{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "s\\no 0^", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "V-\\n,0", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3029", "width": "1718", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "r H E\\nHISTORY\\no F\\nTHE COLONY\\nO F\\nNOVA-CJ^SARIA, or NEW-JEKSEY:\\nCONTAINING,\\nAN ACCOUNT OF ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT,\\nPROGRESSIVE IMPROVEMENTS,\\nTHE ORIGINAL AND PRESENT CONSTITUTION,\\nAND OTHER EVENTS,\\nTO THE YEAR 1721.\\nWITH\\nSOME PARTICULARS SINCE;\\nAND\\nA SHORT VIEW OF ITS PRESENT STATE.\\nBy SAMUEL SMITH\\nBURLINGTON, in NEW-JERSEY:\\nPrinted and sold by James Parker: Sold also by\\nDavid Hall, in PfiiLADELPHiA. m,dcc,lxv.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "/x.\\n^x^\\nS^^\\nV\\nEntered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1877, by\\nWILLIAM S. SHARP,\\nIn thfc Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.\\nA\\nV\\nTRENTQw, N. J.:\\nWm. S. SHAKP, STKEEtlTYl F.tt AMI) PUBLISUEB,\\n1877.\\nS", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR.\\nSamuel Smith, antlior of the History of New Jersey, was eldest\\nson of Richard Smith, e^^qiiire, of Burlington, member for twenty\\nyears of the Assembly of West Jersey, and a flourishing merchant in\\nBurlington and Philadelphia.\\nRichard Smith was the only son of Samuel Smith the elder, of\\nBramham, West Riding of Yorkshire, England, who came to New\\nJersey in 1694, and was for several years a member of the Assembly.\\nThe father of the first Samuel Smith, Richard Smith of Bramham,\\nYorkshire, was one of the original proprietaries of West Jersey, and\\nhe and his two eldest sons, John and Daniel, brothers of the elder\\nSamuel Smith, signed as proprietaries the Concessions and Agree-\\nments of the Proprietors and People of West Jersey, the fundamen-\\ntal constitution of the province.\\nTo the above-mentiond John Smith was allotted one of the ten\\noriginal town lots of the London Proprietors, in Burlington, with\\nits annexed wood or forest lot.\\nOur author, who was born 12tli mo., 13th, A. D. 1720, engaged,\\nas a young man, in his father s business as a West India merchant,\\nand, for a time, removed to Philadelphia. He finally settled at\\nBurlington, where his town-house was the one since known as the\\nColeman house. The fine estate of Hickory Grove, a little\\nbeyond the London Bridge, was his country-seat or plantation.\\nHe married in the eleventh month, 1741, Jane, daughter of\\nJoseph Kirkbride, and by her had several childien.\\nHe was a man of most benevolent heart, and of a conscientious\\nuprightness and exactness in the discharge of duty. His reading\\nwat extensive and accurate: the several historical works composed\\nby him, showing the fruits of careful research, and a clear and\\nagreeable style. He w.is the originator of the benevolent efforta\\nwhich resulted in the colonisation of the remnant of the New Jersey", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "SkETC H OF THE AuTHOR.\\nIndians at the Brotherton settlement; drew up, in 1757, th\u00c2\u00ab\\nconstitution of the New Jersey Society for Helping the Indians,\\nand signed its subscription list with twenty pounds. In all the\\nfamily relations, as son, brother, husband and father, Samuel Smith\\nwas most exemplary, and was besides a prominent and useful mem-\\nber of his religious community, The Friends.\\nIn 1765, Samuel Smith had the press of the King s Printer\\nmoved to Burlington for the pur[)ose of printing his History of\\nNew Jersey, as appears by the following extract:\\nIn 1764, James Parker, printer to the King for the Province of\\nNew Jersey, compiled and printed a Conductor Generalis for\\nJustices of the Peace, he then holding that office in Middlesex\\ncounty, and the following year moved his press from Woodbridge to\\nBurlington for the accommodation of the author of the History of\\nNew Jersey, (Siuith), but on the completion of the work it was\\nreturned to the former place. Whitehead s Contributions to East\\nJersey History, p. 376.)\\nSamuel Smith filled some of the most important public offices in\\nthe Province of New Jersey. He was, for many years, a member\\nand Secretary of the King s Council, Treasurer of the Province, c.,\\n\u00c2\u00abSLc. He died in 1776. His brother Richard was a member of the\\nContinental Congress.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nCHAP. I.\\nA brief view of the discovery of America, and of the pi-esent pre-\\nvailing opinion respectiny the manner it origiuully became peopled.\\npaije 1\\nCHAP. II.\\nAn account jj the country on Delaware and the North-Riuer, while the\\nfirst was in possesaiuii of tint Dutch and Swedes. p. 19\\nCH A P. III.\\nThe particulars of the Enf/lish conquest, in 1664 and the Irans ictions\\nafterwards, respectimj the inhabitants on I)elau-are T he arrival of\\nFrancis Lovelace, as c/overnor part of his adniinistrulion, and de-\\nscription of the Hoar/cills, p. 35\\nC H A P. IV.\\nKing Charles the second, and duke of York s r/raiits, whence lord\\nBerkeley and sir Georye Carteret became seized of Ni w-.Jer-iey The\\n^rst constitution of ynvenunent under them The settlemrnl of lieryen,\\nMiddletown, Shrewsbury, and Klizabeth-Town I hilip (\\\\trleret\\nappointed governor of Jersey The Indian purchase if Eliz ibelh-\\nTown, by the settlers and the first general Indian purchase by the\\nproprietors, c. p. 59.\\nCHAP. V.\\nMajor Andross appointed governor of Neto-York Tikes possession at\\nDelaware: Arrival of the first English settlers to West- Jersey, under\\nthe duke of York s title: Lord Berkeley assigns his moiety of New-\\nJersey to Byllinge, and he in trust to others Their letter and first\\ncommission: Neuj- Jersey dirided into the provinces East \\\\Vest\\nJersey and the declaration of the West-Jersey proprietors. p. 77.\\nCHAP. VI.\\nArrival of more settlers to West Jersey Their difficulties: Their\\npurchases from the Indians They lay out a town Some of their\\nfirst sentiments of the country and an account of the duke of York s\\ntwo last grants, being for the provinces East and West A^ew-Jt r.-ev\\nseparately. p. 92.\\nCHAP. VII.\\nLetters from some of the settlers of West-Jersey and arguments against\\nthe customs imposed at the Hoarkill by the governor of New York.\\nV- 111. 7 CHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "yiu\\nCONTENTS.\\nCHAP. VIII.\\nThe first form of government in West- Jersey under the proprietors: The\\nfirst laws they made The method of regulating land affairs and a\\nfurther account of the Indians found in the first settled parts of these\\nprovinces. P- ^26\\nC H A P. IX.\\nAnother ship arrives at West- Jersey Proceedings of the general assembly\\nof West- Jersey Sir George Carteret s death Conveyances to the\\ntwelve Eastern proprietors Their proposals and. regulations in several\\nrespects; particularly in disposing of lands and building a town at\\nAmbo point !ZVte twelve proprietors each take a partner, and thence\\nare called the twenty-four to whom the duke of York makes a third\\nand last grant: The twenty-four establish the council of proprietors of\\nEast-Jersey, on the footing it now is: A general view of the improve-\\nments in East- Jersey in 1682: A compendium of some of the first\\nlaivs passed at Elisabeth- Town Doubts started whether the govern-\\nment of West-Jersey was granted with the soil Jenings continued\\ngovernor of West-Jersey: And laws jww passed there. ^.150\\nC H A P. X.\\nRobert Barclay appointed governor of East-Jersey, and T. Rndyard\\ndeputy: Letters from Rudyard, S. Groome, Lawrie, and others, con-\\ncerned in that settlement. p. 166\\nCHAP. XI.\\nManner of the West-Jersey government in 1684; their unsettled state\\nand succession of governors Danger of suffering for want of food in\\n1687: The division line run by G. Keith; an agreement between\\nthe governors Coxe and Barclay Alteration in them.anner of locati/ng\\nlands in West Jersey, and the method now in use fixed No person in\\nWest-Jersey to purchase from the Indians, without the consent of the\\ncouncil of proprietors And instructions respecting deeds and warrants\\nfor taking up lands. p. 189\\nCHAP. xn.\\nA flood at Delaware falls Death and character of Thomas Olive,\\nThomas Gardiner and John Woolston Commotions in East and\\nWest Jersey Surrender of the two governments to queen Anne Her\\nacceptance thereof and her commission to lord Cornbury. p. 208\\nCHAP. XIII.\\nInstructions from queen Anne to lord Cornbury. p. 230\\nCHAP. XIV.\\nObservations on lord Cornbury s instructions, and the privileges origi-\\nnally granted to the settlers; with abstracts of some of them. p. 261\\nCHAP. XV.\\nLord Cornbury convenes the first general assembly after the surrender\\nHis speech, their address, and other proceedings Queen Anne s\\nproclamation for ascertaining the rates of coin Cornbury dissolves\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. IX\\nthe astsemhly, and meets a new one to his mind Their proceedings\\nand dissolution: A summary of the establishment and practice of the\\ncouncil of proprietors of WeS t- J eriiey Another assembly called who\\nremonstrate the grievances of the province. p. 275\\nCHAP. XVI.\\nLord Cornbury s answer to the assembly s remonstrance p. 296\\nCHAP. XVII.\\nThe assembly s reply to lord Cornbury s answer to their remonstrance.\\np. 311\\nCHAP. XVIII.\\nMemorial of the West-Jersey proprietors residing in England, to the\\nlords commissioners for tradeaud plantations The lieutenant governor,\\nwith some of the council, address the queen The last meeting of\\nassembly under Cornbury s administration They continue their com-\\nplaints: Samuel Jenings s death and character. p. 336\\nCHAP. XIX.\\nLord Lovelace arrives governor Convenes a new assembly they\\napply to him for a hearing on the subject of the lieutenant governor\\nand council s application to the queen His death is succeeded by the\\nlieutenant governor Ingoldsby The first paper currency Arrival of\\ngovernor Hunter A short account of the first expedition to Canada:\\nA new assembly chosen: Their first session in Hunter s time. p. 355\\nCHAP. XX.\\nRepresentation of the general assembly to governor Hunter and his\\nanswer. p. 375\\nCHAP. xxr.\\nA session of general assembly A second expedition to Canada Meeting\\nof a new assembly They quarrel Some members designedly absent\\nthemselves: Expell d the house: Several of them again return d,\\nand refused seats A fruitful session at Crosswicks Last session in\\nHunter s time An act passed for running the division line between\\nEast a?K/ West- Jersey William Burnet ai-rives governor: An un-\\ncommon wet harvest Governor Burnet meets a new assembly, p. 399\\nCHAP. XXII.\\nOccurrences since the year 1721. p. 419\\nCHAP. XXIII.\\nThe present state of Indian affairs in New- Jersey. p. 440\\nCHAP. XXIV.\\nA short geographical description of the province and additional view\\nof its present stale. p. 485\\nAPPEN-", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nAPPENDIX.\\nNumb. I. The concessions and agreements of the lords proprietors of\\nthe province of New Ccesaria, or New- Jersey, to and with all\\nand every of the adventurers, and all such as shall settle or\\nplant there. p. 512\\nNumb. ii. The concessions and agreements of the proprietors, freehold-\\ners and inhabitants of the province of West New Jersey, in\\nAmerica, p. 521\\nNumb. hi. A brief account of the province of East-Jersey, in America,\\npublished by the present proprietors, for information cf all\\nsuch persons who are or may be inclined to settle themselves,\\nfamilies and servants, in that country. p. 539\\nNumb. iv. Governor Core s nan-alive relating to the division line,\\ndirected to the council of proprietors of West- Jersey.\\np. 546\\nNumb. v. The council of proprietors of West-Jersey to governor Bur-\\nnet, p. 551\\nNumb. yi. Measons and proposals for an amendment of the quinti-\\npartite line, and the act made for the confirmation thereof.\\np. 554\\nNumb. vii. Minute of the council of proprietors, held at the city of\\nPerth- Amboy, August 17, 1742. p. 555\\nNumb. VIII. The remonstrance and humble petition of the inhabitants\\nof East New-Jersey. p. 558\\nNumb. ix. The memorial of the proprietors of East New- Jersey.\\np. 560\\nNumb. x. Opinion and answer to the lord commissioners, 6c. p. 562\\nNumb. xi. Memorial of the East Jersey proprietors to the lords of\\ntrade. p. 564\\nNumb. xii. The petition of the proprietors of East and West Jersey,\\nto the lords justices, p. 565\\nNumb. XIII. Representation of the lords of trade to the lords justices.\\np. 666\\nNumb. xiv. The memorial of the proprietors of East and West Jersey.\\np. 570\\nTHE", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "THE\\nPREPACK.\\nALTHOUGH among the following Papers\\nthere are some of consequence in point of interest\\nto mod concerned in the province of New-Jersey,\\nseveral of them loere not to be found on record in the\\npuhlick offices, several were scattered in different provinces,\\nothers could not be easily obtained, some tlio in print\\nformerly tvere in but few hands, some never made publick,.\\nand many in danger of being lost ^on this account what-\\never success may attend this undertaking as to the general\\ndesign, or disposition of the facts, His some satisfaction,,\\nthat the labour of collecting them cannot be altogether\\nUseless.\\nWhoever will be td the trouble of an enquiry into tlie\\ngeneral inexperience and methods of colonizing formerly,,\\ne-^pecially at the time the sdtlemenh here were first\\nattempted imder grants, will find but little reason to doubt,\\nthat views of permanent stability to religious and civil\\nfreedom, must have been the inducement to tlie original\\nadventurers to think of such a voyage. Tlie New -England\\ngovernments had before been considerably settled from\\nmotives of a like kind these, tho near forty years later in\\ntheir removal, were also protestant dissenters, and involved\\nin the genercU insecurity, that such with reason appre-\\nhended in the reign of king Charles tJie second and the\\nactual sufferings of many, through the mistaken policy of\\nthat time, merely for a free exercise of their religious senti~\\n1 1 merds", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "xii PREFACE.\\nmerits, with their own acoounts of their removal, renders\\nit as to them indisputable; and in this, as they do not\\nappear to have been charged with any indirect violation of\\nreligious integrity, so no instance occurs of dissatisfaction\\namong themselves, tho many of them were remarkably\\ntender on that head with the motives above, some of them\\nhad without doubt, a distant prosjject also of improving\\ntheir estates but this could not be the case so mueh at first\\nas afterwards.\\nHowever smooth the passage may look now, it must be\\na reasonable supposiiion, thcd persons and families, who\\nlived well [which was the circumstance of many of the\\nsettlers of this province) found it no inconsiderable trialy\\nto unsettle and remove 3000 miles; besides parting with\\nthe usual connections of friendship and neighbourhood, it\\nwas in a great measure an unprov d experiment; and then\\nmuch out of the common course of things The navigation\\nalso to this pa li of the continent, for want of expenencey\\nlooked dijficult, and the wilderness formidable but tvhat-\\never were their motives, they successively encountered\\nthe hazards and Imrdships to which the enterprize was\\nexposed; and, at Uicir own expense, by the blessing of\\ndivine providence on their labour, frugality and industry,\\nlaid the foundation for the present improvement of terri-\\ntoi y to the mother country; which, tho not in many\\nrespects to be compared to colonies of greater extent and\\ngrowth, is nevertheless a link in the chain of some consi-\\nderable importance.\\nThat a century shoidd pass, ana very little appear\\nabroad of wliat the settlers here have been doing, is not\\n80 much to be wondered at, when their difficulties in\\nproowing", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "PREFACE. xiii\\nprocuring the Gonveniencies of living are corhsider d; but\\nthis will hardly be alloio d, when the too general negligence\\nas to particular rights of individuals, and the 1 eputation\\nof civil policy comes in question Till very lately, a\\nvariety of matters of that kind, were as much secrets to\\nmost of the inhabitants, as they commonly are to strangers\\nand yet in many parts of the province, are ju)stly made\\nthe subject of general complaint.\\nWhether the endeavours here used for bringing tJiese\\ninto one historical view, will sufficiently answei the pur-\\nposes of a mo7 e general information, must now be submitted\\nto experience they were umlertaken with hopes of service\\nto the province, and if found but in a small degree con-\\ntributing to that, the end is so far answered With this\\nview, they were several years since designed for the\\npublick, and nearly prepared but other occasions inter-\\nfering, necessarily delayed their appearance much longer\\nthan was expected. Being sent to the press sometime in\\nthe last spring, no transaction tluit hath happened since,,\\ncould be included, or is in any respect alluded to On a\\ncoiUinuation, these will of course follow in their places.\\nTo a collection principally intended to consist of a plain\\nstate of facts, much need not be premised this may with\\njustice be said, that through tlie whole, the strictest\\nimpartiality has been attended to, and if in other respects\\nexecuted according to intention, they are offei ed to the\\npublick, with as few material omissions, as the present\\nopportunities of collecting would allow yet the dijidence\\nattending an attempt from papers in great part not used\\nbefore on the like occasion, icould plead for some allowances\\nas a few mistakeSy especially in dates^ and oilier minutice,.\\namong", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "xiv PREFACE.\\namong the smaller facts, may have, escaped, notwith-\\nstanding an a^ssiduous care to avoid them but these it is\\nhoped mil not be found so considerable, as to obstruct the\\nservice intended.\\nAs nothing is aiui d at, more than a fair and candid\\nrepresentation any friendly hints, or materials necessary\\neither for correction or improvement, will be thankfully\\nreceived, and. the first opportunity embraced to apply them\\naccordingly.\\nBurlington,\\n5th October, 1765.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "THE\\nHISTORY\\nO F\\nNew. Jersey.\\nCHAP. I\\nA brief view of the discovery of America, and of the\\npresent prevailing opinion respecting the manner it\\noriginally became peopled.\\n^#1^11^1^ HE first eiFectual discoverers of ^^g^*\\na 0\\\\ America amono- the moderns, were\\nfl^ r-r-^ Christophoro Colou, or Colombo,\\nFSB J_ llV S J TT T7- i.-\\nand Am erico Vespucci, or Vesputi us;\\nMm P^ tliese the former is supposed to\\n^tl^ifefS have been a Genoese by birth, the\\nother a native of Florence From him the new\\nworld took its name, yet his history in other parti-\\nculars is too intricate to aiford much satisfaction.\\nThat\\na. He made two viivases in 1497 and 149S, in the service of\\nSpain: Another in 1501, in the service of Portu ral In the firi^t\\nhe fell in among the Caribbee islands; and the last with three ships\\narrived to and discfivered the eastern continent of America, in\\ntive degrees of south latitude.\\nAmerica is a more common than fitting name, seeing Americas\\nVespuciiis the Florentine, from whom this name is derived, was\\nnot the first finder nor author of that discovery: Columbus will\\nchallenge that, and more justly, with whom and under whom\\nAmericus made his first voyage howsoever after that he coasted\\na great part of the continent which Columbus had not seen, at\\nthe charges of the Castilian and Portugal kings; but so it might\\nmore rightly be termed Cabotia or Sebastiana, of Sebastian Cabot,\\nA a", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "1492.\\nColumbus.\\nThe history\\nA. T). That of the first under the well-known name of\\nChristopher Columbus, is readily traced; with him\\ntherefore we begin, as the person principally con-\\ncerned in the discovery.\\nHe had applied -himself to the study of astronomy\\nand geography, and very early appeared to have a\\nmore than common desire to understand the state of\\nall countries upon the face of the globe, and to make\\nnew discoveries which probably was his reason for\\nsettling at Lisbon, no nation having push d their\\ndiscoveries further than the Portuguese at that time;,\\nhere he employed himself in drawing maps and\\ncharts, and prejiaring lumself for future enterprizes.\\nHe married and settled in Lisbon, was of a good\\nfamily, a grave and temperate man, b of competent\\nlearning, studious in the mathematicks, and from\\nhis youth bred to navigation.\\nWhat the particular motives were that induced\\nhim to search after this new world, are not certainly\\nknown; some attribute it to informations he had\\nreceived, others to his skill in the nature of the globe;\\nthat this made him conclude it probable there must\\nbe a great tract of land to the westward of Spain,\\nthat it was not to be imagined the sun when it set in\\nthat\\na Venetian, which discovered more of the continent tlian they\\nbolli, about the same time, first employed by kini; ITenry the\\nseventh of England. Cohimbus yet as tlie first di-coverer deser-\\nveth the name, both of the country for tbe first findiiifi, and of\\nmodesty, for not naming it liy himself, seeking rather effects\\nthan names of his exploits. Purchaa s Pilf/rini, p. 792.\\nh. His son who wrote his history, says, lie was moderately tall\\nand long visaged, his complexion a good re i and wiiite, that he\\nhad light eyes, and cheeks somewhat full, but neither too fat nor\\ntoo lean; that in his youth he had fair iiair, which turned grey\\nbefore he was thirty years of age that lie was moderate in eating\\nand drinking, affected a plain modest garb or dress; that he was\\nnaturally grave, but affable to strangers, and pleasant frequently\\namong his domestics, strict and devout in religious matters, and\\ntho a seaman, was never heard to swear or curse.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "Of NE W- JERSEY. i\\nthat horizon ffave lierht to noboclv Whatever gave A. D.\\n1492\\nrise to the project, a discovery he resolved to attempt,\\nand being unable to do it at his own charge, he first\\noffered his service to the Genoese, next to the king of\\nPortugal not meeting with encouragement from\\neither, he sent his brother Bartholomew to England, f^^^^^^ his\\nto offer his service to Henry the seventh King Henry Bartholo-\\napproved his proposals but the brother on his return !?1^^^\\n1 1 Henry vu.\\nbeing taken by pirates, and Columbus receiving no\\nanswer, left Portugal and went to Spain On his\\napplication to Ferdinand and Isabella, king and queen\\nof Castile and Arragon, he succeeded so well, that\\nin the year 1492, they provided him with money, and\\nentrusted him with three small ships for the expedition\\nhe also obtain d a grant from them to be admiral of\\nthe western seas.; all civil employments as well as\\ngovernments in the continent or world to be discovered\\nwere to be wholly at his disposal and besides the\\nrevenues of the posts of admiral and vicc-roy, he was\\nto enjoy a tenth of all the profits arising by future sails with\\nconquests his little squadron manned only with ninety\\nmen set sail from Palos for the Canaries the third of\\nthe month called August, 1492, and arriving at those\\nislands the twelfth, sailed from thence the first of\\nSeptember, upon his grand design he had not sailed\\na fortnight to the westward before his men began to\\nmurmur at the enterprize they observed the wind\\nconstantly set from east to west, and apprehended\\nthere would be no possibility of returning if they\\nmissed the land they were made to expect on the\\nnineteenth observing birds to fly over their ships, and\\non the twenty-second weeds driving by them, they\\nbegan to be better satisfied, concluding they were not\\nfar from land they continued their course several\\ndays farther westward, and meeting with no land, the\\nseamen mutinied to that degree, that they were almost\\nready", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "4 The HISTORY\\nA. D. ready to throw the admiral overboard, and return\\nhome, when happily for him they saw more birds,\\nweeds, pieces of boards, canes, and a shrub with the\\nberries upon it, swim by them, which made them\\nconjecture there must be islands thereabouts: It was\\non the eleventh of October, about ten at night, that\\nthe admiral first discovered a liglit upon the island of\\nHis first Guanahani, or Si. Salvador, as he named it, in con-\\ndiscovery. gjderatiou that the sight of it delivered him and his\\nmen from the fear of perishing: It is one of the\\nBahama islands, about fifteen leagues long, in the north\\nlatitude of 15 degrees/^- Day appearing, the ships\\ncame to anchor very near the island;, the natives\\ncrowded the shore, and beheld the ships of these new\\ncomers with astonishment, taking them for living\\ncreatures.e- The admiral believing there was no great\\ndanger to be apprehended from them, went ashore in\\nhis boat, with the royal standard, as did the other two\\ncaptains, witii their colours flying, and took possessiou\\nof\\nc. A bay or harbour of sea or water.\\nd. All th;it is commonly remembered of the sailor who first\\ndiscovered land, is, that expecting some great reward from the\\nking of Spain, and disappointed, he took it in his head in a rage\\nto renounce Christianity, and turn d Mahometan.\\ne. One of the River Indians, in his speech at the treaty of\\nAlbany, 1754, relates the surprize of their forefathers at the sight\\nof the first ship that came up the North river in the same manner;\\nhis speech so far as relates to this subject was as followeth:\\nFathers, we are greatly rejoiced to see you all here; it is by\\nthe will (if heaven ihat we are met here, and we thank you for\\nthis oppuitunity of seeing you altogeliier, as it is a long while\\nsince we had such a one: Fathehs who sit jiresent here, we will\\njust give yuu a short rehition of tlie long friendship which hath\\nsubsisted between the white people of this country and i s our\\nforefathers liad a castle on this river; as one of them walked out\\nhe saw something on the river, but was at a loss to know what\\nit was he took it at first for a great fish he ran into the castle,\\nand gave notice to tlie other Indians; two of our forefathers\\nwent to see what it was. and found it a vessel with men in it;\\nthey immediately joined hands with the people ia the vessel, and\\nbecame friends.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- jersey.\\nof the country in the name of the king and queen of A. D.\\nSpain with great solemnity the Indians mean while\\nstood gazing at the Spaniards without attempting to\\noppose them. The admiral ordered strings of glass beads,\\ncaps and toys to be distributed among the natives, with\\nwhich they seemed much j^leased The principal orna-\\nment about them was a thin gold plate in the form of a\\ncrescent, hanging from the nose over the upper lip\\nthe admiral demanding by signs, whence they had their\\ngold plates, they pointed to the south and south-west;\\nhe rowed in his boats about the island, to discover if\\nthere was any thing worth his settling there, followed\\nby the natives every where, who seem d to admire\\nhim and his people as something more than human\\nFrom this island coasting southward 180 leagues, he\\narrived at another, Mhich he called Hispaniola, where discovers\\nliis own ship striking on a hidden rock was lost; he Hispamo-\\nand his crew were taken on board one of the other\\nvessels landing here, the natives, instead of behaving\\nas the others had done, fled from him; but taking\\none of their women, treating her kindly, and then\\nletting her go back among them, she brought num-\\nbers to traffick, who seem d very peaceably dispos d;\\nand by some means, or other finding there were gold\\nmines in this island, Columbus, aided by the natives,\\nbuilt a fort, left thirty-nine men, with provisions for\\na year, seeds to sow, and trinkets to trade with the\\nnatives: After discovering a good part of the north\\nand east coast of Hispaniola, trading with the Indians\\nin diverse place, and near three months stay in the\\nisland, he bent his course homewards, and arrived at returns.\\nPalos, in Andalusia, early in the spring 1492, 3; 1493.\\nhaving perform d the voyage in seven months and\\neleven days Here the people received him with a\\nsolemn procession and thanksgiving for his return,\\nmost of his seamen belonging to that port; the king\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "The history\\nA.D.\\n1493.\\nCabot s\\n1497.\\nadventure.\\nfinds\\nGreenland\\nand New-\\nfoundland\\nand queen of Spain being at Barcelona, when tlie\\nadmiral drew near the city, the court went out to meet\\nhim he was receiv d with the honors due to a\\nsovereign prince Having given an account of his\\nvoyage, he begged to be equipped according to the\\ndignity of his character of admiral and viceroy, that\\nhe might plant colonies in the places he had thus\\ndiscovered, which was readily granted and he after-\\nwards made diverse other voyages to America./-\\nThe fame of the discovery, and of the rich cargoes\\nbrought to Old Spain at several times from thence,\\nbeing spread through other nations, gave rise to other\\nadventurers. The next attempt was made by Sebastian\\nCabot, a Venetian by extraction, but born in England,\\nand being much given to the study of navigation, and\\nwell skill d in cosmography, he believed there miglit\\nbe a passage found by the north-west to the East\\nIndies shorter than that lately discovered by the Cape\\nof Goodhope he made Interest with Henry the\\nseventh of England, who fitted out two ships to\\nmake the discovery.\\nIn 1497, Cabot sailed from Lisbon, in the begin-\\nning of summer, and steering his course north-west,\\ncame up with land about 60 degrees north latitude,\\nsupposed to have been Greenland if- but perceiving\\nthe land still run north, he changed his course, in\\nhopes of finding a passage in less latitude. About the\\n50th degree, he saw that which is now well known by\\nthe name of Newfoundland Here he took three of\\nthe natives, and coasted southward to the latitude of\\n38\\nHe died in the city of V;tlidolid in Spain, in the spring 1506,\\nand was buried in the cathedral of Seville, with this inscription on\\nhis tomb, that Columbus had c/lven a new world to Castile and Leon.\\ng. This country is considered as part of the American continent,\\nboth by Hornius and Grotins. Grotius apud Horn, de orig. Gent.\\nAmerican, Lib. iii. c. 5, 6, pa. 149, 162. ut et ipse Horn. ibid.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "Of N E AV J 1^: r s e y\\n38 degrees; (about MarylaiKl) Iiis provi^iohs growini^ AD.\\nscarce, and no supplies there to be expected, he re-\\nturn d to England, where the natives he brought lived\\na considerable time./ From this voyage and discovery\\nmade by Cabot, the English have claimed the country\\never since, from the well known Jus Gentium, Law\\nOF Nations, that whatever waste or uncultivated\\ncountry is discovered, it is the right of that prince\\nwho\\nKing Henry vii. ooHimis-;i(\u00c2\u00bbned .John Cal)()t (oth of M:irch,\\nin llie eievcnih year of his reign) and his three sons, lo sail in\\n(juest of unknown lands, and to annex tliini lo llie erown of\\nEngUmd; with this clause, which before lhi.- time hdve been, un-\\nknown to oil chrislicnis. His lirst essay as related liy sir Iluini hry\\nGilbert, wlio was employed in the like service afterwards by\\nqueen Elizabeth, was to discover a north west |ias agc to Cathay\\nor China; in whicii voyage he sailed very far eastward, with a\\nquarter of the north, on the nortii side ot Terra de Laitratlor,\\ntill he came into the north latitude of sixty seven degrees and ;i\\nhalf In His next voyage, which was made wiih his sou ^ebastian,\\nin the year 1497; he steered to the soutii side of Labrador, .md\\nfell in with the island of Baccalaos, which is N\u00c2\u00bb wfouinHand, and\\ntook possession both of that island and all the coast of the north\\neast part of America, as far as (ape Florida; which he also by\\nlauding in several parts of it, claimed in the name of his -master,\\nthe king of England.\\nIn the memory of this discovery, and by way of evidence, there\\nwas a map or chart of the whole coast of North-America drawn\\nby Sebastian Cabot himself, with his picture and this tiile, Etligies\\nSeb. Caboti Angli, Filii .Jo. Caboii, V enetiani, Militis Aur.iti,\\nc. and with the following account ot the discovery above men-\\ntioned,\\nIn the vear of our Lord 1497, .Joiin Cabot, a Venetian, and\\nhis sou Sebastian (with an English Heet) set out fnmi Bristol,\\nand discovered that hind, which no man had before attempted.\\nThis discovery was made on the -4ili of .June about five o clock\\nin the morning. This land he called Prinifi Valuta (or the first\\nseen) because it was that part, of which they had the first .-ii;ht\\nfrom the sea. It is now called BoiKuistn. The islainl, which lies\\nout before the land, he called the island of St. John, jirubably\\nbecause it was discovered on the festival of St. John Baptist.\\nThis map was himg up in his Majesty s privy-gallery at White-\\nhall; and, it is to be feared, the nation was deprived of such a\\nvaluable testimonial of their American title to the whole coast of\\nNorth-America, by the fire wiiich destroyed that gallery in the\\nlate King William s reign Entick s Gen. Mist, of the laic war,\\nVol. 1. p. 168, c.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "8\\nThe H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. who had been at tlie ohai-u;e of the discovery. This\\n1497.\\nfrom universal suftrage gives at least a right of pre-\\nemption, and undoubtedly must be good against all\\nbut the Indian proprietors.\\nWe have seen that in the discovery of Xorth and\\nSouth- America, inhabitants were found at the places\\ntouch d at in all probability they were as plentifully\\ndispersed throughout the different countries of Ame-\\nrica; but how these ])eop]e originally came there, is a\\nquestion not easily solved tho it has for above two\\ncenturies, been the subject of much enquiry, it is not\\nyet arrived at a decision. All therefore that can be\\ndone, is to give a short view of the most ])robable\\nconjectures that have been hitherto offered.\\nIt is not unlikely tho new world was known to the\\nPhenicians, even a considerable time before the days\\nof Plato; who in all likelihood found but few (if\\nany) inhabitants there that they contributed towards\\nthe planting of it, we have some reason to believe, as\\nthey are supposed to have made three voyages thither;\\nhowever that colonies from other nations crossed the\\nAtlantick, and landed in America, cannot be well\\nEgyptians denied neither the Egyptians nor Carthaginians are\\nan Car- su])posed void of some traditional knowledge of Ame-\\nIhaginians. i _\\nrica, since they are believed^ to have connnunicated\\nsuch\\nPheni-\\ncians.\\nCrrotiiis de jure bellinc pads, Lib. 2. Cap. 2. Sect. 17. Molloy\\nde jure Mar. 422, 423. Ju.stinian Inst. Lib. 2. Tit. Sect. 12\\n22.\\nk. Lex Mercat. 156. Molloy ut supra.\\nI. Tf we are iiot aatonished (says Voltaire) Oiut the dLfcnverers\\nfound fliea in America it is absurd to wonder that Ihey should meet\\nivith men. Univ. Hist. If Enro[)ean whites, and African negroes,\\nare not descended from the s:nne original stock; a supposition con-\\nfessedly adopted by tiie celebrated historian, (it must be allovv d)\\neasy to come to a decision in the present case.\\nm. Perizonius and Cellarius seem to have inferr d from thence,\\nthat the new world was not entirely uidcnown to the remoter ages\\nof antiquity.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y\\n\u00c2\u00abuch knowledo^e to other nations which if we admit, A. D.\\n1497.\\nit follows, that some of the ancient Egyptians and\\nCarthaginians had been there, and contributed to-\\nwards peopling the continent, as well as the Phenicians.\\nThe Author of the book de JlirabUibus Audit, sup-\\nposed to be Aristotle expressly asserts the Carthagi-\\nnians to have discovered an island beyond Herculcs s\\npillars, abounding with all necessaries, to which they\\nfrequently sailed and there several of them even fixed\\ntheir habitations but the senate, adds he, would not\\npermit their subjects to go thither any more, lest it\\nsliould prove the depopulation of their own country.\u00e2\u0084\u00a2-\\nSev^eral of the original American nations we are told,\\nrent their ^garments, the more effectually to express\\ntheir grief on any inalancholly occasion; the Hebrews,\\nPersians, Greeks, Sabines, an l Latins, according to\\nvarious authors, did the same; from whence some\\nmay possibly imagine, that tliose Americans deduced\\ntheir origin from one or more of those nations; but\\nthis is too slender a foundation for such belief: o- So\\nthat Menasseh Ben Israel, a])pears to have wrongly\\nconcluded from thence, that the Israelites were the j)ro-\\ngenitors of the Americans. Theophilus Sj)izelius\\nseems to have refuted this oi)inion Though the Pheni-\\ncians, Egyptians and Carthaginians, might have\\nplanted some colonies, yet the bulk of the inhabitants\\nmust certainly have deduced their origin from another\\npart of .the world Had the Phenicians and Egyptians\\npeopled\\nn. Aristot de mund. c. 3. et de Mirah Audit. Christ. Cellar,\\nlib! supra, pa. 253. Jacob Perizon in ^Elion. Yar. Hist. Lib. 111.\\nIS.\\n0. William Penn, iu his letter to the coairaittee of the free society\\nof traders in London, in 1683; gives a short sketch of his opinion,\\ntouching the origin of the Indians here, wjiom he imagines to be\\nof the stock of the Jews, that after the dispersion of the ten tribes\\nemigrated through the easlermost parts of Asia, to the ^vesternmost\\nof America.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "10 TheHISTORY\\nA. D peopled even a considerable part of America, it would\\nscarcely have been taken so little notice of by the\\nantients; even supposing those nations had industriously\\nendeavoured to conceal their western discoveries for in\\nsuch case, there must have been a constant communi-\\ncation kept open between America, Egypt, and Pheni-\\ncia, and a very extensive trade carried on so that\\nmany particulars relating to the new world, must\\nnecessarily have transpired nor could even the sailors\\nthemselves, who navigated the Phenician ships, have\\nomitted divulging many accounts of what they observed\\non this continent some of which would undoubtedly\\nhave been transmitted to us.\\nThat therefore, the Americans in general, were\\ndescended from a people who inhabited a country not\\nso far distant as Egypt and Phenicia, must be admitted\\nNow no country can be pitched upon so proper and\\nconvenient for this purpose, as the north-eastern part\\nof Asia, particularly great Tartary, Siberia, and more\\nKarais- especially the Peninsula of Kamtschatka that proba-\\nbly was the tract through which many Tartarian colo-\\nnies passed into America, and peopled the most consi-\\nderable part of it. This however, seems the most pre-\\nvailing opinion.\\nThere is great reason to believe, that some of the\\nwestern provinces of North-America, must either be\\ncontinuous to, or at no great distance from the north-\\neastern part of Asia which, we are not yet informed\\nbut it is probable east of Kamtschatka, there is an\\nimmense tract approaching to Nortii-America, and\\nthat to this day, there remains at least a kind of com-\\nmunication between them, by means of a chain of\\nislands it may also be supposed that Asia and America,\\nwere formerly connected by an isthmus, which might\\nhave been destroyed by an earthquake such a supposi-\\ntion may be supported by the -authority of those\\nwriters", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "Of N EW- J ERSEY. 11\\nwriters who have rentlered parallel instances credible, P-\\nsuch as the disjunction of Britain from Gaul, and Spain\\nfrom the continent of Africa A communication\\nbetween Asia and America, seems agreeable to truth,\\nnot only from what has been advanced by Reland, but\\nfrom the discoveries made by the Russians an a(;count\\nof which we find in the publick prints of the year\\n1737, and since: According to these, some of tlie\\nCzarina s subjects have touched at several islands,\\nwhich lie at a distance in the eastern direction from\\nJapan and Kamtschatka, and consequently between\\nthose countries and America. The peoi)le of these\\nislands, in some points are said to resemble the\\nJapanese, and to use pieces of money with characters\\nnot unlike those of Jajjan. Leonard Enler, professor\\nof mathematicks, and mehiber of the imperial\\nsociety at Petersburgh, seems to imagine, that the\\nnorth-eastern cape of Asia, discovered by capt. Behring,\\nis not thirty degrees off the last known head-land of\\nCalifornia; but the ingenious Dobbs, governor of\\nNorth-Carolina, places them at a much greater dis-\\ntance Be that however as it may, that the sea between\\nthe most north-eastern coast of Asia, and the most\\nwestern pai*t of California, allowing such a sea to Caiii ornia.\\nexist, is interspersed with many islands, at no great\\ndistance from each other, may be very naturally sup-\\nposed nay, if any credit may be given to the advices\\nlately received from Petersburgh, the connection of\\nAsia and America, or at least the communication\\nbetween them, by means of such islands, is as good\\nas discovered.\\nThat part of America next to Asia, is said to be\\nmuch more populous than the remoter eastern ])ro-\\nvinces or kingdoms; which is a manifest indication,\\nthat this was first planted, by colonies coming from\\nthe nearest parts of Asia, who settled here, and Asia.\\nafterwards", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "12 T H E H I S T O E Y\\nA. D. afterwards spread themselves graduallv over the new\\n1497. i^\\nworld from whence we inay c(Mielude, that the bulk\\nof the Americans are descended from the Tartars,\\nSiberians, and people of Kamtschatka.\\nThe people inhabiting the extreme north-eastern\\npart of Asia, entirely want horses, those animals not\\nbeing able to live in so cold a region it seems to be\\nagreed, that no horses were found in America, at the\\nfirst discovery of it for that in several places, the\\nnatives used rein deer and large mastiff dogsp instead\\nof them, as many of the ])Osterity of the antient most\\nnorthern Scythians or Tartars did. The Epicerini, a\\npeople of Canada, when the Europeans first came\\namong them, asserted, that very f-Av from them, in a\\nwestern direction, there lived a nation, who affirmed\\nthat foreign merchants, without beards, in grejtt ships,\\nfrequently visited their coasts we are also told, that in\\nQnivira. Quivira, several ships have been found, whose sterns\\nwere adorned with silver and gold, which was a dis-\\ntinguishing characteristick of the Chinese and Ja])anese\\nships, according to some good authors That some\\nChinese vessels of considerable force, Avere found\\nwreck d in the Mare del nord, above Florida, which\\nmight have been the same with those seen at Quivira, we\\nlearn from Ancosta. In Quatulia too, a tradition pre-\\nvailed, intimating that foreign merchants after a long\\njourney from the westward, arrived there, and that\\nthese merchants were cloathed in silk From whence\\nwe may collect, that the Chinese visited America, and\\ncommunicated some of their customs to the people of\\nthat country, esi^ecially as the Chinese manner of\\nwritinor\\np. Some of the l)ack Indians beyond Detroit, now make use of\\ndogs to draw wood and other matters on sleds.\\nq. The people (says M. de Guignes, in a memoir upon tlie ancient\\nnavigations of tiie Chinese to America) wlioni we have always be-\\nlieved to have been confin d within the bounds of their own country,\\npenetrated.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "o F N E ^y J E R s E Y la\\nwriting in Hieroglyphics, sufficiently agrees witli the A. D.\\nAmerican dialect. We learn from Hornius, the\\nHunns, or at least a branch of that people, placed in\\nthe farthest part of Asia, had the appellation of\\nCunadani, or Canadani, from Cunad, a place not far\\nfrom the sea, where some of them had their situation\\nhence we find a city in the upper Hungary, built bv\\ntheir descendants, denominated Chonod, or Chunad,\\nthe inhabitants of which, and those of the neighbouring\\ndistrict, still retain the name of Chonadi, or Cunadi\\nfrom these Hornius believes the natives of Canada to Canada,\\nhave deduced both their origin and denomination.\\nXo\\npenetrated into America in the year 4o8 of (lie Chrii^tian a ra. Tiiat\\nthey went tliitiier Ijy Japan and llie conntries of Ven-ohin and Ta-\\nhan. By c()nsiderin i what the Cliinese geograpliers .-ay of the distance\\nand pro(Uictions of these remote regions, lie proves that Ven-chin\\nis Jesso or Yedzo, and tliat Ta lian is the most eastern part of the\\nnorth of Asia. From thence tlie Chinese sailed towards the east,,\\nand fell in with the country of Fon-sang, which, according lo the\\nChinese distances, should lie to tlie north of California. He gives\\nus, from the annals of China, a short account of liie manners of the\\ninhahitants of Fou-sang he informs us furtlier, that several island.s\\nin the south sea were known to the Chinese; and also that coast\\nwhich John de Sama discovered in his passage from China to .Me.\\\\ico.\\nTo give a more exact iilea of these navigations, .VI. de Buaclie hath\\nconstructed a chart, on which he hath traced with a great deal of\\naccuracy, the route of the Chinese, and noted the distances of the\\nseveral conntries. By this chart it appears, that the geography of\\nthese parts, taken from the ancient hooks of the Chinese, agrees\\nvery well with the late discoveries of the Russians. To this chart\\nis added part of another ancient chart drawn hv the .Japoiiese, in\\nwhich are laid down the north of Asia, and all the western coast of\\nAmerica, according to the knowledsje they had of it. This conti-\\nnent there appears entirely terminated on the side of .V.sia, and we\\nthere see the isles which have heen lately known to the i\\\\n. sians\\nonly and this proves the truth of the former Japonese di coveries.\\nThis chart was brought from Japan hy the eelehraied Kempfer, and\\nafterwards lodg d in the cabinet of tlie deceased Sir Ilans Sloane,\\npresident of the royal society of London, who sent a cojiy of it to\\nM. de Guignes.\\nAfter having determined the situation of all the countries to the\\neast of China, M. de Guignes remarks, thai Chr. Columhus was\\nnot the first who attempted discoveries towards the west: Long he-\\nfore", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "14 The HISTORY\\nA. D. jSTo small accession of strength will be brought to\\n1497.\\nthe opinion before advanced, with respect to the\\npeopling- of America, by one ])articular incident,\\nmentioned in a short narrative of the late discoveries\\nof the Russians. They found peo]iled, as should seem,\\ncaptain Behring s new land before mentioned, above\\nfifty Geriuan miles to the east of Kamtschatka; for\\ncoming to the entrance of a great river, he sent his\\nboats and men ashoi-e, but they never returned, being\\nprobably either killed or detained by the natives nay,\\nthe\\nfore Iiiiu, tiie Araliians, whilst tliey were masters of Spain and Por-\\ntugal, enterprized the same thing from Lisbon hut after having\\nadvanced far lo the west, tliey were obliged to put back to the\\nanaries; there they learnt ihat formerly the inhabitants of these\\nislands Jiad sailed towards the west for a month together, to discover\\nnew coiintri.es. Tims we see, that the most barbarous people, with-\\nout the knowledge of the compass, were not afraid to expose\\nthemselves to the open sea in their slight small vessels, and that it\\nwas not so difficult for them to get over to America, as we imagine.\\nThese researches, which of themselves gives us a great insight\\ninto the origin of the Americans, led M. de Guignes to determine\\nthe rout of the colonies sent to this continent. He thinks the greatest\\npart of them passed tliither by the most eastern extremities of Asia,\\nwhere the two continents are onl_y separateil by a narrow streight,\\neasy to cross. He reports instances of w omen, who from Canada\\nand Florida, have travelled to Tartars without seeing tbe ocean.\\nTlie commerce of the Chinese would naturally open a way to\\nAmerica, augment the nundjer of the inhabitants, and contribute\\nto polish them. On this occasion JM. de Guignes observes, that the\\nmost civilized nations of the American continent are situated on the\\ncoast which looks towards China, and that they come originally\\nfrom the nortli of America, e. from the ncigbbourhood of those\\ncountries where the Chinese landed, as Quivin and New Mexico,\\nwhence the Mexicans came to settle in Mexico, properly so called,\\nafter having expelled the ancient inhabitants.\\nM. de Guignes cites some authorities, which give us reason to\\nbelieve, that the streights of Magellan were known to the Chinese,\\nand that the Coreans had a settlement in Terra del Fnego. These\\nnavigations of the Chinese, and of the most uncivilized nations,\\nincline him to l)elieve, that the people dispersed in the isles to the\\nsouth of the Indies, after having multiplied, migrated from island\\nto island, and by means of that chain of islands which reaches al-\\nmost to America, insensiljjy approached that continent. The exam-\\nple of the inhabitants of the Canaries gives a probability to this\\nconjecture. Gentleman s Magazine, 1753, p. 607.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY 15\\nthe publick prints in October, 1737, mention some A. D.\\nparticulars relating to the inhabitants of certain islands\\nbetween Kamtschatka,\u00c2\u00bb Japan, and America, which\\nseem to carry with them an air of authority. This will\\namount to a fair presumption, that the islands or con-\\ntinent between Kamtschatka, Japan, and California,\\nstilJ unknown to the Europeans, are likewise inhabited;\\nand if so, that tliose inhabitants must have advanced\\ngradually, from Tartary, Japan, and Kamtschatka\\nto the places wherein they are fixed From whence we\\nmay infer, that even the natives of California, and the\\nadjacent parts of America, took originally the same\\nroute; for that Tartary, and Japan, must have been\\npeopled before America, as lying nearer to the land\\nof Shinar, where the whole race of mankind was\\nassembled before the dispersion, Avill admit of no\\ndispute; and that America should have received many\\ncolonies from such neighbouring countries as Tartary,\\nJapan, and Kamtschatka, whether they are continuous\\nor contiguous to it, or connected with it, by some\\nintermediate continent, chain of islands, c. is very\\nnatural to supposes. So that from the tract lately\\ndiscovered to the east of Japan and Kamtschatka, and\\nthe people settled there, we may infer the probability\\nof America s being planted in part by colonies drawn\\nfrom the north-eastern regions of Asia; for by such dis- Asia.\\nCO very, a nearer approach is made from Japan and\\nKamtschatka,\\nr. The new history of Kamtsohatka, lately published in the\\nRussian language, and translated into English by J. Grieve, M. D.\\ngives a particular description of tlie customs and way of living of\\nthe inhabitants there, which agrees in several particulars, and in\\nthe whole manner seems not very different from the original customs\\nof the North American Indians. For a brief account of this history,\\nsee Monthly Review, vol. 30, p. 282.\\ns. Vide a memoir of M. Le Page dn Pratz, containing an account\\nof the travels of Moncacht-ape; a civilized Indian of Louisiania,\\nto the north-west parts of America, Gent. May. for Sept. 1753.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "16 The HISTORY\\nA. D. Kamtschatka, to the coast of California: and from this\\n1497. T P\\napproach, a presumptive argument is drawn m lavour\\nof the opinion here advanced.\\nBut it is time now to proceed to other matters Sucli\\nas may incline to see the subject further discussed, are\\nfor brevity s sake, on a point not material enough tO\\ndwell long upon here, referred to the Univ. Hist.*!-\\nWhence many of the arguments on this head, are\\nselected and where the inquisitive reader, amidst\\nmuch of the incredible, (with which it hath been usual\\nto load the subject) will find convincing proofs in\\nfavour of what is here proposed.\\nAlthough the English had verv early made the\\ndiscovery of North-America, a considerable time\\nelapsed before any advantages accrued: Sir Walter\\n15S4. Raleigh, in 1584, was the first Englishman who\\nSir Walter attempted to plant a colony in it.^ In this year he\\npiitenr. obtained a patent from Queen Elizabeth, for him\\nand his heirs, to discover and possess for ever, under\\nthe crown of England, all such countries and lands as\\nwere not then possessed by any christian prince, or\\ninhabited by christian people Encouraged by this\\ngrant, Raleigh and other partners, at divers times^\\nfitted out ships, and settled a colony at Roanor,-*:- in\\nVirginia; but notwithstanding various attempts, they\\nmet with such discouragements, that no great improve-\\nments were made until some time afterwards.\\nIG(H In the year 1606, King James, without any regard\\nto Raleigh s right, granted a new patent of Virginia\\nin which was included New-England, New- York,\\nNew-\\nt. Vol. .XX, Lond. Edit. 1748, pa. 157.\\nV. That is a regular colony under grants Sir Armigell Wadd,\\nof Yorksliire, clerk of the council to Henry viii. and Edward vi.\\nand author of a book of travel-^, was the first Englishman that made\\ndiscoveries in America. H. Wal pole s anecdotes of paintiny, vol ii.\\nCatalogue of eiufravers, p. 18, 19. ^4 note.\\nX. Now Roanoke, in North-Carolina.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "Of X E W -JERSEY. 17\\nNew-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland; from .J?\\nqueen Elizabetii s time to the time of this patent, the\\nwhole country bearing that name, which was given it\\nl)y Raleigh, in honour of his virgin mistress, as\\nsome say others have it that it took its rise from\\nthe country s not being settled before. The patentees Patentees,\\nwere sir Thomas Gates, sir George Summers, Richard\\nHackluyt, clerk, Edward Maria Wingfield, Thomas\\nHanham, and Raleigh Gilbert, Esqrs. William Parker,\\nGeorge Popham,*/- and others The extent of the\\nland granted, was from 34 to 45 degrees of north\\nlatitude, with all the islands lying within 100 miles\\nof the coast. Two distinct colonies were to be planted\\nby virtue of this ])atent, and the property ascertained\\nin two different bodies of adventurers: The first to\\nbelong to Summers, Hackluyt, and Wingfield, under\\ntitle of the Loudon adventurers, or the London\\ncompany; and was to reach from 34 degrees to 41,\\nwith all lands, woods, mines, minerals, c. The\\nother colony was to reach from the end of the first,\\nto 45 degrees, granting the same priviledges to Han-\\nham, Gilbert, Parker, and Popham, under the name\\nof the Plymouth company, with liberty to both\\ncolonies to take as many partners as they pleased for-\\nbidding others to plant wuthin those degrees, without\\ntheir licence; only reserving the fifth part of all gold\\nand silver mines, and the loth part of copper, to the\\nuse of the crown. By virtue of this grant, the\\nLondon company fitted out several shii)S with arti-\\nficers of every kind, and all things requisite for a\\nnew settlement which sailed for America, and planted\\na colony there; but in the year 1623, there were so\\nmany complaints made of bad management, that on 1623.\\nenquiry a Quo warranto was issued against the patent\\nand\\ny. L. C. J. of England.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "18 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. T and after a trial had in the kind s bench, it was\\n1623.\\ndeclared forfeited 2- since which time Virginia has been\\nunder the immediate direction of the crown.\\nIn the same year the patent was granted, the Ply-\\nmouth company also attempted to make a settlement\\nbut with no great success, until about the year 1620,\\nwhen they sent a fresh recruit from England, under\\nthe command of capt. Standish, who arrived at Cape\\nCod in the latitude of 42 degrees, and having turned\\nthe cape, found a commodious harbour opposite the\\npoint, at the mouth of the bay, at the entry of which\\nwere two islands well stocked with wood Here they\\nPlymouth. built a town, which they called Plymouth. About\\nthis time the colonies in New-England were much\\naugmented multitudes of dissenters thinking this a\\ngood oportunity of enjoying liberty of conscience,\\noffered their service to the Plymouth company and\\nthe grand patent being delivered up to the king,\\nother pat- particular patents were granted to the Lord Musgrave,\\nen s grail ^j^^ duke of Richmond, the earl of Carlisle, the lord\\nEdward Georges, and new colonies were planted in\\ndiverse places.\\nCHAP.\\nz. Other accounts say, the patent was dissolved by the king s\\nproclamation, in 1624; and that tlio a quo warranto was issued\\nagainst it, no determination followed in the courts of justice.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "Of X E W J E R S E Y 19\\nCHAP. II.\\nAn account of the country on Delaware, and the North river,\\nwhile the first loas in possession of the Dutch and Swedes.\\nFR O ^I what has been said, it is evident that the\\ncolonies Xew-York, Xew-Jersey, Pennsylvania, A. D.\\nand Marvland, were included in the great patent, last\\nmentioned but that becoming void, the crown was at\\nliberty to regrant the same to others but it does not\\nappear that any part of those provinces was settled by\\nvirtue thereof; nor indeed was any distinct discovery\\nof them made, until many years afterwards. New-\\nJersey, Pennsylvania, and other lands adjacent, not-\\nwithstaJiding the antient right of the crown of\\nEngland, deduced as aforesaid, had two ])retenders\\nto them; the Dutch and the Swedes: Tiie claim\\nthe former set up, was under colour of a discovery Dutch\\nmade in the year 1609, Ijy Henry Hudson, an English-\\nman, commander of a ship called the Half-]M on,\\nfitted out from Holland Ijy the East-India comi)any,\\nto discover by a north-west passage, a nearer way to\\nChina In this voyage he sailed up to the place now\\nXew-York, and up the river, from him called Hud-\\nson s river: and returning sometime after to Amster-\\ndam, the Dutch pretended to have purchased the chart\\nhe made of the American coast and having obtained\\na patent from the states, in the year 1(314, to trade to\\nXew-England, they settled in Xew-York, which\\nthey called Xew-Xetherland and kept possession until\\nsir Samuel Argole, governor of Virginia, dis])uted\\ntheir title alledging that the country having been\\ndiscovered by an Englishman, in right of his master,\\nhe could not suffer it to be alienated from the crown,\\nwithout the king s consent he therefore compelled\\nthe Dutch colony to submit to him, and to h(^ld it\\nunder", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "20 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. under the English But sometime after a new governor\\ncoming from Amsterdam, they not only neglected to\\npay their usual acknowledgement to the governor of\\nVirginia, but in the year 1623, fortified their colony,\\nby building several forts: One on the Delaware, (by\\nthem called South River) ne;u Gloucester, in New-\\nJersey, which they named Nassau; a second on Hud-\\nson s, (the North River) in the province of New-\\nYork, which they named Fort Orange and a third\\non Connecticut river, (by them called the Fresh-River)\\nwhich they named the Hii\\\\sse of Good Hope. Hudson s\\nRiver lying near the sea, anil the navigation esteemed\\nless ditKcult than the other, their settlements were chiefly\\non both sides of that river;. at the entrance of whicli,\\nthe town by them also called New Amsterdam,\\nwas built; so that by the time the Swedes came into\\nAmerica, which was a few years after, they had wholly\\nquitted the land adjacent to the river Delaware.\\nThe proceedings of the Dutch in building the forts,\\naud in a manner taking possession of the coimtry,\\nhaving been rei)resented to king Cliarles the first, his\\nambassadors at tiie Hague made such })ressing instances\\nto the states, that ,they disowned having given any\\ncommission for what the Dutcli IukI done,, and laid the\\nblame on their East-India company. Upon this king\\nCharles gave a connnission to sir George Calvert, lately\\nmade lord ll dtiniorc to ])Oss( ss and plant that part of\\nAmerica,\\na. About the year 1620, wliile George Calvert, afterwards lord\\nBaltimore, was secretarv of ^tate to Janie^i 1st he obtained a pal-\\neiit for iiiin and Iiis heirs, to Ije absolute lord and proprietor (with\\ntlie royalties of a count Palatine) of the province of Avalon, ia\\nNewfoundland, which was so named by him, fi om Avaior), iu\\nSomersetshire wherein Glastonbury stands the first fruits of chrisii-\\naniiy in Britain: as the oilier was in that jiart of America, there\\ntie built a tine house, in Ferry land, and spent 25 000 in\\nadvancing ibis new plantation: after the death of king .James, he\\nwent twice in person to Newfoundland: linding his phini; iiou\\nvcrv much cxpost d tn The iiisnJts (it the I ^-i-uch \\\\]i- u.is mi l.^f", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "Of Js^EW-JERSEY. 21\\nAmerica, now culled ^Maryland and to sir Edmond A. D.\\nLoeyden, or Plovden, to plant the northern parts,\\ntowards New-England. The Dutch afraid of the jiower\\nof the English, were willing to compound matters a\\nsecond time offering to leave their plantations, in\\nconsideration of 2500 to !)e paid them for the\\ncharires thev had been at But soon after, kino; Cliarles\\nbeing involved in his troul)les, was hindered from sup-\\nporting his colonies tiicy therefore not only fell from\\ntheir first proposals, but as was reported, furnished\\nthe natives with arms, and taught them the use of them,\\nthat by their assistance they might dispossess the English\\nall around them.\\nMatters thus circumstanced, we shall leave them,\\nin order to trace their neighbours, the Swedes into Swedes.\\nAmerica; the first settlement of whom, according\\nto their own account, M^as thus occasioned*- In the\\nreign of Gustaphus Adolphus, and in the year 1(526, 1626.\\nan eminent merchant named William Useling, gave\\na great character of this country, a])])lan(ling it for\\nfruitful fertile land, abounding with all necessaries of\\nlife; and used many arguments to persuade the Swedes\\nto settle a colony here These were so prevalent, that\\nGustavus issued a proclamation at Stockholm, exhort-\\ning his subjects to contribute to a comj)any associated\\nto the purpose aforesaid, which was called the West-\\nIndia company, confirmed by that })rince In a general\\nassembly the year following, sums of money were\\nraised to carry on the intended settlement, to Mhich\\nthe king, the lords of the council, the chief of his\\nbarons,\\nforced to abandon it: whereupon he went over to Virginia, and\\nafter having viewed those parts, came to En_ il,ind, and obtained\\nfrom king Cliarles, wlio liad as great a regard and affection for him\\nas i ing James) a patent to iiim and his iieirs, for Marvbind that\\nking naming it in honour of his beloved queen Henrietta Maria.\\n.Eio(/r. Bn lanin, Art. Geo. Calrert.\\nb. Hist, of Swedeland in America, by Thomas Companius Holm,\\nprinted at Stockholm anno 1702.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "22\\nThe H 1 S 1^ O R Y\\nA. D.\\n1623.\\n1627.\\n1630.\\n1631\\nChristeen.\\nTennecum.\\nbarons, knights, coronets, principal officers in his\\nmilitia, bishops, clergy, and diverse of the common\\npeople of Swedeland, Finnland and Liffiand, contri-\\nbuted and responsible persons were chosen to see\\nwhat was proposed put in execution, consisting of an\\nadmiral, a vice-admiral, merchants, factors, commis-\\nsaries, c. and it was concluded to get as many as they\\nthought fit, of those who would voluntarily shij) them-\\nselves to America, to settle and cultivate a colony.\\nIn 1627, the Swedes and Finns accordingly came\\nover hither Their first landing was at Cape Inlopen\\nthe sight created a pleasure, and they named it Paradise\\nPoint Some time after they purchased of some Indians\\n(but whether of such as had the proper right to convey\\nis not said) the land from Cape Inlopen to tlie Falls\\nof Delaware, on both sides the river, which tliey called\\nNew-Swedeland Stream and made presents to the\\nIndian chiefs, to obtain peaceable possession of the\\nland so purchas d But the Dutch continuing their\\npretensions, in 1630 one David Pietersz de vries, their,\\ncountryman, built a fort within the capes of Delaware,\\non the west, about t\\\\vo leagues from Cape Cornelius,\\nat the place now Lewis-Town, then and at present\\noften called by the name of Hoarkill.\\nIn 1631, the Swedes also built a fort on the west\\nof Delaware, to which they gave the name the ruins of\\nit yet bears, Christeen. c- Here a small town was laid\\nout by Peter Lindstrom, their engineer, and here they\\nfirst settled but this settlement -was afterwards demo-\\nlished by the Dutch.\\nOn an island called Tennecum, sixteen miles above\\nthis town, the Swedes erected another fort, which they\\nnamed New Gottemburgh; and John Printz, their\\ngovernor, built a fine house, and other suitable accom-\\nmodations\\nc. Near Wilmington, it gives name to a noted creek there.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "O F :N E W J E R S E Y 23\\nniodations planted an orchard, and called his settle- A. D.\\nment Printz s Hall The principal freemen had also\\ntheir plantations on this island.\\nAbout this time the Swedes also built forts at\\nChester, and other places. In the same year Chancellor\\nOxestiern, embassador from Sweden, made ap})licatiou\\nto king Charles the first, to have the right the English\\nclaimed by their being the first discoverers yielded up\\nit was, (as they say,) the proof an uncertainty given up\\naccordingly They also said they had purchased the\\npretence the Dutch claim d by virtue of the prior\\nsettlement, and buildings here; most of which were\\ndestroy d before their arrival.\\nIf this be true, the Dutch it seems did not think\\npro[)er long to abide by their contract l)ut gave the\\nSwedes disturbances, by encroaching on their new\\nsettlement and both of them join d to dispossess the\\nEnglish, who also attempted to settle the eastern side\\nof Delaware one Kieft, a director under the states of\\nHolland, assisted by the Swedes, drove the English\\naway, and hired the Swedes to keep them out The\\nDutch complained, that the Swedish governor judging\\nthis a fair opportunity, built fort Elsinburgh on the Elsing-\\nplace from whence the English had been driven, and\\nfrom thence used great freedom with their vessels, and\\nall others bound up the river, making them strike to\\nthe fort from which they also sent men on board to\\nknow whence the vessels came This the Dutch deemed\\nexercising an authority in a country not their own. d-\\nBut the Musketoes were so numerous, the Swedes were\\nunable\\nd. The account here is from a manuscript copy, said to be printed in\\nHolland, anno 16t)2, the original in the hue sir Hans vSloane s collec-\\ntion, entitled, A brief account of New Netherland. In 16S3 the Dutch\\nhad a meeting-place for religious worship at New-Castle: and the\\nSwedes three, one at Christeen, one at Tenecum. and one at Wicoco.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "24 T H E H 1 S T O R Y\\nA. D. unable to live here, and therefore reniovhig, named\\nthe place MusketOL hurgh.\\nThe Dutch seem to have had a very great opinion\\nof the land near the Delaware, and were under great\\napprehensions of being dispossessed by the English,\\nwho they complained had diverse times attempted to\\nsettle about that river and judged if they once got foot-\\ning, they would soon secure every part, so that neither\\nHollander nor Swede would have any thing to say\\nPloeyden. here in particular they mention sir Edmond Ploeyden,\\nas claiming property in the country, under a grant\\nfrom king James the first, who they alledge declined\\nany dispute with them, but threatened to give the\\nSwedes a visit, in order to dispossess them.\\nJohn\\ne. In 1048, a paiiiplilet was piiljlislieri, entitled, A rhscriptinn of\\nthe province of New Albion, and a direction for ache ii I iirers with\\nsmall stock to r/et two for one, and good land freely arid foj) gentlemen\\nand (dl ncrvontx, labonrer. i and artificers, to live plentifmy and a\\nformer description reprinted, of the healthiest, pleasaufest and richest\\nplanted ion of New Albion in North Vircfinin, proved by fhirteea\\niviliiesses tin/ether with a letter from master Robert Evelin, that\\nlived there many years, shewi.nc/ the particularities and excellency\\nthereof with a brief of the charye of victualb ny and necessaries, to\\ntransport ami buy stock for each planter or labourer there, to yef his\\nmaster 50 per annum, or more, in twelve- ira^fS, and at 10,\\ncharges only a man.\\nFrom a few extracts of tliis pamphlet, the reader will see an\\naccount of the conntrv in some respects more descriptive than is\\ncommonly to be fonnd of that datjG;- be will however, allow for a\\nlittle more being said than was neoep^ary in some places.\\nNow for the full and ample SMtisfaclion of the reader, of hig\\nmajesty s jnst title, and power to grant, enjoy, and possess these\\ncountries, as well ao;ainftfc aliens as Indians, which this forty years\\nhath not been by print declared, j ou may read at large master\\nHacluil s voya ;es and discoveries, master Purchas and captain\\nSiiiillis: for when the Spaniai-d and Porlugall discover d and pos-\\nsest 140 years since the E;ist Indies, Brasiil, the south part of Ame-\\nricii, the Charibees and Antcll isles, and seated Saint John de Porto\\nRico, Hispaniola, Jamaica and Cuba, and the fort and port of\\nHavannah, against the gulf and current, Batuana isles, and ])oint\\nof Florida; then that most powerfull and richest Uing of Europe,\\nking Henrv the seventh of England, sent out an Englishman born\\nat", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "Of X E W J E R S E Y\\nJohn Printz contiiuiofl o-ovoninr of tlie Swedes\\nfrom his arrival until about the year IGo-l, wlien he\\nreturned\\nA. D.\\n1654.\\nat Bristol, calleH Cal)ot. granted under liis greate seale to him all\\nl)l;ices and countrys by liiiu to be discover d antl possest, wlio then\\nbeginning at Cape Florida discover d, entered on, took po-session,\\nset np crosses, and jjrocnred atiiirnment and afknowiedgeinent of\\ntlie Indian kings to iiis tlien majesty, as head, lord and einperonr\\nof the south west America, ail along tliat coast both in Florida\\nfrom 20 degre s to 85, where old Virginia in 35 antl 30 minntes,\\n65 years since was seated by 5 .several colonies abont Croalan cape,\\nHaloraske, and Rawley s isle, by sir Walter Rawley, who had\\nfrom qneen Elizabeth that place, and two hnmlred leagues froiu it\\nin all places adjoyning sir Richard Greenlield, sir Ralph Lane,\\nand master White his partners .seating and fortifying there; the\\nsaid Cabot farther t-akiiig possession in 37, of that part called\\nVirginia and Chisapeack liay being now bis majesty s demesne\\ncolony of Virginia, and of the next great bay in or near 39,\\ncalled now by the Dutch Cape Henloi)en, the .sonth river, and by\\nns Cape James and Delaware Bay, of the baron of Delawares\\nname, being then governor of Virginia, who by sir Thomas Dale,\\nand sir Samuel Argoll, 40 years since took jjossession and atturn-\\nment of the Indian kings, and 60 years since sir Walter Rawley\\nseated and left .30 men, and four pieces of ordin.ance, and the\\ncreek near Cape James, liy the Dutch called Murekill, by us\\nRoymount, and by the Indians Cui Achomoca; atid so t!ie next\\nriver Ity ns called Hudson s river, of the name of Hudson an\\nEnglishman, the discoverer thirty five year since, who sold hi.s\\ndiscovery, plots and cards to the Dutch and so abot discovered\\nseverall rivers and countries all along the coast Nortii East, now\\ncalled New-England, and divided in nine severall governments,\\nand further discovered Porl-Royall, and that part called New-\\n.Scotlan 1, and set up crosses, where you may see in the French\\nbook called Xew-Fr.tnce, the French found an old crosse all moss,\\nin an eminent place at the head of tbat bay and port, and dis-\\ncovered all that coast and Newfoundland, and that (NiUed Terra\\nde L:il)orador, or New-Britain, as far as the frozen sti ait of- Davis;\\nshortly after one master Hore in the reign of king Henry the 8th,\\nreneued this actnall possession, atturnnient of the Indian kings,\\nbrought home divers of the chief Indian kings to England, who\\ngave their homage and oath of fidelity for these countries to king\\nHenry the eight in person, setting on his throne in state in his\\nl)alace hall at Westminster. Then Virginia being granted, settled,\\nand all that part now calleil Maryland, New- Albion and New-\\n.Sooiland, being part of V^irginia, sir Thomas Dale and sir Sanniel\\nArgoll, captains and cotnisellor.s of Virginia, hearing of divers\\naliens and intruders, and traders without license, with a vessell\\nand forty soldiers, lande l at a place called Mount Desert, in\\nNova Scotia, near St. John s River, or Twede, possest by the\\nFrench,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "26 T HE HI S T O R Y\\nA. _D. returne i to Sweden^ having tirst deputed his son-in-\\nPapegoia. Johu Papegoia, governor in his stead, who also\\nsome\\nFrench, there killed some French, took away their guns, and dis-\\nmantled the fort, and in their return landed at Manhatas-Isle in\\nHudson s river, where they found four houses built, and a pre-\\ntended Dutch governor, under the West-India company of Amster-\\ndam share or part; who kept trading boats, and trucking with the\\nIndians; but the said knights told iiim, their connnission was to\\nexpell him and all aliens, intruders on his mnjesty s dominions\\nand territories; this being part of Virginia, and this river an\\nEnglish discovery of Hudson an Englishman, the Dutchman con-\\ntented them for their charge and voiage. and by his letter sent to\\nVirginia and recorded, submitted himself, company and plantation\\nto his majesty, and to the governor and government of Virginia\\nbut the next pretended Dutch governor in maps of printed cards\\ncalling this part ^ew-Xeiherland. failing in paying of custonies\\nat his return to Plymouth in England, was therewith his bever,\\ngoods and person attached to his damage of 1500, whereupon\\nat the suit of the governor and councill of Virginia, his now ma-\\njesty by his embassadour in Holland, complaining of the said aliens\\nintrusion, on such his territories and dominions, the said lords, the\\nstates of Holland by their publiqne instrument declared, that they\\ndid not avow, nor would protect them, being a private jiarty of\\nthe Amsterdam West-India company, but left tiieni to his majesty s\\nwill and mercy whereupon three several! orders from the councill\\ntable, and commissions have been granted for the expelling and\\nremoving them thence, of which they taking notice, and knowing\\ntheir weakness and want of victuals have otlered to sell the same\\nfor 2500, and lastly taking advantage of our present, war and\\ndistractions, now ask 7000, and have lately otlered many\\nafironts and damages to his majesties subjects in New-England:\\nand in generall endanger all his majesty s adjoyning countries, most\\nwickedly, feloniously, and traiterously, contrary to the m;irine and\\nadmiral laws of all christians, sell by wholesale guns, [)owder,\\nshot and ammunition to the Indians, instructing them in the u^e of\\nour fights and arms; insomuch as 2000 Indians by them armed,\\nMohawks, Karitons, and some of Long-Isle with their own guns so\\nsold them, fall into war with the Dutch, destroyed all their scatter-\\ning farms and boors, inforcing them all to retire to their up fort, 40\\nleagues up that river and to Manhatas, for all or most retreating to\\nManhatas, it is now a pretty town of tratle, having more English\\nthan Dutch and it is very considerable that three years since Stny\\ntheir governor put out his declaration, confessing that the nelgh-\\nhour English might well be offended with their selling Indiana\\narms and ammimilion, but being but a few and so scattered, they\\ncould not live else there, or trade, the Indians refusing to trade or\\nsufier the Dutch to plow without they would sell them guns. The\\nlike folly they committed aiad inconvenience to themselves, and\\nall", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "O F N E ^y J E R tS E Y 27\\nsometime after returned to his native country, and left f;-?\\ntiie u-overnnient to Jclm Rvsin j; He renewed the\\nleague\\nall English, for eight years since, in their West-India fleet,\\nbattered by the iSpani.sh Armado, they brought home forty Swedish\\npoor soldiers and hearing that capt. Young and master Eveliu,\\nhad given over their fort begun at Eriwonieck within Delaware\\nBav, there half starved and totter d they left them, who learning\\nthe Indian language, and finding much talk and trials of a gold\\nmine there, though in truth fifty shillings charges produced of\\nthat light sand but nine shillings in gold, and therefore was of\\ncapt. Young that tried it slighted yet one Bagot under the Swedes\\nname and commission, there traded to crosse the Dutch of Man-\\nhatas, and to undersell them, and left and seated there, eighieen\\nSwedes, who proclaiming a gold mine drew more to them, and\\nhave gotten a great trade and now this Last summer hfteen Swedes\\nand fifteen Dutch had a skirmish; the Swedes pulled down a\\nDutch trading house, and doe both undersell them and spoiled\\nmurli their and English trading with the Indians, both .striving to\\n])lease and side with the Indians, both entertaining and refusing\\nto return all English fugitives and servants. The Swedes hiring\\nout three of their .soldiers to the Sascpiehannocks, have taught\\nthem the use of our arras and fights, and marching with them\\ninto the king s own colony of Virginia, have carried thence the\\nking of Pawtomeck jjrisoner,. and expeli d his and eight other\\nIndian nations in Maryland, civiliz d and subject to the English\\ncrown. Now if a proclamation of open war be set out against\\nthe Dutch and Sweiles for this their villainy, and all English lorbid\\nto trade, victuall or relieve them, tiiey must both vanish, especially\\nif those bad English that live, adhere and obey these aUens in\\nthese his majesty s countries,, be warned of the statute of king\\nJames of famous memory, in the.se words: I hat all subjects (/ivinrj\\nany obedience or acknowledfj)nent to any furain prince, slate, pope,\\nor potentate, uithin his majesties territories and dominions in England\\nor beyond the sea, is a traitor, and ought to suffer as a traitour.\\nAnd certainly all English, and chiefly those of New-England\\nbeing ready in twenty four hours will joyn to expel them both\\nto regain their own trade, to get their seat.s, and to be rid of the\\ndanger of armed gunning Indians.\\nWhereas that part of America, or North Virginia, lying about\\n39 degrees on Dehiware Bay called the province of New Albion,\\nis scituate in the best and same temper, as Italy, between too\\ncold Germany, and too hot Barbary so this lying just midway\\nbetweene New England 200 miles north, and Virginia 150 miles\\nsouth, where now are settled 8000 English, and 140 .ships in\\ntrade, is freed from the extream cold and barrennesse of the one,\\nand heat and aguish marshes of the other, and is like Lumbardy,\\nand a rich fat soil, plain, and having 34 rivers on the main land,\\n17 great Isles, and partaketh of the healthiest aire and most\\nexcellent\\nRyfiiug.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "28\\nThe his to II Y\\nA. T\\n1654.\\nleague of friendship with the English and Dutch in\\nthe neiglibourhood, and fornially with the Indians;\\nfor\\nexcellent commodities of Eiir()j)e, and replenished witli tlie good-\\nliest woods of oaks and all timber for ships nnd masts, mnll)erries,\\nsweet cypresse, cedars, pines and firres, 4 sorts of grapes for\\nwine, and raisins, and with the greatest variety of choice fruits,\\nfish and fowl, stored witli all sorts of coin, yoelding 5, 7 and 10\\nquarters an acre: silkgras. salt, good mines diers ware, 5 sorts\\nof deer, hufl es, and huge elks to jilow and work, all bringing 3\\nyoung lit once. The upbinds overed many raonelhs with berries,\\nroots, (ihestnnts, walnuts, beech and oak mast to feed them, hogges\\nantl turkeys, 500 in a flock, and havinii near the colonv of Man-\\nteses 400000 acres of plain mead land, tind meer level I, lo be\\nflowed and fludded by that river for corn, rice, rapes, ilax and\\nhemp. After 17 years trading and discovery there and Iriall made,\\nis begun to be planted and stored by the governor and company\\nof New Albion, consisting of forty four lords,- baronets knights\\nand merchants, who for the true informing of tliemselves, iheir\\nfriends, adventurers and partners by re-idents and traders there\\nfour severall years out of their journall l)ooks, namely, captaine\\nBrowne, a ship-master, and master .Stafford his mate, and i)y cap-\\ntaine layi)onrn 14 years there trading, and C onstantine his Indian\\nthere born and bred, and by master Robert Evylin, 4 years there,\\nyet by eight of their hands subscribed- and enrolled doe (estifie this\\nto be the true state of the country, of (he laud and Delaware Bay\\nor Charles River, which is further witnessed by captain Smith and\\nother Books of Virginia and Ijy New Knglands prospect, new\\nCanaan, captain Powels map, and other descri[)lion.s of New\\nEngland and irginia,\\nMaster Evelin s Letter.\\nGood Madam\\n*vSir Edmund our noble governonr and lord earl Palatine, persi.st-\\ning still in liis noble purpose to go on with his plantation in Dela-\\nware or Charles river, just midway between I\u00c2\u00bbew England and\\n^Virginia, wherewith my inickle. Young I severall years resided,\\nbath ofteiJ informed himselfe bot^ of me and master Strattou, as I\\nperceive by the bands subscribed of Edward JMonmouih, Tenis\\nPalee, and as master Buckham, master White, and other ship-\\nmasters, and saylors, whose hands I know, and it to be true, that\\nthere lived and traded with me, and is sufficiently instructed of the\\nstate of the country, and people there, and I should very gladly\\naccording to his desire, have waited on you into Hamshire to have\\ninformed your honour in person, had 1 not next weeke been\\npassing to Virginia. But neverthelesse to satisfie you of the\\ntruth, I thought good to write unto you my knowledge, and first\\nto describe you from the north side of Delaware unto Hndsons\\nriver in sir Edmunds patent, called New Albion, which lieth just\\nbetween New England and Maryland, and that ocean sea, I take\\nit", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "Of XEW-JERSEY. 20\\nfor this purpose a meeting was held with the Sachems A. D.\\nor Indian chiefs, at Printz s Hall, on Tenecnm island\\nwhere\\nit to be about 160 miles, I finde some broken land, isles and in-\\nlets, and many small isles at Etjbay But going to Delaware Bay,\\nby Cape May, vvliicii is 24 miles at most, and is as I understand\\nvery well set out, and i)rinted in captain Powels map of New-\\nEngland, done as is told mee by a draught I gave to M Daniel,\\nthe plot-maker, which sir Edmund saitii you have at home, on that\\nnorth side about live miles within a Port, or rode for any ships\\ncalled the Nook, and within lieth the king of Keciiemeohes, hav-\\ning as I suppose about 50 men, and 12 leagues higher a little above\\nthe Bay and Bar is the river of Manteses, which lialh 20 miles on\\nCharles river, and 30 miles running up a fair navigable deep river\\nall a flat levell of rich and fat black marsh mould, which I tiiink\\nto be 300000 acres In this sir Edmund intendelh as he saith to\\nsettle, and there the king of Manteses hath about 100 bow-men\\nnext al)ove about 6 leagues higher is a fair deep river, 12 miles\\nnavigable, where is freestone, and there over against is the king of\\nSikonesses, and next is Asouioches river and king wiih an iiundred.\\nmen, and next is Eriwoneck a king of forty men where we sate\\ndown, and five miles above is the king of Hamcock with a hun-\\ndred men, and four miles higher the King of Axion with two\\nhundred men, ami next to him lenne leagues over land an inland\\nking of Caicefar, with an hundred and tifly men, and then there\\nis in the middle of Charles river two fair woody isles, very plea-\\nsant and lit for parks, tiie one of a thousand acres, the other of\\nfourteen hundred, or thereabout. And six leagues higher near a\\ncreek called Mosilian, the king having two hiuidred nun. And\\nthen we come to the Fals, made by a rock of lime-sioiie, as\\nI suppose it is, about sixty and five leagues from the sea, near to\\nwhich is an isle fit for a city, all materials there lo build and above\\nthe river fair an l navigai)le, as the Indians inform me, for 1 went\\nl)Ut ten miles iiigher. I doe account all the Indians to be eight\\nhundred, and are in several facli ins and war against the Sasquehan-\\nnocks, and are all exiream feartull of a gun, naked and unarmed\\nagiiinstour shot, swords, and pikes. I bail some bickering with\\nsome of them, and they are of so little esteem, as I durst with\\ntifleen men sit down, or trade in despight of llieui, and since my\\nreturn eighteene Sweeds are settled there, and so sometime sixe\\nDiitch doe in a boat trade without fear of them.\\nI saw tiiere an infinite quantity of bustards, swans, geese, and\\nfowl, covering the sho;ires as within the like multitude of pigeons,\\nand store of turkies, of which I tried one to weitih forty and sixe\\npounds. There is much variety and |)lenty of delicate fresh and\\nsea-fish, and shell-fish, and whales, or grampus: elks, ile^re that\\nbring three young at a time the woods bestrewed many monelhs\\nwith chestnuts, wall-mUs, and mast of severall sorts lo feed them,\\nand hugs, that would increase exceedingly. There the barren\\ngrounds", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "The H I S T O R Y\\nA. D.\\n1654.\\nwhere a speecli was made to them in behalf of the\\nqueen of Sweden, expressing the desires the Swedes\\nhad\\ngronnds have four kindes of grapes and many miilberrie with ash,\\nelms, and the tallest and greatest pines and pitch trees, that I\\nhave seen. There are cedars, cypresse and sassafras, with wilde\\nfruits, pears, wilde cherries, piiie-apples, and the dainty parse-\\nmenas. And there is no question but almonds, and otiier fruits\\nof Spain will prosper, as in Virginia. And (which is a good\\ncomfort) in four and twenty houres you may send or goe by sea\\nto New England or Virginia, with a fair winde, you may liave\\ncattle, and from tiie Indians two thousand barrels of corn, at\\ntwelve pence a busiiel in truck, so as victuals are there cheaper and\\nbetter, than to be transported Neither do 1 conceive any great\\nneed of a fort or ciiarge, wliere there is no enemy.\\nIf ray lord Palatine, will bring with him three hundred men or\\nmore, there is no doubt but tliat he may doe very well and grow\\nrich, for it is a most i)ure healthfull air, and such pure wholesome\\nsprings, rivers and waters, as are delightfull, of a desert, as can\\nbe seen, with so many varieties of severall fiower.s, trees and for-\\nrests for swine. So many fair risings and prospects, all green and\\nverdant: and Maryland a good friend and neighbour, in four and\\ntwenty houres ready to comfort and supply.\\nAnd truly I beleeve, my lord of Baltimore will be glad of my lord\\nPalatines plantation and assistance against any enemy or bad neigh-\\nbour. And if my lord Palatine employ .some men to sow flaxe,\\nhemp and ra[)es in those ricii marishes, or build ships and make\\npipe staves, antl load some ships with these wares, or iish from the\\nnorthward, he may have any money, ware, or company brought\\nhim by his own ships, or the ships of Virginia or New England\\nall the year.\\nAnd because your honour is of the noble house of the Pawlets,\\nand as I am informed, desire to lead many of your friends and\\nkindred thither, whom as I honour, I desire to serve, I shall\\nintreat you to beleeve mee as a gentleman and christian, I write\\nyou nothing but the truth, and hope there to take opportunity in\\ndue season to visit you, and doe all the good offices in Virginia,\\nmy jjlace or friends can serve you in. And thus tendering my\\nservice, I rest, Madam,\\nYour honours most humble faithfull servant.\\nROBEllT I-^VELIN.\\nNow since master Elmes letter and seven years discoveries of\\nthe lord governor in person, and by honest traders with the Indians\\nwe finde beside the Jn iian kings by him known and printed, in\\nthis province there is in all twenty three Indian kings or chief\\ncommanders, and besides the number of 800 by him named,\\nthere is at least 1200 under the two Karilan kings on the north\\nside next to Hudsons river, and those come down to the ocean\\nabout", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "Of K E J E R set. 31\\nhad to renew their friendship: The Indians had before A. D.\\nmade eomplaint, that the Swedes had introduced much\\nevil\\nabout little Egbay and Sandy Barnegate, and about the South\\ncape two small kings of forty men a piece, called Tiians and\\nTiascons, and a third reduced to fourteen men at Roymont, the\\nSasquehannocks are not now of tlie naturals left above 110, tho\\nwith their forced auxiliaries the Ihon a Does, and Wicomeses tliey\\ncan make 250: these together are counted valiant and terrible to\\nother cowardly dul Indians, which they beat with the sight of\\nguns only.\\nThe eight seat is Kildorpy, neer the fals of Charles river, neer\\n200 miles up from the ocean, it hath clear fields to plant and sow\\nand neer it is sweet large meads of clover or honysuckie, no wiiere\\nelse in America to be seen, unlesse transitorted from Europe, a\\nship of 140 lims may come up to these fals which is the best seat\\nfor health, and a trading house to be built on the rooks, and ten\\nleagues higher are lead mines in stony hills.\\nThe ninth is called mount Phjyden, tlie seat of the Rariton\\nking on the north side of this province twenty miles from Sand hay\\nsea, and ninety from the ocean, next to Amara hill, the retired\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0paradise of the children of the Ethiopian emperour, a wonJer,\\nfor it is a square rock, two hiiles com))asse. 150 foot iiigh. a wall-\\nlike precipice, a strait entrance, easily matle invincible, where lie\\nkeeps two hundred for his guard, and under it is a Hat valley, all\\nplain to plant and sow.\\nThe Sasquehaunocks new town is also a rare, healthy and rich\\nplace, with it a crystal broad river, biU some fals below hinder\\nnavigation, and the hooke hill on the ocean with its clear fiehls\\nneer Hudsons river on one side, and a leu leagues flowing river on\\nthe south side is much commended k r health anil fish, were it not\\nso nortiierly.\\nThe bounds is a thousand miles compass, of this most temperate\\nrich province, for our south bound is Maryland north bounds, and\\nheginneth at Aquats or the southermost or first cape of Delaware\\nl ay, in diirty eight and forty minutes, and so rtnineth l)y. or\\nthrough, or including Kent Isle, through Chisapeask Bay to Pis-\\neataway including the fals of Pawtomecke river to the iie\u00c2\u00abd or\\nnorthernmost branch of that river, being tjiree lumdred mile.^\\ndue west, and thence northward to the head of Hudson s river\\nfifty leagues, and so down Hudson s river to the ocean f ijcty\\nleagues: and thence to the ocean and isles acrosse Delaware Bay,\\nto the South cape fifty leagues in all seven hundred and ei, :liiy\\nmiles. Then all Hnilson s river, isles. Long Isle, or Famimke,\\nand all isles within ten leagues of the s:ud ]irovince bein i; and\\nnote. Long isle alone is twenty broad, and one lumdred and eighty\\nmiles long, so that alone is four hundred miles compas-^e. Now\\nI have exnmined all former patents, some being surrenderd, and\\nsome adjudg d void, as gotten on false suggestions, as that at the\\ncouncell", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "32 The HISTORY\\nA. D. evil amoiiffst them because manv of the Indians since\\ntheir coming were (h-ad but the Swedes now making\\nthem considerable presents, these received and divided\\namongst them, one of their chiefs, wliose name was\\nNoaman, made a speech rebuking tiie rest for having\\nspoken evil uf the Swedes, and done them harm;\\ntelling tliem they should do so no more, that the\\nSwedes were a good people, and thaidving them for\\nthe presents, pron^ised for the fnture, tliat a more\\nstrict friendship should be observed betwixt them\\nThat as formerly they had been but one body and one\\nheart,, they should be henceforward, as one head, as\\na\\nconncell ta.ble was at master Gouges suit, of Mantacluisets, and\\nas capt. Clayborn, lieretc)i\\\\)re secretary and now treasurer of\\nVirtrinia, in dispute with master Leonard Calvert ailedgetli tliat\\nof Maryland is likewise void in part as f:;olten on false suggestions\\nfor as capt. (Uayborn, slieweth the Maryland patent in tlie first\\npart deelareth the king s intention to be io grant a land thereafter\\ndescribed, altogetiier dishabited and unplanled, tliough possest\\nwilh Indians. Now Kent isle was with many houshohis of\\nEnglish by C. Clayborn before seated, and because bis majesty\\nby his privy signet shortly after declared it was not his intention\\nto grant any lands before seated and habited: and for that it lieih\\nby the Maryland printed card, clean nortii-ward within Albion,\\nand not in Maryland, and not onely late sea-men, but old deposi-\\ntioH,s in Claybornes hand, shew it to be out of Maryland, and\\nfor that All)ions privy signet is elder, and before Maryland\\npatent, Clayborn by force entered, and thrust out master alvert\\nout of Keiu next Maryland patent coming to the ocean, saith\\nalong by the ocean upon Delaware -Bay; that is the first cape of\\nthe two most plain in view, and exprest in all late English and\\nDutch cards; and note inilo Delaware Bay is not into the Kay, nor\\nfarther then that cape heading the Bay, being in thirty eight and\\nforty, or at most liy seven observations I have seen, thirty eight\\nand fifty minutes: So as undoubtedly, that is the true intended\\nand ground bound, and line, and no farther, for the words lollow-\\ning are not words of giant, but words of declaration; that is,\\nir/(( c/f Delaware Bay lieth in forty degrees where jS ew-EiKjland\\nends; tliese are both imtrue, and so being declarative is a false\\nsuggestion; is void, for no part of Delaware Bay lieth in forty.\\nNow if there were but the least doubt of this true iiounds, 1 should\\nwish by consent or commission, a perambulation and boundary, not\\nbut there is land enough for all, and I hold Keni isle having\\nlately l)ut twenty men in it, and the mill and fort pulled down, and\\nin war wilh all the indians neer it, not worth the keeping.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "OfNEW -JERSEY 33\\na token of which he waived both his hands as if tying A. D.\\na strong knot, promising also that if they heard of\\nany mischief plotting against Dhe Swedes, although it\\nwere midnight, they would give them notice, and\\ndesired the like notice from the Swedes, if they under-\\nstood harm was intended them the Swedes then\\ndesiring the Indians in general would give them some\\nsignal that they all assented to what was said they\\ngave a general shout of approbation, and in the con-\\nclusion were entertained by the Swedes with victuals\\nand drink it was observed the Indians kept this\\nleague faithfully The Swedish ships sent to succour\\nthis new colony, being obstructed in their intended\\nvoyage, by the Spaniards and the Swedes unable\\nfor want of money to keep their forts in repair gave\\ntheir more powerful neighbours the Dutch, opportunity\\nwith less danger to make encroachments upon them.\\nAccordingly, in this year, the Dutch who inhabited\\nnear Virginia and New-Sweden, gave the Swedes\\ndisturbance, seeking to regain the forts they had for-\\nmerly possessed But this by means of the Swede\\ngovernor, with Peter Stuyvesant, who commanded\\nunder the Dutch, at New-Amsterdam, was in api)ear-\\nauce settled yet in the year following, the Dutch\\nfitted out seven vessels from New-Amsterdam, with i655.\\nsix or seven hundred men who in the summer, under\\nthe command of Stuyvesant, came up Delaware,\\nand took their first quarters at Elsingburgh, where Stuyve-\\nthey made some Swedes prisoners Next they sailed pejiJ^ioQ\\ntowards a fort called Holy Trinity; having landed\\ntheir men at a point near the place, and intrenched\\nthemselves, they soon after went up to the fort, and\\ndemanded a surrender, threatning what they would\\ndo in case of refusal After which, by treaty or other-\\nwise, they gained possession, took down the Swedes gains po3-\\nflag, and hoisted their own, securing all places with ^i\\nc their", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "34 TheHISTORY\\nA. D. their soldiers, and sending the Swedes they had taken\\nprisoners, on board their vessels An acquisition\\ndeemed considerable, because this fort was looked\\nupon as the key of jSTew-Sweden.\\nOn the second of September, they besieged Chris-\\ntiana fort and town and destroyed New Gottemburgh,\\nwith such houses as were without the fort plundering\\nthe inhabitants of what they had, and killing their\\ncattle the Swedes endeavoured to perswade the Dutch\\nto desist from these acts of hostility, but to no pur-\\npose After 14 days siege, they (in want of Ammuni-\\nTerms. tion) were obliged to surrender upon terms That\\nall the great guns should be restored; to which pur-\\n})0se an inventory was taken the Swedes had also the\\ngratification to march out of the fort, with their arms,\\ntiieir colours flying, and drums beating. The officers\\nand other principal inhabitants among the Swedes,\\nwere carried prisoners to New-Amsterdam, and\\nthence to Holland but the common people submitting\\nto the Dutch, remained in the country.\\nFrom this time till the year 1664, New-Sweden,\\nand New-Netherland, continued in possession, and\\nunder government of the Dutch who, on the island\\ncalled Manhattan, at the mouth of Hudson s river,\\nhad built the city, wdiich they named New- Amsterdam\\n(New York) and the river they sometimes called the\\nGreat Eiver About 150 miles up, they built a fort,\\nand called it Orange, (Albany) from thence they drove\\na profitable trade with the Indians, who came over land\\nas for as from (Quebec, to deal with tiiera. The first\\nbounds of New- York, were Maryland on the south, the\\nmain land as far as could be discovered westward, the\\nriver of Canada northward, and New-England eastward:\\nBut the limits of this province, by the grants afterwards,\\nwere reduced into a much narrower compass that\\nnow called New-Jersey, in virtue of one of those grants,\\nwas\\n1664.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "O F X E J E R S E Y 35\\nwas probably so denominated, in compliment to sir A. D.\\nGeorge Carteret, cue of the proprietors, and a Jersey\\nman./-\\nCHAP. III.\\nThe particiilcu s of the EnrfUsh conquest in 1664, and the\\ntransactions afterwards respecting the inhabitants on\\nDelaware: The arrival of Francis Lovelace, as\\ngovernor^ part of his administration, and description\\nof the Hoarkills.\\nKI X G Charles the second, considering of what ill\\ncon^:oquence a Dutch colony must be in the heart\\nof his dominions, and determining to dispossess them,\\ngave a patent to his brother the duke of York, for a\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0great part of Xnrth-America, in which were included\\nthe provinces Xew-York, Xew-.Tersey, and all other\\nlands thereunto aj^pertaining, witli ]iowers of gcivern-\\nment xVnd though his reign Avas not enterprizing, the\\nDuke s concern in this property, and the aversion of\\nboth to the Dutch. made the reduction of this coun-\\ntry the first military stroke. Before there was any formal\\ndeclaration of war Avith Holland, Sir Robert Carre, Sir Eobert\\nwas sent to America, with a small fleet and some land\\nforces, to put the Duke i^i possession of the country\\nthis appears by the date of the commission given on\\nthis occasion, which Avas the 2()th of April 1664, and\\ntlie Avar willi Holland was not declared till some\\nmonths after.\\nThus the Dutch here, being unprovided for defence\\ntigainst a royal squadron and land forces, rendered the\\nexpedition\\nIt is said for some little time at first, to ha% ^e bore the name\\nJNVu Cnnnrt/.\\nf/. Virl. Life of E. of Clarendon, Oxford printed at Clarendon\\nprinting house. Vol. ii. p. 373, c.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "36\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1664.\\narrives and\\ndispossesses\\nthe Dutch.\\nProcla-\\nmation.\\nexpedition safe and easy, Carre had joined with him\\nin commission, col. Richard Nicolls, George Cart-\\nwright, and Samuel Meverike. They arrived at Hud-\\nson s River the latter end of 1664, at which time the\\nDutch could have but very little notice A- of the designed\\nrupture: The land forces consisting of three hundred\\nmen, were under the command of col. Nicolls. The\\nDutch governor, an approved soldier, who had lost a\\nleg in the service of the states, being unprepared for this\\nattack, and knowing perhaps the defects of the Dutch\\ntitle, at least their present incapacity of defence, was\\nafter some time prevailed on to surrender quietly. The\\npapers and messages that passed between him and the\\nEnglish on this occasion, will give the reader a full\\ninsight into the manner and terms of this surrender.\\nWhen the English arrived at New-Amsterdam, a\\nproclamation was made and spread througli the country\\nof the design of their coming, conceived in the terms\\nfollowing.\\nBy his Majesty s command.\\nForasmuch as his majesty hath sent us by commis-\\nsion, under his great sgal of England, amongst other\\nthings, to expel or to reduce to his majesty s obedience,\\nall sucli foreigners as have without his majesty s leave\\nand consent, seated themselves amongst any of his\\ndominions in America, to the prejudice of his majes-\\nty s subjects and the diminution of his royal dignity\\nWe his majesty s commissioners do declare and pro-\\nmise, that whosoever of what nation soever, will upon\\nknowledge of this proclamation, acknowledge and\\ntestify tiiemselves to submit to his majesty s govern-\\nment, as his good subjec-ts ought to do, shall be pro-\\ntected by his majesty s laws and justice, and peace-\\nably enjoy whatsoever God s blessing and their own\\nhonest industry have furnished them with and all\\nother\\nh. The first notice they luiil was from Tlioiuas Wiliet, an\\nEnglish man, ahont 6 weeks before their arrival.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "Of new- jersey. 37\\nother privileges with his majesty s English subjects: A. D.\\nWe have caused this to be published, that we might\\nprevent all inconveniencies to others if it were possi-\\nble, however, to clear ourselves from the charge of all\\nthose miseries tliut anyway may befall such as live here,\\nand will not acknowledge his majesty for their sove-\\nreign Whom God preserve.\\nThe Dutch governor Stuyvesant, upon notice of the\\narrival of the English in the Bay, dispatched the fol-\\nlowing letter,\\nRight honourable Sirs,\\nWhereas we have received intelligence, that about\\nthree days since, there arrived an English man of Stuyve-\\nwar, or frigate in the Bay of the Xorth River, want s letter,\\nbelonging to the New Netherlands, and since that\\nthree more are arrived, by what order or pretence is\\nyet unknown to us; and having received various\\nreports concerning their arrival upon this coast, and\\nnot being apt to entertain any prejudice intended\\nagainst us, have by order of the commander in chief\\nof the New Netherlands, thought it convenient and\\nrequisite, to send the worshipful the bearer hereof,\\nthat is to say, the worsiii])ful John Declyer, one\\nof the chief council, the reverend John Megapolensis,\\nminister, Paul Leeudelvandergrift, mayor of\\nthis town, and have joined with them Mr. Samuel\\nMegapolensis, doctor in physick, Avhoni bv these\\npresents I have appointed and ordered, that with the\\nutmost respect and civility, they do desire and entreat\\nof the commander in chief of the aforesaid men of\\nwar or frigates, the intent and meaning of their\\napproach, and continuing in the harbour of Naijacly,\\nwithout giving any notice to us, or first acquainting\\nus with their design, which action hath caused much\\nadmiration in us, having not received timely know-\\nledge of the same, which in respect to the govern-\\nment of the place, they ought, and were obliged to\\nhave done; wherefore upon the considerations afore-\\nsaid, it is dasired and entreated from the general of\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "38\\nThe his T O R Y\\nA. D.\\n1664.\\nNicoU s\\nreply.\\nthe aforesaid men of war or frigates, as also from our\\nbefore deputed agents, whom we desire your honours\\ncivily to treat, and to give and render unto them,\\nthe occasion of your arrival here upon this coast, and\\nyou will give an opportunity (that after our hearty\\nsalutes and wellwishes of your health,) to pray, tiiat\\nyou may be blessed in eternity, and always remain,\\nright honourable sirs, your honours aifectionate\\nfriend and servant, P. Stuyvesaxt.\\nBy order and apjiointment of the governor and coni-\\nmander in chief of the council of Xew Netherlands,\\nthe 19-29 of August, 1664.\\nCornelius Ruyvex, Secretary.\\nTo this letter col. Nicolls sent the answer following.\\nTo the honourable the governor and chief council at\\nthe ]Manhatans.\\nRight worthy Sirs,.\\nI received a letter by some worthy persons entrusted\\nby you, bearing date the 19-29th of August, desiring\\nto know the intent of the ai)proach of the English\\nfrigates, in return of winch I think fit to let you\\nknow, that his majesty of Great-Britain, whose right\\nand title to these parts of America is unquestionable,\\nwell knowing how much it derogates from his crown\\nand dignity, to suffer any foreigners how near soever\\nthey be allied, to usurp a dominion, and without his\\nmajesty s royal consent, to inhabit in these or any\\nother his majesty s territories; hath commanded me\\nin his name, to require a surrender of all such forts,\\ntowns or places of strength, which are now ])ossessed\\nby the Dutch under your commands; and in his\\nmajesty s name I do demand the town situate upon the\\nisland commonly known by the name of Manhatoes,\\nwath all the forts thereunto belonging, to be rendered\\nunto his majesty s obedience and protection unto my\\nhands I am further commanded to assure you, and\\nevery\\ni. The Indian name, by which New- York island was formerly\\ncalled.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 39\\nevery respective inliabitaut of the Dutch nution, that A. D.\\nhis majesty being tender of the effusion of christian\\nblood, doth by these presents, confirm and secure to\\nevery man, liis estate, life and liberty, wlio shall\\nreadily sui)mit to his oovernment and all those who\\nshall oppose his majesty s gracious intentions, must\\nexpect all the miseries of a war which they bring upon\\nthemselves. I shall expect your answer by those\\ngentlemen, colonel George Cartwright, one of his\\nmajesty s commissioners in America, captain Robert\\nNeedham, capt, Edward Groves, and Air. Thomas\\nDelavall, whom you will entertain and treat with such\\ncivility as is tlue to them and yourselves, and you shall\\nreceive the same from, worthy sirs, your very hum-\\nble servant, Richard Nicolls.\\nDated on board his majesty s ship the Guinea, riding\\nbefore Xaijack, the 20-30 of August 1664.\\nStuyvesant now fully informed of the English Stnyve-\\no-eneral s business from himself, returned in answer: sant s an-\\nThat they were so confident of the discretion and\\necpiity of his majesty of Great-Britain, that were his\\nmajesty truly informed of their right, he would not\\nhave given such an order: That tlu Dutch came not\\ninto these provinces by any violence, but by virtue of\\na commission from the states general in 1614, when\\nthey settled the North River, near fort Orange, and\\nto avoid the invasions and massacres commonly com-\\nmitted by the savages; they built a little fort there:\\nThat afterwards in the year 16 )2, and at the present\\ntime, by virtue of a commission and grant to the\\ngovernor of the West-India comj)any, and another\\nin the year 1656 of the South River, to the burgo-\\nmasters of Amsterdam, they had peaceably governed\\nand enjoyed these provinces That they were the first\\ndiscoverers, had purchased the land of the natives,\\nprinces of the country and had continued in tlie\\nuninterrupted possession thereof: That they made\\nno doubt that if his majesty of Great-Britain, were\\ntruly informed of these passages, he \\\\vas too judicious\\nto", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "40\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1664.\\nOrder to\\nHide.\\nStnyve-\\nBant s third\\nletter.\\nto give any order that the places and fortresses in their\\nhands should be given up, especially at a time when so\\nstrict a friendship subsisted between his majesty and the\\nstates general That the offering any act of hostility and\\nviolence against them, would be an infraction of the\\ntreaty, which subsisted between his majesty of Great-\\nBritain and the states general That as to the threats\\nin the conclusion of general Nicoll s letter, he had\\nnothing to answer, only that they feared nothing but\\nwhat God should lay upon them.\\nCol, Nicolls, receiving this answer, found nothing\\nwas to be done by delay and being resolved to assert his\\nmasters right in the best manner he could, directed\\nan order to capt. Hide to tins effect:\\nWhereas the governor and council of the Dutch\\nplantation up(m the Maniiatoes, in Hudson s River,\\nhave in answer to a summons returned their resolutions\\nto maintain the right and title of the states general\\nand West-India company of Holland, to their forts,\\ntowns and plantations in these parts of America I\\ndo therefore in prosecution of his majesty s service,\\nrecommend to captain Hugh Hide, commander in\\nchief of the squadron, to prosecute with tiie advice\\nof the captains under his command, his majesty s\\nclaim and interest, by all ways and means as they shall\\nthink most expedient, for the speedy reducing the\\nDutch under his majesty s obedience, and for so doing\\nthis shall be their warrant. Given under my hand\\nthe 24th of August 1664, on board his majesty s ship\\nthe Guinea. Richard Nicolls.\\nIt appearing by this order, and preparations in\\nconsequence of it, that the English were not come\\nfor amusement only Stuyvesant thought it best\\nbefore matters were carried too far, to propose one\\nexpedient more; this he did by letter to col. Nicolls,\\nthe 4th September.\\nMy Lord,\\nUpon our letter the day before yesterday, and\\nupon the commuuication by word of mouth, of our\\ndeputies", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 41\\ndeputies, touching: the just right and possession A. D.\\nwithout disj)ute of my lords, the states general of the\\nunited provinces, as also of our discovery of the\\nnews from Holland; which makes us not to doubt\\nbut that the king of Great-Britain, and my lords\\nthe said states, are at this hour agreed upon their\\nMimits: this had given us hope my lord to avoid all\\ndispute; that you would have desisted from your\\ndesign, or at least have given time that we might have\\nheard from our masters from which expectation we\\nhave been frustrated by the report of our said deputies,\\nwho have assured us by word of mouth, that you\\npersist on your summons and letter, of 20- }0 August,\\nupon which we have no other thing to answer, but\\nthat following the order of my lords the states\\ngeneral, we are obliged to defend our place; how-\\never that in regard that we make no doubt, that\\nupon your assault and our defence, there will be a\\ngreat deal of blood spilt; and besides it is to be feared\\ngreater dithculty may arise hereafter; we have\\nthought fit to send unto you, Mr. John de Decker,\\ncounsellor of state Cornelius Van Riven, secretary\\nand receiver; Cornelius Steenwick, mayor, and\\nJames Coussea, sheriff; to the end of finding some\\nmeans to hinder and ])revent the spilling of innocent\\nblood, which Ave esteem my lord not lo be your\\nintention praying that you will please to ajipoint a\\nplace and hour, and send or cause your deputies to\\nmeet there, with full commission to treat and seek\\nout the means of a good accommodation and in\\nthe mean time to cause all hostility to cease: Upon\\nwhich, after recommending you to the protection of\\nGod, we remain, my lord, your thrice affectionate\\nfriend and servant,\\nP. Stuyvesant.\\nTo this col. Nicoll s replyed, in a letter directed\\nto the honourable the governor of the Manhatoes,\\nas follows\\nRight", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "42\\nThe HISTOEY\\nA. D\\n166i.\\nRight worthy sii\\nIn answer to yours of the 4th of September, new\\nstile, by the hands of John de Decker, counsellor of\\nstate, Cornelius Van Riven, secretary and receiver,\\nCornelius Steenwick, burgo master, and James\\nCausseau, sheriff, I do think it once more agreeable\\nto the kings intentions, and my duty to his strict\\ncommands, to prop jse and receive all ways and\\nmeans of avoiding the effusion of christian blood\\nof which sincere intention, I suppose you are already\\nfully satisfied, and shall have no canse to doubt it\\nfor the future as also that I do insist upon my first\\nsummons and message to you, for a speedy surrender\\nof the towns and forts now under your command,.\\ninto his majesty s obedience and protection. You\\nmay easily believe that in respect of greater difficulties\\nwhich are ready to attend you I should willingly\\ncomply with your proposition to appoint depntit\u00c2\u00ab,\\nplace and time to treat of a good accommodation\\nbut unless you had also given me to know, that by\\nsuch a meeting you do intend to treat uj)on articles of\\nsurrender, I do not see just cause to defer the pur-\\nsuance of his majesty s commands, my first demand\\nand my last answer, of reducing your towus and\\nforts to his majesty s obedience; wliicli, why you call\\nacts of hostility, I see no reason However, since you\\nhave given yourself and messengers this new trouble.\\nI shall also take this fresh occasion, to assure you\\nthat I heartily with health, i)eace and pros] erity, to\\nevery inhabitant of your plantations, and particularly\\nto yourself, as being your affectionate humble servant,\\nRichard Xicolls.\\nGravesend, 25th August 1664.\\nThe Dutch governor finding Nicolls grew more\\nresolute in his enterprize, and the country in general\\nfor him, after having tried, in vain, what other pacifick\\nexpedients he could, at last agreed to a surrender of the\\nfort and province under his government, and commis-\\nsioners were authorized to treat upon the articles those\\nou", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "Of X E W J E K S E Y 43\\non the part of the Englisli were, sir Robert Carre,, knt. ^\\\\P-\\ncolonel George Cartwright, John Winthrop, esq go-\\nvernor of Connecticut, and Samuel Willis, one of his siouers.\\ncouncil, capt. Thomas Clarke, and capt. John Punct-\\nwon, commissioners from the general court of the\\nMassachusetts, the persons named by governor Stuy-\\nvesant were, John de Decker, Xicholas Varlett, com-\\nmissary, concerning matters of tratiick, Samuel Me-\\ngapolensis, Cornelius Steenwick, Stephen Courtland,\\nand James Coussea.\\nThe articles of this treaty as they are signed and\\nconfirmed by col. Xicolls and governor Stuvve-\\nsant, and subscribed by the commissioners^ bear date\\nthe 27th of August 1661 old stile,, and are as follows.\\n1. We consent that the states general, r the West Articles.\\nIndia company, shall freely enjf\u00c2\u00bby all farms and houses,\\nexcept such as are in the forts, and that within six\\nmonths they shall have free lil)erty to transi)ort all such\\narms and ammunition, as now do belong to them, or\\nelse they shall be paid for them.\\n2. All publick houses shall continue for the uses\\nwhich now they are for.\\n3. All people shall still continue free dennizens, and\\nenjoy their lands,, hoases, goods, ships wheresoever\\nthey are within the country, and dispose of them as\\nthey please.\\n4. If any inhabitant have a mind to remove\\nhimself, he shall have a year and six weeks from this\\nday to remove himself, wifcj children, servants, goods,\\nand to dispose of his lands here.\\n5. If any officer of state or publick minister of\\nstate have a mind to go for England, they shall be\\ntransported freight free in his majesty s frigates, whea\\nthose frigates return thither.\\n6. It is consented to that any people may freely come\\nfrom the Xetherlands, and plant in this country, and\\nthat Dutch vessels may freely come liither, and any of\\nthe-", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "44 TheHISTOKY\\nA. D. tlie Dutch may freely return home, or send any sort of\\n1664. merchandize home in vessels of their own country.\\n7. All ships from the Netherlands, or any other\\nplace and goods therein shall be received here and\\nsent hence after the manner which they formerly\\nwere, before our coming hither for six months next\\nensuing.\\n8. The Dutch shall enjoy the liberty of their consci-\\nences, in divine worship and Dutch discipline.\\n9. No Dutchman here, or Dutch ship here, shall\\nupon any occasion be pressed to serve in war against any\\nNation whatsoever.\\n10. That the townsmen of the Manhatoes shall not\\nhave any soldiers quartered upon them, without being\\nsatisfied and paid for them by the officers, and that at\\nthis present, if the fort be not ca])able of lodging all\\nthe soldiers, then the burgomaster by his officers, shall\\nap])oint some houses capable to receive them.\\n11. The Dutch here shall enjoy their own customs\\nconcernino: thidr inheritances.\\n12. All ublick writings and records, which concern\\nthe inheritances of any people, or the reglement of the\\nchurch or poor or orphans, shall be carefully kept by\\nthose in whose hands now they are, and such writings\\nas particularly concern the states general, may at any\\ntime be sent to them.\\n13. No judgment that hath passed any judicature\\nhere, shall be called in question, but if any conceive he\\nhath not had justice done him, if he apply himself to\\nthe States General, the other party shall be obliged to\\nanswer for the supposed injury.\\n14. If any Dutch living here, shall at any time\\ndesire to travel or traflfick into England, or any place\\nor plantation in obedience to his majesty of England,\\nor with the Indians, he shall have upon his request to\\nthe o-overnor, a certificate that he is a free Denizen of\\nthis place, and liberty it to do.\\n15. If it do appear that there is a publick engage-\\nment of debt, by the town of Manhatoes, and a\\nway", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E E S E Y 45\\nway agreed on for the satisfying of that engagement, A. p.\\nit is agreed that the same way proposed shall go on\\nand that the engagements shall be satisfied.\\n16. All inferior civil officers and magistrates, shall\\ncontinue as they now are, if they please, till the\\ncustomary time of new election, and then new ones\\nto be chosen by themselves provided that such new\\nchosen magistrates, shall take the oath of allegiance\\nto his majesty of England^ before they enter upon\\ntheir offices.\\n17. All diffi^rences of contracts and bargains made\\nbefore this day, by any in this country, shall be\\ndetermined according to the manner of the Dutch.\\n18. If it does appear that the West-India company,\\nof Amsterdam, do really owe any sums of money to\\nany persons here; it is agreed that recognition and\\nother duties payable by ships going for the Netherlands\\nbe continued for six months longer.\\n19. The officers military and soldiers, shall march\\nout with their arms, drums beating, anil colours flying,\\nlighted matches; and if any of them will plant they\\nshall have fifty acres of land set out to tiiem if any\\nof them will serve any as servants, they shall continue\\nwith all safety and become free Denizens afterwards.\\n20. If at any time hereafter the king of Groat-Bri-\\ntain and the States of the Netherland, do agree tiiat\\nthi s place and country be redelivered into the hands\\nof the said states, whensoever his majesty will send his\\ncommands to redeliver it, it siiall immeiliately be done.\\n21. That the town of Manhatans shall choose depu-\\nties, and those deputies shall have free voices in all\\npublick affiiirs.\\n22. That those who have any ])ro[)erty in any houses\\nin the fort of Aurania, shall if they please, sligl\\\\t the\\nfortifications there, and then enjoy all their houses as\\nall people do where there is no fort.\\n23. If there be any soldiers that will go into Hol-\\nland, and if the company of West India in Amster-\\ndam", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "46 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. dam, or any private persons liere, will transport thera\\ninto Holland, then they shall have a safe ])assport from\\ncol. Richard Xicolls, deputy governor under his royal\\nhighness, and the other commissioners, to defend tiie\\nships that shall trans])ort such soldiers and all the goods\\nin them from any sur])rizal or act of hostility to be done\\nby any of his majesty s ships or sul)jects.\\n24. That tlie copies of the king s grant to his royal\\nhighness, and the copy of his royal highness s commis-\\nsion to col. Richard NicoUs, testiiied by two com-\\nmissioners more and mr. Winthrop, to be true copies,\\nshall be delivered to the honourable Mr. Stuyvesant,\\nthe present governor, on Monday next by eight of the\\nclock in the morniug, at the old Milne, and these arti-\\ncles consented to and signed by col. Richard Nicolls,\\ndeputy governor to his royal highness, and that within\\ntwo hours after the fort and town called Xew Amster-\\ndam, upon the island of Manhatoes, shall be delivered\\ninto tlie hands of the said col. Richard Nicolls, by\\nthe service of such as shall be by him thereunto\\ndeputed by his hand and seal.\\nThe articles agreed on, the fort and city of New-\\nAmsterdam, were surrendered. Some of the houses\\nwere then l)uilt of brick and stone, and in j)art covered\\nwith red and black tile, and the land being high, it\\nm-ade an agreeable prospect to -those that visited it from\\nthe sea; Most of the Dutch iniiabitants remained, and\\ntook the oaths to the English government and they\\nand their posterity have been loyal subie ts ever since.^\\nThirteen days after the surrender of Xew Anister-\\ndam, coi. NicoUs, marched up the country to Orange\\nOrange. fort, and having taken it without much resistant-e, he\\ngave it the name of Albany, the duke of York s\\nScotch\\nIn tlie year 1751, as some workmen were (Jigging down tlie\\nbiink of the North Kiver, in New York, in order to build a siill-\\nliouse, a stone wall was discovered between four and five feet thick,\\nnear eigiit feet under ground, i^ipposed to have been the breast work\\nof a battery.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "mi.-\u00c2\u00bbsion.\\nO F N E W J E R S E Y 47\\nScotch title: But previous to tlie taking of tliis fort, P-\\nthe colonel and other commissioners sent sir Robert\\nCarre with the ships under his command, on an exjiedi- exiaedition\\ntion into Delaware bay and river, to reduce the inha-\\nl)itants there. To this end they granted him their\\nconimissiom\\nWhereas we are informed that the Dutch have His oom-\\nseated themselves at Delaware Bay, on his majesty of\\nGreat-Britain s territories, without his knowledge and\\nconsent, and that they have fortified tliemselves tliere,\\nand drawn a great trade thither, and being assured that\\nif they be permitted to go on, the gaining of this\\nplace will be of small advantage to his majesty We\\nhis majesty s commissioners, by virtue of his majesty s\\ncommission and instructions to us given, have advised\\nand determined to endeavour to bring that jdace and\\nall strangers there, in obedience to his majesty, and by\\nthese do order antl appoint that his majesty s frigates,\\nthe Guinea, and tlie William and Nicholas, and all\\nthe soldiery M hich are not in the fort, shall with what\\nspeed they conveniently can go thither, under the\\ncommand of sir Robert Carre, to reduce the same,\\nwilliug and commanding all officers at sea and land\\nand all soldiers to obey the said sir Robert Carre\\nduring this expedition. Given under our hands and\\nseals, at the fort in Xew-York, upon the isle of\\nMauhatoes, the third day of vSe})tember, 1664.\\nRichard Xicolls,\\nGeoH(;E CAKTWRKrHT,\\nSamuicl Maveiuck.\\nWith this commission, instructions Mere delivered\\nCarre, respecting the manner in whieh he was to con-\\nduct on his arrival in the bay of Delaware.\\nInstructions for sir Robert Carre, for the reducing\\nof Delaware bay, and settling the people there,\\nunder his majesty s obedience.\\nWhen you are come near unto tiie fort, which\\nis possessed by the Dutch, you shall send your boat\\non", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "48 The HISTORY\\nA^ D. on shore, to summons the governor and inliabitanta\\n1664. ^y yield obedience to his majesty, as the rightful\\nsovereign of that tract of land; and. let him and\\nthem know, that all the planters shall enjoy their\\nfarms, houses, land, goods and chattels, with the\\nsame priviledges, and upon tiie same terms which\\nthey do now possess them only that they change\\ntheir masters, whether they be the West-India com-\\npany, or the city of Amsterdam. To the Swedes\\nyon shall remonstrate their happy return under a\\nmonarchical government, and his majesty s good\\ninclinations to that nation, and to all men, who\\nshall comply with his majesty s rights and titles in\\nDelaware, without force of arms.\\nThat all cannon, arms and ammunition which\\nbelongs to the government, shall remain to his\\nmajesty.\\nThat the acts of parliament shall be the rule for\\nfuture trading.\\nThat all people may enjoy liberty of conscience.\\nThat for six months next ensuing, the same magis-\\nstrates shall continue in their offices, only that they\\nand all others in authority must take the oath of\\nallegiance to his majesty, and all publick acts be\\nmade in his majesty s name.\\nIf you find you cannot reduce the place by force,\\nor upon these conditions, you may add such as you\\nfind necessary on the place; but if those, nor force,\\nwill prevail, then you are to dispatch a messenger\\nto the governor of Maryland, with a letter to him\\nand request his assistance, and of all other English\\nwho live near the Dutch plantations.\\nYour first care (after reducing the place) is to\\nprotect the inhabitants from injuries, as well as vio-\\nlence of the soldiers which will be easily effected, if\\nyou settle a course for weekly or daily provisions by\\nagreement with the inhabitants which shall be\\nsatisfied to them, either out of the proffits, customs\\nor rents belonging to their present master, or in case\\nof necessity from hence. The", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "O F X E W J E R S E Y 49\\nThe laws for the present cannot be altered, as to A. D.\\nthe administration of Justice between the parties.\\nTo my lord Baltimore s son you shall declare, and\\nto all the English concerned in Maryland, that his\\nmajesty hath, at his great expence, sent his ships and\\nsoldiers to reduce all foreigners in those parts to his\\nraajesty s obedience and to that purpose only, you\\nare employed: But the reduction of the place being\\nat his majesty s exjicnce, you have commands to keep\\npossession thereof for his JIaJesiy s oicn behoof and\\nriyht and that you are ready to joyn the governor\\nof Maryland, upon his majesty s interest on all\\noccasions; and that if Lord Baltimore doth pretend\\nright thereto by his patent, (which is a doubtful\\ncase) you are to say, that you only keep j)ossession\\ntill his majesty is informed and satisfied otherwise.\\nIn other things, I must leave you to your discretion,\\nand the best advice you can get upon the place.\\nIn pursuance of this commission, Carre soon set\\nsail, with the ships under his command. On his arrival\\nagainst New-Castle, (then called Xew-Amstel) the ^S^ew-\\nDutch and Swedes, following the example of their\\ncapital. New- Amsterdam, capitulated and surrendered\\ntheir fort. The articles were signed and sealed by\\nthe English commanding officer, and six of the\\nprincipal inhabitants of the place, on behalf of them-\\nselveSy and others.\\nArticles of agreement between the honourable sir Articles.\\nRobert Carre, knight, on the behalf of his ma-\\njesty of Great-Britain, and the bnrgo- masters, on\\nbehalf of themselves, and all the Dutch and\\nSwedes, inhabiting on Delaware bay, and Dela-\\nware river.\\n1. That all the burgesses and planters will submit\\nthemselves to his majesty, without any resistance.\\n2. That whoever, or what nation soever, doth\\nsubmit to his majesty s authority, shall be protected\\nin their estates, real and personal whatsoever, by his\\nmajesty s laws and justice.\\nD 3. That", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "The history\\nA. D. 3. That the present magistrates shall be continued\\n1664. |j^ ^|-,gjj. offices, and jurisdiction to exercise their\\ncivil power as formerly.\\n4. That if any Dutchman or other person shall\\ndesire to depart from this river, it shall be lawful\\nfor him so to do with his goods, within six months\\nafter the date of these articles,\\n5. That the magistrates and all the inhabitants\\n(who are included in these articles) shall take the\\noaths of allegiance to his majesty.\\n6. That all people shall enjoy the liberty of their\\nconsciences, in church discipline as formerly.\\n7. That whoever shall take the oaths, is from that\\nHime a free Denizen, and sliall enjoy all the privi-\\nledges of trading into any of his majesty s domi-\\nnions, as freely as any Englishman, and may require\\na certilicate for so doing.\\n8. That the schout, the burgo-master, sheriff,\\nand other inferior magistrates, shall use and exercise\\nnheir customary power, in administration of justice,\\nwitiiin their precincts for six months, or until his\\nmajesty s |)leasure is further known.\\nDated October 1st 1664.\\nNew-Amsterdam, Orange Fort, and the inhabitants\\nup Delaware, being reduced, the whole country was\\nin a manner in possession of the English and things\\nbeing in a quiet posture about New- York, Nicolls\\nwas commissioned the 24th of October, 1664, by\\nCartwright and Mevericke, to repair to Delaware bay,\\nfor government of the place, by deputing such officers\\ncivil and military, and taking such other measures as\\nhe shonld think projier, until the kings pleasure was\\n1668. further known.^- Thus things rested till 1668 when\\nNicolls and his council at New-York, gave the follow-\\ning\\nI. In the liegining of tlie year 1665, there was a comet vi--ible\\nto tlie people on this continent: It had appeared in tlie November\\nbefore, and coniinned four months: It rose constantly about one\\no clock in the morning, in the south-east. It was seen likewise in\\nEngland, and in mo-^t other parts of the world, at the same time.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 61\\ning directions for a better settlement of the govern- A. B.\\nment on Delaware. t..\\nDirections\\nThat it is necessary to liold up the name and conn- for ihe go-\\ntenance of a o-arrison in Delaware, with twenty men vei-nment\\nac at Dela-\\nand one commission omcer. ware.\\nThat the commission officers siiall undertake to\\nprovide all sorts of provision for tlie whole garrison,\\nat the rate of 5d. per day, viz. wholesome bread,\\nbeer, pork, pease or beef, that no just complaint be\\nmade of either: That the soldiers, (so far as conve-\\nniently they may,) be lodged in the fort, and keep the\\nStockadoc S uj) in defence: that the civil government\\nin the respective plantations be continued till further\\norders.\\nThat to prevent all abuses or oppositions in civil\\nmagistrates, so often as com] laint is made, the com-\\nmission officer capt, Carre, shall call the scout, with\\nHans lock, Israel Holme, Peter llambo, Peter\\nCock, Peter Aldrick, or any two of them, as couii-\\nceilors to advise, hear, and determine by the major\\nvote, what is just, equitable and necessary in the case\\nand cases in question.\\nThat the same persons also, or any two or more of\\nthem, be called to advise and direct \\\\Yhat is best to be\\ndone in all cases of difficulty, which may arise from\\nthe Indians, and to give their councel and orders for\\nthe arming of the sev^eral plantations and planters,\\nwho must obey and attend their summons upon such\\noc*. asion.\\nThat two tiiirds at least of the soldiers remain\\nconstantly in and al)out New-Castle at all hours.\\nThat the fines or preniinures and light offences,\\nbe executed with moderation, though it is also neces-\\nsary that ill men be punished in an exemplary manner.\\nThat the conmiission officer capt. Carre, in the de-\\nteruiination of the chief civil aifairs, whereunto the\\ntemporary beforcmeutioned councellors are ordained\\nshall have a casting voice where votes are equal.\\nTiiat the new appointed councellors are to take the\\noath to his royal highness. That", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "The history\\nA. D.\\n1668.\\nThat the laws of the government, established by\\nhis royal highness, be shewed and frequently coramu-\\nnicated to the said councellors and all others, to the end\\nthat being therewith acquainted, the practice of them\\nmay also in convenient time be established which\\nconduceth to the publick well fare and common justice.\\nThat no offensive war be made against any Indians,.\\nbefore you receive directions from the governor for\\nyour so doing.\\nTiiat in all matters of difficulty and importance,.\\nyou must have recourse by way of api)eal, to the\\ngovernor and council at New- York.\\nThese instructions bore date the list of April 1668;\\nwithin two months afterwards, the government at New-\\nYork received advice, that some of the tribe of the\\nMantas Indians, nigh Delaware, had murdered the-\\nservants of one Tomm. Peter Aldricks and Peter\\nRambo, arriving soon after, confirm d that news, and\\nfurther inform d the government, that the Indians in.\\nthose parts desir d, there should be an absolute prohibi-\\ntion upon the whole river, of selling strong liquor to-\\nthe Indians generally by which it seems the late murders\\nhad probably been the consequence of a drunken frolick\\nthis is the more likely, as the whole body of the Indians-\\nin the first settled j)art of the lands on Delaware, after-\\nwards through a long course of ex[)erience, manifested\\nan open hospitable disposition to the English, and were\\nin the general, far from any designs to their prejudice.\\nThe governor and colonel Lovelace wrote to Carre,,\\nauthorizing him to convene those joined with him in.\\ncommission for the management of civil affairs, and\\nwith their advice to make all necessary rules and give\\norders for the government of both christians and\\nIndians; and because those murders, and the restraining\\nthe Indians from strong liquors, might be attended\\nwith difficulties,. Carre was ordered, after consulting\\nthe-", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JEESEY. 53\\nthe Indians on the best method of proceeding, to A. D.\\nsend the state of the -natter to the council at Xew-\\nYork.\\nAnother disturbance that soon followed, took up\\ntheir attention for a while, and seein d likely to prove\\nan affair of some consequence against the-new-establisli d\\ngovernment, but was prevented by the vigilance\\nof the persons in administration. A Swede at Delaware,\\nwho gave out tliat he was tlie son of Coningsmarke,\\nthe Sweedish general, went up and down from one\\nplace to another, s;)reading rumours to the d:sturbance\\nof (Mvil peace and the laws, intending thereby to make\\na party strong enough to raise an insurrection, and if\\npossible, throw otf the English allegiance; to him\\nwas associated Henry Coleman, one of the Finns, and Henry\\nan inhabitant at Delaware: The last left a good habi-\\ntation, cattle and corn, and was well versed in tlie\\nIndian language; as they both kept very much among\\nthe Indians their designs were the more suspected. The\\ngovernment however, ordered a j)ro(!lamation, that if\\nColeman did not surrender himself, to answer what\\nshould be objected against him in fifteen davs, his\\nestate should be secured to the king s use; whether he\\ncame in appeai-s not, but the other being a vagrant,\\nmore effectual measures were used, so that he was soon\\nin custody; all the rest who had a hand in the plot,\\nwere by the government at York, bound to give secu-\\nrity to answer for their conduct, and an account of their\\nestates ordered to be taken The governor in the mean\\ntime tells Carre in his letter upon this occasion, That\\nas for the poor deluded sort, I think the advice of\\ntheir own countrymen is not to be despised, who\\nknowing their tem] er well, prescribed a method for\\nkeeping them in order, which is severity, and laying\\n^such taxes on them as may not give them liberty to\\nentertain any other thoughts but how to discharge\\nthem.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "The history\\nA. D.\\n1668.\\nAn Indian\\nrape.\\nthem. I perceive the little Domine hath played the\\ntrumpter to this disorder; I refer the quality of his\\npunisliment to your direction/\\nAt a council held at New- York, October 18, 1669,\\nPresent: The Governor, Thomas Delaval,\\nRalph Whitfield, Thomas Willet, secry.\\nThis aifair being taken into consideration, it was\\nadjudged that Conningsmarke, commonly called the\\nlong Finne, dcserv d to die, yet in regard that\\nmany concern d with him in the insurrection, might\\nalso be involv d in the premunire, if the rigour of the\\nlaw should be extended, and amongst them diverse sim-\\nple and ignorant people, it was thought fit to order\\nthat the long Finne should be severely whipt, and stig-\\nmatized with the letter R, with inscription in great\\nletters on his breast, that he received that punishment\\nfor rebellion, and after to be secured till sent to Bar-\\nbadoes or some other remote plantation to be sold It\\nwas further ordered, tiiat the chief of his accomplices\\nshould forfeit to the king, one half of their goods and\\nchattels, and a smaller mulct laid on the rest to be left\\nat discretion of commissioners, appointed to examine\\nthe matter.\\nIn pursuance of this senteujce, the long Finne was\\nbrought fettered from Delaware, and put prisoner in\\nthe State-house at York, the 20th December, and there\\ncontinued a year, when a warrant was signed, and he,\\nin pursuance of it, transported for sale to Barbadoes.\\nAt this council also came under consideration, the\\ncase of an Indian, Avho had committed a rape on a\\nchristian woman tiie council ordered that he should be\\nput to death if he could be found, and that application\\nbe made to the Sachems of his tribe, to deliver him\\nup, that justice might be executed upon him. He had\\nbeen once taken and condemned to death by the com-\\nmissioners at Delaware, but broke gaol.\\nOne", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 65\\nOne Doufflass at the Hoarkill, after this, g-ave the A. D.\\nnew settlers a considerable disturbance by seditions\\npractices, but he was taken, sent to gaol, and afterwards\\nfrom thence to York, where he had his trial, and was\\nsent to the eastward, with a caution not to return into\\nthe government any more.\\nIn the month call February 1669, Francis Love- Governor\\nlace being then governor, a commission and letters Lovelace,\\nof instruction were sent to tlie Hoarkill, authorizing\\nHermanns Fredericksen, to be schout, Slander Matson,\\nOtto Walgast, and William Cleason to be commissaries,\\nwho were to keep good orders there, and to try all\\nn)atters of difference under 101. amongst themselves;\\nthis seems to be intended to save them the trouble of\\ngoing to New-Castle upon every trifling occasion; but\\nfor all matters above 10 1. they were to a]j[)ly themselves\\nto New York, and so for all criminals.\\nGovernor Lovelace gave also an order to captain\\nMartin Prieger, to receiv e the customs for all Euro-\\npean goods imported at the Hoarkill, and on the furrs\\nand peltry exported from thence, viz. 10 1. per cent.\\nWhereas I am given to understand, that all Euro- Customs\\nj)ean goods imported at the Hoarkill in Delaware bay, at the\\ntlid heretofore pay custom at the rate of 10 1. per cent. I^oarkills.\\nand all furrs and peltry exported from thence at the\\nsame rate, which turned to some advantage towards\\nthe support of the government, upon mature advice\\nand consideration had thereof, I have thouglit fit\\nto renew the former custom, and do therefore hereby\\norder and appoint caj)tain Martin Preiger, who is a\\nperson well versed in the trade of those parts, and very\\nwell known there both to the christians and Indians,\\nto be receiver and collector of the customs at the\\nHoarkill\\nm. He succeefled Nipolls in tlie siovernment of Ni W York, in\\n3I(ti/ 1667, and oontinued fjoveinur till llic colony was ^iven np to\\nthe Dutch in ihe smniner, 1673. Nicolls liad remained governor\\nsince the Dutch surrender till then, about two years and a half.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "The history\\nA. D. Hoarkill, wliere by himself or his deputy he is to\\n1664. receive 10 per cent, of all European goods imported\\nthere, whether coming from this place, New-Castle\\nin Delaware, or any other part and ten per cent.\\nalso for all furrs or peltry exported from thence,\\naccording to former custom and usage on that behalf;\\nand all persons whatsoever trading thither, or from\\nthence to any other place, are to take notice thereof,\\nand to obey this my commission, under the penalty\\nof confiscation of their goods if they shall presume\\nto do otherwise, the said (;apt. Prieger standing obliged\\nto be answerable here, for all such customs as shall be\\nreceived by himself or deputy there, of which he is\\nto render unto me a due and exact account.\\nmarks. It was very early to impose such an extraordinary clog\\nupon trade as 10 per cent, and no doubt hard\\nupon the young settlers to pay it, and the reason given\\nfor doing it (namely that it had been done before) seems\\nnot so well calculated to render the })ayment easy as\\nmight have been contrived probably the chief cause\\nwas that hinted at in the governor s letter to Carre, to\\nkeep them under by taxes, that they might not have\\nliberty to entertain any other thoughts but how to\\ndischarge them. The daily exigencies of the govern-\\nment in those precarious times aiforded a better present\\nplea, tho of no force for continuing it afterwards but\\nafter all, the government then more military than civil,\\nprobably but little thought of a necessity to bestow colour-\\ning upon their proceedings, however extraordinary, to\\na people whom they could at any time compel to their\\nmeasures hard where that is the case of necessity, but\\nmore hard and arbitrary when continued without that\\nneccssitif. These precedents introduced a similarity of tax-\\nation, which in time proved intolerable grievances.\\nBut be their reasons to themselves. As the Hoarkills to\\nthe Swedes appeared a place of rather more conse-\\nquence than it s thought since, their account may be\\nworth observation. Two", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 57\\nTwo leagues (says the manuscript in the Bri- A. D.\\ntish museum,) from cape Cornelius on the west i\\nn II Swedes\\nside ot the riv^er near its mouth, there is a certain descrip-\\ncreek called the Hoeren Kill, which may well pass tion ofthe\\nfor a middling or small river, for it is navigable a\\ngreat way u|)\\\\vard, and its road is a fine road for ships\\nof all burthens, there being none like it for safety and\\nconvenience in all the bay, the right channel for\\nsailing up the bay passing near it.\\nA certain ]ierson Avho for several years together had\\nbeen a soldier in the fort, informed us about the\\nmonth of June, 1662, being then but lately come\\nfrom thence, concerning the Hocrn kill or Harlot s\\ncreek that along the sea sliore it was not above two\\nleagues from the cape, and that near the fort which\\nis at the mouth of it, it is about 200 paces broad and\\nnavigable and very dcej) to about half a league\\nupwards, the pilots say generally about six feet of\\nwater in going in, but the canoes can go about two\\nleagues higher There are two small islands in it, the\\nfirst very small the last about half a league in circum-\\nference, both overgrown with tine gniss, es[)ecially\\nthe latter, and are at about half a league distance asun-\\nder, and the latter about a league from the channel s\\nmouth The two islands are surrounded with a muddy\\nground, in which there grows the best sort of oysters,\\nwhich said ground begins near the first island, i or the\\nmouth of the channel has a sandy bottom, being also\\nvery deep, and therefore there are no oysters there\\nNear the snwUer island and higher up it is as broad\\nagain as at the mouth, near the said fort the channel\\nfor a good way runs at an ecpial distance from the sea,\\nhaving the breadth of about two hundred ])aces of\\nhigh downy land lying between them, near the ibrt\\nthere is a glorious s]) rhig of fresh water, a small rill\\nrising in the south east part of the country, and\\nfalling from a rising hill, runs through this downy\\nland into tlie mouth of tlie Iloern kill, or Harlot s\\ncreek,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "58 The HISTORY\\nA. D. creekj is for its goodness and fertility famed for\\n1669. i ^ijg ygj^.y jjgg^ Qf New-Netherland.\u00c2\u00ab-\\nThe name of Hoernkill or Harlot s creek, had\\nas we are informed, its rise from the liberality of the\\nIndians, for lavishly prostituting, especially at that\\nplace, their maidens and daughters to our Nether-\\nlanders Otherwise it is by David Pietersz de Uries,\\nwho about the year 1630 first endeavoured to settle\\nthere, called Swanendal.\\nThe above description however, in the general true\\nat the time it was wrote, leaves room for a doubt,\\nat least as to the origin of the name.o- The probability\\nlies that it arose from the creeks Avinding much in the\\nshape of a horn whence the Dutch (and not the\\nSwedes) first took occasion to call it the Hoernkill this\\nis the tradition of the inhabitants there. Soon after\\nEnglish possession, it got the name of Lewis-Town,\\nby which it is mostly called It is situate at the mouth\\nAlteration of Delaware bav.P- and is the general resort for pilots,\\nID 3. CrCGK\\nand chan- Waiting to convoy vessels up the river Where the\\ncreek is described deep and sandy, is now a mowing\\nmarsh The channel also by the Hoarkill, then used\\nfor vessels to pass, is diminished to about a hundred\\nyards breadth at the mouth The two islands, one very\\nsmall, and the other but half a league in circumference,\\nare\\nn. The whole country from New-York to Pennsylvania, being\\nthen so called tis observable, that this autiior through the whole,\\ngives the South i-iver greatly the preference.\\n0. C. Coldeu in his history of the five nations pa. 11. relates a\\ncustom of the same kind among them, but there (loes not appear\\nsufficient foundation to suppose these Indians originally justly charge-\\nable with such a practice, at least of the tribes geiiernUy and the\\nrelation of the Swedes is not in every instance to be depended on:\\nbad as the Indians now appear, and have inaiiy (jf them prov d, they\\nwere foruierl v belter in a case doubtful tis perhaps best to err on the\\ncharitable side.\\np. The Delaware probably got it s name from the lord Delaware,\\nwho sailed in a ship of 250 tons, in April 1618, with 200 people\\nfor Virginia, but died at sea. Prince s JN E. Chronoloyy. p. 54.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 59\\nare now the first supposed to be ten, and the last thirty A. D.\\ntimes as large as there described and this alteration\\nin about a hundred years.\\nCHAP. IV.\\nKing Charles the second, and duke of York s grants,\\nwhence lord Berkely and sir George Carteret, became\\nseized of Neio- Jersey The first constitution of g over a-\\nment under them The settlement of Bergen, Middle-\\ntown, Shrewsbury, and Elizabeth- Toion. Philip\\nCarteret appointed governor of Jersey: The Indian\\npurchase of Elizabeth-Town, by the settlers; and the\\nfirst general Indian purchase by the proprietor, g.\\nTH E right of the crown of England to these\\nprovinces indisputably founded, as belbre\\ndeduced, King Charles the second, did by letters K. Char-\\npatent, bearing date the twentieth day of March,\\n1664, for the consideration therein mentioned, grant\\nunto James, duke of York, his heirs and assigns,\\nall that part of the main land of New-England,\\nbeginning at a certain place, called or known by the\\nname of St. Croix, near adjoining to New-Scotland,\\nin America; and from thence extending along the\\nsea coast, unto a certain place called Pemaqine or\\nPemacjuid, and so up the river thereof, to the furthest\\nhead of the same, as it tendeth northward and ex-\\ntending from thence to the river of Kimbcqnin, and\\nso upwards by the shortest course, to the river Canada\\nnorthwards; and also all that island or islands, com-\\nmoiily called by the several name or names of Mato-\\nwacks or Long-Island, situate and being towards\\nthe west of Cape-Cod, and the narrow Higansetts, a\\nbutting ujjon the land between the two rivers, there\\ncalled or known by the several names of Connecticut\\nand Hudson s river; together also with the said river\\ncalled", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "60\\nThe H ISTORY\\nA. D.\\n1669.\\nDnke of\\nYork s\\nlease and\\nrelease.\\ncalled Hudson s river and all the land from the west\\nside of Connecticut river, to the east side of Delaware\\nbay and also several other islands and lands in the\\nsaid letters patent mentioned together with the\\nrivers, harbours, mines, minerals, quarries, woods,\\nmarslies, waters, lakes, fishings, hawking, hunting\\nand fowling, and all other royalties, profits, com rao-\\ndities and heriditaments to the said several islands,\\nlands and premises, belonging or appertaining.\\nThe duke of York being thus seized, did by his\\ndeeds of lease and release, bearing date tlie 2Zd, and\\n2Ath days of June, 1664, in consideration of a com-\\npetent sum of money, grant and convey unto John\\nlord Berkely, baron of Stratton, one of the kings\\nprivy council and sir George Carteret, of Saltrum,\\nin the county of Devon, knight, and one of the jM ivy\\ncouncil, 7 and their heirs and assigns forever all that\\ntract of land adjacent to New-England, and lying\\nand being to the westward of Long-Island and\\nManhattus island and bounded on the east j)art by\\nthe main sea, and part by Hudson s river and hath\\nupon the west, Delaware bay or river; and extendeth\\nsouthward to the main ocean as far as C/ape-May,\\nat the mouth of Delaware bay and to the north-\\nward as far as the northerinnost branch of the said i)ay\\nor river of Delaware which is in 4.1 degrees and\\n40 minutes of latitude, and crosseth over thence in a\\nstraight line to Hudson s river, in 41 degrees of\\nlatitude; which said tract of land is hereafter to be called\\nNova-Cesaria or New- Jersey and also all rivers,\\nmines, minerals, woods, fishings, hawkings, huntings,\\nand fowlings, and all other royalties, profits, com-\\nmodities, and heriditaments whatsoever to the said\\nlands\\nq. Sir George Carteret was gevernor of Jersey, and lield it for\\nK. Charles ii in the troubles of 1649, -expelled the house of com-\\nmons, in 1669 for confused accounts, as chamberlain. Smollef.\\nTreasurer of the navy, and vice chamberlain of the king s house-\\nhold. Clarendon.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "Of NEW,JEESEY.\\nlaiKls unci premises, belonging or in any wise appear- A. D.\\ntauinig, With their and every of their appurte.uinces ^^^9.\\nin as full and ample manner as the same is granted\\nmito the said duke of York, by the before recited\\nletters ])atents.\\nThe Lord Berkeley, and. sir George Carteret, in Berkley\\nconsequence of tiiis conveyance, now sole proprietors f\\nof New-Jersey, for the better settlement thereof, \u00e2\u0080\u00a2onstim-\\nagreed upon certain constitutions of government;\\nw!u(;h were so well relished, that the eastern parts of\\nthe province were soon considerably peopled.-\\nThis was the first constitution of Xew-Jersev, and it\\ncontinued e.itire, till the province became diVided in\\n1(J76. Sir George Carteret, then the onlv proprietor\\nof the eastern division, conHrm d and explained the\\nconcessions, with a few additions. The county of Bergen Eergea.\\nwa.s the first settled place, a great manv dutch bc^hig\\nalready there, when the i)rovince was slu-rendered, re-\\nmained under the English, government. A few Danes\\nwere probably concerned in the original settlement of\\nthis county, whence cauie Bergen, after the capital of\\nNorway. The manner of originally settling is singular,\\nl)ut small lots where their dwelling houses are? ancl\\nthese contiguous in the town r.f Bergen Their {.ian-\\ntations which they occupy for a livelihood, are at\\nsome distance; the reason of fixing thus, is said to be\\nthrough fear of the numerous Indians in the early\\ntimes of their settlement, about forty or fifty years,\\nbefore the surrender. t+\\nr. Vi )e. Appendix, numb. i.\\nbv%lTp %nir settlement, will be nearly ascertained\\nbv the fo lowing extract.- As some unbiown co-intrv further\\nI non-hV?] viewimenniVrie\\nI ly.nuM.h colony) when ihcy en.^a^red in this advent,.rons vova-e\\nrn-fll- n intending to settle a\\nI HN there of he.r own, privatelv hired the master of the shin to\\ncontr.ve delays in England, then to. steer them, to thte no.tirern\\ncoasts\\n61", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "62\\nThe Hl^STORY\\nA. D.\\n1669.\\nIndian\\npiircliase\\nof Eliza-\\nbeth Town\\nand\\nNicoll s\\npatent.\\nFreehold.\\nElizabetli,\\nNewark,\\nMiddle-\\ntown and\\nShrews-\\nbury.\\nIt was in 1664, that John Bailey, Daniel Denton, and\\nLuke Watson, of Jamaica, on Long-Island, purchased\\nof certain Indian chiefs, inhabitants of Staten-Island\\na tract or tracts of land, on part of which the\\nTown of Elizabeth now stands; and for which (on\\ntheir petition) governor Richard Nicolls granted a\\ndeed or patent to John Baker of New- York, John\\nOgden, of Northampton, John Bailey, and Luke\\nWatson, and tlieir associates dated at fort James,\\nin New- York, tlie second of December. This\\nwas before lord Berkely s and sir George Carteret s\\ntitle was known and by this means, this part of\\nthe province had some few very early settlements,\\nwhether ^Nliddk town and Shrewsbury had not Dutch\\nand English inhabitants before, we are not authorized\\nto say About this time however, was a great resort of\\nindustrious reputable farmers tlie English inhabitants\\nfrom the west end of Long-Island, almost generally\\nremoved to settle hither; and most of them fixed\\nabout Middletown, from whence by degrees, they\\nextended their settlements to Freehold and thereabouts.\\nTo Sbrewsbury there came many families from New-\\nEngland There were very soon four towns in the\\nprovince, viz. Elizabeth, Newark, Middletown, and\\nShrewsbury and these with the country round, were\\nin a few years plentifully inhabited, by the accession\\nof the Scotch, of whom there came a great many,\\nsuch settlers as came from England, those of the Dutch\\nthat remained, and those from the neighbouring\\ncolonies.\\nLord\\ncoast*, and there under pleas of shoals and winter to discourage\\nthem Iroai venturing farther. Afi;reeal)le to this, while the Kiiglish\\nLeydeners (i. e. the said Plyiuouth company) were prepariuj; fur\\ntlieix voyage, as capt. Doruier returned froui Virginia to New-\\nEngland, he met certain Hollanders, s.iilitig for Hudson s riv^r,\\nwiiLrc- ihev had hud a trade for several years. Prince s N. E.\\nChroanl. iJ. S3, 84.\\nt. Till- is what .i-! ComuKmly called the Elizabeth-Town grant.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 63\\nLord Berkely and sir George Carteret havinai; aa;reed A. D.\\nupon their concessions, appointed Philip Carteret p Carte-\\ngovernor of New-Jersey, and gave him power with et gover-\\nthe advice of the major part of the council, to grant\\nlands to all such as by the concessions were entitled\\nth !reto, and tho there is no jn-ovision in the concessions\\nibr bargaining with the Indians,^- Governor Carteret\\non his arrival thought it prudent to purchase their purchases\\nrights: This was to be done for sums inconsiderable, of the la-\\nin comparison with the damage a neglect might\\nhave occasioned.^- For though the Indians hbout the\\nEnoclish settlements, were not at this time considerable\\nas to numbers, they were strong in their alliances, and\\nbesides of themselves could easily annoy the out\\nplantations and there having been before several\\nconsiderable\\nu. This in 1672 was supplied by particular instt notions directing\\ntliat the tdvernor and council h()iild purchase all lanils fmni the\\nIndians and be reiinbnisid by the settlers, as they made their pur-\\nchases.\\nX. Richard Harlshorne. a considerable seller at Middletown, who\\n1 came over in this year had like to ha ve ex pcrienceii some lisad vantage\\nfrom ihis tit-j^lect in lli patentees of tliat town; The Indians says he\\nS came lo my iion-^e, and laid iheir hands on the post and frame of\\nthe house and said that house was llieirs, they never had any thing\\nfor it. and tod me if I would not buy the land, I must I)e gone.\\nBut 1 minded it not, thinking it was Davis s land, and they\\nwanted to get something of me ihey at last told me they would kill\\nmy cattle and Imrn my hay. if I would nut buy the land nor be ^une\\n*tlun 1 Went to ihe Patentees, which were James Grover, Richard\\nSlout, .John Bound, ami Richard Gibbons; they told me it was\\nnever bought, nor had the Indians any thing for it. jSicolls desired\\nofihem anil the Indians also, only to h.ive leave to set a trading\\nhouse, and at that time thty did not intend any one should have the\\nIan I, but keep it f(jr the use of the country, always giving leave\\ntor any man to ira ie with goods and not otiierwise; but I told them\\n1 wouUl no; live on those terras, and not only so, but it was dan-\\ngenius, for the Indians threatned [o kill my caitle they told me no\\nman had power to buy, hut ihe patentees, and they woidd i)uy it;\\nthus it continued some monihs. I considered the thing as well as\\nJ then was capable, and went to Gravesend and bought William\\nGouldei- out, and when I came back the Indians were at me and I\\ndid. James Grover, Richard Sioui, Samuel Spii-er were at Wake-\\nrake, when I bought Wake-cake and paid for it, I- being then a\\nPatent!. e as well as the rest.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "1669.\\n64 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. eonsitlerable skirmishes between the Dutch and them,,\\nin whigh some blood had been spilt, their friend-\\nship on this consideration it was thought stood but\\nticklish Upon the whole, the governor so ordered it,\\nthat the coiners were either to purchase of the Indians\\nthemselves, or if the lands were before purchased, they\\nwere to pay their proportions The event answered his\\nexpectation, for as the Indians parted with the lands\\nto their own satisfaction, they became of a jealous,\\nshy jieople, serviceable good neighbours, and though\\nfrequent re])orts of their coming to kill the white peo-\\nple, sometimes disturbed their repose, no instance occurs\\nof their hnrting them, 2/- in those early settlements.\\nIn the Dutch skirmishes with the Indians, it is said\\nthe English from Long-Island, together with such as\\nwere settled among the Dutch, used to join the latter\\nin frequent excursions up the rivers to annoy or figure\\niradition amouo; the Indians There is a tradition, that in one of\\n01 llie\\nDutch at- those expeditions up a Jersey river, one of the company\\ntlie lndi- more curiosity or boldness than the rest, went at\\naiis. some distance in the country to discover an Indian town,\\nwhich at last lie did,, by coming uj)on it before he was\\nwell aware of his situation; there Avere many seated\\nquietly together; at the instant he saw them, they saw\\nhim, he was surpi ized, but quickly recollecting him-\\nself, took a paper out of his pocket, and with that\\nboldly went up, telling them it was proposals from the\\ngovernment at York,, and read at random such things\\nas came into his heiid by this stratagem he got off\\nunmolested, and discovering at York what he had seen,\\ntold the gov^ernment, if tliey would send a party against\\nthem he would be their pilot: A party was accordingly\\nsent, coming upon the Indians in the night, some of\\nthem foand means tO get in to windward of their little\\ntov/n,\\ny. TluU is tlie English, here spoken of..", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JEESEY. 65\\ntown and setting fire to it, burnt the whole down tlieir A D\\nwigwams were built close, together, and made of flao-s l^GG.\\nbushes, and other light combustible matter,* covered\\nwith the bark of trees, so that the fire burnt with vio-\\nlence; the Indians notwithstanding their surprise, took\\nto their bows and arrows, and used them with dexterity\\nand courage, till being overpowered, several of thein\\nwere destroyed.\\nThat we may place traditional intelligence of this\\nsort together, we will here venture at one more little\\noccurrence of that kind but with this remark, tiiat we\\npretend to no greater certainty in either, than what\\narises from the probability of fixcts supported bv esta-\\nblished credit of persons relating Hiein, and the known\\nhostilities at times subsisting between the Dutch and\\nIndians in their early settlement.\\n^-pVhile New- York was in i)ossession of the Dutch,\\nabout the time of the Indian war in New-England a\\nDutch ship coniing from Amsterdam, was stranded\\non bandy Hook,^. ^ut the passengers got on shore-\\namong them was a young Dutchman who had been Case of a\\nsick most of the voyage he was taken so bad after gf\\nlanding, that he could not travel; and the other pas- bly aved\\nsengers being afraid of the Indians, would not stav till JT\\nhe recovered, but made what haste they_cpuld to New- 7\\nAmsterdam; his wife howevep/^uld not leave him,\\nthe rest promised to send as soon as thev arrived They\\nhad not been long gone, before a companv of Indians ^r^^\\ncoining down to the water side, discovered diem on the\\nbeach, and hastening to the spot, soon killed the man,\\nand cut and mangled the woman in such a manner that\\nthey left her for dead. She had strength enough to\\ncrawl up to some old logs not far distant, and getting\\ninto\\nmn .V- l T f 7 ^^y i\u00c2\u00b0 Delaware, ni^h Christeen, but this is\\nmohi Jikely to be true.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "66 TheHISTOEY\\nA. D. into a hollow one, lived mofstlv in it for several days,\\n1 l-\u00c2\u00bb r-v J 7\\nsubsisting in part by eating the excrescences that grew\\nfrom it the Indians had left some fire on the shore,\\nwhich she kept together for warmth having remained in\\nthis manner for some time, an old Indian and a young one\\ncoming down to the beach found her; they were soon\\nin high words, which she afterwards understood was a\\ndispute; the former being for keeping her alive, the\\nother for dispatching After tliey had debated the point\\na while, the first hastily took her up, and tossing her upon\\nhis shoulder, carried her to a place near where Middle-\\ntown now stands, where he dressed her wounds and soon\\ncured her.: After some time the Dutch at New-Amster-\\ndam hearing of a white Avoman among the Indians,\\nconcluded who it must be, and some of them came to\\nher relief; the old man her preserver, gave her the choice\\nA?,j/^ 6 eitherjo go or stay she chose the first A while after\\nmarrying to onejStout, they lived together at Middletown\\namong other Dutch inhabitants; the old Indian who\\nsaved her life, used frequently to visit her at one of\\nhis visits she observed him to be more pensive than com-\\nmon, and setting do\\\\\\\\m he gave three heavy sighs after\\nthe last she thought herself at liberty to ask him what\\nwas the matter? He told her he had something to tell\\nher in friendship, tho at the risk of his own life, which\\nwas, that the Indians were that night to kill all the\\nwhites, and advised her to go off for New-Amsterdam\\nshe asked him how she could get oif? he told her he\\nhad provided a canoe at a place which he named Bcjing\\ngone from her, she sent for her husband out of the\\nfield, and discovered the matter to him, who not\\nbelievina: it, she told him the old man never deceived\\nher, and that she with her children would go; accord-\\ninglv going to the place apj)ointed, they found the\\ncanoe and paddled off. When they were gone, the\\nhusband began to consider the thing, and sending for\\nfive", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "O F X E W J E R S E Y 67\\nfive or six of his neighbours, they set upon their guard A. D.\\nAbout midnight they heard the dismal war-hoop pre-\\nsently came up a company of Indians; they first expo-\\nstulated, and then told them, if they persisted in their\\nbloody design, they would sell their lives very dear\\nTheir arguments prevailed, the Indians desisted, and\\nentered into a league of peace, which was kept with-\\nout violation; From this woman, thus remarkably\\nsaved, with her scars visible, through a long life, is\\ndescended a numerous posterity of the name of Stout,\\nnow inhabiting Xew-Jersey At that time there were\\nsupposed to be about fifty families of white people,\\nand five liundred Indians inhabiting those parts.\\nGovernor Carteret did not arrive to his government\\nof New-Jersey, till the latter end of the summer,\\n1665; till which time the province was under Nieolls s\\njurisdiction On the arrival of the former, he sum-\\nmoned a council, granted lands, and administered the\\ngovernment on tlie plan of tiie general concessions,\\nand took up his residence at Elizabeth-Town, to\\nwhich it is said he gave the name, after Elizabeth,\\nwife of sir George Carteret: With him came\\nabout thirty people some of them servants They\\nbrought goods proper for the planting a new country\\nand the governor soon afterwards sent persons into\\nNew-England, and other ])laces, to publish the pro])ri-\\netors concessions, and to invite people to settle there;\\nupon which many soon came from thence: some\\nsettled at Elizabeth-Town, others at Woodbridge,\\nPiscattaway and Newark The ship that brought the\\ngovernor, having remained about six months, retur-\\nned to England, and tiie year after made another\\nvoyage. Sundry other vessels were from time to time\\nsent by the proprietors with people and goods, to\\nencourage the planting and peopling their lands.\\nThus the province of East-New-Jersey increased in\\nsettlement", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "68 TheHISTORY\\nA. D, settlement, and continued to grow till the Dutch inva-\\nsion in 1673, when they having got possession of the\\ncountry, some stop was put to the English government;\\nbut the treaty afterwards between king Charles the\\nsecond, and the States general at London 1673-4, put\\nall general difficulties of that kind out of dispute tlie\\nsixth article whereof is in these words, Tliat wliatever\\ncountry, island, town, haven, castle, or fortress, hath\\nbeen, or shall be taken by either party from the other\\nsince the beginning of the late unhappy war, whetlier\\nin Europe or elsewhere, and before the expiration of\\nthe times above limited for hostility, shall be restored\\nto the former owner in the same condition it shall be\\nin at the time of publishing this peace.\\nTho the inhabitants were at variance among them-\\nselves, there was also pretty constantly a resort of settlers\\nbetween the years 1665 and 1673, and they increased\\nfast afterwards. But the P^lizabeth-Town purchasers\\nand others, setting up a right, differing in some respects\\nfrom that of the proprietors, and other incidents\\nfalling out, which, though some of them inconsiderable,\\nand others one would think might then easily iiave\\nbeen settled, yet nourished by a more vindictive spirit\\non all sides than was immediately necessary, they occa-\\nsioned much disturbance.^ Carteret going for England\\nBerry. in the summer, 1672, left capt. John Berry his deputy.\\nHe returned in 1674, and found the inhabitants more\\ndisposed to union among themselves, and bringing\\nWith him the king s proclamation, and a fresh conmiission\\nand instrnctions from sir George Carteret, he sum-\\nmoned the people, and had them all published Avhich for\\na while had a good efiect towards restoring projirietary\\nauthority\\na. It is not our business to enter pai-iicultirly into tliese disturbances\\ntlifv went in sevenil instances lo di-reput:il le lengths. Governor\\nAndros of York, in lOSO, undertook to dispute governor Carteret\\nof .Jersey s coniiiii sion, and sending to Klizabeth-Town an armed\\nforce, seized and carried liini prisoner to. 2sew-York.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- JERSEY. 69\\nauthority, and tlie puhlick peace He remained g-over- A. D.\\n1 fifiQ\\nnor till his death in 168 2. In his time the areneral\\nassemblies and supreme courts sat at Elizabeth-Town,\\nand the councils generally Here the secretary s office,\\nand most other pulilick offices were held here also\\nmost of the officers of the government then resided.\\nIn September 1671, an extraordinary council was 1671.\\nheld at New- York present, Governor Lovelace, the\\nmayor and secretary of New- York, major Steenwick,\\ngovernor Philip Carteret, and captain James Carteret\\nof New-Jersey: The occasion was this, William Tomm\\nand Peter Alricks, had just arrived from Delaware, Particu-\\nwith the j)arti( ulars of the Indian murders mentioned nuirdera\\nbefore, that two christians (Dutch men) had, as there .y\\nrelated, been murdered by some Indians at the island\\nMatinicunkj j on Delaware: Alricks being present\\nat the council, informed them, the nation of whom\\ntliesc murderers were, consisted of about fifty or sixty\\npersons, and that the mischiefs committed on Delaware\\nthis seven years, were said to be done by them That\\nthe Indians their confederates (as it was supposed they\\nwoidd be if a war should iollow) were about a thou-\\nsand persons, besides women and children That two\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0of the saggamores of the nation of the murderers,\\npromised their best assistance, to bring them in, or\\nprotuire them to l)C knocked in tiie head, if counte-\\nnanced\\nb. Tlie upper island situate partly l)i twci.Mi Iiiirlinu:(i)ii and Bristol,\\nafuTW ird-i takrn up by a propi-ictary I iirlil, liy IviUert Stacy, and\\nby him given lo Bmlinsifiun; and in 1682, contiriu d by a itropiie-\\ntary law, for the use of a tree school forever. It is detach d i rona\\nthe main hy a little channel occasion d by the waters of Essiscnnk\\ncreek. When Gookin, a former governor of Pennsylvania, was\\nal)( iit obtaining a grant of the islands in Delaware, it is saitl the lords\\nof I radt excepted this in their report to the king and council, as having\\nbeen already occupied; ant! not on a footinij witli the other i-;lands;\\nit is inconsiderable as to value compared with iiiany of the others,\\nyet long ixisses-sion and some improvements, have rendered it\\nuseful to Bnrlintfton.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "70 The HISTORY\\nA. D. nanced by the government; and that many other\\nIndians he met upon the road, much disallow d of the\\nmurder, and were very sorry for it, and offered their\\nassistance against them. Ah icks further related,\\nthat it was proposed by the sachems, as the best scheme\\nto set upon this nation, to cause a kintecoy to be held\\nand that in the midst of their mirth, one should be\\nhired to knock them in the head adding, as his own\\nopinion, that the best time to fall upon them was\\nabout the 25th October because after that their usual\\nmanner was to go a hunting, and then they could not\\nbe easily found But now the immediate danger was\\nof their destroying the corn and cattle of the christians,\\nand that the murders were owing to Tashiowyoan, who\\nhaving a sister dying, expressed great grief for it, and\\nsaid the Mannetta hath killed my sister, and I will go kill\\nthe christians; and taking another with him, they toge-\\nther executed the barbarous facts.\\nThis information considered, the council concluded,\\nthat Thomas Lewis, then bound with his sloop for\\nNew-Castle, should be stayed from his voyage, for\\nthree or four days when Alricks and Henry Courtu-\\nrier, would be ready to go with him that in the mean\\ntime, general instructions should be drawn to take\\nalong with them That the Governor of New-\\nJersey, and capt. James Carteret, (then present) should\\nexpeditiously order a general assembly to be called in\\nthat government, (according to their custom upon all\\nemergent occasions) to know the people s strength and\\nreadiness; and how far they were willing to contribute\\ntowards the prosecution of a war against the Indians.\\nThat a frequent correspondence be kept between\\nthe two governments, and that nothing be done in\\nthis Indian War, without mutual advice and consent of\\nboth the governors unless upon extraordinary oppor-\\ntunity, where advantage against the enemy might\\nsuddenly be taken, before notice could be given.\\nThese", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "Or NEW-JERSEY. 71\\nThese resolutions taken, the next step was to tran- A.^D\\nsmit instructions to William Tomra, (he was either\\none of the commissaries appointed by Carre, and the\\nautliority at New-Castle, or a kind of deputy under\\nthem, up Delaware) that he might forecast how a war\\nmight be prosecuted to the best advantage; and it\\nrequiring time to get things in order, all the frontier\\nscattering plantations, were immediately to thresh out\\nor remove their corn, and dispose their cattle, so as to\\nreceive the less damage by the effects of the war:\\nNext he was to order, that none on pain of death,\\nshould presume to sell any powder, siiot, or strong\\nwaters to the Indians and that in the mean time, the\\ninhabitants were to carry (if such a tiling was practi-\\ncable) a seeming complacency witli the nation of whom\\nwere the murderers, either by treaty or traffick, to\\nprevent suspicion of the designs on foot but withall\\nit was directed, that if they would eitlier deliver up\\nthe murderers, or their heads the English were at\\nliberty to assure them of no disturbance. Lovelace\\nalso wrote to Carre upon this occasion, to be vigilant\\nin making preparations for the war and as directions\\ncould not be punctual, the whole was left to his pru-\\ndent management, with advice of his commissaries.\\nThe next council held upon this occasion, was in\\nNovember, at Elizabeth-Town present, the gover-\\nnors Lovelace and Carteret, and divers others. Here\\nthe season was thought too far advanced, to begin the\\nwar; but the magistrates were authorized to treat\\nwith the neighbouring Sasquehana Indians, or others,\\nto join together against the murderers, and such as\\nharboured them and to promise a reward as they\\nshould think lit provided caution was used so as to\\ncreate no sudden jealousy; But this proved unneces-\\nsary the Indians uneasy about the murder, were not\\naverse to a full revenge, as the event proved. In\\nDecember, a parcel of them meeting at Rambo s,\\nsent\\n1671.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "72\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1672.\\nAn Indian\\nshot.\\nN ew-\\nAmstell\\nincorpo-\\nrated.\\nDistil r-\\nbaiice at\\nthe 1 J oar-\\nkill.\\nsent for Tomm and others, and promised within six\\ndays to bring in the murderers, dead or alive Accord-\\ningly two Indians sent by the sachems, to take them,\\ncoming to Tashowycan s wig-wam in the night; one\\nof them his particular friend him he asked if he\\nintended to kill liim he answered no, but the sachems\\nhave ordered you to die He demanded what his brothers\\nsaid being told they also said he must die, he then\\nholding his hands before his eyes, said kill me: Upon\\nthis the other Indian, not his intimate, shot him in\\nthe breast They took his body to Wickaco, and after-\\nwards hung it in chains at New-Castle The English\\ngave the sachems for this, five matchcoats. The other\\nmurderer hearing the shot, ran naked into the woods,\\nand wliat came of him after, afipears not. The Indians\\nupon this death, summoned many of their young men,\\nand before the English, told them, that now they saw\\na beginning of punishment, and all that did the like\\nshould be so served. Thus ended an a,ffair, which\\nwhile these Indians were a formidal)le body, looked\\ndiscouraging.\\nThe town of New-Castle, in the spring, 1672, was\\nby the government at York, made a corporation, to\\nbe governed by a bailiff and six assistants after the\\nfirst year the four old to go out, and four others to\\nbe chosen The bailiff was president, with a double\\nvote the constable chosen by the bench they had\\npower to try causes as far as ten pounds, without\\nappeal The English laws were established in the town,\\nand among the inhabitants on both sides Delaware\\nThe office of Schout was converted into a sheriff, for the\\ncorporation and river, annually chosen and they were\\nto have free trade without being obliged to make entry\\nat New- York, as heretofore had been the practice.\\nAbout this time happened a considerable disturbance\\nat tile Hoarkills A party from Maryland, headed by\\none", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 73\\none Jones, made an incursion, and binding the ma- A. D.\\ngistrates, and other inhabitants, carried oif what\\nplunder they could being joined by Daniel Brown,\\na })lant.er at the Hoarkills he Avas sent to New-York,\\ntook his tryal and was convicted but on promises of\\namendment, and a small security for future good\\nbehaviour dismissed. With respect to the Marylanders,\\nLovelace s letter to that governor, shows him to have\\nhad some spirit, tlio his character in general was\\nrather that of an upright, but timid governor and good\\nnatured man: It is dated the 12th of August, 1672.\\nTo Philij) Calvert, Esq; governor of Maryland.\\nSir,\\nI thought it had been impossible now in these por-\\ntendintj boisterous times, wherein all true hearted Governor\\nEnglishmen, are Inickliug on their armour to vindi- A- veiace8\\ncate their honours, and to assert the imperial interest ^^le\\nof iiis sacred majesty s rights and dominions; that governor\\nnow without any just grounds, either given or j)re- -yary-\\ntended, such horrid outrages should be comuiitted\\non his majesty s liege subjects, under the protection\\nof his royal highness s autliority, as was exercised\\nby one Jones, who witli a party as dissolute as himself,\\ntook the pains to ride to the Hoarkills, where\\nin derision and contem|)t of the duke s authority,\\nbound the magistrates and inhabitants, dispitefuUy\\ntreated them, rifled and plundered them of their\\ngoods and when it was demanded by what authority\\nhe acted, answered in no other language but a cock d\\npistol to his breast which if it had s|)oke had for-\\never silenced him. I do not remember I have heard\\nof a greater outrage and riot committed on his\\nmajesty s subjects in America, but once before in\\nM .uyland You cimnot but imagine his royal high-\\nness will not be satisfied with these violent proceed-\\nings, in which the indignity reboiuids on hinl\\nneither can you but believe it is as easy an under-\\ntaking, for me to retaliate the same affront on Jones s\\nhead.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "74\\nThe HISTOEY\\nA. D.\\n1672.\\nGovernor\\nLovelace\\nto Carre.\\nhead, and accomplices, as he did on those indefen-\\ncible inhabitants But I rather chuse to have first a\\nmore calm redress from you to whom I now appeal,\\nand from whom may in justice expect that right in\\nthe castigation of Jones cum socies, that youir\\nnature and the law has provided for otherwise I\\nmust apply myself to such other remedies as the\\nexigence of this indignity shall persuade me to\\nThus leaving it to your consideration, I shall remaia\\nyour very humble servant,\\nFe. Lovelace.\\nGovernor Lovelace also wrote to capt. Carre upon\\nthis occasion.\\nSir,\\nThe letters you sent by the express over land came\\nsafe to my hands, with the inclosed relation and\\npapers concerning the Hoarkill, and the Mary landers\\nforcibly possessing themselves of the place, as also\\nof the goods and estates of some of the inhabi-\\ntants, of which we had some rumours before, but\\ndid not give much credit to it supposing what\\nwas done before, to be the rash action of some private\\nperson not thinking the authority of Maryland\\nwould invade his royal highness s territories, which he\\nhath been possess d of for near eight years, without\\ngiving the least overture of it to me, who am his\\nroyal highness s deputy Their former violent action\\nand force, upon those poor unarm d people, together\\nwith the particulars of their plunders, I had immediate\\nopportunity of transmitting to his royal higlmess by a\\nship then bound away for London, the which I made\\nuse of, and recommended their case and I hope it\\nhath long e er this arrived to his hands; so that some\\ndirections about it may be expected in a short time;\\ntill when I think it best for the present to leave matters\\nthere as they are; but as to the cloud which likewise\\nhangs over your heads at Delaware, which it is said\\nthey are making preparations to invade my instruc-\\ntions and orders to you, and the officers in general,\\nare, that you put yourselves in the best posture of\\ndefence", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY.\\ndefence possibly you can, by fitting up the fort in the A. D.\\n^town, keeping your companies in arms, both there\\nand up the river; who are to provide themselves witli\\nfitting ammunition and that all soldiers be at an hour s\\nwarning upon any alarm or order given and tliat at\\nthe town esj)ecially, you make your guards as strono-\\nas you can, and keep a strict watch iind if any enemy\\ncomes to demand the place, that you first desire to\\nknow their authority and commission, and how it\\ncomes to pass those of Maryland shoidd now make\\nsuch an invasion, after so long quiet possession of those\\nparts by his royal highness s de[)uties, under his maje-\\nsty s obedience, and by other nations before that,\\nseveral years before the date of the lord Baltimore s\\npatent, whom they never disturbed by arms, and\\nwhose right is now devolved upon the duke. Stand\\nwell upon your guard, and do not begin with them,\\nbut if they first break the peace by firing upon your\\nguards, or any such hostile action, then use all possi-\\nble means to defend yourselves and the place, and\\ncommand all his majesty s good subjects to be aidino-\\nand assisting to you; who I hope will not be wanting\\nto their abilities: In all matters of concern, you\\nare to take advice of the chief officers there.\\nThis will come to you by your bailiff, Mr. Peter\\nAlricks, who is hastening over land, to secure his\\naffairs there, in this portending invasion, and to give\\nhis best help for the safeguard of tlie place, and*^ his\\nroyal highness s interest upon all occasions Fail not\\nto send an express to me, by whom I shall give you such\\nfurther directions and assistance as will be requisite;\\nand if occasion should be, will come over myself in\\nperson though the spring would be more suitable for\\nme than a winter voyage so recommending all things\\nto your care and vigilance, of which I expect a good\\naccount: I conclude, being your very loving friend,\\n75\\nFort James, in New- York, l t^, t\\nthis 7th October, 1672. Lovelace.\\nThe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "76\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1672.\\nNew-\\nCastle, c.\\nplundered\\nby priva-\\nteers.\\nWarapmn.\\n1673.\\n1674.\\nSir George\\nCarteret s\\ninstructi-\\nons.\\nThe inliabitants at New-Castle and the Hoarkills,\\nalso suffered considerable losses, by Dutch privateers\\nplundering their effects. For reparation, they were\\npermitted by the government to lay an imposition, and\\npower given to the magistrates, to levy and receive\\nupon each anchor of strong liquors spent or disposed of\\namong them, the value of four guilders in wampum,c.\\nbut this to continue for one year only, as a tryal of its\\nutility.\\nWampum was the chief currency of the country\\nGreat quantities had been formerly brought in, but\\nthe Indians had carried so much away, it was now\\ngrown scarce and this was thought to be owing to its low\\nvalue. To increase it, the governor and council at York\\nissued a proclamation in ]673, that instead of eight\\nwhite and four black, six white and three black wam-\\npums should pass in equal value as a stiver or penny;\\nand three times so much the value in silver. This pro-\\nclamation was published at Albany, Eusopus, Dela-\\nware, liong-lsland, and parts adjacent.\\nMention was made that sir George Carteret by his\\ninstructions to governor Carteret, confirmed the original\\nconcessions with additions and explanations These bore\\ndate the ISth of July 1674: AuKmg other things they\\ndirect, that the governor and council should allow eighty\\nacres per head, to settlers above ten miles from the sea,\\nthe Delaware, or other river, navigable with boats\\nand\\nc. Eight white wampum or four black, passed at this time as a\\nstiver, twenty stivers made what they called a guilder, which was\\nabout six pence present currency. The white wampum was worked\\nout of the inside of the great conques into the form of a bead, and\\nperforated to string on leather. The black or purple was worked\\nout of the inside of the nuissell or clam-shell, they were sometimes\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0wove as broad as ones hand, and about two feet long these the\\nIndians call belts, and commonly give and receive at treaties, as\\nseals of their friendship: For lesser matters a single string is given.\\nEvery bead is of a known value, and a belt of a less number is made\\nto equal one of a greater, by so many as is wanting fastened to the\\nbelt by a string.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- JERSEY. 77\\nand to those that settled nearer, sixty acres That the kind A D.\\nshould be purchased from the Indians, as occasion\\nrequired, by the governor and council, in the name of\\nthe propi ietors, who were to be repaid by the settlers\\nwith charges That all strays of beasts at land, and\\nwrecks at sea, should belong to the proprietor and that\\nall persons discovering any such thing, should hav^e\\nsatisfaction for their pains and care, as the governor and\\ncouncil miirht think fit.\\nCHAP. V.\\nMajor Andros appointed governor at New- York Takes\\npossession at Delaware Arrival of the first Enrjlish\\nsettlers to West- Jersey, under the duke of York s title\\nLord Berkely assigns his moiety of New-Jersey to Byl-\\nlinge, and lie in trust to others Their letter and first\\ncommission: New-Jersey divided into the provinces,\\nEast and West- Jersey and the declaration of the West-\\nJersey proprietors.\\nABOUT tlie month of October 1674, major Ed- 1674.\\nnuind AndiT s arrived governor, under the duke\\nof York; he soon after authorized captain Cantwell :\\\\[;,)or\\nand William Tomm, to take possession of the I ort and os.\\nstores at New-Castle, for the king s use, pursuant to\\nthe late treaty of peace, and to take such other measures\\nfor their settlement and repose at New-Castl^, the Hoar-\\nkills, and other parts of Delaware, as they thought\\nbest; requiring them ta compart themselves towards\\nthe\\nd. A paragraph of this fort, is also inserted in one of the\\nletters of instniclion from lord Berkely and sir George Carteret,\\nin conjunction, in 1672.\\nHe was afterwards knighted he bore the unfavourable cha-\\nracter of an arbitrary governor, who made the will of liis despotic\\nmaster (James ii.) and not th\u00c2\u00ab law, the chief rule of his conduct.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "78\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1674.\\nProclama-\\ntion.\\nthe neighbouring colonies in an amicable manner.\\nThis done, he pul)lished a proclamation in the words\\nfollowing\\nWhereas it hath pleased his majesty and his royal\\nhighness, to send me with authority, to receive this\\nplace and government from the Dutch, and to con-\\ntinue in the command thereof under his royal high-\\nness, who hath not only taken care for our future\\nsafety and defence, but also given me his commands\\nfor securing the rights and properties of the inhabi-\\ntants, and that I should endeavour by all fitting\\nmeans, the good and M- ellfare of this province, and\\ndependencies under his government; that I may not\\nbe wanting in any thing that may conduce thereunto,\\nand for the saving of the trouble and charge hither,\\nfor the satisfying themselves in such doubts as might\\narise concerning their rights and properties upon the\\nchange of government, and wholly to settle the minds\\nof all in general, I have thought fit to publish and\\ndeclare, that all former grants, privileges or conces-\\nsions heretofore granted, and all estates legally posses-\\nsed by any under his I oyal highness, before the late\\nDutch government, (as also all legal judicial proceed-\\nings during that government, to my arrival in these\\nparts) are hereby confirm d, and the possessor by\\nvirtue thereof, to remain in quiet possession of their\\nrights It is hereby further declared, that tlie known\\nbook of laws formerly established and in force under\\nhis royal highness s government, is now again con-\\nfirmed by his royal highness; the which are to be\\nobserved and practised, together with the manner and\\ntime of holding courts therein mentioned as hereto-\\nfore and all magistrates and civil officers belonging\\nthereunto, to be chosen and established ac^cordingly.\\nGiven under my hand in Xew-York, tiiis 9tli day of\\nNovember, in the twenty-sixth year of his niajesty s\\nreign, annocpie domini 1G74.\\nAndros being now seated in his government, we\\nshall leave him, and take a view of other matters\\nFirst", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 79\\nFirst respecting the arrival of a few passengers from -^-J?-\\nEngland to West-Jersey One moiety or half part of\\nthe province of New-Jersey, belonged to the lord Ber- First arrl\\nFersey\\nkeley, and now about was sold to John Fenwick, in j^\\ntrust for Edward By Hinge and his assigns. Fenwick\\nin 1675, set sail to visit the new purchase in a ship from\\nLondon, called the Griffith arriving after a good\\nas.sage, he landed at a pleasant rich spot, situate near\\nDelaware, by him called Salem, probably from the\\npeaceable aspect it then bore. He brought with him\\ntwo daughters, and many servants, two of which,\\nSamuel Hedge and John Adams, afterwards married\\nliis daughters; other passengers were, Edward Champ-\\nness, Edward Wade, Samuel Wade, John Smith and\\nwife, Samuel Nichols, Riiihard Guy, Richard Noble,\\nRichard Hancock, John Pledger, Hipolite Lufever,\\nand John Matlock these, and others with them, were\\nmasters of families. This was the first English ship\\nthat came to West-Jersey, and none followed for\\nnear two years, owing probably to a diiference between\\nFenwick and Byllinge.\\nBut this difference being settled to the satisfaction of\\nboth parties, by the good offices of William Penn,\\nByllinge agreed to present his interest in the province of\\nNew-Jersey, to his creditors, as all that he had left,\\ntowards tlieir satisfaction, and desir d Penn to join\\nGawen Lawrie and Nicholas Lucas (two of his creditors)\\nand they togetlier to be trustees Penn at first unwilling,\\nwas by the importunity of some of the creditors, pre-\\nvailed on; and with the others accepting the charge,\\nthey became trustees for one moiety or half part of the\\nprovince which tho yet undivided, necessity pressing,\\nthey soon sold a considerable number of shares of their\\npropriety to different purchasers, who thereupon became\\nproprietors (according to their different shares) in\\ncommon with them and it beino; uecessarv that some\\nscheme", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "80 TheHISTORY\\nA._I). scheme should be fallen upon, as well for the better\\ndistribution of rights to land, as to promote the settle-\\nWestern ment, and ascertain a form of government; con-\\nconcessions. 1-1\\ncessions were drawn, mutually agreed on, and signed\\nby some of the subscribers,^- (for they did not all sign\\nat once.) It was next the bushiess of the proprietors,\\nwho held immediately under lord Berkely, to procure\\na division of the province, which after some time was\\neffected and then as an expedient for the present\\nwell ordering matters, tliey wrote the following letter o\\nLondon, 20th of\\n1676. Richard Hartshorne. the 6ili momh, 1676.\\nWe have made use of thy name in a commission\\nand instructions, which we have sent by James Wasse,\\nwho is gone in Samuel Groome s ship for Maryland\\na copy of which is here inclosed, and also a copy of a\\nletter we have sent to John Fenwick, to be read to\\nhim in presence of as many of the people that went\\nwith him as may be and because we both expect,\\nand also entreat, and desire thy assistance in the same\\nwe will a little shew things to tiiee, that thou may\\ninform not only thyself, but friends there; which in\\nshort is as follows.\\n1st. We liave divided with George Carteret, and\\nhave sealed deeds of partition, each to the other and\\nwe have all that side on Delaware river from one end\\nto the other the line of partition is from the east side\\nof little Egg Harbour, straight North, through the\\ncountry, to the utmost branch of Delaware river; Avith\\nall powers, privileges, and immunities whatsoever:\\nours is called New West- Jersey, his is called New\\nEast- Jersey.\\n2(1. AVe have made concessions by ourselves, being\\nsuch as friends here and there (we question not) will\\na|)prove of, having sent a copy of them by James\\nWasse there w^e lay a foundation for after ages to\\nunderstand their liberty as men and christians, that they\\nmay\\ne. Appendix numb. ii.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 81\\nmay not be brouo;ht in bondage, but by their own\\nconsent; for we put the power in the people, that io\\nis to say, they to meet and choose one hcjnest man\\nfor each propriety, who iiath subscribed to the conces-\\nsions all these men to meet as an assembly there, to\\nmake and repeal laws, to choose a governor, or a com-\\nmissioner, and twelve assistants, to execute the laws\\nduring- their pleasure; so every man is capable to\\nchoose or be chosen Xo man to be arrested, con-\\ndemned, imprisoned, or molested in his estate or\\nliberty, but by twelve men of the neighbourhood:\\nNo man to lie in prison for debt, but that his estate\\nsatisfy as far as it will go, and be set at liberty to\\nwork No person to be called in question or molested\\nfor his conscience, or for worshipping according to\\nhis conscience with many more things mentioned\\nin the said concessions.\\n3. We have sent over by James Wasse, a com-\\nmission under our hands and seals, wherein we im-\\npower thyself, James Wasse and Richard Guy, or\\nany two of you, to act and do according to the in-\\nstructions, of which here is a copy having also sent\\nsome goods, to buy and purchase some land of the\\nnatives.\\n4. We intend in the spring to send over some more\\ncommissioners, with the friends and people that\\nCometh there, because James asse is to return in\\nSamuel Groom s ship for England for Richard Giiy,\\nwe judge him to be an honest man, yet we are afraid\\nthat John Fen wick will hurt him, and get him to\\ncondes(!end to things that may not be for the good\\nof the whole; so we hope thou wilt ballance him to\\nwhat is just and fair; that John Fonwick betray him\\nnot, that things may go on easy without hurt or jar;\\nwhich is the desire of all friends; and we hoj)e VVest\\nJersey will be soon planted it being in the minds of\\nmany friends to prepare for their going against the\\nspring.\\nF 5. Having", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "82\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1676,\\n5, Havino; thus far given thee a sketch of things,\\nwe come now to desire thy assistance, and the assistance\\nof other friends in your parts and we hope it will\\nbe at length an advantage to you there, both upon\\ntruth s account, and other ways and in regard many\\nfamilies more may come over in the spring to Delaware\\nside, to settle and ])lant, and will be assigned by us to\\ntake possession of their })articu]ar lots we do entreat\\nand desire, that thou, knowing the country, and how\\nto deal with the natives; we say, that thee, and some\\nother friends, won Id go over to Delaware side, as soon\\nas this comes to your hands, or as soon as you can\\nconveniently and James Wasse is to come to a place\\ncalled New-Castle, on the other side of Delaware\\nriver, to stay for thee, and any that will go with\\nhim; and you all to advise together, and find out a\\nfit place to take uj) for a town, and agree with the\\nnatives for a tract of land and then let it be surveyed\\nand divided in one hundred parts; for that is the\\nmethod we have agreed to take, and we cannot alter\\nit and if you set men to work to clear some of the\\nground, we would be at the charges; and we do\\nintend to satisfy thee for any charge thou art at, and\\nfor thy ])ains This we would not have neglected for\\nw^e know, and you that are there know, that if the\\nland be not taken up before the spring, that many\\npeople come over there, the natives will insist on high\\ndemands, and so we shall suffer by buying at dear\\nrates, and our friends that cometh over, be at great\\ntrouble and charges until a ])lace be bought and\\ndivided for we do not like the tract of land John\\nFenW ick hath bought, so as to make it our first settle-\\nment but we would have thee and friends there, to\\nprovide and take up a place on some creek or river,\\nthat may lie nearer you, and such a lace as you\\nmay like; for may be it may come in your minds to\\ncome over to our side, wdien you see the hand of the\\nLord with us and so we can say no more, but leave\\nthe thing wdth you, believing that friends there will\\nhave a regard to friends settling, that it may be done", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY.\\nin that way and method, that may be for the good of A. D.\\nthe whole rest thy friends, 1676.\\nGawen Laurie,\\nWilliam Penn,\\nNicholas Lucas,\\nE. Byllixge,\\nJoHx Edridge,\\nEdmoxd Warxer.\\nLondon, (he 18th of Gdi month called Aii-iist, 1676.\\n;^Ve Avliose names are hereunder subscribed, do Proprie-\\ngive tull power, commission and authority, unto\\nJames Wasse, Richard Hartshorne and Ricliard Guv l\\nor any two of them, to act and do for us according wi a nd\\n^to the followinor instructions; and we do en ra re to l^i ard\\nratify and confirm whatsoever thcv shall d(^ i.nM-ose-\\ncntion of the same. home, c,\\n^^e desire you to get a meetinir with John Fen-\\nwick and the people that went with him, (but Ave\\n^Avonld not have you tell your business,) until vou get\\nthem together; then show and read the deed of parti-\\njii^ W^i-.f Carteret; also the transactions be-\\nVT S; f J- a--, Gawen Lawrie,\\nJohn Ldridge and Edmond Warner, and then read\\nour let^ter to John Fenwick and the rest, and shew\\nJ()hn 1^ en wick he hath no power to sell anv land there\\nwithout the consent of John Edridge and Edmond\\nWarner,\\n2. Know of John Fenwick, if he will be willin r\\npeaceably to let the land he hath taken up of the\\nnatives be divided into one hundred j.arts, a.rordino.\\nto our and his agreement in En-land, casting lots fo?\\n^tlie same, we being willing that those wl m beino-\\nsettled and have cultivated ground now with him, shall\\nenjoy the same, without being turned out, although\\nthey fall into our lots Always provided, that we be\\nreimbursed the like value and quantitv in goodness out\\not John Fenwick s lots And we are also content to\\n))ay our ninetieth parts of what is paid to the natives\\nio)r the same, and for what James Wasse hath pur-\\nchased\\n83", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "84\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1676.\\nchased of John Fenwiek, and he setting out the same\\nunto him, not being in a place to be allotted for a\\ntown upon a river, but at a distance, and the said\\nJohn Fcnwick allowing us the like value in goodness\\nin some other of his lots we are willing he shall\\npossess the same from any claiming by or under us\\nand for the town lots we are willing he enjoy the same\\nas freely as any purchaser buying of us.\\n3. Take informations from some that knows the\\nsoundings of the river and creeks, and that is ac-\\nquainted in the country, and when James Wasse is in\\nMaryland, he may enquire for one Augustin, who as\\nwe hear did found most part of Delaware river and\\nthe creeks He is an able surveyor see to agree with\\nhim to go with you up the river as far as over against\\nNew-Castle, or further if yon can, so far as a vessel\\nof a huudred tun can go for we intend to have a way\\ncut cross the countiy to Sandy-Hook so the further\\nup the way, the shorter and there, upon some creek or\\nbay, in some healthy ground, find out a place fit ta\\nmake a settlement for a town and then go to the lu:-\\ndians, and agree with them for a tract of land about\\nthe said place, of twenty or thirty miles long, more or\\nless, as you see meet, and as broad as you see meet.\\nIf it be to the middle, we care not only enquire if\\nGeorge Carteret, have not purchased some there\\nalready, that so you may not buy it over again.\\n4. Then lay out four or five thovLsand acres for a\\ntown and if Agustin will undertake to do it reason-\\nably, let him do it for he is the fittest man and if he\\nthink lie cannot survey so much,, being in the winter\\ntime, then let him lay out the- less for a town at present,\\nif it be but two thousand acres, and let him divide it in\\na hundred parts and when it is done, let John Fen-\\nwick, if he please, be there however, let him have\\nnotice But however, let some of you be there, to see\\nthe lots cast fairly by one person that is not concerned,\\nThe lots are from number one to a hundred, and put\\nthe same numbers of the lots on the partition trees for\\ndistinction.\\n*6. If", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JEKSEY.\\nJ Fenwick, and those concerned with him, A D\\nbe wilhng to join with you in those thinj^s as above 1676.\\nwhich IS just and fair, then he or any of them, may\\ngo along with you in your business and let them pay\\ntheir proportion of what is paid to the natives, with\\nother charges: And so he and thev mav dispose of\\ntheir Jots with consent of John Edridge aiid Edmund\\nWarner; which lots are, 20, 21, 26, 27, 36 47\\n50, 57,63, 72. oo, ^t,\\n6. If John Fenwi(;k and his people, refuse to let\\nthe land they have taken up of the natives be divided,\\nand refuse to join with you; you may let the country\\nknow m what caj)acity John Fenwick stands, that he\\nhath no power over the persons or estates of any man\\nor woman more than any other person.\\n7. What land you take of the natives, let it be\\ntaken, viz. ninety parts for the use of William Penn,\\nGaw eii Lawrie and Xicholas Lucas, and ten parts\\nlor John Edridge and Edmond Warner,\\nf^-^- y\u00c2\u00ab li ^ve taken the land as above, and\\ndivided for a town or settlement, and cast lots for the\\n^same as above; then if any have a mind to buy one\\nor more proprieties, sell them at two hundred jwund\\n^specie; they taking their lots as theirs do; payintr to\\n^you in hand the value of fifty pounds in part of\\na propriety, and the rest on sealing their conveyance\\nm London and so they may presently settle. When\\nany of the lots fall to us, that is to say, he that buy-\\neth a propriety may settle on any one lot of ninety\\nparts which said persons that buys, and what lots falls\\nto tiiem, there they may settle, and acquaint us what\\n^numbers they are; and if any will take land to\\ntiiem and their heirs forever, for every acre taken up\\nlu a place laid out for a town, accordnig to the con-\\ncessions, they are not to have above what shall fall by\\nlot to a ])ropriety in a town.\\n9. What charges James Wasse is at, by taking\\nnp the land of the natives, we do oblige to pay the\\nsame unto him again, with what profits is usual there\\nupon English goods and he may pitch upon two lots.\\none", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "86\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1676.\\none in each town if they be taken up before he\\ncomes away, to his own proper use, for his trouble\\nand pains And we do also engage to allow and pay\\nwhat charges any of our commissioners shall disburse\\nin executing these our instructions, to them or their\\nassigns.\\n10. Let us be advised by the first ship that cometh\\nfor England, of all proceedings hereupon, and write\\nto the friends at Sandy- Hook, letting them know\\nhow things are, and that we have divided with George\\nCarteret, and tliat our division is all along on Dela-\\nware river and that we have made concessions by our\\nselves, which we hope will satisfy friends there. If\\nJohn Fenwick, or any of the people with him, desire\\na copy of the deed of partition, let them have it.\\n^11. We desire that our original deed may be kept in\\nyour own custody, that it may be ready to shew unto\\nthe rest of the commissioners, Avhich we intend to\\nsend over in the sjiring, with fidl power for settling\\nthings, and to lay out land, and dispose u])on it, and\\nfor the settlino- some method of government according\\n\u00c2\u00bbT O O\\nto the concessions.\\n12. If you cannot get Augustin to go with you,\\nor that he be unreasonable in his demands then send\\na man to Thomas Bushroods, at Essex lodge, in York\\nriver, for William Elliot, who writes to Gawin Lawrie\\nthis year, and offered himself to be surveyor, and tell\\nhim you had orders from said Lawrie to send for him^\\nand take him with you. He will be willing to be\\nthere all winter, and will survey and do other things.\\nHe had a good character in Virginia, but was not\\nable to keep it he is a fair conditioned sober man\\nLet him stay there all winter, and order him some-\\nthing to live u])on.\\n13. If the said Elliot go with you, give him direc-\\ntions what to do. If you cannot stay till a place for a\\nto\\\\vn be surveyed, yet we think you may stay until\\nyou have not only pitched upon a place for a town,\\nbut also upon a jilace for a second town and settlement,\\nand have marked out the place round about there, and\\nlet", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 87\\nlet William Elliot divide both, which no doubt but A. D.\\nhe may do before the 8])rinu:, that we send over more\\ncommissioners and people and if John Fenwiek be\\nwilling- to go on jointly with you there, his surveyor\\nmay go along and help ours, and the charges shall be\\nbrought in for both pro])ortionably on all. Mind this,\\nand speaiv to Richard Guy, or Richard Hartshorne,\\nand leave orders witli them to let WiHiani Elliot have\\nprovisions for himself till si)ring, and we shall order\\nthem satisfaction for the same; and if there be no\\nhouse near the place you take up for the surveyors to\\nlodge in, then let there be a cottage built for them\\non the place, and we will allow the charges.\\n14. And M hereas there is tackling there already,\\nfor fitting of a slooj), as we judge, in the custody of\\nRichard Guy We also give you power if you see\\nmeet, and that it be of necessary use and arlvantage\\nfor the whole concern, you may order these ship-car-\\npenters to build a sloop suitable for these materials,\\nand apj)oint them some provision for their food, and\\nfor the rest of their wages they shall either have it in\\na part of the sloop, or be otherwise satisHed in the\\ns])ring of the year the said sloop to be ordered and\\ndisj)ose(l upon by you until more comniissionei s come\\nover with further instructions.\\n15. For the goods we have sent over with James\\nWasse are to disposed upon for purchasing land from\\nthe natives or otherwise as need is, giving us account\\nthereof.\\nXicHOi.AS Lucas, William Pexx,\\nEdmond Warner. Gawix Lawrie,\\nE. Byllinge,\\nThe instrument for dividing the province being\\nagreed on by sir George Carteret on the one part, and\\nthe said E. Byllinge, William Penn, Gawen Lawrie,\\nand Nicholas Lucas on the other, they together signed\\na Quintipartite deed, dated the first day of July, 1676./-\\nThe\\nVid. Grants, concessions, c. publish d by A. Learning and\\nJ. fcipicer. p. 61, c.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "88\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1676.\\nEpistle.\\nThe line of division being thus far settled, each took\\ntheir own measures for further peopling and improving\\ntheir different shares. Sir George Carteret had greatly\\nthe advantage respecting improvements, his part being\\n(as we have seen) already considerably peopled The\\nwestern proprietors, soon published a description of\\ntheir moiety on which many removed thither But\\nlest any should not sufficiently weigh the importance\\nof this undertaking, and for other reasons, the three\\nprincipal proprietors published the following cauti-\\nonary epistle.\\nDear friends and brethren,\\nIn the pure love and precious fellowship of our\\nLord Jesus Christ, we very dearly salute you Foras-\\nmuch as there was a paper printed several months\\nsince, entitled. The description of New- West-Jersey,\\nin the which our names were mentioned as trustees\\nfor one undivided moiety of the said ])rovince And\\nbecause it is alledged that some, partly on this account,\\nand others apprehending, that the paper by the man-\\nner, of its expression came from the body of friends,\\nas a religious society of people, and not from parti-\\nculars, have througli these mistakes, weakly concluded\\nthat the said description in matter and form might be\\nwrit, printed and recommended on purpose to promp\\nand allure people, to dis-settle and transplant them-\\nselves, as it s also by some alledged And because\\nthat we are informed, that several have on that\\naccount, taken encouragement and resolution to trans-\\nplant themselves and families to the said province\\nand lest any of them (as is feared by some) should\\ngo out of a curious and unsettled mind, and others\\nto shun the testimony of the blessed cross of Jesus,\\nof which several weighty friends have a godly jealousy\\nupon their spirits lest an unwarrantable forwardness\\nshould act or hurry any beside or l)eyond the ^visdom,\\nand counsel of the lord, or the freedom of his light\\nand spirit in their own hearts, and not upon good and\\nweighty grounds It truly laid hard upon us, to let\\nfriends", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 89\\nfriends know how the matter stands which we shall A. D.\\nendeavour to do with all clearness and fidelity.\\n1. That there is such a province as New- Jersey, is\\ncertain.\\n2. That it is reputed of those who have lived and\\nhave travelled in that country, to be wholesome of\\nair and fruitful of soil, and capable of sea trade, is\\nalso certain and it is not right in any to despise or\\ndispraise it, or clisswade those that find freedom from\\nthe Lord, and necessity put them on going.\\n3. That the duke of York sold it to those called\\nlord Berkeley, baron of Stratton, and sir George Car-\\nteret, equally to be divided between them, is also\\ncertain.\\n4. One moiety or half part of the said jprovinee, being\\nthe right of the said lord Berkeley, was sold by him to\\nJohn Eenwick, in trust for Edward Bvlliu e, and\\nhis assigns,\\n5. Forasmuch as E. B. (after William PcMin had\\nended the diflercnce between the said Edward Byl-\\nHuge and John Fenwick) was willing to present his\\ninterest in the said province to his creditors, as all that\\nhe had left him, towards their satisfaction, he desired\\nWilliam Penn (though every way unconcerned) and\\nGawen Lawrie, and Nicholas Lucas, two of his\\ncreditors, to be trustees for j)erformance of the same\\nand because several of his creditors, particularly and\\nvery ini])ortunately, pressed William Penn to acce|)t\\nof the trust for their sakes and security we did all of\\nus comply with those and the like requests, and accepted\\nof the trust.\\n6. Upon this we became trustees for one moiety of\\nthe said province, yet undivided And after no little\\nlabour, trouble and cost, a division was obtained\\nbetween the said sir George *arteret and us, as tru-\\nstees The country is situated and bounded as is\\nexpressed in the printed description.\\n7. This now divided moiety is to be cast into one\\nhundred parts, lots, or pr()])rieties; ten of wliich\\nupon the agreement made betwixt E. By Hinge and J.\\nFenwick,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "90\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1676.\\nFenwick, were settled and conveyed unto J. Fenwick^\\nhis executors and assigns, with a considerable sum of\\nmoney, by way of satisfaction for what he became\\nconcerned in the ]iur( hase from the said lord Borkely,\\nand by him afterwards conveyed to John Edridge\\nand Edmond Warner, their heirs and assigns.\\n8. The ninety parts remaining are exposed to sale,.\\non the behnlf of the creditors of the said E. B. And\\nforasmuch as several friends are concerned as creditors,\\nas well as others, and the disposal of so great a part\\nof this country being in our hands; we did in real\\ntenderness and regard to friends, and especially to the\\npoor and necessitous, make friends the first offer\\nthat if any of them, though particularly those that\\nbeing low in the world, and under trials about a\\ncomfortable livelihood for themselves and families,\\nshould be desirous of dealing for any part or parcel\\nthereof, that they might have the refusal.\\n9. This was the real and honest intent of our hearts,\\nand not to promj t or allure any out of their places,\\neither by the credit our names might have with our\\npeople throughout the nation, or by representing the\\nthing otherwise than it is in itself.\\nAs for the printed paper sometime since set forth by\\nthe creditors, a.s a description of that province we\\nsay as to two passages in it, they are not so clearly and\\nsafely worded as ought to have been particularly, in\\nseeming to limit the tointer season to so short a time\\nwhen on further information, we hear it is sometime\\nlonger and sometime shorter than therein expressed\\nand the last clause relating to liberty of conscience,\\nwe would not have any to think, that it is promised or\\nintended to maintain the liberty of the exercise of\\nreligion by force and arms though we shall never\\nconsent to any the least violence on conscience yet it\\nwas never designed to encourage any to exjject by\\nforce of arms to have liberty of conscience fenced\\nagainst invaders thereof.\\n10.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "Of N EW- JERSEY. 91\\n10, And be it known unto voii all, in the name and A. D.\\nfear of Alniiohty God, his lilory and lionour, power\\nand wisdom, truth and kingdom, is dearer to us than\\nall visible things and as our eye has been single, and\\nour heart sincere to the living God, in this as in other-\\nthings so we desire all whom it may concern, that\\nall groundless jealousies may be judged down and\\nwatched against, and that all extremes may be avoided\\non all hands by tlie power of the Lord that notliing\\nwhich hurts or grieves the holy life of trutli in any that\\ngoes or stays, may be adhered to nor any provo-\\ncations given to break precious unity,\\nThis am I, William Penn, moved of the Lord,\\nto write unto you, lest any bring a temptation\\nupon themselves or others; and in offending the\\nIjord, slay their own peace Blessed are thei/ that can\\nsee, and behold him their leader, their orderer, their\\nconductor and preserver, in stai/ing or going Whose is\\nthe earth and the fnllne^HS thereof, and the caitle upon a\\nthousand hills. And as we formerly writ, we cannot\\nbut repeat our request unto you, that in whomsoever\\na desire is to be concerned in this intended plantation,\\nsuch would weigh the thing Ix^fore the Lord, and not\\nheadily or rashly conclude on any such remove and\\nthat they do not offer violence to tlie tender love of\\ntheir near kindred and relations bid soberly and con-\\nscientiousli/ endeavour to obtain their good wills, ths\\nunity of friends where they lire that ivhctJier Hiey go^\\nor stay, it may be of good favour before the Lord [and\\ngood people) from whom only can all heavenly and\\nearthly blessings come. This we thought good to Avrite\\nfor the preventing of all misunderstandings, and to\\ndeclare the real truth of the matter and so we com-\\nmend you all to the Lord, who is the watchman of\\nhis Israel. We are your friends and brethren.\\nWiT.T.TAM PeXN,\\nGawen Laweie,\\nNicholas Lucas.\\nCHAR", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "92\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1677.\\nWest-\\nJersey\\ncommis-\\nsioners.\\nCHAP. VI.\\nArTival of more settlers to West- Jersey their dlfficuUies\\nHieir purchases from the Indians they lay out a toion;\\nsome of their first sentiments of the country, and\\nan account of the duJce of Yorli s tioo last grants,\\nbeing for the provinces East and West New-Jersey,\\nseparately.\\nA]\\\\I O N G other purchasers of the West-Jersey\\nlands, were two conipauies, one made up of\\nsome friends in Yorkshire,//- fas hinted in the conces-\\nsions) the other of some friends in London who each\\ncontracted for considerable shares, for which they liad\\npatents. In 1677, commissioners (agreeable to expec-\\ntation given) were sent by the proprietors, with jjower\\nto buy the lands of the natives to inspect the rights of\\nsuch as claimed property, and to order the lands laid\\nout and in general to administer the government, pur-\\nsuant to the concessions These commissioners were\\nThomas Olive, Daniel Wills, John Kinsey, John\\nPenford, Joseph Helnisley, Robert Stacy, Benjamin\\nScott,\\ng. Tliomas Hiitclunson, of Beverley in the county of York, yeo-\\nman Tlionias Pierson, ol Bonvvicke in llie saiii county, yecunan\\nJosepli Helnisly, of Great Keike in tliesaid coimly, yeonian George\\nHutchinson, of Sheffield in the said county, distiller, and Mahlon\\nStacy of Hansworlh in the said county, tanner, were ail principal\\ncreditors to E. Byllinge^ to whom several of the other creditors made\\nassignments of their debts, which together amounted to the sum of\\n2450, sterling, and who took in satisfaction of the said sum seven\\nfull equal and undivided ninetieih parts of ninety equal and undi-\\nvided hundred {)arts of West-Jersey and the same was conveyed to\\nthem, their heirs and assigns, by William Penn, (Jawen Liwrie,\\nNich. Lucas and Ed. Byllmge, by deed bearing date the first of the\\nmonth called March, 1676: And by another cunveyance of the same\\ndate, from and to the same persons, in satisfaction for other debts\\nto the amoimt of 1050, sterling, three other full ccpial and undi-\\nvided ninetieth parts of the aforesaid ninety equal and undivided\\nhundred parts of West-Jersey were also conveyed.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 9 a\\nScott, Richard Guy and Thomas Foulke.^- They A. D,\\ncame in the Kent, Gregory Marlow, master, being the\\nsecond sliip from London, to tiie western jiarts After\\na tedious passage they arrived at New-Castle, the 16th\\nof tlie 6th month, O. S. King Charles the second, in his\\nbarge, pleasuring on the Thames, came along side, seeing\\na great many j^assengers, and informed whence they were\\nbound, asked if they were all quakers, and gave tliem his\\nblessing. They landed their passengers, two hundred\\nand thirty in number, about Rackoon creek, wliere the\\nSwedes had some scattering habitations l)ut they were\\ntoo numerous to be all provided for in liouses some\\nwere obliged to lay their beds and furniture in cow stalls,\\nand appartments of that sort; among other incon-\\nveniences to which tliis exposed them, the snakes were\\nnow plenty enough to be frequently seen upon the\\nhovels under which they shelter d Most of the passen-\\ngers in this ship were of those called quakers; some\\nof good estates in England. The conmn ssioners had\\nbefore left them, and were by this time got to a ])lace\\ncalled Chygocs Island, (afterwards Burlington) their\\nbusiness being to treat with the Indians about the land\\nthere, and to regulate the settlements, having not only\\nthe proprietors but governor Andros s commission\\nfor that purpose for in their passage hither, they had\\nfirst dropped anchor at Sandy-Hook, while the com-\\nmissioners went to New-York to acquaint him Avith\\ntheir design for tho they had concluded the powers\\nthey had from the proprietoi s, were sufficient to their\\npurpose they thought it a proper respect to the duke\\nof York s commission, to wait on his governor upon\\nthe occasion; he treated them civily, but asked them\\nif\\nh. Kichard Guy came in the first sliip: Jolin Kinsev, died at\\nShackaniaxon soon after his landing- his ren)aiiis wt ie inteir d at\\nBurlington, in ground appropriated for a burving ground, but\\nnow a street.\\ni. From Chy^oe, an Indian sacheiu,, who lived there.\\n1677.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "94 The HISTORY\\nA. D. if tliey had anything from the duke, his master they\\nreplied, nothing particuhirly but that he had con-\\nveyed that part of his country to lord Berkeley, and he\\nto Byllinge, c. in which the government was as\\nmuch conveyed, as the soil The governor replied,\\nall that will not dear me; if I should surrender without\\nthe duke s order, it is as much as my head is worth\\nbid if you had but a line or two from the duke, I should\\nbe as ready to surrender it to you, as you would be to ash\\nit. Upon which the commissioners, instead of excusing\\ntheir imprudence in not bringing such an order, began\\nto insist upon their right, and strenuously to assert their\\nindependency But Andros clapping his hand on his\\n(tr sword, told tliera, that should defend the government\\nfrom them, till he received orders from the duke, his\\nmaster, to surrender it he however softened, and told\\nthem, he would do what was in his power, to make\\nithem easy, till they could send home to get redress;\\nand in order thereto, would commissionate the same\\npersons mentioned in the commission they produced.\\nThis they accepted, and undertook to act as magistrates\\nsunder him, till further orders came from England, and\\nproceed in relation to their land affairs, according to\\nthe methods prescribed by the proprietors.\\nWhen arrived at tlieir government, they applied to\\nthe Swedes for interpreters between them and the\\nIndian Indians: Israel Hclmes, Peter Rambo, and Lacy\\npur 1 (2 ()(.]v, were recommended By their help they made\\na purchase from Timber Creek to Rankokas Creek,\\nanother from Oldiwan s Creek to Timber Creek After\\nthis they got Henric Jacobson Falconbre, to be their\\ninterpreter, and pnrcliased from Rankokas Creek to\\nAssunpinck\\nk. John Fenwiok having neglected this precaution, as to the\\ngovernment of his tenth, was sent for a prisoaer to New- York.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- jersey. 95\\nAssunpink But when they had agreed upon this last A. D.\\npurchase, they had not Indian goods sufficient to pay\\nthe\\nI. The deed for the lands between Rankokas creek and Timber\\ncreek bears date the 10th of September, 1677; tliat tor the lands\\nfrom Oldiuan s creek to Timber creek the 27th of September,\\nlf)77, and that from Rankokns creek to Assunpink the lOlh of\\nOctober, 1677: By the C( nsideratio?i paid for the lands between\\nOUlniaiis and Timber creek, a judgment may be formed of the rest.\\nIt consisted of 30 matclicoals, 20 gnns, 30 kettles and one great\\none, 30 pair of hose, 20 fathom of dnflelds, 30 petticoats, 30\\nnarrow hoes, 30 bars of lead, 15 small barrels of powder, 70\\nknives, 30 Indian axes, 70 combs, 60 pair of tol)acco tonjjs, 60\\nscissars, 60 tinshaw looking-glasses, 120 awl-blades, 120 fi-^hhooks,\\n2 grasps of red paint, 120 needles, 60 tobacco boxes, 120 pipes,\\n200 bells, 100 Jew-harps, 6 anchors of rum. In the year 1703,\\nanother purchase was made by the council of proprietors of West-\\nJersey, of land lying above the falls of Delaware; another also\\nabout that time of lands at the head of Rankokas river, and several\\npurchases al terwards included the whole of the lands worth taking\\nup in West- Jersey, except a tVw plantations reserved to the Indians\\none of these in particular ought to be noted in thi-; place, to the\\nhonour of John Wills, sometime one of the council, by whose advice\\nthe Indian sachem, called king Charles, laid an English right on a\\nlarge plantation at Weekpink, containing a valuable tract of land,\\nin the county of Burlington, which is so, contrived as to remain\\nunalienable from his posterity, who now enjoy the benefit of it.\\nThe following are entries from the records of the coinicil of pro-\\nprietors relating to the purchases above.\\nAt a meeting of the council of })roprietors at Burlington, the\\nsecond day of November, anno 1703. Phesent: George De.icon,\\npresident, Samuel Jennings, Thomas Gardner, Christopher We-\\niherill, John Reading. Ordekkd, That John Wills, William\\nBiddle, jun. and John Reading, or any two of them, vlo go up\\nto the Indians above the Falls, and particidarly to Caponockons,\\nill order to have the tract of land lately purchased of the Indians\\nmarked forth, and get them to sign a deed for the same; as also to\\nreceive the residue of the goods as yet un])aid, or so many of\\nthem that can be had, and to give him an obligation for the J ay-\\nment of the remaining part next spring. Ordered likewise. That\\nthe persons abovesaid, do go to Nimhammoe s wig-wam, in order\\nto treat with him, to see the bounds of the land lately purchased\\nof him, to mark the same if it may be, and to pay him what part\\nof the goods is already procured in part towards the said piwchase\\nand to do what else may be necessary towards perfecting purchases\\nof the concerns with the said Indians, and couipleating of the\\naforesaid the said persons also taking with them Tiiomas Foiilke,\\nAndrew Heath, or some other proper person, to be an interpreter\\nbetween them and the Indians. At", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "96 TheHISTORY\\nA. D. the consideration, yet gave them what they had, to\\nget the deed signed they were however obliged to\\nagree\\nAt a meeting of the council of proprietors at Burlington, on the\\n27tii day of June, anno dom. 1703. Presknt: Malilon .Stacy,\\nThomas Gardner, John Wills, George Deaccm, (;hristopher\\nWetherill, Samuel Jennings and John Reading. Tlie persons\\nappointed to treat wilh the Indians, at the Falls, do mnke report,\\nthat they accordingly met with the Indians, and m;ide a fullagree-\\nment with them, that is to say, with Hinihamnioe, for one tract of\\nland, adjoining to the division line, and lying on both sides of\\nRari ton River, for the goods mentioned in a certain list for that\\npurpose made; and also with Coponnockou, for another tract of\\nland, lying between the purchase made by Adlord Bonde, and the\\nboinids of the land belonging to Nimhammoe, fion ting upon\\nDelaware river, for tiie goods mentioned in a particular list made\\nto that end. Ordered, That pnblick notice be given to the pro-\\nprietors within tJiis i)rovince, that they meet together at Bnrling-\\nton, on the 19th day of July next, in order to inform them, that a\\npurchase is made, upon what terms, and also that all .such may\\ndeposit their proj)ortions of the charge, that expect to receive\\nbenefit thereby which paper of publication is in these word-t.\\nBy the council of proprietors sitting in Burlington, the 28th\\nday of June, anno dom. 1703. Whereas many of the proprietors\\nof this province have at sundry times addressed the council of.pro-\\nprietors, that they might be allowed a third dividend or taking up\\nof land, proportionable to their particular and respective rights ia\\nthe said province: Now this may certify, that the said council hav-\\ning taken into their consideration the request of the said proprietors,\\nand in order to answer the same, have lately made an Indian pur-\\nchase of lands situate above the falls of Delaware; and therefore\\nall proprietors who are concerned therein, or expect to receive\\nbenefit thereby, are hereby required to meet with the said council\\nat Burlington, on the nineteenth day of July next, that they may\\nbe more particularly informed concerning the said purchase, and\\nupon what terms and conditions it is made, and also to deposite their\\nrespective jiroporlions of the said purchase, and all other charge\\naccruing thereby. Given under my hand per order, and on the\\nbehalf of the said council, tiie day and year above said.\\nUpon the application of Makamickivon, alias king Charles, an In-\\ndian sachem, unto the council of proprietors, concerning the bounds\\nof two Indian purchases, fornnrly made from Rankokas creek to\\nTimber creek, and from Rankokas to Assunpink, in which deeds is\\nmentioned the bounds to be from the uppermost head of Rankokas\\nto the uppermost head of Timber creek, and by a right line\\nextending from the uppermost head of Rankokas to the line of\\npartition of sir George Carteret, right against the upjiermost head\\nof Assunpink which bounds were inserted through mistmderstand-\\ning between the interpreters and the English, and in truth ought\\nto", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 97\\naw-ree with the Indians not to settle till the remainder A. D.\\nwas paid Having travelled through the country and\\nviewed\\nto be according: to a line that was afterwards actually run by\\nagreement, ninde between tbe English and the Indians, and which\\ncomes lower upon the creek than tiie uppermost heads thereof;\\nwhich said line the said king Chiirles desires may be avowed,\\nentered and recorded, as the true and right bounds of said urciiase\\nand that the abovemeniioned hounds may he vacated and iield\\nutterly void for the future, to which tlie council assents: informing\\nthe sachem, that ihey always did and now do acluiuwledge and\\nown the last mentioned line to be the true limits of tliose purchases,\\nand order the same as actually run and marked by the English and\\nIndians, to be approved and held only for the true line of the\\nabovemeniioned purchases; and that the first mentioned and\\nmistaken bounds be accounted null and void and also that a\\nrecord be accordingly made thereof.\\nAt a meeting of the council of proprietors, the 19!h of July,\\n1703. PitKSENT: Sanniel Jeniiigs, riiomas Uarduer, George\\nDeacon, Christopher Weiherill, Joiin Hugg, Isaac Sharp, and\\nJohn Rending; the president absent. Memorandum, to inform\\nthe proprietors, Firtft, that the council have made two Indian\\npurciia-es, amounting to, according to our best computation, the\\nnumber of loO.OUO acres at the least, the cost whereof to the\\nIndians, with other incidental charges, will amount to about the\\nstun of 700. Secondly, That it is the design of (he s:iid coiuicil,\\nto give piiblick notice to the proprietors in England ami elseuhere,\\nwhat purcha.se is already made, of the opportunity of purchasing\\nmore land, that may be sufficient to allow the number of 5000\\nacres for each divi lend to a propriety, and of the cost thereof,\\nwhich by as near an e-^limation as we can make, will be about 241.\\npropriety for each dividend; and that if the said proprietors will\\nappoint their agent- and defray their proportionable part of the\\ncharges, on or before the 20th day of July, anno dom. 1704, that\\nthen they shall receive their respective rights, after the .same method\\nthat the rest of the proprietors do, at any time :ifier the 18th of\\nOctober 8, 1704. Thirdly: But if the said absent proprietors\\nshall neglect or refuse to pay their parts of the s.iid harge, then\\nthat the said Indian purchase already made, shall be taken up by\\nsuch proprietary residents in these parts, that shall deposite their\\nrespective parts of the .said purchase; wliich at 5000 for the divi-\\ndend to a ptopriety, will amount to about 30 proprieties, which\\nwe judge will nearly answer all the proprietors who are or have\\nagents in these parts. Fourthly: It is expected, that all such pro-\\nprietors who design to be interested for the Indian purchase, do in\\nsome short time, advance their particular part.s of the .said costs, in\\norder to pay the Indians off according to agreement made with\\ntiiem. Jeremiah\\na", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "98 TheHISTORY\\nA. D. viewed the land, the Yorkshire commissioners, Joseph\\nHehiisley, William Emley and Robert Stacy, on\\nbehalf of the first purchasers, chose from the fells of\\nDelaware down, which was hence called the first tenth\\nthe London commissioners, John Penford, Thomas\\nOlive, Daniel Wills, and Benjamin Scott, on behalf\\nof the ten London proprietors, chose at Arwaumus,\\n(in and about wliere the town of Gloucester now is) this\\nwas called the second tenth To becjin a settlement there,\\nOlive sent up servants to cut hay for cattle he had\\nbought: When the Yorkshire commissioners found\\nthe others were like to settle at such a distance, they\\ntold them, if they would agree to fix by them, they\\nBurlington would join in settling a town, and that they should\\nlaid out. -j^^^^g ^j^g largest share, in consideration that they (the\\nYorkshire commissioners) had the best land in the\\nwoods: Being few, and the Indians numerous, they\\nagreed to it. The commissioners employed Noble,\\na surveyor, who came in the first ship, to divide the\\nspot. After the main street was ascertained, he\\ndivided the land on each side into lots the eastern-\\nmost among the Yorkshire proprietors, the other\\namong the Londoners To begin a settlement, ten lots\\nof nine acres each, bounding on the west, were laid out\\nthat done, some passengers from Wickaco, chiefly\\nthose concerned in the Yorkshire tenth, arrived the\\nlatter end of October. The London commissioners\\nalso employed Noble, to divide the part of the island\\nyet unsurveyed, between the ten London proprietors,\\nin\\nJeremiali Bass, attorney to the Weat-Jersey Society, made a purchase\\non their behalf, in 1693, of the lands between Cohan^ick creek and\\nMorris s river. [Vid. Revell s book, secretary s oftiee, Burl. p. 325.]\\nMaTiy other Indian purchases were before and afterwards, from time\\nto time occasionally made, as the lands were wanted, in boih East and\\nWest Jersey they are too numerous to be all particidarized and one\\nhereaftei mentioned, compleated the whole tluit was left.\\nm. In pursuance of the charter brought with them from England.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JEESEY. 99\\nin the manner beforementioned The town thus by A. I),\\nmutual consent laid out, tlie eomraissioners gave it the\\nname first of New-Beverley, then Bridlington, but named,\\nsoon changed it to Burlington. Some of the masters\\nof families that came in the ship last mentioned, and\\nsettled in that neighbourhood, were Thomas Olive,\\nDaniel Wills, William Peachy, AVilliam Clayton,\\nJohn Crips, Thomas Eves, Thomas Harding, Tho-\\nmas Nositer, Thomas Fairnsworth, jNIorgaii Drewet,\\nWilliam Pennton, Henry Jenings, William Hibes,\\nSamuel Lovett, John Woolston, William Wood-\\nmancy, Christopher Saunders, and Robert Powell\\nJohn Wilkinson and William Perkins, were likewise\\nwith their families passengers, but dying on the voyage,\\nthe latter were exposed to additional hardships, which\\nwere however moderated by the care of their fellow\\npassengers Perkins M as early in life convinced of the W. Perkins,\\nprinciples of those called Quakers, and lived well in\\nIjeicestershire but seeing an account of the country wrote\\nby Richard Hartshorne, and forming views of advan-\\ntage to his family, tho in his 52d year, he, with his wife,\\nfour children and some servants, embarked in this ship\\nAmong the latter was one Marshall, a carpenter, par-\\nticularly serviceable in fitting up habitations for the\\nnew comers but it being late in the fall when they\\narrived, the winter was much spent before the work\\nwas begun in the interim they lived in wigwams,\\nbuilt after the manner of the Indians. Indian corn\\nand venison, sui)plied by the Indians, was their chief\\nfood These people were not then much corrupted\\nwith strong liquors, but generally very friendly and\\nhelpful to the English; notwithstanding It was thought\\nendeavours had been used to make them otherwise, by\\ninsinuations that the English sold them the small-pox\\nin", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "The history\\nA. D. in their matchcoats. This distemper was among them,\\nand a company getting together to consult about it, one\\nof\\nn. Tlioinas Biidd, who own d a share of propriety in West-Jersey,\\nan l ancestor to a large lamily tliere, who arrived at Burlington ia\\n1768, in a pamphlet describing tlie country, about nine or ten years\\nafterwards, says, Tlie Indians told us, in a conference at Burlington,\\nshortly after we came into the country, tliey were advisefl to make\\nwar on us, and cut us ofl while we were but few; I or tiiat we sold\\ntliem the small pox, with the matclicoat tiiey had bought of us; which\\ncaused our people to be in fears and jealousies concerning them;\\ntherefore we sent for the Indian kings to speak with them, who with\\nmany more Indians came to Burlington, where we had a conference\\nwith thf m about the matter we told them we came amongst them by\\ntheir own consent, and had benight the land of them, for which we\\nhad honestly paid them; and for what commodities we had bought\\nat any time of them, we had paid them for, and had been just to\\nthem, and had been, from the time of our first coming, very\\nkind and resjiectful to them; therefore we know no reason that\\nthey had to make war on us; to wliich one of them, in behalf of\\nthe rest, made this following speech in answer. Our young\\nmen may speak such words as we do not like nor approve of, and\\nwe cannot help that; and some of your young men may speak\\nsuch words as you do not like, and you cannot help that: We\\nare your brothers, and intend to live like brothers with you; we\\nhave no mind to have war; for when we have war,, we are only\\nskin and bones, the meat that we eat doth not do us good; we\\nalways are in lear, we have not the benefit of the sun to shine\\non us, we hide us in holes and corners; we are minded to live at\\npeace. If we intend at any time to make war upon you, we will let\\nyou know of it, and the reasons why we make war with you and\\nif you make us saiisfaction for the injury done us, for which the\\nwar was intended, then we will not make war on you and if you\\nintend at any time to make war on us, we would have you let us\\nknow of it, and the reason and then if we do not make satis-\\nfiiclion for the injury done unto you, then you may make war on\\nus, otherwise vou ought not to do it; you are our brothers, and\\nwe are willing to live like brothers with you we are willing to\\nhave a broad path for you and us to walk in, and if an Indian is\\na^leef) in this path, the Englishman shall pass by, and do him no\\nharm; and if an Englishman is asleep in this path, the Indian\\nshall (la-^s him by, and say, lie is an EngUi^hman, he is asleep; let\\nhim alone, he lovex to sleep. It shall be a plain path; there must\\nnot be in this palh a stump to hurt our feet. And as to the small\\npox, it was once in my grandfathers time, and it could not be the\\nEnglish that could send it to us then, there being no English iu\\nthe coimtry And it was once in my father s time, they could not\\nsend it us then neither; and now it is in my time, I do not believe\\ntliat", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "Of N EW- JERSEY. 101\\nof their chiefs said, In mv grandfather s time the A. D.\\n1677\\nsmall-pox came: In raj father s time the sraall-pox\\ncame\\nthat they have sent it us. now I do believe it is tlie man above\\nthat hath sent it us.\\nSome are apt to ask, liow we can propose safely to live amongst\\nsuch a heathen people, as the InHi;ins, whose principles ami prac-\\ntices leads them to war and bloodshed, and ours on the contrary,\\nto love enemies? answer: Thai we settled by the Indians con-\\nsent and good liking, and iiought the land of them that we settle\\non; which they conveyed to us by deeds, under their hands\\nand seals, and also submitted to several articles of agreement with\\nu^, viz. 7int to do itf^ an;/ injur!/: I ut if it should so Iia] pi-n, that\\nany of their people at any time shoidd injure or do harm lo any\\nof us, then they to make us satisfaction for the iiijury ilone;\\ntherefore if they break these covenants ?nd agreements, then in\\nconsequence of them, they may be proceedtd against as other\\noffenders, viz. to be kept in subjection to the magisir.ite s power,\\nin whose hand the sword of justice is committed, to be usfd by\\nhim for the punishment of evil doers, and praise of ihem that do\\nwell; tlierefore I do btdieve it to be both lawful and expedient to\\nbring offenders to justice, by the power of the magistrate s .sword\\nwhich is not to be used in vain, but may be used again-^t such as\\nraise rebellions and insurrections against the government of the\\ncountry, be thev christians or Indians (now that the-ie have so far\\nagreed to abide by the laws of civil government) otherwise it is in\\nvain for us lo preteml to magistracy or government it being that\\nwhich we own to be lawful both in principle and practice. The\\nIndians have l)een very serviceable to us by celling ns venison, Indian\\ncorn, pease an i beans, fish and fowl, buck-skins, beaver, otter,\\nand other skins and furrs the men hunt, fish and fowl, and\\nthe women plant the corn and carry burthens: There are many\\nof them of a good understanding, considering their education,\\nand in their publick meetings of business, they have excellent\\norder, one speaking after another and while one is speaking, all\\nthe rest keep silent, and do not so much as whisper one lo the other:\\nwe had several meetings with them one was in order to pul down\\nthe sale of I um, lirandy, and other strong liquors, to them, ihey\\nbeing a people that have not government of themselves so as to\\ndrink in moderation; At which time there were eight kings [One\\nof ihem ivox Okanickon, a noted friend to the En(/lish of whom\\nmore in the viii^A chapter.^ and many other Indians The kings sat\\non a form, and we on another over against them they had pre-\\npared four belts of wampiun, (so their current money is called, being\\nl)lack and white beads njade of a fish-shell) to give us as seals of the\\ncovenant they made with us; one of the kinsj- by the cons, iit and\\nappointment of the rest, stood nj) and made this following speech.\\nThe strong liquor was first sold to us by the Dutch and they\\nwere", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "102 The HISTORY\\nA. B. came and now in my time the small-pox is come/\\n1677. Then stretching his hands towards tlie skies, said, it\\ncame from thence. To this the rest assented.\\nHaving traced this ship s company into winter\\nqnarters, the next in coarse is the WUllng Hind, Joha\\nNewcomb commander; she arrived from Lon lon, in\\nNovember, and droj)t anchor at Elsingburgh brought\\nabout sixty or seventy passengers Some settled at\\nSalem, others at Burlington among the former\\nwere James Nevill, Henry Salter, and George Deacon^\\nwith their families. In this year also arrived the Flie-\\nBoat Martha, of Burlington, (Yorkshire) sailed from\\nHull the latter end of summer, with one hundred\\nand fourteen passengers, designed to settle the York-\\nshire tenth Some masters of families in this ship,,\\nwere Thomas Wright, William Goforth, John\\nLynam, Edward Season, AVilliam Black, liichard\\nDungworth, George Miles, William Wood, Thomas\\nSchooley, Richard Harrison,. Thomas Hooten, Samuel\\nTaylor\\nwere blind, tliey had no eyes, the.y did not see tliat it wa.s for our\\nhurt: Tlie next people that came amonj? us wei-e the Swedes,\\nwho continued the sale of tiiose strong li(juors to us; they were\\nalso blind, they had no eyes, tiiey did not see it to be hunful to us\\nto drink it, although we know it to be hurtful to us; but if people\\nwill sell it to us, we are so in love with it lliat we cnnnot i orbear\\nit: when we drink it, it makes us mad, we do not know what we\\ndo, we then abuse one another, we throw eacii other int j the fire.\\nSeven score of our people have been killed by reason of the\\ndrinking it, since the time it was first sold us: Those people that\\nsell it are blind, they have no eyes; but now there is a people\\ncome to live amongst us, that have eyes, they see it to be for our\\nhurt, and we know it to be for our hurt Tiiey are willing to deny\\nthemselves the profit of it for our good These people have eyes;\\nwe are glad such a people are come auiongst us; we nuist put it\\ndown by uniiual consent; the cask must be seiiled tip; it uiust be\\nmade fast, it must not leak by day nor by night, in tiie light nor in\\nthe dark; and we give you these four belts of wampum, which\\nwe would have you lay up safe, and keep by you, to be witnesses\\nof this agreement that we make with you; and we would have\\nyou tell your children, that these four bells of wampum are given\\nyou to be witnesses betwiait us and you of this agreement.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 103\\nTaylor, Marmaduke Horsman, William Oxley, A. D.\\nWilliam Ley, and Nathaniel Luke the families of\\nRohert Stacy and Samuel Odas; and Thomas Ellis and\\nJohn Batt^, servants,^- sent by George Hutchinson,\\nalso came in this ship. Twenty of the passengers,\\nperhaps more, were living 45 years afterwards.\\nIn one of these ships, or about this time however, J^^\\nS6V thrc\u00c2\u00a9\\narrived John Kinsey, then a young man his father one of that\\nof the commissioners aforementioned, dying on his\\narrival, the care of his family fell to him he was\\nafterwards a man of distinguished services, in several\\npublic stations and his son after him, of the same\\nname, the late chief justice of Pennsylvania, nuist be\\nlong rememljered by many in both provinces.\\nHaving landed so many of the settlers, it may not\\nbe disagreable to know some of their first sentiments\\nof the country. Joim Crips in a letter to Henry Stacy,\\ngives the following account of it.\\nFrom Burlington, in Delaware river,\\nllie 2O1I1 ofliie 8lh month, 1(177.\\nDear Friend,\\nThrough tiie iiktcv of God, we are safelv arrived John\\nat New-Jersey; my wife and all mine are verv well, ipslet-\\nand we have our healths rather better here than we\\nhad in England indeed the country is so good, that\\nI do not see how it can reasonably be found fault with\\nAs far as I perceive, all the things we heard of it in\\nEngland, are very true and I wish that many\\npeople (that are in straits) in England, were here.\\nHere\\n0. ]\\\\[any that came servants, sncceeded better than some that\\nbrought estates; the first inured to industry, and the ways of the\\ncountry, became wealthy, wliile the others obligeil to spend what\\nthey had in the diHioulties of first improvenu nt.s and otliers living\\ntoo much on their original stock, for want of sufficient care to im-\\nprove their estates, have, in many instances, dwindled to indigency\\nand want.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "104\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1677.\\nHere is good land enough lies void, would serve\\nmany thousands of families and we think if they\\ncannot live here, they can hardly live in any place in\\nthe world but we do not desire to persuade any to\\ncome, but such as are well satisfied in their own\\nminds. A town lot is laid out for us in Burlington,\\nwhich is a convenient place for trade it is about one\\nhundred and fifty miles up the river Delaware; the\\ncountry and air seems to be very agreal^le to our bodies,\\nand we have very good ston)achs to our victuals\\nHere is plenty of provision in the country plenty\\nof fish and fqwl, and good venison very plentiful,\\nand much better than ours in England for it eats\\nnot so dry, but is full of gravy, like fat young\\nbeef. You that come after us need not fear the\\ntrouble that we hu\\\\ e had, ibr now here is land ready\\ndivided against you come The Indians are very\\nloving to us, except here and there one, when they\\nhave gotten strong liquors in their heads, which they\\nnow gi catly love But for the country, in short, I\\nlike it very well and I do believe, that this river of\\nDelaware is as good a river as most in the world\\nIt exceeds the river of Thames by many degrees.\\nHere is a town laid out for twenty ])roj)erties, and\\na straight line drawn from the river side up the land,\\nwhich is to be the main street, and a market place\\nabout the middle. The Yorkshire ten proprietors\\nare to build on one side, and the London ten the other\\nside and they, have ordered one street to be made\\nalong the river side, which is not divided with the\\nrest, but in small lots by itself; and every one that\\nhath any ])art in a propriety, is to have his share in\\nit. The town lots for every propriety will be about\\nten or eleven acres, wdiieh is only for a house,\\norchard and gardens and the corn and pasture\\nground is to be laid out in great quantities.\\nI am thy loving friend,\\nJohn Crips.\\nThomas", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JEESEY. 105\\nThomas Hooten to his wife, dated 29th 8th month, A. D.\\n1677. 1677.\\nMy dear,\\nI am this present at the town called Bai lington,\\nwhere our land is it is ordered to be a town for the\\nten Yorkshire and ten London pro})rietors. I like\\nthe place well our lot is the second next the\\nwater .side: It s like to be a healthful place, and\\nvery pleasant to live in. I came hither yesterday,\\nbeing the 28th of October, with some friends that\\nwere going to New-York. I am to be at Thomas\\nOlive s house, till 1 can provide better for myself: I\\nintend to build a house, and get some corn into the\\nground: And I know not how to write concerning\\nthy coming, or not coming hither; the place I like\\nvery well, and I believe that we may live here very\\nwell Bat if it be not made free, I mean as to the\\ncustoms and government, P- then it will not be so\\nwell, and may hinder many that have desires to\\ncome: But if those two things be cleared, thou may\\ntake thy ojtportnnity of coming this summer.\\nThomas Hootox.\\nWilliam Clark to the proprietors.\\nT, 1 N.w-Jersev, 20tli\\nDear Friends, 2(1 month, 1678. 1678.\\nI doubt not but it will be great satisfaction to you,\\nto hear of mine and the rest of friends passage to,\\nand safe arrival in New- Jersey We took ship the\\nsixteenth of November, and made the laud of New-\\nJersey in thirty-four days. Now friends, as to this\\ncountry, there has been nuich said by several persons\\nin commendation thereof, both as to the increase of\\nall sorts of grain and fruits; as also of the plenty\\nof fish, fowl, deer, swine, c. that I shall not need\\nto add any tiling to it but in short, this I have to\\nsay\\np. The customs were tlio-;e imposed at New-Castle, upon all\\ncomers (of whirli we shall presently see a more partienlar acconnt)\\nthe government was yet administered by virtue of governor Andres s\\ncommission, hoth which were unexpected and disagreable: but these\\nohjections were soon removed.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "106\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1678.\\nsay, that I do not know any one thing to fall short\\nof what was reported of this province, but that more\\nmight truly have been said of its pleasant situation,\\nwholesome air, and general and great increase of all\\nthings planted, and especially of Indian corn, which is\\na very good and serviceable grain many ways the\\nEnglish wheat and barley primely good but rie and\\npease much better than any I ever saw in England or\\nIreland. I doubt not but you have had an account\\nof all other matters before this (by those who came\\nto Jersey before me) comes to your hands And I\\nhave no other end in this, than keeping you from the\\nrash censures of people that know it not as also for\\nthe good and prosi)erity of this good county, c.\\nDirected for William Penn, Aii^TTTTATu- Or a -oTT-\\nGavveu Lavvrie, or Edward Bylliiige. VILLIAM l^LAEK.\\nJohn Crips to his brother and sister.\\nBurlington, in New-Jersey, upon the river Delaware,\\nthe 19ih of 4th month, called June, 1678.\\nDear and loving brother and sister.\\nI have received both your letters, wherein I under-\\nstand your faith concerning this country, is much\\nshaken, thro several false reports given thereof; which\\nmay be proved false under the hands of several good\\nfriends; I hope as worthy to be believed as that\\nreporter and such as have had more experience of\\nthis place than he had, or could have, in so short a\\ntime besides he came among us shortly after our\\ncoming hither, when things were not settled in that\\norder amongst us, as now they are; neither indeed\\ndid he find such entertainment from some, as he ex-\\npected; which I suppose makes him speak the worst\\nhe can devise of this place: But I question not but\\nthis report will in a short time be wiped away, some\\nof which in my knowledge, is grossly untrue, as\\nwell as contradictions to his own words; for I re-\\nmember when I travelled with him through part of\\nNew-Jersey, he confessed that much of this land was\\nas good or better than the land in Rhode-Island\\nAnd it s really my judgment, that those people that\\ncannot", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "Of new- jersey. 107\\ncannot be contented with such a country^and such land\\nas this is. they are not worthy to come here And\\nthis I can truly tell you, if I were now in England\\nwith you (and which I should be very glad to see)\\nyet if all I had in the world would but bring rue\\nliither, I would freely leave you and my native\\ncountry, and come to New- Jersey agaia; wdiich I\\nhave said many a time heretofore, but now write it\\nunder my hand, and it s really the truth, whether\\nyou will believe it or not; and farther, I can truly tell\\nvou, that I desire not, nor dare to write the least\\nuntruth, to draw you, nor any others to this ])lacer\\nBut I am resolved, if I never see your faces more, to\\nleave you to your own freedom. But I hope you\\nare not insensible of my love and desires for you\\ntho I am, I say, constrained to forbear persuading\\nyou, or any one else agaiust their own freedoms yet\\nI think it my duty to let you, and all ineu know\\nthe truth of things as near as I can. Your letter\\nsaith, it s reported the water is not so good as in\\nEngland. I do not remember that ever I tasted\\nbetter water in any part of England, than the springs-\\nof this place do yield of which is made very good\\nbeer and ale and here is also wine and cyder. And\\nwhereas your letter to me saith, several have come\\nback from this country to England. Two or three\\nI suppose: there are lazy idle persons that have done\\nso but on the other hand,, here are several persons,,\\nmen of estates, that have been here, and have gone\\nback to England, and sold their estates and returned\\nwith their whole families, hither again M hicb\\nmethiuks should take many of these scruples out of\\nthe way, if nothing else w^re said or done in praise of\\nthis country But I suppose there are many in,\\nEngland, that desire to hear ill of this place, because\\nthey would keep their friends there with them and\\nthey think we never write enough of the bad pro-\\nperties of the country, and Atirmin in it. Now this\\nI may say, in short, that here are bears, wolves, foxas,\\nrattle snakes, and several other creatures, (I do believe\\nbecause I see the Indians liave such skins to sell) but\\nA. D.\\n1678.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "108\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1678.\\nThe ship\\nShield.\\nI have travelled several hundreds of miles, to and\\nfro, and I never to my knowledge, saw one of those\\ncreaturas, except two rattle snakes, and I killed them\\nboth I suppose the fear of those creatures in\\nEngland, is far worse to some there, than the hurt of\\nthem is here and as for the musketto fly, we are not\\ntroubled with them in this place our land for the\\nmost part, lying high and healthy, and they for the\\nmost part, are in a low boggy ground. Thomas\\nBudd and his family are arrived the ship lyeth\\nbefore this town, that brought them I wish you\\nhave not cause to repent that you came not along\\nwith them they had a very good passage, and so had\\nthe London ship they are both in the river at this\\ntime. I understand by Thomas Budd, that he did\\nsatisfy you as near as he could, of the truth of things\\nhere and you had as much reason to believe him, as\\nthat other person, and more too for Thomas had\\nfar more experience of this place, than he could have\\nin the short time he was among us so of these things\\nI shall forbear to write any further at present.\\nJohn Crips.\\nTo the truth of the contents of these things, we\\nsubscribe our names; Daniel Wills, Thomas Olive,\\nThomas Harding, Thomas Budd, William Peachy.\\nIn the 10th month O. S. 1678, arrived the Shield^\\nfrom Hull, Daniel Towes commander, one of the\\nships mentioned in the above letter, and dropped\\nanchor before Burlington, being the first ship that came\\nso far up Delaware Against Coaquanock?- being a bold\\nshore, she went so near in turning, that part of the tack-\\nling struck the trees some on board then remarked it\\nwas a fine spot for a town A fresh gale brought her to\\nBurlington She moor d to a tree, and the next morning\\nthe people came ashore on the Ice, so hard had the\\nriver suddenly frozen. In her came William Emley,\\nthe\\nq. The Indian name of the place where Philadelphia now stands.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "Op NEW-JERSEY. 109\\nthe second time, with his wife, two children, one A. D.\\n1678\\nborn by the way, two men and two women servants\\nMahlon Stacy, his wife, children and several servants,\\nmen and women; Thomas Lambert, his wife,. children\\nand several men and women servants; John Lambert\\nand servant; Thomas Revell, his wife, children and\\nservants; Godfrey Hancock, his wife, children and\\nservants; Thomas Potts, his wife and children; John\\nWood and four children Thomas Wood, his wife and\\nchildren; Robert Murtin, his wife and two children;\\nRobert Schooly, his wife and children James Pharo,\\nhis wife and children; Susannah Fairnsworth, her\\nchildren and two servants; Richard Tattersal, his wife\\nand children Godfrey Newbold, John Dewsbury,.\\nRichard Green, Peter Fretwell, John Fretwell, John\\nXewbold, one Barns, a merchant from Hull, Francis\\nJ^arwick, George Parks, George Hill, John Heyres,\\nand several more.\\nIn this year also arrived a ship from London, M hich\\nbrought John Denn, Thomas Kent, John Hollins-\\nliead, with their families; William Hewlings, Abra-\\nham Hcwlings, Jonathan Eldridge, John Petty, Tho-\\nmas Kirby, with others: The first of these settled\\nabout Salem, the rest at Bnrlington. About this\\ntime, and a few years afterwards, arrived at Burlington,\\nthe following settlers from England, viz. John Butcher,\\nHenry Grnbb, William Butcher, AVilliam Brightwin,,\\nThomas Gardner, John Bndd, John Bourten, Seth.\\nSmith, Walter Pnmphrey, Thomas Ellis, James\\nSatterthwaite, Richard Arnold, John Woolmun, John\\nStacy, Thomas Eves, Benjamin Dulheld, John Payne,,\\nSanuiel Cleft, Williain_CV)0[)er, John Shinn, William.\\nBiles, John Skein, John Warrel, Anthony Mtu-ris,.\\nSamnel Bunting, Charles Read, Francis Collins, Tho-\\nmas Mathews, Christopher Wetherill, John Dewsbury,.\\nJohn Day,, Richard Basnett, John Antrom, William\\nBiddle.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "no The HISTORY\\nA. D. Bidclle, Samuel Furnace, John Ladd, Thomas Eaper,\\nEoger Huggins and Thomas Wood.\\nSome hint has been given respecting the Dutch con-\\nquest of New-York and New- Jersey, s. and that in\\n1673, they were yielded to king Charles the second, by\\nthe general article of the treaty of peace It was to\\nprevent any disputes that might arise upon a plea of the\\nproperty being thus alienated from the first purchasers,\\nthat that king did, by his letters patent bearing date\\nthe 29th day of June, 1674, grant unto the duke of\\nYork, his heirs and assigns, the several tracts of land\\nin\\nr. Several of these have died within a few years past whether any\\nbut Wood are yet living, cannot liere be told.\\n.s. The accounts of that affair, the p-ifficient to authenticate the\\nfacts, are defective: Sir George Carteret in a piiblick dechiration to\\nthe inhabitants, dated July 31, 1674, asserts it positively. The\\ningenious author of the history of New-York, says, (p. 29, 80, 31.)\\nA few Dutch ships arrived the 30th of .July 1673, under Staten-\\nIshmd, at tiie distance of a few miles from tlie city of New-York.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0080\u00a2John Manning a ciptain of an independent company, liad at that\\ntime tlie command of tlie fort, and by a messenger sent down to the\\nsquadron, treacherously made his peace with the enemy. On\\ntiiat, very day, the Dutch ships came up, moored under the fort,\\nlanded their men, and entered the garrison, without giving or\\nreceiving a shot. A council of war was afterwards held at the\\nStadt-House, at which were present, (.\\\\irnelius Evertse, jun. and\\n.Jacob Ilenkes, conirnodores, and Anthony Colve, Nicholas Boes,\\nAbraham Ferd. Van Zyll, captains. All the magistrates and\\nconstabUs from East-Jersey, Long Island, Esopus and Albany,\\nwere immediately summoned to New-York; and tlie major [part\\nof them swore allegiance to the States General, and the prince\\nf)f Orange. Col. Lovelace was ordered to depart the province,\\nbut afterwards obtained leave to return to England with coinmo-\\ndore IJenkc s. It has often been insisted on, that this conquest\\ndid not extend to the whole province of New-Jersey but upon\\nwhat foimdation I caiuiot iiscover: From the Dutch records it\\nappears, that deputies were sent by the people inhabiting the\\ncountry, even so far westward as Delaware river, who in the name\\nof their jirincipals, made a declaration of their submission; in\\nreturn tor which, certain privileges were granted to them, and\\nthree judicatories erected at Niewer Amstel, Upland, and Hoarkill.\\nThe Dutch governor enjoyed his office but a very short season,\\nfor oil the Jth of February 1674, the treaty of peace between\\nEngland and the States General was signed at Westminster; the\\nsi.xth article of which restored this country to the English.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. Ill\\nin America, which by the former letters patent had A. D.\\nbeen granted to him of which New-Jersey was part.\\nIn this year, upon the application of the assigns of\\nlord Berkely, the duke made them a new grant of West\\nNew-Jersey; and in like manner by an instrument\\nbearing date the 10th of October, granted the eastern\\nmoiety of New-Jersey, to the grandson of sir George\\nCarteret.\\nCHAP. VI I.\\nLetters from some of the settlers of West- Jersey:\\nand arguments against the Gustoms imposed at theHoar\\nKill hij the governor of New- York.\\nSO M E letters from the first settlers of West- Jersey,\\nwith accounts of their situation and sentiments of\\nthe country, have already been introduced; more\\nmight be added, but the following may suffice in this\\nplace.\\nAbstra(!t of JNIahlon Stacy s letter to his brother\\nRevell, and some others, dated the 2Gth of the 4th\\nmonth 1680. 1680.\\nBut now a word or t\\\\\\\\ o of those strange reports you\\nhave of us and our country; I affirm they are not\\ntrue, and fear they were spoke from a spirit of envy\\nIt is a country that prodnccth all things for the support\\nand sustenance of man, in a plentiful manner; if it\\nwere not so, I should be ashamed of what I have\\nbefore written but I can stand, having truth on my\\nside, against and before the fxce of all gainsayers\\nand ev il spies I have travelled through most of\\ntlie places that are settled, and some that are not, and\\nin every jdace I find the country very apt to answer\\nthe expectation of the diligent I have seen orchards\\nladen with fruit to admiration, their very limbs\\ntorn to pieces with the weiglit, and most delicious to\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "112\\nThe history\\nthe taste, and lovely to behold I have seen an apple\\ntree from a pippin kernel, yield a barrel of curious\\ncyder and peaches in such plenty, that some people\\ntook their carts a jjeach-gatheriug I could not but\\nsmile at the conceit of it They are a very delicate\\nfruit, and hang almost like our onions that are tied\\non ropes I have seen and knoAvn this summer, forty\\nbushels of bold Avheat of one bushel sown and many\\nmore such instances I could bring which would be\\ntoo tedious here to mention We have from the time\\ncalled May until Michaelmass, great store of very\\ngood wild fruits, as strawberries, cranberries and\\nhurtleberries, which are like our bilberries in England,\\nbut far sweeter the} are very wholesome fruits. The\\ncranberries much like cherries for colour and bigness,\\nwhich may be kept till fruit come in again an excel-\\nlent sauce is made of them for venison, turkeys, and\\nother great foAvl, and they are better to make tarts\\nthan either goosberries or cherries; we have them\\nbrought to our liouses by the Indians in great plenty.\\nMy brother llobert had as many cherries this year as\\nwould have loaded several carts It is my judgment\\nby what I have observed, that fruit trees in this\\ncountry destroy themselves by the very weight of their\\nfruit As for venison and fowls, we have great plen-\\nty We have brought home to our houses by the\\nIndians, seven or eight fat bucks of a day and some\\ntimes put by as many having no occasion for them\\nand fish in their season very plenteous My cousin\\nRevell and I, with some of my men, went last third\\nmonth into the river to catch herrings for at that\\ntime they came in great shoals into the shallows we\\nhad neither rod nor net but after the Indian fashion\\nmade a round pinfold, about two yards over, and a\\nfoot high, but left a gap for the fish to go in at, and\\nmade a bush to lay in the gap to keep the fish in and\\nwhen that was done, we took two long birches and\\ntied their tops together, and went about a stone s cast\\nabove our said pinfold; then bawling these birche s\\nboughs down the stream, where we drove thousands\\nbefore", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. j\\nbefore us but so many got into our trap as it would A. D.\\nliold, aijd then we began to liawl them on shore as 1\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00ab0-\\nast as three or four of us could, by two or three at a\\nt.me; and after th.s manner, in half an hour, M^e\\nc-ouldhave tilled a three bushel sack of as good and\\narge herrings as ever I saw; and as to beef and pork\\nlier^ IS great plenty of it, and cheap; and also good\\nsheep fhe \u00c2\u00ab)nin.on grass of this country feeds beef\\nvery fat; I have kdled two this year, and therefore I\\nhave reason to know it; besides I have seen this fall\\nin Lurhngton, kdled eigiit or nine fat oxen and cows\\n^on a market day, and all very fat: And thonuli I\\nspeak of heiTings only, lest any should think we\\noris n H \\\\T T I^ ^^St\\nsoits of hsli that ever I saw in England; besides\\nseveral other sorts that are not known there; as rocks,\\nat-l^sh, shads, siieeps-heads, sturgeons; and fowls\\nI)Ienty; as ducks, geese, turkies, pheasants, par-\\ntrulges, and many other sorts that I cannot renR niber\\nand would be too tedious to menticm. Indeed the\\n--try, take it as a wilderness, is a brave county!\\nluK.gh no place wdl please all. But some will be ready\\n^to say, he writes of conveniencies, but not of incoii-\\nveniencies: In answer to those, I honestlv declare\\nthere IS some barren land, as (I suppose) there is in\\n;nios places of the world, and\\\\nori wooil than some\\nwould have upon their lands; neither will the country\\n^produce corn without labour, nor cattle be got with-\\nout something to buy them, nor bread with idleness;\\nelse It would be a brave country indeed: And I one-\\nmy pait I like it so well, I never had the least thoi.dit\\nof returning to England, except on the account of\\nf MAHI.ON Stacy.\\nIn a letter to William Cook of Sheffield, and others\\nStacy wrote thus\\nThis is a most brave place; whatever envy or evil\\nsi)ies may speak of it, I could wish you all heiV-\\nBurlington will be a place of trade quicily for W\\nIS", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "The history\\nA. D.\\n1680.\\nis way for trade I, with eight more, last winter,\\nbought a good ketch of fifty tons, freighted her out at\\nour own charge, and sent her to Barbados, and so to sail\\nto Saltertugas, to take in part of her hiding in salt, and\\nthe rest in Barbados goods as she came back which\\nsaid voyage she hath accomplished very well, and\\nnow rides before Burlington, discharging her lading,\\nand so to go to the West-Indies again and we intend\\nto freight her out with our own corn. We have\\nwanted nothing since we came liither, but the com-\\npany of our good friends and acquaintance all our\\npeople are very well, and in a hopeful way to live\\nmuch better than ever they did and not only so, but\\nto provide well for their posterity They improve\\ntheir lands and have good crops and if our friends\\nand countrymen come, they will find better reception\\nthan we had by far at first, before the country was\\nsettled as now it is. I know not one among the\\npeople, that desires to be in England again I mean\\nsince settled I wonder at our Yorkshire j^eople, that\\nthey had rather live in servitude, and work hard all the\\nyear, and not be three pence the better at the year s\\nend, than stir out of the chimney corner and transport\\nthemselves to a plaoe where, with the like pains, in\\ntwo or three years, they might know better things.\\nI never repented my coming hither, nor yet i cmem-\\nbred thy arguments and out-cry against New-.Jersey\\nwith regret. I live as Avell to my content, and in as\\ngreat plenty as ever I did, and in a far more likely\\nway to get an estate. Tho I hear some have thought\\nI was too large in my former, I affirm it to be true\\nhaving seen more with mine eyes in this time since,\\nthan ever yet I wrote of. Mahlon Stacy.\\nFrom the Falls of Delaware, in West-New-\\nJersey, the litith of the 4lh luonth, 1680. Abstract\\nt. The inhahitants of West-Jersey, had hitherto either pounded\\ntheir corn or jiroiind il with hand mills; but ahoiit this time Olive\\nhad built his water mill on his plantation, nigh Rankokas creek;\\nand in this year Stacy finished his mill at Trenton This last having\\nbeen rebuilt, continues good These two were the only mills that\\nground for the country several of the first years after tiieir arrival.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "Of N EW- JERSEY. 115\\nAbstract of a letter from Daniel Wills to ^Yillia^l A. D.\\nBicklle, in Bishop s-gate-Street, London.\\nDear friend,\\nLet every man write according to his judgment,\\nand this is mine concerning this county I do really ^Vills.\\nbelieve it to be as good a country as any man need to\\ndwell in and it is much better tlian I expected\\nevery way for land I will assure thee here is as good\\nby the judgment of men, as any in England and\\nfor my part I like the country so well, and it is so\\npleasant to me, that if I had a good estate in laud in\\nEngland, I should not come to live upon it for\\nthrough industry here will be all things produced that\\narc necessary for a family as in England, and far more\\neasy, I am satisfied: When I am walking alone,\\nand the sense of the Lord s ffood dealin i:s is broui ht\\nbefore me I cannot but admire him for his mercies,\\nand often in secret bless his name, that ever he\\nturn d my face hitherward, and gave me confidence\\nin himself, and boldness by faith, to oppose all\\ngainsayers though never so strong Although then\\n1 could not say, it seemed so clear to leave the land of\\nmy nativity, yet now it is to me a certainty, that my\\nremoval was right, and in what I .did, I had ])eace\\nand in all my exercises by sea and land, I never felt\\nthe least matter in me, as to desire I had not come\\nforward, but rather rejoiced in the midst of all.\\nTliough my removal was not ordinary, because of\\nthe largeness of my family, yet blessed be God, all is\\nwell to our content if thou heeds every objection, it\\nwill be work enough My resolutions were, and my\\nsayings to several opj)osers, that I would come; if\\nGod liindred me not, no man shoidd. I have writ\\nto John Mulliner and Edward Coo[)er largely, con-\\ncerning the country, and refer to that letter. Now\\nmy near and ancient acquaintiince, William and\\nSarah Biddle, my love you may feel beyond expres-\\nsion\\nH. William and Sarah Biddle,- with tlieir fiimily, removed for\\nWest-Jersey, in the summer, 1681.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "The history\\nA. D,\\n1680.\\nsion and if you have clearness to come to New- Jersey,\\nlet nothing hinder but if you have a stop within\\nyourselves, let not any thing farther you until the way\\nclears to your full satisfaction. In this advice I deny\\nmyself; if I might I would forward you to the utmost,\\nbut I dare not if a man cannot live here, I believe\\nhe can hardly live in any place in the world the place\\nbeing, as I tiiought, set before me, by him who gives\\nlength of days I will wait his good i)leasurc, and see\\nwhat he will afford me in it. The last ship that came\\nto New-York, brought several passengers, some of\\nwhich came to see this country, and liked it well\\nso dear friends, you may stand against all opposers\\nconcerning the land, for it is good.\\nBurlinfiK.ii, 6tli of llih DaNIEL WiLLS.\\niiionlli, 1679-80.\\nThough the passengers who had already come to\\nWest-Jersey, were well satisfied with the country,\\nthings in general answering beyond their expectation\\nyet they were under one great inconveniency. We have\\nseen, that the governor of New- York, had very early\\nimposed ten per cent, on all goods imported at the Hoar\\nKill and on exports, something in kind still subsisted\\nFive per cent being demanded of the settlers at arrival,\\nor after\\\\vards, at the officer s pleasure; and that not\\naccording to the neat cost of the goods, but upon the\\nfoot of the invoice, as shipped in England This was\\nevidently an arbitrary act neither West-Jersey nor the\\nHoarkill was legally under their jurisdiction the settlers\\nfrom the first complained of the hardship, but bore it with\\ntoleiable patience, till about 1680; when they had it re-\\ndressed by the interjiosition of their friends in England,\\nwho applying to the duke of York, he referred the matter\\nto council there it rested for a considerable time but at\\nlast, by the diligence of W. Penn, Geo. Hutclnnson, and\\nothers, was reported in their favour Sir John Werden,\\non the duke s behalf, wrote to have it discontinued.\\nThe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "Op NEW- JERSEY. 117\\nThe arguments used against this duty or impost, may A. D.\\nbe seen by the following.\\nTo those of the duke s commissioners, whom he has\\nordered to hear, and make rei)ort to him, con-\\ncerning the customs demanded in New West-Jer-\\nsey, in America, by his governor of New- York.\\n1st. The king has granted to the duke of York, Argu-\\n^a tract of land in America, consisting of several J.^JJ^^^\\nIndian countries, svith such powers and authorities Sstoml a^t\\nas are req^uisite to make laws, and to govern and the Hoar-\\nl)rc8erve the territory when planted But with this\\nrestriction twice expressed, and several times referred\\nto, viz. So alwai/s as the said statutes, ordinances,\\nand proceedinf/s, be not contrarij, hut as near as may be,\\naf/rceable to the laws, statutes, and government of this\\nour realm of Enc/kind. In another place thus And\\n^further, it may be lawful for our dearest brot/ier, his\\nheirs and assir/ns, by these presents, to make, ordain,\\nand establish all manner of orders, laws, directions,\\ninstrument and forms of government, and magistrates\\np. and newsmry for the territory aforesaid: But still\\nwith tiiis limitation so always as the same be not\\ncontrary to the laics and statutes of this our realm of\\nEngland, but as near as may be agreeable thereto.\\n2. The duke of York, by virtue of this grant\\n^from the king to him, for a comi)ctent sum of\\nmoney, (paid by the lord John Bcrkcly and sir George\\nCarteret) granted and sold to them, a tract of land,\\ncalled now by the name of New-Cesarea, or New-\\nJersey and that in as ample manner as it was\\ngranted by the king to the duke.\\nThus then we come to Iwiy .that moiety which\\nI belonging to lord B( rkelcy, for a valuable considera-\\ntion and in the conveyance he made us, powers of\\ngovernment are expressly granted; for that only\\nI could have induced us to buy it; and the reason is\\ni)lain, because to all prudent men, the government\\nof any ])lace is more inviting than the soil; for what\\nis good land without good laws the better the worse\\nAnd", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "118\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1680.\\nAnd if we could not assure people of an easy and\\nfree, and safe government, both with respect to\\ntheir spiritual and worldly property tliat is, an un-\\ninterrupted liberty of conscience, and an inviolable\\npossession of their civil rights and freedoms, by a\\njust and wise government, a meer wilderness would\\nbe no encouragement for it were a madness to leave\\na free, good and improved country, to ])lant in a\\nwilderness and there adventure many tliousands of\\npounds, to give an absolute title to another person\\nto tax us at will and pleasure This single considera-\\ntion, we hope, will excuse our desire of the govern-\\nment not asserted for the sake of power but safety\\nand that not only for ourselves, but others that the\\nplantation might be en(!ouraged.\\n3. The lord Berlvcley and sir George Carteret, con-\\nsidering how much freedom invites, that they might\\nencourage people to transport themselves into those\\nparts, made and divulged certain concessions, con-\\ntaining a model of government Upon these several\\nwent, and are there planted the country was thus\\npossessed, and the said government uninterruptedly\\nadministered by the said lord Berkely and sir George\\nCarteret, or their deputy, for several years during\\nwhich time no custom was demanded.\\n4. We dealt with the said lord Berkeley, upon the\\nsight of these concessions, and the presumption that\\nneither he nor sir George Carteret, would attempt\\nto act any thing they had not power to do much\\nless, that they or either of them, would pretend to sell\\na power they never had since that would not only be\\na cheat to the people that dealt with them for it, but\\nan high affront to the duke.\\n5. The moiety of New-Cresarea, or New-Jersey,\\nthus bought of the said lord Berkeley, we dispose of\\npart of our interest to several hundreds of people,\\nhonest and industrious these transport themselves,\\nand with them such houshold stuff and tools, as are\\nrequisite for jilanters to have Tliey land at Delaware\\n*bay, the bounds of the country we bought; the\\npasssage", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JEHSEY. 119\\npassage God and nature made to it at their arrival A. D.\\nthey are saluted with a demand of custom, of five looO*\\nper cent, and that not as the goods may be there\\nworth, but according to the invoice as they cost\\nbefore shipp d in England nor did they take them as\\nthey came, but at pick and chose, with some severe\\nlanguage to boot. This is our grievance and for\\nthis we made our api)lication to have speedy redress,\\nnot as a burden only, with respect to the quantum or\\nthe way of levying it, or any circumstances made\\nhard by the irregularity of the officers, but as a wrong\\nfor we comj)lain of a wrong done us and ask yet\\nwith modesty, quo jure? Tell us tiie title by Avhat\\nright or law are we thus used that may a little miti-\\ngate our pain Your answer hitherto hath been this,\\nThat it was a conquered country and that the king,\\nbeing the conqueror, he has power to make laws,\\nraise money, tfec. and that this power jure regale, the\\nking hath vested in the duke, and by that right and\\nsovereignty, the duke demands that custom we com-\\nplain of. But sup})orie the king were an absolute\\nconqueror in the case depending, doth his power\\nextend equally over his own English peoj)le, tus over\\nthe conquered Are not they some of the letters that\\nmake up the Avord conqueror? Did Alexander con-\\nquer alone, or Ctesar l^eat by himself? No. Shall\\ntheir armies of countrymen and natives lie at the same\\nmercy as the vanquished, and be exposed to the same\\nwill and power with their captive enemies The Nor-\\nman duke, more a conqueror of England, by his\\nsubjection U) our laws, and })retence to a title l)y them,\\nthan of heraldry by iiis arms; used not the comj)a-\\nnions of his vii^tory so ill Natural right and humane\\nprudence, oppose such doctrine all the world over\\nfor what is it but to say, that people free by law under\\ntheir prince at home, are at his mercy in the plan-\\ntations abroad and why because he Ls a conqueror\\nthere, but still at the hazard of the lives of his own\\npeople, and at the cost and charge of the publick\\nWe could say more, but choose to let it drop. But\\nour", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "120\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1680.\\nour case is better yet for the kings grant to the duke\\nof York, is plainly restrictive to the laws and govern-\\nment of England, and that more than once, as is\\nbefore expressed. Now the constitution and govern-\\nment of Ensrland, as we humbly conceive, are so\\nfar from countenancing any such authority, as it is\\nmade a fundamental in our constitution and govern-\\nment, that the king of England cannot justly take his\\nsubjects goods without their consent This needs no\\nmore to be proved, than a principle tis jus indigene,\\nan home-born right, declared to be law by diverse\\nstatutes as in the great charter, ch. 29, and 34 Ed.\\n3, ch. 2 again, 25 Ed. eh. 7. Upon this were many\\nof the parliament s complaints grounded but parti-\\ncularly that of the same king s reign, as is delivered by\\nMat. Westminster, in these words: To\\ngive up this (the power of making laws) is to change\\nthe government, to sell, or rather resign ourselves to\\nthe will of another and that for nothing For under\\nfavour we buy nothing of the duke, if not the right\\nof an undisturbed colonizing, and th;it as Englishmen\\nwith no diminution, but expectation of some increase\\nof those freedoms and privileges enjoyed in our own\\ncountry for the soil is none of his, tis the natives, by\\nthe Jus gentium, by the law of nations and it would\\nbe an ill argument to convert to Christianity, to expel\\ninstead of purchasing them out of those countries\\nIf then the country be theirs, it is not the duke s\\nhe cannot sell it then what have we bought We\\nare not unanswered in this point, and desire you to\\ndo it with all due regard to the great honour and\\njustice of the duke If it be not the right of colo-\\nnizing there, which Avay have we our bargain, that\\npay an arbitrary custom, neither known to the laws\\nof England, nor the settled constitution of New-\\nYork, and those other plantations? To conclude this\\npoint\\nz. The manuscript copy whence this is taken, is here defaced\\nIt contains a niiiiiber of authorities from Bracton, Fortesque, the\\npetition of right, c", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 121\\npoint, we humbly say, that we have not lost any part A. D.\\nof our liberty, by leaving our country; for we leave 1^80.\\nnot our king, nor our government, by quitting our\\nisoil but wo trans])lant to a place given by the same\\nking, with express limitation to erect no polity con-\\ntrary to the same establisiiecl government, but as near\\nas may be to it; and this variation is allowed but for\\nthe sake of emergencies; and that latitude bounded\\nwith these words, for the good of the adventurer and\\nplanter; which that exaction of custom can never be:\\nIn tiiat it not only varies to the discouragement and\\nprejudice of the ph nter, but contradicts his native\\nlaws, rights and lil)crties, and lays a foundation for\\nanother sort of government tiian that which was only\\nU uown to his fathers; unto the just (k fence of which\\nhe is engaged by nature and municipal laws: So far\\nthe point of law.\\nWe shall now insist upon the equitv of our\\ncase First, This very tax of five ])er cent, is a\\nthing not to be found in the duke s conveyances,\\nbut an after-business a very surprize to the lanter\\nand such an one, as could they have foreseen, they\\nwouhl have sooner taken nj) in any other plantation\\nin AuKM-ica. In the next ])lac(\\n2. New-Jersey never ])aid custom before last\\n})eace, and tiiat peace re-invests every proprietor by\\narticles. Now we bought it when free, since which\\ntime this imposition is born must we be subjected to\\nthe payment of one tax, of greater value than the\\ncountry? This in plain English, is under another\\nname, paying for the same thing twice over; nay,\\nhad the soil been purchased of the Indians, by those\\nof whom we bought it, and given us; it iiad been\\ndearly accepted, upon this condition, and wnth this\\nincumbrance but it was bought by us, and that for\\na valual)le consideration here; and is now purchased\\nagain of the natives there too this makes our case\\nextreme hard, and we ])ray relief.\\n3. Custom in all governments in the world, is laid\\nupon trade, but this upon planting is unprecedented\\nHad", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "122\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1680.\\nHad we brought commodities so these pai ts to sell^\\nmade profit out of them, and returned to the advan-\\ntage of traders there had been some colour or pre-\\ntence for this exaction but to require and force a\\ncustom from persons for coming to their property,\\ntheir own terra firma, their habitations in short,\\nfor coming home, is without a parallel this is pay-\\ning custom not for trading, but landing not for\\nmerchandizing, but planting; in very deed for\\nhazarding for there we go carry over our families\\nand estates; adventure both for the improvement of\\na wilderness, and are not only told we must ])ay here-\\nafter out of our gains and improvements, but must\\npay out of our poor stock and principal, (put into\\ngoods) five pounds in the hundred; and not as they\\nare there worth, but as they here cost; and this for\\ncoming to plant: So that the plain English of the\\ntragedy is this we twice buy this moiety of New-\\nJersey, first of lord Berkeley, and next of the natives\\nand what for? the better to mortgage ourselves and\\nposterity to the duke s governors, and give them a\\ntitle to our persons and estates, that never had any\\nbefore But pray consider, can there be a house\\nwithout a bottom or a jjlantation before a people\\nif not, can there be a custom before a trade Thus\\nmuch for the equitable part of our plea; the next\\nand last, is the prudential We do offer several things\\nin point of prudence, why the duke should desist\\nfrom the exaction First, there can be no benefit to\\na prince in America, there can be no trade, without\\na people there will be no people where there is no\\nencouragement nor can there be any encouragements\\nwhere people have not greater privileges by going\\nthan staying for if their condition be not meliorated,\\nthey will never forego the comfort of their kindred\\nthey must leave behind them, nor forsake their\\nnative country, run the hazard of the seas nor\\nlastly, expose themselves to the wants and difficul-\\nties of a wilderness but on the contrary, if they\\nhave less privileges there than at home, tis every\\nway", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 123\\nway to worst themselves to go; for they do not only A. D.\\npay custom here for jroiiig, but there for arriving\\nwhich is not done in any other plantation, even when\\nour men go to merchandize and not to plant, M hich\\nis our case: Besides there is no end of this power;\\nfor since we are by this precedent, assessed without\\nany law, and thereby excluded our English right of\\ncommon assent to taxes; what security have we of\\nany thing we possess? we can call nothing our own,\\nbut are tenants at will, not only for the soil but for\\nall our personal estates; we endure ])enury and the\\nsweat of our brows, to im|)r( vc them at our own\\nhazard only This is to transplant, not from good\\nto better, but from good to bad this sort of conduct\\nhas destroyed government, but never raised one to\\nany true greatness; nor ever will in the duke s terri-\\ntories, whilst so many countries eipially good in soil\\nand air, surrounded with greater freedom and secu-\\nrity Whereas if the duke j)lease to make all planters\\neasy and siife in their liberty and jn operty, such a\\njust and free government will draw in other places,\\nencourage persons to transplant into his country, and\\nhis disbursements will soon be at an end his revenues,\\nwith satisfaction to the peoj)le, presently visibly\\naugmented: Next this encouragement shipping and\\nseamen, which not only takes off abundance of idle\\npeople, but our native growth and manufacture, and\\nthe export of them and the import of the produce\\nof these plantations, in a little time overflow and\\nadvance the revenue of the crown: Virginia and\\nBtvrbados are proofs undeniable in the case.\\nLastly, the duke s circumstances, and the people s\\njealousies considered, we humbly submit it, if there\\ncan be in their opinion, a greater evidence of a design\\nto introduce an unlimited government, than both to\\nexact such an unterminated tax from English planters^\\nand to continue it after so many rej)eated complaints;\\nand on the contrary, if there can be any thing so\\nhappy to the duke s present affairs, as the oppor-\\ntuuity he hath to free that country with his own hand,\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "124\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1680.\\nJenings to\\nPenn, c.\\nand to make us all owners of our liberty, to his favour\\nand justice So will Englishmen here know what to\\nhope for, by the justice and kindness he shews to\\nEnglishmen there and all men to see the just model of\\nhis government in New- York, to be the scheme and\\ndraught in little, of his administration in Old England\\nat large, if the crown should ever devolve upon his\\nhead. The conclusion is this, that for all these reasons\\nin law, equity and prudence, alledged you would\\nplease to second our request to the duke, that like\\nhimself, he would void this taxation, and put the\\ncountry in such an English and free condition, that\\nhe may be as well loved and honoured, as feared by all\\nthe inhabitants of his territory that being great\\nin their affections, he may be grent by their industry\\nwhich will yield him that wealth, that parent of\\npower, that he may be as great a prince by property\\nas by title.\\nThat this custom was now taken off, will, among\\nother things, appear by the following letter from\\nSamuel Jenings,!/- directed to William Penn, Edward\\nByllinge, or Gawen Lawrie.\\nDear friends,\\nThis may give you an account of mine and my\\nfamilies safe arrival in New-Jersey, with all the rest\\nthat came with us. I might say something concern-\\ning our passage at sea, but I wave it for want of\\ntime, and in fine may observe all was well for\\nwhich I bless God and the Lord keep us all sensible\\nof it, with the rest of his mercies forever.\\nDear friends, about six weeks since, we arrived in\\nDelaware river, where I expected to have met with a\\ncombat, in the denial of customs In our passage at\\nsea, I had communicated to all that had any conside-\\nrable cargo on board, the opinion of council, con-\\nceruing the illegal demand thereof, with what else I\\nthought\\ny. He wiUi his family, removed from Coles hill, tlie upper side\\nof the county of Bmcks^, about the third month, 1680.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "O P N E W J E R S E Y 125\\nthought might be for their information; which thus A. D.\\nfur prevailed, that most if not all concerned, seemed\\nresolved to deny the paying of custom here having paid\\nall the king s duties in England. In good time we\\ncame to anchor in Delaware, where one Peter Alrick\\ncame aboard, and brought a handsome present to our\\ncommander, and sent for me into the round-house,\\nwhere they both were, and Peter told me he had\\nnothing to say to us relating to customs j^- he had no\\ncommission for it, nor did he know of any body that\\nhad so we had all our goods safely landed after this\\nunexpected easy manner.\\nIn pursuance of the trust committed to me after my\\narrival, I acquainted those nominated in the cominis-\\nsion with me of it; but in a short time after I received\\nyour letters, giving an account of a new grant obtained,\\nwherein the customs are taken olf, a free j)ort con-\\nfirmed, and the government settled on Edward Bvl-\\nlinge; which I doubt not will be very acceptable to\\nevery honest man l)ut its yet I have not had time to\\nlet the people in general know it: And now seeing\\nthe ports are made legally free, and the government\\nsettled, I would not have any thing to remain as a\\ndis Ouragement to planters Here are several good\\nand convenient settlements already, and here is laud\\nenough and good enough for many more.\\nNew-Jersev, the 17th of) Q ^rTTT: T Tt:^xtt-ict/-c!\\nOctober, 1680. bAMUEL J ENINGS.\\n2. He used to collect the customs.\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "126\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1680.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Jenings\\ndeputy\\ngovernor.\\nFunda-\\nmentals.\\nCHAP. VIII.\\nThe first form of government in West- Jersey, under the\\nproprietors The first laws they made The method\\nof regulating land affairs and a further account of\\nthe Indians found in the first settled part of these\\nprovinces.\\nTH E western part of New-Jersey, was now become\\njDopuIous, by the accession of many settlers.\\nJenings, who arrived last year, about this time,\\nreceived a commission from Byllinge, (whom the pro-\\nprietors in England, as mentioned before, had chosen\\ngovernor) to be his deputy He called an assembly,\\nand with them agreed upon certain fundamentals of\\ngovernment, as follows.\\nProvince of West-New-Jersey, in America, the 25th\\nof the 9th month called November, 1681.\\nForasmuch as it hath pleased God to bring us into\\nthis province of West-New-Jersey, and settle us here\\nin safety, that we may be a j^eople, to the ])raise and\\nhonour of his name, who hath so dealt with us, and\\nfor the good and wellfare of our posterity to come\\nWe, the governor and proprietors, freeholders and\\ninhabitants of West-New-Jersey, by mutual consent\\nand agreement, for the prevention of innovations\\nand ojipression, either u])on us, or our posterity, and\\nfor the preservation of the peace and tranquility of\\nthe same and that all may be encouraged to go on\\nchearfnlly in their several places we do make and\\nconstitute these our agreements, to be as fundamentals\\nto us, and our posterity, to be held inviolable and\\nthat no person or persons whatsoevei shall or may\\nmake void or disannul the same, upon any pretence\\nwhatsoever.\\n1. That there shall be a general free assembly for\\nthe province aforesaid, yearly and every year, at a day\\ncertain", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "Of new- jersey. 127\\ncertain, chosen by tlie free pei^ple of the said province, A-\\nwhereon all the representatives for the said province\\nshall be sumoioned to appear, to consider of the\\naffairs of the said province, and to make and ordain\\nsuch acts and laws as shall be requisite and necessary\\nfor the good government and prosj)erity of the free\\npeople of the said ])rovince; and (if necessity shall\\nrequire) the governor for the time being, with the\\nconsent of his council, may and sliall issue otit writs\\nto convene the assembly sooner, to consider and\\nanswer the necessities of the peo])le of the said pro-\\nvince.\\n2. That the governor of the province aforesaid,\\nhis heirs or successors, for the time being, shall not\\nsuspend or defer the signing, sealing and confirm-\\ning of such acts and laws as the general asseml)ly\\n(from time to time to be elected by the free people of\\nthe province aforesaid) shall make or enact for the\\nsecuring of the liberties and properties of the said\\nfree peo|)le of the province aforesaid.\\n3. That it shall not be lawful for the governor of\\nthe said j rovince, his heirs or successors, for tlie time\\nbeing, and council, or any of them, at any time or\\ntimes hereafter, to make or raise war uj)on any ac-\\ncount or pretence whatsoever, or to raise any military\\nforces witliin the province aforesaid without the\\nconsent and act of the general free assembly, for the\\ntime being.\\n4. That it shall not be lawful for the governor of\\nthe said province, his heirs or successors, for the time\\nbeing, and council, or any of them, at any time or\\ntimes hereafter, to make or enact any law or laws\\nfor the said province, without the consent, act and\\nconcurrence of the general assembly And if the\\ngovernor for the time being, his heirs or successors,\\nand council, or any of them, shall attempt to make\\nor enact any such law or laws, of him or themselves,\\nwithout the consent, act and concurrence of the\\ngeneral assembly that from thenceforth, he, they,\\nor so many of them, as shall be guilty thereof, shall\\nupon", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "128 The HISTORY\\nA. D. upon legal conviction, be deemed and taken for\\n1680. enemies to the free people of the said ]H-ovince\\nand such act so attempted to be made, to be of no\\nforce.\\n5. That the general free assembly, from time to\\ntime, to be chosen as aforesaid, as the re[)resentatives,\\nof the people, shall not be prorogued or dissolved,\\nbefore the expiration of one whole year, to com-\\nmence from the day of their election, without their\\nown free consent.\\n6. That it shall not be la\\\\^^ul for the governor of\\nthe said province, his heirs or successors, for the time\\nbeing, and council, or any of them, to levy or raise\\nany sum or sums of money, or any other tax whatso-\\never without the act, consent and concurrence of\\nthe general Assembly.\\n7. That all officers of state or trust, relating to the\\nsaid Province, shall be nominated and elected by the\\ngeneral free assembly for the time being, or by their\\nap])ointment which officer and officers, shall be\\naccountable to the general free assembly, or to such as\\nthe said assembly shall appoint.\\n8. That the governor of the province aforesaid,\\nhis heirs or successors, for the time being, or any of\\nthem, shall not send ambassadors, or make treaties,\\nor enter into alliances, upon the public account of the\\nsaid province, without the consent of the said general\\nfree assembly.\\n9. That no general free assembly hereafter to be\\nchosen by the free people of the province aforesaid,\\nshall give to the governor of the said Province for the\\ntime being, his heirs or successors, any tax or custom\\nfor longer time than for one whole year.\\n10. That liberty of conscience, in matters of faith\\nand worshi| towards God, shall be granted to all\\npeople within the province aforesaid, who shall live\\npeaceably, and quietly therein and that none of the\\nfree people of the said province, shall be rendered un-\\ncapable of office in respect of their faith and worship.\\nUpon", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 129\\nUpon the governor s aeocptance and performance A-\\nof tlie proposals licirein before expressed, we the ge-\\nnecal free assembly, proprietors and freeholders of\\nthe province of West New-Jci sey aforesaid, do accept\\nand receive Samuel Jenings, as Deputy Governor.\\nIn testimony whereof I have hereunto put my hand\\nand seal, the day and year above written,\\nSamuel Jeuings, Deputy Governor.\\nSubscribed also Thomas Olive, Speaker/\\nThis assembly was held from the 21st till the 28th of\\nNovember, and passed six and thirty laws (beside the Laws,\\nabove) many of wliic;h were repealed in a few years\\nafterwards Some of them were in substance, That\\nit should be the business of the governor and commis-\\nsioners m see that all courts exQcuted their offices, and\\nto punish such officers as should violate the laws\\nThat lands legally taken uji and held, planted and\\npossessed seven years, should not be subject to alteration\\nThat all officers of trust should subscribe to do equal\\nright and Justice That no person should be condemned\\nor hurt, without a trial of twelve men and that in\\ncriminal cases, the party arraigned to except against\\nthirty-five, or more u])on valid reasons That in\\nevery court, three justices or commissioners at least,\\nto sit and assist the jury, in cases of law and pro-\\nnounce the judgment of the jury That false wit-\\nnesses be fined, and disabled from being after admitted\\nin evidence, or into any public office in the province\\nThat persons prosecuting for private wrong (nnirder\\ntreason and theft excepted) might remit the penalty\\nor punishment either before or after condenniation\\nThat juries should be sunmioned by the sheriif,\\nand none be compelled to fee an attorney to plead his\\ncause That all wills should be first proved and\\nregistered, and then duly performed That upon\\npersons dying intestate, and leaving a wife and child,\\nI or", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "130 The HISTORY\\nA.T). or children, tlie 2:overnor and commissioners for the\\ntime being, were to take security, that the estate\\nshould be duly administered, and the administrator to\\nsecure two thirds for the child or children, the other\\nto the widow where there was no children, one moiety\\nor half the estate, was to go to the next of kin, the\\nother half to the widow always provided, such\\nestate exceeded one hundred pounds otherwise the wi-\\ndow to have the whole and in cases of leaving chil-\\ndren, and no provision, the charge of bringing them\\nup, to be paid out of the public stock That\\nfelons should make restitution four fold, or as twelve\\nof the neighbourhood should determine; and such as\\nhurt or abuse the person of any, be punished according\\nto the nature of the offence That whoso-\\never presumed, directly or indirectly, to sell any\\nstrong liquors, to any Indian or Indians, should\\nforfeit for every such offence, the sum of three\\npounds That ten men from Burlington, and ten\\nfrom Salem, should be appointed to lay out and\\nclear a road from Burlington to Salem, at the public\\nexpence That two hundred pounds should be equally\\nlevyed and appropriated for the charges of government,\\nupon the several tenths, twenty pounds each every\\nman to be assessed according to his estate; and all\\nhandicrafts, merchants and others, at the discretion\\nof the assessors Persons thinking themselves aggrieved,\\nhad the liberty of appealing to the commissioners of the\\ntenth they belonged to. These and other laws agreed\\non, the commissioners next fixed the following method\\nfor regulation of lands.\\nThe methods of the commissioners for settling and\\nregulation of lands.\\nWe whose names are hereunder written, commis-\\nEegulaiion sioners nominated, elected and chosen by the general\\nands. i \u00c2\u00a3j.gg assembly, proprietors and freeholders of the\\njDrovince", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 131\\nprovince of West-New- Jersey, the 23d clay of No- A. D.\\nveraber last past, for the settling and regulating of ^^^1-\\nlands, and other concerns within the said province do\\nby and with the approbation and consent of the\\ngovernor of the said province, and council, in pur-\\nsuance of the said trust in us rej)osed, hereby fully\\nagree upon, these rules and methods herein after fol-\\nlowing (that is to say)\\n1. That the surveyor shall measure the front of the\\nriver Delaware, beginning at Assunpink creek, and\\nfrom thence down to Cape May, that the point of\\nthe compass may be found for the running the parti-\\ntion lines betwixt each tenth.\\n2. That each and every tenth, or ten projirieties,\\nshall have their projwrtion of front to the river Dela-\\nware, and so far back into the Avoods as will make or\\ncontain sixty-four thousand acres for their first settle-\\nment, and for the sub-dividing the Yorkshire and\\nLondon two tenths.\\n3. To allow three thousand and two hundred acres\\nwhere the parties concerned please to (\u00e2\u0080\u00a2luise it within\\ntheir own tenth to be taken u]) acc!ordi ng to the rules\\nor methods following, viz. One eighth part of a pro-\\npriety, and so for smaller parts, to have their full pro-\\nportion of the said land in one place (if thev please)\\nand greater purchasers or shares not to exceed five\\nhundred acres, to one settlement.\\n4. All lands so taken up and surveved, shall be\\nseated within six months after it is so tkken up and\\nif the same shall not be seated within the said time,\\nthen such choice and survey shall be void, and the\\nsame lands shall be free for any other purchaser to\\ntake up; provided he or they so taking uj) the same,\\ndo, or shall seat it, within one month after it is so\\ntaken up.\\n5. That no person or persons shall take up lands\\non both sides of a creek, to one settlement, except\\nthe commissioners for the time being, shall see good\\ncause for their so doing.\\n6. That", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "132\\nThe HISTOEY\\nA. D.\\n1681.\\n6. That no person or persons shall have more than\\nforty perches front to the river, or navigable creek,\\nfor each and every one hnnclred acres, except it fall\\nupon a point, so that it cannot otherwise be avoided\\nand in such cases it shall be left to the discretion of\\nthe commissioners then for the time being.\\n7. That all lands be laid out on straight lines, that\\nno vacancies be left between lands, but that they be\\njoined one seat to another, except the commissioners\\nthen for the time being, shall for good causes order it\\notherwise.\\n8. That all persons shall take their just pro] ortions\\nof meadow, which shall be laid forth at the discretion\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2of the commissioners then for the time being.\\n9. That all persons who are already seated, shall\\nhave liberty to make his settlement his choice, if he\\nplease provided he or they observe and follow the\\nrule or method herein prescribed.\\n10. That every proprietor shall have four hundred\\nacres to a propriety, and so pi oportionably to lesser\\nquantities for their tovni lot, over and above their\\naforesaid three thousand two hundred acres which\\nmay be taken any where within their own tenth,\\neither within or without the town bounds.\\n11. That no person or persons who have already\\ntaken up a town lot, shall have liberty to leave it, and\\ntake a lot elsewhere, but shall keep the same he hath\\ntaken up, as his town lot.\\n12. That Thomas Wright shall keep his settlement,\\ncontaining four hundred acres and that theo ommis-\\nsioncrs for Yorkshire side, shall allow to the town\\nbounds, three hundred acres, to be taken up adjoining\\nto the town bounds, on Lazy Point, in lieu thereof.\\n13. That no purchaser shaill take up more land\\nwitliin tlie town bounds, than belongs to his town lot,\\nby virtue of his purchase.\\n14. That no person or persons (who are not pur-\\nchasers to whom town lot or lots are given) shall dis-\\npose of, or sell his or their said lot or lots of land,\\nfrom", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "Of N EW- JERSEY. 133\\nfrom their house or houses respectively and that if A. D.\\nany such person or persons as aforesaid, shall dispose\\nof, or sell such said lot or lots ajxirt from his or their\\nsaid house or houses, then such said sale of lot or lots\\nshall be void and of no eifec^t and the same lot or\\nlots shall from tiience become forfeit, to the use of\\nthe town of Burlington, to be disposed of therein,\\nat the discretion of the commissionei s then for the\\ntime being,\\n15. That no person or persons from hence for-\\nward, shall take uj) any land, without special order\\nfrom two or more of the commissioners for the time\\nbeing, first had and obtained.\\n16. That all and every settlement and settlements\\nalready made, wliich are not consouant and agreeable\\nto the rules and methods aforesaid, shall be liable to\\nregulation, according to tlie said rules and methods.\\n17. That the jiroprietoi s who are yet remaining\\nin England, shall have notice, that we find it necessary\\nfor the s[)eedy settlement of this province, and for\\nthe interest of all concerned therein, to allow to every\\n])ropriety as aforesaid, three thousand two hundred\\nacres for our first choice and in case much people\\nshall come, as may be reasonably expected, who have\\npurchased no land in England, and desire to settle\\namongst us that then we reserve liberty to take up\\nso much land more as shall fall to every propriety,\\nnot exceeding five thousand and two hundred acres,\\nwhich was allowed to us for our first settlement:\\nProvided nevertheless, that none shall take up any\\nproportion of land, but as they shall settle it, or\\ncause it to be settled which is to be done after the\\naforesaid three thousand two hundred acres shall be\\njustly taken up and settled.\\n18. That all publick highways shall be set forth,\\nat any time or times hereafter, at the discretion of\\nthe commissioners for the time being, in or through\\nany lands taken up, or to be taken up allowing the\\nowners of such lands where such publick highwavs\\nshall", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "134\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1681.\\nv/\\nshall be laid forth, reasonable satisfaction at the dis-\\ncretion of the commissioners, in lieu thereof.\\n19. Yet nevertheless, it is hereby commended and\\nagreed by the authority aforesaid, that the rules and\\nmethods herein before agreed on, shall not make\\nvoid or disannul, all or any settlement or settle-\\nments heretofore made, in the Yorkshire tenth, who\\nhave seated according to a former agreement, viz.\\nNot having taken up more than fifty perches for each\\nand every hundred acres on the river or navigable\\ncreek, and having kept their due breadth and bounds\\nfrom the river or creek.\\nSigned and sealed the 5th December, 1681, by\\nSamuel Jenings, governor, Thomas Olive, Thomas\\nBudd, Robert Stacy, Benjamin Scott, Thomas\\nGardiner, Daniel Wills, Mahlon Stacy, Thomas\\nLambert.\\n20. That all persons who have already taken up\\nany lands, within the first and second tenth in this\\nprovince, shall bring in their deeds or writings, to\\nshew their title to such lands as they have taken up,\\nto Benjamin Scott, Robert Stacy, Thomas Budd,\\nand Thomas Gardiner, on or before the twelfth day\\nof this instant January, next ensuing the day of\\nthe date hereof.\\n21. That all person or persons hereafter to take up\\nland within the said first and second tenth, shall first\\nmake application to the said Benjamin Scott, Robert\\nStacy, Thomas Budd, and Thomas Gardiner, or any\\ntwo of them and shall also before the said commission-\\ners solemnly declare and aver, upon the penalty of the\\nlaw of perjury, to pass against them, tliat the quan-\\ntity or portion of land contained in their respective\\nDeeds or other Writings, do really and in good con-\\nscience, belong and appertain to him or them so\\nrequiring a warrant or warrants, for laying forth his\\nor their land so as the said commissioners may be\\nthereby satisfied with the justness of his or their title\\nthereto then, and not before^ the said commissioners,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "Of new- jersey. 135\\nor any two of them, shall and may grant out a j^- I\\nwarrant to the surveyor or his deputy, to lay out and\\nsurvey the respective proportion of land to him or\\nHheni due and appertaining as aforesaid; enjoining\\nthe surveyor or his dej)uty, to make return of his\\nsaid warrant and survey, at the next court after such\\nwarrant granted, to be held at Burlington that the\\nsame may be registered by order of the said court.\\n22. That all proprietors and purchasei^s, within\\nthe said first and second tenths, shall and may have\\nliberty to take his and their full proportions of land\\nas before within is agreed upon, of the first and second\\nchoice in one place provided he or thev so doing\\ntake not up more than five hundred acres of land in\\none settlement.\\nWitness our hands and seals, the 14th day of the\\neleventh month, 1681.\\nSamuel Jenings, Governor.\\nThomas Olive,\\nRobert Stacy,\\nThomas Budd,\\nDaniel Wills,\\nThomas Gardiner,\\nBenjamin Scott.\\nIt would be vain to pretend to give a particular\\naccount of all the dittcrent tribes or nations of Indians\\nthat inhabited these provinces before the Europeans\\ncame among them, there being probably a tribe in\\nsome parts, for every ten or twenty miles, which were Indiana,\\ncommonly distinguished by the names of creeks or other\\nnoted places where they resided thus, there were the\\nAssunpink,2- the Rankokas,\u00c2\u00ab- the Mingo,*- the\\nAndastaka,\\nz. Sfony Creek. a. Lamikaa, or C. hicheqiias, was the proper\\nIndian name tliey did not pronounce the r at all.\\n6. Indian knowledge about the weather were received to})ick3\\nof conversation some of their maxims have been foimd as gene-\\nrally true, as things of that kind commonly are. If Jacob Taylor s\\nintelligence", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "136 The HISTORY\\nA. T). Andastaka, the Neshamine, and the Shackamaxon\\nIndians; and those abont Bnrlington were called the\\nMantas ;c. but these and others were all of them distin-\\nguished from the back Indians, who were a more warlike\\npeople, by the general name of the Dehiwares The\\nnations most noted from home, that sometimes inha-\\nbited New-Jersey, and the first settled parts of Pennsyl-\\nvania, were the Naraticongs, on the North side of Rari-\\nton River, the Capitinasses, the Gacheos, the Munseys,\\nthe Pomptons, the Seneciis and the Maquaas -/l. this last\\nwas the most numerous and powerful Different nations\\nwere frequently at war witli each other, of which hus-\\nIjandmen sometimes find remaining marks in their fields\\nA little below the falls of Delaware on the Jersey side;\\nat Point-no-point in Pennsylvania, and several other\\nplaces, were banks that have been formerly thrown up\\nfor\\nintelligence be right, lliey also predicted: A sachem of this tribe\\n(he says) being obsi i-ved to look at the great comet, which ap-\\npeared the first of October 1680, and asked, wiiat he thought was\\nthe meaning of that prodigious appeai-ance? answered gravely,\\nIt signifies that we Indiana shall melt away, and this country be in-\\nhabited by another people. How this Indian came by his knowledge\\nwithout the learned Whiston s astronomical tables, or whether he\\nhad any knowledge, i^i not so material. He will however be allowed\\nas good a right to pretend to it, when the event is considered, as the\\nother had in his conjectures concerning the cause of Noah s flood:\\nTliis at least till the regularity of the comets motions are better\\nknown. But we see greater names have had tJieir prognosticating\\nsentiments concerning them Hence Dr. Yoimg in his paraphrase\\non that chapter of Job, where the ahuighty challenges the patriarch\\non the weakness of man,\\nWho drew the comet out to such a size\\nAnd pour d his flaming train o er half the skies?\\nDid thy resentment hang him out, does he\\nGlare on the nations, and denounce from thee?\\nc. Frogs, a creek or two in Gloucester coimty, are called Manta\\nor Manlau, from a larger tribe that resided there; the Indians were\\nprobably both of the same Stock.\\nd. The Five Nations before the sixth was added but few of\\nthese had their residence in New- Jersey They are supposed to have\\nbeen sometimes in fishing seasons among the others here; the Dutch\\ncalled them Mahakuase.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 137\\n,for intrenchnicnts, ao;ainst incursions of the neiarh-\\n1681\\nbouring Indians, who in their canoes used sometimes to\\ngo in warlike bodies from one province to another.\\nIt was customary with tlie Indians of West-Jersey,\\nwhen they buried their dead, to put family utensils, bows\\nand arrows, and sometimes money (wam[)um) into the\\ngrave with them as tokens of their affection. When a Indian\\nperson of note died far from the place of his own resi-\\ndence, they would carry his bone.s to be buried there;\\nthey washed and perfumed the dead, ])ainted the face,\\nand followed sini;ly left the dead in a sitting i)osture,\\nand covered the grave pyrainidically Thev were very\\ncui ious in preserving and repairing the graves of theis\\ndead, and pensively visited them did not love to be\\nasked their judgment twice about the same thing:\\nThey generally delighted in mirtli were very studious\\nin observing tlie virtues of roots and herbs, by which\\nthey usually cured themselves of many bodily distera-\\nl)ers, both by outward and inward applications They\\nbesides frequently used sweating, and the cold bath.\\nThey had an aversion to beards, and would not suffer\\nthem to grow but pluck d the hair out by the roots\\nThe hair of their heads was black, and generally\\nshone with bear s fat, particularly that of the women,\\nwho tied it behind in a larsxe knot sometimes in a bag;.\\nThey called persons and places, by the names of\\nthings remarkable, or birds, beasts, and fish as\\nPer-hala, i\\\\ dnck; Cau-hawuk, a goose; Quhik-Quink,\\na tit PuUuppa, a buck Shingas, a wild-cat and they\\nobserved\\ne. The manner was (o first inclose tlie ]iatient in a narrow cabbin,\\nin tlie midst of wliicli was a red hot sione, this frequently wet with\\nwater, occasioned a warm vapour; the patient sufficiently wet with\\nthis and his own sweat, was hurried to the next creek or river, and\\nplunged into it tliis was repeated as often as necessary, and some-\\ntimes i;reat cures performed. But this rude method at other times\\nkilled, notwithstaiidinj; ihe hardy natures of the patients; especially\\nin tiie small pox and other European disorders.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "138 TheHISTORY\\nA. D. observed it as a rule, when the rattle-snake ffave notice\\nby his rattle before they approach d, not to hurt him\\nbut if he rattled after they had passed, they immediately\\nreturn d and kill d him. They were very lovino; to one\\nanother if several of them came to a christian s house,\\nand the master of it gave one of them victuals and\\nnone to the rest, he would divide it into equal shares\\namongst his companions if the christians visited them,\\nthey would give them the first cut of their victuals j\\nthey would not eat the hollow of the thigh of any\\nthing they killed. Their chief employment was hunt-\\ning, fishing, and fowling; making canoes, bowls,\\ng,nd other wooden and earthen ware; in all which they\\nwere, considering the means, ingenious In their earthen\\nbowls they boiled their water. Their women s business\\nchiefly consisted in planting Indian corn, parching or\\nroasting it, pounding it to meal in mortars, or breaking\\nit between stones, making bread, and dressing victuals\\nin which they were sometimes observed to be very neat\\nand cleanly, and sometimes otherwise They also made\\nmats, ropes, hats and baskets, (some very curious)\\nof wild hemp and roots, or splits of trees Their young^\\nwomen were originally very modest and shame-faced,\\nand at marriageable ages distinguished themselves with\\na kind of work d mats, or red or blue bays, interspersed\\nwith small rows of white and black wampum, or half\\nrows of each in one, fastened to it, and then put round\\nthe head, down to near the middle of the forehead Both\\nyoung and old women would be highly offended at in-\\ndecent expressions, unless corrupted with drink. The\\nIndians would not allow of mentioning the name of a\\nfriend after death They sometimes streaked their faces\\nwith black, when in mourning but when their affairs\\nwent well, they painted red They were great observers\\nof the weather by the moon delighted in fine cl oaths\\nwere punctual in their bargains, and observed this so\\nmuch in others, that it was very difficult for a person\\nwho", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- JERSEY. 139\\nwho had once failed herein, to g-et anv deah no-s with A. D.\\n1681\\nthem afterwards. In their councils tliey seldom or never\\ninterrupted or contradicted one another, till two of them\\nhad made an end of their discourse for if ever so many\\nwere in company, only two must sjieak to each other,\\nand the rest be silent till their turn Their lano-uaffe was\\nhigh, lofty, and sententious Their way of counting\\nwas by tens, that is t(j say, two tens, three tens, four\\ntens, c. when the number got out of their reach,\\nthey pointed to the stars, or the hair of their heads.\\nThey lived chiefly on maze, or Indian corn roasted in\\nthe ashes, sometimes beaten and boiled with water,\\ncalled homine; they also made an agreeable cake of\\ntheir pounded corn; and raised beans and pease but\\nthe wootls and rivers afforded them the chief of their\\nprovisions They pointed their arrows with a sharpened\\nflinty stone, and of a larger sort, with withs for handles,\\ncut their wood both of these sharpened stones are often\\nfound in the fields. Their times of eating were commonly\\nmorning and evening their seats and tables the ground\\nThey were naturally reserved, apt to resent, to conceal\\ntheir resentments, and retain them long they were liberal\\nand generous, kind and aflable to the English They\\nwere observed to be uneasy and impatient in sickness for\\na present remedy, to which they commonly drank a\\ndecoction of roots in si)ring water, forbearing flesh,\\nwhich if they then eat at all, it was of the female.\\nThey took remarkable care of one another in sickness,\\nwhile hopes of life remained but when that was gone,\\nsome of them were apt to neglect the patient. Their\\ngovernment was monarchical and successive, and mostly\\nof the mother s side, to prevent a spurious issue./- They\\ncommonly\\nThat is, the children of him now king, will not succeed,\\nbut his brother by the motlier, or children of his sis-rter, whose sons\\n(and after them the male children of her daughters) were to reign;\\nfor no woman inherited.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "140 The HISTORY\\nA. D. commonly washed their children in cold water as soon\\nas born and to make their limbs straight, tied them to\\na board, and hung it to their backs when they travelled\\nthey usually walked at nine months old Their young\\nmen married at sixteen or seventeen years of age, if by\\nthat time they had given sufficient proof of their man-\\nhood, by a large return of skins The girls married\\nabout thirteen or fourteen, but stay d wnth their mothers\\nto hoe the ground, and bear burthens, c. for some\\nyears after marriage The women, in travelling, gene-^\\nrally carried the luggage: The marriage ceremony\\nwas sometimes thus the relations and friends being\\npresent, the bridegroom delivered a bone to the bride,\\nshe an ear of Indian corn to him, meaning that he\\nwas to provide meat, she bread It was not unusual\\nnotwithstanding, to cliange their mates upon dis-\\nagreement; the children went with the party that\\nloved them best, the expence being of no moment to\\neither; in case of difference on this head, the man\\nwas allowed the first choice if the children were divided\\nor there w^as but one. Very little can be said as to their\\nreligion much pains were taken by the early christian\\nsettlers, and frequently since, to inform their judg-\\nments respecting the use and benefit of the christian\\nrevelation, and to fix restraints; but generally with\\nunpromising success, tho instances have now and then\\nhappened to the contrary They are thought to have\\nI)elieved in a God and immortality, and seemed to aim\\nat publick worship; when they did this, they some-\\ntimes sat in several circles one within another; the\\nfiction consisted of singing, jumping, shouting and danc-\\ning; but mostly performed rather as something handed\\ndown from their ancestors, than from any know-\\nledge or inquiry into the serious parts of its origin\\nThey said the great king that made them, dwelt in a\\nglorious", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- JERSEY. 141\\nglorious country to the southward, and that the spirits A.D.\\nof the best should sro there and live ajmiii Their most\\nsolemn worship was the saeritice of the first fruit.s, in\\nwhich they burnt the first and fattest buck, and feasted\\ntogether upon what else they had collected Init in this\\nsacrifice broke no bones of any creature they eat when\\ndone, they gathered and buried them very carefully\\nthese have since been frequently ploughed up They\\ndistinguished between a good and evil mau-etta, or\\nspirit; woi shii)ed tlie first for the good they hoped and\\nsome of them are said to have been slavishly dark in\\n|)raying to the last for deprecation oC evils they feared;\\nbut if this be true in a general sense, some of the tribes\\nmuch conceal d it from our settlers Thev did justice\\nupon one another for crimes among themselves, in a\\nway of their own even murder might be attoned for\\nby feasts, and presents of wamjium the rice of a\\nwoman kill d was double, and the reason, because she\\nbred children, tvhioh men could not do. If sober they\\nrarely quarrelled among themselves they lived to sixty,\\nseventy, eighty, and more, before rum was introduced,\\nbut rarely since: Some tribes were connnendably careful\\nof their aged and dccrepid, endeavouring to maUe the\\nremains of life as comfortable as they could it was pretty\\ngenerally so, except in desperate decays; then indeed as\\nin other cases of the like kind, they were sometimes apt\\nto neglect them. Strict obsei vers of property, yet\\nto the last degree, thoughtless and inactive in ac(juiring\\nor keeping it: Xone could excel them in liberality of\\nthe little they had, for nothing was thought too good\\nfor a friend; a knife, gun, or any such thing given to\\none, frequently passed through many hands Their\\nhouses or wig-wams were sometimes together in towns,\\nbut mostly moveable, and occasional ly fixed near a\\nspring or other water, according to the conveniencies for\\nhunting, fishing, basket making, or other business of\\nthat sort and built with poles laid on forked sticks in\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "142\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1681.\\nthe ground, with bark, flags or biislies on the top and\\nsides, with an opening to the south, their fire in the\\nmiddle;?- at night they slept on the ground with their\\nfeet towards it their cloathing was a coarse blanket or\\nskin thrown over the shoulder, which covered to the\\nknee, and a piece of the same tied round their legs,\\nwith part of a deer skin sewed round their feet for shoes\\nas they had learned to live upon little, they seldom\\nexpected or wanted to lay up much: A- They were also\\nmoderate in asking a price for any thing they had for\\nsale: When a company travelled together, they gene-\\nrally followed each otlier in silence, scarcely ever two\\nwere seen by the side of one another in roads the\\nman went before with his bow and arrow, the woman\\nafter, not uncommonly with a child at her back, and\\nother burdens besides but when these were too heavy,\\nthe man assisted. To know their walks again, in un-\\nfrequented woods, they heaped stones or marked trees.\\nIn person they were upright, and strait in their\\nlimbs, beyond the usual proportion in most nations;\\ntheir bodies were strong, but of a strength rather fitted\\nto endure hardships than to sustain much bodily labour,\\nvery seldom crooked or deformed their features\\nregular their countenances sometimes fierce, in com-\\nmon rather resembling a jew than christian the\\ncolour of their skin a tawny reddish brown the whole\\nfashion\\n9. From the years 1300 to 1500, in the towns of France, G ^r-\\nniaiiy, and Enghmd, they had scarce any but thatched houses;\\nand the same might be said of the poorer towns in Ilaly And\\naltho tliose countries were over-run witii woods, tliey had not as\\nyet learned to guard against the cold, by the means of cliinjueys,\\n(the kitchen excepted) an invention so useful and ornanientai to\\nour modern apartments. The custom then was, for the wliole\\nfamily to sit in the middle of a smoaky hall, round a large stove,\\nthe funnel of which passed through the ceiling. Anderson s hint,\\nand chroiioloc/ical deduction of coDimerce.\\nh. Sir William Temple .somewhere says, an Indian once put the\\nquestion to a christian, to give him a reason, why he should labour\\nhard all his davs to make his children idle all theirs?", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 143\\nfashion of their lives of a piece; hardy, poor and A. T).\\nsqualid When they began to drink, they commonly\\ncontinued it as long as the means of procuring it\\nlasted. In drink they often lay exposed to all the\\ninclemencies of weather, which introduced a train of\\nnew disorders among them They were grave, even\\nto sadness upon any common, and more so upon\\nserious occasions observant of those in company,\\nand respectful to the old of a temper cool and delibe-\\nrate never in haste to speak, but waited for a certain-\\nty, that the person who spoke l cfore them had finished\\nall he had to say They seemed to hold European\\nvivacity in contempt, because they found such as\\ncame among them, apt to interrupt each other, and\\nfrecpiently speak all together Their behaviour in\\nj)ublick councils, was strictly decent and instructive,\\nevery one in his turn was hoard, according to rank of\\nyears or wisdom, or services to Ins country Xot a\\nword, a whisper, or a nun-niur, while any one s])oke;\\nno interruption to connnend or condemn the younger\\nsort were totally silent. They got fire by rubbing wood\\nof particular sorts, (as the antients did out of the ivy\\nand bays) by turning the end of a hard ])ie( e ujion the\\nside of one that was soft and dry to forward the heat\\n(hey put ilrv rotten wood and leaves; witii the help of\\nfire and their stone axes, they would fall large trees, and\\nafterwards scoop them into bowls, c. From their\\ninfancy they were formed witli care to endure hard-\\nshi[)s, to bear derision, and even blows patiently at\\nleast with a composed countenance Though they\\nwere\\ni. Uncultivated as tliese people are, in many of their practices,\\nwhen it is cunsiiiered how others have refined from cireiinisiances\\necjually low and sonlid, if not quite so savage; it seems to open a\\ndoor of hope with regard tosome of these. If we look into P^nroiJe,\\nwe shall tind that even in their present state, they are not an ahso-\\nIntely sinj^niar character. Vid. Hist, of Ireland, by F. Warner,\\nL. L. D. lately published, c.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "144 The HISTORY\\nA. D. were not easily provoked it was generally hard\\nto be appeased whenever it happened Liberty in\\nits fullest extent, was their ruling passion to this\\nevery other consideration was subservient; their\\nchildren were train d up so as to cherish this disposition\\nto the utmost they were indulged to a great degree,\\nseldom chastised with blows, and rarely eluded their\\nfaults were left for their reason and habits of the\\nfamily to correct they said these could not be great\\nbefore their reason connnenced; and they seemed to\\nabhor a slavish motive to action, as inconsistent with\\ntheir notions of freedom and independency even\\nstrong persuasion was industriously avoided, as border\\ning too much on dependence, and a kind of violence\\noffered to the will They dreaded slavery more than\\ndeath They laid no fines for.crimes for they had no\\nway of exacting them The attonement was volun-\\ntary Every tribe had particulars in whom they reposed\\na confidence, and unless they did something unworthy\\nof it they were held in respect What were denominated\\nkings, were sachems distinguished among these; the\\nrespect paid them was voluntary, and not exacted or\\nlooked for, nor the omission regarded The sachems\\ndirected in their councils, and had the chief disposition\\nof lands. To help their memories in treaties, they\\nhad belts of black and white wampum with these\\nclosed their periods in speeches, delivering more or\\nless according to the importance of the matter treated\\nof; this ceremony omitted, all they said passed for\\nnothing They treasured these belts when delivered\\nto them in treaties, kept them as the records of the\\nnation, to have recouree to upon future contests;\\ngoverned by customs and not by laws, they greatly\\nrevered those of their ancestors, and followed them so\\nimplicitly, that a new thought or action but seldom\\nintruded. They long remembered kindnesses, families\\nor", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 145\\nvir particulars that had laid themselves out to deal A. D.\\n1G81\\nwitli, entertain and treat them hospitably, or even\\nfairly in dealinjys, if no great kindness was received,\\nwere sure of their trade This also must undoubtedly\\nbe allowed, that the original and more uncorrupt,\\nvery seldom forgot to be grateful, where real beneiits\\nhad been received. And notwithstanding the stains of\\nperfidy and cruelty, which in 1754, and since, have dis-\\ngraced the Indians on the frontiers of those provinces,\\neven these by an uninterrupted intercourse of seventy\\nyears, had on many occasions, given irrefragable proofs\\nof liberality of sentiment, hospitality of action, and\\nimpressions that seemed to promise a continuation of\\nbetter things But of them enough at present.\\nAmong\\nk. Witness the first reception of the English, .the purchases after-\\nwards, their former undtvialiiig candor at treaties in Pennsylvania,\\nand other incidents.\\nExtract of a letter from C. W. Indian interpreter of a neighbouring\\ngovernment, to S. printer.\\nI write this to give an account of what 1 have ohserved amongst\\nthe Indians, in relation to their belief and conlidence in a divine\\nBeing, according to the ob-iervations I have made from 1714, in\\ntime of my youth, to this day. If by the word religion, people\\nmean ;in assent to certain creeds, or the observiuice of a set of rcli-\\ngions duties, as appointed prayers, singing, preaching, baptism, c.\\nor even iieathenish worship then it may be said, the Five Nations\\nand their neighbours have no religion but if by religion, we mean\\nan attraction of the soul to God, whence proceeds a confidence in,\\nand hunger afier the knowledge of him then. this people must be\\nallowed to have some religion amongst ihem, notwithstanding their\\nsometimes savage deportment. For we find amongst them some\\ntracts of a confidence in God alone, and even sometimes (though\\nbiu seldom) a vocal calling upon him: I shall give one or two\\ninstances of this, that fell under my own observation.\\nIn the year 1737, I was sent, for the first time, to Onondago,\\nat the desire of the governor of Virginia 1 set out the latter end\\nof February, very unexpectedly, for a journey of 500 English\\nmiles, through a wilderness where there was neither road nor\\npath, and at such a time of year, wiien creatures could not be\\nmet with for food; there were a Dutchman and three Indians\\nwith me. When we were 150 miles (jn our journey, we came\\ninto a narrow valley, about half a mile broad, and thirty long,\\nboth sides of which were encompassed with high mountains, on\\nwhich the snow lay about three feet deep in it ran a stream of\\nwater\\nK", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "14G\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1681.\\nAmong a people so immediately necessary to each\\nother, where property was little, and the anxiety of\\nincreasing\\nwater, also about three feet deep, which was so crooked that it\\nalways extended from one side of the valley to the other;\\nin order to avoid wading so often through the water, we\\nendeavoured to pass along on the slope of the mountain the\\nsnow three feet deep, and so hard froze on the top, that we\\ncould walk upon it: We were obliged to make holes in the snow,\\nwith our hatchets, that our feet might not slip down the mountain;\\nand thus we crept on. It hapi)ened that the old Indian s foot\\nslifjt, and the root of a tree by wiiieh lie held, breaking, he slid\\ndown the mountain as from the roof of an hotfse but happily\\nwas stopt in his fall, by the string which fastened his pack hitch-\\ning to the stump of a small tree. The two Indians could not\\ncome to his aid, but our Dutch fellow traveller did; and that\\nnot without visible danger of his own life: I also could not |)ut\\na foot forward, till I was help d after which we laid hold of the\\nfirst opportunity to go down agnin into the valley; which was\\nnot till after we laboured* hard lor hiilf an hour, with hands and\\nfeet: We had observed a tree that lay di-eotly otf from where the\\nIndian fell and when we were come down into the valley again,\\nwe went back about one hundred paces, where we saw, tliat if\\nthe Indian had slip d four or five paces further, he would\\nhave fell over a rock one hundred feet perpendicular, upon craggy\\npieces of Kocks below. The Indinn was astonish d, and turn d\\nquite pale, then with out stretched arms and great earnestness, spoke\\nthese words, thank the great lord and governor of this ivorhl, in\\nthat he Aa.s had mercy upon me, and has been willing thai I should\\nlive. longer which words I at that time sat down in my journal:\\nThis happened the 2oth of March, 1737.\\nThe 9th of April following, while we were yet on the journey,\\nI found myself extremely weak, through the fatigue of so long a\\njourney, and the cold and htmger I had snfTered and there hav-\\ning fallen a fresh snow of about twenty inches deep, also being yet\\nthree days journey from Onondngo, in a frightful wilderness; my\\nspirit failed, my body trembled and shook I thought I should\\nfall down and die; I step d, aside, and sat me down under a tree,\\nexjiecting there to die: My companions soon missed me; the\\nIndians came back, and found me sitting there: I told ihem in\\none word, 1 would go no further, 1 would die there. They remained\\nsilent a while, at last the old Indian said, 3Iy dear companion, thou\\nhast hitherto encouraged, us, wilt thou mow quite give up? Semember\\nthat evil days are belter than good days for when we suffer much\\nwe do not sin and, sin will be drove out of us by suffering hut\\ngood, days cause men to sin, and God cannot extend his mercy to them;\\nbut conlrarywise, tvhen it goeth evil with us, God hath compassion\\nupon us. These words made me ashamed; I rose up, aud travel-\\nled on as well as I could.\\nThe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- JERSEY. 147\\nincreasino; it less the intercourse naturally became A. D.\\n1 fiftl\\ni ree and unfettered with ceremony Hence every one\\nhad his eye upon his neighbour; misunderstandings\\nand mistakes were easily rectified. No ideas of state\\nor\\nThenexi year I went anotlier journey to Onondngo, in com-\\npany with Joseph iSpanlienberg, and two others. It happened\\nthat an Indian came to ns in the evening, who iiad neither siioes,\\nstoci ings, sliirt, gnn, i^nil e, nor hatcliet in a word, he iiad\\nnothing but and old torn blanket, and some rags, upon entpiiring\\nwliither he was going? lie answered to Onondago. 1 knew him,\\nand asked how he eouid undertake to go a journey of three hun-\\ndred miles, so naked and unprovided having no provisions,\\nnor any arms to kill creatures, lor his siisteuatice? he answered,\\nhe had been amongst enemies, and had been obliged to save him-\\nself by flight, and so had lost all. This was true in part; for he\\nhad disposed of some of his things amongst the Irish, for strong\\nli(piors. Upon furllier talk, he told me very ehearfully: that\\nGod fed every thing which had life, even the rattle-nnoke itself, tho\\nit was a bad creature and that God icnuld also provide in such a\\nmanner, that he should come alive to Oucnidafio he knew for certain\\nthat he slinuld go there; that it was visihle God was tvith the\\nIndians in the wilderness, because they olwin/s cast their care upon\\nhim; but that contrary to this, the Kuropeans always carried bread\\nwith them. He was an (Onondago, his name was Anoniagketa:\\nThe next day we travelled in company; atid the day following,\\nI provided him with a knife, hatchet, flint, and tinder, al o shoes\\nand stockings, and sent him before me to give notice to the\\ncouncil at Onondago, that I was coming; which he truly per-\\nfortued being got thither three days before ns.\\nTwo years ago I was sent by the governor to Shamokin, on\\naccount of the indiapjiy death of John .Vrmstrong, the Indian\\ntrader: After I had performed my erraud, there was a feast pre-\\npared, to which the governor s messengers were invited There\\nwere about one hundred persons present, to whom (after we had\\nin great silence devoured a fat bear) the eldest of the chiefs made\\na speech, in which he said, that by a great misfortune, three of\\ntheir brethren the white nien, had been killed by an Indian; that\\nnevertheless the sun was not set, [meaning there ivas no war) it\\nhad been only somewhat darkened by a small cloud, which was now\\n(tone away he that had done evil was like to be punished, and the\\nland to remain in peace; therefore he exorted his people to\\nI hankfulness to God; and thereupon began to sing with an awful\\nsolemuitv, but without expressing any words the others accom-\\npiiiied him with their voices: After they had done, the same\\nIndian, with great earnestness, spoke these words, Thanks, thanks\\nbe to thee, thou great lord of the world, in that thou hast again\\ncaused the sun to shine, and hast dispersed the dark cloud the Indians\\nare thine.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "148\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1681.\\nor grandeur; no homage of wealtli, office, birth,\\nrank or learning no pride of house, habit, or furni-\\nture; very little emulations of any kind to interrupt;\\nand so much together, they must be friends, as far at\\nleast, as that term could be properly applied to tliem;\\nthis was general in some of the tribes Attachments\\nof particulars to each other were constant and steady\\nand in some instances far exceeding what miglit be\\nexpected. Companies of them frequently got to-\\ngether to feast, dance, and make merry this SM eetned\\nthe toils of hunting excepting these toils, and the\\nlittle action before described, they scarcely knew any\\nA life of dissipation and ease, of uncertainty and\\nwant, of appetite, satiety, indolence and sleep, seemed\\nto be the sum of the character, and chief that they\\naira d at.\\nNotwithstanding their government was successive,\\nit was, for extraordinary reasons, sometimes ordered\\notherwise; of- this there is an instance in the old king\\nOckaniekon, who dying about this time at Burlington,\\ndeclared himself to this efi ect\\nIt was my desire, that my brother s son lahkursoe,\\nshould come to me, and hear my last words for him\\nhave I appointed king after me.\\n3Iybi otIier s son, tliis day I deliver my heart into\\nyour bosom and mind me. I would have you love\\nwhat is good, and keep good company refuse\\nwhat is evil and by all means avoid bad company.\\nNow having delivered my heart into your bosom,\\nI also deliver my bosom to keep my heart in be sure\\nalways to walk in a good path, and if any Indians\\nshould speak evil of Indians or christians, do not join\\nin it, but look at the sun from the rising of it to the\\nsetting of the same In speeches that shall be made\\nbetween the Indiafis and the christians, if any wrong\\nor evil tiling be spoken, do not join with that; but\\njoin", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 149\\njoin with the good When speeches are made, do not A. D.\\nyou speak first be silent and let all speak before you,\\nand take good notice what each man speaks, and\\nwhen you have heard all, join to that which is\\ngood.\\nBrother^s son, I would have you cleanse your ears,\\nand take .all foulness out, that you may hear both\\ngood and evil, and then join with the good and\\nrefuse the evil and also cleanse your eyes, that you\\nmay see good and evil, and where you see evil, do\\nnot join with it, but join to that which is good.\\nBrother^ s son, you have heard what has passed\\nstand up in time of speeches; stand in my steps, and\\nfollow my s})eeches; this do, and what you desire in\\nreason will be granted Why should you not follow\\nmy exami)le? I have had a mind to be good and do\\ngood, therefore do you the same Sheoppy and Swam-\\npis were to be kings in my stead, but understanding\\nl)y ray doctor, that Sheoppy secretly advised him not\\nto cure me, and they both being with me at John\\nHol/inshead s house, I myself saw by them, that they\\nwere given more to drink, than to take notice of my\\nlast words; for I had a mind to make a speech to\\nthem, and to my brethren, the English commission-\\ners; therefore I refuse them to be kings after me, and\\nhave now chosen my brother s son lahkursoe in their\\nstead to succeed me,\\nBfother\\\\ son, I advise you to be plain and fair with\\nall, both Indians and christians, as I have been; I\\nam very weak, otherwise I would have spoken more.*\\nAfter the Indian had delivered this counsel to his\\nnephew, T. Budd, one of the proprietors, being\\npresent, took the opj)ortunity to remark, that there\\nwas a great God, who created all things that he gave\\nman an understanding of what was good and bad and\\nafter this life rewarded the good with blessings, and the\\nbad", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "150 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. had according to their doings He answered, it is very\\n1682.\\ntrue, it is so there are two ways, a broad and a straight\\nway; there are two paths, a broad and a straight path\\nthe worst and the greatest number go in the broad, the\\nbest and fewest in the straight path. This king dying\\nsoon afterwards, was attended to his grave in the Qua-\\nkers burial place m Burlington, with solemnity by the\\nIndians in their manner, and Avith great respect by\\nmany of the English settlers to whom he had been a\\nsure friend.\\nCHAP. IX.\\nAnother ship arrives at West- Jersey Proceedings of the\\ngeneral assembly of West Jersey Sir George Carteret s\\ndeath: Conveyance to the twelve eastern proprietors\\nTheir proposals and regulations in several respects\\nparticularly in disposing of lands and. building a town\\nat Ambo Point: The twelve proprietors each take a\\npartner, and thence are called the twenty -four to\\nwhom the D. of York makes a third and last grant\\nThe twenty four establish the council of proprietors of.\\nEast Jersey, on the footing it now is i A general view\\nof the improvements in East- Jersey, in 16S2 A com-\\npendium of some of the first laws passed at Elizabeth-\\nTown Doubts started rvhether the government of\\nWest Jersey was granted with the soil: Jenings\\ncontinued governor of West Jersey; and laws now\\npassed there.\\nA large T N the year 1682, a large ship of 550 tuns burthen\\npassengers arrived at West Jersey, which got a-ground in\\nto West- Delaware bay; where, after laying eight days, by a\\nfavourable wind and tide, got oif and coming up the\\nriver, landed her passengers, being three Kundred and\\nsixty", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 151\\nsixty in number, between Philadel])liia and Burlington A. D.\\non tiie Jersey shore Tlieir provisions being nigh gone,\\nthey sent ten miles to an Indian town near Rankokus\\ncreek, for Indian corn and pease The king of this\\ntribe being then there, treated them kindly, and\\ndirected such Indians as had provisions, to bring it in\\nnext morning, who accordingly brought plenty;\\nwhich being delivered and put in bags, the messengers\\ntook leave of the king; who kindly ordered some of\\nthe Indians to carry their bags for them to their canoes.\\nThe assembly of West-Jersey having, at their last Meetings\\nsitting, adjourn d to the first of second month this year, West^Jer-\\nmet; but not being a full house, they adjourned to the sey Assem-\\nfourteenth, and then dissolved themselves without doing\\nany business Another being called, sat from the second\\nto the eleventh of the first month following; the mem-\\nbers returned by the sheriff for the respective tenths, to\\nserve in this asscnd)ly, were, Thomas Olive, speaker,\\nMahlon Stacy, Joshua Wright, John Landjert, Tho-\\nmas Lambert, AVilliam Emley, Godfrey Hancock,\\nDaniel Leeds, Thomas Wright, Samuel Borden, Robert\\nStacy, Thomas Budd, Daniel Wills, sen. Thomas\\nGardiner, John Crips, John White, John Chaffin, Ber-\\nnard Davenish, Isaac Marriott, William Peachy, Wil-\\nliam Cooper, Mark Newby, Thomas Thackery, Robert\\nZane, James Nevil, Richard Guy, Mark Reeves,\\nRichard Hancock, John Smith, Johu Pledger, Ed-\\nward Wade, George Deacon, and Samuel Hedge\\nHitherto the members had been chosen by tlie electors\\nfrom all the tenths indiscriminately but this assembly\\ndeclared it their judgment, and the judgment of those\\nthey represented, that the most regular method for\\npreserving the liberty and property of the people by a\\nfree assembly, was, that such of the ten proprieties,\\nas were now peopled, should each chuse ten repi esenta-\\ntives (and the othei S also as they became peopled) and\\nresolving.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "152 The HISTORY\\nA. D. resolving, that twenty-four, the speaker one, should\\n1682.\\nmake the quorum, tliey chose the council, justices,\\ncommissioners for laying out land, and other officers.\\nThis done, the governor, council and assembly,\\npassed sundry laws some of which were in substance,\\nthat each of the ten proprietors should have liberty to\\nsell as far as five hundred acres of land, within their\\nrespective tenths, or take such other expedient as they\\nshould judge fit, for defraying publick charges, for\\nthe tenths respectively to which purpose, Mahlon\\nStacy and Thomas Lambert were appointed within\\nthe first or Yorkshire tenth Thomas Budd and Tho-\\nmas Gardiner, for the second or London tenth Wil-\\nliam Cooper and Mark Newby for the third or Irish\\ntenth, and Samuel Jenings and Thomas Budd, within\\nthe remaining six tenths That the three pounds fine,\\nformerly imposed on such as sold rum or other strong\\nliquor\\nI. Those now chosen were,\\nCouneellors. Thomas Olive, Robert Stacy, Mahlon Slacv, Wiiliara\\nBiddle, Thomas Biidd, John Chaffin, James Nevill, Daniel\\nWills, Mark Newby, Elias Farre.\\nJustices for BnrUngton. William Biddle, Robert Stacy, Elias Farre,\\nMahlon Stacy, John haffin, Thomas Budd, Benjamin Scott,\\nJohn Cripps, Thomas Thackery.\\nFor Salem. James Nevill, George Deacon, Richard Hancock,\\nEdward Wade.\\nCommissioners. Elias Farre, William Biddle, Thomas Budd, Tho-\\nmas Gardiner, Mark Newby, James Nevill, Thomas Olive,\\nRobert Stacy, Benjamin Scott, William Cooper.\\nSheriff for BurUnglon. .John White.\\nFor Salem. Thomas Woodrufte.\\nProvincial clerk ovd recorder, for Burlington. Thomas Revel.\\nFor Salon. Samuel Hedge.\\nSurveyor. Daniel Leeds.\\nConstables for Yorkshire tenth. Robert Schooley, .John Pancoast.\\nFor London tenth. John Bourten, William Brightwen.\\nFor the third tenth, Thoaias Sharp.\\nm. As for J. Fenwick, who own d the other tenth, they seem\\nhere to have left him to his own concerns.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 153\\nliquor to the Indians, should go one half to the A. D.\\ninformer, the otlier to the publick stock, where\\nthe offence was given; and that every foreigner\\noffending herein, should forfeit five pounds, to be\\ndisposed of in like manner: That for the more con-\\nvenient payment of small sums of money, Mark\\nNewby s coppers, called Patrick s half-pence, should\\npass as half-pence cnrrent pay provided he gave secu-\\nrity to the speaker, for the use of the general assembly\\nfor tlie time being, tlrat he, his executors and admi-\\nstrators would change tliem on demand, and j^rovided\\nnone were obliged to take more than five shillinss in\\none payment: That for preventing clandestine and\\nunlawl nl marriages, justices should have power to\\nsokmnize them, the parties having first pnl)lisiied their\\nintentions fourteen days in some pul)lick place ap-\\npointed for that purpose; any justice presuming to\\nmarry without the consent or knowledge of parents or\\ntrustees (if such consent could be reasonably obtained)\\nwas to be fined at the discretion of the general assembly\\nof wiiich marriage tlie register was to make pnl)]i( k\\nentry of the day it was solenmized; the births of chil-\\ndren, and decease of all persons, were also to be entered\\nin the publick register of the respective tenths: and for\\npreventing differences between masters and servants,\\nwhere no covenants were made, all servants were to\\nhave, at the expiration of their service, according to\\nthe custom of the country, ten bushels of corn, neces-\\nsary apparel, two hoes and an ax That all servants\\nof full age, coming into the province MMthout inden-\\ntures, or other agreements, sliould serve four years,\\nfrom the ships entry, (to take which entries custom\\nhouse officers were before appointed) and that all under\\nthe age of one and twenty years, who came without\\nindentures\\nn. Tliese were Irish liall pence, a :ircel of which Xe\\\\vl)y had\\nbrought in wit It him.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "154 The HISTORY\\nA.D.\\n1682. indentures, should within three months after arrival,\\nbe brought to the court, in the district where the party\\nresided which court was to appoint the time of servi-\\ntude That for preventing deceits, lauds should pay\\ndebts, where personal estates were insufficient: That\\nfor encouragement of building a saw-mill, one thou-\\nsand acres should be sold to William Frampton, to\\naccomodate him with land for that purpose and more\\nas the governor and commissioners, should judge con-\\nvenient That for better settling and confirmation of\\nlands, six of the commissioners, with the governor,\\nshould (where there Svas occasion) make an inspection\\ninto such as were or should be taken up that on finding\\nthese legally located, they might after publick notice in\\nthe court, and no just reason to the contrary, confirm\\nthe same at the next court That there should be four\\ncourts of session held at Burlington and Salem yearly\\nThat the twenty pounds formerly granted the\\ngovernor, the five pounds to the speaker, and the five\\npounds to the clerk, should be raised by tax; nine\\npounds six shillings and eight pence by the Yorkshire,\\nLondon and Salem tenths each, and forty shillings by\\nthe third tenth; the whole, being thirty pounds, was\\nto be delivered to Thomas Budd and Thomas Gardiner,\\nin skins, corn or money; and the remainder of the\\ntwo hundred pounds, formerly directed to be raised to\\ndefray the charges of government, to be a debt due\\nfrom the other proprieties.\\nThe Representatives of West-Jersey continued to be\\nannually chosen, till the surrender of the proprietary\\ngovernment, in 1702.o- The council (who were\\njustices\\n0. In 1699, a law passed for reducing the number of represen-\\ntatives to ten ior each of the counties of Burlinfrton and Gloucester,\\nfive for Salem, and three for Cape May but this occasioning dissa-\\ntisfaction, was repealed, and the number enlarged as formerly, viz.\\nBurlington, 20. Salem, 10. Gloucester, 20. Cape May, 5.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "Op new-jersey. 155\\njustices ex officio) justices of peace, and inferior A. D.\\nofficers of government, were chosen by them; the\\ngovernor was appointed by the proprietors, who\\ngoverned them by a deputy, till the succeeding year j\\nwhen the assembly understanding, tliat Byllinge, for\\nsome sellish reasons, inclined to turn Jenings out,\\nwho had hitherto been deputy governor, to the general\\nsatisfaction of the governed they undertook, by\\ntlieir choice, to continue him governor of the pro-\\nvince, pretending a right to do this, because in the\\nconstitutions, power was given to six parts in seven\\nof the assembly, to make such alterations for the\\npublic good, (tiie laws of liberty of conscience, of\\nproperty, of yearly assend)lies, of juries, and of evi-\\ndence, excej)ted) as they found necessary; and that\\nno advantage might be taken of such judicial proceed-\\nings, as had not been exactly agrecal)le to the con-\\ncessions, they confirmed and ratified them all.\\nAbout this time, the settlers in manv parts were di- Distresa d\\nfood,\\nstressed for food; several got the chief of wiiat they\\neat by the gun which, as powder and sliot were some-\\ntimes very scarce, was at best a precarious supply.?-\\nSir\\np. Instances of their wants are many, and the supplies sometime*\\nunexpected; tlie family of John llollinshead, wno lived near Kan-\\nkokas, being unprovided with powder and shot, were in distress,\\nwhen Hollinsiiead tl e younger, then a lad about 13, going ihrougli\\na corn field, saw a turkey throwing a stick to kill it, a second came\\nin sight: he kill d both, and carried them home: Soon after, at the\\nhouse of Thomas Eves, he saw a buck; and telling Eves, he set\\nhis dogs, who followed it to Rankokas river, then frozen; the\\nbuck running on the ice, slid upon his side; the dogs seized it;\\nUollinshead coming up with a kuife, eagerly jumped u[)ou it j\\nthe buck rose with him on his back and sprung forward, his feet\\nspreading asunder, slip d gently down on his belly, and gave Hol-\\nlinshead a respite from danger, and opjiortunity of killing liim\\nBy these means two families were supplied with lood to their great\\njoy. These, and such like instances, in a new settled country,\\nshow, with the distress, the relief that sometimes unexpectedly\\nattends it.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "156\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1682.\\nProposals\\nof the 12\\nproprie-\\ntors.\\nthey take\\n12 part-\\nners.\\nSir George Carteret, sole proprietor of East-Jersey,\\ndying in 1679, by will, ordered that province to be\\nsold, to pay his debts which was done accordingly,?-\\nby his widow and executors, by indenture of lease and\\nrelease, bearing date the \\\\st and 2d of February,\\n1681 2, to William Penn, Robert West, Thomas\\nRudyard, Samuel Groome, Thomas Hart, Richard\\nMew, Thomas Wilcox, of London, gold-smith,\\nAmbrose Rigg, John Haywood, Hugh Hartshorne,\\nClement Plumsted, and Thomas Cooper, their heirs\\nand assigns who were thence called the twelve pro-\\nprietors: They being together so seized, in this year\\npublished an account of their country, a fresh project\\nfor a town, and method of disposing of their lands.\\nTheir plan was popular, and took much, especially\\namong the Scotch, of wliom many had already arrived\\nIn this and some of the immediately succeeding years,\\ncame many more Among thym was George Keith,\\nwho some time after became surveyor general, and was\\naccounted very skilful in the business.\\nThe twelve proprietors did not long hold the pro-\\nvince to themselves, but by particular deeds, took\\neach a partner; their names were, James Earl of\\nPerth, John Drummond, Robert Barclay, Robert\\nGordon, Aarent Son mans, Gawen Lawrie, Edward\\nByllinge, James Braine, William Gibson, Thomas\\nBarker, Robert Turner, and Thomas Warne; these\\nAvith\\nq. His will is dated December 5, 1678, he devises to Edward\\nearl of Sanrlwich, John earl of Bath, Bernard Grenville, sir\\nThomas Crew, sir Robert Atkins, and Edward Atkins, esq and\\ntheir heirs, among oiher lands, all his plantation of New-Jersey,\\nupon trust and contidence that they, and the survivors and survivor of\\nthem, and the heirs and executors of the survivor of them, should\\nmake sale of all the said premises and out of the money that should\\nupon such sale arise, pay and dischairge debts, c. as therein mea-\\ntioned.\\nr. Vid. Appendix. Numb. iii.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- J ERSEY. 157\\nwith the other twelve, are since called the, twenty-four A. D.\\nproprietors To them the duke of York made a fresh\\ngrant of East- New- Jer.scy, bearing date the I4th of\\nMarch, 1682. s-\\nThis was the duke s third and last grant of East-\\nJersey soon after which, the twenty-four proprietors,\\nby an instrument under most of their hands, established\\na council of propridors and gave them power to ap- East-Jer-\\npoint, oversee, and displace all officers necessary for ^if of pio-\\nthe management of their i)roperty to take care of all piietors.\\nlands belonging to the general j)roprietors to demise\\nthem for terms of years, and to api)oint dividends\\nthereof; to examine the rights of the particular pro-\\nprietors who demanded their shares of those dividends,\\nand to grant warrants to the surveyor general (whom\\nthey cluise themselves) for the appropriating tlie (pian-\\ntity of acres due to such share to sue trespassers ujjon\\nthe general proprietors land and in general, to maiiage\\nthe affairs, which relate to the said general pri)]\u00c2\u00bbrietors\\nThis council always to consist of at least one third of\\nthe general proprietors, or their proxies and to have\\ntwo general meetings yearly, at Perth-Andioy which\\nwere held immediately after the supreme courts there. Time of\\nbut lately altered to the first Ticesdai/ in April, and ^^^^^I lg-\\nsecond in September. In this manner have the lan ls iu\\nEast- Jersey been disposed Since the purchase of the\\ntioent.y-four, the constitution as well as the management\\ncontiiuies tiie same.\\nThe province of East New^-Jersey being now well\\nsettled for the time; its situation reduced to a general\\nview, from the accounts then published by secretary\\nNicolls of New- York, appears to be thus\\nShrewsbury,\\ns. The brants being already in the hands of the pubiick. were\\nnot thought necesssarv to be refirinted here: See grants, conces-\\nsions, c. published by A. Learning, and J. .Si)icer.\\nt. More full and express than any that went before.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "158 The HISTORY\\nA. D. Shrewsbury, near Sandj-Hook, adjoining the river\\nor creek of that name, was already a township, con-\\nShrews- 1\\nbury. sisting 01 several thousand acres, with large plantations\\ncontiguous; the inhabitants wx re computed to be\\nabout 400. Lewis Morris, of Barbadoes, had iron\\nworks and other considerable improvements here.\\nMiddle- Middletowii was supposed to consist of 100 families;\\nseveral thousand acres allotted for the town, and many\\nthousands for the several out plantations John\\nBowne, Richard TIartshorne, and Nicholas Davis,\\nhad each well improved settlements here a court of\\nsessions was held twice or thrice a year, for Middletown\\nand Piscataway, and their jurisdictions Several plan-\\ntations were settled on the north side of Rariton river,\\nbelow Piscataway; several also higher up Rariton,\\nand about the Falls; among which John Palmer, of\\nStaten-Island, Thomas Codrington, John Robinson,\\nWhite and company, and Edsal and company, of\\nNew-York, and capt. Corsen, had settlements: Some\\nland was likewise located by Millstone river, up Rari-\\nton, supposed to be near the division line.\\n\\\\\\\\ood- Woodbridge had several improved plantations in\\nDriuge.\\nit, and the country round Delaplairs, the surveyor\\ngeneral, was one of the settlers here This town\\nclaimed more privileges than others was incorporated\\nby charter, and had erected a court house arid prison\\n(such as they were.) There were here about one hun-\\ndred and twenty families a large quantity of land in\\nthe town, and for the plantations round, many thousand\\nacres; of which plantations there were several on the\\nnorth side of the river that divides Elizabeth-Town\\nand Woodbridge. At\\nu. From several erroneous corapmations, first puVtlished in\\nNicolls s account, but here omitted, there may be some reason\\nto donbl others: -what is here left, appeared probable; but if\\nthere should be thouj^lit any mistakes in names, number or situation\\nit must be remembered, that it i\u00c2\u00ab given only as Nicolis s account of\\nthis vear.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "Of new- jersey. 159\\nAt the entrance of the creek, on the north side, A. D.\\n1682\\nCalled Carteret s Point, north of Staten-Island, were\\nother plantations, from Elizaljeth-Town to the bounds\\nof New- York Within Elizabeth-Town claim, Avas\\na settlement in partnership between the proprietor\\nCarteret, and governor P. Carteret; the latter had\\nbuilt a house and resided here the town was supposed\\nto consist of one hundred and fifty families.\\nOn the north of Milford or Newark river,^;- is a large\\ntract belonging to Kingsland and Sanfoord Higher\\nup the river, another to capt. Bcrrie who dividing it,\\nseveral plantations were soon settled on it Still further\\nup the river, an island belonging to Christopher Hoog-\\nlaiul, of Newark above that again, was a large tract\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2owned by Jacques Cartelayne, and partners; who,\\nnow made some settlement These tracts were within\\nthe jurisdiction of Newark. Newark was then said\\nto be a compact town, consisting of about one hundred\\nfamilies.\\nNear the mouth of the bay, u|)on the side of Over-\\nprook creek, adjacent to Ilackinsuck river, several of\\ntiie rich valleys were then settled by the Dutch and\\nnear Snakehill was a fine plantation, owned by Pin-\\nhorn and Eickbe for half of which, Pinhorne is said\\nto have paid 500/. There were other settlements on\\nHackinsack river; and on a creek near it, Sarah\\n-Kiersted of New- York, liad a tract giveii her by an\\nold Indian sachem, for services in interpreting\\nbetween the Indians and Dutch, on which several\\nfamilies were settled John Berrie had a large planta-\\ntion, two or three miles above, where he then lived,\\nand iKid considerable improvements as had also near\\nhim, his son in law Smith, and one Baker from Barba-\\ndos On the west side of the creek, opposite to Berrie,\\nwere\\nX. Second River.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "160 The HISTORY\\nA. D. were other plantations; but none more northerly.\\nThere was a considerable settlement on Bergen point,\\nthen called Constable Hook, and first improved by\\nEdsall, in Nicolls s time. Other small plantations\\nwere improved along Bergen neck, to the east, be-\\ntween the point and a little village of twenty families:\\nFurther along lived sixteen or eighteen families and\\nopposite Ne^v-York, about forty families were seated\\nsouthward from this, a few families settled together\\nat a place called the Duke s Farm and further up\\nthe country, was a place called Hobuck, formerly\\nown d by a Dutch merchant, who, in the Indian\\nwars with the Dutch, had his wife, children and ser-\\nvants murdered by the Indians, and his house and\\nstock destroyed by them ;2/- but it was now settled\\nagain, and a mill erected there Along the river side,\\nto the north, were lands settled by William Lawrence,\\nSamuel Edsal and capt. Beinfield and at Havei-sham,\\nnear the High Lands, governor Carteret had taken up\\ntwo large tracts one for himself, the other for An-\\ndrew Campyne and company which were now but\\nlittle improved The plantations on both sides of the\\nNeck, to its utmost extent, as also those at Hackinsack,\\nwere under the jurisdiction of Bergen town, situate\\nabout the middle of the Neck where was a court held\\nby select men or overseers, consisting of four or more\\nin number, as the people thought best, chose annually\\nto try small causes, as had been the practice in all the\\nrest of the towns at first Two courts of sessions were\\nheld here yearly, from which, if the cause exceeded\\ntwenty pounds, the party might appeal to the governor,\\ncouncil and court of deputies or assembly.\\nBergen\\ny. That there were siicli wars or skirmishes between the Dutcli and\\nIndians, we see is continned by concurring accounts: See before a\\nnote, p. 24, c. and p. 64, 65.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JEESEY. 161\\nBergen a compact town, had been fortified against A. D\\nthe Indians, contained about sev^enty families; its inha-\\nbitants chiefly Dutch, some of whom had been settled\\nthere upwards of forty years. Ui)on the whole there\\nwere at this time su[)posed to be about seven hundred\\nfamilies settled in the towns of East-Jersey which,\\nreckoning five to a family, were three thousand and five\\nhundred inhabitants besides the out plantations, which\\nwere thought to contain half as many more, though\\nthese could not be so well y-uessed at.\\nP. Carteret continued governor of East-Jersey after\\nthe quinty partite division, till about the year 1681.s-\\nHis council in 1668, consisted of six, viz.\\nNicholas A%*let, Robert Bond, Bobert A anqvielliu,\\nDaniel Pierce, Samuel Edsall, William Pardon.\\nThe assembly then consisted of twelve the first\\nmembers were,\\nCas] er Steenmets, l^alta/ar Ixiyard, for Bergen.\\nJohn Ogden, sen. Jolin Brackett, for Elizabeth-Town.\\nRobert Treat, Sanuiel Swarne, for Newark.\\nJohn Bishop, Robert Dennis, for Woodbridge.\\nJames Grover, John Bound, for Middletowu.\\nThe same for Shrewsbury.\\nThe sessions were mostly held at Elizabeth-Town,\\nbut sometimes at Woodbridge, and once or more at\\nMiddletown and Piscataway Some of the first laws\\nas published by the legislature at Elizbeth-Town,\\nwere in substance That persons resisting authority,\\nshould be punished at the discretion of the court\\nThat\\n2. His salary was generally 50 I. a year, paid in country pro-\\nduce, at prices fixed by law, and sometimes four shiilings a day\\nbesides, to defray ids charges wliiie a session was heUl tiie wages of\\nthe council ami ussendily durinjj iheir sitting in legislalion, was, to\\neach niendjer tiiree shillings a day The rates for publick charges\\nwere levied at two shillings per head for every male above fourteen\\nyears old.\\nL\\n1682.\\nBergen.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "162 The HISTORY\\nA. D. That men from 16 to 60 years of age, should provide\\nthemselves with arms, on penalty of one shilling for\\nthe first week s neglect, and two for every week after\\nThat for burglary or high-way robbery, the first\\noifence, burning in the hand, the second, in the fore-\\nhead, in both, to make restitution and for the third\\noffence, death: For stealing, the first offence, treble\\nrestitution, and the like for the second and third offeuce,\\nwith such increase of punishment, as the court saw\\ncause, even to death, if the party appeared incorrigi-\\nble; but if not, and unable to make restitution, they\\nwere to be sold for satisfaction, or to receive corporal\\npunishment: That conspiracies or attacks upon\\ntowns or forts, should be death: That undutiful\\nchildren, smiting or cursing their father or mother,\\nexcept provok d thereunto for self-preservation, upon\\ncomplaint of, and proof from their parents or either\\nof them, should be punished with death That in\\ncase of adultery, the party to be divorc d, corporally\\npunished or banished, or either, or all of them, as\\nthe court should judge proper That for night-\\nwalking and revelling after the hour of nine, the\\nparties to be secured by the constable or other officer\\ntill morning, and then not giving a satisfactory account\\nto the magistrate, to be bound over to the next court,\\nand there receive such punishment as should be inflic-\\nted That the meeting of the assembly should be\\nalways on the first Tuesday in November, yearly, and\\noftner, if the governor and council thought necessary\\nand that they should fix the governor s salary the\\ndeputies of each town to be chosen on the first of\\nJanuary, according to the concessions any deputy\\nabsenting himself at such times, was to be fined forty\\nshillings for every day s absence That thirty pounds\\nshould be levied for provincial charges, i. e. 5 I. to be\\npaid by each town, in winter wheat at five shillings a\\nbushel", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 163\\nbushel, summer wheat at four and six pence, pease at A. J).\\nthree shillings and six pence, Indian corn at three\\nshillings, rie at fonr shillings, barley at four shillings,\\nbeef at two pence half-penny per i)ound, and pork at\\nthree pence half-penny That no sou, daughter, maid\\nor servant, should marry without the consent of his or\\ntheir parents, masters or overseers, without being three\\ntimes published in some publick meeting or kirk, near\\nthe party s abode, or notice being set up in writing at\\nsome publick house near where they lived, for fourteen\\ndays before; then to be solemnized by some approveil\\nminister, justice or chief officer; who, on penalty of\\ntwenty pounds, and to be put ont of office, were to\\nmarry none who had not folloAved those directions:\\nThat fornication should be puniHhed at the discretion of\\nthe court, by marriage, fine or corporal punishment;\\nand that no life should be taken but by virtue of some\\nlaw, and the proof of two or three witnesses.\\nThere being doubts started, whether the government\\nof West New-Jersey, had been granted with the Doubts as\\nsoil, ana reports nidustriously Sj^read up and down verntnent\\nthe province, as well as in Euii land, to the pre- ^J West-\\n1 Jersey,\\njudice of the possessors title, as they thought the\\nassembly in the spring, this year, thought it their\\nbusiness to obviate, this, and other points, by unani-\\nmously resolving, as to the first, That the land\\nand government of A^ est New-Jersey, were p ar-\\nchased together And that as to the question,\\nWhether the concessions agreed upon by the pro-\\n})rietors and people, and subscribed in London and\\nWest-Jersey, were agreed upon to be the fnnda-\\nmentals and ground of the government of West-\\nNew-Jersey, or not Resolved in the affirmative,\\nnemine contradicente only John Fenwick excepted\\nhis tenth which he said at that time was not under\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "164 The HISTORY\\nA. D. the same circumstances; but now freely cousenteth\\nthereto.\\nJenings was at tliis assembly chosen governor, as\\nhinted before,^- having hitherto acted as Byllings s\\ndeputy The commissioners and other officers of\\nJenino-s. government, being also chosen, they severally took\\ntheir qualifications ;c- and having agreed, that the\\ngovernor\\na. Proprietary records, secretary s ofBce, Burlington,\\nh. He had for salary this year a right to- take up six hundred\\nacres of land above the Fails.\\nc. Renpectivdy as follows.\\nI Samuel Jenings, being elected governor of the province of\\nWest-Jersey, by the general free assembly thereof, sitting at Bur-\\nlington, the eleventh day of the third month, in the year 1683,\\ndo freely and faithfully promise (according to the best of my ability)\\nto act in that capacity according to the laws, concessions, and coa-\\nstitutions, as they are now established in the said province.\\nSamuel Jenings, Governor.\\nThe enyaf/ement and protnise of the council elected by the assembly.\\nWe underwritten being elected and chosen by the general free\\nassembly, members of coimcii, to advise and assist the governor in\\nmanaging the affairs of the government^ do solemnly promise every\\none for himself, that we will give our diligent attendance from\\ntime to time, and him advise and assist to the best of our skill and\\nknowledge, according to the laws, concessions, amd constitutions of\\nthis province; and do further promise not to reveal or disclose any\\nsecret of coinicil, or any business therein transacted, to the prejudice\\nof the public. WiMess our hands the loth day of the third month,\\nAnno 1683.\\nThomas Budd, Thomas Gardiner,\\n.John Skeen, Henry. Stacy,\\nJohn Gosling, James Nevill,\\nThomas Olive, Elias Farre.\\nWilliam Biddle,\\nThe engagement and promise of the commissioners, Justices, and other\\nofficers, elected as aforesaid.\\nWe whose names are hereunderwritten, being by the general\\nfree assembly, chosen to otliciaie in our several trtists, commissions\\nand offices for the year ensuing; do hereby solemnly promise, that\\nwe will truly and faillifully discharge our respe ciive trusts, according\\nto the laws, concessions and consliiutior.s of the said ))roviiice, in\\nour respective offices and duties, and do equal justice and right to\\nall men, according to our best skill and judgment, without corrup-\\ntion.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 165\\ngovernor should be ehairraan, or speaker that he A. D.\\nshoukl sit as a member with them, and they together\\nwith the count il and that the cliairnian should have\\na double vote passed sundry laws, among which was\\nthe following.\\nAnd whereas it hath pleased God, to commit this A West-\\ncountry and province into the liands of such who\\n(for tlie generality of them) are fearing God, and\\npainl ul and industrious in the promoting and im-\\nproving the said province and for the better ])revent-\\ning of such as are profane, loose and idle, and\\nscandalous, from settling amongst us, who are, and\\nwill be, not only unserviceable, but greatly burthen-\\nsome to the provinces It is therefore hereby enacted\\nby the authority aforesaid, tliat all person and persons,\\nwho shall transport him or themselves into this pro-\\nvince, shall, within eighteen months after he or they\\nshall arrive in the said province, procure and produce\\na certificate, under the hands of such of that religious\\nsociety to whom he or they did belong, or other-\\nwise from two magistrates (if procurable) or two\\nconstables or overseei s of the poor, with three or\\nmore creditable persons of the neighbourhood, who\\ninhabit or belong to the place where he or they did\\nlast reside, as may give satisfaction (that is to say)\\nthat he or they came not clandestinely or fraudently\\naway and if unmarried, that he or she are clear\\nfrom former engagements in that particular and\\nalso, that he or she are such as live soberly and honestly,\\nto the best of their knowledge; and that no justice\\nshall\\ntion, favour or affection. Witness our hands this 15th of the\\ntliini nioiilh, 1()S3.\\nJastirea. Tlioiiias Olive, Richard Guy, Andrew Wade, Andrew\\nTliuinpson.\\nComiiilssioners. William Riddle, John Gosling, John Skeen, Mah-\\nioti tSlacy, Tliomas Olive, James Nevill, Francis Collins,\\nThomas Biidd, Thomas Gardiner, Mark Newby.\\nRecorder. Thomas Revel I.\\nSheriff. Benjamin Wheat.\\nSurveyor. Daniel Leeds.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "166\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1683.\\nshall presume to marry any such person or persons,\\nwho shall come into this province, before such certifi-\\ncate be produced or that it be laid before the gover-\\nnor or two justices, and give them sufficient satis-\\nfaction concerning their clearness and that all such\\nperson and persons who shall settle in the said province,\\nand shall refuse or neglect to produce such certificate\\nas aforesaid, within the said eighteen months, shall\\nbe fined at the discretion of the governor and council\\nof the said province, not exceeding twenty pounds\\nthe same to be levyed by distress and sale on the\\notiender s goods, and to be paid into the hands of\\nthe treasurer of the said province.\\n1683.\\nKobert\\nBarclay\\ngovernor.\\nCHAP. X.\\nRobert Barclay appointed governor of East-Jersey and\\nT. Rudyard deputy: Letters from Rudyard, S. Groome,\\nLawrie and others, conoerned in that settlement.\\nWE have seen that the Scotch had a considerable\\nshare in the settlement of East- Jersey, many of\\nthem and a number that arrived afterwards, fixed about\\nAmboy, and up Rariton The twelve proprietors ap-\\npointed Robert Barclay, (autiior of the apology)\\ngovernor for life -d- and Thomas Rudyard, (a lawyer\\nOP\\nd. His commission.\\nThe proprietors of the province of ?Jaxt- New- Jersey. To our\\ntrnsty and well beloved fellow proprietor, Robert Barclay,\\nsendeth greeting^:\\nWhereas the powers of government of the province of East-\\nNew-Jersey, is devolv d npon ns, and assigned to us, by James\\nduke of York, with power to constitute and appoint such governor\\nand commissioners, for the well governing of the said province,\\nas we shall see meet; and we having heretofore, out of the confi-\\ndence we had of Robert Barclay, his skill, prudence and integrity,\\nconstituted and appointed him governor of the said province, to\\nappoint a deputy during his absence therefrom, to be approved\\nby", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "O F N E V/ J E R S E Y 167\\nor attorney in London, noted for his assistance at the trial A. D.\\nof Penn and Mead deputy governor; Avhich last\\narrived at his government, the tter end of last, or\\nbeginning of this year: His account of the country\\nsoon after his arrival, may not be unacceptable.\\nT /-^i East-J.-rsev, the 30tli of the 3d month\\nDear B. G. culled May, 1G83.\\nTo be as particular in my turn, were but thy\\ndue; yet I cannot promise so much; however I may\\ngive tJiee some general account of the province, and\\nof our satisfaction with our present lot, the siiort\\ntime I liave experenced this But to give tliee also,\\nas thou desires, a character of Pennsylvania, and\\nWest- Jersey, that will be a task I must be excused to\\nundertake\\nby sixteen of the proprietors: Upon the same reason and confi-\\ndeuce, we do herehy coiilirni to him the government of the said\\nprovince, dvrincf all the dnys of hla life as to have the j)ower of\\ntile i. Overnment of all tlie said province, and of all isles, rivers,\\nislands and seas witliin the same, or heh)nfrintr thereto to do all\\nand every thinji; or thin}j;s, wiiich to the charfje and office of a\\ngovernor doih appertain; commanding all inferior officers to\\nobey him as their ;overnor, according to this our commis ion, and\\nthe powers herei y given him, and according to the laws and\\nconstitutions made or confirmed by IIS, or to be made; which he\\nhimself is to observe and follow; as unto his duty and office doth\\nappertain. And whereas we have agreed, and are satisfied, for\\ncertain good reasons and considerations moving us thereunto, to\\ncommit this trust unto him, and to give him this character,\\nwithout laying any necessity upon him to repair to the said pro-\\nvince; so likewise we liave, and do herel)y give him power, from\\ntime to time as need shall be, during his absence, to name and\\nconstitutes and grant commission, to a deputy governor to serve in\\nthe said province; he being always approved by sixteen of us the\\nproprietors, and following the orders he receives from us, accord-\\ning to the laws and constituiion.* of the said province.\\nGiven under the seal of the said province, and signed by our\\nhands; dated at Londcm, the 17th of the tiflh month called\\nJulv, in the vear of our lord, according to the English account,\\n1683.\\nK. Barclay died the third of October, 1690, and had continued\\ngovernor till 1685, when lord Neil C^ampbcil, uncle to the D. of\\nArgyle, was appointed governor, and came over hither. In\\n1698, sir Thomas Lane was governor of East- Jersey.\\ne. Vid. the trial, and Sewel s hist. p. 504.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "168\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1683.\\nundertake, lest I give offence, or at least bring me\\nunder censure as partial Were I not concerned in\\nany of the provinces, I might satisfy thy curiosity;\\nbut being chiefly interested in this, I ll be very cau-\\ntious meddling with my neighbours, more than here,\\none with another so I may use my freedom with my\\nneighbours, which they take not ill, but not write\\nwhat may be taken otherways. They lie so near\\nadjacent, that they may be said in a sense, to be but\\none country and what s said for one, in general may\\nserve for all. I have been at Burlington, and at\\nPennsylvania, as far as Philadelphia; which lies\\nabout twenty miles below Burlington: That journey\\nby land, gave me some view of all the provinces\\nand made me considerably to estimate this of East-\\nJersey, having some convenienr-ies esteemed by\\nme, which the otliers are not so jilentifnlly furnished\\nwithal, viz. fresh and salt meadows, which now are\\nvery valuable and no man here will take up a tract\\nof land without them, being the support of their\\nstock in winter; which other parts nuist supply by\\nstore, and taking more care for Enti-lish grass But\\nknow, where salt marshes are not, there is no mus-\\nketoes, aud that manner of land the more health\\nand this was often answered me, when I have been\\nmakmg comparisons. I nuist tell thee, their character\\nin print, by all that reads it here, is said to be modest,\\nand much more might hav^e been said in it s com-\\nmendation We have one thing more particular to\\nus, which the others want also, which is vast oyster\\nbanks, which is constant fresh victuals, during the\\nwinter, to English, as well as Indians of these\\nthere are many all along our coasts, from the sea,\\nas high as against New- York, whence they come to\\nfetch them so we are supjjlied with salt fish at our\\ndoors, or within half a tide s passage and fresh fish\\nin abundance, in every little brook, as pearch, trout,\\neels, c. which we catch at our doors. Provisions\\nhere are very plentiful, and people generally well\\nstocked with cattle New- York and Burlington have\\nhitherto", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- JERSEY. 169\\nhitherto been their market; few or no trading men A. D.\\nbeing here in this province I believe it hath been\\nvery unhapj)y heretofore, under an ill managed\\ngovernment and most of the people are such who\\nhave been invited from the adjacent colonies, by the\\ngoodness of it s soil, and convenient situation: At\\nAm boy we are now building some small houses, of\\n30 feet long, and 18 feet broad; fitting to entertain\\nworkinen, and such who will go and build larger:\\nThe stones lie exceeding well and good, up the Kari-\\nton river a tide s ])assage and oyster shells upon the\\npoint, to make lime withal; which will wonderfully\\naccomodate us in building good houses cheap, warm\\nfor winter, and cool ibr summer; and durable cover-\\ning for houses are siiingles, oak, chesnut, and cedar;\\nwe have j)leiitiful here of all the iast endures a man s\\nlife, if he lives to be old There is live or six saw-\\nmills going up here this spring; two at work already,\\nwhich abates the price of boards half in half; and\\nall other timber for building; for altho timber costs\\nnothing, yet workmanship by hand, was Limdon\\nprice, or near upon it, and sometimes more; which\\nthese mills abate; we buy oak and chesnut l)oards no\\nehea])er than last year: My habitation with Sanuiel\\nGroome, is at Elizabeth-Town, and here we came\\nfirst; it lies on a fresh small river; with a tide ships\\nof 30 or 40 tuns, come before our doors. Through-\\nout this town is good English grass, and bears a very\\nffood burthen: We caimot call our habitations soli-\\ntary for what with the pul)lick employ, I have little\\nless company at my house daily, than I had in George\\nYard altho not so many passes by my doors The\\npeople are generally a sober professing peo{)le, wise\\nin their generation, courteous in their behaviour, and\\nrespectful to us in office among them: As for the\\ntemperature of the air, it is wonderfully situated to\\nthe humours of mankind; the wind and weather\\nrarely holding in one point, or one kind, for ten days\\ntogether; it is a rare thing for a vessel to be wind\\nbound for a week together, the wind seldom holding\\nin", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "170\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1683.\\nin a point more than 48 hours and in a short time\\nwe have wet and dry, warm and cold weather which\\nchanaes, we often desire in Eno-land, and look for\\nbefore they come yet this variation creates not cold,\\nnor have we the tenth part of the colds we have in\\nEngland I never had any since I came and in the\\nmidst of winter and frosts, could endure it with less\\ncloaths than in England for generally I go with\\nthe same cloaths I used to wear in summer with you\\nbut warm cloaths hurt not. I bless the Lord, I never\\nhad better health, nor my family my daughters are\\nvery well improved in that res])ect, and tell me they\\nwould not change their place for George Yard, nor\\nwould I. People here are generally settled where the\\ntide reaches and altho this is good land, and well\\ntimbered, and plentifully supplied with salt marsh\\nyet there is much better land up higher on the river,\\nwhere they may go up with small boats, where many\\nnow are settling. There s extraordinary land, fresh\\nmeadows overflowed in the winter time, that produces\\nmultitudes of winter corn and it s believed will\\nendure 20, 30, or 50 years ploughing, M ithout inter-\\nmission, and not decay r Such land there is at Esopus,\\non Hudson s river, which hath bore winter corn about\\n20 years, without help, and is as good as at first, and\\nbetter. William Penn took a view of the land, this\\nlast month, when here and said he had never seen\\nsuch before in his life All the English merchants,\\nand many of the Dutch, have taken, and are desirous\\nto take up plantations wdth us Our country here,\\ncalled Bergen, is almost Dutchmen at a town called\\nNewark, seven or eight miles hence, is made great\\nquantities of cyder exceeding any we can have from\\nNew-England, Rhode-Island, or Long-Island I\\nhope to make 20 or 30 barrels out of our orchard\\nnext year, as they have done who had it before me\\nfor that, it must be as providence orders. Upon our\\nview and survey of Amboy point, we find it extraor-\\ndinary well situate for a great town or city, beyond\\nexpectation at low water, round about the point,\\nare", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 171\\nare oysters of two kinds, small as Enolish, and A. D.\\nothers two or three mouthfulls, exceeding good for\\nroasting and stewing; the people say, onr oysters are\\ngood, and in season all summer; the lirst of the third\\nmonth I eat of them at Amboy very good\\nThe point is good lively land, ten, some places\\ntwenty foot above the water mark. About it are\\nseveral coves, where vessels may lay up conveniently\\nbesides great ships of any burthen, may all ride\\nbefore the town, land lock d against all winds; there\\nRariton river runs up, or rather down 50, far larger\\nsome say 100 miles, for small boats. I saw several\\nvines upon the point, which produces, as they say,\\ngood gra})es in their season; this country is very full\\nof them but being not present j)rofit, few regard\\nthem more, than to pick them as they lay in tlieir\\nAvay, when they are ripe. We have store of clams,\\nesteemed much better than oysters on festivals the\\nIndians feast with them there are shallops, but in\\nno great plenty Fish we have great store, as our\\nrelation sets forth but they are very good when\\ncatcli d (as the proverb is.) I have several barrels by\\nme now, which are good for our table, and for sale.\\nI brought a sea net over with me, which may turn\\nto good account; sea nets are good merchandize\\nhere; mine cost me about four or five pounds, and\\ncan have twenty pounds for it, if I would sell it now.\\nI may write of many such matters in our province,\\nwhich may invite persons here but so am resolved\\nto conclude, knowing that in probability, there is not\\nan industrious man, but by God s blessing, may not\\nonly have a comfortable, but plentiful su])ply of all\\nthings necessary for this life; with the salutation of\\nmy true affection to all, c. I rest\\nthy affectionate friend,\\nThomas Rudyaed.\\nSamuel Groome, one of the proprietors, and surveyor\\ngeneral of East- Jersey, also wrote to his fellow pro-\\nprietors, as follows.\\nEast-", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "172 The HISTORY\\nj^ J) East-.Jersev, the llth of August,\\n1683. 1683.\\nFriends and fellow proprietors.\\nSince my last I have now sounded the channel from\\nAmbov to Sandy-Hook, and find it to be a broad and\\nbold channel, in no place less than three fatliom\\nat high-water, in ordinary tides four, or five, or six\\nfathom except in one short place Rariton river is a\\ngood river, and hath a good tide of flood overpower-\\ning the freshes about thirty miles above Amboy; after\\nit s flood, the tide hath no force against the freshes,\\nwhich come out of several branches of Rariton, and\\njoins in one, forty or fifty miles above Amboy. I\\nhave spent a considerable time in making discovery\\nI have not as yet, had time to lay out much land for\\nyou, only about seventeen or eighteen thousand acres\\nin one tract, good upland, near Elizabeth-Town.\\nI have now seen the tract of land against or nigh\\nAmboy point, formerly laid out by Vanquillin it\\nis on the west side of a creek called Chingerorus, about\\neight thousand acres, and I intend shortly to lay as\\nmuch, or twice as much more to it but first we must\\ntalk with the natives about that, and other tracts of\\nland, that they are not yet paid for The last day of\\nthis month is a})j)ointed to treat with several Indians,\\nto buy several exceeding good tracts, nigh the head\\nof Rariton.\\nThe tenth of next month is also appointed to treat\\nwith other Indians, to buy other tracts of choice\\nmeadowing and u;)land, that lieth about twelve or\\nthirteen miles up into the country, which I have seen\\nand when we have accomplished these two things, we\\nshall be able to lay out for you much land and when\\nI have been up in the country towards, and at Barna-\\ngat, and agreed with the Indians thereabout, for such\\nland as we may see occasion to purchase presently, in\\norder to a settlement there for here are many both\\nof New-England, New- York, and some parts of this\\nprovince, stands ready to sit down in that part of the\\ncountry, not only for the sake of the good upland\\nand meadows, which report saith is much thereabout,\\nbut", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "O F X E W J E R S E Y 1\\nbut also for the sake of the whale trade, and other A. D.\\nfishino; trade, which is like to be there shortly: iSaw-\\nP]n^laiid-inen and others, were a tampering with the\\nIndians, to have jjurchased there, before and since we\\ncame l)nt now they are out of hopes of comino; in\\nat that door so now they make their addresses to us,\\nand would have us to j)urchase and let them come in\\nour tenants or otherways as we may agree I intend\\nto attemj)t tliese things this fall: I have not been,\\nmucli on tlie soutii side of Kariton, only npon some\\nuphuid at several ])laccs, and upon the tract of eight\\nthousand three hundred and twenty acres of youi S\\naforementioned, and also on the meadowing that lies\\non th(! south side of Kariton above Amboy, a year or\\ntwo since ])urchased of the Indians, in the name of\\nDame Carteret, though it was never intended for her;,\\nnor for any ])roprietor; but as it fell out, they (juir-\\nrelled about disposing and sharing thereof; so it is now\\nwithout controversy yours. Now know, that Raritou\\nriver is acconuuodatcd on both sides with salt and fresh\\nmeadows salt as far as the salt sea water flows, or\\npredoini nates and fresh above, as the river Thames:\\nWe have above three thonstmd acres of meadowing\\nbutting on the river I hope it will never hurt Amboy\\ntown Besides, re[)ort saith, that the upland next\\nadjoining to this meadowing, beginning over against\\nAmboy, and so u|) ten or twelve miles, to a river\\nthat strikes out of Raritou south, and is called South\\nRiver, is but mean land.\\nIt may be well, if you would agree to take eav-h\\none a twenty fourth part of lands as we lay them out^\\nwhether it be more or less, or else take five hiuidred\\nacre lots, and let these lots be cast when twenty foiu\\ntimes five hundred acres is laid out and where we\\ncan make greater lots, we may e have now got up\\nthree houses at Amboy, and three more ready to be\\nset up, but workmen are scarce, and nmny of them\\nbase the best will work but when they can spare\\ntime out of their plantations If no help comes, it will\\nbe long e er Amboy be built as Loudon is housing\\nwill", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "174\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1683.\\nwill bring a trade to that place The Indians come\\nthither to get fish, fowl, oysters, clams, mussels,\\nc. (as people go to market for things they want)\\nand these Indians bring at seasons, great quantities of\\nskins down Ruriton, so by Amboy and to New- York;\\nwhere they have a continual supply of things they\\nwant.\\nWell, here is a brave country, the groiuid very\\nfruitful, and wonderfully inclinable to English grass;\\nas clover, c. It predominates over the more wild\\ngrass, very little barren, much dry uj^laiul, and good\\nmeadow Some fenny, swampy land, and small run-\\nning brooks and rivers, throughout all the parts of\\nthe country I have seen and these fenny and\\nswampy lands bear great burdens of grass in short,\\nthe land is four times better tlian I expected. AVe\\nmust needs be out of some money at resent to pur-\\nchase lands of the Indians, but that will be soon got\\nin with profit, as people come to inhabit and take up\\nland, and pay, as always they have done, their part of\\npurchase from the Indians Here is great talk of the\\nbraveries of the place and land Barnagat I intend\\nto see shortly after the season is fitting to go by land\\nand water to it I intend to go by water in a sloop, to\\nsee how convenient it is by water, and from thence\\ncome by land so then I shall tell you more Ye must\\nexpect to be at charges for doing these and such other\\nthings: I purpose shortly to write to, and demand\\nof all places the quit rents and arrears; they generally\\nsay they M^ill pay: Capt. Berrie is two or three hun-\\ndred pounds behind in arrears, as is said because\\nhis case differs from others a little, I ll (God permit-\\nting) begin with him first of all about his rent, c^ ^c.\\nand either have rent, or land Wiiat you write con-\\ncerning building and repairing, shall be observed I\\nwish I were fairly rid of all the goods I have of youiv,\\nand my own, at twenty eight per cent. exce})ting such\\nas are for the Indian trade These parts of America\\nare accommodated with English goods; nevertheless\\nwhen I pay workmen and labourers, I pay them goods\\nrated", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 175\\nrated ,cent. per cent. New- York money but then p.\\n*1 must pay them two or three parts silver; which I\\nprocure with goods as well as I can.\\nThe houses at Amboy are thirty feet long, and\\nsixteen wide, ten feet betwixt joint and joint, a\\ndouble chimney made with timber, and clay as the\\nmanner of this country is to build, will stand in\\nabout fifty pounds a house this pay procured here for\\ntwenty five in goods the first cost. I shall make you\\nno return this year, seeing we are about purchasing\\nand surveying; all which will run out money in this\\nplace, where men are so scarce to be had on such\\naccounts, I must as well as I can, turn your goods\\niota money, provision and goods for Indians, I have\\nlaid out Amboy into one hundred and fifty lots, and\\nhave sent home a draught of it.\\nS. Groome.\\nGawen I^awrie arriving this year deputy governor\\nof P]ast-Jersey, under Robert Barclay, chose a fresh\\nconncil Richard Hartshorne one of them There\\nhaving been considerable disturbances in the province,\\nesj)ecially about Middletown and \\\\Voodl)ridge, relating\\nto town affairs;/- their prudent conduct contributed\\nto the quiet of the province The two following letters,\\nwrote soon after Lawrie s arrival, contain, as well his\\nsentiments of the country, as some of the principal\\ntransactions of those times.\\nGawen Lawrie, to the proprietors at London.\\nEliz:ilHnli-T.iwii, 1 Monti, 2(1, 1()84.\\nI took up several days with countrymen, and\\nothers, to view tiie ground and water at last I\\n})itched upon a place, where a ship of 300 tun may\\nride safely within a plank length of the shore, at Ioav\\nwater adjoining thereto is a piece of marsh ground,\\nabout\\nIn one of these disturbances, Lewis Morris, afterwards\\n(ivi Mior of New-Jersey, beinu; a |)arty, was taken prisoner and\\noiiliri tl ill a log house; his pariizans prized up the logs liigh enough\\nor liiin to creep out.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "176\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n168-1.\\nabout tAvelve perches broad, and twenty perchea\\nlong, and high land on each side like our keys by\\nLondon bridge; this may be easy cut quite round,\\nfor small vessels to come to the key, and lie safe round\\nthis island I set out lots one acre apiece, viz. four\\npole at the key, and forty pole backward from\\nthence along the river near half a mile I laid out\\nthe like lots very pleasant for situation, where they\\ncan see the ships coming in the bay of Siindy hook,\\nfor near twenty miles the ships may ride along by\\nthe town, as safe as at London, just at the point by\\nthe town Kariton river runs up by the country, a\\ngreat way there boats of forty tuns may go and\\nthe river by the town, goes to New- York, Hudson s\\nriver, Long-Island, Statcn-Island, and so to New-\\nEngland Tiiere is no such place in all England, for\\nconveniency and pleasant situation there are sixty lots-\\nupon the river, and forty backward between those and\\nthe river; and those back^^^rd, have a high way 100\\nfoot broad where I have laid out a place for a mar-\\nket, with cross streets from the river to the market;\\nwhere the town houses are to be built: When this\\nwas done, I laid out 400 acres, to be divided into\\nforty-eight parts, viz. thirty-six to each proprietor\\nand those who have lots in the town, I grant them\\nhalf lots in this to pay for the lots in the town,\\ntwenty pounds or if a half lot of thirty-six acres,\\nforty pounds. I laid 400 acres to lie until the\\nproprietors agree to divide it, as people comes over.\\nThere is sixteen lots taken up by the Scotch proprie-\\ntors and eight lots by the proprietors that are here\\nThere are twenty lots taken up in the town, by other\\npeople. I engage all to build a house of thirty feet\\nlong, and eigiiteen broad, and eighteen feet high to\\nthe raising; to be finished within a year; to pay for\\nlaying out, forty shillings a lot, and four pence per\\nannum, quit-rent; There are several begun already\\nto build. I have laid out forty or fifty acres for the\\ngovernor s house The highway and wharflF, between\\nthe river 100 feet broiid and to leave a row of trees\\nalong", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey.\\n177\\nalong upon the river, before the houses, for shade and\\nshelter, exceeding pleasant. I have agreed for two\\nhouses of like dimensions, to be built for the pro-\\nprietors and also a house for tlie governor, of\\nsixty-six feet long, and eighteen broad if tlie quit\\nrents come in, I intend three or four houses\\nmore, for the proprietors I can easily let them.\\nThis work took me up five weeks: After I had\\nfinished it, I set the people to work, Scotish\\nand English, about fifty persons; some preparing\\nfor building, others to clearing ground to get corn\\nsown this spring: Then came in a boat privately\\nto Elizabetli-Town the 12th past: Next morning\\nI went to New York to visit the governor staid\\nthere two or three days; he was very kind, and\\npromised a fair correspondence so I did not pul)li. h\\nmy commission until this day, before the council\\nthey have been kind and courteous. Now is the\\ntime to send over people for settling; there are 30,000\\nacres of laud in several places, belonging to the pro-\\nprietors, formerly t\\\\k(in up by Carteret: So here\\nis land enough. The Scots and William Dockwras\\npeo})le coming now and settling, advance the pro-\\nvince more than it hath been advanced these ten\\nyears Therefore proprietors, send over some families\\nand servants; 1 shall presently set them out land, and\\nit will bring them in considerable profit, in a\\nfew years Here wants nothing but peo|)le. There\\nis not a j)oor body in all the province, nor that wants;\\nhere is abundance of provision pork and beef at\\ntwo j)ence per pound fis.h and fowl ])U nty Oysters\\nI think would serve all England Wheat four shil-\\nlings sterling per bushel Indian wheat two shillings\\nand six pence per bushel it is exceeding good for\\nfood every way, and two or three hundred fold in-\\ncrease Cyder good and plenty, for one penny jjcr\\nquart. Good drink that is made of water and mo-\\nlasses, stands in about two shillings per barrel,\\nwholesome like our eight shilling beer in England:\\nGood vennison plenty, brought us in at eighteen\\nM pence\\nA. D.\\n1684.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "178\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1684.\\npence the quarter Eggs at three pence per dozen\\nall things very plenty land very good as ever I\\nsaw: Vines, walnuts, peaches, strawberries, and\\nmany other things plenty in the woods. The pro-\\nprietors have 150 or 200 acres, three miles from\\nthe town, up Rariton river salt marsh, where I\\nintend to let the peo])le of Amboy cut grass for hay\\nuntil we otherwise order it by lots to them I\\nreckon there is laid out for the town, governor s\\nhouse and publick highways, near or about\\n200 acres; so there rests 1800 acres. I laid out\\n400 acres, as I said the rest to lie in common\\nuntil divided I have put two houses in repair, upon\\nthe river, called the point, two miles from Elizabeth\\nTown have let one of them, with ten acres of\\npasture ground, and ten acres of woody ground, for\\nseven years, at twenty-six pounds per annum the\\nman to clear the ten acres of woody ground, and\\nmake it fit for ploughing or pasture. I intend to let\\nthe other also, with some land All the houses were\\nlike to drop down; all the land lying without fence;\\nand a barn quite fallen down, and destroyed\\nanother without any cover and that other next to\\nthe house where I dw ell, all to ])ieces; and all the\\nfences and out-houses were down, but repaired before-\\nI came. I am setting up a ferry boat at Perth, for\\nmen and horses, to go and come to Burlington and\\nPennsylvania, and New- York Also I am treating\\nwith one, to set up a house midway to Burlington,\\nto entertain travellers, and a ferry boat to go to New-\\nYork all Avhicli is for promoting Perth, that being\\nthe center: Also you should give me power to set out\\na line, between the governor of New- York and us;\\nhe calls on me for it, because several plantations on\\nthe river are settled, and we know not yet on what\\nside they will fall so I cannot at present mention all\\nparticulars, which you must sup| ly, by some general\\nclauses or M ords; for it is not possible for you to\\nunderstand what is for the good of the province, as I\\ndo, that am here and be not sparing to send over\\npeople,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "I\\nF K J E II 8 E Y\\nj)eople, it will bring you it again, with large profits;\\nfor here is a gallant plentiful country, and good land.\\nI have given you a large account of the little time I\\nhave been here I have none to write for rae, but\\nyou must send a coj)y of this to Scotland and with\\nit your further instructions, to be signed and sent\\nnie forthwith: I will be bound till it come; I rest\\nyour friend, sic subscribitur,\\nGawen Lawrie.\\nThe same to a friend in J^ondon.\\nKti-^t-Jersey, 1st inonili JiJtli, 1684.\\nI promised to write but had not time till now; I\\nshall give thee a brief account of the country, no fiction,\\nbut truth: It is beyond what I expected it is situate\\nin a good air, which makes it healthy; and there is\\ngreat conveniency for travelling from ])laces through\\nand about the province, in boats from a small canoe,\\nto vessels of thirty, Ibrty or fifty tun, and in some\\nplaces one hundred in the bay coming up to Amboy-\\npoint, where the town of l\\\\ rth is now in building,\\n*a ship of three hundred tun may easily ride close\\nto the shore within a planks length of the houses of\\nthe town, and yet the land there, nor other in the\\nprovince is not low, swampy, marshy ground, but\\npretty iiigh ground, rising from the Avater side at\\nAmboy-])oint. The bank of the river is twenty\\nfoot, in some places thirty, and in some forty foot\\nhigh, and yet hath many conveniencies for landing\\ngoods: The soil is generally black, in some ])laces a\\nfoot deep, beareth great burdens of corn, and\\nnaturally bringeth forth English grass, two years\\nploughing the ground is tender, and the plough-\\ning is very easy: The trees grow generally not\\nthic k, but some places ten, in some fifteen, in\\nsome twenty-five or thirty upon an acre this I find\\ngenerally, but in some particular places there is one\\nluuidred upon an acre but that is very rare The\\ntrees are very tall and straight, the general are oak,\\nbeech,\\n179\\nA. D.\\n]684.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "180\\nThe history\\nA. B.\\n1684.\\nbeech, walnut, chesnuts and acorns lie thick upon\\nthe ground, for want of eating peaches, vines,\\nstrawberries and many other sorts of fruit grow com-\\nmonly in the woods; there is likewise gumtree, cedar,\\nwhitewood like our fir tree, walnuts, chestnuts and\\nothers lie thick on the ground there is great plenty\\nof oysters, fish, fowl pork is two pennies the\\npound, beef and venison one penny the pound, a\\nwhole fat buck for five or six shillings; Indian corn\\nfor two shillings and six pence per bushel, oats twenty\\npence, and barley two shillings per bushel We have\\ngood brick earth, and stones for building at Amboy,\\nand elsewhere The country farm houses are built\\nvery cheap A carpenter, with a man s own servants,\\nbuilds the house they have all materials for nothing,\\nexcept nails, their chimnies are of stones; they\\nmake their own ])loughs and carts for the most ]iart,\\nonly the iron work is veiy dear The poor sort set\\nup a house of two or three rooms themselves, after\\nthis nuinner; the walls are of cloven timber, about\\neight or ten inches broad, like planks, set one end to\\nthe ground, and the other nailed to the raising, which\\nthey plaister within they build a barn after the same\\nmanner, and these cost not above five pound a piece\\nand then to work they go Two or three men in one\\nyear will clear fifty acres, in some places sixty, and\\nin some more They sow corn the first year, and\\nafterwards maintain themselves and the increase of\\ncorn, cows, horses, hogs and sheep comes to the land-\\nlord Several merchants of New-York have left their\\nseveral ])lantations there, to come to East-Jersey, two\\nor three may join together, with may be twelve, fifteen\\nor twenty servants, and one overseer, which cost them\\nnothing for the first year, except some shoes, stock-\\nings and shirts I have been to see these plantations, and\\nfind they have a great increase by them, they main-\\ntain their families at New-York with all provisions, and\\nsell a great deal yearly; and for servants, our English\\n])cople are fiir better husbandmen than the New-Eng-\\nlandmen the servants work not so much by a third\\nas", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- JERSEY. 181\\nBH they do in England, and I think feed much better; A. D.\\nfor they have beef, poric, bacon, padding, milk, but-\\nter and good beer and cyder for drink when they are\\nout of tlieir time, they have land for themselves, and\\ngenerally turn farmers for themselves Servants wages\\nare not under two shillings a day, besides victuals; and\\nat Amboy-point two shillings and six ])ence per day\\nAt Amboy avc have one setting up to make malt, but\\nwe want a brewer I wish thou would send over some\\nto set up a brewhouse, and a bakehouse to bake bread\\nand bisket for a bisket maker we mnst have, to vend\\nour meat to the plantations Send over some hus-\\nbandmen and country fellows that plough, sow, reap,\\nthresh, and look after cattle; a ciu-penter or two, and\\na smith for ploughs and horses and a cooper which\\nwe want very much: If thou will send a dozen of\\nservants, most of them countrymen I will set thee out\\na gallant plantation of five Inmdred or one thousand\\nacres, on a river side but thou nmst send over some\\ngoods to stock it withal I desire thee to encourage\\nsome of our friends, especially the proj)rietors, to\\nsend over some servants to stock some land and when\\nthey have cleared it, if they have a mind to let it,\\nhere are tenants to take it, and if they will sell it,\\nliere are also purchasers There is one man since I\\ncame here, sold his plantation for fifteen hundred\\npound; the whole was sixteen hundred or eighteen\\nhundred acres, whereof only one hundred and twenty\\nacres were cleared upon which he had a house, gar-\\nden, and orchard, and barn planted I know several\\nmen who let cleared land at six shillings and eight\\npence, and at ten shillings the acre, yearly rent; which\\nis a good encouragement for sending over servants to\\nplant: I write not this as an idle story, but as things\\nreally and truly are I have sent for servants myself\\nto settle a farm for if the proprietors will not do so,\\nI see not what they ctm expect. The Scots have taken\\na right course, they have sent over many servants,\\nand are likewise sending more they have likewise\\nsent over many poor families, and given them a small\\nstock J", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "182\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1684.\\nstock and these families, some for seven, some for\\nten years, give the half of their increase to the land-\\nlord, except the milk, which the tenant hath to him-\\nself. I have set them out land and they are at work\\nI believe they will have forty acres cleared this spring\\nand this summer I am to set them out more, so that\\nin a short time they will have a great increase coming\\nin This will raise the price of the land here, and is\\nthe reason that several from New- York bounds come to\\nme to take up land, for they believe now this province\\nwill be improving, and our land is better than theirs\\nthat every proprietor s sending over ten people, will\\nalso be a great advautage to himself; encourage others\\nto take up land and bring all the division that liath been\\nhere, to an end for these men seeing that they shall\\nbe ballanced, are already more compliant than they\\nwere now I have laid these things before thee, and\\ndesire thee to im[)art them to some of the projn ietors\\nand other friends, that they may consider of the same.\\nI am thy loving friend, sic subscriptur.\\nGawen Lawrie.\\nFrom John Barclay, Arthur Forbes,, and Gawen\\nLawrie, to the Scots proprietors, of the same date.\\nKnowing you expect from us an account of this\\ncountry we have for yoiu encouragement, and for\\nthe encouragement of all oiu country-men, who\\nmay be inclineable to come into this country, given\\nyou this brief and true account of it, according as\\nwe have seen and are credibly informed for having\\nseen little, yet save the winter season, we must\\nwrite what is to be seen in summer upon information,\\nwhich we have just ground to believe to be true\\nbecause whatever we have seen already in it (notwith-\\nstanding all we heard of it before we came) surj^asses\\nour expectation in many things. The air in this\\ncountry is very wholesome, and though it alters sud-\\ndenly, sometimes being one day hot and another cold\\nyet people are not so subject to catch cold or be distem-\\npered by it as in oux country of England. The\\nland", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "Of X E A\\\\^ J E R S E Y 183\\nland lies for the most part pretty hio^h, but on the A. D,\\nriver and creek sides, are many meadows which lie\\nlow, from which the country people get their hay,\\nwhereby their stocks are maintained in the winter\\nseason. Provisions here are plentiful and cheap there\\nis beef, pork, venison, mutton, fowl and tish, abun-\\ndance to be had at easy rates; and for drink\\nthey have good beer and cyder; and those that are\\ndesirous, may have wine of several sorts and other\\nkinds of strong liquoi s; so that we see little wailting\\nthat a man can desire and we are here sure that a\\nsober and industrious people might make this a rich\\ncountry, and enrich themselves in it; esjiecially\\njjoor [)cople, who are hard ])ut to it to gain bread at\\nhome, notwithstanding the excessive lalwur; for\\nwe see that people here want nothing, and yet tlieir\\nlabour is very small they work not so hard by one\\nhalf as the husbandmen or farmers in our country;\\nand many of these who have settled here upwards of\\nsixteen years, have lived upon tiie product of the\\nland, they cleared the first two years after they\\ncame (and cleared none since) which ])roduceth not\\nonly corn to maintain their own families, but sell\\nevery year; and the increase of their bestial, whereof\\nthey have good store of se\\\\ eral sorts cows, oxen,\\nhorses, sheep and swine, yields them other provisi-\\nons, and to sell besides yet there be some more\\nindustrious among them, who have continued clear-\\ning and improving land and these have got estates,\\nand would not sell their plantations for several hun-\\ndred pounds. AVe have been lately up a little way on\\nthe Kariton river, but could not g(^ so far as M e\\nintended, being prevented, by rainy weather; but so\\nfar as we went, was very rich land, and yet that\\nabove it is said to be richer a great deal of it is\\nnaturally clear of wood, and what is not so, is easily\\ncleared, the trees being but small and at a good\\ndistance from one another so that the land yet\\nuntaken up, so far as we can understand, is easier to\\nclear, than that which is taken up. The towns that are\\nalready", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "184\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1684.\\nalready seated, being in woodiest places: The\\nmerchants in New- York, botli Dutch and English,\\nhave many of them taken up land, and settled ])lan-\\ntations in this country and several from that colony\\nare desiring to come and take up land among us\\nthough they might have land in their own colony\\nwitliout paying quit-rents. The wood here is not so\\nhard to clear as many think, they do not pull it up\\nby the roots, but cut them about a foot or more from\\nthe- ground, and one man may cut down many in a\\nday four of our men the first day they began, cut\\ndown seventy the best trees they could find fit for\\nbuilding There are not many of great trees, but\\nstraight and tall, and there be many soi ts, oak,\\nwalnut, chesnut, cedar, popUu gum-trees, firrs,\\npines, birch and beech, and other sorts, which we\\nremember not at present. There are many good\\norchards of fruit trees, and they make abundance of\\ngood cyder, especially at one town called Newark,\\nwhich is esteemed at New- York and other places,\\nwhere it is sold beyond any that comes from New-\\nEngland There are peaches and vines grow wild\\nabout the river sides, which in season bear good fruit,\\nand grapes; and there are strawberries over all the\\nwoods, and many other kind of good fruits, and at\\nAmboy point and several other places there is\\nabundance of brave oysters; there will be many\\nhouses built there quickly, for many iiave taken up\\nlots, and all that have taken are obliged to build\\nwithin a year There is good encouragement for\\ntradesmen to come over such as carpenters, masons,\\nand bricklayers, for they build not only of wood,\\nbut also of stone and brick yet most of country\\nhouses are built of wood, only trees split and set up\\none end in the ground, and coverings to their houses,\\nare mostly shingles, made of oak, chesnut and cedar\\nwood, which makes a very neat covering yet there\\nare some houses covered after the Dutch manner, with\\npanticles. The towns are all settled upon rivers\\nwhere vessels of thirty or forty tuns may come up to\\ntheir", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "O F N EW- JERSEY. 185\\ntheir doors, and the out plantations generally upon A. D.\\nsome brook or rivulets, which are as plenty here\\nas in our own country, and curious clear water, and\\nin many places are good spring wells, but in the\\ntoAvns every man for the most part has a well digged\\non his own land Among all the towns that are\\nsettled, none lieth so convenient for. trade as New-\\nPerth for siiijis of great burden may come up\\nclose to the houses, and may come up in any time in\\nthe winter There came a ship of three hundred tuns\\nin there this winter, in the hardest frost we had and\\nlay hard by the town, so near that she was tied to a\\ntree. The land here brings forth most sorts of Eng-\\nlish grain, and great increase wheat, rie, barley,\\noats and other sorts of grain, such as Indian corn,\\nwhich is very good and wliolesome kind of grain\\nand also buck-wheat and those corns are to be had\\nat easy rates, either for money or goods, and those\\ntliat have not money or goods may have abundance\\nfor their work Wc shall now answer as far as we are\\ncapable, your queries.\\nTo the first we auinot positively give an account\\nof the whole length and breadth of the province\\nbut we are informed that it is a great deal brtxider\\nthan ye ex])ected for those that have travelled\\nfrom the extent of our bounds on Hudson s river,\\nstraight over to the Delaware say it is 100 miles\\nor upwards we shall know that certainly after a while\\nfor the line betwixt us and New-York, is to be run\\nstraight over to Delaware river, about three weeks\\nhence; and after that the line betwixt us and West-\\nJersey after which we shall be able to giv^e a true\\naccount of the bounds of that province.\\n2. Wiien the bounds is so exactly laid out, we can\\nthe easier guess at the number of acres, and by that\\ntime may be able to give an account what number of\\nacres is already taken up but there is no fear of\\nwant of land.\\n3. The (juantity of meadow ground, we cannot\\ndetermine, having travelled as yet, but little in the\\nprovince", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "186 The HISTORY\\nA. D. province but the way we have travelled there is\\n1684. meadow in abundance, both ou the water sides and\\non the upland.\\n4. There is also other good ground in some places,\\ngreat quantities free of wood, Avhich is fit either for\\ncorn or grass and the ground all over brings forth\\ngood English grass naturally, after it is ploughed.\\n5. There are also commons upon the country, but\\nwhat quantity we cannot tell there is little kept in\\nthem save wild horses, which the people take up\\nwhen they have occasion there is also land fit for\\npasturage for sheep and there is sheep in the coun-\\ntry, but what number the ablest planters have we\\nknow not, but some we see have good flocks.\\n6. An exact map of the country is not yet drawn,\\nnor can you quickly expect it, for it will take up a\\ngreat deal of time, charge and pains to do it.\\n7. There are also hills up in the country, but how\\nmuch ground they take up we know not they are\\nsaid to be stony, and covered with wood and\\nbeyond them is said to be excellent land,\\n8. To the eighth we cannot answer as yet.\\n9. There be people of several sorts of religions,\\nbut few very zealous the people, being mostly New-\\nEngland men, do mostly incline to tlieir way; and\\nin every town there is a meeting-house, where they\\nworship publickly every week They have no publick\\nlaws in the country for maintaining publick teachers,.\\nbut the towns that have them, make way within\\nthemselves to maintain them we know none that\\nhave a settled preacher, that follows no other employ-\\nment, save one town, Newark.\\n10. The method of building their houses is men-\\ntioned already.\\n11. There are not many out plantations that are not\\nwithin the bounds of some town yet there be some,\\nand those are the richest what number there are we\\nknow not some have great quantities of land, and\\nabundance cleared.\\n12. The", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 187\\n12. The richest ])l;uiters have not above eicjht or A. D.\\nten servants they will have some of them a dozf^n\\ncows yea, some twenty or thirty eight or ten oxen\\nhorses more than they know themselves for they\\nkeep breeding mares and keep no more horses at\\nhome than they have occasion to work the rest\\nthey let run in the wood lx)th winter and summer,\\nand take them as they have occasion to use them\\nSwine they have in great flocks in the woods and\\nsheep in flocks also but they let them not run in the\\nwoods, for fear of being destroyed by wolves Their\\nprofit arises from the improvement of their land, and\\nincrease of their bestial.\\n13. There will be in most of the towns already\\nsettled, at least 100 houses, but they are not built so\\nregular as the towns in our country so that we can-\\nnot compare them with any town we know in Scot-\\nland Every house in the town hath a lot of four\\nacres lying to it; so that every one building upon\\nhis own lot, makes the town irregular and scattered\\nTheir streets are laid out too large, and the sheep in\\nthe towns are mostly maintained in them they are\\nso large that they need no trouble to pave them.\\n14. Betwixt Sandy-Hook and Eittle Egg-Har-\\nbour, lie two towns, ]\\\\Iiddletown and Shrewsbury\\nThere is no land taken uj) that way, but what is\\n(now) in the bounds of these two towns; what kind\\nof land it is we know not, having never travelled\\nthat way Biirnagat or Burning-Hole, is said to be a\\nvery gocxl place for fishing and there is some desi-\\nring to take up land there, who inform that it is\\ngood land, and al^undance of meadow lying to it.\\n15. There are no fishermen that follow only that\\ntrade, save some that go a whaling upon the coasts;\\nand for other fish there is abundance to be had\\nevery where through the country, in all the rivers;\\nand the people commonly fish with long sives or long\\nnets, and will catch with a sive, one, sometimes two\\nbarrels a day of good fish, which they salt up mostly\\nfor their own use,^^ and to sell to others.\\nU6. There", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "188\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1684.\\n16. There are no ships belonging; to tliis province\\nparticularly, or built here, save one which Samuel\\nGroome built here the last suninier, which stands\\nyet on the stocks (a stop being put to it by his death)\\nthere is conveniency enough to build ships The\\nships in tiiis part trade mostly to the West-India\\nislands, and some to Newfoundland, where the pro-\\nvisions of this country vends.\\n17. There is land here in several places, after it is\\ncleared and brought into a farm set out for rents, as\\nin our country, at five, eight, and ten shillings per\\nacre, according to the goodness and situation of the\\nsaid land and those that will be at the charge to\\nclear land, may get tenants to take upon these terms\\nbut whether it will turn to good account or not,\\nbecause little experienced as yet, with the charge of\\nclearing of land, I will not positively inform.\\n18. There are several places of the country fit for\\nmills; and several, both corn and saw mills already\\nset uj), and good encouragement to set up more.\\n19. The acres are here reckoned according to the\\nEnglish account; sixteen feet to the rood, twenty\\nlong, and eight broad makes an acre One English\\nbutt of wheat, which is eight English gallons, or\\nScots quarts, commonly sows an acre two bushels\\nof barley also an acre and two bushels of oats an\\nacre and half: English peck, which is four English\\nquarts or Scots shopeus of Indian corn, plants one\\nacre.\\n20. There are but few Indian natives in this\\ncountry, their strength is inconsiderable, they live\\nin the woods, and have small towns in some places\\nfar up in the country they plant a little Indian corn,\\nshoots deer, and other wild beasts and fowls for their\\nfood They have kings among themselves to govern\\nthem; for religion they have none at all; they do\\nnot refuse to sell lands at occasion. The prices of\\ngrain and other provisions here at present; Indian\\ncorn two shillings and six pence the bushel wheat\\nfour shillings rie three shillings oats one shilling\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "r\\nO F N E W J E R S E Y 189\\nand eight pence; beef one penny; pork twopence; A. D.\\nvenison one penny; mutton three pence tlie pound,\\nthis English measure and weight but mark, these\\nthings being vahicd in tltis country monev, there\\nis a fifth j)art ditference betwixt it and sterbng\\nmoney so that wheat being valued here at fi)ur\\nshillings the bushel, is but three shillings and three\\npence sterling, and so of the rest |)roportionablv.\\nHere you have an account of things, as far as\\nwe are capable to give at present; with which we\\nhope you will be satisfied, while further o])p()rtunity\\nand better experience give us occasion to write more;\\nand so we rest your friends and well wishers to all our\\ncountrymen; sic subscribitur,\\nJOIizabelli-Town, in K;isl-Jersey, i JoiIX RvRCIiAY.\\ntlie 29ili iif tlie lir.-L nioiitli, callt-d i i.-mn-i. l.. /vi i)i^t-\\niiiTli, U)84.\\nThis I have heard read, do also subt^cribc to the truth\\nthereof, and rests G. L.\\nCHAP. XI.\\nManner of the West-Jerseif Government in 1(584 Their\\nunsettled state, and succession of gorernors: JJanr/cr of\\nsuffering for want of food in 1G87 TJie division line run\\nby G. Keith; and agreement between the r/ove mors Coxe\\nami Barclay: Alteration in the manner of locating lands\\nin West- Jersey, and the method now in use fixed No\\nperson in We^it- Jersey to purchase from the Indians,\\nwithout tlie consent of the council of proprietors and\\nhistructions respecting deeds and warrants for taking\\nup lands.\\nTH E assembly of West-Jersey at their meeting the\\n20th of the third month, this year chose Thomas\\nOlive governor, and chairman or speaker; in both\\nwhich capacities the governor now acted the several Olive,\\nbranches of the legislature we have seen doing their\\nbusiness in common together the peoples choice the\\nfoundation", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "190 The HISTORY\\nA. D. foundation of the whole, whose representatives were\\ndistinctly returned from their respective first, second,\\nthird and Salera tenths, (which were all the tenths yet\\nsettled) at their first meetings they chose the governor,\\ncouncil, commissioners to lay out land, and all the\\nother officers of government.\\nOlive had been twice governor of West-Jersey\\n1685. before, and continued on the last choice in that station\\nfor a year past;.?- but By Hinge having desisted from\\nthe claims which the assembly and their constituents\\nhad thought unjust, and which had been the cause of\\ntheir undertaking in opposition to him to choose tlie\\ngovernor, and he in this year sending a fresh commission\\nSkein. to Jolni Skeine to be his deputy,/^- the assembly and\\npeople submitted to him, tho they had before refused\\nWelsh. William Welsh in that capacity, while Byllinge con-\\ntinued the claims aforesaid Skeine died in the twelfth\\nDr. Coxe. month 1687; but Dr. Daniel Cox, of London, the\\ngreatest proprietor of West- Jersey, was the Sep-\\ntember before appointed to succeed him he continued\\nin that station till about the year 1690,^*- having ap-\\npointed\\ng. His salary was twenty pounds a year.\\nh. Skein s salary beside the fees, was said to be thirty bushels of\\nrye.\\ni. He own d twenty-two shares of propriety.\\nh. Governor Coxe soon after his appointment to that station, wrote\\nthe following letter to the council of proprietors of West-. Jersey.\\nAfter Mr. Bylling s decease, his heirs were greatly ignorant of his\\nconcerns rehiting unto West- Jersey, and therefore re ^olved to sell\\nhis interest l)()tli in government and property and that they had\\nbegun to tre;it with a person who would probably have made the\\ncondition of the ])roprietors and inlial)itauts very uneasy 1 and\\nanother of the chief proprietors having together a very gre.it share\\nof the coiuitry, applied ourselves for advice unto the lavvyers, bang\\nassured by the most eminent that however Bylling s concessions\\nmight in conscience bind him during his life; they were not Hhvava\\nobiigiiiory to a |)urchaser or successor, because said concessions were\\nmade before his right of government was granted; we thereupon\\nconsulted with several proprietors and others, well wishers to your\\ncolony,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 191\\npointed Edward Hunloke his deputy; sometime\\nafterwards a commission was sent to John Tatliam,\\nwho\\ncolony, amongst whom it was agreed and resolved to be for the\\n^good of your country, and our own security, that one amongst ns\\nshould piircliase from tlie iieirs of Mr. By Hinge, all his, and their\\niniert st in properly and government; and because my proportion\\nol land was greater, or that they apprehended me capable of serv-\\ning them, or to have more money at command, or because they\\nhad ever preceived me to be zealous and active to promote the\\ngood of llie province: I was earnestly pres-ed and requested to make\\na purchase of the government and properties annexed thereimto,\\nwlierewitli having complied, tiiat 1 might demonstrate the disente-\\nrestedness of my nixlertaUing and that 1 did primarily propose\\ntile welfare and benefit of the people, and prefer it tf my private\\nadvantaije. 1 did many times proH er Mr. Penn, Mr. Ford and\\nothers, who pretend to understand most of your minds, what was\\nfor your good, and to be as it were kind of trustees for you:\\nThat if they would contrive any method, wherein- the govern-\\nment might be legally and severally invested in the proprietors, or\\npeople without a governor; or if they would find any person\\nmore fit to disc-barge the oflicc of government, or who might prove\\nmore acceptable to the people than myself; I was willing to con-\\nsign or reconvey all my estate, power, authority as I had received\\nit and upon the same condition, not desiring the lea- t advance\\nbeyond what they all know 1 had disbursed; but not finding any\\nproposal to meet with any other return, than an invitation to\\nproceed, and good wi-hes that 1 might therein prove successful;\\nand finding that all the proprietors in or near London, whom I\\ncould convene, were greatly satisfied with my conduct, encou-\\nrageing me to expect they would meet with like acceptance\\nfrom the proprietors and inhal)itants of W est-Jersey I thereupon\\nthought tit to recommuiiicate unto you the whole transaction of\\nthisatl air; as. likewise what 1 expect from yoij the jiroprietors\\nanil inhabilanis of West-Jersey and what you may reciprocally\\nchallenge from me: 1 do theret ore hereby give you to understand,\\nthat whereas all the gentlemen of the law, who have been\\nhitherto consulted, do inianimoiisly agree, that the government\\no the province of West New-Jersey, is legally in me as full as\\nPennsylvania in Mr. Penn, or East-Jersey in the ])roprietors\\nthere: I thereupon assumed the tide of governor, and lay claim\\nto the powers and authority thereunto annexed and I am resolved\\nby the assistance of Almighty God, to exercise the jurisdiction by\\nhis royalhighness, his last deed or grant tnito me conveyed, with\\nall integrity and faithfulness and diligence, for the benefit and\\nwellare of those, over wh( m divine providence hath constituted\\nme (under our sovereign) supej intendant or chief overseer;\\nalway.s preferiug publick emoJumeiit, before my own private\\nadvantage", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "192 The HISTORY\\nA. D. who being a Jacobite; and as such by principle disqua-\\nlified, him the assembly rejected; on which the pro-\\nprietors\\nadvantage; and may I succeed in my undertakings, well or ill,\\naccording as I pursue or violate this resolution and engagement;\\nand I am contented this my declaration be recorded, that it may\\ncontinually reproach and condemn me if I ever recede therefrom.\\nAnd whereas Mr. Byllinge, in his former concessions, hath given\\nhis consent, and ratified diverse laws in the said grant, stiled\\nfundainentMJs; the first concerning liberty of conscience, the\\nsecond, that no person shall be de[)rived of life, limb, estate,\\nproperty, privilege, freedom, franchises, witiiout a due trial and\\njudgment, passed by a jury of twelve good and lawful men in the\\nneighbourhood; the person excepting, if he please, against thirty-\\nfive, without any reason rendred, and more if he assign a just\\ncause: I hereby declare, that I do in my heart highly approve the\\nsaid fundamental laws and concessions, and am ready to confirm\\nthem; and withall, I do faithlully promise, that to the utmost of\\nmy ability, I will cause them to be most inviolably observed, as\\nalso those three fundamentals after mentioned. If your assembly\\nshall desire the continuance of them, and that it appears, nothing\\nis therein contained contrary to the laws of England, which\\nextend to our colony by the breach whereof, we inevitably expose\\nourselves unto the forfeiture of our charter, which, next to the\\nblessing of God, and protection of our prince, is our greatest\\ncomfort and security and that you may all become fully satisfied\\nI do not intend to arrogate unto myself any absolute despotic\\npower. I have thought fit to add, that whereas it is generally\\nacknowledged by all intelligent disinterested persons, the govern-\\nment of England by a sovereign prince, upon weighty conside-\\nrations of making or repealing laws, levying taxes, consulting\\nwith his parliament, is the iiest of constitutions, and diverse of\\nour English plantations, having in imitation hereof joined with\\nthe governor and assembly or parliament I do hereby declare my\\nfull and free approbation of such constitution in your province,\\nand I shidl confer upon your assembly, all the powers and privi-\\nleges consistent with the ends of good government, the redressing\\ngrievances, and promoting the peace and prosperity of the\\nprovince; and I make my request you would with all convenient\\nspeed, transmit unto me your proposals, both in order unto the\\nestablishing a regidar and dural)le method of convening assemblies,\\nand what power you desire should be intrusted with them: And\\nbecause assemblies have been hitherto convened only annually,\\nexcept upon some solemn urgent occasion, it bath been customary\\nfor the governor or his deputy, to act in affairs of importance\\nduring ilie recess of asseuiblies, with the advice of a council, I\\nwould desire you to give me to understand, how you expect and\\ndesire such council shall be chosen whether you will acquiesce in\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y 19a\\nprietors sent a commission in 1692, to Andrew Hamil-\\n1685.\\nton Hamilion.\\nthe governor s noniination, or wliether you desire the assembly\\nshould have any sluire in lluir elfction, also in case of succissinn\\nupon ilece;ise or inisL eiiavioiir and wiieliier tiie couneil shall be\\nannir.d, biennial or Iriennial, or diiiiri life; if understanding,\\nfaithful and diiigenl in discharging of their irnst: I shall in all\\nthese, and any other |)arliciilars, which shall manifestly appesir\\nto make for |)uldi k utility, not only have a great deference\\nfor your opinion and advice, but readily comply with all your just\\nreasonable expectation and requests. Thus having without\\nreserve or di.\u00c2\u00ab i;uise, declared unto you my sentiments concernmg\\ngovernment, I proceetl to adiiirs of anotlitr nature; but of little\\nless tnoment: It is tlie fixed ()ersuasion of diverse inttlliirfnt\\npersons, iluit your province liatli deeply suffered, and is stinted in\\nits gniwtU for want of ascertain iiiiC its limits, and fixing a boundary\\nbetween it. East Jersey, and New- York that llK reuion a suhdi-\\nvision might be niade of the country, inio one hundred proprie-\\ntiiries, as was originally agreed, tlu reby appropriating unto every\\ngood purchaser his portion in specially; 1 have inclosed an\\naoouni of my trans:ictious with the proprietors of East Jersey,\\nnniny of whom being persons beloie well afR^cted inito me, I\\nhave higbly disobliged, upon my refusal to comply with their\\nclaim, upon the last pretended agreement; all which, and much\\nmore, if like occasion should require, I shall readily conflict\\nwith, and chearfuily undergo, for the good of our little, yet unto\\nme, tlear couimunity, which I shall love, cherish, and endeavour\\nto su| port and mainiaiu, as if they were members of my own\\nfirivaie I amily Lastly, I do coidirm all those persons who were\\nappointed by Mr. iiy Hinge, or clios n by the people in their\\nrespective places and em]iloyments, until I further leain from\\nyou the sia e of your colony, unless l)y some new advice and very\\nextraordinary motives I should be obliged to nntke an alteration,\\nwhich shoidd it hajipen, you may all rest assured, I shall have a\\ntender regird unto your welfare and satisfaction: And now\\nnothing remains besides our siipplii ating with united minds, the\\nallwise (iod, to grant us the wisdom which is pure and peai i able,\\nto enable us methodically to order our allairs with iliscretion that\\nwe may act, industriously, regularly, che.irfully, in the several\\nstations and emphiymenis his divine providence haili allotted us,\\nc m ideiing we are one body, and members one of another; that\\nno injury can happen to a part which will not redound in some\\nto the hurt of the whole: For my own jiartictilar, I can appeal\\nluito the searcher of hearts, that I do sincerely and primarily\\ndsign the prospi-rity of yotir province, in its peace, security I lid\\nl)lenty and that it may be so settled, as that you may not only\\nlive happily during my administration, but that it may not be in\\nthe jiowcr of any I mure governor, deriving from me, even to\\nhinder the due execution, much less to repeal those laudable\\nconstitutions", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "194 The HISTORY\\nA. I), ton J- He was accepted and continued governor of\\nWest-Jersey, while it remained under the proprietary\\njurisdiction, tho with some interruption in 1698, of\\nwhich hereafter; being also some part of the time\\ngovernor of both East and West- Jersey, and Pennsyl-\\nvania.\\nLaw The year 1686, seems to have been a dangerous one\\nMvoi-ds East-Jersey, if the law then passed against wearing\\nc. swords was properly founded According to that, seve-\\nral persons had received abuses, and were put in great\\nfear\\nconstitutions, which with yonr advice and assistance T hope to\\nestablish And on your parts, I expect an(! promise myseil a ready\\ncompliance wilii whatsoever shall be proposed lor the pid)ru;k good\\nThat in-^tt itd of tactions anc) divisions, there be a gt neroiis etniila-\\ntion ainnngst yon, wlio shall jJiomote the welfare of oiir commn-\\nnity: That yoii be nnmially tenderly aft ectioned one towards the\\nother; and thongh you may difi er in opinions, concerning things\\nof Jes-er nioment, yet continue united in aflection, as being\\nservants to the same (iod, subject to the same prince, and liaviiig\\none common interest; often remembering, that by unanimily and\\nconcord, diverse nations have been advanced from contemptible\\nbeginning-!, unto great wealth and power; whereas by discord,\\nmighty empire^ have been broken and ruined, willioiH the acces-\\nsion of external force: Tliat the God of peace and love would\\nunite, preserve and prosper you, is the frequent, fervent, and\\nshall continue to be, the constant request, of your most aflectionata\\nfriend, Daniel Coxe.\\nSeptember the 5th, 1687.\\nI. His salary in 1695 an(1 1696, was two hundred pounds a year\\nas governor of West Jersey but the salary in both East and VVest-\\nJersey seems in some periods, to have been rather occasional In the\\nlatter province in 1697, provision was made- for two hundred poimds\\nby a law. with the following preamble, Being sensible of the\\nmany great services done by onr piesent governor, (d. Andrew\\nHamilton, since his acces-^ion to the administration of the govern-\\nment of this province and taken also into our consideration, the\\ngreat charge that must attend any person in that jiost, and how\\nlittle hath yet been clone by us answerable to his merit and ^tation\\nwe iind ourselves obliged in point of graliindH, and in testimony\\nof our affection to him, and as a demonstration thereof, to offer as\\nis hereaiter expressed and pray our governor s acceptance thereof\\nfrom a poor people, whose good-will and regard to him is not to\\nhe measured by the value of our offirinji, but integrity of the\\nofferers. The salary of the givernor of East\u00e2\u0080\u0094Jersey in 1694,\\n1695, and 1696, was one hundred and tifly pounds per annum.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 195\\nfear from quarrels and challenges to prevent it for the A. D.\\nfuture, none by wcn-ci or message, were to make a chal-\\nlenge, upon pain of six months imprisonment without\\nbail or mainprize, and a ten pound fine whoever ac-\\ncepted or concealed tiie challenge, was also to forfeit\\nten pounds no person was to wear any pocket pistols,\\nskeins, stilladers, daggers or dirks, or other unusual\\nweapons, upon pain of five pounds forfeiture for the\\nfirst otfence, and for the second to be committed and\\non conviction imprisoned for six months, and moreover\\nto pay a fine of ten pounds; no planter was to go\\narm d with sword, pistol, or dagger, upon penalty of\\nfive pounds. Officers, civil and military, soldiers in\\nservice, and strangers travelling upon lawful occasions,\\nwere excepted. Tliis law for any thing that apj)ears,\\nis yet in force.\\nThe settlers in both West Jersey, and Penn-\\nsylvania, about the year 1687, were put to difficulties 1687. .y\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2on account of food tlieir crops having in great part\\nfailed several families had already spent their last, Food\\nand were forced to subsist on what was spared by such of\\ntlieir neighbours as were better provided; these were\\nfew in pro])ortion to the mouths to be filled Some\\nnigh the rivers had lived weeks upon fish, others were\\nforced to put up with herbs but unexpectedly to many\\narrived at vessel from New-England to Philadelphia,\\nladen with corn, which proved an agreeable supply\\nthis vessel meeting with a good market others soon fol-\\nlowed so that the settlers were not afterwards exposed\\nto the like necessity for want of food.\\nIn this year, George Keith, surveyor-general of East-\\nJersey, by order of the proprietors there, attempted Keith s\\nto run the division line between East and West-Jersey\\npursuant to an award on the terms established in the\\nquiuti-", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "196\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1687.\\nTraversed\\nby Cliap-\\nznan.\\n1688.\\nAgree-\\nment he-\\nIween tlie\\ngovernors\\nCoxe and\\nBarclay.\\nquintipartite deed. He begau with a line from\\nlittle Egg Harbour, north by west and three degrees\\nfive minutes more westerly, as the compass then pointed\\nfor a part the line he run sixty miles in length, till he\\nfell upon the corner of Dobie s plantation, on the south\\nbranch of llariton This, by order of the council of\\nproprietors of West- Jersey, in or about the year 1721,\\nwas traversed by John Chapman, esteemed a careful sur-\\nveyor upon the computation it appeared, that the line\\nat the time of his traverse, was north sixteen degrees\\nand forty three minutes west, which leaves a varation of\\ntwo degrees and twenty three minutes in that thirty-\\nfour years. The remaining part of Keith s line was\\nfrom Dobie s plantation, along the rear of that and\\nother tracts and plantations, as they were before pa-\\ntented and surveyed in right of the proprietors of the\\neastern division of New-Jersey, until it intersects that\\npart of the north branch of Rariton river, which descends\\nfrom a fall of water, commonly called and known by\\nthe Indian name of Allamitung then running from\\nthat point intersection up the branch of stream of the\\nfall of Allamitung.\\nUpon the original running this line, the western pro-\\nprietors thought too much of their best lands were\\nsurveyed to the eastward and were uneasy with it.\\nIn the fall 1688, the governors of East and West-\\nJersey, on behalf of each division, entered into the fol-\\nlowing agreement.\\nLondon, September 5, 1688.\\nIt is agreed this day, by Dr. Daniel Coxe, governor\\nof the province of West-Jersey, on behalf of himself,\\nand all the rest of the proprietors of that province, on\\nthe one jmrt and Robert Barclay, governor of the\\nprovince of East- Jersey, on belialf of himself and all\\nthe\\nSee tliis deed, vol. i. of laws, p. 63, c.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 197\\n-the rest of the proprietors of that province, on the A. D,\\nother part as followeth, viz.\\nFor the final determination of all differences, con-\\ncerning the deed of partition and all other disputes\\nand controversies about dividing the lands, and set-\\ntling the bounds between East and West-Jersey.\\n1. The line of partition run strait from little Egg-\\nHarbour, to the most westerly corn(*r of John Dobie s\\n|)lantation, as it stands on the south branch of Rariton\\nriver, shall be the bounds so far between East and\\nWest-Jersey, and shall not be altered but remain as it\\nstands, on a printed draught of the proprietors lands,\\nsurveyed in P^ast-Jersey, and drawn by John Reid,\\nand since printed here.\\n2. From thence to run along the back of the adjoin-\\ning plantations, until it comes to James Dundass his\\nplantation and from thence, at the most north westerly\\npart thereof, a line to lye down with a line on the\\nback of those plantations, and so to run north eastward,\\ntill it touch the north branch of Rariton river, as it is\\nstruck upon the map already: but saving the plan-\\ntations already laid out, to be within the line, if they\\nhappen to stand a little more westerly than that line\\nis marked.\\n3. From the north end of the line, where it touches\\nRariton north branch thence forward the largest\\nstream or current of water belonging to the said north\\nbranch, shall be the bound or partition and so con-\\ntinning along the same, unto the north end thereof,\\nfor the bounds so tar.\\n4. From the said north end of the branch, a short\\nstrait line to run to touch the nearest part of Passaick\\nriver and so following the course of that river,\\ncontinuing Poquanick river, so long as it runs nor-\\ntherly or north westerly; those rivers still to be the\\nbounds between both provinces; and if Poquanick\\nriver do not run far enough to the latitude of forty\\none degrees then from the said river, a straight\\nline to be run northward to the latitude and that to\\nbe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "198\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1688.\\nbe the utmost north partition point, and from the\\nsaid point in a strait line due east to the partition point\\non Hudson s river, between East- Jersey and New-\\nYork Provided always, that all plantations and\\ntracts of land, laid out and surveyed, before this\\nagreement arrives in Eivst- Jersey, shall remain to the\\nparties concerned and the partition shall so run as\\nto include them within East-Jersey bounds.\\nLastly, Dr. Coxe doth covenant and promise, to\\nmake good the agreements above written, and war-\\nrant the title and quiet possession of all the lands so\\nto be appropriated to the proprietors of East-Jersey^\\naccording to the limits and bounds abovementioned,\\nagainst all persons that shall or may pretend, or claim\\nany interest to any of the said lands, as West-Jersey\\nproprietors And Rcjbert Barclay doth covenant\\nand })romise, to make good the agreement above\\nwritten, and warrant the title and quiet possession of\\nlands, so to be appropriated, to the proprietors of\\nWest-Jersey, according to the limits and bounds\\nabovementioned, against all persons that shall or may\\npretend or claim any interest to any of the said lands^\\nas East-Jersey proprietors For performance of all\\nand every the resjiective articles and covenants herein\\nmentioned they do mutually bind themselves, each\\nto the other, in the sum of five thousand pounds^ to be\\nwell and truly paid on the breach of any of the clauses\\nand covenants, herein before mentioned. In witness\\nwhereof, they have intercliangeably set their hands\\nand seals, the day and year first above written.\\nSealed and delivered Hobeet Barclay.\\nin the presence of\\nDavid Hewling.\\nStephen Lucock.\\nNotwithstanding this agreement, and that the\\nparties have at several times seemed desirous the line\\nshould\\nn. Pee the consent of many western proprietors, to the agreement\\nmade with Kast-Jersey, in tlit line of division by Dr. Daniel Coxe.\\nMeveWs book. B. Secretary! s- Office, Bmiinylon, pi 233.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "Op NEW- JERSEY. 199\\nshould be properly rim out and fixed the necessary A. D.\\npreliminaries could never yet be sufficiently settled\\nthose of East-Jersey being thought by the western })ro-\\nprietors to have the advantage in every step hitherto\\ntid Cen while they on the contrary, have not been\\nwanting to alledge their reasons.^-\\nIn order to keep the transactions relative to the divi-\\nsion line together, we are necessarily brought forward\\nin course of time, with respect to the manner of locat-\\ning the proprietors lands in West-Jersey the divisions\\nand sub-divisions of shares had multiplied demands,\\nand introduced a necessity for other measures than had\\nbeen hitherto in practice; accordingly in 1087, the\\nproprietors found it expedient to enter into the following\\naffrecmcut.\\nWhereas by exj)erience it hath been found, that New me-\\nthe concerus narticularlv rclatiuijc to the in oi)rietors\\nof the province of West New-Jersey, by reason of lands.\\nthe great difficulty of getting them together, upon\\nseveral emergent occasions, have been greatly detri-\\nmental not only to the carrying on and progress of\\nthe same necessary and publick concerns, but also\\nvery chargeal)le and burthensome to the said proprie-\\ntors, especially those of them M ho live at a great\\ndistance; and also complained of by the members\\nof the general assendjly, as taking up a great part\\nof their time, in an affair particularly relating to the\\nproprietors; and finding that the affiiir touching the\\npublick concerns of the said projn-ietors, may be\\ncari ied on with far less charge and l)urthen to the whole,\\nand with more eifect by such number of persons, as by\\nthe proprietors shall be esteemed fit and qualified\\non their behalf, to transact and agitate their publick\\naffairs\\np. To trace tlie proceedings relalinp to tliis line minutely, will\\nbe a task proper for tliose immediately concerned; lliey are voiu-\\nniinons: To give an account of some more of the siej)s hitherto\\ntaken, a few papers are added in tlie appendix. Vid. a[)pendix,\\nUumb. iv. V. vi. vii.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "200\\nThe history\\naffairs as proprietors We therefore, underwritten\\nproprietors of the province aforesaid, being met\\ntogether at Burlington, in the same province, this\\nfourteenth day of the twelfth month, anno 1687,\\nby a general appointment of the same pro})rictors\\ndo therefore unanimously agree together as followeth,\\n(viz.) That eleven proprietors within the said pro-\\nvince, shall be yearly and every year, nominated,\\nelected and chosen, by and amongst the said proprie-\\ntors, to be commissioners and trustees at a day\\ncertain; six whereof in the county of Burlington,\\nand five within the county of Gloucester, in the\\nprovince aforesaid who shall be, and are im powered\\nto act and plead in all such affairs, as do, and shall\\ngenerally concern the body of the said proj)rietors of\\nthe same province, as fully and effe(;tually as if the\\nwhole body of the same proj)rietors were together,\\nand should personally do, and conclude the same;\\nwhich act and acts, thing and things, by the same\\ncommissioners and trustees for tlie time being, so\\nfrom time to time to be done and performed as\\naforesaid, we the said proprietors do hereby ratify,\\nestablish and confirm and we do hereby nominate\\nand appoint our trusty friends Samuel Jenings,\\nThomas Olive, William Biddle, Elias Farre, Mahlon\\nStacy, Francis Davenport, Andrew Robeson, Wil-\\nliam Royden, John Reading, William Cooper, and\\nJohn Wills, commissioners and trustees for the year\\nnext ensuing, to do, act and officiate in the affair\\naforesaid, until the tenth day of the second month,\\nanno domiui 1 688 and we do liereby agree and\\nappoint, that each and every of the said commissioners\\nand trustees now elected and chosen, and from time\\nto time hereafter to be elected and chosen, shall have\\nand be allowed two shillings per day, for each and\\nevery day they shall be concerned to act in the affiiir\\naforesaid the same to be paid by the proprietors of\\nthe province proportion ably to their respective shares\\nof the said rovince. In testimony whereof, we the\\nproprietors of the province aforesaid, have to this\\ninstrument", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 201\\ninstrument, in this and the schedule hereunto affixed, A. D.\\nput our han l8, dated the fourteenth day of the loo^*\\ntwelfth month called February, anno domini 1687.\\nAt a meeting of the proprietors at Burlinotoii, this\\nsixth of the seventh month, in the year 1688 it is\\nagreed, that five of the commissioners shall be a quo-\\nrum in all their meetings, and shall have power to\\nact in as full manner as if the whole number of\\neleven were jjresent and it is further agreed, that the\\nsaid commissioners shall meet at least once a quarter,\\nthe day after each quarter sessions.\\nThomas Hutchison, Chridopher Wethrrill, Thomas\\nButcher, John Pancoa-st, Henrii Gruhh, John\\nTatbam, lliomas Barton, Joint Woohton, Robert\\nTamer, Thomas Budd, George Hiiichinson, John\\nI)ai/es, John Shinn, Henri/ Wood, John Kay, Thomas\\nMatthews, Thomas Sharp, Isaac Marriot, Bernard\\nDevonish, Samuel Oldale, Thomas French, Perciral\\nToirle, Francifi Collins, Thomas Gardiner, Daniel\\nWills, William Meyers, Antliony Elton, JoJin Hur/g,\\nRichard Herritage, William Bate, William Alberson.\\nAn instrument of the same form and date, signed\\nin Gloucester county, by Woolla Dalbo, William\\nCooper, William Alberson, John Ladd, John Hugg,\\njnn. John WilLs, TJiomas Sharp, John Rambo, Robert\\nZane, James Atkinson, Francis Collins, Thomas\\nThackera, John Hugg.\\nIndorsed oh the back side.\\nWe the within subscrii)ers, do ajiprove of, ratify\\nand confirm the persons within inentioned, to serve as\\nour representatives for the year ensuing, with tiiese\\nalterations following, viz. insteiid of Mahlon Stacy\\nand Eranc is Davenport, that John Tatham and\\nGeorge Hutchinson, be elected and serve in their\\nstead; and in place of William Cooper, Thomas\\nGardiner, jun. is elected to serve in his stead and t\\nthat instead of eleven trustee.s, there shall be but\\nnine for the year ensuing five of which shall make\\na quorum; All which is coiLsented to, concluded,\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "202\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1688.\\nMinutes\\nof W. Jer-\\nsey council\\nof proprie-\\ntors.\\nand agreed upon, this first of the first month, at\\nGloucester, anno 1688, by the proprietors within\\nsubscribed.\\nOn- this agreement with some little variations after-\\nwards, is founded the present constitution of the council\\nof proprietors of West- Jersey the following minutes,\\nbeing some of their first proceedings thereafter, shows\\ntheir method and practice for some time after the estab-\\nlishment of the said constitution.\\nAt a meeting of several proprietors of West- Jer-\\nsey, at Burlington, on the sixth day of the seventh\\nmonth, anno doraini 1688.\\nIt was then and there debated, and being put to\\nthe vote, agreed by the proprietors then present, that\\nevery proprietor, and every person interested in\\nproprieties, shall pay to the use of Daniel Coxe, to\\nany person appointed to receive it, as a reimburse-\\nment for the money laid out by him, in the Indian\\npurchase lately made in the lower counties, the sura\\nof twelve shillings and six pence for every thousand\\nacres, and so proportionably to be taken up out of\\nthat purchase the first year to begin the first day of\\nApril last past, and from that time twelve months,,\\nto advance eighteen pence upon every year ensuing,\\nuntil the time that the money aforesaid to be paid for\\nthe land to be laid out within the bounds of the same\\npurchase, as consideration for the monies disbursed\\nby the said Daniel Coxe in the said Indian purchase of\\nthe whole tract, which, by the surveyor Andrew\\nRobeson, is computed to be three hundred thousand\\nacres of good land, ca])able and worthy of improve-\\nments which money being paid, the party so paying\\nshall be acquitted of all other payments on the con-\\nsideration aforesaid.\\n2. That the surveyor for the time being, be\\nengaged not to set out any land within the limits of\\nthis Indian purchase, until the money abovemeuti-\\noned be paid and secured as abovesaid.\\n3. And", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "Of new- jersey. 203\\n3. And it is further agreed, that for the land taken A. D.\\n*up by order of the said Dr. Coxe, above the falls of\\nDelaware, every proprietor taking up any part there-\\nof, shall pay to Dr. Coxe, or his order, the sum of\\ntwenty-five shillings per thousand acres, and two\\nshillings and six pence yearly consideration, till the\\nmoney be paid.\\nAt a meeting of the council of proprietors, being\\nnominated, elected and constituted by the |)ro|)rie-\\ntors of the rovince of West-Jersey, to negotiate\\ntheir alKiirs for the year ensuing, held at J5urlington,\\nthe eighteenth day of Se})tcmber, anno domini, 16.S8.\\nElected, Thomas Olive, Andrew Robeson, Samuel\\nJenings, Francis Davenport, William Biddle, Mah-\\nIon Stacy, William Roydon, William Cooj)er and\\nJohn Reading; five of which shall make a quorum.\\nPresent at this meeting, these j)ersons Thomas\\nOlive, Andrew Robeson, Samuel Jenings, William\\nBiddle, Francis Davenport, William Roydon, Wil-\\nliam Cooper. Thomas Olive, president.\\nImprimis, It is agreed, ordered and concluded\\nby authority of the council abovcsaid, That Samuel\\nJenings be, and is hereby apjjointed commissioner,\\nto examine all deeds, taking a minute of the same,\\nand issue warrants to the surveyor general, for the\\nsurveying and taking up of lands keeping a record\\nof the same, and this for the inhabitants within the\\ncounty of Burlington, or to any others as occiision shall\\nrequire.\\n2. It is likewise agreed and ordered, that John\\nReading shall perform the same service, for the inha-\\nbitauts within the county of Gloucester and to all\\nothers as occasion shall require.\\n3. And it is ordered and a])j)ointed, that for the\\nsupport of their service, every warrant for land under\\none hundred acres, shall pay the sum of one shilling;\\nand one hundred acres and above, under one thou-\\nsand, shall pay the sum of eighteen pence and one\\nthousand acres and upwards, shall pay the sum of twa\\nshillings and six pence.\\n4. And", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "204\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1688.\\n4. And it is furtlier ordered, that the said vSamuel\\nJeruni :s and John Reading;, shall, upon demand of\\nthis council, at any time, deliver into them a copy of\\ntheir said minutes by them taken from time to time.\\n5. And it is ordered and appointed by the autho-\\nrity aforesaid, that Andrew Robeson, the surveyor\\ngeneral, shall from time to time, ujion demand of\\nthis council, make return to them of all warrants\\nexecuted by liim, that have not been returned before.\\n6. And it is likewise ordered and appointed by this\\ncouncil, That Mahlon Stacy, John Day, William\\nWood and John Hollinshead, shall be rangei s for\\nthe county of Burlington and upwai ds; and John\\nKay, Thomas Sharp and Israel Helme, jun. shall\\nbe rangers for the county of Gloucester, for the year\\nensuing.\\n7. It is also concluded and ordered, that no person\\nor persons whatsoever, shall pi-esume to purchase any\\nland from the Indians, without the consent of this\\ncouncil first obtained, otherwise to be prosecuted as\\nour common enemy.\\nThe council adjourns until the fourth day of No-\\nvember next.\\nAt a meeting of the council of proprietors in Bur-\\nlington, upon the tenth day of eighth month, anno\\n1688.\\nPresent in council, Thomas Olive, president.\\nAndrew Robeson, William Biddle, Samuel Jen-\\nings, William Royden, John Reading.\\nImprimis, whereas John Skene is appointed by the\\nsecretary and register general of the dominion and\\nterritories of New-England, to receive the records,\\nrolls and papers from Thomas Revel and John Read-\\ning, who hath already demanded the same and the\\nsaid Thomas Revel and John Reading, making their\\napplication to the council, to know their pleasure\\ntherein.\\nThe council have, and do order, that all records\\nrelating to government, may be delivered according\\nto", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E p. S E Y 205\\nto the secretary s order but such as relate to lands, A.D.\\nthey judi^e to be the proprietor s property, and tliat\\nthey ought to abide and reuuiin with them, and hope\\nthe governor is ah-eady satisfied therewith.\\nThe council adjourns till the sixth hour in the\\nmorning, on the 11th day.\\nThe eleventh of the eighth month.\\nAgreed and concluded, that all deeds granted only\\nby Edward IJyllingc, in and before the year 1682,\\nshall be adjudged and esteemed iiisutlicient for the\\ncommissioners to grant warrants upon.\\nThe form of the commissioners commission.\\nA. B. thou art hercbj/ anthorizerJ, by the poirer and\\norder of the council of proprietors, to he commissioner\\nfor the coiudij of for the examining of deeds,\\nand granting tcarrards, for the taking up of hinds\\nicitJiin the province of Wed-Jersei/ well and faithfully\\nin all things discharging tliy said office; and the trust\\nin the reposed, according to the instructions herewith\\nsent; to the best of thy skill, and. understanding.\\nGiven under my hand and. seal, the d C.\\nInstructions for the commissioners to ol)serve and\\nfollow, in their examining of deeds, and granting\\nof warrants for the taking up of lands.\\n1. Agreed and ordered by the council aforesaid,\\nthat the conmiissioners grant no warrants, but upon\\nthe producing of gotxl deeds, authentic copies, or\\nan extract of the record of such deed under the\\nregister s hand, etc.\\n2. That all deeds granted only by Edward Byl-\\nlinge, in and before the year 1682, sliall be accounted\\ninsulKcient for the commissioners to grant warrants\\nupon.\\n3. That there shall be given a particular warrant\\nfor every several deed, or particular })urchase.\\n4. That the president of the council for the time\\nbeing, sliall, from time to time, grant Avarrants\\nfor the commissioners, for the talcing up of their\\nown lands.\\n5. That", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "206\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1688.\\n5. That the commissioners shall not dh ect their\\nwarrants to the suvveyor-general for the laying forth\\nof his own lands, but to some other person, at the dis-\\ncretion of the commissioner that gives forth the\\nwarrant.\\n6. That every projn ietor coming for a w^arrant,\\nshall first sign to an instrument, to be presented to\\nthem, for their compliance, to pay his, and their res-\\npecitive and proportionable sliare of such incident\\ncharge, for the management of the proprietors aii airs\\nas in the said instrument here following, may further\\na])pear.\\nThe form of the instrument to be signed by the\\nproprietors before they have warrants granted for the\\ntaking up of their lands.\\nWe the subscribers having taken into considera-\\ntion the necessity of the incident charges, that will\\nattend the council of proprietors, in the employ and\\nconcern wherein we have placed, and constituted\\nthem, for the carrying on, and discharging of those\\ninevitable charges that Avill follow upon the prosecu-\\ntion of our affairs we do therefore hereby bind, and\\noblige ourselves; each for himself, and not for one\\nanother, to comply with, and pay our proportions\\nrespectively of the aforesaid charges, as our said\\ncouncil shall from time to time give us an account of,\\nand find needful to be raised In witness whereof we\\nhave hereunto set our hands, the c.\\nThe council adjourns till the 7th hour in the morn-\\ning, being the 12th day of October, Anno 1688.\\nThe 12th day of the 8th month.\\nThe council being met, they onlei-ed the writing\\nof a letter to the governor, to request the secretary to\\npermit the records of lands to rest in the same hands\\nthey have formerly been forasmuch as they conceive\\nthey properly belong to the proprietors.\\nThe council likewise order another letter to the\\nsecretary, to signify the receipt of his warrant, by\\nThomas Revell and John Reading, for the delivery\\nof all records, rolls, c. and do desire the secretary,\\nthat", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "(J F N E W J E R S E Y 207\\ntliat the records of lands may still remain in the said A.. T).\\nThomas Revcll and John Reading s hands But for\\notiier records that relate to government, may be dis-\\nposed of according as he shall appoint.\\nWe have before given a summary of some of the\\nfirst laws published in the eastern and western divisions,\\nwhile under proprietary management; from that time\\nforward, till the surrender of the government, many\\nothers were passed in botli but being either framed\\nto |)arti(!ular occasions, or afterwards in part repealed\\nor supplied, and most of them of no great public con-\\ncernment now, further repetition of theiu here was\\nthought unnecessary.\\nIn the year 1691, Dr. Coxe conveyed the govern- l^^l.\\nment of West-Jersey and territories, to the West-Jersey Dr. Coxe\\n.1 f- 11 ri- to tlie W.\\nsociety, consisting oi the lol lowing j)ersons ^5ir jp,.^gy pq.\\nThomas Lane, knt. Micliael AV^itts, Edward Harrl- ^^ieiy.\\nson, Thomas Skinner, James St. Johns, Nicholas\\nHay ward, Mordecai Abbot, Xichohis Battci-sby,\\nRobert Curtis, John Jurin, Richard Branihall, Robert\\nMitchell, Charles Mitchell, James Boddington, John\\nGunston, Arthur Shallet, John Lamb, William\\nAV^ightman, Joseph Brooksbank, AV illiam Thom|)son,\\nHenry Harrington, John Love, Thomas Pliipps,\\nIsaac Cocks, John Sweetable, Thomas Bromtield,\\nJohn Norton, Robert Ilackshtiw, John Bridges,\\nJoseph Raise, Edward Rit-hier, AV^illiam Dunk, Ed-\\nward Habberdfield, John Alberson, Edward West,\\nEdward Paunceford, Obadiah Burnet, Francis Mit-hel,\\nBenjamin Steele, John Slaney, Nehemiah Erwing,\\nJohn Wilcocks, Richard Mayo, Jonah Xetteeway,\\nWilliam Brooks, Tracey Pauncefort, Joseph Allen,\\nand Richard Greenaway. Vid. the instrument, ReveiVs\\nHook, B. Secretary s office Burlington, p. 298.\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "208 The HISTORY\\nCHAP. XII.\\nA flood at Delaware falls Death and character of\\nThomas Olive, Thomas Gardiner, and John Woolstony\\nCommotion s in East and West-Jersey Surrender of\\nthe two govenments to queen Anne Her acceptance\\nthereof and her commission to lord Comhury.\\nA. D. rr^ H E first settlers of the Yorkshire tenth in West-\\njL Jersey, had several of them built upon the low\\nlands, nigh tlie falls of Delaware, where they had now\\nlived, and been improving near sixteen years; they\\nhad been told by the Indians, their buildings were\\nFlood in liable to be damaged by freshes, and the situation of\\nthe place must have made it probable They had\\nhowever, got up several wooden tenements and out-\\nhouses, which in the spring were accordingly generally\\ndemolished The snows suddenly melting above,\\ncaused an uncommon overflow of the river there\\nhave been many great floods since, but none quite so\\nhigh it came upon them so unexpectedly, that many\\nwere in their houses surrounded with water, and con-\\nveyed to the opposite shore, by neighbours from thence,\\nin canoes The water continued rising till it reached\\nthe upper stories of some of their houses, then most,\\nor all of them gave way, and were dashed to pieces\\nmany cattle were drowned beds, kettles, and other\\nfurniture, were picked up on the shores below the\\nfrights and damages were considerable; two persons\\nin a house, carried away by the sweeping torrent, lost\\ntheir lives before they could be got out. This accident\\ntiuight the owners here to fix their habitations on\\nhigher ground, and was what is commonly called the\\ng^r eat flood at Delaware falls.\\nIn", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 209\\nIt was in the spring this year that the proprietors A. D,\\nof West-Jersey first appointed col. Andrew Hamilton\\nto be their governor.?-\\nAbout this time also died Thomas Olive, who since T. Olive,\\nthe first settlement of West- Jersey, had been a man of\\nimportance there; he came over one of the London\\ncommissioners in 1677, was sometime governor, in\\nwhich station he behaved with great circumspection\\nand ))rudence; while a common magistrate he had a\\nready method of business, often doing it to good effect\\nin the seat of judgment on the stumps in his meadows;\\nhe contrived to postpone sudden complaints, till cool\\ndeliberation had shewn them to be justly founded, and\\nthen seldom failed of accommodating matters without\\nmuch !xpence to the parties He had been imprisoned\\nand otherwise a sufferer for religion in England and\\nby his preaching and w^riting as well as other public and\\nprivate conduct, had gained general love and esteem,\\nwhich he merited to the last.\\nIn September 1694, died Thomas Gardiner; he 1694.\\narrived early at Burlington, went through several ^g^;\\npublick stations in West-Jersey with a good character,\\nhad considerable knowledge in variety of business,\\nand was an exemplary member of society, civil and\\nreligious.\\nIn the beginning of 1698, died John Woolston, ifigs.\\none of the first settlers at Burlinoton, who had now\\nfor u]) wards of twenty years, through the fatigues of\\na new settlement, proved himself a ready friend and\\nneighbour, and valuable member of society.\\nWe are now come to the year 1701 a memorable 1701.\\nsera in New-Jersey, on account of the disturbances\\nand confusions that violently agitated several parties,\\nand\\ng. See his commission in book B. secretary s office, Burlington,\\np. 287.\\nO\\ntions.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "210 The HISTORY\\nA. D. and the change of government that followed in con-\\nsequence of them Each province had many and\\ndiiferent proprietors, who promoted separate schemes\\nand interests; these sometimes interfered To facilitate\\nparticular purposes, one party would have the choice\\nand management of a governor, while another refused\\nany but of their own nomination and a third objected\\nto pro[)osals from either: Moderate councils could not\\nbe heard a contaminating spirit of party and discord\\ntook phice of order and peace every expedient to\\nrestore union and regularity, proved unsuccessful\\nfaction prevail d, and particular animosities were nou-\\nrished to that degree, that the delays of time seem d\\nonly to give opportunity of accumulating fresh occa-\\nsions of disgust and uneasiness a detail of particulars,\\nwould be an ungrateful, we hope an unnecessary task\\na few facts may suffice as specimens of the whole To\\ncome at these, we must go back to the spring 1698.\\nJ. Bass. Jeremiah Bass, under a pretence of a commission he\\nhad received from some of the proprietors of East-\\nJersey, with the kin} s approbation, superceded Andrew\\nA. Hamil- i i i\\nton. Hamilton, the then governor of both East and West\\nJersey; but in the next year it appeared, that Bass had\\nnot obtained the king s approbation of his commission,\\nnor was it granted by enough of the proprietors to make\\nit valid, which induced great numbers of the inhabitants\\nto refuse obedience to him, and to the magistrates and\\nofficers by him appointed; some persons being impri-\\nsoned for refusing obedience, it was resented by others\\nwith great indignation, and feuds and confusion follow-\\ned To accommodate matters for the present, Andrew\\nHamilton was again appointed governor, by a fresh\\ncommission from some of the proprietors; but a great\\nnumber refused obedience to him, and the magistrates\\nand officers under him, in like manner, and for the same\\nreasons as they had refused Bass and those he appointed.\\nThe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 211\\nThe disorders in the Eastern division dnring this time, A. T).\\nmade such an impression on the minds of many of the\\npeople, that they readily hearkened to overtures made\\nfor a surrender of government. A considerable part\\nof West-Jersey was also, for similar reasons, disposed\\nto a resignation The commotions in both, which had\\nbeen increasing for some years, now seemed to be got\\nto a crisis, and all things tended to a surrender of the\\npowers of government; which was at lengtii brought\\nabout in the beginning of the next vcar.\\nMean while diverse petitions and remonstrances were Remon-\\nsent home, complaining loudly of their grievances and\\nconfusions and praying redress These and the pro-\\nceedings in consequence of them, show the principal\\nmatters now- to be found relating to the surrender and\\nthe measures they took to reserve their privileges.\\nIn 1702 the surrender was made by the following 1702.\\ninstrument.\\nSurrender from the })roprietors of East and West- Surrender.\\nNew-Jersey, of their pretended right of govern-\\nment to her majesty.\\nWpiereas his late majesty king Charles the second,\\nby his letters patents under the great seal of England,\\nbearing date at Westmiustor, on or about the twelfth\\nday of March, in the sixteenth year of his reign\\ndid give and grant to James, then duke of York,\\nhis heirs and assigns, all that part of the main land of\\nNew-England, beginning at a certain place called or\\nknown by the name of St. Croix, next adjoining\\nto New-Scotland, in America and from thence\\nextending\\nr. Lonj? before, aecording to the representation of the lords of\\ntrade, October 2, 1701, tlie proprietors (say tiiey) of Ea-;t-New-\\nJersey, did surrender llieir pretended right of Government to king\\nJames, in the month of April, 1688; which was accordingly\\naccepted by him.\\ns. Vid. Appendix, numb, viii, ix, x, xi, xii, xiii, xiv.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "212\\nThe HISTOEY\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\nextending along the sea coast unto a certain place\\ncalled Pemaquod or Pemaquid, and so uj) the river\\nthereof to the furthest head of the same, as it tends\\nnorthward and extending from thence to the river of\\nKenibique and so upwards by the shortest conrse to\\nthe river Canada, northward And also all that island\\nor islands, commonly called by the several name or\\nnames of Manowacks, or Long-Island, situate,\\nlying and being towards the west of Cape Codd, and\\nthe Narrohigansets, abutting upon the main land\\nbetween the two rivers there, called or known by the\\nseveral names of Connecticut and Hudson s river;\\ntogether also with the said river called Hudson s river,\\nand all the lands from the west side of Connecticut\\nriver, to the east side of Delaware bay And also all\\nthose several, islands called or known by the names of\\nMartin s Vineyard, and Nantucks, or Nantucket\\ntogether with all the lands, islands, soils, rivers,\\nharbours, mines, minerals, quarries, woods, marshes,\\nwaters, lakes, fishings, hawkings, hunting and\\nfowling and all other royalties, profits, comraodi-\\nand hereditaments to the several islands, lands and\\npremises, belonging and appertaining, with their\\nand every of their appurtenances to have and\\nTO HOLD all and singular the said lands, islands,\\nhereditaments, with their and every of their appur-\\ntenances, to the said James Duke of York, his heirs\\nand assigns forever to be held of the said king, his\\nheirs and successors, as of his manor of East Green-\\nwich in Kent, in free and common socage, and not in\\ncapite or by knight s service yielding and rendering\\ntherefore yearly and every year, forty beaverskins when\\ndemanded or within ninety days after. And by the\\nsame letters patents, the late king Charles the second,\\nfor himself, his heirs and successors, did give and\\ngrant to the said James duke of York, his heirs,\\ndeputies, agents, commissioners and assigns, full and\\nabsolute power and authority, to correct, punish,\\npardon, govern and rule all such subjects of the said\\nking, his heirs and successors, as should from time\\nto", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E E S E Y 213\\nto time adventure themselves into the iiarts and places A. D.\\naforesai l, or that should at any time then after inhabit\\nwithin the same, according; to such laws, orders, or-\\ndinances, directions and instructions, as by the said\\nduke of York, or his assigns, should be established\\nand in defect thereof, in case of necessity, according\\nto the good directions of his deputies, commission-\\ners, officers or assigns respectively, as well in all\\ncauses and matters, as well capital and criminal, as\\ncivil, both marine and others; so always as the said\\nstatutes, ordinances and proceedings, were not con-\\ntrary, but as near as might be, agreeable to the laws\\nand statutes and government of the realm of Eng-\\nland saving and reserving to his said majesty, his\\nheirs and successors, the receiving, hearing and deter-\\nmining, of the appeal and api)eals of all, or any\\nother person or persons of, in or belonging to tlie ter-\\nritories or islands aforesaid, in or touching any judg-\\nment or sentence to be there made or given and\\nfurther, that it should and nn ght l)e lawful to and for\\nthe said duke of York, his heirs and assigns, from\\ntime to time, to nominate, constitute, ordain and\\nconfirm such laws as aforesaid, by such name or\\nnames or stiles, as to him or them shall seem good\\nand likewise to revoke, discharge, change and alter\\nas well all and singular governors, officers and mini-\\nsters, which then after should be by him or them\\nthought fit or needful to be made or used within the\\naforesaid parts and islands and also to make, ordain,\\nand establish, all uianner of orders, laws, directions,\\ninstructions, forms and cereratmies of government\\nand magistracy, fit and necessary for and concerning\\nthe government of the territories and islands afore-\\nsaid, so always as the same were not contrary to the\\nlaws and statutes of the realm of England, but as\\nnear as might be, agreeable thereunto; and the same\\nat all times then after to put in execution or abrogate,\\nrevoke or change, not only within the precinct of the\\nsaid territories or islands, but also upon the seas in\\ngoing and coming to anil from the same, as he and\\nthey", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "The history\\nthey in their good direction should think to be fittest\\nfor the good of the adventurers and inhabitants there\\nAnd the late king did thereby grant, ordain and\\ndeclare, that such governors, officers, ministers, as\\nfrom time to time should be authorized and aj)pointed\\nin manner and form aforesaid, should and might have\\nfull power and authority to use and exercise martial\\nlaw, in cases of rebellion, insurrection and mutiny, in\\nas large and ample manner as the lieutenants of his\\nsaid majesty in his counties of the realm of England\\nhad, or ought to have, l y their commissions of lieu-\\ntenancy, or any law or statute of the said realm of\\nEngland. And the said late king did thereby also\\nfor himself, his heirs and successors, grant to the said\\nJames duke of York, that it should and might be\\nlawful for him, his heirs and assigns, in his or their dis-\\ncretio.ns, from time to time, lo admit such and so many\\nperson or persons to trade and traffick unto and within\\nthe territories and islands aforesaid, and into every or\\nany part or parcel thereof, and to have process and\\nenjoy any lands and hereditaments in the parts and\\nplaces aforesaid, as they should think fit, according\\nto the laws, orders, constitutions and ordinances by\\nthe said James duke of York, his heirs, deputies,\\ncommissioners and assigns, from time to time to be\\nmade and established, by virtue of and according to\\nthe true intent and meaning of the said letters patents,\\nand under such conditions, reservations and agree-\\nments as the said James duke of York, his heirs and\\nassigns, should set down, order, direct and appoint;\\nand not otherwise. And by the said letters patents,\\nthe said king did for himself, his heirs, and successors^\\ngrant to the said James duke of York, his heirs and\\nassigns, and to all and every such governor and gover-\\nnors, or other officers and ministers, as by the said\\nJames duke of York, his heirs or assigns, should be\\napj)ointed, with power and authority of government\\nand command in or over the inhabitants of the said\\nterritories or islands, that they and every of them\\nshould, or lawfully might, from time to time, and at\\nall", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- jersey.\\n215\\nall times then after or for ever, for their several defence\\nand safety, encounter, expulse, re] el and resist by\\nforce of arms, as well by sea as by land, and all ways\\nand means whatsoever, all such pers \u00c2\u00bbn or persons as\\nwithout the es|)ei-ial licence of the said James duke of\\nYork, his heirs or assigns, should attempt to inhabit\\nwithin the several precincts and limits of the said\\nterritories and islands and also all and every such per-\\nson and jjersons whatsoevei as sliould enteri)rize or\\nattempt at any time then after, the destruction or in-\\nvasion, detriment or annoyance to the parts, places or\\nislands aforesaid, or any ])art therecjf as by the said re-\\ncited letters patents thily enrolled, relation being there-\\nunto had, more at large may appear. And wiiekeas\\nthe estate, interest, right and tithi of the said James\\nduke of York, in and to the provinces of East-Jer-\\nsey and \\\\Vest-Jersey part of the premises by the said\\nrecited letters granted, are by mean conveyances and\\nassurances in law, come unto and vested in or claimed\\namongst others, by sir Thomas Lane, Paul Domi-\\nni iue, Robert Mitchell, Joseph Jjrooksbaid Michael\\nWatts, Edward Kichier, J(\u00c2\u00bbhn Norton, El)cnczer\\nJones, John Whiting, John Willcocks, J(tlin Jiridgcs,\\nThomas Skinner, Kenjamin Steel, Obadiah IJuniet,\\nJoseph Micklethwait, Elizabeth Miller, Benjamin\\nLevy, Francis Minshall, Jose|)h Collier, Thomas\\nLewis, Jo. Bennet, John Booker, Benjamin Nelson,\\nJames Wasse, Richard Harrison, John Jurin,\\nRichard Greenaway, Charles Mitchell, Francis\\nMitchell, Tracy Pauncefortl, M illiam Ilamond,\\nFerdinando Holland, William Dockwra, Peter Son-\\nmans, Joseph Grimston, Charles Ormston, Edward\\nAntill, George Willocks, Francis Handcock, Tho-\\nmas Barker, Thonias Cooper, Robert Burnet, Miles\\nFoster, John Johnstone, David I- y^ H, ^FK-hael\\nHawdon, Thomas Warne, Thomas Gordon, John\\nBarclay, Clement Plumstead, Gilbert Mollison, and\\nRichard Hasell, the present proprietors thereof; and\\nthey also have claimed, by virtue of the said letters\\npatents and mean conveyances, to exercise within\\nthe\\nA. D.\\n1702.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "216\\nThe history\\nthe said jirovinces for the governing the inhabitants\\nthereof, all the powers and authorities for government\\ngranted by the said letters patents to the said dnke and\\nhis heirs and assigns but her majesty hath been advised,\\nthat they have no right nor can legally execute any of\\nthe said powers but that it belongeth to her majesty\\nin right of her crown of England, to constitute\\ngovernors of the said provinces, and to give directions\\nfor governing the inhabitants thereof, as her majesty\\nshall think fit: And the said proprietors being desir-\\nous to submit themselves to her majesty, are willing to\\nsurrender all their pretences to the said powers of\\ngovernment, to the intent her majesty may be pleased\\nto constitute a governor or governors of the same\\nprovinces, with su(^h powers, ])rivileges and authori-\\nties for the government thci-eof, and making of such\\nlaws there, with the consent of the assembly of the\\nsaid provinces, and her majesty s subsequent appro-\\nbation thereof, as her majesty in her great wisdom\\nshall think fit and convenient. We therefore\\nthe said Sir Thomas Lane, Paul Dominique, Robert\\nMichell, Joseph Brooksbank, Michael Watts, Ed-\\nward Richeir, John Norton, Ebenezer Jones, John\\nWhiting, Clement Plumstead, John Willcocks, John\\nBridges, Thomas Skinner, Benjamin Steel, Obadiah\\nBurnet, Joseph Micklethwait, Elizabeth Miller, Ben-\\njamin Levy, Francis Minshall, Joseph Collier, Tho-\\nmas Lewis, Jo. Bennet, John Booker, Benjamin\\nNelson, James Wasse, Richard Harrison, John\\nJurin, Richard Greenaway, Charles Mitchell, Fran-\\ncis Mitchell, Tracy Paunceford, William Hamond,\\nFerdinando Holland, Willara Dockwra, Peter Son-\\nmans, Jose] h Grimston, Charles Ormston, Edward\\nAntill, George Willocks, Francis Handcock,\\nThomas Barker, Thomas Cooper, Robert Burnett,\\nMiles Foster, John Johnstone, David Lyell, Mi-\\nchael Hawdon, Thomas Warne, Thomas Gordon,\\nJohn Barclay, Gilbert Mollison, and Richard Hasell,\\nc. the present proprietors of the said provinces of\\nEast-Jersey and West-Jersey, for the considerations\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 217\\nand to the intent aforesaid, have snrrendered and A. D.\\nyielded up, and by thes(! presents for us and our heirs,\\ndo surrender and yield up unto our sovereign lady\\nAnne, by the grace of God, queen of England,\\nScotland, Erance, and Ireland, defender of the faith,\\nc. her heirs and successors, all these the said powers\\nand authorities to correct, punish, pardon, govern\\nand rule, all or any of her majesty s subjects or others\\nwho now inhabit, or hereafter shall adventure into or\\niidial)it within the said provinces of East-Jersey and.\\nWest-Jersey, or either of them and also to nomi-\\nnate, make, constitute, ordain and confirm any laws,\\norders, ordinances and directions and instruments\\nfor those purposes, or any of them and to nomi-\\nnate, constitute or appoint, revoke, discharge;, change,\\nor alter any governor or governors, otlicers or mini-\\nsters, which are or shall be appointed, made or used\\nwithin the said j)rovinces or either of them and to\\nmake, ordain and establish any orders, laws, direc-\\ntions, iustrumenti, forms or ceremonies of govern-\\nment and magistracy, for or concerning the govern-\\nment of the provinces afores-aid, or either of them\\nor on the sea in going and coining to or from thence;\\nor to put in execution, or abrogate, revoke or change\\nsuch as are already made for or concerning such\\ngovernment, or any of them and also all those the\\nsaid powers and authorities to use and exercise martial\\nlaw in the j)laces aforesaid, or either of them, and\\nto admit any |)erson or person to trade or traffick\\nthere, and of encountering, repelling and resisting\\nby force of arms, any person or })ersons attempting to\\ninliabit there without the licence of us the said pro-\\nprietors, our heirs and assigns, and all other the pow-\\ners, authorities and privileges of or concerning the\\ngovernment of the provinces aforesaid, or either of\\nthem, or the inhabitants thereof, which were granted\\nor mentioned to be granted by the said recited letters\\npatents, and every of them. In witness whereof,\\nthe persons abovenamed, have hereunto set their\\nhands and seals, this fifteenth day of Apx il, in the\\nyear", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "218 The HISTORY\\nA. D. year of our lord one thousand seven hundred and two\\nand in the first year of her majesty s reign.\\nFor the eastern division.\\nPeter Sonmans, Joseph Orniston for myself, and\\nas proxy for Charles Ormston, Edward Antill, and\\nGeorge Willocks, and representative of Francis\\nHancock Thomas Lane, Paul Dominique, Po-\\nbert Mitchel, Joseph Brooksbank, E. Pichier. Mi-\\nchael Watts, Clement Plumstead, Lewis Morris in\\nthe behalf of Robert Burnet; Miles Foster, John\\nJohnstone, Michael Hawdon, John Barclay, David\\nLyell, Thomas Warne, Thomas Gordon, Thomas\\nBarker, Thomas Cooper, Gilbert jNlollison, Henry\\nAdderly for Richard Hasel, of Barbados Wil-\\nliam Dockwra. For the western-division.\\nJohn Booker, John Whitino-, John Willcocks, John\\nBridges, Thomas Skinner, Benjamin St(!el, Obadiah\\nBurnet, Joseph Micklethwait, Thomas Lamb, Paul\\nDominique, Francis Mitchel, Joseph Brooksbank,\\nMichael Watts, Ed. Richier, John Norton, Eben.\\nJones, Benjamin Nellson, James Wasse, Richard\\nHarrison, John Jurin, Richard Greenaway, Charles\\nMitchel, Francis Mitchel, Francis Paunceiord, Wil-\\nliam Hamond, Ferd. Holland, Elizabeth Miller,\\nBenjamin Levy, Francis Minshall, Joseph Collins,\\nThomas Lewis, Jo. Bennet.\\nSealed and delivered by T. Lane, P. Dominique,\\nR. Michell, J. Brooksbank, M. Watts, E. Richier,\\nJ. Norton, E. Jones, J. Whiting, J. Willcocks, J.\\nBridges, T. Skinner, B. Steel, O. Burnett, J. Mic-\\nklethwait, E. Miller, B. Levy, F. Minshall, J.\\nCollier, T. Lewis, J. Bennet, J. Booker, B. Nelson,\\nJ. Wasse, R. Harrison, J. Jurin, R. Greenaway, C.\\nMitchel, F. Mitchel, T. Pauncefort, \\\\Y. Hamond,\\nF. Holland. And for the interest the proprietors\\nof West-Jersey, have in East-Jersey, T. Lane, P.\\nDominique, R. Mitchel, J. Brooksbank, E. Richier,\\nand M. Watts. Sealed and delivered by the aforesaid\\npersons in presence of us, L. Morris,\\nJonathan Greenwood.\\nSealed", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y\\n219^\\nSealed and delivered by AVilliam Dockwra, Peter\\nSonmans, Joseph Ormston, Thomas Barker, and\\nThomas Cooper, proprietors of East-Jersey, in the\\npresence of ns, Richard Bonts, Nathaniel Welch.\\nSealed and delivered by Gilbert Mollison, in pre-\\nsence of us, Daniel Wild, Gilbert Falc \u00c2\u00bbner.\\nSealed and delivered by Clement Plumstead, in\\npresence of us, John Askew, Samuel Hannington.\\nSealed and delivered by Henry Adderly, in pre-\\nsence of us, John Bhickall, Thomas Gage.\\nSealed and delivered by Lewis Morris, in pre-\\nsence of, Aug. Graham, Richard Bibby.\\nThe Queen s accejitance of the surrender of\\ngovernment.\\nAt the court at St. James s, the 17th day of\\nApril, 1 702.\\nPresent The Queen s most excellent majesty.\\nHis Royal Highness Earl of Radnor,\\nPrince George of Eail of Berkely,\\nDenmark, Earl of Rochester,\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\nLor l Kee[)er,\\nLord President,\\nLord Steward,\\nDuke of Bolton,\\nDuke of Schomberg,\\nDuke of Leeds,\\nLord Great Chamber-\\nlain,\\nEarl Marshal,\\nLord High Admiral,\\nLord Chamberlain,\\nEarl of Dorset,\\nEarl of Manchester,\\nEarl of Stamford,\\nEarl of Marlborough,\\nEarl of ]^)radford,\\nEarl of Romney,\\nEarl of Ranelagh,\\nLord Fen-ers,\\nLord Godolphin,\\nMr. Comptroller,\\nMr. Vice Chamberlain,\\nMr. Secretary Vernon,\\nMr. Chancellor of the Ex-\\nchequer,\\nlyird Chief Justice,\\nSir Charles Hedges,\\nMr. Smith.\\nQueen s\\naccep-\\ntance.\\nEarl of Burlington,\\nThis day the several proprietors of East and West\\nNew-Jersey, in America, did in person, present a\\ndeed of surrender by them executed under their hands\\nand seals, to her majesty in council, and did acknow-\\nledge", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "Cornbuiy.\\n220 The HISTORY\\nA. D. ledge the same to be their act and deed and humbly\\n1702. desire her majesty to accept the same, that it might\\nbe enrolled in the court of chancery, whereby they\\ndid surrender their power of the government of those\\nplantations Which her majesty graciously accepted,\\nand was pleased to order, as it is hereby t)rdered, that\\nthe same be enrolled in her ma,jesty s said high court\\nof chancery and the said instruments are to be deli-\\nvered to Mr. Attorney General, who is to tiike care\\nthat the same be enrolled accordingly.\\nLord Directly after the surrender, Edward lord viscount\\nCorn bury, grandson to the great chancellor Clarendon,\\nwas appointed governor of New-Jersey his commis-\\nsion was as followeth\\nAnne, by the grace of God, of England, Scot-\\nland, France and Ireland, Queen, defender of tiie\\nfaith, c. To our trusty and well beloved Edward\\nHyde, esquire, commonly called lord Cornbury,\\ngreeting: Whereas in the government of that coun-\\ntry, which was formerly granted by king Charles\\nthe second, under the name of Nova-Cffisaria, or\\nNew-Jersey, and which has since been subdivided by\\nthe proprietors, and called East New- Jersey, and\\nWest New-Jersey, such miscarriages have happened,\\nthat the said country is fallen into disorder and confu-\\nsion which has accordingly been represented to our\\ndearest brother the late king, in several petitions,\\nmemorials and other papers, signed by the general\\nproprietors, and by great numbers of the inhabitants\\nand by means of that disorder the publick peace and\\nadministration of justice, wherel)y the properties of\\nour subjects should be preserved there, is interrupted\\nand violated, and the guard and defence of that\\ncountry so totally neglected, tiiat the same is in irami-\\nnent danger of being lost from the crown of England\\nAnd whereas the aforesaid proprietors being sensible\\nthat the said country, and our good subjects the inha-\\nbitants thereof, cannot be defended and secured by\\nany other means then by our taking the government\\nof", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 221\\nof the same iiiuler our iraiuediate care, have executed A^. p.\\nand made a formal and entire surrender of their\\nrij ;ht, or pretended right and title to the government\\nof that country unto us We therefore, reposing\\nespecial trust and confidence in the prudence, cou-\\nrage and loyalty of you the said lord Cornbury, out\\nof our especial grace, certain knowledge, and meer\\nmotion, hath thought fit to constitute and a])i)oint,\\nand by these presents do constitute and appoint you\\nthe said lord Cornl)ury, to be our captain general and\\ngovernor in chief, in and over the aforesaid i-ountry\\nof Nova-Ca?saria, or New-Jersey, viz. the division\\nof East and AVest New-Jersey, in America, Avhich\\nwe have thought fit to reunite into one province, and\\nsettle under one entire government And we do here-\\nby re(piire and command you, to do and execute all\\nthings in due manner that shall belong unto your said\\ncommand, and the trust we have reposed in you,\\naccording to the several powers and directions granted\\nor a])pointed you by this ])resent commission, and\\nthe instructions and authorities herewith given you,\\nor by such further powers, instructions or authorities\\nas shall at any time hereafter be grouted, or apj ointed\\nyou under our signet and sign nuuiuai, or by our\\norder in our privy council, and according to such\\nreasonable laws and statutes as shall be made and\\na;.i;reed u|)on by you, with the advice and consent of\\nthe coinicil and assembly of our said province, under\\nyour government, in such manner and form as is\\nhereafter expressed And our will and pleasure is,\\nthat you the said lord Cornbury, having after the\\npr(K;lamation of these oiu letters patents, first taken\\nthe oaths a[)pointed by act of parliament to be taken\\ninstead of the oath of allegiance and supremacy, and\\nthe oath mentioned in an act, entitled, A)i act to\\n(lci-/iire. the alt rntinn in thi oath (ipj/oiiitcd to /je tuteii,\\nflic art, entitled. An act for the further security of\\n///.s niKijeatyn pemon, and the Hiu-ceHHion of the crown in\\nthe pratexfont line, and for the extinguishing the hopes\\noj the pretoided prince of Wales, and all other pretenders\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "222 The HISTORY\\nA. D. and their open and secret abettors, and for the declaring\\nthe association to be determined as also the test menti-\\noned in the act of parliament made in the twenty fifth\\nyear of the reign of king Charles the second, entitled,\\nAn (leffor preoentivg dangers which ma.y happen from\\npopish, recusants together with the oath for the due\\nexecution of the office and trust of our captain gene-\\nral and governor in chief, in and over our said pro-\\nvince of jS ova-C;esaria, or New-Jersey, as well with\\nreirard to the equal and impartial administration of\\njustice, in all causes that shall come before you, as\\notherwise and likewise the oath required to be taken\\nby governors of plantations, to do the utmost that\\ntiie laws relating to the plantations be observed all\\nwhich our council in our said province, or any three\\nof the members thereof, have hereby full power and\\nauthority, and are required to administer unto you\\nand in your absence our lieutenant governor, if there\\nbe any upon the place you shall administer unto\\neach of the members of our said council, as also to\\nour lieutenant governor, if there be any upon the\\n})lace, as well the oath appointed by the act of parli-\\nanient to be taken instead of the oath of allegiance\\nand supremacy, and the oath mentioned in the said\\nact, entitled. An act to declare the altemtioa in the\\noath, (ippoiiiled to be taken by an act, entitled. An act\\nfor the further secnrity of his majcdy^s person, and the\\nsuccession of the croica in the protestant line, and. for\\nexfin(/n-isliiiig the hopes tf the pretended prince of ]V(des,\\nnid all other pretenders, and their open and. secret cd)et-\\nt(n-s. (uid for dec/ariiu/ the association to be determined\\nas the forementioned test, and the oath for the due\\nexecution of their places and trusts. And we do\\nh( rel)y give and grant unto you, full power and\\nauthority, to suspend any of the members of our said\\ncouncil from sitting, voting, and assisting therein,\\nif you shall see just cause for so doing: And if it\\nshall at any time happen, that by the death, departure\\nout of our said province, or suspension of any of our\\nsaid councellors, or otherwise, there shall be wanting\\nin", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 223\\nin our said council, any tlireo whereof we do appoint ^-Jl\\nto be a quorum, our will and pleasure is, that you\\nsitjnify the same unto us, by the first opportunity,\\nthat we may under our signet and sign manual, consti-\\ntute and appoint others in their stead but that our\\naffairs may not suffer at that instant, for want of a\\ndue number of councellors, if ever it should happen\\nthat there should be less than seven of them residing\\nin our said province, we do hereby give and grant\\nunto you the said lord Cornbury, full power and\\nauthority to chuse as many persons out of the princi-\\n])al freeholders, inhabitants thereof, as will make up\\nthe full number of our said council to be seven, and\\nno more; which persons so chosen and appointed by\\nyou, shall be to all intent.s and [)urposes councellors\\nin our said province, until either they shall be con-\\nfirmed by us, or that by the nomination of others by\\nus, under our sign manual and signet, our said council\\nshall have seven or more persons in it. And we do\\nhereby give and grant unto you, full power and\\nauthority, with the advice and consent of our said\\ncouncil from time to time, as need shall require, to\\nsummon and call general assemblies of the freeholders\\nand planters within your government, in manner\\nand form a.s shall be directed in our instructions which\\nshall be given you,, together with this our commis-\\nsion. CXir will and pleasure is, that the persons\\nthereupon duly elected, by the major part of the\\nfreehoMers of the res| ective comities and places so\\nreturned, and having before sitting, taken the oaths\\na] |)ointed by act of parliament to be taken instead of\\nthe Oiiths of allegiance and su])reinacy, and the oath\\nmentioned in the aforesaid act, entitled. An act to\\ndccldvc the alteration in the oatli appointed lo be tahen by\\nthe act, entitled. An act for the further securiii/ of\\nhis majestjfs person, and the succession of the croum in\\nthe protcstant line, and for e.rtinf/ui.^hinef the hopes of\\nthe pretended, prince of Wales, and all other pretenders,\\nand their open and secret cdjetfors, and for declaring the\\nassociation to be determined as also the aforementioned\\ntest", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "22-1\\nThe history\\nHest: Which oath you shall comraissionate fit persons\\nunder our seal of Nova-Caesaria, or New-Jersey, to\\nadminister unto them, and without taking of which\\noaths and subscribing the said test, none shall be\\ncapable of sitting though elected, shall be called and\\nheld the general assembly of that our province, and\\nthat you the said lord Cornbury, by and with the\\nadvice and consent of our council and assembly, or\\nthe major part of them respectively, shall have full\\npower and authority to make, constitute and ordain\\nlaws, statutes and ordinances, for the public peace,\\nwelfare and good government of our said province^\\nand of the people and inhabitants thereof, and such\\nothers as shall resort thereto, and for the benefit of\\nus, our heirs and successors, which said laws, statutes,\\nand ordinances are not to be repugnant, but as\\nnear as may be, agreeable unto tlic laws and statutes\\nof this our kingdom of England; provided that all\\nsuch laws, statutes and ordinances, of what nature\\nor duration soever, be within three months or sooner,\\nafter the making thereof, transmitted to us, under\\nour seal of Nova-Ccesaria, or New- Jersey, for our\\napprobation or disallowance of them, as also dupli-\\ncates thereof by the next conveyance, or in case any\\nor all of them being not before confirmed by us, shall\\nat anytime be disallowed and not approved, and so\\nsignified by us, our heirs or successors, under our or\\ntheir sign manual and signet, or by order of our or\\ntheir privy council, unto you the said lord Cornbury\\nor to the commander in chief of our said province\\nfor the time being, then such and so many of them\\nas shall be disallowed and not approved shall from\\nhenceforth cease, determine, and become utterly void\\nand of none effect, any thing to the contrary thereof\\nnotwithstanding. And to the end that nothing may\\nbe passed or done by our said council or assenibly, to\\nthe prejudice of our heirs and successors, we will and\\norchun, that you the said lord Cornbury, shall have\\nand enjoy a negative power in the making and passing\\nof all laws, statutes and ordinances as aforesaid. And\\nthat", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y 225\\nthat yoTi shall and may likcMise from time to time, as P*\\nyou .shall judge it necessary, adjourn, ])rorogne and\\ndissolve, all general assemblies. Our will and plea-\\nsnre is, that you shall and may use and keep the pub-\\nliek seal of our province of Xova-Csesaria, or New-\\nJ(;rsey, for sealing all things whatsoever that ])ass\\nthe great seal of our said i)rovin(!e under your govern-\\nment. And we do further give and grant unto you\\nthe said lord Cornbury, full power and autliority,\\nfrom time to time, an l at all times hereafter, by\\nyourself, or by any other to be authorized by you\\nin that behalf, to administer and give the oaths\\nappointed by act of parliament, instead of the oath\\nof allegiance and supremai^y, to all and every such\\njjerson and persons as you sliall think tit, Mho shall\\nat anytime or times )\u00c2\u00abiss into our said ])rovince, or\\nshall be resident or abiding there. And do further\\ngive and grant unto you, i ldl power and authority,\\nwith the advice and consent of our said council, to\\nerect, constitute and establish such and so many courts\\nof judicature and publick justice within our said ])ro-\\nvince under your government, as you and they shall\\nthink fit and necessary, for the hearing and determin-\\ning of all causes as well criminal as civil, according\\nto law and ecpiity, and for awarding execution there-\\nujjon, with afl reasonable and necessary ])owers, autho-\\nrities, fees and privileges belonging unto them; and\\nalso to ap|)oint and conuuissionate fit ])ersons in the\\nseveral j)arts of your government, to administer the*\\noaths ai)pointed by act of parliament to be taken\\ninstead of the oath of allegiance and supremacy, and\\nthe oatli mentioned in the aforesaid act, entitled. An\\nact to declare the alterat um in the oath to be taken bjj the\\nact, entitled. An act for the further .seciirlti/ of his\\n))i((jedifs person, and the succession of the croicn in the\\nprotestant line, and for the extinf/uishinr/ the hopes of\\nthe pretended prince of Wah S, and all other pretenders,\\nand their open and secret abettors, and for declarinf/\\nthe association to be dctermiited as also the test unto\\nsuch persons as shall be obliged to take the same.\\np Aud", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "226\\nThe history\\nA. T\\n1702.\\nAnd we do hereby autliorize and impower you, to\\nconstitute and a})point judtres, and in cases requisite\\ncommissioners of oyer and terminer, justices of the\\npeace, and other necessary officers and mao^istrates in\\nour said province, for the better administration of\\njustice, and putting the laws in execution, and to\\nadminister, or cause to be acbiiinistered unto them,\\nsuch oath or oaths as are usually given for the due\\nexecution and |)erformance of olfices and places, and\\nfor the clearing of truth in judicial causes. And we\\ndo hereby give and grant unto you, full power and\\nauthority, where you shall see cause, or judge any\\noHender or offenders in criminal matters, or any fines\\nor forfeitures due unto us, lit objects of our mercy, to\\npardon all such offenders, and to remit all such offen-\\nces, fines and forfeitures, treasons and wilful murder\\nonly excepted in which case you shall likewise have\\n])o\\\\ver upon extraordinary occasions, to grant reprieves\\nto the offenders, until and to the intent our royal plea-\\nsure may be known therein. And we do by these pre-\\nsents, authorise and im})ower you to collate any person\\nor persons to any churches, cha])els or other ecclesia-\\ncal benefices Avithin our said ])rovince, as often as\\nany of them shall happen to be void. And we do\\nhereby give and grant unto you the said lord Cornbury,\\nby yourself, and by your captains and commanders\\nby you to be authorised, full power and authority to\\nlevy, arm, muster, command and employ all persons\\nwhatsoever residing within our said province of Nova-\\nCsesaria, or New-Jersey, and as occasion shall serve,\\nthem to transport from one place to another for the\\nresisting and Avithstanding of all enemies, pirates, and\\nrebels, both at sea and land, and to transport such for-\\nces to any of our plantaticms in America, if necessity\\nshall require, for the defence of the same, against the\\ninvasion and attempts of any of our enemies, pirates\\nand rebels, if there shall be occasion, to pursue and\\nprosecute in or out of the limits of our said province\\nand plantations, or any of them; and if it shall please\\nGod them to vanquish, apprehend and take, and\\nbeing", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "O F N E AV J E R S E Y 227\\nbeing taken, either according; to law to put to death, A^ p-\\nor keep and preserv-e alive at your discretion, and to\\nexecute martial law, in time of invasion, insurrection\\nor war, and to do and execute all and every other\\nthing ami things, wliich to any captain general and\\nirovernor in chief doth or ou2:ht of riijht to belono-.\\nAnd we do hereby give and grant unto you full\\npower and autliority, by and with the advice and\\nconsent of our said council, to erect, raise and build\\nin our said province of Nova-(Ja}saria, or New-Jersey,\\nsuch and so many forts, platforms, castles, cities,\\nboroughs, towns, and fortifications, as you, by the\\nadvice aforesaid, shall judge necessary, and tlie same,\\nor any of tliem, to fortify and furnish with ordinance,\\nammunition, and all sorts of arms fit and necessary\\nfor the security and defence of our said province;\\nand by the advice aforesaid, the same or any of\\nthem again to demolish or dismantle as may be most\\nconvenient. And forasnuich as many nuitinies and\\ndisorders may happen, by persons shipped and em-\\nployed at sea, during the time of war to the end\\nthat such may be better governed and ordered, we\\ndo hereby give and grant unto you the said lord\\nCornbury, full power and authority, to constitute\\nand appoint captains, lieutenants, masters of ships,\\nand other commanders and officers, and to grant\\nunto such captains, lieutenants, masters of sliips,\\nand other commanders and officers, commissions,\\nto execute the law martial during the time of war,\\nand to use such proceedings, authorities, corrccti-\\nons, executions, u])on any offender or offenders\\nwho shall be mutinous, seditious, disorderly, or\\nany ways unruly at sea, or during the time of their\\nabode or residence in any of the ports, harbours, or\\nquays of our said province, as the cause sh:rll be found\\nto require, according to martial law, during the time\\nof war as aforesaid. Provided, that nothing herein\\ncontained, shall be construed to the enabling you,\\nor any by your authority, to hold plea or have any\\njurisdiction", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "228\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1702.\\njurisdiction of any offence, cause, matter or thing\\ncommitted or done upon tlie high sea, or within\\nany of the harbours, rivers or creeks of our said pro-\\nvince under your government, by any captain, com-\\nmander, lieutenant, master, officer, seaman, soldier,\\nor other person whatsoever, who shall be in actual\\nservice and pay, in or aboard any of our ships of\\nwar, or the vessels acting by immediate commission\\nor warrant from our high admiral of England, under\\nthe seal of our admiralty, or from the commissioners\\nfor executing the office of our high admiral of Eno;-\\nland for the time being but that such captain, com-\\nmander, lieutenant, master, officers, seaman, soldiers^\\nand other persons offending, siiall be left to be pro-\\nceeded against as the merit of their offences shall\\nrequire, either by commission under our great seal of\\nEngland, as the statute of the twenty-eighth of kiug\\nHenry the eighth directs, or by commission from our\\nhigh admiral of England, or from our commissioners\\nfor executing the office of our high admiral of\\nEngland, for the time being, according to the act of\\nparliament passed in the thirteenth year of king Charles\\nthe second, entitled, An act for establishing articles\\nand orders, for the rer/ulafing and better government of\\nhis viajestifs navy, ships of war, and. forces by sedy\\nand not otherwise. Provided nevertheless, that\\nall disorders and misdemeanors committed on shore\\nby any captain, commander, lieutenant, master, offi-\\ncer, seaman, soldier, or any other person whatso-\\never, belonging to any of our ships of war, or other\\nvessels acting by immediate commission, or warrant\\nfrom our high admiral of England, under the seal of\\nour admiralty, or from our commissioners for execut-\\ning the office of high admiral of England, for the time\\nbeing, may be tried and ])unisiied according to the lawrs\\nand place where any su(;h disorders, offences and mis-\\ndemeanors, shall be committed on shore, notwith-\\nstanding such offender be in our actual service and in\\nour ])ay on board any such our ships of war or other\\nvessels, acting by immediate commission or warrant\\nfrom", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y 229\\nfrom our liigh ndniiral, or from onr oommissioners A. D.\\nfor exet utiuii the olHce of liij li admiral for the time i^ 02.\\nbeiiiji; as aforesaid, so as he shall not receive any pro-\\ntection for the delaying of justice, for such offences\\ncommitted on shore, from any pretence of his being\\nem])loyed in onr service at sea. Our Avill and ])lea-\\nsnre is, that all j^uhlick money raised, or that shall be\\nraisefl, by any act hereafter to be made within our said\\nj)rovince, and issued out by warrant from you, by and\\nwith the advice and consent of our council, and dis-\\n]iose(l of by you for the support of the government,\\nand otherwise we do hereby give you the said lord\\nCornbury, full ])ower and authority, to order and ap-\\nj)oint fairs, marts, and markets, as also such and so\\nmany ports, harbours, quays, havens, and other pFaces\\nfor the conveniency and security of shipping, and for\\nthe loading and unloading of goods and merchandize,\\nas by yon, with the advice and consent of our said\\ncouncil, sliall be thought fit and necessary. And we\\ndo hereby require and conniiand of all officers and magi-\\nstrates, civil and military, and all other the inhabitants\\nof our said province, to be obedient, aiding and assist-\\ning unto you the said lord Cornbury, in the execution\\nof this our commission, and of the powers and\\nauthorities herein contained; and in case of your death\\nor absence out of our said provintie, to be obedient,\\naiding and assisting to such person as shall be a])|)ointed\\nby us, to be our lieutenant governor or commander\\nin chief of the said province, to whom we do there-\\nfore by these presents, give and grant all and singu-\\nlar the |)rivileges anil authorities aforesaid, to be by\\nhim executed and enjoyed during our j)leasure, or until\\nyour arrival within our said ])r()vince: And if upon\\nyour death or absence out of our said province, there\\nbe no ]xn*son upon the place commissioa;ited or ap-\\n])ointed by us to be our lieutenant governor, or com-\\nmander in (thief of tiie said province; our will and\\npleasure is, that the then present council of our said\\nprovince, do take upon them the administration of the\\ngovernment, and execute this commission, and the\\nseveral", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "230\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\nseveral powers and authorities herein contained, an^\\nthat such councellor who shall be at the time of your\\ndeath or absence, residing within our said province,\\nand nominated by our instructions to you, before any\\nother at that time residing there, do preside in our said\\ncouncil, with such privileges and preheminences as may\\nbe necessary in those circumstances, for the due and\\norderly carrying on the publick service in the admi-\\nnistration of the government as aforesaid, until our\\npleasure be further known, or until your return.\\nLastly, we do hereby declare, ordain and appoint,\\nthat you the said lord Cornbury, shall and may hold,\\nexecute and enjoy the office and place of captain\\ngeneral and gov ernor in chief, in and over our pro-\\nvince of Nova-Oesaria, or Xew-Jersey,. together\\nwith all and singular the powers and authorities hereby\\ngranted unto you, for and during our will and plea-\\nsure, from and after the publication of this our com-\\nmission. In witness whereof we have caused these\\nour letters to be made patents: Witness ourself at\\nWestminster, the fifth day of December,, in. the first\\nyear of our reign.\\nCHAP. XIII.\\nLord Com\\nbuiv s in-\\nBtructioDs.\\nInstructions from Queen Anne to Lord Cornbury.\\nInstructions for our right trusty and well beloved\\nEdward lord Cornbury, our captain general and\\ngovernor in chief, in and over our province of\\nNova-Csesaria, or New-Jersey, in America. Criven\\nat our court at St. James s, the sixteenth day of\\nNovember, 1702, in the first year of our reign.\\n1 T X jTITH these our instructions you will receive\\nV V our commission under our great seal of\\nEngland, constituting you our cajitain general and go-\\nvernor in chief of our province of New-Jersey.\\n2. You", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E E S E Y 231\\n2. You are with all convenient speed to repair to\\nour said province, and being there arrived, you are\\nto take upon you the execution of the place and trust\\nwe have re|)o.sed in you, and forthwith to call together\\nthe following persons, whom we do by these presents\\nap|)()int and constitute members of our council in\\nand for that province, viz. Edward Hunloke, Lewis\\nMorris, Andrew Bowne, Samuel Jenings, Thomas\\nRevell, Francis Daven|K)rt, William Pinhorne, Sa-\\nmuel Leonard, George Deacon, Samuel Walker,\\nDaniel Leeds, William Sandford, and Kobert\\nQuarry esquires.\\n3. And you are with all due solemnity, to cause\\nour said commission under our great seal of England,\\nconstituting you our captain general and governor\\nin chief as aforesaid, to be read and published at\\nthe said meeting of our council, and to cause ])ro-\\nclamation to be made in the several most j nblick\\nplaces of our said province, of your being constituted\\nby us our captain general and governor in chief as\\naforesaid.\\n4. Which being done, you shall yourself take, and\\nalso administer to each of the members of our said\\ncouncil so appointed by us, the oaths aj)])()inted by act\\nof parliament to be taken instead of the oaths of alle-\\ngiance and supremacy, and the oath mentioned in\\nan act, entitled. An act to declare the alteration in the\\noath appointed to be taken by the act, entitled, An act\\nfor the farther securiti/ of his majedtfH person, and the\\nsuccession of the crown in the protestant line, and for\\nextinguishing the hopes of the pretended prince of\\nWales, and all other pretenders, and their open and secret\\nabettors, and for declaiing the association to be deter-\\nmined; as also the test mentioned in an act of par-\\nliameut\\nt. Qiiarrv was said to be of the council for five govertiments at\\none time, viz. New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland,\\nand V iriiinia: he died about the year 1712. Beverly in hisjiistory\\nof Virginia, p. 92, 90, 97, rejiresents him as joining with I\u00c2\u00abichol-\\nson, the then governor of that colony, in unfavourable represen-\\ntations against the colonies.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "232\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\nliament made in tlie twenty fifth year of the reign of\\nking; Charles the second, entitled, An act for pre-\\nventing dangers which may happen from popish recu-\\nsants together with an oath for the due execution of\\nyour and tlieir ]ilaces and trusts, as well with regard\\nto the equal and impartial administration of justice\\nin all causes that shall come bel ore you, as otherwise,\\nand likewise the oath required to be taken by gover-\\nnors of plantations, to do their utmost, that the laws\\nrelating to the plantations be observed.\\n5. You are forthwith to communicate unto our said\\ncouncil, snch and so many of these our instructions,\\nwherein their advice and consent are mentioned to be\\nrequisite, as likewise all such others from time to\\ntime, as you shall find convenient for our service to\\nbe imparted to them.\\n6. And whereas the inhabitants of our said ])ro-\\nvince have of late years been unhappily divided, and\\nby their enmity to each other, our service and their\\nown welfare has been very nutcli obstructed you are\\ntherefore in the exectition of our commission, to\\navoid the engaging yourself in the parties which have\\nbeen form d amongst them, and to use such impartia-\\nlity and moderation to all, as may best conduce to our\\nservice, and the good of the colony.\\n7. You are to periuit the members of our said\\ncouncil, to have and enjoy freedom of debate and\\nvote, in all affairs of publick concern, that may be\\ndebated in council.\\n8. And altho by our commission aforesaid, we\\nhave thought fit to direct that any three of our coun-\\ncellors make a quorum, it is nevertheless our will\\nand pleasure, that you do not act with a quorum of\\nless than five members, except in case of necessity.\\n9. And that we may be always informed of the\\nnames and characters of persons fit to supply the va-\\ncancies which shall happen in our said (H)uncil, you\\nare to transmit unto us, by one of our princijDal secre-\\ntary s of state, and to otir commissioners for trade and\\nplantations, with all convenient speed, the names and\\ncharacters", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 233\\ncharacters of six persons, inhabitants of the eastern\\ndivision, and six other persons inhabitants of the\\nwestern division of onr said jirovince, whom yon shall\\nesteem the best qnalihed for that trn^t and so from\\ntime to time when any of them sliall (be, depart out\\nof our said province, or become otherwise untit, you\\nare to nominate unto us so many other persons in\\ntheir stead, that the list of tAvelve persons fit to supply\\nthe said vacancies, viz. six out of the east, and six out\\nof the west division, as aforesaid, may be always\\ncom pleat.\\n10. You are from time to time to send to us as\\naforesaid, and to our commissioners for trade and\\nplantations, the names and qualities of any members\\nby you j)ut into our said council, by tiie first conve-\\nniency after your so doing.\\nII. And in the choice and nomination of the\\nmembers of our said council, as also of the principal\\nofficers, judges, assistants, justices and sheriffs, you\\nare always to take care that they be men of good\\nlife, and well affected to our government, of good\\nestates and abilities, and not necessitous })eople or\\nranch in debt.\\n12. You are neither to augment nor diminish the\\nnumber of our said council, as it is hereby established,\\nnor to suspend any of the present members thereof\\nwithout good and sufficient canse: And in case of\\nsnspension of any of them, you are to cause your\\nreasons for so doing, together with the charges and\\nproofs against the said persons, and their answers\\nthereunto (unless you have some extraordinary reason\\nto the contrary) to be duly entered upon the council\\nbooks and you are forthwith to transmit the same,\\ntogether with your reasons for not entering them\\nupon the council books, (in case you do not enter\\nthem) unto us and to our commissioners for trade and\\nplantations as aforesaid.\\n13. You are to signify our pleasure luito the mera-\\nbers of our said council, that if any of them shall at\\n*auy time hereafter absent themselves, and continue\\nabsent", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "234\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\nabsent above the space of two mouths together from\\nour said province without leave from you, or from our\\ngovernor or commander in chief of our said province,\\nfor the time being, first obtained; or shall remain\\nabsent for the space of two years, or the greater part\\nthereof successively, without our leave given them\\nunder our royal sign manual their place or places in\\nour said council, shall immediately thereupon become\\nvoid, and that M e will forthwith appoint others in\\ntheir stead.\\n14. And in order to the better consolidating and\\nincorporating the two divisions of East and West\\nNew-Jersey, into and under one government, our will\\nand pleasure is, that with all convenient speed, you call\\ntogether one general assembly for the enacting of laws\\nfor the joint and mutual good of the whole and that\\nthe said general assembly do sit in the first place at\\nPerth-Am boy, in East New- Jersey, and afterwards\\nthe same, or other the next general assembly, at Bur-\\nlington, in West New-Jersey and that all future\\ngeneral assemblies do set at one or the other of those\\nplaces alternately, or (in cases of extraordinary neces-\\nsity) according as you with the advice of our foresaid\\ncouncil, shall tliink to appoint them.\\n15. And our further will and pleasure is, that the\\ngeneral assembly so to be called, do consist of four and\\ntwenty representatives, who are to be chosen in the\\nmanner following, viz. two by the inhabitants house-\\nholders of the city or town of Perth-Amboy, in East\\nNew- Jersey; two by the inhabitants householders of\\nthe city and town of Burlington in West New-Jersey\\nten by the freeholders of East New-Jersey, and ten\\nby the freeholders of West New-Jersey and that no\\nperson shall be capable of being elected a representa-\\ntive by the freeholders of either division, or after-\\nwards of sitting in general assemblies, who shall not\\nhave one thousand acres of land, of an estate of\\nfreehold, in his own right, within the division for\\nwhich he shall be chosen and that no freeholder shall\\nbe capable of voting in the election of such represen-\\ntative", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JEESEY. 235\\ntative, who shall not have one hundred acres of land A. D.\\n*of an estate of freehold in his own right, within the\\ndivision for which he shall so vote And tliat this\\nnumber of representatives shall not be enhirged or\\ndiminished, or the manner of electino; them altered,\\notherwise than by and act or acts of the general asseni-\\nbly there, and confirmed by the approbation of us,\\nour heirs and successors.\\n16. You\\nu. This clause was soon altered as follows:\\nAnnk It.\\nAdditional instructions to our right trusty and well beloved Edward\\nlord Cornbury, our captain general and governor in chief, in\\nand over our province of Nova-Cfesarin, or New-Jersey, in\\nAmerica: Given at our court of St. James s, the third of May\\n1705, in the fourth year of our reign.\\nWhereas by a clause in our general instructions to you, for\\nthe government of our province of New-.Jersey, the repre-ienta-\\nlives for the general asseinl)ly of that i)rovince are appointed to\\nbe chosen as follows, viz. two by the inhabiianis house hulder.s\\nof the city or town of Perth-Anil)oy, in Ea t New-.Jersey; two\\nby the inhabitants house holders of the city and town of Burlington,\\nin West New-Jersey; ten by the freeholders of East New-Jersey,\\nand ten by the freeholders of West New-Jersey: And it having\\nbeen represented to us by you our governor, that several ineonveni-\\nencies have arisen from the aforesaid manner of chusing representa-\\ntives; it is our will and pleasure, and you are act^ordingiy to make\\nthe same known in the most [)ublick manner, that the meihod for\\nchusing representatives for the I uture be as follows, viz two by\\nthe inhabitants house holders of the city or town of Perth-Aniboy,\\nin East New-Jersey, and two by the freeholders of each ol the\\nfive counties of the said division of East New- Jersey two by the\\ninhabitants housholders for the city or town of Burlington, in\\nWest New-Jersey two by ihe inhabitants householders of ilie town\\nof Salem, in the said division, and two by the freeholders of each\\nof the four counties in the said division of West New-Jersey;\\nwhich persons so to be ciiosen make up together the number of\\ntwenty four representaiives, as limited by our former in-triiciions.\\nAnd it is our further will and i)leasure, that no person shall be\\ncapable of being elected a representative by the freeholders of\\neither division as aforesaid, or afterwards of sitting in general\\nassemblies, who shall not have one thousand acres of land of an\\nestate of freehold in his own right, within the division for whiclx\\nhe shall be chosen, or personal estate in money, goods or chattels,\\nto ihe value of five hundred pounds sterling; and all inhMl itant3\\nof our said province being so qualified as aforesaid, are hereby de-\\nclared capable of being elected accordingly And it is likewise our\\npleasure", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "236\\nThe history\\n16. You are with all convenient speed to cause a\\ncolle(;tion to be made of all the laws, orders, rules,\\nor sucli as have hitherto served or been reputed as laws\\namoiiost the inhabitants of our said province of Nova-\\nCresaria, or New-Jei sey, and, together with our afore-\\nsaid council and assembly., you are to revise, correct,\\nand amend the same, as may be necessary and accord-\\ningly to enact such and so many of them, as by you\\nwith the advice of our said council and assembly, shall\\nbe judged j)roper and conducive to our service, and\\nthe welfare of our said ])rovince, that they may be\\ntransmitted unto us, in authentic form, for our appro-\\nbation or (lisallowance.\\n17. You are to observe in the passing of the said\\nlaws, and of all other laws, that the stile enacting the\\nsame, be by the governor, council and assembly, and\\nno other.\\n18. You are also as much as possible to observe, in\\nthe passing of all laws, that wliatever juay be requisite\\nupon\\npleasure, that no freeliolder shall be capable of votin^ in the\\nelection of such represeniaiives, wlio siiall not have one liundred\\nacres of land of an estate of freehold iu his own right, within\\nthe county for which he shall so vote, or a personal estate in\\nmoney, goods or chattels, to the value of fifty pounds sterling;\\nand all freeholders in our said province being so qualified as afore-\\nsaid, are hereby declared capable of voting in the election of\\nre|)resentatives; which number of representatives shall not be\\nenlarged or diminished, or the manner of electing them thereby\\ndirected, altered there, otherwise than by an act or acta of the\\ngeneral assembly, to be confirmed by tbe approbation of us, our\\nheirs and successors. And whereas it may be inconvenient, that\\nthe governor and lieutenant governor of our said j rovin e of New-\\nJersey, for both of them to be absent from thence at the same\\ntime; it is our will and pleasure, that as soon as the general assem-\\nble of our said |)rovin{!e shall have provided a house, and our\\nlieutenant governor with a convenient room for the meeting of\\nour council, and settled convenient salaries, which you are in our\\nname to press them to do, that either you or our lieutenant\\ngovernor, do constantly reside in our said province, and that you\\nbe not both absent at the same time: It is likewise our will and\\npleasure, that no fees be exacted or taken by anv of the officers\\nunder yon, ibr the grants of lands made by the agents ol the\\nproprietors; and the said agents are to deliver to you in ouncil,\\nduplicates of all such grants to be registered iu our council books.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "Of new -JERSEY. 237\\nupon each different matter, be accord inj^ly provided A. D.\\nfor by a different law, without internuxing in one 02.\\nand the same act, such things as have no proj^er rela-\\ntion to eacii other; and you are especially to take care\\nthat no clause or clauses be inserted in, or annexed to\\nany act, which sliall be foreign to what the title of\\nsuch respective act iniiports.\\n19. You are to transmit authentic copies of the\\nforementioned law s that shall be enacted, and of all\\nlaws, statutes, and ordinances, which shall at any time\\nhereafter be made or enacted within our said province,\\neach of them separately, under the publick seal,\\nunto us, and to our said cominissicmers for trade and\\nj)lantations, within three months or by the first o])])or-\\ntunity after their being enacted, together with du;)li-\\ncates thereof by the next conveyance, u pon pain of\\nour high disi)leasure, and of the forf.Mture of that\\nyear s salary, wherein you shall at any time, or \\\\.\\\\\\\\)0\\\\\\\\\\nany |)retence whatsoever, omit to send over the said\\nlaws, statutes and ordinances as aforesaid, within the\\ntime above limited, as also of such other penalty as-\\nwe shall })lease to iniiict. But if it shall happen, that\\nduring time of war, no shij)ping shall come from our\\nsaid province, or other our adjacent or neighbouring\\nplantations, within three months after the making\\nsuch laws, stjitutes, and ordinances, whereby the same\\nmay be transmitted as aforesaid, then the stud laws,\\nstatutes and ordinances are to be so transmitted as\\naforesaid, by the next conveyance after the making\\nthereof whenever it may happen, for our a})probatiou\\nor disallowance of the same.\\n20. You are to take care, that in all acts or orders\\nto be passed within that our province in any case for\\nlevying money or imposing tines and penalties, ex-\\npress mention be made that the same is granted or\\nreserved to us, our heirs or successors, for the publick\\nuses of that our province, and the sui)p( rt of the\\ngovernment thereof, as by the said act or orders shall\\nbe directed.\\n21. And", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "238\\nThe history\\n21. And we do particularly require and command,\\nthat no money, or value of money whatsoever, be\\ngiven or granted by any act or order of assembly, to\\nany governor, lieutenant governor, or commander\\nin chief of our said province, which shall not accord-\\ning to the stile of acts of parliament in England, be\\nmentioned to be given and granted unto us, with the\\nhumble desire of such assembly, that the same be\\na|)})lied to the use and behoof of such governor, lieu-\\ntenant governor, or commander in (;hief, if we shall\\nso think fit; or if we shall not a])prove of such gift or\\napplication, that the said money or value of money,\\nbe then disposed of and appropriated to such other\\nuses as in the said act or order shall be mentioned and\\nthat from the time the same shall be raised, it remain\\nin the hands of the receiver of our said province until\\nour royal pleasure shall be known therein.\\n22. You shall also j)ropose with the said general\\nassembly, and use your utmost endeavours with them,\\nthat an act be passed for raising and settling a publick\\nrevenue for defraying the necessary charge of the\\ngovernment of our said province, in which provision\\nbe particularly made for a competent salary to your-\\nself, as ca})tain general and governor in chief of our\\nsaid province, and to other our succeeding captain\\ngenerals, for supporting the dignity of the said office,\\nas likewise due provision for the salaries of the respec-\\ntive members of our council and assembly, and of\\nall other officers necessary for the administration, of\\nthat government.\\n23. Whereas it is not reasonable that any of our\\ncolonies or plantations should by virtue of any exemp-\\ntions or other privileges whatsoever, be allowed to\\nseek and pursue their own particular advantages, by\\nmethods tending to undermine and prejudice our\\nother colonies and plantations, which have equal title\\nto our royal care and whereas the trade and welfare\\nof our jn-ovince of New-York, would be greatly\\nprejudiced, if not entirely ruined, by allowing unto\\nthe inhabitants of JSTova-Ca^saria, or New-Jersey,\\nany", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JEKSEY. 239\\nany exemption from those chars^es, which the inha- -A.\\nbitants of New- York are liable to you are therefore\\nin the settling of a public revenue as before directed,\\nto projwse to the assembly, that such customs, duties\\nand other impositions be laid u])on all conunodities\\nimported or exported in or out of our said province\\nof Nova-Csesaria, or New Jersey, as may equal the\\ncharge that is or shall be laid upon the like commo-\\ndities in our ])rovince of New- York.\\n24. An l whereas we are willing in the l)est manner\\nto j)rovide for the su))port of the government of our\\nsaid j)rovince, by setting apart sufficient allowances to\\nsa(!h as shall be our governor or commander in chief,\\nresiding for the time being within tiie same our will\\nand phiasure therefore is, that when it shall hapjien,\\nthat you shall be absent from the territories of New-\\nJersey and New- York, of which we have appointed\\nyon governor, one full moiety of the salary and of all\\nperquisites and emoluments whatsoever, which would\\notherwise become due unto you, shall, during the\\ntime of your absence from the said territories, be paid\\nand satisfied unto such governor or commander in\\n-hief who shall be resident upon the place for the\\ntinie being, which we do hereby order and allot unto\\nhim towards his maintenance, and for the better sup-\\nport of the dignity of that our government.\\n25. Whereas great prejudice may happen to our\\nservice and the security of our said province under\\nyour government by your absence from those parts,\\nwithout a sufficient cause and esjiecial leave from us;\\nfor prevention thereof, you are not upon any [)retence\\nwliatsoever, to come to Europe from vour govern-\\nment, vithout first having obtained leave for so\\ndoing, under our signet anil sign manual, or by our\\norder in our privy council.\\n2G. You are not to permit any clause whatsoever to\\nbe inserted in any law for tiie levying money, or the\\nVJilue of money, whereby the same shjill not be made\\nliable to l)e accounted for unto us here in England,\\nand to our high treasurer, or to our commissioners of\\nour treasury for the time being. 27. You", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "240\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\n27. You are to take care that fair books of accounts\\nof all receipts and payments of all such money be\\nduly kept, and the truth thereof attested upon oath,\\nand that the said books be transmitted every half year\\nor oftner, to our high treasurer, or to our commis-\\nsioners of our treasury for the time being, and to our\\ncommissioners for trade and plantations, and duplicates\\nthereof by the next conveyance; in which books shall\\nbe sj)ecified every particular sum raised or disposed of,\\ntogether with the names of the persons to Avhom any\\npayment shall be made, to the end we may be satis-\\nfied of the right and due application of the revenue of\\nour said province.\\n28. You are not to suifer any publick money what-\\nsoever, to be issued or disposed of otherwise than by\\nwarrant under your hand, by and with the advice\\nand consent of our said council but the assembly\\nnniy be nevertheless permitted from time to time to\\nview and examine the accounts of money, or value\\nof money disposed of by virtue of laws made by\\nthem, which you are to signify unto them as there\\nshall be occasion.\\n29. And it is our express will and pleasure, that\\nno law for raising any imposition of wines or other\\nstrong liquors, be made to continue for less than one\\nwhole year; as also that all laws whatsoever for the\\ngood government and support of our said province,\\nbe made indefinite, and without limitation of time,\\nexcept the same be for a temporary end, which shall\\nexj)ire and have its full effect within a certain time.\\n30. And therefore you shall not re-enact any law\\nwhich shall have been once enacted there by you,\\nexcept upon very urgent occasions, but in no case\\nmore than once without our express consent.\\n31. You shall not permit any act or order to pass\\nin our said province, whereby the price or value of the\\ncurrent coin within your government, (whether it be\\nforeign or Ijelonging to our dominions) may be\\naltered, without our particular leave or direction for\\nthe same.\\n32. And", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "OfNEW -JERSEY. 241\\n32. And you are particularly not to ])ass any law -A^. D,\\nor do any act, by grant, settlement, or otherwise,\\nwhereby our revenue, after it shall be settled, may be\\nlessened or impaired, without our especial leave or\\ncommands therein.\\n33. You shall not remit any fines or forfeitures\\nwhatsoever, above the sum of ten pounds, nor dis-\\npose of any escheats, fines or forfeitures whatsoever,\\nuntil, upon siu iiifying unto our hijih treasurer, or to\\nour commissioners of our treasury for the time being,\\nand to our commissioners for trade and ])lantations,\\ntlie nature of the offence and the occasion of such\\nHues, forfeitures, or escheats, with the piirticular\\nsums or value thereof, (which you arc to do with all\\nspeed) you shall have received our directions therein\\nbut you may in the mean time suspend the payment\\nof the said fines and forfeitures.\\n3-f. You are to recpiire the secretary of our said\\n])rovince, or his deputy for the time being, to furnish\\nyou with transcripts of all such acts and publick\\norders as shall be made from time to time, together\\nwith a copy of the journals of the council, to the end\\nthe same may be transmitted unto us, and to our com-\\nmissioners for trade and j)lantations as above directed,\\nwhi(!h he is duly to perform, upon pain of incurring\\nthe forfeiture of his place.\\n3 You are also to require from the clerk of the\\nassembly, or other ])roi)er officer, transcripts of all\\nthe journals and other |)roceedings of the said assem-\\nbly, to the end the same may in like manner be trans-\\nmitted as aforesaid.\\n3G. Our will and pleasure is, that for the better\\nquieting the minds of our good subjects, inhabitants\\nof oiu said province, and for settling the projicrties\\nand possessions of all |)ersons concerned therein, either\\nas general projjrietors of the soil under the first origi-\\nnal grant of the said province, made by the late king\\nCharles the second, to the late duke of York, or as\\n|)articular purchasers of any parcels of land from the\\nsaid general proprietors, you shall propose to the\\nQ general\\n1702.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "242\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\ngeneral assembly of our said province, the passing of\\nsuch act or acts, whereby the right and property of\\nthe said general proprietors, to the soil of our said\\nprovince, may be cionfiirnied to them, according to\\ntiieir respective rights and title together with all such\\nquit-rents as have been reserved, or are or shall\\nbecome due to the said general proprietors, from the\\ninhabitants of our said province and all such rivi-\\nleges as are express d in the conveyances made by the\\nsaid duke of York, excepting only the right of\\ngovernment, which remains in us And you are\\nfurttier to take care, that by the said act or acts so to\\nbe passed, the particular titles and estates of all the\\ninhabitants of that province, and other purchasers\\nclaiming under the said general proprietors, be con-\\nfirmed and settled as of right does appertain, under\\nsuch obligations as shall tend to the best and speediest\\nimprovement or cultivation of the same. Provided\\nALWAYS, that you do not consent to any act or acts,\\nto lay any tax upon lands that lie unjn ofitable.\\n37. You shall not permit any other person or\\npersons besides the said general proprietors, or their\\nagents, to purchase any land whatsoever from the\\nIndians within the limits of their grant.\\n38. You are to permit the surveyors and other persons\\nappointed by the forementioned general proprietors of\\nthe soil of that province, for surveying and recording\\nthe surveys of land granted by and held of them, to\\nexecute accordingly their respective trusts And you\\nare likewise to permit, and if need be, aid and assist\\nsuch other agent or agents, as shall be appointed by\\nthe said jiroprietors for that end, to collect and receive\\nthe quit-rents which are or shall be due unto them,\\nfrom the ])artieular possessors of any arcels or tracts\\nof land from time to time. Provided always,\\nthat such surveyors, agents or other officers appointed\\nby tlie said general jjroprietors, do not only take\\nproper oaths for the due execution and performance\\nof their respective offices or employments, and give\\ngood and sufficient security for their so doing, but that\\nthey", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 243\\nthoy likewise take the oaths a]i])ointefl by act of par- A. D.\\nliament to be taken instead of the oaths of alleiifianee I O^-\\nand supremacy, and the oath mentioned in the afore-\\nsaid act, entitled. An (id to dec/are the alteration in the\\noath appointed to be taken by the act, entitled, An act\\nfor thefnrther .securitij of his majestt/s person and. the\\nsuccession of the crown in the protestant line, and for\\nextingui shine/ the hopes of the pretended prince of Wcdes,\\nand all other pretenders, and their open and secret\\nabettors, and for declaring the association to be deter-\\nmined as also the forementioned test. And you arc\\nmore particularly to take care tiiat all lands purchased\\nfrom the said proprict(n*s, be cultivated and improved\\nby the possessors thereof.\\n39. You shall transmit unto us, and to our com-\\nmissioners for trade and plantations, by tlie first oppor-\\ntunity, a map with the exact description of our whole\\nterritory under your trovernment, and of the several\\nplantations that are uj)on it.\\n40. You are likewise to send a list of officers\\nemph^yed under your government, together with all\\npublick charges.\\n41. You shall not displace any of the judges,\\n^justices, sheriffs, or other offii-ers or ministers within\\nour said j)rovince, without good and sufficient cause to\\nbe signified unto us, and to our said commissioners for\\ntrade and plantations and to ])reveut arbitrary remo-\\nval of judges and justices of the })eace, you shall not\\n^express any limitation of time in the commissions\\nwhich you are to grant, -svith the advice and consent\\nof the council of our said province, to persons fit for\\nthose employments, nor sliall you execute yourself,\\nor by d(;[)uty, any of the said offices, nor sutler any\\npersons to execute more offices than one by deputy.\\n42. Whereas we are given to understand, that\\nthere are several offices within our said province\\ngranted under the great seal of England, and that our\\nservice may he very much prejudiced by reason of the\\nabsence of the patentees, and by tiieir appointing\\ndeputies not tit to officiate in their stead you are\\ntherefore", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "244 The HISTORY\\nA. D. therefore to inspect tlie said offices, and to inquire into\\n1702. the capacity and behaviour of the persons now cxer-\\n^cising tiieni, and to report tlierenpon to us, and to\\nour commissioners, for trade and jilantations, what\\nyou think fit to be done or altered in rchition tliere-\\n*unto; and you are upon the misbehaviour of any of\\nthe said patentees, or their deputies, to suspend theni\\nfrom the execution of their |)Iaces, till you shall have\\nrepresented the whole matter and received our directi-\\nous therein but you shall not by colour of any power\\nor authority hereby or otherwise granted or mentioned\\nto be granted unto you, take ui)OU you to give, grant\\nor dispose of any office or place within our said pro-\\nvince, M hich now is or shall be granted under the\\ngreat seal of England, any further than that you may\\nupon the vacancy of any such office or ])lace, or sus-\\npension of any such officer by you as afoi esaid, put\\nin any fit person to offic^iate in the interval till you\\nshall have represented the matter unto us, and to our\\ncommissioners for trade and plantations a-; aforesaid,\\n(which you are to do by the first opportnuity) and\\ntill the said office or })lace be disposed of by us, our\\nheirs or successors, under the great seal of England^\\nor that our further directions l)e given therein..\\n43. In case any goods, money, or other estate of\\npirates, or piratically taken, shall be brought in, or\\nfound within our said province of Nova-Caisaria, or\\nNew-Jersey, or taken on board any shi})s or vessels,.\\nyou are tt) cause the same to be seized and secured\\nuntil you shall have given us an account thereof, and\\nreceived our pleasure concerning the disposal of the\\nsame But in case such goods or any part of them are\\nperishable, the same shall be pubUckly sold and dis-\\nposed of, and the j)roduce thereof in like manner\\nsecured until our further order.\\n44, And whereas commissions have been granted\\nunto several persons in our respective plantations in\\nAmerica, for the trying of pirates m those j)arts pur-\\nsuant to the act for the more effectual supjjression of\\npiracy, and by a commission already sent to our pro-\\nvince", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 245\\nviuce of New-York, you (as captain general and ^-J?\\ngovernor in diief of our said province of New-York)\\nare empowered, towtlier witli others therein menti-\\noned, to proceed accordingly in reference to our pro-\\nvinces of New- York, New Jersey, and Connecticut;\\nour will and ])leasure is, that in all matters relating\\nto pirates, yon govern yourself according to the\\nintent of the act and commission aforementioned but\\nwliereas accessaries in cases of ])iracy beyond the seas,\\nare l)v the same act left to be tried in Enghuid,\\naccording to the statute of the second of king Heiuy\\nthe eighth, we do herel)y further direct and require\\nyon to send all such accessaries in cases of piracy in\\nonr aforesaid province of Nova-Caesaria or New-\\nJersey, with the proj)er evidences tliat you n)ay have\\nagainst them, into England, in order to their being\\ntried here.\\n45. You shall not erect any court or office of jndi-\\ncature, not before erected or established, without our\\nespecial order.\\n46. You are to transmit unto us and to our com-\\nmissioners for trade and plantations, with all conve-\\nnient speed, a particular account of all establishments\\nof jurisdictions, courts, offices, and officers, j)Owers,\\nauthorities, fees and privileges, wiiich shall be\\ngranted or settled within the said province, by virtue\\nand in |)ursuance of our commission and instructions\\nto you our captain general and governor in chief of\\nthe same, to the end you may receive our further\\ndirection therein.\\n47. And you are with the advice and consent of\\nour said council, to take especial care to regulate all\\nsalaries and fees belonging to places, or ])aid upon\\nemergencies, that they be Avithin the bounds of mode-\\nration, and that no exaction be made on any occasion\\nwhatsoever-; as also, that tables of all fees be j)ub-\\nlickly hung up in all places where such fees are to be\\npaid and you are to transmit copies of all such tables\\nof fees to us, and to our commissioners for trade and\\nplantations as aforesaid.\\n48. Whereas", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "246 The HISTORY\\nA. D. 48. Whereas it is necessary that our rights and\\n1702. clues bo preserved and recovered, and that speedy and\\neffectual justice be administered in all cases rehiting to\\nour. revenue, you are to take care, that a court of\\nexchequer be called and do meet at all such times as\\nshall be needful, and you are to inform us and our\\ncommissioners for trade and plantations, whether our\\nservice may require that a constant court of exchequer\\nbe settled and established tiierc.\\n49. You are to take care that no man s life, mem-\\nber, freehold, or goods be taken away or harmed in\\nour said province, otherwise than by established and\\nknown laws, not repugnant to, but as much as may\\nbe, agreeable to the laws of England.\\n50. You shall, administer, or cause to be admini-\\nstred, the oaths appointed by act of parliament to be\\ntaken instead of the oaths of allegiance and supremacy,\\nand the oath mentioned in the aforesaid act, entitled,\\nAn act to declare the alteration in the oath appointed\\nto be taken by the act, entitled. An act for the further\\nsecaritif of his majesty s person, and the suceession of the\\ncroiim in the protestant line, and for extinguishing the\\nhopes of the jyretended prince of Wales, and all other\\n^pretenders, and their open and. secret abettors, and for\\ndeclaring the association to be determined as also the\\nforementioned test, to the members and officers of\\nthe council and assembly, and to all judges, justices,\\nand all other persons that hold any office or place of\\ntrust or [)roiit in the said province,, whether by virtue\\nof any patent under our great seal of England, or\\notherwise, without which you are not to admit any\\nperson whatsoever into any publick office, nor sufifer\\nthose who have been admitted formerly to continue\\ntherein.\\n51. You are to permit a liberty of conscience to\\nall persons (except papists) so they may be contented\\nwith a quiet and peaceable enjoyment of the same,\\nnot giving offence or scandal to the government.\\n52. And whereas we have been informed, that\\ndivers of our good, subjects inhabiting tliose parts,\\ndo-", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y 247\\ndo make a religious f;crii])le of swearing, and by reason A. D.\\nof their refusing to take an oath in courts of justice 1702.\\nand other pUices, are or may be liable to many incon-\\nvenieneies our will and pleasure is, that in order to\\ntheir ease in wJiat they conceive to be matter of con-\\nscience, so far as may be consistent with good order\\nand government, you taUe care, that an act. be passed\\nin the general assembly of our said province, to the\\nlike effect as that j)assed here in the seventh and eighth\\nyears of his majesty s reign, entitled. An ad, that\\nthe solemn ajfinn/ifion and declaration of the people\\ncalled, Quakers, shall he accepted, instead of an oath in\\nthe asiad form, and that the same be transmitted to\\nus, and to our commissioners for trade and plantations\\nas before directed.\\n53. And whereas we have been further informed,\\nthat in the first settlement of the government of our\\nsaid province, it may so hap{)en, that the number of\\ninhalntunts fitly (juallHcd to serve in our council in\\nthe general assembly, and in other places of trust or\\n|)roht there, will be but small it is therefore our will\\nand pleasure, that such of the said peoj)le called\\nquakers, as shall be found capable of any of those\\nplaces or employments, and accordingly be elected or\\napjKiinted to serve therein, may upon their taking\\nand signing the declaration of allegiance, to us in the\\nform used by the same peo])le here in England, toge-\\nther Avith a solemn declaration for true dis(!harge of\\ntheir respective trusts, be admitted by you into any\\nof the said places or employments.\\n*54. You shall send an account inito us, and to our\\ncommissioners for trade and plantations, of the pre-\\nsent number of ])lanters and inhabitants, men women\\nand children, as Avell masters as servants, free and\\nunfree, and of the slaves in our said province, as\\nalso a yearly account of the increase or decrease of\\nthem, and how many of them are tit to bear arms in\\nthe militia of our said province.\\n55. You shall also cause an account to be kept of\\nall persons born, christened and buried, and you\\nshall", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "248\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\nshall yearly send fair abstracts thereof to us, and to our\\ncommissioners for trade and plantations as aforesaid.\\n56. Yon shall take care, that all planters and chri-\\nstian servants, be well and fitly provided Avith arms,\\nand that they be listed under good officers, and when\\nand as often as shall be thouglit fit, nuistered and\\ntrained, whereby they may be in a better readiness\\nfor the defence of our said province under your\\ngovernment and you are to endeavour to get an act\\npass d, (if not already done) for apportioning the\\nnumber of white servants to be kept by every planter.\\n57. You are to take especial care, that neither the\\nfrequency, nor unreusonabk ness of their marches,\\nmusters and trainings, be an unnecessary impediment\\nto the affairs of the inhabitants.\\n58. You shall not, upon any occasion whatsoever,\\nestablish, or put in execution, any articles of war,\\nor other law martial, upon any of our subjects, inha-\\nbitants of our said j)rovince, without the advice and\\nconsent of our council there.\\n59. And whereas there is no power given you by\\nyour commission, to execute martial law in time of\\npeace upon soldiers in pay, and that nevertheless it\\nmay be necessary that some care be taken for the\\nkeeping of good discipline amongst those, that we\\nmay at an^^ time think fit to send into our said pro-\\nvince, (which may properly be provided for by the\\nlegislative power of the same) you are therefore to\\nrecommend to the general assembly of our said pro-\\nvince, that they prepare such act or law for the punish-\\ning of mutiny, desertion and false musters and for\\nthe better preserving of good discipline amongst the\\nsaid soldiers, as may best answer those ends.\\n60. And whereas upon complaints that have been\\nmade of the irregular proceedings of the captains of\\nsome of our ships of war, in the pressing of seamen\\nin several of our plantations; we have thought fit to\\norder, and have given directions to our high admiral\\naccordingly, that when any captain or commander\\nof any of our ships of war, in any of our said plan-\\ntations", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 249\\ntations, shall have oo asion for seamen, to serve on A. D.\\nboard our ships under their coniniand, they do make\\ntheir a])|)lieations to the governors, and commanders\\nin chief of our plantations respectively, to whom\\nas vice admirals, we are pleased to commit the sole\\npower of impressing seamen in any of our plan-\\ntations in America, or in sight of any of them, you\\nare therefore hereby required upon such apj)lication\\nmade to yon, by any of the commanders of our\\nsaid shii)s of war within our province of Nova-Cfe-\\nsaria, or New-Jersey, to take car^ that our said sliips\\nof war, be furnished with a number of seamen that\\nmay be necessary for our service on board them from\\ntime to time.\\n61. And whereas together with other powers of\\nvice admiralty, you will receive authority from our\\ndearest husband prince (leorge of Denmark, our\\nhigh admiral of England, and of our j)lantations,\\nupon the refusal or neglect of any cajjtain or com-\\nmander of any of our ships of war, to execute the\\nwritten orders he shall receive from you for our ser-\\nvice, and the service of our province under your\\ngovernment, or upon his negligent or undue execu-\\ntion thereof, to suspend him, such captain or com-\\nmander from the exercise of his said office of ca|)tain\\nor commander, and to commit him into safe custody\\neither on board his own ship or elsewhere, at your\\ndiscretion, in order to his being brought to answer for\\nsuch refusal or neglect, by commission either under\\nour groat seal of England, or from our high admiral,\\nor our commissioners for executing the office of our\\nhigh admiral of England for the time being.\\n62. And whereas you will likewise receive direc-\\ntions from our said dearest husband, as our high admi-\\nral of England, and of our ])lantations, that the cap-\\ntain or commander, so by yon suspended, shall during\\nsuch his suspension and commitment, be succeeded in\\nhis said office by such commission or warrant officer\\nof our said ship, appointed by our said high admiral\\nof England, or by our commissioners for executing\\ntlie", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "250\\nT H I H I 8 T O R Y\\nthe office of our high aclniiral of England for the time\\nbeing, as by the known practice and disciph ne of\\nour navy, does and ought to succeed him next as in\\ncase of death, sickness, or other ordinary disability\\nhappening to the commander of any of our ships of\\nwar and not otherwise, you standing also accountable\\nfor the truth and importance of the crime and mis-\\ndemeanor, for which you shall so proceed to the sus-\\npending of such our captain or commander you are\\nnot to exercise the said power of suspending any such\\ncaptains or commanders of our ships of war, other-\\nwise than by virtue of such commission or authority\\nfrom our said high admiral any former custom or\\nusage to the contrary notwithstanding.\\n63. Whereas it is absolutely necessary, that we be\\nexactly informed of the state of defence of all our\\nplantations in America, as well in relation to the\\nstores of war that are in each plantation, as to the\\nforts and fortifications there, and what more may be\\nnecessary to be built for the defence and security of\\nthe same you are so soon as possible, to prepare an\\naccount thereof, with relation to our said province\\nof Nova-Caesaria, or New- Jersey, in the most par-\\nticular manner, and you are therein to express the\\npresent state of the arms, amnuinition, and other\\nstores of war, either in any publick magazines, or\\nin the hands of private persons, together with the\\nstate of all places either already fortified, or that\\nyou judge necessary to be fortified for the security of\\nour said province and you are to transmit the saidi\\naccouut to us, and to our commissioners for trade\\nand plantations by the first opportunity, and other\\nlike accounts yearly in the same manner.\\n64. And that we may be the better informed of\\nthe trade of our said province, you are to take espe-\\ncial care, that due entries be made in all ports in our\\nsaid province of all goods and commodittes, their\\nspecies or quantities imported or exported from thence^\\nwith the names, burden, and guns of all ships im-\\nporting and exporting the same, also the names of\\ntheir", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y 251\\ntheir commanders, and likewise expressing frotu and\\nto what ])laces the said ships do come and go, a copy\\nwhereof the naval officer is to furnish you with, and\\nyou are to transmit the same unto us, or our high trea-\\nsurer, or our commissioners of our treasury for the\\ntime being, and to our commissioners for trade and\\nplantations quarterly, and duplicates thereof by the\\nnext conveyance.\\n65. And whereas great losses have been sustained\\nby our subjects, trading to ourplantations in America,\\nby ships sailing from tliose parts without covoy, or\\nwithout the company of other ships, uliich might\\nprotect them from our enemies, by wliich means\\nmany of them have been taken by the Frencii in their\\nreturn to England to the end therefore the sliips of\\nour subjects may be the better secured in their return,\\nhome, you are to take care tliat during this time of\\nwar, no ships trading to our province of Nova-Cse-\\nsaria, or New Jei*sey, be permitted to come from\\nthence to England, but in fleets, or under the convoy\\nor protection of some of our ships of war, or at such\\na time as vou shall receive notice from hence, of their\\nmeeting such convoys, as may be ap|)ointed for the\\nbringing them safe to some of our ports in this king-\\ndom and in case of any danger, you are to expect\\ndirections from hence, what precautions shall be\\nfurther necessary for their security.\\n66. You are likewise to examine what rates and\\nduties are charged and payable upon any goods im-\\nported or exported within our province of Nova-\\nCfesaria, or New-Jersey, whether of the growth or\\nmanufacture of the said province or otherwise, and\\nto use your best endeavours for the improvement of\\nthe trade in those parts.\\n67. And whereas orders have been given for the\\ncommissionating of fit persons to be otiicers of our\\nadmiralty and customs in our several plantations in\\nAmerica and it is of great importance to the trade\\nof this kingdom, and to the welfare of all our plan-\\ntations, that illegal trade be every where discouraged.\\nYou", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "252\\nThe history\\nA. D,\\n1702.\\nYou are therefore to take especial care, that the acts\\nof trade and navigation be duly put in execution\\nand in order thereunto, you are to give constant pro-\\ntection and all due encouragemeut to the said officers\\nof our admiralty and customs, in the execution of\\ntheir respective offices and trusts within our territories\\nunder your government.\\nG8. Yon are from time to time to give an account\\nas before direct(!d, what strength your bordering\\nneighbours have, be they Indians or others, by sea\\nand land, and of the condition of their phmtations,\\nand what correspondence you do keep with them.\\n69. You shall take especial care, that God Al-\\nmighty be devoutly and duly served tiirougiiout your\\ngovernment, the book of common prayer as by law\\nestablished, read each sunday, and holy-day, and the\\nblessed sacrament administered according to the rites\\nof the church of England.\\n70. You shall be carefid that the churches already\\nbuilt there, be well and orderly kept, and that more\\nbe built, as the colony shall by God s blessing be\\nimproved and that besides a competent maintenance\\nto be assigned to the minister of each orthodox church,\\na convenient house be built at the common charge\\nfor each minister, and a competent proportion of\\nland assigned to him, for a glebe and exercise of his\\nindustry.\\n71. And you are to take care, that the parishes be\\nso limited and settled, as you shall find most con ve-\\nnient for the accomplishing this good work.\\n72. You are not to prefer any minister to any eccle-\\nsiastical benefice in that our province, without a cer-\\ntificate from the right reverend father in God the\\nlord bishop of London, of his being conformable to\\nthe doctrine and discipline of the church of England,\\nand of a good life and conversation And if any\\nperson already prefer d to a benefice, shall appear to\\nyou to give scandal either by his doctrine or mannere,\\nyou are to use the best means for the removal of him,\\nand to supply the vacancy in such manner as we have\\ndirected. 73. You", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R B E Y 253\\n73. You are to give order, that every orthorlox A. D.\\nminister within your government, be one of the l\\nvestry in his respective j)arish, and that no vestry be\\nheld \\\\vithoiit him, except in case of sickness, or that\\nafter the notice of a vestry summon d, he omit to\\ncome.\\n74. You are to enquire whether there be any mini-\\nster within your government, wiio preaches and\\nadministers the sacraments in any orthodox church or\\nchai)(!l, without being in due ordei s, and to give\\nac(V)unt thereof to the said lord bisiiop of London.\\n75. And to tlie end the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of\\nthe sjiid lord bishop of Loudon, may take place in\\noar said i)rovince so far as conveniently may be, we do\\nthink fit that you give all countenance and encourage-\\nment to the exercise of the same, excepting only the\\ncollating to benefices, granting licences for marri-\\nages, and probate of wills, which we have reserved\\nto you our governor and the commander in chief of\\nour said |)rovince for the time being.\\n7(3. And you are to take especial care, that a table\\nof marriages established by the cannons of the church\\nof England, be hung uj) in every orthodox church,\\nand duly olrserved, and you are to endeavour to get a\\nlaw p:issed in the assembly of our said province, (if\\nnot already done) for the strict observation of the\\nsaid table.\\n77. You are to take care, that drunkenness and\\ndebauchery, swearing and blasphemy, be discounte-\\nteaanced and punished And for the further discoun-\\ntciiince of vice, and encouragement of virtue and\\ngood living, (that by such example tlie iniidels may\\nbe inviteil and desire to partake of the christian reli-\\ngion) you are not to admit any person to publick\\ntru-its and eni])loymeuts in our said province under\\nyo ir government, whose ill fame and convers.ition\\nm IV occasion scandal.\\n7.S. You are to suppress the ingrossing of commo-\\ndities as tending to the prejudice of that freedom\\nwhich commerce and trade ought to have, and to\\nsettle", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "254\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\nsettle such orders and regulations therein with the\\nadvice of the coancil, as may be most conducive to\\nth(! benefit and improvement of that colony.\\n79. You are to give all due encouragement and\\ninvitation to merchants and others, who shall bring\\ntrade unto our said province, or any way contribute\\nto the advantage thereof, and in particular the royal\\nAfrican company of England.\\n80. And whereas we are willing to recommend\\nunto the said company, that the said province may\\nliave a constant and sufficient supply of merchantable\\nNegroes, at moderate rates, in money or commodi-\\nties so you are to take especial care, tliat payment\\nbe duly made, and within a competent time accord-\\ning to their agreements.\\n81. And you are to take care, that there be no\\ntrading from our said province to any place in Africa,\\nwithin the charter of the royal African company,\\notherwise then prescribed by an act of parliament,\\nentitled. An act to settle the trade to Africa.\\n82. And you are yearly to give unto us, and to our\\ncommissioners for trade and plantations, an account\\nof what number of Negroes our said province is\\nyearly sup])lied with, and at what rates.\\n83. You are likewise from time to time, to give\\nunto us, and to our commissioners for trade and\\nplantations as aforesaid, an account of the wants and\\ndefects of our said province, what are the chief\\nproducts thereof, what new improvements are made\\ntherein by the industry of the inhabitants or planters,\\nand what further improvements you conceive may be\\nmade, or advantages gained by trade, and in what\\nmanner we may best advance the same.\\n84. You are not to grant commissions of marque\\nor reprisals, against any prince or state, or their\\nsubjects in amity with us, to any person whatsoever,\\nwithout our especial command.\\n85. Our will and pleasure is, that appeals be made\\nin cases of error from the courts in our said province\\nof Nova-Ctcsaria, or New-Jersey, unto you and the\\ncouncil", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "Of N E \\\\V J E R S E Y 255\\ncouncil there and in your absence from our said ^^P*\\nprovince, to our commander in chief for the time\\nbeing, and our .said council, in civil causes, wherein\\nsuch of our said council as shall be at that time judges\\nof the court from whence such apj)eal shall be made\\nto you our gov(;rnor, and council, or to the com-\\nmander in chief for the time being, and council as\\naforesaid, shall not be admitted to vote upon the\\nsaid appeal, but they may nevertheless be present at\\nthe hearing thereof, to give the reasons of the judg-\\ntnent given by them, in the cause M herein such apj eal\\nsliall be made. Provided nevertheless, that in\\nall such a|)peals, the sum or value appealed for exceed\\none hun(hx d ])()unds sterling, and that security\\nbe first duly given by the ai)pellant to answer such\\ncharges as shall be awarded in case the lirst sentence\\nbe attirmed,\\n86, And if either party shall not rest satisfied with\\nthe judgment of you, or the commander in chief for\\nthe time being, and council as af resaid our will\\nand pleasure is, that they may then aj\u00c2\u00bb|)eal unto us,\\nin our privy council, provided the sum or value so\\nap|)ealed for unto us, do exceed two hundred pounds\\nsterling, and that such appeal be made within four-\\nteen days after sentence; and that good security be\\ngiven by the appellant, that he will elfectutdly pro-\\nsecute the same, and answer the condemnation, as\\nalso pay such costs and damages as shall be awarded\\nby us, in case the sentence of you, or the commander\\nin chief for the time being, and council, be aiiirmed.\\nAnd provided also, that executi m be not suspended\\nby reason oi any such aj)|)eal to us.\\n87. You are also to permit appeals to us in council,\\nin all cases of fines imposed for misdemeanors pro-\\nvided the fines so imposed, amount to or exceed the\\nvalue of two hundred pounds, the appellant first\\ngiving good security, that he will eifcctually ])rose-\\ncute the same, and answer the condemnation, if the\\nsentence by which such fine was imposed in our said\\n|)rovince of \u00c2\u00b1Sova-Ca3saria, i^r Xew-Jersey, shall be\\nconfirmed. 88, You", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "256\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\n88. You are for the better administration of\\njustice, to endeavour to get a law jiassed (if not already\\ndone) wherein shall be set the value of men s estates,\\neither in goods or lands, under whicli they shall not\\nbe capable of serving as jurors.\\n81). Yon shall endeavour to get a law pass d for\\nthe restraining of any inhuman severity, which by ill\\nmasters or overseers, may be used towards their\\nchristian servants, and their slaves, and that provision\\nbe made therein, that the wilful killing of Indians\\nand Negroes may be punished with death, and that\\na fit penalty be impose*! for the maiming of them.\\n1)0. Yon are also with the assistance of the council\\nand assend)ly, to find out the best means to facilitate\\nand encourage the conversion of Negroes and Indians,\\nto the (shristian x-eligion.\\n1)1. You are to endeavour with the assistance of the\\ncouncil to provide for the raising of stocks^ and\\nbuilding of publick work-houses, in convenient\\nl)laccs, for the employing of poor and ijuligent\\npeople.\\n02. You are to propose an act to be ])assed in the\\nassembly, whereby the creditors of persons becoming\\nbankrupts in England, and having estates in our\\naforesaid j)rovince of New-Jersey, may be relieved\\nand satisfied for the debts owing to them.\\n93. You are to encourage the Indians upon all\\noccasions, so as they may apply themselves to the\\nEnglish trade and nation, rather than to any other of\\nEurope.\\n1)4. And whereas the preservation of the northern\\nfrontiers of our province of New- York, against the\\nattempts of any enemy by land, is of great imj)or-\\ntance to the security of our other northern plantations\\non the continent of America, and more esi)ecially of\\nour said province of New-Jersey, which lies so near\\nadjoining to our province of New-York, and the\\ncharge of erecting and repairing the fortifications,\\nand of maintaining the soldiers necessary for the\\ndefence of the same, is too great to be borne by the\\nsinule", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 257\\nsin2;le province of New- York, without due contri- A. T).\\nbutions from others concerned therein, for which 1 0-.\\nreason, we have ujjon several occasions, required\\nsuch contributions to be made, and accordingly\\nsettled a quota to reirulate the proportions thereof;\\nyou are therefore to take further care, to dispose the\\nJ2;eneral assembly of our said province of New- Jersey,\\nto the raisino; of such other sn|)|)lies, as are or may\\nbe necessary for the defence of our province of New-\\nYork, according to the signification of our will and\\n|)le:isnre therein, which has already been made to the\\ninhabitants of New-Jersey, or which shall at any\\ntime hereafter be made to you our governor, or to\\nthe commander in chief of our said province for the\\ntime being.\\nOo. And in case of any distress of any of our\\nplantations, you shall upon apj)lication of the res|)ec-\\ntive governors to you, assist them with what aid the\\ncondition and safety of your goverinuent will jH-rmit,\\nand more particularly in case our ])rovince of New-\\nYork, be at any time attacked by an enemy, the\\nassistance you are to contribute towards the defence\\nthereof, whether in men or money, is according to\\nthe forementioued quota or repartition, which has\\nalready been signified to the inhabitants of our fore-\\nsaid ])rovince under your government, or according\\nto such other regulations as we shall hereafter make in\\nthat behalf, and signify to you or the commander in\\nchief of our said province for the time being.\\n90. And for the greater security of our province\\nof New-Jersey, you are to a|)point fit officers and\\nco!ninan lers in the several parts of the coimtry bor-\\ndering upon the Indians, who n\\\\nm any invasion\\nmay raise men and arms to oppose them, until they\\nshall reciuve your directions therein.\\n97. ^Vnd whereas we have been pleased by our\\ncommission to direct, that iu case of your death or\\nabsence from our said [)r()vinee, and in case there be\\nat that time no person upon the place commissionated\\nor appointed by us to be our lieutenant governor, or\\nR commander", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "258 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA^ D. commander ni chief, the tlieii prci^ent council of our\\nsaid province, shall take upon them the administra-\\ntion of the government, and execute our said com-\\nmission, and the several powers and authorities\\ntherein contained in the manner therein directed it\\nis nevertheless our express will and pleasure, that in\\nsuch case the said council shall forbear to pass any acts,\\nbut what are immediately necessary for the peace and\\nwelfare of our said province, without our particular\\norder for that purpose.\\n98. You\\nIf. This article was afterwards siii)plied as follows:\\nAnne R.\\nAdditional instruction to onr right trusty and well beloved Edward\\nlord viscount ornbury, o\\\\ir captain generid and governor in\\nchief of our province of New-Jersey, in America, and in his\\nabsence to our lieutenant governor and commander in chief of\\nour said province lor the time being. Given at our court at\\nKensington, the third day of May, in the sixth year of our\\nreign, 1707.\\nWhekeas by a clause in our commission and instruction to you\\nour captain general and governor in chief of our province of\\nNew-Jersey, it is directed, that npon your death or absence, in\\ncase there be no lieutenant governor ai)pointed by us upon the\\nplace, that then the council do take upon tiiem the administration\\nof the government, and that the eldest councellor do [)resi(le as by\\nthe said commission and instructions is more particularly set\\nforth; and we iiaving observed, that this instruction has given\\noccasion of many controversies and disputes between the president\\nand tire councellors, and between the councellors them-ielves and\\notherwise, in several of our i)lantations, to the great hindrance of\\nthepublick business, and the prejudice and disturbance of our\\nservice there; our will and pleasure therefore is, that if upon\\nyour death or absence ihere be no person upon the place commis-\\nsionated by us to be our lieutenant governor or commander in\\nchief, the eldest councellor whose name is first placed in our said\\ninstructions to you, and who shall be at that time of your death\\nor absence residing within our said province of New-Jersey, shall\\ntake upon him the adn)inistration of the government and execute\\nour said commission and instructions, and the several powers and\\nauthoriiies tiiereiu contained, in the same manner and to all intents\\nand purposes, as either our governor or commander in chief should\\nor ought to do in case of your absence, or until your return, or\\nin all cases until our further pleasure be knijwn therein. So we\\nbid you heartily farewel.\\nBy her majesty s eomma.nd,\\nSunderland.\\nThe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 259\\n98. You are to take care, that all writs be issued yj^i\\nin our name throughout our said province.\\n99.. Forasmuch as great inconveniencies may arise\\nby the liberty of printing in our said province, you\\nare to provide by all necessary orders, that no person\\nkeep any press for printing, nor that any book, pam-\\nphlet or other matters whatsoever be printed M ithout\\nyour especial leave and license iirst obtained.\\n100. And if any thing shall ha|)pen that may be\\nof advantage and security to our said province, which\\nis not herein, or by our commission to you provided\\nfor, we do hereby allow unto you, with the advice\\nand consent of our council of our said province, to\\ntake order for the present therein, giving unto us by\\none of our j)rincipal secretary s of state, and to our\\ncommissioners for trade and plantatious, speedy notice\\nthereof, that so you may receive our ratification if\\nwe shall approve of the same.\\n101. PROvrDF:D ALWAYS, that you do not by\\nany colour of any power or authority hereby given\\nyou, commence or declare war, without our know-\\nledge and particular commands therein, except it be\\nagainst\\nTlie following instrnotion relates also to tlie council, and bears\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2date in tlie same year.\\nAnne R.\\nRif^ht ti-iisty and well beloved, we greet yon well: Wliereas\\n*\\\\ve are sensible lliat eflectiial care oiitrbt lo be taken to oblige the\\nMit-inbers ot our coinicii to a due attendance therein, in order lo\\nprevent the many inconveniencies that may happen from the\\nwiint of a quorum of the council to transact business as occasions\\nrecpiire; it is our wiJl and pleasure, that if any of the members\\nof our said council ^hall hereafter wilfully absent themselves when\\nduly summoned, wiibout a just and lawful cause, and shall persist\\ntherein afier admouilion, you suspend ihe said councellors so\\nadsinlmg themselves till our further pleasure be kn wn, giving\\nus timely uoiice thereof; and we hen-by will and recpiire you\\n^thal our royal pleasure be signified to the several meml)ers of our\\nco(niiMl in New-Jersey, and that it be entered in the council books\\nof our said iiroviuce a.s a standing rule; so we bid you farewel.\\nGiven at our court of Kensington, the t\\\\ventieth day of Noveni-\\nber, 1707, in the tiie sixth year of our reign.\\nBy her majesty s command,\\nSUNDIiRLAND.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "260\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\nagainst Indians, upon emergencies, wherein the con-\\n*sent of our council shall be had, and speedy notice\\ngiven thereof unto us as aforesaid.\\n102. And you are upon all occasions to send unto\\nus by one of our principal secretary s of state, and\\nto our commissioners for trade and plantations, a\\nparticular account of all your proceedings, and of\\nthe condition of affairs within your government.\\n103. And whereas the lords spiritual and temporal\\nin parliament, upon consideration of the great abuses\\npractised in the plantation trade, did by an humble\\naddress, represent to his late majesty, the great imjjor-\\ntance it is of, both to this our kingdom and to our plan-\\ntations in America, that the many good laws which\\nhave been made for the government of the said planta-\\ntions, and particularly the act passed in the seventh\\nand eighth years of his said majesty s reign, entitled,.\\nAn act for preventing frauds, and regulating abuses in\\nthe plantation trade, be strictly observed. You are\\ntherefore to take notice, that whereas notwithstanding\\nthe many good laws made from time to time, for pre-\\nventing frauds in the plantation trade, it is nevertheless\\nmanifest, that very great abuses have been and con-\\ntinuc still to be })ractised to the prejudice of the same,\\nwhich abuses must needs arise, either from the insol-\\nvency of the persons who are accepted for the security\\nor from the remissness or connivance of such as have\\nbeen, or are governors in the sev eral plantations, who\\nought to take care, that those persons who give bond\\nshould be duly pros(!cuted, in case of non perform-\\nance; \\\\vq. take the good of our plantations and the\\nimprovement of the trade thereof, by a strict and\\npunctual observance of the several laws in force con-\\ncerning the same, to be of so great im})()rtanee to\\nthe benefit of this our kingdom, and to the advancing\\nof the duties of our customs here, that if mc shall\\nbe hereafter informed, that at any time there shall be\\nany failure in the due observance of those laws, within\\nour foresaid province of Nova-Csesaria, or New Jersey,\\nby any wilful fault or neglect on your part, we shall\\nlook", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "Of new- jersey. 261\\nlook upon it as a breach of the trust reposed in you A. D.\\nby us, which we shall punish with the loss of your\\nplace in that government, and such further marks of\\nour displeasure, as we shall judge reasonable to be\\ninflicted upon you, for your olfence against us, in a\\nmatter of this conseciuence, that we now so particu-\\nMarly charge you with.\\nCHAP. XIV.\\nObservations on Lord Cornbury s instructions, and the\\nprivileges originally granted to the settla S, with\\nabstracts of some of them.\\nI. T T is a])parent, from the whole tenor of the Observa-\\njL application from the proprietors, that they had\\nconstantly in view the reservation of the ])rincipal privi-\\nleges they enjoyed and that their meaning was only to\\npart with the })owers of government; accordingly in the\\ninstrument of surrender, nothing appears to be resigned\\nbut these; their endeavours therefore to stipulate ex-\\npressly for a fresh confirmation of particular j)rivi leges,\\nseems to have been owing to an unnecessary diffidence;\\nthey were however so far indulged, that a draught of the\\nforegoing commission and instructions was prepared\\nand shewn to them for their acquiescence, conformable\\nto what the Lords of trade in their representation of\\nOctober 2, 1701, had proposed.-*:-\\nII. After the lords commissioners for trade and\\nplantations had pre])ared a draught of the commission\\nand instructions for a new governor, they referred it\\nto sir Thomas Lane, and the proprietors, in the words\\nibllowing:;\\nSir\\nX. Apptndix numb. xiii.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "262 TheHISTORY\\nA.D. Sir, Whitehall, November 14, 1701,\\n17U\u00e2\u0080\u0094 J commanded by the lords commissioners for\\ntrade and foreign plantations, to send you the inclosed\\ndraught of a commission and instructions for a gover^\\nnor for his majesty s province of New-Jersey, pre-\\npared by order of their excellencies the lords justices,\\nthat you may communicate the same to the pro-\\nprietors of both the divisions of East New-Jersey, and\\nWest New- Jersey, for their observation thereupon\\nwhich their lonlsliips desire may be made and returned\\nto them with all convenient speed, in order to such\\nfurther proceedings as shall be found necessary, for\\nthe settling that province in a due form of government.\\nI am, sir, your most humble servant,\\nWilliam Popple.\\nTo sir Thomas Lane, Knight and Alderman\\nIII. The report of the lords of trade to king Wil-\\nliamj/- upon the same occasion, not long before the sur-\\nrender, was conceived in the terms following.\\nTo the King s most excellent majesty.\\nMay it please your majesty,\\nHaving been directed by their excellencies the lords\\njustices, upon a representation, which we humbly laid\\nbefore them, concerning the disorders in your\\nmajesty s provinces of East and West New-Jersey, in\\nAmerica to prepare draughts of a commission and\\ninstructions for a governor to be sent thither by your\\nmajesty, and to consult therein the proprietors of those\\nprovinces, in order to the surrender of their pretended\\nright to the government of the same We humbly\\nlay before your majesty the draughts which we have\\nprepared accordingly, with such clauses as we con-\\nceive proper, to enable the governor, for whose name\\nwe have left a blank, to proceed in settling a govern-\\nmeat\\ny. King William died between this and the surrender, having\\n(its said) first nominated lord Cornbnry, governor of New-York\\nand New-Jersey, on account of tlie services of his father; wlio waa\\namong the first officers that after his landing at Torbay, came over\\nto him with his regiment.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 263\\nment in that country, conformable, (as near as the o?\\ncircumstances of the inhabitants will permit) to the\\nmethod of government, settled by your majesty s\\nrespective commissioners in your other American plan-\\ntations and withal to prevent the interfering of that\\ncok)ny with the interest of those other plantations\\nAVc have also in pursuance of their excellencies direc-\\ntions, communicated the said draughts to sir Thomas\\nLane, and others, the princij)al proprietors of West\\nNew-Jersey, and to Mr. William Dockwra, secre-\\ntary and others, the princi])al proprietors or East\\nNew-Jersey in behalf of tiiemselves, and the rest\\nof the proj)rietors of both those divisions which\\ndraughts tiicy have unanimously aj^provcd and in\\ncontidence that your majesty will be graciously pleased\\naccordingly to constitute a governor over those coun-\\ntries, they have dec^lared themselves willing and ready\\nto surrender all their right, or pretence of right to\\ngovernment, which they have hitherto claimed;\\nwhereupon we humbly request to your majestv, that\\nthe reducing these cHtlonies to an orderly form of\\ngovernment, under a governor constituted by your\\nmajesty s immediate commission, will be of great\\nservice to your majesty, in preventing illegal trade,\\nand the harbouring of pirates, and will be of good\\ninfluence throughout the other plantations; and we\\nhumbly offer, that mr. attorney general be directed\\nforthwith to prepare a form of a surrender of their\\nsaid right, or pretence of right to government,\\nwhich may be most effectual to the extinguishing\\ntheir said pretensions, and present the same to your\\nmajesty.\\nAnd whereas they have desired, that the first gover-\\nnor to be thus appointed by your majesty, may be a\\nperson\\nz. Contriver of tlie penny-post, in tlie city of London: Old-\\nmixon, s;iys, he xot liis information of New-Jersey from him;\\nand lliiit lie, in liie name of tlie Proprietors of East-Jersey, and sir\\nTliomas Lane (wlio had piircliased the best part of Dr. Cox e s share\\nof propriety) on behalf of West-Jersey, ivaited on the queen, and\\nmade a formal surrender oj the sovereiqnty reserving all their rights.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "264\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\nperson fitly qualified for that service; but cannot\\nagree in the recommendation of any particular person\\nWe humbly propose, that when the surrender shall be\\nmade, your majesty would be pleased to nominate\\nsome person Avholly unconcerned in the factions, which\\nhave divided the inhabitants of those parts, all which\\nnevertheless is most hniiably submitted.\\nWhitehall, 1 Wm. Blathwayt, Ph. Meadows,\\nT n,} -ir7/M r, r John PoUexson, Abr. Hill,\\nJan. 6th. 1701-2. 1 Stanford, Mat Prior.\\nIV. In a memorial hereafter inserted of the\\nproprietors of West-Jersey, to the lords commissioners\\nof trade and plantations, against lord Corn bury, signed\\nby sir Thomas Lane, and other proprietors, who\\nsigned the surrender we find them reca[)itulating\\nseveral matters, and asserting that they were part of the\\nterms of their surrender, and placed as such among\\nothers in the instructions.\\nAnd by the assembly s remonstrance, in 1707, it\\nappears, they thought their privileges more secure\\nthan some of their neighbours, and fully depended on\\nbeing protected in the enjoyment of them.\\nV. Among the instructions to lord Cornbury are to\\nbe found, the principal matters the proprietors pointed\\nout as what they desir d to have reserved, the articles\\n9, 14, 15, 16, 36, 37, 38, 45, 51, 52, 53, 86,\\n87, bear evident marks that they were of this number\\nthese and such of the others as reserve or reinforce the\\nparticular privileges of the proprietors and inhabitants\\nof New-Jersey, were doubtless adopted and continued,\\nin consequence of their application and the original\\ngrants.\\nVI. If the instructions to all the succeeding gover-\\nnors are copied from those to lord Cornbury, as it is\\ngenerally\\no. Chap, xviii.\\nb. Every one of the signers of this, Robert Bnrrow and William\\nSnelling excepted, had signed the instrument of surrend^er.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "Of XEW-JERSEY. 265\\ngenerally understood such of them as diiFer from what A. D.\\nis common to other plantation governors, were intended\\nto he at the time of the surrender, and wliich the fore-\\ngoing sections seem to confirm, it is a farther evidence\\nthat they are esteemed, as to the matter of them, rights\\nand privik;ges belonging to the inhabitants of New-\\nJersey and that it has been and is the intention of the\\ncrown to continue them as such.\\nVII. There (h)es not appear to have been any design\\nto abridge the privileges before enjoyed, nor could it\\nperhaps be legally effected, by any of the stejjs taken\\nbefore or in the surrender for many of the settlers,\\nthough they were actually proprietors, do not seem to\\nhave been parties to the surrender, either by themselves\\nor any legally constituted body for them, excejit it\\nmay be supposed, their api)roving the thing without\\njoining in any one ])ul)lic act to effect it, made them so.\\nVIII. The ])ro|)rietor,s who signed the instrument of\\nsurrender, considered as to the shares of propriety they\\nlield, might be thought of imj)ortance enough to be\\ndenominated tlie whole, in barely giving up the govern-\\nment because they had not conveyed that: But it no\\nwhere appears, that they had any legal power to repre-\\nsent the settlers in general, in matters wherein they had\\nadmitted them to share in their property, whether of\\nland or privilege, and as to numbers, were but a small\\npart of the proprietors, and a very small part of the\\nsettlers.\\nIX. Every settler who comjilied with the terms of\\nsettlement publickly established, as well as the purchaser,\\nbeing entitled to the privileges purchased or settled\\nunder; it could not be lawful, that the act of any fellow\\nproprietor to the last, or landlord to the other, should\\ndeprive them of what, by the original frame and consti-\\ntution s of the country, or j)articular agreements, they\\nhad", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "266 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. had a share in and had been the principal inducement\\nof their removing hither to settle.\\nX. That the civil and religious privileges subor-\\ndinate to, and derived from, but not connected with\\nthe powers of government, were the principal induce-\\nment of many of the settlers, to leave good habitations\\nand remove hither, none acquainted with the state of\\nthings in the original settlement can doubt.\\nXI. If therefore every purchaser and settler had a\\nright to and property in the privileges conveyed to\\nthem, and if the ideas of property in British subjects\\nare the same in the colonies as in the mother country\\naccording to these, nothing but their own act by them-\\nselves as individuals, or as some way represented in\\nlegislation or otherwise, could dejirive them of it any\\nthing less would imply an absurdity in the term.\\nXII. That they had a right, will evidently appear\\nby the following short view of the premises first, by\\nright of discovery it became vested in the crown by\\nthe crown it was granted to the duke of York by the\\nduke to lord Berkeley and sir G. Carteret, so to the\\npurchasers immediately under them, and thence indivi-\\ndually to every freeholder, with the right of the\\nnatives purchased and amply confirmed to them hence\\nit is, if these conveyances were good, that every free-\\nholder must have a clear incontestable right to his\\nfreehold, and consequently to every privilege conveyed\\nwith it, as far as these grants will warrant.\\nXIII. In another view the case may be stated thus\\nthe proprietors said to the people, if you will buy this\\nland, you and your posterity forever shall have these\\nprivileges for the first you have our hand and seal\\nfor the other our publick declarations and concessions\\nsolennily ratified under our hands, recorded in the pub-\\nlic offices and for a more compleat security, most of\\nthem", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- J ERSE Y. 267\\nthem also confirmed by laws in the same manner as the A. D.\\ntitle and right to location of many of the lands are\\nfounded hence a conclusion seems to follow, that the\\n])rivileges became a part of the purchase, and that\\nthe proprietors in the sale of their lands, received a\\nconsideration for them and if so, to their birth-right\\nas British subjects must be superadded the right of pur-\\ncha ^e.\\nXIV. It may possibly be objected as to West-Jersey,\\nthat the proprietors sold or conveyed the government\\nto Dr. Coxe, and he again conveyed it to several of\\nthose who were parties to the surrender; supposing this\\nto be true, it concludes nothing in the present case; the\\nquestion is not as to government, but privilege in\\nother respects to bring that into- the- ai gument it nuist\\nbe proved, first, that the proprietors generally concur-\\nred in the sale secondly, that they had power to sell\\nagain that proportion which had before been conveyed\\nto others thirdly, that the act of surrender in any respect\\naffects it; lastly, that the proprietors of the Massachu-\\nsetts, Pennsylvania, or any other charter government,\\nmay or could by their own act barely, resign so as to\\nannul or destroy what their predecessors or they have\\nconveyed and confirmed to the people till this is done,\\nthe other, for similar reasons, must be supposed impos-\\nsible: Equally inconclusive must be any argument here\\nas to right of conquest from what happened in 1673\\nif the treaty of Westminster Jiad not restored things\\nto their original footing, the last grants, and laws ia\\nconsequence of them, confirming former privileges,,\\nand nearly the whole matter relating to West-Jersey,\\nbear date since.\\nXV. To argue, that because there is no express\\nclause in the instrument, by which the government was\\nsurrendered, reserving the people s privileges; that\\ntherefore they were not reserved would be just as rea-\\nsonable", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "268 TheHISTORY\\nA. D. sonable as to argue, that because the right to the soil\\n1702.\\nis not there particularly reserved, that therefore it M as\\nnot reserved at all and yet it remains to the possessors\\nwithout interruption and the right to every civil and\\nreligious privilege not cancelled in the act of resig-\\nnation, nor since altered by law, being equally strong\\nas to the forms of authenticity (however overlooked or\\nforgot in occasional practice) must be supposed to\\nretain their original validity.\\nXVI. From what has been said, it seems to be evi-\\ndent, that the proprietors who signed the instrument of\\nsurrender, had it not in their power, and therefore could\\nnot have intended nor if they had, can the words or\\nmeaning of any thing they ai)))ear to have transacted,\\nbe legally construed to extinguish any privilege before\\nderived from the royal grants, either relating to liberty\\nof conscience, or matters of privilege in other cases\\ntheir power of tlie government only excepted ;c- whether\\nthis power was ever in due form of law granted or\\nnotjC they had enjoyed it near forty years; rightly\\nor\\nc. See the queen s acceptance: And for the advantage of a ready\\nview, as to the meaning of the surrender, let the terms used in the\\ninstrument, be liere attended to, viz.\\nAH these the said powers and authorities, to correct, punish,\\npardon, govern, and rule all or any of her majesty s sul jects, or\\nothers, who now inhabit, or hereafter sliall adventure into, or in-\\nhabit within the said provinces of East-Jersey and West Jersey,\\nor either of them; and also to nominate, make, constitute,\\nordain, and confirm any laws, orders, ordinances and direc-\\ntions, and instruments for those purposes, or any of them; and\\nto nominate, constitute or appoint, revoke, discharge, change, or\\naher any governor or governors, officer or ministers, which are\\nor shall be appointed, made or used within the said provinces, or\\neither of them; and to make, ordain, and establish any orders,\\nlaws, directions, instruments, forms or ceremonies of govern-\\nment and magistracy, for or concerning the government of the\\nprovinces aforesaid, or either of them or on the sea in going and\\ncoming to or from thence; or to put in execution, or abrogate,\\nrevoke or change such as are already made, for, or concerning\\nsuch government or any of them, c.\\nd. We see the proprietors themselves seem to give into such a\\ndoubt in the instrument of surrender.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 269\\nor even tolerably administered, it must undoubtedly be\\nconsidered in the light of a privilege to the inha-\\nbitants in general as having their immediate rulers\\non the spot, ready to see and redress grievances, or\\n])revent the occasions of them induced to it both by\\nthe strong ties of increasing profit to themselves, and\\nthe good of others but if we inay compare the latter\\npart of these proprietors administrations with the tran-\\n(piility that has ensued for most of the time since; and\\nto this, add the benefits derived from royal attention,\\nand thence be allowed to form a judgment; we shall\\nnot perhaps see much cause to regret the change of\\nsituation.\\nXVII. What the original privileges of the inha-\\nbitants of New-Jersey were, by the several grants and\\nconcessions, and other instruments beforementioned\\nand pro|)rietary laws, will at large appear; some of\\nthose not immediately connected with government or\\nland affairs, may be known by the following abstracts.\\nIn East and West- Jersey, before the division.\\n1. No person swearing or subscribing allegiance to\\nthe king, and faithfulness to the proprietors, to be any\\nways molested, j)unished, disquieted, or called in\\nquestion, for any diiferenee in oi)inion or practice, in\\nmatters of religious concernment, who did not disturb\\nthe civil peace; but that all such persons should at all\\ntimes, freely and fully have and enjoy their judgments\\nand\\ne. An act prescrihina; ibe forms of dpcl:ir;ilion of fidelity, llie\\nefii^ot ol the al)jiiraiioM uaili, and atlinn.iti ni, in ti aii of the lornis\\nlureliilore i-e()iiirfd. tVc. Continued and rendered peipelaal by the kinq\\niu conned, ol St. Jaines a May A. M\\\\V1. A siu ce^sion of lienefici.il\\npi()i.r money acts on hian, confirmed, Imt now expii ed. Anoiher for\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2n-knowledging deeds, and declaring how ilie estate or riglit of a feme\\nfovi-rt miy be eonvey d or extinguished. Confirmed and rendered\\nperjietn d by the kinq in council, at KensimjUM, Aufjrixt 22, 1746.\\nAiioiher for ascertaining tiie officers fees, ibid, at St. James s,\\nNovember 23, 1749. c.\\nA. D.\\n1702.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "270\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1702.\\nand consciences, they behaving themselves peaceably\\nand not using this liberty to licentiousness. Concessions\\nand agreements of the proprietors Carteret and Berkeley,\\nwith the adventurers, Feb. 10, 1664.\\n2. By legislative act to levy taxes, and not other-\\nwise, and this as should seem most equal and easy for\\nthe inhabitants, ibid.\\n3. By law to provide for the support of government.\\nibid.\\n4. That cattle ranging or grazing on lands not\\nappropriated to particular persons, shall not be deemed\\ntrespassing, but custom not to be plead from hence,\\nnor any, purposely to suffer their cattle to graze on\\nsuch lands, ibid.\\nIn East- Jersey, after tlie quinti partite division.\\n5. That the courts of session and assize, shoukl be\\nestablished by the governor, council, and re[)resenta-\\ntives, and that appeals from thence, should be made\\nto the governor and council, g. Deelaration of sir\\nGeorge Carteret, dated July 31, 1674.\\n6. Among the present proprietors, there are several\\nthat declare they have no freedom to defend tliem-\\nselves with arms; and others who judge it their duty\\nto defend themselves, their wives and chiUlren, with\\narms It is therefore agreed and consented to and\\nthey the said proprietors do, by these presents, agree\\nand consent, that they will not in this case, force each\\nother against their respective judgments and consci-\\nences; in order whereunto it is resolved, that on the\\none side, no man that declares, he cannot for con-\\nscience sake, bear arras, whether proprietor, or\\nplanter, shall be at any time put upon so doing, in\\nhis own ])erson nor yet upon sending any to serve in\\nhis stead and on the other side those who do judge it\\ntheir duty to bear arms for the publick defence, shall\\nhave their liberty to do it in a legal way. Funda-\\nmental constitutions of Fast New-Jersey, A. D. 16S3.\\n7. AU", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 271\\n7. All persons acknowleclg-ins: one alraio;litv and -A. D.\\n1702.\\neternal God, and holding themselves obliged in con-\\nscience to live qnietly in civil society shall no way be\\nmolested, or prejudged for their religious ))ersuasions\\nand exercise in matters of faith and worship, nor be\\n?ompelled to frequent and maintain any ])lace of\\nworshij) or ministry whatsoever; but none to be ad-\\nmitted to places of publick trust, who do not profess\\nfaith in Christ Jesus, and will not solemnly declare,\\nthat he is not obliged in conscience, to endeavour\\nalteration in the government, nor does not seek the\\nturning out of any in it, or their ruin or prejudice in\\nperson or estate, because they are in his o])inion here-\\nticks, or differ in judgment from him but none\\nunrler the notion of liberty, by this article, to avow\\natlieism, irreligiousness, nor to practice prophaneness,\\nmurder, or any kind of violence; or indulge them-\\nselves in stage-plays, masks, revel Is, or such like\\nabuses, ibid.\\n8. No ])erson to be imprisoned or deprived of his\\nfreehold, free custom or liberty, to be out-lawed, exiled\\nor any other way destroyed, nor be condemned, but by\\nlawful judgment of his peers; justice or right to be\\nneither bought nor sold, deferred or delayed to any\\nperson whatsoever; all trials to be by twelve men, and\\nas near as may be, peers and equals, and of the neigh-\\nbourhood, and without just excejition twenty four\\nto be returned by the sheriff as a grand inquest, twelve\\nat least to agree in finding the complaint to be true;\\nreasonable challenges to be admitted against the twelve\\nor peers who have the final judgment, or any of them\\nIn all courts, persons of all perswasions to appear in\\ntheir own way, and according to their own manner, and\\npersonally plead their own causes, or if unable, by\\ntheir", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "272 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. p. their friends; and no person allowed to take money\\nfor pleading or advice in such cases./- ibid.\\n9. All marriages not forbidden in the law of God\\nto be esteemed lawful, where the parents or guardians\\nbeing first acquainted, the marriage is publickly inti-\\nmated in such places and manner as is agreeable to men s\\ndiiferent persuasions in religion, and afterwards solem-\\nnized before creditable witnesses, and duly registered.\\nIbid.\\n10. All witnesses called to testify to any matter or\\nthing in any court, or before any lawful authority, to\\ndeliver their evidence by solemnly promising to speak\\nthe truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth;\\nand the punishment of falshood to be the same as in cases\\nof perjury; the like in cases of forgery; and both\\ncriminals to be stigmatized. Ibid.\\n11. Forfeited estates, except for treason or capital\\ncrimes, to be redeemed by the nearest of kin, within\\ntwo months, by ])aying to the publick treasury, not\\nabove one hundred pounds, nor under five pounds\\nsterling. Ibid.\\nIn West-Jersey.\\n12. No cattle straying, ranging or grazing on any\\nunlocated grounds, to subject their owners to damages,\\nbut custom of commons not to be pretended to, nor\\nany person hindered from legally taking up any such\\nlands. Concessions and Agreements, chap. viii.\\n13. All taxes to be levied by legislative act. Ibid.\\nchap. xi.\\n14. As no man or number of men upon earth, have\\npower or authority to rule over men s consciences in\\nreligious matters; no person or persons whatsoever, at\\nany time or times hereafter, shall be any ways, u])on\\nany\\nThis last afterwards altered hy an instruction to Rasse, wliile he\\nexercised the othce of govertior in East Jersey, and lixed to be, that\\nnone shonid practice without license from tlie governor.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "OfNEW -JERSEY. 273\\nany pretence whatsoever, called in question, or in the A. D.\\nleast punished or hurt in person, estate or privilege, for\\nthe sake of his oj)inion, judgment, faith, or worship\\ntowards God in matter of religion. Ibid. chaj). xvi.\\n15. No person to he deprived of life, limb, pro-\\nperty, or any ways hurt in his or their privileges, free-\\ndoms or franchises, ui)on any account whatsoever,\\nwithout a due trial and judgment passed by twelve\\ngood and lawful men of his neighbourhood first had;\\nrsons arraigned allowed to except against any of the\\nneighbourhood, without rendering a reason, not ex-\\nceeding thirty-five, and with valid reasons against every\\nperstju nominated for that service, ibid. chaj). xvii.\\n16. In all causes, civil and criminal, proof to be\\nmade by the solenui and plain averment of at least two\\nhonest and reputable persons upon false evidence, the\\nparty in civil causes liable to the penalty due to the\\nperson or persons he or they bear witness against; in\\ncriminal causes to be severely fined, and for the future\\ndisabled from being admitted an evidence or to any\\npublic employment, ibid. chap. xx.\\n17. Persons preferring indictments or informations\\nagainst otiiers for personal injuries, or matters criminal\\n(treason, murder and felony excei)ted to be masters\\nof their own process, and have power to remit or\\nforgive as well before as after judgment and sentence.\\nibid. chap. xxi.\\n18. Ail causes, civil and criminal, to be decided by\\nthe verdict of twelve men of the neighbourhood, to\\nbe summoned by the sheriff, and no pei-son compelled\\nto fee an attorney but to have free liberty to plead his\\nown cause; and that no person imprisoned upon any\\naccount whatsoever, should be obliged to pay any prison\\nfees. ibid. chap. T;xii.\\n19. All jurisdictions and their powers to be estab-\\nlished by legislative act.\\n8 20. In", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "274\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1702.\\n20. In courts of justice for trial of causes civil or\\ncriminal, all inhabitants to come freely into, and attend\\nand hear any such trials, that justice may not be done\\nin a corner, nor in any covert manner; being intended\\nand resolved by the help of the Lord, and by tliese\\nour concessions and fundamentals, that all and every\\nperson or persons inhabiting the said province, shall,\\nas far as in us lies, be free from oppression and slavery,\\nibid. chap, xxiii.\\n21. The proprietors and freeholders to have liberty\\nto give their representatives instructions, and to repre-\\nsent their grievances and any of the electors upon\\ncomplaint made of failure of trust or breacli of cove-\\nnant, to remonstrate the same to the Assembly.\\n22. In every meeting of general Assembly, liberty\\nof speech to be allowed and none to be interrupted\\nwhen speaking: All questions to be stated with delibe-\\nration, and liberty for amendment, with power of\\nentering reasons of protest; and to have the mem-\\nber s yeas and no s registered The doors of the house\\nto be set open and liberty given to hear the debates:\\nThe assembly to have power of enacting laws, provided\\nthey be agreeable to the fundamental laws of P^ngland,\\nand not repugnant to the concessions. Concessions a/ore-\\nsaid. See also the first acts of Assembly of West-Jersey,\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "OfNEW -JERSEY. 275\\nCHAP. XV.\\nLord Cornbury convenes the first general assembly after\\nthe surrender: His speech, their address, and. other\\nproceedings Queen Anne s proclamation for ascertain-\\ning the rates of coin Cornbury dissolves the Assembly,\\nand meets a new one to his mind Their j^t occedings\\nand dissolution A summary of the establishment and\\npractice of the council of proprietors of West- Jersey\\nAnother assembly called; who remonstrate the griev-\\nances of the province.\\nTH E distinction of the two Provinces East and a. D.\\nWest-Jersey, being henceforth as to all matters\\nof government hiid aside, and botli united in one under\\ntiie name of Nova-Caisaria, or New-Jersey we now\\nenter upon a more uniform method of proceeding.\\nContrary to the expectation of those concerned in\\ntlie surrender, we soon find them jointly struggling for\\nthe preservation of their privileges against the encroach-\\nments of a governor, avIio, if his abilities had been\\nequal to his birth and interest, must be allowed to have\\nbeen as formidable an antagonist in that cajiacity as\\nany that have come to the colonies besides being the\\nson of a family that had merited highly in the revolu-\\ntion, he was first cousin to queen Anne With such an\\ninterest and a disposition to have studied harmony and\\nconcord, instead of listening to the votaries of faction,\\nand meanly trumpeting their animosities, he liad a fair\\n0[)i)ortunity of singular service in restoring the public\\nquiet, and laying a foundation of prosperity to the\\nprovince; but that, afterwards became the business of\\nanother.\\nLord Cornbury arrived in New-Jersey in the month\\n;alled August, 1703: Having published his commis-\\nsion", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "276 The HISTORY\\nA. D. sion at Ainboy and Burlington, he returned to hi\\nT 1 government of New-York; but soon came back and\\nLord\\nCornliiiry convened the general assembly to meet him at Perth-\\nthe assem- Auiboy, the tenth of Noveraber.i?- Tliey chose Tho-\\nbly. mas Gardiner/ speaker, he was presented and accepted,\\nand then, conformable to the practice of parliament,,\\nmade a demand of the particular privileges of assem-\\nblies, as follows\\nThat the members witli their servants, may be free\\nfrom arrests or molestation during the sessions.\\nThat they have free access to your excellency s\\nperson, when occasion requires..\\nThat they may have liberty of speech, and a favour-\\nal)le construction of all debates that may arise among\\nthem.\\nThat if any misunderstanding shall happen to arise\\nbetween the council and this house, that in such a\\ncase a committee of the council may be appointed to.\\nconfer with a committee of this house for adjusting\\nand reconciling all such \u00c2\u00ablifferences. And,\\nThat these our requests mny be approved of by\\nyour excellency and council, and entered in the-\\ncouncil books.\\nTiie governor, in answer told them, he granted the\\nthree first as the just and undoubted right of the house;.\\nbut\\n7. The names of tlie first members of council after the surrender\\nare in lurd Cornbury s instructions. The first representatives were,\\nFor tlie eastern Division.\\nObadiah Bown, .Jedediah Allen, Micliael Howden, Peter Vatv\\nEste, .Jiihu Reid, Jolin Harrison, Cornelius Tunison, Kichard\\nHan.shorne, col. Richard Townly,\\nFor the western Division.\\nThomas Lambert, William Kiddle, William Stevenson, Restore\\nLipiMncott, John Kay, John Hugg, jun. Joseph Cooper, William\\nHail, John Mason, John Smith.\\nFor the town of Burlington. Peter Fretwell, Thomas Gardiner.\\nCiiy of Perth-Aniboy. Thomas Gordon, Miles Forster.\\nh. Son ol hiui whose death is mentioned before", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 277\\nl)nt rcieeted the fourth as an innovation, and accord- A. D.\\n1702.\\ningly ordered an entrv of the same in the council books\\nthis done, he rnade a speech to the council and general\\n:assembly.\\nGentlemen,\\nThe proprietors of East and West New-Jersey, Speech,\\nhaving upon very mature consideration, thought lit\\nto surrender to her most sacred majesty the great cpieen\\nof England, my mistress, all the j)o\\\\vers of govern-\\nment which they supposed were vested in them the\\nqueen has been pleased to unite these formerly two\\nprovinces now into one, under the name of Xova-\\nCsesaria or New-Jersey her majesty has been pleased\\ngraciously to honour me with the trust of this\\ngovernment, and has commanded me to assure you\\nof her ))rotcction ui)on all occasions and you may\\nassure yourselves, that under her auspicious reign,\\nyou will enjoy all the liberty, hap])iness and satisfac-\\ntion, that good subjects can wish for under a most\\ngracious queen, and the best laws in the universe, I\\nmean the laws of England, M hich all the world\\nwould be glad to partake of, and none are so happy\\nto enjoy, but those whose projiitious stars have placed\\nunder the most happily constituteil monarchy I will\\nnot question, but that you on your parts, will do all\\nthat can be expected from faithful subjects, both for\\nthe satisfaction of the queen, the good and safety of\\nyour country; which must be attended with general\\nsatisfaction to all people.\\nIn order to attain these good ends, I must earnestly\\nrecommend it both to you, gentlemen of her majesty s\\ncouncil, and you gentlemen of the assembly, to\\napj)ly yourselves heartily and seriously to the recon-\\nciling the uidiappy ditfcrences which have happened\\nin this province that as the queen has united the two\\nprovinces, so the minds of all the people may be\\nfirmly united in the service of the queen, and good\\nof the country which are all one, and cannot be\\nseparated without danger of destroying both.\\nGentlemen", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "278\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1703.\\nGentlemen, yoa are now met in general assembly,\\non purpose to prepare such bills to be passed into laws,\\nto be transmitted into England for her majesty s\\napprobation, as may best conduce to the settling of\\nthis province upon a lasting foundation of happiness\\nand quiet, oidy I must recommend it to you, that the\\nbills you shall think fit to otter, may not be rejnignant\\nto the laws of England, but as much as may be,\\nagreeable to them.\\nI must recommend to you, gentlemen, in the\\nwording of your Bills, to observe the stile of enacting\\nby the governor, council and assembly and likewise,\\nthat each ditt erent matter may be enacted by a dittl;rent\\nlaw, to avoid confusion.\\nIn all laws whereby you shall think fit to grant\\nmoney, or to impose any fines or penalties, express\\nmention may be made, that the same is granted or\\nreserved unto her majesty, her heirs or successors, for\\nthe publick use of this province, and the support of\\nthe government thereof.\\nGentlemen, I am farther commanded by the queen,,\\nto recommend it to you, to raise and settle a revenue\\nfor defraying the necessary charges of the govern-\\nment of this province, in order to support the dignity\\nof it.\\nI am likewise commanded to recommend to your\\ncare, the preparing one or more bill or bills whereby\\nthe right and property of the general proprietors tO\\nthe soil of this province may be confirmed to them,\\naccording to their respective titles, together with all\\nquit rents and all other privileges as are expressed in the\\nconveyances made by the duke of York except only\\nthe right of government, which remains in the queen.\\nNow, Gentlemen, I have acquainted you with some\\nof those things which the king is desirous to have\\ndone I shall likewise acquaint you, that her majesty\\nhas been graciously pleased to grant to all her subjects\\nin this province, (except papists) liberty of consci-\\nence. I must further inform you, that the queen\\nhas commauded me not to receive any present from\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 279\\nthe general assembly of this province and that no A_. D.\\n|)erson who may succeed me in this government, may\\nclaim any present for the future, I am commanded\\nto take care, that her majesty s orders may be entered\\nat large in tlie council books, and the books of\\nthe general asseml)ly.\\nNow, gentlemen, I have no more to offer to you\\nat this time, only I recommend to you disj)atch in the\\nmatter before you, and unanimity in your consulta-\\ntions, as that which will always best and most eifeetu-\\nally conduce to the good of the whole.\\nThe governor s speech being read in the house, pro-\\nduced the following address, N. C. D. Address.\\nMay it ])lease your excellency,\\nI am commanded by this house, to return your\\nexcellency our hearty thanks for your excellency s\\nmany kind expressions to them, contained in your\\nexcellency s speech and it is our great satisfaction,\\nthat her majesty has been pleased to constitute your\\nexcellency our governor.\\nWe ai e well assured the proj)rietors, by their surren-\\nder of their rights to the government of this province,\\nhave put us in circumstances much better than we\\nwere in under their administration, they not being\\nable to j)rotect us from the villainies of wicked men\\nand having an entire dependent^e on her majesty, that\\nshe will protect us in the full enjoyment of our rights,\\nliberties and ])roi)erties, do thank your excellency for\\nthat assurance you are i)leascd to give us of it, and\\nthink our stars have been very ])roi)itious in placing\\nus under the government and direction of the greatest\\nof queens, and the best of laws And we do entreat\\nyour excellency to believe, that our best endeavours\\nshall not be wanting to accomplish those things which\\nshall be for the satisfaction of the queen, the gene-\\nral good of our country, and (if possible) to the\\nuniversal satisfa(;tion of all people With our prayers\\nto the God of Heaven, we shall join our utmost\\nendeavours, to unite our unhappy differences and\\nhope", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "280 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA, D. hope with the assistance of your excellency and council\\n1703. j^ ^yj|] j^^j- i^g impossible to ac/;omplisli that blessed\\nwork. We shall follow the directions given in your\\nexcellency s speech, with what dis])atch tlie nature of\\nthe things require and hope, that all our consulta-\\ntions may conduce to the best and greatest ends.\\nMemorandum, that all the members of this house\\ndo agree to the subjecit matter above written, tho\\nseveral of them dissent from some of the expressions\\ntherein contained.\\nThis address presented, the assembly, after regulat-\\ning elections complained of, prepared several bills\\nbut one only received the governor s assent This related\\nto the purchasing of lands of tlie Indians, was pre-\\npared pursuant to an article in Cornbury s instructions,\\nand prohibits purchases or gifts of lands being made\\nLaw re- or received from the Indians without license of the\\nIndian pro})rietors, after the 1st December, 1703, under\\npurchases. penalty of forfeiting forty shillings ])er acre; it also\\nretrospects and makes void all Indian bargiiins, gifts,\\nleases or mortgages, without an English title, unless\\ncovered with a propriety right in six months thereafter.\\nThis law is yet in force.\\nThe governor put an end to this session, December\\n13, by observing to the assembly, that the season being\\nfar advanced, it was absolutely necessary to conclude\\nbusiness That he wished the several bills before him-\\nself and them could have been dispatched but that\\nthe matters contained in them, were of so great\\nmoment, the difficulties so many, and the time so\\nshort, that it was impossible to finish That being now\\nacquainted with the nature of those difficulties, they\\nshould come prepared in the sjiring to remove them, and\\nprovide such good laws as might effectually ascertain the\\nrights of the several proprietors, and fully secure every\\nman s property. These being the points which would\\nmost conduce to the peace and welfare of the colony,\\nrecommended", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "O F X E J E R S E Y 281\\nrecommended the council and assembly to employ their A. D,\\nserious thouuhts, that the most effectual means to\\nattain those desirable ends might be discovered, and to\\npoint out other useful laws, and concludes witli obser-\\nving-, that they would ever find him re^idy to consent to\\nall such things as should be for the good of the whole.\\nIn 1704, great inconveniencies were found, by the\\nsame coin bearing ditfcrent values in the provinces on Coin,\\nthe continent; to remedy this by one general medium,\\nqueen Anne published her proclamation for ascertaining\\nthe value of foreign coin in America; which seems to\\nclaim a place here.\\nBy the QUE EX.\\nA proclamation for settling and ascertaining the cur- Proclama/-\\nrent rates of foreign coins in her majesty s colonies\\nand plantations in America.\\nWf] having had unik r our consideration the differ-\\nent rates at which the same species of foreign coins do\\npass in our several colonies and plantations in Ame-\\nrica, and the inconveniencies thereof, by the indirect\\npractice of drawing the money from one j)lantation\\nto another, to the great prejudice of the trade of our\\nsubjects; and being sensible, that the same cannot be\\notherwise remedied, than by reducing of all foreign\\ncoins to the same current rate within all our domini-\\nons in America; and the principal officers of our\\nmint having hiid before us a talkie of the value of the\\nseveral foreign coins whic-h usually pass in j)ayments\\nin our said j)lantations, according to the weight and\\nthe assays made of them in otu* mint, thereby shewing\\nthe just proportion which each coin ought to have to\\ntlie other which is as followeth, viz. Sevill pieces\\nof eight, old i)late, seventeen penny weight, twelve\\ngrains, four shillings and six ])ence Sevill pieces of\\neight, new plate, fourteen penny-weight, three sliil-\\nlings and seven pence one farthing; Mexico pieces\\nof eight, seventeen penny-weight twelve grains, four\\nshillings and six pence pillar pieces of eight, seven-\\nteen penny- weight twelve grains, four shillings and\\nsix", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "282\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1704.\\nsix pence three farthings Peru pieces of eight, old\\nplate, seventeen penny-weight twelve grains, four\\nshillings and five pence or thereabouts cross dollars,\\neighteen penny- weight, four shillings and four pence\\nthree farthings ducatoons of Flanders, twenty pen-\\nny-weight and twenty-one grains, five shillings and\\nsix pence; eau s of France or silver Lewis, seventeen\\npenny-weight twelve grains, four shillings and six\\npence; crusadoes of Portugal, eleven penny-weight\\nfour grains, two shillings and ten pence one farthing;\\nthe silver pieces of Holland, twelve penny-weight\\nand seven grains, five shilling and two pence one\\nfarthing old rix dollars of the empire, eighteen\\npenny-weight and ten grains, four shillings and six\\npence; the half, quarters and other parts in proportion\\nto their denominations and light pieces in proportion\\nto their weight We have therefore thought fit, for\\nremedying the said inconveniencies, by the advice of\\nour council, to publish and declare, that from and\\nafter the first day of January next ensuing the data\\nhereof, no Sevill, pillar, or Mexico pieces of eight,\\nthough of the full weight of seventeen penny-weight\\nand a half, shall be accounted, received, taken or\\npaid, within any of our said colonies or plantations,\\nas well those under projjrietors and charters, as under\\nour immediate commission and government, at above\\nthe rate of six shillings per piece, current money,\\nfor the discharge of any contracts or bargains to be\\nmade after the said first day of January next the\\nhalves, quarters, and other lesser pieces of the same\\ncoins, to be accounted, received, taken, or paid in\\nthe same proportion and the currency of all pieces\\nof eight of Peru, dollars and other foreign species\\nof silver coins, whether of the same or baser alloy,\\nshall after the said first day of January next, stand\\nregulated, according to their weight and fineness,\\naccording and in proportion to the rate before limited\\nand set for the pieces of Sevill, pillar and Mexico so\\nthat no foreign silver coin of any sort, be permitted\\nto exceed the same proportion upon any account what-\\nsoever.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 283\\nsoever. And we do hcrebv require and command all A. D.\\n170-1\\nour j^oveiMiors, lieutenant irovernors, nuiiiistrates,\\noHieer.s, and all other onr good t\u00c2\u00abul)jeets, within our\\nsaid colonies and plantations, to observe and obey our\\ndirections herein, as they tender our displeasure:\\nGiven at our castle at Windsor, the eighteenth day\\nof. June, ITO-i, in the third year of onr reign,\\nCornbury met the assembly at Burlington the 7th of\\nSe| tembcr, and recommended the preparing a bill to Assembl/\\nascertain the rights of the general pr()j)rietors to the\\nsoil of the province, to settle a fnnd for support of\\ngovernment; and a French privateer having committed\\ndepredations on the settlers about Sandy Hook, he\\nthence took occasion to press for a law to establish a\\nmilitia, and fix a- watch house on the Navesink hills.\\nThe house took the matters into consideration It does\\nnot appear but they intended to make such provisioa\\non those occiisions, as suited the circumstances of the\\nprovince, yet their proceedings on the whole, were\\nnot to his mind on the 28th therefore, he abruptly\\nsent for and dissolved them, and issued writs for a new\\nelection, to meet at Burlington the 13th of November Dissolved,\\nfollowinj:: This election was industriously managed,\\nand a majority of members procured to iiis mind they\\nmet at the time, and being divided in the choice of a\\nspeaker, Peter Fretwell and John Bowne, candidates,\\nand the votes ccpial, they called u|)on their clerk,\\n(William Anderson,) to give the Gisting vote, which\\nhe did for Frctwell, who was accordingly placed in the\\nchair; then ret civing the speech, they by an address\\nwmplimented Cornbiu-v, with going through the affairs\\nof\\ni. Tlie meiiibers of this assembly were,\\nFor the l^astern division.\\nJohn Rown. Rirbarfl Hirtsli irne, Riclianl Salter, Obadiah Bown,\\nAnihonv Wooilw iril, Jolin TiMiinon, Jnlin Lawrence, Jasper Crane,\\nPetej Vanesie, Tlioinas Gordon, Jolin Barclay, John Royse.\\nFor", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "284 TheHISTORY\\nA^ D. of government with great diligence and exquisite\\nmanagement, to the admiration of his friends, and\\nenvy of his enemies and passed a hill to raise two\\nthousand pounds^- per annum, hy tax, for support of\\ngovernment, to continue two years.\\nSeveral other laws were passed this session, and\\namongst them one for estahlishing a militia, hy the\\nunnecessary severity of which, those conscientiously\\nscrupulous of bearing arms in many parts were great\\nsufferers.\\nOn the 12th of December, the governor adjourn d\\nthem till next year, with more encomiums on their\\nconduct, th;ui many of them got from their constitu-\\nents on their return home during this whole session,\\nthey had tamely suffered the arbitrary practices of\\nCornbury, to deprive them of three of their most sub-\\nstantial members, Thomas (jrardiner, Thomas Lam-\\nbert and Joshua Wright, under ])retence of their not\\nowning land enough to qualify them to sit there, tho\\nthey were known to be men of sufficient estates and\\nthe same assembly at their next meeting at Amboy, in\\n1705, themselves declare, the members had hereto-\\nfore satisfied the house of their being duly qualified\\nto sit in the same; and they were then admitted, when\\nthe purposes of their exclusion were answered This\\n1705. sitting was in October and November, but produced\\nnothing of much consequence the session which fol-\\nlowed at the same place in October, 1706, likewise\\nproved unsuccessful and now Cornbury again dissolv d\\nthe assembly.\\nIn\\nFor the Western divi^sion.\\nRestore Lippincott, John Hiisrg, .John Kay, John Smith, Wil-\\nliam Hall, John Mason, Thomas Bryan, Robert Wheeler, Peter\\nFretwell, Thomas Lambert, Thomas Gardiner, Joshua Wright.\\nk. The lieutenant governor Ingoldsby received 600 out of this\\nsum.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "O F N E \\\\V J E R S E Y 285\\nIn the 11th month this year, the council of proprie- A_^ T).\\n1 1706.\\ntors for tlie western division, met according to their\\nusual practice; present, William Biddle, president, Dissolved.\\nSamuel Jenings, George Deacon, John Wills, Wil-\\nliam Hall, Christopher Wcthcrill and John Kay to\\nthis council Cornbury sent an order to resolve him in\\ncertain points proposed to them, which for some rea-\\nsons, were at present delayed hut in the spring next 1707.\\nyear, he sent for the council of proprietors to attend\\nhiui in council at Burlington, and there proposed sun-\\ndry questions on tlie same subject, demanding a catego-\\nrical answer to each they soon resolved him by send-\\ning a summary of their constitution and estal)lisliiuent\\nas follows\\nThe an^WL-r (hilivered to the governors three (jucstions,\\ndelivered to him by the council of proprietors.\\nWilEUEAS our governor the lord Cornbury, was Snmtnary\\n])leased at our attending on him in council, the thir- *^^t-\\nteenth day of this instant May, to reipiire answers to j^\\\\;ii ^f\\nthree questions, viz. who was the c )uncil of |)ropri- pi .(trie-\\netors the last year; and who are chosen for this year i^^\\n1707, and to have the names of them the second\\nis, what are the powers the said council pretend to\\nMiave? the tliird, by whom constituted?\\nAnd in ol)edience tliereto, we being jiart of the\\nMrustees, or agents commonly called the council of\\nproprietors, are willing to give all the satisfaction we\\nare able, in humble answer to his lordsliips re(piirings,\\nviz.\\nFirst, the persons chosen for the last year to serve\\nthe proprietors as agents or trustees, were William\\nBiddle,\\nIt was (lelivert d to Cornbury in council, tlie 30l!i, the nro-\\nprietors then pre-eni, were, Suuiiei Jeninjjs, W iiliiim I[:ill,Tlio-\\nm:\\\\ Giinliner, lolin Wills, John Kay, (:hrisio|ilier Welheriil and\\nfwis Morris; wi I) the nn-iwer ihey delivtr^d to ihe governor and\\ncouncil, two papers contnininir the names of several of ihe proprie-\\ntors, declaring their approbation of the council, and one Indian\\ndeed.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "286\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1707.\\nBiddle, Samuel Jcnings, George Deacon, John Wills,\\nand Christopher Wetherill, for the county of Bur-\\nlington and John Reading, Francis Col lings, John\\nKay and William Hall, of Salem, for the county of\\nGloucester, and below; and for this ])resent year\\n1707, William Biddle, Samuel Jenings, Lewis\\nMorris, George Deacon, John Wills, John Kay,\\nJohn Reading, Thomas Gardiner and William Hall\\nof Salem.\\n2. In the year 1677, the first ship that came here\\nfrom England, which brought the first inhabitants\\nthat came to settle in these remote parts, by virtue of\\nByllingc s right, before she sail d the j)ro])riet()rs being\\nmet tojjether at London, thouij^ht it advisable to settle\\nsome certain method how the purchasers of land from\\nByllinge, c. should have their just rights laid forth\\nto them, concluded on a number of persons, viz.\\nJoseph Helmsly, William Emly, Jolui Penford,\\nBenjamin Scott, Daniel Wills, Tiiomas Olive and\\nRobert Stacy, as should be called commissioners, and\\nthey were first impowered to purcliase what land .they\\ncould from the Indians, and then to ins])ect all rights,\\nas any lands were claimed, and when satisfied therein,\\nto order the laying it out accordingly which com-\\nmissioners when arrived here, did forthwith nudce\\nseveral purchases of land, and acted as aforesaid, for\\nsome time, till some of them being not longer able\\nto struo gle with sucli huno er, and manv other givat\\nliardships as were then met withal, retnruM again for\\nEngland; so for preventing confusion among the\\npeople, the assembly took the trouble of it on them\\nthis continued in practice till about the year 1687\\nthen the assembly having much other business, and\\nbeing not able to spend their time and money abroad,\\nwould not longer be troubled with that business, as\\nwas wholly belonging to the proprietors, and so threw\\nit (mt of the house, and told the proprietors they\\nmight choose a convenient number of persons of\\nthemselves, to transact their own business: Airord-\\ningly the 14th day of February, the same year, the\\nproj)rietors", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- jersey. 287\\nproprietors met at Burlington, and then and there\\nchose and elected eleven persons of themselves, to act\\nfor the wliole, for the next ensuing year; but then\\nfiiuliiig that so many and at such distances being hard\\nto be got together, tiiey next year chose but nine,\\nand accordingly signed instruments for the confirm-\\ning that constitution, of which his lordship has a\\ncoi)y and the same methods have been every year\\nsince practised to this present year 1707 and in all\\nthis time no inconveniencies hatii arisen from it, but\\non the contrary, much ease and advantage to the pro-\\nprietors; as by a further dechxration of many other\\nof the proprietors under their hands, is ready to be\\nproved.\\nNow as to tlie powers of those as are now and\\nhave all along been, they are the same with the\\niirst that came over from England in the year 1677;\\nthat is to say, to pur(!hase land of the Indians, with\\nthe consent and advice of the said proprietors as\\nchose them, and to inspect the rights of every man\\nas shall claim any land, so tiiat the same may be sur-\\nveyed to him or them and for the more easy and\\nspeedy settling of the province, commissioners have\\nbeen appoint(Hl in each county, to inspect all rights as\\naforesaid the said agents, trustees or council, also to\\nchoose a recorder, a surveyor general and rangers in\\neach county, to range for the benefit of tlie said\\ngeneral proj)rietors, and to appoint persons to prevent\\nthe wasting and destroying of the proprietors timber,\\nupon their unsm veyed lands, c.\\nThe proprietors residing in England, have had\\nknowledge of a committee of the ay;ents or trus-\\ntees of the proprietors here, who were to act and\\nnegotiate their affairs by their agents, from time\\nto time, acting in conjunction with them, as Adlord\\nBoad, John Tatham, agents to doctor Coxe and\\nwhi u Jeremiah Bass was agent, he acted Avith them\\nais;); after him, when our late governor Hamilton\\nwas made agent, he acted as one of the said agents,\\ntrustees or council for several years, and was president\\nof", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "288 The HISTORY\\nA. D. of the same and now Lewis Morris as agent to the\\n170 society, is one of the said trustees or council; and\\nnot only the agents of the agents of the i)roprietors\\nat home, but any proprietor now hath, and have had\\nliberty, to come and meet with the said agents, tru-\\nstees or council, when he or they pleased.\\nLastly, as to the constitution of the said agents,\\ntrustees or committee, and by whom constituted it\\nis on certain days in the county of Burlington and\\nGloucester, yearly and every year, they are chosen\\nby the proprietors The above is as good an account\\nas we that are [U esent are able to give, in answer to\\nwhat was required of us by his lordship, and pray it\\nmay tind acceptance as such but if any further thing\\nmay seem needful to be answered, we huml)ly ])ray\\nit may for this time be suspended, till the whole can\\nbe o;ot toy-ether.\\nThe writs for a new assembly were returnable to\\nBurlington, the 5th of Ajyrll, 1707. In this Assembly\\nit soon ap])eared, Cornbury had not the success in\\nelections as in the last choice his conduct was arbi-\\ntrary, and the people dissatisfied the assembly chose\\nSamuel Jenings, speaker, received the governor s\\ns])eech, and soon after resolved into a committee of the\\nwhole house to consider grievances; this committee\\ncontinued sitting from day to day, till at length they\\nagreed upon fifteen resolves, and by petition to the\\nqueen laid them before her, on the 8th of the month\\ncalled May, they also remonstrated their grievances\\nto the governor, as follows\\nMay\\nm. The members now ^vere,\\nFor the Eastern division.\\nJohn Harrison, Lewis Morris, Elisha Parker, Thomas Farmer,\\nJasper Crane, Daniel Price, John Eown, William Lawrence, Wil-\\nliam Morris. Enoch Mackelson, Joim Royce, Thomas Gordon.\\nFor the Western division.\\nPeter Canson, William Hill, Richard Johnson, John Thomson,\\nBartholomew Wyait, John Wills, Thomas Bryan, Samuel Jenings,\\nThomas Gardiner, Jolin Kay, Philip Rawle.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- jersey. 289\\nMay it please the governor,\\nWe, her majesty s loyal siil)jects, the rejjresentatives\\nof the j roviiice of New-Jersey, are heartily sorry,\\nthat instead of raising slu;1i a revenue as is by the\\ngovernor (as we suppose by the queen s dii eetions)\\nrequired of us, we are obliged to lay before him the\\nunhappy eircumstanecs of this provinee it is a talk\\nwe undertake not of choiee, but necessity, and have\\ntherefore reason to hope, that what we say may meet\\nwith a more favourable reeeption.\\nWe pray the governor to be assured, it is our mis-\\nfortune extorts this procedure from us, and that we\\nshould betray the trust reposed in us by our country,\\ndid we not endeavour to obtain relief.\\nThe governor encourages us to lioj)e he will not be\\ndeaf to our entreaties, nor by his denial render our\\nattempts for the best ends fruitless.\\nWe may not perchance rightly apprehend all the\\ncauses of our sufferings, but have reason to think\\nsome of them are very nuich owing to the governor s\\nlong absence from this |)rovince, which renders it\\nvery difficult to ai)|)ly to him in some cases which\\nmay need a present helj).\\nIt were to be wished the affairs of New- York\\nwcudd admit the governor oftcner to attend those of\\nNew-Jersey, he had not then been unactjuainted with\\nour grievances; and we are inclined to l)elieve they\\nwould not have grown to so great a number.\\nIt is therefore, in the Hrst place, humbly presented\\nto the governor s consideration, that some persons\\nunder sentence of death for murder, have not only\\nremained till this time un(^\\\\ecuted, (they being con-\\ndemned not long after lord Cornbury s accession to\\nthis govenunent) but often have been suffered to go\\nat large it s possible the governor luus not been\\ninformed, that one of those persons is a woman who\\nnnirdered her own child another of them a woman\\nwho poisoned her husband The keeping of them so\\nlong has been a very great charge, and how far it s a\\nreflection on the publick administration, to suffer such\\nT wretches\\nA. D.\\n1707.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "290\\nThe history\\nA. B.\\n1707.\\nwretches to pass with impunity, we dare not say but\\nsure the blood of those innocents cries aloud for ven-\\ngeance, and just Heaven Avill not fail to pour it down\\nupon our already miserable country, if they are not\\nmade to suifer according to their demerits.\\nSecondly, we think it a great hardship, that persons\\naccused foe any crime, should be obliged to i ay court\\nfees, notwithstanding the jury have not found the\\nbill against them they are men generally chose out\\nof the neighbourhood, and should be the most sub-\\nstantial inhabitants, who cannot well be supposed to\\nbe ignorant of the character of the person accused,\\nnor want as good information as may be had when\\ntherefore they do not find the bill, it is very reasonable\\nto suppose the accused person innocent, and conse-\\nquently no fees due from him we pray therefore,\\nthat the governor will give his assent to an act of\\nassembly to prevent the like for the future; otherwise\\nno person can be safe from the practices of designing\\nmen, or the wicked effects of a vindictive temper.\\nThirdly, the only office for probate of wills being\\nin Burlington, it must be very expensive and incon-\\nvenient for j)ersons who live remote to attend it, espe-\\ncially for the whole Eastern division we therefore\\npray the governor will assent to an act to settle such\\nan office in each county, or at least in each division of\\nthis province, and that the officers be men of good\\nestates, and known integrity in the said county or divi-\\nsion.\\nFourthly, that the secretary s office is not also kept\\nat Amboy, but that all the Eastern division are forced\\nto come to Burlington, that have any business at said\\noffice, is a grievance which we hope the governor\\nwill take care to redress; it seeming inconsistent with\\nthe present constitution of government established by\\nthe queen, which doth not admit one of the divisions\\nof this province to enjoy more privileges than the\\nother we therefore entreat the governor not to take\\nit amiss, that we desire his assent to an act to be pass d\\nto oblige the secretary to keep the office at both places.\\nFifthly,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 291\\nFifthlv, tho grantino; of patents to cart goods on A. D.\\n*the road from Burlington to Amboy, for a certain I ^OT.\\nnumber of years, and prohibiting others, we think\\nto be a grievance that is contrary to the statute 21 Jac.\\n1. c. 3. against monopolies; and being so, we doubt\\nnot, will easily induce the governor to assent to an act\\nto prevent all such grants for the future; they being\\ndestructive to that freedom which trade and commerce\\nought to have.\\nSixthly, the establishing fees by any other power\\nor authority than by the governor, council and repre-\\nsentatives met in general asssembly, we take to be a\\ngreat grievance, directly repugnant to Magna\\nCharta, and contrary to the queen s express instruc-\\ntions in the governor s instructions, which says,\\n^You are to take care, that no man s life, member,\\nfreehold or goods, be taken away or harmed in\\nour province, under your government, otherwise\\ntlian by established and known laws, not repugnant to,\\nbut as near as much as may be, agreeable to the laws\\nof England; we therefore ])ray, that the governor\\nwill assent to an act to be pass d to settle fees without\\nwhich we think no more can be legally demanded,\\nthan the persons concerned by agreement oblige\\n^themselves to pay.\\nSeventhly, the governor putting tlie former publick\\nrecords of the Eastern division of this province into the\\nhands of Peter Sonmans, pretended agent to the propri-\\netors, one that does not reside in the province, nor has\\nnot given security for the well and true keeping of them,\\nas is l)y the queen directed, and ke|)t tiicm so that her\\nmajesty s subjects cannot have recourse to them and\\ntheir being carried out of the division, is a great and\\ncrying grievance: They are the only evidences that\\none half of this province has to prove the titles to their\\nestates, and this house is humbly of opinion, they\\nought to be so kept, that persons may have recourse to\\nthem and in the hands of such of whose fidelity there\\nis no reason to doubt this being a thing so reasonable,\\nencourages us to request the governor to assent to an\\nact", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "292\\nThe his T O R Y\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nact to be passed to put them in proper hands for the\\nfuture, that tlie country may not be under the same\\ndisappointments they now are.\\nThese, governor, are souie of the grievances this\\nprovince complains of, and which their representa-\\ntives desire may be redressed but there are otliers of a\\nhigher nature, and attended with worse consequences;\\ntiiey cannot be just to the governor, themselves, or\\ntheir country, should they conceal them We did\\nexpect when the government of the Jersies was surren-\\ndered, to feel the benign influences of the queen s mild\\ngovernment, under her more immediate administra-\\ntion, and to be protected in the full enjoyment\\nof our liberties and properties, the last of which we\\nthouoht oursel\\\\^(!s somethino; more secure in than some\\nof the neighbouring plantations; and had an entire\\ndependance that her majesty s royal bounty and good-\\nness would never be wanting to make us easy and\\nhappy, even beyond our wishes It is our misfortune,\\nthat we must say, the success has not answered the\\nexpectation, and the queen s subjects here have felt\\nthe reverse of what they had most reason to hope that\\ngreatest and best of princes is, without all perad-\\nventure, ignorant of our pressures, or we had long\\nsince had relief; she is too good to continue even the\\ndeserved sufferings of the miserable, and has more of\\nHeaven in her than to hear the cry of those that groan\\nunder oppression, and the unkind effects of mistaken\\npower, to whom we owe our miseries aud what they\\nare, the sequel shews.\\nFn the first i)lace, the governor has prohibited the\\nproprietors agents, commonly called the council of\\nproprietors, from granting any warrants for taking\\nUj) of land in the Western division of this province:\\nWe cannot see by what law or reason any man s pro-\\nporty can be disposed of by the governor without his\\n(consent The |)roprietors when they surrendered their\\ngovernment, did not part with their soil, and may\\nmanage it as they think fit, and are not to take direc-\\ntions from any person wliatsoever, how and when to\\ndo", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "Of X E W J E R 8 E Y 293\\ndo it; if anv persons concenied be grieved, tlie Ituvs A. D.\\nare open, bv which dis])iite.s in property are decided; i--^\\nand he doubtless will not be left remediless. We are\\nvery sorry the governor gives us occasion to say, it is\\na great encroachment on the proprietors liberties; but\\nwe are not suprised at it, when a greater encroach-\\nment on our lil)erties lead the way to it, and that was\\nthe governor s refusing to swear or attest three mem-\\nbers of the last assenjl)ly npon the groundless sugge-\\nstions of Thomas Revel and Daniel Leeds, two mem-\\nbers of the queen s council, by which they were kept\\nout of the assembly We are too sensibly touch d with\\nthat procedure, not to know what miist be the una-\\nvoidable consequences of a governor s refusing to swear\\nwhich of the members of an assembly he thinks fit;\\nbut to take uj)on himself the power of judging of\\nthe qualitications of assembly-men, and to keep them\\nout of the house (as the governor did the aforesaid\\nthree members nigh eleven months till he was satis-\\nfied in that point) after the house had declared them\\nqualified; is so great a violation of the liberties of\\nthe people, so great a breach of the privileges of the\\nhouse of representatives, so much assuming to him-\\nself a negative voice to the freeholders election of\\ntheir representatives, that the governor is entreated to\\npardon us, if this is a different treatment from what\\nwe expe(!ted: It is not the effects of passionate heats,\\nthe transports of vindictive tempers but the\\nserious resentments of a house of representatives, for\\na notorious violation of the liberties of the people, to\\nwhom they could not be just, nor answer the trust\\nreposed in them, should they decline letting the\\ngovernor know they are extremely dissatisfied at so\\nunkind a treatment, es|)ecially when its causes and\\neffects consj)ire to render it so disagreeable.\\nIt is notoriously known, that many considerable\\nsums of money have been raised to procure the disso-\\nlution of the first assembly, to get clear of the pro-\\npriet( rs quit-rents, and to obtain such officers as the\\ncontributors should approve of this house has great\\nreason", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "294\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nreason to believe, the money so gathered was given to\\nlord Cornbury, and did induce him to dissolve the\\nthen assembly, and by his own authority keep three\\nmembers out of the next assembly, and put so many\\nmean and mercenary men into oiRce by which cor-\\nrupt practice, men of the best estates are severely\\nharrassed, her majesty s good subjects in this province\\nso impoverished, that they are not able to give that\\nsupport to her majesty s government as is desired,\\n*or as they Avould be otherwise inclined to do and we\\ncannot but be very uneasy when we find by tliese new\\nmethods of government, our liberties and properties\\nso much shaken, that no man can say he is master of\\neither, but holds them as tenant by courtesy and at\\nwill, and may be stript of them at pleasure Liberty\\nis too valuable a thing to be easily parted with, and\\nwhen such mean inducements procure such violent\\nendeavours to tear it from us, we must take leave to\\nsay, they have neither heads, hearts, nor souls, that\\nare not moved with the miseries of their country, and\\nare not forward with their utmost power lawfully to\\nredress them.\\nWe conclude, by advising the governor to consider\\nwhat it is that princi|)ally engages the affections of a\\npeople, and he will find no other artifice needful than\\nto let them be unmolested in the enjoyment of what\\nbelongs to them of right and a wise man that despises\\nnot his own happiness^ will earnestly labour to regain\\ntheir love.\\nBy order of the house,\\nSamuel Jenings, speaker/\\nBy this remonstrance may be seen much of the\\nhistory of the times, and that tho things were carried\\nto arbitrary lengths, there were not wanting in the pro-\\nvince, men of discernment to see and lament the un-\\nhappy situation of their country, and of spirit to\\noppose it s greatest eaemies several such were in this\\nassembly\\nI\\nI", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "O F X E W J E li S E Y 295\\nassembly, the sjDeaker in particular, had very early A. D.\\nknown New-Jersey, had lived thro many changes\\nand commotions, to see great alterations in it; much\\nconcerned in publick transactions, he knew what\\nbelonged to a public character; he had governed\\nthe western part of the Province for several years,\\nwith integrity and reputation; saw the advantages\\nof a just confidence, and that it could not be acquired\\nanother way that though the office was in itself re-\\nspectable, it was the honest execution of it according\\nto it s dignity, that produced the intended service, and\\nsecured the approbation of a kind but watchful\\nmistress for such queen Anne was accounted to her\\ngovernors. Jenings was also undaunted, and lord\\nCornbury on his part, exacted the utmost decorum;\\nwhile as speaker he was delivering the remonstrance,\\nthe latter frequently interrupted him with a stop, what s\\nthat, c. at the same time putting on a countenance\\nof authority and sternness, with intention to confound\\nhim with due submission, yet firmness, whenever\\ninterrupted, he calmly desired leave to read the jiassages\\nover agaiu, and did it with an additional emphasis upon\\nthose most complaining so that on the second reading\\nthey became more observable than before he at\\nlength got through when the governor told the\\nhouse, to attend him again on saiurday next, at 11\\no clock, to receive his answer j he did not get ready till\\nthe twelfth, when sending for the house, he delivered\\nhis answer.\\nn. Lewis Morris, also now disiinsrnished himself with great acti-\\nvity in l)t h;ilf of pri.vil( //e, ami had a large share in the whole\\nconduct of this assembly of him more hereafter.\\n0. After the house was gone, Cornbury with some emotion, told\\ntho\u00c2\u00abe with him, that Jenings hud impudence enough to face the D\u00e2\u0080\u0094l.\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "296\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1707.\\nCHAP. XYL\\nLord Cornbury s answer to the assembly s remonstrance,\\nGentlemen,\\nON thiirsday last I received a })aper from you,\\nwhich 3 -ou call a remonstrance I then told you,\\nit was of an extraordinary nature, and contained many\\nparticulars, which tho they lay open enough to receive\\nan immediate answer, yet because I would not put it\\nin your power to say I had given you a rash inconside-\\nrate answer, I would make no return to it till the\\nSaturday following, at which time I sent you word by\\nthe secretary, that 1 should not expect your attendance\\ntill this day. I shall not take notice of any thing in\\nyour preau)ble, but the two last clauses of it in the\\nfirst of which you say, that you have reason to think\\nthat some of your suiferings are owing to the gover-\\nnor s long absence from this province, which renders\\nit very difficult to apply to him in some cases that\\nmay need a present help This is so far from being\\ntrue, that besides my being twice in this province\\nevery year, and have never staid less than a Month,\\nsome times six weeks, or more, the post goes every\\nweek to New- York, by which I may be easily in-\\nformed of any emergency moreover the lieutenant\\ngovernor, colonel Ingoldsby, resides constantly in\\nthis province, and would certainly have done right to\\nany persons that would have complained to him j\\nwhich makes this allegation very frivolous.\\nIn the next clause you say, that it were to be wished\\nthat the affairs of New- York would admit the\\ngovernor oftener to attend those of New-Jersey. The\\naffairs of New- York have never hindred the gover-\\nnor from attending those of New- Jersey, whenever\\nit has been requisite and I can safely say, I don t\\nknow of any grievances this province labours under,\\nexcept it be the having a certain number of people\\nin", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "F X E W J K K S K V 297\\nill it, who will never be faithful to, nor live quietly P-\\nunder any government, nor sutfer their neighbours\\nto enjoy any j)ea( e, quiet or happiness, if they can\\nhelp it.\\nI now begin with your articles,\\nTwo women that iiave been contlemned for mur-\\ndering, have not been executed, there having apj)eared\\nmost notorious malice and revenge in some people,\\nwho were zealous in these ])r()seciitions the queen\\nis the fountain of honour, justice and mercy and\\nas she is so, she may when she jileases, exert her mer-\\ncy, either in reprieving or pardoning any criminal\\nThai ])ower of pardoning and reprieving after con-\\ndemnation, the subjects of this province, her majesty\\nhas been ])lcased to intrust mc with and I am no\\nways accountable to anv person oi numlicr of persons\\nwhatsoever, for what I do in those matters, but to the\\nqueen s inaj(!sty alone.\\nAs for w^hat you say, with rchition to the appre-\\nhensions you have, that just heaven will not fail to\\npour down vengeanee u|)on voiir already miserable\\ncountry, if these criminals are not made to sutler\\naccording to their demerits: I am of opinion, that\\nnothing has hindered the vengeance of just heaven\\nfrom falling upon this province long ago, but the\\ninfinite mercy, goodness, long sutfering, and forbear-\\nance of almighty (iod, who has been abundantly\\n])rovoked by the repeated crying sins of a })er verse\\ngeneration among us, and more especially by the\\ndangerous and abominable doctrines and the wicked\\nlives and i)ractices of a number of peo) le; some of\\nwhom under the pretended name of christians, have\\ndared to deny the very essence and being of the saviour\\nof the world It is a strange thing, that such an assem-\\nbly of men as the representatives of the people of this\\nprovince are or ought to be, should com])lain of any\\nthing under the name of hardship, before they had\\ninformed themselves whether the thing they had a mind\\nto com] lain of, were really a hardship or not This\\nplainly is your case at this time; for if you had asked\\nany", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "298\\nThe his T O R Y\\nA.D.\\n1702.\\n*any man, that knows any thing of the practice of\\nthe huv in England, you would have found, tliat\\nif any proceedings had been carried on against any\\npersons supposed to be guilty, they have always\\npaid the court fees, notwithstanding the grand jury\\nhave not found the bill and this is so known a\\npractice, that it is not to be disputed but when men\\nwill intermeddle with, or pretend to things which\\nthey neither know nor understand, they cannot\\nfail of misguiding themselves, and misleading those\\nthat have a mind to be guided by them.\\nIndeed, if juries in this country were as they ought\\n*to be, the supposition might in some measure be\\nallowed but we find by woful experience, that there\\nare many men who have been admitted to serve upon\\ngrand and petty juries, who have convinced the world\\nthat they have no regard for the oaths they take, espe-\\ncially among a sort of people, Avho under a pretence\\nof conscience, refuse to take an oath and yet many\\nof them under the cloak of a very solemn affirmation,\\ndare to commit the greatest enormities, especially if\\nit be to serve a friend, as they call him and these are\\nthe designing men, and the vindictive tempers, of\\nwhich all the queen s good subjects ought to beware,\\nand be protected from and these are the crying sins\\nwhich will undoubtedly draw down the vengeance of\\njust heaven upon this province and people, if not\\ntimely and seriously repented of.\\nIf I could persuade myself to wonder at any of the\\nenormities contained in this remonstrance (and\\nwhich I would do if it came from any other men) it\\nshould be at this because no reasonable man can\\npersuade himself to believe, that a number of men\\nchosen by their country to represent them, would pre-\\nsume to complain of a thing as a grievance, when the\\nthing complained of is in fact not true; for the office\\nof probate of wills is wherever the governor is con-\\nsequently not at Burlington only Ever since the queeu\\nhas done me the honour to entrust me with the govern-\\nment of this province, I have never failed of being\\niu", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "O F N E \\\\V J E E S E Y 299\\nin the province twice every year, once at Burlington,\\n*an(l once at Aniboy except the hist year, that I had\\nthe unspeakable misfortune of losing a wife, whom\\nI loved as my own soul, after a very long tedious\\nsickness, (luring which lam persuaded no reasonable\\nman could expect I should leave her for any time; and\\nyet notwithstanding that, I was twice at Amboy last\\nyear, where any body that had a Avill to prove, might\\nhave had it done if tlicy had 1 eased besides my\\nbeing twice every year in the province, considering\\nthe remoteness of Ca[)e-May county and the county\\nof Salem, I did appoint a surrogate at Burlington,\\nbefore wiiom any of the inhabifcuits of either division\\nmight have had their wills proved I did not think\\nit necessary to ap|)oint one in the Eastern division\\nbecause the inhabitants of that division who are most\\nremote from New-York, are within a very easy day s\\njourney of my surrogate at Burlington, and much the\\nmajor part of the people of tiiat division, are within\\na small day s journey of New-York, where their pri-\\nvate alfairs daily calls many of them, and where any\\nof them may have their wills proved without any\\ninjury to, or encroacihments upon their ])ropertics,\\nrights or privileges This is so certain a truth, that I\\nam persuaded all judicious and impartial men will\\nlook upon this complaint to be malicious, scandalous,\\nand frivolous, contrived only to amuse poor ignorant\\n})eople with notions of grievances when in truth\\nthere is no manner or auise of complaint: Besides\\nwhat you desire, is a direct invasion of the queen s\\nprerogative for it belongs to her majesty alone to\\nappoint who shall take probate of wills, and grant\\nletters of administration and tliat power the queen\\nhas been pleased to vest in the governor and I am\\nsure I will never so far betray the trust her majesty has\\nhonoured me with, as to sacrifice her prerogative\\nroyal, to the humours of any person or persons what-\\nsoever But of all the people in the world, the qua-\\nkers ought to be the last to complain of the hardships\\nof travelling a few miles upon such an occasion, who\\nnever", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "300\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nnever repine at the trouble and charges of travelling\\nseveral hundred miles to a yearly meeting, where it is\\nevidently known, that nothing was ever done for the\\ngood of the country, but on the contrary continual\\ncontrivances are carried on for the undermininp; of\\nthe government both in church and state.\\nYou have had as little regard to the truth of mat-\\nter of fact in this com[)laint, as in some of the rest\\nfor it is certain, that the secretary s ofhce is kept at\\nAmboy, as well as at Burlington, as far as the na-\\nture of the thing requires, and it can admit of, for the\\nrecords of the eastern division, or at least so inany of\\nthem as the agent for the proprietors of that division\\ncould hitherto recover from one Thomas Gordon,\\ninto whose hands they were put in the time of the pro-\\nprietors government, and who has embezzled several\\nof them, for wliicdi he must be answerable there is a\\nsupreme court heid once every year at Amboy, there\\nis no more at Burlington so that one division does not\\nenjoy more j)rivileges and advantages than the other\\nand you have no more reason to desire a secretary s office\\nto be settled at Amboy, than the ])eople of the county of\\nCumberland would have to desire a secretary of state s\\noffice to be settled in their county, because it is a great\\nway for them to travel to London when they have any\\nbusiness in the secretary s office the thing is incon-\\nsistent in itself, to have two secretaries offices in the same\\nprovince, and consequently unreasonable, and I am\\npretty well satisfied without precedent besides I don t\\nknow any body that can claim the right or power of\\nappointing a secretary in this province but the queen,\\nand she has been pleased to appoint one under the\\ngreat seal of England, and her majesty is pleased to\\nthink one sufficient, as undoubtedly it is but if you\\nhad thought that another had been necessary, it would\\nhave been much more modest to hav^e acquainted me\\nwith it, that I might have humbly represented it to her\\nmajesty, rather than to have* remonstrated that as a\\ngrievance, which is done in ])ursuance of the queen s\\ncommands But this is of the same nature with the\\nrest", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "Of X E J E R S E Y 301\\nrest of your complaints, contrived on purpose to a- A- D.\\nmuse the j)oor iunorant people with a notion ot grie-\\nvances, when in truth there is not the least colour or\\ncause of complaint. I could wish, since you had a\\nmind to colour this comjilaint with the authority of\\nan act of parliament of England, that you had\\nadvised with some lawyer, to know whether this\\ncould be any ways brought under that statute, or\\ncan by any construction in the world be calleil a\\nmonopoly but where a man engrosses a commodity\\ninto his own hands, and imposes what unreason-\\nable price he pleases upon that commodity, or where\\na man is suffered to enjoy any trade or occu|)ation\\nexclusive of others, to tlie prejudice of the piil)-\\nlick, or particularly the hindering or burthening of\\ntrade; the thing now complained of is so far from\\nbeing of that nature, that it is directly contrary for\\nby the patent now complained of, tlie subjects of this\\nprovince have the conveniency of sending such quan-\\ntities of goods to and from Burlington and Aml)ov,\\nas their private occasions, or the nature of their trade\\nretjuires, at reasonable and certain rates, and at certain\\ntimes, which they never could do belbre for before\\nthe settling of this waggon, if any persons had occasion\\nto send any goods to or from either of those [)lac!es,\\nthey were forced to hire a waggon, tho perhaps they\\nhad not the tenth j)art of a load, and were forced to\\njiay such rates as the owners of the waggon thought\\nfit to impose upon them whereas at present every\\nboily is sure once a fortnight to have an opportunity of\\nsending any quantity of goods, great or small, at\\nreasonable rates, without being in danger of being\\nimposed upon at the will of the owner of the waggon\\nand the settling of this waggon is so far from being a\\ngrievance or a monopoly, that l)y this means and no\\nother, a trade has been carried on between Philadel-\\nphia, Burlington, Amboy and New- York, which\\nwas never known before; and in all probability would\\nnever have been, had it not been for this certain\\nconvenient way of sending such quantity of goods\\nas", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "302\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nas people pleased from place to place and in all the\\nparte of Europe, the having piiblick carriages for\\ngoods has always been esteemed of absolute necessity,\\nand the want of them has been looked upon as a hard-\\nship But it seems those things which in the wisest\\nand best governments in Europe, have not only been\\nthought convenient but esteemed of absolute necessi-\\nty, are found out by some of our wiser people here,\\nto be grievances and monopolies: This being un-\\ndoubtedly true, it s plain the ])atent complained of\\ncannot come within the stat. of the 21 Ja. 1. chap. 3.\\nThis I believe will be sufficient to convince all reason-\\nable men, how frivolous and unreasonable this com-\\nplaint is. I shall observe, that when I was first apj)lied\\nto for a patent for the allowing this waggon, which\\nwas by one Dellaman, who in colonel Hamilton s\\ntime was permitted to drive a waggon for carrying\\ngoods, tho under no regulation, either with respect\\nto times of going, or prices for carrying goods, and\\nthen was no monopoly; before I would grant it, I did\\nacquaint the council with it, and desired them to let\\nme know, if they apprehended any inconveniency in\\ngranting such a patent those gentlemen were all of\\nopinion, there could be no inconveniency in it, but\\nrather a great conveniency and indeed experience\\nhas proved that opinion to be true nay, mr. Lewis,\\nMorris himself, the chief promoter of these unreason-\\nable and frivolous complaints at this time, who had\\nthe honour to be one of her majesty s council, ex-\\npressed himself very fully to that purpose: Luiecd\\nhad that gentleman ever been consistent with himself\\nin any two actions of his life, I should wonder how\\nhe could so soon alter his opinion in a c^isc of that\\nnature: but his behaviour at all times having fully\\nccmvinced the world that he never was so, makes me\\ncease wondering This clause of your remonstrance is\\nindeed of a more extravagant nature than the former,\\nfor you presume to call that a great grievance, and\\naffirm it to be directly contrary to magna charta, and\\ncontrary to the queen s express directions in the\\ngovernor s", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "O F N E \\\\V J E R S E Y 303\\ngovernor s instructions; which is most certainly ex- A^ D.\\nactly pursuant to, and in obedience of tiie express\\nwords contained in tlie queen s instructions to the\\ngovernor so that you make the governor s faithful\\nobedience to the instructions the queen has honoured\\nJiim with, to be a great grievance; which is no less\\nthan accusing her most sacred majesty, the best of\\nqueens, of commanding her governor to do tilings\\nwhich in themselves arc great grievances; liow grate-\\nfid a return this is to her majesty, for the rejicated\\nfavours she has l)een pleased to shew to this province\\nand people, let the world judge\\nThat clause of my instructions which you recite\\nin this artittle, has no manner of relation to fees; in-\\ndeed there is another clause in mv instructions, which\\ndirects how, and by whom, all fees shall be settled,\\nand the queen s commands have been observed the\\nwords of the clause are those, And you are with\\nthe advice and consent of our said council, to take\\nespecial care to regulate all salaries and fees belonging\\nto places, or paid upon emergencies, that they be\\nwithin the bounds of moderation, and that no exac-\\ntion be made on any occasion whatsoever; as also that\\ntables of all fees be publickly hung up in all places\\nwhere such fees are to be paid, and you are to trans-\\nmit copies of all such tables of fees to us, and to our\\ncommissioners for trade and plantations as aforesaid\\nand I challenge every one of you, and all mankind,\\nto shew, how, when, and where, any man s life,\\nmember, freehold, or goods, have been taken away,\\nor harmed in this province, since it came under her\\nmajesty s government, otherwise than by established\\nand known laws, not reiiugnant to, but as much as\\nmay be, agreeable to the laws of England hen I\\ntirst read this clause, I could not imagine what it was\\nput in tor, unless it were on purpose to arraign the\\n(pieen s express commands to me. First, Mr. Son-\\nmans is not the pretended agent, but the lawfully\\nconstituted agent for the pro})rietors of the eastern\\ndivision of this province, and has Qualified himself\\naccording", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "i04\\nThe H I S T O E Y\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\naccording to the queen s instructions to me, and he\\ndoes reside the greatest part of his time in the pro-\\nvJnce the records are not carried out of the Eastern\\ndivision, unless it be tiiose which Thomas Gordon\\nhas imbezzled but those that came to the hands of\\nMr. Sonmans are kept at Am boy, where any body\\nmay have recourse to them that will desire it, at any\\nreasonable hour and the country is not under any\\ndisappointment upon that account besides the records\\nof the Eastern division were put into the hands of the\\nproprietors agent, by an order from England, upon a\\ncomplaint made in England, that the records were\\nnot in the hands of the proprietors agents.\\nThese, governor, are some of the grievances.\\nThis is certainly one of the boldest assertions that\\never was made, especially wlien there appears no man-\\nner of proof to make it out When I read these two\\nclauses for there are two before you come to enume-\\nrate these grievances of an higher nature, and attend-\\ned with worse consequences, I expected to have found\\nmyself, or some other persons intrusted with me in\\nthe administration of the government over her ma-\\njesty s sul)jectri in this province, not only accused, but\\nmade plainly appear, by undeniable manifest proofs,\\nbeyond the possibility of a contradiction, to be guilty of\\nthe most enormous crimes: Who can imagine when\\nsuch a body of men, as the representatives of a pro-\\nvince, venture to say, that they did expect when the\\ngovernment of the Jersies was surrendered, to feel the\\ninfluences of the queen s mild government under her\\nmore immediate administration, and to be protected\\nin the full enjoyment of their liberties and ])roperties\\nthe last of which they thought themselv^es a little more\\nsecure in, than some of the neighbouring plantations,\\nand had an entire dependance that her majesty s royal\\nbounty and goodness would never be wanting to make\\nthem easy and haj)py, even beyond their wishes it is\\ntheir misibrtune, that they must say, the success has\\nnot answered the expectation and the queen s sub-\\njects here have felt the reverse of what they had most\\nreason", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J K R 8 E Y 305\\nreason to hope that the Q;reatost and best of princes\\nis without all peradventure ioiiorant of their pres-\\nsures, or they had long since had relief; she is too\\ng-ood to continue even the deserved sufferings of the\\nmiserable, and has more of heaven in her, than not\\nto hear the cries of those that groan under oppression\\nand the unkind effects of mistaken ])()wer, to whom\\nthey owe their misery; who would not, I say, after\\nsuch assertions, ex])ect to see the governor proved\\nguilty either of treason, or betraying the trust re-\\nposed in him by the queen, by dejjriving the subjects\\nof their lives, their estates or properties, or at least\\ndenying them justice, and perverting the laws, to the\\noppression, instead of admini-^tring thcni for the ])ro-\\ntection and ])reservation of the people coiiunitted to\\nhis charge? These or the like crimes manifestly proved,\\nare the only things that vnu justify men in the accus-\\ning a governor of corrupt practice, and of shaking\\nthe liberties and properties of the ])eople; but if\\nnone of these things can be proved, but on the con-\\ntrary, it does aj)pear plainly, that no one act of stn e-\\nrity, much less of injustice or opj)ression, has been\\ndone since the government of this province came un-\\nder the queen, but that there has been an imj)artial,\\njust and equal administration of justice obseived thro*\\nout the whole course of my government, and that\\nmany acts of mercy have been extended to persons\\n\\\\vho deserved to be severely punished then what sort\\nof creatures must these bold accusers a])pear to be, in\\nthe eyes of all impartial and judicious men That\\nthese are truths beyond all contradiction, and whicli\\nall the ])eople of this j)rovince know, I do challenge\\nyou, and every one of you, to prove the contrary\\nAnd tlio I know very well, that there are several\\nunquiet spirits in the province, who will never be\\ncontent to live quiet under any government but their\\nown, and not long under that neither, as appears by\\ntheir methods of proceeding when the government\\nwas in the hands of the proprietors when many of\\nthese very men who are now the remonstrancers, were\\nU in", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "306\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nin authority, and used the most arbitrary and illegal\\nmethods of proceeding over their fellow subjects\\nthat were ever licard of; yet I am satisfied, there are\\nvery few men in the province, except Samuel Jen-\\nings and Lewis Morris, men known neither to have\\ngood principles, nor good morals, who have ventur-\\ned to accuse a governor of such crimes, without any\\nproof to make out their accusation but thcv are ca-\\npa])le of any thing but good.\\nBat that the unreasonableness of these complaints\\nmay appear the plainer, let us consider what these\\nenormities of mine are, that have turn d the benign\\ninfluences of the queen s mild governmeut into op-\\npression, and the unkind eifect of mistaken power:\\nFirst, by the instructions her most sacred majesty the\\nqueen has honoured me with, I am to allow all such\\nagents as the general proprietors shall ap])oint, such\\nagents qualifying themselves by taking such oaths as\\nthe queen is pleased to direct, and no others no per-\\nsons under the name of a council of propriet(jrs have\\never tendered themselves to take those oaths, conse-\\nquently they are not capable of acting as agents\\nBesides, I say, those people who call themselves a\\ncouncil of proprietors, are a parcel of people, pre-\\ntending to act by a power derived from certain per-\\nsons, who have no power to grant; the governor has\\ntherefore done in this case nothing but his duty, in\\nhindering, as far as in him lay, that pretended coun-\\ncil of proprietors from acting illegally, which they\\nhave long done to the prejudice of her majesty s sub-\\njects: This is a truth I cannot doubt of, because be-\\nsides the other reasons I have to satisfy me in that\\npoint, you have voted my putting the records of the\\neastern division into the hands of Peter Sonmans, to\\nbe a grievance; tho Mr. Sonmans has qualified him-\\nself long ago so that the council of proprietors not\\nhaving qualified themselves at all, is a much greater\\ngrievance. By the queen s instructions to me, she\\nis pleased to direct, that no person shall be capable of\\nbeing elected a representative by the freeholders of\\neither", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 307\\n^either divi.^ion, or afterwards sitting; in general assein- A. D.\\nbly, who shall not have one thousand acres of land,\\nof an estate of freehold in his own right, within the\\ndivision for which he shall be chosen two gentlemen\\nof the council informed me, that three persons,\\nwhose names they then mentioned, were not qualified\\nU])on which I refused to take their attestations (for\\ntliey were all Quakers) and in so doing, I did my\\nduty I recommended it to the assembly at that time\\nto jjrocecd in the first )\u00c2\u00bblace, to enquire into tliat matter;\\nbut they did not think Ht to do it, till they had sat\\nabout three weeks, and then they sent me a message,\\nto desire those three members might be sworn, for\\nthey were satisfied they were qualified I sent them\\nword, that if they would communicate to me the\\nproofs which had satisfied them, I should be ready to\\nadmit them but that they would not do In some few\\ndays the assembly was adjourned to meet at Burliug-\\nton, where they met at the time appointed, and sent\\nme the same message as they had done before I sent\\nthem the same answer Uj)on which they ordered the\\nthroe members to j)rodnce to me the proofs of their\\nquidifications which liaving done, 1 admitted them\\nimme(Uately, which I could not do before, without\\nbreaking the queen s instructions so that it was en-\\ntirely through their own stubborness that they were\\nnot admitted sooner, and no intent or desire of mine to\\nkeep them out If I iiad had a mind to keej) any mem-\\nbers out of the house, I could have made objections\\nwhich they could never have answered but such\\nj)ra:;tices are below me and it is not true, that I have\\nma le any violation of the liberties of the peo|)le, nor\\nhave assumed to myself a negative voice to the free-\\nholdi rs election of rcjiresentatives, as this house of\\nre|)resentatives has hitely most notoriously done But\\nof that mort! anon.\\nIndeed the treatment I have met \\\\vith from this\\nhouse of representatives, is far diii erent from what I\\nand all reasonable men expected from most of them,\\nthinking them endowed with reason and common\\njustice", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "308\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\njustice to mankind but it is not different from what I\\nexpected from Samuel Jenings and Lewis Morris,,\\ntwo men notoriously known always to have been\\ndisturbers of the quiet and peace of this province,\\nmen always possessed with passionate heats, and th\\ntransports of most vindictive tempers, but never\\ncapable of such serious resentments as would become\\na house of rc])resentatives, if there were any occasion\\ngiven them to shew any how they have been able to\\nprevail with the major part of the house to join with,\\nthem, in destroying as far as in them lay, the reputa-\\ntion of a gentleman who has the honour to serve the\\nqueen as governor of this province, and is so far\\nfrom deserving such treatment from them, that he\\nhas always done to the utmost of his power, for the\\ngood, welfare and prosj)erity of this province and\\npeople, and would have done much more if the\\nassembly would have put it into his power, by pre-\\nparing such bills as the governor at the begiujiing of\\nevery sessions has recommended to them, and the\\ncondition of the country recpiired but that they mnsfc\\nanswer for to God and their own consciences, and\\nperhaps one day to me.\\nWhether many considerable sums of money have\\nbeen raised or not, I know not and if they were\\nraised, for what intent and purpose they were raised I\\nknow not but this I know, that if any money was-\\nraised, it was not given to me, nor was ever any mo-\\nney otfered to me to procure the dissolution of the-\\nfirst assembly, or to get clear of the proprietors quit\\nrejits, or to obtain such offtcers as the contributors^\\nshould apj)rove of, as is falsly alledged The reason*\\nwhy I dissolved the first assemby were evident to all\\nmankind for it was jjlain that house never intended\\nto do any thing for the sup])ort of the queen s govern-\\nment, nor for the good of the country and indeed\\nbetter could not be expected from an assembly so cor-\\nruptly chosen as that was for some of the now\\nremonstrancers, and some other people, prevailed\\nwith Thomas Gordon, then sheriff of the county of\\nMiddlesex,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "0 F N K W J E R S E Y 309\\nMiddlesex, to refuse a poll when demanded and A. D.\\nwhen the people, injured by that practice, complained\\nto the house of representatives, they had a day\\nassigned them to he heard, but were limited to bring\\nbut twenty witnesses the ])eo|)le attended at the dav\\na] j)ointed, with the number of witnesses they were\\nallowed to bring, but were then by the house refused\\nto be heard, not only by themselves but by their\\ncouncil, and their witnesses refused to be examined;\\ntho at the same time they heard Thomas Gordon,\\nwho Avas com])lained against, and did examine some\\nwitnesses on his behalf; upon which the ])etition of\\nthe comj)lainants was dismist, thereby supporting the\\nillegal proceedings of the sheriff; this was a viola-\\nlation of the rights of the ])eople with a vengance,\\nand a sufficient reason, (if I had no other) for the\\ndissolving that assembly, that the people might once\\nmore have a free choice of thciir nipresentatives A.s\\nfor getting clear of the proprietors quit rents, it is\\nsuch an absurdity to mention, that no body would be\\n^guilty of it but Samuel Jenings and Lewis Morris;\\nfor it is evident, that at the beginning of every sessions\\n1 have recommended it to the assembly, to prepare a\\nBill or Bills, for settling the rights of the proprietors;\\nwhicli I suppose will be a full answer to that part;\\nand as I know of no such men as contributors, so\\ncan I have no such a))|)lication made to me I have\\nnot knowingly put any mean or mercenary men into\\noffice indeed at my first coming into the\\ngovernment of this province, I desired the gentle-\\nmen of the council, to recommend persons to me fit\\nto be put into offices, military and civil several of\\nthem gave me lists, and amongst the rest nir. Lewis\\nMorris gave me one, which I have still by me, in\\nwhich indeed, by experience, I find there are some\\nmean, scandalous men but I cannot accuse any body\\nelse of doing the like. Thus much I thought my-\\nself obliged to say, in answer to your remonstrance,\\nto satisfy the world of the falshood of your allegations\\nand the unreasonableness of your complains. I have\\nsaid", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "SIO\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1707.\\nsaid the less in answer to the scandalous reflections you\\nhave cast upon me, because I do not doubt, but upon\\nmy most humble a})plication to her most sacred ma-\\njesty the queen, she will be graciously pleased to\\nallow me to take such measures as may be most proper\\nto procure me ample satisfaction, for the great and\\nextravagant injuries you have done me As for the\\nadvice you conclude with, I shall only say, that I\\ncan never answer the taking advice from men Avho\\ndo not know how to govern themselves, and who\\nhave always opposed the service of the queen, and\\nthe interest and good of the country, which are\\ninseparable.\\nNow, gentlemen, I shall take notice to you of some\\nof your late unaccountable proceedings ia this assem-\\nbly, which I can t pass by without a breach of the\\ntrust reposed in me by her majesty and first, I shall\\nobserve, that at the o])ening of the sessions, I recom-\\nmended to you the settling a revenue, and the preparing\\nseveral bills \\\\\\\\4iich I thought might be useful for the\\ncountry and I told you, that if you found any thing\\nelse necessary to be provided for by a law, you should\\nalways find me ready to agree to any thing that might\\nbe reasonable but instead of proceeding upon those\\nthings so necessary, that they ought to have employed\\nyour first thoughts, you have squandered away your\\ntime in hawking after imaginary grievances, for the\\nspace of one whole month, without making one step\\ntowards the service of the queen, or the country\\nyou have presumed to take the queen s subjects into\\nthe custody of the serjeant at arms, who are not\\nmembers of your house which you can t lawfully do\\nand is a notorious violation of the liberties of the\\npeople you have taken upon you, to administer an\\noath to one of your members, and have expelled him\\nthe house for refusing to take an oath, which you\\ncould not legally administer to him This is most\\ncertainly robbing that member of his property, and\\na most notorious assuming to yourselves a negative\\nvoice to the freeholders election of their representa-\\ntives", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 311\\ntives for which there can be no precedent found A. D.\\nYou hav^e arbitrarily taken upon you, to command\\ntlie high sheriff of this county, to discharge a prisoner\\nwho \\\\vas in his custody, at the suit of one of the\\nqueen s subjects and he has been weak enough to do\\nit, for which he lies liable to be sued for an escape,\\nwhenever the gentleman thinks fit to do it; and from\\nwhich you can t protect him This is a notorious\\nviolation of the rights of the subjects, and a manifest\\ninterruption of justice: You have taken upon you, to\\nappoint one of your members to act as clerk of the\\ncommittee of the whole house, which you have no\\npower to do and the party officiating is liable to be\\nprosecuted for acting witliout lawful authority, and\\nwithout being qualified to act. These, gentlemen,\\nare some of the irregularities you have been guilty of\\nthis sessions; some of them are encroachments upon\\nthe queen s prerogative, the rest are all notorious\\ninfractions upon the liberties and properties of the\\npeople.\\nI was going to conclude, with giving you some\\nwholesome advice; but I consider that will be but\\nlabour lost, and therefore shall reserve it for persons\\nwho I hope will make a right use of it.\\nCHAP. XVII.\\nThe assembly s reply to Lord Cornbury s answer to their\\nretnonstranee.\\nTHE assembly did not immediately go upon the con- Fanco-\\nsideration of a reply, having before them the trea-\\nsurer, Peter Fauconier s accounts, in which they found\\nmany articles extraordinary in their nature, several of\\nthem being paid by Cornbury s order barely, and the\\nwhole without vouchers they sent for him he attend-\\ning, refused to lay his vouchers before them without the\\ngovernor s commands two members were sent to the\\ngovernor\\ncounts.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "312 The HI8TOKY\\nA. D. governor, to desire hi in to order the treasurer to lay the\\nvouchers of his accounts, and the orders for the pay-\\nment of the sums therein mentioned before them the\\ngovernor said, he had already ordered it, though it was\\nwhat he could not legally do, because the lord high\\ntreasurer had appointed an auditor general for the pro-\\nvince, and he not being in it, had deputed one to audit\\nthe accounts, and that the treasurer was accountable\\nonly to the lord high treasurer; but if the house was\\ndissatisfied with any articles in the accounts, and\\nthought ])ro})er to apply to him, he would satisfy\\nthem: This was not done; and the ac^counts, extraor-\\ndinary as they were, remained unsettled till Hunter s\\nadministration several years after. Several bills of con-\\nsequence were now also under consideration but Corn-\\nbury, apprehensive, that if he suflei-ed the sessions to\\ncontinue nuich longer, it would produce something not\\nto his advantage, on the IGth adjourn d the house till\\nthe next September, to meet him at Amboy. In the\\nOctober following they met accordingly The first\\nthing now concluded on, was a reply to the foregoing\\nanswer to their remonstrance next place, they resolved\\nN. C. D. that they would raise no money till the\\ngovernor consented to redress the grievances of the\\ncountry; which if he did, they would raise 1500,\\nfor support of government for one year.\\nOn the 28th, the house sent a committee to acquaint\\nthe governor, that having seen his answer to their\\nremonstrance in print, they thought fit to make a\\nreply to it, and desired to know when he would admit\\nthem to wait on him with it; the governor said, he\\nwould return an answer in due time they waited for\\nhis message till next day, and then concluding he in-\\ntended to elude giving them oj)portunity of presenting\\nit, sent ;i committee with it, but he would not receive\\nit;", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R 8 E Y 313\\nit :P- upon wiiicli they ordered it to he entered in their A, D.\\n1707.\\njournal, as tbllows:\\nMay it please your excelleney,\\n^E, the representatives of this lier majesty s pro-\\nvince of New- Jersey, finding her majesty s subjects\\ngreat! V, antl as we are very well satisfied with good rea-\\nson, aggrieved; thought we could iKtt answer the trust\\nreposed in us by our country, shoidd we not endea-\\nvour to get those hardships removed under which they\\nlabour.\\nIt was needless to. hunt after imaginary grievances,\\nreal ones in too great numbers presenting themselves;\\nand though from you we have miss d of obtaining\\nthat relief th;tt the justice of our complaints intituled\\nus to vel we do not dispair of being heard by her\\nsacred majesty, at whose royal feet we shtdl in the\\nhumblest manner lay an account of (\u00c2\u00bbur sufferings;\\nand however contemptible we are, or arc endeavoured\\nto be made appear, we are persuaded her majesty will\\nconsider us as the representatives of the i)rovince of\\nNew-Jersey, who must better hn\u00c2\u00bbnv, what are the\\ngrievances of the country they represent, than a go-\\nvernor can do, who regularly ought to receive infor-\\nmations of that kind fniin them and we do not\\ndoubt that glorious (pieeu will make her subjects\\nhere as easy and hapjn- as she can.\\nWhen we told your excellency, we liad reason to\\nthink some of our sufferings were very much owing\\nto your excellency s long absence from this province,\\nwhich rendered it very difficult to ap])ly to your lord-\\nship in some cases that might need a present help, we\\nspoke truth and notwithstaudinii- all vour excellencv\\nhas\\np. Their messajie to introduce it he received, and the next d ly\\nlaid it before tiie council, as ii)ih)\\\\vs: The liouse of repre-^eniatives\\nhaving sent a inessaj;e to your excellency, to know when your\\nexcellency would be waited upon with a reply this house has\\nmade to your excellency s answt-r to the r remonstrance and your\\nexcellency haviufj not, as is usual in sucli Cases, assigned them any\\ntime, they have appointed us to wait on your excellency with the\\nsaid reply, and to delirer it ta you.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "314\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nhas said of a months or twelve weeks in a year, and\\nthe weekly going of a post we cannot be per-\\nswaded to believe, that nine months and upwards in a\\nyear, is not a long absence, especially when the seal\\nof the province is carried and kept out of the govern-\\nment all that time and the honourable colonel\\nIngoldsby, the lieutenant governor, so far from\\ndoing right, that he declined doing any act of\\ngovernment at all whether he governs himself by\\nyour excellency s directions or not, we cannot tell but\\nsure we are, that this province being as it were with-\\nout government for above nine months in a year, we\\nmust still think it a great grievance, and not made less\\nso by carrying the seal of the province to New- York,\\nand laying her majesty s subjects under a necessity of\\napplying from the remotest j)art of this province, for\\nthree parts of the year and better, to your excellency\\nat fort Ann, in New- York, from which place most\\nof the commissions and patents granted during your\\nexcellency s absence, are dated, (by what authority\\nwe shall not enquire) notwithstanding a lieutenant\\ngovernor resides in the province, and is by her ma-\\njesty s commission impowered to execute the queen ^s\\nletters patents, and the powers therein contained,\\nduring your excellency s absence from this province\\nof New-Jersey without which powers given and\\nduly executed, a lieutenant governor is useless and an\\nunnecessary charge and we cannot think, that her\\nsacred majesty, who honoured that gentleman with so\\ngreat a mark of her royal favour, as giving him a\\ncommission for lieutenant governor of New-Jersey,\\ndid at the same time inhibit him from executing the\\npowers therein exprest.\\nThings are sometimes best illustrated by their\\ncontraries and perhaps the most etiectual way to\\nconvince the world, that this complaint is frivolous\\nand untrue, as by your excellency alledged, would\\nbe, for your excellency to bring the seal of the pro-\\nvinee of New- York to Burlington, keep it there,\\nand do all the acts of government relating to the pro-\\nvince", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 311\\nvince of New- York, at Burlington, in New-Jersey, A. D.\\nfor about three fourtlis of a year, and let the lieute- 07.\\nnant governor reside at New- York during that time,\\nwitliout doing any act of government, adjourn their\\nassemblies on the very day, or day before they are to\\nmeet, that tliey may not lose the advantiige of\\ntravelling to New- York, from the remotest part of\\nthat province, and at a time when it cannot be done\\nwithout the utmost prejudice to their atiairs it s\\nhai dly jirobable they would be pleased under such an\\nadministration, notwithstanding the case of inform-\\ning your excellency every week by the post, of any\\nemergency that might happen.\\nWe are apt to believe, uj)on the credit of your ex-\\ncellency s assertion, that there may be a number of\\npeople in this province who will never be faithful to,\\nor live quietly under any government, nor suffer their\\nneighbours to enjoy any peace, quiet nor happiness,\\nif they c(ui help it; such people are pests in all go-\\nvernments, have ever been so in this, and we know\\nof none who can lay a fairer claim to these characters\\nthan many of your excellency s favorites.\\nWhat malice and revenge were in the prosecutioa\\nof the condenmed pei-sons, we dt n t know we never\\nheard of any till now, and hardly can be persuaded\\nto believe it s possible there should be in both the\\ninstances.\\nIt is not impossible, there might be malice in the\\nprosecution of the Woman who was condemned for\\npoisoning her husband there not being (as is said)\\nplain proof of the fact, but it wiis proved she had\\nattempted it before more than once and there were\\nso many other concurring circumstances Jis did induce\\nthe jury, who were of the neighbourhood (and well\\nknew her character) to find her guilty, and it is hardly\\nprobable their so doing was an act of malice.\\nThe woman who murdered her own child, did it\\nin such a manner, and so publickly, that it is unreason-\\nable to suppose there could be any malice in the pro-\\nsecution of her, and we cannot think (notwitlistand-\\ning", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "316\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\ning your exeellencv s assertions) that you can or may\\nbelieve there was. This woman was a prisoner in\\nthe sheriff ^s custody for breach of the peace, and\\ngoing about some of the household affairs the sheriff\\nemployed her in, with a knife in her hand, her child\\nwho was something froward, followed her crying;\\nupon which the mother turned back to it and cut it s\\nthroat but not having cut it deep enough, the child\\nstill followed her all bloody, and crying, mother\\nyou have hurt me the mother turned back a second\\ntime, and cut it effectually, and then took it up and\\ncarried it to the sheriff or his wife, at wliose feet she\\nlaid it: How far such a wretch is entitled to the queen s\\nfavour, her majesty can best tell, when she is made\\nacquainted with the fact but sure we are, she never\\ngave your excellency the power of pardoning wilful\\nmurder Whether your excellency has or has not re-\\nprieved them, you best know, and are only accounta-\\nble to her majesty for your procedures therein tho\\nwe have too much reason to believe, the favourable\\nopinion your excellency has so publickly expressed of\\nher, has been a great reason to induce her to make\\nher escape, which she has done. We thought it our\\nduty, humbly to represent that matter to your excel-\\nlency s consideration, and had reason to be apprehen-\\nsive of the judgments of almighty God, whose infi-\\nnite mercy ha.s hitherto suspended the execution of\\nhis justice, notwithstanding that great provocations\\nhave been given him, by impiety, prophaneness and\\ndebauchery, under the mask of a pretended zeal for\\nhis glory, and love for his church It is not our busi-\\nness to enter into religious controversies we leave\\nthem to divines, who ought best to understand things\\nof that nature, and who may perhaps inform us what\\nis meant by denying the very essence of the saviour of\\nthe world.\\nWe cannot yet be persuaded, that an innocent\\nperson should pay fees what the practice in England\\nis, we did never enquire, but believe, that persons\\nacquitted by a grand jury, do not pay those extra va-\\ngant", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 317\\ngant fees they are made to pay here; we did not\\ngovern oiu selves by the practice there, but the unrca-\\nson;ibleiiess of the thing; and your excellency docs\\ngrant, that what we say is in some measure to be\\nallowed, were the juries in this country such as they\\nought to be we hope they are, and our experience hasj\\nnot convinced ns, that persons who under pretence\\nof conscience refuse an oath, have yet no regard for\\nthe oaths they take, as your excellency says. The\\ntemi)tations to resentment ])rove often too powerful,\\nand irresistably engage us in unbecoming heats, and\\nwhen the characters of men are written with pens\\ntoo deeply di|)t in gall, it only evinces a want of tem-\\nper in the writer. Our juries here are not so learned\\nor rich as perhaps they are in England but we doubt\\nnot full as honest. We thought the only ottice for\\nprobate of wills was at Burlington l)ut your excel-\\nlency has convinced ns, that it is wherever your\\nexcellency is, and consequ(Mitly may be at York,\\nAlbany, the east end of Long-Island, or in Con-\\nnecticut, or New-England, or any |)lacc more remote\\nshould your excellency s business or inclination call\\nyou there; which is so far from making it less a\\ngrievance, that it rather makes it more so an l not-\\nwithstanding those soft, cool, and considerate terms\\nof malicious, scandalous and frivoloib;, with which\\nyour excellency vouchsafes to treat the assembly of\\nthis i)rovince; they are of opinion, that no judicious\\nor imj)artial men, will think it reasonable^ that the\\ninhabitants of one province should go into anc ther\\nto have their wills proved, and take letters of admi-\\nnistration at Eort Ann, from the governor of New-\\nYork, for what should regularly be done by the\\ngovernor of New-Jersey in Jersey, to which place\\nall the acts of government relating to New-Jersey,\\nare limited by the queen s letters patents under the\\ngreat seal of England and when your excellency is\\nabsent from New-Jersey, to be executed by the lieu-\\ntenant governor; and by the said lettei s patents not\\nthe lea^t colour of authority is given to your excel-\\nlency^", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "318 The HISTORY\\nA. D. lency, to do any act of government relating to\\n1707. i New-Jersey, any where but in Jersey nor is there\\nany instruction (that we know of contradicting the\\nsaid letters patents any where upon record in this\\nprovince, to warrant your excellency s conduct in that\\naffair: If this be not cause, and just cause of com-\\nplaint, we do not know what is we are inclined to\\nbelieve, the province of New- York would think it\\nso, were they to come to Amboy or Burlington, to\\nprove wills, c.\\nWe do not think, that what we desire, is an inva-\\nsion of the queen s right but what her majesty,\\nwithout infringement of her prerogative royal, may\\nassent to and their late majesties of blessed memory,\\ndid, by their governor colonel Fletcher, assent to an\\nact made in New- York, in tlie year 1692, entitled,\\nAn act for the supervising intestates estates, and regu-\\nlating the -probate of wills, and granting letters of\\n^administration; by which the court of common j)leas\\nin the remote counties of that province, were im-\\npowered to take the examination of witnesses to any\\nwill within their respective counties, and certify the\\nsame to the secretary s office; and the judges of the\\nseveral courts in those remote counties, impowered\\nto grant probates of any will, or letters of administra-\\ntion, to any person or persons, where the estate\\ndid not exceed 50 what has been done there may\\nwith as much reason be done here, without sacrificing\\nthe queen s prerogative royal to the humours or\\ncaprices of any person or persons whatsoever.\\nIt is the general assembly of the province of New-\\nJersey, that complains, and not the quakcrs, with\\nwhose persons (considered as quakers) or meetings we\\nhave nothing to do, nor are we concerned in what\\nyour excellency says against them; they ])erhaj)s,\\nwill think themselves obliged to vindicate their meet-\\nings from the aspersions which your excellency so\\nliberally bestows upon them, and evince to the world\\nhow void of rashness and inconsideration your excel\\nlency s expressions are, and how becoming it is for\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 319\\nthe governor of a province to enter the lists of con- A. D.\\ntrove rsy, with a people wiio thought themselves\\nentitled to his protection of them in the enjovment\\nof their religious liberties those of them wiio are\\nmembers of this house, have beo-o-ed leave in behalf\\nof themselves and their friends, to tell the governor,\\nthey must answer him in the words of Neiiemiah to\\nSanballat, contained in the 8th verse of the 6th\\nchapter of- Neherniah, viz. There is no such thing\\ndone as thou say est, but thou feignest them oat of thine\\nown heart.\\nWe are so well assured the fiict is true, that the\\nsecretary s office is kept at Burlington only, that we\\nstill are of opinion it is a grievance, for the reasons\\nwe have assigned the proprietors records has not any\\nthing to do with the secretary s office, but is an office\\nwholly belonging to the proprietors, and altogether\\nat their disposal and is not a secretary s office kept at\\nAmboy, either as far as the nature of the thing re-\\nquires or can admit of, or any wav at all.\\nAnd as the assemblies and courts sit alternately\\nat Amboy and Burlington, so it is highly reasonable\\nthe secretary s office sJiould be kept alternately also\\nat both these places, or by deputy in ond of them,\\nand may be very well done without making two secre-\\ntaries.\\nBoth this and the rest of our complaints, are not\\nwith design to amuse the people, bur are just and\\nreasonable; and we believe, will by the i)eople be\\nthought to be grievances till they are redressed who\\ncan no more think it reasonable, that all the inhabi-\\ntants of the eastern division should come to the office\\nat Burlington, than that all of the western division\\nshoulil go to Ambov.\\nWe are still of opinion, the grant we complain of\\nis against the statute we mentioned, because it is ex-\\nelusive of others, and to the prejuclice of the publick.\\nIt can never be thought reasonable to prohii)it any\\nbody to cart their own goods, or anv bodv s else, as\\nby virtue of that grant ha^ been done and not only in\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "320\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nthe road from Amboy to Burlington, but in the road\\nfrom Shrewsbury and a ])atent may as well be\\ngranted to keep horses to hire, by which a man may\\nbe hind red to ride his own: It is destructive to the\\ncommon rights of men, and a great grievance, and\\nwe had reason to endeavour to get it redressed.\\nIt s true, a certain convenience for transportation of\\ngoods, is no doubt of great use, and the profit that\\naccrues by such undertakings, is the motive that in-\\nduces any persons to be at tlie charge of them, and\\nproviding fit carriages for that end, and of ascer-\\ntaining the times and prices of carrying and the more\\nproviders of such carriages, the more certain and\\ncheap the trans|)ortatioii, and freest from imposition\\nand conse({uently the fewer carriages, the less certain\\nand dearer, and the persons under a necessity of using\\nthem more subject to be imposed upon by the carrier\\nnow whether granting by which others are excluded,\\nwaving the unlawfulness of it, be a means to increase\\nthe number of the undertakers in that kind, or to\\nlessen them, and confine those who have any occasion\\nto transport goods, to give such price as he that has\\nthe patent thinks fit to impose, we leave to all men\\nof comnton sense to judge; and if experience may\\nbe admitted to determine that matter, it is plain that\\ntransportation of goods, both by land and water, is\\ndearer than it was before the granting of that patent:\\nIt s true, the certainty was not so great as now; for\\nnow we are certain that a man cannot with his own\\ncarts cari-y his own goods, but that if he does they\\nwill be seized and if that be one of the conveniences\\nwhich the wise people in Euro])e think of absolute\\nnecessity, we shall think it no irony to be called wiser,\\nin fliffering from them, and calling them monopolies\\nas they are, and prejudicial to trade, and especially\\nthat between York and Amboy, Burlington and\\nPhiladelphia; which did not owe it s beginning to\\nyour excellency s patent, but was begun long before\\nyour excellen(!y had any thing to do with New-Jersey,\\nand in all probability had much more increased were\\nit", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "O F X E W J E R H Y 321\\nit not for that patent; and we believe whenever the ,1^^*\\ngentlemen of the law will ii^ive yonr excellency their\\ntrue opinion of it, you will not be long in doubt\\nwhether tis a monopoly or not We thought it a\\nmonopoly, as we do still, and a griev^ance, as is also\\nboth that and other grants made by your excellency\\nat fort Ann in Mew-York; f i r any tiling in Jersey.\\nYour excellency has neither by birth nor acquisi-\\ntion, a right to the sovereignty of Xcw-Jorsey nor\\nhave you any ])ower of governing the C|ueen s subjects\\nhere, but what her majesty is pleased to grant you by\\nher letters ])atents, under the great of England by\\nwhich letters patents the powers therein contained, are\\nlimited to that country, which was formerly granted l)y\\nking Charles the secontl, under the name of Nova C:e-\\nsaria or Xew-Jcrsey, and which has since been suIkU-\\nvidcd by the proprietors, and called East New-Jersey,\\nand West New-Jersey, and which her majesty is pleased\\nto reunite under one entire government, viz. The\\ndivisions of East and West Ncw-Jcrscy, in America\\nand in case of your excellency s death, or absence from\\nthat country, which was subdividctl by the |)roprie-\\ntors, and cidlcd East New-Jersey and West Xew-\\nJersey, the powers of government are lodged in\\nother hands. Now either fort Ann and the city\\nof New- York, is in that country granted by king\\nCharles the second, and sub-divided by the j)ro|)rie-\\ntors thereof, and called East New-Jersey and West\\nNew-Jersey; or your excellency is absent from New-\\nJersey, when yon are at fort Ann in New-York that\\nfort Ann is in New-Jersey, we believe, that even your\\nexcellency will think impracticable to persuade us to\\ndo so much violence to our reason as to believe;\\ntherefore your excellency when at fort Ann, or any\\nwhere in New- York, is absent from New-Jersey\\nand what the consequence is we need not say, thinking\\nthe pretence of a power to do acts of government\\nrelating to New-Jersey, at fort Ann, in New-York,\\nto be so manifestly absurd, as to need nothing further\\nto be said against it.\\nX There", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "S22\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nThere is nothins: more coinmon in the statutes\\nthan the establisliing fees, and we are of opinion\\nthat all fees hav^e been established by act of parlia-\\nment; and indeed it seems to us unreasonable they\\nshould be established by any other authority; for if\\na governor, either with or without his council, can\\nappoint what sums of money shall be paid for fees,\\nhe may mai e them large enough to defray the charge\\nof government, without the formality of an act of\\nassembly, to raise a revenue for the necessary support\\nof the same and if it does not come up to the taxing\\nof the queen s subjects, without their consents iu\\nassembly, we are to seek what does.\\nWe cannot think the clause of your excellency s\\ninstructions, which we have recited, to be so foreign\\nto the matter of fees, as your excellency says it is;\\nfor the enforcing the payment of fees by any autho-\\nrity but that of the assembly s, is taking away a\\nman s goods otherwise than by established or known\\nlaws, except the act of a governor and council be a\\nlaw, which we think is not, nor never intended by\\nthe queen it should nor do we think, by the instruc-\\ntions your excellency mentions, you are to establish\\nfees; but only to regulate those already appointed,\\nand to take care that no exaction was u ^ed but if it\\ndid, your excellency has convinced the world, that\\nyou do not think yourself bound by the queen s in-\\nstructions, but where the law binds also.\\nAs in the case of Ormston, where nothing could\\nbe more positive than her majesty s directions yet\\nyour excellency did not think yoiu self ministerial,\\nor by not complying with her majesty s orders, that\\nyou accused the best of queens, with commanding\\nher governor to do a thing which was not warranted\\nby law; nor never enquired, whether the refusing\\nobedience to her commands, was a fit return for the\\nmany favours she had bestowed upon you; but go-\\nvern d yourself in that singular instance as near as\\nyou could l)y the law. The seventh clause was not\\nput in to arraign the queen s express commands to\\nyour", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R 8 i: Y 323\\nyonr o-xcollencv but to complain of the trreat hard- ^i^\\nships her majesty s subjects lay under, by your excel-\\nlency s putting the records there mentioned, into the\\nhands of Peter Sonmans, who is not the jiroprietor s\\nrecorder, nor had no express command from the\\nqueen to put the books into his hands and may in\\npart answer the challentre made by 3^our excellency in\\nthe last ])art of the next foregoing clause for your\\nexcellency had commanded the said records to be put\\ninto the hands of Mr. Bass, the queen s secretary\\nup which, application was made to her majesty,\\nwho was j)leascd to give an order in favour of the\\npr( prietors and without all peradventure, it was\\nintended they should be in the hands of the proprie-\\ntor s recorder, which Mr. Thomas Gordon was at\\nthat time, and regularly is still, being constituted by\\nthe majority of the proprietors in the eastern division,\\nand by your excellency sworn mr. John Barclay was\\nalso by your excellency sworn, and a jiroclamation\\nissued in his favour; siuce which Mr. Peter Homnans\\narrived iirom England, and u|)on application to your\\nexcellency, was by your excellency, admitted receiver\\ngeneral of the quit rents, and the proprietors records\\nby your excellency put into his hands whii-h, with\\nsubmission, we think could not be done regularly by\\nyour excellency: For in the first place, they were\\nconstituted by the majority of the proprietors, whose\\nservants they were, and to whom they were account-\\nable, and to none else.\\n2. These places were the properties of ]Mr. Tho-\\nmas Gordon and Mr. John Jjanlay and to de[)rivc\\nthein of them, without due course of law, is what\\nyour excellency has no authority to do, nor can have.\\n3. Whether they were made by the greater or\\nlesser part of the proprietors, your excellency was no\\nways concerned, nor had any right of determining\\nin the favour of either one or other, the law beiuir\\nopen to any who thought themselves aggrieved.\\n4. Those books and records were the properties of\\nMhe general proprietors; and if your excellency can\\ndispossess", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "324\\nT H E HIS T O K Y\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\ndispossess any proprietor of tliera (for Thomas Gordon\\nwas a proprietor) and put them into the hands of\\nanother, you may by the same rule dispossess any-\\none of their goods, and give them to wiio you think\\nfit, and any proprietor of their property, and give\\nit to which of the proprietors you think fit, as is\\nactually done by your excellency in the case of Son-\\nmans and was attempted witli the same violence in\\nfavour of Mr. Bass It will not be a sufficient answer\\nto this, to say, Sonmans was proprietor s agent\\nwhich whether he was or was not, your excellency\\nhad no right to determine to any other purpose but\\nadministering an oath to him, after which he was of\\ncourse to be allowed and so ought as many agents\\nas the proprietors made, who were not accountable\\nto your excellency for any procedures in the proprie-\\ntors affairs, that were not unlawful.\\n5. Sonmans neither had, nor pretended to have, at\\nthat time (whatever he has done since) any right or\\ncolour of right, to be the proprietors recorder, not\\nany mention l)eing made of it in that very lame\\ncommission he had and were he to have the top of\\nhis pretences, it would but to be deputy to a person in\\nEngland and whether he has a right or not, is a great\\nquestion, and regularly only determinable at the\\ncommon law but your excellency s shorter method\\nof procedure saves disj)utes of that kind If this be\\nacting according to established and known laws, not\\nrepugnant to, but as agreeable as may be, to the\\nlaws of England if this be administering those laws\\nfor the jircservation and protection of the people,\\nwe would be very gladly informed, M hat perverting\\nof them can be as to the matter of fact, we aver it\\nto be truth, that Mr. Sonmans did not reside in the\\nprovince, had not giv^en security for the keeping of\\nthose records, as by the queen is positively directed,\\nthey were carried out of the Eastern division, and were\\nproduced at the supreme court at Burlington at the\\ntime of our complaint.\\nThose", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "Of X E J E II S E Y\\n325\\nThose things, and that gentleman s character, are\\nso well known, that it is needless to oifer any thing\\nelse in justification of that reasonable request we made,\\nthat they might be so kept as her majesty s subjects\\nmight have recourse to them, and in the hands of\\nsuch of whose fidelity there is no reason to doubt.\\nThese, may it please your excellency, were the\\ngrievances we complained of; and they were but a\\nsmall number of many we could with equal justice\\nremonstrate and which, notwithstanding those soft,\\ncool, and considerate terms of false, scandalous,\\nand malicious, and other bitter invectives which your\\nexcellency so often uses to the re|)resentative body of\\na country we are still of opinion, they are not imagi-\\nnary, but real grievances, not false, but God knows\\ntoo true and which it was our duty, in discharge of\\nthe trust reposed in us, to get redress d.\\nOur sad experience has convinced us, that our\\nendeavours have not met with a success answcral)le to\\nwhat might reasonably be our ex|)ectations, and that\\ninstead of redressing the grievances of the country,\\ntheir number is encreased:: Before we enumerated\\nthose grievances of an higher nature, and attended\\nwith worse consequences, we first said, the treatment\\nthe people of New-Jersey luid received, was very\\ndifferent from wliat they had reason to expect under\\nthe government of a queen deservedly famous for her\\njust, equal and mild administration that the hard-\\nships they endured, were not owing to her majesty,\\nwho they were well assured, would by no means, make\\nany of her subjects miserable, nor continue their mis-\\nfortunes Avere she ac |uainted with them, and in her\\npower to give them relief; but that the oppressions\\nthey groaned under, were the uid ind effects of mis-\\ntaken power; and what these effects were, and who\\nthe cause of them, we proceeded to shew and if the\\ninstances we there give, be true, it will then appear to\\nthe world, that the expressions we have used, are the\\nsoftest could be chosen, and very far short of what\\nthe nature of the thing could bear, and that these\\nbold\\nA. D.\\n1707.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "326\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nbold accusers are a sort of creatures called honest men,\\n^just to the trust reposed in them by the country, who\\nwill not suffer their liberties and properties to be torn\\nfrom them by any man, ho^v great soever, if they\\ncan hinder it.\\nAnd that the reasonableness of our complaints may\\nappear the plainer, we shall consider what your cxcel-\\nlency has said in answer, and leave it to our superiors,\\nand to all just and imjxirtial men, whether we are not\\na people the most abased of any of her majesty s\\nsubjects.\\nAs to the first instance, your excellency does acknow-\\nledge the fact to be true, and offers the following\\nreasons to justify your conduct to the council of |)ro-\\nprictors The first is, that by her majesty s directions\\nyou are to allow of all such Jigents as the general pro-\\nprietors shall appoint, such agents qualifying them-\\nselves by taking such oaths as the queen is pleased to\\ndirect, and no other; that no persons under the name\\nof a council of j)roprietors, have ever tendered them-\\nselves to take such oaths; consequently they are not\\ncajmble of acting as agents.\\n2. That the council of proprietors are a people\\npretending to act by a power derived from certain\\npersons wdio have no power to grant, and that this a\\ntruth, viz. that they are a people pretending to act\\nby a power derived from certain persons, who had\\nno power to grant, your excellency is satisfied; besides\\nother reasons, by this in particular, that the assembly\\nhave voted to put the records into the hands of Peter\\nSonmans, to be a grievance wliereas their not quali-\\nfying themselves is a greater grievance. To set this\\nmatter in a true light, it will not be improper to pro-\\nduce the words of the instructions which are as\\nfollows: You are to permit the surveyors and other\\npersons appointed by the Aforementioned genera,!\\nproprietors of the soil of that province, for surveying\\nand recording the surveys of lands granted by and\\nheld of them, to execute accordingly their respective\\ntrusts And you ai^e likewise to permit, and if need\\nbe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 327\\nbe, to aid and assist such other at :eiit or ao-euts, as A. T).\\nshall be appointed by the said j)roprietors for that end,\\nto coUeet and receive the quit rents, which are or shall\\nbe due unto thein, from the particular possessor of\\nany tracts or parcel of land from time to time; pro-\\nvided always, that such surveyors, agents, or other\\nofficers appointed by the said j^eneral proprietors, do\\nnot only take proper oaths for the due execution and\\nperforuiance of their respective offices and employ-\\nments, and give good and sufficient security for\\ntheir so doing; but that they likewise take the oaths\\nappointed by act of parliament to bo taken instead\\nof the oaths of allegiance and supremacy; as also\\nthe test, and subscribe the forementioncd association\\nall which you are accordingly to require of them,\\nand not otherwise to admit any person into any such\\noffice or employment. After the proprietors had\\nsurrendered their power of government, relating to\\ntheir soil, they were under a necessity of employing\\npersons, to survey and record the surveys of lands\\ngranted by and held of them and in the EiLsteni\\ndivision, several quit rents being due to them, there\\nwas a necessity of having one or more agents to col-\\nMeet and receive those rents; which persons (because\\nthe crown intended, that the pro|)rietors by the surren-\\nder of their government, .should by no means be inse-\\ncure in their properties) your excellency was directed\\nnot only to permit such officers to be and execute their\\nrespective trusts, but also to aid and assist them, if\\nneed Avere and because such offices were places of\\ntrust, both with respect to the proprietors and the in-\\nhabitants, it was directed, that they should take pro-\\nper oaths, and give good and sufficient security and\\nthat they who enjoyed those places of trust, might be\\npersons well affected to the j)resent government, there\\nwas especial care taken, to direct, that they should\\ntake the oaths appointed by act of parliament to be\\ntaken, which your excellency wits to require of them,\\nand not otherwise to admit them to execute those\\ntrusts From all which we observe, first, that no\\natreuts", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "828\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nagents are concorned in that instruction, but such as\\nwere to survey and record the surveys of lands, and\\ncollect the quit- rents.\\n2. That the proprietors were not limited to employ\\na certain number of agents, but might ein})loy as\\nmany as they thought fit all which your excellency\\nwas to aid and as-ist if need were.\\n3. Your excellency was not to expect while they\\ntendered themselves to take the oaths appointed, but\\nto require them to take them; and u|)on their refusal\\nnot to admit them for it was impossible they, or any\\nelse, should deem themselves bound by the queen s\\ninstructions to certain performances, except such\\ninstructions had been made publick, and tiiey made\\nacquainted with it.\\nNow in the first place, vour excellency never pub-\\nlished any such instruction, nor ever did require\\nthose agents called the council of proprietors to\\ncomply with it by taking any oaths.\\n2. The council of proprietors are not such agents\\nas the instructions mention.\\n3. Were that instruction binding, your excellency\\nhas by no means com])lyed with it; for the surveyor\\napj ointed by the proprietors of the western division,\\nhas several times, tendered himself to take and sub-\\nscribe according to her majesty s directions, and\\nhas been refused.\\n4. Mr. Sonmans, tho a bankrupt, and his\\npowers disputed, admitted to keep the records of\\nthe eastern division, and that without any security\\nand persons who were sworn to those places, and\\nemployed by proj^rietors, and a greater number, not\\nonly not permitted to act, but deprived of their\\nplaces (with which your lordshij) had nothing to do)\\nwithout a due course of law, forceably by your lord-\\nship s directions.\\nLastly, the council of proprietors are attornies\\nto private men, for the taking care of their several\\nproperties, and are neither concerned in that instruc-\\ntion, nor bound by it; if they were, we shall not\\ndispute", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "Of X E W J K R S E Y 329\\nf1is])nto how thr tliat instruction may be a law to your T\\nlordship, but we are sure tis so to no body else,\\nbut where the laws of the land bind without it and\\nif so, tis no sufficient warrant to destroy any man s\\nproperty, or deprive him of the use of it, without\\nthe judLrment of his peers; for your lordship eatinof\\nl)ut know, if you do not, the last clause of the ])eti-\\ntion of right will tell you, that the cpieen s servants\\nare to serve her ac^cording to law, an l not otherwise;\\nand every f2;entleman of the law can inform your\\nexcel leiK-y, if he pleased, that the queen s authority\\nor warrant ])roduced (if you had done any such\\nthint cannot justify the commission of an unlaw-\\nful act; which this certainly nuist be, except the law\\nprovides that no man must mak^ an attorney but\\nwith your lordshij) s apj)roi)atiou As to the second\\nreasx)n, to use your excellency s expressions, if we\\ncould wonder at any thintr y(\u00c2\u00bbur excellency has done,\\nit would be at the reason your excellMicy i ivi s, as\\nmuch as at the action it beiuir i plain prctcnfling to\\na ri ;lit of judiii;ini solely who have a ri*2:ht t(t their\\nestates, and who not, and according to that judg-\\nment to jiermit them to retain or force them to part\\nwith their possessions; for in the tirst place, that\\nmatter was never brought betbre your lordshi|), and\\nwhat information you hafl (if you had any) was\\nprivate; and we are told no freeiuan can l)e dispossessed\\nof his freehold but by judgment of his peers, or\\nthe law of the land; but here is at once a determina-\\ntion, that a number of proprietors, nigh or above\\nnine tenths of the whole, have no right to grant,\\nand accordingly they arc prohibited taking uj) or\\ndisposing of their lands for the council ot proprie-\\ntors, are all proprietors themselves, except mr.\\nMorris their president and we can t see, but any\\nfreeman, or number of freemen in the province, may\\nbe dispossessed by the same measures; for tis but your\\nlordship s saying, the ])ersons they had their lands\\nfrom, had no right to grant, and then order the pos-\\nsessors to make no further im})rovements, nor to dis-\\npose", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "330\\nThe il I S T O R Y\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\npose of any of their lands and thus conchide thein\\nwithout the tedious formality of the old magna\\ncharta way and who is hardy enough to dispute with\\n*a man that commands two provinces?\\n2. What your excellency asserts, with relation to\\n*the council of proprietors, viz. that they were per-\\nsons deriving a power from those who liad no\\nright to grant, is wiiat your excellency neither did,\\nnor could Unow; that you did not know it, nothing\\n*is more plain; because your excellency some days\\nafter your lordship s answer to our remonstrance,\\nsummoned some of the council of proprietors before\\nyourself in council, and there asked them the follow-\\ning questions, viz. First, who the late council of\\nproprietors were? Secondly, who were the present\\ncouncil of proprietors? Thirdly, who they derived\\ntheir powers from Fourthly, what their powers were\\nBy which it appears, your excellency neither knew\\nwho the council of proprietors were, what their\\npowers were, nor who they derived them from\\nwhich is very far from knowing whether the persons\\nwho gave them those powers, had power to grant or\\nnot and that your excellency could not know, is as\\n])lain because the deeds of what proprietors are in\\nthis country, you never did see and those that are\\nin England, you could not see.\\nHow your excellency is, from, our voting the put-\\ning the records into mr. Sonmans hands to be a grie-\\nvance, satisfied that the persons from whom the\\ncouncil of proprietors derive their power, have no\\npower to grant is very much beyond our poor capa-\\ncities to understand, and may perhaps be of the\\nnumber of those unanswerable objections your lord-\\nship tells us of in your answer. To the next clause\\nyour lordship justifies your proceedings with tha\\nassemblymen, as being your duty and that what\\nyou did, was by virtue of the queen s instructions\\nhow far they will justify your excellency s conduct\\nis our next business to speak to but in the first place\\nwe are obliged to your excellency, for ackuowledg-\\ning", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E E, S E Y 331\\ning the matter of fact; wliich tlio notorioiLsly known, A^ D.\\nwas omitted to be entered in the journals of this I O\\nhouse, by your excellency s faithful servant, mr.\\nWilliam Anderson, late clerk of tliis house.\\nBy the queen s instructions, not the least colour of\\nauthority is given to your excellency, to be a judge\\nof the qualifications of assembly niea, so as to admit or\\nreject them; which is not only a direct contradiction\\nto the very nature and being of assemblies, but must\\nrender the liberties, lives and properties of the people\\nentirely at your ex(tellency s disposal; which as her\\nmajesty never intended, so M ithout doubt she never\\ndid intend by any instruction to make so precarious;\\nand how well she ll i)e plccused at wresting her iiistruc-\\ntions to authorize what we are well satisfied she will\\nbe very far from countenancing, time may inform\\nus: This house could not be so much wantiug to\\nthemselves, and the province they represent, as to\\nomit taking notice of a procedure, whiiih tends to\\ndestroy the very being of assemblies, by rendering\\nthem the tools of a governor s arbitrary pleiisure, and\\nthe enemies instead of the preservers of the liberties\\nof their country and we are well assured, that no-\\nthing your excellency has said, will pcrswade tha\\nworld to believe, that your excellency or any other\\ngovernor, has that )\\\\v^r you pretend to, or that it\\ncan be consistent with the liberties of a free people.\\nThat there were consitlerable sums of money raised\\nthat most of them were raised with intent and purpose\\nto give to your lordship, to procure the dissolution\\nof the last assembly, and procure such officers as the\\ncontributors should approve of; that in all proba-\\nbility the money so raised, was given to your lord-\\nship; that the assembly was dissolved; that the con-\\ntributors were complied with as far as could be;\\nthat you did receive from doctor John Johnston,\\ntwo hundred pounds, upon the score of the pro-\\nprietors of the eastern division of New-Jersey are\\nsuch notorious tuths, that it is a vanity to deny\\nthem and will be believed, uotwitlistaiiding all the\\nforce", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "332\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nforce of evasive arts to perswade to the contrary\\nAnd since we liave nientioned doctor Johnston, it s\\nnot amiss to enquire, whether the services you were\\nto do tlie proprietors were such as your hardship\\nought, or ought not to have done if they were such\\nas you ought to have done, you ought not to have\\ntaken money for the doing of them if they were such\\nas you ouglit not to have done, much less ought your\\nlordship to have taken money; and had you not been\\nmore than ordinarily concerned in those private con-\\ntributions, without all peradventure would have used\\nall possible endeavours to have detected the thing, and\\nnot given those publick marks of your favour to the\\npersons most concerned in the persuading and pro-\\ncuring of tliem.\\nAs to what relates to the assembly, as your lord-\\nship is not accountable to this house for what reasons\\nyou dissolved them, neither is this house to your lord-\\nship- for their proceedings; they acted as became a\\nhouse of representatives in the affair of Mr. Gordon,\\nand what they did, was not without your lordship s\\napprobation if that con hi add any thing to the power\\nthey had As to your excellency s reflections on pri-\\nvate men, tis below the representative body of a\\nprovince to take any further notice of them, than to\\ndo that justice to the two worthy members of this\\nhouse, as to say, they both have, and deserve better\\ncharacters than your excellency gives them and that\\nthe humblest application you can make to her majesty\\nwill never induce her to grant you a power to use any\\nmeans to procure a satisfaction but what the laws\\nallow of, without such application We concluded,\\nby acquainting your excellency, that the way to\\nengage the affections of a people, was to let them be\\nunmolested in the quiet enjoyment of those things\\nwhich belong to them of right, and should have dated\\nour happiness from your excellency s complying with\\nso reasonable and just a desire to which your excel-\\nlency replied, that you could never answer taking\\nadvice from men, who did not know how to govern\\nthemselves", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "O F X E ^V J E K 8 E Y i\\nthemselves, and who iiave always o|)j)f)sed the service\\nof the queen, and interest and ^rood of their country i *J/.\\nWe shall wave the admirable coolness of temper, and\\nconsiderateness of the reflection and say, your excel-\\nlencv couhl hardly have used plainei*- terms, to tell us,\\nyou will not let us he quiet in the enjoyment of what\\nbelongs to us of right and your excellency s procee l-\\nings since that, has efllectually convinceil the world,\\nthat we have not put a wrong construction on your\\nexcellency s expressions.\\nAre not her n)ajesty s loyal subjects haulM to goals,\\nand there lie without being admitted to bail? and those\\nthat are the conditions of their rccogiiiziuiccs are, that\\nif your excellency aj)pro\\\\ es not of their being bailed,\\nthey shall return to their prisons seva ral of her majc-\\nsty s good subjects forced to abscond, and leave their\\nhabitations, being threatened with imprisonment, and\\nno hopes of receiving the benefit of the law when\\nyour excellency s absolute will is the sole measure of*\\nit One minister of the church of England, dragg d\\nby a sheriff from Burlington to Amboy, and there\\nkept in custody, without assigning any reason for it,\\nand at last haul d by force into a boat by your excel-\\nMency, and transported like a malefactor, into ano-\\nther govennnent, and there kept in a garrison a i)ri-\\nsoner and no reason assigned for these violent j)roce-\\ndnres, but your excellency s pleasure Another mini-\\nuister of the churcii of England, laid under a necessity\\nof leaving the province, from the reasonable appre-\\nhensions of meeting with the same treatment no\\nSirders of men either sacred or civil, secure in their\\nlives, their liberties or estates and where these proce-\\ndures will end, God oidy knows.\\nIf these, and what we have named before, be acts\\nof mercy, gentleness and good-nature if this be\\ndoing for the good, welfare and prosperity of the\\npeople of this province if this be the administering\\nlaws for the protection and preservation of her majesty s\\nsubjects then have we been the most mistaken men\\nin the world^and liave liad the falsest notion of things\\ncalling", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "S34 The HISTORY\\nA. D. calling that cruelty, oppression and injustice, which\\n1707. are their direct opposites, and those things slavery,\\nimprisonment and hardships, which are freedom,\\nliberty and ease and must henceforth take France,\\nDenmark, the Muscovian, Ottoman and Eastern\\nempires, to be the best models of a gentle and happy\\ngovernment.\\nYour excellency at last endeavours to persuade\\nthe country, that the assembly, instead of protecting\\nare invading the lil)erties of the people; and if we\\nmight have tFie liberty of using some of your excel-\\nlency s cool and considerate terms, perhaps the fol-\\nlowing instances might justify those expressions; but\\nwe leave that to just and iiujiartial men, who no doubt\\nwill aj)ply them where they are most due.\\nYour excellency asserts in the first place, You\\nhave presumed to take the queen s subjects into the\\ncustody of the serjeant at arms, Avho are not members\\nof your house; which you can t lawfully do, and is\\na notorious violation of the liberties of the people.\\nAnswer There is nothing more known, than that\\nthe contrary to what your excellency says is true,\\nand hardly a session of parliament but aifords multi-\\ntudes of instances, nay, several instances can be pro-\\nduced during the time of your excellency s being in\\nthe house of commons and what your excellency\\nmeans by asserting a thing, which every body that\\nknows any thing, knows is not so, we can t tell.\\nSecondly, You have taken upon you to admini-\\nster an oath to one of your members, and have\\nex))ell d him from the house for refusing to take an\\noath which you could not legally administer to him\\nthis is most certainly robbing that meml)er of his\\nproperty, and a most notorious assuming to your\\nselves a negative voice to the freeholders election of\\ntheir representatives, for which there can be no ]ire-\\ncedent found, Answer: We never did administer\\nan oath, (tho we think we have power so to do)\\nwhat oaths were administered were administered by\\njustices of the peace before us: We \u00e2\u0082\u00acxpell d that\\nmember", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "O F X E W J E R S E Y 335\\nmemhor for several contempts for which we are not A^ p.\\naccountable to your excellency, nor no body else in\\n^this province: We might lawfully expel him and\\nif we had so thought fit, miglit have rendered him\\nincapable of ever sitting in this house; and of this\\nmany precedents may be produced. We are the\\nfreeholders representatives and how it s possible\\nwe should assume a negative voice at the election of\\nourselves, is what wants a little explanation to make\\nit intelligible.\\nThirdly, You have arbitrarily taken upon you\\nto command the high-sheritf of this country, to dis-\\ncharge a prisoner who was in his custody at the suit\\nof one of the queen s subjects and he has been weak\\nenough to do it, for which he lies lialde to be sued for\\nan escape, whenever the gentleman thinks tit to do it,\\nand from which you can t protect him this is a\\nnotorious violation of the right of the subject, and\\na manifest interruption of justice. Answer The\\nperson we ordered to be discharged, w^as an evidence\\nattending by order of the house, and under the pro-\\ntectiou of this house; who were only wanting to\\nthemselves, in not sending the high-sheriff and law-\\n*yers to the same place, for daring to offer so publick\\nan affront to the representative body of a country.\\nFourthly, You have taken upon you to appoint\\none of your members to act as clerk of the committee\\nof the whole house, which you have no power to do,\\nc. Answer Your excellency has been so very\\nmuch mistaken in all the foregoing clauses, that we\\nhave great reason to believe you are so in this This\\nhouse has always, till of late, made their own clerks,\\nand your excellency cannot shew us any law why we\\nmay not do it still, should we think fit to insist on it\\nWe hav(! made no encroachments on her majesty s\\nprerogative royal, nor never intended to do it, but\\nshall to our utmost, study to i)reserve it, and honour-\\nably support her government ov^er us, and hope vour\\nexcellency will think it for the service of the queen\\nto", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "sas\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nThe H 1 b T O K Y\\nto comply with our reasonable desires which will\\nvery much encourage us so to do.\\nDivers of the members of this assembly bein of the people\\ncalled Qiiiikers, do assent to the matter and substance, but make\\nsome exceptions to the stile.\\nBv order of the house,\\nC H xi P. XVIII.\\nMemorial of the Weftt-Jersey proprietors residing in\\nEngland, to the lords commissioners for trade and\\nplantations: The lieutenant governor, with some of\\nthe council, address the queen: The last meeting of\\nassembly, under Cornbury^s adminidration They con-\\ntinue their complaint Samuel Jenings^s death and\\ncharacter.\\nTHE foregoino; proceedings being by connection\\nnecessary together, has delayed the following\\nmemorial a little out of course as to strict order of\\ntime The western proprietors residing in England, had\\nmuch resented Cornbury s treatment of the inhabitants,\\nespecially in relation to the three members being kept\\nout of the assembly, by wiiich he gained a majority\\ndevoted to his measures and thus they complain.\\nTo the right honourable the lords commissioners for\\ntrade and plantations.\\nThe humble memorial of the pro{)rietors of the\\nWestern division of the province of New-Jersey,\\nin America,\\nWe huml)ly acknowledge your lordships great\\njustice, in making the terms of our surrender of go-\\nvernment, j)art of the lord Cornbury s instructions\\nrelating to the said province and heartily with his\\nexcellency had given us occasion of acknowledging\\nhis due observation of the histruction, instead of\\ntroubling", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "Of N E \\\\V J E R S E Y 337\\ntroubling your lordsliips with a complaint of his P*\\nbreach of tliem, which we are fully as.sured. from\\nundoubted testimonies his excellency has made in the\\nfollowing instances and tho he endeavours to palliate\\nMiis ])roceedings there, by frequently and publicklj\\nasserting, that your lordships consented to no terms\\nupon our surrender yet were that as great a truth\\nas it is a mistake, and those instructions had been\\nonly of grace and favour, we conceive him to be\\nobliged, and ourselves intituled to his |)unctual obser-\\nvation of them.\\nIt is one of the terms consented to by your lord-\\nshi|)S, and one of his excellency s instructions from\\nyour lordships; that the general assembly shall con-\\nsist of four and twenty representatives two to be\\nchosen by the inhal)itants, housholdcrs of the city or\\ntown of Perth-Amboy two by the inhabitants,\\nhousholders of the city or town of Burlington ten\\nto be chosen by the freeholders of the eastern, and\\nten by the freeholders of the western division in\\nwhich election, every elector is to have one hundred\\nacres of freehold land in his own right, within the\\ndivision for which he shall choose and every person\\nelected is to have one thousand acres of freeliold\\nland in his own right,. within the division for which\\nhe shall be chosen.\\nThis instruction, which we relied on as the chief\\nsecurity of our estates in that province, his excellency\\nhas not only violated, but has totally destroyed that\\npart of our constitution and in such a manner as\\nwill render all assemblies a meer ))iece of formality,\\nand only the tools of a gov^ernor s arbitrary pleasure.\\nFor setting which ])roceeding in a due light, we\\nmust crave leave to lay before you lordships the\\naccount we have received of it from our agent, and\\nother reputable persons of that province.\\nAn assembly having been called and chosen, iu\\nthe year 1703, pursuant to your lordships instruc-\\ntions, prepared bills for settling the rights of the\\nproprietors and planters, and for raising a revenue\\nY of", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "S38\\nThe history\\nA, D.\\n1707.\\nof thirteen hundred pounds per annum, for three\\nyears, (which they knew was the utmost the country\\ncould bear) for the support of the government; but\\nhis excellency requiring a greater sum, several persons,\\nour constant enemies and invaders of our proprieties,\\nand who therefore opposed the bill for settling our\\nrights, undertook to procure an assembly more\\nobedient to his excellency s demands; and by that\\nand other arguments, which out of regard to his\\nhonour, we choose to wave the mention of, ])revailed\\nupon him to dissolve that assembly, and to call another\\nto sit in November last; the writs were issued, and the\\nelection directed to be made, in such haste, that in one\\nof the writs the qualifications of the persons to be\\nelected was omitted, and the sheriif of one county\\nnot sworn till three days before the election, and\\nmany of the towns had not any (much less due) notice\\nof the day of election but passing by these, and\\nmany other illegal artifices used by those undertakers,\\nto obtain an assembly to their own humour we shall\\ninsist only upon one grand instance, which is not to\\nbe parrallel d in any of her majesty s plantations, and\\ncould not have been attempted without his excel-\\nlency s encouragement, nor put in practice without\\nhis concurrence.\\nWhen this assembly was met, and attended his\\nexcellency in council, in order to be sworn, mr.\\nRevel 1 and mr. Leeds, (two of the governor s\\ncouncil, and of the undertakers to procure such an\\nassembly as they had ])romised) suspecting the strength\\nof their party, objected against three of the members,\\nreturned, as persons not having each, one thousand\\nacres of land, and therefore unqualified to serve in the\\nassembly though these persons had such estates in\\nland, and were generally known to have so, and at\\nthe time of their election had convinced Revell and\\nLeeds, who opposed them under that pretence, of the\\ntruth of it; and this objection was not examinable\\nor determinable by his excellency or his council, or\\notherwise than in the house of representatives, who\\nare", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 339\\nare the only proper judges of their own members; A:\\nyet his exeellency, upon this bare suggestion of Revell i^U7.\\nand Leeds, refused to swear these members, and ex-\\neluded them from sitting to serve their country;\\nthis attempt was seconded by another trick of Revell\\nand I^eeds, who immediately sent the following note\\nto the house of representatives.\\nTo the honourable the house of representatives.\\nGentlemen,\\nWe underwritten, su])posing Ave had good reason\\nto charge three of the persons returned to serve as\\n^representatives in this general assembly; but upon\\ndue consideration find it difficult to come to a true\\ndetermination thereof, until we can by further enquirv\\nfind the truth of what we have been informed of;\\nwe therefore humbly desire fourteen days time further,\\nthat we may be able more fully to iniurm this house\\ntherein, which we humbly suppose at present cannot\\nreasonably be expected from us we subscril)e ourselves\\nyour humble supplicfuits, TiroMAS Revell.\\nNov. 15, 1704. Daniel Leeds.\\nThe counties for wliieh they were chosen to serve\\nexpressed a great dissatisfaction at the exclusion of\\ntheir jnombei s and these and several other re|)resen-\\ntatives deliver d an address to his excellency, for\\niiaving them admitted to their right which met with\\nno other recej)tion, than being called a piece of inso-\\nlence and ill manners.\\nBy this exchision of three members, and the con-\\ntem] t of the address for their admission, tiie under-\\ntaker s gained a majority by one in the house of\\nrej resentatives, who adjourned the hearing of this\\nvixsc, until they had reaped the fruits of their iniquity,\\nand aceoinplished the ends for which it was contrived;\\nfor whilst this case was depend iuLC, a bill for takino:\\naway the qualifications of electors and the elected,\\nand placing tlie right of choosing and being chosen\\nin the freeholders generally, without any ex])ress value\\nof their estates, was prepared and pass d, wherein\\nthere", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "340\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nthere is this remarkable and self-condemning declara-\\ntion of his excellency s proceedings, viz. that repre-\\nsentatives met ill general assembly are and shall be the\\njndges of the qnalifications of their own members.\\nAfter this and one other act, which we shall here-\\nafter take notice of in its proper place, were passed,\\na day of hearing was allowed to the three excluded\\nmembers, and notice of it given to Revell and Leeds,\\nwho wouhl not vouchsafe to appear, but having already\\nobtained their ends, graciously signified by a message,\\ntheir mistake in their objection to those members.\\nThe house proceeded in the inquiry, and by deeds\\nand other authentick proofs, was so fully satisfied of\\ntlie estates of the excluded members, and that Revell\\nand Leeds had been convinced thereof, at the time of\\ntheir elections, that the house unanimously declared\\nthem duly qualified, and sent two of their body to\\nacquaint his excellency of it, and to pray they might\\nbe sworn but his excellency, whether out of a desire\\nof assuming the glory of his arbitrary proceeding\\nwholly to himself, or of making the country sensible\\nthat notwithstanding the act so lately passed, declaring\\nthe house judges of their own members he was re-\\nsoK^ed to exercise that power for the future; or for\\nwhat other reason we know not, told those messengers\\nhe must be satisfied of their qualifications, as well as\\nthe house and still keeps them out of the assembly.\\nThis we conceive to be the assuming a negative\\nvoice to the freeholders election of their representa-\\ntives and such an invasion of the rights of the\\nassembly, as will, if tolerated or connived at, place\\nthe whole legislature in the governor for if he can,\\nat his pleasure, reject three representatives, lie may\\nreject all, and make what laws he thinks fit without\\nthe formality of an assembly; but if this notorious\\nviolation of our constitution had not been made by\\nhim, and the assembly liad consisted of it s full pro-\\nportion of duly elected members we conceive, and\\nare advised, that his excellency had no authority,\\nnor any probable colour from his instructions for\\npassing", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "Of new- jersey. 341\\nfpassing this act; for tbou^h the instruction relating A^ D.\\n*ito the election of general assembies, allows an aire-\\nration by act of assembly, of the number of the\\nrepresentativ es, and the manner of their being elected;\\nit leaves no power to the general assembly to alter the\\nqualifications of the electors or elected which was\\n^intended to be a standing and unalterable part of the\\nconstitution, as most agreeable to the constitution of\\nEngland, where the electors of knights of the coun-\\nties must have a certain fixed freehold and the elec-\\nted are generally the principal landed men of their\\nrespective counties; but the alteration now made,\\nwas intended to put the election of representatives\\ninto the meanest of the people, who being impatient\\nof any su|)( riors, will never fail to choose such from\\namongst tliemselves, as may oppress us, and destroy\\nour rights.\\nIt is another term of our surrender, and an instruction\\nto his excellency, that no act should be miule to lay a\\ntax upon un|)rotitable lands; but his excelh. uey lias\\nencourag d and assented to a l)iil in this hist assembly, for\\ntiixing (without distinction) all lands belonging to the\\ninhabitants there, and to all others not inhabiting there\\nwho have settled an} plantations, either by tenants, ser-\\nvants or negroes it is objection enough to this act, that\\nthere is no other colony in America wherin uncultivated\\nlands are taxed and as this act was intended, so none\\nmore effectual could have been contrived, to prejudice\\ntne country in general, or the proprietors in particu-\\nlar for if any man who has a thousand or more acres\\nof land, which he can neither manure nor sell (as\\nmost of the first planters have) he must pay a tax for\\nthis land, which may eat up the greatest part of the\\nprofit of what he can and does cultivate or he must\\ndesert the whole and if we, who have great tracts of\\nland of many thousand acres to sell, lett or settle\\nbut a few acres to maintain our agents or servants,\\nwe must pay a tax for all iXx i. residue which yields us\\nnothing In consequence of this act several persons\\nwho had agreed witli our agent for lands, have\\nrenounced", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "342\\nThe history\\nrenounced their bargains, and removed into other\\ncountries, where they can purc^liase great tracts of\\nland, preserve tliem for their posterity to settle on\\n*and we, unless relieved from this oppression, must\\ndeliver up our lands or our purses: This tax is im-\\nposed by the act jiassed in the assembly for raising a\\nrevenue of two thousand pounds per annum, for two\\nyears, for the support of lier majesty s government\\nwithin that province; and we. have great reason to be-\\nlieve it to be part of the return promised by the under-\\ntakers to his excellency, for his dissolving the former\\nassembly, and curtailing the last of three members.\\nIt is another term of our surrender,, and an instruc-\\ntion to his excellency, that the surveyors and other\\npersons appointed by us, for surveying and recoi-ding\\n*the surveys of land granted and sold by us, shall be\\npermitted to execute their trusts; but his excellency\\nhas taken upon him, even contrary to the advice of\\nhis council, to appoint fees for })atenting lands which\\nhas created an opinion in the people, that the power of\\ngranting lands is in him, has lessened the credit of\\nour title to lands, and encouraged the planters to dis-\\npute our right.\\nHis excellency has ordered aJl publick books,\\nrecords and papers, to be delivered by our late secretivry\\nto mr. Bass, our great debtor, and therefore our\\navowed enemy, and has carried our records of deeds-\\nand conveyances out of the province by this method\\nthe proprietors of both the divisions are deprived of\\nall means to justify their past administration of the\\nevidences of their grants of lands to the purchasers\\nunder them, (all the surveys and patents being\\nrecorded in those books) and will destroy the office of\\nour register, or at least will disable him to perform\\nhis duty in some cases whieh by acts of general assem-\\nbly he is obliged to do.\\nIt is a further term of oiu surrender, and instruc-\\ntions to his excellency,, that all officers be appointed\\nby advice of the council but his excellency has con-\\nstituted several officers without such advice, and par-\\nticularly", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E II S E Y 343\\nticiilarly a sheriff of BLivlin2;ton, who was therefore A. T\\nsiis|)ei)(le(l by order of council, and yet continued to 1707.\\nact under his h)rdshi|) .s ai)i)ointnient.\\nWe are further informed, that ins excellency hath\\nput several mean and contemptible persons into the\\ncommission of the peace, particularly one\\nwliom lie knew to be under prosecution for felony;\\nand has given commissions in the militia to others,\\nwho have no estate in the province, and therefore\\nare not like to be zealous in the defence of it.\\nIt is matter of some wonder to us, that after so\\nmany acts of despotic power, his excellency did not\\nassume to himself, or obtain from the last assembly,\\nan authority of licencing any persons to ])urchase\\nlands t rom the Indians; but condescends to apply to\\nyour lordships, for an alteration of his instructions\\nin that particular there wants only the breach of tiiis\\ninstruction to complcat the ruin of our interests in\\nNew-Jersey, and we luunbly hoj)e your lordships will\\nnot enable him to give that finishing stroke This\\ninstruction, founded upon the right which the crown\\nof England claims by the law of nations, to all coun-\\ntries discovered by English subjects, was intended to\\nassert that right against the pretences of many plan-\\nters, wlio set up the Indians title in competition with\\nit; and if that right be taken from the grantees of the\\ncrown, all j)atents and grants of the whole main laud\\nof North-America, have been only royal frauds, under\\nthe sanction of the great seal of England, and no\\nman will ever after purchase lands under that title.\\nHis excellency was lately so fully satisfied of the\\npolicy and reasonableness of asserting this right to the\\ncrown and its grantees, that in the year 1703, he\\nrecommended, and assented to an act of assend)ly, for\\nrestraining all persons besides the proprietors, from\\npurchasing lands from the Indians, under great penal-\\nties and for vacating all such purchases formerly\\nmade, unless the purchasers took a fresh grant from\\nthe proprietors of which act we humbly pray your\\nlordships perusal.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "344\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1707.\\nWe are purcliasers for ready money, under a grant\\nfrom king; Cliarles tlie second, and are willing to sell\\nour lands and the Indians title to it, at reasonable rates,\\naccording to the goodness of the soil and situation,\\nand ought not to be compelled to accept a quit-rent\\n(much less a quit-rent to be let by other persons than\\nourselves as his excellency proposes) instead of Felling\\nfor ready money nor ought our properties to be at\\nthe disposal of a governor Tis not the want of a\\npower in the planters to purchase lands from the Indi-\\nans, but the taxing of uncultivated lands, and over-\\nturning the constitution for assembly-men, that has\\noccasioned those persons mentioned by liis excellency,\\nto remove to Pennsylvania and other colonies.\\nMay it please your lordships,\\nThe usage we have received from his excellency, is\\nso contrary to the terms of our surrender of govern-\\nment, to the assurances we had from your lordships,\\nof the due observance of them, and to the plain in-\\nstructions given by your lordships to his excellency\\nthat we humbly hope, it will not be thotight any\\nimmodesty or want of duty in us, to jirotest, as we do\\nprotest against all the proceedings of the last assembly,\\nwherein by the arbitrary exclusion of three members\\nwithout any just exception, the country was not duly\\nrepresented, and to beg your lordships intercession\\nwith her majesty, that the acts passed in that assembly\\nmay not be conhrnied by her royal assent.\\nWe further pray, that colonel Lewis Morris, who\\nhas been a second time suspended from his place in\\ncouncil, by his excellency, only for using the free-\\ndom which every member of the council is entitled to,\\nand ought to exercise, of o})posing any bill brought\\nbefore them, if he conceives it prejudicial to the in-\\nterest either of the country in general, or of any par-\\nticular persons, may be restored and that your lord-\\nships will please to place in the room of such as are dead,\\nsome of the persons following, viz Mr. Miles Foster,\\nmr. Richard Town ley, mr. Hugh Huddy, mr. William\\nHall and mr. John Harrison, who are men of known\\nintegrity", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "Of X E W J E R S P: Y 345\\nintegrity and estates and as a further security of our A. D,\\nestates there, and that no persons may at any time be\\nadmitted of the governors council, or to be in the\\ncommission of the j)eace, or of the militia, l)ut such\\nwho have real estates in the province suitable to their\\nstations, and who reside there.\\nSigned by Thomas Lane, Paul Dominique, John\\nBridges, Rob. Mitdiel, Tho. Burrow, Fra. Mitchel,\\nEben. Jones, Jos. Broosl)aidc, John Norton, Jo.\\nBeiniet, E. Richier, Tho. Skinner, Rich. Greena-\\nway, Jos. Collins, Cha. Mitchel, Jos. Micklethwait,\\nTho. Lewes, Wm. Snelling.\\nTwo days after (.!()rnl)ui v had refused to i\\\\!( eive*the\\nassembly s /Ty he sent i\\\\ v them, and though several\\nimportant l)ills were untinisird, adjourn d the house\\nto the spring next year Not rein iving the re[)ly in\\nform, he esfa|)ed tlie necessity of attempting to clear\\nup what he could not do with justice or e(|uity Some\\nof the glaring facts still continn d the truth of the\\ncharges against him, he thought he had a more effec-\\ntual way of dealing that was, to lotlge a complaint\\nwith the queen accordingly by an underhand artifice,\\nhis trusts iVicnd the lieut. governor Ingoldsbv, with\\nsome of the council, signecl and privately transmitted\\nan address, as follows.\\nTo the (Queen s most excellent majesty. Addreag\\nThe humble address of the lieutenant uovcrnor and\\ncouncil ot iNova-(Jjesaria or 2sew-Jersey, in\\nAmerica.\\nMay it please your majesty\\nWe the lieutenant governor and council of your\\nmajesty s rovince of Nova-CiBSaria or New-Jersey,\\nhaving seriously and deliberately taken into conside-\\nration the proceedings of the present assembly or\\nrepresentative body of this province, thought our\\nselves bound, both in duty and conscience, to testify\\nto your majesty, our dislike and abhorrence of the\\nsame", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "346\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1707.\\nsame being very sensible, that the unaccountable\\nhumours and pernicious designs of some particular\\nmen, have put them upon so many irregularities, with\\nintention only to occasion divisions and distractions,\\nto the disturbance of the great and weighty affairs\\nwhich both your majesty s honour and dignity as\\nwell as the peace and welfare of the country required\\ntheir high encroachments upon your majesty s prero-\\ngative royal; notorious violations of tiie rights and\\nliberties of the subjects; manifest interruptions of\\njustice, and most unmannerly treatment of his excel-\\nlency the lord Cornbury, would have induced us\\nsooner to have discharged our duty to your majesty,\\nin giving a full representation of the unhappy cir-\\ncumstances of this your majesty s province and\\ngovernment; had we not been in hopes that his\\nexcellency the lord Cornbury s full and ample answer\\nto a most scandalous libel, called the remonstrance\\nof the assembly of Nova Csesaria or New-Jersey,\\nwhich was delivered to the governor by the assembly\\nat Burlington in May last, would have opened the\\neyes of the assembly, and brought them back to their\\nreason and duty but iinding that those few turbu-\\nlent and uneasy spirits in the assembly, have still\\nbeen able to influence and amuse the judgments of\\nmany well-meaning men in that body as ap] ear3\\nby another late scandalous and infamous libel, called^\\nThe reply of the house of representatives of the\\nprovince of New-Jersey, to an answer made by his\\nexcellency Edward viscount Cornbury, governor of\\nthe said province, to the humble remonstrance of\\nthe aforesaid house: We are now obliged humbly\\nto represent to your majesty, the true cause, which we\\nconceive may lead to the remedy of these confusions.\\nThe first is owing to the turbulent, factious, un-\\neasy, and disloyal principles of two men in that\\nassembly, mr. Lewis Morris, and Samuel Jenings, a\\nquaker men notoriously known to be uneasy under\\nall government men never known to be consistent\\nwith themselves men to whom all the factions and\\nconfusions", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 347\\nconfusions in the government of New- Jersey and A^ D.\\nPennsylvania for many years are wholly owing;\\nmen that have had the confidence to declare in open\\ncouncil, that your majesty s instructions to your\\ngovernors in these j)rovinces, shall not oblige or bind\\nthem, nor will they be concluded by them, further\\nthan they are warranted by the law, of wliich also\\nthey will be the judges; and this is done by them,\\n(as we iiave all the reason in the Morld to believe)\\nto encourage not only this government, but alsO the\\nrest of your governments in America, to throw off\\nvonr majesty s royal prerogative, and consequently\\nto involve all your dominions in this part of the\\nworld, and the honest, good and W(dl-meaning peo])le\\nin them, in confusion, hoping thereby to obtain\\ntheir wicked purposes.\\nThe remedy for all these evils, we most humbly\\nj)roi)ose, is, that your majesty will most graciously\\nplease to discountemuice those wicked designing men,\\nand shew some dislike to this assend)ly s ])r )ceedings,\\nwho are resolved neither to support this your majesty s\\ngovernment by a revenue, nor take care to defend it\\nby settling a militia: The last libel, called the reply,\\nc. came out so suddeidy, that as yet we have not\\nhad time to answer it in all its particidars; but do\\nassure your majesty it is for the most part false in fact,\\nand that part of it which carries any face of truth,\\nthey have been malicious and unjust in not mentioning\\nthe whole truth; which would have fully justified my\\nlord Cornbnry s just conduct.\\nThus, having discharged this ])art of our duty,\\nwhich we thought at present incumbent upon us, we\\nbeg leave to assure your majesty, that whenever we\\nshall see the people of this ])rovince labour under any\\nthing like a grievance; we shall, according to our\\nduty, immediately apply to the governor, with our\\nbest advice for the redress of it; and we have no\\nreason yet to doubt of a ready compliance in him;\\nwe shall not be particular, but crave leave to refer\\nto his excellency s representation of them to the right\\nhonourable", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "348 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. honounible the lords coraiuissioncrs for trade and\\nplantations.\\nThe strenous asserting of your majesty s prerogative\\nroyal, and vindicating the honour of your governor\\nthe lord Cornbury, will in our humble opinion, be\\n^so absolutely necessary at this juncture, that without\\n^your so doing, your majesty will find yourself deceived\\neither in expectation of a revenue for support of the\\ngovernment, or militia for its defence.\\nIn hopes your majesty will take these important\\nthings into your consideration, and his excellency the\\nlord Cornbury, with all the members of your maje-\\nsty s council, into your royal favour and protection\\nwe shall conclude M ith our most fervent jirayers to\\nthe most high, to lengthen your days, and encrease\\nyour glories; and that ourselves in particular, and all\\nothers in general, who reap the benefit of your maje-\\nsty s most gentle and happy government, may be,\\nand ever continue the most loyal and dutiful of sub-\\njects to the most glorious and best of queens.\\nRich. Im/ohhbii, William Pinhorne, R. Mompeson,\\nThomas Rrvell, Daniel Leeds, Daniel Coxe, Richar-d\\nToionley, Rob. Quarry, William Sandford.\\n1708.\\nOn the 5th of the month called May, this year,\\nthe assembly met at Burlington Jenings their speaker\\nT. Got- being indisposed, Thomas Gordon was chose to suc-\\ndon, spea- ceed him They received the speech and delivered\\ntheir address the r2th; which containing the old story\\nof grievances, so displeased the governor, that he im-\\nmediately adjourn d them to the September following,\\nto meet at Amboy, but in the interval dissolved them;\\nAssembly jj^^j being; himself soon after superseded, he met them\\nno more the business of the last session began by his\\ntelling them in his speech.\\nIt was the great desire he had to see the service of\\nSpeech. the queen, and good of the province carried on, sup-\\nported and provided for, that induced him to call them\\ntogether", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R !S E Y 3 19\\ntogether to prepare and pass su(;li laws as were proper.; A^ D.\\nand that he might not l)e wanting in his hitv, he\\nshoujd point out wliut he thought required their imme-\\ndiate notice; the first was a bill for support of govern-\\nment that the revenue the queen expected was\\n1500, per annum, to continue 21 years; next the\\nreviving or re-enacting the militia bill, which was likely\\nsoon to expire that he had every session since he had\\nbeen governor, recommended the passing a bill or bills\\nfor confirming the right and property of the soil of the\\nprovince to the general proprietors, according to their\\nrespective rights and titles as also to settle and con-\\nfirm the particular titles and estates of all the inhabi-\\ntants of the province, and others, claiming under the\\nproprietors; that he was still of oj)inion, such a bill\\nwould best conduce to the improvement, as well as\\npeace and quiet of the province that he had last year\\nrecommended the passing of bills for erecting and re-\\n])airing prisons and court houses in the different coun-\\nties, the building of bridges in places where they were\\nwanting, by general tax and as late exptTience had\\ntaught the necessity of settling the qualifications of\\njurymen, he desired they would prepare bills for these\\npurposes and revive such of the acts of assembly\\npassed in the time of the ])roprietary government as\\nwould be of use, that they might be presented for the\\nqueen s approbation.\\nThe assembly in their address on this occasion, de- Assembly*\\nclare, they then were, and always had been ready asid\\ndesirous to support the government to the utmost of\\ntheir poor abilities that they were heartily sorry for\\nthe misunderstanding between the governor and them\\nthat about twelve months ago they had humbly repre-\\nsented to him, some of the many grievances their\\ncountry laboured under most of which tliev were\\nsorry to say, yet remained, and daily iucreased tiiat\\nfhey", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "350 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. they found tlie queen s good subjects of the province\\nwere continually prosecuted by informations, upon fri-\\nvolous pretences, which rendered that excellent^ con-\\nstitution of grand juries useless and if continued,\\nwould put it in the power of an attorney general, to\\nraise his fortune upon the ruin of his country.\\nThat they found it a great charge to the country, that\\njuries and evidences were brought from remote parts\\nof the province, to the supreme courts at Burlington\\nand Amboy that it was a great grievance that the\\npractice of the law was so precarious, that innocent\\npersons were prosecuted upon informations, and actions\\nbrought against several of the queen s subjects, in\\nwhich the gentlemen licensed to practice the law, were\\naff raid to ajipear for them or if tliey appeared, did not\\ndischarge their duty to their clients, for fear of being\\nsuspended, without being convict of any crime deserving\\nit, or reason assigned as was done at Burlington, in\\nMay last, to the damage of many of the queen s good\\nsubjects.\\nThat they found the representatives of this her ma-\\njesty s province so slighted, and their commands so\\nlittle regarded, that the clerk of the crown had refused\\nto issue a writ for the electing a member wanting in\\ntheir house they hoped he would consider, and remove\\nthese and many other inconveniencies and grievances\\nthat the province labor d under which would enable\\nthem to exert the utmost of their abiliti(!S, in su])port-\\ning her majesty s government, and would make them\\nhappy under the mild and meek adminish ation of a\\ngreat and glorious queen; that they doubted not,\\nwere her majesty rightly informed of the poverty and\\ncircumstances of their country, and tliat tiielr lively-\\nhoods depended upon the seasons of the year their\\nmost gracious sovereign would pity their condition,\\nand never expect the settlement ,of any support of go-\\nvernment, further than from one year to another.\\ns That", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 351\\nThat they found the present militia bill so great a\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2grievance to their country, they could never think of\\nreviving or re-enacting it, as it now was though they\\nwere heartily willing to ])rovide for the defence of\\ntheir country, which they ho])ed might be done with\\ngreater ease to the jieople that they had been, and\\nstill were endeavouring to answer her majesty s com-\\nmands, in conliruiing the right and projierty of the\\nsoil of the province to the general proprietors, accord-\\ning to their respective rights and titles; and likewise\\nto confirm and settle the parti(ailar titles and estates of\\nall the inhabitants, and other purchasers, claiming\\nunder the proprietors but tho they had several\\ntiuies met in general assembly, they had not O[)portu-\\nnity to perfect it they acknowledge the favour of\\nbeing put in mind of i)rovi(ling prisons, court-houses,\\n:and bridges, where such were wanting, which they\\nshould take into consideration.\\nThat they h:ul a hill for settling the qualifications\\nof juries, prepared last sitting at Am boy, an l should\\nnow present it; and thanking him for reminding them\\nof reviving their former laws say, they had before ap-\\npointed a cojumittee for that end but were impeded\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2by B;iss, the secretary, positively refusing to let them\\nhave the perusal of them and that as they had always\\nused their utmost endeavour in the faithful service of\\nthe (pieeu, and for the bjuelit of the country so they\\nshoidd still continue to do it with all the disi)atch they\\nwere c;n)al)le of.\\nHere we part with lord Cornbury s administration. I^ord\\nHere\\n7. At a council lield :tt Amboy, 28th of Miirch, 1708. The\\npt-lilion of E lwjinl visi oiint Cornmiry, late goviMDor of tliis pro-\\nvim-e; setiiiig fortli, thai lie h;i(l due to him, sundry sums of\\nmoney, fur wliicli lie de~ireii w.irrants, to enable him, if the\\nrevt nue of this jirovince w.is not al)le to pay the same, he might\\n(U-maud the same of her majesty, was read, and dismisseil.\\nLord", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "352 T H E II I S T O K Y\\nA. D. Here also we part with his opponent S. Jenings his\\nindisposition continued about twelve months, and then\\ndeath and finished his life His many services have occasioned\\ncharacter. }jj,^i ^q \\\\^q often mentioned His profession of religion\\nwas that of the people called quakers he was early\\nan approved minister among them, and so continued\\nto his death common opinion, apt to limit this sphere\\nof action, will however allow general rules to have\\ntheir exceptions, as instances now and then, though\\nperhaps but rarely, occur, where variety of talents have\\nunited in the same individual, and yet not interfered\\nsuch, the accounts of those times (stripp d of the local\\nuncertainties of faction and party) tell us, was the\\ncircumstance with regard to Jenings that his autho-\\nrity, founded on experienc d candour, probity, and\\nabilities, enlarged opportunities, rendered him not\\nin\\nLord Cornbnrv, (savs a writer, well inforra d in his character)\\nwas no less ol)noxions to tlie peof)le of New-Jersey, than to those\\nof New-Y()rk: Tlie assembly of that province, impatient of his\\ntyranny, drew up a complaint against him, which they sent home\\nto tiie (]iieen.\\nHer nnijesty {rracionsly listened to the cries ofher injnr d snb-\\njects, divested liim of his power, and appointed lord Lovelace in\\nhissiead; declarino:, that she would not countenance her nearest\\nrelations in oppressing her jieople.\\nAs soon as my lord was superceded, his creditors threw him\\ninto tiie custody of the sheriff of New- York; and he remained\\nthere till tiie death of his f;itl)er, when succeeding to the earldom\\nof Clarendon, he returned to England.\\nWe never had a governor so universally detested, nor any who\\nso richly leserved the [)ul)lick abhorrence; in spite of IjIs noble\\ndescent, his behaviour was trifling, mean and extravagant.\\nIt was not uncommon for him to dress himself in a woman s\\nhabit, and then to patrole the fort in which he resided; such\\nfr( aks of low hiuiiour exposed him to the universal contempt of\\nthe people; but their indignation was kindled by his desp tick\\nrule, savMge bigotry, insatiable avarice and injustice, not only to\\nthe pnblick, but even his private creditors; for he left some of\\nthe lowesttr.idesmen in his employment unsatisfied in their just\\ndemands. Hint, of New-York, p. 116.\\nHe died in 1723. See notes in the Art. Law. Hyde, E. oj\\nRochester, Biogr. Brit.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 353\\nin one capacity or to one society only, but generally fr:3\\nuseful It is mentioned, that he was of an obliging,\\naffectionate disposition, yet of a hasty warm temper;\\nthat he notwithstanding managed it with circumspec-\\ntion and prudence, so that few occasions escaped to\\nthe disadvantage of his character, or of any cause he\\nengaged in that he saw the danger to which his\\nnatural impetuosity exposed him knew liis preser-\\nvation lay in a close attention to his cooler prospects,\\nand diligently guarding in that spot, experienced the\\nbenefit in many trying events; that his integrity and\\nfortitude in all stations, were acknowledged; that his\\njudgment was the rule of his conduct, and by what\\ncan now be gathered, this seems to have been but\\nseldom injudiciously founded; that alive to the more\\ngenerous emotions of a mind form d to benevolence\\nand acts of humanity, he was a friend to the widow,\\nthe fatherless and the unhappy tender, compassionate,\\ndisinterested, and with great opportunities left but a\\nsmall estate that abhorring oppression in every shape,\\nhis whole conduct discover d a will to relieve and\\nbefriend mankind, far above the littleness of party or\\nsinister views that his sentiments of right and liberty,\\nwere formed on the revolution establishment, a plan\\nsuccessfully adapted to the improvement of a new\\ncountry, or any country; that he was notwithstanding\\nall this sometimes thought stiff and imj)racticable, but\\nchiefly on account of his political attachments; yet\\nthat there were instances, where better knowledge of\\nhis princi|)les, and the sincerity with which he acted,\\ntotally effacHsd those impressions, and left him friends\\nwhere none were expected Much of his time, wt have\\nseen, was long devoted to the publick, with a will to\\nbe useful, occasions were not wanting West- Jersey and\\nz Pennsylvania,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "354 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. Pennsylvania/- and New-Jersev after the surrender,\\nT 08\\nfor near twenty eight years successively, were repeated\\nwitnesses of his conduct in various capacities he studied\\npeace, and the welfare of mankind but in some instances\\nmet with ungrateful returns; and tho his endeavours\\ndid not altogether succeed to his mind, he survived\\npersonal accusation, in a great measure, with respect\\nto himself; and as to the publick, just lived long\\nenough to see it emerging from an unpromising state\\nof litigation and controversy, to more quiet than had\\nbeen known for many years His three daughters,\\n(who were all the children he left) intermarried with\\nthree brothers, of the name of Stephenson, whose\\nposterity now reside in New- Jersey and Pennsylvania.\\nIn the latter end of this year was a new return of\\nmembers of assembly their names were. For the\\nEastern division Thomas Gordon, speaker Thomas\\nFarmer, Elisha Parker, John Royse, John Harrison,\\nBenjamin Lyon, Gershora Mott, Elisha Lawrence,\\nJohn Trent, William Morris, Enoch Machelsen,\\nEldridge. For the Western division, Thomas Gar-\\ndiner, Thomas Raper, Hugh Sharp, Nathaniel Cripps,\\nJohn Kay, John Kaighn, Richard Johnson, Natha-\\nniel Breading, Hugh Middleton, John Lewis This\\nassembly met, but upon the new governor s arrival,\\nwas dissolved.\\nr. He lived some years, and bore several important offices in\\nPennsylvania.\\n8. See p. 124, 295.\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 355\\nCHAP. XIX.\\nLord Lovelace arrives governor Convenes a new\\nassembly they apply to him for a hearing on the\\n.subject of the lieutenant governor and council s\\napplication to the queen His death is succeeded by\\nthe lieutenant governor Ingoldsby The first paper\\ncurrency Arrival of governor Hunter A sJiort\\naccount of the first expedition to Canada A new\\nassembly chosen; their first session in Hunter s time.\\nJ\\nOHN Lord Lovelace, baron of Hurley, bein,^ A. D.\\n1708.\\nappointed to succeed lord Coriibury; he suiiinioned\\nthe council to meet liiui at Bergen, December 20, 1708,\\npublished his commission, and met a new asssembly\\nin the s])ring, at Perth- Amboy, and informed them by 1709.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0S])eecli\\nThat he was very sensible of great difficulties Speech,\\nattending the honorat)le employment in which her\\nmajesty had placed him, and he hoped they would\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2never fail to assist him to serve the queen and her\\npeople.; that her majesty had shewn, in the whole\\ncourse of her reign (a reign glorious beyond example)\\nhow much she aim d at the good and prosperity of\\nher people having with indefatigable pains united\\nher two kingdoms of England and Scothind, and\\nc():itinued the same application to unite the minds of\\nall her subjects that this was her great care, and\\nought to be the care of those whom she deputed to\\ngovern\\nf. For llie Ea-^torn divi ^ion Elislia Lawrence, Cant. Pric-e.\\n]V[,itt, Slie();inl, J. Joliiision, T. (ionlon, J. Harrison, Tlio.\\nFiizratidolpli, Geo. Duncan, Julm Tfent, Liw. Vaiibn-;kirk.\\nWestern division: Joiin Kav, spejikor, P. Fretweli, J. Kiigliii,\\nPI. Sh irp, T. Lambert, Jolin I ewis, Samuel Smilli, Dennis,\\nJacob Sjiicer, Robert Wlieeler, William iiusiill.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "356 TheHISTORY\\nA. D. govern the distant provinces, not happy enough by\\nsituation to be under her more immediate govern-\\nment; that as he could not set before him a better\\npattern, he should endeavour to recommend himself\\nto them, by following as far as he \\\\vi\\\\s able, her ex-\\nample that he should not give them any just cause of\\nuneasiness, under his administration, and hoped they\\nwould bear with one another that past differences and\\nanimosities ought to be buried in oblivion, and the\\npeace and wellfare of the country alone, pursued by\\neach individual that her majesty would not be burthen-\\nsome to her })eo[)le but there being an absolute neces-\\nsity that the government be supported, lie was directed\\nto recommend that matter to their consideration that\\nthey knew best what the province could conveniently\\nraise for it s support, and the easiest methods of raising\\nit that the making a law for putting the militia on a\\nbetter footing than it at present stood, with as much\\nease to the people as possible, required their considera-\\ntion that he should always be ready to give his assent\\nto whatever laws they found necessary, for promoting\\nreligion and virtue for the encouragement of trade\\nand industry, and discouragement of vice and ])ro-\\nphaneness, and for any other matter or thing relating\\nto the good of the province.\\nAs:semhly,s The assembly, in their turn, told the governor by\\naddress; that they esteemed it their great ha])piness,.\\nthat her majesty had placed a person of so much temper\\nand moderation over tluun, and made no question he\\nwould surmount every difficulty with honour and\\nsafety.\\nThat her majesty s reign would make a bright leaf\\nin history that it was the advantage of the present,,\\nand would be the admiration of future ages, not more\\nfor her success abroad, than prudence at home that\\ntho", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y\\n357\\nttlio their distance had and mijrht sometimes be disad-\\nvantageous to them, jet they exi)erienced the effect of\\nher princely care, in putting an end to the worst admi-\\nJiistraticon New-Jersey ever knew, by sending him,\\nwhose government would always be easy to her ma-\\njesty s subjects here, and satisfactory to himself, whilst\\nhe followed s\u00c2\u00a9 great and good an example.\\nThat they had no animosities with one another, but\\nfirmly agreed to do themselves and their country justice;\\nthat they were persuaded none that deserved publick\\ncensure, would have a share in his esteem and doubted\\nnot of meeting with his hearty concurrence in every\\nmeasure, that conduced to peace and good order.\\nThat they should support the government to the\\nutmost of their abilities, and most willingly so at a\\ntime when they were freed from bondage and arbitrary\\nencroachments, and were convinced that vice and\\nimmorality would no more receive the publick counte-\\nnance and approbation..\\nThey assured him, all his reasonable desires would be\\ncommands to them and promised it should be their\\nstudy to make liis administration as easy and happy\\nas they could.\\nThe session lasted a month, in which business went\\non with unusual smoothness; the assembly obtained\\nfi-om the governor, a copy of the address (before in-\\nserted) from the lieutenant governor and council, to\\nthe queen, in 1707; they thanked him for the favour,\\nand requested he would desire the lieutenant governor,\\nand all that signed the address, to attend him at such time\\nas he thought fit to appoint, to prove their allegations;\\nand that the house might have leave to be present, and\\nhave oi)|)ortnnity of making their defence, iu order to\\nclear themselves from such imputations.\\nThe governor shewed a ready inclination to grant\\nthis request, and appointed a day for a hearing; but by\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "358 TheHISTORY\\nA. D. the artifices of tliose concerned, it was evaded from-\\ntime to time Whether they at last gain d their point,\\ndoes not appear.\\nMost of the inhabitants of New-Jersey, now pleased\\nthemselves with the prospect of happy times: With a\\nchange of governors followed a change of measures\\nand favourites; impartiality and candour succeeded\\ntrick and design the tools of the former administra-\\ntion having nothing but the protection of that to sup-\\nport them, sunk into neglect.\\nIt was Cornbury s weakness to encourage men that\\nwould flatter his vanity, and trim to his humours and\\nmeasures these were sure of his favours but the case\\nwas otherwise now Such of the former favourites as\\nyet continued in the council, were not without their\\nshare of disesteem even the confidence which had\\nbeen usually put in that board, on passing the support\\nbill, was discontinued The assembly declaring to\\nLovelace, that tho they had an entire confidence in\\nhis justice and prudence, respecting the disposition of\\nthe money for support of government, they had not that\\nconfidence in the gentlemen that were now of her majesty s\\ncouncil; and that this was the reason they had altered\\nthe former method and therefore requested he would\\nfavourably represent it to the queen in their behalf.\\nThe\\nu. The law regulating the qualification of representatives to serve\\nin general asseinhl y, now passed, is yet in force the sulistance of this-\\nand the additional one passed at a different session, but in the same\\nyear, is, that every voter shall have 100 acres of land in his own right,\\nor be worth 50 current money that the persons elected, shall\\nhave 1000 acres in his own right, or be worth 500 current\\nmoney, in personal estate; that the representatives and electors shall\\nbe freeholders, and have estates sufficient to qualify him or them in\\nthedivision whereeleclingorchosen that the houseol represeiitativeg-\\nehall be judges of the qualificati m of their members; that the same\\nforfeitures shall attend undue returns as in England; and that no er-\\nBon shall be chosen a representative, who with his family, does not\\nreside in the province. See also the laws of 1725 and 1730. Vol.\\n1, p. 142, 195.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 359\\nThe difference of these administrations will appear A. D.\\n1709.\\non a sJiort comparison.\\nThe first on the subject of a support, makes use of\\nthe following ex[)ressions That I may not be want-\\ning in ray duty in the station the queen has been\\npleased to honour me with I shall put you in mind\\nof those things, which I think ought to be imme-\\ndiately provided for the first of which is providing\\na revenue for the support of government tlie reve-\\nnue which the queen expects is fifteen hundred\\npounds a year, for one and twenty years.\\nLord Lovelace, ten months afterwards, U})on the\\nsame occasion, speaks as follows Her majesty would\\nnot be burthensorae to her people, but there being an\\nabsolute necessity tliat the government be supported\\nI am desired to recommend that matter to your con-\\nsideration you know best what the province can cou-\\nveniently raise for its support, and the easiest method\\nof raising it.\\nHence may be seen, that the inhabitants had some\\nreason to promise themselves more haj)py times than\\nheretofore but to their great disappointment, lord\\nLovelace died within a few days afterwards, and the I^ord\\nadministration devolved on the lieutenant governor jigg^\\nIngoldsby, who hiid before tiie assembly the design of\\nthe crown, respecting an expedition against Canada,\\nunder the colonels Nicholson and Vetch they imme-\\ndiately voted 3000, for the service, by an emission\\nof paper bills of credit, but did not now pass the bill.\\nThe lieutenant governor adjourned them for a few\\nweeks, and then told them, he had given them ano-\\nther opportunity of doing their duty to her majesty, Lieutenant\\nand what their country required at their hands. speech.\\nThat he found in their votes at last sitting;, a resolve\\nfor raising 3000, for her majesty s service that this\\nwas now become a debt, and they had only to consider\\nof", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "360 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA^ D. of ways and means of raising; it and that a proper\\napplication was made for the paying of their quota of\\nmen appointed for reducing Canada.\\nThe assembly pre])ared three bills, one for raising\\nFirst pa- 3,000,-f- another for enforcing its currency, and a\\nper mo- third for the encouragement of volunteers, going on\\nthe Canada expedition these bills having received the\\ngovernor s assent, the house was adjourn d to the first\\nof November, to meet at Burlington in November\\nthey met accordingly, l)ut deferred business till De-\\ncember, when they sat ten weeks, passed 18 bills,\\nwere then adjourn d, and afterwards prorogued from\\ntime to time, till dissolved by governor Hunter, in\\n1710.y-\\nIt\\nX. Here began the paper currency in New-Jersey The care of\\nthe legishitiire resjiecting il, in this and all tlie succeeding emissions\\nbeing to render the funds lor sinking, according to the acls that\\ncreiited it, secure, and to prevent the currency failing in value; by\\nchiinging the bills as they became ragged and torn, and allowing no\\nre-etnissions on any otlier account whatsoever it has thence from\\nthe beginning, ])reserved its credit, and proved of great service to\\nthe proprietors, in the sale of their lands, and to the settlers, in ena-\\nbling them to purchase and contract, and pay English debts, and go\\non with their improvements; the securities when issued on loan,\\nwere doiiiile the value in lands, or treble in houses, and five per cent,\\ninterest; but now (1765) there is none current on this footing:\\nThe funds for sinking by tax the money created for the expedition\\nand other purposes, are mortgages (secured in the acts that make\\nthe respective emissions) on tiie estates real and personal, in the pro-\\nvince; hence they are secured as firmly as the province itself; they\\nare a legal tender to all the inhabitants in the province, and else-\\nwhere, but not to others, exce[)t wliile in the province: The re-\\nmittances of this province to England, being chiefly from New-\\nYork and Philadelphia, and the bills no legal tender there, they can\\nnever operate to the [jrejudice of English debts; let exchange be as it\\nmiiy, because none tliere are obliged to take them this is a par-\\nticularity only belonging to the state of trade, of New-Jersey, and\\nrenders a jiaper currency there, free from the objections usually\\nmade against it in England.\\ny. For a few months before governor Hunter s arrival, William\\nPin borne, as president of the council, exercised the office of com-\\nmander in chief.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "Of X K W J K R S E Y\\n361\\nIt was in rhc latter end of the year 1 70S, tliat col. A^. D.\\nVetoh iirst applied to the court of Great-Britain, for\\nsea and land forces, to reduce Canada he, with col. Colonels\\nX-. 1 1 1 1 Hi. 1 T- 1 1 J vetch and\\niSicholson, obtain a small lorce ironi liinglanci, and Nicholson.\\ninstructions to the several (governors on the continent\\nto i\u00c2\u00bb:ive them what assistance they could They had\\na promise of a fleet of ships of war to follow them in\\ndue time they came over in the beginning of sum-\\nmer\\nz The instructions to the governor of New-York and New-\\nJersey, were as follows\\nAnne R.\\nRight trusty and well beloved, we greet yon well Whereas we\\nare tilting out an expedition with great expence, for the security of\\nour sul)jects in your government, from the neighl)ouriiood of the\\nFrench at Canathi, which lias been very troublesome to them of hite\\nyears: According to certain proposals laid before us by our trusty\\nand well beloved colonel Vetch, and pursuant to the many a[)pli-\\ncations that have been made to us by our subjfcts, who have suf-\\nfered very much from the French in that neighbourhood; we do\\nhereby strictly require and command you, to be assisting to this expe-\\ndition, after the manner that the said colonel Vetch shall in our\\nname propose to you, and that you look upon those parts of his\\ninstructions which relate to you, and our governments under\\nyour care, and which we have ordered him to communicate to you,\\nin the same manner as if they were our positive commands directed\\nto yourself, and that you ppy the same obedience to them:\\nAnd whereas there may be some particulars in our above mentioned\\ninstructions, as that which concerns the place of rendezvous, in\\nwhich you who live in the country, may be the most proper\\njudge; we do therefore leave this and the other the like circum-\\nstances, to be altered at discretion; provided, that colonel Vetch\\nand colonel Nicholson, do agree with you in any such alteration;\\nand provided you do pimctually observe the number of men which\\nyou are to furnish, and the time when they are to appear and he\\non a readiness to enter upon their expedition And so we hid you\\nfarewell. Given at our court at St. James s, the 28th of February,\\nand in the seveuth year of our reign.\\nBy her majesty s command,\\nSunderland.\\nTo our trusty and well beloved John Lord Lovelace, our\\ncaptain general and governor in chief of our province\\nof New- York and New-Jersey, in America, or in his\\nabsence to the commander in chief of the said provinces\\nfor the time being.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "362\\nThe history\\n4. D.\\n1710.\\nmer ITOO, and brought with them the followmg\\ninstructions, directed to col. Vetch.\\nAnne R.\\nInstructions for our trusty and well-beloved Col.\\nVetch, to be observed in his negotiations Avith\\nthe governors of several of our colonies in\\nAmerica Given at our court at St. James s,\\nthe 28th day of February, 1708-9, and in the\\nseventh year of our reign.\\nWhereas you have laid before us the proposal of\\nan enterprize on Canada and Newfoundland, which\\nmay turn very much to tiie security and advantage of\\nour subjects in those parts of America, as well as\\nto the prosperity of our kingdoms in general we\\nhaving taken the same into consideration, do entirely\\napprove of the said proposal and in order to execute\\nit effectually, have thought fit to give you these our\\nfollowing instructions.\\nYou shall immediately repair on board the ship\\nappointed by our high admiral for the transporting\\nof you, with officers as shall be sent under your cora-\\nraand, to several of our colonies in North-America\\nupon your arrival at New- York, you are to deliver\\nto our governor of that place a letter from us, and\\ncommunicate to him these our instructions, acquaint-\\ning him, that we shall expect from him a punctual\\nand\\na. The colonels Nicholson and Vetch both appearing at a coun-\\ncil held at Aml oy, the 3()th Mai/, 1709, it was concluded, that\\nGeorge Riscarricks should be forthwith sent to Weeiiuehala, th\u00c2\u00a9\\nIndian saehem, to acquaint him, that the lieiit. governor Ingoldsby\\nexpected iiis attendance on that boar i forthwith and that captain\\nAarent Schuyler should fortliwith send for Mahcoiuinst, Cohcowic-\\nkick, OhiOHsolonoppe, Meskakow and Teetee, sachems of the\\nAfinisinks and Shiiwhona Indians; who appearing \u00c2\u00aboon aftei wards,\\njoined in the undertaking; and Ingoldsby, governor of New-Jersey,\\nGr. Saltonstall, governor of Connecticut, and C. Gookin, governor\\nof Pennsylvania, jointly coniniissiotiated colonel Pet^r Schuyler, the\\n23d of May, 1709, to be over lliese and the other Indians on this\\nexpedition; and soon afterwards the said three governors joined in\\na petition to Nicholson, that he would take upon him the chief\\ncommand of the expedition after which he bore tlie name of\\ngeneral Nicholson.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "Of XEW-JER\u00c2\u00abEY. 363\\nand ready compliance in all such as relate to him A^ D.\\nyou shall represent to him, that out of a great desire\\nto answer the frequent applications which have been\\nmade to us, by our good subjects the inhabitants of\\nthose parts, to deliver them from the neighbourhood\\nof the French of Canada, which of late years hath\\nbeen so troublesom to them we have fitted out an\\nexpedition, the particulars of which you shall lay\\nbefore him, and withal let him know, that we strictly\\nre(piire and enjoin him, to give such an assistance to\\nthe said expedition, as is hereafter specified.\\nYou shall signify to him our pleasure, that the\\ngovernor of New- York do furnish a quota of eight\\nhundred men, including the four standing companies;\\nand that the city regiments of York and Albany do\\nduty in the forts, during the absence of the said\\nstanding companies. You shall at the same time\\nacquaint him, tiiat New-Jersey is to furnish two\\nhundred men Connecticut three hundred and fifty,\\nand Pennsylvania one hundred and fifty; so that the\\nwhole force will consist of fifteen hun(h ed efi ectives;\\nwhich are to be disposed into four battalions each\\nbattalion to have one of the four regular companies\\nmixed and incorporated in it, and to be commanded\\nby the captains as colonel whose company is so in-\\ncorporated in it, and under him by the respective\\nofficers of the country troops the officers that go\\nwith you, and are de ^igned for New York, to be\\ndistributed among the companies, as the governor in\\nconcert with the commander in chief, shall think best\\nfor the service.\\nYou shall likewise accjuaint our aforesaid gover-\\nnor, in our name, that we do command and expect\\nfrom him, that the quotas of his government, be\\nready at Albany, with all things necessary for the\\nexpedition, by the middle of May next ensuing, at\\nthe furthest; and that he furnish all the troops with\\nwhat arms and ammunition they want, out of the\\nmagazine at New York and that he do forthwith\\nget together and keep in readiness, three months pro-\\nvision", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "364\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1710.\\nvision for his quota of those, to be transported and\\nlodged in some convenient place at the wood creek.\\nor elsewhere for the security of which, he shall, in\\nconjunction with the governments of Connecticut\\nand Pemisylvania, (iause to be built a large wooden\\nstore house; as also six or more large boats, that will\\ncarry sixty men each, for the transportation of theii\\nheavier stores by water and also contract with the\\nfive nations, to make with all speed, as many canoes\\nas will be wanted for the said expedition.\\nYou shall moreover enjoin the aforesaid governors\\nin our name, to command and engage the aforesaid\\nfive nations, as also the river Indians, to join with\\nall their fighting men in the said expedition, and\\npromise them a good present if they do; you shall\\nlikewise acquaint them, that it is our pleasure that he\\ngive all fitting encouragement to any gentlemen, or\\nothers, that shall offer themselves to go as volunteers\\nin this our service.\\nYou shall deliver a letter from us to the governor of\\nConnecticut, and another to the governor of Pennsyl-\\nvania, for the time being, and signify to them our\\nroyal will and pleasure, tiiat they have their quotas\\nof. men and provisions ready by the middle of May\\nat furthest; acquainting them withal, that the gover-\\nnor of New-York is ordered to assist them with what\\narms and ammunition they shall want.\\nAfter having finished your negotiations for the\\nforegoing expedition, with all possible secrecy and\\ndispatch, you shall deliver a letter from us to our\\ngovernor of New-England, and anotiier to the gover-\\nnor of Rhode-Island, for the time being, strictly en-\\njoining and commanding them in our name, to raise\\nat least twelve hundred of their best men, according\\nto their usual proportions and to give all fitting en-\\ncouragement to any such as shall offer themselves to\\ngo volunteers in the expedition, whether gentlemen\\nor others as also to have in readiness a sufficient\\nnumber of transports, with three months provisions,\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E E S E Y 365\\nand able pilots, whereof eaj)t. South weeh is to be -^i\\none, and to oo in his own 2;alley and that all may\\nhe ready to embark l)y the middle of May, upon\\nthe arriv^al of the fleet from England and for their\\ngreater encouragement, you shall acquaint them, that\\nwe have ordered arms and ammunition to be sent\\nwith you, for the number of troops they are to\\nfurnish which arms and ammunition you shall\\naccordingly deliver to the several comj)anies, in pre-\\nsence of the governor or commissary of the country,\\ntaking a receipt for the same, which you shall trans-\\nmit to our board of ordnance in this kingdom.\\nYou shall with the concurrence and advice of our\\ngovernor of New-England, contract with ship car-\\npenters, for the building of ten or more large flat\\nbottom d boats, that will carry sixty men each, for\\nthe landing of troops and also contract with proper\\npersons for the furnishing of eight months provision\\nto the troops that shall be left at Quebec or Montreal,\\nif it shall please God to make our forces masters of\\nthose places, and to give us the success that we hope\\nfor from this our exjx dition.\\nAnd to the end, that nothing may be wanting on\\nour parts, towards engaging the several governments\\nto act with the utmost spirit and vigour in this expe-\\ndition, you shall assure them in our name, that such\\nof the governments as contribute towards the redac-\\ntion of Canada, shall have a preference both with\\nregard to the soil and trade of the country, when\\nreduced, to any other of our subjects and when they\\nshall have concerted among themselves any reasonable\\nproposals, for securing to their respective colonies the\\nbeneflt of the said soil and trade, we shall not be\\nwanting; to y-ive our roval sanction to the same.\\nYou shall comnuuiicate these our instructions to\\ncolonel Francis Nicholson, wdio hath oflered himself\\nto go as a voluutier in tins expedition and further,\\nout of regard to his known abilities and zeal for our\\nservice\\nb. He was master of the province galley, belonging to the\\nMassachusetts government.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "S66\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1710.\\nservice, we do require, that you should admit him\\ninto your private consultations with our several gover-\\nnors, on the methods for putting this your proposal\\ninto execution; and if by reason of the distance of\\ntime and place, any other preparations may be neces-\\nsary for the carrying on this expedition, which we\\ncould not here foresee, and wliich is not contained\\nin these your instructions, you shall, with the concur-\\nrence of the governor, who is to assist in any such\\nservice, and of colonel Nicholson, make any such\\npejiarations, tho it is not in your instructions pro-\\nvided, that it appear to you absolutely necessary for\\nthe carrying on of the expedition aforesaid, and that\\nthe governor and colonel Nicholson do entirely concur\\nin judging it to be so. A. R.\\nSunderland.\\nBeing arrived, they did their best at raising forces\\non the continent; but a difference arising among the\\nministry at home, the ships of war expected from\\nthence, came not: They waited without doing any\\nthing till the winter, and then Nicholson went back\\nto England, to solicit further assistance, and forward\\nwhat had been proposed to do this with more proba-\\nbility of success, four Indian sachems of the Five\\nnow Six Nations, were prevailed upon to take a voyage\\nto England, to assist what they could in persuading\\nthis Expedition c. With these went over col. Schuyler,\\nThey\\nc. Indians in Enp;land were then a strange sight; these sacliems\\nwere also considered in proportion to tiie taitiifuiiiess and iaijiortiince\\nof the nations tiiey belonged to, and accordingly mucii taken notice\\nof: Tiie court was in mourning for tiie death of George ju-ince\\nof Denniarii, the sachems at tiie queen s expence had uiider-clo;ilhs\\nof biacii, covered wiiii a scarlet mantle, edged with gold they\\nwere carried lo court in coaches, and introduced in form to I lie\\nqueen; one of them made a speech, setting forth, that they\\ndoubled not ilie queen was accpiainted witii their long and tedious\\nwar against the Frencli, in conjunction with her cliildren, (subjects)\\nthat they had been a strong wail. for tiie security of these, even to the\\nloss of their best men, as Quider and Anadagarjaux (Schuyler and\\nNicholson)", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 367\\nThey Bail d early in the year had several conferences A^ D.\\nwith the lords of trade and with Nicholson and the\\nforces he brought, returned in the summer, and arrived\\nat Boston.\\nAccording to the instructions to the governments on\\nthe continent, for getting their assistance in readiness,\\na considerable armament was raised, and set out from\\nBoston September 18. The fleet consisted of the\\nDragon, Falmouth, Leostalf, Feversliam, men of\\nwar, the Star bomb, and the Massachusetts province\\ngalley, with transjwrts, in all tiiirty-six sail tlie forces\\non i)oard were, one regiment of marines from England,\\ntwo regiments of Massachusetts Bay, one regiment of\\nConnecticut, and one of New-Hampshire and Rhode-\\nIshmd, commissioned by the queen, armed and victual-\\ned in part by her gift, and part by the several colonies,\\ntowards which New-Jersey was 3,000 they arrived\\nat Port-Royal, now called Annapolis-Royal, in six days\\nSiiil from Boston: after some small canonadinir and\\nbombarding, the French governor Subercasse, cjipitu-\\nlated October 5, the fort was given up, and col. Vetch,\\naccording to the instructions for that purpose, became\\ngovernor\\nNicholson) could testify; that they were glad an Expedition to\\nCanada liad lieen nridertaken, and had assisted in the prepaialions\\non tiie lake, wliilst Anidiasia (Vetch) at the same time was raising an\\narniv at Boston; that as some important afiiiir had prt-venled the\\nexpected fleet, and rendered the design for that season ahoriive they\\nwere left much exposed; and if the Queen was not still mindful of\\ntiieni, they with their families must forsake the country, and seek\\noiher habitations, or stand neuter; either of whicii wnidd be mncli\\nagainst tiieir inclinations they concluded with presenting some belts\\nof wampum.\\nAfter this they were magnificently entertained by several of the\\nnohility, and were once present at the review ot the guar Is in ilyde-\\n]^irk, with the duke or Onnond at their head to hitn they made a\\nspeech, and presented him with three skins, to enforce a request, that\\nhe wouM forward tii-ir bii-iness with the queen. On their return, at\\nSoniiiainpton, Admiral Aylmer, who comm^inded a fleet there,\\nsent hi-i yaicli to bring them on board; they dined with hiui, and\\nthen sailed for America.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "368 The HISTORY\\nA. D. governor the terms of the capitulation were, that\\nall the French, being four hundred and eighty one\\npersons, within three miles of the fort, should be\\nunder the protection of Great-Britain, upon taking\\nthe oaths of allegiance the other French settlers were\\nleft at discretion that in case the French made incur-\\nsions upon the frontiers of New-England, the British\\nshould make reprisals upon the French in Nova-Scotia,\\nby making some of the chief of their inhabitants slaves\\nto their Indians notwithstanding this, the French of\\nL Accadia, soon after committed hostilities; tho the\\nPort-Royal and Cape-Sable Indians desired terms of\\namity and alliance might be settled with them which\\nwas accordingly done. The men of war and transports\\nsailed again for Boston, October the 14th, leaving a\\ngarrison in Port-Iioyal of two hundred marines and\\ntwo hundred and fifty of the new raised voluntiers from\\nthe continent which were the next year relieved by\\nfour hundred of the troops destin d for Canada.\\nNova-Scotia had continued with the French from\\nthe year 1G62 (except the momentary reduction and\\npossession of it by sir William Phips, in 1690.^^ until\\nnow this acquisition afterwards confirmed to Great-\\nBritain by the treaty of Utretcht, hath so remained\\never since.\\nThe design respecting Canada, was for this year laid\\naside the earl of Dartmouth, secretary of state, wrote\\nto governor Hunter u])on the subject, and to encourage\\nan attempt upon Port-Royal, as follows\\nj,jjj.j ^f Sir, Whitehall, August 1710.\\nHalt- The queen commands me to acquaint you, that\\nletter. formerly taken into consideration the send-\\ning over into New-England, such a number of land\\nforces\\nd. Vid. lieiH. governor Hutchinson s liist, of the Massachusetts-\\nBay, 11. ;^97, Ao.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E K S E Y\\n369\\nforces, that joined with those uuder your cpmniand,\\nand such as the neiy;hh()aring coh\u00c2\u00bbnies could have\\nfurnished, mi :;ht have been of strength sufficient to\\nbeat the French out of Canada and Nortii-Anierica\\nso her majesty had caused this year all necessary pre-\\nparations to be made, for this expedition which her\\nmajesty has been forced to lay aside for the present, by\\nreason of the contrary winds wl)ich hap|)( ned, when\\nthe season was proper for the fleet to sail, and in re;^ard\\nof other important services which interveuM the\\nqueen commanded me to add, that she ho])es to receive\\na good account of the expedition against Port-Royal\\nhaving sent away last spring Col. Francis Nicholson,\\nwith such commissions, instructions and dispatches,\\nas were necessary for that purpose; and that she, is\\nvery well pleased with the accounts she has received of\\nthe zeal with which her subjects under your govern-\\nment embraced this undertaking, and the forwardness\\nthey expressed to promote it her majesty therefore for\\nthis season, out of her tender care for their good and\\nprosperity, intentls to pursue this design as soon as the\\nstate of her affairs will permit it, being very sensible\\nof the great advantages which m:iv be thence ex-\\npected. And as her majesty will not be wanting of\\nher endeavours to promote whatever may conduce to\\nthe welfare and security of the colony under your\\ngovernment; so her majesty doubts not, but that\\nproper measures will be effectually taken there for the\\ncommon safety and interest, which her majesty ear-\\nnestly recommends to your care.\\nThis is wliat I have in command from the queen,\\nwho would have you to communicate this letter in the\\nusual manner, to her loving subjects.\\nI am, sir, your most humble servant,\\nDartmouth.\\n2 A Brigadier\\nA. D.\\n1710.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "370\\nT HE H I S T O K Y\\nA. D.\\n1710.\\nGovernor\\nHunter\\narrives.\\nSpeech.\\nBrigadier Hunter arrived governor in the snnimer\\nthis year,c- called a new assembly\u00c2\u00ab^- to meet the 6th of\\nD(;eember they chose John Kay, of Gloucester, spea-\\nker, received the governor s speech we give it in his\\nown words.\\nGentlemen,\\nI am little used to make speeches, so you shall\\nnot be troubled with a long one if honesty is the\\nbest policy, plainness must be the best oratory so to\\ndeal plainly with you, so long as these unchristian\\ndivisions which her majesty has thought to deserve\\nher repeated notice, reign amongst you, I shall have\\nsmall ho])es of a happy issue to your meeting.\\nThis is an evil which every body complains of, but\\nfew take the right method to remedy it let every\\nman begin at home, and weed the rancour out of his\\nown mind, and the work is done at once.\\nLeave disputes of property to the laws, and injuries\\nto the avenger of them; and like good subjects, and\\ngood christians, join hearts and hands for the com-\\nmou good.\\nI hope you all agree in the necessity of supporting\\nthe government, and will not differ about the means\\nthat it may the better deserve your support, I shall\\nendeavour to square it by the best rule that I know,\\nthat\\nc. The members ot council in his instructions were, Lewis\\nMorris, William Pinliorne, George Deacon, Richard Townley,\\nDaniel Coxe, linger Mompesson, Peti-r yonmans, Hugh Hnddy,\\nWilliam Hall, Thomas Gordon, Thomas Gardiner, Col. Robert\\nQuarry.\\nd. The Members were,\\nFor the town of Burliiir/fon, Isaac Decow, Robert Wheeler. The\\nenmity of BurUniitnn, Thomas Lambert, Jo^iiua liumphrcys. Glou-\\ncester, John Kay, .John Kaighn. The town of Sdlem, Hugh\\nMiddleton, John Ma\u00c2\u00abin. The county of Salem, Bartholomew Wvat,\\nIsaac Sliai-p. Cope May, Peter Fret well, .Jacob Sjiieer. The town\\nof Perth- Aiiihoy, .)o\\\\\\\\u Johm^iou, Jithn Reid. The county of Mid-\\ndlesex, Thomas Farmer, Adam Hiide. E--isex, Joseph Marsh, Joiin\\nTrent. Bergen, Andreas N anliuskirk, William Sanlbrd. Moru\\nmouth, Gt-rshom Moit, William Lawrence. Somerset, Cornelius\\nLongfield, .Jolni Tunison.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 371\\nthat is the power from whence tis derived which A_. T).\\nall the world must own to be justice and goodness\\nitself.\\nTiiere are several matters recommended to you\\nby her majesty, to be passed into laws, which I shall\\nlay before you at i roper seasons and shall heartily\\n^concur with you in enacting whatsoever may be re-\\n*quisite for the puhlick peace and welfare, the curb-\\ning of vice, and encouraging of virtue.\\nIf what I have said, or what I can do, may have\\nthe blessed effect I wish for, I shall bless the hour\\nthat brought me hither; If I am disappointed, I shall\\npray for that which is to call be bacU, for all power\\nexcept that of doing good is but a burthen.\\nThe assembly s address.\\nMay it please your excellency,\\nWe sincerely congratulate youi* accession to the Address,\\ngovernment of this province, and hope the long\\nwished for time is come, in which the unchristian\\ncauses of our divisions will be taken away, whieli we\\npersuade ourselves you will be as willing, as we con-\\nceive you are able to do, by divesting a few design-\\ning men of that authority, which they use to the\\nworst purposes.\\nWe have experienced re))eated instances of her\\nmajesty s care over us; among which one was, the\\nsending the good lord Lovelace, who put an end to\\nan administration the then asst uibly of this pro-\\nvince, with great justice, stile the worst New-Jersey\\nhad ever known that good man lived long enough\\nto know how nnu h the province had been op-\\npressed, tho not to remove the causes Another in-\\nstance of her majesty s royal favour, we estee n, is\\nthe sending your excellency to govern us, and we\\npersuade ourselves your conduct will evince it so to be.\\nWe hoj)e great things from you, and none but\\nwhat are just let not ill men be put or continu3d in\\npower to ()])press; let her majesty s subjects e.ijoy\\ntheir liberties and j)ropcrties, according to the laws,\\nand let not those laws be warpt to gratify the avariije or\\nresentment", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "372\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1710.\\nConfusion\\nin exiivinc\\nthe oatli.\\nresentment of any, and then we may safely leave\\ndisputes of property to them; this we are humbly of\\n(\u00e2\u0080\u00a2pinion, is the greatest honesty, and we make no\\n(jiK stion you esteem it to be the Ix st policy.\\nWe always thouj^ht it eciually reasonable to support\\na a,()vernment, and to deny that suj)port to tyranny\\nand oppression; we siiould be ghid our abilities would\\ncoine uj) to what we esteem your merits; what wo\\nare able to do, shall be sincerely done, and in as agree-\\na )le a uianuer as we are Cii])al)le; all your desires,\\nwhich we doubt not will be reasonable, shall be com-\\nmands to us, who will be always ready to join in any\\nthing that may conduce to the ])ublicU benefit, and\\nyour own; and h()j)e you may never want will and\\npower to punish wickedness and vice, and encourage\\ntriie religion and virtue; which if you do, wc shall\\nesteeui you our deliverer, and posterity shall mention\\nyour nauie with honour,\\nDivors ineinlicrs of tliis ii3senil)ly, being of tlie people called\\nqiiakt is, concur to tlic substance of tbis address, with their usual\\nexcfpiiun to tlie stile.\\nThis session contiiuied better than two months the\\ngovernor and asseuibly agreed cordially, but a majority\\nof the coiuu il differed from both, notwithandiug an\\naccession of divers new meuibers.\\nEver since the surrender, the province had been\\ninvolved in great confusion, on account of the people\\ncalled quakers being denied to serve on juries, under\\n])ret(nK e that an oath Avas absolutely necessary the in-\\nhabitants in many parts, were chiefly such, and juries\\ncould not be got without them the assembly seeing\\nthe confusion that had and woidd unavoidably follow\\nsuch refusal, passed a bill for ascertaining the qualiiic^a-\\ntion of jurors, and enabling the ])eople called quakers\\nto serve on them, c. and another respecting the\\naffirmation: The reports of the committee, will, a-\\nmong other things, shew the conduct of the council\\non this occasion\\nThe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 373\\nTlie lionsc, accord In cr to order, resolved itpclf into\\na committee of the whole house, to consider farther of\\ntJje papers laid before this house bv his excellency Commit-\\nand after some time s|)ent therein, mr. sjieaker re-\\nsumed the chair, and doctor Joliiistnn re])ortcd from\\nthe said committee, that the 4od article of her maje-\\nsty s instructions being read, requiring an act to be\\npassed, for settling the properties and j)osscssions of all\\npersons concerned in this province they do think it\\nto be a matter of the greatest concern, for the quiet-\\ning the minds of the ))copk and making the ])rovince\\nhappy, and do think it will be to no ])urpose at pre-\\nsent to spend time about such a bill, seeing the coun-\\n*cil has ])ut them out of all hopes of liaving any such\\nact to pass.\\nDoctor Johnson also re])orted from the said com-\\nmittee, that the ()Oth article of her majesty s instruc-\\ntions being read, recpiiring an act to be passed, for\\nthose ])eople that make a religious scruple of swearing,\\nto the like effect of that passed in the 7th and 8th of\\nking William the third in England, so far as may be\\nconsistent with good order an l government; that the\\nhouse have already sent uj) such an act to the council\\nfor their concurrence, as near to the like effect as the\\ncircumstance of this colony will admit; which the\\ncouncil rejected without committing the same.\\nAnd further, that the 94th article of her majesty s\\ninstructions being read, requiring an act to be passed\\nascertaining qualifications of jurors; that the same\\nwas included in the bill, entitled, An act for ascer-\\ntaining the qualifications of jurors, and enabling\\nthe peo|)le called quakers to serve on them, etc.\\nwhich the council rejected without connnitting the\\nsame, as is reported before to the 60th article.\\nAnd that he was desired to move, that they might\\nhave leave to sit again.\\nBy this report, it seems the assembly had no expec-\\ntation of obtaining these matters this session they\\ntook into consideration the militia act, passed in\\nCornbury s", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "374 The HISTORY\\nA. D, Cornbury s time, by which the quakers in manjr\\nparts of the province had been greatly o])pressed they\\nappointed doctor Johnston, Isaac Sh:n Jacob Sj)iccr,\\nWilliam Sandford, John Reid, and Robert Wheeler, fl*-\\na committee, to prepare and bring in a bill, for ex-\\nplaining an act of this province, past in the third\\nyear of her majesty queen Anne, entitled, an act\\nfor settling the militia of this province, and for re-\\nlieving persons aggrieved thereby.\\nA Bill was brought in, and divers officers who had\\nbeen more rigorous in distressing, than the law warrant-\\ned, were sent for, to answer for their conduct at the\\nbar of the honse, and ordered to render account of\\nthe goods distrained this gone through, the bill passed,\\nin which provision was made for the relief of the\\nsufferers but the council rejected it, as they had done\\nthe other bills.\\nNext came on the consideration of the charges made\\nagainst a former assembly, to the queen, whose vindi-\\ncation they undertook.\\nA copy of a paper entitled. The humble adflreas of\\nVindica- the /ieatenant (/overnnr ami coiincii of Nova-Ccemria\\ntion of a I Q^ Neio-JevHeii, in Americd, to (he Queen s moftt excellent\\nlonnGr s*\\nBembly. majesfy ;h- signed by Richard Ingoldnby, William Pin-\\nhome, Roger i\\\\Io npe.sson, Thotaas Revell, Daniel Leeds,\\nDaniel Co.ve, Richard Toicnley, William Sandford, and\\nRobert Quarry, in the year 1707 was read in the\\nhouse and being taken into consideration, the\\nquestion was put, whether the said humble address\\n(as it is called) of the lieutenant governor and council\\nto the queen s most excellent majesty, be a false and\\nscandalous representation of the representative body\\nof this province, or not it was carried in the affir-\\nmative. A motion being made, and the question\\nbeing.\\ng. The two last had left the qnakers, with G. Keith, and Sand\u00c2\u00bb-\\nford had distinguished himself against them.\\nh. See p. 345, c.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "Of X E W J K II S E Y 375\\nbeing put, whether this house do address her majesty A. D.\\nfor the justification of the proceedings of the repre-\\nsentiitive body of- this province, in the present and\\nformer assemblies, or not? it was curried in tlie alfir-\\nmative.\\nA motion being made, and the question being\\nput, whether any person that has signed the above\\nmentioned false and scandalous representation of the\\nrepresentative body of this province, be a fit mend)er\\nto sit in this house, unless he acknowledge his fiudt\\nto this house, or not? it was carried in the negative.\\nMajor 8andlbrd, one of the members of this\\nhouse, having acknowledged that he signed the\\nabove mentioned address to her majesty, was asked\\nif he would acknowledge his fault to tliis house for\\nthe same? his answer was, he signed it as he was\\none of her majesty s council, and was only account^\\nable to her majesty for the same wherefore the\\nquestion was put, whether major Sandford be expelled\\nthis house for the same, or not? it wiis carried in the\\naffirmative.\\nOrdered, that major Sandford be expelled this house,\\nfor signing a false and scandalous paper, called the\\nhumble address of the lieutenant governor and\\ncouncil, to her majesty, in the year 17U7; and he is\\nexpelled this house accordingly.\\nCHAP. XX.\\nRepresentation of the Assembly to governor Hunter and\\nhis ansrcer.\\nPURSUANT to the resolutions of the house, an\\naddresa was prepared, and sent to the queen, and a\\nrepresentation to governor Hunter: This last is a\\nparticular answer to the charges, and was as fol-\\nloweth\\n^The", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "376\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1710.\\nRepresen-\\ntiition to\\ngovt- 111 or\\nHunter.\\nThe humble representation of the general assembly\\nof her majesty s province of New- Jersey.\\nTo his excellency ilobert Hunter, Esq; captain\\ngeneral and governor in chief of the provinces of\\nNew-Jersey and New- York in America, and vice\\nadmired of the same, c.\\nMay it please yoiu excellency\\nWhen the lord Lovelace was pleased to let the\\nre])resentati\\\\ e body of this province know, tliat her\\nmajesty cU sired to be informed of the causes of the\\nditJerenccs between tiie gentlemen of the council and\\nthem; nothing coidd be more satisfactory; bocause\\nthey entirely depended, that a person of so much\\njustice and veracity, woukl put things in their true\\nlight; and had he lived long enough to have complied\\nwith her nrajesty s commands, we had not now been\\nunder the necessity of hiving the following representa-\\ntion before your excellency.\\nWe are very sorry we have so much reason to say,\\nit was lately our misfortune to be governed by the\\nlord Cornbury, who treated her majesty s subjects\\nhere not as freemen who were to be governed by laws,\\nbut as shives, of whose persons and estates he had the\\nsole power of disposing. Oppression and injustice\\nreigned every where in this poor, and then miserable\\ncolony; and it was criminal to complain or seem any\\nway sensible of these hardships we then suffered; and\\nwhatever attempts were made for our relief, not only\\nroved ineffectual, but was termed insolence, and\\nflying in the face of authority the most violent\\nand imprudent stretclies of arbitrary power, were\\nstamjied with the great name of the queen s preroga-\\ntive royal and the instruments and strenous assertors\\nof that tyranny, were the only persons, who in his\\nesteem and their own, were for supporting her maje-\\nsty s government: Bribery, extortion and a contempt\\nof laws, both human and divine, were the fashion-\\nable vices of tliat time; encouraged by his counte-\\nnance, but more by his example and those who\\ncould most daringly and with most dexteritv trample\\nupon", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "Of N E W -jersey. 377\\nU])Oii our liluTtics, had the irrcatost sluiro both in the A. D.\\ngovernint iit of this province and his favour; This\\nusas:;e \\\\vc bore with |)atienoe a 2;reat while, believini\\nthat tiie measures he took proceeded rather from\\nwant of information or an erroneous judijment,\\nthan the de[)ravitv of !iis nature; but rej)eated in-\\nstances sofMi convinced us of oui mistaken notions;\\nand that he was ai)al Ie oi the meanest tliiuiis, and\\nIiad sacriticed his own renutation, the hiws, and our\\nlil)erties, to his avarice: Xo means were left unes-\\nsaved, that jrnve hopes of irratifyin^ that sordid pas-\\nsion The country was hllcd with prosecutions by\\ninformations of the aUorney ireneral, contrary to law.\\nThose of her majesty s sul)iccts who are called Qua-\\nkers, were severely harrassed, under ])retence of\\nrefusino; obediencre to an act of assemblv for settlinjj\\nthe militia of this province, when neither the letter\\nnor meanini; of that act justitied the severities used\\non that account the measures that were then taken,\\nbeinir chicHy such as the implacable malice of their\\nadversaries su_ i- i-ested The riu;hts of the sreneral\\nproj)rietors, which upon the surrender of the govern-\\nment, were promised to be preserved inviolable to\\nthem, and whi(;h her majesty, by lier instructions,\\nliad taken all j)ossible care to do, were by him invaded\\nin a very hiiih degree; their papers and registers\\nbeing the evidences they had to prove their titlas to\\ntheir lands and rents, violently and arbitrarily forced\\nfrom them, and they inhibited from selling or dis-\\nposing of those lands by which means their titles\\nwere made jn ecarious, the value of lands through the\\nwhole province fell very much, and a great sto|) was\\n])ut to the settlement and imi)rovement of it: To be\\nshort, all ranks and conditions of men grossly\\nabused, and no corner of the country without com-\\nplaints of the hardships they suffered from the exercise\\nof a despotick and mistaken power: An administra-\\ntion so corrupt, so full of tyranny and oi)])ression\\nin all its parts, induced the assemby to have a regard\\nto the cries of tliat unhappy country they represented,\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "378 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. and to endeavour (if possible) some redress and\\n1710. aceordino;lv, in a most humble manner, remonstrated\\nto his lordship their grievances; who was of opinion,\\ntheir remonstrance lay open to a very ready answer\\nbut that he might give them no occasion to say he Jiad\\ndone it with heat and j)assion, he took some few days\\nto do it; but with what coohicss and temper it was\\ndone, those who have seen it Ciin judge; they both\\nlie before your excellency (No. 1 and 2.) Somet ma\\nafter the assembly were adjourned; and when we met\\nagain, made a reply to that answer; which reply\\n(No. 3.) lies before your excellency but neither the\\none nor the other procured the desired effects on tlie\\ncontrary, the number of our grievances were in-\\ncreased, some of the most considerable of our inha-\\nbitants deserted the province, and many of those that\\nremained thought themselves unsafe in it the only\\nhopes they had, was the arrival of the lord Lovelace,\\nwhich sup] orted their siidcing spirits, and gave them\\nan expectation of better days.\\nUpon the first sitting of the assembly, after his\\narrival, he communicated to them a paper, called,\\n2 Ae address of the lieideyiant governor and couaell of New~\\nJersey. It was no surprise to us, to find any thing\\nindecent or virulent proceeding from such men but\\nit was with some concern, we beheld what endeavours\\nthey had used, to render her most gracious majesty\\ndisaffected with her honest and loyal subjects here,\\nby acxiusations which were not only false, but what\\nthey knew to be so, at the time of their writing of\\nthem, and which we had made appear to be so, had\\nthey not used evasions and shifts to avoid coming ta\\nthe test, in the time of lord Lovelace, and while the\\nassembly was sitting then they seemed to be for re-\\nconciling matters, and burying every thing ia\\noblivion, in hoi)es their own deeds of darkness might\\npartake of the same covering and hoped the sweet-\\nness of that noble lord s temper, and inclinations ta\\npeace, might secure them from that examine Avhich\\nwas necessary to expose them in their true colours and\\nhow", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E y 379\\nhow mufh on tliat occasion tliey fawned and fluttered, A. D.\\nap})ears by an address of theirs to him, which\\nfor the pecnliarity of the language (and we miglit\\nsay the unintelligibleness of the terms) ought never\\nto be forgotten It begins thus, Your lordsldij has not\\none. viifue or more, bat a cuiaplete accom/j/is/iincnt of all\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0jK rfect ioiiH, c. and at the same time they were deify-\\ning him (if such an address could do it) they were\\nc;;il)alling and articling against him, triumph d in his\\ndeath, and have barbarously treated his memory and\\nnotwithstanding the An/\\\\s of hcaveii (nul lutttire, (as\\nthey are pleased to express themselves) and all the\\ntine things they say of you, added to the justness of\\nyour administration, they ll give you the same treat-\\nment when they csui the knowledge we have of\\ntheir practices, has made us trespass a little longer on\\nyour excellency s patience than we at first designed\\nBut to return to the address be believe the gentlemen\\nof the council have transmitted something to one of\\nher majesty s secretaries of state, which they called\\nproofs, and with all the secrecy they could, hoping it\\nmay obtain at that distance, especially when backed\\nby some whose interest it is, that all they have said\\nbe credited To prevent the ill consequences that may\\nattend the belief of what they have said, or indeed\\ncan say, we shtdl endeavour to prove every article\\nof the said address false; and that the subscribers\\nknew several of them to be so at the time of their\\nsigning what we say is publick, not carried on in\\ndarkness, to prevent that reply, which the gentlemen\\nconcerned to justify themselves, and upon the spot,\\nmay make if they can.\\nWe begin with the title of the address which is,\\nThe Ini.mhle aJdrens of the Heal enant governor and council\\nof iVoi d-Cce. iarid. or New-Jerset/ in America.\\nThis carries a falsehood in the very front of it for\\nit was no act of council but signed by some in the\\nwestern, and by others in the eastern division of Xew-\\nJersey, by one or two in Xew-York, at different times,\\nbeing privately carried about by a messenger of my\\nlord", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "S80\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1710.\\nlord Cornbnry s and some were raised out of their\\nbeds to s\\\\ i;n it it never pass d the couneil was never\\nminuted in the council books, and the lieutenant\\ngovernor has several times protested he signed it\\nwithout ever reading it: The gentlemen of the council\\ncannot deny the truth of this if they do, we can\\nprove it; but to justify themselves they say, it was\\nsigned hi/ the lieutenant f/ovenior (ind the gentlemen of\\nthe council, though not in council: So that it s plain,\\nthey designed to abuse the queen, by giving it the\\nstile of an act of council, which her majesty and\\nevery body that reads it would take to be so, Avhen\\nthey knew in their consciences it was not so; but that\\ntheir malice or servile fears induced them to sign it,\\nand may not improperly be called, forging an act of\\ncouncil it s apparent that Roger Mom})esson, esq\\nsigned it by himself; that it was brought to him as\\nan act of council, and that as such he thought him-\\nself obliged to sign it, as by his reasons for signing it\\naj^l^ears which reasons could have had no weight,\\nhad he not understood it to be so for he owns he\\nnever examined into the j)articulars of it.\\nThe first article is, We the lieutenant governor and\\ncouncil of her nuijesty^ province of Nova-Ccesrj.ria or\\nNew-.lerHvy, having serious/y and fleliberatelt/ taken into\\nconsider(dion the proceedingfi of the present assembly or\\nrepresentative body of this province, thought our selves\\nbound, both in didy aiid conscience, to testify to your\\nmajesty our dislike and abhorrence of the same. This is\\ntrue, if signing any thing without reading or examin-\\ning into the jmrticulars of it, and by some between\\nsleeping and waking, be arguments of seriousness and\\ndeliberation, otherwise not except by the words\\nseriously and deliber dely, be meant, their resolutions\\non all occasions to do what the lord Cornbury com-\\nmanded them as indeed their signing this address,\\nand their conduct in every other thing, did but too\\nplainly evince, to be the only seriousness and delibe-\\nration they were capable of When col. Quarry sign d\\nthat address, we believe he was misled, and depended\\ntoo", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "O r N E W J E R tS E Y 381\\ntoo much on tlie credit of others; we must do him A. D,\\nthe justice to own, that he has of late declined join-\\niuii; with them in many of their hot and rash methods,\\nand l)ohaves himself at j)res( nt like a man of temp: r,\\nwho intends the service of the queen and ocjod of\\nthe country. These addressors tell her majesty, that\\nthey were in duty and conscience bound to testify their\\ndislike and abhorrence of the same to her Had they\\nabhorred falseiiood, and disch;ir ^ed their dutv as in\\nconscience they w(!re bound to do, in refusinij^ to join\\nwith the lord Cornbury, in all his arbitrary and unjust\\nmeasin-es, and particularly in that scandalous address,\\n(pardon the expressions) the country would not have\\nhad that just cause to complaim, as now they have,\\nand in probability always will, while they continue\\nin their present stations: There were no ])roceetlini ;s\\nin that assembly that any honest man had reason to\\ndislike; and their endeavours for the good of the\\ncountry, deserve the highest praise, and ought never\\nto be forgotten by New-Jersey.\\nThe sect)nd article is, That the unaccountable\\nhumours and pernicious desif/ns of some urticular men,\\nhave put them upon so man// irre /nlarifirs, with inten-\\ntion onli/ to occasion dioisio)i,s and distractioits, to the\\ndisturbance of the great and iceighti/ affairs which her\\nrndjestys honour and dignity, and the peace and welfare\\nof the country required: The so many irregularities\\nare, we sup})ose, what the lord Cornbury mentioned\\nin his answer to their remonstrance; which that house\\nreplied to; as may be seen in their reply (No. -3.) and\\nwhether they were irregularities or no, the world can\\njudge; but be they what they will, the addressors\\nare never able to prove, that the unaccountable hu-\\nmours of some |)articular men put them u]K)n them\\nthey may indeed boldly say they did, and if that will\\ndo, they may say again, that it was with intention to\\noccasion divisions, c. but that neither i)roves, that any\\nparticular men influenced that assembly, nor that the\\nintentions of doing so, were as they say that being\\nimpossible ibr them to know; and if we may be\\nallowed", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "382\\nThe history\\nA. T).\\n1710.\\nallowod to know the intentions of tliat assembly, thev\\nwere far otherwise than what tlie addressers represent\\nthem to have been.\\nThe 3d article was, Thai we had highly encroached\\nupon her majesti/s prerogative royal.\\nTiie 4th, That toe had notoriously violated the rights\\nand tiherties of the subjcC.\\nThe 5th, That vie had manifestly inferr^ijjted juMice.\\nThese three articles are what the lord Cornbnry,\\nin his answer to the remonstraiK^e, charges that assem-\\nbly with, Avhich are fully answered in the aforesaid\\nreply, and proved to be false charges and this the\\naddressers knew when they signed the address, if ever\\nthey read the reply or address (which is very much to\\nbe questioned) and we believe, if the truth were\\nknown, notwithstanding their pretensions to serious-\\nness and deliberation, they had little more hand in it\\nthan setting their hands to it, as we shall endeavour\\nto evince It is undeniably true, that it was signed\\nat different times, and in different places; it then\\nmust be true, that it was brought ready drawn to the\\nsigners, and its very probable that they did not read\\nit, certainly not with any consideration The lieu-\\ntenant governor, as we observed before, has owned\\nhe did not, and the late chief justice, Roger Mom-\\npesson, Esq a man as likely to read and consider as\\nany of them, owns under his hand, he never did ex-\\namine the particulars of it; which is, in other words,\\nowning he did not read it; and its not very likely the\\nrest should These three articles are the very words\\nused by the lord Cornbury in his answer the whole\\naddress seems to be an abridgment of that answer,\\nseveral sentences the same, the stile the same, and\\nthe same vein of intem])erance and ill nature through\\nthem both: and in all likelihood done by his lord-\\nship, who made the addressors father whatever his\\nlordship was ashamed to own.\\nThe 6th article is, I hat the remonstrance teas a most\\nscant I (dons libel.\\nThe 7th, That the lord Cornbury made a full and.\\nample answer to it. The", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "Of N E W -JERSEY. 383\\nThe 8th, That the replji of the house of reprcsenta- -A. D.\\ntlve^ of the province of New-Jersey, was a scandalous\\nand infamous libel and they adfl on that head, this last\\nlibel came out so suddenly, that they had not time, as yet,\\nto ansioer it in all its particulars,\\nCertainly it is impossible, that ever men in their\\nright wits, after reading such an address, should sign\\nit Was it ever known, that any book or pa])er wrote\\nbv a iiouse of commons, was callefl a libel, and a\\nmod scandalous and infamous libel f If the gentlemen\\nhad intended to shew their talents of railing and abu-\\nsive language they could hardly have taken a more\\netifectual way, than by that address, which if it prove\\nnothing else, proves them to be very much masters\\nof those (pialifications but we cannot i)e of opinion,\\nthat their calling the remonstrance or reply a libel,\\nproves them to be so nor had they any reason to\\nexpect it would be taken by her majesty, for any thing\\nmore than a demonstration of their want of temper;\\nfor if those two pa])ers were libels, then the house of\\nrepresentatives might have been punished for them,\\nor at least j)rosecuted and if so, any vote, resolve,\\naddress or remonstrance that they made, or any other\\nhouse of representiitives could make, would subject\\nthe said house of rcj^resentatives (the authors of them)\\nto the same inconveniency, whenever the gentlemen\\nof the council were ])leased to call them so This is\\nso contrary to the known |)ractice of England, to the\\nlaws, to the rights and privileges of the house, that it is\\na needless labour to prove, either that the gentlenien\\nnever read what they signed, or knew what they signed\\nto be false at the time of their signing of it But to say\\na little more, the remonstrance and reply are so far from\\nbeing false, that they are most true Several of the\\nfacts are owned by the lord Cornbury, and where he\\neither evades or denies them, they are nuide out in the\\nreply: His bribery was })roved by a cloud of evidences\\nin the house and whatever else is charged upon .him,\\nhe knew to be true and it is neither in the |)ower of\\nhis full and ample answer, nor even of the address\\nitself,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "384\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1710.\\nitself, to persuade the contrary The assembly say\\nindeed in their remonstrance, Had the affairs of Neiv-\\nYork admitted his lord.^hip oftencr to attend those of\\nNeic-Jersey, he had not then been unacquainted loiih\\ntheir grievances and that thei/ xoere inclined to believe\\nthei/ would not liave grown to so great a niiniber. This,\\nj)erhaps, may be one of the falsehoods the addressors\\nmean and truly it ought to be aciknowledged, that\\nthe then asseml)ly hud no reason to believe his lord-\\nship s presence in this j^rovince would have any other\\neffect, than the increasing, instead of diminishing\\ntheir grievances but when the addressors say that\\nthe reply came so siiddenli/ out, that as yet, they had\\nnot time to answer it in all its particulars They seem\\nto imply, that they had answered it in some of them;\\nM-hic-h has not been done, no, not as yet, though it\\nhas been out above three years And, its coming out\\nso suddenly, c. is a great mistake, to say no worse\\nof it for it had been out above six months before\\ntheir address was signed This is another proof that\\nthey never read tlie address before they signed it; or\\nif they did, tliat they knew Aviiat they signed to was\\nfalse, at the time of their signing.\\nThe 9th article is. That these disturbances are owing\\nwholly to mr. Lewis Morris and Samuel Jenings, men\\nof turbulent, factious, uneasy and disloyal principles;\\nmen notoriously known to be uneasy under (dl government^\\nand men never known to be consistent tvith themselves.\\nThe 10th article is, That to these men are owing\\nall the factions and confusions in the governments of\\nNew-Jersey and Pennsylvan a.\\nThese articles are not only the stile of the lord\\nCorn bury s answer to the remonstrance; but for the\\nmost part the very words. If mr. Morris, and mr.\\nJenings, were such men as the addressors say they\\nare, viz. turbulent and factious, uneasy under all\\ngovernments, and the causers of the factions and\\nconfusions of New- Jersey and Pennsylvania tlien\\ncertainly to continue thus turbulent, c. evinced they\\nwere not inconsistent with themselves, but consbiiitly\\npursued", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 385\\npursued the same measures Tliis was au expression D.\\nthe k)r(l Coriiburv was very loud of, and ve;y much\\nused, aud tlie adih essors here have been but the\\nparrots of* his thoughts; aud all thov have said of\\nthese gentlemen (one of whom is in his grave, viz. Mr.\\nJenings) is a notorious abuse; for what; ver was\\ndone by the assembly (if it s their proeeedures they\\nOi\\\\\\\\\\\\ disturbances) was not done either by the influence\\nof Mr. Morris or Mr. Jenin^s, but from a just sense\\nof their duty, in discharge of tiie trust ropiy^ed in\\nthem by tiie country, and to prevent the ill effects\\nof an arbitrary and unjust use of power, by the lord\\nCornbury, so much encouraged by the slavish com-\\npliances of the addressors, men never known to be\\ninconsistent with themselves, nor we fear never will.\\nWe should not trouble your excellency longer on\\nthis head, did we not know this is an article which the\\naddressors think they can justify, and whic i they\\nsuppose will prove a sufficient defence for all they\\nhave said therefore, to })ut this matter in some\\nmeasure out of dispute, we say, in the first place,\\nthat should they be able to prove what they say in\\nthat article, yet it would not justify their other accu-\\nsations, nor the severe reflections they have unjustly\\nmade on the rej)resentative body of this province\\n2dly, It plaiidy appears by the journals of the house,\\nthat the assembly insisted on the sun)e things, when\\nneither ]\\\\[r. ^Morris nor Mr. Jeninus were amouir\\nthem and now endeavours to evince to your\\nexcellency, that their proceedings were reasonable.\\n3dly, The disturbances in Jersey or Pennsylvania,\\nascribed to Mr. Morris or Mr. Jennings, were no\\nother than the opposition of an unlawful aud unjust\\nauthority, and that during the proprietors govern-\\nment, before it was surrendered to the queen so not\\na fit matter to have been at that time seriously and\\ndeliberately meddled with by the addressors, and\\ncould be done with no other intent but to mislead the\\nqueen, into a belief that Pennsylvania and Xew-\\nJersey, were then disturbed by these gentlemen\\n2b -Ithly,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "386\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1710.\\n4thly, We do not find, that ever Mr. Morris was\\nconcerned at all, even durino- that time, in the western\\ndivision of New- Jersey or Pennsylvania.\\nThe 11th article is, 7 hat this is done with design\\nto throw off the queen s prerof/otive roytd, and conse-\\nquevfli/ to involve all her m(iji sty\\\\ dominions, in. this\\nport of the world, and. the honei t and good well meaning\\nriwn in them., in confusion, hoping thereby (o obtain their\\nwicked purposes.\\nIt is evident from this article, that the accusations\\nof Mr. Morris and Mr. Jenings, were to mislead the\\nqueen into such a belief as we have instanced; 1st,\\nfrom their usin^ the terms (is done) being in the\\npresent tense 2dly, they assign the reason why tis\\ndone, viz. not only to encourage this government,\\nbut all the governments in America, to throw off\\nher majesty s prerogative royal, and as a consequence\\nof that, to involve all her dominions in this ])art of\\nthe world, c. in confusion which is in j^laiu\\nEnglish, fhroiviiig off our allegiance, and revolting\\n\\\\fiom the crown of Enghnid the addressors in the first\\nplace, suppose all the plantations on the continent of\\nAmerica inclinable to a revolt, whenever they have\\nan opportunity; or at least if they don t believe it\\nthemselves, would have the queen believe so, and be\\napprehensive of some danger from it; which if she\\nhad, it s natural enough to suppose such severe me-\\nthods would have been taken, as would prevent\\nany such thing so that what the addressors have\\nsaid, is not only an accusation of all the plantations\\nin America, of want of loyalty and affection to her\\nmajesty but an endeavour to alienate her affections\\nfrom them We thank God it has not had the ill effects\\nthey intended, and hope no representation founded on\\nthe malice of any men, ever will but that the au-\\nthors of them may always meet with as little credit\\nas they deserve: Can it be thought, or conld the\\naddressors themselves ever seriously an l deliberately\\nthink, tliat the province of New-Jersey, (one of the\\nmost inconsiderable of all her majesty s colonies, and\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y 387\\n*tlie most incapable of making any defence, having A. D.\\nno fortitication that exceeds a stone honse, and of\\nthem but very few a great part of whose peoj^le\\nare quakers, who by their princi])les are against\\nfighting) would be so nnaecnuntably mad, as to\\nthrow off their allegiance (especially to be the first\\nin doing it) and expose themselves to unavoidable\\nruin and destruction Whoever can seriously think\\nthis, and with deliberation assert it, ought very seri-\\nously, and without much deliberation, be confined to\\nthe society of mad-men, as persons that can seriously\\nand deliberately believe and say any thing; which\\nis all we shall say to this ridiculous, as well as mali-\\nctous charge, and pass to the 12th article; than\\nwhich nothing more untrue, and knowingly so,\\ncould be asserted, as we shall l)y what follows, make\\nout the article runs thus That the (lasoiibhf are\\nresolved neither to support the queen s (/overnmeni with a\\nrevenne, nor defend it bi/ settling a militia.\\nNow it is plain, that this house never did deny to\\nraise a sufficient sui)port for the government, and\\ntook proper care concerniuir the militia, as by the\\nseveral acts for those ends does more largely ap|)ear\\nnay, when the expedition against Canada, was on\\nfoot we gave three thousand pounds for that end,\\nover and above the suj^port of government; and the\\ncasting vote for the raising that money, and the\\nsettling the militia now, was given by Mr. Hugh\\nMiddleton, one reputed a quaker; so that it will\\nv !ry ensily appear, that accusation of the addressors,\\nwas not only very untrue, but that they knew it to\\nbe so at the time of their signing of it; nay more,\\nwe shall make it api)ear, that the gentlemen of the\\ncouncil have used their utmost endeavours to defeat\\nthe government of a necessary su])i)ort, and to\\nfrustrate, as much as in them lay, the expedition\\nagainst Canada so that the accusation lies most\\njustly against them, and not against us; for the acts\\nfor the SH^ipport of the government, and settling the\\nmilitia, made in the time of the good lord Lovelace,\\nwas", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "388\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1710.\\nwas pass d by them with the greatest difficulty and\\nthe act for raising three thousand pounds, towards\\ncarrying on the expedition against Canada, was at\\ntheir direction, by Elisha Lawrence and Gershoin\\nMott, two of their tools, who were members of this\\nhouse, (and were not quakers) voted out, and who on\\nthe first and second reading, voted for it, concealing\\ntheir design of voting against it, till the time of their\\nvoting; and not being quakers, were not suspected\\nof voting against it, otherways care had been taken\\nto put it out of their power; and to make it appear,\\nthat it was done with design, by direction of the\\nlieutenant governor and council, to cast a reflection\\non the house, and to justify their allegations in their\\naddress, even at the expence of defeating the expe-\\ndition; tlie lieutenant governor colonel Ingoldsby,\\ntho assured by the speaker, and other members of the\\nhouse, that if the house was prorogued but for twenty\\nfour hours, care should be tfiken the bill should pass;\\nwho presently after did, notwithstanding, adjourn\\nthe house, from the thirteenth of June to the twenty\\neighth of July folh)wing a time so long, that if the\\nhouse and council had been never so willing, the\\nseason would by that time have been so far advanced,\\nthat it had been of no use then to have raised either\\nmen or money towards that expedition as the lieu-\\ntenant governor and council very well knew and\\nhad not the honourable colonel Nicholson, and coL\\nVetch, in an extraordinary manner, prest the calling\\nthe house sooner than the time api)ointed, viz. on\\nthe twenty third day of June, neitiier money nor\\nmen had been raised on that account This we think\\ncomes up to a demonstration, that these gentlemen,\\nrather than not gratify their resentments, and give\\nsome colour of justifying what they had said, chose\\nto sacrifice the service of the queen, and the common\\ngood, on so extraordinary an occasion, to their private\\npiques and indeed their proceedures ever since, have\\nconfirmed the country in that opinion, and exposed\\ntheir conduct to a just censure, and shewed that they\\nhave", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "Op Is^EW-JERSEY. 389\\nhave been so far from endeavouring (as they say, -^_-\\nin the last article) by application to the governor, to\\n^remove the grievances, if any were; that if their best\\nadvice was at any time offered, it was rather how to\\n^continue and render them more intollerable We\\nare sorry we have so mncii reason to say this as we\\n*hav^e; but a long and uninterru|)ted series of despo-\\ntick and arbitrary oovernment exacts it from us; and\\nwliicii w e are sure they will, to their power, continue\\nas long as to the great misfortune of this colony,\\nthey remain in any |)laces of j)ul lick trust.\\nTo enter into a detail of their several male-admi-\\nstrations, twould take np more time than we can at\\npresent spare, and stret h the bounds of this repre-\\nsentation to too great a lengtii We have already hiid\\nbefore your cxceHency some j)roofs against mr. JIall,\\none of the council, of his extortion, and im))risoniiig\\nand selling tlie queen s subjects; Avho, if tiiey had\\nbeen guilty of the crimes alledged against them, ought\\nto have been prosecuted accordingly and not dis-\\ncluu ged on any hopes of private gain; and if not\\nguilty, ought not to have l)een laid in prison and in\\nirons, and l)y those hardships forced to become his\\nservants, rather than endure them But a man that\\ncould, after taking up adrift several cask of flour,\\ndeny them to the owner, and fell em, is capable of\\nany thing that is ill:; and how fit for so honourable\\na post as one of her maiesty s council, or indeed any\\nother place of trust in this government, is most humbly\\nsubmitted to your excellency s consideration.\\nWere there nothing against Mr. Peter Sonmans,\\nbut his being indicted for perjury from av Inch by a\\npack d jury he was cleared, as appears by the raemo-\\nrial (Xo. 4.) there being but too nuich reason to\\nbelieve he was justly ac(Hiscd it would be no mean\\nreason to lay him aside from her majesty s council\\nit being some sort of reflection to continue a person\\neven supposed guilty of so heinous a ci ime, in so high\\na post, which her majesty in a particular manner has\\nendeavoured to secure the honour of, by directing in\\nher\\n1710.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "390\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1710.\\nher instructions, that no person ne^cessitous or much in\\ndebt shall be of it much less a person known to be a\\nbankrupt, as Sonmuns is, and who at this time, and\\nfor some years past, lias lived in open and avowed\\naduklery, in contempt of the laws, which his being; in\\npower not only protects him from being punish d,\\nbut enables him to carry on his wicked designs, by\\nimposing on the honest and simple people, who suspect\\nno trick from a person of his rank; as appears by\\nthe depositions (No. 5.) relating to the Amboy peti-\\ntion against dr. Johnston and mr. R eid and to stretch\\nand warp tlu; laws, to the manifest {prejudice, ruin and\\nundoing of many of her majesty s subjects, whose\\ncomplaints from the several parts of the province, (so\\nunfortunate as to be under his direction,) we make\\nno doubt has long e er this reach d your excellency s\\nears and which, we persuade ourselves, will, when\\nyour excellency is satisfied with the truth of them,\\nhave tiieir proper effects.\\nThe coin ts of law in which the gentlemen of the\\ncouncil were judges, instead of being a protection\\nand security to her majesty s subjects, of their liberties\\nand properties, in disj)utes that came before them,\\nbecame the chief invaders and destroyers of them\\nboth and what should have been the greatest benefit,\\nproved the greatest grievance as we we shall instance\\nin a few of the many things we could And first,\\nnotwithstanding her majesty, for the ease of her sub-\\njects here, has been pleased to appoint the supreme\\ncourt of this province to be held alternatively at\\nAmboy in the eastern, and, Bin-lington in the western\\ndivision of this province;, yet the causes of one divi-\\nsion are tried in the other, and juries and evidences\\ncarried for that end, at the great and needless charge\\nof those concerned, as well as great expence and losa\\nof time to the people in general who can receive no\\nbenefit by the courts being held alternatively, if the\\nends for which they are so held, be not answered, and\\ncauses tried in the same division to which they do\\nbelong besides it is a practice of very mischevious\\nconsequence,.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "p N E W J E R S E Y 391\\nconsequence, makin the people entirely depena on A^D.\\nand be subject to tlie judges of the said court, Avho\\ncan by that method, lay any persons they do not like,\\nunder the necessity of being at the betbrernentioned\\ncharge, and make them tliat way sensible of their\\nresentments; wliich, as we have instanced, they\\nhave been too ready and willing on all occasions to\\ndo: Secondly, the writ of habeas corpus, the un-\\ndoubted right, as well as great privilege of the sub-\\nject, was by William Pinhorne, Esq; second judge\\nof the supreme court, denied to Thomas Gordon,\\nEsq then speaker of the assembly and, notwith-\\nstanding the station he was in, was kept fifteen hours\\na prisoner, until he applied by tlie said Pinhorue s\\nson, an attorney at law, and then, and not before,\\nhe was admitted to bail which fact as well as other\\nthings, may appear by the said Gordon s case (No. 6)\\nnow laid before your excellency. The proceedings\\nagainst a person in that station, and at that time,\\nmade it but too evidently appear, that the said Pin-\\nhome would not stick to join with the lord Corid)nry\\nin the most daring and violent measures, to subvert\\nthe liberties of this country; and cannot be look d\\non by this house, or any succeeding assembly, duly\\nconsidering the ])roce(lure and the address above-\\nmentioned, afterwards signed by him, but as a\\n])erson ready and willing on any occasion, to attempt\\nupon their liberties, and overthrow them if lie can;\\nand how safe we can think ourselves while he couti-\\nnues in power to hurt, is most humbly submitted.\\nMany j)ersons prosecuted upon inlbrmations, have\\nbeen, at their excessive charge, forced to attend court\\nafter court, and not brought to tryal, when there was\\nno evidence to ground such informations on but they\\nkept prisoners in hopes that some might be in time\\nprocured and two of them, to wit, David John-\\nston and his wife, after some weeks imprisonment,\\nnot admitted to bail till they entered into a recogni-\\nzance, the condition of which was, Tliat if the lord\\nCoDibary was diasatlsjied with admitting them to bail,\\nupo7i,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "392\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1710.\\nupon notice thereof sicpiified to them, they nhoald return\\nto their imprisonment: His lord-ship was dissatisfied,\\nand Leeds and Revel 1, who took the recognizance,\\nsent their orders to them to return accordiny- to the\\ncondition of it.\\nActions have been suffered to continue, after the\\npersons in \\\\vhose names they were brought, have in\\nopen court disavowed them, declaring they had never\\ngiven orders for any such actions to be brought.\\nActions upon frivolous pretences have been post-\\nponed, and the tryals delayed to serve j)articular per-\\nsons, when the juries and evidences were all ready,\\nand attending on the tryals.\\nThough it be the right of the subject, by pro])er\\nwrits, to remove actions from any inferior to a supe-\\nrior court yet at the court of sessions held at Bur-\\nlington, in December 1709, colonel Daniel Coxe,\\ncolonel Hugh Huddy, colonel Thomas Revell and\\nDaniel Leeds, esquires, justices of the said county,\\ndid reject a writ of certiorari, obtained by mr.\\nGeorge Willocks, and allowed l)y Roger Mompes-\\nson, chief justice, and committed said Willocks till\\nhe entered into recognizance, to appear at the next\\ncourt of oyer and terminer.\\nThe case of Peter Blacksfield, w*ho by a mistake\\nor design, was divested of his estate, and ruined is\\nso well known to your excellency, that we need say\\nnothing more about it.\\nThe peo])le called (juakers, who are by her majesty\\nadmitted to places of the most considerable trust with-\\nin this province, are sometimes admitted to be evi-\\ndences as one Mr. Beaks, a quaker, was in a\\ncapital case against one Thomas Bates, at a court of\\noyer and terminer, held by justice Mom])esson, col.\\nCoxe, col. Huddy, and others on which evidence,\\nhe was condemned to be executed and sometimes\\nthey have been refused to be jurors or evidences, either\\nin civil or criminal cases so that their safety, or re-\\nceiving the benefit of her majesty s favour, seems\\nnot to depend on the laws, or her directions, but the\\nhumours", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "O F X K W -J E R S E Y 393\\nliuiiiours jiiul rapricios of the i eiitl( nien who were A^ I\\njudges of the courts: We, with all hunuiuitv, take\\nleave to itifonii your excellency, that the western\\ndivision was settled hy those people, who combated\\nwith all the inconvenieucies attcndinij:: 5i new settle-\\njnent; and with o;reat difficidty and charge, have\\nfrom a wilderness improved it to be what you now\\n.see it is there are great numbers of them in it, and\\nshould they not be admitted as evidences or jurors,\\nthev would be very unsafe for it is in the j)ower of\\nill men, to come into their religious assemblies, and\\nmurder a.s many as they please, and with im|)unitv,\\ntho look d on by hundreds of quakers or break\\noj)en their h(\u00c2\u00bbuscs and rob with safety and the\\nencouragement the gentlemen of the council have\\ngiven to the meanest of the peoj)le, to abuse them,\\nconfirms us in the opinion, that there want.s not\\nthose who have will enough to j)erpetrate the greatest\\nmischiefs on that people, when they can escaj)e the\\nj)unishment due to their crimes.\\nThe proccilure oi the whole body of the council,\\nin relation to !Mr, Barclay, is a demonstration of\\ntheir arbitrariness and partiality, as by his case, (Xo.\\n7.) now laid before your excellency, will more fully\\nappear: When he j)roduced a commission before\\nthem, from the proprietors in England, which super-\\nceded that lame one given to Mr. 8onmans thev\\n(as aj)pears by an order of council) took the said\\ncommission from him than which nothing could\\nbe more arbitrary and unjust for that commission\\nwas the property of Mr. ]5arclay, and he had the\\nright of executing the powers of it and if any\\npersons was aggrieved, or the commission not good,\\nthe law was open to dispute it and a copy of it sent\\nto the queen would have answered all the just ends\\nthat sending the original could do It was indeed a\\nshort way of determining in favour of Peter Son-\\nmans, and putting it out of the power of Mr. Bar-\\nclay, to right himself, during that administration\\nThe gentlemen ioiav call this a strenuous asserting of\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "394\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1710.\\nthe queen s prerogative royal but we can call it by no\\nother name than an o|)en robbery, committed in their\\njudicial capacity, under a pretence of authority than\\nwhich nothing could be worse, or of more pernicious\\nconsequence.\\nTo conclude, all persons not friends to the gentle-\\nmen of the council, or some of them, were sure in\\nany tryal at law to suffer every thing w as done in\\nfavour of these that were Justice was banisli d, and\\ntrick and partiality substituted in its place No man\\nwas secure in his liberty or estate but both subjected\\nto the caprices of an inconsiderate party of men in\\npower, who seemed to study nothing more than to\\nmake them as precarious as ])0ssil)le. Your excellen-\\ncy s coming, has put a check to that violent torrent\\nof injustice and oppression, that bore down every\\nthing before it and we hope, that during your admi-\\nnistration, ill men will not have authority to hurt,\\nnor their representations gain any credit with a person\\nso able to discern the motives of them which are\\nno other, than the gratification of their own resent-\\nments, even at the price of the publick safety, as\\nwe have in great measure already proved and their\\nproceedings now does plainly confirm what we have\\noffered for what can be the intent of rejecting our\\nbills without committing of them, but to irretate us to\\nthat degree, that nothing might be done, either to-\\nwards the support of the government, or the settling\\nof a militia, that they might have wherewithal to\\njustify themselves in what they have said of us What\\nwas the cause of their rejecting the bill for preventing\\nof corru])tion in courts of justice, but the consci-\\nousness of tlieir own crimes, and the fears they had\\nof that examine, which must necessarily have exposed\\ntheir conduct to a due censure? What was it that made\\nthem throw out the bill against bankrupts (though\\nmade by her majesty s express direction) and profess\\nthemselves against any bill whatsoever on that head,\\nbut the dread they had of feeling the just consequen-\\nces of it themselves Nay, one of them^ William\\nPinhorne,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "O P N E W J E E, S E Y 395\\nPinhorne, esq by name, was pleased to say, it was A. D.\\nwith horror and amazement lie beheld a bill, with that I lO.\\ntitle we are not so fond of the bill as it was drawn,\\nbut that we would have readily joined with the council\\nin any reasonable amendments, had they offered\\nthem but we think no honest man could be against\\na bill that makes the estates of persons becoming\\nbankrupts, ]ial)le to pay their just debts; and we\\nhope New-Jersey won t long be a sanctuary for such.\\nThe bill, entitled. An act for enahliiky person.^ if/-\\ngrieved bij an act for sdl/ing the riiUitJa. of thin pro-\\nvince, was, to make the distresses unreasonably and\\nillegally made on j)rctenc!e of the militia act, return-\\nable to the owners, and to punisli the j)ersons that did\\nit but this they will not jiass, knowing that sa just an\\nact would be attended with consecpiences they can by\\nno means bear; tiie instruments of that oppression being\\nto be protected by them at any rate, and nothing to\\nbe heard against them, because they were ollicers of\\nthe government, tho their ])ractices were never so\\nunreasonable or unjust, and her majesty s subjects\\nleft remediless, and must patiently sit down, after\\nhaving their houses and plantations plundered, and\\ntheir persons abused by a crew of needy and mer-\\ncenary men, under pretence of law but it was such\\npersons that were useful to them, and such they must\\nfor their own safety, prote(!t Tis for this reason\\nthey combine together, to secure, as far as they are\\nable, Jeretniah Bass, their clerk, the secretary of\\nthis province, and prothonotary of the supreme\\ncourt in all these offices his pen is to be directed by\\nthem they dread an honest man in these offices\\nHow he has behaved himself, is in some measure\\nknown to your excellency, especially in the case of\\nDennis Linch, the Maidenhead people, and Peter\\nBlacksfield the two last are notorious malversations\\nin his office, and appear under his hand, and by the\\nminute books of the suj)reme court and it is no\\nexcuse in him, when men are turned out of their\\nestates and ruin d, to say, it was a mistake if such", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "396\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1710.\\nan excuse wouild do, it is very easily made on any\\noccasion and in this province, can be safe, Avhen such\\na [)erson continues in offices of so great trust.\\nAll the original coj)ies of the laws passed in the time\\nof the just lord Lovelace, are somehow or other\\n*made away with Bass offers to purge himself by his\\noath, that he lias them not, nor knows any thing of\\nthem and it may be so for aught we know but in\\nthis province where he is known, it is also known,\\nthat few men ever believed his common conversation,\\nand several juries have refused to credit his oaths he\\ncorroborates what he says with the evidence of Peter\\nSonmans, one of the council, a person once indicted\\nfor perjury and how he was cleared, the aforesaid\\nmemorial maUes out; so that vv^e do not think him\\na person of sufficient credit to determine that point.\\nIt is ceitain, that the secretary s office is the place\\nthose laws ought to be in, and he ought not on any\\npretence to have parted with them out of the pro-\\nvince It is certain, the lieutenant governor ought,\\nwithin three months after the passing of them, to\\nhave sent copies of them to the lords commissioners\\nfor trade and plantations, and duplicates of them by\\n^the next conveyance after and this under pain of her\\nmajesty s highest disj)leasure, and the forfeiture of\\nthat year s salary, on whi(;li he should on (ini/ pretence\\nwhifsotver omit the doing of it; how comes it then\\nabout, that neither the secretary Bass, nor mr. Cock-\\nrill, private secretary to the lord Lovelace, and who\\nlived six months after his master s death, was never\\nexamined about them? Mr. Cockrill could have\\ncleared up that matter while aliv^e, if the lieutenant\\ngovernor could be thought so grossly to neglect what\\nhe knew to be his duty why did not mr. B:\u00c2\u00bbss apply\\nto him in all that time for those laws If he had\\nparted with them, as he pretends, so much against his\\nwill, it was very natural to suppose he would have\\nused the utmost apj)lication to get them again yet no\\none enquiry is said to be made after theui, either by\\nBass or the lieutenant governor, of the lady Love-\\nlace,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "Of X E W J E R 8 E Y 397\\nlaee, who staid in Xew-York long after the cTeath of A^ D-\\nher lord, or of his secretary nor no noise at all made\\nabout them till this time, so long after the arrival of\\nyour excellency can any body think it was the inte-\\nrest of either the lord or lady Lovelace, or his secre-\\ntary, or any of his lordship s friends, to destroy a\\nlaw which gave the lord Lovelace eight hundred\\npounds, and without which he could not have it? but\\nit does appear to be the interest of the lieutenant go-\\nvernor and his friends to destroy it; for they had got\\nan act j)assed, which took from the lord Lovelace\\nthree hundred and thirty pounds of that money, and\\ngave it to the lieutenant governor; and two hundred\\nand seventy pounds more of it was given to him for\\nthe support of the government. Had he sent the\\nact made in favour of the lord Lovelace, to the\\nqueen for her approbation or disallowance, and her\\nmajesty had approved of it, as in all probability she\\nwould have done, then the act maile in colonel In-\\ngoldsby s favour had been void but had the other\\ngone home first, there was an expectation it might pass^\\nthe queen knowing no more about the first act, than\\nthat a vote had passed in favour of the lord Lovelace.\\nAnd to make it |)lainly apj)ear, that colonel Ingolds-\\nby, and the gentlemen of the council, were a[)])re-\\nhensive of the danger of sendiny; those acts to En\\nland; to the act we have now |)ast, for making the\\nprinted copies as eflPec^tual as if the originals were in\\nthe se(!retary office, that your excellency may l)e\\nenabled to transmit them to her majesty they have\\nadded a providing clause, that the act made in col.\\nIngoldsby s time, (which takes that money from the\\nlord Lovelace) shall not by this act we have past, 1)6\\nmade void in the whole or any j)art thereof; but con-\\ntinue in full force and virtue, a.s if this act had never\\nbeen made: This amendment they insist on, tho they\\nknew, and do know, we will never am-ee to a clau.-e\\nso foreign to the title and intent of the bill but this\\nis done by them, with design that the bill shall not\\npass; by which means her majesty will be without\\nauthentic", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "598 The HISTORY\\nA. D. authentick copies of the acts, during that good lord s\\n1710. administration and they hope will confirm the acts ])ast\\nin colonel Ingoldsby s time: What we have said on\\nthis head, shews very plainly who are the persons\\nthat ought, with most reason to be charged, with the\\nmaking away those original laws.\\nAVe are concerned, we have so much reason to ex-\\npose a number of persons, combined to do Nevv-\\nJersey all the hurt that lies in their power: Her ma-\\njesty has been graciously pleased to remove colonel\\nRichard Ingoldsby from being lieutenant governor,\\nand we cannot sufficiently express our gratitude for\\nso singular a favour; and especially for appointing\\nyour excellency to be our governor: We have all the\\nreason in the world to be well assured, you will not\\nforget that you are her subject; but will take care that\\njustice be duly administered to the rest of her subjects\\nhere; which can never be done while William Pin-\\nhome, Roger Mompesson, Daniel Coxe, Richard\\nTownley, Peter Sonmans, Hugh Huddy, and Wil-\\nHam Hall, or Jeremiah Bass, Esqrs, continue in\\nplaces of trust, within this province nor can we\\nthink our lil)erties or properties safe while they do but\\nif they are continued, must with our families desert\\nthe province, and seek son^e safer place of abode:\\nWe shall wait till your excellency can transmit accounts\\nof the state of this colony, to her majesty and assure\\nyou, that we will on all occasions very readily, to\\nour power, comply with her majesty s directions, and\\nbe wanting in nothing that may conduce to make\\nyour administration ha[)py, both to yourself and\\nus.\\nSigned by order of the house of representatives.\\nDie Veneris, A. M. 1 WiLL. BRADFORD, Clk.\\n9 Feb.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -1710\\nThis representation was received kindly by the\\ngovernor; he answered, that her majesty had given\\nhim directions to endeavour to reconcile the diffe-\\nrences, that were in this province but if he could\\nnot", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 899\\nnot, that he should make a just representation to her; A. D.\\nand that he did not doubt, but that upon the repre-\\n^sentation he should make, her majesty woukl take\\nsuch measures, as shoukl give a general satistaction.\\nThe governor accordingly backing the remonstrance\\nto the queen, got all the councellors removed, that\\nwere pointed out by the assembly, as the cause of their\\ngrievances, and their places suj)plied by others The\\nbusiness of this session being finished, the governor\\nprorogued the house.\\nCHAP. XXI.\\nA session of general assembly A second expedition to\\nCanada: Meetincf of a rww assembly They qunrre/:\\nS())iie members designedly absent themselves E.i-pelled\\nthe house Sevend of them again returned, a)ul re-\\nfused seats A fruitful session at Crosswicks Last\\nsessio)t in Hunter s time: An act passed for running the\\ndirision line between East and West-Jersey William\\nBurnet arrives governor: A71 uncommon wet harvest:\\nOovernor Burnet meets a new assembly.\\nGOVEHNOR Hunter, convened the assembly in A. D.\\nthe summer, 1711, and opened business, with\\ntelling them, That her majesty s instructions which he\\nwas commanded to communicate, wonld discover the Gover-\\nreason of his calling them together, at this time and speech.\\nthat he doubted not the matters therein contained,\\nwould be agreeable to them, and the success profitable.\\nThat the fleet and forces destined for the reduction\\nof Canada, were arrived in good health and condition,\\nand would proceed in a little time that what was\\nrecpiired on their parts, was the levying in each divi-\\nsion 180 effective private men, besides officers, and to\\nprovide for their encouragement, pay, and provisions,\\nas", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "400\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1711.\\nSecond\\npaper\\nbills of\\ncredit.\\nSecond\\nexpediti-\\non to Ca-\\nnada.\\nFleet ar-\\nrives.\\nCcingres.s.\\nas well as transportation over the lakes, and other in-\\ncidental charges attending the service.\\nThe assembly resolved to encourage this expedition,\\nby raising to the value of 12 500 ounces of plate, in\\nbills of credit,^- to be sunk, together with the former\\n3000, by a subsequent tax and provided bills lor\\nraising volunteers to go on the expedition, and for\\nemitting the money.\\nThe governor passed the bills, and dismissed them\\nwith thanks, for the (;liearfiil dispatch they had given.\\nThis M^as a second expedition against Canada, and\\nmade a formidable appearance Nicholson s designs\\nhaving hitherto, by various disappointments, failed\\nhe now, under the scheme of reducing all Canada,\\nand thereby engrossing the cod fishery, so prevailed\\non the new ministry, that the regiments of Kirk, Hill,\\nWindress, Clayton, and Kaine, from Flanders Sey-\\nmour s, Disney s and a battalion of marines fronT\\nEngland, under the command of brigadier Hill, were\\nsent to him, on this occasion they came in 40 trans-\\nports, under convoy of 12 ships of the line of battle,\\ncommanded by admiral Walker several frigates, two\\nbomb vessels and bronght a large train of artillery,\\nunder col. King, with forty horses, and six store ships;\\nthey arrived at Boston early in the summer.\\nBy orders from home, a congress was held at New-\\nLondon, of all the plantation govef*nors, north of Penn-\\nsylvania, with Nicholson, to adjust the measures to be\\nfallen upon Two regiments from the Massachusetts,\\nRhode-Island, and New-Hampshire, joined the British\\nforces while the militia from Connecticut, New-\\nYork, and New- Jersey, with the Indians of the five\\nnations, under Nicholson, marched by land from\\nAlbany, to attack Montreal The fleet being retarded\\nat\\nk. Equal to 5000 currency, at that time.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 401\\nat Boston for want of provisions, occasioned admiral jj^/\\nWalker, in a letter to governor Dudley of Boston, to\\nwrite, I concur with the opinion of all the sea and\\nland officers here, that the government of this colony\\nMiave prejudiced the present expedition, instead of\\nassisting it. The fleet consisting of 68 vessels, and\\n6463 troops anchored in the bay of Gaspee, on the\\nsouth side of the entrance of the river St. Lawrence,\\nto take in wood and water, on the 18tli of the month\\ncalled August, and the 23d in the night, contrary to\\nthe advice of the pilots, weighed anchor in a fog, fell Several\\nin with the north shore, and lost 8 transjjorts and 884 }J^!J ^P\u00c2\u00b0^\\nmen upon the island of Eggs A council of war was\\ncalled, who resolved, that by reason of the ignorance\\nof the pilots, it was impracticable to proceed, and\\nthat advice should be sent to recall general Nicholson\\nfrom proceeding to Montreal which done, and the fleet Fleet re-\\nreturning, anchored in Spanish River, olf Cape Bre-\\nton, September 4 and there, in a council of war it\\nwas resolved, not to attempt any thing against Placen-\\ntia, but to return to Great-Britain They sailed for\\nEngland September 16, and arrived at St. Helens the\\nEdgar\\n16th of October: The Edgar, with the admiral s papers, blown up.\\nwas blown up This prevented other particulars of the\\nexpedition transpiring; thus concluded, at a great\\nexpence of men and treasure, an affair above three\\nyears in agitation.\\nIn 1712 died Thomas Ganliner, of Burlington, 1712.\\nseveral times mentioned before he was well acquainted ,i^^. second\\nwith publick business, a good surveyor, and useful T- Gar-\\nmember of society several years one of the council,\\ntreasurer of the western division, and the first speaker\\nof assembly after the union of the governments, East\\nand West Jersey.\\nThe 7th of December, 1713, the governor called y,.o\\nthe assembly, and next day informed them, that he Assembly\\n2 meets.\\nc was", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "402 TheHI STORY\\nA. D. was glad to see them after so long absence, and believed\\nthey were not sorry to meet him in so good company; i-\\nthat the tender regard her majesty had to their quiet,\\nin particular at a time when she had blessed the world\\nwith a general peace, called for their pious endeavours\\nand could not fail of meeting the returns due from the\\nmost grateful people, to the best and most indulgent\\nprinces tliat he was persuaded the eifbrts of such as\\nhad been reuiovcd from places of trust by the queen,\\nat their request, would be too impotent to destroy the\\npeace, by breaking that mutual confidence, or disturb-\\ning that harmony, that then subsisted between the\\nseveral branches of the legislature that full of this\\nconfidence, he recommended to their immediate care,\\nthe providing for past arrears, and future support of\\nher majesty s government, tlie discountenancing vice\\nand immorality, the improvement of trade and encou-\\nragement for planting and peopling the province;\\nthat this could not be better effected than by a law to\\naffirm and ascertain the respective properties of the\\nproprietors and people, if they thought it practicable.\\nThat the gentlemen of the jiresent council, having\\nno views or interests differing from theirs, if they\\nwould agree to frequent and amicable conferences with\\nthem, or a number of them, upon all matters under\\ndeliberation, it would save much time and effectually\\ndisappoint all contrivances of their enemies who in\\nreturn for their being at present no councellors, had\\nridiculously endeavoured to {persuade some that they\\nwere no assembly.\\nj^^ The assembly replied, That they were indeed glad\\naddress. to meet him in such good company, and as the persons\\nwho\\nI. Moaning the change of councellors, William Pinhorne, Daniel\\nCoxe, Pteter Soniiians and William Hall, had been suspended, and\\na mandamus since arrived, apjiointiiig John Anderson, Elisha Par-\\nker, Thomas Byerly, .John Hamilton and John Reading", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 403\\nwho had hitherto obstructed the welfare of their coun- -A-. D.\\nn ,1 IP 1713.\\ntry, were removed, tliey presiim d on the lavour oitener\\nthan heretofore they acknowledged themselves under\\nthe greatest obligations to the best of queens, and\\nhoped their actions would demonstrate they were not\\nungrateful.\\nAmong other bills passed this session, was that enti-\\ntiled, An act that the solemn affirmation and declara-\\ntion of the people called quakers, shall be acc\u00c2\u00ab])ted\\ninstead of an oath in the usual form, and for quali-\\nfyingand enabling the said people to serve as jurors,\\nand to execute any office or place of trust or profit\\nwitiiin tins province.\\nThis bill was introduced by the governor s commu-\\nnicating to the house the queen s instructions on that\\nhead, after it was fully adjusted by the council and\\nassembly the second enacting clause was thought to\\nbe designedly left out by the secretary, wlio had it to\\nengross, it so passed the council without being per-\\nceiv d but on reading; it asain in the asscmblv it was\\ndiscovered, and the secretary making his a(;kno\\\\vledge-\\nment at the bar of the house, it passed over This act\\ncontinued till the year 1732, and then was su})plied by\\nthat now in force.\\nOther laws also passed this session concluded to\\nmutual satisfaction.\\nI thank you, says the governor in his concluding\\nSpeech to the house, for what has been done this sessions\\nfor the su|)port of this her majesty s government, and\\ndo not doubt, but that you will receive ample thanks\\nfrom those who sent you, for the many good laws\\nthat have been passed some things tliat in their nature\\nwere acts of favour, I have agreed that they should\\nbe made acts of assembly, that your share may be\\ngreater in the grateful acknowledgment of your\\ncountry. I", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "404 The HISTORY\\nA. D. I hope my conduct has convinced the world, (I\\ncannot suppose you want any further conviction) that\\nI have no otlier view than the peace and prosperity of\\nthis province if such a few as are enemies to both,\\nare not to be reduced by reason, I shall take the next\\nbest and most effectual measure to do it.\\nNo historical occurrences intervening, we pass on to\\nthe year 1716.\\nGovernor Hunter met a new assembly at Perth-\\n1716. Amboy, in the spring, who chose col. Daniel Coxe,\\nspeaker being presented and accepted, the governor\\nby speech informed them,\\nThat the dissolution of one assembly by the demise\\nof the late queen, of another by the arrival of a new\\npatent from the present king, constituting him governor\\nof the province, and of a third by reason of a circum-\\nstance well known, together with the long sessions at\\nYork, and his necessary attendance on the service of\\nthe frontiers, had been the occasion of putting off their\\nmeeting till now that on his part he brought with\\nhim a firm purpose for the advantage of the subject\\nand service of the crown which, (says he) I have\\never pursued, and now bid a fair defiance to the most\\nmalicious to assign one single instance in which I have\\nacted counter to what I now profess, notwithstanding\\nthe false and groundless accusations and insinuations\\nto the contrary, from two persons on the other side,\\nwho\\nm. Tlie members, Toivn of Burlington, Daniel Smith, Samuel\\nSmith. County of Bnrliiigton, Jacob Doushty, Jacob Hewlings.\\nGloucester, Colonel Daniel Coxe, Richard BtiU. Town of Salem,\\nWilliam flai!, Henry Joyce. County of Salem, William Clews,\\nDickinson Shepluird. Cape May, Jacob Spicer, Jeremiah Bass.\\nPerth-Amboy, William Eir.s, John Harrison. Middlesex, John\\nKinsey, Charles Morgan. Essex, Josinh Ogden, Joseph Bonnell.\\nBtrg^.n, David Akerman, Henry Brockholst. Monmouth, Elisha\\nLawrence, William Lawrence. Somerset, Benjamin Clark, Tho-\\nmas Hall.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 406\\nwho pretended to have been instructed from this A. D.\\nwhich though they met with that contempt at home\\nthey deserved, I could not without injustice to myself\\nlet pass unmentioned here/\\nThe assembly being now conven d at Amboy, when\\nit ought in turn to have been at Burlington, were deter-\\nmined to remonstrate against the infringement of the\\nusual custom of alternately meeting at each of those\\nplaces, and accordingly represented to the governor, that\\nin the year 1709, an act was passed, entitled, An act\\nfor ascertaining the place of the sitting of the repre-\\nsentatives, to meet in general assembly; that in\\nMarch, 1710, the aforesaid act was confirmed, finally\\nenacted and ratified by her late majesty, with the\\nadvice of her privy council, and transmitted to hira\\n(the governor) by the lords commissioners for trade\\nand plantations, the 16th of said month.\\nThat as they found themselves entirely inclinable to\\npay all due regard and obedience to his majesty s and\\nthe governor s commands, so they could not but think\\nit their duty to maintain the known establish d laws of\\nthe province.\\nAnd as that law had the royal sanction, and had\\ngone through all the usual forms both here and in\\nGreat-Britain, necessary to the confirming and perpe-\\ntuating of it, they were of opinion it was still in force.\\nThe governor replied. That his majesty s instruc-\\ntions, which were laws to him, having restored that\\naffair to the just and equal footing upon which it was\\nput by, and at the time of the surrender of the govern-\\nment by the projirietors, he could not give his consent\\nto any alteration, or give way to anything that might\\nelude the intent and purpose of that instruction without\\ngiving juster grounds of complaint against him, than\\nhe had hitherto given and that he had reasons of\\ngreat", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "406\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1716.\\nMembers\\nrefuse at-\\nteuding.\\ngreat weight, made it impracticable for him to hold\\neither council or assembly at Burlington, at this time\u00c2\u00bb\\nThe dispute being principally founded on the new\\ncommission to the governor, upon the accession of K.\\nGeorge the first to the throne; the assembly thought\\nproper to let it drop, and pursue what was before them\\nat the place where they were then convened matters\\nhowever went heavily on the speakeji- disliked the\\ngovernor, and influenced many of the members The\\ngovernor saw there was no prospect of their answering\\nthe design of their meeting at that time, so prorogued\\nthem.\\nHe summoned them to meet again at iVmboy on the\\n14th of May, when only nine members appearing they\\nwaited five days, and then presented an address, re-\\nquesting the governor would take such methods as he\\nshould see meet, to cause the absent members to attend\\nthe service he sent warrants to several of them, com-\\nmanding their attendance,, as they would answer the\\ncontrary at their peril four presently appeared, and\\nthere being now thirteen met, the governor sent for\\nthem, and recommended their meeting at the house\\nand choosing a speaker, (for their speaker was absent\\namong the rest) in order to enable themselves to send\\ntheir serjeant at arms for those that were still absent.\\nThe thirteen met the 21st, but the speaker still\\nabsent; they jjroceeded to a new choice, and placed\\nJohn Kinsey in the chair.\\nThis done, and the new speaker presented, the gover-\\nnor delivered his speech\\nGentlemen,\\nThe last time you were here upon the like occasion,\\nI told you, that I thought fi.t to approve of whatever\\nchoice you thought fit to make of a speaker I now\\ntell you that I heartily approve of the worthy choice\\nyou have made.\\nAs", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 407\\nAs the conduct of that e-entleman who last filled A. D.\\nthe chair, sufficiently convinced you of u combination\\nbetween him and his associates, to defeat all the\\npurposes of your present meeting I hope, and can-\\nnot doubt but it will open the eyes of all such as by\\nhis and their evil acts, and sinistrous practices, have\\nbeen misled and imposed upon so that for the\\nfuture, here they will not find it so easy, a matter to\\ndisturb the peace of the country.\\nI must refei* you to what I said at the opening of\\nthe assembly but harvest drawing near, I am afraid\\nyou ll hardly have time for more business than what\\nis absolutely and immediately requisite that is the\\nsupport of the government, and the publick credit,\\nyou know that the date of the currency of your bills\\nof credit is near exj)iring, so there will be wanting a\\nnew law to remedy the evil that must attend the\\nleaving the country without a currency for ordinary\\nuses, as well as trade.\\nRobert Hunter.\\nThe house then examined into the conduct of their\\nlate speaker, and the absent members, who on the\\nquestion, were all at different times severally expelled,\\nfor contempt of authoritt/ and neglect of the service of\\ntheir country, and writs issued for new elections.\\nThe 8th of next month soon after the speaker s\\nexclusion, but before the other members were ex])elled,\\nthe assembly presented their address as follows\\nMay it please your excellency,\\nYour administration has been a continued series of\\njustice and moderation, and from your past con-\\nduct we dare assure ourselves of a continuation of it,\\nand we will not be wanting in our endeavours to\\nmake suitable returns, both in providing a handsome\\nsupport of the government, and of such a continuance\\nas may demonstrate to you and the world, the sense\\nwe have of our duty and your worth.\\nThe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "408\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1716.\\nThe gentleman, our late speaker, has added this\\n*one instance of folly to his past demeanour, to con-\\nvince us and the world, that in all stations, whether\\nof a counsellor, a private man, or a representative,\\nhis study has been to disturb the quiet and tranquility\\nof this province, and act in contempt of laws and\\ngovernment we are sensible of the effects it has had,\\nand may have on the publick peace and our expul-\\nsion of him, we hope evinces that we are not the\\npartisans of his heat and disaffection to the present\\ngovernment we are very sorry he has been capable\\nto influence so many into a combination with him, to\\nmake effectual his ill purposes but we hope it is\\nrather the effect of weakness than malice, and that\\ntheir eyes are now so much opened that they l return\\nto their duty, and join with us in providing for the\\npublick credit, and whatever else may make this pro-\\nvince happy, and your excellency easy.\\nNext the assembly resolved, That the late members\\nwhom they had expelled, should not sit as members\\nof the house if they should be returned on a new\\nelection, during this sessions of assembly.\\nNotwithstanding this resolve, several of the same\\nmembers were returned but refused seats in the house,\\nand the electors obliged to choose over again.\\nThe governor then prorogued them to the 3d of\\nOctober. In November the same house met at Cros-\\nwicks, the small-pox being at Burlington the gover-\\nnor opened the business of this session by telling them,\\nThat supporting government and publick credit, re-\\nquired their immediate deliberation that they knew\\nthe funds for the first had expired fifteen months ago,\\nand that the other had suffered much by the obstinacy\\nof some in refusing the payment of taxes, or remis-\\nness\\nn. The true Indian name of this place is supposed to be Closs-\\nweeksung, a separntion.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 409\\nness in others in collecting or putting the laws in exe- A. D.\\ncution, sufficient (if duly executed) to have answered\\nthe end, and in a great measure prevented or remedied\\nthat evil that he doubted not they were now met with\\na good disposition, as well as in full freedom, all clogs\\nand bars being removed, to pursue to effect the good\\nends of their meeting, and to make good their engage-\\nments and jiromises in several addresses that the true\\ninterest of the peo])le and government were the same\\nto wit, a government of laws, that no other deserved\\nthe name; that this was never separated or separable\\nbut in imagination by men of craft, such as were either\\nabettors of lawless power on the one hand, or confu-\\nsion and anarchy on the other that the first was not\\nthe case of this province, and we had well grounded\\nhopes, that all endeavours towards the latter were\\nceased.\\nThis session proved long and fruitful It held above\\ntwo months sixteen publick and private bills received\\nthe governors assent.\\nIn 1718 died vSamuel Smith, one of the members of\\nassembly for Burlington he had sought happiness in 1718.\\nthe quiets of obscurity, but being against his inclination\\ncalled to this and other publick stations, he passed thro\\nthem with a clear reputation In private life he was\\ninoffensive, benevolent, steady and respected, o.\\nThis year was remarkable for an uncommon storm\\nof hail It fell larger than had been remembered before\\nin the provinces, it killed many wild pigeons, and\\nother birds, and did considerable damage.\\nIn\\n0. He with five of his brothers, .John, Daniel, Joseph, Emanuel\\nand Riclianl, and one sisier, removed from near Bramham, in\\nYorkshire, at dift c-rent times; biil mostly in and about the year\\n1691. Daniel served the publick several years faithfully in assembly,\\nand died in 1742. RieliMrd was 12 years one of ihe coimcil, aiid\\ndied lie latter end of 17-50.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "410 TheHISTORY\\nA. D. In the beginning of summer 1742, another hap-\\n1718.\\npened with a strong gust of wind, accompanied with\\nsome rain and hail of very uncommon bigness in one\\nhouse it was said to have struck 28 holes throuy-h the\\nroof; the damage to the grain in some places was so\\ngreat, that the farmers began to forbear selling their\\nlast year s stock, lest they should want bread at\\nAmwell, a boy was said to be kill d, and others very\\nmuch hurt.\\nSuch another happened in the spring 1758 It came\\nfrom the north, the hail in large stones continued for\\n8 or 10 minutes, and abated gradually it drifted in\\nsome places 6 inches think, it went in a vein as it com-\\nmonly does) about a mile and a half broad The de-\\nstruction of green corn and gardens were great, and\\nthe trees had their young leaves shattered to pieces.\\nIn the spring governor Hunter again met the assem-\\nbly at Perth-Amboy but at the desire of the members,\\ntheir private affairs interfering, they were adjourn d\\nto the winter, when meeting he made a speech, setting\\nforth\\nThat the revenue was sometime since, expired\\nthat when this came under consideration, he desired an\\naugmentation of the officers salaries that in former acts\\nthey were so scanty and so retrench d from what they\\nhad been, that the officers were not enabled to per-\\nform their respective duties.\\nThat the assembly of New- York, had passed an\\nact for running the division line, betwixt this province j\\nand that upon supposition, that another for the same\\npurpose Avould be passed here; that the justice due to\\nthe proprietors and the disturbances among the people,\\nmade such a law immediately necessary that he had\\nformerly recommended their providing for an agent\\nat the court of Great Britain, and now repeated it;\\nthat", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "OfNEW -JERSEY. 411\\nthat the lords commissioners for trade, had iu several of A. D.\\n1710.\\ntheir letters complained of the want of one; that this\\nwas the only provin(!e in his majesty s dominions, that\\nhad none; that by means of this omission their business\\nin England stood still; that what could not be delayed\\nwithout danger or loss to the publiek, since his admini-\\nstration had been negotiated by persons employed by\\nhim, at his own very great expence, which he hoped\\nthey would consider; that as to projects of trade, he\\nhad no reason to change his o[)inion since they last met;\\nthat to this subject he referred them on what he then\\nspoke P-\\nThe aSvSembly said in their address, That they were\\nnot insensible the present circumstances of the govern- Addreaa\\nment as well as of the country, made their meeting\\nnecessary, notwithstanding the rigour of the season\\nthat they were not unmindful that the revenue was\\nexpired, nor of their duty in a reasonable sup})ort;\\nthat they were willing to pass an act for running the\\ndivision line betwixt this province and New York but\\nconceived the expence of that affair belonged to the\\nproprietors of the contested lands that they were very\\nsensible an agent for the province at the court of Great\\nBritain, was very necessary, but were sorry the cir-\\ncumstances of the province, were such, that they\\ncould\\np. Tlie paragraph was a\u00c2\u00ab followeth\\nAs for tlie measures of advancing or rather for giving a being to\\ntrade amongst yon, tlie generality of you has shewn such aversion\\nto solid ones; and others such a fondness for imaginary or\\nruinous ones, that without a virtue and resolution of serving those\\nyou represent against their inclinUion, your endeavours will be to\\nlittle purpose; but if any thing of that nature fall under delibera-\\ntion, I cannot think of a better guide, than a just inspection into\\nthe trade in otlier provinces, where it is in a good and flourishing\\ncondition, the means by which it became so, can be no mystery;\\nwhere it is otherwise, or has decayed, you will find the true\\ncause of such decay conspicuous: And it is but a rational conclusion,\\nthat what has form d trade or that on which it depends, credit in\\none place cannot but be the most proper means either to begin it\\n*or preserve it in another.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "-412 The HISTORY\\nA. D, could not make a suitable provision for so useful an\\nofficer and that they would readily come into any\\nmeasures that might be effectual to promote the trade\\nand prosperity of the province.\\nThis session produced eleven publick and private\\nbills, among them was one for running and ascertain-\\ning the division line betwixt New-Jersey and New-\\nYork but this act was never put in execution farther\\nthan fixing the north partition point this was done\\nby indenture made the 25th of July, 1719, between\\na. Walter, Isaac Hicks and Allane Jarrat, surveyor\\ngeneral, on the part of New-York John Johnston\\nand George Willocks, on behalf of East-Jersey;\\nJoseph Kirkbride and John Reading, on behalf of\\nWest-Jersey, and James Alexander, sui-veyor general,\\non behalf of both East and West-Jersey these com-\\nmissioner and surveyors duly authorized, met at the\\nplace, and after many observations of the latitude, unani-\\nmously by the deed aforesaid, fixed the north partition\\npoint on the nothermost branch of Delaware; which\\nthey found to be that branch called the Fish-Kill -This\\ndone, the commissioners for West-Jersey thought they\\nwere not further concerned the others, though both\\ngreatly interested in having it settled, left it an uncer-\\ntainty till 1764, when by acts of assembly of both\\ncolonies, it was referred to be finally settled and deter-\\nmined by commissioners to be appointed by the crown.\\nAnother act pass d now, was that for running and\\nascertaining the line of division between East and West\\nJersey,?- the conditions here not hitherto complied with,\\nthis line remains in the same uncertainty the act left\\nit still a subject of inconvenience and anxiety to many,\\nand seems to call for exertion in those with whom the\\npowers to settle it, are properly lodged.\\nThe\\ng. Vid. Laws of the province, vol. 1, p. 63, c.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "Of new- jersey. 413\\nThe beginning of the summer this year afforded a A. D.\\nfair prospect of a plentiful harvest, much was expected\\nfrom a great crop in the ground a day or two in the Wet har-\\nbeginning proved good weather, but before the grain\\nwas secured, showers of rain and a few hours sunshine\\nconstantly succeeded each other; clouds at first small\\nin appearance, spread widely and tilled the furrows\\nthe intervals of sunshine encouraged o])ening the shocks,\\nbut were not long enough to dry them after several\\nweeks came two days and a half fair weather whaC\\ncould be dried and sav d was now done, the rain then\\nbegan again, and continued day after day as before,\\nalternate rain and sunshine for near three weeks, so\\nthat single ears of corn standing, grew thus it con-\\ntinued till the grain was generally reaped, several lost\\ntheir corn entirely, others saved but little; this was\\nwhat is called the wet harvest.\\nWe are now ome to the end of governor Hunter s 1720.\\nadministration, he resigned in favour of William\\nBurnet (son of the celebrated bishop) and returned to Governor\\nEngland he had a ready art at procuring money,\\nfew loved it more this foible tis said drew him into\\nschemes, gaming, and considerable losses tho not\\nin all respects accomplished His address here was fen-\\ngaging and successful, he assented to most of the laws\\nthe people wanted, and fiU d the offices with men of\\ncharacter. He had before, so early as the year 1705,\\nbeen appointed lieutenant governor of Virginia, under\\nGeorge earl of Orkney, and was on his voyage thither\\ntaken prisoner to France.\\nThe assembly^ at the sessions last mentioned, fixed\\nfor salary and incidental charges 600/. per annum, Salary,\\nfor two years this had been the accustomed support,\\nsince the surrender, except once in lore! Cornbury s\\ntime 500/.. was provided in the succeeding administra-\\ntions,.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "414 TheHISTORY\\nA. D. tions, till Lewis Morris, came governor of New-\\n1720\\nJersey, separate of New- York when it was augmented\\nto 1000^. per annum, and 60^. house rent, with\\n500^. addition the first year, for expences attending\\nhis voyage, (fee.\\nGovernor Governor Burnet i met the assembly soon after his\\nBurnet. arrival, but little business was then thought necessary,\\nnor did they very well agree that house had been\\ncontinued a long time, and were now dissolved, and\\nwrits issued for a new election.\\nThe members returned, were convened early in the\\n1721. spring, 1721 they chose dr. John Johnston, speakers.\\nThe governor s speech..\\nGentlemen,\\nSpeech. The clioice which the country has made of you to\\nrejjresent them, gives me a happy opportunity of\\nknowing their sentiments now wlien they have been\\nfully informed of mine in the most publick manner,\\nI have no reason to doubt, that after so much time\\ngiven them to weigh and consider every particular,\\nyou bring along with you their hearty resolutions to\\nsupport his majesty s government, in such an ample\\nand honourable manner as will become you to offer,\\nand me to accept and in doing this, I must recom-\\nmend\\nThe members of council in liis instructions were, Lewis Morris,\\nThomas Gordon, .John Anderson, .Jolin Hamilton, Tiiomas Byerly,\\nDavid Lyell, John Parker, John Wills, John Hiigg, John John-\\nston, jun. John Reading, Peter Bard.\\ns. Tile members of tliis house were: Town of Perth- Amhoy John\\nJohnston, Andrew Redford. County of Middlesex, John Kinsey,\\nMoses K()l|)h. Somerset, Robert Lettis Hooper, Thoams Leonard,\\nEsaex, Josiah Ogden, Joseph Bonnel. Bert/en, William Provost,\\nIsaac Vangezon. Monmouth, William Lawrence, Garrat Schank.\\nTown of Burlington, John Allen, Jonathan Wright. County of\\nBurlington, William Trent, Thomas Lambert. Gloucester, Sauiuel\\nCole, John Mickeli. Toion of Salem, Joim Mason, Thomas\\nMason. County of Salem, Isaac .Sharp, Bartliolomew Wyatt. Cape\\nMay, Humphrey Hughes, Nathaniel Jenkins.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 4.16\\nmend to you, not to think of me/- so much as of A. D.\\nthe inferior officers of this government, who want\\nyour care more, and whose salary have hitherto a-\\nmounted to a very small share of the puhlick expence.\\nI cannot neglect this occasion of coniinitulating vou\\nu{)()n the treasures lately discovered in the Ijowels\\nof the earth, which cannot fail of circulating for\\nthe general good, the increase of trade, and the\\nraising the value of estates and now you are just\\nbeginning to taste of new blessings, I cannot but\\nremind you of those which you have so long cnjoved,\\nand without which all other advantages woidd but\\nhave encrcased your sulfbrings, under a P()[)isli king,\\nand a French government.\\nYou can ascribe your deliverance fr()in these, to\\nnotliing but the glorious revolution, begun by king\\nWilliam the third, of immortal memory, and coi^^-\\npleated by the hapj)y accession of his ])resent majesty\\nking George, to the throne of Gresit-Britain, and\\nhis entire success against iiis rebellious sui)j(X ts at\\nhome, and all his enemies abroad.\\nTo tiiis remarkable delivei ance, by an over-ruling\\nhand of j)rovidcn(;e, you owe the preservation of\\nyour laws an l lil)erties, the secure enjoyment of vour\\n|)roperty, and a free exercise of religion, according\\nto the ilictates of your conscience These invaluable\\nblessings are so visible among us, and the misery of\\ncountries where tyranny and persecution prevail, so\\nwell known, that I need not mention them, to raise in\\nyour minds the highest sense of your obligations to\\nserve God, to honour the king, and love your\\ncountry.\\nW. BURXET.\\nThe\\nt. Wlietlier an alteration in sentiment, or instructions, or Itoth\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\\\\v:is the cause, must be left to conjecture; but wliile gr)vernor of the\\nMassachusetts Bay, his conduct was ditiierenl; there he insisted for\\nseveral years with tlie greatest firmness on an indefinite support, and\\n,l ursued it through the plantation board, privy council, and to the\\n,|)ariiament, wiiei e his death prevented its coming to a conclusion.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "416\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1721.\\nThe assembly s address,\\nMay it please your excellency\\nWe gladly embrace this opportunity, to assure your\\nexcellency, that our sentiments and those we repre-\\nsent, are one and the same, chearfully to demonstrate\\nour loyalty to our sovereign king George, and sub-\\nmission to his substitute, and readiness to support his\\ngovernment over us in all its branches, in the most\\nhonourable manner the circumstances of this pro-\\nvince will allow which we hope your excellency will\\naccept of, tho it fall short of what the dignity of his\\nmajesty s governor and the inferior officers of the\\ngovernment might expect, were the province in a\\nmore flourishing condition.\\nWe thankfully acknowledge your excellency s con-\\ngratulation, and doubt not when the imaginary trea-\\nsures (except mr. Schuyler s) becomes real, the coun-\\ntry will not be wanting in their duty to his majesty in\\nmaking your excellency, and the officers of the\\ngovernment partakers of the advantage.\\nWe doubt not but your excellency will extend your\\ngoodness to countenance any proposal that may tend\\nto the publick utility.\\nWe hope your excellency will excuse us in falling\\nshort of words, to express our thankful acknow-\\nledgements to God Almighty and those under him,\\nwho have been instruments in working deliverance\\nto that glorious nation to which we belong, from\\npopery, tyranny and arbitrary power, wishing it may\\nalways be supplied with great and good men, that\\nwill endeavour their utmost to maintain his majesty s\\nroyal authority, and assert and defend the laws,\\nliberties and properties of the people, against all\\nforeign and domestic invaders.\\nWe beg your excellency to believe the sincerity of\\nour thoughts, that there are none of his majesty s\\nsubjects that entertains hearts more loyal and affecti-\\nouate, and desire more to testify their duty, gratitude\\nand obedience to their sovereign king George, his\\nissue,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y 417\\nissue, and mao:istrates in their respective degrees, than A,\\\\^\\ndoth the representatives of his majesty s province of\\nNew-Jersey. John Johnston, speaker.\\nSundry bills were prepared this sessions, among these,\\none had a title too singular to be omitted, An act against\\ndenying the divinity of our saviour Jesus Chrid, the doctrine wf^^^u\\nof the blessed trinity, the truth of the holy scriptures, and\\nspreading atheistical books Assemblies in the colonies\\nhave rarely troubled themselves with these subjects,\\n])er]ia})S never before or since it probably arose from\\nthe governor s motion, who had a turn that way, and\\nhad himself wrote a book to untold some part of the\\napocalipse; the bill was however rejected on the second\\nreading in the assembly The sessions continued near\\ntwo months, the su])port was settled 500/. a year, for\\nfive years the governor after passing that, and several\\nother bills, dismissed the house with the following\\nspeech.\\nGentlemen,\\nI have so manv reasons to thank vou for vour pro- u\\nT 1 i T 1 Speech at\\ncee(ungs in this anair, that sliould i mention them dismissing\\nall, time would not suffice me; two I cannot but the assem-\\nacknowledge in a most particular manner; the acts \u00c2\u00b0^y-\\nfor the chearful and honourable su{)])ort, and for the\\nsecurity of his majesty s government in this province.\\nI cannot but say, that I look upon the latter as the\\nnoblest present of the two; as I think honour always\\nmore than riches The world will now see the true\\ncause of our misunderstandings in the last assembly,\\nand that we met in the innocency and simplicity of\\nour hearts that the enemy had sown such seeds of\\ndissention among us, that defeated all our good pur-\\nposes, and made us ])art with a wrong notion of one\\nanother.\\nIt has pleased God now to discover the truth, and\\nno man in his sober senses can doubt that the hand of\\nJoab was then busy, as it is now certain that it has at\\nthis time. It\\n2d", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "418 The HISTORY\\nA. D. It is a peculiar honour to me to be thus justified\\nin all my conduct by the publick act of the whole-\\nlegislature and God knows my heart, that I am not\\nfond of power, that I abhor all thoughts of revenge,\\nand that I study to keep a conscience void of offence\\ntowards God and towards man.\\nAfter the publication of the acts, I desire you to\\nreturn to your house, and after having entered this\\nspeech in your minutes, to adjourn yourselves to the\\nfirst day of October next that tho it is not probable\\nwe should meet so soon, it may not be out of our\\npower if occasion should be.\\nMay 5, 1722. W. Burnet.\\nGovernor Burnet, after this, continued to preside\\nover New- York and New- Jersey, till 1727; when he\\nwas removed to Boston, and succeeded by John Montgo-\\nmerie. Esq; he continued till his death, which happened\\nin the summer 1731 To him succeeded William Cosby,\\nEsq; he continued till his death in 1736 The govern-\\nment here then devolved on the president of the council,\\nJohn Anderson, Esq; he died about two weeks after-\\nwards, and was succeeded by John Hamilton, Esq;\\n(son of Andrew Hamilton, governor in the proprietors\\ntime) he governed near two years. In the summer,\\n1738, a commission arrived to Lewis Morris, Esq; as\\ngovernor of New-Jersey, separate from New- York\\nhe continued till his death in the spring 1746 he was\\nsucceeded by president Hamilton he dying, it devolved\\nupon John Reading, Esq; as the next eldest councellor;\\nhe exercised the office till the summer 1747, when\\nJonathan Belcher, Esq; arrived he died in the sum-\\nmer 1757, and was succeeded by John Reading, Esq;\\npresident. Francis Bernard, Esq; arrived governor 1758\\nwas removed to Boston, and succeeded here by Tho-\\nmas Boone, Esq; in 1760; he was removed to South-\\nCarolina, and succeeded here by Josiah Hardy, Esq;\\nin", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y 419\\nin 1761 he was removed, and afterwards appointed A. D.\\nconsul at Cadiz, c. and succeeded here in the spring\\n1763, by the present governor, William Franklin, Esq.\\nCHAP. XXI I.\\nOccurrences since the year 1721.\\nHAVING now gone through the accounts pro-\\nposed to the limited period what follows are\\npartly matters incidental the rest tho not a regular\\ncourse of events, nor perhaps more important than\\nothers omitted, may nevertheless assist in a future\\nVolume, and in tiie mean time possilily be of some\\nhistorical service here.\\nDecember 29, this year, died William Trent, Esq ^^^4.\\nchiel justice of Xew-Jersey He was several years\\nmember, and j ai-t of the time speaker of the assembly\\nand being a large trader at Trenton, wiien that place\\nAvas laid out for a town, it from him took its name,\\nbeing before significantly called Little- Worth He had\\nbeen also sj)eaker of the assembly of Pennsylvania he\\nbore the character of a gentleman.\\nIn November a small earthquake was felt, it began\\nbetween the hours of ten and eleven at night.\\nIn this year the following act was passed, which\\ntho but short, will probably hereafter be found of\\ngreat importance.\\nAn act for the limitation of actions, and for\\navoiding suits in law.\\nFor quieting men s estates and avoiding of suits\\nBe it enacted by the governor, council, and general\\nassembly of this province, and it is hereby enacted\\nby the authority of the same. That all the statutes\\nnow in force, in that part of Great-Britain, called\\nEngland,\\n1727.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "420\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1727.\\n1728.\\nExtracts\\nfrom the\\nassembly s\\nminutes\\non the sub-\\nject of a se-\\nparate go-\\nvernment.\\nEngland, concerning the limitation of actions, real and\\npersonal, shall, and are hereby declared to be in force\\nin this province from the publication hereof, as fully\\nand eflPectually, as if every of them were herein at\\nlength repeated and enacted any law, usage or\\ncustom to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.\\nExtracts from the proceedings of the house of assem-\\nbly of the colony of New-Jersey, John Montgo-\\nmerie, Esq governor.\\nDie Jovis, 9th of January, 1728. A motion being\\nmade, Avhether the having a distinct governor for New-\\nJersey, be in the opinion of the house for the advantage\\nof the province, or not A debate arising thereon,\\nand the question being put, the previous vote was\\ndemanded, whether that question be now put or not\\nit was carried in the affirmative and then the question\\nwas put, whether the having a distinct governor for\\nNew-Jersey, be in the opinion of tlie house, for the\\nadvantage of the province, or not? it was carried in\\nthe affirmative Theji the house adjourned till three,\\no clock, P. M.\\nThree o clock, P. M. the house met according to\\nadjournment. Uesolved nemine contradicente, that\\nthe house will enter into consideration, what may be\\nthe most effectual method for obtaining a distinct\\ngovernor for this province hereafter and it is ordered,\\nthat mr. Kinsey, mr. Stacy, mr. Lambert, mr. Eaton,\\nmr. Sonmans and mr. Bonnell, wait on his excellency\\nand council, with this and the last resolve, and desire\\ntheir concurrence therein, and a conferrence touching\\nthe manner most likely to effect it and withal, to\\nsignify to the governor and that board, that it is in\\nno wise the intention of this house, to give him the\\nleast uneasiness (were it in their power) during the\\ntime he may continue in commission but only to take\\nsuch measures as may best conduce to the end afore-\\nsaid, when his commission may determine by the\\nking s pleasure or otherwise and this they conceive\\na", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "Of NEAV- JERSEY. 421\\nA.D.\\n1728.\\na duty incumbent upon them Then the house ad-\\n*journ d till to-morrow, nine o clock, A. M.\\nTo the kino- s most excellent majesty.\\nThe humble petition of the representatives of the\\nprovince of New-Jersey, in America, in general\\nassembly convened.\\n]Most gracious sovcreij^n,\\nWe, your majesty s most loyal and dutiful subjects,\\nthe representatives of your province of New-Jersey, Their\\nin general assembly convened, by the early care your petition to\\nmajesty has been pleased to shew for the general benefit ^^^S-\\nof all your people, are animated to believe, that\\nnothing which may contribute to the advantage and\\nprosperity of this, (though small and distant) jiart ot\\nyour dominions, will be denied ns; we. therefore beg\\nleave thus to approach your royal presence, in discharge\\nof that duty we owe to your majesty and to our couu-\\ntry, in the most humble manner here to re])resent:\\nThat the iidiahitants of this colony, (formerly a\\nproprietary government) since the surrender thereof\\nto the crown, have always been under the same go-\\nvernor with your majesty s province of New- York\\nthat we Inimbly appreiiend it would much more\\nconduce to the benefit of this province, and no pre-\\n^judioe to that of New- York, were their governors,\\nas are the government s, distinct.\\nIt is a peculiar happiness many of our fellow sub-\\njects enjoy, to be near your royal person, and to par-\\ntake of the immediate influence of so jjood a s:overn-\\nment; but since our distance deprives us of that great\\nbenefit, it might, (we humbly conceive) in some\\ndegree be recompcnced, by having a person cloathed\\nwith your majesty s authority constantly residing\\namongst us This we cannot expect while under the\\nsame governor with New- York that government\\nnecessarily taking up so nnich of our governor s time,\\nthat but a small part of it can fall to our siiare and\\nhis residence being chiefly there, renders applications\\nto", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "422\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1728.\\nto him from hence, on ordinary occasions, difficult\\nand in extraordinary cases (however willing) he may\\nbe unable to relieve until the affairs of that province\\nwill permit his coming into jSTew-Jersey.\\nUnder the like difficulties, (and for the like reason)\\nwe have laboured in respect to our principal officers,\\nwho have formerly been inhabitants of that colony\\nwhich not only renders them less useful in their several\\nstations, but by S})en(ling their salaries there, drained\\nus of money, which would otherwise have circulated\\namongst us.\\nOur having the same governor with the colony of\\nNew- York at hrst, was (as we humbly conceive)\\nbecause this province was then in its infancy, the inha-\\nbitants few, and it might justly have been thought\\ntoo heavy a burthen to maintain a governor of our\\nown but since we are now much more numerous and\\nare as able and willing to support one, as divers of\\nour neighboring colonies, who enjoy that benefit;\\nwe are humbly of opinion, the granting this colony\\nsuch a governor, might tend to encrease our wealth,\\nand put us in a condition to emulate our neighbours\\nin trade and navigation.\\nWe entreat your majesty to believe, that nothing\\nwe here say, proceeds from any dissatisfaction to our\\npresent governor on the contrary, we are well pleased\\nwith his government, and desire it may continue\\nduring your royal pleasure; but all we humbly ask,\\nis, that when your majesty shall think fit to put a\\nperiod to his government, you will then graciously\\ncondescend to bestow a distinct governor on this your\\ncolony of New- Jersey.\\nThat your majesty may long live to enjoy the crown\\nyou wear, with ease and delight, exceeding in honour\\nyour illustrious ancestors; that when you part with\\nan earthly diadem, it may be to receive a crown more\\npermanent and glorious, and that Great-Britain and\\nthese your dominions, may be always happy in a\\nsovereign, whose virtues are so conspicuous (as in\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6duty", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "O F xV E W J E R S E Y 423\\nduty we are bound) shall be the prayers of, may it A. D.\\nplease your majesty,\\nYour majesty s most dutiful and most loyal subjects.\\nBy order of the house,\\nJohn Kinsey, jun. speaker.\\nDivers of the members of this assembly being of the people\\ncalled qii:ii ers, concdr to tlie matter and substance of tiiis address,\\nbut make some exemption to the stile.\\nReport of the lords of trade, relating to the separating Report of\\nthe government of the province of New- Jersey, Lords of\\nfrom New- York. Trade.\\nTo the right honoiH*able the lords of the committee\\nof his majesty s most honourable })rivy council.\\n]\\\\Iy Lords,\\nWe have considered the humble ])ctitions of the\\npresident and council, the speaker, and several mem-\\nbers of the assembly, of his majesty s province of\\nNew-Jersey of the grand jury of the said rovince,\\nand inr. Richard Partridge, agent for New-Jersey\\ntogether M ith two other paj)ers annexed to tlic last\\nmentioned petition all of them referred to us by\\nyour lordships on the 24th day of May last humbly\\npraying, for the reasons contained, that when his\\nmajesty shall nominate a governor for the province of\\nNew- York, the province of New-Jersey may not be\\nincluded in his commission, but that his majesty\\nwould be graciously pleased to appoint a separate\\ngovernor for the said province of New- Jersey.\\nWe have considered the reasons given by the peti-\\ntitioners for this separation, and upon the best in-\\nformation we have been able to procure, we take\\nleave to acquaint your lordships, that the allegations\\nof the several petitions apj^ear to be of great conse-\\nquence and we cannot doubt but that a separate\\ngovernor, whom the province is willing to support,\\nwoidd be a means to give a quicker dispatch to their\\npublick affairs, to increase their trade and number\\nof people, and very much advance the interest of the\\nprovince.\\nWherefore", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "424 The HISTORY\\nA. D. Wherefore we are humbly of opinion, that his ma-\\n1728. jestj may be graciously pleaded to comply with the\\nprayer of these petitions.\\nWe are, my lords, your lordships most obedient\\nand most humble servants.\\nT. Peliiam.\\nWhlteliall, Aug. 5, 173G. Ore. Bridgman.\\nJa. Brudenell.\\nIn this year died John Hugg, Esq of Gloucester\\n1730. County He was about ten years one of the council\\nRiding from home in the morning, he was supposed\\nto be taken ill about a mile from his house when\\ngetting oif his horse, he spread his cloak on the ground\\nto lie down on and having put his gloves under the\\nsaddle girth, and hung his whip through one of the\\nrings, he turned the horse loose, which going home,\\nput the people upon searching, who found him in this\\ncircumstance speechless; they carried him to his house,\\nand he died that evening.\\nIn the spring this year, died in an advanced age,\\n1731. John Barclay, brother of Robert Barclay the apologist\\nHe bore the character of a good neighbour, and was\\nserviceable to the publick in several cjipacities; but more\\nparticularly in Amboy, where he lived and died He\\ncame over early among the Scotch settlers to East-Jersey.\\nOn the 5tli of September, about noon, a small\\nshock of an earthquake was felt.\\nOn the 6th of September, died in the seventy-first\\nyear of his age, dr. John Johnston, of Amboy He\\nwas an early settler in East- Jersey 13 years member\\nof assembly, and ten of the time speaker he went\\nthrough several other important offices with reputation.\\nIn his practice as a physician, he was knowing and\\nuseful, and did many charitable acts for the poor\\nwere generally the object of his particular care.\\nIn\\n1732.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 425\\nIn the sprino; this vear, died Peter Sonmans He A. D.\\n1734.\\nwas sometime one of the council for New-Jersev ap-\\npointed by queen Anne; but being susjiended, he was\\nafterwards twice chosen in the assembly for Bergen\\nhe was agent to some of the proprietors of East-Jersey,\\nsurveyor general tiiere, receiver of the quit rents, and\\nranger of the forests, as well as sea coasts, e. He\\nwas son to Aarent Sonmans, one of the states of Hol-\\nland who having purchased a considerable share of\\npropriety in East-Jersey, had intended to have come\\nover and embarking for that purpose, arrived in\\nEngland and riding in company with Robert Barclay\\nfor London, was shot by a highway-man, supposed\\nto be an effect of the party confusion in Holland, re-\\nlating to De Wit: His estate falling to Peter, he be-\\ncame a great proprietor He had before finished\\nhis studies at Leyden, and had borne considerable\\noffices in England, under king William About 1705\\nhe came over hither to settle, it being his second\\nvoyage He continued much engaged in the business\\nof his offices; but being no oeeonomist, he was\\ngreatly embarrassed in his private affairs We have\\nbefore seen by the publick charges, other imputations\\nhe lay under. He published a long vindication of his\\ncharacter but with what success, is a question not\\nnow easily resolved.\\nIn November this year, came to these provinces, 1737.\\nby land from Boston, (where he had arrived from\\nLondon) Sheck Scidit, a native of Berytus, in Syria,\\n(about 60 miles north of Jerusalem.) He was said to\\nbe Prince of Syria but the credentials he produced\\nunder the sign manual and privy signet, called him\\nUnus ex nohi/ibas civitatis Beri/tufi having letters of\\nsafe pass])ort, and recommeuislation to the charity of\\nthose where he past.\\nHe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "426 TheHISTORY\\nA. D. He M^as reported to have suffered much for his\\n1737\\nreligion in his own country, being by profession a\\nmember of the eastern church, tho situate under the\\nMahometan or Turkish government, and a tributary\\nprince of that empire His pretence was.\\nThat a greater quota of soldiers was exacted from\\nhim than he was able to furnish, having other tribute\\nto pay, and his country, by several years distress from\\nlocusts, and blasts of other kind, so impovershed,\\nthat both quota and tribute could not be collected\\nThat the grand segnior taking umbrage at this,\\nsent for his head of which he, by means of the\\nCzarian ambassador, having received private intelli-\\ngence, fled to the Czarina s court That in the mean\\ntime his country was seized, and his wife and children\\nkept prisoners while there, the Czarina gave him\\nexpectations, that in her treaty with the Turks, she\\nwould take care and provide for him when peace\\nwas made That after some stay at the Russian court,\\nhe obtained letters recommendatory to their ambassador\\nat London and being by his means, taken notice of,\\nhe obtained the credentials aforesaid, with which he\\ntravelled through most of the corporations in England,\\nwhere it was thought he collected two thirds or three\\nfourths of what was due from him to the grand segnior\\nbut was nevertheless encouraged to come to America,\\nwhere he also received considerable.\\nContributions were made for him in New-York and\\nNew-Jersey he was every where received with distin-\\nguished respect it was said, he received from the diffe-\\nrent congregations in and about Philadelphia, two\\nhundred and fifty pounds.\\nHe was a well proportioned lusty man, with a grave\\naspect, and clothed after the eastern manner, with a\\nturbant on his head, and wore whiskers, spoke and\\nwrote the arabick language; his conversation and\\ndeportment", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "Of NEW- JERSEY. 427\\ndeportment was graceful and easy, and seemed to A^ D,\\nbe-speak him of a noble education.\\nAt Philadelphia he met with a handsome entertain-\\nmentj his expences were borne while he stayed, and\\nprovision was made for him in the vessel he went.\\nThe 7th of December, this year, at night, was a\\nlarge shock of an earthquake, accompanied with a\\nremarkable rumbling noise; people waked in their\\nbeds, the doors flew open, bricks fell from the chim-\\nnies; the consternation was serious, but happily no\\ngreat damage ensued.\\nIn this year died Robert Lettice Hooper, Esq; chief ]738.\\njustice of Xew-Jersey in which post he had continued\\nmany years with a good character.\\nIn the spring this year, died at Trenttm, Daniel 1739.\\nCoxe, Esq; one of the justices of tiic supreme court:\\nHe was son of the great proprietor and governor dr.\\nCoxe, of London He had gone through several otiier\\npublick offices in New-Jersey, to which, from his\\nfather s character and influence, he came with great\\nadvantages His differences with governor Hunter,\\nand the assembly, and the share he had in the publick\\ntransactions, being all occasionally related before,\\nrenders further addition here unnecessary.\\nAbout the 22d of the month called February, ap- 1741,\\npeared to these provinces, in the east, and continued\\nupwards of six weeks, a comet or blazing star, with\\na long bright tail it was supposed to be near the\\nequinoctial at its first appearance, but moved five\\ndegrees near north, in twenty-four hours, and continued\\nmoving till it disappeared towards the last it was very\\nmuch encreased in length of tail and bigness.\\nIn", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "428\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1746.\\nIn tlie spring this year, died Lewis Morris, Esq;\\ngovernor of New-Jersey To oar relief, we find his\\ncharacter in great part already drawn, by an able\\nhand/^- to whom we have before been obliged He\\nwas a man of letters, and tho a little whhnsical in his\\ntemper, was grave in his manners, and of penetrating\\nparts being excessively fond of the society of men\\nof sense and reading He was never wearied at a\\nsitting, till the spirits of the whole company were dis-\\nsipated. From his infancy he had lived in a manner\\nbest adapted to teach him the nature of man, and to\\nfortify his mind for the vicissitudes of life He very\\nearly lost both his father and mother, and fell under\\nthe patronage of his uncle Being a boy of strong\\npassions, he gave frequent offence to his uncle, and\\non one of these occasions, through fear of his resent-\\nment, strolled away into Virginia, and thence to Ja-\\nmaica, in the West-Indies where to support himself,\\nhe set up for a scrivener After several years spent in\\nthis vagabond life, he returned again to his uncle,\\nwho received the young prodigal with joy. In New-\\nJersey, he signalised himself in the service both of the\\nproprietors and the assembly the latter employed\\nhim to draw up their complaint against my lord\\nCornbury, and he was made the bearer of it to the\\nqueen Tho he was indolent in the management of\\nhis private aifairs, yet through the love of power, he\\nwas always busy in matters of a political nature and\\nno man in the colony equalled him in the knowledge\\nof the law, and the arts of intrigue. He was one of\\nthe council of New-Jersey, and a judge of the supreme\\ncourt in 1692. Upon the surrender of the govern-\\nment to queen Anne, in 1702, he was named to be\\ngovernor of that colony, but the appointment was\\nchanged in favour of lord Cornbury, the queen s\\ncousin. He\\nu. History of New- York, p. 125, 126.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 42\\nHe was several yeai s chief justice of New- York, A. D.\\nand a member of assembly there in whatever post he\\nis named, activity must be supposed for he was among\\nthe foremost on all occasions he was the second coun-\\ncellor for New-Jersey, named in lord Cornbury s in-\\nstructions; suspended by him in 1704; restored by\\nthe queen, and susi)ended a second time in the same\\nyear; was chosen in the assembly here in 1707, re-ap-\\nappoiuted of the Council in 1708; suspended by the\\nlieutenant governor Ingoldsby in 1709 a| pointed\\nagain in 1710, and so continued till 1738, when- he\\nsucceeded Cosby as governor of New-Jersey, sc[)arate\\nfrom New- York The proceedings during his admi-\\nnistration in this ca})acity, will be found the labour of\\nmany pages; but too volnminous to have justice done\\nthem in an abridgement here his favourite monopoly\\nof doubts and disputiition, however amusing in me-\\nchanical and metaphysical subtilties, but illy agreed\\nwith the dispatch antl management necessary in a\\npubliek station accordingly the whole transactions\\nof that period are chequered with great variety of\\ndebates, some of them curious qualified to iiold up a\\nside from long experience, no argument he thought\\nproper to espouse, was to be yielded, unless mathemati-\\ncally wrong; in tliis but few a])parent convictions\\nattended, either for want of candour in acknowledging,\\nor antagonists sufficiently skilled in the science: Had\\nthose who managed the controversy against him,\\nfound patience enougii to have let his own arguments\\ngone to their proper lengths, they h;id probably some-\\ntimes gained their points, and saved themselves great\\nfatigue in attendance, and the expence it often occa-\\nsioned but having a trust, they opposed, refused, and\\ndisputed his measures he replied, rejoined, and de-\\nmurred, and kept them in unmanly suspence and at-\\ntendancies for months together, with scarce a prospect\\nor", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "430\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1746.\\nor means of accommodation and yet nothing but that\\nto do; frequent formal angry dissolutions ensued, in\\nwhich nothing was gained but increasing firmness in\\nthe points contested, and a popular turn against the\\ngovernment. In this uncertainty things were left at\\nhis death, and restored to their original footing in the\\nnext administration But whatever were his faults, it\\nmust be remembered, that the province owed much to\\nhis early patriotism and abilities; scarce an instance of\\ninordinate love of money is to be found in his private\\nconduct he inherited a hirge estate from his uncle, and\\nappeared moderate in adding to it He was besides in\\nhis way, a kind husband, and indeed had uncommon cause\\nto be so an affectionate parent had the satisfaction of\\na promising offspring, and lived to. see most of them\\nmarried The following are extracts from the singular\\npreamble of his will\\nIn the name of God amen God s will be done\\nbut what I will or desire should be done after my\\ndecease, and how I would have what estate God has\\nbeen pleased to bless me with, disposed of, is contained\\nin what follows But before I give any directions\\nconcerning the disposition of my body or estate, I\\nthink it ray duty to leave the following testimonial\\nof my sense of the goodness of God to me, in pro-\\ntecting and wonderfully preserving of me, from my\\ninfincy to this present time, now in an advanced age.\\nMy mother died when I was about six months old,\\nand my father not long after, in New- York, where\\nI was left an or])han, entirely in the hands of stran-\\ngers, who were ap|)ointed by the government to take\\ncare of me. Sometime after that, the Dutch took the\\nplace, and I was })ut by their magistrates into the\\nhands of trustees, by them aj)pointed to taice care of\\nme, and of what effects their soldiers had left unplun-\\ndered and after the surrender of New- York to the\\nEnglish, ray uncle came into these parts of America,\\nand kindly took care of rae until I came to man s\\nestate", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 431\\nestate; and he then dyin^:, what he had fell into my A. D.\\nhands, beinj^ his sole and only heir. He had made\\na will, in whi(;h were fonnd several material interlina-\\ntions and erasures; which will, when exhibited before\\nthe governor and council of New- York to be proved,\\nof six subscril)in2: witnesses to the said will, only two\\nof them could make oath in due form of law; and\\nthey knew nothing of those erasures and iuterlina-\\ntions; and one William Bicklev, a quaker, who\\nwrote the will, said, that he wrote the will, and made\\nthem but knew not why they were made. My uncle\\nby that will having bequeathed his plantation over-\\nagainst the town of Haerlem, to his wife; but fiir what\\nestate, did not appear; the words being scratched or\\nerased out so a.s not to be read, and instead of what was\\nso erased, there was after the words, Mary Moi ris,\\n(which was the name of his widow) these words, viz. {her\\nhelves and cissk/nes forever, the lanrls thereof) interlined.\\nThe widow died about a week after her husband, (the\\nwill having been in her and Kickley s keei)iug all that\\ntime) and after, or about the time of her death, 1 was\\ntold of tliis erasure by Miles Forster, one of the execu-\\ntors in the will named. This will was dated the 12th of\\nFebruary, 16D0, but a little before my uncle s death,\\nand exhibited for proof the loth of May following,\\nat which time the erasure, and reason for making of\\nit, must have been fresh in the meuinry of the writer,\\nwho declared he knew of it; and must have been\\nfresh in the memory of the witnesses, had any such\\nthing been shewn unto them. That Bickley should\\nknow of, and make tiiis erasure and interlinatiou,\\nand not know or remember the reason of making it\\nin so short a time after it was done, appeared strange\\nto all present; and most were of opinion, that the\\nwords erased out, Avere of diflerent import from those\\ninterlined, or there had been no necessity for making\\nthe erasure and interlinatiou but as the writer of the\\nwill, either could not, or wonld not tell for wiiat end\\ntiiey were made, tho it appeared to be done with\\nintent to vest an estate in fee simple in the widow,\\nwhich", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "432\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1746.\\nwhich it is probable the words erased did not do and\\nonly two witnesses being able to make oath in due\\nform, and these not knowing any thing concerning\\nMt; administration was committed to me, with the\\ntestament annexed and I have since purchased releases\\nfrom the heirs and legatees of the widow, and have\\nbeen in quiet possession above fifty three years. Thus,\\nby the sole goodness of almighty God, my benign\\ncreator, the designs against me were rendered inctfec-\\ntual, without any contrivance or act of my own.\\nWhether ray uncle was persuaded, or really intended\\nto give that estate to his wife and her heirs or whether\\nhe had given it to her for life, and so intended, and\\nthe words interlined were done alter his death or if\\nhe did intend to give it her in fee, and the writer had\\nnot made use of proper words for that purpose (tho\\nhe had done it in every other case where an estate was\\ngiven to me in fee) and discovered it to my uncle,\\nand made the alteration during his life, and by his\\nconsent or discovered them after his death, and then\\nmade the erasure and interlination is what I know\\nnothing of, and what tlie writer of the will either\\ncould not or would not say any thing about; but it is\\nevident on the face of the will, that every bequest to\\nme, either of lands or chattels, even of my mother s\\njewels, and what in the will was mentioned to belong\\nto her, and did only belong to me, was given (as the\\nwriter of the will called it) M ith restriction and limita-\\ntion (meaning as I suppose with this condition) that I\\nshould submit myself wholly and absolutely to every\\nthing contained in that will and it was therein deter-\\nmined, that if I, or any body claiming under me,\\nshould under pretence of right from my father, whether\\nby partnership with my uncle or otherwise, make any\\nclaim or demand of the estate left by my uncle, or any\\npart of it that in such case the bequests to me were to\\nbe void. The drawer of that will had purchased and\\nread (with all the judgment he had) a book, entitled\\nOrj)han s Legacy, in order to qualify him for that\\nperformance and so apprehensive was the contriver or\\ncontrivers", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0452.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 433\\ncontrivers of that will of my making such claim, f- j^\\nand that tiie law might determine in my favour that\\nby a clause in that will it was directed, that if any\\ndoubt or controversy should arise, by reason of im-\\nperfection, defe(!t, or any other cause whatsoever\\nof, or in any words, clauses and sentences in his last\\nwill and testament, or about the true intent and\\nmeaning thereof; that in such case, his executoi s, or\\nany three of them, should expound, explain, inter-\\npret, and finally decide the same, according to their\\nwisdoms and discretions. There iiad been arti(;les of\\nagreement and partnership entered into between my\\nuncle and my father, an l executed by both the par-\\nties; in which amongst other things, it was covenanted\\nand agreed between them, that if either of them\\ndied without issue, the survivor, or issue of the sur-\\nvivor (if any) should take the estate. Upon the\\ndeath of my father, that part of the agreement\\ncxeOuted by my uncle, with other my father s paj^ers,\\ncame into the hands of my uncle, and upon his death\\ninto Bickley s (as I suppose) who kej)t the keys of his\\nscruitore That part of the agreement executed by my\\nfather, I had seen often, and it came into my hands\\nbut that part executed by my uncle, was mad(, away\\nwith; who destroyed it, I can t say; but believe my\\nuncle was too just a man to do any thing of that\\nnature. It appears from all this, that there was a\\ndesign formed to deprive me of the greatest part of\\nthe estate my uncle died possessed of, and that this\\ndesign was defeated. That this might be accounted\\nfor from natural and obvious causes, such as the\\nerasure of the will and the like, may be; but what\\nconfounded the understanding of the writer so as to\\nmake the erasure in that particular place, and in the\\nmanner he did, and to ])retend not to be able in so short\\na time after it \\\\vas done, to give any a(!Count why it\\nwas done, I att) ibute only to the over-ruling j rovi-\\ndence of the Almighty, who has wondert uliy j)ro-\\ntected and preserved me hitherto; and I doubt not\\nwill continue his goodness to me till he thinks fit to\\n2 E call", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0453.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "434\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1746.\\ncall me hence, tho I am unworthy of the least of his\\nfavours. I now proceed to directions concerning the\\ndisposal of my body and estate; and first, I will, that\\nmy body shall be buried by the bodies of my uncle\\narid my children that lie at Morrisania, if it can be con-\\nveniently done. I would be buried in a plain colfio\\nof black walnut, cedar, or mahogany, without\\ncovering or lining with cloth, or any other material\\nof linen, woollen, or silk; my age and the time of\\nmy death may be put upon it in such manner as my\\nexecutors shall think fit: I forbid any rings or scarfs\\nto be given at my funeral, or any man to be ])aid for\\npreaching a funeral sermon over me Those who sur-\\nvive me, will commend or blame my conduct iii life\\nas they think fit, and I am not for paying of any\\nman for doing of either but if any man, whether\\nchurchman or dissenter, in or not in priest s orders,\\nis inclined to say any thing on that occasion, he may,\\nif my executors think fit to admit him to do it.\\nI would not have any mourning worn for me by\\nany of my descendants for I shall die in a good old\\nage and when the divine providence calls me hence,\\nI die when I should die, and no relation of mine ought\\nto mourn because I do so but may perhajjs mourn to\\npay the shop keeper for his goods, should they com-\\nply with (what I think) the common folly of such an\\nexpence. I will, (if it be not done before my death)\\nthat a vault of stone be built at or nigh the place at\\nMorrisania, where my good uncle lies buried and\\nthat the remains of my relations lying there, be col-\\nlected and put into coffins in it and my executors\\nmay get a tomb stone for me if they think fit.\\nWhat the state of the dead is, I know not; but\\nbelieve it to be such as is most suitable for them, and\\nthat their condition and state of existence after death,\\nwill be such as will fully shew the wisdom, justice,\\nand gt)odness of their great creator to thoiu. As\\nto what estate it has pleased God to entrust and bless\\nme with, I will and dispose of it as follows First, I\\nwill as the law wills, that all my debts and funeral\\ncharges be justly paid and discharged, c. In", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0454.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 435\\nIn this year died Joseph Cooper He was at eight A^ D.\\nsuccessive elections chosen to represent Gloucester county\\nin assembly, and continued in that station 19 years;\\nhe had steady prin( ij)les, and a nobility of disposition\\nand fortitude, superior to many At one of the tedious\\nsessions, in Col. Mf)rris s time, when contrariety\\nof sentiments had long impeded business, that governor\\ncasually meeting him in the street, said, Cooper, I\\nwish you would go home and send y(tur wife. I\\nwill, says he, if the governor will do the same by\\nhis An anecdote deservedly expressive as to those\\ngood women.\\nIn the summer this year, three natives of Greenland,\\npassed through the province, dressed in seal-skins,\\nwith the hair on after the manner of their own country\\nthey were two young men and a young woman, con-\\nverted to the christian religion by the moravian missi-\\nonaries They had left Greenland about two years\\nbefore, in a Moravian ship (which had carried a house\\nready framed, for worship, to be erected there, that\\ncountry aifbrding no wood for building) and had since\\nvisited the brethren in several parts of Europe as\\nEngland, Holland, and Germany Their eyes and\\nhair were l)hi( k, like the Indians here; but their com-\\nplexion somewhat lighter Two Indian converts i rom\\nthe moravian mission, at Barbice, near Surrinam, were\\nalso with them They together went to the Moravian\\n.settlement at Bethlehem, in Pennsylvania there they\\nmet with some Delaware and Mohickon Indians\\nconverts also of the Moravians and tho their native\\nlands are so vastly remote as the latitude of 5, 41, and\\n65 north yet what they observed of each other s\\nhair, eyes, and complection, convinced them that they\\nwere all of the same .i;ace they could find however,\\nno similitude in their several lanjyuaijes.\\nThe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0455.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "436 TheHISTORY\\nA. D. The 9th of November died, in the 53d year of\\nhis age, Richard Smith: He represented Burlington in\\nassembly near twenty years, through a great variety of\\ndifficult business He maintained a fair reputation,\\nwas instrumental in procuring considerable provincial\\nbenefits and hence acquired the love of many, who\\nhad no opportunities of knowing him, but in a publick\\ncharacter. He was cool and even in his temper, im-\\npartial and conscientious in the discharge of his duty,\\nkind and careful ifi every paternal relation, and gene-\\nrous in both sentiment and conduct.\\n1755. Xhe 18th of November, at four o clock in the\\nmorning, was a considerable shock of an eai thquake,\\nwhich lasted about two minutes the weather for seven\\ndays successively before, had been remarkably clear and\\nstill, and all that night was so, with a clear full moon-\\nshine the two days following, continued also very still\\nand clear, not a cloud to be seen, till towards evening\\nof the second day after it happened It did not begin\\nwith so much of a rumbling noise as that in 1737,\\nbut was thought not to fall short in the concussion.\\n1756. Early in this year died at New- York, James Alex-\\nander, Esq where he had long borne the office of ro-\\nvincial secretary, and afterwards many years one of the\\ncouncil. He was also long surveyor general of both\\nEast and West-Jersey, and several years of the council\\nin New-Jersey. He was bred to the law, and tho no\\nspeaker, at the head of his profession for sagacity\\nand penetration; and in aj)plication to business, no\\nman could surpass him With his knowledge he was\\nready and communicative; and having by candid prac-\\ntice, and ingenuous industry and diligence, acquired a\\ngreat estate in his latter years, remained a generous\\nsource of instruction for the advantage of younger\\npractitioners, and many others.\\nIn", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0456.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 437\\nIn this year died, in the seventy-sixth year of his age, A^. D,\\nJonathan Belcher, Esq governor of New-Jersey In\\nthis station he arrived in 1747. He was a native of\\nNew-England, and in his youth fiilling heir to great\\nacquisitions, got early upon the wing, in the gay world;\\na handsome exteriour, a fondness for it, and for di*ess,\\nequipage, and popular eclat, insensibly betrayed him\\ninto a scence of show and ex pence, which at length\\nproved inconvenient to his patrimony with this turn\\nhe travelled, kept the first rate entertainments and com-\\npany, and received marks of distinguished notice and\\nrespect in the electorate of Haover.w. He went over\\nagent for the Massachusetts Bav, on the long; contest with\\ngovernor Burnet, on the subject of an indefinite support;\\non his death came over governor of that colony, and\\nlong insisted on the same demands his predecessor had\\ndone, and with the same success He continued governor\\nthere for a considerable time, and had great opportuni-\\nties of indulging his favourite taste but carrying a\\nhigh hand in the administration, disgusted men of influ-\\nence and at one time putting a negative on several coun-\\ncellors, occasioned so many voices to unite in their ap-\\nplications against him, that he was removed from his\\ngovernment.\\nto. Prince, in the dedication to him, of his chronology, speaks\\nof tiiis in the following strain\\nUpon this occasion his excellency will forgive me, if for the\\nhonour of l\u00c2\u00bbis country, as well as for his own; we boast of one\\namong us, who inspired with zeal for the sncces.non of that illustri-\\nous house, even in the joys of youth, twice hrake away, viz. in\\n1704 and 1708, and passed a double ocean; that he might with\\nraj)tnre see, and in his country s name, express the ardour of their\\nvows to tluil most important family; in \u00e2\u0096\u00a0whifh under Heaven, all\\nthe welfare of three migbty nations, and even of all the protestant\\nstates and kingdoms in the world, as well as ilie liberty, religion\\nand felicity of these colonies and provinces were involved. A\\ncelebrated instance peculiar to himself alone, that I presume no\\nother American can pretend to; and for the fatigue and pains, I\\nsu|)pose no other subject of the whole British empire; which re-\\ndounds to the glory of the land that bred him, that parted with\\nhim, and received him with applause; and ihe happy consequence\\nwhereof, at the head of his country, he now enjoys.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0457.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "438 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. government. Here he witnessed a reverse of fortuney\\nbeing obliged to wait at a great expenee several years\\nbefore an opportunity presented of getting again into\\noffice at length the government of New-Jersey falling\\nvacant, early notice, properly used, procured him that:\\nHe was now advanced in age, yet lively, diligent in his\\nstation, and circumspect in his conduct, religious,\\ngenerous and alFable He aifected splendour, at least\\nequal to his rank and fortune but was a man of worth\\nand honour and tho in his last years, under great de-\\nbility of body from a stroke of the palsy, he bore up\\nwith firmness and resignation, and went through the\\nbusiness of the government in the most difficult part\\nof the late war, with unremitting zeal in the duties of\\nhis office.\\nIn this year died Andrew Johnston, esq aged 67:\\n1762. He succeeded his father in representing Amboy in assem-\\nbly, and was speaker several years long one of the\\ntreasurers The last 15 years of his life he was in the\\ncouncil, and a diligent attender on the business there\\nhe had great equality of temper, circumspection of\\nconduct, an open, yet grave engaging mein, much\\ngoodness of heart, and many virtues both publick and\\nprivate.\\nThe 30th of October, between four and five in the\\n1763. afternoon, was a very considerable shock of an earth-\\nquake which directed its course to the eastward.\\nIn the beginning of this year died Robert Hunter\\n1764. Morris, Esq He was near twenty-six. years one of the\\ncouncil, and chief justice of New- Jersey, and some\\ntime lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania He had\\nstrong natural powers, an elevated quickness of appre-\\nhension, a memory tenacious, read much, and was\\nuncommonly furnished in. conversation on most sub-\\njects f", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0458.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 439\\njects he gloried in the rational privilege of free dis-\\nquisition in his motives to action, disdain d to resemble\\nthe float iiig logx. that went with the tide; yet the other\\nextream had a snare of too delicate concealment to be\\nalways avH ided He came young into the office of\\nchief justice, stuck to punctuality in the forms of the\\ncourts, reduced the pleadings to precision and method,\\nand j)ossessed the great qualities of his office, know-\\nledge and integrity, in more perfection than had often\\nbeen known in the colonies Had no other stations\\nengrossed his attention, his character had remained\\nwithout dispute, more light than shade; inheriting\\nfrom his father,. or imbibing a turn at starting more\\ndifficulties, than himself or others could easily solve,\\nintroduced debate, in which often appeared a seemingly\\nconstitutionid delight; but being brought up under\\nthe tuition of an excellent mother, the bias here was\\nqualilied in part, with the advantages of this, the father s\\nexperience, and much of his own, in variety of situa-\\ntions He had a liberal educiition, a comely respectable\\nperson, easy address, smooth flow of words, a command-\\ning influence in his manner, and was a warm friend, but\\nformidable enemy, not partial or oppressive as a Judge,\\nin several private relations generous and manly, in none\\navaritious, in some inconsiderate, in many his own\\noriginal or his father s copy, often singular, sometimes\\nwhimsical, always oj)inionated, and mostly inflexible.\\nThe 20th of the month called July, at about 40\\nminutes past seven in the evening, an uncommon ball\\nof fire was seen in the north-east, about fifty degrees\\nabove the horizon; it took its course near north-west;\\nits diameter seemed as large or larger than the sun,\\nespecially at one time, when it opened so as to seemingly\\nseparate\\nX. He was apt to apply this expression in contrast to a sentimen-\\ntal ;h()ice.\\ny. See i iige 427, c\\nA. D.\\n1764.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0459.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "440 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nI separate It appeared like sheets of fire inclining toge-\\nther; its sound as it went in some places, was said to\\nresemble that of a great fire urged by a strong wind\\nit kept near one height all the way, till it had crbssed the\\nmeridian to the north about twenty degrees there a\\nsmall cloud seemed to attract it; mounting higher, just\\nas it appeared the outward edge of the cloud, it\\nappeared to shatter into innumerable pieces.\\nCHAP. XXIII.\\nThe -present state of Indian affairs in Ncw-Jei sey.\\nTO the accounts before given respecting the Indians,\\nwe now add other particulars, as far as New-Jersey\\nhath been concerned.\\nFor nigh a century, such of them as were natives of\\nthat province, had all along maintained an intercourse\\nof great cordiality and friendship with the inhabitants,\\nbeing interspersed among them, and frequently receiv-\\ning meat at their houses, and other marks of good will\\nand esteem When the troubles broke out among the\\nback Indians, it was observed, that some who had\\nusually resided there, were missing, and supposed to\\nhave retired among them.\\nIn the year 1758, for a considerable time after the\\nfirst hostilities had commenced in Pennsylvania, the\\nfamily of Nicholas Cole, in Walpack, nigh the fron-\\ntier of New- Jersey, were at two in the afternoon unex-\\npectedly attacked, and most of them murdered and\\ncarried off; this, and a few other miuxlers alarmed the\\nprovince, as it was not known or sup})osed they had any\\ncomplaint against it.2-\\nThe\\nz. They had, to one of the messengers sent from Pennsylvania,\\ncomplained of the death of the sachem Weequehehih but this\\nwas", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0460.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 441\\nThe legislature appointed commissioners to examine A.D.\\ninto the treatment the Indians had received they first\\nmet them at Crosswicks, in the winter 1756, and heard\\nwhat they had then to allege as grievances, and\\npromised to lay them before the legislature which\\nthey did at a session in 1757; when an act passed to\\nremedy them, by laying a penalty upon persons selling\\nstrong drink, so as to intoxicate them, and declaring\\nall Indian sales or pawns for drink, void; that the\\nperson of no Indian should be ina})risoned for debt,\\nand that no traps larger than to weigii three pounds and\\na half should be set, c. and making all sales of lands\\nor leases void, not obtained a(;cording to the direction\\nof tiie acf/\\nThey afterwards, by another act, gave the comiuis-\\nsioners power to appropriate sixteen hundred pounds,\\nin purchasing a general release of Indian claims to\\nNew-Jersey; one half to be laid out in a settlement for\\nthe Indians residing in the province to the south of\\nRariton river, whereon they might reside, raise the\\nnecessary subsistence, and have always in view the con-\\nsideration they had received for the remainder of their\\nlands\\nwas looked upon as meer pretence to colour their attempts with the\\nappearance of justice; as that Indian was known to have been exe-\\ncuted for actual murder, and to liave liad a legal trial The fact\\nwas, he was an Indian of great note and account both among\\nCliristians and Indians, of the tribe tiiat resided about South-river,\\nwhere lie lived with a taste mucli above the common rank of Indians,\\nhaving an extensive farm, cattle, horses and negroes, and raised\\nlarge crops of wheat, and was so far English in Jiis furniture as to\\nhave a house well provided with feather beds, calico curtains, Sic.\\nHe frequently dined with governors and great men, and behaved\\nwell; but liis neighbour, captain John Leonard, having purchased\\na cedar swamp of other Indians, to wiiich he laid claim, and Leo-\\nnard refusing to take it on his right, he resented it highlv, and\\nthreatiied that he would shoot him; wiiich he accordingly took aa\\nopportunity of doing in the spring 1728, while Leonard was Iq\\nthe day time walking in his garden or near his own house, at\\nSouth-river aforesaid.\\na. Vide vol. 2 of laws, pa. 127.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0461.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "442 The HISTORY\\nA. D. lands the other half was to be applied to purchase\\n1758\\nany latent claims among the back Indians not resident\\nin the province.\\nThe commissioners accordingly procured a second\\nconference*- with the first mentioned which was held\\nat Crosswicks in the second month (February) 1758.\\nThey first reminded them, that they had above a\\nyear since informed them, that the disorders committed\\nin the back parts of Pennsylvania and this colony, had\\nnot lessened the regard they entertained for their friends\\nthe Indians, who in this time of trial lived peaceably\\nand quietly among the inhabitants, and assured them\\nof the governor s protection that they had then desir d\\nthey would make known any burthen that lay upon\\ntheir minds that the Indians then signifying some\\nabuses they were subject to by private sales made by\\nsome of their own people, and the inconveniencies\\nthey had suffered from setting iron traps for deer, being\\ncheated of their goods when in drink, and that they\\nthought they had still a right to some pieces of land,\\nwhich they had not sold that in consequence of these\\ndemands, they, the commissioners, had faithfully\\nreported to the legislature, who had passed a law to\\nprevent all future abuses of that kind and that they\\nwere now impowered fully to hear the particulars of\\nany\\na. The commissioners were, Andrew Johnston and Richard Salter,\\nesquires, of (he council, and Charles Read, John Stevens, William\\nFoster and Jacob Spicer, esquires. The Induins were, Teedye-\\nscunk, king of tlie Delawares. George Hopayock, from the\\nSusquehanah. Crosm-ick Indiana, Andrew Wooley, George Wheel-\\nwright, Peepy, Joseph Cuish, William Louiax, Gabriel Mitop,\\nZeb. Conchee, Bill News, John Pemboliis. Mountain Indians,\\nMoses Totamy, Philip. Rariton Indian, Tom Evans. Ancocus\\nIndians, Robert Kekott, Jacob MuUis, Samuel Gosling. Indians\\nfrom Cranbury, Thomas Store, Stephen Calvin, .John Pompshire,\\nBenjamin Claus, Joseph Wooley, Josiah Store, Isaac Still, James\\nCalvin, Peter Calvin, Dirick Quaquay, Ebenezar Wooley, Sarah\\nStores widow of Qiiaquahela. Southern Indians, Abraham Loques,\\nIsaac Swanelac. John Pompshire, interpreter.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0462.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "Of NE\\\\y-JERSEY. 443\\nany claims they had to lands in the colony, M hich A. D.\\nwas determined to do tliem strict jnstice The Indians\\ninformed the commissioners^ tliat the lands they\\nclaimed, could not be by tlieni described by lines^\\nvery intelligible to persons not on the spot, as they\\nwent to hollows, and small brooks, which had no cer-\\ntain nanu S bat that they liad described them as well\\nas they coidd And then they delivered lists of the\\ntracts they esteemed unpurchased, as follows No. 1,\\nA power of attorney from Capoose and Telaman, to\\nMoses Totamy, dated the 30th of January, 1743-4,\\nfor lands on the south and southwest side of the south\\nbranch of Rarlton, joining- thereto as explained by\\nthe said power. No. 2. A paper declaring the lands\\nfrom the half way from the mouth of 3fefetcunk, to\\nTom s river, from the sea to the heads of the rivers,\\nbelong to (sapt. John, Totamy milockwis and from\\nJohn EasteVs to Jloc/candcunk, on Cl ossu ichs then\\non a strait course to Mount- Holly,, and so up Rancho-\\ncas creek, to the head and from thence to the heads\\nof WiMeconk creek, and aloiig the said creek to Jarvit\\nFarrow s Mill, and so to the sea. Pbmpshire and\\nStephen Calvin, say, they are concerned in the tract,.\\nNo. 3. A power of attorney to Totamy, and capt.\\nJohn, dated the 21st of February, 1742, from Taw-\\nleyneyman, Tohokenum, Gooteleck, to sell lands on Fgg-\\nHarbour, between Mount- Holly and Crosswicks.\\nThey have a tract of land beginning at the Old-\\nFord, by John Fowler s,^ then on a line to Doctor s\\ncreek above, but in sight of Allen- Town then up\\nthe creek to the lower end of Imlaifs town then on\\na line to Crosswicks creek, by Duke Horseman s then\\nalong the said Creek to the place of beginning. Teedy~\\nesGunk and Totamy are concerned in the above lands\\nthen they said, that from the Mouth of Srpian, to No\\n2. belongs to Sarah Store, to whom it was given by\\nher", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0463.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "444 The HISTORY\\nA. D. her husband, to the heads of the branches, and so\\n1758\\nacross from one branch to the other.\\nTom Store and Andrew WooJey, claim a tract between\\nCranhury and Devil s JBrook, possessed by Josiah Davi-\\nson s sons, that has two new houses built thereon, in\\nwliich is included the whole tract of the late president\\nHamilton, and also Mr. Alexander s surveys, where\\nThomas Sowden lives he has sold part of this tract to\\nHoUinshead, where 31 Gee lives; also has sold some\\nto Josiah Davison, to Doore Marlet, John Wetherill,\\nand James Wilson: He claims lands from Cranhury\\nbrook, to the cross roads, lying on the right hand\\nof the road, and is claimed by William Pidgeon James\\nWall and John Story lives upon one corner of it\\nalso a piece upon Pompton river, the livers upon it he\\nknows not; it lies in one piece, and is the same that\\nMr. Woodruff and company, were about purchasing\\nof him.\\nThey also claim from the mouth of Squan, to the\\nmouth of Shrewsbury river, by the streams of each, to\\ntheir heads, and across from one head to the other.\\nAlso Vanot s place, an the west side of Squan river.\\nAlso a piece at Topanemus bridge In this piece Ben\\nClaus is concerned.\\nTom Store and Andrew Wooley, also claim a piece\\non the north side of South River. Polly Ritchies place.\\nAlso a piece between Allen-Town and 3IilMone\\nbrook, where Hockan Gapee used to live, joining on\\nthe east side of the post road to Amboy part of Dun-\\nstar s tract.\\nAlso, Vanse s place, joining to Millstone brook, on\\nAmboy road part of Fullerton s tract.\\nAlso a swamp near Gawen Watson s phice, belong-\\ning to the Johnston s family, and the Furmans.\\nIsaac Still claims from the mouth of Great Egg-\\nHarbour river, to the head branches thereof, on the\\neast", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0464.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 445\\neast side; s to the road that leads to Great Erjg-Har- A^_^-\\nhour so along the road to the sea side, except TuckaJtoe,\\nand the Sammer s, Steelman, and Skull s places.\\nRobert Kecott, claims in Piles grove, the places\\nwhereon John Mai/huc s sons live.\\nAlso the township of Deerjield, in the county of\\nOihmberland, where the presbyterian meeting hcjuse\\nstands.\\nAlso the tracts of James Wasse^ Joseph Peck, and\\nStephen Chesnp.\\nJacob 3IuUis claims the pine lands, on JEdge Pillock\\nBranchy and Goshen Neck Branch, where Benjamin\\nSpringer and George Marpole s mills stands and all\\nthe land between the head branches of those creeks to\\nwhere the waters join or meet.\\nAbraJuim Loques claims the Cedar-Swamp, on the\\neast side, Tiickahoe Branch, which John Campion and\\nPeter Campbell have, or had in possession.\\nAlso Stiiypson s island, near Delaware river. Tom\\nStore claims 30 acres adjoining Ridiard Parks, wheel-\\nwright in Middlesex county.\\nTeedi/esGunk claims a tract in Hunterdon, allied Ne-\\nshannocky beginning at Philip Ringoe s house, which\\nstands near a corner of it; and so along the road that\\nleads from thence to Brunswick, as far as Ne^Iumnock\\ncreek thence up the same to George Hatten s thence\\non a strait course to Petit s place, and so on to a hill\\ncalled Paatquacktung thence in a strait line to the\\nplace of beginning which tract was reserved at the\\nsale, and marked out by Wauhaway, who is alive.\\nThe Indians in general, claim their settlements near\\nCranbury, on Menolapan river, in Fdlkner s tract,\\nwhereon many of the Indians now live.\\nAnd also a few acres below the plantation of Robert\\nPearsons, on the north side of Crosswicks creek.\\nHaving.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0465.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "446 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. Having delivered these claims to the commissioners\\n1758.\\nthe Indians present executed a power of attorney, ap-\\npointing Tom Store, Moses Totami, Stephen Calvin,\\nIsaac Still, and John Pompshire, or the major part\\nof them, to transact all future business Avith the govern-\\nment, respecting lands and then they released all\\nclaims for themselves, and their heirs, to the proprie-\\ntors of the respective divisions, and the purcliasers\\nunder them, to all the lands in New- Jersey, not in-\\ncluded in the above list; and to such of these likewise,\\nas could be proved to be conveyed by deed from the\\nIndian inhabitants, except the chiims of the Minisink\\nand Pompton Indians, on the northern parts which\\npower was acknowledged by all the parties, before\\nJohn Imlay, Esq one of the judges of Burlington\\ncounty, in order to be first recorded, and then delivered\\nto the Indian attornies.\\nTee lyescunk, the next day told the commissioners\\nthat he was very well pleased with what was done, and\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2esteemed the methods concluded on to be just and\\nequitable and to this all the Indians gave their assent.\\nThus things rested, till the latter part of the sum-\\nmer when governor Bernard procured a treaty with\\nseveral of the back Indians, by means of the following\\nmessage\\nTo Teedyescung, king of the Delaware Indians\\nby Moses Tetamy and Isaac Stille, messengers\\ndeputed by me Greeting.\\nI was surprised, on my arrival here with his ma-\\n^jesty s royal commission as governor of tiiis his pro-\\nvince, to find that invasions have been lately made on\\nthe inhabitants of tiiis colony, and. much hlood shed\\nby Indians, supposed to be those of Minisink or\\nPompton, who have resided within this colony, and\\nhave sometime since withdrawn themselves; and n,^ I\\nhave no knowledge of any reason thev, or any of\\nthem", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0466.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "O F K E W J E R S E Y 447\\nthem, have, for bcino; discontented, or offering vio- A. D.\\nlence to the Inhabitants of his majesty s colony under\\nmy government; and no public complaints have\\nbeen made by the Indians of Minisink or Pompton,\\nformerly inhabitants of this colony, at any of the con-\\nferences held between the commissioners of New-\\nJersey, and the Indian inhabitants of the same to pre-\\nvent any further hostilities, I hereby send you this\\n])0\\\\ver, to go to the Indians of Minisink and Pompton,\\nformerly inhabitants of tiiis colony; and in my name,\\nto desire them to desist from hostilities, and kindly to\\ninvite them to a conference with this colony and to\\nassure them tliey shall be received in the most friendly\\nmanner, and every endeavour shall be used to esta-\\nblish and confirm a friendship between the subjects\\nof our great king George, our common father, and\\nthem, as a thing of the greatest use. You are to\\nenforce the natural affection between us and them,\\nand how much it is for their interest to be at peace\\nwith a people, who have the means of making them\\nhappy and easy, and have, by the blessing of pro-\\nvidence, provisions, and every necessary of life in\\nplenty, sufficient to supply their friends in distress.\\nAs I have named a time, most convenient for\\nthem to be down here, it wt)uld give me pleasure\\nto see them then But if unavoidable accidents\\nshould put it out of their p(\u00c2\u00bbwer to attend at tiiat\\ntime; I have left the time and place to themselves,\\nso that it be in my government; and that they\\n(^ome by Fort Aden, and enter New- Jersey, below\\nthe falls at Trenton, and send an account of their\\narrival, that I may ap})oint persons to receive and\\nconduct them to me. I prescribe this path, be-\\ncause the peoj)le above, who have lost their friends\\nand relations, are so inflamed, as to render it unsafe\\nfor them to enter this colony above Trenton.\\nIf you cannot go to the places of residence of\\nthe Minisink and Pompton Indians, you are (or in\\ncase of your death or absence, that ]Moses Tetamy\\nand Isaac Still are) empowered to employ two good\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0467.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "448\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1758.\\nand faithful messencrers, to find out the chief place\\nof the residence of these Indians, and to deliver to\\nthem the message from me, with the belt and four\\nstrings of wampum, aud the safe conduct and Hag\\ngiven you herewith and you are desired to re])ort\\nto me, your proceedings herein, with all convenient\\nspeed. Given under my hand and seal at arms,\\nthe 25th day of June, iu the thirty-seeoud year of\\nhis majesty s reign.\\n(L. S.) By his excellency Francis Bernard, Esq;\\ncaptain general governor and com-\\nmauder in chief of the colony of New-\\nJersey, c.\\nBrethren, the Minisink, or Munsy Indians, and\\nthose of Pompton\\nIt is with great pain I am to tell you, that some\\nIndians have invaded our province on the upper parts\\nof the Delaware, and shed much blood, and that\\nyou are suspected to be concerned in it. A string.\\nBrethren,\\nIf you have been instigated to this by the false\\nsuggestions of our enemies, the French, we pity you;\\nfor these proceedings, if not immediately prevented,\\nmust cause a discord between us, which though -it\\nmay be greatly hurtful to our people, must in the\\nend entirely ruin yours, A string.\\nBrethren,\\nThe throne of the great king is founded on justice,\\nand therefore if you had received any injury from\\nany of his peoj)le living within our province, you\\nshould have made your complaints to me, who am\\nordered to do justice to all men, and I would have\\nheard you with open ears, and given you full satis-\\nfaction. A string.\\nBrethren,\\nIf therefore you have any anger boiling in your\\nbreasts, I, by this belt, invite you to Burlington, in\\nfive weeks, at which time our great council will be\\ntogether there to unburthen your minds, aud root\\nout", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0468.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "OfNEW -JERSEY. 449\\nout of your liearts the seeds of eumity, before they A.D.\\ntake too deep ii root. And I will kindle a council fire,\\nand bury all the blood, that has stain d our ground,\\ndeep in the earth, and make a new chain of peace,\\nthat may bind us and our children, and you and your\\nchildren, in everlasting bonds of love, that we may\\nlive together as brethren, under the protection of the\\ngreat king, our common father. A belt.\\nBrethren,\\nIf these words shall please you, and you should\\nchoose that we should be your friends rather than your\\nenemies, let all hostilities imn)ediately cease, and re-\\nceive this passport, and go to fort Allen; from whence\\nyou shall be conducted to Bristol, where you will\\nfind deputies, who will take you by the hand and lead\\nyou to me at Burlington: But if the time and place\\nI hav e mentioned, be inconvenient to you, I shall\\nbe ready to receive you in this government when you\\ncan more agreeably to yourselves, attend. A string.\\nAt a conference held at Burlington, on monday,\\nAugust 7, 1758.\\nr RESENT,\\nHis excellency Francis Bernard, Esq governor.\\nThe honourable James Hude, Andrew Johnston,\\nPeter Kemble, Richard Saltar, Lewis M. Ashfield,\\nSamuel Woodruff, esquires, of his majesty s council.\\nCharles Read, John Stevens, William Foster,\\nEsqrs, commissioners for Indian affairs.\\nIndians. Otiiwopass, or Benjamin, Coallins, or\\nGoatshank, messengers from the xNlinisink or Munsey\\nIndians. Apewyet, or John Hudson, a Cayugan,\\nSaauiel, a Delaware Indian, messengers from tlie\\nMingoians. Taudakass, a Delaware Indian, who\\ncavie with the IVInnsev Indians.\\nJohn Pumpshire, interpreter. Moses Totamy,\\nSteohen Calvin, assistant\\nHis excellency sat, holding four strings of wampum\\nin his hand, and spoke to them as follows\\n2 F Brethren", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0469.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "4.50\\nThe H ISTORY\\nA. D.\\n1758.\\nBrethren,\\nAs you are come from a long journey, through a\\nwood full of briars with this string I anoint\\nyour feet, and take away their soreness With this\\nstring I wipe the sweat from your bodies: With this\\nstring I cleanse your eyes, ears. and month, tiiat you\\nmay see, hear and speak, clearly and I parti(ailarly\\nanoint your throat, that every word you say may have\\na free passage from your heart And with this string\\nI bid you heartily welcome.\\nThen delivered all the four strings.\\nHis excellency then informed them, that he should\\nbe ready to liear what they had to say, in answer to the\\nmessage he had sent to their chiefs, as soon as would\\nbe convenient to them when they informed him, they\\nwould be ready in the afternoon And thanked his\\nexcellency, for using the customs of their fathers, in\\nbidding them welcome.\\nMonday afternoon.\\nPRESENT,\\nAs in the morning.\\nThe Indians being informed, that the governor .was\\nready to hear them, Benjamin, on behalf of the Mun-\\nsey Indians, holding a belt in his hand, spoke sitting,\\nnot being allowed to stand till the Mingoian had spoke.\\nBrother,\\nAt first when your messengers came to us at Assinske,\\ntwenty seven days since, our ancient peo})le were glad\\nto hear them, and our young men, women and chil-\\ndren rejoiced at the tidings. We know you are\\ngreat, and strong, and we took it kindly. All our\\nfriends and relations were in sorrow, and ])itied the\\ncondition of the women and of the children, who are\\ngrowing up. The kind words of our brethren the\\nEnglish, we sent to our uncles the Mingoians and\\none of them is come down here to the place of our\\nmeeting, to be a witness of what passes between us.\\nThen", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0470.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 451\\nThen John Hudson, the Cayugan, aboveraentioned, A^ D.\\nstood up, and spoke as follows\\nBrother,\\nIn confirmation of what has been said to you, I,\\nwho am the Mingoian, am, by this belt, to inform\\nyou, that the Munseys are women, and cannot hold\\ntreaties for themselves therefore I am sent to inform\\nyou, that the invitation you gave the Munseys, is\\nagreeable to us and we have taken hold of your\\nbelt and I desire you may write down my attending\\nhere tho while I am here, I left my family in danger\\nof beino; cut off bv our enemies the French.\\nFurther, brotlier,\\nI have told you your belt was agreeable, and\\nreceived by us as an earnest of your friendshij): liut\\ntho we are glad of this opportunity of speahing with\\nyou, yet I am to inform you, that it is not agreeable\\nto our chief men and counsellors, to have a new\\ncouncil-fire kindled, or the old one removed to this\\nside of the river, from Pennsylvania, where it hath\\nalways been kept burning; the reason is this, we\\nknow the strength of the water, and that when the\\nwind and tide is stroiig, it roars, that our jieople\\ncannot hear so that it is proper we should have the\\ncouncil-fire on the other sid(! of the river nearer to us.\\nBrother,\\nI thiidc tliis is a good reason whv it should be\\n*so: For, though we should speak loud, the distant\\nnations will not hear us, if the roaring waters are\\nbetween us and them. We therefore hope, a.s the\\ncouncil-fire is kindled, and ke])t burning in the forks\\nof Delaware, by the desire of all oui- nations we shall\\nsee our brother the governor there.\\nBrother,\\nWe attend to the words Me have heard from you\\nYou say you are a man of strength, and we believe\\nyou are. I am a man as well as you I know of no\\nnation stronger than you and our chief men and old\\ncouncellers are willing to meet you at the forks of\\nDelaware, and to confirm our alliance, and brighten\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0471.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "452 The HISTORY\\nA. D. the chain of friendship more clear than it has hereto-\\n1752. i ^QYQ been. This belt conjinus what I have mid.\\nHe then delivered the governor a belt, on one side\\nof which are three figures of men in black wampum,\\nrepresenting the Shuwanese, Delawares, and Mingoi-\\nans, liviug on the Ohio; ou the other side, four figures\\nrepresenting the united councils of tiie six nations, in\\ntheir own country: By their being now joined in this\\nbelt, he declared it expressed their union. That\\nthe western Indians iiaving consulted their uncU S,\\nnow joined in sending it, in pursuance of a belt of\\ninvitation sent them above a year since, by George\\nCroghan, on behalf of the English.\\nThen Benjamin, on behalf of the Munsies, stood\\nup, and said,\\nBrother,\\nOur ancient people, and chief men, are glad to\\nhear of the kind disposition of the English. We\\nbelieve yon are wjse and strong and for the good of\\nour wives and ciiildren, for whose protection we are\\nconcerned, that they may have some good and lasting\\nsettlement made for them to the latest j)osterity, in\\norder to obtain it, we should be glad of the opportu-\\nnity, to see all our brethren the English together.\\nOur chief men, and old councellors, are making\\nready to come to the council-fire, in onler to settle\\nall matters which have been the cauise of uneasiness\\nbetween us. We believe your professions are sincere,\\nand that you will agree upon what is nnost for the\\ngood of both you and us; and we shall be ready to\\nbe advised by you, as we think you are wise. We\\nare glad to have an opportunity of conversing with\\nyou, without interruption, tho the sun is low But\\nwe hope our and your ancient and wise men, will\\nhave the happiness of consulting freely together, for\\nthe good of one another, before it be dark and that\\nwe shall meet one another with sincerity and truth,\\nas we expect the blessing from above to attend us\\ntherein. And", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0472.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "OfNEW -JERSEY. 453\\nAnd I am directed to inform you, that the Indian \\\\P\\n^nations will be next full moon after this, at the forks\\nof Delaware, and will send the governor word before\\nhand, of tiie particular day they will be there, and\\nof their nations and numbers: And so you may make\\nit known to whom you think proper, that they may\\nbe ])resont at our meeting.\\nThere are two nations besides the Munseys, parties\\nto this message,\\nThe Seneoas, whose chief man is Tageeskata, and\\nlives at Mahahensink.\\nThe Cayugas, whose chief man is Eshakanata.\\nThe chief man of the Munseys, is Egohohoun.\\nTuesday, August 8, 1758.\\nr R E s 1-: N T\\nHis excellency the governor; the gentlemen of the\\ncouncil the commissioners for Indian atfairs the\\nIndians, and the interj)reters as yesterday.\\nHis excellency delivered the following answer to\\nwhat the Indians said yesterday\\nBrethren,\\nI am glad to hear, that our offers of peace and\\namity have been well received by your peo|)le, and\\nthat they are (lis|)osed to brighten the chain that here-\\ntofore had held us together, and to restore that bro-\\ntherhood that had for many years subsisted between us.\\nOf late a great darkness liath overshadowed the land,\\nbut we hope, that the snn is uj) that will disperse the\\nclouds that have hrndred us from seeing one another,\\nand make all our future days bright and pleasant.\\nWe agree with you, that it would be best for us all\\nto meet at the great-council-iire that is kindled on the\\nforks of Delaware It is on many accounts proj)er\\nand the ])articular circumstances of this province,\\nmake it most agreeable to tis. We differ from the\\nneighbouring provinces in many things We have\\nbounds set to our people, beyond which they neither\\nean, not desire to pass; they are content with the\\ncultivation\\n1758.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0473.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "454\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1758.\\ncultivation of their lauds, and seek not for extraor-\\ndinary gains, by following; trade out of thjeir own\\ncountry. As we have had little intercourse with your\\npeople, we can have little cause of contention with\\nthem The encroachments of unbounded settlers,\\nand the tricks of unfair traders, cannot be charged\\non us. All we have to doj is to offer your people our\\nfriendship which, if you will sincerely and heariiily\\naccept of it, shall endure to you and your children,\\nas long as the sun shall shine, or the river on whose\\nbanks we meet shall flow.\\nBrethren,\\nI speak the words of justice and benevolence, and\\nnot of fear. It is well known to many of you, that\\nas our people are industrious and hardy, they are also\\nbold and resolute: If they are attacked, they give\\nshot for shot, and blow for blow. But we should be\\nsorry that this their warlike spirit, should be turned\\nagain you our antient friends and brethrn No j\\nlet it be exerted against the French, who are the cora-\\nmon enemies of us, of you, and of all people that\\nwould be free and independent.\\nBrethren,\\nWhat I speak to you, I speak to those that sent\\nyou and say to our bretlu cn, that we are honest and\\nsincere in our professions to them and hope they will\\nbe so in what they profess to us. But as we have been.\\nstruck, without having injured any one, we shall ex-\\npect that they will give us a proof of their good inten-\\ntions towards us, by bringing with tliem all the\\nprisoners that have been takeni fi ora us. Those\\namong you, who are husbands and fathers can best\\ntell what our people must feel, who have had their\\nwives and children torn from them. We also expect,\\nthat until we shall all meet at the great council fire,\\nand these our mutual offers of peace and friendship\\nshall be brought to maturity, by a solemn and publick\\ntreaty, you will not suffer your own people to commit\\nhostilities against us, nor any others to pass by you,\\nwithout giving us early notice, to prepare ourselves\\nagainst them. Brethren,.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0474.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "Of new- jersey. 455\\nBrethren, A- D.\\nThe great God, whom we serve, and who protects oH.\\nus, aud gives us all the blessings of life which we en-\\n*jov, hath coniuianded us to be just and benevolent to\\nall mankind. We are desirous to be so; and if we\\ncan be assured, that your people will live on terms of\\nfriendship with us, the lowest person among you shall\\nreceive no hurt from our ])e()ple, that we can prevent\\nor redress. Of this I will give your people further\\nassurance, when we metjt at the council tire In the\\nmean time, 1 confirm what I have said by these belts.\\nHis excellency then delivered one belt to John Hud-\\nsou, the Cayugan, and one to Benjamin, the Munsey.\\nThe two foregoing treaties, oj)ened the way for\\nanother to be held the Octol)er following, at ICaston,\\nin Pennsylvania; so nuieh of this as concerns the\\npurchase of the Indian claims to the province of New-\\nJersey, were as follow\\nAt a conference held at the town of Kaston, on the\\neighth day of October, 1758.\\nP R E SEN T.\\nThe honourable William Denny, Esq; lieut. governor.\\nLawrence Growdou, William Logan, Richard\\nPeters, Lynford Lanhicr, Benjamin Chew, John\\nMifflin, es([uires, members of the governor s council.\\nIsaac Norris, Joseph Fox, Joseph Galloway, John\\nHughes, Daniel Roberileau, Amos Strickland, esqrs.\\ncommittoe of the house of representatives.\\nCharles Read, Jacob Spicer, esquires, commis-\\nsioncrs for Indian atlairs, in the province of New-\\nJersey.\\nA number of magistrates and freeholders of this\\nand the neighbouring |)roviuce, and of the citizens of\\nthe city of Philadelphia, chiefly of the people called\\nQuakers.\\nGeorge Croglian, esquire, deputy agent for Indian\\naifairs under Sir William Johnson.\\nIndians", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0475.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "456\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1758.\\nIndians of several nations, viz.\\nMohawks: Nichas, or Karaghtadic, with one\\nwoman and two boys. In all 4\\nSeneeas Tagashata, alias Takeaghsorlo, alias\\nSigachsadon, chief man, with 7 other chiefs, 37\\notlier men, 28 Avomen and children. In all 83\\nOnondagas: Assaradonguas, with 9 men, 9\\nwomen and children. In all 19\\nOneidos Sogughsonyont, alias Thomas King,\\nAnagaraghiry, Assany quou, with 3 warrior cap-\\ntains, 6 warriors, and 33 women and children. 45\\nCayngas: Tokaaio, with 8 men, 11 women\\n*and children. 20\\nTuscaroras: Nicha([uantaquoah, alias Jona-\\nthan with 5 men, 12 women, and 2 children. 20\\nNanticokes Robert White, alias Wolaiiocu-\\nmy, Pashdomokas, alias Charles, with 16 men,\\n20 women, and 18 children. 56\\nConoys Kanakt, alias Last Night, with 9\\nmen, 10 women, and 1 child. 21\\nTutelos Cakanonekoanos, alias Big Arm,\\nAsswagarat, with 6 men and 3 women. 11\\nChogknots Ten men, 20 women and children. 30\\nChihohockies: alias Delawares, and Unamies\\nTeedvnscnng, with divers men, women and\\nchildren. 60\\nMunsies or Minisinks Egotchowen, with\\nsundry men, women and children. 35\\nMawhickons Abraham, or Mammatuckan,\\nwith sev^eral men, women, and children. 56\\nWawpings or Pomptons: Nimham, Aquay-\\nwochtu, with sundry men, women, and children. 47\\nIn all 507\\nConrad Weiser, Esq; provinciid Interpreter.\\nCaptain Henry Montour, interpreter in Six Nation\\nand Delaware lang-uao-es.\\nStephen Calvin, Isaac Stille, Moses Tetamy, De-\\nlaw^are Indians, interpreters in _ the Delaware lan-\\nguage. At", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0476.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 457\\nAt a conference held at Enston with tlic Indians, on A. D.\\nUhe 11th of October, 1758. P. M.\\nP R S E J T\\nGovernor Denny, with his conncil, and the several\\nPennsylvania gentlemen, as before.\\nThe Indians, e. as before.\\nHis excellency Francis Bernard, Esq; captain general\\nand governor in chief of his majesty s province of\\nNew- Jersey.\\nThe hononrable Andrew Johnston, Charles Read,\\nelolin Stevens, Jacob Spicer, William Foster, Esqrs,\\ncommissioners of New-Jersey, for Indian affairs.\\nTagashata, the Seneca chief, intending to speak\\nfirst, on behalf of the Indians, had laid some belts\\nand strings in order on tlie table.\\nAs soon as the company sat down, Teedynscnng\\nholding out a string, said he ha l something to deliver,\\nand desired he mijjht be heard first of all. ^Nlr. Cro r-\\nhan requested to know, if what he was going to say\\nwas the result of the Delaware council, and if it w;is\\ntheir desire it should be spoke first but no answer w;is\\ngiven him ;is to this.\\nGovernor Bernard signifying his desire to bid the\\nIndians welcome, and just mention to them the busi-\\nness he came upon, it was agreed he should speak first;\\nwhich he did as follows.\\nBrethren,\\nI AM glad to see so many of you met together, to\\ncultivate peace with your brethren and old friends the\\nEnglish. I heartily bid you welcome, and with that\\nthe good work for which you are now assembled,\\nmay prosper in your hands, and have that success,\\nwhich your wise men, and all that wish you well,\\nmust desire as a thin much to vour advantage.\\nThe situation of the province over which I preside,\\nand the disj ositi\u00c2\u00ab n of its peo] le, have hitherto\\nutfordcd very little occasion for treaties witli the\\nneiarhbourinir", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0477.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "458\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1758.\\nneighbouring Indians; but having some months ago\\nsent a message to the Minisinks, I received a message\\nfrom our brethren tlie Senecas and Cayugas, wherein\\nthev take upon them to answer my message to the\\nMinisinks, and desire that I would meet them at the\\ncouncil fire burning at this place.\\nIt is not usual for the king s governors to go out\\nof their provinces to attend treaties but I am glad\\nto have an opportunity of sliewing my good dispo-\\nsition to establish ])eace and fri( ndshi|) with my neigh-\\nbours, and therefore I have waved all form, and am\\ncome here according to the invitation I received at\\nBurlington.\\nTo you, therefore, our brethren the Senecas and\\nCayugas, and your nej)hews the Minisiidcs, I now\\nspeak, and desire that you would take into your most\\nserious consideration, my message to the Minisinks,\\nyour message to me, and my answer thereto, and let\\nme know wliat we are to expect from you.\\nWhat is past we are willing to forget but I must\\nremind you, that if you are disposed to be our friends\\nfor the future, you should give us that proof of your\\nsincerity, which I have desired in my answer to your\\nmessage, and return us the captives that have been\\ntaken out of our province, and are now within your\\npower This should be one of the first steps, and will\\nbe the best that can be taken towards restoring and\\nconfirming that brotherly love and friendship between\\nus; which, I am convinced, will be for the mutual\\nbenefit of all parties.\\nThis was interpreted in the six nations language,\\nby mr. Weiser, and in the Delaware, by mr. Stephen\\nCalvin, the Indian school-master in West-Jersey.\\nThen Teedyuscung spoke,\\nBrethren,\\nI desire all of you who are present will give ear to\\nme. As you, my brethren, desired me to call all\\nthe nations who live back I have done so. Now if\\nyou have any thing to say to them, or they to you,\\nyou uuist sit and talk together. Brethren,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0478.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 45^\\nBrethren, A. D.\\nI sit by, only to hear and see what you say to one\\nanotlier for I liave said what I have to say, to the go-\\nvernor of Pensylvannia, who sits liere he knows what\\nhas ])assed between ns. I have made known to him\\nthe reasons why I struck him. Now I and the go-\\nvernor have made uj) these differences between iiini\\nand me; and I think we have done it as far as we\\ncan for our futiu e peace. A .sfrhu/.\\nThe above speo(;h was interpreted in tlie six nation\\nlanguage.\\nTagasliata then rose nj), and spoke,\\nBrethren, the govcrnoi-s, and your councils,\\nIt has pleased the most high, that we meet togetlier\\nhere with chearful countenances, and a good deal of\\nsatisfaction: And as publick business retpiires great\\nconsideration, and the day is almost spent, 1 choose to.\\nspeak early to morrow morning.\\nThe governors answered, that they slioidd be glad\\nto give all the dispatch possible to this good work they\\nwere engaged in, and desired the chiefs would fix the\\ntime of meeting; but they declined it, saying, They\\nwere unacquainted with hours, but would give notice\\nwhen they were ready.\\nAt a conference held at Eiiston, on the 12th of\\nOctober, 1758.\\nPRESENT.\\nThe governors the gentlemen of their councils, and\\nothers, as before.\\nTagashata, the Seneca chief taking the strings and\\nbelt of wampum, which governor Bernard gave yester-\\nday, repeated accordhig to the Indian custom, the\\nparticulars of his speech, and then added,\\nBrethren,\\nWe aj^prove of every article mentioned to us yes-\\ntejxlay, l)y the governor of Jersey all that he said is-\\nvery good We look upon his message to us, as a\\ncommission", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0479.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "460\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1758.\\ncommission and request from him, that we should\\nbrino; matters to a good oonckision with our cousins\\nthe Minisinivs. They tiiemselves sent for us to do\\nthe same thing, on their behalf and at their request\\nwe came here, have taken it in hand, and will use\\nour utmost endeavours to bring about the good work\\nwhich governor Beruard desires, and do not doubt\\nbut it will be done to his entire satisfaction.\\nBrethren,\\nI now speak at the request of Teedyuscung, and\\nour nephews the Delawares, living at Wyomink, and\\non the waters of the river Susquehannah.\\nBrethren,\\nWe now remove the hatchets out of your heads,\\nthat was struck into it by our cousins the Delawares:\\nIt was a French hatchet that they unfortunately made\\nuse of, by the instigation of the French We take it\\nout of yonr heads, and bury it under ground, where\\nit shall always rest and never be taken up again. Onr\\n^cousins the Delawares, liave assured us, they will\\nnever think of war against their Brethren the English\\nany more, but employ their thoughts about peace,\\nand cultivating friendship with them, and never suffer\\nenmity against them to enter into their minds again.\\nThe Delawares desired us to say this for them by\\nthis belt. A belt.\\nBrethren,\\nOur nephews the Minisink Indians and three otlier\\ndifferent tribes of that nation, have, at last, listened\\nto us, and taken our advice, and laid down the\\nhatchet they had taken up against their brethren the\\nEnglish. They told us they had received it from the\\nFrench, but had already laid it down, and would\\nreturn it to them again,\\nThey assured us, they woiild never use it any more\\nagainst you, but would follow our advice; and en-\\ntreated us to use our utmost endeavours to reconcile\\nthem to you their brethren, declaring they were\\nvery sorry for what they had done, and desired it\\nmight be forgotten, and they would ibrever cultivate", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0480.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "Of NEW-JERSEY. 4(U\\na good friendsliip with yon. These declarations were ^:.P-\\nmade by the principal warriors of four tribes of the\\nMinisink Indians, at giving us this belt. A belt.\\nThen taking eight strings of black wampum, he\\nproceeded\\nBrethren,\\nWe let you know, that wo liave not only brought\\nabout this union with our nei)hews on the waters of\\ntlie river Snsquehimnah, but we also have sent messages\\nto our nephews the Dehiwarcs and Minisinks, and to\\nthose likewise of our own nations who are on the Ohio,\\nunder the influence of the French. We have told all\\nthose, that they must \\\\ay down the French hatchet,\\nand be reconciled to their brethren the English, and\\nnever more emj)loy it against tiiem. And we hope\\nthey will take our advice. We the Mohawks,\\nSenecas, and Onondagas, deliver this string of\\nwampum, to remove the Imtchet out of your heads,\\nthat lias l)een struck into them by the Ohio Indians;\\nin order to lay a foundation for peace.\\nJElf/ht strings of black wampum.\\nTagashata sat down, and then the Cayuga chief,\\nTokaaio, arose, and said,\\nBrethren,\\nI speak in behalf of the younger nations, part of,\\nand confederated with the Six Nations, viz. the\\nCayugas, Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Tutaloes, Nanti-\\ncokes, and Conoys.\\nA road has been made from our country to this\\ncouncil Are, that we might treat about friendship;\\nand as we came down the road, we saw, that by some\\nmisibrtune or other, blood has lately been spilt on it.\\nBy these strings we make tlixi road wider and clearer;\\nw(! take the blood away out of it, and likewise out of\\nthe council chamber, which may have been stained\\nwe wash it all away, and desire it may not be seen any\\nmore; and we take the hatchet out of your heads.\\nGave Uiree strings.\\nBrethren,.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0481.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "462 The HISTORY\\nA. D. Brethren, the governors, and all the English,\\n1758. J confine myself to the Cayugas, my own\\nnation.\\nI will hide nothing from you, because we have\\npromised to speak to each other from the bottom of\\nour hearts.\\nThe French, like a thief in the night, have stolen\\naway some of our young men, and misled them; and\\nthey have been concerned in doing mischief against\\nour brethren the English.\\nWe did not know it when it hap))ened, but we\\ndiscovered it since. The chiefs of our nation held\\ntheir young men fast, and would not sutf er them to\\nffo out of their siorht but the Fren(!h came and stole\\nthem away from us, and corrupted them to do mis-\\nchief: We are sorry for it; we ask pardon for them,\\nand hope you will forgive them We protnise they\\nshall do so no more: And now, by this belt, we take\\nout of your heads the hatchet witii which they struck\\nyou. A belt of ten r ows.\\nHe added, he had found out, That some of their\\nyoung men had been concerned in striking the English\\nfour times.\\nAt a conference with the Indians, on the 16th of\\nOctober, 1758.\\nPRESENT.\\nThe governors and gentlemen of their council, c.\\nGovernor Bernard spoke,\\nBrethren of all the confederated nations,\\nAs you proposed your questions concerning Tee-\\ndyuscung separately, I think proper to give you a\\nseparate answer thereto\\nI know not who made Teedyuscung so great a\\nman nor do I know that he is any greater thui a\\nchief of the Delaware Indians settled at W^yomink.\\nThe title of king could not be given him by an Eng-\\nlish governor; for we know very well, that there is no\\nsuch person among the Indians, as what we call a\\nkma:.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0482.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "O F N E J E R S E Y 4tJ3\\nking. And if we call him so, we mean no more than A. D.\\na sachem, or chief. I observe in his treaties which\\nhe has held with the governor of Pennsylvania,\\n[which I have perused since our last meeting] that he\\n*says he was a woman, till you made him a man, by\\nputting a tomhawk into his hand and through all of\\ntiiose treaties, esi)ecially in tlie last, held at this town,\\nhe calls you his uncles, and professes that he is depen-\\ndent on you and I know not that any thing has since\\nhappened to alter his relation to you. I therefore\\nconsider him still to be your nephew.\\nBrethren,\\nI am obliged to you for your kind promises, to re-\\nturn the caj)tives which have been taken from us. I\\nhope you will not only do so, but will also engage such\\nof our allies and nephews, as have taken captives\\nfrom us, to do tiic sanje. That you may be mindful\\nof this, I give you this belt. A heft.\\nAfter the governor had done speaking, and their\\nanswers were inter|)reted in the united nations and\\nDelaware languiag(!s, the Indian chiefs were asked, if they\\nhad any thing more to say. On which Tagashatu\\narose, and made a speecli to his cousins the Delaware and\\nMinisink Indians, directing his discourse to Teedy-\\nuscung.\\nNephews,\\nYou may remember all that passed at this council-\\nfi) e. The governors who sit there have put you in\\nmind of what was agreed u|)on last year They both\\nput you in mind oC this promise, and desire you will\\nperform it: You have promised it, and must perform\\nit. We your nudes promised to return the prisoners.\\nWe your uncles, have promised to return all the\\nEnglish i)ris()iiers among us, and therefore we expect\\nthat you our cousins and nephews will do the same.\\nAs soon as you conae home, ^ve desire that you will\\nsearch ciirefully in your towns for all the prisoners\\namong you that have been taken out of every jirovince,\\nand cause them to be delivered up. to vour brethren.\\nYou", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0483.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "464\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1758.\\nYou know that the is an article of this peace that was\\n]Tia le between you and your brethren In confirni-\\nation of whitth you received a large peace belt; of\\nwhich belt we desire you will give an account, and\\nlet us kn()w what is become of it, and how far you\\nhave proceeded in it. A belt.\\nAfter this was interpreted in the Delaware language,\\nit was observed, that there were no Minisink Indians\\n])resent the governors therefore desired, that nir.\\nPeters and nir. Read would procure a meeting of the\\nchiefs of the united nations, Delawares an\u00c2\u00abl Minisinks,\\nand cause the speech of Tagashata to be interpreted to\\nthe Minisinks in presence of their uncles.\\nRobert White, tlie Nanticoke chief, arose and said,^\\nhe was going to speak in behalf of seven nations, and\\ndirecting his discourse to the governors, he delivered\\nhimself in the English language as follows,\\nBrethren,\\nIt is now more than two years since we heard of\\nour cousins the Delawares taking up the hatchet\\nagainst the English. At the first, Sir William John-\\nston sent a message to the head nations, and when\\nthey received it, they sent to us at Otsaningo telling\\nus, that as we lived close by our cousins, they desired\\nwe would invite them to meet at our town, and accord-\\ningly we invited them, and they came to a great\\nmeeting at our town of Otsaningo. We (hen gave our\\ncousins a belt of a fathom long, and twenty five rows\\nin breadth, and desired them to lay down the hatchet\\nthat they had taken up against the English, and to\\nbe easy with them And if they would foUow this\\nadvice, we told them,, that they would live in peace,,\\nuntil their heads were white with, age; otherwise, it\\nmight not be so with them.\\nNot hearing from our cousins for some time what\\nthey did in consequence of this belt, we sent to them\\ntwo other belts, one of sixteen and the other of twelve\\nrows, desiring them once more to be easy with their\\nbrethren", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0484.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "Of 2s E W J E R S E Y 466\\nbrethren the Eni!;lish, and not to strike them any\\nmore: But still we lieard nothino- from them indeed\\nsometime attcrwards we understood the Delawares\\nshouKl say, that the Indiaiis at Otsaninijo, had grey\\neyes, and were like the Enjijlish, and should l)e served\\nas Englishmen; and we thought we sliould have had\\nthe hatehet struck into our heads. We now want to\\nknow what is become of these belts may be they\\nmay be under ground, or they may have swallowed\\nthem down their throats.\\nBrethren,\\nAs our cousins have been loth to give any answer\\nto these belts, we now desire they may let ns know,\\nin ])ublic conference, what they have done with\\nthem. A striny.\\n17th October, 1758.\\nThe Indians were in council all day: and acquain-\\nted the governors, that they coidd not be ready to\\nmeet before morning.\\nAt a conference held at Easton the 18th October,\\n1758.\\nV R v: s X t\\nThe governors, council, gentlemen and Indians,\\nwith the interj)reters As aforesaid.\\nMr. Peters and mr. Read ac(]uainted the gover-\\nnors, That at a meeting of the chiefs of the older\\nand younger nations, with the several trilx s of the\\nDelaware and Minisink Indians, on Monday night,\\nthe speech of Ttigashata, delivered that morning in\\nthe ])ublick conference, res|)ecting the giving up the\\nprisoners, was interpreted in the Delaware language\\nby Stejihen Calvin and another belt, on the part of\\nthe governors, being joined to Tagashata s belt,\\nthey were bt)th delivered to the Delaware and Mini-\\nsink chiefs, to enforce the subject matter. When this\\nwas done, Tagashata spoke to the Minisink chief\\nEgotchowen, saying, we were told by you, that you\\nhad delivered up the English j)risoners, and we be-\\nlieved you but our brethren have told us, that they\\n2 Q were", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0485.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "466\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1758.\\nwere not delivered up, and therefore we earnestly\\ndesire that they may be made easy on this article. You\\nknow, cousins, that their hearts will always be in\\ngrief, till they see again their flesh and blood It is\\nnatural that they should be so It would be so with\\nus, if it was our case. We desire you will be ex-\\ntremely careful to perform this matter fully and soon,\\nlet there be perfect peace all over the English country.\\nAnd let it now be |)ublished, that we may all live in\\npeace, and with satisfaction, now and for ever. I\\ntold you, Egotchowen, when you was in my town,\\nto bring with you the English jirisoners, and that our\\nbrethren would exj ect it. I wish you had done it.\\nBut however, do it now with all speed, and it will\\nbe well.\\nThat Egotchowen answered. It is true, I was at\\nmy uncles fire, and I believe he desired me to bring\\nthe prisoners down but I suppose it was not inter-\\npreted to me; for I did not understand it clearly but\\nI now understand it.\\nThat the Minisink and Delaware Indians were\\ndesired to collect all their warriors together, and give\\nthem their belts, and receive from them their answer,\\nit being necessary they should concur heartily in\\nwhatever should be concluded.\\nThen Nichas, the Mohawk chief acquainted the\\ngovernors, That, as councellors, they had linished,\\nhaving nothing to propose at this j^resent meeting.\\nThe warriors were to speak now, and Thomas King\\nwas appointed to deliver their words who thereupon\\narose, and began, with an exhortation as well to\\nall concerned in publick affairs, gov^ernors and their\\ncouncils, and Indian chiefs and their councils, as to\\nthe warriors of all nations, white people and Indians,\\ndesiring all present to attend carefully to what was\\ngoing to be related, as matters of great consequence,\\nwhich would serve to regulate the conduct of the\\nEnglish and Indians to each other. He added, that\\nthe relation ffoinc; to be made had taken a great deal\\nof trouble to put it into order, and it was made on\\ninformation", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0486.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 467\\ninformation given by the several nations now present, A. D.\\nwho Avere acquainted with the facts.\\nBrethren,\\nWe, the warriors, have waited some time, in\\nhopes our councellors would have taken this matter\\nin hand hut as they have not done it, we have, at\\ntheir desire, undertaken it, and thev have approved of\\nevery thing. I say, the councellors of the five\\nyounger nations, as Avell as the three older nations,\\nhave approved of what the warriors are going to\\nrelate and take notice, that tlie speech is not only\\nthe speech of all the warriors of the elder and younger\\nnations, but of our cousins the Delawares and Mi-\\nnisinks.\\nThis was interpreted in the Dcilaware language\\nand Thomas King then proceeded, directing his\\nspeech to the governors, and all the English upon\\ntlie continent.\\nBrethren,\\nYou have been niquisitive to know the cause of\\nthis war: You have often inquired among us, but\\nperhaps you did not find out the true cause of the\\nbitterness of our hearts, and may ciiarge us wrong-\\nfully, and think that you were struck without a cause\\nby some of our own warriors, and bv our cousins.\\nBut if you look a little about you, you will find,\\nthat you gave tlie first offence. For in time of j)ro-\\nfound pea(!e, some of the Shawanese, passing thro\\nSouth-Carolina, to go to war with their enemies, were\\ntaken up and put into prison. The English knew they\\nwere going to Avar, and that they used to do it every\\nyear And yet, after they had ])ersuaded them in a\\nfriendly way into tlieir houses, tiiey Avere taken nj) and\\nput into prison and one Avho Avas a head man of that\\nnation lost his life, and the others Avere severely used.\\nThis first raised ill-AAdll in the minds of the ShaAvanese,\\nand as the French came a little after this iiappened to\\nsettle on the Ohio, the Shawanese complained of it\\nto them, and they made an artful use of it, set them\\nagainst", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0487.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "468\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1758.\\na2:ainst the English, and gave tliem the hatchet.\\nBeing resolved on revenge, they accepted it, and\\nlikewise s])oke to their grand-f atiiers the Delawares,\\nsaying, grand-fathers, are not your hearts sore at\\nonr bein j: nsed so ill, and at the loss of one of our\\nchiefs? Will you not join us in revenging his death?\\nHo by degrees our young men were brought over to\\nact against you. On searching matters to the bottom,\\nyou will find, that you in this manner, gave the (irst\\noffence. This we thought proper to let you know\\nIt may be of service f oi* the future. You may be\\niuluced by this, to take better care in conducting\\nyour council-business, so as to guard against these\\noreaches of friendshii) or as soon as they happen,\\nill corresponding immediately with one another, and\\nwith the Indian nations, who are in any wise concer-\\nned on such occasion.\\nEight strings of black ivamjmni.\\nBrethren,\\nTi)is was the case of the Shawanese that I have.just\\nnow releatcd. Another of the like nature has since\\nhapj)ened to the Senecas, who have suffered in the\\nsame manner.\\nAbout three years ago, eight Seneca warriors were\\nreturning from war throui h Virginia, having seven\\nprisoners and S(tal[)S with them. At a place called\\n(jireeii Briar, they met with a party of Soldiers, not\\nless than one hundred and fifty, who kindly invited\\ntiiem to come to a certain store, and said they would\\nsupply them with provisions: xlnd accordingly they\\ntravelled two days with them, in a friendly maimer;\\nand when they came to the house, they took their\\n;ir:ns from the Senecas: The head man cried out,\\nHere is death, defend yourselves as well as you can\\nwinch tliey did, and two of them were kille l on the\\nsi)ot and one, a young boy, was taken prisoner.\\nThis gave great offence, and the more so, as it was\\nupon their warriors road, and we Avere in j)erfect ])eace\\nwith our brethren. It provoked us to such a degree,\\nthat we could not get over it.\\nBrethren,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0488.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "Of new- jersey. 469\\nBrethren, A. D.\\n^You have justly fleinanded your prisoners; it is\\n*ritrht; and we have t ;iven you an answer: And there-\\nfore, as we tliiidv this young boy is alive, and soine-\\nwhere among you, we (h^sire you will enquire for him.\\nIf lie be alive, return him; if you have swallow d\\nhim down your throats, which perhaps may be the\\ncase, let us know it, and we will be content. His\\nname is Squissatego. Six strinjs of w J ate wampum.\\nBrethren,\\nWe have one word more to mention of the same\\n^nature, and which was the very cause why the Indians\\nat Oliio) left you.\\nBrethren,\\nWhen we iirst heard of the French coming to Ohio,\\nwe immediately sent word to the governors of Vir-\\nginia and Pennsylvania; we desired them to come,\\nand likewise to supjily us with such things as were\\nproper for war, intending to defend our lands, and\\nhinder the French from taking the possession of them\\nBut these governors did not attend to our message;\\nperhaps they thought there was no foundation for\\nour intelligence. The French, however came, and\\nbecome our neighbours; and you neither coming\\nyourselves, nor assisting us with warlike stores, our\\npeople of ne(!essity were obliged to trade with them,\\nfor what we wanted, as your traders had left the\\ncountry. The governor of Virginia took care to\\nsettle on our UukIs for his own benefit but when we\\nwanted his assistance against the French, he disre-\\ngarded us. A belt.\\nBretliren,\\nAt this treaty you jnstly demanded to see your\\nflesh and blood. We have ])ressed this on our cou-\\nsins the Minisiidvs; and they by this string, desired\\nus to assure you, the governors, that they would\\nmake strict search in their towns, and sincerely com-\\nply with your request, and return all the prisoners in\\ntheir power.\\nTmo strhig.s of black ami white wampum.\\nThen", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0489.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "470\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1768.\\nThen directing his discourse to the governor of\\nJersey, he proceeded,\\nBrother, tlie governor of Jersey.\\nOur cousins the Minisinks, tell us, they were\\nwronged out of a great deal of land, and the English\\nsettling so fast, they were pushed back, and could\\nnot tell what lands belonged to them. They say, if\\nwe have been drunk, tell us so We mav have forgot\\nwhat we sold but we trust to you the governor of\\nJersey, to take our cause in haud, and see that\\nwe have justice done us. We say, that we have here\\nand there ti-acts of land, that have never been sold.\\nYou deal hardly with us; you claim all the wild crea-\\ntures, and will not let us come on your land to hunt\\nafter them. You will not so much as let us peel a\\nsingle tree This is hard, and has given us great\\noffence. The cattle you raise are your own, but\\nthose which are wild, are still ours, or should be com-\\nmon to both for when we sold the land, we did not\\npropose to deprive ourselves of hunting the wild deer,\\nor using a stick of wood when we should liave occa-\\nsion. We desire the governor to take this matter\\ninto his care, and see that justice be done in it.\\nTwo strings of white wampum.\\nOn the 19th October, 175 8.\\nAt a private conference with the Indians, held at\\nEaston.\\nPRESENT.\\nHis excellency governor Bernard..\\nThe commissioners of New- Jersey,\\nThe chiefs of the United Nations, and of the Mini-\\nsinks and Wapings.\\nGeorge Croghan, Esq captain Henry Mountour\\nand Stephen Calvin.\\nHis excellency reciting the request of the United\\nNations to him, to do justice to their nephews the\\nMinisinks, concerning their claim to lands in New-\\nJersey, said, he would make diligent enquiry, what\\nlands were remaining unsold by them But as that\\nwould", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0490.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "OfNEW -JERSEY. 471\\nwould be a work of time and expence, he wished ^:P\\nthat some means could be found to give them satisfae-\\ntion at this meeting. The people of New-Jersey\\nsaid, tliey had bought all, or the greatest part of the\\nMinisink lands; and the Minisinks said they had a\\ngreat deal of land unsold. He could not tell who\\nwas in the right; but would suppose there were some\\nMauds unsold: And upon that supposition would give\\nthem some money by way of consideration for them,\\nif they would |)ro])ose a reasonable sum; and desired\\nthey would advise about it, and give an answer.\\nThe united nations said, it was a very kind propo-\\nsal, and recommended it to the consideration of the\\nMinisinUs.\\nAt a private conference with the Indians, held at\\nEaston, the 21st of October, 1758.\\nPRESENT.\\nHis excellency governor Bernard,\\nand the Jersey commissioners.\\nThomas King, chief of the Oneidas. Tagashata,\\nchief of the Senecas. Taka, aio, chief of the Cayu-\\ngas. Egohohowen, chief of the Minisinks. Acjuay-\\nwochtu, chief or the Wapings. With other Indians\\nof the several nations.\\nGeorge Crochan, esq deputy to sir William\\nJohnson ca})tain Henry Montour, his majesty s\\ninterpreter to the United Nations mr. Stephen Cal-\\nvin, interpreter of the Delaware and Minisink\\nlanguages.\\nHis excellency informed them, that he met them\\nto agree about a consideration for the uncertain claims\\nof the Minisinks, Wapings and other Indians,\\nclaimants of land in the northern parts of the province\\nof New-Jersey, and desired that it might be con-\\nsidered, that they knew not what they sold, and he\\nknew not what he bought therefore the price ought\\nnot to be large.\\nThat\\n1757.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0491.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "472 T H B H I S T O R Y\\nA._D. That they might propose a sura to him, or he\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a01758. would make an otter to them or it should be left to\\ntheir uncles to consider of a price, as would please\\nthem best.\\nThe united nations, by Thomas Kins:, said, that\\nthey had no claim to the lands of the Minisinks, or\\nothers their nephews, on the east side jf Delaware,\\nand should therefore leave the fixing a price to them.\\nThen the Minisinks and Wapings withdrew to\\nconsult about it; and being returned, Egohohowen,\\nthe Minisink chief, said, that they would choose the\\ngovernor should make an oiFer, as they might per-\\nha|)s demand too much.\\nHis excellency having consulted the commissioners,\\noffered them eight hundred Spanish dollars for their\\nclaim in New-Jersey, as an extraordinary jn-ice.\\nThe Minisinks said, they should be glad of the\\nopinion of their uncles in the matter.\\nThe United Nations, by Thomas King, said, it\\nwas a fair and honourable offer, and that, if it was\\ntheir own case, they would chearfully accept of it:\\nBut as there were a great many persons to share in the\\npurcha.se money, they recommended it to his excel-\\niency, to add two hundred dollars more; and, if that\\nwas complied with, the report of it would he carried\\nto all the nations, and would be a great proof of the\\naffection and generosity of their brethren the English,\\non this occasion, and wouhl be very agreeal)le to\\nthem.\\nHis excellency desired to know of the Minisinks,\\nand other claimants, if they approved of the proposal\\nof their uncles and thev informed him, that they\\ndid.\\nThe governor after consulting the commissioners,\\nsaid, it was more than he had intended to give; but\\nas the United Nations had given themselves the\\ntrouble of being mediators between them, he could\\nnot refuse their recommendations, and was glad of\\nthe opportunity he had of shewing his regard to the\\nUnited", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0492.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 473\\nUnited Nations, and his benevolence to the Minisink -A- D.\\nand other Indians, who had resided in the province\\nwhere he presided and therefore complied with their\\nreqnest.\\nHis excellency then desired them to remember,\\nthat this consideration money, was to be in full for\\nthe claims of all the Minisink and Wapin( Indians,\\nand all others who claim any lands, in a map, which\\nwas laid before them at the same time, Avhich included\\nall the lands from the line between the provinces of\\nNew- York and New-Jersey, and down Hudson s\\nriver, to the mouth of Rariton up the same to Alame-\\ntung Falls, on the north branch of Rariton river,\\nthence on a strei ht line to Paoqnalin Mountain,\\nwhere it joins on Delaware river, and thence up the\\nDelaware to Cushytunk and recommended it to them\\nto have respect to this in the division of the considera-\\ntion money.\\nThen Tagashata, the Seneca chief, arose, and\\naddressing: himself to the Minisinks and other Indian\\nclaimants, spoke as follows.\\nMy nejihews,\\nI desire you will now give over all thoughts of your\\nland, and that we may hear no more complaints al)out\\nit.\\nNow you must remember the friendship between\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0you and your brother, and transmit to your children,\\nand maUe them acquainted with the transactions of\\nthis day. I recommended this to you, not from my lips\\nonly, but from the bottom of my heart: I hope it\\nwill also make a deep impression in your hearts.\\nIt seems, as if your grandfathers had not told you\\nof the treaties they used to have with their bretliren,\\nbut carried them with them to tiie grave. But we\\nhope you will not do so, but carefully inform you\\nchikh-en of your agreements. We have given you\\nthis advice, and hope you will follow it. We also ex-\\npect you will take care of your young men, that they\\ndo no more mischief to their brethren the I^nglish.\\nEgohowen,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0493.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "474 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. Egohohowen, then addressed himself to the go-\\n1768. vernor, and desired to be heard.\\nBrotlior,\\nWe are now thoroughly satisfied and we still retain\\na friendshii) for our brethren the English, and we\\ndesire, that if we should come into your ])roviiiee, to\\nsee our old friends, and should have occasion for the\\nbark of a tree to cover a cabin, or a little refresh-\\nment, that we should not be denied, but be treated\\nas brethren And that your people may not look on\\nthe wild beasts of the forest, or fish of the waters, as\\ntheir sole property but that we may be admitted to\\nan equal use of them.\\nThe governor answered, that, as soon as he got\\nhome, he should issue a proclamation, to notify to\\nthe people of his province, that he had made a peace\\nwith them, and to order, that, for the future, they\\nshould be treated as brethren, which he hoped would\\nbe done But desired they would not go into those\\nparts, where they had lately committed hostilities,\\ntill the people s passions were cooled for he could\\nnot be answerable for his people s behaviour, whilst\\ntheir losses were fresh upon their minds.\\nThe 21st of October.\\nPRESENT.\\nAll the confederate Chiefs.\\nTeedyuscung, Nowalkeeka, alias Four steps, Awe-\\nhela, alias James Davis, Egohohowen, Munsey,\\nchief, Ta])iscawen, alias Samuel Davis, Philip Com-\\npass, Lappink, Moses Tetamy.\\nConrad Weiser, Henry Montour, Isaac Stille,\\ninterpreters.\\nGovernor Bernard, requesting the attention of the\\nIndians, addressed them as follows,\\nBrethren of the united nations,\\nBy this string, you spoke on behalf of our brethren\\nthe Minisinks, and said, That they were wronged\\nin their lands; that the English settled so fast, they\\nwere", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0494.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 475\\nwere continually pushing thetn back; and when they A. D.\\nasked for their lands, they were told that they had sold i^^oS.\\ntheir land, and had got drunk and forgot it. If they\\nhad swallowed their lands, tliey must be content;\\nbut they did not believe that they had swallowed all,\\nbut that some was left. They desired, that I would\\nenquire after their lands that were left, and do them\\njustice.\\nBrethren,\\nI am glad I have an oj^portunity, in the presence of\\nso many nations, to express the desire I have of doing\\njusti(!e to every one. The throne of the great king is\\nfounded on justice: And I should not be a faithful\\nservant to him, if I neglected to give redress to all\\npersons, that have received injuries from the people,\\nover whom the great king has j)laced me.\\nI have therefore had a conference with the Mini-\\nsinks, in the presence of some of their uncles; and\\nhave come to a full agreement with them, the pro-\\nceedings f which are now ready to be read to you.\\nBrethren,\\nI have another proof to give you of the upright-\\nness and justice of our province. We have come to\\nan agreement with the Delawares, and other Indians,\\nfor the uncertain claims they had on the southern parts\\nof our province. I hereby produce the deeds, that\\nhave been executed on this occasion, that the subject\\nof them may be exj)lained to you, and be had in\\nperpetual remembrance by all the nations present:\\nAnd I desire that you may all remember, that, by\\nthese two agreements, the j)rovince of New-Jei-sey is\\nentirely freed and discharged from all Indian claims.\\nIn confirmation of which I give you this belt. A belt.\\nBrother Teedyuscung,\\nBy this string you tell me, that, after the killing the\\nnine Indians near Esopus, you carried three belts to\\nGeorge Vreeland, who undertook to give them to\\nthe governor, and you ask what is become of those\\nbelts.\\nBrother,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0495.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "476\\nThe history\\nA. T\\n175.8.\\nBrother,\\nI can only say, that I never heard of those belts\\nbefore nor do I know, what governor George\\nVreeland undertook to carry those belts to. The\\npro[ er governor was the governor of New- York\\nfor in his province was this mischief committed. And\\nj)robably the governor of New- York had these belts\\nfor I have heard that he issued a proclamation for\\napprehending tlie perpetrators of this fact. This fact\\nhas been blamed- by all good and wise men; and I am\\nglad it was not done by the people of my province. I\\nwill acquaint the governor of New-York with what\\nyou have said upon this occasion, and I will enquire\\nafte) those belts, and give you an answer. A string.\\nGovernor Denny, being ol)liged to return to\\nPhiladelphia, on urgent business, took his leave of\\nthe Indians, saying.\\nBrethren,\\nIt gives me great pleasui e that the business of this\\ntreaty has been carried on with so much satisfaction.\\nI am sorry, I am now to inform you, that I am\\nobliged to leave you, having received last night an\\nexpress from general Forbes, who is now near the\\nOhio. My business calls me to town I shall there-\\nfore leave mr. Logan and mr. Peters to transact the\\nremainder of the business, and doubt not but they will\\nact to your satisfaction. I assure you of my affection\\nfor you, and wish you ad manner of happiness.\\nTeedyuscung arose, and desired to be heard on be-\\nlialf of the Wapings, living near ^sopus, and pro-\\nduced a short broad belt of white wampum, having\\nin the center, two hearts of a reddish colour, and in\\nfigures 1745. wrote after the following manner,\\n17 ^^45. The belt had a round circle pendant,\\nrepresenting the sun He tiieu produced two certiti-\\ncates, one from governor Clinton, and the other\\nfrom governor Hardy, both which were much in fa-\\nvour of the Waping Indians. He said the belt was\\ngiven them by the government of New- York, and\\nrepresented", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0496.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "OfNEW -JERSEY. 477\\nrepresented their union, which was to last as long as\\nthe sun should continue in the firmament.\\nTeedyuscung addressed governor Bernard, desiring\\nby a string of Wampum, that he would extend liis\\nprotection to the AV apings and as their chief was\\nold and infirm, he recjuosted the favour of a horse ta\\ncarry him home; which was readily granted.\\nTagashata made the same request to governor\\nDenny, wiiich was likewise granted.\\nThe Six Nation chiefs consulted together, and in a\\nlittle time, Nichas, in their behalf, returned an answer\\nto the speeches of the governors, laying the belts and\\nstrings upon the table, in the order they were deliver-\\ned, and repeating distinctly what was said on each of\\nthem. At the end of every article he returned thanks,,\\nand expressed the highest satisfaction, j)articularly on the\\nratifying the peace, and the large belt givea thereupon,\\nwhich he said should be sent to all the distant nations\\nof Indians, to whom it would be very agreeable he\\nlikewise promised, that every thing transacted in tliese\\nconferences, which he again said had aflforded tlicia\\ngreat pleasure, should be laid before the gi cat council\\natOncmdaga, whose answers should be carei ully trans-\\nmitted.\\nHe thanked governor Bernard for making uj) all\\nthe differences between that government and the Mi-\\nnisink Indians so much to their satisfaction.\\nHe made an ajiology for the want of Wampum,,\\nand the exchan ;e of other belts to give in confirmation\\nof their performance of the several things mentioned\\nin the governors speeches, agreeable to In lian cus-\\ntoms. And then wished governor Denny a good jour-\\nney.\\nAt a conference with the Indians, held at Eastou,\\non the 26th of Octobe*-, 1758.\\nPRESENT.\\nHis excellency governor Bernard.\\nWilliam Logan, Richard Peters, Andrew John-\\nston, Charles Read, John Stevens, George Cfoghan,.\\nConrad", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0497.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "478\\nThe history\\nA.D.\\n1758.\\nConrad Weiser, Charles Swaine, esquires. Major\\nOrdnt, the sheriff of Northampton county, John\\nWatson.\\nThe chiefs of the United Nations, and of the\\nother nations, and the interpreters, as aforementi-\\noned.\\nMr. Secretary Peters having observed to tlie con-\\nfederate chiefs, that the governors were by Toka\\naio, charged with having omitted some things in their\\nanswers, and desired to know what they were, Tho-\\nmas King said, that in regard to .some things tliey had\\nbeen since supplied, and rec^ommended that some\\nother things sliould be more j)articuhu ly taken notice\\nof, than they had been. Wlierefore agreeable to this\\nadvice, the following speech was spoke by the meni-\\nbcrs of the Pennsylvania council, governor Bernard\\nassenting thereto.\\nBrethren,\\nAs we have now settled all differences, and con-\\nfirmed the antient leagues of amity, and brightened\\nthe chain of friendship we now clean the blood off\\nyour council seats, and put them in order, that when\\nyou hold councils at home, you may sit in your seats\\nwith the same peace and tranquility as you formerly\\nused to do.\\nA string consisting of a thousand grains of Wampum.\\nBrethren,\\nWith this string of wampum, we condole with you\\nfor the loss of your wise men, and for the warriors that\\nhave been killed in these troublesome times, and like-\\nwise for your women and children, and we cover their\\ngraves decently agreeable to the custom of your fore-\\nfathers. A string of a thousand grains of watnpani.\\nBrethren,\\nWe disperse the dark clouds that have hung over\\nour heads, during these troubles, that we may see the\\nsun clear, and look on each other with the chearful-\\nness our forefathers did.\\nA string of a thousand grains of wampum.\\nThen", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0498.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 479\\nThen mr. Peters and mr. Weiser produced the A. D.\\nconfirmation deed, executed by the chiefs of the\\nUnited Nations as before set forth, which the Indian\\nchiefs acknowledged to have been their voluntary act\\nand deed, and that they clearly understood the con-\\ntents thereof, toijether with the limits described in\\nthe draught annexed to it; and the same being handed\\nfrom Indian to Indian, all round the house, it was\\ndelivered to the proprietor s agents.\\nAfter which the Indian chiefs produced the proprie-\\ntary deed of release, executed by mr. Peters and mr.\\nWeiser, the proprietary s agents who acknowledged\\nit to be their act and deed, in belialf of their consti-\\ntuents, as well as their own, and re-delivered it to\\nthe Indians, together with the belt.\\nHis excellency governor Bernard produced the\\nfollowing deeds, executed by five Indian attornies,\\nappointed by a council of the Delaware nations, for\\nnil the lands lying in New-Jersey, south of a line\\nfrom Paocpialin mountains at Delaware river, to the\\nfalls of Alamatung, on the north branch of Rariton\\nriver, thence down that river to Sandy-Hook dated\\nthe 12th of September last, with endorsements there-\\non, made by Teedyuscung, Unwallacon and Tepas-\\ncawen, signifying their agreement thereto, and ac-\\nknowledgment of their having received satisfaction\\nthereon witnessed by three chiefs of the Six Nations,\\nwho in behalf of the Six Nations, approved the sale,\\nand also by several English witnesses. And another\\ndeed, dated the 23d October instant, at Easton\\nfrom the chiefs of the Munsies, Wapings, Opings,\\nor Pomptons, sixteen in number, and including all\\nthe remaining lands in New-Jersey, beginning at Cu-\\nshytunk, and down the division lines between New-\\nJersey and New-York, to the mouth of Tapjjan\\ncreek at Hudson s river, aiid down the same to Sandv\\nHook, thence to the mouth of Rariton, thence up\\nthat river to the falls of Alamatung, thence on a strait\\nline to Paoqualin mountains, where it joins on Dela-\\nware", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0499.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "480\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1758.\\nware river, thence up the river Delaware to Cnshy-\\ntuiik endorsed by Nimham, a cliiet of the Opings\\nor Poniptons, wlio was sick at the execution thereof,\\nand appoved by the Six Nations; which was\\ntestified by three of their chiefs, signing as witnesses\\nthereto And governor Bernard desired, that all pre-\\n*sent might take notice of the same, and remember\\nthat the Indian titles to all the lands in New-Jersey,\\nAvere conveyed by those two deeds.\\nWhich being interpreted in the Mingo and\\nDelaware languages his excellency addressed the In-\\ndians, as follows\\nBrethren,\\nI am very glad this good work has been s6 hapjiily\\nfinished. I came aniong you wholly unacquainted\\nwith your forms, and therefore if I have omitted any\\nceremonies, you will readily excuse me. But in\\nwhatever I have been deficient, I am sure, I have not\\nwanted a good heart towards you.\\nThe circumstances of our province, have hitherto\\nrendered us unable to give you any great ])roofs of\\nour regard for you. But I shall endeavour to persude\\nmy peo])le, to do you good service for the future, by\\nopening a communication with you which if rightly\\nmanaged, will be much to the advantage of both\\npeople. And for my own part, I siiall be always\\nready to do you justice and desire that whenever you\\nhave cause of complaint against my people, you will\\ntake care to signify it to me. A string.\\nThe Five Nation chiefs, laid all the belts and\\nstrings on the table, that were delivered at this and\\nthe last conference. Tokaaio, the Cayuga chief,\\ndesired the governor and all present, would take\\nnotice of what Thomas King was going to say, on\\nbehalf of the United Nations.\\nOn which Thomas King arose, and taking up the\\nfirst belt which was given by Teedyuscung, when he\\nrequested a deed for the Wioming lands, he addressed\\nthe Delawares, (Teedyuscung not being present)- as\\nfollows Cousins,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0500.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "Op NEW-JERSEY. 481\\nCousins, A._D.\\nBy this belt, Teedyuscung desired us to make you\\nthe owners of the lauds at Wioming, Shamokin, and\\nother places on the Susquehannah river; in answer to\\nwhich, we who are present say, That we have no\\npower to convey lands to anyone; but we will take\\nyour request to the grcat-council-fire, for their senti-\\nmeuts, as we never sell or convey any land, till it\\nbe agreed on at the great council of the United Na-\\ntions. In the mean time, you may make use of\\nthese lands, in conjunction with our people, and all\\nthe rest of our relations, the Indians of the dilferent\\nnations in our alliance.\\nWhich being interpreted into Delaware, the string\\nof wampum was given to M(\u00c2\u00bbses Tetamy and James\\nDavis, to be delivered to Teedyuscung, as he was\\nnot present.\\nThen taking up each belt and string in the order\\nit was delivered in this, and the last conference, he\\nproceeded to rej)eat distinctly, what had been saiil\\nunder each article, returning thanks for all those good\\nspeeches, which he said, were extrcamly agreeable.\\nHe made j^articular mention of the large peace belt,\\nsaying, The nations are greatly pleased, that all\\nthe ancient treaties made here, at Albany, and else-\\nwhere, are renewed, as well as that the old council-\\nfire at Philadeli)hia, is kindled again, and a good\\nroad made to it, that may be travelled without any\\ndanger These in particular, as well as every other\\nmatter transacted at these conferences, we will make\\nknown to our own nations, and to every other in\\nfriendship and alliance with us, and we are sure they\\nwill be very well received.\\nThen addressing governor Bernard, he thanked\\nhim for his tarewel speech, saying, It was a very\\nkind one, and that they were much pleased with his\\nhaving been present, and given his assistance at this\\ntreaty, which had given them an opportunity of\\ngaining an acquaintance with him, which they would\\n2 H ever\\n1758.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0501.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "482\\nThe H ISTORY\\nA. D.\\n1758,\\never remember witli pleasure. After a pause, he\\ndesired to be excused for mentioning some things that\\nhad been omitted by the governors and their councils.\\nThey have forgot to bring with them ammunition,\\nof which we always used to receive a sufficient quan-\\ntity, not only to serve us in our journey, but to sup-\\nport us in our hunting season, that we might be\\nenabled to make ])rovision for our famih es. They\\nhave given us gunlocks without guns, which are of\\nno manner of use to us; and therefore this must have\\nsurely been forgot as it is impossil)le for Indians to\\nsubsist witliout guns, powder and lead, of wiiich we\\nhave received none.\\nAs many of us are old and infirm, we desire our\\nbrethren, will be so good as to furnish us with a\\nnumber of waggons, to convey such of us, as are\\nnot able to walk, and the goods you have been pleased\\nto give us, as far as Wioming, where we have left\\nour canoes, and then we will discharge the waggons,\\nand they may come back again.\\nWe further desire a supi)ly of provisions may be\\nput into the waggons, enough to serve us till we get\\nto our respective habitations.\\nHe then took up the proprietary release, and re-\\nturned thanks for it. He said, When the United\\nNations first made the request to sir William Johnson,\\nto be transmitted to Oiias, they had no doubt but\\nOnas would comply with it, having always found\\nhim ready to grant all their requests. With him we\\nhave never had any difference he has always settled\\nour affairs without giving us any trouble, and to our\\nsatisfaction. We heartily thank Onas; this act con-\\nfirms us in the good opinion we always had of him.\\nThen addressing himself to the Delawares, with a\\nstring of wampum, he spoke as follows:\\nThis serves to put Teedyuscung in mind of his\\npromises, to return the ))risoners: Hemember, cou-\\nsins, you have made this j)romise in our presence;\\nyou did it indeed before, and yuu ought to have per-\\nformed", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0502.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 483\\nformed it: To tell lies, does not become a great 175?*\\nman A great man always keeps his word, and per-\\nforms his promises. Cousins, you must not now\\nfail to keep your word: We are all now one people,\\nand we must all be punctual in the pertbrmance of\\nour engagements,\\nThis was interpreted into the Delaware language,\\n*and the string was given to Moses Tetamy, to be\\ndelivered to Teedyuscung.\\nThen he said the United Nations had finished\\nwhat they had to say.\\nSome wine and punch was caHed for, and mutual\\nhealtlis were draid and the conferences were con-\\neluded witli great satisfaction.\\nIn consequence of the expectations given the Indian\\ninhabitants, the commissioners, with the consent of the\\nIndian attornies, i)urcluused a tract of upwards of 3000\\nacres, called Brotherton, situate in Burlington county,\\nin which is a cedar swanij) and saw-mill, adjoining to\\nmany thousand acirs of |)()()i- uninliabiti d laud, suitable\\nfor hunting, and convenient also for fishing on the sea-\\ncoast the deed was taken in the name of the governor\\nand commissioners, and their heirs, in trust for the tise\\nof the Indian natives who have or do reside in this\\ncolony south of llariton, and their successors for ever,\\nwith a clause, providing that it shall not be in the power\\ni)f the Indians, their sucicessors, or any of them, to\\nlease or sell any part thereof; and any person (Indians\\nexcepted) attempting to settle tlu-re, to be removed\\nby warrant from a justice of the peace; no timber to\\nto be cut but by the Indians, under penalty of f(jrty\\nshillings fine for every tree. Ti)e Indians soon after\\nthe purchase, removed to the settlement, and there\\nremain to their satisfaction, having their usual means\\nof living very convenient they were assisted by the\\ngovernment, in their removing and buildings There\\nare", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0503.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "484\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1758.\\nare about sixty persons seated here, and twenty at\\nWeek})ink, on a tract formerly secured by an En 5liBh\\nright, to the family of king Charles, an Indian\\nsachem.\\nSome time after the treaty at Easton, fresh liostilities\\nbeing commenced by the back Indians, and a])proach-\\ning very near the frontiers of Jersey, it was feared, not-\\nwithstanding these agreements, they would ])rove ])er-\\nfidious which occasioned a guard to be placed there:\\nPart of the address of the assembly to governor Frank-\\nlin, in the spring, 1764, sets this and the present state\\nof Indian affairs, in a true light and with that we\\nconclude the subject.\\nIn the original settlement of this province, great\\ncircumsjiection nnd care was used to gain and })re-\\nserve the friendship of the Indian natives; their lands\\nwere from time to time, fairly and openly purchased,\\nto their general satisfaction This conciliated their\\naffection and for a long course of time, they were\\neminently serviceable to the new settlers and since\\nthe beginning of their hostilities, lest some among\\nthem should think any ])art of our lands remained\\nunpurchased, care was taken at the treaty of Easton,\\n1758, to obtain for a valuable consideration, a\\ngeneral release for all the lands in this j)rovince, such\\nparts only excepted, as were reserved for the use of\\nthose Indians that inclined to live under the protection\\nof this government; this was done, and the money\\npaid in ojien council, and their a])] rol)ation univer-\\nsally expressed Such therefore being the circum-\\nstance of this province, with regard to the Indians,\\nit became a matter of astonishment to us, that any\\nconduct of theirs should give reason to fear their in-\\ntentions respecting us; and whether they had actually\\nany design upon this province or not, their hostilities\\nin the neighbourhood of our frontier, and in one\\ndoubtful instance, over the line, were inducements to\\nplace a frontier guard of two hundred men for the\\nwinter oast.\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0504.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "Of new-jersey. 486\\nCHAP. XXIV.\\nA short geor/raphical description of the pi^oinnce, and\\nadditional view of its ^yrenent state.\\nTO be very particular on tin s head, comes not within A. D.\\nour design nor will it perhaps be a matter of\\nmuch expectation, as the present state of trade carried\\non chiefly through the j)rovinces New-York and Penn-\\nsylvania, seems but little -^altiulated to draw attention\\nfrom abroad but the situation of the province, as\\nlying directly in the concourse between the places\\naforesaid, renders it almost as well known to strangers\\nresortino; there.\\nNew-Jersey lying about 75\u00c2\u00b0 west longitude from\\nLondon, is bounded on the west and south-west by\\nDelaware river and bay, on the south-east and east by\\nthe atlantick ocean the sound, which separates Staten\\nIsland*- from the continent, and Hudson s river on the\\nnorth, by a line as yet unsettled, to be run from the\\nriver last mentioned, in the latitude of 40\u00c2\u00b0 to\\nthe northerly branch of Delaware, in latitude of\\n41\u00c2\u00b0 40 which line is to be the boundary with New-\\nYork on that side. The greatest length of New-Jersey\\nfrom north to south, that is from Cape- May, in the\\nlatitude of 39\u00c2\u00b0 to the north Station Point, in the lati-\\ntude 41\u00c2\u00b0 40^ at 69 miles to a degree, is 184 miles.\\nIts greatest breadth is about 60- miles but supposing it\\non an average 150 in length and 50 broad, the whole\\nprovince must then contain 4,800,000 acres of which\\nat least one-fourth, (probably more) is poor barren\\nland, in respect to tillage; but in part abounding with\\npines\\nh. Or if we include tliat Island siill on the atlantick; bnt New\\nYork hatli it in ])ossessi( n, iho from situation it seems apparently\\nintended a part of New- Jersey.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0505.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "486 The HISTORY\\nA. D. pines and cedars, and some few tracts of swamp^\\n1765.\\nthat will make meadow. It is supposed, that West-\\nJersey contains the greatest quantity of acres, and in\\nreturn took the most barren land. East-Jersey, now\\n1765, is supposed to have located nearly 468,000 acres\\ngood land, and 96,000 acres of pine land. The\\nproprietors of West- Jersey, soon after their arrival,\\ndivided among them, 500,000 acres, which they cal-\\nthe first dividend since which, at different times,\\nthey have issued directions for each proprietor s taking\\nhis part of four other dividends of the like quantity,\\namounting in the whole, with allowance of five })er\\ncent, for roads, to 2,625,000 acres, conjectured by\\nmany to be full as much land as the division contains;\\nof this the far greater part is already surveyed what\\nyet remains are chiefly the rights of minors and people\\nabroad.\\nDelaware river, from the head of Cushietunk, tho\\nnot obstructed with falls, has not been improved to\\nany in-land navigation, by reason of the thinness of\\nthe settlements that way From Cushietunk to Trentoa\\nfalls, are fourteen considerable rifts, yet all passable in\\nthe long flat boats\u00c2\u00ab- used in the navigation of these\\nparts, some carrying 500 or 600 bushels of wheat.\\nThe greatest number of the rifts are from Easton\\ndownward; and those fourteen miles above Easton,\\nanother just below Wells s ferry, and that at Trenton,\\nare the worst. The boats seldom come down but with\\nfreshes, especially from the Minisinks The freight\\nthence\\nc. Chiefly the pitch pine.\\nd. Good rights in East Jersey, now 1765, sell at 20s. proc. per\\nacre, Pine ditto, 10s. prop, per acre: Rights in West- Jersey, at\\nthe same time, sell from 101. to 121. per hundred acres.\\ne. These boats are made like troughs, square above the heads and\\nBterns, sloping a little fore and aft, generally 40 or 50 feet long, 6\\nor 7 feet wide, and 2 feet 9 inches, or 3 feet deep, and draw\\n20 or 22 inches water when loaden.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0506.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E y 487\\nthence to Phila(leli)hia, is eight pence a bushel for A^ p.\\nwheat, and three shillings a barrel for flour: From the\\nforks, and other places below, twenty shillings a tun\\nfor ]iig iron, seven pence a bushel for wheat, two\\nshillings and six ))ence a barrel for flour. This river\\nabove Trenton, has no branches worth mentioning,\\nfor conveniency of navigation./-\\nThough the province boundary on the ocean, is\\nextensive, the harbours for iarge shipping are but few,\\nand, except Sandy-Hook, mostly inconvenient, occa-\\nsioned by a great extent of salt meadows, swamps and\\nmarshes, and being exjiosed to the X. E. winds; this\\ndisadvantage is however amply supplied by the Dela-\\nware and Hudson s river.\\nAlmost the whole extent of the province adjoining\\non the atlantick, is barrens, or nearly a|)proaching it;\\nyet there are scattering settlements all along the coiust,\\nthe ])eo])le subsisting in great part by raising cattle in\\nthe bog undraiucd meadows and marshes, and selling\\nthem to graziers, and cutting down the cedars; these\\nwere originally j)lcnty of both the white and red sorts:\\nThe towring retreat of the former iiave afforded many\\nan asylum for David s men of necessity :7- They\\nare now much work d out Another means of sub-\\nsistence along the coast, is the plenty of fish and oysters,\\nthese are carried to New- York and Philadelj)hia mar-\\nkets. It is thought, no inconsiderable whale-fishery\\nmiy-ht be form d there on the banks the New-Eng-\\nland men frequently fish with success. The barrens or\\npoor land, gencrallv continues from the sea up into\\nthe province, thirty miles or more, and this nearly the\\nwhole extent from east to west; so that there are many\\nthousand acres, that will never serve much of the pur-\\nposes of agriculture consequently when the pines and\\ncedars\\nAnalysis of the map of the middle colonies, by L. Evans.\\ng. 1 Sam. xxii, 2.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0507.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "488 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. cedars are generally gone (they are so already in many\\n1765.\\nplaces) this will not be of much value. This excej)ted,\\nand what of the same sort may be here and there\\nintermixed in other parts of the province, the\\nlands in general (perhaps something bettor than two\\nthirds of the whole) are good, and bear wheat, barley,\\nor any thing else suitable to the climate, to perfection.\\nAs the province has very little foreign trade on bottoms\\nof its own, the produce of all kinds for sale, goes\\nchiefly to New-York and Philadelphia much of it\\nis there purchased for markets abroad; but some con-\\nsumed among themselves. The Inhabitants as to\\ndress and manners, form themselves much after the\\nneighbouring provinces the western, about as far as\\nthe tide flows up Delaware, those of Pennsylvania; the\\nremainder, those of New- York. The political state\\nof the province may be described in a few words\\nharmony reigns in a considerable degree, in all branches\\nof the legislature; the publick business is consequently\\ndispatched with ease, and at a small expence. Thus\\nmuch in the general: Next for the counties; of these\\nthere are thirteen Their respective wealth on a compa-\\nrison with each other, may be collected from the pro-\\nportions fixed by act of Assembly, on a 25,000\\ntax, 1764.\\nMiddlesex, 2, 265: 17 09|\\nMonmouth, 3,285:16:10^\\nEssex, 1,946:08:04\\nSomerset, 2,791:07:01\\nBergen, 1,647: 09 :08i\\nBurlington, 3, 1 25 09 (I5f\\nGloucester, 1,954:10:02^\\nSalkm, 1,746:07:03^\\nCape-May, 417:14:08^\\nHunterdon, 3,544:07:11\\nMo KRIS AND Sussex,* 1,389: 01 :08i\\nCumberland, 885 09 03]-\\nThe\\nSussex being tne frontier county, and but lately settled, pays\\nbut a small proportion.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0508.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R S E Y 489\\nThe number of inhabitants in 1738, were said to A. D.\\nbe 47,369\\nIn 1745, 61,403\\nThe increase in seven yeai s, 14,034\\nSupposing the increase to be nearly the^\\nsame since, the number now, 1765, must V 100 000\\nbe about j\\nThe increase of some of the counties in West-Jer-\\nsey, between 1699 and 1745, was found to be more\\nthan six for one; the proportion of strangers arriving\\nsince, is not the same; but tlie natural increase must\\nbe far greater.\\nThe counties are several of them mark d by pro-\\nductions, (littering in some respects from each other,\\nand when distinguished, may perhaps bear the follow-\\ning general description.\\nEastern Division.\\nINIIDDLESEX\\nFirst ascertain d a county by act of general assembly,\\nin the proprietor s time 1682, had its boundaries par-\\nticularly fix d by subsequent acts, in 1709 and 1713.\\nSee laws of the province, vol. 1. p. 13, 40, 41.\\nIn this county lies the city of Perth-Amboy, on a\\npoint of land, which divides the river Rariton, and\\nArthur KuU sound. It takes its name Perth from\\nJames Drummond, one of the proprietors, and earl\\nof Perth, and Amboy from Ambo, in Indian a point.\\nThe situation for a sea trade, as lying open to Sandy-\\nHookj^ whence vessels may arrive almost any weather\\nin one tide from the sea, and find a safe commodious\\nharbour, capacious enough to contain many large\\n8hi[)s, is allow d to be as good a port as most on the\\ncontinent;\\ni, Tin took its name from its sliape; not far from the \\\\:\\\\m\\\\ at\\nMiddletown, il winds like a liook, the shore and bottom sanely.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0509.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "490 The HISTORY\\nA. D. continent; yet by a fatality attending almost every\\nattempt for trade in the })rovince, the endeavours at\\nthis have been hitherto with no great success tho they\\nhave a sea trade, and export to foreign markets, yet\\nnot as might be expected from the advantages of situ-\\nation The land lies high and dry, in a good air The\\nScots proprietors were indefatigable to improve it\\nbut found up-hill work yet effected a considerable\\nsettlement The best part of the country round has\\nwater carriage to New-York. The legislature, by early\\nstipulation of the proprietors and inhabitants, meet\\nhere and at Burlington, alternately, to accommo-\\ndate each division, aud those in each towards the extre-\\nmities of this long-extended province In the same\\nmanner the supreme courts of judicature for the pro-\\nvince were fixed Here the courts for the county of\\nMiddlesex are held here also the general proprietors\\nfor East-Jersey always meet, and have lately erected a\\nlarge and elegant house. \\\\^See chap, ix.^ In this county\\nalso up the liariton, lies the city of New-Brunswick,\\nAvell bui\u00c2\u00bblt, but the situation low, tho high ground\\nadjoining; the county besides contains several villages,\\nas Woodbridge, including Raway, Piscataway, Cran-\\nbury and Princeton in the last is situate the New-Jersey\\ncollege, a handsome capacious building -J- The college\\nwas first founded by charter from president Hamilton,\\nand enlarged by governor Belcher, in 1747; at his\\ndeath he left it a considerable donation of books. The\\nland in this county is in part very rich, and affords\\nbeef, sheep, some pork, most sorts of grain, and\\nsmaller articles; besides staves, firewood, and other\\nlumber, for exportation and New- York market. A\\ngeneral idea may be form d of the religion of the inha-\\nbitants\\nk. Here is a publick libriiry.\\nI. For a view, see New American Mag. 1759, p. 104.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0510.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "Of NEAV-JERSEY. 491\\nbitants, by the houses for worship of these, the episco- A_- D.\\npaliaus in this county have five, presbyterians seven,\\nquakers four, baptists two, seventh-day baptists one,\\nlow Dutch calvinists one.\\nMONMOUTH,\\nBoundaries by act of assembly, passed in 1709,\\nbegins at the nioutli of a (u-eek that parted lands origi-\\nnally belonging to Andrew Bowne and George Wil-\\nlocks; thence following Middlesex, to the line dividing\\nthe eastern and western division of the province;\\nthence southerly along this line to the sea; thence\\nalong the sea to the point of san ly-hook, and thence\\nup the bay to the creek aforesaid It contains the\\nvillages of Shrewsbury, Middletown, Freehold, and\\nAllen-Town The courts for the county business, are\\nheld at Freehold. The lands in Shrewsbury, INIiddle-\\ntown, and part of Freehold, are mostly remarkably\\ngood they raise grain, beef, sheep, butter, cheese,\\nand other produce for New- York market: At the\\nhigh lands of Navesink, the New-York merchants\\nhave lately erected a commodious light house, for the\\nsecurity of navigation. The houses for worship in\\nthis county, are, presbyterians six, episcopalians four^\\nquakers three, baptists four.\\nE fe S E N.\\nHad its boundaries fixed by act of assembly, in\\n1709, but altered in 1741. Laws of the province, vol.\\n1. p. 12, 274. It contains the well-settled towns of\\nElizabeth and Newark i in the latter the courts for\\nthe county are held in the former those for the ancient\\nborough This being an old settled county, and good\\nland, is consequently full of inhabitants their plan-\\ntations are too high in value, to be generally large;\\ntheir\\nw\u00c2\u00bb. At each of those towns is a publick library.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0511.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "492 The HISTORY\\nA.!). their improvements greater than in many other parts;\\nthey raise wheat, beef, sheep, and generally what is\\ncommon from good land; part is carried to New- York\\nmarket, and part exported in bottoms of their own\\nOf places for worship, the presbyterians hav^e seven,\\nepiscopalians three, baptists one, Dutch calvinists two.\\nSOMERSET,\\nWas divided from Middlesex by a proprietary law,\\nin 1688, and then named; its boundaries were again\\nlimited in the act of 1709, but altered by otlier acts\\nin 1713 and 1741. Vol. 1 of laws p. 12, 40. 274.\\nIt adjoins to Middlesex on the north, the rest on\\nEssex, Morris and Hunterdon In it is the village of\\nBound-Brook The land is rich, and being early\\nsettled by the industrious low Dutch, and a few others,\\nmuch improved. Wheat is the staple of the county,\\nof which they raise large quantities they send their\\nflour down Rariton river, to New- York and near\\nBrunswick, running under the river Rariton, is a\\ncopper mine, but not yet very profitable. In this\\ncounty lies the Rocky-Hill mines Here also at\\nBaskin-ridge, is the seat of William Alexander, earl\\nof Stirling his improvements for taste and expence,\\npromise more than any thing of the kind hitherto\\neffected in the province. Of houses for worship, the\\nEnglish presbyterians have three, low Dutch reformed\\nditto, five, Dutch lutheran one, baptists one.\\nThe Dutch of the calvinistical plan of Holland, in\\nthe eastern parts of this province, were very insignifi-\\ncant, and only supplied by their ministers from New-\\nYork and Long-Island, twice or thrice a year, (except\\nHackinsack, Avho had one Burtolf settled among them)\\nuntil about the year 1719, when those of Somerset,\\nMiddlesex, and part of Hunterdon, jointly applied\\nto Holland for a minister, from whence came Theodo-\\nrus Jacobus Freelinghausen, who officiated among\\nthem,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0512.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "Op NEW- jersey. 493\\nthem, and was the chief means of establishino; several\\n17b5.\\ncongregations in those parts Since which the number\\nof their ministers is increased to fourteen or fifteen in\\ntlie eastern division and each of them do for the most\\npart supply two or three different congregations.\\nBERGEN.\\nBy the act of 1709, is bounded from Constable-\\nHook, along the bay and Hudson s river, to the\\n])artition point between New- Jersey and New- York\\nthence along the partition line between the said pro-\\nvinces, and the division line of East and West-Jersey,\\nto Pequaneck river; thence down that and Passaick\\nriver to the sound; and thence to the place first named\\nIts situation on Hudson s river, opposite and adjacent\\nto New- York, opens an advantageous intercourse with\\nthat market their lajids are generally good for grass,\\nwheat, or any other grain^ Tlie Schuylers liave here\\ntwo large parks for deer. The inhabitants of the\\ncounty, being the descendants of the low Dutch or\\nHollanders, that originally settled therei- under the\\nDutch title, preserve the religion of their ancestors,\\nand worship after the numner of the reformed churches\\nin the united provinces; in principle presbyterians,\\nyet in subordination to the classis of Amsterdam Their\\nlanguage in general, bears the Dutch accent nor have\\nthey forgot the customs of Holland They have of\\nhouses for worship, Dutch calviaists seven, Dutch\\nlutherans two. In this county are the Schuylers mines.\\nSixteen miles above Newark in Essex, on the op])Osite\\nside of Second-River, in Bergen, is the remarkable\\nPasiraick falls, the })recLpice from the highest part of\\nthe rock, is supposed to be about seventy feet perpen-\\ndicular. In tliis comity was bora the late famous col.\\nPeter-\\n71. See p. 61.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0513.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "494 The HISTORY\\nA. D. Peter Schuyler, who died in 1762, aged about fifty -two\\nyears He was a younger son of Aarent Schuyler,\\nthe discoverer and first owner of the mines above-men-\\ntioned. He had the command of the province troops,\\nagainst the French of Canada, in divers campaigns, in\\nthe two last wars and by the best judges of military\\nmerit, was allowed to rank high in that character\\nHe had qualities besides, that greatly recommended\\nhim to his acquaintance, being of a frank, open be-\\nhaviour, of an extensive generosity and humanity, and\\nunwearied in his endeavours to accomplish whatever\\naj)peared of service to his country He was taken at\\nOswego, when that post was given up to the French,\\nand long detained a ])risoner in Canada where having\\nletters of credit, he kept open house for the relief of\\nhis fellow sufferers, and advanced large sums to the\\nIndians, in the French interest, for the redemption of\\ncaptives many of whom he afterwards, at his own\\nexpence, maintained whilst there, and provided for\\ntheir return trusting to their abilities and honour for\\nrepayment, and lost considerable that way but seemed\\nto think it money well bestowed: As to person he was\\nof a tall hardy make, rather rough at a first view, yet\\na little acquaintance discovered a bottom of sincerity,\\nand that he was ready to every kind office in his power:\\nIn conversation he was above artifice or the common\\ntraffick of forms, yet seemed to enjoy friendship with\\nits true relish and in all relations what he seemed to\\nbe, he was. Ilatth. vii. 20.\\nWestern Division.\\nBURLINGTON.\\nFor the first boundaries and settlement of this county,\\nsp,e chap. vL- It was limited by the act of 1709, and\\nafterwards curtailed by another act, Vol. i of laws, p. 41.\\nThe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0514.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "O F X E W J E R S E Y 495\\nThe city of Burlingtono- was laid out in 1677, A^\\nand early incorporated but the charter now in being,\\nwas granted by governor Cosby The Delaware before\\nit about a mile broad, forms a convenient bason for\\nshipping; its situation for trade is good; but eclipsed\\nby the growing advantages of its opulent neighbour,\\nthe city Philadelphia. P- The land and air is good\\nwhere the houses chiefly stand, is an island, with two\\nentrances on causeways, and a quantity of drain d mea-\\ndows adjoining; but long experience has proved them\\nnot unhealthy The courts for the county are held\\nhere; the legislature of the province meet alternately\\nat Amboy and here; the supi-eme courts are held in\\nthe same manner: Tlie council chosen by the general\\nj)Voprietors of AW st-Jersey to transact their business,\\nalways meet here. \\\\_See chap, xi. In tliis j)]ace is also a\\npromising library, the contributors are incor|)orated by\\ncharter Jiesides the town aforesaid, tliere are two\\nothers; ten mile further up Delaware, is Borden Town,\\nfounded by Joseph Borden on a branch of Xorth-\\nampton or Rankokas river, is Bridge Town, or ^Nlount\\nHolly,\\n0. Four miles from hence, a recluse person who came a stranger\\nhas existed alone, near twelve years, in a thick wood through all\\nthe extremities of the seasons, under cover of a few leaves, supported\\nbv the side of an old log, and put together in the form of a small\\noven, not high or long enoitgh to stand upright or lie extended he\\ntalks Dutch, but unintelligibly, either through design, or from\\ndefect in his intellects, tis hard to tell which whence he came or\\nwhat he is, no body about him can find out; he has no contrivance\\nto keep lire, nor uses any; in very cold weather he lies nakeil,\\nstops the hole he creeps in and out at with leaves; he mostly\\nkeeps in his hut, but sometimes walks before it, lies on tlie ground,\\nand cannot be persuaded to work much, nor obliged without\\nviolence to forsake this habit, which he appears to delight in, and\\nto enjoy full health when the woods and orchards afti)rd him no\\nnuts, apples, or other relief as to food, he applies now and then\\nfur bread to the neighbourhood, and with that is quite satisfied; he\\nrefuses money, but has been freipiently cloathed by charity he\\nseems to be upwards of forty years of age; as to person rather\\nunder the middle sire calls hii nself Francis.\\np. Seventeen miles distant by land, twenty by water.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0515.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "496 The HISTORY\\nA. D. Holly In this county also are the villages of Kings-\\nbury, Crosswieks, New-Hanover and Chester, or\\nMoore s-Town The arable land is generally but indif-\\nferent yet interspersed with quantities of good meadow,\\nrenders them profitable: Pork is the staple; of which\\na large quantity is raised for the West-India market,\\nand has deservedly gained reputation tiirough all the\\nislands: Beef, mutton, cheese, butter, c. are car-\\nried to Philadelphia markets Very little hemp or flax\\nis raised in this county, or indeed through the province,\\nthe inhabitants contented with a little, (very little in\\nsome places) for their own use, have generally reserved\\ntheir gains on other productions, for purchasing their\\nchief supply of these and woollen articles of European\\nmanufacture; labour is thought too high to increase\\nit much, and the climate not so favourable as in some\\nother places. In this county are the Indian settlements\\nof Brotherton and AVeekpink {See chap, xxili.) Of\\nplaces for worship, the people called quakers have\\nfifteen, episcopalians two, baptists one, presbyteriaus\\none. \\\\_See a note p. 69.]\\nGLOUCESTER,\\nFirst laid out in 1677, had its boundaries ascertained\\nby the act of 1709, beginning at the mouth of Pensaw-\\nkin creek thence u{) the same to the fork thereof; thence\\nalong the line of Burlington county to the sea; thence\\nalong the sea-coast to great Egg-Harbour river thence\\nup that river to the fork thence up the southermost and\\ngreatest bi anch of the same to its head thence upon\\na direct line to the head of Oldman s creek; thence\\ndown the same to Delaware river; thence up that river\\nto the place of beginning. Its situation opposite and\\ncontiguous to Philadelphia, gives great opportunities\\nto\\nq. Here is a publick library.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0516.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "Of N E W J E R S E Y 41)7\\nto make the most of the prochietions of the county at ^j;\\nthat market; tho their ii|)lan(l.s as to the general are\\npoor, the meadows are good and improve fast: they\\nraise beef, pork, mutton, butter, cheese, c. They\\nhave three villages, Gloucester, Haddoufield and\\nWoodbury; at the first the courts for the county are\\nheld. Of houses for worship, the people called qua-\\nkers have seven, the presbyterians five, episcopalians\\none, Sweeds lutheran one, baptists one, moravians one.\\nSALEM,\\nNamed by John Fenwick, and distinguished by his\\ntenth, in l(j7o: The name and jurisdiction settled\\nby a proprietary law, 1694: The boimdaries were\\nfixed in 1709, but altered by act of aasembly, in 1747.\\nVol. 1 of laicfi, p. 14. oOl. Their lands ami meadows\\nare rich, and productions of any kind, natural to the\\nclimate, plenty The chief they raise are beef, sheep,\\npork, butter, cheese, and grain, for ex|)ortati )n. It\\nbeing an old settlement, the imj)rovement.s are con-\\nsiderable as to plantations: The county business is\\ntransacted at the town of Salem, which formerly sent\\ntwo members to the general assembly; but in 1727,\\nthese were given to Hunterdon, and their right of\\nchoice suspended till two additional members were\\nadded to the eastern division. Places for worshij) are,\\nquakers four, ejMscopalians two, Dutch lutheran\\none, presbyterians three, baptists two.\\nCUMBERLAND\\nSo named by governor Belc^her, in respect to the\\nduke of Cumberland it was divided from Salem by\\nact of assembly in 1747, and the boundaries fixed,\\n{see vol. 1. of laws, p. 3G1.) the land is mostly poor;\\nbut they have good meadows and marehes; being a\\nuew\\nr. Here is a piiblick library.\\n2i", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0517.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "498 The HISTORY\\nA. T). new settled county, these are not yet greatly improved\\nthey raise cattle and sheep for graziers the courts are\\nheld at Cohansick creek?- or Hopewell. In this county\\nbesides is the village of Greenwich They join with\\nSalem in the choice of two representatives Places for\\nworship are, episcopalians one, presl)yterians four,\\nbaptists two, seventh day ba})tists one, quakers one.\\nC A P E M A Y,\\nWas first made a county by a proprietary law in\\n1692; by another in 1694, had its boundaries better\\nascertained; and by the act of 1709, they were fixed to\\nremain, bciiinning at the mouth of a small creek, on\\nthe west side of Stipson s island, called Jecah s creek,\\nup the said creek as high as the tide floweth thence\\nalon^ the bounds of Salem, now Cumberland county,\\nt the southermost main branch, of great Egg-Har-\\nbour river thence down the said river to the sea thence\\nalong the sea-coast to Delaware bay thence up the bay\\nto the place of beginning the land is generally poor,\\nbut the adjoining salt marshes serve to breed cattle and\\nhorses; these with the red cedar beaches, and fish\\nand oysters, with whi(!h the coast abounds, aiford the\\ninhabitants an easy maintenance the county is divided\\ninto three precincts the presbyterians have a i)lacc for\\nworship in the first; the baptists in the second; the\\nquakers in the third, being that next to the sea.\\nHUNTERDON,\\nWas divided from Burlington by act of assembly,\\nin 1713, and named by governor Hunter; the boun-\\ndaries were then fixed, but altered in 1738. {See vol.\\n1 of laics, p. 41, 250.) It is situate along the Dela-\\nware, above the tide, and tho one of the later settle-\\nments\\nq. This creek was called by John Fenwick, Csesarea river, part\\nof tlie province name, as liping ilie most considerable creek tiiat\\nputs out of Delaware into West-Jersey.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0518.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "Of N E W -JERSEY. 499\\nment-^, is the most populous and opulent county in the -A-\\nprovince. The land is generally good for tillage wheat,\\nthe staple their flour is carried to New- York and\\nPhiladelphia markets The courfsare held at Trenton,\\na place of concourse and lively trade: It stands at the\\nhead of the tide, and in a high pleasant situation the\\nirdiahitants have a public library. In this county\\nresides flohu Reading, Esq late president of the\\ncouncil, and twice conunandcr in chief on the deaths\\nof the governors INIorris and Jichrher: The counties of\\nMorris and Sussex join Hunterdon in the choice of two\\nrepr sentatives. Of places for worship, the presbyte-\\nrians have nine, the low Dutch -ditto one, German ditto\\none, c[)iscopalians three, quakers two, baptists two.\\nMORRIS,\\nWas made a county in 1738; and the boundaries\\nthen established by law but altered by the separation\\nof Sussex, in llij). [Ldics, vol. 1, p. 253. Fo/. 2. j).\\n20.) It was named by governor Morris, after his\\nfamily: Tliis, for a late settldl county, is po])ulous:\\nThe courts arc held at Morris-Town They raise grain\\nand cattle chiefly for New- York market, and cut large\\nquantities of timber of various sorts for exj)ortation\\nIn this county resides Peter Kemble, Esq president\\nof the council. The |)laces for worship in this county,\\nare, ])resbyterians nine, lutherans one, anabaptists\\nGn( quakers onC, sej)aratists one, rogereens one,\\nSUSSEX,\\nWas n:imed by governor IL lcher, after the duke\\nof New-Castle s seat in Sussex: It was divided from\\nMorris by a ^t of assembly, in 1753, and bounded by\\nthe mouth of Miiskonetkong, where it emi)ties itself\\ninto the Djlawan;, and running up that river to the\\nhead of the great pond thence north-east, to the line\\nthat", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0519.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "600 The HISTORY\\nA. T). that divides New-York and New-Jersey; thence along\\n1765\\nthe said line to Delaware: thence down the same to\\nthe place of beginning. It being the newest county,\\nand a frontier, is not much improved, and has but\\nfew inhabitants: It lies towards the head of Delaware;\\nabout fifteen miles was exposed to the Indians in the\\nlate wars, and fortified by a frontier guard, and several\\nblock-houses, at provincial expenco. The courts for\\nthe county are held at Hairlocker s plantation, where\\na new court-house is lately built: Near the river lies\\nthe noted Paoqualin hill, being part of the conti-\\nnental chain or i-idge, called the blue mountains, sup-\\nposed to contain valuable ore: Between that and the\\nriver, is low intervale excellent land, containing a few\\nplantations. This county raises some wheat, pork and\\ncattle, for New- York and Philadelphia markets, and\\ncuts lumber: It contains of low Dutch prcsbyteriaa\\nmeeting houses five, baptists two, German lutherans\\none, quakers one.\\nOf COURTS.\\nThese are First, chancery Second, the governor\\nand council Third, the prerogative court, relating\\nto the probate of wills, and granting letters of admini-\\nstration on intestates eftects: Fourth, courts of vice ad-\\nmiralty Fifth, supream courts held four times a year,\\nalternately at Burlington and Amboy, and circularly\\nthrough the counties generally once a year, or oftener\\nif occasion Sixth, the sessions, and court of common\\npleas, for business in the respective counties Seventh,,\\nthe justices court, for trial of causes of six pounds and\\nunder, in a summary way; these causes are not allowed\\nto be legally decided by a single justice at a tavern, the\\nact expressly barring against it; for debts above forty\\nshillings\\nt. Pennsylvania and New-York, both meet against it; but have-\\nfew setilements.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0520.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "Of NEW J E R S E Y 501\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2shilHno;s, a jury of six is allowed, if desired. The\\ngovernor is chancellor. The present justices of the\\nsnpreani court are, Frederick Smyth, Esq chief justice\\nsalary one hundred and fifty pounds per annum.\\nCharles Read, Esq; second justice; salary fifty ])ounds\\nper annum. John Berrien, Esq; third justice salary\\nfifty j)()nnds per annnin. Ten ponnds is allowed for\\neach of the circuit conrts, to the judge holding the same.\\nAll the courts are established in virtue of the royal\\ncommission; none (except the six pound court) by act\\nof assembly The common law is in use as in England:\\nThe customs and rules of legislation, and practices of\\nthe courts, are as near as may be, in the English model\\nthe latter is thought to be as much so, by good judges,\\nas that of any other colony: Appeals for sums above\\ntwo hundred pounds sterling, lie home, after having\\ngone through the courts here. Vid. 86th indruction, j).\\n255.\\nMethod of appealing from the plantations, to the\\nking in council, by sir Dudley Ryder, attorney general,\\nafterwards L. C. J. of England.\\nYou are to bring your cause to trial, in the chief\\ncourt or jurisdiction for trial thereof; and if judgment\\nshall be there given against you, then by your attorney,\\nyou are to appeal in open court, within fourteen days,\\nto his majesty in council from the said judgment and\\nyon are to obtain an entry thereof in the register of\\nthe court, at the same time offering security to prose-\\ncute such your ap})eal before his majesty in council,\\nwithin twelve months, and to abide by his majesty s\\ndetermination in council therein: You are also to\\nobtain authentick copies, under the publick seal of\\nthe province, of all pajicrs and evidences produc d in\\nyour trial, and of all entries, records thereupon;\\nwhich being done, you are Avithin twelve months,\\nto", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0521.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "502 T H E H I S T O R Y\\nA. D. to have the same transiiiitted here, and to petition his\\n1765\\nmajesty in council, setting forth the whole matter,\\nand pray to be heard thereupon: But in case you shall\\nbe refused in the province to be admitted to appeal;\\nyou are then likewise to petition his majesty in council,\\nsetting forth the whole matter, and to pray, that your\\nappeal may be admitted there; where, upon his maje-\\nsty s admitting your apj)eal, you are to give security\\nas before, and order will be then o;iven for admittint\\nthe said appeal, and for the transni itting hither authen-\\ntick copies of the ])apers and records, under the\\npublick seal of the province, in order to the hearing\\nall parties thereupon.\\nOf beasts.\\nThe wild beasts, birds and fish, are those common\\nto the rest of the continent; some of the colonies have\\nmuch greater variety Of the first, the panther, deer,\\nbear, woolf, wild-cat, fox red aud grey^ raccoon,\\notter and a few beaver, are the chief Old settled places\\nhave but few of those most voracious the small tribe of\\nsquirrels, rabbits, minks, ground-hogs,, c. are nu-\\nmerous: The deer in every county are plentier than\\none would expect; they breed but once a year, with\\ntwo at a time great numbers are destroyed by trai)S\\nand hunting, and by panthers, wild-cats, and some-\\ntimes wolves; The way the two first take to effect it,\\nmay\\nu. The enortnons iron traps used for deer, with their wide jaw* of\\ndestruction, are ;ihhorrenl to the coiujnon princi| les of liinnunity:\\nThere is no safety for man or l)east wliere tliey are; laws to ap])ear-\\nance well caU-uhited, seem iiitlierto ineffectnal in restraininji; them\u00c2\u00bb\\ntho so extreamly and commonly dangerous; till active men in\\nneiuhhonrhoods, will unite (o exert themselves, and make it a com-\\nmon concern to discourage them, tis feared llie daiiger will remain\\nStill worse is the practice of setting sliarp slakes and loailtd trims;\\nthese are scarcer, but ought to be justly detected, as below the rights\\nof humanity, even with respect to brutes, aaid a^ commou nusaucea\\nto mankind, where ever they are.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0522.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "Op N P: W J E 11 S E Y 603\\nmay be known by an in^;tance neai Crosswioks, 1748,\\nAn Indian hunting, discovered a large buck feeding,\\ncreej)ing to shoot, he heard something among the bushes,\\npresently saw a panther with his eyes so intent on the\\nbuck, that he did not perceive him the Indian watch-\\ning Iiis motions, observed, tiiat while the buck had\\nhis head down to feed, the panther crept, but when lie\\nheld it u|), lay snug; he at last got unperceiv d, within\\nabout twenty feet, and then making a desperate leaj),\\nfixed his talons in the buck s neck after he had nearly\\nkill d him, he would i-ease for a minute, give a watch-\\nful look round, and then fall to shaking again having\\ndone his work, and about to draw the carcass to a heap\\nof leaves for future service, the Indian shot, and got\\nboth They sometimes take tiicir prey by suddenly\\nJumping out of trees; so the wild-cats also commonly\\neffect it these fix on young cattle so eagerly, as to be\\nsometimes brought home on their backs: Some instan-\\nces of the wolves killing deer, have been known tho\\nbut seldom, and chiefly by accident: The bucks also\\nkill one another in fighting, by entangling in the horns,\\nand so die and rot; they have been taken alive so\\nfasten d, and the horns of others found The deer are\\nsometimes white, and sometimes spotted nearly like the\\ncommon colour of fauns but these are rare brown is\\nthe usual colour.\\nThe rattle-snake, as the country settles thick, are\\nbut little known many old inhabitants have never seen\\nthem alive: The mischief they have yet done, is incon-\\nsiderable, their power and opportunities considered\\nThis is remarkable they have an astonishing charm -c-\\nia\\nX. A |iersnn liaving (nu- lakcn alivi ami Ijioiiglil in a small\\nbnsket covei d, the man that l)roiight it, s;it with the basket lielween\\nliis knees; he wantonly took off ilie cover; the snake c.inght his\\nattention; he was immediarely snrprisingly affected, and express d\\nafterwards every thing attractive, as to the penetrating force of the\\nsnake s", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0523.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "604 The HISTORY\\nA. D. in their eves the venom of their bite is perhaps\\n1 65\\nwithout comparison yet their power is happily circum-\\nscribed in a way the most effectual, that is, by not\\nhaving a will to mischief equal to the means, otherwise\\nthere would, in some ])laces, scarcely have been anv\\nlivino; amono- them at least before antidotes were dis-\\ncovered by the Indians: Formerly they were thick and\\n])lenty in particular places and yet in the new settled\\nparts, are common, especially in the spring, when\\nfrom their winter s retreat, they prepare for a summer s\\nseparation A surveyor, with his eye on a distant object\\nunawares among a parcel of these, one wouhl think in\\na poor situation yet an instance of this but lately hap-\\npened He had taken a long view in the spring on the\\nsouth of a hill, and keeping his eye to the object,\\nwithout attending so nnxrh to his feet, was first ahinn d\\nwith a smell rank and disagreeable, and then an unu-\\nsual noise, on which, looking about, he saw the leaves\\nin motion, and woods alive with rattle-snakes ;.V- he\\ngot off by care in his steps, without harm. They choose\\nfor\\nsnake s eye, tlie snake all tiie while kept rattling witli fiirv the\\nman s own action was lost in amazement and terror; and liaii not\\nanother present, put the cover on the basket, he had probably been\\nbit.\\ny. Haifa dozen or less, with their tails in motion, might answer\\ntliis pnrpose; but he was too much frighted to count; there might\\nhowever be many more, as there frequently are nuuibers togeiher,\\nwiun they first leave tiieir holes in tiie spring. One Rol)ins, in\\nArawell, Hunterdon county, at a spot on liis own planiation, had\\nupwards of 90 kiii d in each of three springs sllcees^ively J he\\nparlies performing it, bark d young chestnut irees of the size of their\\nown legs, and tied them on; thus accoutred, they effected their\\nbusiness without nuich danger; but the snakes frequently bit the\\nbark. Instances need not be multiplied in a case well known or\\nothers where the snakes were much more numerous, might be\\ngiven. At one of the (juarries, where stone was got for Piince-\\nTovvn college, the work-men came to an aperture in the rock, about\\neigiiteen incites wide, ten feet hing, and si.x deep, in wliich they\\nfound near twenty biisliel of snakes bones; tiiey were supposed to\\nhave got in throiigii winding crevices of the rock in the fall, and in\\ntheir weak state in the spi ing, not able to get out again.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0524.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "F X K W .1 K R S K Y 505\\nfor winter, the sunny side of hills, among roeks, where A. D.\\nthese can be had, or holes under trees, and in sj)ringy\\nwarm places There have been dug up in their torpid\\nstate, different sort of snakes interwoven among one\\nanother, in great regularity, with their heads uniformly\\nsticking out at the toj) They obtain much of their\\nfood by striking a terror with their rattle at first, and\\nthen catching the eye of the frighted object. It is com-\\nmonly said, that this (the rattle) is a kind contriv^ance\\nof divine providence, to give warning to passengers,\\nby the noise which this part makes, when the crea-\\nture moves, to keep out of the way of its mischief;\\nnow this is a mistake. It is beyond all dispute, tiiat\\nwiscioDi and goodness shine forth in all the works of\\nthe creation but the contrivance here is of another\\nkind than is imagined.\\nAll the ])arts of animals are made either for the\\npreservation of the individual, or for the propagation\\nof its species this before us is for the service of the\\nindividual: This snake lives chiefly upon squirrels z-\\nand birds, which a reptile can never catch without\\nthe advantage of some management to bring them\\nwithin its reach; the way is this; the snake creeps\\nto the foot of a tree, and by shaking his rattle,\\nawakens the little creatures which are lodged in it;\\nthey are so frightened at the sight of their enemy, who\\nfixes his lively piercing eyes upon one or other of\\nthem, that they have no power to get away, but leap\\nabout from bough to bougli, till they are quite tired,\\nand at last falling to the ground, they are snapped\\ninto his mouth. This is by the people of the country\\ncalled charming the squirrels and birds.\\nat\\nz. It is reported, with eirciinistaru e^ of great credibility, that the\\nIndiiiiis here h;id a method of t.iking the-e animals, by the meer\\nchirm of tixiiit; iheir eye.s, wlieiice ihey have by degrees leaped\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0down into possession.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0525.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "606\\nThe history\\nA. D.\\n1765.\\nIt must likewise be obs^erved, tluit this snake does\\nnot make any noise with its rattle, in the common\\nmotions of its body.\\nThere is somethinj^ like this in the lion s hunting\\nfor his food the iuuii^ry tyrant, by his terrible roaring\\nin the woods, rouses the lesser beasts out of their\\nholes; they running about in fright and surprise, are\\neasily seized, and become a prey to his devouring\\njaws.\\nAnd I have myself seen, upon a hawks settling\\nupon a tree in a garden, the little birds all about it,\\nso struck with fear, that though they could fly back-\\nwards and forwards, for some little distance, yet\\nthey have not been able to get away from the ravenous\\ndestroyer.\\nThough the use of the rattle seems principally de-\\nsigned for procuring food, it has certainly been the\\nmeans of presers^ation in resj)ect to mankind as that\\nalarm is frequently known to warn the unsns|)ecting\\ntraveller of imniinent danger; that the fascinations of\\ntheir eye is necessary to their existence, seems beyond a\\ndoubt; inactive and sluggish by nature, they have but\\nlittle other probable means, and have been seen and\\nkill d in the act even with foxes detained in this man-\\nner.^- No instance occurs of their hunting men, unless\\nfirst\\na. Dr. Mead, vid. his medical work*, quarto, edit. 1762, p. 59.\\n60 iiere may be seen an accurate description of the liead and teeth.\\nFor an exact view and desciiplion of the snake, see Calesby s Nat,\\nH isl. and supplement to the Gent. Mag. for 1753.\\nh. A person of undoubted credit relates of liis own knowledge,\\ntwo instances of this attended with such circumstances, as leaves\\nvery little room for donht. In the end of May, 1715, slopping\\nat an orcliard l)y the ro:id side to jjel some cherries, beiny; three of\\nus in company, we were entert lined with the whole process of a\\ncharm between a rattle snd\\\\e and a hare, the hare beinj; belter\\nthan hnlf grown. It happem-d thus; one of tire compiny in lii\u00c2\u00bb\\nsearch for the l)est cherries espied the hare sitting, and although\\nhe went close by her she did not move, till he (not suspecting the\\noccasiou", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0526.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "O F X E \\\\V .1 E R S K Y 507\\nfirst disturbed; then indeed they seldom fail. Very A.I),\\nlately near Burlington, a mower without stockings,\\ndrawing\\nocca. sion of her gentleness) gave her a lasli with his whip; this\\nmade her run aliuiit ten foot, and lliere sit down again. The\\ngeTUk iiian n t finding the cherries ripe, ininiediately i-euirned the\\n*.s;iitie way, and ni^ar llie f hife* where he struck the hare, lie spied a\\nrattlesnake; still not suspecting the charm, lie goes back about\\ntwenty yards to a he lge to get a stick to kill the snake, and at his\\nreturn found the snake removed, ami coiled in the same i)la e from\\nwlieiice he hnd moved the hare. This put him into immediate\\nihouglits of looking for the hare again, an l he soon spied her\\nalioui len foot oil tlie snake, in the same place to wliich she had\\nstarted when he uiiijit her. She was now lying down, but would\\nsometimes raise herself on her fore-feet struggling as it were for\\nlil i! or to get away, but could never raise her hinder parts from\\nthe gruund, and then would fall flat on her side again, panting\\nvejiemenlly. In this condition the hare and snake were when he\\ncilleil me: and though we all three came up within fifteen foot of\\nthe snake to have a full view of the whole, he took no notice at\\nall of us. nor so nnich as gave a glance towards us. There we\\nstood at least half an hour, the sntike not altering a jot, but the\\nhare often scrugjjling and fdling on its side again, till at last the\\nhare lay still as dead for some time. Then the snake moveil out\\nof his coil, aTid slid gently anil smoothly on low.-irds the hare, his\\ncolours at tiiat instant being ten limes more glorious and shining\\nthan at other limes. As the snake mov d along, the hare hap-\\npeiied to letch auoiher struggle, upon which the snuke made a stop\\nlying at his lengih, till the bare had lain quiet again for a short\\nspace; and then he advanced ai;aiti till became up to the binder\\nparts of the hare, which in ail this operation liad been towards tlie\\nsnake; there he made a survey all over the hare, raising part of\\nhis body aliove it, tlien turn d off and went to the bead and nose\\nof tiie bare, after tliat to the ears, took tlie ears in his nvouth one\\nafter theotber, workingeach apartin his mouth asa man doesa wafer\\nto moisten it, then returned to the nose again, and took the face into\\nhis inoulli, straining and gathering his lips sometimes by one side\\nof liis mouth, sometimes by the otiier: at the shoulders he was a long\\ntime puzzled, often haling and stretcliing the hare out at length,\\nand sirainiuu forward first one side of his mouth then the other, till\\ngot at last lie the whole body into his throat. Then we went to him,\\nand taking the twist l);ind ofi from my hat, I made a noose and\\nput it about liis neck Tliis made iiim at length very furious, but we\\nliaving secured liim, put him into one end of a wallet, and carried\\nhiui on i\u00c2\u00bborsel ack five miles to inr. J. B s hou^e wliere we lodged\\nthat nigiit, with a design to have sent him to dr. C. at Wiiliams-\\nburg; but nir. B. was so careful of his slaves, that he would not let\\nhim be put into his boat for fear he aliould get loose and mischief\\nthem;", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0527.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "508 The HISTORY\\nA^ T). drawinia: a foot, so as to toucli one, as he lay colled\\namong the grass, he bit him bei)ii)d the ancle; tlie first\\nnotice,\\nthem; tlierefore the next mornint; we killed him, and took the\\nliare out ol liis belly, the he;id of the iiiire begin to be digested,\\nand the hair lalling oft having lain about eighteen hours in the\\nsnake s belly.\\nIn my youth I was a bear-lnmting in the woods above tlie inha-\\nbitarits, and having straggled from my companions, I was enler-\\ntained at my return, with liie relation of a [)leasant rencoiniter,\\nbetween a dog an I a rattle-snake, about a squirrel. The snake\\nhad got the head and shoulders of the squirrel into his month,\\nwhich being something too large for his throat, it took him up\\nsometime to moisten the fur of the sqnirrel with his spawn, to\\nmake it slip down. The dog look this advantage, ^eiz d the\\niiiniler parts of the sqnirrel, and tng d with all his might. The\\nsnake on the other side would not Int go his hold for a long time,\\ntill at last, feai-ing he might be bruised by the dog s rinining away\\nwith him, he gave up his prey to the dog, the dog eat liie\\nsquirrel, and fell no harm.\\nAnother curiosity c(mcerning this viper, which I never met with\\nin print, I will also relate from my own observMiion.\\nSome tin)e after my observation of tlie charm, my waiting boy\\nbeing sent abroad on an errand, also took n])on himselt to bring\\nliome a rattle snake in a noose. I cut oft the head of this snake,\\nleaving about an inch of the neck with it; this I laid upon the\\nhead of a tobacco hogshead, one 8. L. a carpenter, now alive,\\nbeing wifh me. Now yon must note, that these snakes have but\\ntwo teeth, by which they convey their poison, and they are plaied\\nin the upper jaw, pretty forward in the mouth, one on each side;\\nthese teetli are hollow and crooked like a cock s spur; they are\\nalso loose or springing in the niouiii, an l not fastened in the jaw-\\n*bone as all the other teeth are; the hollow has a vent also through\\nby a small hole a little below the point of the tooth; these two\\nteeth are kept lyirig down along the jaw, or shut like a spring-knife,\\nand don t shrink up as the talons of a cat or panther; that hove\\nalso over them a loose thin ftlm or skin ofailesh c-olour, which rises\\novertliem when they are raised, which I take to be only at the\\nwill of the snake to do injtiry this skin does not break by the\\nrising of the tooth only, but keeps whole till the bite is given, and\\nthen is pierced by the tooth, by which the poison is let out. The\\nhead being laid upon the hogshead, I took two little twigs or\\ns|tlinters of slicks, and having tiirn d the -head upon its crown,\\nopened the mouth, and lifted up the fang or springing tooth on\\none side several limes, in doing of wbieh I at last broke the skin\\nthe head g;ive a sudden champ with its month, breaking from my\\nsticks, in which I observed that the |)oison ran down in a lump like\\noyl, round the root of the tooth. Then I turxi d the other side of\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0528.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E K S E Y 509\\nnotice the man had, was feeling soniething prick in that ^-^P-\\nspot on wliich turning- his head, he saw the snake\\nanotiier in company immediately killed him, and\\nfetching salt, that applied, prevented the venom spread-\\ning much higher than the knee; he afterwards used\\nsweet oil, and the sen^ca rattlesnake root; the last he\\nthought the most effectual He got well in a few\\ndays; a small scar rentained.\\nThomas Budd, a proprietor and settler in West-\\nJersey, in a |)an phlet, published abotit 1686, says,\\nThe rattle snakes are easily discovered; they com-\\n*monly lie in the patks, for benefit of the sun; if any\\nperson draws nigh tiiemi, they shake their tail, on\\nwhich the rattles grow; this makes a noise like a\\nchikl s rattle I never heard of bat one person bitten\\nin Pennsylvania or New- Jersey;, he was helped by\\nlive chickens slit asunder and applied to the place^\\nwhich drew out the poison: As to other snakes, the\\nmost [)lcntiful are the black snake its bite tis said,.\\ndoes no more luirm than the prick of a pin.\\nThe\\nthe head, and resolved to be more rarefiil to keep the month open\\noti the like ocoasion, and ob-tcrve more n;irro\\\\vly the conseiinence;\\nfor il is oliserve l, tlial though the hcail^ of sn :ii i, s, tciTapins and\\nsiK h like VHTiiiin, be rut off, el ihe body will not die in a long\\ntime alter; tiie gfrn-rnl savin r is till the sun sets. AIut opening\\nthe monih on the other side, and lifting up that fang aUo several\\ntimes, he endeavoured to give another Idle or champ; but 1 kept\\nIds moiitii open, and the tooih pierced the rilin an l emitted a slieam\\nliKe one fidl of blood in blood-letti.ig, and cast some drops upon\\nthe sleeve of the carpenter s shirt, who had no waistcoat on. I\\nailvised him to pull ofi his sliiri, but he wonM not, and received nO\\nharm; and tlio nothing could then be seen of it upon the shirt,\\nyet in washing there appeared tive green sjjecks, which every\\nwa-liing appeared plainer and plaitK-r. and 1 isted so long as the\\nshirt did, which the carpenJer told me wis about three years alter.\\nThe head we threw afterwaids down upon the ground, and a sow\\ncame and eat it before onr faces; and r\u00c2\u00abGeive(l no harm. Now\\nI belii-ve, h id this poison lighted upon any place of the carpen-\\nter s skin, that was scralche*! or hnit, it might have poi-^oned him.\\nI take the poison to rest in jt, small bag or receptacle in the hollow\\nat the root of these teeth; bnt 1 never had the o|)porlnnity after-\\nward-; to make a farther di.scovery o\u00c2\u00a3 that. Benerly s Hist., of Virg^\\np. 262, to- 2G6.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0529.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "610 The HISTORY\\nA. D. The wampum snake is very large, of a black and\\nwhite colour; but harmless. The horn or horned\\nsnake is scarce, and but few have seen them, Avhence\\nmany, especially abroad, have doubted there being\\nany such A person of credit in Gloucester county,\\nbeing in the woods not long since, and approaching\\na place where his dog was uncommonly barking, disco-\\nvered a very large snake, and trying to kill it, an intol-\\nlerable stench prevented his getting near enough at\\nlength he threw a club at a venture, and going next\\nday to see the effect, found the snake killed It was\\nuncommonly long and thick, and had a horn at the\\nend of his tail, resembling a cock s spur. It is said\\nthey strike this horn even into trees, and kill them. A\\nperson of credit now living in Burlington county, also\\nrelates, that he has seen four, kill d three of these\\nsnakes, one of them were six or seven feet long: As\\nto colour, they are chequered with a yellowish brown\\nand white, and when disturbed, hiss like a goose. These\\nparticular instances were here preferred to a more gene-\\nral account, as more likely to contribute towards\\nputting their existence out of dispute. The viper and\\nmany other snakes abound also but none remarkable\\nenough to require a particular description here.\\nOf F I S H\\nThese in great variety, are plenty along the coast,\\nin the Delaware and the north river the most noted\\nare, sturgeon, rock, cod, sheep s-head, horse-mackrel,\\nblack-fish, sea-bass, flounders, shad, herrings, mun-\\nches, trout, pike, perch, red percii, sun-fish, many\\ninferior sorts besides, oysters, clams, and other shell\\nfish Most of these supply in great part the New-York\\nand Philadelphia markets The sturgeon are plenty\\nup\\nc. His son kill d one this present summer 1765.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0530.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "O F N E W J E R 8 E Y 511\\nup the rivers, and when more generally manufactured, 17^\\nwill probably answer well in remittances. It is said\\nthey will grow fat in ponds, and live through the\\nwinter.\\nBIRDS.\\nOf these there are great plenty as the wild turkey,\\nwild geese, wild duchs of nuuiy kinds, wild pigeons,\\nbrant, pheasants, heath-hen, p-irtridges, larks, wood-\\ncocks, plovers, snipi s, kildees, and great variety of\\notlier small birds, a few storkes and cranes, many\\nherons, hawks, turkey-bnzz-irds, crows, and all other\\nbirds of i)rey common to the continent: The wild\\ngcesL in autumn, flock to the marshes on the sea shore,\\nand are often kill d by gunners; in the s[)ring they re-\\nturn to breed at the northern lakes. The wild pigeons,\\nat three or four seas( ns in the year, commonly pay a\\nvisit (except in seed time) generally acceptable: They\\nhave not been observed of late years so plenty as for-\\nmerly they then, sometimes, to avoid the north-east\\nstorms, flew night and day, and thick enough to darken\\nthe air, and break trees where they scttlal, and were\\nmore tame and more wanted all which made them an\\narticle of consequence to the early inhabitants: The\\nIndians, before the European settlements, used every\\nyear regularly to burn the woods, the better to kill\\ndeer; the m:\\\\nner was to surround a swam]) or cripple\\nwith Are, then drive the deer out, who not diu ln-i- over\\nthe bounds, were easily kill d with bows and arrows;\\ntliis practice kept the woods clean, so that the pigeons\\nreadily got acorns, which then not being devour d by\\nhogs, were plenty almost every where, and induced a\\nreturn more frequently than now They breed chiefly to\\nthe northward.\\nAPPENDIX.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0531.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "[512]\\nAPPENDIX.\\nNUMBER I.\\nThe concessions and agreement of the lords proprietors of\\nthe province of New-Cffisarca, or New-Jersey, to\\nand with all and every of the adventurers, and all such\\nas shall settle or plant there.\\nAD T M PR I M US, We do consent and agree, that tlie governor of\\n1664* tlie snid ])r \u00c2\u00bbvinfe haili power, hy the advice of his council, la\\ndepute one in liis phice and authority, in case of deatli or removal,\\nto continue until our further order, unless we have commissioned\\none before.\\n2. Item. That he hath likewise power to make choice of, and\\ntake to him six coimcellors at least, or twelve at most, or any\\neven number betwixt i-ix and twelve, with whose consent and advice,\\nor with at least tliree of the six, or four of a greater number\\n(all being summon d) he is to govern according to the limitations\\nanil instructions following, durinsj our pleasure.\\n3. Item. That the chief secretary or register which we have\\nchosen, or sliall choose, (we failing) that he siiall clioose, shall keep\\nexact entries in fair b M)ks, of all ublick affairs: And to avoid\\ndeceits and lawsuits, shall record and enter all grants of land from\\nthe lords to the planters; and conveyances of land, house or\\nhouses, from man to man, as also all lea-es for land, house or houses,\\nmade or to be made by the landlord to any tenant, for more than one\\nyear; which conveyance or lease shall be first acknowledt;ed by\\nthe grantor or lessor, or roved by the oath of two witnesses to the\\nlea^e or conveyanc, liefore the governor, or some chief judge of a\\ncourt, for the time being, who shall under his hand, on the backside\\nof tho said deed or lease, attest the acknowledgement or proof as\\naforesaid; which shall be a warrant for the register to record the\\nsame: Which conveyance so recorded shall be good and effectual ii\\nlaw, notwithstanding any other conveyance, deed or lease lor the\\nsaid land, house or houses, or for any part thereof, altlio dated\\nbefore tiie conveyance, deed or lease, recorded as aforesaid And\\nthe said register shall do all other thing or things that we i y our in-\\nstructions shall dirt-ct, and the governor, council and general assembly\\nshall ordain, lor the good and welfare of the said province.\\n4. Item. That the surveyor general that we have chosen or shall\\nchoose, (we failing that the governor shall choose) shall have power\\nby himself or depiUy, to survey, lay out and bouiul all such lands\\nas shall be granted from the lords to the planters; and all other\\nlands within the s:iid province, whifh may concern particidar men,\\nas he shall be desired to do, and a particular account thereof certify\\nto", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0532.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 613\\nto the register, to be recorded as aforesaid. Provided, that if the said A. D.\\nregister and surve3 or, or eillier of tliein, shall misbehave themselves, 1664.\\nas that tlie governor and conncil, or deputy governor and council,\\nor the nrnjor part of them, shall find it reasonable to suspend their\\nactings in tlieir respective employments, it shall be lawful for them\\nso to do, until further orders from us.\\n5. Item. That the governor, councillors, assembly men, secretary,\\nsurveyor, and ail other otticers of trust, shall swear or subscribe (in\\na book to be provided for that purpose) that they will bear true\\nallegiance to the king of England, his heirs and successors; and\\ntliat they will be faitiiful to the interests of the lords proprietors of\\nof the said |)rovinee, and tiieir heirs, executors and assigns; and\\nendeavour the peace and welfare of the said province and that they\\nwill truly and faithfully discharge iheir respective trust, in their re-\\nspective offices, and do equal justice to all men, accordir)g to their\\nbest skill and judgment, without corruption, favour or affection;\\nand the names of all that have sworn or subscribed, to be entered in\\na hook: And whosoever shall subscribe and not swear, and shall\\nviobite his promise in that subscription, shall be liable to the same\\npunishment that the persons are or may be, that have sworn or\\nbroken their oaths.\\n6. Item. That ail persons that are or shall become subjects of the\\nking of England, and swear or subscribe allegiance to the king, and\\nfailhfidness to the lords, shall be admitted to plant, and become\\nfreemen of the said province, and enjoy the freedoms and immunities\\nhereafter express d, tuitil some stop or contradiction be made by us\\nthe lords, or else the governor, council and assembly; which shall\\nbe in force initil the lords see cause to the contrary Provided, that\\nsucii stop shall not any ways prejudice the right or continuance of\\nany person that liave been received before such stop or orders come\\nfrom the general assembly.\\n7. Item. That no person qualified as aforesaid, within the said\\nprovince, at any time shall be any ways molested, pimishcd, disquieted\\nor called in question, for any diflVrence in opinion or practice in\\nmatters of religious concernments, who do not actually disturb the\\ncivil peace of the said province; but that all and every such person\\nand persons, may, from time to time, and at all times, freely and\\nfully have and enjoy his and their judgments and consciences, in\\nmatters of religion, througliout the said province, tliey beliaving\\nthemselves peaceably and quietly, and not using this liberty to licen-\\ntiousness, nor to the civil injury or outward disttn-bauce of others;\\nany law, statute or clause contained, or to be contained, usage or\\ncustom of tliis realm of England, to the contrary thereof in any\\nwise notwithstanding.\\n8. Item. That no pretence may be taken by our heirs or assigns,\\nforor by reason of our right of patronage and power of advouson\\ngranted by hi!4 majesty s letters patents, unto his royal higimess\\nJames duke of York, and by his said royal highness unto us, thereby\\nto inl riuge the general cause of liberty of conscience aforementioned\\nWe do hereby grant unto the general assembly of the said province,\\npower\\n2k", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0533.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "514 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. power by act, to constitute and appoint, such and so many ministers\\n1664. or preachers a^ they sliall think til, and loeslaljlisli their maintenance,\\ngiving liberty beside to any person or persons to keep and maintain\\nwhat preachers or ministers they please.\\n9. Item. That the inhabitants being freemen, or chief agents to\\nothers of the province aforesaid do, as soon as this our commission\\n.shall arrive, by virtue of a writ, in our names, by tiie governor, to\\nbe for the present (until our seal comes) sealed and signed, make\\nchoice of twelve deputies or representative!!, from amongst them-\\nselves; who being chosen, are to join with the said governor and\\ncouncil, for the making of such laws, ordinances and constitutions\\nas shall be necessary for the present good and welfare of the said\\nprovince: But so soon as parishes, divisions, tribes, and other distinc-\\ntions are made, that then the inhabitants or freeholders of the several\\nrespective parishes, tribes, divisions and districtions atoresaid, do by\\nour writs, under our seals, (which we ingage shall be in due time\\nissued) annually meet on the first day of January, and clioose free-\\nliolders for each respective division, tribe or parish, to be the de-\\nputies or representatives of the same: Which body of representa-\\ntives, or the major part of them, shall, with the governor and\\ncouncil aforesaid, be the general assembly of the said province; the\\ngovernor or his deputy being present, tin less they shall wil fully refuse;\\nin which case they may appoint themselves a president during the\\nabsence of the governor, or the deputy governor.\\nWhich assemblies are to have power,\\nFirst. To appoint tlieir own time of meeting, and to adjourn their\\nBessions from time to time, to such times and places as they shall\\nthink convenient as also to ascertain the number of their quorum;\\nprovided, the said number be not less than the third part of the whole,\\nin whom (or more) shall be the full power of the general assembly.\\nSecondly. To enact and make all such laws, acts and constitutiona\\nas sliall be necessary for the well governinent of the i\u00c2\u00abaid province,\\nand them to repeal Provided, that the same be consonant to reason,\\nand as near as may be, conveniently agreeable to the laws and\\ncustoms of his majesty s kingdom of England: Provided also, that\\nthey be not against the interest of us the lords proprietors, our heirs\\nor assigns, nor any of those our concessions, especially that they be\\nnot repugnant to the article for liberty of conscience abovemen-\\ntioned which laws, c. so made, shall receive publication from\\nthe governor and coimcil, (but as the laws of us and our geaeral\\nassembly) and be in force for the space of one year, and no more;\\nunless contradicted by the lords proprietors; within which time, they\\nshall be presented to us, our heirs, c. for our ratification and\\nbeing confirmed by us, they shall be in continual force, till expired\\nby their own limitation, or by act of repeal, in like manner to be\\npassed as aforesaid, and confirmed.\\nThirdly. By act as aforesaid, to constitute all courts, together\\nwith the limits, powers and jurisdictions of the same, as also the\\nseveral offices, and number of the officers belonging to each court,\\nwith their respective salaries, fees, and percpiisiies, their appellations\\nand dignities, with the penalties that shall be due to them, for the\\nbreach of their .several and respective duties and trusts.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0534.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 615\\nFourthly. By act as aforesaid, to lay equal taxes and assessments A. T\\nequally to raise monies or goods upon all lands (except such as belong 1664.\\ntons the lord proprietors before settling) or persons within the several\\nprecincts, hundreds, parishes, manors, or whatsoever other divisions\\nshall hereafter be made, and established in the said province, as\\noften as necessity shall require, and in such manner as to them shall\\nfieem most equal and easy lor the said inhabitants, in order to the\\nbetter supporting of the publick charge of the said government,\\nand for the mutual safety, defence, and security of the said pro-\\nvince.\\nFifthly. By act as aforesaid, to erect within the said province, such\\nand so many manors, with their necessary courts, jnrisdictif)ns, free-\\ndoms and privileges, as to them shall seem meet and convenient; as\\nalso to divide the said province into hundreds, parishes, tribes, or\\nsuch other divisions and districtions as they shall think fit, and the\\npaid division-;, to distinguish by what names we shall order or direct,\\nand in default thereof, by such names as they please; as also in the\\nfiaid province to create and ap|)oint such and so many ports, har-\\nbours, creeks and other places, for the convenient loading and\\nunloading of goods and merchandize, out of ship borUs, and other\\nvessels, as sliall be expedient with stich jurisdictions, privileges\\nand franchises, to such jjorts c. belonging, as they shall .judge most\\nconducing to the general good of the said plantation or province.\\niSixthly. By their enacting, to be confirmed as aforesaid, to erect,\\nruise and build within the said province, or any i)art thereof, such\\nand so many foris, fortresses, castles, cities, cor|)orations, boroughs,\\ntowns, villages, and other places of strength and defence; and them,\\nor any of them, to incorporate with such charters and privileges, as\\nX j them shall seem good, and the grant made unto us, will permit and\\nthe same, or any of them, to fortify and linnish with such provisions\\nand proportions of ordnance, |)ow(ler, shot, armour, and all other\\nWeapons, ainnnmilion and hal)iliments of war, both ofiensive and de-\\nfensive, as shall be thought necessary and convenient fortlie safety and\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0welfare of the said province but they may not at any time demolish,\\ndismantle, or dislurnish the same, without the consent of the\\ngovernor and the major part of the council of the said province.\\nSeven hly. By act as aforesaid, to constitute trained bands and\\nf ompanies, with the ninnber of soldiers, for the safety, strength,\\niiud defence of the said rovince, and of the forts, castles, cities, c.\\nto suppress all mutinies and rebellions, to make war ofiensive and\\ndefensive, with all Indians, strangers and foreigners, as they shall\\nsee cause anil to pursue an enemy as well by sea as by land (if need\\nbe) out of the limits ami jurisdictions of the said province, with the\\nparticular consent of the governor, and under his conduct, or oi\\nour commander in chief, or whom he shall ap{ oint.\\nKighthly. By act aforesaid, to give to all strangers, as to them\\nshall seem meet, a naturalization, an l all such freedoms and privileges\\nwithin the said province, as to his majesty s subjects doof right belong,\\nthey swearinjj or subscribing as aioresaid which said strangers, so\\nnaturalized and privileged, shall be in all respects accounted in the\\nsaid province as the king s natural subjects.\\nNinthly,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0535.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "616 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. Ninthly. By act as aforesaid, to prescribe the quantities of\\n1664. land which sliall be from time to time allotted to every head, free\\nor sei-vanl, male or female, and to make or ordain rules for the\\ncasting of lots lor land, and the laying out of the same: Provided,\\nthai tliey do not in their prescriptions, exceed the several pro[ oriion3\\nwhich are hereby granted by us, to all persons arriving iii liie said\\nprovince, or adventuring thiiher.\\nTenth iy. The general assembly, by act as aforesaid, shall make\\nprovision for the niiiinlenance and support of the governor, and IV r\\nthe defraying of all necessary charges ol the governmeni as also liie\\nconstables of the said province, shall colled the lords rent, and shall\\npay the same to the receiver that the lords shall appoint to receive ihe\\nsame unless the said general assembly shal 1 prescribe some other way\\nwhereby the lords may have their rents duly collected, without\\ncharge or trouble to them.\\nEleventhly, and lastly. To enact, constitute and ordain, all such\\nother laws, acts and constitutions, as shall or may be neciessary for\\nthe good prosperity and settletnenl of the said province (e.Ncepiing\\nwli:it by these presents is excepted) and conforming to the limitations\\nherein exprest.\\nThe governor is with his council before expressed,\\nFirst. To see that all courts established by the laws of the general\\nassembly, and all ministers and officers, civil and military, do and\\nexecute their several duties and otiices respectively, according to the\\nlaws in force, and to punish them for swerving from the laws, or\\nacting contrary to their trust, as the nature of their ofl ences Lhall\\nrequire.\\nSecondly, According to the constitution of the general assembly,\\nto nominate and commissionate the several judges, members and\\nofficers of courts, whether magistratical or ministerial, and all other\\ncivil officers, coroners, c. and their commissions, powers and autho-\\nrity, to revoke at pleasure. Provided, that they appoint none but\\nsuch as are freeholders in the province aforesaid, unless the general\\nassembly consent.\\nThirdly, According to the constitution of the general assembly,\\nto appoint courts and officers, in cases criminal, and to impower\\nthem to inflict penalties upon oftenders. against any of the laws in\\nforce in the said province, as the said laws shall ordain whether by\\nfine, imprisonment, banishment, corporal punishment, or to the\\ntaking away of member or life itself, it there be cause for it.\\nFourthly. To place officers and soldiers for the safety, strength and\\ndefence of the forts, castles, cities, c. according to the niunber\\nappointed by the general assembly, to nominate, place and commis-\\nsionate all military officers under tlie dignity of the said governor, who\\nisconunissloruited by us,overlheseveral train d bands and companies,\\nconstituted by the general assembly, as colonels, cai)tains, .c. and\\ntheir commissions to revoke at pleasure: The governor, with the\\nadvice of bis coimcil, unless some present danger will not permit\\nhim, to advise to muster and train all forces within the said pro-\\nvince, to prosecute war, pursue an enemy, suppress all rebellions\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0536.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 617\\nand nmtinie.o, as well by sea as land; and lo exercise the wliole A. D.\\nmilitia, as fully as we by the giant from liis royal highness can ira- 1664.\\npower tlietn to do: Provided, liiat ihey appoint no luiliiary forces but\\nwhat are freeholders in the said province, luiiess the general assembly\\nshall consent.\\nFifthly. Where they see canse, afier condemnation, to reprieve,\\nuntil the case lie presented, with a copy of the wliole liial, proceed-\\nirijis and pr iofs, to the loi ds, who will accordingly either pardon\\nor command execiiiion of the senience on the offender; who is in\\nmean lime to be kept in sale custoiiy, till the pleasure of the lords\\nbe known.\\nSixthly, In case of death or other removal of any of the repre-\\nseniatives within ihe year, to issue snmnions, by writ, t the respec-\\ntive division or divi-ions for whicii he or they were chosen, com-\\nmanding ihe freeholders of the same to choose others in their stead.\\niSevenihly, To make warrants and seal grants of lands, according lo\\nthoseonrconc^essionsand the prescriptions by the adviceol lbegeneral\\nassembly, insnch form as shall be at large set down in our instructions\\nto the governor, in his commission, and which are hereal ier expres-ed.\\nEighthly, To act and do all oilier things that may conduce to\\nthe safety, peace and well government ot the said i)rovince, as they\\nshall see tit; so as they be not contrary lo tlie laws of the said pro-\\nvince.\\nAnd for the better security of all the inliabitants in the said province.\\nFirst. They are not to impose, nor snfier to be imposed, any tax,\\ncustom, subsidy, tallage, asse snient, or any oilier duty whatsoever,\\nupon any colour or pretence, upon the said province and inhabitants\\nthereof, other than what sh-ill be imposed by the authority and con-\\nBent, of the general assembly, and them oidy in m;inner as aforesaid.\\nSecondly. They are to take care, that lands quietly held, planted\\nand possessed seven years afier its being duly surveyed by the\\nsurveyor general, or hi order, shall not be subject to any review,\\nre-survey or alteratictn of bounds, on what pretence soever, by any\\nof us, or any officer or minister under us.\\nIhirdly. They are to lake care, that no man, if l:is cattle stray\\nor range, or graze, on any ground within the said province, not\\nactually ajipropriated or set out to (lartieular persons, shall be liable\\nto pay any trespass for the same, to us, otir heirs, or executors.\\nProvided, that custom of commons be not thereby pretended to, nor\\nany person hindered from taking up and approiiriating any lands so\\ngrazed upon, and that no person do purposely sutler his cattle to\\ngraze on such lands.\\nAnd that the planting of the said province may be the more speedily\\npromoted.\\nFirst. We do hereby grant unto all persons who have already\\nadventured into the said province of New-Ci3esaria, or New-Jersey,\\nor shall iransportthemselvtsorservantsbeforethefirstof day January,\\nwhich shall be in the year of our lord, 1665, these following pro-\\nportions, viz. To every freeman that shall go with the first governor\\nfrom the port where he embarks (or shall meet him at the rendezvous\\nhe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0537.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "618 APPENDIX\\nA. D. he appoints for the settlement of a plantation, there armed with a,\\n1664. good musket, bore twelve bnllets to the pound, witli ten pounds\\nof powder and twenty jiounds of bullets, with b-.indaiiers and\\nmptclies convenient, and with six months provision; for his own per.-oa\\narrivinii there, one hundred and ht ty aertsof land, Enj;lis]i measure;\\nand for every able man servant, that heslni.ll carry witli him, armed\\nand provided as al oresaiil, and ;irrivinjj tlure, the like (]uaniity of\\none hundred and fifty acres of land, English measure and wiiosoever\\nshall send servants at that time, siiall have, for every able man servant\\nhe or she shall send armed and rovided as aforesaid, and arriv-\\ning there, the hke quantity ot one hundred and til ty acres; and for\\nevery weaker servant or slave, male or female, exceeding the age of\\nfourteen years, which any one shall send or carry, arriving there^\\nseventy Hve acres of land and to everv Ghristiaii servant, exceeding\\nthe age aloresaid, after the expiration of their time of service,\\nseventy five aiTcs of land for their own uses.\\nSecondly. Item, To every master or mistress, that shall go before\\nthe first day of January, which shall be in the year of our lord 1065,\\none hundred and twenty acres of land and for every able man\\nservant, tliat he or she shall carry or send armed and proyided as\\naforesaid, and arriving within the time aforesaid, the like quantity\\nof one hundred and twenty acres of land and for every weaker\\nservant or slave, male or female, ex.ceeding the age of fomteen\\nyears, arriving there, sixty acres of land and to every christiaa\\nservant, to their own use and behoof, sixty acres of land..\\nThirdly. Item, I o every free man, or free woman, that shall arrive in\\nthe said province, armed and provided as aforesaid, within the second\\nyear, from the first day of January 1665, to the first day of Jaiuiary\\n1666, with an intention to plant, 90 acres of land, English measure;,\\nand for every ai)le man servant, that he or she shall carry or send\\narmed and provided as aloresaid, ninety acres of land like measure.\\nEourthly, Item. For every weaker servant or slave, aged as afore-\\nsaid, that shall be so carrietl or sent thither within the second year,\\nas aforesaid, forty-five acres of laud of like measure; and to every\\nchristian serviint that shall arrivw the second year, forty-five acres of\\nland of like measure, after the expiration of his or their time of\\nservice, for their own use and behoof..\\nFifthly, Item. To every free man and free woman, armed and\\nprovided as aforesaid, that shall go and arrive with an intention to.\\nplant, within the third year, from January 1666, to January 1667,\\narmed and provided as aforesaid, three score acres of land of like\\nmeasia-e and for every able mail servant, that he or they siiall\\ncarry or send within the said lime, armed and provided as aforesaid,\\nthe like quantity of three score acres of land and for eveiy weaker\\nservant or slave, aged as aforesaid, that he or they shall carry or\\nsend within the third year, thirty acres of land and to every\\nchristian servant so carried or sent in the third year, thirty acres\\nof land of like measure, after the expiration of their time of\\nservice. All which land, and all other that shall be possessed ioi\\nthe said province, are to be held on the same terms and conditions\\nas is before mentioned, and as hereafter in the following paragraphs\\nis-", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0538.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 519\\n18 more at lurcje expressed. Provided always, tliat the before menti- A. D.\\noned land, and all (Jllu^r whatsoever, that shall l)e taken np and so 1664.\\nsettled in tlie said pruvince, shall afterward fioiii time to time for the\\nspace of thirteen years, from the date hereof, be iield npon the\\nconditions aforesaid, continninjj; one aide man servant or two snch\\nweaker servants as aforesaid, on every hnndred acres a master or\\nmistress shall possess, besides what was granted for his or her own\\nper-on in failure of which, iifion other disposiire to the present\\noconpant, or his assigns, there shall be three years giving to such\\nfor their compleating tlie s^iid niiml)er of person-;, or for their sale f)r\\ndispositions of siicii part of their lands, as are not so peopled williin\\nsnch time of three years: If any such person holding any laud, shall\\nfail, by himself his agents, executors or a-signs, or sonie other way\\nto provide sneii nunil)er of persons, unless the general assembly shall\\nwithout respect to (toverty, jutige it was impossible for the [tarty so\\nfailing, to keep or procure his or her nntnljer of servants to be pro-\\nviiied for as aforesaid; in sucii case, we the lords to liave power of\\ndisposing of so much of such lan l as shall not be [tlanted with its due\\nnumber of person-; as aforesaid, to some oiiiers that will plant the\\nsame. Provided always, that no person arriving in ihe sai l ro-\\nvince, with purpose to settle (they being subjects or naturalized as\\nafm-esaid) be deuieil a grant of such proportions of land, as at the\\ntime of their arrival there are due to themselves or servants, by\\nconcession from uh as aforesaid but have lull licetice to take np and\\nsettle the same, in such order and manner as is granted or prescrib d.\\nAll lands (uotwithstandingthe powers in the assembly aforesaid shall\\nbe taken up by warrant Irom the governor, and confirmed by the\\ngovernor and council, inider a seal to be pr()vided lor that purpose,\\nin snch order and mciliud, as shall be set down in this declaration,\\nand more at large in the instruction to the governors and coimcil.\\nAnd that the lands m;iy be the n)ore regularly laid out, and \u00c2\u00abll\\npersons the better ascertained of their tiiles and possession.\\n^^irst. The governor and council and general a.^sembly, (if any\\nbe) are to take care, and direct that all lands be divided by general\\nlots, none less than two thousand one hundred acres, nor more than\\ntwenty-one thou.*.and acres in eacih lot, excepting cities, towns, c.\\nand the near lots of townships and that the same be divided into\\nseven parts; one seventh part to us, our heirs and assigns; the re-\\nmainder to persons as they come to plant the same, in such [)ropor-\\ntions as is allowed.\\nSecondly, Item. That the governor, or whom he shall depute,\\nin case of death or absence, if some lie not before commissionated\\nby US as aforesaid, to give to every person to whom land is due,\\na warrant, signed and sealed by himself, and the major part of his\\ncoum-il, and directed to the surveyor general, or his de})uty, coin-\\nmaiuling him to lay out, limit and bound acres of land, (as\\nhis due proportion) is for such a fiersou, in such allotment, according\\nto the w.irrant the register having first recorded the same, and at-\\ntested the recor l upon the warrant: The surveyor jjeneral, or big\\ndeputy, shall proceed and certify to the chief secretary or register,\\nthe name of the person for whom he hath laid out land, bv virtue\\nof", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0539.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "520 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. of what authority, the date of tlie autliority or warrant, the nnmber\\n1664. of acres, the bounds, and on what point of compass tlie several\\nlimits thereof lye; which certificate the register is likewise to enter\\nin a book to be prepared for tiiat [)urpose, with an alpliabetical table,\\nreferring to the book, that so tiie certificate may be the easier found\\nand then to file the certificates, and the same to keep safely The\\ncertificate being entered, a warrant com|)rehending all the particulars\\nof land mentioned in the certificate aforesaid, is to be signed and\\nsealed by him and his council, or tbe major part of them as afore-\\nsaid, they having seen the entry, and directed to the register or chief\\nsecretary, for his i)reparing a grant of the land to the })arty for whom\\nit is laid out; which grant shall be in the form following, viz.\\nThe lords proprietors of the province of New-Csesaria, or New-\\nJersey, do hereby grant unto A. B. of the in the j)rovince\\naforesaid, a plantation, containing acres, English measure;\\n*boun ling as in the certificate, to hold to him or her, his or\\nher heirs and assigns for ever, yielding and paying yearly unto the\\nsaid lords proprietors, their heirs or assigns, every twenty lifih day\\nof March, according to the JOiiglisli accompt, one halt penny of\\nlawful money of England, for every of the said acres, to be holden\\nas of the manor of East Greenwich, in free and comtnon socage, the\\nfirst payment of which rents to begin the 25tli day of March, which\\nshall be in the year of our lord KiTO, according to the English\\naccompt. Given under the seal of the said province, the\\nday in the year of our lord 106\\nTo which iiistrument the governor or his deputy, hath hereby\\nfull power to put the seal of the said province, and to subscribe\\nhis name; as also the council, or major [)art of them, are to sub-\\nscribe their names, and then the instrument or grant is to be by the\\nregister recorded in the book of records for that purpose; all which\\nbeing done accoiding to these instructions, we hereby declare, that the\\nsame shall be effectual in law, for the enjoymeni of the said plantati-\\non, and all the benefits and profits of and iti the same, (except the half\\npart of mines of gold and silver,) paying the rent as aforesaid Pro-\\nvided, that if any plantation so granted, shall by the space of three\\nyears, be neglected to be planted with a suHicieut number of servants\\nas is before mentioned, that then it shall and may be lawful for us\\notherwise to dispose thereof, in whole or in part, this grant notwith-\\nstanding.\\nThirdly. Item, We do also grant convenient proportions of land\\nfor high ways and streets, not exceeding one hundred feet in breadth\\nin cities, towns and villages, c. and for churches, forts, wharfts, keys,\\nharbours, and for publick houses, and to each parish for the use of\\ntheir ministers, two hundred acres, in such places as the general\\nassembly shall appoint.\\nEourlhly. Item, The governor is to take notice, that all such lands\\nlaid out for the uses and purposes aforesaid, in the next preceding\\narticle, shall be free and exempt from all rents, taxes and other\\ncharges and duties whatsoever, payable to ns, our heirs or assigns.\\nFifthly. Item, That in laying out lands for cities, towns, villages,\\nboroughs, or other hamlets, the said lands be divided into seven parts,\\none", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0540.jp2"}, "541": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\none seventh part whereof to be by lot laid out for vis, and the rest A. D.\\nto be divided to siieh as sliall be \\\\viilir)g to build thereon, they paying 1664.\\nafter the rate of one penny or halfpenny per acre, (according lo the\\nvalue of the land) j early to iis, as for their otiier lands as aforesaid\\nwhich said lands in the cities and towns, c. is to he ass.ired lo rach\\npoi5--essor bv the same way and instrutiient, as is before ineniiotied.\\nSixthlv. Ilern. That all rides reiatinoj to the ImiMiny: of each\\nBt.reet. or qnantitv of jroiin l to be allotted to each house within the\\nsaiil respective cities, boroui;h and towns, be wholy left, by act as\\naforesaid, to the wisdom and discretion of the general assembly.\\nSeventhly. Item. That the inhabitants of the said province have\\nfree pas age thro or by any seas, bounds, creeks, rivers, or rividets %c,\\nin the said province, througli or by which they must necessarily pass\\nto come from the main ocean to any part of the province aforesaid.\\nEighthly and lastly. Jlshali be liwl nl for the representatives of the\\nfreeholders, to make any address to the birds, touching the governor\\nor council, or any ot them, or concerning any grievance whatsoever,\\nor for any oilur thing they shall desire, without the con-eiU of the\\ngovernor and council, or any of thiin. (iiven under our seal of our\\neaid province, the lOtii day of February, in they ear of our lord 1664.\\nEeukki.ey,\\nG. Carteret.\\nNUMB E II I I\\nThe concessions and agreements of the proprietors, free-\\nholders and inhabitants of the proviiice of West New-\\nJersey, in Amerioa.\\nC H P I\\nWE do consent and agree as the best present expedient that such J)^\\npersons as shall be from time to time deputed, nominated and 1676.\\nappointed commissioners l)y tiie present proprietors, or the major part\\nof them, by writingundertheir hands and seals, sliall be commissioners\\nfor the time being, and have power to order and manage the estate and\\naflitirsof thesaid province ol West New-Jersey, according to these our\\nconcessions hereafter following, and to depute others in their place\\nand authority in case of death or removal, and to continue until\\nsome other persons be deputed, nominated and appoiiUed by the\\nsaid proprietors or the major ]iart of them, to succeed them in that\\noflit;e and si-rvice. And the comntissioners for the tinie being, are\\nto take care, tor setting forih and dividing all the lands of the said\\nprovince as be already taken up, or by themselves shall be taken up\\nand contracted for with the natives; and the said lands o taken up\\nand cotitracted for, to divide into one hmulred parts, as occasioti shall\\nrequire; that is to say, for every qtiantity of land that they .\u00c2\u00abhall\\nfrom time to titne lay oitt lo be planted and settled npon, they shall\\nfirst, for expedition, divide th** aame into ten eq tal parts or shares,\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0541.jp2"}, "542": {"fulltext": "2 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. and for distinction sake, to mark in the register, and upon some of\\n1676. the trees belonging to every tentii part, with the letters A. B. and so\\nend at the letter K. And after the same is so divided and marked,\\nthe said commissioners are to grant nnto Thomas Hutchinson, of\\nBeverly, Thomas Pearson, of Bonwicke, Joseph Ilelmsiy, of Great\\nKeike, George Hutchinson, of Shetheld, and Mahlon Stacy, of\\nHansworth, all of the county of York, or their lawful deputies, or par-\\nticular commissioners, for themselves and their friends, who are a con-\\nsiderable number of people, and many speedily promote the planting\\nof the said province. That they may have free liberty to make\\nchoice of any one of the said tentli parts or shares, which shall be\\nfirst divided and set out, being also done with their consent, that they\\nmay plant upon the same as they see meet and afterward any other\\nperson or persons who shall go over to inhabit, and have purchased\\nto the number often proprieties, they shall and may have liberty to\\nmake choice of any of the remaining parts or shares to settle in And\\nall other proprietors who shall go over to settle as aforesaid, and\\ncannot make up amongst them the number of ten proprietors; yet\\nnevertheless, they shall and may have liberty to make choice of\\nsettling in any of the said tenth shares, that shall not be taken up\\nbefore: And the commissioners have hereby power to see the said\\none tenth part, that they shall so make choice of, laid out and divided\\ninto ten proprieties, and to allot them so many f)roprieties out of\\nthe same as they have order for; and the said commissioners are to\\nfollow these rules, until they receive contrary order from the major\\npart of the proprietors, under their hands and seals.\\nThe said commissioners for the time being, have hereby power\\nfor appointing and setting out til places for towns, and to limit the\\nboundaries thereof; and to take care they l)e as regular built as the\\npresent occasion, time, and conveniency of the places will admit of.\\nAnd that all towns to be erected and built, shall be with the consent\\nof the commissioners for tiie tinie being, or the major part of them.\\nAnd further, the said commissioners are to order the afhiirs of the\\nsaid province, according to these concessions, and any other instruc-\\ntions that shall be given them by the major part of the proprietors,\\nuntil such time as more or other commissioners shall be chosen by the\\ninhabitants of West-Jersey, as here in these concessions is mentioned\\nand appointed.\\nAnd it is further expressly provided and agreed to, that whereas\\nthere is a contract or agreement granted by William Penn, Gaweii\\nLawj-ie and Nicholas Lucas, unto Thomas Hutchinson, Thomas\\nPearson, Joseph Helmsly, George Hutchinson and Mahlon Stacy,\\ndated the second day of the month called March, 1676, instant,\\nwheiein they grant unto the said persons, certain privileges for a town\\nto be built, whereby they have liberty to choose their own magistrates\\nand officers for executing the laws according to the concessions within\\nthe said town; which said contract or agreement is to be held firm\\nand good to all intents and purposes, and we do by these our concessi-\\nons confirm the same,\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0542.jp2"}, "543": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. t\\nC H A P I I A. D.\\nAN D that all and every person and persons, may enjoy his and\\ntheir just and equal propriety and piirciiase of hinds, in the\\nsaid province; it is lierei)y agreed, concluded and ordained, that\\nthe surveyor or surveyors, that ilie said proprietors liave deputed and\\nappointed, or shall depute and apjjoint they failing, that the com-\\nmissioners shall depute and appoint, or that the general free asseinhly\\nhereafter shall depute and appoint, shall iiave power by him or them-\\nselves, or his or their lawful deputy or deputies, to survey, lay out or\\nbound, all the proprietors lands, and all such lands as shall be grant-\\ned from any of the proprietors to the freeholders, planters, or in-\\nhabitants, and a particular or terrior thereof, to certify to the re-\\ngister, to be recorded.\\nC H A P I I I\\nTHAT hereafter upon further settlement of the said province,\\nthe pro|irietors, freeholders, and inhabitants, resident upon\\nthe said province, shall and may, at or upon the live and twentietli\\nday of the month called March, which shall be in the year accord-\\ning to the P^iiglish account, one thousand six hinidred and eitjhty;\\nand so thence Ibrward, upon tiie live and twentieth day of March\\nyearly, by the ninth hour in the morning of the said day, as-^emble\\nthemselves together, in some pubiick place to be ordered and ap-\\npointed by the commissioners for the time being; and upon default\\nof such appointment, in such plai e as they shall see meet, and then\\nand there elect of and amoni;si ihem-elves, ten honest and able\\nmen, fit for government, to ofHciate and execute the place of com-\\nmissioners for the year ensuing, and until sucii time as ten more for\\nthe year then next following, shall be elected and appointed Which\\nsaid elections shall be as fulldwetb, that is to say, the inhabitants\\neach ten of liic one hundred jiroprieties, shall elect and choose one,\\nand the one hundred proprieties shall be divided into ten divisions\\nor tribes of men.\\nAnd the said elections siiall be made and distinguished by balloting\\ntrunks, to avoid noise and confusion, and not by voices, holding\\nnp of the hands, or otherwise howst)ever Which said commissioners\\nso yearly to be elected, shall likewise govern and order the afliiirs\\nof the said province, (pro tempore) for the good and welfare of\\nthe said people, and acct)rdiiig to these our concessions, innil such\\ntime as the general tree assembly shall be elected and deputed in\\nsuch manner anil wise as is hereafter expressed and contained.\\nCHAP. IV.\\nAnd that the planting of the said province be the more speedily\\npromoted, it is consented, granted, concluded, agreed and\\ndeclared,\\nFirst, rp H A T the proprietors of the said province, have and do\\njL hereby grant unto all persons, who bv and with the consent\\nof one or more of any of tiie proprietors of the said province, at-\\ntested", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0543.jp2"}, "544": {"fulltext": "4 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. tested by the certifioate, under his or their hands and seals, adventure\\n1676. to the said province of west New- Jersey, and shall transport tliemselves\\nor servants, before the first day of the month commonly called April,\\nwhich shall be in the year of our lord one thousand six hundred\\nBeventy and seven, these following proportions, viz. For his own\\nperson arriving, seventy acres of land, English nieastire; and for every\\nable man servant that he shall carry with him, and arriving there,\\nthe like quantity of seventy acres of land, English measure: And\\nwhosoever shall send servants before that time, shall have for every\\nable man servant, he or they so send as aforesaid, and arriving there,\\nthe like quantity of seventy acres and for every weaker servant,\\nmale or female, exceeding the age of fourteen years, which any\\none shall send or carry, arriving there, fifty acres of land and after\\nthe expiration of their time of service, fifty acres of land for their\\nown use and behoof, to hold to them and their heirs forever. All\\nsuch person and persons, freemen or servants, and their respective\\nheirs and assigns, afterwards paying yearly to the proprietor, his\\nheirs and assigns, to whom the said lands belong, one penny an acre,\\nfor what sludl be laid out in towns, and one half penny an acre, for\\nvhat shall be laid out elsewliere The first yearly payment to begin\\nwithin two years after the lands are laid out.\\nSecondly, To every nuister or mis .ress, that by and with such\\nconsent aforesaid, shall go hence the second year, before the first day\\nof the month called April, which shall be in the year one thousand\\nsix hundred seventy and eight, fifty acres of land; and for every\\nable man servant, that he or she shall carry or send, and arriving\\nthere, the like quantity of fifty acres of land and for every weaker\\nservant, male or female, exceeding the age of fourteen years, arriv-\\ning there, thirty acres of land and after the expiration of their\\nservice, thirty acres of land, for their own use and behoof; to hold\\nto them and their heirs forever: All the said persons, and their re-\\nspective heirs and assigns, yearly paying as aforesaid, to the [)roprie-\\ntor, his heirs and assigns, to whom the land belongs, one penny\\nfarthing the acre, for all such lands as shall be lai l out in towns,\\nand three farthings the acre, for all that shall be laid out elsewhere.\\nThirdly, To every freeman that shall arrive in the said province,\\nwithin the third year, from the first day of the month commonly\\ncalled April, in the year one thousand six hundred seventy and\\neight, to the first of the said month called April, one thousjind six\\nhundred seventy and nine, (with an intention to plant) forty acres\\nof land, English measure; and for every able man servant, that he\\nor she shall carry or send as aforesaid, forty acres of land, of like\\nmeasure and for every weaker servant, aged as aforesaid, that shall\\nbe so carried or sent thither, within the third year as aforesaid, twenty\\nacres of land, of like measure; and after the expiration of his or\\ntheir time of service, twenty acres of land for their own use and\\nbehoof; to hold to them and to their heirs forever: All the said per-\\nsons and their heirs and assigns, paying yearly as aforesaid, to the\\nproprietor, his heirs and assigns, with whom they contract for the\\nsame, one penny halfpenny the acre, for what shall be laid out in\\ntowns, and one penny the acre for what bhall be laid out elsewhere.\\nAH", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0544.jp2"}, "545": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 525\\nAll which landa that shall be possessed in the said province, are to be A. D,\\nhei l under, and according to the concessions and conditions as is 1676.\\nbefore mentioned, and as hereafter in the following paragraph, is\\nmore at large expressed. Provided always, that the before mentioned\\nland that shall be taken up and so settled in the province as aforesaid,\\nshall from the date hereof, be held ui)on the conditions aforesaid,\\ncontaining at iea-t, two able men servants, or three such weaker\\nservants as aforesaid, for every htmdred acres and so proportionably\\nfor a lesser or greater quantity as one iinndred acres, besides what\\na master or mistress shall possess, which was granted for his or her\\nown person; in failure of which, u|)on no .ation to the present oc-\\ncupant or his assigns, tiiere shall be three years given to such, for\\nthe coujplcating the said number of servants, and for their sale or\\noiher disposure ol such part of tlieir lands as are not so peopled:\\nWithin wiiicb lime of tfiree years, if any persons holding any\\nland, !-hall fail by himstlf, his agents, executors or assigns, or some\\nother way, to provide such number of persons, (unless the general\\nassembly shall without respect to poverty, judge it was impossible\\nlor the party so failing to keep his or her number of servants to be\\nprovided as aforesaiil) in such case the commissioners are (o summon\\ntogether twelve men of the neighbourhood, upon such inquest, ver-\\ndict and judgment past of such default; they are and have power\\nof disposing of so much of sucb land, for any term of years, not ex-\\nceeding 20 years, as shall not be planted wuli its due number of per-\\nsons as aforesaid, to some other that will plant the same; reserving\\nami preserving to ihe proprietor, or bis lawful assigns, the rents to\\nbecome due and owing, for or in resjject of the same, according to\\nthe tenor and effect of these concessions. And further, that every pro-\\nprietor ibaigoelh over in person, and inhabit in the said |)rovi nee, shall\\nkeep ;md maintain upon every lot of land that they shall take up, one\\nperson at least and if the lot shall exceed 200 acres, he shall keep and\\nm int lin lor every 200 acres, tbelikecpiantiiy of one person at the least.\\nAnl for all other proprietors that doth but go over in person, and\\ninhabit in the said j)rovince, shall keep and maintain upon every lot\\nof land ihat shall fall to them, one person at the least; and if the\\nsai l lot exceed one hundred acres, then upon every hundred acres\\nthat fall to iheiu as atbresaid, they shall keep and maintain one\\nperson at the least: And if any neglect or deficiency shall be found in\\nany of ihe proprietors, of their keepiny; and maintaining the number\\nof persons before mentioneil that then anil in that case, the cum-\\nmi.-sioners are to dispose upon the said lands for any lerm of years\\nnot exreeding twenty, to anv person or persons that will keep and\\nmaintain upon the said lands ihe number of persons as before is\\nmentioned reserving always unto the said proprietors, the rents that\\nsh.ill liill due tor the same, a.s l)efore is reserved and appointed to\\nbe so. Always provided, that the keeping and maintaining of the\\ns;dd niunber of persons upon the .several lots and number of acres\\nh fore mentioned, is to continue for ten years from the date of the\\ncomessions, and no longer; except where there have been any deti-\\nciency, so as the commissioners have let -the lands for a longer time,\\nto any person or persons, they are ta enjoy the siime during the term\\ngranted", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0545.jp2"}, "546": {"fulltext": "5 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. granted them by the commissioners; any thing in this last proviso,\\nJ676. to the contrary notwithstanding.\\nCHAP. V.\\nAnd for the regular laying out of all lands whatsoever in the said\\nprovince, tliis method is to be followed by the register and surveyor.\\nTHAT the register to be appointed as aforesaid, having recorded\\nan} grant from any of tiie proprietors, to any person, for any\\nquantity or quantities of acres, shall make out a certificate to the\\nsurveyor or his deputy, enjoiriiiig him to lay out, limit and bound\\nacres of land, for A. B. out of the several lots of\\nC. D. one of the proprietors, in the proportions following; that is\\nto say, pai-t thereof in tiie lot of said D. in\\nwhich the surveyor or his deputy, shall lay out,\\nlimit and bound accordingly, and shall certify back to the register\\non what point of the compass the several limits thereof lie, and on\\nwhose lands the several parcels butt and bound; which last certificate\\nshall be entered by the said register or his deputy, in a book fof\\nthat j\u00c2\u00bburpo- e, with an alphabetical table of the proprietors names,\\nand the name of the planter or piirch iser referring to the said certi-\\nficate, shall by the said register be endorsed in the back of ihe grant,\\nwith the folio of the book in wbich it is entered, and his name\\nsubscribed to the said endorsement.\\nAnd that the commissioners for the time being, are hereby impow-\\nered to ascertain the rates and fees of the public register, surveyor\\nand other officers, as they shall see meet and reasonable, how much or\\nwhat every one shall pay for registering any conveyance, deed,\\nlease, speciality, certificate, or other writinsr; as also what shall be\\npaid by every proprietor for surveying, dividing, and laying out\\nof any lands in the said province; which said rey:ister, survevor, or\\nothei oflicer, is not to exact or demand any more or greater rales as\\nshall be established as afuresaid.\\nCHAP. VI.\\nWE do also grant convenient portions of land for highway. and\\nfor streets, not under one hundred feet in breadih, in cities,\\ntowns and villages; and for wharffs, keys, harbours, and for\\npublick houses, in such place as the commissioners for the time being\\n(until there be a general a-sembly) shall appoint and that all such\\nlands laid out for the said uses and purposes, shall be li ee and exempt\\nfrom all rents, taxes, and other charges and duties whatsoever; as\\nalso, that the inhabitants of the said province have free passage\\nthrough or by any seas, bounds, creeks, rivers, rividets in the said\\nprovince, through or by which they must necessarily pass to come\\nfrom the main ocean to any part of the province nforesaid as also\\nby land in ways laid out or through any lands not planted or enclosed.\\nThat all the irdiahitaiits within the said province of West- Jersey,\\nhave the liberty of fishing in Delaware river, or on the sea coast;\\nand the liberty of hunting and killing any deer or other wild beasis,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2the liberty to shoot or take any wild fowls within the said province.\\nProvided", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0546.jp2"}, "547": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. J\\nProvided always, that they do not hunt, kill, shoot, or take any A. D,\\nfiiich deer, wild beasts, or fowls, upon the lands that is or shall be 1676.\\nfiurveyed, taken up, inclosed, sown and planted, except the owners\\nof tlie said lands or their assigns.\\nCHAP. VII.\\nTH E commissioners are to take care, that lands quietly held,\\npin n led and possessed seven years after its being lirst duly surveyed\\nby the surveyor or surveyors, his or their lawful deputies, which\\nphail be appointed by the said proprietors, and registered in manner\\nas aforesaid, shall not be subject to any review, resurvey or alteration\\nof bounds, u[ion any fjretence, or by any pretence, or by any person\\nor persons whatsoever.\\nCHAP. VIII.\\nTil E commissioners are to take care, that no man, if his cattle\\nstray, range, or graze on any ground within the said jirovince,\\nnot actually appropriated or set out to parlicular persons, shall Ite\\nliable to pay any trespass for the same: Provided, that custnm of\\nCommons be not thereby pretended to, nor any person hindered\\nfrom legally taking up and appropriating -iny land so grazed upon.\\nCHAP. IX.\\nTH E commissioners are to see, that all courts establislie l by the\\nlaws and constitutions of the general a-^sembly, ami pursiiunt\\nunto those concessions, do execiite their several dtities and otlices\\nrespectively, according to the laws in force; and to displace or\\npunish ihem for violating ilie said laws, or acting contrary to their\\nduty and trusts, as the nature of their offences shall reipiire; and\\nwhere they see cause of condemnation or sentence pass d upon any\\nperson or persons, by any judge, justice, or court whatsoever, the said\\ncommissioners luive power to reprieve and suspend the execution of\\nthe seiUi Hce, imtil the cause be presented, with a copy of the whole\\ntrial, proceeding and proofs, to the next general assembly who may\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2jiccordingly either pardon or ommand execution of the sentence on\\nthe otlentler or otrenders, (who ai e to be kept it; the mean time in\\nsafe custody initil the sense of the general assembly be known therein.)\\nCHAP. X.\\nO act and do all other thing or things that may conduce to the\\nsafely, peace and well-government of the said province, and\\nthese present concessions, and that all inferior officers be accoimlable\\nto the commissioners, and they to be accountalile to the general\\nassend)ly. The commissioners are to take care, that the constaidis\\nof the said province, shall colle ;t such of ihe jiroprielors rents,\\nwho dwill not in the said province, but in England, Ireland,\\nor vScotland and shall pay it to the receiver that iliey shall ajipoint\\nto receive the same unless the general assembly shall prescril)e some\\nother way whereby they may have their rents duly collected, without\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2charge and trouble to the said piopfietors.\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0547.jp2"}, "548": {"fulltext": "628 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. C H A P X I\\nrp H E Y are not to impose or suffer to be imposed, any tax, ciiatoia\\nJL or subsidy, tollage, assessment, or any other duty whatsoever,\\nupon atiy colour or pretence how specious soever, upon lliesaid pro-\\nvince and inhabitants thereof, wiliioiit iheir own consent first iiad,\\ncr otiier than what siiall be imposed by the authority and consent of\\nthe general assembly, and that only in manner and for the good enda\\nand uses as aforesaid.\\nCHAP. XII.\\nTHAT that the said commissioners, registers, surveyors, and\\nail and every other publick officers of trust whatsoever, already\\ndeputed and chosen, or hereafter from time to time to be deputed\\nand ch sen. shall subscribe (in a book or books to be provide l for\\nthat purpose) that they will truly and faithfully discharge their\\nrespective trusts according to the law of the said province, and tenor\\nof these concessions, in their respective offices aiid duties; and do\\nequal justice and right to all men, according to tiieir best skill and\\njudgment, without corruption, favour, or aff eclion and the names\\nof all that shall subscribe, to be entered in the said buok and wiio-\\nsoever shall subscribe, and shall violate, break or any wise falsify his\\npromise after such subscri|jtion, shall be liable to be punished or\\nfined, and also be made incapable of any publick oflBce within the\\nsaid province.\\nThe Charter or fundamental laws of West New- Jersey, agreed upon.\\nC H A P. X I I I.\\nThat these following concessions are the common law or fundamental\\nrights of the province of West New-Jersey.\\nTHAT the common law or fundamental rights and privileges of\\nWest New-Jersey, are individually agreed u[)()n by the pioprie-\\ntors and freeholders thereof to be the foundation of the government\\nwhich is not to be altered by the legislative authority, or free assem-\\nbly hereafter mentioned ami constituted but that the said legislative\\nauthority is consiituied according to these fundamentals, to make\\nsuch laws as agree wiih anil maintain the said fundamentals, and to\\nmake no laws that in the least contradict, differ, or vary from the\\nsaid fundamentals, under what pretence or allegation soever.\\nCHAP. XIV.\\nBUT if it so happen, that any person or persons of the said free-\\nasseml ly,shailihereinile~ignedly, wilfully and maliciously move,\\nor exciteany to move, any miittir or thing whatsoever, that contradicts\\nor any ways subverts any fundamental of the said laws in theconsii-\\ntuiion of the government of this province, it being proved by seven\\nhonest and reputable persons he or they shall be proceded against aa\\ntraitors to the said government.\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0548.jp2"}, "549": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n52^\\nCHAP. XV.\\nTHAT these concessions, law or great charter of fundamentals,\\nhe recorded in a fair table, m the assembly house; and that they\\nbe read at the liejiiniiing and dissolving of every general free assem-\\nbly And it is further agreed and ordained, that the said confessions,\\ncommon law, or great charter of fundamentals, be writ in fair\\ntables, in every common hall of justice within this province; and\\nthat they be read in solemn m;inuer four times every year, in the\\npresence of the people, by the chief magistrates of those places.\\nCHAP. XVI.\\nTHAT no men, oor number of men upon earth, hath power\\nor authority to rule over men s consciences in religious m;itters;\\ntherefore it is consenied, agreed and ordained, that no person or\\npersons whatsoever, within the said province, at any time or times\\niiereafter shall be any ways, upon any pretence whatsoever, calleii in\\nquestion, or in the least punished or hurt, either in person, estate or\\nprivilege, for the sake of his opinion, judgment, faith or worship to-\\nwards God, in matters of religion but that all and every such jierson\\nand persons, may Irom lime to lime, and at all times, freely and fully\\nhave and enjoy his and their judgments, and the exercise of their con-\\nsciences, in matters of religious worship througiiout all tiie said\\nprovince.\\nCHAP. XVII.\\nTH T no proprietor, freeholder or inhabitant of the said pro-\\nvince of \\\\Vest New-Jersey, shall be deprived or condemned of\\nlife, limb, liberty, e-tate, property, or any ways hurt in his or their\\nprivileges, freecloms or franchises, upon any account whatsoever,\\nwithout a due trial, and judgment j)a~-ed by twelve good and law-\\nful men of his neighbiiurliood lirsi had; and that in all causes to\\nbe tried, and in all trials, the i)erson or persons arraigned, may ex-\\ncept against any of the said neigiibourhood, without any reason\\nrendered, (not exceeding ihirty-tive) and in case of any valid reason\\nalledged, against every person nominated for that service\\nCHAP. XVIII.\\nAN D that no proprietor, freeholder, free-denison or inhabitant\\nin the said province, shall be attached, arrested, or imprisoned,\\nfor or by reason of any debt, duty, or oilier thing whatsoever,\\n(cases felonious, criminal and treasonable, excepted) before he or\\nshe have personal summon or summons, left at iiis or her Ixst\\ndwelling place, if in the said province, by some legal anihorized\\nofficer, constituted and appointed for that purpose, to appear in some\\ncourt of judicature for the said province, with a full and plain\\naccount of the cause or thing in demand as also the name or names\\nof tiie peison or persons at whose suit, and the court where he is to\\nappear; and thai he hath at least fourteen days time to appear and\\nanswer the said suit, if he or she live or inhabit within forty miles,\\nEnglish, of the said court and if at further distance, to have for\\nevery twenty miles, two days lime more, for his and their appearance,\\nand so proporlionably for a larger distance of place.\\nThat\\n2l\\nA. D.\\n1676.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0549.jp2"}, "550": {"fulltext": "530 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. That upon the recording of tlie summons, and non-appearance\\n1676. of such person and persons, a writ or attaeliment sliall or may be\\nissued out taarrest or aitach the person or persons of sueli defaiiliers,\\nio cause his or their appearance in such court, returnable at a day\\ncertain, to answer the penalty or penalties in such suit or suits;\\nar^d if he or they shall he condemned by le ;al tryal and judgment,\\nthe penally or penalties shall be paid and satisfied out of his or\\ntheir real or personal estate so condemned, or cause the person or\\npersons so condemned to lie in execution till satisfaction of the\\ndebt and damages be made. Provided always, if such person or\\npersons so condemned, shall pay and deliver such esiate, goods\\nand chattels, which he or any other person hath for his or their use,\\nand shall solemnly declare and aver, that he or they have not any\\nI Mrllier estate, go(Kls or chattels wiialsoever, to satisfy the person\\nor personi* (at whose suit he or they are condemned) tlieir respective\\njudgments, and shall also bring and produce three other persons\\nas compurgators, who are well known and of honest ri putatioii,\\nand approved of by the commissioners of that division where tht-y\\ndwell or inhabit, which shall in such open court likewise so-\\nlemnly declare and aver, that they believe in their consciences,\\nsuch person and persons so condemned, liave not wherewith further\\nto pay the said condemnation or condemnations; he or they shall\\nbe thence forthwiih discharged from their said imprisonment; any\\nlaw or custom to the contrary thereof heretofore in the said pro-\\nvince notwithstanding. And upon such summons and default of\\nappearance recorded as aforesaid, and such person and persons not\\nappearing within forty days after, it shall and may be lawful for\\nfciuch court of judicature, to proceed to trial of twelve lawful men,\\nto judgnjent against such defaulters, and issue forth execution\\nagainst his or their estate, real and personal, to satisfy such penalty\\nor penalties, to such debt and damages so recorded, as far as it\\nshall or may extend.\\nCHAP. XIX.\\nTHAT there shall be in every court, three justices or commission-\\ners, who shall sit with the twelve men of the neighbourhood,\\nwith them to hear all causes, and assist the said twelve men of the\\nneighbourhood in cases of law and that they the said justices shall\\npronounce such judgment as they shall receive from and be directed\\nby the said twelve men, in whom only the judgment resides, and\\nnot otherwise.\\nAnd in ca.ses of their neglect and refusal, that then one of the\\ntwelve, by consent of the re.st, pronounce their own judgment,\\nas the justices should have done: And if any judgment shall be\\npass d in any case, civil or criminal, by any other person or ])ersons,\\nor any other way than according to the agreement and appoiniment\\nit shall be held null and void; and such person or jiersons so pre-\\nsuming to give judgment, shall be severt-ly fined, and upon com-\\nplaint made to the general assembly, by them be declared incapable\\nof any office or trust within this province.\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0550.jp2"}, "551": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 531\\nC H A P. X X. A. D.\\nTH A T in all mailers and causes, civil and criminal, proof is 16/0.\\nto maiie by i he solemn and plain averment of at least two\\nlioncst and re|)ulahle persons; and in case tiiat any person or persons\\nsiiail bear false witness, and brinjr in jus or ibeir evidence contrary\\nto the trutli of the muter, as siiali be made plainly to appear; that\\nthen every sneh person or per-ons, shall in civil causes, lifter the\\npenrdty which woidd be due to the person or persons he or they bear\\nwitness against: And in case any witnt^ss or witnesses on the behalf\\nof any [icrson or persons indicted in a criminal cause, shall be found to\\nhave borne false witness, foi- fear, gain, nuilice, or favour, and thereby\\nhinder the due execuiion of tiie law, and deprive the suflVcing person\\nor persons of their due satisfaciicm that then aiiil in all other cases of\\nfalse evidence, siu h person or persons shall be tirst severely^ricd and\\nnexi, that he or liiey shall forever be disabled from being admitted\\nin evidiuce, or into any publick otiice, employment or service\\nwiihiu this province.\\nCHAP. XXI.\\n11 H A T all and everv person and persons whatsoever, who shall\\npro-eciiie or prefer any imiictnient or information against others,\\nforany jjcrsoual iujuiies or matter crituinal, (U shall prosecute fnrany\\noilier criminal c luse (treason, murder and felony only excepted)\\nshall an l may be master oi his own process, and have full ))ower\\nto forgive and remit the person or pcrsniis offending against him or\\nh r-elf only, as well before as after judgment and condemnation,\\npnd pinion, and remit the sentence, line and puinshmenl of the\\nperson or persons oti euding, be it personal or other wiiatsoever.\\nCHAP. XXII.\\nTil AT the trials of all causes, civil and criminal, shall, he heard\\nan l decided bv the venii-t or Judgment of twelve honest men of\\nthe nei^xhbonrhood, only to be summoned and presented by the sheriff\\nof that division or propriety where the fact or !respass is committed\\nand that no person or persons shall be compelled to fee any ait Mney\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0or counsi lior to plead his cause, but that all persons have tree lil)erty\\nto plead his own cause il lie please: And that no person or i ersons\\nim|)ri-oned upon any account whatsoever, within this jtrovince, shall\\nbe obliifed to pay any fees to tiie ollicer or ollicers of the said prison\\neither when committed or discharged.\\nC II A P. X X I I I.\\nTVy IT A T in all publick courts of justice for trial of causes, civil\\nJ. or criminal, any per.-on or per-ons, inhabitants of the said\\nlirovince, may freely come iiuo and attend the said courts, and hear\\nill) 1 be presi nt at all lU any such trials as shall be there had or passed,\\nthai justice in ly not lie done in a corner, nor in any covert manner; i\\nbeing intended ai.d resolved by the lielf) of the lord, and by these I\\nour cimc.i ssions and I uiidamentals, that all and every person and I\\npersons inhabiting in tiie said province, shall :is far as in us lies, be\\nIree from oppression and slavery.\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0551.jp2"}, "552": {"fulltext": "I\\n632 APPENDIX\\nA. D. C H A P. X X IV.\\n1676. jTor the preventing of fraud, deceit, collusion in bargains, sale i,\\ntrade and traffick, and the nsiial contests, quarrels, dehates and\\nutter ruin, whitli iiave attended the people in many nations, by\\ncostly, tedious, and vexaiious law suits, and fur a due settlement\\nof estates.\\nT is agreed, concluded and ordained, (hat tliere be kept a register\\nat London, within the nation of England; and also anollier\\nregister within the province of New West-Jersey and tliatall deeds,\\nevidences, and conveyances of land, in the said province of iS\\\\-w-\\nWest-Jersey, that sliall be executed in Knghmd, may al o be tiiere\\nregistered and once every year, the rejLjister of tlie said deeds\\nand conveyances, so registered, siiali be duly transmitted under tlie\\nhands of the register, and three proprietors, unto the commissioners\\nin New West-Jersey, to be enrolled in the piibiick register of the\\nsaid province: As also that the cliief register, which tiie said pro-\\nprietors have deputed or chosen, or shall depute or choose, laiiin\\nthat the commissioners siiall depute or (;hoose, or which the general\\nassembly of the saiii province, hereafter mentioned, shall deptite oi\\nchoose, shall keep exact entries and registers, in lair buoks, or rolls\\nfor that purpose to be provided, of all publick afiairs; and therein\\nshall record and enter all grants of land, from the pioprietors to tlia\\nplanters; and all conveyances of land, house or houses, from mm\\nlo man as also all assignments, mortgage-, bunds, and peciaities\\nwhatsoever and all leases for land, house or house- made or to be\\nmade, from landlord lo tenant, and from person to person which\\nconveyances, leases, assignments, nioriga fes, bonds and specialties,\\nwhich shall be executed in West New-Jersey, shall be first acknow-\\nledged by the grantor, assijjnor and obligor, before the said com-\\nmissioners, or two of them at least, or some two of their lawful\\ndeputies, for the time being; who shall under their hands, upon tiie\\nback side of the said deed, lease, assi;;nment, mortgage or specialty,\\nattest the acknowiedgment thereoi as aforesaid which shall be a\\nwarrant for the register to record the same and such conveyance or\\nspecialty, if sealed, executed, acknowledged before three proprie-\\ntors, in the nation of England or Ireland, and recorded or registered\\ntheie, within three months alter the dale thereof; or if sealed, ex-\\necuted and acknowledged in the said province, or elsewhere out of\\nEngland, and recorded or registered within six months after the\\ndate thereof, shall be good and effectual in law; and (or passing or\\ntrans ferrin^; of estates in lands, tenements, or hereditaments, shall\\nbe as effectual. as if delivery and siezen were executed ol the same:\\nAnd all other conveyances, deeds, leases or specialties, not recoided\\nas aforesaid, shall be of no force or effect. And the said rej;ister\\nshall do all other thing or things the said proprietors by their in-\\nstructions shall direct, or the commissioners or assembly shall ordain,\\nfor the good and welfare of the said province.\\nCHAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0552.jp2"}, "553": {"fulltext": "A P P E X D I X 633\\nCHAP. XXV. A. D.\\nThat there may be a good iindtrstandinsjand friendly correspondence lt 7o.\\nbetween tlie proprietors, freeholders, and inliabitaiils of tiie said\\nprovince, and tiie Indian natives thereof.\\nIT is conclnded and agreed, that if any of the Indian natives\\nwithin the sai l province, siiall or may do any wrong or injury\\nto any of tiie proprietors, treeiiolders or inhabiiants, in person,\\nestate, or otiierwiys In wsoever upon notice thereof, or complaint\\nmade to the commissioners, or any two of them, they are to give\\nnotice to the sachem, or other chief person or persons, that hath\\nauthority over the siid Indian native or natives, that justice may be\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0done, and satisfaction niatle to the per.-ori or persons ofl ended, ac-\\ncording to law and ecpnty, and the nature and rpiality of the\\nofFcnce and injury done or committed.\\nAnd also in case any of the proprielors, freeholders, or inhabi-\\ntanis, sh.ill any wise wrong or injure any of the Indian natives there,\\nin person, estate, or otherwise; the commissioners are to take care,\\nupon comjilaint to thcivi made, or any one of them, either by the\\nIndian natives, or others, that justice lie done to the Indian natives,\\nand plenary satisfaction be made them, acciirding to the nature\\nand quality of the i irence and injury .And that in all trials wherein\\nany nf the said Indian natives are concerned, the trial to be by\\nFix of the iieighi ourhond, and si.x of the said Indian natives, to be\\nindifl erently and iiu|iartially chosen by order of the commissioners\\nand that the comini. si-,)ners use their emleavour to perswade the\\nnatives to the like way of trial; when any of the natives do any\\nways wrong or injure the said proprietors, treeiiolders or inhabitants,\\nthat they choose six of the natives, and si.x of the freeholders or\\ninhabitants, to judge of the wiong and injury done, and to pro-\\nportion .satisfaction accordingly.\\nCHAP. X X I\\nIT is agreed, when any lands is to be taken up for settlements of\\ntowns, or otherways, before it be surveyed, the commissioners\\nor the major part of them, are to appoint some per.-ons to go to\\nthe chief of the natives comerned in that land, so intended to be\\ntaken up, to acipiaint the natives of their intentions, and to give\\nthe natives what present they shall agree upon, for their good will\\nor consent and take a grant of the same in wiiiing, under their\\nliands and seals, or some other piiblick way used in tliose parts of\\nthe worhi Which grant is to be registered in the piililiek register,\\nallowing also the natives (if they please) a copy thereof; and that\\nno person or fiersons take up any land, but by order from the com-\\nmissioners, for the time being.\\nCHAP. XXVII.\\n1 H .A T no ship master or commander of any ship or vessel,\\nshall receive into his ship or vessel, to carry imto any other\\nnation, country or plantatiun, any person or persons whatsoever,\\nwithout u ceniticate first had and obtained inider the hands and\\nseals", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0553.jp2"}, "554": {"fulltext": "634 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. seals of tlie commissioners, or any two of tliem, that the said person\\n1676. or persons are clear, and may l)e taken on board, signifying that\\nthe said person or persons names have been put up in three publiclc\\nplaces of the province, appointed by tlie commissioners for that\\npurpose, for the space of three weeks, giving notice of his or their\\nintention to transport themselves,\\nCHAP. XXVIII.\\nThat men may peaceably and quietly enjoy their estates.\\nIT is agreed, if any person or per.-ons shall steal, rob, or take any\\ngoods or chattels, from or belonging to any person or persons\\nwhatsoever, he is to make restitution two fold, out of his or tlitir\\nestate; and for want of sucli estate, to be made work for his\\ntheft, for such time and times as tlie nature of the ofFeuce doih re-\\nquire, or until restitution be made double for the same; or as\\ntwelve men of the neighbourhood shall determine, being appointed\\nby the commissioners, not extending either to life or limb.\\nIf any person or persons, shall wilfully beat, hurl, wound, assault,\\nor otherways abuse the person or persons of any man, woman or\\nchild, ihey are to be punished according to the nature of the of-\\nfence; which is to be determined by twelve men of the neighbour-\\nhood, appointed by the commissioners.\\nCHAP. XXIX.\\nFor securing estates of persons that die, and taking care of orphans.\\nIF any person or persons die, the commissioners are to take\\ncare, that the will of the deceased be duly pt-rformed, and\\nsecurity given by those that prove the will and that all \\\\vills or\\ntestaments be registered in a publick register appointed for that\\npurpose; and the person or [)L rsons that prove the same, to bring\\nin one true inventory under their hands, of ail the estate of the\\ndeceased, and to have a warrant mider the hand of three commissi-\\noners, and the publick seal of the province, intimating, that they\\nhave brought in an inventory of the estate, and given security;\\nthen, and not before, are they to dispose iijion the estate.\\nSecond. If any person die intestate, leaving^a wife and children;\\nthe commissioners are to take security from the person that shall\\nadminister, to secure two parts of the estate for the children, and\\nthe third to the wife, if there be any; and if there be no child,\\nthen half to the next of kin, and the other lo the wife.\\nThird. If the pareiits of children be dead, and no will made,\\nthen the commissioners are to appoint two or more persons to take\\nthe charge of the children and estate, and to bring an invetitory of\\nthe estate to be registered and that the said persons are to make\\ngood to the children, w.hat part of the estate shall come tmto their\\nhands, and to give a true account of their receipts and disbursements,\\nto be approved of by the commissioners.\\nFourtii. If parents die, leaving child or children, and no estate,\\nor not sufficient to maintain and bring up the said child or children,\\nin that case the commissioners are to appoint persous to take care lor\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0554.jp2"}, "555": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX 636\\nthe child or children, to bring them tip in such manner as the com- A. D.\\nmi^sioners shall sippoint, und ihe charges thereof to be borne by the 1G76.\\npiiblick stock of the province; and if none be established, then by\\na tax to be levied by twelve men of the neighbourhood, with the\\nconsent of the commissioners, or the main part of them.\\nCHAP. XXX.\\nIn cases when any person or persons kill or destroy themselve.s, or\\nbe kilieil by any other thing.\\nIT is agreed, if any man or woman shall wilfully put hand, and kill\\nhim or herself, the estate of such person or persons is not to be\\nforfeitid, but the kindied, heirs, or. such oilier as of ri rlu the\\nestate belongs to, may enjoy the same; or if any beast or ship, boat,\\nor other thing, shouhl occasion the death of any person or persons,\\nnevertheless ilie said beast, ship, iioal, or other thing, is not to be\\nfo feited but tho-e to whom they belong may enjoy the same.\\nProvided always, tliat the said beast did not wilfidly kill ihe said\\ner-on, or bath been known to attempt, or addicted lo mischief, or\\nhaili been found lo hurl or kill any person then the said beast is lo\\nbe killed.\\nCHAP. XXXI.\\nALL such person or persons as slial I be upon trial found guilty of\\nuuirder or treason, the senleni e and way of execution thereof\\nis left to the general assembly to determine, as they in the wisdom\\nof the loi d shall judge meet and expedient.\\nThe general assemblv and their power.\\nCHAP. X X X 1 I\\n1 n A T so soon as divisions or tribes, or other such like distincti-\\nons are made, that then ihe iidial)itants, freeholders, and pro-\\nprietors resident in the said province, or several resfiective tribes\\nor divisions, or distinctions aloresaid, do yearly and every year,\\nmeet on the litsl day of October, or the eighth month, and choose\\none pioprielor or freeholder for each respeciive pro(n-iety in the said\\nprovince (the said province being to be divided into one hun lred\\nproprieties) to be deputies, trustees, or representatives, for the\\nbenefit, service, and behoof of the people of the said province;\\nwhich body ol deputies, trustees or representatives, consisting of\\none hundred persons chosen as aforesaid, shall be the general free\\nand supreme i ssembly of the said province for the year ensuing, and\\nno longer: And in case any member of the said assembly, during\\nthe said year, shall decease, or otherwise be rendered incapable of\\nthat service ihal then the inhabitants of the said proprieties, shall\\nelect a new member, to serve in his room, for the remainder of the\\nsaid year.\\nCHAP. XXXIII.\\nAnd to the end the representative members of the yearly assembly\\nto be chosen, may be regularly and impartially elected.\\nTH A T no person or persons who shall give, bestow or promise,\\ndirectly or indirectly, to the said parties electing, any meat\\ndrink, money or money s worth, lor procurement of their choice\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0555.jp2"}, "556": {"fulltext": "536 APPENDIX.\\nA. B. and consejit, shall be capable of being elected a member of the said\\n1676. assembly And if any person or persons, shall be at any time corrnplly\\nelected, and sufHcient proof thereof made to the saiil free assembly,\\n8ucii ptrson or persons so electing or elected, shall 1)8 reckoned in-\\ncapable to choose or sit in the said assembly, or execute any other\\npnblick otiice of trust within the said province, for the space of seven\\nyears thence next ens.iing And also, that al 1 sucii elections as afore-\\nyai l, be not determin-ed by the common and confused way of cries\\nand voices but by putting balls into balloting boxts, to be provided\\nfor that purpose, tor the prevention of all partiidity, and whereby\\nevery man may freely choose according to his own judgment, and\\nhonest intention.\\nCHAP. XXXIV.\\nTO appoint their own times of meeting, and to adjourn their\\nsessions from timeto time (within thesaid year) to such times and\\nplaces as they shall think fit and convenient, as also to ascertain the\\nntimber of their quorum provided that such numbers be not le-*8\\nthan one half of the whole, in whom (or more) shall be the full\\npower of the general assembly and that the votes of two thirds of the\\nsaid quorum, or more of them, if assembled together as aforesaid,\\nshall be determinative in all cases winitsoever coming in question\\nbefore them, consonant and conformable to these concessions and\\nfundamentals.\\nCHAP. XXXV.\\nTHAT the said projirietors and freeholders, and their choice of\\npersons, to serve them in the general and free assemblies of the\\nprovince, give their re- pective deputies or trustees, their instructions\\nat large, to represent their grievances, or for the improvement of\\nthe province; and that; the persons chosen, do l)y indentures under\\nhand and seal, covenant and oblige themselves to net nothing in that\\ncapacity, but what sliall tend to the iii service and behoof of those\\nthat send and employ them and that in case of failure of trust, or\\nbreach of covenant, that they be questioned upon complaint made,\\nin that or the next assembly, by any of their respective electors.\\nAnd that each member of the assembly, chosen as aforesaid, be\\nallowed one shilling per day, during the time of the sitting of the\\ngeneral assembly, that therel)y be may be known to be the servant\\nof the people: Which allowance of one shiHing per day, is to be\\npaid him by the inhabitants of the propriety or division that shall\\nelect him.\\nCHAP. X X X V 1\\nTH A T in every general free assembly, every respective member\\nhath liberty of speech that no man he interrupted when speak-\\ning; that all questions be stated with deliberation, and liberty for\\namendments; that it be put by the chairman, by them to be chosen,\\nand determined by plurality of votes Also that every tnember has\\npower of entering liis protest, and reasons of protestations. And\\nthat if any member of such assembly shall require to have tlie per-\\nsons names registered, according to their yeas and no s, that it be\\naccordingly done: And that after debates are past, and the question\\nagreed", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0556.jp2"}, "557": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 537\\nagreed upon, the dooi s of the house to be set open, and the people A. D.\\nliave liberty to come in to hear, and be witnesses of the votes, and 1676.\\nthe inclinations of the persons voting.\\nCHAP. XXXVII.\\nAND that the said assembly do elect, constitute and appoint ten\\nlionest ant! able men, to be commissioners of estate, for managing\\nand carrying on the attairs of tlie said province, according to the\\nlaw therein estaliiislied, during the adjournments and dissolutions of\\nthe said general free assembly, lor the conservation and tranquility\\nof the same.\\nCHAP. XXXVIII.\\nTHAT it shall be lawful for any |)erson or persons, during the\\nsession of any general i ree as-^embly in that province, toadiiress,\\nremonstrate or declare, any sufrcring, danger or grievance, or to\\npropose, tender or request, any privilege, profit or advantage to\\nthe said province, they not exceeding tiie number of oue hundred\\npersons.\\nCHAP. XXXIX.\\nTO enact and make all such laws, acts, and constitutions, as shall\\nbe necessary for the well government of the said province, (and\\nthem to repeal) provided, that the same be as near as may be, con-\\nveniently agreeable to the primitive, antient and fundamental laws\\nof the nation of England. Provided also, that they be not against\\nany of these our concessions or fundamentals, before or hereafter\\nmentioned.\\nCHAP. XL.\\nBY act as aforesaid, toconstituteall courts, together with thelimits,\\nl)ovvers and jurisdictions of the same (consonant to these conces-\\nsions) as also tlie several judges, otbcers and number of officers\\nbelonging to each court, to contii:ne such time as they shall see\\nmeet, not exceeding one year, or two at the most, with their\\nrespective salaries, fees and perquisites, and their appellations; with\\nthe penalties that shall be intiicted upon them for the breach of their\\nseveral and respective duties and trusts and that no person or persons\\nwiiatsoever, inhabitants of tlie said province, shall sustain or bear\\ntwo offices in the said province, at one and the same lime.\\nCHAP. X I. I\\nTHAT all he justices and constables be chosen by the people and\\nall comniissicjners of the publick seals, treasuries and chief-\\njustices, embassadors and collectors, be chosen by the general free\\nassembly.\\nCHAP. XLII.\\nTHAT the commissioners of the treasury of the said province,\\nbring in their account at the end of their year, unto the general\\nfree assembly, there to be seen and adjusted and that every respec-\\ntive member carry a copy thereof unto that hundved or propriety he\\nserves, for to be registered in the capital publick court of that\\npro])rietv.\\nC HAP.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0557.jp2"}, "558": {"fulltext": "638 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. C H A P X L I I I\\n1676. T) Y act as aforesaid, to lay equal taxC and asse-sments, and eqnally\\nAJ to raise money or goods, upon all lands or persons within the\\nseveral proprieties, preeincts, hundreds, tril)es, or whatsoever other\\ndivisions sliall hereilter he inadeaiKi establislied in the said province,\\nas oft as necessity shall require and in siicii manner as to them shall\\nseem most equal and ea iy for the inhabitants; in order lo the better\\nsupporting ii the publick rliarge of the said gDvernment, as also\\nfor the publick benefit and advatitngeof thesaid people and province.\\nCHAP. X L I V.\\nBY act as aforesaid, to sub-divide the said province into liiindreds,\\njiroprieties, or such other divisions and distinciions, as they shall\\nthink fit and the said divisions to distinginsh by sucii names as shall\\nbe thongiit good as also within the said province to direct and\\nappoint places for such and so manv towns, cities, ports, harbours,\\ncreeks, and oiher places for the convenient lading and unlading of\\ngoods and merchandize, out of the ships, boats, and other vessels, as\\nshall be expedient; with such jurisdictions, privileges and I ranchises\\nlo such cities, pcu-ts, harbours, creeks or other places, as they shall\\njudge most conducing to the grneral good of the said province and\\npeople thereof; and to erect, raise and build within the said province,\\nor any part thereof, such and so many market towns and villages;\\nand also appoint such and so many markets and fairs, and in such\\nplace and [)laces, as they shall see meet, from time to time, as the\\ngrant made and assigned unto the said proprietors will permit and\\nadmit.\\nIn testimony and witness of our consent to and afl^rmation of these\\npresent laws, concessions and agreements We, the proprietors, free-\\nhohlers, and inhabitants of the said province of West New Jersey,\\nwhose names are under written, have to the same voluiUarily and\\nfreely set our hands, dated this third day of the month commonly\\ncalled March, in the year of our lord one thousand six hundred\\nseventy six.\\nGawen Lawrie, \\\\Vm. Penn, Win. Emley, Josh. AVright, Nicho.\\nLucas Wm. Haig, Wm. Peachee, Rich. Matthews, John Harris,\\nFrancis Collins, Wm. Kent, Benj. Scot, I lio. Lambert, Tho. Hoo-\\nlon, Henry iStacy, Edw. Byllinge, Rich. Smith, PMw. Nelthorp,\\nJohn Penford, Dan. Wills, Thomas Olive, Tho. Rndyard, Wil-\\nliam Biddle, Robert (Stacy .John Fariington, Wm. Roydon, Rich.\\nMew, Percival Towle, Malilon Stacy, Tho. Budd, Sam. Jenings, -j\\nJohn Lambert, Will. Ileiding-i, George Deacon, .John Thomson, J\\nEdw. Bradway, Rich. Guy, James Nevill, Wm. Caniwell, Fo-ipe\\nOntstout, Macligijel Baron, Casper Herman, Turi se Psese, Robert\\nKemble, .John Corneliesse, Garrat Van Jumne. Wm. Gill .John^^on,\\nMich. Lackeronse, Markus Algus, Evert Aldricks, Hendriek Ever-\\n6on, Jilles Toiue. -en, Claas Jansen, Paul Doequet, Aert Jansea,\\nJohn Surige, Tho. smith, James Pearce, Julw. Webb, John Pled-\\nger, Rich VVilkison, Chrislo. Sanders, Renear Van Hurst, Wil-\\nliam Johnson, Charles Bagley, Sam. Wade, Tho. Woodrose, Joha\\nSmith, Tho. Peirce, Will. Warner, Joseph Ware, Isaac Smart,\\nAnd.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0558.jp2"}, "559": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 539\\nAnd. Tlioinson, Tlicmns Kent, Henry Jeningfi, Rich. V, ort*aw, A. D.\\nCliris!()|)li.T Wliite, John Mmlihicks, .John Forrest, Junt Vickorv, 1676.\\nWilliiini RiiinsL V, Ricli. Robinson, Al;nk Reev Tlioinas Wat on,\\nSiini. Nii lioUon. Dan. Smith, Rich. Daniel, Will. Penton, Will.\\nDaniel, Koiiert, Zane, Waher Peiterson, Anthony Pa^e, Andrew\\nBirtleson, Wooiley Wooliison, Antliony Dixon, John Derme,\\nI ho. Benson. John Pain, Rich. Briffingion, Sam. Lovett, Henry\\nStubhens, Will. \\\\Villi^ George H;f^elvvood, Roger Pedrick, Will.\\nHughes, Al)ra. Van Higiiesl, Hipolilas Lefever, Will. Wilkinson,\\nAndrew Slifiineck, Lanse Cornelioiis, Sam. Hedije, Will. Massler,\\nJohn Gridjl), John Worlid^re, Edw. Meyer, Tho. Barton, Robt.\\nPowel, Tho. Hardin Matthew Allen, Bernard Devenish. Tho-\\nmas Sioke.s, Thomas French. Isaac .Marriott, John Butcher, (ieorge\\nHntcbeson, Tlio. Gardim-r, Tho. Eves, John Borton, John Paine,\\nKleiztr Fenlon, Samnel Old ile, Will. Bhn-k, Anthony Woodhonse,\\nDan. Leeds. John Pancoast, Francis Belwi(;ke, Will. Lnswall,\\nJohn Snowdon, Rich. Fenemore, Gnma Jacobson, Tho. Scholey,\\nTlio. Wright, (iodlrey Hancock, John Petty, Abraham Henling.s,\\nJohn Newbonid, Joiin White, John Roberts, John Wood, John\\nGosling, Tho. Revell.\\nNUMBER III.\\nA brief account of the province of East- Jersey, in Americaj\\npublished by the present proprietors, for information\\nof all such persons ivho are or may be inclined to\\nsettle themselves, families and servants in that country.\\nTO say anything in the |)raise, or nnich in the descripiiim of a A. D.\\nconniry so well known, would seem needless: The late accoinits 1682.\\nJind de.scripiions of the adjacent conntrie.s, West-Jersey and Penn-\\nRylvani I, which are much of the same nature, c. might sufhce;\\nbut considering that in foreign colonies, yea, here in England,\\nevery particular county has st)me excellency in soil, protlnct or\\nBiliiation. thai may aflect and deli.i ht many persons, beyond tiie\\nplaces adjaci-nt: We may, for the satisfaction of such, give some\\nbrief account lliTeof.\\nFirst, I ll is province or colony lies between thirty-nine and forty-\\none .kgrees of latitude, being al)out twelve def^rees more to the\\nsouth than the city of London; and is bounded south east by the\\nmain sea; \u00c2\u00ab^ast by tiiat vast navigable stream, call^-d Hudson s river,\\nwhich divides this from the province of New-York west by a litie\\nof divi ^ion, wiiich separates this province from West-Jersey; and\\nnorih upon the ma.in land, and extends itself in length on the sea\\ncoast, and along Hudson s river, one hundred English miles, and\\nupw in .s.\\nSecond, The conveniency of situation, temperature of air, and\\nfertility of soil, is sucli, that there s no less thai! seven considerable\\ntowns.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0559.jp2"}, "560": {"fulltext": "540 APPENDIX.\\nA, D. towns, viz. Shrewsbury, Middletown, Bergen, Newark, Elieabeth-\\n1G82. Town, \\\\Vuoilbrid ;e, and Piscataway wliicli are well inhabited by\\na sober and industrious people, wlio have necessary provisions for\\nihetuselves and families, and for the comfortable entertainment\\nof strangers and travellers; and tliis colony is experimentally found\\ngeneraly to agree with Englisii constitutions.\\nThird. Fur navigation, it haih tiiese advantages, not only to be\\nsituate along tiie navigable part of Hudson s river, but lies also tilty\\nmiles on the main sea; and near the midst of this province, is that\\nnoted bay for ships, within Sandy-Hook, very well known not to\\nbe inferior to any harbour in America, where ships not only harbour\\nin greatest storms, l)ut there ride sate with all winds, and sail in and\\nout thence as well in winter as summer.\\nFourth. For fishery, the sea banks there are very well stored witii\\nvariety of fish for not only sucii as are profitable for transportation,\\nbut such also as are fit for foot) there, as wliales, cod-fish, cole and\\nhake lish, large mackrell, and also many other sorts of flat and small\\nfish. The bay also, ami Hudson s river, are pleniifidly stored\\nwith sturgeon, great bass*, and otiier scale fisii, eels and shell-fish, as\\noysters, c. in great plenty, and easy lo take.\\nFifth. This country is also plentiful ly supplied with lovelj springs,\\nrivulets, inland rivers, and creeks, whicii fall into the sea and Hud-\\nson s river; in which is also much plenty and variety of fresh fish\\nand water fowl.\\nSixth. There is great plenty of oak timber, fit for shipping, and\\nmasts for ships, and other variety of wood, like tiie adjacent colonies,\\nas chesruit, walnut, jjoplar, cedar, ash, fir, c. fit for building\\nwithin the country.\\nSevenlii. The land or soil (as in otiier places) varies in goodness\\nand richness; but generally fertile, and wiiii nmcli smaller labour\\nthan in England It pro iucet]i plentiful crops of all sorts of English\\ngrain, besides Indian corn, which the iMiglish planiers find not (jnly\\nto be of vast increase, but very wholsome and good in its use it also\\nproduceth good flax anil hemp, which they now spin and manufac-\\nture into linnen cloth. There s sufficient meadow and marsh to their\\nuplands; and the very barrens there as iliey are called, are not like\\neome in England but produce grass tit for grazing cattle in summer\\nseason.\\nEighth. The country is well stored with wild deer, conies and\\nwild fowl of several sorts, as turkeys, pigeons, jiartridges, plover,\\nijuails, wild swans, geese, ducks, c. in great jilenty It proiluceth\\nvariety of good and delicious frints, as grapes, plumbs, mulberries\\nand also apricots, peaches, j)e;irs, apples, qnmces, water melons,\\nc. which are here in England planted in orchards and gardens\\nthese, as also many other fruits, which come not to perfection in\\nEngland, are the more natural product of this cotmtry.\\nKinth. Tiiere is also already great store of horses, cows, hogs,\\nand some siieep, which may be bought at reasonable prices, with\\nEnglish monies or Englisii commodities, or man s labour, where\\nmoney and goods are wanting.\\nTenth.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0560.jp2"}, "561": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 5\\nTenth. What sort of mines or minerals are in the bowels of the A. D.\\nearth, after time must proiluce, the inhabitants not having yet em- 1682.\\nployed tiieraselves in search thereof; buttliere is already a smelting\\nfnrnace and forge set up in this colony, where is made good iron,\\nwhich is of great benefit to the country.\\nEleventh, It i-s exceedingly well furnished with safe and convenient\\nharbours jbr shipping, which is of great advantiige to that country,\\nand affoiils already for exportation, great plenty of horses, and also\\nbeef, pi)rk, pipe staves, boards, bread, flower, wheat, barley, rye,\\nIndian corn, butter and ciieese, wliicii they export for Barbadoes,\\nJ imaica, Nevis, and other ailjacent islands, as also to Portugal,\\nSpain, the anaries, c. Their whale oil and whale finns, beaver,\\nmiidt, racroon and martin skins, (which this country produceth)\\nthev ir;iu port for Kiigland.\\nTwelfth. The situation and soil of this country may invite many\\nwho are inclined to Iran.sporl themselves into tliose parts of Ame-\\nrica For,\\n1. It being considerably peopled, and situate on the sea coast,\\nwiilt cuiivenieut harbours, and so near adjacent to the province of\\nNew- York and Long-Island, being also well-peopled colonies, may\\nbe pr per for merchants, rrade-men, and navigators.\\n2 lis likewise proper for such who are inclined to fishery, the\\nwhole roast and very harbours months being fit for it; which has\\nbeen no small rise to the New-England people, and may be here\\ncarried on also with great advantage.\\n3. For its soil, its proper for all industrious husbandmen, and such,\\nwho by hard lai)our here, on rack rents, are scarce able to maintain\\nthemselves, much less to raise any estate for their children, ma}\\nwiih G.)d s ble-sing on tlu ir labt)urs, there live comfortably, and\\nprovide well for their families.\\n4. For carpenters, bricklayers, masons, smiths, mill-wrights. and\\nwbeel-wrigliis bakers, tanners, taylors, weavers, shoe-makers,\\nhatiers, and all or most handicrafts, where their labour is much more\\nvalued than in these pans, and provisions much cheaper.\\n5. And chiefly for such of the above-mentioned, or any other\\nwho upon st)lid groun ls and weighty considerations, are inclined in\\ntheir minds to go into those parts; without which their going\\nthere cannot be comfortable, or answer their expectation.\\nI liirieen, The Indian natives in this country are but few, com-\\nparaiive to the neighbouring colonies; and those that are there, are\\nso far from beini,-- fornddableor injurious to the planters and inhabi-\\ntants, that they are really serviceable and advantagious to the English,\\nnoi only in huniing and taking the deer, and other wild creatures,\\nand cat -hing of fish and fowl fit for food, in their seasons, but in\\nthe killing and destroying of bears, wolves, foxes, and other\\nverniine and peltry, whose skins and furrs they bring the English,\\nand sell at less price than the value of time an English man must\\nspend to lake them.\\nI^ .iuneen, As for the constitutions of the country, they were\\nmade anno dom. 1664 and in the time of John lord Berkely, and\\nsir George Carteret, the late proprietors thereof j ia which such\\nprovision", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0561.jp2"}, "562": {"fulltext": "542 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. provision was made for liberty in matters of religion, and property\\n1682. in their estates; that under the terms (hereof, that colony has been\\nconsiderably peopled, and that much from the adjaceiii countries,\\nwhere they liave not only for many years enjoyed their esiaies,\\naccording to the concessions: but also an uninterrupted exercise\\nof their particular persuasions in matters of religion: And we\\nthe present proi)rietors, do determine, so soon as any persons liere\\nin England, or elsewhere, are willing (o be engaged with us, we\\nshall be ready and desirous to make such fiirtlier additions and sup-\\nplements to the said constitutions, as shall be thought lit, I nr the\\nencouragement of all planters and adventurers, and for the i lirther\\nsettling the said colony with a sober and industrious people.\\nFifteen, Having with all possible brevity, given an account of\\nthe country, we shall say something as to the disposition of lands\\nthere.\\n1. Our purpose is, if the lord permit, with all cotivenient expe-\\ndition, to erect and build one principal town; wliicli by reason of\\nsituation must in all probability be the most considerable Ibr mer-\\nchandize, trade aud fishery in those parts; it is designed to be\\nplaced upon a neck or point of rich land, calletl Anibo point, lying\\non Rariton river, and pointing to Saiidy-Mook bay, and near\\nadiacet)i to the place where shi[)s in that great harbour commonly\\nride at anchor a scheme of which is already drawn, and those who\\n8h;dl desire to be satisfied therewith may treat for a share thereof.\\n2. As for encouragement of servants, c. we allow the ^ame\\nprivileges as was provided in the concessions at first.\\n3. Such who are desirous to purchase any land in this rovince,\\nfree from all charge, and to (jay down their purchase monies here,\\nfor any quantities of acres; or that desire to take up lands there,\\nupon any small quit rents to be reserved shall have grants to iheiu\\nand their heirs, on moderate and reasonable terms.\\n4. Those who are desirous (o transport themselves into tho-e parts\\nbefore the purchase, if any thing there present to their satislaeiiou,\\nwe doubt not but the tertns of purchase will be so moderate, etjual\\nand encouraging, that may engage them to settle iu that colony.\\nOur pur|)ose being with all possible expedition to dispatch persons\\nthither, with whom they may treat; and who shall have our full\\npower in the premises.\\nAs for [lassage to this province, ships are going hence tjie whole\\nyear about, as well in winter as summer, Sandv-llook bay being\\nnever frozen: The usual price is five pounds j^er lie;id, as well\\nmasters or servants, who are above ten years of age; all under ten\\nj ears, and not children at the breast, pay fifty sliillings; sucking\\nchildren pay nothing; carriage of goods is usually forty shillings per\\nton, and sometimes less, as we can agree; the cheapest and chieiest\\ntime of the year for passage, is from midsummer tiii the latter end\\nof ISeptember, when many Virginia and Maryland ships are going\\nout of P^ngland into those parts; and such who take then iheir\\nvoyage, arive usually in good time to plant corn sufhcient for next\\nsummer.\\nThe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0562.jp2"}, "563": {"fulltext": "Al PENDIX. 5\\nThe goods to lie carried tliere, are, first, for people s own use, all A. D.\\nForls of M| i):trel and household stuff, and also ntensils for husbandry 1682.\\nand Ijuihiiiig. set ondly, linnen and woollen clotiis and sUifl s, fitting\\nfor apiiarel, \u00c2\u00abS:c. wliicii are fit for merchandize and truck there\\njn ihe coimtrv, and that togood advantage for the importer, of which\\nfurlher account will lie given to the enquirer.\\nLisily. Altliough this country, l)y reason of its being already\\ncousi lerably inhabiied, may afford many conveniencies to strangers,\\nof which luipeopled countries are destitute, as lodging, vii tiuiiing,\\nc. yet ail persons inclining \\\\iiUo iliose parts, ?iuist know, tluit in\\ntheir setileineut there, they will find their exercises; they nuist have\\ntheir vvinier as well as suuuner; they must l.ibour before they reap,\\nand, till their phuiiatious be cleared (in summer time) they must\\nexpect (as ill all tho-^e countries) liie mu keios. Hies, gnats, and such\\nlike, mav, in hot anfl fair weather, give them some disturbance,\\nwhere people [)rovide not against them which, as land is cleared,\\nare less troublesome.\\nAnd all sucii persons wiio desire to be concerned, may repair to\\nThomas Kudyan) or Benjamin Clark, in George- Yard, in Lomhard-\\nslreet where they may view tiie con-titiuions, the scheme of the\\ninieu led town, the map of tlie country, and treat on terms of\\npureiui-e. William IVnn, Kobert West, Tiiomas Kudyard, Samuel\\n(rro in, Thomas Hart, Ki.JKird Mew, Thoma;* Wilkocks, Ambrose\\nKiiTg, .Joiin Heywood, Hugh liartshorue, Clement Pliuustead,\\nThouias Cooper, are the present pruiirietors of Easi-.Jersey but their\\njmrfiose is to take in twelve persons more, to make up the number\\nof profirietors twenty-four.\\nProimsnla bij Ihe proprieA irtf nf Eaal-Jcraey, in America, for (he huili-\\niiKj of a town on Anibi) Piiinl, tind for the diapoxilion of lands in\\nthai province uid (dxoj or eneonrcu/einent of artificers and lubonrers\\nthat ali dl transport ihenixelreti thither out of Entjland, Scotland,\\nand Ireland.\\nFORASMUCH as Ambo Point, is a sweet, wholsome, and\\n(it lighUul place, proper for trade, by reason of its couunodious\\nsituation, upon a safe harbour, being likewise accommodated with\\na navigal)le river, and fresli water, and hath by many persons of\\nthe Kreaiest experience and best judgment, been approved for the\\ngo idini-s of the air, soil and siluaiion\\nWe, the lu-opvietors. purpose l y the help of Almighty God,\\nwith all conveni Hi speed, lo build a convenient town, for luerchan-\\ndiz. liade and fishery on .Ambo Point; and because |)ersons that\\nhath a desire lo plant there, nuiy not be disappointed for want of\\npropos ds, we, tiie proi)rietors, offer these following:\\nFirst. We intend to diviile fifteen hundred aeres of land upon\\nAmbo Point, into one hiuulred and fifty lots; which lots shall con-\\nsist of ten acres the lot; one htnidred of the lots we are willing to\\nsell here, and fifty we reserve for such as are in America, and have\\nlong desiieil to settle there.\\nSecondly. Tlie price of each lot will be fifieen pounds sterling, to\\nsuch who purchase before the 2)ih of December, 1082; and to\\nsuch.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0563.jp2"}, "564": {"fulltext": "i44 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. Buch who piircliase afterwards--, before the 25th of December, 1683^\\n1682. twenty pounds sterling.\\nThirdly, Every lot is to be as equally divided as the goodness of\\nthe pl.ice dotii require, and the situation can admit.\\nFourthly, The most convenieiit spot of ground for a town shall\\nbe divided into one hundred and iifty equal shares, and set out into\\nstreets, according to rules of art; and no person shall be preferred\\nbefore another in choice, whether purchaser or proprietor.\\nFifthly, We reserve four acres for a market place, town-house,\\nc. and three acres for publick wharfage.\\nSixthly, Each purchaser is obliged to build a dwelling house in\\nthe place desigtied for the town, and to clear three acres of up land,\\nin three years, or else the [iroprietors tt) be reinstated in such lota\\nwiierein default is made, repaying the purchase money.\\nSeventhly, We the proprietors do within a year, hope, by God s\\nassistance, to build for each of n-, one house upon AmiI)0 point\\nwhich we intend shall stand in an orderly manner, according to the\\nbest and most convenient model.\\nAnd in pursuance of the design of the propositions abovesaid.\\nEighthly, And lor the encouragement of carpenters, joiners, brick\\nand tile makers, bricklayers, masons, sawyers, and labourers of all\\n.sorts, who are willing to go and employ themselves and servants, in\\nhelping to clear ground, and build houses upon the general account\\nof and for the proprietors.\\nThe .said proprietors will engage to find them work, and current\\npay for the same, in money or clothes, and provision, of which\\nthere is plenty (as beef, jjork, corn, c.) according to the market\\nprice at New- York, during the space of one year at least, next after\\nthe 25th of December, 1682; in which time (through God s blessing\\nand their industry) they may have got wherewith to l)uy cows,\\nh(jrses, hogs, and other gools, to stock that land, which they in the\\nmean time may lake up, according to the concessions neither shall\\nsuch persons pay rent lorilicir said lami, so long asthey are em|iloy-\\ned in llie proprietors work; and their wages shall at all times he so\\nmuch as other mch artificers and labourers, in the said province\\nusually have; nor shall they be oliliged to work for the proprietors\\nlonger than they find encouiagement so to do.\\nNinthly. And for the more ready and certain employing those\\nworkmen and labourers that shall transport themselves to East- Jersey,\\nthis is to let all labourers and persons that shall transport themselves\\nknow, they must upon their arrival u[)on thai place, repair to the\\nregister of the abovesaid province, and enter themselves according\\nto their respective qualities and designs, and thert-upoa they shall be\\nentered into the service and pay of the proprietors.\\nFor disposition of land in P^asi Jersey.\\nThe governor of East-,Jersey, by and with the advice of his coini-\\ncil, is to direct, that all lands to be set and laid out for counties,\\ntribes, cities, or parishes, according to the general concessions of\\nthe said province, be boinided and set out in manner followiujj, viz.\\nThat all such lands be divided into seven equal lots or parts; one of\\nwhich seven parts is to be first set out by lot tor the use of the proprie-\\ntors", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0564.jp2"}, "565": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\ntors and the other six parts to be taken up according to the fol- A. D.\\nlowing concessions. lDo4.\\nFirst. Tliat the phinting of the said province may be tlie more\\neffectually promoted, We do hereby grant unto all })ersons who\\nsiiall transport themselves, their wives or children, unio East-Jersey,\\nand settle there according to the following concessions, by the twenty\\nliflli of December 1684, twenty-iive acres of land for each head,\\nwhether wife, child or servant, \\\\vhich servant shall be bound to serve\\nthe term of three years at least within the aid province; and for\\neverv such master of a family, fifiy acres; the said persons so im-\\nported are to be registered in the secretary s book of entries to be\\nkepi for tlial purpose and the importer to pay to the secretary for\\nfees of attending that service, and eniring them, twelve pence each\\nhead and every servant, male or female, who siiall be so imported\\nand registered by the 25th of December, 16S4, shall, at the expira-\\ntion oi their time, have liberty to take up tiie quantity of thirty\\nacres for their own uses and all the aforesaid importers, and persons\\nimported, who are hereby allowed to take up land, shall have and\\nenjoy the same, under the terms and concessions following:\\nSecondly. Forasnuich as this province is already considerably peo-\\npled and i mi)roved (there being seven towns at least already settled\\nupon it by English peofile) and that no per-on is constrained by our\\nconcessions, to take.iip and pay for land which is barren and unpro\\ntitable; nor can it be reasonably supposed, that people should in\\nthis province, be now exposed to ihe like hazards and ditliculties\\nthat others must look to meet wiih in those jjlantations thai are less\\ninhabited and more remote, and for situation by sea and land, not\\nso commodiously placed for trade: Therefore we think it very rea-\\nponable and moderate, that all and every person and persons, shall\\nhave his and their respective cpiantilies of lands. set out at two pence\\nan acre, yearly rent, to be paid into our receivers office, either in\\nmoney sterling, or in such commodities as tiie growth or trade of the\\nprovince affords at the merchants price there; but whosoever is\\nwilling to buy off his yearly rent, and become a freeholder, may so\\ndo. paying after the rate of twelve years purchase, which comes to\\nfifty shillings for a lot of twenty-tive acres, and so paying after the\\nsau ie rate, for a greater or lesser quantity.\\nThirdly, And forasmuch as it will be most commodious for plan-\\nters to live together, whereby they may be a meet help to each\\nother; It is ordered, that all the purchasers and lakers up of limd,\\nshall sit down by some village or township already laid out, or to be\\nlaid out hereafter, in the said province; and having chosen the\\nvillage or township, which shall be most convenient and protitable\\nfor their business, the surveyor general shall set forth to the siiid\\npersons, such quantity of lands, to them granted out of the aforesaid\\nsix piirts, which arenot then taken up; they paying to the said\\nsurveyor general, the usual rate of surveying in the said province;\\nand if any person going or sending over, is willing to have a greater\\nparcel of land than twenty-five acres, he may purchase, but not\\nmore than one hundred acres he paying down, at the sealing of\\nhis\\n2m", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0565.jp2"}, "566": {"fulltext": "1687.\\n546 APPENDIX.\\nA. I). Iiif* grant, for the same, after the rate of ten pounds by the hundred\\n1682. acres; and so more or less for a greater or lesser quantity.\\nF^oiirtlily, And if any person is willing to buy land, and yet for\\ntlie present is not disposed to plant there; he may so do, paying\\ndown here for his grant to the projjrietors, according to the rale\\naforesaid. Provided, that all those persons, who by these concessions\\nshall takeup land, be enjoined to build one dwelling honse, on some\\npart of their land, within the space of seven years, next after the\\n25lh of December, 1682; and in ea.se of default, one half of their\\nland to return back to the proprietors.\\nNUMBER IV.\\nGovernor Coxe s narrative relating to the division liney\\ndirected to the council of proprietors of West- Jersey.\\njv T Was desired to give a meeting to the proprietors of East-.Jersey,\\nino~r J- whore were present, governor Bcrktiev, lord Catnpliell, lord\\nMelfu d, secretary of slate lor Scotland, mr. Penn, mr. Ward, and\\npix or eight more; they presented me the original of an agreement\\nbetween ihe commissioners ol both .Jersies, in order to run the parti-\\ntion point; and withal a map; whereby it is obvious at the first\\nglance, that above a third part of that land, which was ever ac-\\ncounted to belong to West-.Jersey, is allotted to, and comprehended\\nwithin the limits of East-Jersey They desired my concurrence to\\nthis agreement, as being firsi in its own nature a most just and\\nequal division or quantity Secondly, agreed on by comniissioners,\\non both sides: Thirdly, according to nir. Byllinge s insirnctions,\\nwho had iinpowered his cotHmi sioners to make an ecjual division I\\nanswered in behalf of your colony and of myself, that lirsi, the\\ndivision was very unjust in its own nature; and secondly, that if it\\nwere otherwise; yet I did apprehend, they, who made the agree-\\nment, were not legally or sufficieiuly empowered.\\nAnd Hr t, as to the injustice ol the division 1 declared, I thought\\nthey ought to have regard unto the letter of the agreement between\\nFir George Carteret and mr. Edward Byllinge; the line was to run\\nfrom Little Egg-Harbour, unto the most northerly branch of Dela-\\nware river, in forty one degrees forty minutes: They denied there\\nwas any such branch; 1 shewed them in their own map, made l)y\\nmr. George Keiih, a river running into Delaware, whose head is\\nnear another of Esopus river they urging that to be a. most uncon-\\nscionable division, and that it would cut off two thirds of their coun-\\ntry that in the map printed from that original, whereon the par-\\ntition line was drawn, lliey had a far greater scope of land 1 oH ered\\nthem to calculate the proportion of land in both .Jersies, from the\\nmap or chart; and upon the division, they should have a like pio-\\nporiion unto what was therein allotted them which woidd have been\\nabout ihe third of the whole: They :ipproved not thereof: I rof-\\nfered lastly, to comply with the second line, which was proposed by\\nour arbitrators, whereby we gave tlieiu a large tract of land, where-\\nunto", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0566.jp2"}, "567": {"fulltext": "A P P E X D I X I\\nrnito they had no right; which sheweth, that we were both willing A. D.\\nto come to an agreement, in our demands, moderate, favourable 1687.\\nand friendly, in our concessions: I added, that the lands actually\\nin their possession, or sold unto others before the line was agreed to\\nbe run, should be annexed unto, and for the future, accounted\\npart of their country; which, according to their own concession,\\nwere some of the most rich, healthful, and pleasant tracts of land\\nin either Jersies: I\u00c2\u00ab either would this please they insisted upon the\\nagreement, and would either have it performed or sue the homl I\\nwas somewhat perplex d how to preserve our own right, and secure\\nour friends from harm but being willing, as I have been, to deny\\nmyself any private benefit for pubiick uliiity, when they pressed\\nthey had either power or not: If power, then all were obliged; if\\nnot, they in particular: I an ;wered, they might apprehend them-\\nselves to have power but really had it not; as appears by the pro-\\ntestations of the body of the ))roprielors and inhabitants of West-\\nJersey, wherewith the lord Campbell had acquainted me: And they\\nthemselves are likewise sensible, that they proceeded not only beyond\\nbut contrary to their commission and as for the bonds, they could\\nnot be sued, so long as they did upon no overL-act oppose sucli agree-\\nment and the very utmost they could require fiom them, was so\\nmuch land as catne to their share upon a new division, according to\\nthe deed of partition, whereunto they had signed. I then |iro-\\nceeded to confute their pretensions from an equal division, shewing\\nthere was not the least foot steps for such a claim in the deed of par-\\ntition I desired them to consider, that West-Jersey proprietors gave\\nabove eighteen thousand poiuids for the land, which cost not East-\\nJersey proprietors much aliove four thousand pounds, and for many\\nyears last i)ast, proprieties of West-Jersey have been valued very\\nlittle below those of East-Jersey which was n)erely up(m the account\\nof the opinion all persons; had the proprietors of East-Jersey,\\nthemselves not excepted, tli;it our part exceeded theirs at least two-\\nthirds in quantity of land: I was my self almost two years, owner\\nof an intire propriety in East-Jersey, and continually heard their\\ncomplaints; nor did I ever hear any mention of a right to an equal\\ndivision, as to quantity of land, only valuing themselves upon the\\ngoodness of their land, and con veniency of harbours which wereopen\\nall the winter. And as for the pretension, ibnt mr. Bvlliiige gave\\ncommission for an equal division we could i)rodu(e hundreds of\\nwitnesses, that his great argument unto all purchasers, was, that\\nWest Jersey was three times as large as East, and equal I am a wit-\\nness, that he intended (miy equitable according to the agreement or\\ndeed of partition which diverse can testify. But I added withal,\\nthat if he had given a commission, I thought it not valid, without\\nthe consent and concurrence of the major part of the j)roprietors;\\nbefore he sold the land, he might have disposed it at pleasure, and\\nreceded from his own rights; but having sold the land, the propri-\\netors were to take care, they had their due, according to the deed of\\npartition; upon which terms they bought: For mr. Jiyllinge, when\\nhe granted the pretended commission of division, was po.ssessed only\\nof one single propriety, a.s he confessed unto diverse, having disposed\\nof", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0567.jp2"}, "568": {"fulltext": "648 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. of seventy, by absolute sale, and mortgaged the other twenty nine for\\n1688. eisht thousand pounds and iho 1 was not willing to suspect any\\nthing of rur. Byllinge; yet let any consider wlielher it was fit, that\\nan indigent person, wlien he had sold his land, should have it in\\nhis power to give away the moiety, under pretence of a power to\\nadjust the division, for whicli lie might receive a great sum of money,\\nif lavourably deteimined on the behalf of those with whom we\\ncontended: And therefore, no division can be accoimted just and\\nlegal, which haih not the consent and concurrence of the majority\\nof the proprietors: I declared unto them, we had thereupon api)oint-\\ned a general meeting, and we should acquaint them with tiie result\\nof our consultation, if they comjilicd with our proposal; and that\\nit be likewise assented to by the majority of tlie proprietors in West-\\nJersey, it should becrme a final decision, and be entered in both our\\nrecords, as up n such occasion is usual on the contrary, if tliey\\nwould not hearken to a fair and just proposal, wherein we shall\\nrecede considerably from our right; we will declare ourselves free,\\nand mainiain the line according to the deed, until they can, either\\nby course at common law, or by an appeal ur.to his majesty, make\\nan alteration: And the owners of about forty proprieties in and\\nabout the city, do request all those who are present in West-Jersey,\\nto lay claim unto, and account as your own just right, all ihal lancl\\nfrom Egg-Harbour, to the north branch of Delaware, according to\\nthe letter of the agreement in tlie deed of partition, until the pro-\\nprietors of East-Jersey have totally abandoned all pretensions unto\\nthis last, subtilly contrived, pretended agreement; for if they have\\nrecourse to the comnifm law, I am very confident, above two part*\\nof three, will become undoubtedly ours. If they appeal to the\\nking; we have not only confidence in his common justice, and im-\\nbiassed respect unto all his subjects, but a particular hope, that his\\nmajesty will remember the lime and manner, and other circumstances\\nof the division how sir George Carteret assured his highness (he\\nbeing duke of York) that he chose the leas! part, because near unto\\nhis government of New-York. It is likewise well known, and can\\nbe attested by diverse, that sir George Carteret did value his share^\\ntho by him acknowledged not half so large as the other; yet abim-\\ndantly preferable, upon the account of its being well settled with a\\nsober and industrious people, which would inviteothers to come there,\\nWhereas the other was a desart, and so little esteemed for some time,\\nthat land in East-Jersey sold ordinarily eight, and often ten times\\nthe value which was given for land in West- Jersey It had the advan-\\ntage of seven fair towns, inhabited by 3 )0O people; as appears by a\\nlist I have: They well, accommodated with corn and slock, able to\\nsupply at easy rales, new-comers with corn and cattle; which cost\\nthe first settlers of West- Jersey a third more Besides the neighbour-\\nhood of New-York, a place of great trade, where they could be\\nreadily supplied with whatsoever cloaths, utensils, c. they wanted.\\nI flattered myself with hopes, that Mr. Penn, a person of great\\nability and interest among the proprietors of New Jersey, and who\\nhath often professed a great kindness for the inhabitants of West-\\nJersey, would have aflbrded me some assistance, and moderated at\\nthe", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0568.jp2"}, "569": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 5\\nthe least the violence of the current, upon the pretended agreement A. D.\\nbut he liath frustrated my expectation, by complying with them in 1687.\\nall things, and signed with the rest which J confess was extreamely\\nsurprizing to me: and will, I doubt iiot, appear a little strange to\\ndivers amongst you 1 could not imagine any considerate indittiirent\\nperson could approve so unreasonable and siirreptitious an award:\\nBut I perceive, that which most influenced him, is a persuasion that\\nthe division ought to be equal in quantity; and is confirmed therein\\nby a passage in Mr. Byllinge s commission for setiling bounds;\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2wherein he uses the word e(pial and is persuaded, being herein\\ninfluenced by Mr. Keith s false map, of which I have sent V0;i a\\ncopy, that Mr. Reid s proposal is very fair and an exact equal division\\nof ihe country. I do not herein charge Mr. Penn with any faiilt,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0who 1 believe acts accordi. g to his convictions but I only acquaint\\nyou herewith, that yon may tmderstand your own misfortune; for\\nhad not Mr. Penn embraced our interest, we should probably have\\nmade a more speedy and advantageous agreement; the proprietors\\nbeing mightily fortified by his cotmtenance and authority, to adhere\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0to the la e award, only as a great argument of their moderation\\n.and justice: They luive made an order signed likewise by Mr. Penn,\\nthat if uixm a new survey, it appears this agreenu nt give them the\\ngreater moiety, they will refun l so much as may reduce it to an\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2exact quanlilv. Itwas a great defect on your part, to agree upon\\na division either with New-York or East-Jersey, milil you had a\\nmost exact survey of the country; they of New York and East\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Jersey, iiave in this respect, exerci.sed the highest prudence, knowing\\nthe whole coiuUry to a little, and therebv have both overreached\\njou. I have seeri their drauglUs, than which nothing can be more\\nexact; but they dare not yet print them, till they have adjusted the\\naffair with you, lest their own maps should rise up witness against\\nthem: And considering how curiously and diverselv Rariton\\nsouth, and Passaick river are branclied, I judge tiieir country,\\nquantity for quantity, double the value of ours: I never yet saw\\nanv maps of West-Jersey, in the least comparable to these of East-\\nJersey I have sent you a pattern of i)ne part of their country, tho\\nthey iiave a draught of every parcel, and ten times more large and\\nparticular than this. I do therefore make it my serious advice, and\\nearnest re(]uest, that you will, with all speed, cause a very jJMrticular\\nmap to be made of your coimtiy I do not mean of every propriety\\nor plantation, but a true account of the length, with a note, if any\\npart of the country be extraordinary barren where those barrens are,\\nand of what extent 1 had almost forgot to tell you a pretty policy of\\nMr Keith and John Reid, I sui)|)ose by direction from .some of their\\nsuperiors: The draughts they produce for division, are not in the\\nleast according to truth, nor according to those they sent their pro-\\nprietors, whereof I having been two years of East Jersey, have most\\ncertain knowledge, and exact copies of their own draughts, to com-\\npare them but in tho.se maps they produce for division, they make\\nour country townrds the sea and bay, near double the bigness it\\nreally bears, and their own almost half as little as really it is thence\\narguing for the reasonablenes* of addition unto the true line; and\\nindeed", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0569.jp2"}, "570": {"fulltext": "650 APPENDIX.\\nA. D. indeed that which they pretend an equal division, to say nothing of\\n1687. its exceeding ours, generally speaking in goodness; it is above a\\nfifih {)art greater in quantity, so that having received upon all hands,\\nso unfair dealings, I declare it unto you all, as my opinion and\\nadvice; and if I have any authority amongst you, I intreat and re-\\nquire, that you treat not with them any further about any accommo-\\ndation, nor own that pretended to be already made; but stand by\\nthe letter of the agreement between sir George Carteret and Mr. Byl-\\nlinge, viz. That the line be run directly from the east side of Little\\nEgg-Harbour, unto the most northerly branch of Delaware river,\\nin forty one degrees and forty minutes: And I question not, but\\nwe shall bring them to more reasonable terras than any they have\\nhitherto proposed at least no pains nor cost shall be wanting on my\\npart; and I have the concurrence of all our proprietors, Mr. Penii\\nexcepted, whom I could any ways meet with or consult: And\\nwhereas I am very credil)ly informed that ihe proprietors of East-\\nJersey, have ordered lands to be taken up in divers places near the\\nnew pretended lineof partition thai having possessicMi, upon a review\\nthey may have a more spacious claim if any attempt of this nature\\nbe made, I do noi only jnotesl against it, iiut request and desire\\nthat all the inhabitants of West-Jersey do the same and at the same\\ntime, the surveyor of West-Jersey, or his deputy, do immediately\\ntake up in my name, all that land which is westerly of the Mill-Stone\\nand Rariton river, which was not actually in their possession of\\nEast-Jersey, at the time of their pretended award between Mr.\\nEmiey and Reid You will belter understand my mind by the in-\\nclosed map, which is a copy exactly drawn from one of their origi-\\nnals; and we favour them very much in going no further, (for ac-\\ncording lo strictness, our line runs within three miles of Perth city)\\nand by allowing them that great tract of n)ost excellent land, from\\nthence to the meeting of Millstone and Rariton river. I shall add\\none thing more, which seemeth to me of the greatest consequence:\\nI beseech you let there be no animosity or indignation, severe censure,\\nor spightl ul reflections, on those who gave their consent unto the\\naward made by Em ley For my part, I am fully satisfied in the\\nhonesty and fairness of their intentions; but the best of men may\\nbe overreached by cunning designing persons; forget what s past,\\nand live together as becomes christians, and neigjibours and country-\\nmen. As 1 have taken care that the publick shall not sufler by their\\nact, so I shall likewise endeavour to secure them from any trouble,\\nonly they cannot act in conjunction with the rest of the proprietors\\nconcerning which I shall give them particular instructions; in the\\ninterim, I remain your most affectionate friend*, Dan. Coxe.\\nThe papers here and before introduced, relating to the dii ision line\\nbetween pMst and West-Jersey, appeared to be those best adapted, to give\\ngeneral insight into the proceedings and the reader may rest assured that\\nthey were not selected with the leaM partial biass to either side of the\\nquestion; bat if contrary to expectation, it should be hereafter found that\\nany thing material to the purpose is omitted, upon its being property point-\\ned out, endeavours ivill be used, with the utmost candour, to have such\\nomission supplied, or the matter otherwise rectified, as far as opportunity\\nmay aUow. NUMBER", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0570.jp2"}, "571": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX\\nNUMBER. Y.\\nThe council of proprietors of West-Jersey, to governor\\nBurnet.\\nTo his excellency William Burnet, esq captain general and com-\\nni;uuler in chief ol tlie province ol New-Jersey, c. and the\\nhonourable liis majesty s council there met.\\nIN obedience to an order of council, appointing a time to the\\nproprietors for exiiibiting tlieir reasons, why tiie bill for repeal-\\ning an act for running and ascertaining the line of piirtilion between\\nthe easti-rn and western division of New-Jersey, now lying before the\\ncouncil, should not pass. We for ourselves, and in behalf of those\\nfor whom we are concerned with, other the proprietors of New-\\nJersey humbly beg leave to represent as followetli, viz.\\nThai king Charles ihe second having by letiers patent in the\\nyear 1(103, granted to his brother, his royal highness the duke of\\nYork, and his heirs and assigns, all those tracts of land in America,\\nol whiih the colonies of New- York and New-Jersey, now con.si.st;\\nhis royal highness by good deeds and conveyances in the law,\\ngranted all that part called the province of New-Jersey, as it is now\\nbounded bv the sea, Hudson s river, Delaware bay and river; and a\\nBtrait line rniming from the latitude of 41 degree-, on the west side\\nof Hudson s river, to the latitude of 41 degrees 40 minutes, on the\\neast side of Delaware river unto the right honourable John lord\\nBerkeley, and sir George Carteret, and to their heirs and assigns\\nfor ever.\\nThat the siid lord Berkeley, by like deed.s, granted his moiety or\\nhalf part of the said tract or province, unto John Fenwieke, in trust\\nfor Edward Byllinge; and the said Fenwieke, by other like deeds\\nduly executed, declaring the said trust, granted nine tenth pans or\\nninety hundredth parts of all i lie said moiety, which the said lord\\nBerkeley had conveyed to him as aforesaid, tnito William Penn,\\nGawen Lawrie, and Nicholas Liica.s, in trust for the said JCdward\\nByllinge.\\nThat the said sir George Carteret, and the said Edward Byllinge,\\nand trustees, upon a full and absolute agreement among themselves,\\nfor dividing the said premisses into two equal parts in value, by\\nindenture (piintipartite; dated the first of Jtdy, 1(576, did accord-\\ndingly divide the said land, by a line to be run from little Egg-Har-\\nbour, to a certain station point in the latitude of 41 degrees 40\\nminuies, on the most northerly braiicii of Delaware river L)y which\\nthe easterly i)art was useeriaiMed to sir George Carteret, and the\\nwesterly to said Edward Byllinge and trustees.\\nThat after the said partition so agreed, the said Edward Byllinge,\\nand trustees, proceeded to grant and convey the said Edward Byliinge s\\npart or share, being nine-tenth parts of the western moiety, unto\\nseveral purchasers, under whom most or all the lands of the said\\nwestern", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0571.jp2"}, "572": {"fulltext": "552 APPENDIX.\\nwestern division are held, excepting only Salem tenth and that the\\nproprietor of the said tenth acqiiits ed also in the same, can be suffi-\\nciently proved: And in all and every of those deeds of conveyance,\\nthe said indentures qninli-partite, and divisions made therel)y, are\\nrecited as ihe foundation on which all those grants respectively are\\nmade in the said westerly part or division.\\nThiit alter the said sir George Carteret s decease, his widow and\\nexectilrix, who was thereunto fully impowered, granted all tlie\\neasterly part of the said province, to certain purchasers, called the\\nproprietors of East Jersey, by sundry deeds and conveyances, all\\nwhi(!h deeds in like manner recite the aforesaid indentures quinti-\\npartite, as the foundation on which all those grants in the eastern\\ndivision are made respectively.\\nThat it is only by force of this agreement and partition, executed\\nas aforesaid, that the proprietors of the western division are limited\\nto the western part of tlie said pi-ovince, on the side of Delaware:\\nand that the proprietors of the eastern division are limited to the\\neastern part of the said province towards Hudson s river and the\\nsea; for had no such division been agreed on, as is recited in all the\\nrespective deeds of conveyan e to the i)roprietors, those of the\\nwestern division, might witli an ecpial right, have claimed the land\\ntowards Amboy, c. and those of the eastern might have claimed\\nthe lands towards Burlington. But the said quanti-partile indenture\\nbeing executed as aforesaid, before the sales to the proprietors were\\nmade, and recited in all the deeds of conveyance, became an abso-\\nlute limitation so that neither on the one part nor on the other, any\\npurchasor could claim otherwise than according to that limitation,\\nby which their lands were actually conveyed.\\nThat notwithstanding this legal, clear and absolute partition,\\nwhicii is binding on every proprietor of the eastern division, and at\\nleast on all the nine tenth parts of the western division, sold by\\nEdward Byllinge, or his trustees, and from which, those who are\\nskilled in the law, well know ii is impossible legally to recede, with-\\nout the joint concurrence of every individual interested on the pur-\\nchases made under Edward Byllinge, and trustees, and under air\\nGeorge Carteret; for it is well known, that no majority without\\nthe whole will in these cases determine the point; yet there have\\nbeen sotne persons found from time to time, who on partial views to\\nthemselves, have laboured to introduce some other sort of division;\\nand considerable numbers have been so fir unhappily imposed upon,\\nas to imagine a change thereof might be practicable, Irom which\\nunfortunate deception, attempts have been made to alter it, and\\nBome lines for that purpose have been run, and settlements thereupon\\nmade, without due regard to the true boimds of the respective divi-\\neions; which introduced such confusion, that the value of lands near\\nthe boundaries, have been much lessened, and the people discouraged\\nfrom making improvements, where the right to the soil itself was\\nliable to be questioned, as not lying within the division, under which\\nit was purchased.\\nThat the mischevious consequences and manifest irregularities of\\nthose attempts, as well as their injustice and inconsistency with law\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0572.jp2"}, "573": {"fulltext": "A P P E X D I X\\nand reason being at lena^th maturely considered under the admini-\\nslration of your excellency s honourable predecessor, brigadier\\nHunter; a bill was prepared, not only for causing the aforesaid par-\\ntition line, directed by the qiiinii partite indentures as aforesaid, to be\\nactually run, as the only legal division that could be made, and\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which might well at any time have been run, by the tenour of the\\nproprietors general deeds, without any leave, if means could have\\nbeen readily found to defray the charge but it was also more especially\\nprovided in the said bill, for the settlement of all those who by any\\nmistake had seated themselves, or taken np their lands, without the\\nbounds of their respective divisions, in which they ought to have\\nbeen surveyed, that they should all be served in their respective pos-\\nsessions, by the exchange of an e(iuivalent, granted by each division\\nto the other; wiiich method was judged to be the only practicable\\nmeans of making all those iidiabiiants easy and safe, in all their im-\\nprovements and estates; and accordingly the said bill, though at\\nfirst exploded in the assembly, as being brought into the house sorae-\\nAvhat too late in time; yet when admitted, was passed by the gover-\\nnor iind council, and by the same house, wiihoiu one dissenting vote.\\nAnd ill pursuance thereof, with the concurrence and assistance of the\\nseveral j)roviuces concerned, the station point, at the latitude of 41\\ndegree:! 40 minutes, upon Delaware, was fixed, and random lines\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\\\\vei-e carefully run along the whole distance of tlie two extreme\\npoints, that the true line itself might be run with the greater certainty\\nand ease: It was therefore astonishing to us, lo tind (as your excel-\\nlency and honourable council have been pleased to iniike known to\\nus) that it should enter into any m.in s thoughts, to solicit the repeal\\nof an actgrounded on so solid and uninovableM foundation in law on\\none [lart, and on such justice and equity on the other, as we have\\nhere humbly represented and this even without the least offer of any\\nother plan lor remedy of the evils under which this province has so\\nlong laboured for want of a due settlement in the premises.\\nNor can we conceive what motives could possibly induce any\\ninliabitant of the province, to endeavour to sap the very foundation\\nof all our settlements, unless there should be any of the opinion,\\nthat a just, regular and final determination of the boundaries, and a\\nclearaudquiet establishment should not quadrate with theirparticular\\ninterests; and that they may hope for greater advantages from their\\nown boundless claims in a state of confusion Tiiat there may be\\nsomething of this kind in view, we have but too great reason to\\napprehend from the sirenous endeavours used of late to difiiise ground-\\nless jealousies and false insinuations among the people of the west-\\nern division, as if the lesser ])roprietors would by the late act, be in\\ndanger of losing their fourth dividends, while the greater would\\nbe secure in the possession of theirs; the absurdity of which, the act\\nitself, with the common method of taking up those lesser fourth\\ndividends, will fully evince as also introduce new and extraordinary\\nmethods of splitting the smallest shares for qualifying votes lor the\\ncouncil of proprietors, who at this time consist of a nutnber of men,\\nwiiose shares (one gentleman only excepted) will not, as we are well\\nassured, amount to two proprieties in the whole nor were their\\nelectors", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0573.jp2"}, "574": {"fulltext": "654 APPEXDIX.\\nelectors much diflerently qualified, as u|)on a scrutiny, may be fully\\nmade to appear.\\nBut as your excellency s principal concern, is the peace and pros-\\nperity of the people, committed by his majesty to your care\\nand no subjects can be more deeply interested in the same, than his\\nmajesty s honourable council for tiie same province; and as your\\nwisdom we doubt not will as clearly see, as your justice will dispense,\\nand order what may most conduce to those desirable ends in a firm\\ndependance therefore on both these, we shall crave the liberty to pray,\\nthat the said bill now lying l)efore tlie council, for repealing tiiat\\nmost useful act, may be rejected and that instead of yielding to what\\nmight engage his majesty s province in future confusions, your\\nexcellency and the council, togetiier with the assembly, would be fa-\\nvourably pleased to encourage such other proposals as may be made,\\nfor happily ending all manner of controversies and disputes, concern-\\ning the estates of the people of the said t)rovince.\\nJohn Ladd, for himself and Col. John Alford John Budd, for\\nBelf and Boulton John Kny, Win. Cooper, Francis Rawie, jun.\\nCharles Broyden, Samuel Lippiucott, John Snowden, jun. Isaac De\\nCow, for himself and Samuel Barker; Matthews Oardiner, Isaac\\nPearson, William Pancoast, William Biles, Isaac Watson, William\\nMawle, Thomas Sharp, for self and John Dennis; John Estaugh,\\nfor the London company, John, and William Dimsdale, Peter Rich,\\nBenjamin Hopkins and self; Wdliam Riddle, Hugh Sharp, Henry\\nHodge, Robert Raide, George Budd James Logan for proprieties,\\nWilliam Penn s family 12, John BeUer.s 1, Amos Sttretle 1, myself\\nRichard Hill for ]S\\\\dh. Staubury, Mary Willson.\\nNUMBER VI.\\nReasons and proposals for an amendiaent of the quinti\\npartite line, and the act made for the conjiriiiation thereof.\\n1^ First. T) EC A USE the act was passed without the knowledge or\\nV^o\u00e2\u0080\u009e D consent of numbers of the proprietors, and the allowing\\n1687.\\nor disallowing the line, being matter of property, and of great\\nconsequence to them it is conceived to be against natural justice to\\npass any law, to dispose of their private property without their con-\\nBent.\\nSecond, Because there was another line more fairly and equally\\nagreed to by the governors, and majority of the proprietors of each\\ndivision, and actually run at great expence.\\nThird, Because the act is deficient in divers instances, and par-\\nticularly in this; that tho by the act, the ijuantity of land in each\\ndivision, is to be the same, yet the quality thereof is not regarded,\\nand may be exireamly different the eastern division being well\\nknown to contain considerable more good land than the western\\nwhich, with the addition of Staten-lsland, which it s presumed is\\nIheir right, will uuike their share considerable more in value than\\nwhat", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0574.jp2"}, "575": {"fulltext": "A P P E -N D I X 655\\nwhat must fall to the western proprietors and particular persons may\\nbe very mucli prejudiced thereby; for an equal number of acres of\\nland, up at Moliockauiack, or in any of the upper parts, would\\nscarcely be thought an equivalent to any individuni, for the loss of\\na tract in tiie lower part of the province.\\nFifth, Tiiat several tracts of lands, since the making of that act,\\nhave been taken up both by wc^ern and eastern proprietors, whicU\\nthe. line, when riui, may cast into the Ofiposite division from that\\nthey were thought to be; and as this mistake would not have li;ip-\\nperied but I roni the neglect of running the line, it would be hard\\nthey should sutler, and would therefore be proper to fall on measures\\nto secure them in their possessions.\\nSixth, The commissioners and surveyors are not limited from,\\nbut have it in their power to give away (luider pretence of an equi-\\nlant) the estate of any one proprietor, if in the fourth divideud,\\ntho it should ann)unt to 10 or 20,000 acres, and that before sold\\nor disposed of.\\nSeventh, Tlnit many of the proprietors and purchnsers in West-\\nJersey, had, belorc the making of that act, sold several tracts of land,\\nsurveyed and recorded in right of a fourth dividend, which may\\nfall to the eastward of the qiiinii partite line, tho they were to the\\nwestward of the line agreed to by Coxe and Barclay, (which at\\nthat time was universally esteemed to be the true line) yet by this\\nact the purchaser may be ousted of his freehold, and the vender\\nliable to be sued and put to great charge which is an inconveniency\\nproper to be considered and redressed.\\nIt is therefore proposed, that the proprietors of each division,\\nshould consent to an aaieudment of the above grievances, and that\\nan equivalent be given to the western proprietors, for the loss of that\\ngore of land between the quinti pardte line, and that commonly\\ncalled the scotch line, up to the south branch of Kariton and also\\nfor so much ol that tract of land lying in the forks of the north branch\\nof Rariton, held under eastern rights, shoidd it be confirmed to the\\neastern proprietors pursuant to that act, it being always received to\\nbe in the western division by the agreement made between Coxe\\nand Barclay.\\nNUMB. VII.\\nAt a council of p oprietors held at the city of Perth- Amboy^\\nAugust 17, 1742.\\nPRESENT.\\nJohn Hamilton, esq president. Mr. Dunstar.\\nRobert Hunter Morris, esq Mr. Peters, for Messrs. Penns.\\nfor Mr. Ashtield s propriety. Mr. Leonard.\\nMr. Alexander, Mr. Nevill.\\nMr. Johnston. Mr. Smythe.\\nMr. Burnet, Mr. Foreman.\\nTHIS", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0575.jp2"}, "576": {"fulltext": "^56 APPENDIX.\\nTHIS board having had under consideration, at its several raeetinga\\nin and since September last, the paper delivered by th.e western\\nproprietors, entitled, reasons and proposals for an amendment of the\\nqiiinli partite line, and the act made for the conlirmalion thereof,\\nhave hitherto delayed coming to any resolutions; in order that all\\nthe members might thereby have an opportunity of weighing and\\ngiving their judgments in a matter so nearly affecting their interest;\\nand the same being now maturely considered at a full board, it is\\nunanimously agreed, to return the following answers to the several\\narticles of the said paper.\\nTo the first, it is the opinion of this board, that though the act\\nmight have passed without the knowledge and consent of some of the\\nproprietors of the western division of New-Jersey, yet they have\\nreason to believe, it was warmly solicited by such as were owners of\\na great number of the shares, and past with the consent of a greater\\nnumber of those proprietors, than ever hath been, or can be got to\\nagree to any alteration of that act As to the quinti partite line, the\\ndeed of 1676, by which it waVi agreed on, having been executed by\\nall the then proprietors of the eastern and western divisions of New-\\nJersey, did legally establish that partition line; and being so esta-\\nblished, it wanted not the authority of that act to make it binding\\non all parties thereto, and their assigns; nor does that act, as we\\nconceive, by establishing that line, dispose of any man s property.\\nTo the second, this board has been informed, and believes, ihat\\nin the year 1686, the lieutenant governors of the eastern and western\\ndivisions of New-Jersey, entered into bonds of arbitration, to stand\\nto the award of John Reid and William Emiey, concerning the par-\\ntition line between East and West Jersey and that those arbitrators\\nmade an award of the course which such line should rim from little\\nEgg- Harbour; and that the following year George Keith, surveyor\\ngeneral of the eastern division did, as we believe, at their expence,\\nactually run the line so awarded, from little Egg Harbour, to Dobies\\nplantation, on the south branch of Kariton; which is upwards of\\nsixty miles.\\nThis board has likewise been informed, and believes, that another\\npartition line was afterwards agreed on between the chief governors\\ndoctor Coxe and Robert Barclay but has not heard of any part there-\\nof being afterwards actually run and it appears not by any thing on\\nour records, that either of those two lines were made binding on the\\nproprietors of either division, or with consent of the majority of the\\nproprietors; and had they been with such consent, yet could they\\nnot thereby have appeared to alter the quinti partite line before\\nagreed to by all the proprietors.\\nTo the third, we know nothing in the act that supposes the quan-\\ntity of land in each division to be the same; nor do we conceive\\nafter the execution of the quinti partite deed, that the proprietors\\nof either division had any concern with the quantity or quality of\\nthe land of the other division tho were it a matter proper to be\\nenquired into, we have reason to believe, that the western division\\nwould be found to contain a much greater nundjer of acres, evea\\nincluding Staten-Island, than the eastern division.\\nTo", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0576.jp2"}, "577": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 657\\nTo the fourth, there has been many applications from the eastern\\nto the western proprietors, to join in the running the qninti partite\\nline according to llie act, and the eastern proprietors have always\\nbeen ready to join in tliat work and if any mistakes have liappened\\nsut:h as the article sets forth, its but reason they should suffer, seeing\\nthe proprietors of both sides were suthciently warned by that act,\\nof the danger of snch mistakes, and ougiit to place their loss therel)y\\nto the account of those who liave been the cause of the delay of ihe\\nrunning of the line.\\nTo the fifth and sixth, we are of opinion, that the act was princi-\\npally framed, with a view to prevent tlie inconveniencies set forth in\\nthese articles, and is sufficiently worded to answer the ends.\\nAs to the equivalent proposed by the said paper to be given to the\\nwestern proprietors, we conceive, that the act lias fully provided a\\nremedy for an equivalent to that division, to which it shall be found\\nto belong.\\nAnd upon the whole, as the act was passed with the consent of a\\nvery great number of proprietors, especially of the western division,\\nand as the act has received the royal assent, so that no alteration can\\nbe made therein but by the king s e.xpress assent first had And as\\nit might be of very dangerous consequence, to alter or attempt\\nthe altering any part thereof; and as we believe the consent cannot\\nbe had of so great a number of the projirietors to any alteration, as\\nthere w;ih to the making of the act; we cannot agree to any the least\\nalteration therein; and hope the western division proprietors will\\njoin with the eastern proprietors in the running of the line, and\\nestimating the equivalent, pursuant to the act: And that the work\\nmay be begun this fall, and carried on in the manner proposed by\\nthe minute of this board, of the 28th of May, 1741, (whereof\\na copy was then sent to the western proprietors) or in such other\\nreasonable manner as can be agreed on and hope, that we may\\nnot be laid under any necessity of running the line exparte, or of\\ntaking any conif)ulsory method for settling the equivalent; and in\\nhopes that things so disagreeable, might liave been avoided, we\\nhave hitherto delaved the iiaving recourse to them.\\nOrdered, that Mr. Johnston, Mr. Nevili, Mr. Burnet, Mr.\\nLeonard and Mr. Smyth, or any three of ihem, be a committee to\\nagree with the western division prujirieiors, upon the time, ways,\\nand means for ruiniiiig the said line, pursuant to the act having\\nregard lo the former minutes of this lio;ird concerning the same,\\nand to employ the persons necessary for the work in behalf of the\\neastern proprietors which committee are to be ready at Perth-Amboy\\nat any time, uiuil the end of March next; to meet or correspond\\nwith a committee of the western proprietors for the above purpose.\\nOrdered, that if any other of the members of this board, be at\\nPerth-Amboy, that they be admitted into the said committee.\\nLawr. Smyth, register to the council of proprietors.\\nNUMBER.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0577.jp2"}, "578": {"fulltext": "558 APPENDIX.\\nNUMBER VIII.\\nTo the King s most excellent majesty.\\nThe remonstrance and humble petition of your majesty a most loyal Sw6-\\njects, inhabiting in your majesty s province of East New-Jersey,\\nin America.\\nHumbly sheweth,\\nTH A T whereas your mnjesty s liumble petitioners did remove\\nand settle tliemselves into the said province of East New-Iersoy,\\nand by virtue of a licence from the iionourable colonel Richard\\nNichols, governor of tiie said province, under his then royal hiijiiness\\nthe duke of York, to purchase lands of the native pagans; did, ac-\\ncording to the said licence, purchase lands of the said natives, at\\ntheir own proper cnstsand ciiari^es an l whereas since his said royal\\nhigiiness di(i sell and transfer all his right and interest to the said\\nprovince of East New-Jersey, to cei taiu proprietors; by whose\\nlicence, several others your niajesty s loyal subjects, have also since\\npurchased lands at their own proper costs and chai-ges, of the native\\npagans of the same jjlace; whereby they humbly conceive they have\\nacquired and gained a right and properly to the said lands so pur-\\nchased yet notwithsianding, your majesty s loyal sidjects are mo-\\nlested, disturbed and dispossessed of their said lauds, by the said pro-\\nprietors or their agents; who under pretence and colour of having\\nbiiii^ht the government, with the soil, have distraineil from, and\\nejected several persons for and under ihe pretence of quit rent, and\\nlord s rent; whereby your majesty s liege subjects have been sued,\\nand put to great trouble and charges, and hive been compelled to\\nanswer to vexatious actions and after they have defended their own\\nrights, and obtained judgment in their favour, coulil not have\\ntheir charges, as according to law they ought to have; but have been\\nforced to sit down under the loss of several hundreds of pounds,\\nsustained by their unjusi molesiaiions.\\nAnd further, notwiihstanding your majesty s liege subject!? have\\npurchased their lands at their own proper costs and charges, by\\nvirtue of the aforesaid licence; yet the said proprietors, governors\\nor agents, without any pretendeil process of law, have given and\\ngranted ;reat part of the said lands, by patent, to several of the said\\nproprietors and others as to iheni seemed tit.\\nAnd notwithstaniling their pretence to government, yet they left\\nus from the latter end of June, 1689, till about (he laiter end of\\nAugust, 1692, without any government, and that too in the time\\nof actual war; so that had the enemy maile a descent upon u-, as\\nwe were without any military officers lo command or give direc-\\ntions, in order to our defence, or magistrates to put ihe laws in\\nexecution; and during ihe whole lime, the said proprietors have\\ngoverned ihis your majesty s province, they have never taken crre\\nlo preserve or defend us from the naiive pagans, or other enemies,\\nby sending or providing any arms, ammunition or stores but rather\\nhave", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0578.jp2"}, "579": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 559\\nhave provoked and incensed the said natives to make war upon ns,\\nby surveying and patenting their lands, contrary to their liking,\\nwithout purchasing the same from them, or making any satisfaction\\nin consideration thereof; and sometimes when the said natives have\\nsold and disposed their lands, as to them seemed meet, they the\\nsaid proprietors have disposed of the same to otliers, or else found\\nthem who had the property in it, to purchase it of them, upon their\\nown terms; which the said natives have highly resented, and often\\ncomplained of, and (nniy justly be feared) wait only for an oppor-\\ntunity to revenge it upon the inhabitants of this your majesty a\\nprovince.\\nAnd fiH ther to manifest the illegal and arbitrary proceedings of the\\nsaid proprietors, in contempt of yoar majesty s laws, and against\\ntheir own knowledge, signified in a letter by them to the council\\niiere in East New-Jersey, wherein they say as followeth We have\\nbeen obliged against our own inclinations to dismiss colonel Ham-\\nilton from the government, because of a late act of parliament dis-\\nabling all Scotchmen to serve in places of publick trust and profit,\\nand obliging all proprietors of colonies to present their respective\\ngovernors to the king, for his approbation so we liave appointed our\\nI ricnd Jererniab Basse, to succeed colonel Hamilton in government,\\nwhom we have also presented to the king, and by him he is owned\\nand ap|)roved of. Notwithstanding which letter, they have su-\\nperseded the said Jeremiali Basse (whom they wrote was approved by\\nyour majesty) and have commissionatad the said colonel Hamilton,\\nwithout your majesty s royal approbation; although removed before\\nby them, as a person disabled by law; who now by virtue of their,\\nthe said proprietors commission only, would impose himself upon us\\nas governor; and when in government before, superseded by the\\naloresaid Basse, was by them continued about a year alter the 25lh\\nOf March 1G97, w-ithoiit taking the oath enjoined by law and doth\\nnow presume to e.xercise government, not having legally taken the\\nsaid oath, or having your majesty s royal approbation. The said\\nproprietors of East New-Jersey, have also, in contempt of your ma-\\njesty s known laws, commissionated a native of Scotland to be\\nsecretary and attorney-general of this your majesty s province (beitig\\nboth places of the greatest trust next to the governor) and one of the\\nsame nation to be clerk of the supreme court of this your majesty s\\nprovince which may be of ill consequence, in relation to the act of\\ntrade and navigation, and to the great hindrance of your majesty s\\nloyal subjects, (the |)t)wer of government being chietiy in the Jiands\\nof natives oflScotland) from informing against any illegal or fradulent\\ntrailing, by Scotchmen, or others in the province.\\nWe your majesty s loyal subjects, labouring under these, and many\\nother grievances and oppressions, by the proprietors of this your\\nmajesty s province of East New-Jersey do in most huml)le manner,\\nlay ourselves before your majesty (the fountain of justice) luunbly\\ninijiloring your maje-ty will be graciously pleased, accoiding to your\\nprinc-ely wisdom, to take into (consideration our evil circumstances,\\nunder the present proprietors, (if the right of government is invested\\nin them) and that your majesty will be graciously pleased to give\\nyour", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0579.jp2"}, "580": {"fulltext": "660 APPENDIX.\\nyour royal orders to the said proprietors, that with your majesty s\\nroyal approbation, they commissionate for governor, a fit person\\nqualified according to law, who as an indifferent judge, may decide\\ntlie controversies arising between tlie proprietors and the inlial)itant3\\not lliis your majesty s province; and settle all the differences, which\\nat {)resent tliey labour under; and your majesty s petitioners as in\\nduty bound, shall ever pray.\\nJohn lioyce, Samuel Walker, Vincent Rugnion.\\nMemorandum, Besides these three, there are 221 more in the\\noriginal.\\nNUMBER. IX.\\nTo the right honorable the lords of the council of trade\\nand foreign ]^)lantations.\\nThe memorial of the proprietors of East New- Jersey, in America.\\nTHE proprietors having in all their applications to this honourable\\nboard, shewed an aversion to iiave any controversy with his\\nmajesty as by their several expedients in their memorials laid before\\nyour lordships may appear; and considering how often the near\\nneighbourliood of East-Jersey to New York, (the most important\\nfrontier belonging to the crown of England, in Norlh-America) has\\nbeen urged upon them, to induce them to a resignation of their go-\\nvernment ihey do hereby declare themselves ready to surrender the\\nsame to his majesty although the government was the chief motive\\nof purchasing the said jirovince, wiiicli they did by the opinion and\\nadvice of eminent council, learned in the law upon tlie credit of\\nwhich, and the confirmation by king Charles the second, of the title\\nto the grantees, their heirs and assigns, as absolute proprietors and\\ngovernors (as by his proclamation hereunto annexed does appear)\\nthey have buried great part of their estates in building, and planting\\nthe country and at their own ex pence maintained the government\\nfor several years past, as well as before his majesty s happy succession,\\nto the crown, as ever since and iiave not received any returns what-\\nsoever, for all their labour and cost to this day. In consideration of\\nthe premisses, the pro|irietors do, in humble confidence, rely on his\\nmajesty s justice and goo lness, to confirm to the proprietors and\\nplanters respectively, the following rights and privileges; to render\\nthem (at least) as easy under his majesty s government, as when\\nunder the proprietors towards which they presume to enumerate\\nthe following particulars, viz.\\nFirst, That his majesty will be graciously pleased to confirm to\\nthem, the i^oil and lands of the said province, and the quit rents\\nresei ved upon the grants made, or to be made to the planters or others.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Second, That upon the annexation of the government of the\\nsaid province, to that of New-York, the port of Perth-Araboy\\nmay be established, for entering, ships, and importing goods there,\\nand", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0580.jp2"}, "581": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 561\\nand exporting gooils from tlience, witlioiit being obliged to enter\\ntheir ships at any oilier place; piiying the same, or like ciisiom to\\nIlls majesty, as are or shall from time to time, be payable at 2\u00c2\u00abe\\\\v-\\nYork.\\nThird, To have free liberty to trade with any Indians, or other\\ninhabitants of America, without interruption; apd the proprietors\\nto liMve the sole privilege (as always hath been practised) of pur-\\nchasing from the Indians, all such lands lying within Jiast-Jersey,\\nas yet remain unpurchased from them.\\nFoui th. All necessary officers and courts of ju-stice, for administra-\\ntion of justice, in case-^ criminal and civil, to be appointed and\\nheld in Ea ^t-Jersey in the same m, inner as is prai.-tised within the\\ngovernment of New York and that, the inhabitants may not be\\nobliged to go to New-York, or be impleaded there, for any criminal\\nor civil matter arising within E ist-Jersey, nor be compelled to serve\\nupon juries, or in any ministerial office within the province of New-\\nYork.\\nFifth, That a su[)erior court be heid twice a year, at Perth-Ambov,\\nbefore which writs of error, or appeals (in tlie naiure of writs of\\nerror) from other courts within the province, may be brough.t and\\ndetermined.\\nSi.xth, That the public register, and all records rejating to the\\nsaid province, may be kept at Perih-Aml)oy, and not removed to\\nany other place; and that the constituting of the secretary and re-\\ngister, and the surveyo general of the said province of East Mew-\\nJersey, remain in the proprietors.\\nSeventh, That the same number of counties he continued in East\\nJersey, as there are at present, and by the same names; and that\\neach county in East Jersey, may choose and send as many represcnta-\\ntives to the gener:il assembly, to be held lor New-York and East-\\nJersey, as are or shall be chosen by any county in New-York and\\nif any more counties shall be hereafter created or appointed in New-\\nYork, as many may be creited and appointed in Ea-t-.Iersey.\\nEighth, That a proportionable number of the inhibitanis of East-\\nJersey, may be appointed to be of the governor s council, at all\\ngeneral assemblies, and to have votes tiierein.\\nNinth, That the twenty-four proprietors may be lords of the\\nsoil, and hold courts for the lands in their ^jroprietyships, and ap-\\npoint all officers that relate iheretnato.\\nTenth, No person or persons whatsoever, to be molested or de-\\nprived of any civil right or privilege, or rendered iincapalile of\\nholding any office or employment in the government, because of\\ntheir religious principles; the province being phinted by prolesiant\\npeople of divers persuasions, to whom that liberty was an original\\nencouragement.\\nEleventh, That all wills of persons dying within East-Jersey, and\\nletters of administration of e-tates lying there, niay be made and\\ngranted by the chief judge of East-Jersey, for the tinie being, who\\nis to reside there, and a register thereof kept at Pertli-Amboy.\\nTwelfth, That the proprietors siill have their powers continued,\\nto grant markets and fairs in the said province.\\nThirteenth,\\n2n", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0581.jp2"}, "582": {"fulltext": "662 APPENDIX.\\nTliirteentli, Lastly, all land*, goods and chatties of felons, felona\\nof tliem.selves, dendands, fugitives, persons outlawed and pnt in\\nexigent, waifs, eslrays, ireasnre trove, mines and minerals, royal\\nmines, wrecks, royal tish, that shall be forfeited, found or taken\\nwithin East-Jersey, or by tlie inhabitants thereof, within the seas\\nadjacent, to remain to the proprietors, with all other privileges and\\nadvantage-, as amply as in the grant and conhrmation to them of the\\nfourteenth of March, 1682.\\nAnd because many of the i roprietors of East-Jersey, are also pro-\\nprietors of West-.Jersey it is humbly desired, that colonel Andrew\\nHamilton, may be dispatched by this board, to the government of\\nWfst-Jt-rsey his presence being much wanted there, for the con-\\nvenience of his m ijesty s sul)jeits in that province.\\nSigned by order, and on behalf of the proprietors.\\nWilliam Dockwra, secretary and register.\\nNUMBER X\\nOpinion and answer of the lords commissioners for trade\\nand plantations, to the memorial of the proprietors of\\nE. N. Jersey, in America, signed by Mr. Dockwra,\\nand received from him the dth of Jidy, 1699.*\\nArticle I. \\\\T/^E have no objection to wliat is herein desired.\\nArticle II. V V We conceive his majesty may do what is herein\\nproposed, in case the proprietors accept of a new charter, with such\\nconditions as are reasonaide, with relation to their propriety; but\\nthat it is very improper for liis majesty to oblige himself to a com-\\npliance with this article by any clause in the new charter.\\nArticle III. The first part of this article is unreasonable; since\\nit may imppen to be sometimes ad vi-ial)le to restrain this liberty: But\\nthe proprieiors of East-Jersey may have tiie same liberty granted\\nthem of trading with the Indians, as is granteil to liie iniiabitants\\nof New York, or any other plantation in America, under his nnije-\\nPty s immediate government; what relates to the purchasing of land\\nmay be allowed.\\nArticle IV. Tiie first part of this article, we conceive, may be\\nfit to be allowed, (provided the officers be appointed by the king s\\ngovernor) but not without appeals in civil matters, to the king s\\ngovernor and council, and to the king in council nor so as to hinder\\ntrials in riih)n.il maiters, by his majesty s especial commission, to\\nbe exetult-il eiiher in New-York, or East-.Jersey, as shall be thought\\nfit; New-Yoik and East-Jersey being to be accoimted one provini e,\\nwiihout distinction, except as to the propriety of lands, and the\\ndominum utile.\\nTaken from the hooks in the plantation office.\\nAeticle", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0582.jp2"}, "583": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 563\\nArticle V. This article we think fit to be allowed of, provided\\nthere l)e a fiiriher appeal to the jrovernnr of New-York, and council,\\nwhich is to consist as well of the inliabitants of E.ist-jersey, as of\\nthose of New- York, inditii rently.\\nAHTtC LE VI. What relates to the puljlick register ami rtcords, to\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2be kept at Perth-Aiiiljoy, may be allowed but the not removing ihem\\nto any otlier place, npon any accoiiiii whatsoever, wlien ihc pulilick\\nRervice shall require it, seems unreasonable and ihe proprietors con-\\nstituting of the secretary and register (which the king docs every\\nwhere appoint) does not seem fit to be allowed; nor is it fit there\\nphould be more than one chief secretary, both for New- York and\\nNew-Jersey, who may appoint a depuiy to officiate in his absence\\nfrom either place.\\nThe surveyor general has a more particular reference to the propri-\\netors and ihcir lands; so that their constitution of such an ottice,\\nmay be allowed.\\nARTiCLb; VII. We have no objeclion against the number of\\ncounties but the rest of this article seems to be wholly unreasonable\\nand in case East-Jersey be allowed to .send one sixth part of the\\nrepresentatives of the general assembly, and West r\u00c2\u00bbewJersey one\\nsixth more (which would be one full third ot tlie whole number of the\\nrcpresentaiives lor New-York and the Jersies) it is as miicli a-; can\\nWell be allowed since otherwise these two Jersies under pr.iprieiors,\\nwould come in competition with New-York itsell, and ont-vote\\nthai part of the province when united; so that one third of the\\nnumber of representatives for tlie Jersies, and two thirds for New-\\nYork (or thereabouts) seems a reasonable proportion.\\nArtioi.e VI 1 1. This may be reasonable; but then the proportion\\nmust l)e agreed on, so as to answer that of the preceiliiig article.\\nARricLE IX. We have no objeclion to this article, in case ihose\\nofficers be no other than such as constitute a court baron or leet in\\nEusjland.\\nArticle X. This article must be regulated by acts of parlia-\\nment, and the usage of New-York itself.\\nArticle XI. Tlie probate of wills is usually in the king s go-\\nnernor; but he may appoint commissaries for executing the same in\\nany part of his government.\\nArticlk XII. We have no other objection, than tliat ihis power\\nis usually in the governor.\\nArticle XUl. This article may be reasonable, except as to the\\ngoods aiul chattels of traytors, fugitives, and persons outlawed,\\nwiiich is matter of state; nor can right accr ling to the proprieior.s\\nfrom the seas adjacent, be well circumscribed; the grant aUo of\\n1()82, ought to be duly considered, and such par iculais ilu-rein a.s\\nare proper, may be allowed of without such a general and undeter-\\nmined reference.\\nNUMBER", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0583.jp2"}, "584": {"fulltext": "5G4 APPENDIX.\\nNUMB. XI.\\nTo the right honourable tlie lords of the council, of trade and\\nforeign phmlaiions.\\nThe humble memorial of the proprietors of the province of East\\nNew-Jersey in Aineriia.\\nTHE proprietors in all tlieir applications to your lordships, and\\npariiculnriy in their last propo-als, having expre-s d a great\\nreadiness of conipiying with Iiis majesty s pleasure, in relation to\\ntiieir government, so as tlieir properties miglit be pixsiived to iliein,\\nby siicli coiicessiunsun his majesty s part, as are necessary In that end\\nare surprised at the diihions answer returned by your lordships to tiie\\nsecond article of their proposals, concerning the cstai)lisliin.-iit of a\\nport at J- erth-Amboy, ibr entering ships and iniporting goods there,\\nand exporting goods from thence wiihont being oliliuid to enter\\ntheir shiijs at any other place. For the principal objection that has\\nbeen always made, to the allowance of a port in Ea-^t-Jersey, arising\\nfrom the noii-j)ayment of customs theie, an l the detriment accruing\\nto the trade of New York by reason thereof the proprietors con-\\nceived, that by submitting to pay the same customs as are paid at\\nNew-York, they had eflectnally answered that objei;lion, and pre-\\nvented all others; and that they being his majesty s subjects, and\\ne pially entitled to his favour and [irotection wiili tiie iiihabitanisof\\nNew-Y ii-k, might niider the jjaymenl of such dimes, freely enjoy\\nthose conveniencies for trade, which (jod and nature have allotted lo\\ntiieir colony aiil they have purchased willi their money, and which\\nlias not been denied to any other Aiueriitan plantation tho paying\\nno customs, but permitted as a natural right. The proprieiors\\ntherelore crave leave (in pursuance of that sincerity and plainness\\nwherewith they liave all along addresseti to your lordships\\non this occasion) to declare, ihat ilie obtaining a port to be\\ncontinued forever, was their main iinlucemeni to (!on ent to a snrreii-\\nder of their government and therefore, they insist, that in the new\\ncharier to be granted them by his majesty, there lie an express clause\\ninserted, whereby Pertb-Ainboy shall be istablishtd a port forever,\\nfor entering all ships coming into, and goinir from East-Jersey, for\\nimporting and exporting goods anil that such jiorl shall not be for-\\nfeited or taken away for any misdemeanor whatsoever, but only the\\npersons guilty of the misdemeanor, shall be accountable and punish-\\nable for it.\\nThis is the only thing that makes the province of any value to\\nthe proprietors, or give them l)o|tes of re-imbiuving tin ir puiiliase\\nmoney, i^nd other expenci s in improvements and if your lord-hips\\nthink it too great a privilege for them, who have been failhlul\\nsubjects to his majesty, and contributed to the defence of the fron-\\ntiers during the late war in America, more than they were iible to\\nbear; the proprietors cannot be accessary to their own ruin, by a\\nvoluntary surrender but must endeavour to vindicate their righia in\\na", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0584.jp2"}, "585": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. C65\\na legal manner, and seek redress by sncli other measures as they\\nBliali 1)6 advised lo, ami are ci/nsistent with their duty to iiis majesty.\\nThe proprietors do further i.-rave leave to mention, tliat if their\\ndesire of a port is once granted, liiey do not loresee any great ditii-\\ncnity, to adjust wiih your lordships the otlier articles mentioned in\\ntheir memoriah\\nSigned on ihe behalf of the said proprietors, and by their order.\\nWilliam Dockwka, Secretary and Register.\\nLondon, loth January, 1G!)9 170U.\\nNUMBER XII.\\nTo their Excellencies the lords justices of England.\\nThe humble petition of the proprietors of the provinces of East\\nand VVest-Jeisey, in America.\\nSlieweth,\\nTHAT your petitioners, as ihey were advised by their council,\\nbeing legally entitled to the government of those provinces, by\\nvirtue of several grants from the late king .James, when duke of\\nYork, the deilaraiion of the late king harles the second, under\\nthe great seal of England, and of several aitts of state and orders\\nof council, admiiting llu ir right, have, for many years a!)[)iiinied\\ngovernors there, and pariicularly colonel Andrew Ilamilum, who\\nadministered the government, to the gi-eat service of the I rown, and\\nuniversal satislViction of the inhabitants, until an act of parliament\\npassed in the seventh and eighth years of his present majesiy s leign,\\nentitled an act for preventing frauds, and regulating abuses in liie\\nplantation trade.\\nUpon which law some doubt arising, whether a native of Scotland\\n(as col. Hamilton is) were capable of being a governor of the plan-\\ntations your petitioners, for avoiding any colour oi offence agaii:st\\ntliat act of |iarliameni, appoiiued one .Jeremiiih l asse governor of\\ntho C provinces but the lords of the committee of trade and plan-\\ntations, making then some scruple concerning your i)etitioiier s right\\nof government; mr. Basse had not such a formal ajjprobation of\\nhis majesty, as that act ilirects; and though your petiti(mers wereat\\nthe same time honoured with instructions from the tiien lords justices,\\nand lords commissioners of the treasury, for their governiirs conduct,\\nwiiicli were produced, and published by mr. Basse, as a tesiimony\\nof his being nominated goven or with the knowledge and im[)licit\\nconsent of his majesty and his ministers of slate; yet for want of an\\nexpress approbaiion in writing, the inli ibitants refused to obey him;\\n.nnd he retin-ned to Engiaiul Whereup(\u00c2\u00bbn your petitioners, who\\nhad been informed of the o[)inions of his majesty s late attorney and\\npresent solicitor general, that a native of ^cotland was not disal)led\\nto execute any olhce in the plantations, were induced to re-appoint\\nthesaid col. Hamilton (then in Enghin(l)goveriior oftho.se provinces,\\nwhom voiir peiitioners presented to the lords of the committee of\\ntrade and plantations, humbly remonstrating to them, the necessity\\nof", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0585.jp2"}, "586": {"fulltext": "6C6 APPENDIX.\\nof sending a governor for preservation of tlie publick peace, and\\npraying tiieir lordships reciminiendalion of liim for iiis majesty s\\napprubalion but their lordsiiips having resolved to controvert your\\npetilioiiers right of government, by a trial at law, declart-d llu^y\\ncould not const nt to such an apfirobation, without prejudiee to his\\nm.ijcsty s right; yet in regard to tiie necessity of the people s being\\nunder some government tiil the right was determined, their lord-\\nhhips delivered their opinion, that col. Hamilton, acting according\\nto the laws of England, your petitioners might be safe iti coniuiissi-\\nonatiiig him, and he in execuiing their commission under the secu-\\nrity ol which approhntion, col. Hamilton went over, and re-;issnmed\\nthe government of those provinces; but some factious and turliident\\npersons, iuipatient of any govenunent, ofipose his ndiniiiistration,\\nbec.iuse he is not appioved of by an order ol council, according to\\nthe e.x[)ress letter of the ;ict of piirliament, and have made so great\\ndivisions and confusions there, that the publick peace isdaily violated,\\nand the publick justice obstrucied.\\nThat your petitioners have agreed, and are ready to surrender all\\ntheir right of government to his majesiy, upon such terms and con-\\nditions, as are reipiisite for preservation of their prof)eriies and\\ncivil interests, and which they humbly hope will be allowed to them.\\nYour petitioners therefore most lunnbly pi ay, that lor the jjreser-\\nvation of the piil)lick peace of ihose provinces, your excellencies\\nwill he graciously |)leased, immediately to approve of col. Hamilton\\nto be governor of the provinces of East and VVest-.Jersey, until the\\nterms of surrender can be adjusted and your petitioners shall ever\\npray.\\nJos. Brooksbank, Dan. Coxe, jun. Tho. Hart, .fosepli Ormston,\\nJoseph Ormston, as having procuration. Miles Foister and Edward\\nAntill, Gilbert MoUeson, Tho. Barker, Tho. Lane, Paul Domi-\\nnique, Tho. Skinner, John Bridges, Michael Watts, E. Richier,\\nClem. Plumstead, Tho. Cooper, Walter Benthal.\\nNUMBER XIII.\\nRepresentation of the lords of tirade.\\nTo their excellencies the lords justices.\\nMav it please your excellencie.s,\\nIN obedience to your excellencies commands, signified to us by Mr.\\nYard, upon several papers laid before your excellencies, relatingf\\nto the state of his majesty s provinces of Easl and West-Jersey, in\\nAmerica: We iiave considered all the said papers, together with\\nothers of the like nature, that were already in our hands and hav-\\ning likewise heard what the proprietors and others had to ofi er\\nwe thereupon most humbly report to your excellencies,\\nThat tho-e countries which are now known by the name of East\\nand West New-Jersey, were granted, together with several other\\nterritories, by king Charles the second, by letters patents, bearing\\ndate", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0586.jp2"}, "587": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\ndate the 12th day of March, 1664, to the tlien duke of York,\\nhis heirs and assigns; together with fidl and absolute power and\\nauthority to liiiii, his lieirs, deputies, ajjenis, cot\u00c2\u00bbitiiis ioners and\\nassigns, lo correct, piini.sli, pardon, govern and rule, ail sncli [)er-\\nsons as did tiien, or siiouid al any time iherealter, reside within the\\nsaid territories, according to such laws, orders, ordinances, direc-\\ntions and instrutnents, as hy the said duke of York, or liis assigns,\\nshoidd be established and with several oilier clauses relating to the\\ngovernment and tlefence of the same.\\nTliai the said duke of York did thereupon grant, convey and\\nassign, the said provinces, (by the names of Nova-L sesaria or New-\\nJersey) to John lord Berkeley and sir (ieorge Carteret, their heirs\\nand assigns, with all and every the appurtenances thereto belonging,\\nin as t uU and ample manner as the same was gianied to him, by\\nthe aforesaid letters patents of king Charles the second.\\nTiiat Ids said majesty king Charles the second, by other letters\\npatents, dated the 2yth of Jinie, 1674, did again grant ami con-\\nvey to the said did e of York, all the said lands and lerriinries, in\\nthe same manner as before expressed and that several sub-divisions\\nand sales, having in the mean while been made by the said lord\\nBerkeley, sir George Carteret, and others claiming under them he\\nthe said duke of York, did, by indenture, dated the 6th day of\\nAugust, 1680, grant and confirm the province of West New-Jersey,\\nwith all the ap|)urtenances thereuii .o belonging, to Edward Byl-\\nlinge, of \\\\Ve4minsler, gent, in whom the title ihereunto then was,\\nanil lo his heirs and assigns forever and did in like maimer, by\\nindenture, dated the 14th day of March, 1682, grant and confirm\\nthe province of East New-Jersey, with all the appurtenance- thereto\\nbelonging, to James Earl of Perth, William Penn, esq; and several\\nother persons, in whom the title to the same then was; and to their\\nheirs and as-igiis forever; and by each of the said indenlures, did\\nlikewise give, grant, and nssign unto the aforesaid respective grantees\\nor assigns, all and evei v such and the same powers, anihoriiies,\\njurisdictions, governments, and other matters antl things whatsoever,\\nwhich by the aforementioned respective letters, patents, or either of\\nthem, were granted or intended to be granted, to beexerci-ied by him\\nthe said duke of York, his heirs, assigns, deputies, officers or\\nagents.\\nThat the present proprietors who derive their respective titles to\\ntheir several shares and proportions of the soil of these provinces, by\\nseveral mean conveyances, from and under the aforementioned\\ngrants to Edward Byllinge, and to the Earl of Perth, and other\\npersons lo whom the duke of York had immediately conveyed the\\nsame; do in like manner, and by virtue of divers such mean con-\\nveyances, claim the same powers and rights of government as were\\ngranted by king Charles the second, to the duke of York and by\\nhim to others, according to the tenor of the aforesaid intlentures.\\nThat nevertheless, we do not find-, that any sufficient forni of go-\\nvernment has ever been .seltleil in those provinces, either by the duke\\nof York, or by those claiming under him, as aforesaid but that\\nmany inconveniences and disorders having arisen from their pretence\\nof", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0587.jp2"}, "588": {"fulltext": "568 APPENDIX.\\nof right to govern. The proprietor* of East New-Jersej did sur-\\nrender tlieir said pretended riglit to the late Icing James, in the month\\nof April 1688; which was accordingly accepted by hirn.\\nTiiat since iiis majesty s accession to the crown, the proprietors both\\nof East and West New-Jersey, have coniinned todiallenge thesame\\nright as before; and did in the year 1697, apply themselves to us, in\\norder to their obtaining iiis majesty s approbation of the person whom\\nthev desired to have continued governor of tiie said provinces, but\\nat the same time refused to enter into security to his majesty, pursuant\\nto the address of the right honourable the liouse of lords, of the ISlh\\nof March, 1696, that the person so |)resented by them tlie said pro-\\nprietors, should inly observe and put in execution, tiie acts of trade;\\nyet nevertheless jjlViceeded, from lime to time, to commissionate\\nwiiom tiiey thougiit lit, to be governor of those provinces, wiilu)ut\\nhis majesty s approbatiim according to what is required by the late\\nact, for preventing frauds and regulating abuses in the plantation\\ntrade.\\nThat in this manner having formerly commissionated col. Andrew\\nHamilton, afterwards mr. .Jeremiah Basse; then again snperceiling\\ntheir commission to mr. Basse, and renewing or confirming that to\\ncol. Hamilton and ever since that also, some of them having sent\\nanother commi-^sion to one capt. Andrew Bown The inhabitants\\nsensible of the defect and insufficiency of all those commissions, for\\nwant of bis majesty s authority, have n{)Oii several occasions, some\\nof them opposed one of those governors, some another, according\\nas interest, friendsliip, or faction had inclined them.\\nThat the inhabitants of East New-Jersey, in a petition to his maje-\\nsty, the last year, complained of several grievances they lay under,\\nby the neglect or mismanagement of the proprietors of that province\\nor their agents, as particularly, that from the latter end of June 1689,\\ntill al)oiit the latter end of August 1692 whicli was a time of actual\\nwar) they had not taken any manner of care about the government\\nthereof, so that there having been neither magistrates established to\\nput the laws in execiuion, nor military officers to comuuind, or give\\ndirections, in order to the defence of the province, they were exposed\\nto any insults that might have been made upon them by an enemy;\\nunto which they also added, that during the whole time the said\\nproprietors have governed, or pretended to govern tiiat province,\\nthey have never taken care to preserve, or defend the same from the\\nInciians, or other enemies, by sending or providing any arms, ammu-\\nnition or stores, as they ought to have done; and the said inhabi-\\ntants thereupon, humbly prayed his majesty would be pleased to\\nconunissiouate some lit person qualitied according to law, to be\\ngovernor over them.\\nThat it has been represented to us, by several letters, memorials,\\nand other j)apers, as well from the inhal)ilants as proprietors of\\nboth those provinces, that they are at present in confusi(m and\\nanarchy; and that it is much tabe apprehended, left by the heats\\nof the parties that are amongst them, they should fall into such\\nviolences as may endanger the lives of many persons, and destroy\\nthe colony.\\nThat", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0588.jp2"}, "589": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 569\\nThat the greatest number of the proprietors of both those pro-\\nvinces residing in this city, being hereby sensibleof llie necessity of\\nhis majesty s authority, for ihe preserving of peace an i good order\\nin tliose countries, have hitely presented a peiiiion to your excel-\\nlencies; in the preamble wbereot tijongii liiey still seem lo a sert\\ntheir title to the government of the said provinces; yet neverthelKss\\nin the end, declare they have agreed, and are ready to surrender\\nthe same to his majesty, upon such terms and conditions as are\\nrequisite for preservation of their properties anti civil interests and\\nthey tiierelore biiinbly pray, thai lor liie preservation of the puhlick\\npeace, your excellencies would be graciously pleased, immediately to\\napprove colonel Hamilton, to be governor ot both the said [iruvinces\\nof East and West New-Jersey, until the terms of surrender can be\\nadjusted.\\nThat in a late memorial* presented to your excellencies (and signed\\nnot only by the same person, but iiy others likewise, who would not\\njoin in the prayer o( the petition) having again prefaced their own\\npretended right to government; they do in like manner declare\\ntheir readiness to surrender the same, in humble hope and confidence\\n(as they express ihemseives) that his majesty will be pleased to grant\\nthem all reasonable privileges, which are necessary lo j)reserve their\\ncivil rights, and the interests of planters, and which are not incon-\\nsistent with bis nuijesty s service, or royal atithoriiy; alter which\\nthey proceed to propose, and particularly eidarge upon, several\\narticles relating to the method of settling both the said provinces, and\\nuniting ihcm under tme government.\\nThat the proprietors of East, New-Jersey, residing there, have\\nsigned and sent over hither, to a gentleman whom they have con-\\nstituted their agent and attorney in that behalf, an absolute and\\nUnconditional surrender of their right to the government of that\\nprovince, so far as the same is in them, and so far as they are ca-\\npable of doing it for others concerned with them in that |)ropriety.\\nThat in relation to the aforesaid articles, we have l)een attended\\nby several of the proprietors here; who have further personally\\ndeclared to us, that their intention in proposing the same, is only\\nto secure lhei rights, in such things as are nuitter of property and\\nthat they unanimously desire to surrender the government to the\\nking, and submit the circumstances thereof to his majesty s pleasure.\\nBut in relation to the aforementioned petition, that colonel Hamil-\\nton may at present receive his majesty s approbation to be governor\\nol those provinces, the said proprietors are so divided amongst ihem-\\nBelves, that whereas some sceiu to insist u[ion his approbation, as one\\nprincipal condition of their surrender, others in the same manner\\ninsist upon his exclusion.\\nUpon all which, we humbly represent unto your excellencies,\\nthat not being saiistied, that the aforementioned grants from (he\\nduke of York, (the only title upon which the said roprietors claim\\na right to government) without any direct and imtuediate authority\\nfroni the crown, were or could be of any validity to convey that\\nright, (which we iiave been inlbrmed is a power unalienable from\\nthe\\nSee the memorial, which follows.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0589.jp2"}, "590": {"fulltext": "670 APPENDIX.\\nthe person to whom it is granted, and not to be assigned by him\\nunto any otlier much less divided, sub-divided, and conveyed from\\none to another, as has been done in the present case) We did tiiere-\\nupon humbly represent to liis majesty, (he 18th of April, 1699,\\nthat a tryal might be had in Wesiminster-Hnll, upon a feigned\\nissue, whereby their claim to the right of government, might receive\\na determination.\\nThat no such determination liaving yet been made, nor any pro-\\nceedings (that we know of) had, upon the forementioned surrender;\\nbut it being generally acknowledged, both by the inhabitants and\\nproprietors of the aforesaid provinces, that the disorder and confu-\\nsion they are now fallen into, are so great, that the piiblick pence and\\nadmini-tration oi justice is interrupted and violated and that whilst\\nthose disorders continue, there neither is nor possibly can be, any\\ndue provision made, for the guard and del ence of that country,\\nagainst an enemy, we are humbly of opinion, that it is very expedient\\nfor the preservation of those territories to the crown of England, and\\nforsecin-ing the private interest of all persons concerned, that his ma-\\njesty would be pleased to constitiUeajrovernor over those provinces,\\nby his immediate commission which together with the instructions,\\nto be also given to the said governor, iiuiy contain such j)owers, au-\\nthorities and directions, as may be necessary for the estiiblishing there\\na regular consiiuilion of government, by a governor, council, and\\ngeneral assembly, with other civil and military oflHcers; and for\\neecuring to the proprietors and inhabitants, all their properties and\\ncivil rights, in as full and ample manner, as the like are enjoyed by\\nany j lantar.ioii, under governors appointe l by his majesty s immedi-\\nate commission together witli such classes and further provisions, as\\nmay be thought reasonable, in order to prevent the interfering of\\ntliat colony with the interest of his majesty s other plantations; as\\nthe proprietary governments in America have generally done.\\nAnd we further humbly offer, that draughts of such a commission\\nand instructions may be i)repared and thai they may be also shewn\\nto the proprietaries of those provinces, in order to their acquiescence,\\nand the surrender of their [treteniled right to government, in such\\nmanner and form as may be effectual in law, to the final extinguish-\\ning of their pretences or in case of their relusal, in oi der to such\\nother proceedings as shall then be thought fit.\\nAll which nevertheless, is most himibly submitted.\\nPhil. Meadows, Jo. Pollexfeu, Abr. Hill, Mat Prior.\\nWhitehall, October 2, 1701.\\nNUMBER XIV.\\nThe humble memorial of the proprietors of the provinces\\nof East and West- Jersey, in America,.\\nTHOUGH the proprietors are advised by their council, that\\ntheir right to ports within those respective provinces, was fully\\nasserted, ;uid their past administration of the government of those\\nprovinces", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0590.jp2"}, "591": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 671\\nprovinces, as fully justified nt tlie late trial had in the court of king s\\nbench, between mr. Basse and the earl of Bellemonl they are not-\\nwithstanding, ready and desirous, in obedience to hift mnjesty s plea-\\nsure, to surrender all right of government there in humble hope\\nand confidence, that as his royal wisdom prompts him to resume the\\nAmerican proprietary governments into Ids own more immediate\\nadministration so his justice and goodness will incline iiim to grant\\nthe proprietors all reasonable privileges, which are necessary to pre-\\nserve their civil rights, and the inierest of the planters, and which\\nare not inconsistent with his majesty s service, or royal authority.\\nTo which they humbly propose and pray,\\nFirst. That his majesty will grant and confirm to them tlieir lands\\nand quit-rents, with such other liberties, franchises and privileges,\\nas were granted to them by ihe late king James, when did e of York,\\nor have been granted by his majesty to other proprietors of provinces\\nin America, except the powers of government.\\nSecond. That his majesty will grant to them, the sole power of\\npurchasing from the Indians, all lands lying within these provinces,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which remaiti mipurchased from them; and that all otiier per.sons\\nwho have purchased, or shall purchase lands, either with or without\\nlicence first l-.ad from the proprietors, and wdio have not already\\ntaken patent.s, shall be obliged to take patents of such lands from\\nthe proprietors, imder a nu)derate quit-rent and in default thereof,\\ntheir title from the Indians to be declared null and void. This the\\nproprietors humbly conceive will be neces.sary, as well to vindicate\\nhis majesty s royal right, as their own property imder him; because\\nthe planters have lately taken up and promoted an opinion, that the\\nking s right toall American countries discovered by English subjects,\\nis only notional and arbitrary and that the Indian natives are the\\nabsolute indeiiemlant owners, and have the sole disposal thereof;\\nAnd some of the planters who have made such purchases of land\\nfrom the Indians, refuse to take patents from the proprietors, grantees\\nof the crown and others, who have taken patents, refuse to pay\\nthe quit-rents reserved.\\nThird. That the inhabitants of both provinces may have the same\\nliberty of trading with the Indians, as the inhabitants of New- York,\\nor of any other plantation in America, under his majesty s imme-\\ndiate government, do or shall enjov.\\nFourth. That the port of Perth-Amboy, in East-Jersey, and the\\nports of Burlington and Cohansie, in West-Jersey, may be estab-\\nlished ports of those respective provinces forever; and that no ship\\nbound to any of those places, shall be obliged to enter at any other\\nport; nor any shifis to be ladt^n there, shall be obliged to clear at\\nany other port; and that ofiicers may be appointed at such port, for\\ncollecting the customs, and seeing the acts of navigation duly exe-\\ncuted.\\nFifth. That the proprietors may appoint surveyors general, and\\nother ofiicers, for surveying, and recording of the surveys of land\\ngranted by and held of them.\\nSixth. Tliat the proprietors of East-Jersey may hold three mar-\\nkets in every week forever, on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday,\\nfor", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0591.jp2"}, "592": {"fulltext": "\u00c2\u00a772 APPENDIX.\\nfor all manner of cattle, goods and merchandizes, at Perth-Amboy\\nand four fairs in every year tiiere, to begin the Monday in the months\\nof and each fair to continue six days and tiiat tiie proprieiois\\nof West- Jersey may hold the iil e number ofmurlvets in every week\\nforever, on Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at Burlingion, in\\nWest-Jersey and four fairs in every year lliere, to iiegin tiie\\nMonday in tiie monihs of and each fair to continue six days.\\nSeventii. TliatEastandWe t Jersey may beerected intoonedistinct\\ngovernment, and iiave one general assembly, for maicing laws for tiie\\ngood of botli provinces, to sit alternatively, at I erlli-Amboy in\\nEast-Jersey, and Burlington in Wesl-Jer.-ey and tiiat such general\\nassembly may be electeil every year in the month of and\\nmay meet on the lirst ]\\\\Ionday in October, and oftcner if need be.\\nEighth. That the general assembly mny consist of thirty-six\\nrepresentatives, to be cliosen in manner following, viz. two by the\\ninhabitants, iionsholders of the city or town of Perth-Araboy, in\\nEast- leisey two by the inlialiitants, Iionsholders of the city or town\\nof Burlington, in West- Jersey si.xteen by the freeholders of East-\\nJersey, and sixteen by the freeholders of West-Jersey but that no\\nperson shall be capable of being elected a representative by the said\\nfreeholders, or afterward of sitting in general assemlily, who shall\\nnot iiave one thousand acres of land, of an estate of freehold in his\\nown right, within the province for which he shall be chosen and\\nthat no freeholder shall be c^ipable of electing sucli representatives,\\nwho shu,ll not have one hundred acres of land there in his own right\\nof an estate of freehold and that this number of representatives\\nshall not be enlarged or diminished, or tiie manner of electing them\\naltered, otherwise than by act of general assembly, and the approba-\\ntion of his majesty, his heirs and successors.\\nNinth. That the governor s council may consist of inhabitants of\\nboth [u-ovinces; whereof an equal number to be cho.sen out of each\\nprovince.\\nTenth. That all necessary officers, and courts for administration\\nof justice, in cases criminal and civil, he established in each pro-\\nvince and that one supreme court may be held for both provinces,\\ntwice in every year, at Perlh-Amboy in East-.Jersey, and Burlington\\nin West-Jersey, alternatively in which courts all writs of error from\\nany other courts within these f)rovinces, shall be brought and deter-\\nmined an l that this court may consist of the governor s council,\\nand the three capital judges of eacli province, (except such of\\nthem who pronounced the first judgment, sentence or decree)\\nor of any seven of them, whereof two of the council, and three\\njudges, for the time being, shall be five; and every member of\\nthe court, who shall be present, shall have an equal vote saving\\nthat where the court shall be equally divided in their opinions, the\\neldest of the council shall have a decisive vote.\\nEleventh. That no apiieal to the king may lie in personal actions,\\nwhere the cause of action is of less value than two hundred pounds.\\nTwelfth. That all prolestants may be exempt from all penal laws\\nrelaiing to religion and may be capable of being of the governor s\\ncouncil, and of holding any other publick office, though they do\\nnot", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0592.jp2"}, "593": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 573\\nnot conform to the discipline of tiie church of England, or scruple to\\ntake an oath and that an instruction be giveji to the governor, for\\nprocuring a law to pass in the general assembly, for substituting some\\nproper dt-claraticm in the place of an oath.\\nTliirleentli. That his majesty will be pleased to permit the pro-\\nprietors to nominate the first governor.\\nFuurteentli. That all sncli further privileges, franchises and liber-\\nties, as upon consideration, shall be found necessary to the good\\ngovernment and prosperity of the said provinces, and increasing the\\ntrade liiereof, may be granted to the proprietors.\\nAugust 12, 1701. Joseph Ormston.\\nJosejih Ormston, having procuration from Miles Forster and\\nEdward Aniill, Gilbert Molleson, Thomas liarker, C^lement\\nPlumstead, Thomas Cooper, William Dockwra, Walter Benthal,\\nEdward liitchier, Joseph Brooksbank, Daniel Coxe, jun. Thomas\\nLane, Paul Dominique, John Bridges, Michael Watts, Thomas\\nSkinner, Thomas Hart.\\nFINIS.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0593.jp2"}, "594": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0594.jp2"}, "595": {"fulltext": "ERRATA.\\nPuye 35, line 14, some copies, for was rend were\\n40, 13, ditto r. ni.-isters right\\n55, 35, r. in the month called\\n87, 27, /or disposed upon r. be disposed of\\n93, I. 28, dele had\\nlOU, r. 1G78\\n116, I. 29,/ornoarkill was legally r. passengers to it\\nwere i)ro|ierly\\n118, I. 1, for woiihl r. could\\n136, l. Hjj or liave r. had\\n145, Hjor 1754, 1755\\n166. Z. 21, dele twelve\\n196, Ml the note, r. see the act reciting\\n411, avd 412, in the margin, for 1710, r. 1719\\n437, 12, for Haover\\nr.\\nHanover\\n438, I. 9, for rank\\nr.\\nage\\n439, /a,s7 /me, for i ll, dc\\nr.\\n428. d-c.\\n488, 4, f/e/e so/\u00c2\u00abe copies,\\nin many\\n490, 13, or and\\nr.\\npariicularly\\n500, 34,\\ndele\\nboth\\n512, Z. 6, /or Imprimus some\\ncopies, i\\nr. Imprimis", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0595.jp2"}, "596": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0596.jp2"}, "597": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nAlibott, Mordecai, 207.\\nAdams, John, 79.\\nAddcrly, Henry, 21S.\\nAkernian, David, 404, note.\\nAianiitnni^, 473.\\nAlbany, 46, 400.\\nAlbeison, John, 207-\\nAlberson, William, 201.\\nAldricks, Peter, 52, 75, 125.\\nAlexander, Janies, 412. 48().\\nAle.xander, William, 492.\\nAllen, Jcdediah, 276, note.\\nAllen, Joseph, 207.\\nAllen, Fort, 447.\\nAllen-Town, 491.\\nAmbo, or .Vmbov, 489.\\nAmboy, Perth. 483.\\nAmerica, First discoverers of, 1.\\nVoyages of Columbus and Ves-\\npucci, 1 to and notes. Voy-\\nages and discoveries of the\\nCabots, to 8, and notes. Claim\\nof English to dominion over\\nNorth America, 7, and notes.\\nAlioriginal inhabitants, 8 to 16.\\nQueen Klizabeth s patent to\\nWalter Raleigh, in 1584, 16.\\nKing James patent, in 1606,\\nto London and Plymouth Com-\\n))anies, 17. Forfeiture of Lon-\\ndon I omiiany s grant, which in-\\n(\u00e2\u0080\u00a2luded New Jersev, 18. Found-\\ning of Plymouth, 18. The\\nDutch and Swedish claim of\\ndominion over New York and\\nNew Jersey, 19 to 21. Holland s\\npatent to Dutch F. I. Company\\nof New Netherlands, and their\\nsettlement of New York, 19.\\nUseling s Swedish Company\\nfor settling in America, 21.\\nLanding of Swedes at Cape\\nInlopcn, 22.\\n5\\nAmericus Vesputius, 1, note.\\nAmerigo Vespucci, one of the dis-\\ncoverers of America, 1, note.\\nAmsterdam, Cla.ssis of, 493\\nAncosta, 12.\\nAndalusia, 5.\\nAndastaka, 136.\\nAndei son, John, 402, note. Gov-\\nernor, 418.\\nAnder on, William, 285.\\n.Vndrews, Ednumd, Governor of\\nNew York, 77. Occupies New\\nCa.stle, 77. His deposition, 77,\\nnote. His proclamation con-\\nfirming land titles, 78. Hi.s\\nauthority to Quaker commis-\\nsioners to treat with Indians\\nfor their lands, 193. His dis-\\npute witii them and arrest of\\nGovernor Carteret, 68, note, 93,\\n94.\\nAnimals, wild and tame, of New\\nJersey, in 1765, 502 to 510.\\nAnn, Fort, 317.\\nAnnapolis Royal, Capitulation of,\\n367.\\nAnontaghata, 147, note.\\nAm ill, Edward, 215.\\nAntrom, John, 109.\\nApewvet, or .John Fludson, 449,\\n450!\\nAppendix, 14 Nos., 512 to 573.\\nNo. 1. Concessions of Lords\\nProprietors, 512 to 521. No. 2.\\nConcessions of Proprietors of\\nWest Jersey, 521 to 539. No. 3.\\nAccount of East Jersey and\\nProposals to Build Amboy, 539\\nto 546. No. 4. Governor Cox-e s\\nNarrative about Division Line,\\n546 to 550. No. 5. Council of\\nProprietors to Gov. Burnet,\\n537 to 554. No. 6. Reasons for\\nModification of Division Line,\\n554, 555. No. 7. Action of\\n75", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0597.jp2"}, "598": {"fulltext": "576\\nINDEX\\nCouncil of Proprietors, 556,\\n557. No. 8. Petition to the\\nKing about Basse and Hamil-\\nton, 558 to 560. No. 9. Me-\\nmorial of Propriet(n\\\\s asking\\nAnnexation of East Jersey to\\nNew York, 560 to 562. No 10.\\nOpinion of Lords Commission-\\ners of Trade about Annexation,\\n562, 563. No. 11. Eeply tliereto\\nby Proprietors, 564, 565. No.\\n12. Petition of Proprietors of\\nNeV Jersey about IJas ^e and\\nHamilton, 565, 566. No. 13.\\nKepreseiitation of Lords of\\nTi ade upon tlie Question of\\nSurrender, 566 to 570. No. 14.\\nMemorial of Proprietors of\\nNew Jersey in Favor of Sur-\\n]-ender, 570 to 573.\\nAquaywochtu, 471.\\nArgole, Sir Samuel, 19.\\nAristotle, 9.\\nArmstrong, John, 147, note.\\nArnold, Kichard, 109.\\nArragon, 3.\\nArlhtir-Kill Sound, 499.\\nArwanmus, 98.\\nAslifield, Lewis, 449.\\nAsia, 10.\\nAskew, John, 219.\\nAssembly of 1668, P. Carteret,\\nGovernor of New Jerse}-, and\\ntheir names, 161.\\nAssembly of 1681, Samuel Jen-\\nnings, Governor, 126. Funda-\\nmental articles of government\\nadopted, 126 to 129. Passage\\nof sundry laws, 129, 130. Com-\\nmissioners appointed for set-\\ntling lands, and tiieir names,\\n130 to 135.\\nAssembly of 1682, Thomas Olive,\\nSpeaker, their names, 151.\\nNew election law for choosing\\nmembers by districts, 151, 152.\\nElection by Asseml^ly of the\\nCouncil and otiier officers, and\\ntheir names, 152, and note.\\nLegislation of the session, 152\\nto 154. Laws enacted at\\nElizabeth-Town, 161 to 166.\\nValidity of government of\\nAVest Jersey affirmed, 163. As-\\nsumption by Assembly of right\\nto elect a governor, 164, note.\\nSamuel Jennings continued in\\noffice, 164.\\nAssembly of 1634, Thomas Olive,\\nGovernor and Speaker, 189.\\nConflicts concerning choice of\\nGovernoi-, ending in 1687, by\\nappointment of Dr. Daniel\\nCoxe, 190. His conditions of\\nacceptance, 190 to 194, note.\\nPassage of law against duelling\\nand wearing weapons, 194, 195.\\nAssembly of 1703, iirst general\\none of the wiiole Province after\\nsurrender, under Lord Corn-\\nbury as Governor, 275. Tliomas\\n(iardiner. Speaker, and names\\nof members. 276, and note.\\nAssemblies, for proceedings of,\\nfrom 1703 to 1709, and for Lord\\nCornbury s administration, Si e\\nCornbury, 275 to 354.\\nAsssembly of 1708, Tliomas Gor-\\ndon, S[ eaker, 348. Lord Corn-\\nbury s speech asking for reve-\\nnue for 21 years, 349. Address\\nin reply, charging new griev-\\nances, 349 to 351. Displeasure\\nof the Governor and dissolu-\\ntion of the House, followed by\\nhis removal, 348.\\nAssenably of 1709, John Kay,\\nSpeaker, and names of mem-\\nbers, 355, and note. Pacifying\\nspeech of the new Governor,\\nLord Lovelace, and Address of\\nthe House, grateful for deliver-\\nance from the worst adminis-\\ntration the province ever had,\\n355 to 357. Copy of Ingoldsby\\nAddress laid before the House,\\nand signers summoned to prove\\ntheir allegations, 3571. Want\\nof confidence in the Council,\\nvoted by the House, 358. Pas-\\nsage of a new law prescribing\\nqualifications of electors and\\nrepresentatives, 358, note.\\nDeath of Lord Lovelace, and\\naccession of Lt.-Gov. Ingolds-\\nby, who lays before the House\\nthe design of the crown for\\nan expedition against Canada,\\n359. Passage of bills for issu-\\ning \u00c2\u00a33000 in paper currency", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0598.jp2"}, "599": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n577\\nand to encourage volunteers,\\n359, 3G0. Character of tlie pa-\\n])er currency as legal tender,\\noiiO, note.\\nAssembly of 1710, John Kay,\\nSpeaker, and names of mem-\\nbers, o70, and note. Speech of\\nthe new Governor, Robert\\nHunttr, and his advice to i)ut\\nan end to divisions, 370, 371.\\nAddress of tlie House, accept-\\ning his advice, 372, 373. Cor-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0tlial agieement of House and\\nGovernor, but Council opposed\\nto both, 373. Kejfction by\\nCouncil of hmd-titles liill and\\nthe enabling bills, in favor of\\nthe Quakers, 373, 374. The\\ningoldsby Address voted by\\ntlie House to be a scandalous\\nand false representation, 374,\\n370. Fuitlier voted tliat no\\nsigner of I he same was lit to\\nsit in the House without purg-\\ning iiimself, 375. Major .Sand-\\nford, as one of its signers, ex-\\njielled because he refused to\\npurge liiniself, 375. An ad-\\nilress adopted justifying the\\ncourse of Assembly of 170!)\\ntowards Loid Cornbury, and\\n-sent to the Queen, 375. Kep-\\nj csentatiou of the House, con-\\ncerning the Ingoldsby Ad-\\niress to tiie Governor, and his\\nendorsement thereof, 37(5 to\\n3JU. Kemovai of Councillors\\nobno.xious to the Plouse, 399.\\nAssembly of 1711. (Governor\\nHunter s speech, announcing\\nwhat was reipiired for I lie ex-\\n]iedition against Canathi, 399.\\niiills passetl voting \u00c2\u00a35000 in\\npaper currency antl for encour-\\naging vidunteei-s, 399. Total\\nfailure of the expedition, lOO,\\n401.\\nAssembly of 1713. Gov. Hunter s\\ncongi atulatory speecli upon the\\nchanges in Council, 402, and\\nnote. Frequent and amicable\\nconferences between the two\\nHouses i-ecomraended, 402.\\nBills passed accepting an afhr-\\nniatiou instead of an oath, and\\nenabling Quakers to liold any\\nofhce of trust or jirofit, 403.\\nAssembly of 1716, a new one, witli\\nDaniel Coxe as Speaker, and\\ntiieir names, 404. (iovernor\\nHunter reiterates his pur]iose\\nto use his power for the public\\ngood, 404. 405. Kemonsirance\\nof the House against sitting at\\nAmboy, instead of Burlington,\\n405. Rejily of the Governor\\ntliat a session at Burlington\\nwas ihipraclicable, 406. Only\\nnine members appearing at\\nthe adjourned session, a (pio-\\nruiu was compelled by tlie\\nGovernor, when Jolin Kinsey\\nwas elected Speaker, 4i)6. The\\n(TOvernor s speecli condemning\\nthe coui se of the late Speaker\\nand his party, and calling at-\\ntention to the currency, 4(t(),\\n407. The late Speaker aii l the\\nabsenting members expelled\\nthe House for contempt, 407.\\n^Vddress of the House con-\\ndemning the course of the ex-\\npelletl members, and refusing\\nI hem seats if re-elected, 408.\\nAdjourned session at Cross-\\nwicks fiiiilful in legislation,\\n409.\\nAssembly of 1719, adjourned scs-\\n.sion, at Perth Amboy. Gov-\\nernor s s pceeh desiring in-\\ncrease of salaries, and recom-\\nmending: jiassa^re of Idils for\\nlunniiig di\\\\ision line between\\nw York and New Jersey,\\nand the appointment of an\\nagent of the colony in London,\\n410, 411. Passage of an act to\\nrun the division line between\\nNew York and New Jersey,\\nunder which only tlie north\\npartition point was iixcd, 412.\\nPassage of an act to run the\\ndivision line between East and\\nWest Jersey, 412.\\nAssembly of 1721, and their\\nnames, 414, note. They elect\\nDr. John Johnston, Sjieaker,\\nand receive the speech of the\\nnew Governor, illialll Burnet,\\n414. He recommends increase", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0599.jp2"}, "600": {"fulltext": "I X D E X\\nof salaries of suljonlinate\\nofpcers, 415. A bill punisliing\\ntiie op[ionents of the doctiine\\nof the Trinity rejected, 417.\\nThe (Toveinor s salary fixed at\\n\u00c2\u00a3o()0 a vear for five vears, 417,\\n418.\\nAssembly of 1727.. Passage of\\nan act declaring in force all ex-\\nisting statntes in England con-\\ncerning liniiiations of action.--,\\nreal and personal, 419, 42(t.\\nAssembly of 172S. Adoption\\na resolution in fivor of a sepa-\\nrate governmei;t for New Jer-\\nsey, 420. Petition of tlie As-\\nsembly to the King in behalf\\nof a separate Governor, 421 to\\n42:1\\nAssinslce, 450.\\nAssunpink, lo5.\\nAtkins, Sir Edward, 150, note.\\nAtkins, Sir Kobeit, 15 j, note.\\nAtkinson, James, 201.\\nAngnstin, S4.\\nAnrania, 45.\\nAvalon, -20, note.\\nAwahela, or James Davis, 474.\\nAylmcr, Admiral, 367, note.\\nB\\nliley, John, Crl.\\nakei Jolm, 02.\\niker, of IJarbadoes, 159.\\n(Itimore, Lord, 75.\\narbary, 27, note,\\nirbiee, 435.\\nirclav, John, his letter about\\nEast Jersey, 182 to 189. His\\ntreatment bv the Council, 393,\\n424.\\narelay, Kobert, made (lovernor\\nof East Jersey for life in 1683,\\n166. His commission, 166, note.\\nServed till 1685, 167, note,\\nird, Peter, 414, note,\\nirker, Thomas, 156.\\nirnegat, 187.\\nirns, l09.\\nartholomew, 3.\\nirton, Thomas, 201.\\narwick, Francis, 109.\\niskinridtre, 492.\\nisnett, Kicliard, 109.\\nBass, Jeremiah, Secretary of West\\nJersey Society, 98. His claims\\nto be Governor in 1701, 210.\\nAllowed to practice law, 272,\\nnote.\\nBale, William, 201.\\nliales, Thomas, 392.\\nBattersbv, Nicholas, 207.\\nBatts, John, 103.\\nliatuana. Isles of, 24, note.\\nBeaks, 392.\\nBehring s Land, 11, 14.\\nBeiniield, Captain, Kil).\\nBeiciier, Jonathan, Governor of\\nNew Jersey, 1747 to 1757, 418.\\nEnlarged I ruiceton College,\\n490.\\nBen Israel, Menasseh, 9.\\nBenkes, Jacob, 110, note.\\nBenuet, Jo., 215.\\nBergen conntv, Statistics of, in\\n1765, 493.\\nBergen Neck in 1682, 160.\\nI .ergen Point ni 1682, 159.\\nBergen-Town in 1682, 160, 161.\\nBerkely, Earl of, 219.\\nerkely. Lord Baron of Strat-\\nton, and one of the grantees of\\nNew Jersey, 60. Sale of his\\nmoiety to John Fen wick, in\\ntrust for Edward Byllinge, 89.\\nBernard, Francis, Governor of\\nNew Jersey I rom 1 758 to 1760,\\n418. Negotiator of the Indian\\ntreatv of Easton, in 1758, 416\\nto 484.\\nBerrie, John, 159.\\nBerrien, Jolm, 501.\\nIicrry, Joliii, 68.\\nBerytns, 425.\\nBetlilehem, 435.\\nBibbv, Richard, 210.\\nBickley, William, 431.\\nBiddle, William, 95, note. Let-\\nter from Daniel Mills lo iiim\\nabout West Jersey, 115, IKi.\\nBemoved to West Jersev in\\n168], 115, note.\\nBiles, William, 109.\\nBirds, Beasts and Fishes of Njv.\\nJersev, 502 to 511.\\nBlack, William, 102.\\nBlackall, John, 219.\\nBlackford, Peter, 292.\\nBlathwaite, William, 264.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0600.jp2"}, "601": {"fulltext": "I X D E X\\n570\\nlUofk, Hans, 51.\\nBoddino ton, James, 207.\\nBoes, Nicholas, 110, note.\\nBolton, Duke of, 219.\\nBond, RoluTt, lUl.\\nJjonnell, Jo^ci)li, 404, note.\\nrxioker, John, 21\\nJlorden, Joseph, 495.\\nJJoidfn, yaniuel, 151.\\nI jordentown, 495.\\nBoston, 400.\\nBoude, Ad lord, 9G, note.\\nBound, John, 83.\\nBronnd-Brook, 492.\\nBoiirsen, John, 109.\\nBoiuten, Jolni, 152, note.\\nI xiuts, KicliMrd, 219.\\nP o\\\\\\\\n, Obadiah, 27(), note.\\nHowne, jVndrew, 471.\\n()\\\\vne, Jolin, 158.\\nBrackett, John, 101.\\nBracton, 20, note.\\n]5radf,,rd, Earl of, 219.\\nBradford, William, 398.\\nBraine, Jainos, 15().\\nBrandiali, Kichanl. 207.\\nIJraiiiiiani, v.\\nBrasill, 24, note.\\nBreading, John, 354.\\nBridges, joim, 207.\\nBridgetown, 495.\\nBrid-man, Orl., 424.\\nBriyhtwin, William, 109.\\nBristol, 7, 449.\\n]5roekholst, Henrv, 404, note,\\nBninitield, Thomas, 207.\\nl ro()ks, William, 207.\\nIh-ocikshank, Josejjh, 207.\\nBrotherton, Indian settlement ol\\nv., 4S3, 484,\\nih iuleneil, Ja., 424.\\nliryan, Tiiomas, 281, note.\\nBiiaehe, De, 13, note.\\nB udd, John, 109.\\nBiidd, Thomas, his eflorts to })nt\\ndowti sale of strong drinks t()\\nIndians, 100 102, note. En-\\ndorses Cripps aeeoiuit of A\\\\ est\\nJersey, 108 to 135.\\nP ull, Bu-hanl, 404, note.\\nBurning, Sanniel, 109,\\nBurlington, City of, founded un-\\nder an English ehartcr, 98.\\nDivided hy the in.-iin street\\nbetween the Yorkshire and\\nLondon companies, 9 -i. First\\nnamed New Bevei ly, then\\nBridlington, and then Burling-\\nton, 99. Settlers from England\\nin 1078, names of, 109. Seat\\nof justice and ca[)Ital of the\\njiroviu -e, 493.\\nBurlington county. Statistics of,\\nin 1765, 495.\\nBm-lington, Earl of, 219.\\nBurnet,^ OI)adiali, 207.\\nBurnet, William, Governor of\\nNew Jersey, 17^:0 to 1727, 413,\\n415, note.\\nBurrow, Kobert, 204, note.\\nBurrow, Thomas, 34(3.\\nBnrtoif 492.\\nBusiiroods, Thomas, 8G, 87.\\nBustili, William, 355, note.\\nButcher, John, 109.\\nButcher, Samuel, 109.\\nBiiti her, Thomas, 2(Jl.\\nByerly, Tluimas, 402, note. ~i~\\nBylliuge, lOdward, rcdui jue trust\\ni.f Lord Berkeley s moictj of\\nthe jirovince of New Jersey,\\n79. Part he took in dividing\\nthe province, 80 to 87.\\nC.\\nal)ot, John, 7, note.\\nC aliot, Sebastian, his commission\\nfrom Henry II., 7, note. Dis-\\ncovers North Auicrica, 7, note.\\nClaim of English to the coiuitry\\nthus discovered, 7, 8. Loss of\\n(ahot s map by tire, 7 note.\\nabotiji, 1, note.\\naiif(U-iiia, 11 to 15.\\nCalvin, Sanniel, 449, 450, 4 8.\\nCalvert, Sir George, Lord Baltl-\\nnu)re, 20, 21, note\\nCampbell, Lord Neil, Governor\\nof West Jersey, 1(57, note.\\nCampy ne, Andrew, ItiO.\\nCanaan, New, 28, note.\\nCanada, First iMiiilish expedition\\nagainst, in 1709, 3l!l. Insti ue-\\ntion.s of the (^ueen to Governor\\nLovelace in i-elation thereto,\\n()1, note. The same to Colonel\\nVetch, full text of, 3;i2 to 301).\\nSteps taken hy the Coinicil to\\nenlist the Indians, 302, note.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0601.jp2"}, "602": {"fulltext": "580\\nI X D E X\\nColonel Nicholson assigned to\\ntile command of tlie expedition,\\n.iG 2, note. Piomise of a fleet\\nfrom England, not fulfilled,\\n!()1, 3GG. Niciiolson s trip to\\nEngland with four Indian Sa-\\nchems, to liastcn the naval pre-\\njiarations, ()7. The Indians in\\nLondon, and their I ecepiion,\\no(j6, o()7. Departure of the\\nlicet of oS) sail, with 4 regi-\\nments on hoard, I rom Boston,\\nin September, 1710, and its\\narrival before Port, Roval in\\nsix days, 3G7. Surrender of\\nthe fort, after a brief attack, on\\nthe oth of October, 3G7. Terms\\nof the capitulation, 308. Re-\\nturn of the fleet to Boston,\\nloaviiT,g a garrison at Poi-t\\nKoyal, 3()S. Earl of Dart-\\nmouth s letter to Governor\\nHunter, urging the conquest\\nof Canada, full text of, 3()S,\\n3G9. Second English expedi-\\ntion for t!ie reduction of Can-\\nada arrives at Boston, under\\nAdmiral ^alkcr, in summer\\nof 1711, 400. Congress of Gov-\\nernors at New London, 400.\\nLand forces to march ag-ainst\\nMontreal, under (Jeneral Nich-\\nolson, 400. Tiie fleet of GS\\nvessels, with G4G3 troops, ar-\\nrives iu the Bay of Gaspee, in\\nAugust, 401. Sailed in the\\nnight, in a fog, and went ashore\\non the Island of Eggs, lusiiig 8\\ntransports and 884 troops, 401.\\nCouncil of war resolved not to\\n]u-ocecd, and to advise General\\nNicholson s recall, 401. Sailed\\nfor Juigland fro:;i Cape Bre-\\nton, on 14tli of September, and\\narrives at St. Helen s on IGih\\nof October, 401. Blowing up\\nof the Edgar, with the admi-\\nral s pai)eis on board, 401.\\nCanada, Kiver of, 00.\\nCanadani, l.\\nCanaries, Island-i of, 3.\\nCanson, Peter, 238, note.\\nCantwell, Ca[)tain, 77.\\nCape Breton, 401.\\nCape Cod, 50.\\nCape May. 485.\\nCape Mav conntv, Statistics of,\\nin 17G5, 498.\\nCape of Good Hope, G.\\nCape Sable, oG8.\\nCapiiinasses, 13G.\\nCapomickous, 9-3, 96, note.\\nCaribbee Island, 1, note.\\nCarlisle, Earl of, 18.\\nCarre, Captain, 51.\\nCarre, Sir Robert, commander of\\nthe English fleet to reduce the\\nDutch and Swedish colonies to\\nGreat Britain, 35 to 50.\\nCartelayne, Jacques, 159.\\nCarteret, Captain James, GO, 70.\\nCarteret, Philip, appoinie 1 (iov-\\nernor of New Jersey by Berke-\\nly and Sir George Carteret, G.3.\\nHis ])owers of government, 03,\\nG4. Purchases lands from the\\nInilians, G3. Takes up his resi-\\ndence, in 1GG5, in Elizabeth-\\nTown, which he named after\\nthe wife of Sir George Carte: et,\\nG7. Publication of proprietors\\nconcessions, and influx of poj)-\\nulation, 67, 69. Governor Car-\\nteret s commission disputed by\\n(iovernor Andros, who carried\\nhim prisoner to New York, G8,\\nnote.\\nCarteret s Point in 1682, lo\\nCarteret, Sir George, of Saltrutn,\\nin the county of Devon, grantee\\nof New Jersey, with Lord\\nBerkely, Gl. Coniirms and ex-\\nplains concessions, with addi-\\ntions, Gl.\\nCarthageniiins, 9.\\nCartwright, Colonel George,\\n43.\\nCastilian, note.\\nCastile, 3, note.\\nCathay, or China, 7, note.\\n(Jayiigas, \u00e2\u0080\u00a2:I53, 45G.\\nCeilarins, 8, note.\\nChaflin, John, 151.\\nCh.-.gkuois, 45G.\\nChainpncss, Edward, 79.\\nChancellor, Mr., of the Ex-\\ncheciuer, 219.\\nChapman, John, 193.\\nCharing Cross, London, iv.\\nCharles L, King of England, his-", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0602.jp2"}, "603": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n581\\nprotest acnlnst the oxtcnsiou\\nof Dutch power in Amciica in\\nKil o, 20. Proceedings of tlie\\nDiiicli I olonists disavowed bv\\nHolhiyd, and ihey agree to re-\\ntire, 20, 21. Demand upon the\\nKing by Sweden to yield up\\ndominion niion t!ie Delaware,\\n2:5.\\nCharles II., jiis grant to tlie Dnke\\nof York of Nortli America, in-\\ncinding New York anil New\\nJersey, wilii i)owc;s of govern-\\nment, Do. Ilis expedition, in\\nl(i()4, to reduce the conntry out\\nof the hands of the Dntch and\\n])lace it in possession of tlie\\nDnke, oo. .Surrender of New\\nNetlierlands and New Sweden\\nto the English, IVj to 02. Let-\\nters patent to the Duke of\\nYoik, text of, 59, 60. King\\nCharles blessing of the Qua-\\nker colonists as they left the\\nThames, 9.\\nCharles, or ilohaniickwon, 9-\\n90, 4S4.\\nChester, 23, 4!)G.\\nChew, Eenjamin, 4\\nChihohockies, or Delawares, 4 )(i.\\nChinese, 12 to 1-1.\\nChingerorus, 172.\\nChisapeack Bay, 2o, note.\\nClmnad, oi- C hunad, 13.\\nChonadi, 13.\\nChris:een, 22.\\nChygoes, Island of, 93, 9\\nClark, Benjamin, 404, note.\\nClarke, Thomas, 43.\\nClarke, William, his letters about\\nWest Jersey, 10().\\nClayborne, 32, note.\\nClavton, Reijimcnt of, 99.\\nClayton, William, 99.\\nCleason, ^Villiam, oo.\\nCleft, Sanuiel, 109.\\nClews, William, 404, note.\\nClossweeksung, 408, note.\\nClinton, (jovernor of New York,\\n476.\\nCoallins, 449.\\nCoaquanoek, Indian name of\\njilace where Philadelphia\\nstands, 108, note.\\nCock, Lacy, 94.\\nCock, Peter, ol.\\nCocker! II, 396.\\nCocks, Isaac, 207.\\nCodrington, Thomas, 158.\\nCohausick Creek, or Hopewell,\\n98, 498, and note.\\nGolden, C, 58, note.\\nCole, Nicholas, 440.\\nCole, .Samuel, 114, note.\\nColeman, Henry, 53.\\nCoiier, Joseph, 207.\\nCollins, Fr-.mcis, 109.\\nColon, Christophoro, 1.\\nColonists of AVest Jersey by the\\nship GriJjUh, names of, 79 by\\nthe ship Kent, names of, 93,\\n!)9 sutierings of, 99 by the\\nship Willing Mind and Flieboat\\nJ\\\\I( rtha, n:iines of, 102, 103; by\\nthe ship iShiehl, names of, 109.\\nbv a ship from London, names\\nof, 109, 110.\\nColumbus, Christopher, first dis-\\ncoverer of America, 1. His\\ncharacter and ])ersonal appear-\\nance, 2, note. His first voyage,\\n3 to 5. Honors conferred upon\\nhim, 6, His deatii, .6, note.\\nColve, .Vnthoflv, 110, note.\\nComet of 1741, 417.\\nCompany, Dutch Ka^t India, un-\\nder whose auspices Hendrick\\nHud.son discovered Manhattan\\nIsland, 19. Under a i)ateut\\nfrom IloUanil, they settled\\nNew York, and called it New\\nAmsterdam, 19.\\nCompany, Ijon !on, empowered\\nby King J;imes to plant colo-\\nnies from latitude 36 to 41,\\nnames of jiatentees of, 17.\\nFailure of their first attem])t,\\nand forfeiture of the grant, 18.\\nCompany, Plymouth, empowered\\nby King James to plant colo-\\nnie-i from latitude 41 to 45.\\nnames of patentees of, 17. They\\nfound the town of Plymouth, in\\n1620, 18. Surrender of origi-\\nluil grant, 13.\\nCompass, Philip, 474.\\nComptroller, Mr., 219.\\nConingsnuirke, 53, 54.\\nConnecticut, or Fresh river, 59.\\nConnecticut, Pegimeut of, 367.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0603.jp2"}, "604": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nConoys, 456.\\nConstable Plook, 493.\\nConstitiiticins of government, or\\ntirfjt concessions of riglits, li-\\nberties, privileges and inunu-\\nnities, by tlie Lords Proprietors\\nof New Jersey, lUtii Fehriiary,\\ni4, HI, and ol2 to 5()], App.\\nContinuation of tiie original\\nconcessions, Jnly loth, 1674,\\nwitli additions, by !Sir George\\nCarteret, 68, 76. Constitutions\\nof government, and furtiier\\nconcessions of privileges for\\n|)roni()ting settlement of tlie\\ncoinitry, by the proprietors of\\nWest Jei sey, March :jtl, 167(),\\n80, and 521 to 52SI, App. Queen\\nAnne s c(jnfirination of the Con-\\nstitutions of New Jersey, in the\\nCommission of Lord Cornbnry\\nand her instructions to him as\\nGovernor, and perpetuating\\nand extending the privileges\\nof the i)e()ple, 2-20 to 261.\\nCook, William, letter of Mahlon\\nStacv to him about West Jer-\\nsey, 113, 114.\\nCooper, Edward, letter of Daniel\\nWills to him about West Jer-\\nsey, 115.\\nCooper, Joseph, 435.\\nCooper, Thomas, 156.\\nCoreans, 14, note.\\nCornbury, Lord Viscotnit, Ed-\\nward llvde, Governor of New\\nJersey, 220 to 230. His arrival\\nin the province in 1703, 275.\\nPublication of his Commission\\nand beginning of his encroach-\\nments, 276. Assi^mbly of 1703,\\ntheir names and Speaker, 276.\\nTheir demand for [uirliament-\\nary privilege rejected, 376. His\\n.Speech, full text thereof, 277 to\\n279. All rights and ])rivileges\\nconfirmed except riglit of gov-\\nernment, 277, 278. Address of\\nAssembly, thanking him for\\nhis assurances, 279, 280. Pas-\\nsage of an act regulating the\\npiu chase of lands from the In-\\ndians, 280. Assembly of 1704,\\nliis Speech recommending the\\nadoption of certain measures.\\n283. Dissolution of the Assem-\\nbly, 283. A majority of the new\\none returned in the interest of\\nthe Governor, their names and\\nSpeaker, 2S3, 284. T^ie Gov-\\nernor complimented bv the\\nnew House, 283, 284. A Bill\\npassed for raising \u00c2\u00a32000 a year\\nto sup])oi-t the government, and\\nalso one lo provide ibr tlie mi-\\nlitia, which was hard on the\\n(Quakers, 284. Rejection by the\\n(iovernor of three mendjers of\\nthe Assembly, on the ground of\\nnot being cpiaiiiied, 284. They\\nwere afterwards admitted. when\\nthe object of their exclusion\\nhad been gained, 284. Council\\nof Pro[ rietors sinnmoned by\\nthe Governor, to siiow cause\\nibr their existence, 285 to 288.\\nThe Assembly of 1707, tlie\\nGovernor in a minority, their\\nnames and Speaker, 2S8. On\\nreceipt of his Speech, thePIonse\\nwent into Connnittee to con-\\nsider grievances, 288. Passage\\nof resolutions to be submitted\\nto the (^ueen, and adoption of a\\nremonstrance against the Gov-\\nernor s course, 288. Full text\\nof remonstrance, 289 to 294.\\nKead to him in full House by\\nSi)eaker Jenings, 295. Inter-\\nruptions Ijy the (joverhor dur-\\ning the reading repelled by the\\nSl)eaker, 295. Governor s ojoin-\\niou of the Speaker s boldness,\\n295. Governor s Answi-r read to\\nthe Assembly, fidl text of the,\\n296 to 311. Fauconier, the As-\\nsendjly and the (rovernor, 312.\\nKefusal of the Gt)vernor to re-\\nceive the Assembly s reply\\nformally, 212. Eefusal of the\\nAssembly to vote sup[)lies until\\nthe Governor should redress\\ngrievances, 312. Complaint of\\nLieut.-Gov. Ingoldsby and cer-\\ntain of the Council against tlie\\nAssembly sent to the Queen,\\n345. The address of the As-\\nsembly of 1708, in the absence\\nof Speaker Jenings, reiterated\\npast grievances and charged", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0604.jp2"}, "605": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n583\\nnew ones, 348, 349. Dissolution\\nfollowed, when the Governor\\nhimself was superseded, 348\\nto 351. Kefusal of the Council\\nto grant him warrants for mo-\\nney due him in the Province,\\nand his arrest by liis creditors\\nin New York until he succeed-\\ned to the Enrldom of Claren-\\ndon, 351, 352, note. His despot-\\nic rule, and the detestation in\\nwhich lie was held, 352, note.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Cornelius, C.ipe, 22.\\nCorsju, Captain, 158.\\nCosbv, Governor from 1731 to\\n173ti, 418.\\nCo.nicil of Proprietors, their\\nnuuiber, coustitutiou and pro-\\nceedings 19 J to 207.\\nCourthuult, Sieiiheu^43.\\njuusea, James, 41 to 43.\\nCouturier, Henry, 70.\\nCoxe, Dr. Daniel, one of the\\nlai-gest Projjrietors in West\\nJersey, (Jovernor from 1084 to\\nKiSIO, 190. His views of the\\ngovernment, 190 to 194, note.\\nSiieaker of ihe Assemlily of\\n1/10, 404. Expelled i or eou-\\ntemj)t, 407.\\nCoxe, Daniel, .Jr., 423.\\nCranhury, 490.\\nCr;nie, Jasper, 2 ^3, note.\\nCrew, Sir TJiomas, 15(), note.\\nCrips, John, his letters giving ae-\\ncoimt of West Jersc v, 99^ 103\\nto 108.\\nCripps, Nathaniel, 344.\\nCroatan, Cape, 25, note.\\nCroghan, Cleorgc, 452 to 457.\\nCrosswicks. where Assenddy of\\n1710 met, 408; where Indian\\nCouncil was held, 441.\\nCumberland countv, Statistics of,\\nin 1705, 497.\\nCanad, in Hungary, 03.\\nanaduui, 13\\nCurtis, lioliert, 207.\\nCasiiystunk, 430, 473.\\nCzarian ambassador, 420.\\nCza;e\\\\u:i and Czarina, 42!!.\\nD.\\nD.dbo, Vv oolhi, 201.\\nDale, Sir Thomas, 25, note.\\nDaniel, M., 29, note.\\nDartmouth, Earl of, 308.\\nDavenish, Bernard, 151, 201.\\nDavenport, Francis, 201.\\nDavis, Straits of, 25, note.\\n1 avis, Nicholas, 158.\\nDavis, James, 474, 481.\\nDav, John, 109.\\nDaves, John, 201.\\nDeicon, George, 95 to 97, not.-,103.\\nDeehvei-, John, 37.\\nDecker. John de, 41, 42, 43.\\nDecow, Isaac, 370, note.\\nDelavel, Thomas, 39.\\nDelaplairs, 158.\\nDelaware l)ay, 58, note.\\nDelaware, Tlie Lord, 58, note.\\nDeiawares, 13t), 452.\\nDemi, John, 109.\\nDennis, Kobert, 101.\\nDenton, Daniel, 02.\\nDetroit, 12, note.\\nDe Wit, 435.\\nDewsbury. John, 109\\nDisney s Kegiment, 400.\\nDobbs, Governor of N. C, 11.\\nDol)ie, John, 197.\\nDockwrti, illiam. Secretary of\\nCoimcil of Proprietors of West\\nJersey, 177, 203. Contriver of\\nthe London Penny Post, 203,\\nnote. His surrender of the\\nsovereignty of East Jersey to\\nthe Queen, with reservation of\\nail right.s, 203, note.\\nDomini([ue, Paul, 215.\\nDormer, Captain, ()2,\\nDorset, J-:arl of 219.\\nDoughty, Jacol), 404, note.\\nDouglass, 55.\\nDrewet, .Morgan, 99.\\nDriuumoud, James, Earl of Perth,\\n489.\\nDrumniond, .Iidm, ]5().\\nDudley, Governor, 401.\\nDtiilield, Benjamin, 109.\\nDuke of New Castle, 499.\\nDuke of York, James, 35, 00.\\ni oundaries of the Kiui^ s ;rant\\nto him, 59, 00. J he Duke s\\ngrant to Lord Bcrkely and Sir\\n(ieorge Carteret of the Prov-\\nince of New Jersey, in 1004,\\nGO. New grant of the same to", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0605.jp2"}, "606": {"fulltext": ")84\\nINDEX.\\nthem in 1074, 110. New grant\\nby the Duke of West Jersey to\\nthe assigns of Lord Berkely,\\nand of East Jersey to the\\ngrandson of Sir George, 111.\\nDnke s Farm, lUO.\\nDiini an, George, o55, note.\\nDimdass, James, 197.\\nDunk, William, 207.\\nDungwortli, Richard, 109.\\nDutcli conquest of New York\\nand New Jersey in 1(173, 110,\\nand note. Treaty of peace with\\nHoHand in 1 )74, restoring tliei r\\nProvinces to tlie P^nglish, 110,\\nnote.\\nE.\\nEarl, Marslia], 219.\\nEarthquakes in 172G, 419; in\\n1732, 424; in 1739, 427; in\\n1755, 430 in 1703, 438.\\nEast Indies, 0.\\nEast Jersey, Accounts of, in 1GS2,\\nby Secretai-y Nicoils, of New\\nYork, 157 to 100. Towns, plant-\\nations and population in tluit\\nyear, 101. PI i i 1 i p C;i rteret, Gov-\\nernor, till lOSl, 101. His sal-\\naiy of \u00c2\u00a350 a year juiid in coun-\\ntry [)roduce, 181. Names of iiis\\nCouncil and Assembly, lOOS,\\nand their w;iges, 161, and note.\\nSessions lield chiefly at Eliza-\\nbeth-Town, 101. Abstract of\\nlaws jiassed in 1082, 101 to 103.\\nScotch settlers about Amboy\\nand up theRaritan in 1083, 1(50.\\nRobi- rt Barclay appointed Gov-\\nernor for life by Prc^prictors,\\n100. His Commissif)n, 100, 107,\\nnote. Thos. Rudyard, his dep-\\nuty, 107. Disturb;inces in the\\nProvince in 1083, 175. Law\\nagainst dueling a;id carrying\\nweapons passed in 1080, 194,\\n195. Division line run in 1087\\nbetween the two Jerseys, 195,\\n190. Action of Governors\\nCoxe and Barclay, in 1088,\\nrectifying its course, 195, 193.\\nEast Jersey, Province of, iis sale\\nunder the will of Sir George\\nCarteret, who died in 1079, to\\npay his debts, 150, Names of\\nhis devisees in trust for the\\nsale of his New Jersey planta-\\ntions, 150, note. Sale effected\\nby indenture of lease and re-\\nlease, in Februaiy, 1081, to\\ntwelve purchasers, their heirs-\\nand assigns, 150. Their names\\nand full text of their account\\nof the country, and their pro-\\n]io.sals lo build a town at Ambo\\nPoint, 150, and 539 to 540, App.\\nA large innuigration of the\\nScotch, 150. Tiie twelve Pro-\\nprietors tool: each a ])artncr,\\nand iliey were calLnl the Twen-\\nty-four Pro{)rietors, to wlioni\\nthe Duke of York made a\\nfresh grant of East Jersev, in\\n1082, 150, 157. Name.3 of the\\nTwelve Partners, 150. The\\nTwenty-four Proprietors estab-\\nlish a Council of one-third of\\ntheir number, with power to\\nmanage the property, 157.\\nEaston, the treaty of 1758 with\\nthe Indians, 455 to 483.\\nEaton, 420.\\nEdridge. John, 80 to 85.\\nEdsal, Samuel, 101.\\nEdsal and Company, 158.\\nEdward, Knvi of Sandwich, 15j,\\nnote.\\nEgbay, 29, note.\\nEgg-Harbor, Little, point of par-\\ntition line between East and\\nWest Jersey, 187, 197.\\nEgg-Harbor, Great, 490.\\nEggf Island of, 401.\\nEgoiclnnven, 453, 405, 400.\\nEgypt, 10.\\nEgyptians, 8, 9, 10.\\nEirs, William, 404, note.\\nEldridge, Jonathan, 109.\\nElizabeth, Queen, 10.\\nElliott, William, 80.\\nEllis, Tliomas, 103.\\nEllis, Thomas, 109.\\nElizabeth-Town, named by Gov-\\nernor Philip Carteret, after\\nElizabeth, wife of Sir Geoi-g(;\\nCarteret, 07. Increase of sett-\\nlers, 07. Plantations and popu-\\nlation in 1082, 159.\\nElizabeth-Town, grant or jujr-", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0606.jp2"}, "607": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n585\\ncliase of tlie lands on wliicli\\nthe town stands, from the In-\\ndians, in 1664, and names of\\nthe purchasers, 62.\\nElsin ;biu ;h, a fort on Delaware,\\nbuilt l y the Swedes in KiSl,\\n23. Ileduced liv the Dutch in\\n1G65, 33.\\nEltim, Amhonv, 201.\\nEmley, Williain, 9.S, 109.\\nEnler, Leonard, 11.\\nEutick s History of Discoveries\\nof tiie Cabots, 7, note.\\nEpicerini, 12.\\nKriwomeck, 27, note.\\nErwing, Nelieniiali, 207.\\nEshakanata, 453.\\nEsopus, 475, 476.\\nEsse.x; countv, Statistics of, in\\n1765, 491, 492.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Essiscunk, 9, note.\\nEvans, L., 487, note.\\nEvelin, Master Robert, his letter\\nabout New Albion, 28, 29, note.\\nEvertse, Cornelius, llO, note.\\nEves, Tliomas, 99.\\nEves, Thomas, 155, note.\\nF.\\nFallen, William, iii. His map of\\nNew Jersey in 1777, frontis-\\npiece.\\nFairnswortli, Susannah, 109.\\nFairuswortii. Thomas, 99.\\nFalconbre, Ilcnric Jacobson, 194.\\nFalconer, (iilbert, 51!).\\nFarmer, Thomas, 288, note.\\nFarre, Charles, KiS, note.\\nl arre, Eiias, 152, note.\\nFenwick, John, trustee for Ed-\\nward By Hinge and his assigns\\n(if Lord Btrkely s moiety of\\nNew Jersey, in 1675, 79. He\\nI lan .s the town of Salem, 79.\\nDirlereu /es between Jiim and\\niSyllinge adjustt-d by William\\nI enn, who becomes trustee, with\\nothers, for Byllinge, 79, 89. Let-\\nler of Henu and others ab(\u00c2\u00bbut\\nWest Jersey and Fenwick, 80\\nto 83. Instiuctions of Penn and\\nhis associates to the W^est Jer-\\nsey Commissioueis in I elalion\\nto Fenwick s interest and the\\ngovernment, 83 to 87. Fenwick\\narrested by Govi^rnor Andros,\\nand taken prisoner to New\\nYork, 94, noie.\\nFerd, Abraham, 110, note.\\nFerdinand and Isabella, 3.\\nFerrers, Lord, 219.\\nFerryland, 20, noie.\\nFinnland, 22.\\ni-inns, 22.\\nFishkill, northernmost branch of\\nDelaware, 412.\\nFilzrandolpli, Thomas, 355, note.\\nFive Nation chiefs, 480.\\nFlanders, 40O.\\nFleet for Canada, names of ves-\\nsels, 367.\\nFletcher, Colonel, 318.\\nFlorence, 1.\\nFlorentine. 1, note.\\nFlorida, Ca])e, 7, note.\\n\\\\)rbi s, .Vrihur, his letter de-\\nscribing West Jersev, 182 to\\n189.\\nForbes, Geneial, 476.\\nFord, 191, note.\\nForks of Delaware, 451, 483.\\nForster, Mile 431.\\nFortes(pie, 120, note.\\nFoster, William, 449.\\nFoulke, Tliomas, 93.\\nFousang, 13, note.\\nFox, Joseph, 455.\\nFramjitou, William, 154.\\nFranklin, Wiiliam, (iovernor of\\nNew Jersey, 17i)3, 419.\\nFrederirk son, Hern;auu, 55.\\nFivehold, 62.\\nFrcclinghauscn, Tlieodorus .Ja-\\ncobus, 492.\\nFrench, TlioniMS, 201.\\nFretwell, Peter, 2-\\nFretwell, John, lt)9.\\nFundamentals of government\\nadopted bv West Jci-sey As-\\nsembly in 1681, 126 lo 129.\\nFurnace, Sainue!, Itl9.\\nG.\\nOachcos, 136.\\nGage, Thomas, 219.\\nGalloway, Joseph, 455.\\nGardiner, Thomas, 95 t i 97, notes,\\n135, 209.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0607.jp2"}, "608": {"fulltext": "5S6\\nINDEX.\\nGardiner, Tliomas, 401.\\n(xanlner, Tlionias, lOU.\\nGaspee, Bay of, 400.\\nGates, Sir Thomas. 17.\\nGanl, 11.\\nGenoese, 3.\\n(ieorge, Earl of Orkney, 413.\\nGeorge, King, 447.\\nGeoi-ge, Lord Edward, 18.\\nGeorge, Prinee, of Denmark, 219,\\n360.\\nGermany, 435.\\n(Terniantiiwn, iii.\\nGil)l ons, Kieliard, G.3.\\n(ril)son, William, 156.\\nGili)ert, Ealeigh, 17.\\nGilbert, Sir IIum])hrey, 7, note.\\nGlasionbury, 20, note.\\nGloucester county, Statistics of,\\nin 1705, 497.\\nGodolphin, 219.\\nGoforth, William, 102.\\nGosling, John, 164, note.\\nGouhler, AViiliam, 63, note.\\nGookin, Governor of Pennsylva-\\nnia, 09, 362, note.\\nGordon, Kohert, 156.\\nGordon, Thomas, 391.\\nGovernors of IS ew Jersev from\\n1720 to 1765, List of, 418, 419.\\nGraliam, Aug., 219.\\nGreat Britain, 400.\\nGreeks, 9.\\nGreen, Richard, 109.\\nGreenaway, Rieliard, 207.\\nGreenfield, Sir Richard, 25, note.\\nGreenland, 6, and note.\\nGreenland, Natives of, 435.\\nGrenville, Bernard, 156, note.\\nGrieve, 15, note.\\nGriffith, first English ship to the\\nDelaware, 79. List of her pas-\\nsenger colonists, 79.\\nGrimston, Joseph, 215.\\nGroome s ship, 80.\\nGroome, Samuel, Surveyor-Gen-\\neral of East Jersey, 171. His\\ndescriittion of East Jersey,\\nAmboy. the Rariton and Bar-\\nnegat, 172 to 175.\\nGrotius, 6, note.\\nGrover, James, 63, note, 161.\\nGroves, Captain Edward, 39.\\nGrowdon, Lawrence, 455.\\nGrubb, Henry, 109.\\nGuanahani, 4, note.\\nGuignes, De, 12 to 14, note.\\nGunston, Joiin, 207.\\nGustavus Adolplius. 22.\\nGuy, Richard, 81, 83, 87, 93.\\nH.\\nHabhertield, Edward, 207.\\nHarluit s voyages, 24, note.\\nHackluvt, Richard, 17.\\nHackensack, 159.\\nHackshaw, Robert, 207.\\nHacrlem, 431.\\nHairlocker s plantation, 500.\\nHalf-Moon, Hendi irk Hudson .s\\nship, 9.\\nHague, 20.\\nHall, David.\\nHall, Thomas, 404, note.\\nILill, William, 276, note, 398.\\nHaloraske, 25, note.\\nHamilton, 402, note. Governor\\nin 1736, 418.\\nHamilton, President of CoiuiLil,\\nGovernor in 1746, 418.\\nHamond, William, 207.\\nHancock, GodiVey, 109.\\nllandcock, Francis, 215.\\nIfanham, Thomas, 17.\\nHannington, Samuel, 219.\\nHanover, 437.\\nHarding, Thomas, 99, 108.\\nHardv, Governor of New Jersev\\n418, 419, 476.\\nHarlot s creek, 57, and note.\\nHarrington, Henry. 207.\\nj Harrison, Edward, 207.\\ni Harrison, John, 276, note.\\nHarrison, Richard, 102.\\nHart, Thonuis, 156.\\nHartshorne, Hugh, 15(;.\\nHartshorne, Richard, 63, note.\\nLetter of Penn and instruc-\\ntions to liini as Connnissioner\\nj of West Jersev, 80 to 87.\\nHassell, Richard, 215.\\nj Havaunah, 24, note.\\nHawdon, Michael 215.\\nI Hayward, John, 156.\\nHayward, Nicholas, 207.\\nHeath, Andrew, 98, note.\\nHebrews, 9.\\nHedge, Samuel, 79.\\nHedges, Sir Charles, 219.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0608.jp2"}, "609": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n587\\nHelmes, Israel, 94.\\nHelmsley, Joseph, 92, 98. j\\nHenldpen, Cape, 25, note. j\\nHenrieita, Maria, 20, 21, note.\\nHenry Vll. of England, his com-\\nn)ission to the (Jabots, 7, note.\\nHis claim of North America\\nfor the down, 7, note.\\nIlenrv VIII., 25, note. 1\\nllerciiles Pillars, 9. I\\nlierritage, Richard, 201.\\nHc\\\\vlinL;s, Ahraham and Wil- i\\nliani, l09.\\nIlewlings, Jacob, 401, note. i\\nIlewliiig, David, 1U9.\\n]Ievrcs,\\\\jolm, 109.\\nHibes, William, 79.\\nllickorv Grove, v. j\\nKicks, Isaac, 412.\\nHide, Captain Hugh, commander\\noftiielleetagainst the Dutch, 40.\\nHigansetts, 59.\\nHill, Abraham, 2fi4.\\nHill, Kegiment of, 400. i\\nliirrse of (xood Hope, 20.\\nHispaniola, 5.\\nHoarkills, or Hoernkiil, or Horn-\\nkill, or Lewistown, 22. Origin\\nof the name, and alterations in\\nthe channel, 5S. Invasion of,\\nby a Maryland mob, 73. Let-\\nters of Governor Lovelace in\\nrelation thereto, 73 to 75. In-\\nhabitants allowed to levy a\\ntluty on strong drinks, 7G. A\\ncusioin s dnty of 10 per cent,\\nlevied on imports and exports\\ni)y Governor Lovelace, in liWj,\\n5(i, 37. Descripiionof thelloar-\\nkills by the Swedes, 57, 58. Ar-\\ngument at length againt tlie\\nimport duty levied at the Hoar-\\nkills, 117 to 124. Duty removed\\nby the Duke of York, 1 17. Let-\\nter of Samnel Jenings in rela-\\ntion thereto, 124, 125~\\nHobuek, IGO.\\nIL)nand, 19.\\nHolland, Ferdinanilo, 215.\\nHoUinshead, John, 109.\\nHolm, Thomas Companiiis, 21,\\nnote.\\nPloly Trinity, a Swedish fort on\\nDelaware, 33.\\nlloogland, Christopher, 159.\\nHooper, Robert Lettice, 417.\\nHooten, Tiiomas, his letter abor.t\\nBurlington, 102\\nIlore, blaster, 25, note.\\nHornius, G, note.\\nIlorseinann. Marmadukc, 103.\\nHowden, JMichael, 27(J, note.\\nHnddy, Hugh. 398.\\nHudc, Adam, 370, note.\\nIlude, .James, 449.\\nHudson, Ileudricks, discoverer\\nof Manhattan Island, 19, 20.\\nHughes, Humph ley. 414. note.\\nHugg, John, 97, noie, 424.\\nHuggins, Roger, 109.\\nHughes, John, 55.\\nHunns, 13.\\nHunter, Governor Robert, 370 to\\n443. His Siieeches to the As-\\nsembly, 370, 399, 402, 407, 410.\\nHimterdon Countv, statistics iu\\n1705, 498.\\nHutchinson, George, IK!.\\nHutchinson, Lieut. -(iov. of Mass-\\nachusetts, 3(58, note.\\nHutchinson, Thomas, 201.\\nImley, John, 44(5.\\nIndians on Delaware, their desire\\nto abolish the sale of strong\\nliquors, 52. Reports of Indian\\nnjurders, 52. An Indian con-\\ndemned for rape, 54. Murder\\nof Dutchmen by Indians on\\nManitieunk Island. 09. Meas-\\nures adopted for punishing the\\nmurdcrcis and meeting a pos-\\nsible wai G9, 70. Instructions\\nto Carre about the government\\non Delaware, 71. Tragic death\\nof one of the Indian murder-\\ners, 71.\\nIndians in East Jersey, their title\\nto the lands purchased by Gov-\\nernor Carteret, (io, 04. Bloody\\nskirmishes between the Dutch\\nand Indians, 04, G5. Story of a\\nDutch woman saved among the\\nIndians, and from whom the\\nStout family of New Jersey le-\\nscended, 05 to ()7. Fifty white\\nfamilies and 500 Indians in\\nEast Jersey in 10G9, 07.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0609.jp2"}, "610": {"fulltext": "588\\nINDEX.\\nInilians in West Jersey, a Iribe\\nfor nearly every ten or twenty\\nmiles, loo. Names of the\\ntribes, tlieir oiistoins and reli-\\ngion, loo to I M. Ockaniekoti s\\nselection of liis successor as\\nking, 148 to loO.\\nIndians of the wliolo colony, Gov-\\nernor Bernard s treaties wiih\\nthe, 41U to 4,S4. The Council of\\nCrosswicks, 44 1 Acls of i he As-\\nsembly against selling strong\\nliquors to the Indians, ami\\nlorbidding their imprisonment\\nlor debt, 411. Money voted for\\npurchasing a general release\\njf Indian claims to laiuis, and\\nfor establishing a settlement\\nfor Indians south of the Kari-\\nton, 441, 442. Second Council\\nat Crosswicks, antl names of\\nConunissiouers, 442, and aote.\\nLists of the tracts claimed by\\nilie Indians, 44^ to 445. Re-\\nlease of all their claims, 446.\\nTi eaty of 17oS, and Council at\\nEastou, 44() to 484. Governor\\nEernai-d s Message to the king\\nof the Delaw.ire.^, 44G to 449,\\nCouncil at Eurlingtou, names\\nof Commissiouerw and [)roceed-\\niugs oftthe, 44 J to 455. Gen-\\neral Council at Easton, in Octo-\\nber, 1758, and proceedings of\\nthe, 455 to 484. Extinction of\\nthe remaining Indian titles to\\nlands in New Jeisey, the re-\\nturn of the captives taken by\\nthe Minisinks and their allies,\\nand peace with the Back Indi-\\nans the result of the treaty,\\n480. A force stationed on the\\nfrontier to guard against sur-\\n])rises, 484. Purchase of the\\nBrotherton tract of oUOO acres,\\nand removal of certain tribes\\nthereto, 48o, 4S4.\\nIngoldsby, Lt.- Governor under\\nLord Cornbtuy, 284. His Ad-\\ndress to the Queen, and names\\nof the Coinicil who signed it\\nwith him, 45, 348. Tiieir de-\\nininciation of the .V.ssembly for\\nthe proceedings against Lord\\nCorn bury, o4G. Cause of the\\ntroubles charged upon Samuel\\nJeningsand Lewis Morris, 346,\\n347. I\\\\ei)ly of the House stig-\\nmatized as a false and mali-\\ncious libel, 348. Cojiy of the\\nAddress comnuinicated to the\\nAssembly by Governor Love-\\nlace, who snmmoueij the sign-\\ners to make good their allega-\\ntions, 357, 358. Ingoldsby be-\\ncomes Gt)vernor on the death\\nof Lord Lovelace, 359. His\\nS[ieech to the Assembly about\\nthe expedition to Canada, and\\nhis aj proval of Bills connected\\ntherewith, 359, 3(i0.\\nInlopen, Cape, or Paradise Point,\\nInstructions,The Queen s, to Lord\\nC ornbury, observations n])on,\\n261 to 274. Reservation of\\ntheir conceded rights and ri-\\nvileges kept in view by the\\nterms of the surrender, 261.\\nNothing surrendered but the\\npowers of government, 2iil.\\nDraught of tlie instructions\\napproved by the Projjrietoi s in\\nLondon betbrehand, 21)2. 2();).\\nRecapilulalioa of their re-\\nserved rights, and their per-\\npetuation by the Crown, 266.\\nJ.\\nJamaica, 24, note, 428.\\nJames, Karl of Perth, oC).\\nJames, Fort, 62, 75.\\nJames, King of England, Ins\\n))atent to the London anvl IMy-\\nmoutii eonii)anies, 17.\\nJapan, 11.\\nJarraf, Allane, 412.\\nJecah s creek, 498.\\nJenings, Henry, 99.\\nJenings, Sanniel, his arrival with\\nhis family in West Jersey, in\\n1680, 124J note. His letter to\\nPenn about the Hoarkills cus-\\ntoms, 124, 125. is made Dep-\\nuty-Governor, in 16S0, by Byl-\\nlinge, 126. His iirst A.ssembly,\\nin 1681, adopts Fundamentals\\nof government, 126 to 129. Is\\nelected bv the .Vssemblv of", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0610.jp2"}, "611": {"fulltext": "I X D E X\\ncso\\nlGS8,Goveni()r, 164, note. Tlieir\\npledi^cs to govern according to\\nilic concessions and ihe laws,\\n104, note. His salary for 1083.\\ntlie right to take nj) (iOO acres\\nof land, 1()4, note. Si)eaker of\\nthe Assembly of 1707, and his\\nopposition to Lord Cornbnry,\\n29 His undaunted bearing\\nwliile reading tiie remonstrance\\nof tiie Assembly to the Govern-\\nor, 2!)5. The rude interruptions\\nof the (iovernor lirmly but\\ncalmly rcjiulsed, 295. The\\nGovernor s opinion of his bold-\\nness, 29-3, note. A member of\\ntiie Society of Friends, and one\\nof iheir approved ministers,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2V)2. His character as a man\\nand a statesman, and his al)-\\nhorrence of oppression, 3-J2,\\nJenkins, Nathaniel, 414, note.\\nJerusalem, 425.\\nJesso, 18, note.\\nJohn, Earl of IJath, 15G. note.\\nJohnson, Richard, 2S8, note,\\n.lohnsun, Andrew, -i .iS, 449, 4 )7.\\nJohnston, Uavid, 891.\\nJohnston, Dr. Jolui, 373,414,424.\\nJohnston, John, 412.\\nJohnston, Sir William, 4G4.\\nJohnstone, John, 215.\\nJones, Ebenezer, 215.\\nJoyce, Henry. 4lJ4, note.\\nJurin, .John, 207.\\nJustinian, 8, note.\\nK.\\nKuighn, Jolni, 354.\\niain. Regiment of, 400.\\nKamtsciiatka, 10, 15.\\nKay, John, 201.\\nKi-itli, George, 195, 19G, 374, note.\\nKemble, Peter, 449.\\nKeinpfer s chart, 13, note.\\nKent, second ship from London\\nto West Jersev, 93.\\nKent, Thomas, 109.\\nKent Isle, 31, note.\\nKirbv, Thomas, 109.\\nKieft, 23.\\nKiersted, Sarah, 159.\\nKimbequin, 59, 212.\\nKing, Colonel, 400.\\nKing, Tliomas, 457.\\nKingsbury, 4Uii.\\nKingsland, 159.\\nKinsev, John, 93, note. His son,\\n40o, 420. His grandson, 103.\\nKirk, Regiment of, 400.\\nKirkbride, Jane, v.\\nKirkbride, Josepli, v., 412.\\nL Accadia, 3GS.\\nLadd, John, 110.\\nLamb, John, 207.\\nLambert, John, 109.\\nLambert, Thomas, 109.\\nLanJjert, 420.\\nLamiqnas, 135, note.\\nLane, Sir lialph, 25, note.\\nLane, Sir Thomi .s, Governor in\\n1G98, 167, note. Draught of\\nLord Cornbiiry s instructions\\nsulimittcd to and ajiproved by\\nhim, 2G2.\\nLardner, Lynford, 455.\\nLatins, 9.\\nLawrie, Gawen, co-trustee of\\nBy Hinge s interest in West\\nJersey, 79, 152. His instruc-\\ntions to West Jersey Commis-\\nsioners, 80 to 88. l)epnty-Go\\\\-\\nernor, 176. His letter describ-\\ning Ambov and East Jersev,\\n175 to 189.\\nLawrence, William, 159.\\nLawrence, lOlisha, 388.\\nLawrence, John, 283, note.\\nl^ei delvandergrift, Paul, 37.\\nI^ecds, Daniel, 392.\\nLeeds, Duke of, 219.\\nLearning, A., and Spicer, J., 87,\\nnote.\\nLeon, 6.\\nLeonard, John, 441, note.\\nLeonard, Samuel, 231.\\nLe Page du Pratz, 15, note.\\nLevy, l^ enjainin, 215.\\nLewis, Thomas, 70.\\nLewisTi^wu, 58.\\nLey, William, 103.\\nLeyden, 425.\\nLevdeners, 62, note.\\nLiiriand, 22. _\\nLincli, Dennis, 395.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0611.jp2"}, "612": {"fulltext": "-m\\nI X D E X\\nLimlstroni, Peter, 22.\\nLine of Division between East\\nand West Jersey, fixed in 1688,\\nI JG to 199. Proceedinjjs in re-\\nlation tliereto, 5-i() to oo?, App.\\nLippincott, Restore, 270, note.\\nLisbon, 2.\\nLoL yden, or Ploeyden, 21.\\nLoLcan, William, 4 5.\\nLonibardy, 27, note.\\nLondon Bridge, v.\\nLondon and Yorkshire Conijia-\\nnies, 92, 98.\\nLongtield, Cornelius, 370, note.\\nLong Island, o9.\\nLord Cliandierlain, 219.\\nLord CJiief Justice, 219.\\nLord Gi-e-it Clianiberhiin, 219.\\nLord High .Vdniiral, 219.\\nLord Keepei 219.\\nLords of Trade, Reports of, 261\\nto 264, 423, 566 to 570, App.\\nLord President, 219.\\nLord Steward, 219\\nLove, Joint, 207.\\nLovelace, Colonel, 52.\\nLovelace, Francis, Governor,\\n1667 to 1G73, 55, and note.\\nHis pettv ct urt at the Hoar-\\nkills in 1669, 55, 5!i. Plis Ex-\\ntraordinarv Council :;t New\\nYork in 1671, G9 to 72. His\\nletters to the Governor of\\nMaryland and Captain Carre,\\n73 to 75.\\nLovelace, John, Lord, Baron of\\nHurley, appointed Governor\\nto succeed Lord Cornbury, in\\n1708, 355, Meets two Assem-\\nblies, in 1709, and dies, 355 to\\n359.\\nLovett, Samuel, 99.\\nLucas, Nicholas, o- trustee of\\nByllinge s interest in We-st Jer-\\nsey, 79. Hislnstructions toWest\\nJersey Commissioners, SO to 8-i.\\nLucock, Stephen, 195.\\nLufever, Hippolite, 79.\\nLuke, Nathaniel. 103.\\nLyell, David, 215.\\nLynam, John, 102.\\nM.\\nMackelson, Enoch, 288, note.\\nMagellan, 14, note.\\nMahahensink, 453.\\nMahamickwon, 96, note.\\nMahometan, 4, note.\\nMaidenhead People, 395.\\nManchester, Earl of, 219.\\nManhatans, or Manhatoes, 38 to\\n46.\\nManning, .John, 110, note.\\nMantas, 136.\\n.Ma(piaas, 136, and note.\\nMark Ne why s Coppers, 153.\\nMarlborough, Earl of, 219.\\nMarlow, Captain Gregorv, of ship\\nKent, 93.\\nMarriott, Isaac, 151.\\nMarsh, Joseph, 370, note.\\nMarshall, 99.\\nMiirtlia, Flieboat, with 114 colo-\\nnists, 102. Their names, in\\npart, 102.\\nMartin s Vineyard, 212.\\nMaryland, 7, 17.\\nMason, John, 276, note.\\nMason, Thomas, 414, note.\\nMassachusetts Bav, 367.\\nMatlock, John, 79.\\nMatson Slander, 55.\\nMathew.s, Thomas, 109.\\nMatinicunk, Island of, nscene of\\nan Indian nnirder, 69. Con-\\nfirmed to Burlington for school,\\npurposes, 69, note.\\nMattowacks, 59.\\nMawhickons, 456.\\nMavo, Richard, 207.\\nMeiid, 167.\\nMeadows, Pli., 264.\\nMegalopensis, Dr. Samuel, 37, 43.\\nMegalopensis, Rev. John, 37.\\nMeteorite, 439.\\nMevericke, Siniuel, 36, 50.\\nMew, Richard, 156.\\nMeyers, William, 201.\\nMexico, 13, note.\\nMichel, Francis, 2)7.\\nMickcl, John, 414, note.\\nMickellhwaite, Joseph, 215.\\nMiddlesex County, Statistics of,\\nin 1765, 489, 490.\\nMiddleton, Hugh, 387.\\nMiddletown in 1669 and 1682,.\\n62, 158.\\nMifflin, 455.\\nMiles, George, 102.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0612.jp2"}, "613": {"fulltext": "I X D E X\\nMiller, Elizabeth, 21.5.\\nMillstone, 158.\\nMingo, 135.\\nf Mingo language, 480.\\nMingoians, 449 to 452.\\nMinnisink, 446 to 483.\\nMinshall, Francis, 205.\\nMitchell, Charles, 207.\\n^[itcliell, Eubert, 207.\\nMohawks, 45t).\\nMoiiican. 435.\\nMoilison Gilbert, 207.\\nMolloy, 8, note.\\nMompesson, Koger, 398.\\nMoncacht-Ape, 15, note.\\nMonnionth Conntv, Statistics of,\\nin 17G5, 499.\\nMontgomerie, Jolin, Governor,\\n1727 to 1731, 418.\\nMontour, Henry, 456.\\nMontreal, 401.\\nMoravians, 435.\\nMorgan, Charles, 404, note.\\nMorris, Anthony, 109.\\nMorris Conntv, Statistics of, in\\n1765, 499.\\nMorris, Lewis, Jiis Iron Works\\nat Shrewsbury, in 1682, 158.\\nAn incident at MicUUetown,\\n175, note. His activity in be-\\nhalf of privihge, and the part\\nhe bore in tiie warfare against\\nCornbnry, 295, note. .Arraigned\\nby Cornbiiry as the promoter\\nof the complaints against him,\\n302, 306. Defended by the As-\\nsembly of 1710 from the charges\\nof the Ingoldsby Address, 384\\nto 387. Author of the Com-\\nplaint against Lord Cornbury,\\nand the bearer of it to the\\n(^ueen, 428. Judge of the Su-\\nl)renie Court in 1692, 428.\\nJS amed as first Governor afier\\nthe Surrender, but was made\\nto give way to Cornbury, the\\nQueen s coukni, 428. Chief\\nJ ustice of New York for sev-\\neral years, 429. Several times\\nsuspended from the Council by\\nCornbury, but as often restored\\nby the Queen, 429. The first\\nseparate Governor of New Jer-\\nsey, from 1738 to 1746, 429.\\nHis life and character his ad-\\nministrative capacity and con-\\ntroversial habits, his intense\\npatriotism and unquestioned\\nhonesty, 428, 429. The pre-\\namble to his will, and his\\nviews of death and the future\\nlife, 430 to 434.\\nMorris, Mary, 431.\\nMorris, Robert Hunter, Chief\\nJustice of New Jersey and\\nLt.-Governor of Pennsylvania,\\n438.\\nMorris, William, 288, note.\\nMorrisania, 434.\\nINIorris i-iver, 98, note.\\nilorris-Town, 499.\\nilorton s Memorial, 61, note.\\n^lott, (iershoni, 388.\\n]\\\\Iott, Price G., 355, note.\\nMount Desert, 25, note.\\nMount Holly, 495.\\nMunsey LuUans, 136, 466 to 483.\\nMurfiu, Kobert, 109.\\n]\\\\Iusconetcang, 499.\\n]\\\\lusgravo. Lord, 18.\\nMusketoeburgh, 23.\\nN.\\nNaijack, 39.\\nNaijackly, 37.\\nNanticokes, 456.\\nNantucket, 212.\\nNaraticongs, 136.\\nNarrohigansetts, 212.\\nNassau, Fort, 20.\\nNavesink, 491.\\nNeedhani, Robert, 39.\\nNehendah, 319.\\nNelson, Benjamin, 215.\\nNeshamines, 136.\\nNeteewav, Jonah, 207.\\nNevill, James, 102.\\nNew Albion, 32.\\nNew Amsterdam, founded by the\\nDutch in 1623, 20. Dutch ex-\\npedition against the Swedes on\\nDelaware, from New Amster-\\ndam, in 1655, 33. Swedish\\nprisoners carried to New -\\\\m-\\nsterdam, 34. Arrival of Eng-\\nlish expedition in the harbor,\\nin 1664, 36. Warning of its\\ncoming, 36, note. The Dutch\\nGovernor, Peter Stuyvesant,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0613.jp2"}, "614": {"fulltext": "592\\nI X D E X\\nhis letter of inquiry to the\\nfleet, 37, 38. Answer of Colonel\\nKicolls, demanding surrender\\nof the fort and the town, 38,\\n39. Governor Stuyv chant s re-\\nply, refusing to comply, 39, 40.\\nOrder to Captain Hide to re-\\nduce the place, 40. Request of\\nGovernor Stuy vesant i or a par-\\nley, 41. Request granted on\\ncondition of surrender, 42.\\nCommissionei s appointed on\\nbotii sides, and a Treaty of Sur-\\nrender signed and confirmed,\\n43 to 4(5. Formal surrender of\\nthe town and fort of New Am-\\nsterdam, 46. With the fail of\\nNew Amsterdam, all the Dutch\\npossessions passed into the\\nhands of tlie English, 50.\\nNewark in l(j j9, G2, (57, 159.\\nNewbold, Godfrev, 109.\\nNewbold, John, i09.\\nNew Brunswick, 49.\\nNewljy, Mark, 151.\\nNew Canary, iirst name of NeAV\\nJersey, 35, note.\\nNew Castle, or New Amstel, Ca-\\nj)itulation and surrender of, to\\nthe English, in 1664, 49. Arti-\\ncles of Surrender and a Pro-\\nvisional Government, 49 to 52.\\nIncorporation of the town in\\n1672, under English laws, 72.\\nThe aulhwrities empowered to\\nlevy a duty on strong liquors,\\n76. The fort taken possession\\nof by Governor Andros in 1674,\\nand a Government instituted\\nfor the Delaware settlements,\\n77, 79.\\nNew England, IG.\\nNewfoundland, 6, 7, 20 and 25,\\nnotes.\\nNew France, 25, note, 188.\\nNew Gotteraburgh, 34.\\nNew Hampshire, 367, 400.\\nNew Hanover, 496.\\nNew Jersey, or N.ova Csesaria,\\nProvince of, its boundai-ies un-\\nder King Charles II., first\\ngrant, 59, 60. Terras of the\\ngrant, 60. First constitutions\\nfor its government, conceded\\nby the Lords Proprietors, Feb-\\nruary, 1064, 01, 512 to 521,\\nApj). Confirmed and explain-\\ned by Sir George Carteret, in\\nJuly, 1674, then sole Proprie-\\ntor of the Eastern Division,\\nwith additions, 61, 76. Philip\\nCarteret appointed Crovernor\\nby the Lords Proprietors, in\\n1665, 67. His residence at\\nElizabeth-Town, 67. Invasion\\nand conquest of the Dutch in\\n1673, and a stop put to the\\nEnglish government in New\\nJersey, 08, 110, note. Peace of\\n1673, restoring tlie status quo,\\n68, 110, note. Disturbances\\nand variances among the set-\\ntlers from 1665 to 1673, OS.\\nConflict between Elizabeth-\\nTown purchasers and the Pro-\\nprietors, 68. John Berry, Dep-\\nuty-Governor in tlie absence\\nof Governor Carteret in Eng-\\nland, in 1673, 69. Governor\\nCarteret s return, in 1674, with\\na new Commission, wliich he\\nheld till his deatli, in 1682, 69.\\nInstructions of Sir George Car-\\nteret, in 1()74, prescribing the\\nquantity of land which settlers\\nmay take up, 76. Governor\\nAndros disputes Governor Car-\\nteret s title, and carries him\\nprisoner to Nev/ York in 1680,\\n68, note. Governor Carteret s\\npublication of his new Com-\\nmission, and its beneiicial ef-\\nfect, 68. In Governor Carter-\\net s time, Elizabeth-Tovi n the\\ncajDital of the Province, 69.\\nSale of Lord Berkely s moiety\\nof the Province, in 1675, to\\nJohn Fenwick, in trust for Ed-\\nward Bylllnge an:l his assigns,\\n79. Division of tlie Province\\ninto East and West Jersev, in\\nJuly, 1676, line of the, 80.\\nConcessions of 1676 for a form\\nof government for West Jer-\\nsey, by tlie new Proprietors, 81,\\n521 to 539, App. Apiiointment\\nof Commissioners to set up a\\nform of government under the\\nConcessions and Instructions,\\nand tlieir names, 80 to 87.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0614.jp2"}, "615": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\niyj.j\\nDifferences between the trustee\\nand creditors of Byllinge ad-\\njusted by William Penn, who,\\nT\\\\4tii others, takes the place of\\nFenwick, 79. William Peon s\\nEpisile General, explaining the\\nposition of West Jersey and\\nthe rights of the present Pro-\\nprietors, 78 to 91. Partition\\n(if tlie lands of W^est Jersey ac-\\nquired from the Indians, into a\\nIiundred equal parts, 85. Com-\\nmissioners appointed by the\\nLondon and Yorkshire Com-\\npanies in 1G77, with power to\\nacquire lands and administer\\nthe government, the names of,\\n92. 9o. Most of tlie Proprietors\\nin these Companies Quakers,\\n93. Dispute of the Commis-\\nsioners with Governor Andros,\\n94. Some account of their i)ur-\\ncliases and })rogress in estab-\\nlishing settlements, with tlieir\\nopinions of tlie country from\\n1()77 to IGSO, 95 to 125, and\\nnotes. Inauguration of tliefiist\\ngovernment of AVest Jersey,\\nimder tiie Proprietors, in No-\\nvember, 1681, 12o to 129.\\nNew Jersey in 1765, its bound-\\n.-iries, acreage, character of\\nits soil, population, and a table\\nof tlie wealth of the counties,\\n488, 489. Description of the\\nthiiteen counties, 489 to 500.\\nTlie.jndicial system, 500. Mode\\nof appeal to the King in Coun-\\ncil, 501. Animals, 50o to 509.\\nNew London, 400.\\nNew Netherlands, settled by the\\nDutch in 1614, and compelled\\nto submit to the English, 19.\\nThev throw off their allegiance\\nin 1623, 20. Protest of King\\nCharles II. against their ju-o-\\nceedings, 20, 21. They otler to\\nretire from their settlements,\\n21. Surrender of the govern-\\nment of New Netherlands to\\nthe English, in 1664, 36 to 46.\\nNew Scotland, 59.\\nNew Swedeland stream, 22.\\nNew York, Province of, covered\\nby Patent of King James, in\\n]G06, 16. Claim of the Dutch\\nto this Province, under Hen-\\ndrick Hudson s discovery, in\\n160il, of Manhattan Island,\\nand tlieir settlement of it, 19.\\nSettlement of the Province of\\nNew York, under a Patent\\nfrom Holland, and under the\\nname of New Netherlands, 19.\\nTiieir claim disijuted by Gov-\\nernor Argole, of Virginia, who\\ncompels their submission to\\nEngland, 19. First l)ounds of\\ntlie Province of New York, in\\n1664, 34. Limits reduced by\\nthe grant of Nova Cresaria, or\\nNew Jersey, to Berkely and\\nCarteret, 3 Its reduction by\\nthe English, in 1664, 35 to 52.\\nIts re-conquest, with New Jer-\\nsey, by the Dutcli, in 1673, and\\nits lestoration, in 1676, to Eng-\\nland, 110, note.\\nNichas, 466.\\nNichols, Samuel, 79.\\nNicholson, Colonel Francis, an\\noflicer in tlie English Canada\\nexpeditions, 359 to 362, note,\\n400.\\nNicolls, Colonel Richard, com-\\nmander of the land forces\\nagainst New Amsterdam, 36,\\n38 to 46.\\nNimham, 400.\\nNoaman, 32.\\nNoble, 9S.\\nNoble, llichard, 79.\\nNorris, Isaac, 455.\\nNorth America, 7, note.\\nNorton, John, 207.\\nNositer, Thomas, 99.\\nNova Cffisaria, 60.\\nNova Scotia, 368.\\nNowalkeeka, 474.\\nO.\\nOdas, Samuel, 103.\\nOgden, John, Sr., 161.\\nOgden, Josiali, 404, note.\\nOhio Indians, 461.\\nOldale, Samuel, 201.\\nOldman s creek, 94.\\nOldmixon, 263, note.\\nOld Spain, 6.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0615.jp2"}, "616": {"fulltext": "594\\nINDEX\\nOlive, Thomas, 92, 209.\\nOnondapjas, 456.\\nOnas, 482.\\nOneidas, 435.\\nOpings, 479.\\nOrange, Fort, 20, 46.\\nOrdnt, Major, 478.\\nOrmond, Diike of, 367, note.\\nOrinston, 322.\\nOrmston, Charles, 215.\\nOswego, 494.\\nOtsaningo, 465.\\nO.towopass, 449 to 453.\\nOverprook creek, 159.\\nOxesiiern, 23.\\nOxley, William, 103.\\nPaise, Joseph, 207.\\nPalmer, John, 158.\\nPal OS, 3, 5.\\nPamphlet aljont English posses-\\nsions in North America in\\n1048, Extracts from, 24 to 32,\\nnote.\\nPancoast, .John, 152, note.\\nPaocpialin, 473.\\nPa[)egoia, .John, 27.\\nPardon, William, 101.\\nParker, Elisha, 399.\\nParker, .James, v.\\nParker, William, 17.\\nParks, George, 109.\\nPartridge, Kichard, 423.\\nPassaic Falls, 493.\\nPaunceford, Edward, 207.\\nI aunceford, Tracy, 207.\\nJ- awtomeck, 27, note.\\nPavne, John, 109.\\nPeachy, AVilliam, 99, 108.\\nPerth-Ambov, 157.\\nPelham, 7, 424.\\nPemacpiid, 212.\\nPenford, John, 92.\\nPenn, William, trustee for Byl-\\nlinge, 79 to 89. His letter and\\nInstructions to W^est Jersey\\nCommissioners, 80 to 87. His\\nEpistle General about West\\nJersey, 88 to 91. His opinion\\nabout the aborigines of Ameri-\\nca, 9, note. Becomes one of\\nthe Twelve Proprietors of East\\nJersey, 156.\\nPennsylvania, Province of, 17, 22.\\nPennton, William, 99.\\nl^equaneck, 498.\\nPerizonius, 8, note.\\nI erkins, William, 99.\\nIMers, 453 to 455.\\nI^etersburg, 11.\\nPetty, John, 109.\\nl^haro, James, 109.\\nPhenicia, 9.\\nl^hiiadelphia, 426.\\nPhips, Sir William, 368.\\nPliipps, Thomas, 207.\\nPhoenicians, 8, 9, 10.\\nPierson, Tiiomas, 92.\\nPierce, Daniel, 161.\\nPietersz, David, 22.\\nPinhorn, 159.\\nPinhorne,WiUiam, 369, note, 391,\\n395, 398, 402, note.\\nPiscataway, 158, 490.\\nPlacentia, 40I.\\nPlato. 8.\\nPledger, John, 79.\\nI loeyden, Sir Edmond, 24. Gov-\\nernor of New Albion, 27 to 33,\\nnote.\\nPlumsted, Clement, 156.\\n1^1 V mouth, 17, 18.\\nI ollexen, John, 2tM.\\nPomptons, 136.\\nI- oi)ham, George, 17.\\nIVipple, William, 262.\\nI- ortiigal, 1, note, 3.\\nPorto- 1-lico, 24, note.\\nPort-Roval, 388.\\nPotts, Thomas, 109.\\nI^owell s Map, 29, note.\\nPowell, Robert, 99. _\\nPreface, Author s, xi. to xiv.\\nPreface, Publisher s, iii., iv.\\nl^rice, I)aniel, 288, note.\\nPrinceton, 490.\\nPrintz, John, 22, 25.\\nPrieger, Martin, 55, 56.\\nPrior, Alat., 264.\\nProjirietors of West .Jersey, Coun-\\ncil of. Minutes of Proceedings\\nof the, 95 to 98, note.\\nProvince of New .Jersey, Geo-\\ngraphical description of, 485 to\\n488.\\nProvost, William, 414, note.\\nl^umphrey, W^ill.iam, 109.\\nPumpshire, 449.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0616.jp2"}, "617": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n595\\nPunctwon, John, 43.\\nPurchas, Master, 2, note, 24, note.\\nPnrchasos from Indians, J4 to !)7,\\n9-5, note.\\nQ\\nJnakers, Persecutions of tlie, 877.\\nLaws for tlieir relief, 4U3.\\nQnarry, llobert, 2ol, note, 3S0.\\n(Jnatulia, 12.\\ntjueen Anne, 210.\\nQiiivcra, 12.\\n^uivin, 14, note.\\nR.\\nIlacoon creek, 93.\\nKadnor, Earl of, 219.\\nKahwav, 490.\\nRambo Petci-, 94. iT i\\nKanibo, John, 201.\\nKanelagh, Karl of, 219.\\nllankokas, 9-), note, 13-5.\\nKaper, Tlioinas, 109.\\niiarilon river, lo8.\\nKattlesnakes, 503 to 510, and\\nnoics.\\nEawlei^di, Sir AValter, IG.\\nKaAvlev s Isle, 25, note.\\nBead, Charles, 109, 449, 455, 457,\\n41)4, 405.\\nKeriinff, Jolin, 95 to 97, note,\\n402, note. Governor of New\\nJersey, 418.\\nlledford, Andrew, 414, note.\\nKeed, Charles, 109.\\nEeed, John, 197, 374.\\nKeeves, Mark, 151.\\nKeid, Join), 276.\\nKeland, 11.\\nIxe monstrance of grievances\\nagainst Lord Cornbiiry, by the\\nAs.seniblv of 1707, Full text of,\\n289 to 294. His long absences\\nfrom the colony, and bis neg-\\nlect to e::ecnte capital sen-\\ntenc\u00c2\u00ab, 289, 290. His obliging\\npersons liable to indictment to\\npay court fees, and compelling\\nprobate of wills at Burlington\\nonly, 290. His keei)ing the\\nSecretary s ofiice at Burling-\\nton only, and granting a monop-\\noly for carting goods, 290, 291.\\nHis establisliment of fors, con-\\ntrary to law, and pla-.-ing the\\nl)ublic record in the bauds of\\nPeter Sonmans, a non-resideut,\\n291. His failure to protect the\\npeople in their j-iglits and 1 iiiir-\\nties gi nerally, and his prohib-\\niting the Proprietors agents\\nfrom selling tlieir lauds with-\\nout his consent, 292. His as-\\nsiunptioii of ])ower tn judge of\\nthe (pialifications of mend)ers\\nof tile Assembly, and refusal to\\nswear i:i membeis d.ily elected,\\n292. His acceptances of bribes,\\nand oiher notoriously corrupt\\npractices, 293, 294.\\nReply, or Answer, of Lord Corn-\\nbury to tlie RemoMstr.ance, Full\\ntext of, 29; to 311. Complaint\\nof absences frivolous, because\\nhe was accessible, and tlic\\nJvt.-tioveruor could act, 29i).\\n!M:iiic. and revenge in the trial\\n.s.itiicient cause for sus[ien(l-\\niirj CKecutitin of sentence of\\ndeatli in the cases coin))laiuc I\\nof, 297. Payment of covu t fees\\nby person-i liable to indictment,\\naccording to the Knglisli prac-\\ntice, 295. Oliicc of proliate of\\nwills not at liurlington only,\\nbut wherever the (joveruor i~;,\\nwhether in or out of the Pro-\\nvince, 299. There s only one\\nSecretary of the Province, and\\nhis residence is at Burlington,\\nbut he is as much at Am boy as\\npossible, 300. The license fur\\ncartage not a monopoly, but a\\nlegal regulation of the i)rices\\nof transportation by the public\\nwagon, 301, 302. Tlie fixing of\\nthe free list in .strict conformity\\nwith the Queen s command\\nand regularly reported to the\\nIjords of Trade, 3;J3. Peter Son-\\nmans is the constituted agent\\nof the Proprietors, and is a res-\\nident of tlie colony, 303, 304.\\nThe Agents of the Proprietors\\nforbidilen to sell lands because\\nthey have not taken the oath\\nof office, 306. Exclusion of the\\nmembers from the Assembly", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0617.jp2"}, "618": {"fulltext": "50G\\nI X D E X\\n.lot the act of the Governor,\\nliut oi the Assembly itself, that\\nrefused to rejiort upon their\\nqualitications, o07. Denial of\\ntl e eiiai-gc of aceepling bribes\\ni or the dissohitiuii of the As-\\nsei.ibly, tliat was dissolved be-\\ncause it had been corruptly\\nclu sen, and had refused to\\nprovide for the support of gov-\\nernment, 308. Denial of ap-\\npoini merits to oflice of eorru))!\\nand mercenary men, though\\nmany sucii had been recom-\\nmended to him by Lewis Mor-\\nris, 3Uy. He charges the As-\\nseiubly with corrupt and ille-\\ngal practices and violence, and\\nari-aigi.s Samuel Jeninjis and\\nJ^ewis Morris as disturbers of\\nthe peace and the cause of the\\ncourse of the Asseniblv, 305 to\\n311.\\nKeply of t lc Assembly of 1707 t\\nto Lord I Jtjrnbury s Answer to\\ntheir Remonstrance, Full text i\\nof, 312 to 3oG. Appeal to the j\\nC^ueen fiir liie redress of their\\ngrievances not despaired of,\\n313. His absences iVom the i\\ncolony, and tlie ref.isal of the\\nLt.-Governor to act for him,\\ninsisted on as serious gi iev-\\nances, 314. ills c-Kcuse for not\\nexecuting, tile death sentences\\nin tiie case s complained of not\\ntenable in tin; light of the\\nfacts, 314. Objection of tiie As-\\nsembly to liie p:iyment of court\\nfees by persons liable to indict-\\nment based on tlie injustice of\\nthe custom, wit. iont reference\\nto the English practice, 317,\\n318. n the tSm- ogate s office\\ntravels with the (.vovernor, it is\\na great grievancij to be com-\\npelled to travel iifter it, and,\\nbesides, there s no authority to\\ndo any act of government out-\\nside of the colony, ol7, 318. JS o\\ninfringement of roy.xl preroga-\\ntive to establish Surrogates\\noffices in the various comities,\\n318, Secretary s oflice shoidd\\nbe open alternately ai Turling-\\nton and Amboy, 309. The\\nwagon license is not only a\\nmonopoly, but it is against the\\nstatute of James, 319, 320. Es-\\ntablishment of fees by any other\\nauthority than the Assembly\\ncontrary to the Queen s Instruc-\\ntions, 321. Sonrnans is nothing\\nbut a pretended agent of the\\nProprietoi s, has given no secu-\\nrity and is a non-resident, 324,\\n325. Tlie Council of Proprie-\\ntors, as agents for the sale of\\ntheir lands, not required by the\\nQueen s Instructions to take an\\noath of office, 320. The Asscm-\\nbly alone is judge of the iinali-\\nlications of its members, 321) to\\n331. Charge of the Governor s\\nacceptance of a bribe of \u00c2\u00a320J\\nto di.ssolve the Assembly reit-\\nerated, with particulars, 332.\\nMany other acts of cruelty and\\nop[)ression by the Governor in-\\ndicated, 333. Denial of the\\ncharges of corruption and vio-\\nlence made by the Governor\\nagainst the Assemblv, 334 to\\n3 3t).\\nRepresentation of the Assembly\\nof 1710 to Governor Hunter,\\nconcerning the Ingoldsby Ad-\\ndress, Full text of the, 370 to\\n3V 9. Review of V)rnbury s ad-\\nministration, 370 to 378. The\\nIngoldsby Address not an offi-\\ncial act of the Council, 379 to\\n382. Absurdity of the charge of\\nlibel against the Remonstrance\\nand the Reply, 383, 384. De-\\nfence of Mr. Morris ami Mr.\\nJenings from tlio charges of\\ndisloyalty and sedition, 381 to\\n387. Hostility of Ingoldsby and\\nhis party to the Canada exi)e-\\nditions, 387 to 389. Reasons for\\nthe removal of Peter Sonmani\\nfrom the Council, 389, :\u00c2\u00bb0. In-\\nstances of judicial wrongs and\\nmaljiractices, 3J0 to 3i)2. Per-\\nsecutions of the Quakers, .and\\ndenial of their rights and lib-\\nerties, 392, 393. Arbitrary con-\\nduct of tlie (jonncil towards^\\nMr. Barclay, 393, 394. Ar-", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0618.jp2"}, "619": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n597\\nlaignnient of the Council for\\ntlioir ()p| ressions, o9i, 395.\\nLoss (if the original laws in\\nLovelace s time, 89U to 398.\\nDemand for the removal of\\nobnoxious Councillors, 395.\\nRevel 1, Tiiomas, 109, lo i, 392.\\nKevell s Book, 198, note.\\nRhdile Island, 400.\\nKichier, lulward, 207.\\nlliciunond, Duke of, 19.\\nKigH Ambrose, 150.\\nKiscarricks, 302, note.\\nRiven, Cornelius Van, 41,\\nRiver Indians, 4, note.\\nRoanoke, 10, note.\\nRoanor, 10.\\nRoberdeau, Daniel, 455.\\nRobeson, Andrew, 201..\\nRobinson, John, 458.\\nRochester, Earl of, 219.\\nRoekv-IIill. mines, 492.\\nRolf, Moses, 414, note.\\nRomnev, Earl of, 219.\\nRoydoii, William, 201.\\nRoyse, John, 283, note.\\nRudyard, Thomas, Deputy-Gov-\\nernor of East Jersey in 1083,\\n107. His description of East\\nJersey, Amboy and Elizabeth-.\\nTown, 107 to 171.\\nRus-iian Coiirt, 420.\\nRuvve:i. Cornelius, 33.\\nRyder, Sir Dudley, 501.\\nRysing, (ieorgo, (iuvernor of the\\nSwedes on Delaware, 27. His\\nfriendly intercourse witli Indi-\\nans, 28 to 32.\\nS.\\nSabines, 1.\\nSachems of Indian tribes, 29, 302,\\nnt)te.\\nSailor who first discovered St.\\nSalvador, Fate of, 4, note.\\nSaint John s river, 26, note.\\nSaint. Helens, 401.\\nSaint Lawrence, 401.\\nSalary of Governor Hunter, 413;\\nof (lovernor Lewis Morris, 414.\\nSalem Countv, Siniishe-i of, in\\n1705, 497.\\nSalem, 79.\\nSaltonstall, Governor, 302, note.\\nSaltar, Richard, 449.\\nSalter, Henry, 102.\\nSaltertusas. 114.\\nSama, .John de, 13, note.\\nSamuel, 449.\\nSanballat, 319.\\nSanfoord, 159.\\nSandford, 159.\\nSandford, Major, 375.\\nSandy- Hook, 00, 93.\\nSatterthwaiie, James, 109.\\nSaunders, Christopher, 99.\\nSchank, Garrat, 414, note.\\nSchomberg, Duke of, 219.\\nSchooley, Robert, 109.\\nSchooley, Thomas, 102.\\nSchuyler, Aarent, 362, note.\\nSchuyler, Colonel Peter, 362.\\nScidit, Sheck, 425, 420.\\nScott, Benjamin, 93.\\nScots, 177.\\nScythian, 12.\\nSeason, Edward, 102.\\nSebastiana, 1, note.\\nSecoiui river, 493.\\nSenecas, 130, 453.\\nServants, 103, note.\\nSeymour s regiment, 400.\\nShackamaxon, 130.\\nI Shallet, Arthur, 207.\\nShamokin, 481.\\nSharp, Isaac, 97, note.\\nSharp, Thomas, 152, note.\\nSharp, William S., ii. to iv.\\nSheoppy, 149.\\nShepard, 355, note, 414, note.\\nI Sliiclii, Sanniel Towes, Captain\\nj of, first ship from England, in\\n1076, 108. Names of some of\\nthe colonists who eaine in her,\\n1 IDS, 109.\\nSliinar, 15, note.\\nj Shiun, .Jolin. 109.\\nShip from London, in 1676, to\\nI AVe.st Jersey, partial list of the\\nI colonists who came in her, 109.\\nj Shrewsbury in 1609, 62.\\nI Sh rewsbury T o w n s h i p Lewis\\nMorris iron works at, in 1682,\\n158.\\nSiberia, 10 to 12.\\nSix Nations, 401.\\nSketch, by John Jay Smith, of\\nthe Author s Life, v., vi.\\nSkein, John, 109.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0619.jp2"}, "620": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nSkinner, Thomiis, 237.\\nyianey, John, 207.\\niSloane, Sii Jlans, 13, note.\\nSniitli, 159.\\nSniitli s, Ca[);ain, voyages, 24,\\nnote.\\nSmitli, Daniel, v.\\n(5mith .s iiiinily, colonists, 402,\\nnote. iiX.zi A\\nSinitli, Einanuel, 409, no .e.\\nSniitli, John, v., I J, 1-31, 276,\\nnote.\\nSmith, John .Jav, iii.\\nSniitli, Mr. 21!).\\niSniitli, llieha:cl, v., vi., 43G.\\niSmitl), Samuel, Author of tliis\\nHistory, v., vi., 409.\\nSmith, Seth, 109.\\nSnaUeiiill, VA).\\nSnelling, William, 2G4, note.\\nSomerset County, Statistics of, in\\n1705, 492.\\nSonmans, ^Varent, 156, 425.\\nSonmans, Peter, 888, ^89, 420,\\n425.\\nSontii river, 58, note.\\nSouth week, 365, note.\\nSpain, 1, noie, 5.\\nSpanhenbei g, Joseph, 147, noio.\\nSpaniard, 5.\\nSpanisli riyer, 401.\\nSpear, Samuel, 73.\\nSpieer, J., 87, note.\\nSpiecr, Jacolj, 455, 457.\\nSpizelius, Tlieophilus, 9.\\nStpiissateg o, 469.\\nStacy, 42ii.\\nStaeey, John, 109.\\nStacey, Mali Ion, 109. llis lettei-s\\ndescribing IS ew Jersey, 111 to\\n114.\\nStacey, Robert, 09, note.\\nStamford, Earl of, 219.\\nStanford, 264.\\nStandish, Captain, 18.\\nStaten Island, 485, note.\\nStation Point, orth, 485.\\nSt. Croix, 59.\\nSt. Johu.s, .James, 207.\\nSteele, Benjamin, 207.\\nSteenmetz, Casper, 161.\\nSteenwiek, Cornelius, 41 to 43, 49.\\nSterling, Earl of, 492.\\nStevens, John, 449, 457.\\nStevenson, William, 276, note.\\nStiile, I^aac, 44G, 456.\\nStockholm, 21.\\nStout, a DutclMyoman saved fj ym\\nthe Indians, 09.\\nStout, Kichard,\\nStorms, Hail, J 718, 17-12. 1758,\\n409, 410.\\nStrickland, Amos, 455.\\nSt. Salvador^ 4.\\nSiuyvesant, Peter, Governor of\\nNew Netherlands, 33. J lis ex-\\npedition, in lOlio, against the\\nSwedes on Delaware, and re-\\nduction of the country under\\nthe Dutch flag, 33, 34. His\\nsurrender of New Amsterdam\\nto the English, in 1664, 36 to 47.\\nSubej casse, 367.\\nSummers, Sir George, 17.\\nSmiderhind, 258, 259, 361, 366.\\nSurrender of the sovereignty of\\nNew Jersey to the Queen, Par-\\nticulars of the, 209 to 261.\\nCommotions precedent thereto,\\n209, 211. Claim of Jeremiah\\nBasse to be Gt)vernor, 210.\\nConflict betwecii iiim and An-\\ndrew Hamilton, 210, 211. Di-\\nvei s jietitions to the Crown for\\nrepress, 211. Petition of 224\\ntit ttlers in East Jersey against\\nthe arbitrary government of\\nthe I l-oprietors, 558 to 560,\\n-Vp[). Memorial of the Pro-\\nprietors of East Jersey, to\\nthu Lord\u00c2\u00ab of Trade, praying\\nibr annexation to New York,\\n560 to 562, App. Favorable\\nanswer of the Lords of Trade,\\nbut without conditions, 562\\nto 563, Petition of the Pro-\\nprietors of East and West Jer-\\nsey to tiie Lords Justices of\\nEngland, in favor of Andrew\\nHamilton as Governor until\\nthe surrender, 565, 566, App.\\nKepreseutation of Lords of\\nTrade concerning the confu-\\nsion and commotion in New\\nJersey, and recommending tiiat\\n.the Crown take possession of\\nthe I royince and establisli a\\nregular goyernment, -iM) to 570,\\nApp. Memorial of 17 Pi- )i)ri-\\neturs of East and West Jersey,", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0620.jp2"}, "621": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n59 J\\na king for permission to siir-\\njeiulor tlie jjovernnient uf the\\nI rovinrcs to the Ci own, with a\\nreservation of all riglits, privi-\\nleges and liberties, 570 to 573,\\nApi 1 uU text of the Instru-\\nment of Surrender and Accept-\\nance, Jll to 2 20. Appointment\\nof Lord Cornbnry to i)e (iov-\\nernor of New Jersey, and full\\ntext of liis Commission, 220 to\\nI iO. (^ueen Anne s Instructions\\nto Lord ornbm-y, full text of,\\n230 to 201. Members of Ids\\niirst Council, 23L\\nSnninam, 435.\\nyuscpiebannah, 460.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^Suscpiehannocks, 27, note.\\nSussex County, Statistics of, in\\n1705, 500.\\nSwaine, Charles, 478.\\nSwanandal, 58.\\nSwarne, Samuel, Til.\\nSwedeland, 21, nolc, 22.\\n.Sweden, New, 1(127 to 1004, 22\\nto 34. First laudin.t;- of the\\nSwedes, in 1027, an l their pur-\\nciiase of lands from tlie Indi-\\nans, from the Ca[ies of Dela-\\nware to the Fails, on both sides\\nof the river, 22. LnilduiK of a\\nfort at lloarkiil by tlie Dutch,\\nill 1030,22. Swedish forts i)uilt\\nat various places on the liver,\\n23. Denuuid of Swedish (iov-\\nernmeut upon King Charles to\\nsurrender Ids dominion over\\nNew Sweden, 23. Kucioach-\\nments of the Dutch and Swedes\\non e.Mcli other and upon the\\nEnglish, 23. Fori I-HsinglMu-^\\nbuilt by the Sweles on the Del-\\naware, who compel all pasdny:\\nAvssels to come to, 2. 5. Swedish\\nGovernors down to 1054, 20 lo\\n:;7. League of friendship be-\\ntween the inhabitants and the\\nIndians, 29. Reduction of all\\nthe Sweili.sh forts by the Dutch,\\nin 1()55, 33 to 34. Kednctiou of\\n(lie Dutch an l SweiKs lo Fng-\\nlish power, in lt 04, 47. lu-\\nstruciions to Sir liobert Carre\\niu his exj;edition against Dela-\\nware, 47, 08. C ai)iiulation of\\nNew Ca-stle to tlie English, 49,\\n50. Colonel Nicolls assigned to\\nthe Government of Delaware,\\n50 to 52.\\nSt. John, Island of, 7, note.\\nSwampis, 149.\\nSweetable, John, 207.\\nSyria, 425.\\nT.\\nTagashata, 453, 459, 463, 4C4.\\nTah.m, 13, note.\\nTandaca.ss, 499.\\nTapiscawen, 472.\\nTappan creek. 479.\\nTartars, 12.\\nTartary, 10 to 15.\\nTashiowvcan, 71.\\nTatbam, john, 201.\\nTatham, John, 191.\\nTattersall, Kichard, 109.\\nTavlor, Jacob, 135, 136, note.\\nTaylor, Samuel, 103.\\nTeedyescung, 440 to 4S3.\\nTemple, Sir William, 142, note.\\nTennecuin, 23.\\nTerra del Fuego. 14, note.\\nTerra del Labrador, 7, note.\\nTettamv, 449. 4.)0.\\nThaekery, Thomas, 151, 201.\\nThompson, .Vndrew, 165.\\nTlK)mpson, John, 208, note.\\nThompson, William, 207.\\nTimber creel-c, 94, 95.\\nTiileof Crown to North America,\\nFull account of, 24 to 28, note,\\nTokaaio, 461.\\nTomm, William, 69, 71.\\nTowle, Percival, 201.\\nTownley, Riciiard, 397.\\nTreat, Kobert, 101.\\nTrent, John, 354.\\nTrent, William, Chief Justice,\\n419.\\nTunison, Cornelius, 270, note.\\nTurks, 426.\\nTurner, Robert, 150.\\nTnscaroras, 456.\\nTutelas, 45(\\\\\\nTwelve Propi ietoi-s, their names,\\nand names of their Twelve\\nPartners, known as the Twen-\\nty-four Pioi^rietors of East Jer-\\nsev, 156.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0621.jp2"}, "622": {"fulltext": "GOO\\nINDEX.\\nu.\\nUnited Nations, 470.\\nUnwacon, 479.\\nUf elinj William, 21.\\nUtrecht, 3o8.\\nV.\\nValedolid, 6, note.\\nVan Buskirk, Law, 355, note.\\nVan Este, Peter, 276, note.\\nVangezon, Isaac, 414, note.\\nVanqnelin, Robert, 161.\\nVark tt, Xichoias, 43.\\nVenchin, 13, note.\\nVenetian, 2, note, G.\\nVerlet, Nicholas, 161.\\nVernon, Mr. Secretary, 219.\\nVetch, Colonel, 359.\\nVice-Comptroller, Mr., 219.\\nVirginia, name of the country\\ngranted to Sir Walter Raleigh\\nin 1584, 16. It covered New\\nYork and New Jersev, 17.\\nVoltaire, 8.\\nVreeland, George, 475.\\nW.\\nWadd, Sir Arinigell, 167, note.\\nWade, Edward, 79.\\nWade, S;imnel, 79.\\nAVakecake, 63, note.\\nAValn Mst, OttT), 55.\\nWalker, Admiral, 400.\\nWalker, Samuel, 231.\\nWalpack, 440.\\nWalpole, H., 16, note.\\nW^altcr, R., 412.\\nWampum, its value as currency\\ntixeii, 76. Ilclts .nnd strint^s of,\\nin negotiating with the Indi-\\nans, 448 to 483.\\nW^arner, Edn.nnd, 83 to 87.\\nWarner, F., 143, noie.\\nWarner, Thomas, 156.\\nW asse, James, 60 to 85.\\nWatson, Luke, 62.\\nWatson, John, 47.S.\\nWatts, Michael, 207.\\nWawpingo, 456.\\nWeek[)nik, 95, note, 484.\\nWeequehelah, 441, note.\\nWelch, Nathaniel, 2 J 9.\\nWells Ferrv, 486.\\nWelsh, William, 190.\\nWerden, Sir John, 117.\\nWeiser, Conrad, 456, 458.\\nWest, Edward, 207.\\nWest India Company, 21.\\nWcist India Islands, l88.\\nWest Jersey, Proprietors of, Me-\\nmorial of, resenting Lord Corn-\\nbury s conduct, 336 to 345.\\nRigiits and privileges granted\\nin tiie Queen s Instructions,\\nand liis breach of them, 336,\\n337. Corrupt use of his power\\nto pack the Assembly, 337,\\n338. Right of the Assembly to-\\njudge of the qualilications of\\ntheir own members broken\\ndown by him, 338, 339. His\\nBill for extending the fran-\\nchise, contrary to Instructions,\\npassed by his party, 339. Guar-\\nanteed rights of Proprietors\\nagents to sell their hinds de-\\nnied them, and fees illegally\\nexacted by him for patenting-\\nlands, 342. Public records en-\\ntrusted by him to an enemy of\\nthe Province, 342. Appoint-\\nment of officers without con-\\nsent of the Council, 343. Emi-\\ngration of settlers from the\\nProvince the result of his ar-\\nbitrary conduct, 343. Protest\\nagainst his exclusion of three\\nmembers of the Assend^ly of\\n1707, and prayer that the\\nCrown refuse assent to their\\nacts, 344. Recpiest for the res-\\ntoration of Lewis Morris to the\\nCouncil, 345. Names of the\\nsigners of the Memorial, 345.\\nWest Jersey, Province of, sold to\\nJohn Fenwick in trust for I.d-\\nward Byliiuge and his assigns,.\\n79. Ai-rival of first English\\nship at Salem, bringing Fen-\\nwick and other colonisis, and\\ntheir n;imes in part, 79. Dif-\\nferences between Fenwick and\\nByllinge adjusted by William\\nPcnn, 79. Concessions by 151\\nProprietors for a form of G v-\\nernment for West Jersev, full\\ntext of, 521 to 539, App. Deed", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0622.jp2"}, "623": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n601\\nof partition between East and\\nWest Jersey, witli all j o\\\\vers,\\nprivileges and iiiununities, 80.\\nLetter and Instructions of\\nPenn and his co-trustees, 83 to\\n87. J lpistle General of Penn\\nand oiiiers, giving reasons for\\ntiieir acceptance of tiie trust,\\nand explaining i(s nature and\\ncharacter, 88 tu 91. Formation\\nof two Quaker Companies in\\nLondon and Yorkshire, ior set-\\ntling West Jersey, 92 and note.\\nA ppointment of Comniissioners\\nof Settlement and Government,\\nand their names, 9 J. Their ar-\\nrival, in 1G77, in the ship Kent,\\nwith 230 others, chiefly (Quak-\\ners, at New Castle, 93. Arrival\\nof the siiip WiUinrj Mind at Kl-\\nsingbnrg, with (iO or 70 colo-\\nnists, and their names in part,\\n102. Arrival of the Flieboat\\nMartha, with 114 Yorksiiire\\ncolonists, and their names in\\n])art, 102. Arrival of tiie Shiddf*\\nin 1(378, and also of a ship from\\nLondon, with a large number,\\nof colonists, and their names\\niu part, 109, 110. Samuel Jen-\\nings sent out as Depiity-Gov- 1\\nernor by Byll \u00c2\u00bbge, 120. Fnnda- j\\nmentals of Government adopt- j\\ned by the first Assembly of\\nWest Jersey, full text of^ 12o\\nto 129. Abstract of laws of this\\nAssembly, 129, 130. Knlcs for\\nthe government of the Land\\nC ommissioners, 130 to loo.\\n.\\\\rrival of a sliip of o.JO tons,\\nin 1082, with 3(50 colonists, 150,\\n151. Their kind treatment by i\\nthe Indians, 151. Meetitig of\\ntiie second Assembly of West\\nJersey, Thomas Olive, Speaker,\\nand their names, 151. Proceed-\\nings of the same, 151, 152, and\\nnote. Jenings continued as\\nGovernor by the Assembly,\\ntmder tlie concessions, 155.\\nDistress for food in 16S2, 155.\\nThomas Olive,- Governor in\\n1684, and succeeded bv John\\nSkein, in 1685, 189, 190. I)r.\\nDaniel Coxe, Governor from\\n1087 to 1090, 190. Edmnnd\\nIlunloke, Deputy Governor,\\nsucceeded bv Andrew Hamil-\\nton, 1G92, 192, 194. Governor\\nCoxe s letter defining his posi-\\ntion on taking the office of\\nGovernor, 190 to 194, note.\\nGovernor Andi-ew Hamilton,\\nGovernor of Pennsylvania a\\npart of his term, 194. Scarcity\\nof food in 1087, 195. Division\\nline between the two .Jerseys\\nrun by (ieorge Keith, in 1087,\\n195, 190. Ilectiiicition theicdf\\nbv (iovernors Coxe and Par-\\nclay, in 1088, 195 to 198. Comi-\\ncil of Proprietors formed in\\n1087 for t.aking np and grant-\\ning lands, and their names, 199\\nto 203. Minutes of their pro-\\nceedings, 202 to 207. Rangers\\nappointed in certain counties,\\n207. Governor Coxe conveyed,\\nin 1091, the goveriunent of\\nWest Jei-sey to the West Jer-\\nsey Society, consisting of 48\\nmembers, and their names,\\n207.\\nWestminster, Mat., 120.\\nWest, Robert, 150.\\nWest Riding of Yorkshire, v.\\nWet harvest, 413.\\nWetherell, Christopher. 95 to 97,\\nnotes, 109.\\nAVheat, Benjamin, 105.\\nWheeler, Robert, 344, note.\\nWhite, Master, 24, note.\\nWhite Company, 158.\\nWiiite, Robert, 404.\\nWhitehall, 7, note, 424.\\nWhiteiiead, vi.\\nWhiting, John, 215.\\nWicaco, 23, note, 72, 98.\\nWilcocks, .jolin, 207.\\nWilcox, Thomas, 150.\\nWild, Daniel, 210.\\nWilkinson, Joiin, 99.\\nWillet, Thomas, 30, note.\\nWilliam III., King of Eugland,\\n200, note, 373.\\nWillis, Samne!, 03.\\nAVil locks, George, 394, 412.\\nWills, Daniel, 99, W% 135.\\nWills, John, 95, note.\\nWilmington, 22, note.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0623.jp2"}, "624": {"fulltext": "I X D E X\\nWioming, 481.\\nWimlress, 400.\\nWiiigfield, Edmund Maria, 17.\\nWinllirop, Jolin, 43.\\nWood, Thomas, 109, 110.\\nWood, William, 102.\\nWoodbridge, 07, 158.\\nAVooiimaiK v, William, 99.\\nWoodnifi; Samuel, 449.\\nWoodrufle, Thomas, 152, note.\\nWoodward, Anthonv, 283, note.\\nWoolman, John, 109.\\nWoolston, John, 99, 109, 209.\\nWoi-rel, John, 109.\\nWortii, Little, 419.\\nWright Joshua, 151, 284.\\nI Wright, Thomas, 132.\\nWvatt, Bartholomew, 288, note.\\nWyomiuk, 410.\\nI Y.\\n1 Yorkshire Company, a iiaker\\nI .f(jlony for settlers. West Jer-\\nI sey, formed in 1077, .i2.\\nj Yedzo, 13, note.\\nZane, Robert, 150.\\nZyl, Van, Captain, 110. note.", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0624.jp2"}, "625": {"fulltext": "i:", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0625.jp2"}, "626": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0626.jp2"}, "627": {"fulltext": "1\\na\\nJ\\\\r\\n_1\\nMM\\n1\\nii 3(1\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0-.AiYi\\nSJXA f\\n-i\\nJ f.\\n^il\\n1\\no\\nri*\\ni", "height": "2546", "width": "4524", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0627.jp2"}, "628": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0628.jp2"}, "629": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2993", "width": "1749", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0629.jp2"}, "630": {"fulltext": ".A\\nJ\\n0", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0630.jp2"}, "631": {"fulltext": "c\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^A V^^", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0631.jp2"}, "632": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2988", "width": "1843", "jp2-path": "historyofcolonyo00smit_0632.jp2"}}