\\nSamuel (i. Freiu-h.\\nBrigadier General Taiil .1. Quattleliaum.\\nl{.)l)ert H. Uhiltou, l)d.\\nC. 0. Crews.\\nColonel Sew.all L. Frenmnt.\\nI,t. Col. Ist Ga. Ke,siilar-i II. D D. Twiirffs.\\nA IjiUant Holiert H. Atkinson.\\nM.ijor K. W. Hazzard.\\nC.iptain Co (F) S. R. Lawrence,\\n(Gi M. M. Potter.\\n(II) 1). S. Kennedy.\\n(11 T. M. McGresor.\\n(K) T. .1 Ablmtt.\\n(G) J. C. Fain.\\nCaptain Co. (K) F. T. Callens.\\n(M) P Hamilton.\\nAdjutant 10th Ga. Inf. Leroy Napier.\\nCapt (A) Kicliard H.awe.s.\\n(B) John B. Weems.\\n(K) G.G.Crawford.\\n(F) John Stovall..\\n(H) Wm. Ashhurn.\\n(1) Wm. P. Kedwine.\\n(G) O. Home.\\n(D) Thos. D Antignac.\\n(I)) A. D Antignac.\\n(D) Thos. Adams.\\nAdj. 6th Ga. Infantry, B. Russell.\\nRobert S. Connell.\\nriIAN(iES OF ORGANIZATION.\\n.\u00e2\u0080\u00a2!rd Bat. Ga. Inf. consolidated in .-Sytli Ga.\\nInf. Ueg.\\n4(li Bat. (ia. Inf. consolidated in GOth Ga.\\nInf. Keg.\\n7th Hat. (Ja Inf. cousolidated in filst Ga.\\nInf Weg.\\niOth Ga. Bat Cav. and 4 companies made\\nnth Ga. Cav. Reg\\n7 companies from 7th Confederate Cav. and\\ncompanies from 20th Ga. Bat. Cav.\\nmade 10th Ga. Cav. Reg.\\n10 companies Cobb s Ga. Legion made !lth\\nGa. Cav. Reg.\\n7 companies fi2nd Ga. Regt. and compan-\\nies of 20th Ga. Bat. Cav. made 8th Ga.\\nCav. Reg.\\n1. )th Bat. Ga Partisan Rangers merged in\\n62 nd Ga Reg.\\n21st Bat. Ga. Partisan Rangers and 24th\\nBat. made 7th Ga. Cav. Reg.\\nG7th Ga. luf. Keg. reported witli Lester,\\nCol. But no rolls.\\n10th Confederate Cavalry made up of lilfh\\nGa. Bat. Parti.sau Rangers and 5 Ala-\\nbama companies. Col. C. T. Goode,\\nLt. Col. T. G. Holt. Major W. J. Va.son,\\nAdjutant Joe Bass\\nStaff of Gen. A H. Cokpiitt. Captains\\nGeo. G. Grattam and Jemv Jackson,\\nA. A. G. Lts Jas. Randall and H. II.\\nColquitt, A 1). C. Major R. N. Klv,\\nA. Q. M. J. B. Morgan, A. C. S. Lt.\\nH. Estill, Ordn.ance.\\nLt. Col. E. Y. Clarke of 1 Gth Ga. Bat. Parti-\\nsan Rangers holds commission stating\\nhis promotion for gallantry on the field.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0848.jp2"}, "799": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX B.\\nCOERESPONDENCE BeTWEEX JeFFERSON DaVIS, PRESIDENT OF THE\\nConfederacy, and Joseph E. Brown, Governor of Georgia, on\\nConscription.\\nLETTER OF MR. DAVIS.\\nExECUTivi; Department,\\nRiCHMO.ND, May 29tli, 1862.\\nDear Sir I received j-our letter of the 8th inst., in due course, but the importance\\nof the subject emiiraced in it required careful consideration and this, togetlier with\\nother pressing duties, has caused delay in my reply.\\nThe constitutional question discussed by you in relation to the Conscription Law had\\nbeen duly weiglied before I recommended to Congress the passage of such a law it was\\nfully debated in both houses; ami your letter has not only been submitted to my Cabi-\\nnet, but a written opinion has been required from the Attorney-Geuer.il. The consti-\\ntutionality of the law was sustained by very large m.ijorities in both houses. This\\ndecision of the Congress meets the concurrence, not only of my own judgment, but of\\nevery member of the Cabinet and a copy of the opinion of the Attorney General, here-\\nwith enclo,sed, develops the reasons on which his conclusions are based.\\nI propose, however, from my high respect for yourself, and for other eminent citizens\\nwlio entertain opinions similar to yours, to set forth, somewhat at length, my own views\\non the power of tlie Confederate Government over its own armies and the militia, and\\nwill endeavor not to leave without answer any of tlie positions maintained in your\\nletter.\\nThe main, if not the only purpose for which independent States form Unions or Con-\\nfederations, is to coml)ine the power of the several members in such manner as to form\\none united force in all relations with foreign powers, whether in peace or in war. Each\\nState amply competent to .administer and control its own domestic government, yet too\\nfeeble successfully to resist powerful nations, seeks safety by uniting with other States\\nin like condition, and by delegating to some common .agent the coml)ined strength of\\nall, in order to secure advant.ageous commercial relations in peace and to carry on hos-\\ntilities with effect in war.\\nNow, the powers delegated by the several States to the Confederate Government,\\nwhich is their common agent, are enumerated in the 8th section of the Constitution,\\neach power being distinct, specific, .and enumerated in paragraphs separately numbered.\\nThe only exception is the 18th paragraph, which, liy its own terms, is made dependent\\non those previously enumerated, as follows\\n18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execu-\\ntion the foregoing powers, etc.\\nNow, the war powers gr,anted to the Congress are conferred in the following p.ara-\\ngraphs", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0849.jp2"}, "800": {"fulltext": "coo APPENDIX I!.\\nNo 1 gives authority to raise revenue necessary to pay tlie ilebts, jirovide fur the com-\\nmon defense, ami carry on tiie government, etc.\\nNo. lo iledare war, grant letters of marcjue and reprisal, and make rules concern-\\ning captures on land and water.\\nNo. 12, to raise and su/ij ort armies but no appropriation of money to that use sliall\\nhe for a longer term than two years.\\nNo. 13, toj rot;ide and maintain a navy.\\nNo. 14, to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval\\nforces.\\nIt is impossible to imagine a more broad, ample and unqualified delegation of the\\nwhole war power of each State than is here contained, with the solitary limitation of\\nthe ajipropriatious to two years. The States not only gave power to raise money for\\nthe common defense; to declare war to raise and support armies (in the plural); to\\nprovide and maintain a navy to govern and regulate both land and naval forces but\\nthey went further, and covenanted, by the 3rd paragraph of the 10th section, not to\\nengage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of\\ndelay.\\nI know of but two modes of raising armies within the Confederate States, viz.: volun-\\ntary enlistment, and draft or conscription. I jierceive, in the delegation of power to\\nraise armies, no restriction as to the mode of procuring troops. I see nothing wliich\\nconfines Congress to one class of men, nor any greater power to receive volunteers than\\nconscripts into its service. I see no limitation by wliich enlistments are to be received of\\nindividuals only, but not of companies, or battalions, or squadrons, or regiments. I find\\nno limitation of time of service, but only of duration of appropriation. I discover noth-\\ning to confine Congress to waging war within the limits of the Confederacy, nor to pro-\\nhiliit offensive war. In a word, when Congress desires to raise an army, and passes a\\nlaw for that purpose, the solitary question is under the 1 8th paragraph, viz. Is the\\nlaw one that is necessary and proper to execute the power to raise armies, etc.?\\nOn this point you say But did the necessity exist in this case The Conscrip-\\ntion Act cannot aid the (Jovernment in increasing the supply of arms or provisions, but\\ncan only enalde it to call a larger uumber of men into the field. The ditticulty has never\\nbeen to get men. The states have already furnislied the Government more than it can\\narm, etc.\\nI would have very little difficulty in estalilisliing to your entire satisfaction that the\\npassagi^ of the law was not only necessary, but that it was absolutely indispensable that\\nnumerous regiments of twelve months m^n were on the eve of being disbanded, whose\\nplaces could not be sujjplied by new levies in the face of superior numbers of the foe,\\nwithout entailing the most disastrous resul s that the position of our armies was so\\ncritical as to fill the bo.som of every patriot with the liveliest apprehension and that the\\nprovisions of this law were effective in warding off a pressing danger. But I prefer to\\nanswer your objection on other and broader grounds.\\nI hold, that when a specific power is granted by the Constitution, like that now in\\nquestion, to raise armies, Congress is the judge whether the law passed for the pur-\\npose of executing that power, is necessary and proper. It is not enough to say that\\narmies might be raised in other ways, and that, therefore, this particular way is not\\nnecessary. The same argument might be used against evert/ mode of raising armies.\\nTo each successive mode suggested, the objection would be that other modes were\\npracticable, and that, therefore, the particular mode used was not necessary. The", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0850.jp2"}, "801": {"fulltext": "ArrExnix n. 697\\ntrue and onlv test is to inquire wliether the law is intended and caleulated to carry ont\\nthe object wlietlier it devises and creates an instrumentalitv for executing; the specitic\\npower granted; and if the answer be iu the aftirinative, tlie law is constitutional. None\\ncau doubt that the (Conscription Law is calculated and intended to raise armies. It\\nis, therefore, necessary and proper for tlie e.xecution of that power, and is consti-\\ntutional, unless it comes into conflict with some other provision of our Confederate\\nCompact.\\nYou express the opinion that this conflict exists, and support your argument by the\\ncitation of those clauses which refer to the militia. There are certain provisions not\\ncited by you, winch are not witliout influence on my judgment, and to which I call yonr\\nattention. They will aid in defining wliat is meant by militia, and in determining\\nthe respective powers of tlie States and the Confederacy over them.\\nThe several States agree not to keep troops or ships of war iu time of peace. Art.\\n1, sec. 10, par. .3.\\nThey further stipulate, that a well regulated militia being necessary to the securitv\\nof a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.\\nSec. U, par. 1.3.\\nThat uo person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime,\\nunless on a presentmeut or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the\\nland or naval forces, or in the militia when in actu.al service in time of war or ]inblic\\ndanger, etc. Sec. 9, par. 16.\\nWhat then are militia They can only be created by law. Tlie arms-bearing inhab-\\nitants of a State are liable to become its militia, if the law .so order hut in the absence\\nof a law to that effect, the men of a State capalile of bearing arms are no more miliiia\\nthan they are seamen.\\nThe Constitution abso tells us that militia are not troops, nor are they any part of the\\nhind or naral forces for militia exist iu time of peace, and the Constitution forbids the\\nStates to keep troops in time of peace, and they are expre.ssly distinguished and placed\\niu a separate category from land or naval forces, in the 1 6th paragraph, above quoted\\nand the words land or naval forces are shown, by paragraphs 12, 13 and 14, to mean the\\narmy and navy of the Confederate States.\\nNow, if militia are not the citizens taken singly, but a body created by law if thev\\nare not troops, if they are no part of the army and navy of the Confederacy \u00e2\u0080\u0094we are led\\ndirectly to the definition quoted by the Attorney General, that militia are a bodi/ of\\nsoldiers in a State enrolled for discipline. In other words, the term militia is a col-\\nlective term, meaning a boilij of men organized, and cannot be applied to the separate\\nindividuals who compose the organization.\\nThe Constitution divides the whole military strength of the States into only two\\nclasses of organized bodies one, the armies of the Confederacy the other, the militia\\nof the States.\\nIn the delegation of power to the Confederacy, after exhausting the subject of declar-\\ning war, raising and supporting armies, and providing a navy, in relation to all which\\ntlie grant of authority to Congress is exclusive, the Constitution proceeds to deal with\\nthe other organized body, the militia, and instead of delegating power to Congress\\nalone, or reserving it to the States alone, the power is divided as follows, viz. Congress\\nis to have power\\nTo provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Confederate States,\\nsuppress insurrections, and repel inrasions. Sec. 8. Par. 15.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0851.jp2"}, "802": {"fulltext": "C98 Arl ENDlX B.\\nTo provide for organizing, arming, ami discinliuing tlio militia, and for governing\\nsuch part of them as may be emploved in the service of tlie Confederate states; reserv-\\ning to the States respectivel i) the a/i/wintment of officers and the authority of training the\\nmilitia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. Par. 16.\\nCongress, then, has the power to provide for o-ganizing the arms-bearing people of the\\nStates into militia. Each State lias the power to officer and (ram them when organized.\\nCongress may call forth the militia to execute Co) federate laws. The State has not\\nsurrendered tlie power tu call them forth to execute State laws.\\nConirress may call them forth to repel invasion so m.ay the State, for it has expressly\\nreserved this right.\\nCongress may call them forth to suppress insurrection and so may the Stale, for the\\n]io\\\\ver is impliedly reserved of governing all the ndlitia except the part in actual ser-\\nvice of the Confederacy.\\nI confess myself at a loss to perceive in what matter these careful and well defined\\nprovisions of the Constitution regulating t.ic organization and government of the militia,\\ncan be understood as applying in tlie remotest degree to the armies of the Confederacy\\nnor can 1 conceive how the grant of exclusioe power to declare and carry on war by\\narmies raised and supported by the Confederacy, is to be restricted or dimim sbed by the\\ni-lauses which grant a diridd power over the militia. On the contrary, the delegation\\nof authority over the militia, so far as granted, it appears to me to be plainly an addi-\\nllimai enumerated jjower, intended to strengllien the hands of tlie Confederate Govern-\\nineiit in the discharge of its paramount duty, the common defense of the States.\\nYou state, after quoting the I2tb, 15tli and IGth grants of power to Congress, that,\\nThese grants of power all relate to the same subject m.atter, and are all contained In\\nthe same section of the Constitution, and by a well known rule of construction, must be\\ntaken as a whole, and construed together.\\nThis argument appears to me unsound. .1// the powers of Congress arc enumerated\\nin one section and the three paragraphs ([UoteJ can no more control each other by\\nreason of their location in the same section, than they can control any of the other para-\\ngraphs preceding, intervening, or succeeding. So far as the subject matter is concerned,\\nI have already endeavored to show that the armies mentioned in the 12th paragraplis\\nare a subject matter as distinct from the militia iiientioned in the 1.5th and IGtIi, as they\\nare from the navy mentioned in the 13th. Nothing can so mislead as to construe to-\\ngetiier and as a whole, the carefully separated clauses which define the different powers\\nto be exercised over distinct subjects by the Congress. But, you add, that, by the\\ngrant of power to Congress to raise and support armies, without r|ualification, the\\nframcrs of the Constitution intended the regular armies of the Confederacy, and not\\narmies composed of the whole militia of all the States.\\nI must confess myself somewhat at a loss to understand this position If I am right,\\nthat the militia is a body of enrolled State soldiers, it is not possible, in the nature of\\nthings, that armies raised by tlie Confederacy can be composed of the whole militia of\\nall the States. The militia may he called forth, in whole or in part, into the Confeder-\\nate service, but do not thereby become part of the armies raised bv Congre.ss.\\nThey remain militia, and go home when the emergency which provoked their call has\\nceased. Armies raised by Congress are of course raised out of the same population as\\nthe militia organized by the States and to deny to Congress the power to draft a citi-\\nzen into the army, or to receive his voluntary offer of services because he is a member of\\nthe State militia, is to deny the power to rai.se an army at all for, practicallv, all men", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0852.jp2"}, "803": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX n. 099\\nfit for service in tlie army m^y be embraced in tlio militia organizations of the several\\nStates. You seem, however, to suggest, rather than directly to assert, that the Conscript\\nlaw may be unconstitutional, l)ecau.se it comprelieiuls all arms-bearing men between 18\\nand 35 years at least tliis is an inference which I draw from your expression, armies\\ncomposed of the wlwle militia of all tlie States. But it is obvious, that if Congress\\nhave power to draft into the armies raised by it any citizens at all (without regard to the\\nfact whether they are or not members of militia organizations), the power mu.st be co-\\nextensive with tbe exigencies of the occasion, or it liecomes illusory and the extent of\\nthe exigency must be determiued by Congress for the Constitution has left the power\\nwithout any other cliecli or restrictiou than tlie Executive veto. Under ordinary cir-\\ncumstances, the power tbus delegated to Congress is scarcely felt by the States. At the\\npresent moment, when our very existence is threatened, by armies vastly superior in\\nnumbers to ours, tlie necessity for defence has induced a call, not for the whole militia\\nof all the States, not for ani/ militia, but for men to compose armies for the Confeder-\\nate States.\\nSurely, there is no mystery on this subject. During our wliole past history, as well as\\nduring our recent oue year s experience as a new Confederacy, tlio militia have liecn\\ncalled forth to repel invasion in numerous instances; and they never came otherwise\\nthan of bodies organized by the States, with their company, field, and ijeneral officers\\nand when the emergency had passed, they went home again.\\nI cannot perceive how any one can interpret the Conscription Law as taking awav\\nfrom the States the power to appoint ofbceis to tlieir militia. Yon oliserve on this point\\niu your letter, that unless your construction is adopted, the very oliject of the St.ttes\\nin reserving tlie power of appointing tbe olRcers, is defeated, and that porlion of the\\nConstitution is not ouly a nullity, but the whole military power of the States, and tbe\\nentire control of the militia, with the appointment of the officers, is vested in the (Mii-\\nfederate Government, whenever it chooses to call its own action raising an army, and\\nnot calling forth the militia.\\nI can only say, in reply to this, that the power of Congress depends on the real nature\\nof the act it proposes to perform, not on the name given to it and I have endeavored\\nto show that its action is merely that of rai. ing an army, and bears no semblance to\\ncalling forth the militia. I think I may .safely venture tlie assertion, tli.at there is not\\none man out of a thousand of those who will do service under the Conscription Act that\\nwould describe himself, while in the Confederate service, as being a militia man; and\\nif I am right in this assumption, the popular under.standing concurs entirely with my\\nown deductions from the Constitution as to the meaning of the word tliilitia.\\nMy .answer has grown to such a length that I mn.st confine myself to one more quota-\\ntion from your letter. You proceed Congress shall have power to raise armifs.\\nHow shall it be done The answer is clear. In conformity to the provisions of the\\nConstitution, which expressly provides that when the militia of the States are called\\nforth to repel invasion, and employed in the service of the Confederate States, which is\\nnow the case, the State .shall appoint the officers.\\nI beg you to observe that the answer which you say is clear, is not an answer to the\\nquestion put. The qne.stiou is How are armies to be raised The answer given is,\\nthat when militia are called forth to repel invasion, the State shall appoint the officers.\\nThere seems to me to be a conclusive test on this whole subject. By our Constitution\\nCongress may declare war. nf/ insirc as well as defensive. It may acquire territory. Now,\\nsuppose that for goo.l cause, and to right nn]irovoked iiijnrie.s, Congress should declare", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0853.jp2"}, "804": {"fulltext": "700 APPENDIX B.\\nwar against Mexico, and invade Sonora. The militia could not be call?d forth iu such a\\ncase, the right to call it being limited to repel invasions. Is it not plain that the law\\nnow under discussion if passed under such circnmstances, could by no possibility be\\naught else than a law to raise an army 1 Can oue and the same law be construed\\ninto a calling forth the militia, if the war be defensive, and a raising of armies,\\nif the war be offensive 1\\nAt some future day, after our independence shall have been established, it is no\\nimprol)able supposition that our present enemy may be tempted to abuse his naval\\npower, l y depredation on our commerce, and tliat we may be compelled to assert our\\nrights by offensive war. How is it to be carried on Of what is tlie army to be com-\\nposed If this Government cannot call on its arms-bearing population otherwi.se than\\n!is militia, and if the militia can only be called forth to repel invasion, we should be\\nutterly helpless to vindicate our lioiior or protect our rights. War has been well styled\\nthe terrible litigation of nations. Have we so forjned our Government, that in tliis\\nlitigation we must never be plaintiff Surely this cannot have been the intention of the\\nf ramers of our compact.\\nIn no aspect in which I can view this law, can I find just reason to distrust the pro-\\npriety of my action in approving and signing it ond the quastion jiresented involves\\noousequences, both immediate and remote, too momentous to permit me to leave your\\nobjections unanswered.\\nIn conclusion, I take great pleasure in recognizing that the liistory of the pa.st year\\naffords the amplest justification for your assertion, that if the question had been, whether\\nthe Conscription Law was necessary in order to raise men in Georgia, the answer must\\nhave been in tlie negative. Your noble State has promptly responded to every call that\\nit has been my duty to make on her and to you, personally, as her Executive, I\\nacknowledge my indebtedness for the prompt, cordial, and effective co-operation you\\nhave afforded me in the effort to defend our common country against the common\\nenemy.\\nI am, very respectfully.\\nYour obedient servant,\\n_ T JEFFERSON DAVIS.\\nHis Excellencv Jos. E. Brown,\\nGovernor of Georgia, Milledgeville.\\nREPLY OF GOV. BROWN.\\nAtlanta, .June 21st, 1862.\\nHis Excellenct Jefferson Davis, President, etc.\\nDear Sir .\u00e2\u0080\u0094I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 29tli\\nult., in reply to mine of the 8th of the same month, which reached my office, at Milledge-\\nville, on the 8th inst., together with a copy of the written opinion of the Attorney Gen-\\ner,al, and has since been forwarded to me at Canton, where I was detained by family\\naffliction.\\nYour reply, prepared after mature deliberation and consultation with a Caliinet of dis-\\ntinguished ability, who concur in your view of the con.\u00c2\u00abtitutionality of the Conscription\\nAct, doubtle.S9 presents the very strongest argument in defense of the Act, of which the\\ncase is susceptible.\\nEntertaining, a I do, the highest respect for your opinions and those of each individ-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0854.jp2"}, "805": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX B. 701\\nnal member of your Cabinet, it is with great diffiJence that I express the conviction,\\nwhich I still entertain, after a careful perusal of vour letter, that your argument fails to\\nsustain the constitutionality of the Act and that the conclusion at which you have\\narrived is maintained by neither the contemporaneous construction put upon the Con-\\nstitution by those who nuide it, uor by the practice of tlie United States Government,\\nunder it, during the earlier and better days of the Republic, nor by the language of the\\ninstrument itelf, taking the whole coutext, and applying to it the well established rules\\nby which all constitutions and laws are to be coustrued.\\nLooking to the magnitude of the rights involved, and the disastrous consequences\\nwhich, I fear, must follow what I consider a bold and dangerous usurpation by Congress\\nof the reserved rights of the States, and a rapid stride towards military despotism, I\\nvery much regret that I have not, in the preparation of this reply, the advice and assist-\\nance of a number equal to your Cabinet, of the many eminent citizens who, vou\\nadmit, entertain with )iie, the opinion that the Conscription Act is a palpable violation\\nof the Constitutiou of the Confederacy. Without this assistance, however, I must pro-\\nceed individually to express to you some views, iu addition to those contained in mv for-\\nmer letters, and to reply to sucli points made by you in the argument, as seem to mv\\nmind to have the most plausibility in sustaining your conclusion.\\nThe sovereignty and independence of each one of the thirteen States at the time of\\nthe adoption of the Constitution of the United States, will not, I presume, be denied bv\\nany, nor will it be denied that each of these States acted in its separate capacity, as an\\nindependent sovereign, in the adoption of the Constitution. The Constitution is, there-\\nfore, a league between sovereigns. In order to place upon it a just construction, we\\nmust apply to it the rules, which, by common consent, govern in the construction of all\\nwritten constitutions and laws. One of the first of these rules is, to inquire what was\\nthe intention of those who made the Constitution.\\nTo enable us to learn this intention, it is iniport.ant to inquire what they did, and\\nwhat they said they meant, when they were making it. In other words, to inquire for\\nthe contemporaneous construction put upon the instrument by those who made it, and\\nthe explanations of its meaning by those who proposed each part in the Convention,\\nwhich induced the Convention to adopt each ]art.\\nI incorporated into my last letter a number of quotations from the debates of prominent\\nmembers of the Convention upon the very point in question, showing that it was not the\\nintention of the Convention to give to Congress the unlimited control of all the men able\\nto bear arms in the States, but that it was their intention to reserve to the States the\\ncontrol over those who composed their militia, by retaining to the States the appoint-\\nment of the officers to command them, even while employed in the service of the Con-\\nfederate States. I might add many other quotations containing strong proofs of this\\nposition, from the debates of the Feder.il Convention, and the action of the State Con-\\nventions which adopted the Constitution but I deem it unnecessary, as you made no\\nallusion to the contemporaneous construction in your reply, and I presume you do not\\ninsist th.it the explanations of its meaning given by those who made it sustain your con-\\ncliLsion.\\nI feel that I am fully justified by the debates and the action of the Feileral and State\\nConventions, in saying that it was the intention of the thirteen sovereigns, to constitute\\na common agent with certain specific and limited powers, to lie exercised for the good\\nof all the principals, but that it was not the intention to give the .agent the power to\\ndestmii the principals. The agent was expected to be rather the servant of several mas-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0855.jp2"}, "806": {"fulltext": "703 Ari EXDIX 15.\\nters, tliaii the master of several servants. I apprehend it was never imagined tliat the\\ntime wuuld come wlieu the agent of the sovereigns would claim the power to take from\\neach sovereign everv man belonging to each, able to hear arms, and leave them witli no\\npower to execute their own laws, suppress insurrections in their midst, or roi)el invasions.\\nlu reference to the practice of the United States Government under the Constitution,\\n1 need only remark, tliat I do not presume it will be contended that Congress claimed\\nor exercised the riglit to compel persons constituting the militia of tlie States, by conscrip-\\ntion or compulsion, to enter tlie service of tlie General Government, without the consent\\nof their State Government, at any time while tlie Government was administered, or its\\ncouncils controlled, by auy of the fathers of the Republic who aided in the formation of\\nthe Constitution.\\nIf, then, the constitutionality of the Conscription Act cannot be established by the\\ncontemporaneous construction of tlie Constitution, nor by the earlier practice of the Gov-\\nernment while administered by tliose vvlio made the Constitution, the remaining inquiry\\nis, can it be established liy the language of the instrument itself, taking tlie whole con-\\ntext, and applying to it tlie usual rules of construction, which were generally received\\nand admitted to be autlioritatlve at the time it was made.\\nThe Constitution, in express language, gives Congress the power to raise and sup-\\nport armies. You rest tlic case here, and say you know of but two modes of raising\\narmies, to wit liy voluntary enlistment, and by draft or conscription, and you con-\\nclude that the Constitution authorizes Congress to raise them by either or botli these\\nmodes.\\nTo enable us to arrive at an intelligent conclusion as to the meaning intended to be\\ncouveyed by those who used this language, it is necessary to inquire what signification\\nwas attached to the terms used, at tlie time tliey were used and it is fair to infer that\\nthose who used them intended to convey to tlie minds of others the idea which waa at\\nthat time usually conveyed liy the language ado])ted by them. Apply this rule, and what\\ndid tlie Convention mean by tlie term to ;raise armies I prefer that the Attor-\\nney General should answer. He says in his written opinion\\nInasmuch as the words militia, armies, regular troops, and voluntecr.s, had\\nacquired a definite meaning in Great Britain before the Revolutionary war, and as we\\nhave derived most of onr iileas on this subject from that source, we may safely conclude\\nthat the term militia, in our Constitution, was used in the sense attached to it in that\\ncountry.\\nUpon this statement of the Attorney General rests his definition of the term militia,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which is an English definition and upon that definition rests all that part of your argu-\\nment, which draws a distinction, however unsubstantial, between calling forth the militia\\nby authority of Congress, and calling forth all men in the State who compose the militia\\nby the same authority. In the one case, you term it calling forth the militia, and admit\\ntliat the St.ate has the right to appoint the officers in the other case, while every man\\ncalled forth may be the same, you term it raising an army, and deny to the State the\\nappointment of the otficers. As this is necessary to sustain the constitntion.-ility of the\\nConscription Act, you cannot disapprove the statement of the Attorney General above\\nquoted. If, then, the Attorney General is right, that the terms militia, armies,\\nregular troops, and volunteers had ac(|ulred a definite meaning in Great Britain\\nbefore the Revolutionary war, and we have derived most of onr ideas on this suliject\\nfrom tliat source, and if we may safely conclude that the term militia in our Consti-\\ntution was used in the sense attached to it in that country, is it not equally safe to con-", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0856.jp2"}, "807": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX B. 70;)\\ncliiJe that the terms armies, and to raise armies, liavinj; aequireJ a defiuite mean-\\ning iu Great Britain before the Uevolutionarv war, were used in our Constitution in the\\nsame sense attaclied to tlieni in tluit country\\nAt that period, tlie Government of Great Britain liad no Conscription Act, and did\\nnot raise armies by conscription, therefore the Convention winch made our Consti-\\ntution, having derived most of their iihMs on this subject from tliat source, it is safe\\nto conclude that they used the term to raise armies in the sense attached to it in that\\ncountry. It necessarily follows, the Attorney General lieing the judge, that your\\nconclusion is erroneous, and that Congress has no power to raise armies, not even her\\nregular armies, by conscription.\\nBut, as those who framed the Constitutioa foresaw that Congress might not be able\\nby voluntary enlistment, to raise regular or standing armies sulticiently large to meet\\nall emergencies, or that the people miglit refuse to vote supplies to maintain in the field\\narmies so large and dangerous, they wisely provided, iu connection with tins grant of\\npower, another relating to the same subject-matter, and gave Congress the additional\\nI)ower to call forth the militia to e.^ecute the laws of tlie Confederate States, suppress\\ninsurrections, and repel invasions.\\nIn this connection, I am reminded by your letter, that Congress has power to\\ndeclare war, which you say embraces the right to dei lare offensive as well as defensive\\nwar and you argue, as I understand, that the militia can only be called forth to repel\\ninvasions, and not to invade a foreign power, and that Congress would be powerless to\\nredress our wrongs, or vindicate our honor, if it could not raise armies by conscrip-\\ntion, to invade foreign powers. If this were even so, it might be an objection to the\\nConstitutional Goverument, for want of sufficient strength, which is an objection often\\nmade by those who favor more absolute power iu the General Government, and who\\nattempt, by a latitudinarian construction of the Constitution, to supply powers which\\nwere never intended to be given to it. But does the practical ditlicuUy which you sug-\\ngest, in fact exist I maintain that it do3s not. And I may here remark, that those\\nwho established the Government of our fathers, did not look to it, as a great military\\npower whose ])eople were to live by plundering other nations in foreign aggressive war,\\nbut a peaceful Government, advised by the Father of his Country, to avoid entangling\\nalliances with foreign powers.\\nBut you suppose, after our independence is established, that our present enemy may\\nbe tempted to abuse his naval power, by depredation on our commerce, and that we may\\n1)6 compelled to assert our rights by offensive war, and you ask, How is it to be car-\\nried on Of what is the army to be composed The answer is a very simple\\n(Hie. If the aggression is such as to justify us in the declaration of offensive war, our\\npeople will have the iutelligence to know it, and the patriotism and valor to prompt\\nthem to respond by voluntary enlistment, and to offer themselves under officers of their\\nown choice, through their State authorities, to the Confederacy, just as they did in the\\noffensive war against Mexico, wdien many more were offered than were needed, without\\nconscription or coercion .and just as they have done iu our present defen-^ive war, when\\nalmost every State has responded to every call, by sending larger numbers than were\\ncalled for, and larger than the Government can arm and make effective. There is no\\ndanger that the honor of the intelligent freehorn citizens of this Confederacy will ever\\nsuffer because the Government has not the power to compel them to vindicate it. They\\nwill hold the Government responsible if it refuses to permit them to do it. To doubt", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0857.jp2"}, "808": {"fulltext": "704 APi EXDix n.\\nthis, would seem to be, to doubt tlie iiitelligeuce and patiiotism of tlie people, aud llieii-\\neonipetency for self ;j;overunieiit.\\nIt would 1)6 very dangerous, inileed, to give the General Goverumeiit the power to\\neijgiige ill an offensive foreign war the justice of which was condenineil by tlie Goverii-\\niiients of the States, and the intelligence of the people, aud to compel tliem to prosecute\\nit for two years, tlie terms for wliich appropriations can be made and continued by the\\nCongress declaring it. Hence the wisdom of our ancestors in liiuiting the power of\\nCongress over the militia, or great body of our people, so as to prohibit the prosecution,\\nliy conscription or coercion, of an offensive foreign war, wliich may be condemned by au\\nintelligent public opinion.\\nFrance has a conscription act, which Great Britain has not. Botli are warlike powers,\\noften engaged in foreign offensive wars. What advantage has the conscription law\\ngiven to Frauce over Great Britain Has not the latter beeu as able as the former to\\nraise armies suHicient to vindicate her iiouor and maintain her rights? When\\nFrance had no conscription law at one period of her history, she was a Hepulilic. Soon\\nafter slie had a conscription law, she became an Empire, and her ruler au Emperor,\\nleaving her people without the constitutional safeguard which protects the people of\\nGreat Briiain.\\nBut you ask, Shall we never be |)Iaiutiff in this terrible litigation of nations\\nIf the litigation commends itself to the intelligence ot the people as just, they will not\\nhesitate to put themselves at the command of the Government to assume the plaintiff s\\nposition. The eagerness witli which the people of the Confederacy now desire that we\\nassume the plaintiff s position, and become the attacking and invading party, instead of\\nacting constantly upon the defensive, is evidence to sustain my conclusion on this point.\\nThat those who framed the Constitution looked to a state of war as tending to coii-\\nlentrate the power in the Executive, and as unfavorable to constitutional liberty, and\\ndid not intend to encourage it, unless in cases of absolute necessity, and did not, there-\\nfore, form the Government with a view to its becoming a power often engaged in offen-\\nsive war, may be inferred from the language of Mr. Madison. He says\\nWar, is, in fact, the true nurse of Executive aggrandizement. In war a physical\\nforce is to be created, and it is the Executive will which is to direct it. In war the pub-\\nlie treasures are to be unlocked, and it is the Executive hand which is to dispense tlieni.\\nIn war, the honors and emoluments of office are to be multiplied, and it is the Executive\\n])atronage under which they are to be enjoyed. It is in war, finally, that laurels are\\nto be gathered, and it is the Executive brow they are to encircle. The strongest passions\\nand most dangerous weaknesses of the human breast ambition, avarice, vanity, the\\nhonorable or venial love of fame, are all in conspiracy against the desire and duty of\\npeace. See Federalist, page 4. j2.\\nIn connection with this remark of Mr. Madison, it may not be amiss to .idd one from\\nMr. Calhoun. That great and good man who may justly be staled the champion of\\nSlate Riijhls and Const llullunal Liherlij, m the first volume of his works, page .361, while\\nspeaking ot the war which was forced upon Mr. Madison while President, by Great\\nBritain, says\\nIt did mure for the war. however just and necessary, gave a strong impulse adverse\\nto the Federal and favorable to the national line of policy. This is, indeed, one of the\\nnnavoiilable consequences of war, and can be counteracted only by bringing into full\\n.\u00e2\u0096\u00a0iction the neijiitives necessary to the protection of the reserceil powers. These would, of\\nthemselves, have the effect ot preventing wars, so long as they coiihl be lionorably and", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0858.jp2"}, "809": {"fulltext": "Al I ENDIX 1!. 705\\ns:\\\\fel/ avoideil and when necessary, of arresting, to a great extent, the tendency of the\\n(iovernment to transcend the limits nfthe Constitution during its prosecution, and of correct-\\ning all departures after its termination. It was by force of the trilmnitial power that\\nthe plebeians retained for so long a period their lilierty in the midst of so many wars.\\nI beg to call special attention to the portions of the above quotation which I have\\nitalicized.\\nHavinf rested the constitutionality of tlie Conscription Act upon the power given to\\nCongress to raise armies, you enunciate a doctrine whicii I must be pardoned for\\nsavin struck rae with suri)rise not that the doctrine was new, for it was first pro-\\nilainiej I believe, almost as strongly, by Mr. Hamilton in the Federalist, but becausK\\nit found an advocate in you, whom I had for many years regarded as one of the ablest\\nand boldest defenders of the doctrines of the State Rights school, in the old government.\\nYour language is\\nI hold that when a specific power is granted by the Constitution, like that now in\\nijuestion, to raise armies, Congress is the judge whether the law passed for the pur-\\npose of executing that power, is necessary and proper.\\nAgain you say\\nThe true and only test is, to inquire whether the law is intended and calculated to\\ncarry out the olijcct, whether it devises and creates an in.strumentality for executing the\\nspecific power granted, and if the answer lie in the affirmative the law is constitutional.\\nFrom this you argue that tlie Conscription Act is calculated aud intended to raise\\narmies, and, therefore, constitutional.\\nI am not aware that the proposition was ever stated more broadly in favor of unre-\\nstrained Congressional jiowcr, by Webster, Story, or any other statesman or jurist of the\\nFederal school.\\nThis is certainly not the doctrine of the republican party of 1798, as set forth in the\\nVirginia aud Kentucky Hesolutions. The Virginia Kesolutions use the following lan-\\nguage, that, It (the General Assembly of Virginia) views the powers of tlie Fe leral\\nGovernment as resulting from the compact to which the States are parties, as limited by\\nthe plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting that compact, as no further\\nvalid than they are authorized by the grauts enumerated in that compact; and that in\\ntlie case of a deliberate, palpable and danrjerons exercise of other powers not granted bv\\nsaid compact, the States wlio are parties thereto, have the right and are in dntij hotind to\\ninterpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective\\nlimits the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them. That the General Assem-\\nbly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit has iu sundry instances been mani-\\nfested by the Feder.al Government, to enlarge its powers by a forced construction of the\\nConstitutional charter which defines them and that indications have appeared of a design\\nto expound cc7(am f/CTicra^ /)/irasfs (whicli having been copied from the very limited\\ngrant of powers in the former articles of Confederation were the less liable to be mis-\\nconstrued) so as to destroy the meaning and effect of the particular enumeration, whicli\\nnecessarily explains and limits the general phrases, so as to consolidate the States fiy degrees\\ninto one sovereignty, tlie obvious teiulency and inevitable result of wdiich would be to\\ntransform the present Republican system of the United States, into an absolute or at least\\na mixed monarchy.\\nThe following quotations are from the Kentucky Resolutions drawn up by Mr. Jeffer-\\nson himself (the italics, as in the last quotation, are my own). That the several\\nStates composing the United States of America are not united on the principle of", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0859.jp2"}, "810": {"fulltext": "700 APPENDIX I!.\\nunlimited siibmiss. un to the General Goveniinent but tli;it, liy a compact under tlie style\\nanil title of a Cimstitiition uf the United States, and of anieudinejits tliereto, tliey con-\\nstituted a General Government fur ^ijecial purposes\u00e2\u0080\u0094 delegated to that Govermneut cer-\\ntain dctinite powers; reserciny, each ^lule to ilstlf, the residuary mass of right to their own\\nself-Government; that whensoever the General Governmeut assumes midelet/aled /loivers\\nits ails are unauthoritative, void and of no force; that to this compact eacli State acceded\\nas a State, and is an integral party its co-States forming as to itself the other party\\nthat the (joreniment created liy this compact was not made the exclusive or final Jubgk af\\nthe extent of tin- powers delegated to it since that would have made its discretiom and\\nnot the t onstitntion the measure of its powers but that as in all otlier cases of compact\\namong parlies lia\\\\ ing no common Judge, each has an equal right to Judge for itsel/ as\\nwell of inl racliuns as of the mode and measure of redress.\\nAnd again\\nThat the construction applied by the General Government (as evinced by sundry of their\\nproceedings) to those parts of the Constitution of the United States wliidi delegate to\\nCongress a power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises; to pay the debts\\nand provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States and to\\nmake all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the jjowers vested by the\\nConstitution in the Governmeut of the United States, or any department thereof, goes to\\nthe destruction of all the iiinits prcscrilied to their power hy the Constitution. That words\\nmeant by that instrument to be subsidiary only to the exicution of the limited powers oui/ht\\nnot to he so construed, us themselves to give unlimited poiveis, nor u part so to be taken as to\\ndestroij the whole residue of the instrument.\\nBut let us examine your doctrine a little further and see whether it can be reconciled\\nto the construction lately put U|)on the Constitution by tlie States conjposing the Con-\\niederacv, over wliich yon ])reside, and the action lately taken by them.\\nThe Constitution of the United States gives Congress the power to provide for call-\\nin 5 forth the militia to suppress insurrection. Carry out \\\\our doctrine, and Con-\\npress must of course be the .fudge of what constitutes an insurrection, as well as\\nof the means nere.-i.mry and proper to be used in executing the specific power given\\nto Congress to .suppress it. Georgia, claiming that the Congress of the United States\\nhad abused the specific powers granted to it, and passed laws which were not necessary\\nand proper in executing the.se specific powers, which were injurions to her people, and\\nclaiming to be herself the ./ki/i/c, seceded from the Union. Congress denied her power\\nnr right to do so, and acting upon the doctrine laid down by you. Congress claiming to\\nbe the .fudge, proceeded to adjudicate the lase, and determined that the .action of Geor-\\ngia amounted to .an insurrection, and passed laws for its suppression. Among others,\\nthey have pas,scd a law, if we may credit the newsjiapers. wiiich atithori/.es the President\\nto arm our negroes against ns. Congress will, no doubt, justify tltis act, under the\\nspecific po ver given to it by the Constitution, to raise .armies, as the armies, .as well\\nna the militia m.iy be u.sel to suppress insurrection, ami to execute the laws. Apply\\nthe test laid down by you, and imiuire, is this law caLnlated and intended to carry\\nout the object (the suppression of the insurrection, and the execution of the laws of the\\nUnited States in Georgia)? and does it devise and create an instrumentality for exe-\\ncuting the specific power granted Congress, the .ludgr, answers the question in the\\naffirmative. Tlierefore the law is constitutional.\\nAgain, snppo.^e you are right, and Cimgre.ss has the constitutional power to rai.-e\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0armies bv Conscription, ,nn I witliout the consont of tlie States, to compel every man in", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0860.jp2"}, "811": {"fulltext": "Al l KN DlX Ji. 707\\ntlie Confederacy, between 18 and 35 years old, alile to bear arms, to enter tlinse armies,\\nyou must admit tliat Congress has the same power to extend the l:iw. and com|)i l\\nevery man between IG and CO to enter. And, yuu must admit that the grant of power is\\nivs broad in times of peace as in times of war, as there is in tlie grant no language t\u00c2\u00ab\\nlimit it to times of war. It follows that Congress has the alisoUite control of every\\nman in the State, whenever it chooses to execute to the full extent the ]iowcr given it by\\nthe Constitution to raise armies. llow easy a matter it would have been, therefore,\\nhad the Congress of the United States understood the full extent of its powers to have\\nprevented iu a manner perfectly constitutional, the secessiou of Georgia and Mississippi\\nfrom the Union. It was only necessary to pass a Conscrijition Law declaring every man\\niu both States, aide to bear arms, to be in the military service of the United States, ami\\ntliat each sliould be treated as a deserter if he refused to serve and that Congress, (In-\\nJudge, then decide that this law was necessary and proper, and tliat it created an\\ninstrumentality for the execution of one of the specific powers granted to Congress to\\nprovide for the execution of the laws of the Union in the two States, or to jirovide for\\nraising armies. This would have left the States without a single man at their com-\\nmand, witliout the power to organize or use military force, and without free men to con-\\nstitute even a Convention to pass an ordinance of secession.\\nIf it is said, the people of the States would have refused to obey this law of Congress,\\nand would have gone out in defiance of it it may be replied that this would have been\\nrevolution and not peaceful secession, the right for wliidi we have all contended thougli\\nour enemies have not permitted us to part with them in peace the right for which we\\nare now fighting.\\nYour doctrine carried out not only makes Congress supreme over the States, at any\\ntime when it chooses to exercise the full measure of its power to raise armies, but it\\nplaces the very existence of the State Goveruments subject to the will of Congress. The\\nConscription Act makes no exception in favor of the officers neces.sary to the existence\\nof the State Government, but in sulistance declares that they sh.all all enter the .service\\nof the Confederacy, at the call of the President, under officers which are in future to be\\nappointed by the rresident.\\nAs already remarked, Congress has as mucli power to extend the act to embrace all\\nlietween 16 and GO, as it had to take all between 18 and .3. If the act is constitutional,\\nit follows that Congress has the power to coinpsl the Governor of every State iu the\\nConfederacy, every member of every Legislature of every State, every Judge of every\\n(^ourt in every State, every officer of the Militia in every State, ami all other State\\nofficers to enter the military service as privates in the armies of the C nifederacy, under\\nofficers apjiointed by the President, at any time when it so decides. In other words, Con-\\ngress may disband the State Governrneuts any day when it, as the jnili/e, decides that by\\nso doing it creates an instrumentality for executing the specific power torai.se\\narmies.\\nIf Congress h.as the right to discriminate, and take only those between 1 8 and 35, it has\\nthe right to make any other discrimination it may judge necessarv and proper in the\\nexecution of the power, and it m.ay pass a law in time of peace or war, if it should\\nconclude the St.ate Governments are an evil, that all State officers. Executive, Legisla-\\ntive, Judicial and Military, shall enter the armies of the Confederacy as privates under\\nofficers ajipointed by the President, and th.at the army shall from time to time be\\nrecruited from other State officers as they may be appointed by the States.\\nTo state the case in different form, Congress has the power under the 1 2th paragrajdi", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0861.jp2"}, "812": {"fulltext": "708 APPENDIX n.\\nuf the 8th section of the 1st Artule of the Constitution to ilishanil the State Govern-\\nineuts, aud leave the people of the States with no other Government than such niilitarv\\ndespotism, as Congress in the exercise of the specific power to raise armies (wliich I\\nunderstand jou to hold is a distinct power to he construed separately) may, after an\\napplication of vour test, j ne/ye to lie best for the people.\\nFor. as all the State otticers which I mention might make effective privates in the\\narmies of the Confederacy, and as the law pa.ssed to compel them to enter the service\\niniglit create an iustrumcutality for executing the specific power to raise armies,\\nCon^ re.ss, the jutlije, need only so decide and the act would he coustitntioual.\\n1 may lie reminded, however, that Congress passed an Kxemption Act after tlie passage\\nof the Conscription Act, which exempts tbe Governors of the States, the niemliers of\\nthe State I.e^ishitures, the Judges of the State Courts, etc., from the obligation to enter\\nthe niiliUiry service of the Confederacy a-s privates under Confederate officers. It must\\nbe borne in mind, however, tliat this very act of exemption by Congress is an assertion\\nuf the right vested in Congress to compel them to go, when Congress shall so direct, as\\nCongress has the same power to repeal which it had to pass the Kxemption Act. All\\ntbe State officers, therefore, are exempt from Conscription by the grace and special\\nfavor of VoiKjress aud not by right, as the Governments of tbe independent States whose\\nagent, aud not master. Congress has been erroneously supposed to bo. ]f this doctrine\\nbe correct, of what value are Slate rights and State sovereignty?\\nIn my former letter I insisted, under the general rule, that the 12th, 15th and ICtti\\npaiagraphs of the section under consideration, all relating to the s.ame siihjert matter,\\nslionlil be c(mstrned together. While your hmguage on this point is not so clear as in\\niitlier parts of vour letter, 1 understand you to take issue w itli uie here. You s.ay\\nNothing can so mislead as to construe together and as one wliole, the carefully sepa-\\nrated clauses, which define the different powers to be exercised over distinct subjects by\\nCongress.\\nThese are not carefully separated clauses which relate to different powers, to he exer-\\ncised over distinct siihjecls. They all relate to the same subject matter, tlie authority\\ngiven to Congress over the question of war and peace. They all relate to the use of\\narmed force by authority of Congress. If, therefore. Coke, Blackstone anj Mansfield of\\nKngland, and Marshall, Kent and Story of this country, with all other intelligent\\nwriters on tbe rules of constrnction, are to be respected its authority, there can, it would\\nseem, be no doubt of the correctness of the position that these three paragra])lis, together\\nwith ;ill others in the Constitution which relate to the same subject matter, are to be con-\\nstrued together .as one whole\\nConstrue them together, and tlie general language in one par.agraph, is so rjualified\\nby another paragraph, upon tbe same snhject matter, tliat all can stand ttigether, and tlie\\nwhole wlien taken together, estalilishes to my mind the unsoundness of your argument\\nand the fallacy of your conclusion.\\nBut I must not omit to notice your defiuition of the term militia, and the deduc-\\ntions which you draw from it.\\nYou .nlopt the definition of the Attorney General, that the militia are a body of\\nsoldiers in a State enrolled for discipline. Admit, for the purposes of the argument,\\nthe correctness of the definition. All persons, therefore, who are enrolled for discipline\\nnnder the laws of Georgiiv constitute her militia. When the persons thus enrolled (the\\nmilitia) are employed in the service of the Confederate States, the Constitution expressly\\nreserves to Georgia the appointment of the officers. Tlie Conscript ion Act gives the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0862.jp2"}, "813": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX 15. 709\\nPresident tlie power by compulsion to employ every one of those persons, between 18\\nand 35, in tlie service of the Confederate States anj ilenies to tlio State the appoint-\\nment of a single oflirer to comnianil them, while thus employed. Suppose Congress\\nat its next session should extend the act so as to embrace all between 18 and 45, wliat is\\nthe result? The body of sohliers in the State enrolled for discipline are every man\\nemployed in the service of the Confederacy, and the right is denied to the State to\\nappoint a single officer, when the Coustitutiou says she shall appoint tliem all. Is it fair\\nto conclude, when the State expressly and carefully reserved the control of their own\\nmilitia, by reserving the appointment of the officers to command them, that they intended\\nunder the general grant of power to raise armies, to authorize Congress to defeat the\\nreservation and control the militia, with their officers, by calling the very same men into\\nthe field, individually and not collectiveli/, organizing them according to its own will, aud\\nterming its action raising an army aud not calling forth the militia Surely the great\\nmen of the revolutiou when they denied to the General Government the appointment\\neven of the General Officers, to command the militia when employed in the service of\\nthe Confederacy, did not imagine that the time would come so soon when that Govern-\\nment, under the power to rai.se armies, would claim and exercise the authoritv to\\ncall into the field the whole militia of the States, individually, aud deny to the States\\nthe appointment of the lowest lieutenant, and justify the act on the ground that Con-\\ngress did not choose to call them into service in their collective capacity, and deny that\\nthey were militia it called into service in any other way.\\nIf Congress has the power to call forth the whole enrolled force or militia of the\\nStates in the manner provided by the Con.scription Act, there is certainly no obligation\\nupon Congress ever to call them forth in any other manner, and it rests in the discretion\\nof Congress whether or not the State shall ever be permitted to exercise their reserved\\nright as Congress has tlie power in every case to defeat the exercise of the right by\\ncalling forth the militia under a conscription act, aud not by i-equisitions made upon the\\nStates. It cannot be just to charge the States with the folly of making this important\\nreservation, subject to any such power in Congress to render it nugatory at its\\nple.asure.\\nAgain, you say Congress may call forth the militia to execute Confederate laws;\\ntlie Stale has not surrendered the power to call them forth to execute State laws.\\nCongress may call them forth to repel invasion; so may the State, for it has\\nexpressly reserved this right.\\nCongress may call them forth to suppress insurrection and so may the State.\\nIf the conscription law is to control, aud Congress may, without the consent of the\\nState Government, order every man composing the militia of the State, out of the State,\\ninto the Confederate service, how is the State to call forth her own militia, as you admit\\nshe has reserved the right to do, to execute her own laws, suppress an insurrection in\\nher midst, or repel an invasion of her own territorv?\\nCould it have been the intention of the States to delegate to Congress the power to\\ntake from them without their consent the means of self-preservation, by depriving them\\nof all the strength upon which their very existence depends?\\nAfter laying down the position that the citizens of a State are not her militia, aud\\naffirming tliat the militia are a body organized by law, you deny that the militia con-\\nstitute any part of the land or naval forces, a.nH say they are distiuguislied from the land\\nand naval forces, and you further say they have always been called forth as bodies\\norganized by the States, with their officers that they do not become part of the", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0863.jp2"}, "814": {"fulltext": "710 AIM KNDIX n.\\narmies raised l)V Cuii^ re s, Vmt remain militia, ami tliat ulieii tliey had beeu talliMl\\nforth, atnl the exij;eiicies h liidi provolicil the call liail passed, they went home a}:ain.\\nThe militia when culled Jhrili are taken from the hody of the people, to meet au emer-\\ngeney, or to repel iuviv-ion. If they go in as budiea organized by the States, you\\nhold that they go in militia, remain militia, and when the exigency is passed they go\\nhome militia, hut if you califurtli the same men by the Conscription Act for the same\\npurpose, aud they remain for the same length of time, and do the anje service, they\\nare not H/iWm but the arm/Vs of tlie Confederacy, part of tlie land or iiurat furre. Jn\\nconnection with this part of the subject you use the following language\\nAt the present moment when our very existence is threatened by armies vastly\\nsuperior in numbers to ours, the necessity for defense has induced a call, not for the\\nwhole militia of all the States, not for ani/ militia, but for men to compose armies for the\\nConfederate States.\\nIn the midst of such pressing danger, why was it that there was no necessity for inii/\\nmilitia in other words, no necessity for any bodies of men organized by the States,\\nas were many of the most gallant regiments now in the Coufeilerate service, who have\\nwon on the battle-field a name in history, and laurels that can never fade?\\nWere no more such bodies orgam zed by the States needed, because the mat(!rial\\nremaining within the States of which they must be composed was not reliable? The\\nConscription Act gives you the very same material. Was it because the officers\\nappointed by the States to command the gallant State regiments and other organized\\nbodies sent hy the States were less brave or less skillful than the ()fRcers appointed bv\\nthe Presi lent to command similar organized bodies? The officers appointed by the\\nStates who now comniaud regiments in the service, will not fear to have impartial his-\\ntory answer this question. Was it because you wished select men for the armies of the\\nConfederacy? The Conscription Act embraces all, without distinction, between 18 aud\\nand 35 able to do military duty and not legally exempt. You do not take the militia.\\nWhat do you take? You take every man between certain ages, of whom the militia is\\ncomposed. What is the difference between taking tlie militia and taking all the men\\nwho compose the militia? Simply this In the one case you take them icitk their officers\\nappoiut d hi/ the States, as the Constitution requires, and call them by their proper name,\\nmilitia, employeil in the service of the Confederate States. In the other case you\\ntake them .all as individuals get rid of the State officers appoint officers of your own\\nchoice, and call them the armies of the Confederacy. And yet these armies, like yon\\nsay the militia do. will go home when the exigency has passed, as it is hoped they\\nare not expecteil to be permanent like the regular armies of the Confederacy; or in\\nother words, like the land and naval forces provided for in the Constitution, from which\\nyou distinguish the militia. Indeed, the similarity between these armies of the Con-\\nfederacy, called forth in an emergency, to repel an invasion, to be disbanded when the\\nemergency is passed and the militia or bodies of troops organized and officered by the\\nStates, (failed forth for the same purpose, to be composed of the same material and dis-\\nbanded at the same time, is most remarkable in everything, except the name and the\\nappointment of the officers.\\nExcuse me for calling your attention to another point in this connection.\\nA.S you admit the militia have always been called forth as bodies organized by the\\nStates, and when thus called forth that the States have always appointed the officers, I\\npresume you will not deny that when the President, by authority of Congress has made\\na call upon a State for organized bodies of soldiers, and they have been furnished", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0864.jp2"}, "815": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX V: 711\\nby the State from the body of her people, they have entereil the service as part of the\\nmilitia of tlie State employed in the service of the Coofederate States under the\\n15th and IGth paragrapiis of the 8th Section of the 1st Article of tlie Constitution.\\nYour message to Congress recommending its passage sliows that there was no neces-\\nsitv for the act, to enahle you to get troops, as you admit tliat the Executives of the\\nState liad enabled you to keep in the field adequate forms, and also that the spirit of\\nresistance among the people was such that it needed to be regulated and not stimulated.\\nYou say\\nI am h.appy to assure you of the entire harmony of purpose and cordiality of feeling\\nwhich have continued to exist between myself and the Executives of the several States,\\nand it is to this cause that our success in keeping ailequate forces in the field is to be\\nattributed. Again you say\\nThe vast preparations made by the enemy for combined assault at numerous points\\non our frontier and sea coast, have produced the result that might have been expected.\\nThey have animated the people with a spirit of resistance so general, so resolute and S(\\nself-sacrificing, that it requires ratlier to be regulated than to be stimulated\\nIf then the Executives of the States by their cordial co-operation had enabled you to\\nkeep in the field adequate forces, and the spirit of resistance was as high a.s you\\nstate, there was no need of a Conscription Act to enable you to raise armies.\\nSince the invasion of the Confederacy by our present enemy, you have made frequent\\ncalls upon me as Governor of this State for organized bodies of troops. I have\\nresponded to every call and sent them as required, organized according to the laws\\nof tlie State, and commanded by officers appointed by the State, and in most instances,\\nfully armed, accoutred and equipped. These bodies were calif il forth to meet an emer-\\ngency, and assist in repelling an invasion. The emergency is not yet passed, the inva-\\nsion is not yet repelled, and tliey have not yet returned home. If your position be\\ncorrect they constitute no part of the land or naral forces as they were not organised\\nnor their officers appointed by the President, as is the case with the armies of the Con-\\nfederacy, but they were called forth as bodies organised and their officers appointed liy\\nthe States. Hence they are part of the militia of Georgia employed in the .service of\\nthe Confederate States as provideit by the two paragraphs of the Constitution above\\nquoted, and by paragraph 16 of Section 9 of the l.st Article which terms them militia\\nin actual service in time of war or public danger. They entered the service witb only\\nthe training common to the citizens of the State. They are now well trained troops.\\nBut having gone in as bodies organized liy tlie State, or as militia, you say they\\nremain militi.a, and go home militia. In this case we seem to agree thnt the State,\\nunder the express reservation in the Constitution, has the right to appoint the officers.\\nI have the written opinion of Mr. Benjamin, then Secretary of War, about the time if\\nthe last call for twelve regiments, concurring in this view, and recognizing this right of\\nthe State. And it is proper that I should remark that the State has, in each case, been\\npermitted to exercise this right, when tlie troops entered the service in compliance with\\na requisition upon the State for organized bodies of troops. The right does not\\nstop here, however. The Constitution does not say the State shall appoint the officers\\nwhile the organizations maybe forming to enter the service of the Confederacy, but\\nwhile they may be emploijed in the service of the Confederate States. Many thou-\\nsands are now so employed. Vacancies in the different offices are frequently occurring\\nby death, resignation, etc. The laws of this State provide how these vacancies are to be\\nfilled and it is not to be done by pn)Tnotion of the officer next in rank, except in a single", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0865.jp2"}, "816": {"fulltext": "712 APPENDIX B.\\ninstance, but liv election of the regiment, and commission by the Governor. The right\\nof the State to appoint tliese officers seems to be ailmitteil, and is, indeed, too clear to\\nbe (]uestioucd.\\nThe Conscription Act, if it is to be construed according to its language, and the prac-\\ntice which your Generals are establishing under it, denies to the State the exercise of\\ntliis right, and ])rescribe3 a rule for selecting all officers in future, unknown to the laws\\nof Georgia, and confers upon the President the power to commission them. Can this\\nusurpation (I think no milder term e.xprcsscs it faithfully) be ju.stified uuder the clause\\nin the Constitution which gives Congress power to raise armies V and is this part of\\nthe Act constitutional If uot, you have failed to establish the coustitutionality of the\\nConscription Act.\\nTlie I4th paragraph of the 9th Section of the 1st Article of tlie Constitution of the\\nConfederate States declares that\\nA well rerjulalej mililin being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of\\nthe people to keep and bear arms sliall not be infringed. This was no part of the\\noriginal Constitution as reported by the Convention and adopted by the States. But\\nThe Convention of a number of tlie States having at the time of their adopting the\\nConstitutiou expressed a desire in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its\\npowers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added. Congress at the\\nsession begun and held at the city of New York, on Wednesday the 4th of March, 1789,\\nproposed to the Legislatures of the several States twelve amendments, ten of which\\nonly were adopted.\\nThe second amendment was the one above quoted, which shows very clearly that the\\nStates were jealous of the control which Congress might claim over their militia, and\\nrequired on this point a further restrictive clause than was contained iu the original\\nConstitution.\\nThe ICtli paragraph of the preceding Section expressly reserves to the States the\\nauthority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. In\\nconnection with this, you admit that the States reserved the right to call forth their own\\nmilitia to execute their own laws, suppress insurrections or repel invasions. This\\nauthority to call them forth would have been of no value without the authority to appoint\\nofficers to command them and the further authority to train them as they cannot with-\\nout officers and training be the well regulated militia which the Constitution says is neces-\\nsary to the security of a free State.\\nThe conclusion would seem naturally to follow, that the States did not intend by any\\ngeneral words used in the grant of power, to give Congress the right to take from them,\\nas often as appointed, the officers selected by them to train and regulate their militia and\\nprepare them for efficiency, when they may be called forth to support the very existence\\nof the State.\\nThe Conscription Act embraces so large a proportion of the militia officers of this\\nState, as to disl)and the militia in the event they should be compelled to leave their\\ncommands. This would leave nie witliout the power to reorganize them, as a vacancy\\ncan only be created in one of these offices by resignation of the incumbent, or by the\\nvoluntary performance of some act which amounts to an abandonment of his command,\\nor by a sentence of a Court Alartial dismissing him from office. The officer who is\\ndragged from his command by Conscription, or compulsion, and placed in the ranks, is\\nin neither category and bis office is no more vacated than the office of a judge would\\nbe, if he were ordered into military service without his consent. And unless there be a", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0866.jp2"}, "817": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX B. 71:5\\nvacancy I have 110 right to fill the place, cither by ordering an election, or by a brevet\\nappointment. 1 liave uo right iu either case to commission a successor so long as there\\nis a legal incumbent.\\nViewing tlie Conscription Act in tliia particul.ir as not only unconstitutional, but as\\n.striking a blow at the very e.xistence of the State, by disl)auJing tlie portion of her\\nmilitia left witliiu her limits, when much the larger part of her arms-bearing people\\nare absent in utiier States in the military service of the Confederacy, leaving tlieir\\nfamilies and other Ijclpless women and children, suljject to massacre by negro insurrec-\\ntion for want of an organized force to suppress it, I felt it au imperative duty which I\\nowed the people of this State, to inform you iu a former letter that I could not permit\\nthe disorganization to take place, nor the State olHcers to be compelled to leave their\\nrespective cmnuiands and enter the Confederate service as Conscripts. Were it not a\\nfact well known to the country that you now have in service tens of thousands of men\\nwithout arms and with no immediate prospect of getting arms, who must remain for\\nmonths consumers of our scanty supplies of provisions, without ability to render service,\\nwhile their labor would be most valuable iu their farms and worksho])S, there might be\\nthe semblance of a plea of necessity for forcing the Slate ot/icers to leave tlieir com-\\nmands, with tlie homes of their people unprotected, and go into camps of instruction,\\nunder Confederate officers, often much more ignorant tlian themselves of military\\nscience or training. I must, therefore, adhere to my position and maintain the integ-\\nrity of the State Government in its Executive, Legislative, Judicial and Military De-\\npartments, as long as I can command sufficient force to prevent it from being disbanded,\\nand its people reduced to a state of provincial dependence upon the Central power.\\nIf I have used strong language iu any part of tliis letter, I beg you to attribute it only\\nto my zeal in the advocacy of principles and a cause wliicli I consider no less than tlie\\ncause of constitutional liberty, imperiled l)y tlie erroneous views and practice of those\\nplaced upon the watch-tower as its constant guardians.\\nIn conclusion, I beg to assure you that I fully appreciate your expressions of persoual\\nkindness, and reciprocate them iu my feelings towards you to the fullest extent.\\nI know the vast responsibilities resting upon you, and would never willingly add\\nunnecessarily to their weight, or in any way embarrass you in the discharge of your im-\\nportant duties. While I cannot agree witli you in opinion upon the grave question\\nunder discussion, I beg you to comiuand me at all times when I can do you a personal\\nservice, or when I can, without a viulation of the constitution.il obligations resting upon\\nme, do any service to the great cause in which we are all so vitally interested.\\nHoping that a kind Provideuce may give yonwi.sdom so to conduct the affairs of our\\nyoung Confederacy as may result in the early achievement of our Independence, and\\nredound to the ultimate prosperity and happiness of our whole people.\\nI have tlie honor to be, very respectfully.\\nYour obedient servant,\\nJOSEPH E. BROWN.\\nP. S. Since the aliove letter was written I see, somewhat to my surprise, that you\\nhave thought jiroper to publish jiarl of our unfinished correspondence.\\nIn reply to my first letter you simply stated on the point in i]uestion that the consti-\\ntutionality of the Act was derivable from that paragraph in the Constitution which gives\\nCongress the power to raise and support armies. I replied to that letter with no portion\\nof your argument but the simple statement of your position before me. You then, with\\nthe aid of your Cabinet, rejdied to my second letter, giving the argument by which von", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0867.jp2"}, "818": {"fulltext": "14 AprKNDix b;\\nattempt to sustain your position, and without allowing time foi your letter to rcaili nin.\\nand a reply to lie sent, you publish my second letter and your reply, which is your first\\nargument of the question. I find these two letters not only iu the newspapers but also\\nin pamphlet form, I presume by your order for general circulation.\\nWhile I cannot suppose that your sense of duty and propriety would permit you to\\n[luhlish part of an unfiuished correspondence for the purpose of forestalling public opin-\\nion, I must conclude that your course is not the usual one iu such cases. As the cor-\\nrespondence was an official one upon a grave constitutional question, I had supposed it\\nwoulil be given to the country through Congress and the Legislature of the State.\\nBut as you have commenced the publication iu this hasty and as I think informal\\nmanner, you will admit that I have no otlier alternative but to continue it. I inust,\\ntherefore, recpiest as an act of justice that all newspapers which have pnblisheil part of\\nthe correspondence, inseit this reply. J. K. B.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0868.jp2"}, "819": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX C.\\nOriginal Co.MstuNicAxiox of Mrs. Mary Williams, to thii: Collhi-\\nBus (Ga.) Times, Suggesting the Decoration Day Custom.\\nColumbus, Ga., March 12, I86G.\\nMessrs. Eililors: Tlie ladies are now and have been for several days engaged in tlie\\nsad but pleasant duty of ornamenting and improving that portion of the city cemetery\\nsacred to tlie memory of our gallant Confederate dead, but we feel it is an unfinished\\nwork unless a day be set apart animally for its especial attention. We cannot raise\\nmonumental sliafta and inscribe thereon their many deeds of heroism, but we can keep\\nalive the memory of the debt we owe them, by dedico,ting at least one day in each year\\nto enibellisliing their humlile graves with flowers. Therefore we beg the assistance of\\ntlie press and tlie ladies lliroughout the South to aid us in tlie effort to set apart a cer-\\ntain day to be observed, from the Potomac to the Kio Grande, and be handed down\\nthrough time as a religious custom of the South, to wreath the graves of our martyred\\nde.id with flowers; and we propose tlie 2Gth day of April as the day. Let every city,\\ntown and village join in the pleasant duty. Let all alike be remembered, from tlie\\nheroes of Maiias.sas to those who expired amid the death throes of our hallowed cause.\\nAVe U crown alike the honored resting jilaces of the immortal Jack.son in Virginia,\\nJohnston at Shiloh, Cleburne in Tennessee, and the host of galkant privates who\\nadorned our ranks. All did their duty, and to all we owe our gratitude. Let the\\nsoldiers graves, for that day at least, lie the Southern Mecca to wlio.se shrine her sorrowing\\nwomen like ]iiigiims, may annually bring their grateful hearts and floral offerings. And\\nwhen we remeinlier the thousands who were buried with tiieir martial cloaks around\\nthem, wiihout cliii.stian ceremony of interment, we would invoke tlie aid of the most\\nthrilling eloquence throughout the land to inaugurate this custom, by delivering on the\\nappointed day tins year, a eulogy on the unburied dead of our glorious Southern army.\\nThey died fen- their country. Whether their country had or had not the right to demand\\nthe sacriflce is no longer a fjuostion for discussion. We leave tliat for nations to decide\\nin the future. That it was demanded that they fought nobly, and fell holy sacrifices\\nupon their country s altar, and are entitled to their country s gratitude, none will deny.\\nThe proud banner under which they rallied in defense of the holiest and noblest cause\\nfor which heroes fought, or trusting woman prayed, has been furled forever. J lie\\ncountry for which they suffered and died, has now no name or place among the nations\\nof the earth. Legislative enactments may not be made to do honor to their memories,\\nbut the veriest radical that ever traced his genealogy back to the deck of the May\\nyiower. could not refuse us tlie simple privilege of paying honor to those who die\\ndefending the life, honor and happiness of tlie Southern women.", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0869.jp2"}, "820": {"fulltext": "15\\nI\\ni", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0870.jp2"}, "821": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0871.jp2"}, "822": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0872.jp2"}, "823": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0873.jp2"}, "824": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0874.jp2"}, "825": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0875.jp2"}, "826": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0876.jp2"}, "827": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2670", "width": "1556", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0877.jp2"}, "828": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2801", "width": "1662", "jp2-path": "historyofstateof00avery_0878.jp2"}}