{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3468", "width": "2189", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "y\\nREMINISCENCES\\nOF thp:\\nRECONSTRUCTION\\nOF\\nCHURCH AND STATE\\nIN GEORGIA,\\nJOHN H. CALDWELL, A. M., D. D.\\nPRICE, TEN CENTS.\\nWILMINGTON, DELAWARE.\\nJ. MILLER THOMAS.\\n1895.", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "jHy^ oJL.^ ^^^-J^", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "REMINISCENCES\\nVtF THE\\nRECONSTRUCTION\\nOF\\nCHURCH AND STATE\\nIN UEOKUIA,\\nBV\\nJOHN H. CALDWELL, A. M, D. D.\\nTRICE,\\nTEN CENTS.\\nWILMINGTON, DEI.AWAKE.\\nJ. MILLER THOMAS.\\n1895.", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "Dover, Delaware.\\nRev. Dr. C. W. Parker, Bremen, Georgia.\\nMy Dear Brother\\nYour letter received, and I hasten to reply. You inform me\\nthat it is the purpose of the brethren composing the Georgia Con-\\nference of the Methodist Episcopal Church to hold, during its next\\nsession, a meeting for the purjjose of reviewing its history up to and\\nincluding the first Annual Conference that was organized.\\nYou ask me to give an account of my personal relations to, and\\nexperience in, that work. The re-establishment of our Church in\\nGeorgia was contemporaneous with the reconstruction of the civil\\ngovernment of that State, a period extending from 1865 to 1871.\\nThere could have l)een no permanent re-establishment of the Church,\\nafter a separation of more than a score of years caused by the great\\nschism of 1844, without a permanent re-establishment of the State\\ngovernment under the Reconstruction Acts of Congress, by means of\\nwhich the rupture occasioned by Secession was healed. The two\\nevents constituted, therefore, a reconstruction, though not the Union,\\nof Church and State. They were combined and closely connected\\nmovements, the success of which alone, under God, could insure the\\npeace and prosperity which the people of Georgia now enjoy. I\\nshould not at this time write anything for the public eye on that\\nsubject had I not been invited by you, or some one else in like circum-\\nstances, to do so, in order that a record of those times of hardship and\\nperil, may be preserved in a permanent form.\\nThe prominence of the E(jo in the following narrative, however\\nunavoidable in a personal history or autobiographical sketch, is as\\nunpleasant for me to use as it must be to one who reads it or hears it\\nread. But I wish you and all who hear it to understand that I claim\\nnothing for myself, feeling a profound conviction that I was led every\\nstep of my way mistakes and blunders excepted, by the hand of God.\\nWith fraternal esteem,\\nJ. H. CALDWELL.", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "Reminiscences of the Reconstruction of\\nChurcli and State in Georgia.\\nPART FIRST\u00e2\u0080\u0094 THE CHURCH.\\nIn the early part of 186(), at my invitation, Bishop Clark, of tlie\\nMethodist Episcopal Chnrch, went to Atlanta and organized a mission\\ndistrict, and you now wish me, after the lapse of twenty-nine years, to\\nwrite a lirief history of the circumstances which led to that move-\\nment and of its results.\\nThe war of the rebellion, or Civil War lietween the North and\\nSouth, as some prefer to call it, had come to an end in the spring of\\n1 SH5. On the -ith of June in that year, soon after the publication of\\nthe President s proclamation of amnesty, I had a strange but solemn\\nexercise of mind. It was the 4r)th anniversary of my birth, a day on\\nwhich I habitually spend some time in meditation, prayer and close\\nself-examination, reviewing my past life and re-consecrating myself to\\nGod. On that day my feelings were wrought upon with greater\\nintensity than on any previous birthday. After preaching twice, I\\nspent a night of wakefulness and prayer, searching my heart, giving\\nmyself anew to God. I thought of the war a horrible war, a war of\\ndesolation, misery and wickedness and with contrition besought God s\\nforgiveness for the part I had taken in it. I thought of slavery,\\nwhich had, more than anything else, caused that war, and of its certain\\ndestruction as one of the great and most beneficent consequences. I\\nreceived new light and life from above, and during that night of\\nagony and penitence formed a resolution which has continued\\nunchangeable for nearly thirty years that was, to speak plainly to the\\nconsciences of the people on a long forbidden toj^ic the evils of\\nslavery. I accordingly, with great care and prayer to God for His\\nassistance, i: repared two sermons on Slavery and Southern Methodism,\\nwhich I preached from my pulpit in Newnan on the two following\\nSabbaths, June 11th and 18th.\\nI knew well what the cost would be the loss of many dear\\nfriends in the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, social ostracism and\\nperhaps the risk of my life; but I have felt from that moment to this", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "a growing conviction that I was led by the Spirit of God to pursue the\\ncourse I did, and, though it entailed much personal suffering, the good\\naccomplished was beyond computation, and this is the consolation of\\nmy declining years.\\nThe sermons were published by the Book Ooncern in New York,\\nand scattered extensively among the people. You remember well\\nwhat an uproar they caused. A torrent of abuse, detraction and\\neven slander, descended upon me. But God enabled me to bear it,\\nfor I had estimated all this in the outset when I counted the cost.\\nIn consequence of the excitement and irritation growing out of\\nthe preaching of those sermons, my Presiding Elder removed me\\nfrom the Newnan station. It was his right, as doubtless he felt that\\nit was his duty, to do so. But he ordered me to go to a mission in an\\nobscure section of his district which was filled with all sorts of\\nruffians,- outlaws and murderers, where nothing short of a state\\nof anarchy existed. I could scarcely have survived a week in such a\\nstate of society, where my outspoken sentiments were known and being\\ndiscussed, witii many imprecations upon my head. To have repeated\\nthe doctrines of my sermons in that wild region would have been\\ncertain death to me, and I felt that my time to die liad not yet come.\\nI disobeyed orders, and chose for myself a wider and safer circuit.\\nI spent about four months in travelling west, as far as Troy,\\nOhio, where the Cincinnati Conference was in session then east\\nas far as Boston, and southward to Philadelphia, Baltimore Jand\\nWashington. It being my first venture beyond the limits of slave\\nterritory, I came in contact with people who differed in many respects\\nfrom any whom I had previously known, and different also from what\\nthey had been represented to me in the Southern press, both secular\\nand religious. Among them were such men as Bishops Janes, Simp-\\nson and Clark some who afterwards were made Bishops as Harris,\\nFoster, Wiley and Gilbert Haven, Walden, Mallalieu and Newman.\\nAmong distinguished divines were Durbin, Crooks, Whedon, Stevens,\\nCurry, Carlton, Wise, McClintock, Nadal, Lanahan, Sewell and the\\ntwo Morgans, with the venerable Dr. Slicer, Among famous divines\\nof other churches, Henry Ward Beecher, Geo. B. Cbeever, and\\nDr. Thompson of the New York Tabernacle. Among the famous\\nabolitionists were Wendell Phillips and Wm. Lloyd Garrison.\\nAmong array officers were Generals Thomas, Fisk and Butler,\\nAmong the great civilians. President Johnson and Secretary Seward.\\nAmong famous laymen of the M. E. Church were C. C. North,\\nOliver Hoyt, James Harper and George T. Seney. Four months", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "5\\nintercourse with sucli men broadened ray views on many topics. It\\nwas a great addition to my education\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a sort of post-graduate\\ncourse both in religion and politics my regeneration in the latter had\\ntaken place even before I left the South. I thank God that I had\\nbeen literally thrust out and that with more violence than I have\\nspace or even an inclination to describe, in order that I might\\nbe prepared for the work which was soon placed before me. I\\naddressed Conferences, Sunday Schools, Preachers Meetings and s(\u00c2\u00bbme\\nhirge assemblies gathered in different places to hear me on the issues\\nof the War, the condition of the South, and the intellectual and\\nreligious necessities of the people. Everywhere I was received with\\nopen arms and generously entertained.\\nIn all my speeches I took the ground boldly, and with the earnest-\\nness of a new-born conviction, that God had opened the gates of the\\nSouth to the northern preacher and teacher to enter, in order to edu-\\ncate, elevate and save millions of ignorant and down-trodden human\\nbeings. The people seemed astonished to hear an ex-rebel thus speak,\\nand regarded me as one just escaped from a fiery furnace not dream-\\ning that I could have spoken so and survived within the domain of the\\nslave power.j I was everywhere delightfully impressed with the mani-\\nfestations of genuine piety which I witnessed among the Christian peo-\\nple of the North.\\nThe time approached when my own Conference was to meet, the\\nlatter part of November, 1865, in Macon. Returning home, I found\\nthat my presiding elder had served me with a bill of charges for re-\\nfusing to go to the mission to which he had appointed me, and for\\nother things growing out of the course I had taken. The charges,\\nhowever, were Avithdrawn, and at the suggestion of Bishop Pierce,\\nwho presided, the P. E. and myself made our statements of the case,\\nwhich did not disagree in any important particular, and thus the mat-\\nter temporarily ended. But at a later period of the session, the Con-\\nference passed resolutions condemning the sermons I had preached on\\nslavery. Still, thus far, I had not decided to withdraw from the\\n(Jhurch South. In all my intercourse with Bishops and leading men\\nat the North, I had not intimated a wish to return to the M. E. hurch,\\nwhich I had joined in my boyhood, and from which, without my own\\nconsent, I had been cut off by the division of l^ 44. None of them\\nattempted to persuade me, nor was anything said or done to induce me\\nto change my church relations. I had conversed with Bishop Pierce\\nas to what course I ought to pursue, and he advised me to take a trans-\\nfer to some Southern Conference on the border, where I should find", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "6\\nmore people to agree with my sentiments. But this I felt was not\\nGod s leading. I had put myself fully in His hands to follow whither-\\nsoever He might lead me and to follow Bishop Pierce s advice, would\\nbe to flee from the work unto which God had called me a work which\\nlay at my door, in the town, county and state where I had my home.\\nOne thing caused me to decide. On the last day of the session, a\\nbrother declared in open Conference that he could no longer treat me\\nas a brother beloved. Convinced that he voiced the prevailing senti-\\nment, I could no longer hesitate. It was time for me to depart. I\\nwent to my room, fell on my knees and laid my case before God. The\\nway was opened. I wrote a kind farewell address, read it at the last\\nsession of the Conference, and asked permission to withdraw. My re-\\nquest was granted, and I went out solitary, alone, hardly knowing\\nwhither to go.\\nI had said to the brethren before parting from them, I will never\\ncome back to you, but you will come to me. Although I meant more\\nthan has actually happened for I hoped that there would be a reunion\\nof the churches yet the history of twenty-nine intervening years\\nshows how nearly I was right. In less than half that time. Dr. (now\\nBishop) Haygood came nearly up to my position. Compare the views\\nexpressed by me in the sermons on Slavery and Southern Methodism,\\nwith those expressed in a sermon preached by him at Emory College,\\nand in his book Our Brother in Black. We have both been\\ncharged with inconsistency, and there was in both cases some truth in\\nthe charge. The fact was that both of us had been bitten by the same\\ndog that bit so many Southern people, both preachers and laymen,\\nand, I at any rate, went mad and wild with them. But I found my\\ncure right away on that memorable anniversary night, June 4th,\\n1865, while the good Bishop found his after the lapse of many years.\\nTrue consistency is indeed a jewel, but only when it stands on the\\nright side of the truth. That is not the right sort of consistency that\\nforbids one to change from the worse to the better.\\nOn my way home from our Conference at Macon, brother John\\nMurphy came to my seat on the car, and, with almost bated breath,\\nwhispered, I am trifhyou. That whisper, faint and tremulous, opened\\na wider vista to my view. It was as the voice of God speaking-\\nthrough prophetic lips, and promising immeasurable results. I Avas no\\nlonger alone, there were two of us; and I remembered the promise,\\ntwo shall put ten thousand to flight. I believed that there were a\\nfew others who were like-minded, and I wrote them asking if they\\nwould join Bro. Murphy and myself in an effort to organize an an-", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "nual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church. At the same\\ntime I wrote Bishop Janes requesting him to come and organize us.\\nHe sent my letter to Bishop Clark, who had charge of the Southern\\nwork. In due time the latter wrote me, appointing a day when he\\nwould visit us in Atlanta. Seven brethren met him there at the time\\napi)ointed, and he organized the Georgia and Alabama Mission Dis-\\ntrict, connected it with the Kentucky Annual Conference, and ap-\\npointed as its superintendent. Rev. J. F. Chalfant, of Cincinnati.\\nThe seven preachers who were thus organized were all Southern\\nmen, and all, but one, members of the M. E. Church, South. Armed\\nwith the consciousness that they were acting right and in harmony\\nwith the Avill of God, they went forth into a great battle-field, where\\nvictory and glorious consequences awaited them. They made for\\nthemselves an imperishable record. At the historical meeting those\\nwho survive, if present, will relate their own experience, as I am re-\\nlating mine, and those who are gone to their heavenly rest will be rep-\\nresented by their brethren.\\nEverywhere, in the newspapers and by individuals, they were o])-\\nposed, and sometimes by combinations of restless men who were vexed,\\nif not infuriated, at the movement. Their hostility was greater than\\nit would have been but for a mistake which was made at the outset. I\\nwill briefly state the circumstances, which were never properly under-\\nstood by our opponents, and even by some of our own people.\\nIn my intercourse with Northern ministers and laymen I fre-\\nquently heard of a proposition, made by a distinguished clergyman, to\\nthe effect that when the M. E. Church entered the South one of the\\nleading objects should be to disintegrate and absorb the Methodist\\nEpiscopal Church, South. I took ground against this proposition, as\\nit would be throwing down the gauntlet to, and declaring open war\\nuj)on, the whole Southern Church. Alluding to it while I was address-\\ning the New York Preachers Meeting, several brethren among them\\nI think was Dr. (now Bishop) Foster questioned me closely concern-\\ning the probable effect of that policy. I answered that the M. E.\\nChurch South could not be disintegrated that it would soon recover\\nits former position and be as compact and strong as ever, I took the\\nground that the Northern Church was Providentially called to the\\nSouth chiefly for the benefit of millions of poor people who were in\\nneed of schools and churches for their enlightenment and salvation.)\\nThese views were generally approved by ministers and laymen with\\nwhom I came in contact. Conversing with Drs. Durbin and Harris,\\nMissionary Secretaries, I learned that a certain amount had been", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "thought of as necessary for the Southern work. I told them that the\\namount was far too small, and was glad to tind it more than doubled\\nwhen the Mission Committee made the appropriation. From all that\\nI could learn I thought that a general idea prevailed at the North that\\nthe Southern Church was so shattered and torn by the confusion and\\ndesolation of the war, that its membership would probably in a large\\nmeasure be absorbed by the M. E. Church. I labored to correct this\\nmistake, and think that in many places I succeeded. I was in such a\\nI)osition and had obtained a knowledge of such facts as enabled me to\\ntake an intelligent view of the situation. Wishing, therefore, to make\\na fair and open declaration before the southern public of our purposes\\nand principles, I prepared a document for that purpose, which I de-\\nsigned to have published, and moved the appointment of a committee\\nfor that purpose at our first meeting with Bishop Clark. The commit-\\ntee was appointed, I was its chairman and my resolutions were adopt-\\ned without a single alteration. But when they were reported the\\nBishop took charge of the paper without putting it to a vote, and that\\nwas the last we saw of it.\\nI have always deplored the mistake of not publishing that declara-\\ntion of our principles and aims, as it would have lessened and greatly\\nmodified the hostility of our opponents. The disintegrating })roject\\nwas already known in the South, and was being used to crush us.\\nWe were held up before the public as a set of politico-ecclesias-\\ntical propagandists as malignants, bent on mischief; provoking the\\nex-slaves to hate, and take revenge on, their former masters; as disturb-\\ners of the })eace and harmony of the churches. The opposition to our\\norganization became so violent, and one of the seven \\\\vas so berated\\nand intimidated, that he soon gave up his work others who were get-\\nting ready to join us were deterred from doing so and some, who were\\nkindly disposed at first, became exceedingly hostile.\\nI determined to carry out the more conservative policy in my own\\ncharge, and proceeded to organize schools and churches exclusively\\namong the colored people being assisted with funds both from the\\nChurch and Freedmen s Bureau. Yet I knew that in some places\\nthere were a few white people who were longing to unite with the\\nMethodist Episcopal Chuj ch. All such we gladly w^elcom^ed into the\\nfold. They were not disintegrated by ns, but came of their own ac-\\ncord.\\nThe small band of earnest laborers sent forth from that first meet-\\ning with the Bishop, did their work so successfully that on October\\nlOtli, 1867, the Georgia Mission Conference was formed. At that", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "9\\norganization Bishop Clark presided and I acted as secretary. We re-\\nported as the results of about twenty months labor, forty traveling\\npreachers, sixty-six local preachers, 10,613 members, sixty-three Sunday\\nschools, 4,778 scholars and twenty-eight churches, valued at $25,250.\\nOur Mission Conference was admitted into the full brotherhood of\\nAnnual Conferences by the General Conference in 1 868, held at Chicago.\\nBro. John W. Yarborough was our delegate and I was the reserve.\\nIn the latter part of the session Bro. Y. retired and I took the vacated\\nseat by vote of the Conference. Our Conference, being thus full-\\nfledged, developed into four annual Conferences in less than a score of\\nyears two in Georgia and two in Alabama and all over that ex-\\ntended territory are now flourishing schools, seminaries, colleges and\\nuniversities, which have been planted and nourished by the benevolent\\nactivities of the Methodist Episcopal Church. These are the outward\\nsigns of the Divine approval of a small and apparently cheerless be-\\nginning. When we contemplate such achievements during a period of\\nless than a generation of mankind, we are led to exclaim, What hath\\nGod wrought.\\nPART SECOND\u00e2\u0080\u0094 THE STATE.\\nIn 1865, soon after his inauguration. President Johnson, without\\nwaiting for Congress to convene, or calling an extra session, at a most\\ncritical period, hastened to reconstruct the dismantled States. His\\nplan, an experiment which lasted less than two years, proved a failure.\\nThen Congress undertook the work of reconstruction by the passage of\\nseveral acts that of March 2d, 1867, another March 28d, 1867, a\\nthird on June 25th, 1868, and the last of the series on December 22d,\\n1861).\\nIN THE ARENA.\\nThe acts of reconstruction, including the loth, 14th and 15th\\narticles of amendment to the Federal Constitution, provided for the\\nemancipation and enfranchisement of the negroes, making them\\ncitizens of the United States and of the States in which they resided,\\nand securing their civil rights and equality before the law in all\\nrespects with white citizens, including their right to vote and hold\\noffice when otherwise qualified.\\nWhen the first act of reconstruction was passed I entered the\\narena and took an active part in the work of reconstruction, the first\\nwhite citizen of the State, I believe, wlio took an oi)en stand in favor\\n2", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "10\\nof the Congressional plan for the restoration of peace and good govern-\\nment. I did so for the following reasons\\nAs I have before intimated, I saw no prospect of a permanent\\nestablishment of the Methodist Episcopal Church on the soil of\\nGeorgia without a civil government that would give me adequate\\nprotection in the prosecution of my work in that Church. The\\ninevitable conflict had already begun which was to eventuate in\\nmy utter defeat and the overthrow of the whole scheme of ecclesias-\\ntical restoration, or that complete triumph which the last quarter of a\\ncentury has witnessed. I, therefore, set my lieart upon securing two\\nthings which were inseparable and indispensable in our peculiar\\ncircumstances, viz\\n1st. The right to s[)eak my sentiments publicly, without being\\nmolested, to any class of my fellow men, on any topic concerning their\\nwelfare in time or eternity.\\n2nd. To secure such a civil government as would give me\\nadequate protection in the exercise of that right.\\nThe Methodist Episcopal Church, being an independent organi-\\nzation, under ol)ligation for its creed and polity to no other, had\\nas good a right to exist in the South as any other Church in that\\nterritory so had any other Church in the South the same right\\nto exist in the North. In either case a Church would be but obeying\\nits marching orders given in the great commission of the Divine\\nMaster.\\nIn order to carry out my two-fold object, and secure both civil\\nand religious liberty, I accepted, without asking it or offering myself\\nas a candidate, a nomination to the State Constitutional Convention\\nprovided for by the Acts of Congress. Situated as we were, being\\npersecuted by the slave-power, whose spirit, even after the death\\nof slavery, still survived, our case resembled that of the Nether-\\nlanders during the rise of the Dutch Republic, when both clergymen\\nand laymen worked together to preserve their civil and religious\\nliberties, while Philip the Second, through his minions, the Duke of\\nAlva and his successors in office, were murdering the peoi)le in order\\nto force upon them the Spanish Inquisition. If we had a Motley to\\ngather up all the material and arrange it in proper order, what a history\\nhe could write of the struggles, sacrifices, hardships and perils whicli\\nour early missionaries in Georgia encountered\\nAs to myself, I felt as truly called of God to enter the politi(;al\\narena for the reconstruction of the State government as I ever felt\\ncalled to my ministerial office and functions. The same Spirit that", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "11\\nentered into uie on my natal anniversary, when I was led, as it were,\\ninto a new world, now led me into the work of civil reform. Without\\nthis there was not a foot of ground on which I could safely plant my-\\nself in- my native South.\\nI labored, therefore, heart and soul, for what I called a New\\nSouth, and was the first, I believe, to give it that name. Before the Con-\\nvention met I prepared a series of resolutions, which may be seen in the\\njournal of that body, assigning its whole work to eight committees, the\\nchairmen of the eight to compose a ninth for the purpose of revision\\nand consolidation. I was chairman of the Committee on Education\\nwhich provided tl\\\\e first common-school system that had ever existed\\nin the State. There were with me, besides several able white men,\\nthat famous colored orator, Henry M. Turner, now Bishop of the A.\\n]\\\\r. E. Church, and Dr. Campbell, a scholarly, clear-headed stiitesman-\\nlike man, born and educated in the West Indies, but perfectly black.\\nAfter the Convention adjourned in the spring of 1868, I went to\\nC hicago as a reserved delegate to the National Repuldican Convention\\nthat nominated Gen. Grant for the presidency of the United States. I\\nwas at the same time, as before stated, a reserved delegate to the Gen-\\neral Conference, and found other ministers from the South who were\\nalso members of both bodies. I was placed on the National Commit-\\ntee, and was also appointed on the Committee to proceed to Washing-\\nton to announce to the candidates. Grant and Colfax, their nomination.\\nI was elected to the first Legislature that convened under the new\\nconstitution.\\nIn all my efforts to promote constitutional and legislative reform,\\nI was warmly supported by that heroic leader, Hon. J. E. Bryant, to\\nwhom the State of Georgia is largely indebted for his courageous ef-\\nforts to save it from misrule, if not financial ruin. He afterwards\\njoined the M. E. Church and was a lay delegate to the General Con-\\nference of 1884, of which I was a member from the Wilmington (Con-\\nference.\\nTHE COUNCIL OF BLOOD.\\nIn the early years of reconstruction, before the Congressional\\nActs providing for it were passed, we experienced sore conflicts. Our\\nenemies liecame so embittered that they even resorted to acts of\\nviolence. There was an organization, confined I think to two or three\\ncounties, including the one in which I lived consisting of ruflians,\\nmasked and mounted, who rode about at night whipping the freedmen,\\nin order, as they said, to make negroes know their places. They", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "12\\nwere called by some the Black Horse Cavalry. Once when I was\\nholding Quarterly Meeting a friend informed me that I would be\\nvisited at night by members of that organization. Deliberately con-\\nducting the services for the usual length of time, with the Preacher in\\ncharge, I took shelter in the woods where we lay all night on the naked\\nground. The Cavalry, true to their threat, rode to the place where\\nthe meeting was held, but not finding their intended victims, they\\nscoured the woods in search of us. They were so near us that\\nwe could hear the tramp of their horses feet.\\nAfter the Constitutional Convention adjourned, there appeared\\nthe infamous organization, composed, as was believed, of the very\\nelite and chivalry of the State, that bore the singular name of Ku\\nKlux Klan. You will never forget, Dr. Parker, when and where\\ntheir first horrible crime was perpetrated. It was the murder of Col.\\nAshburn, by masked assassins, in Columbus, where you were\\nstationed, and at night while I was sleeping at your house, after hold-\\ning your Quarterly Meeting. The same men who perpetrated that\\ncrime would have treated you or me in the same way if they had\\nfound us, for I have reason to believe that they had us both in view in\\ntheir council on that night of doom. Not only so, I am convinced\\nthat the same council of bloody and deceitful men would have\\nmade a clean sweep of all our preachers if i^econstruction, accoi ding\\nto the Congressional Plan, had not succeeded. If any one doubts this,\\nlet him search the pages of ten or twelve lai ge volumes containing the\\nevidence collected by Congressional Committees sent to investigate the\\ndeeds of the /v!t Khix and other lawless bands in the South. One of\\nthose volumes contains my evidence and that description of the Ash-\\nl)urn murder which I wrote on your table the day after the tragedy,\\nand which was published in the New York Tribune/^ It was recon-\\nstruction, which under God s merciful providence, alone saved the\\nState from anarchy and the necessity of military rule. The state\\nof society was chaotic, and the spirit of our opponents despotic.\\nDoiil)tless there are some people both North and South, who, if they\\nshould see these lines would exclaim, You are still fiaunting the\\nBloody Shirt. Well, it is only a reminiscence. A mighty change\\nhas taken place since then. Were I to leave it out of these reminis-\\ncences of reconstruction I should give you but a one-sided, misleading\\nhistory. Understanding that it is a true history that you want, I dare\\nnot leave out this reference to the Council of Blood. For recon-\\nstruction, both civil and religious, I fought for six long years of\\n*Ku Klux Conspiracy, Vol. VI, pp. 425 to 459.", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "13\\nturmoil and strife and sometimes, like Paul at Ephesus, I had\\nto fight wild beasts, at the risk of ease, reputation and life. I have\\noften been amazed at the goodness and mercy of God who threw\\naround me the shield of His protection, while some of my fellow men\\nwere forming ambuscades and lying in wait to slay me yet I would\\nwillingly have risked my life, then or at any time since, to rescue any\\none of them from such perils as surrounded me.\\nNEARLY LOST.\\nFrom the time of the passage of the reconstruction acts, March 2\\nand 23, 1867, Georgia s government was declared to be provisional\\nand under military rule, and so continued until July 22, 1868, when\\nan official order of Gen. Meade, commanding the district, said, To-\\nday I have witnessed the inauguration of the Governor-elect. The\\nState of Georgia is, therefore, under the act of Congress, entitled to\\nrepresentation.\\nThe new constitution had been ratified by a large popular majority;\\nthe Legislature had been organized after a long and careful inquiry into\\nthe eligibility of each member and a decision that all the members-\\nelect were eligible all the requirements of Congress had been complied\\nwith the Governor-elect had been inaugurated, and the legality of the\\norganization had been duly acknowledged by the commanding Gen-\\neral. The Governor, in a great burst of enthusiasm, gave a banquet\\nin honor of the event all Reconstructionists, who at that time consti-\\ntuted the Republican party of Georgia, rejoiced in the restoration of\\nthe State to the full exercise of all its civil functions. I rejoiced and\\npraised God for the accomplishment of the two great objects for which\\nI had toiled and suffered. At the same time military rule over our\\ncivil affairs ceased. The Ashburn murderers had been under trial by\\na military court, but were turned over to the civil authorities.. But\\nnothing more was done with them because their trial had gone far\\nenough to show that each one of them would prove an alibi. To\\ncrown the whole series of reconstruction proceedings, Congress recog-\\nnized their completeness by admitting to their seats the representa-\\ntives who were elected when the constitution was ratified by the people.\\nThus in July, 1868, reconstruction in Georgia was regular, lawful\\nand complete, and should have remained so. But Ave rejoiced too soon.\\nWhen United States Senators were elected, the Governor s favorite\\ncandidates were defeated, and he became all at once dissatisfied with\\nthe organization of the Legislature, and determined to have a new deal;", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "14\\nand that could be done only l y making out a plea of revolutionary\\ntendencies in the two houses.\\nAccordingly in September, 1 S6S, a majority of the Senate and\\nHouse of Representatives, respectively, decided that persons of African\\ndescent (of whom there were several in each house) could not for that\\ncause hold seats in the legislature, and to exclude them therefrom in a\\nbody, without giving them any voice in deciding the question and\\nthereupon they filled up the seats thus made vacant by the admission of\\nthe white persons having the next largest number of votes at the\\nelection of members of the legislature. But this decision would never\\nhave been made had it not been for the rulings of the Speaker of the\\nHouse and President of the Senate warm supporters of the Governor\\nand much under his influence; as well as by the votes of a number of\\nRepublicans who were supposed to be infiuenced by the Governor in\\ntheir voting. In this and many other particulars I set myself against\\nthe Governor s policy, remonstrating in a quiet way through the\\nremainder of the year 1868. But the rupture became open in 1869,\\njust before the first inauguration of President Grant. We held\\nin Atlanta a public meeting of which I was chairman, and passed\\nresolutions in opposition to the Governor s policy. Immediately after\\nthat I went quietly and alone to Washington, partly in order to\\nbe W ith the National Committee on Inauguration Day, and partly to\\nhave an eye on the Governor s movements. I soon found that he had\\na bill drawn and placed in the hands of Gen. B. F. Butler for\\nreorganization of the Georgia Legislature under military inspection,\\nif not control, thus ripping up everything that had been done the\\nyear before in the way of reconstruction. If that bill had passed we\\nshould have lost everything, and subjected the State to terrible tumult^\\nif not open rebellion. I liegan at once to work against it both with\\nthe President and members of Congress, ray position on the National\\nCommittee giving me my only vantage ground, while the Governor\\nwas attended by a score or more of his strongest adherents. I\\ntelegraphed to Atlanta for assistance. In due time, as fast as steam\\ncould bring them, there came a delegation composed of some of\\nthe most substantial men of the State all Republicans backed by a\\ndelegation of Democrats who came on the same mission. We obtained\\nl)ermission to use the Speaker s room at the Capitol, and sent for such\\nmembers of the House as we thought would help us such as Gen.\\nGarfield, Gen. Schenck, Judge Bingham and others. They did help\\nus, for they were so skillful in their tacti(;s as to prevent Gen. Butler\\nfrom bringing up his bill. We even sent for him, believing that", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "15\\nhe misunderstood the situation, and appealed to him to drop the\\nmatter. He would not promise this, but he evidently became luke-\\nwarm in regard to the measure, for I saw him stand at his desk a I ull\\nhour, waiting ostensibly to call up his Bill, but letting others get in\\nahead of him with their motions until the time passed and nothing\\nwas done during that session of Congress. But it left us in a state of\\nanxiety for the rest of the year.\\nNEARLY LOST AGAIN BUT SAVED AT LAST.\\nIn December, 1869, the Governor went quietly to Washington\\nand got the Senate Judiciary Committee to report favorably on a bill\\nto Promote Reconstruction in Georgia. This required the reorgani-\\nzation of the Legislature, and the expulsion of certain members on a\\ncharge of ineligibility. Thus we were thrown back under a provis-\\nional government and military rule. The Senate was reorganized ac-\\ncording to the provisions of the act, and the house was reorganized\\nalso, but with several palpable violations of the act as well as of the\\nlaws of the State. The General commanding the district appointed a\\nmilitary board to inquire into the eligibility of certain members of the\\nhouse. This was done amid great confusion and disorder, and in ntter\\nviolation of the act itself.\\nCol. Bryant and myself were sent at the head of a delegation to\\nWashington to protest before the Judiciary Committee against the un-\\nlawful proceedings of the Governor and Commanding General.\\nOn February 10th, 1870, we appeared before the Committee and\\nwere received with great courtesy and respect, for they were already\\nacquainted with some of the objectionable proceedings, and were pre-\\ntared to give us a fair hearing. The Governor with his counsel\\nthree Judges of the Superior Court, whom he had appointed to their\\notHce, were present. I made the first speech, in which I set forth the\\nvarious illegal acts which were done in the reorganization of the\\nLegislature. Col. Bryant followed in an able and severe handling of\\nthe Governor and some of his minions. On February 12, I appeared,\\nat the invitation of the Committee, to answer one of the Governor s\\ncounsel. The Chairman of the Committee, Hon. Lyman Trumbull,\\nasked me what I wanted. I answered, A good and stable govern-\\nment for Georgia one that will protect all the i)eople in all their\\nrights. When asked if we desired to reorganize the Legislature again,\\nI answered, No, let it stand as it is, only do something to keep the\\nGovei nor from abusing the powers which he had assumed in con-", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "16\\nstriiing the acts of Congress. In their rep(n-t the Committee gave\\nus all we asked for. They made three re])orts on the Ceorgia case.\\nThe first was on March 2nd, 1870, in which they declared that\\nthe action of the General in command was, in several respects, without\\nwarrant of law. That the control and direction of the proceedings of\\nthe House of Representatives by one Harris, not a member or officer,\\nwas not warranted by law. That the exclusion of three members elect,\\nwho offered to swear in, was illegal. That in seating of persons not\\nhaving a majority of votes was also without authority of law, and that\\nit was not only illegal, but revolutionary.\\nThe Committee reported again on the 19th of May, 1870. In\\nresponse to the resolution of the Senate, directing the committee\\nto inquire and report whether any corrupt or improper means had\\nbeen used or attempted to influence the vote of any Senator in\\nrespect to the Georgia bill, they said that from the evidence before\\nthem, such means had been used and attempted; also that the\\nGovernor in paying the publisher of the Chronicle triple prices for\\nprinting pamphlets, articles and speeches on the Georgia question, did\\nuse improper means to influence the votes of Senators on that (juestion,\\nthough there was no evidence before the C-ommittee that any Senator\\nwas influenced by the means resorted to.\\nThe third report was made Jatuiary 23d, 1871, reciting the\\nhistory of reconstruction in Georgia from the beginning in order\\nto determine which of two sets of Senators were entitled to take their\\nseats.\\nThe speeches of Col. Bryant and myself, with a financial state-\\nment of the State Treasurer, were published at the request of the\\ncommittee, but at the expense of the delegation, in a pamphlet bear-\\ning the title of The Georgia Question.\\nSoon after the last I eport of the Judiciary Committee was made,\\nthe Governor left Georgia and the President of the Senate succeeded to\\nthe executive chair. The Governor gone, the strife ended, the breach\\nwas healed and the Republican party was once more united. I have\\nbeen particular in nai rating in as condensed form as possible the\\nincidents of a great political struggle, involving not only the welfare\\nof the people of a great State, but the peace and prosperity of the\\nChurch itself, because the final issue was a vindication of my course\\nthroughout the contest.\\nWhile I struggled to get a good government, I wanted that\\ngovernment to be an honest one, and not only honest, but economical\\nnot extravagant as that of our Governor had been. Such a govern-", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "17\\nment will set itself to uphold virtue and punish crime to put down\\nfraud, violent intimidation of witnesses and especially of voters,\\nl)reserving the purity of the ballot box from bribery, venality and\\ncorruption of every kind, as evils tending to destroy patriotism and\\nlead to revolution and anarchy. Revolution when founded on justice\\nand jjrosecuted on right princij^les, as in the case of our own country,\\nis the best safe-guard against tyranny, but otherwise it is the greatest\\ncurse of a nation, as it was in F rance. Our Governor s policy was\\nrevolutionizing backward.\\nTHE END.\\nReconstruction both in Church and State was accomplished. All\\nthat I had labored for during nearly six years of strife and turmoil\\nwas now happily achieved, x^lu era of good feeling and cheering hopes\\nset in, and has continued till now. The times became so tranquil\\ncompared with former disquiet, that before I left Georgia I could\\ntravel throughout the State with as much safety to my person, proclaim-\\ning my views to all classes of people, as I could in any Northern State.\\n(Jivil and religious freedom was so firmly establislied that, like twin\\nsisters, moving hand in hand, on the same plane, they have had a con-\\nstantly brightening prospect for nearly a quarter of a century. May\\nthey continue in glorious triumph through the coming centuries until\\nthat day when God shall summon all nations to His bar. Through\\nall those stormy years I never heard from any of my brethren a\\nsingle complaint about my taking an active part in politics, until\\nmy split with the Governor became, as it were, a public scandal.\\nThen some of my brethren in the ministry, both North and South,\\nlaid on me the principal blame for the rupture. But none of them,\\nneither near me nor at a distance, understood the matter. I was in the\\ninside circle where I could see, hear and learn in some way everything\\nthat affected for good or evil the objects for which I toiled. So I con-\\ntinued on my way regardless of opposition frofn any quarter. I did\\nnot deliberately choose my lot, but was thrust into it by the force of\\ncircumstances, and felt myself to be called of God as before stated\\nto the work which I did for the State. In the midst of conflicting\\npassions and interests, many things are said and done which ought not\\nto be said or done. Far be it from me to claim exemption from such\\nblemishes. God chastens whom he loves, and even makes their mis-\\ntakes and blunders the means of their chastening. So it was with me.\\nNevertheless, I tried to keep a conscience void of offense toward both", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "18\\nGod and man, and generally felt the presence of His sustaining grace,\\nsometimes rejoicing in hope of that successful issue which at last\\ncrowned my labors.\\nThen I felt that my work in Georgia was done there was noth-\\ning more for me to do and I looked around for a change of residence\\nand a new field of toil. Not being a politician, I did not seek world-\\nly promotion, for being nominated for Congress, I refused to run. Just\\nthen, however, a new and unexpected opening appeared, and I entered\\nit temporarily until I could prepare for a transfer to a new field of\\nlabor. The Governor, before he left Georgia, appointed me Judge of\\nthe District Court.\\nNotwithstanding our long and bitter controversy, we were always\\npersonally friendly and treated each other courteously. He bore me\\nno malice, was a gentleman of charming urbanity and amiable disposi-\\ntion. I never knew him to lose his temper or treat an adversary with\\ndiscourtesy. In fact, he was a gentleman jjossessed of many admira-\\nble characteristics and remarkable business qualities.\\nI accepted the Judgeship and took a location in the fall of 1870.\\nIn January, 1872, I went to AVashington to attend a meeting of the\\nNational Committee to fix the time and place of the next National\\nRepublican Convention. After that I went to Philadelphia to consult\\nBishop Simpson with a view to getting into some Northern Conference.\\nHe advised me to put my certificate of location, Avhich was signed by\\nBishop Scott, into the Wilmington Conference. I did so and was ap-\\npointed successively to the following places Still Pond, three years\\nDover, three years St. Paul s, Wilmington, three years Dover, sec-\\nond term, three years Presiding Elder of Easton District, when, after\\nserving a year and a half, I was called to the presidency of Delaware\\nCollege. I was there nearly three years when I resigned and returned\\nto the pastorate. After serving four years at Frederica, I took a\\nsupernumerary relation in March, 1892, and settled in this town,\\nwhere I have many dear friends.\\nMy narrative, covering a period of nearly thirty years, is fin-\\nished. The stormy period, with its roaring thunders and lightning\\nflashes, is long since passed. At eventide the sky is clear. The sun\\nof life is going down unclouded, and the horizon glows with golden\\nradiance. And now, after so many conflicts, I can say, Bless the\\nLord, O my soul: and ali that is within me, bless his holy name. Bless\\nthe Lord, O my soul, and forget not all his benefits who forgiveth all\\nthine iniquities who healeth all thy diseases who hath redeemed thy\\nlife from destruction who crowneth thee with loving kindness and ten-\\nder mercies.", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\nThe preceding narrative shows that the Republican i)arty of\\nGeorgia, which was composed of a majority of the men who worked\\nfor reconstruction, restored that k^tate to its normal relations in the\\nAmerican Union, thereby saving it from protracted military rule and\\na condition of anarchy. To that party is therefore due, notwith-\\nstanding the odium which was cast upon it by anti-reconstructionists,\\nthe peace and prosperity which have succeeded for a quarter of a cen-\\ntury. The narrative also shows that the party which secured the\\nhappy result was, pending the process, split in twain by reason of a\\npolicy in which the Governor of the State persisted, notwithstanding\\nthe remonstrances of the leading men who placed him in the\\nexecutive chair. For causing that split in the party I was chiefly\\nblamed by many of my brethren in the ministry both North and\\nSouth. A friend to whose careful criticism I have submitted this\\nmanuscript has therefore suggested that in order more fully to vindi-\\ncate my course I should be more explicit on some points. I will do so\\nin this appendix, for I have purposely omitted many of the worst\\nfeatures of the Governor s policy, because I have wished to give\\nthe least possible oflTence, at this late day, to any one opposed to me in\\nthose stormy days of strife.\\nThe beginning of the breach between the Governor and myself\\narose in consequence of his persistent determination to secure the\\nelection to the United States Senate of a man who at the time was\\nunder indictment for perjury. The Governor insisted also that I, as\\na member of the National Republican Committee, was bound to support\\nthe party nominee. To this I objected and continued my objection\\nuntil this incipient breach became, after mouths of quiet remonstrance,\\nan open rupture. The favorite candidate who received the nomi-\\nnation from a majority of the party assembled in a caucus for that\\npurpose, was before and during the war a strong secessionist, and\\nassisted others in perpetrating a personal outrage upon a man from\\nChicago for uttering sentiments opposed to secession. After the war,", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "20\\nin order to get one of the best post-offices in the State, that same\\ncandidate took what was called the iron-clad oath, swearing that he\\nhad never taken any part in the rebellion nor given aid and comfort\\nto the enemy. That oath being palpably false, he \\\\Tas prosecuted for\\nperjury, a true bill was found against him and the indictment was\\nstill pending at the very time when the Governor, whose election to his\\nhigh office I had publicly advocated at the risk of my life, urged me to\\nsupport him as the party nominee. That favorite candidate was a\\nmember of the National Republican Convention which met in Chicago\\nin 1868, and was there arrested one night on a warrant sworn to by\\nthe Chicago man whom he had outraged in Georgia at the beginning\\nof the rebellion. I took pains to see the sheriff and entreat him not\\nto take the prisoner to jail, but alfow him to stay in his room that\\nnight at the hotel under guard. This request was granted, and the\\nnext day the candidate thanked me for the kindness I had shown him.\\nI said, Yes, Mr. 1 kept you out of jail last night, and now I\\nmust be candid with you and say that I will keep you out of the\\nUnited States Senate. I did so in the following manner\\nWith the assistance of Col. Bryant I organized in my room a\\nband of thirty-seven members of the Legislature who pledged them-\\nselves in writing not to vote for the Governor s favorite candidate?\\nWe persuaded most of them to stay away from the caucus while Col.\\nB. and I went in to oppose the nomination. Entering the room, we\\nsaw the Governor seated by the chairman of the caucus to give, as he\\nhad previously told me, the weight of his official influence in support\\nof his candidate. He was nominated, but five or six of us voted\\nagainst making the nomination unanimous. At the senatorial elec-\\ntion he was defeated by those whom we had pledged to vote against\\nhim. Dr. H. V. M. Miller, known in the south for his great oratorical\\npowers as the Demosthenes of the mountains, was elected in his\\nstead. This gentleman, a Reconstructionist, but not a Republican,\\nwas a warm personal friend of mine, though I did not vote for him.\\nI voted for Mr. Akerman, and the mention of his name reminds me\\nof another incident. He was one of the ablest men in the Constitu-\\ntional Convention, one of the greatest lawyers in the State, and suf-\\nfered many insults and much abuse for publicly advocating the rati-\\nfication of the new constitution. AVhen the Governor sent to Congress\\nthe names of many persons in order to be relieved of their political\\ndisabilities, for causes unknown to me, he omitted from the list the\\nname of Mr. Akerman. I did not find this out until I went to Wash-\\nington in the fall of 1869. I learned this fact, and also the fact that", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "21\\nAttorney General Hoar was about to resign. I then proceeded to\\nPhiladelphia, called on Judge Kelley who after the death of Thad-\\ndeus Stevens, was called the Father of the House and requested\\nhim to have Mr. Akerman relieved as soon as Congress met. He did\\nso, and Mr. Akerman was appointed Attorney General. I was enabled\\nto do this out of kindness for my friend by means of my position on\\nthe National Committee.\\nAs soon as reconstruction based on the Act of December 22d,\\n1869, became an accomplished fact, a great change in the spirit and\\ntemper of the people became apparent. Freedom from military rule,\\nwhich was always odious to the popular mind, was attended with\\na general reaction in favor of good government, and all classes became\\nmore cheerful and happy. Ku Klux outrages ceased entirely, or\\nwere practiced for other than political purposes. This I ascertained\\nofficially, being appointed by the Department of Justice, under com-\\nmission fi om Attorney General Akerman to assist the U. S. District\\nAttorney, under a special act of Congress, in collecting evidence\\nagainst those who had committed outrages and having them brought\\nto trial. In the prosecution of this duty I had some strange, and\\nsometimes perilous adventures, which I cannot detail for want of time\\nand space.\\nOne of the marked features of the change which was taking-\\nplace was the kind manner in which I was treated by some of my\\nformer opponents. They took me warmly by the hand and con-\\ngratulated me on the work I had done for the State. The change\\nwas equally manifest in some ministers of the M. E. Church, South,\\nwho had been strongly opposed to me. One of them was Rev. Dr_\\nE. H. Myers who had handled me severely in his editorials in the\\nSouthern Christian Advocate. I met him at our General Conference in\\nBaltimore in 1876, to which I was a reserved delegate, and he greeted\\nme with a pleasant smile and warm grasp of the hand. From that time\\nthe unpleasant past was buried. I met also in Baltimore at another\\ntime Rev. Dr. J. O. A. Clark, who without bitterness in word or\\nmanner, had been strongly opposed to me. He invited me to his room\\nand read the speech which he had delivered, or expected to deliver, at\\ntheWesleyan Conference in England. In 1877 at Ocean Grovel met\\nBishop McTeyere, an old friend, who greeted me most cordially.\\nThis was the good time to come for which we had looked and\\nprayed in the early years of our tribulation. In fact it was the\\nNew South. Who can say there is not now a new South, notwithstand-\\ning occasional lynchings and other outrages? These are fairly offset", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "22\\nby similar, though perhaps not so numerous, deeds at the North.\\nSince I came to the Wilmington Conference the Lord has greatly\\nblessed my labors. Here in Dover we had a great revival in 187B,\\nanother in 1883, and in the two there were more than 400 accessions\\nto the Church. My intercourse with my brethren here, and with all\\nother denominations, has been of a most delightful character, and even\\nwith some Roman Catholic clergymen I have had very pleasant rela-\\ntions particularly Revs. Bradford, Quigly and Bishop Becker. A\\nCatholic priest in Philadelphia, while I was a member of the General\\nConference in 1884, showed me uncommon civility and courtesy. I\\nmention these things, egotistical as they seem and many others might\\nbe mentioned to show that my six years of trial and suffering, while\\nprosecuting the two-fold reconstruction in Georgia, were followed by\\ntwenty-three years of peace, prosperity and honor, for which my heart\\noverflows with gratitude to my Heavenly Father, whose hand sus-\\ntained me throughout the conflict.\\nLiving three years in Maryland and nearly twenty in Delaware,\\nsince I came North, I have at no time meddled in jjolitics, except to\\nvote my principles. I am still a Re])ublican, as I have been since the\\nbeginning of reconstruction, though during that time I have voted for\\nthree Democrats Hon. C. B. Lore, now chief Justice of this State,\\nfor Congress, Hon. William Saulsbury for representative in the Legis-\\nture, and Hon. Thomas T. Lacy for State senator allj^ersonal friends*\\ngood men and true. I have always voted, when I had the opportunity,\\nagainst the litiuor traflic. Twice I have been appointed by the tem-\\nperance people to address the Legislature in favor of Local Option.\\nOnce the bill passed through the House, but was defeated in the Senate\\nby I believe, a majority of only one vote.\\nIt was a hard thing for anti-reconstructionists to forgive me, on\\naccount of a terrible deed which I had been constrained to do. Under\\nthe reconstruction plan of President Johnson, a new constitution had\\nbeen framed in the fall of 1865, and Charles J. Jenkins, an old friend\\nof mine in ante-bellum times, was the Governor elected under its pro-\\nvisions. Soon after our Constitutional Convention met in the latter\\n])art of 18()7, the Governor set himself to break it up. The plan he\\nadopted was to refuse to allow the State Treasurer to pay the per diem\\nof tlie members. By this means he supposed that the Convention\\nwould dissolve and melt away like a ball of snow. Under the recon-\\nstruction Acts of Congress the state government was provisional,\\nGovernor Jenkins was only a provisional governor, and the military\\npower was supreme. One morning I entered the Convention and,", "height": "3223", "width": "1960", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofr00cald_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "23\\nstanding at my desk, read a preamble reciting the acts of obstruction\\non the }3art of the Governor, followed by a resolution calling on Gen.\\nMeade, commanding the district, to remove him and appoint a military\\ngovernor ad interim. The resolution was adopted and the Governor\\nwas accordingly removed. Thus I was fated in the prosecution\\nof my two-fold object to oppose two governors, and cause the removal\\nof one and the Might of the other.\\nFor offering that resolution I was roundly abused by all the\\nunreconstructed papers of the State. But I acted on the principle\\nthat desperate diseases require desperate remedies. Pursuing my two\\noffices of Judge of the State District Court and assistant of U. S.\\nDistrict Attorney, having no pastoral charge, I preached wherever\\nthere was an opening. Sometimes after holding court in the day, I\\npreached at night. At other times pursuing a trail to secure evidence\\nto convict some violator of the law, I fell in with some worshipping\\nassembly and preached. Sometimes I preached to thousands of people,\\nwhite and black, gathered together in the open air the whites sitting\\nor standing together on one side and the blacks facing them on the\\nother just as it was in slave times, when the whites occupied the\\nlower seats and the blacks the galleries, or some parts of the churches\\ndesigned for their exclusive use.\\nNow I can look back to those scenes of turmoil and danger,\\nthankful to ray heavenly Father for His preserving mercy. I entered\\ninto His Kingdom in my boyhood and have often tasted its blessed\\nfruits love, peace and joy in the Holy Ghost.\\nI look forward from my present stand-point and with rapture\\nexclaim Goodness and mercy have followed me all the days of my\\nlife, and I shall dwell in the House of the Lord forever.\\nNOTE.\\nThese Reminiscences are condensed from a personal narrative in\\nmanuscript covering a period of more than fifty years, entitled The\\nCheckered Path. 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