{"1": {"fulltext": "ilii", "height": "3360", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": ".0\\n1 /I\\n-\u00e2\u0096\u00a0x^^\\nX^^- ^-^r^", "height": "3254", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "x\\n-^h\\nV\\nv\\n.0\\nA-\\nA- ry^\\nC\\nv^\\nvO\\no\\no\\niP\\\\:\\nc\\nv^\\n,.0-\\nV\\nc?\\nOO^\\nO, V\\nO.\\n0\\n^0^\\n.H\\no,^-\\nv-^-\\no\\n-bo\\nA\\nt~\\nO-\\nV\\n.A\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2=^0 0^\\nv-?^^\\n1^1\\n?5 -n*:.\\n,if.\\nK\\nU t\\no.\\ni.\\nV-.\\nV\\nvV", "height": "3254", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "o-\\n^-is\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2-V", "height": "3254", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3254", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3254", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3254", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "Q\\nI I\\nCH\\nO\\nQ\\nf", "height": "3254", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "REMINISCENCES\\nOP\\nOLD GLOUCESTER:\\nOR\\nINCIDENTS IN THE HISTORY\\nOF THE\\nCOUNTIES OF GLOUCESTER. ATLANTIC AND CAMDEN.\\nNEW JERSEY.\\nThe spacious Delaware through future song^\\nShall roll in graceful majesty along\\nEach grove and mountain shall be sacred made\\nAs now are Cooper s hill and Windsor s shade.\\nPoems of Nathaniel Evans, p. 120.\\nx^\\nBY ISAAC MICKLE,\\nPHILADELPHIA.\\nPublished by Townsend Ward,\\nNo. 45 South Fourth St,\\n1845.", "height": "3254", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "A^^\\nCURTS, PRINTER, PHOENIX OFFICE, CAMDEN, N. J.", "height": "3254", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PREFACE,\\nThe author of the following pages has attempted little more than to collect, and present at one\\nview, those recorded items relating to his native county which he found scattered through the\\nwritings of nearly an hundred men. He has been careful in copying these items to cite his au-\\nthorities, and the detection, therefore, of any errors in this part of his work will cost the reader but\\nlittle trouble. Such errors it has been the author s careful study to avoid and he flatters himself\\nthat he has in a great measure succeeded.\\nBut twenty reasons forbid him to express the same confidence with reference to those incidents\\ngathered from oral testimony which are now for the first time presented to the public. He has\\nrarely found two legends of the same event to agree in all material points, and has been obliged\\ntherefore to apply his own judgment to the evidence, and make as near an approximatiorx to the\\ntruth, as, under all the circumstances, he could. If any one should detect inaccuracies in conclu-\\nsions thus formed, the author will gladly brook his animadversion, if it only be attended with infor-\\nmation which may lead to a more correct version in a subsequent edition.\\nAn acknowledgement is due to many gentlemen who have contributed material for this brochure\\nThe author begs leave in particular to refer to the kindness of his Excellency Charles C. Strattom\\nof Swedesboro to J. Fennimore Cooper, Esq., of Cooperstown, N. Y., to the late Joseph Hugg,\\nEsq., of Burlington county, to Mr. Lemuel H. Davis, of Camden, and to Doctor Saunders, of Wood-\\nbury, from each of whom much valuable information was derived relating to the Revolutionary\\nhistory of Gloucester county.\\nAs for the style of these sketches, a sufficient apology will be found in the fact that they were\\nintended originally merely for publication in the columns of a newspaper. Their appearance ia\\nthis form is the result of a suggestion from some of the author s friends, that they would thus bet-\\nter answer the end for which they were written, to wit. the awakening of the people of old Glouces-\\nter to an interest in their local history. This has been too long a neglected subject yet it is one\\nto the study of which pride, patriotism and good sense alike impel us. It is one much better\\nworth mastering than any of the fables and we might add, than half the realities which the young\\nare sent to college to learn. True knowledge, as true charity, begins at home and he commences\\nthe fabric of his education at the summit instead of tlie base, who neglects the history of his very home\\nto get from poets, or less truthful orators and historians, a precise knowledge of places and things\\nwhich most likely never existed or which if they did exist, it were better we had never heard of.\\nShould these Reminiscences put any young son of Gloucester upon the true path to knowledge,\\nand give him a desire to learn more of the eventful story of his native soil, the author s labsrs will\\nhave been requited.\\nCamden, J., Dec, 1844.", "height": "3244", "width": "1894", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3254", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "REMINISCENCES\\nOF\\nOLD GLOUCESTER.\\nCHAPTER L\\nTHE LOCALITIES OF THE ABORIGINAL TRIBES\\nON THE EAST BANK OF THE DELAWARE.\\nWide stretching from these shores\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0A people savage from remoleat time,\\nA huge, neglecied empire\\nThomson s Winter, 951.\\nThe accounts that have been preserved\\nof the Indians Uving upon the Delaware\\nat the arrival of the Europeans, are for\\nthe most part locked up either in very\\nrare books or inlanj^uaj^es which few only\\ncan understand. Enough of them how-\\never is accessible to inform us of the\\nnames, numbers and precise localities of\\nall the considerable tribes, and even to\\ngive us a full idea of their manners and\\ncustoms, and their religious and political\\npeculiarities.\\nThe aborigines of New Jersey be-\\nlonged to the great family of the Dela-\\nwares, or as they called themselves, the\\nLenni-Lennape, or First People.-- Of\\nall the rivers in their wide domains the\\nDelaware was their favorite. They hon-\\nored it with the name of Lennape -Whit-\\ntuck or stream of the Lennape and on\\nits eastern side above the great bend, at\\na place which was called Chichohacki or\\nthe Tumbling Banks, from the frefjuent\\nHistory of the Delaware and Iroquois Indians,\\nPhil., 1832, p. 22.\\nB\\ncaving in of the shores, a large Indian\\ntown, says the legend recorded by\\nMoulton,^ had been for many years to-\\ngether where the great chief had re-\\nsided. The country over which this\\nchief had the name of ruling was called\\nScheyichbi, and nearly tallied in extent\\nwith the present limits of our State.\\nOf the relative situation of the various\\ntribes on the eastern bank of the Dela-\\nware, De Laet and Master Evelin have\\nleft us very definite accounts. From the\\nformer| we learn that on the smaller ri-\\nver which empties into the Delaware\\nBay a little below the Delaware, now\\ncalled Maurice River, the Sevvaposees\\n*Yutes and Moulton s New York, I, p. 225.\\nThe town was on the site of Trenton.\\nt Nevus Orbis, Lib. III. Chap. 12. The follow-\\ning-islhe account in theorig inii! Quurn pleni-\\nor hujus fluminis [the Delaware-] notitia ad nos\\nnondum pervenerit, plura de iilo dicere superse-\\ndeo. Hoc unum addo, varias nationes Barbaro-\\nrum ripas illius accolere et interiores regiones pos-\\nsidcre. Ad minorem amneni qui in sinum egre-\\ndilur paulum infra majoris Jluvii fauces, dpg-unt\\nSewaposii statiin intra majoris fauces, ad dex-\\ntram quidem Siconessii, ad sinistram autem Min-\\nquasy; ulterius ascendcntibus obvii fiunt Narati-\\ncong-y, Mantaesy, Armewamexy, qui omnes ad\\ndextram ripam juxla viinores amnes qm in majus\\nflumcn iufluimt, accoluut en ordiiie quern cxpres-\\nsirnus reinotiores a ripasiint i\\\\Iseroahkon{,ry, Atn-\\nakaraongky, Remkokes, Minquosy sive Machoer-\\neritini, Atsayongy omnium rcmolissimi M.illi-\\nkongy et Saakikancs.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "THE KRKCTION OV\\ndwelt. Just above the outlet of the Del-\\naware on the rij^ht, about Cohansey,\\nMere the Siconesses, opposite to whom\\non the western shore lived the Min-\\nquas. Ascenihnfj liulher, he met tlie\\nNaraticons upon tlie Racoon, the Man-\\nteses on JVlantua Creek, and the Arme-\\nwainexes on Timber Creek. Further up\\nthe river he mentions the Ma roahkon\u00c2\u00ab;s,\\nthe Amaronj^s, the Rancocas, the Min-\\nquose(^s or Macha rentinees, the Atsions,\\nthe Matiikongees and Sanhigans all\\nwhich tribes resided between Timber\\nCreek and the falls of Trenton, and\\ndoubtless in the very order in which the\\ncareful Do Laet has named them.\\nIn Master Evelin s letterf several of\\nthe same clans are mentioned, aud their\\nnumber of warriors respectively given.\\nHe enumerates the Kechemeches, a tribe\\nnear Cape May, v. ho mustered fifty men;\\nthe Siconesses the Manteses, who had a\\nhundred bowmen; and tlieir eqtially po-\\ntent neighbors who dwelt upon the Aso-\\nroches. Next to him, on the Peusaukin,\\nlived Eriwoneck, the kiii^ of forty men\\nand hero our author says the new Albion\\ncolony, of which he was one, sat down.\\nFive miles above, on the stream still bear-\\ning the name of its first masters, dwelt\\nthe king of Ramcock with a hundred\\nmen and four miles higher, about the site\\nof Burlington, was the king of Axion\\nwith two hundred. The last tribe were\\nmore numerous than any of tlie others,\\nand extended from the Assicunk to Mul-\\nlica River, one of the branches of which\\nstill retains the narae of Atsion.:]:\\nTo avoid any apparent inconsistency\\nin the accounts of De Laet and Evelin,\\n\\\\ve must remember that the former al-\\nways gives the name of the people, while\\nthe latter sometimes gives the name of\\nthe place, or its kings. Thus Evelin\\nspeaks of the river of Asoroches, or Coop-\\ner s Creek, the tribe inhabiting which\\nDe Laet calls Mieroahkongs. Thus\\nVide Lindstrom s map.\\nt Beanchainp Pl;inta^ cnet s New Albion, writ-\\nten in 1018, page 20.\\nt A tribe calked the Yacomansliagkings lived,\\nit seems by Thomas map, somcwiiere in tlie inte-\\nrior of old Gloucester county but it is not men-\\nHiionod Oy any other autlior.\\ntoo the former mentions Eriwonec, a\\nking on Pensnukin, whose tribe accord-\\ning to the latter, called themselves Ama-\\nrongs.\\nFrom this pompous catalogue of clans,\\none might suppose that the eastern bank\\nof the Delaware teemed with many thou-\\nsand savages but such was not the case.\\nMaster Evelin, who wrote in the lifth\\ndecade of the seventeenth century, says\\nI doe account all the Indians to be eight\\nhundred; and Oldmixou in 170S com-\\nputes that they had been reduced to one\\n((uarter of that number; which estimates\\nare probably very near the truth.\\nMany details, illustrating the appear-\\nance, institutions, and customs of the\\nabove named tribes are met with in the\\nold Dutch, Swedish and English histo-\\nrians of the Delaware. These being mat-\\nters of some interest, will form the sub-\\nject of a future chapter.\\nCHAPTER n.\\nTHE ERECTION OF FORT NASSAU.\\nS\u00c2\u00bbtU est iDamabilc regnum\\nAchpcxisie f cmet\\nOvid, Met. XIK 79.\\nThe planting of colonies in a strange\\nland, where an untamed nature and a\\nrace of untameable men conspire to olfer\\nopposition, is no easy work. The ad-\\nventurers in such an enterprise must pos-\\nsess much hardiness to undertake it, and\\nnothing but the g^reatest caution and de-\\ntermination can secure its permanent suc-\\ncess.\\nThe Europeans who settled upon the\\nshores of the Delaware underwent ma-\\nny trials, and Civilization more than once\\nabandoned her new home, as if hopeless\\nof obtaining a foot-hold against the per-\\nils that surrounded her. Some of her pi-\\noncers were animated by a desire for\\ngain, and others by a love for novelty\\npassions too weak to lead to any diffi-\\ncult achievement. It was not, therefore,\\nuntil the advent of a third people, prompt-\\ned by an invincible attachment to liber-\\nty, that the refinements of the Christian\\nBritish Empire in America, I. p. 141.", "height": "3233", "width": "1979", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "FOKT NASSAU.\\nworld took firm root in tlie soil of West\\nJersey. Of the empires of these three\\nnations, so far as they have any interest\\nto the denizens of old Gloucester, we\\nshall speak in order and firstly of the\\nDutch.\\nThe earliest settlement in this country\\nthe earliest indeed upon the eastern\\nbank of the Delaware was made by\\nCaptain Cornelius Jacobese Mey, sailinj^\\nin the employ of the second West India\\nCompany of Holland. To this company\\nthe fStates General had in 1621 granted\\nan immense tract of territory upon the\\nseaboard of America, which they claimed\\ny virtue of the occupancy of Henry\\nHudson, an Englishman bearing tlieir\\nHag, and the first European who landed\\nupon our shores.\\nCaptain Mey brought with him a num-\\nber of persons, and all the necessary\\nmeans for building a colony. f He en-\\ntered Delaware Bay, as historians with\\nwonderful unanimity are agreed, in 1623,\\nand gave his name to the Jersey cape.\\nAs the place for his settlement he fixed\\nupon Hermaomissing:}; at tlie mouth of\\nthe iSassackon, the most noi therly branch\\nof Gloucester River, or Timber Creek,\\nas the English afterwards called it from\\nthe great quanlities of curious tim.ber,\\nsays old Gabriel Thomas, which they\\ngend in great floats to Philadelphia.\\nHere he built a fort of logs, and named it\\nNassau, in honor of a town in the circle\\nof the Upper Rhine in Germany. This\\nfortification doubtless seemed formidable\\nto the Indians, who beheld with seeming\\nindilFerence the felling of their ancient\\nforests and the upturning of their useless\\nfields. The peace thus built upon the\\nfears of the natives was much strength-\\nened by a mutual love for barter: for\\nwhere each party believes he is ciieat-\\ning the other, there is no danger that\\ncommerce will be interrupted.\\nHow long Mey occupied Fort Nassau,\\nor what was the cause of his departure,\\nMacauley s History of New York, II. p. 285,\\nt Gordon s New Jersey, p. 7.\\nt Clay s Annals of the Swedes on the Delaware,\\np. 16.\\nHistory of West Jersey, p. 28.\\nhistory and legend tell us not. We only\\nknow that the next ship that was sent up\\nthe Delaware found tlie post in the pos-\\nsession of the savages, and the country\\nentirely deserted by the Europeans.\\nThe captain, wherever he steered, bore\\nwith him the esteem of the natives, who\\nlong contrasted his good conduct with the\\ncruelties and wrongs of his successors,\\nand wished either that he had never come\\namong them or that he had staid forever.\\nThe second essay of the Dutch to ef-\\nfect an establishment on the Zuydt Riv-\\nier (as they called the Delaware, in con-\\ntradistinction to the North River) was\\nmade under David Pieterson De Vries,\\nwho am/ed in 1631, eight years after the\\nerection of Fort Nassau, bringing with\\nhim a colony of thirty-four persons and\\nthe proper impkments for the raising of\\nicbacco and grain, and the carrying on\\nof whale and seal fisheries.| His first\\nlanding at Hoornekill, on the west side\\nof the bay, was marked b}^ a gross out-\\nrage upon the feelings and rights of the\\nhitherto friendly Indians and Osset who\\nacted as duputy during a visit of De Vries\\nto his father land, soon after forced the\\nnatives to bring him the head of one of\\ntheir number, for having removed the\\narms of the States General, which as a\\nbadge of Dutch dominion, had been set\\naloft upon a column. These wrongs\\nprovoked the red man s anger, and Os-\\nset and all his companions were murder-\\ned in a brutal and treacherous manner.\\nIt is probable that some of the colonists\\nhad possession at that time of the im-\\nprovements on the Sassackon and if so,\\nthey shared the same fate with their more\\nsea-wtird brethren.\\nThus, tv/o hundred and twenty-one\\nyears ago, was established the first em-\\npire of the Dutch on the Delaware. Old\\nGloucester has the honor of having been\\nselected as the site of their capital, and\\nthe scene of the first essay to settle and\\ncivilize West Jersey. But alas for the\\nchanges of time not even the locality\\nof the once liimous Nassau is now pre-\\n*Gordon, p. 9.\\nt Clay s Annals, p. 12; and Gordon, ubi snpra.\\nt Gordon, p. 10.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "4\\nTHE STRATEGY OF THK TIMMEUK-ILL.\\ncisi^iy known.* Wo are told it was at\\nGloucestor Point, t and that, I roin the\\nelevation of the land and the narrowness\\nof the river, is certainly the most likely\\nj)lace in the vicinity of the Sassackon.\\nPerhaps centuries hence some delver\\ninto the bowels of tiie earth will strike\\namon^ the hrokiMi pipe-stems of Myn-\\nheer, and reveal to the world the lonjj\\nforgotten spot.\\nCHAPTER III.\\nTHE STRATKGY OF TIIE TlMMKKKilJ,, AND\\nTHE UEPAKTUKE OF DE VIUES.\\nsn:\\\\kr arc in the iinsonis of (heir race:\\nAikI tliiMijli llipv belli willi us a IVicmlly lalt,\\nTlic hollow [ifaie-Ircp fill Ixiu.itli (litii lomnhank I\\nCampuELL, Gei: of ly^j. 1. xvi.\\nThe satiric Byroii. thouj^ht it ridicu-\\nlous that a man with the christening^ of\\nAinos Cottle should attempt to make po-\\netry; and some of our readers who join\\nwiihthe noble rake in his contempt for\\nfamiliar names, miji;;ht laugh at the preten-\\nsions of Cot)per s Creek to any thing of\\nhistoric dignity. To avoid, then, giving\\noirence to such Ihstidiousears, and at the\\nsame time to preserve the character of a\\nfaithful chronicler, we call the incident\\nwe are about to relate, the strategy of the\\nTimmerkill that having been the name of\\nthe stream in (juestion in the time of De\\nVries,(^ and, indeed, (as appears from\\nthe map drawn by Nicolas Visscherus)\\nfor many years afterwards. And now\\nfor the incident itself, which shows at\\nonce in the stron\u00c2\u00abr(;st liiiht the worst and\\nbest traits of the Indian character.\\nUpon the return of De Vries from\\nllolUmd in December, 1632, he found\\nno signs of the colony he ejqiected to\\nmeet, save their sculls and bones strewed\\nNew .Tersey Historical Collections by Barber\\nand !Iowe, p. I2l)7.\\nSee .Mr. Rudman s account of Nassau, Clay s\\nAnnals, p. 1.^.\\nb^nfjlish Bards and Scotch Reviewers, v. 393.\\nM ordon (ciiing- Dc Vries Journal) p. 10.\\nI! In l.indstroni s Map, drawn in 1655, Coop-\\ner s CrccU is called Miorte-kilcn bj which name\\nor hy lliat ofDeer Occk it is always dcsijijnaled\\nin Swedish authors. See Duponeeau, in I rcf. to\\naiupaiiius, a, and Cain^Janius, p. -IS.\\nover the face of the ground. Tho\\ntremblins: natives confessed the massa-\\nere of Osset and his companions, and\\nfeigned great penitence for the act.\\nPreferring to pardon where it was dan-\\ngerous to punish, and being, moreover,\\niilmost out of provisions, he formed\\nanother treaty, and stipulated for a sup-\\nl)ly of venison and corn. Under the pre-\\ntext of fulfilling their engagement, but\\nstill animated by a deadly hate of tho\\nravishers of their wives, the Indians de-\\ncoyed the Admiral from the renowned\\nNassau, where probably the negociation\\nhad been concluded, and persuaded him\\nto enter with his vessel and crew into\\nthe said Timmerkill, representing them-\\nselves to have copious stores of proven-\\nder upon that stream, which he could\\nreadily ship.\\nThe unsuspecting Dutchman accord-\\ningly pre])ared to ascend the creek; tho\\nwish of the natives probably being to\\nget him as far as the bluff which we\\nnow call Ward s Mount, where the bank\\nrises abruptly on the south side to a\\nconsiderable height, while the channel\\nopposite is partially filled with rocks\\ntliat hav become detached and rolled\\ndown. The wily Indians having ground-\\ned the little lugger at this ])lace, could\\nfrom the impending hill have assailed\\nher at gnnit advantage and indeed so\\nthey might if she had grounded in any\\nother part of the stream.\\nBut asking for bread and getting a\\nstone, was not quite the luck of the\\nDutchmen for an Indian girl came on\\nboard of the vessel secretly ere it had\\nr(\\\\ached the fatal place, and laid bare\\nthe designs of her countrymen, who\\nshe said had lately murdered the crew\\nof one vessel up the Timmerkill, and\\nnow meant to add the slaughter of\\nanother. Thus the wide world over,\\ndo we find gentle woman laboring to\\ncounteract the cruelties of man pre-\\nventing if she may, the l)low tliat iui-\\npends, or if it must fall, blunting its\\nedge, and averting itsefl ects, regardless\\nof the risk to herself. This nameless\\nheroine perilled her life to save Dc Vries.\\nClay s Annals, p. 13.", "height": "3254", "width": "1957", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "THE ADVENT OK THE SWEJUES.\\nHad her kind office been discovered by\\nher tribe, she would doubtless have\\nsuffered the worst tortures which their\\nresentmeut could have suj^{(ested. Iler\\njjenerous bravery in the cause of mercy\\ndoes much to alleviate the dark traits\\nin the character of the Indian, and she\\ndeserves to be remembered forever, as\\nan ornament to her sex and her race.\\nThus put upon his ^uard the Admiral\\nimmediately returned to head-quarters\\nat the mouth of the Sassackon ut here\\nthe designs of the enemy had been\\nfully cari-ied out. Expecting of course\\nthat De Vries and his comrades would\\nbe duly despatched in the upper creek,\\nthey had already assailed, carried, and\\nbegun to pillage the evacuated fort. In\\nthe midst of their exulting dance, the\\nadmiral hove in sight not floating with-\\nout his scalp upon the tide but main-\\ntaining his upright on the deck of his\\nlugger, and near a dire swivel which\\nnever perhaps till that day had received\\na swabbing. The Indians were at first\\nsomewhat disconcerted, but they soon\\nsurrounded him in their canoes, and lifty\\nof their warriors boarded the vessel.\\nNow it is a part of Dutch philosophy to\\ntry the mildest means first; and true to\\nthis principle. Admiral De Vries did not\\nemploy the swivel aforesaid against his\\nsavage invaders, but told them tliat\\nManitou, their great spirit had revealed\\ntheir treachery; and then suggested to\\nthem the propriety of withdrawing, be-\\nfore the same Manitou should direct the\\nuse of the big thunder. They immedi-\\nately followed his advice and this\\nbloodless capture and reprisal in the\\nwaters of Gloucester certainly constitute\\nthe first if not the most illustrious naval\\nengagement of which we have any certain\\ndetails, in the Niew Nederlands of the\\nSouth River.\\nAnother treaty was soon nilvr made,\\nnotwithstanding the I unic faith of the\\nArniewamexes for so we have seen the\\ntribe on Timber Creek was called and\\nthe Admiral again smoked his pipe in\\nA well written talc, founded on this circum-\\nstance, and called, we think, Yacouta, a legend of\\nVVest Jersey, was published ahoul a ycat ago la\\nMiss Leshu s Magazine.\\npeace behind the logs of famed Nassau.\\nHe probably felt, however, that he held\\nhis scalp in tenancy at sufferance for he\\nsoon left the Delaware with all his\\ncolonists and implements, and true to\\nHolland economy took back with him to\\nthe father-land even the bricks he had\\nbrought out wherewithal to build houses\\nand with him departed forever the un-\\ndisputed eui|)ire of the States General\\nover the country of which we are\\ntreating.\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nTHE ADVENT OF THE SWEDES, AND ACCES-\\nSION OF JOHN I.\\nignota in veste reporlat\\nAdvtuisse virus.\\nViRG. JEn. VII. 167.\\nThe second people who settled upon\\nthe Delaware were the Swedes; and their\\nadvent has been fixed, by several histo-\\nrians who have followed the cureless\\nCampanius,- as far back as 1G31 or even\\n1627. t But Campanius says himself J\\nthat the Dutch had abandoned the coun-\\ntry entirely when the Swedes came, and\\nwe have seen that the fort on the Sas-\\nsackon was occupied down to 1633,\\nMoreover as Clay\\\\3 observes, it is admit-\\nted on all hands that the first Swedish\\nfort was built in the reign of Christina\\nafter whom it was named, and we know\\nshe was not crowned for some time after\\n1631. It may have been however that a\\nfew straggling Swedes found their way\\nto the Delaware during the empire of\\nthe D(.itch and that thus Campanius was.\\nmisled.\\nFrom the departure of De Vries in\\n1633, the Dutch occasionally camo\\naround to Fort Nassau to trade with the\\nIndians, but it does not appear that they\\nendeavored or even wished to maintain\\na colony on the Delaware. Prcsumirijg\\nmore, we imagine, upon this want of oc-\\nPage 79.\\nt Holmes Annals, I. p. 242; Smith s New Jer-\\nsey, p. 22; Johnson s Salem, p. 7; Alucauley sj\\nNew York, 11. pfSOS.\\nt r age (IS.\\n\\\\iiiials of the Swedes on the Delaware, p. id.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "r\\nrUK ADVKNT DK THK SWKPKS.\\nninrmrv tlian tlio cession of tho Duloli\\nrii^lit i t uliirli Cnmpjinins sponks,* \\\\\\\\\\\\o\\nSwtulos uml(M MtMunvt in U); St built dio\\nI ort !uul town of Cliristiaiia, near whore\\n\\\\N ilininjitcni now j;(:uu1s. jiiuI htiil tlio\\ntouiulationofihoompiiv ot Now Swodoii.\\nI lu so now oouiors found Nassau in ru-\\nins uttorly (lostrovod l v tlio Indians\\nsays Cainpanius,:}: and all who were\\nihortMn nnudtM-o(l or (h i\\\\on away. It\\nwas rt^lniilt, howovor, by its oldniastors,\\n(^who soon roiurnod to watch tho intru-\\ndo rs upon ihoir ri ;lits) and iig-un^l in ii;o\\nrovohitions of after da vs.\\nNt r was tlie renovation of Nassau the\\n1 nly inrriu ;en .ent upon tiie possession of\\nt ne Swedt^s. A company orEnj::lisb.!nen\\nfrom New lUiveu, scttUnl in lii U^\\\\ on\\nthe site o\\\\ Salem, and bejran with Sax-\\non detennination to establish a col(. ny.\\nAnd thus four nations, speaking: four dis-\\ntinct lani::uap^s, enjoyed for a time tho\\nbanks oi the Delawi^re in conmion, and\\nlived in peace with each other.\\nTho Swedisli star however was in tho\\nascendant. The colony at Christiann\\nincreaseil rapidly in stivaj;h, end bepai\\nto exercise the superiority which it felt\\n(iver Itscotenanis. In UvWjI JohnPrintz,\\nJohn 1. of Tinicum, armed with a royal\\n(Conmiission as Covernor, came out from\\nf?weden, and superceded Peter lloUen-\\n^are (the successor o! Menewe) in tho\\ndirection of aiVuirs.*; From tliis epoch\\nwe must date the establishment of tho\\ntirst civili/ed xovern!uent on tb.e South\\nKiver; the Dutch and nnerlish having\\nonjoytHl a return of Ovid s g-olden ajre,\\nin which erani sine iudice tuti, un-\\nless indeed the lofrend be true, that com-\\nmander iienewe had doled out justice to\\nthe men of Nassiuift til a quarn^Iwith\\nhis subjects compelled hint to fly to Hol-\\nland, and afterwards led him to espouse\\n-the interests of Sweden.\\nBefow the arrival of John 1. the\\nSwedish a^ients had purchased of the\\nt AcrcUiis, citrJ by Cl;\u00c2\u00bbv p. \\\\9. t^ordon. p. 11.\\nt Ubi supra. Oluy s Annals, p. 2\\nl\u00c2\u00abtem, p. 50 Gonlon, p. lo.\\n1i Clay s AiiiKils, p. 17. .Motainor., I. ver.93.\\n+tOi:iv s Anniiis, j IG; and sec Macaalcy s\\nKow York, II. p. ^6.\\nIndians all tho land from (^ipo INiay to\\nH:ico(m, in order to circumviMJt the Kn\u00c2\u00ab:^-\\nlish scpiatters at Salem; and his sub-\\nMajesty was instructed to procure their\\nremoval b\\\\ lair means, or to unite them\\nwith his colony. Hut persuasion lail-\\ninji: to induce tho Fin ;lislnnen to leave\\ntheir improveuuMits, tlu Swedes and\\nDutch united and expelled them by\\nfo^ct^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2t and Jolin 1. iuunediately built\\nFort Klsinborj:: at tho mouth of Salem\\nCreek to prevent the exiles from return-\\ninji-.j: This place, however, heiu};- in the\\nneijihborhood of low marshes, wasnmch\\ninfested wiih juusqnitoes, prodijiious\\nswarms of which attacked the jiarrison\\nuutl forceil them to retreat. The fort\\nfrom this circiujistnnco was nicknamed\\nMyjr^enborji-. that is to say Musciuitoo\\nFort and it was demolished by tho\\nSwedes themselvesi^S after Stuyvesant,\\nwith more leniency than its t onner as-\\nsailants had nrade it a bloodless prize.\\nThe capital of New- Sweden waslixed\\non Tinicum (or Temiekonji,- as the abori-\\njiincs called it a well knowji island op-\\nposite the shore of Cireenwich Township,\\nwhich is now a township itself, and ji\\nfamous one from a pleasantry currtMit\\nabout election time amonj; Pennsylvania\\npoliticians. II Here John 1. built Fort New\\nCottenbor He also caused to be built\\nthert says his nunute chronicler, a\\nmansion f*u hhnself and his family, which\\nwas very handsome. There was like-\\nwise a fine orchard, a pletisure house\\nand other conveniences. He called it\\nPrint/ Hall. On this island the princi-\\npal inhabitants had their dwellings and\\nplantations.\\nJohn 1. governed the destinies of the\\nSwedeland Stream for ten years, and it\\nseems with a pretty Isigh hand. His tirst\\nact was in violation of his instructions\\nfrom the crown of Sweden, and in his\\nwhole reign he atlecied indeiiendence of\\ntlio mother government, and was more\\n\u00c2\u00bbClay s Annals, p. Oi\\nt iMacaulcy s New York, II. p. 3oI.\\nt Gorden s New Jer^iey, p. 14.\\n^Canipaniiis, p. !?0.\\nIP Tinieniu is hoard from give up I Tlie\\nplsco polls uKiut twenty voles.\\nCuuijMuius, p. 70.\\nI", "height": "3254", "width": "1957", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "OF NKW SWEDKN IN THE DAYS OF ITS GLOKY.\\ndespotic at Tiniciim than Giistavus at\\nStockholm. It is rolutodlliut Ix; forbadu\\nmany ernij^rants to land, and tliat in re-\\nturning to Sweden some of tiiem per-\\nished; and of tliose who did disembark\\na cliief part were kept in slavery, em-\\nployed in dij^j^ing the earth, tlirowing- up\\ntrenches, and erecting fortifications.\\nIn fact the villenage of the middle ages\\nwas introduced in unmitigated severity,\\nand th first king of I inicum seems to\\nhave been incUncd neitlier by nature or\\neducation to attempt the improvement of\\nsuch a state of things. His tyranny made\\nhim excessively un})opuhir, and his abdi-\\ncation in lC).y2 was hailed witli joy\\nthroughout New Sweden. f\\nCHAPTER V.\\nOF NEW SWEDEN IN THE DAYS OF ITS GLORY.\\nncrhani in after days\\nThpy ll learn to love your name;\\nAnd many a deed thall wake in praiti*,\\nThat loog bath ilepl in lilanic.\\nJMoohe m Ode, }ftep on.\\nNotwithstanding the unauspicious tem-\\nper of John I. New Sweden during his\\nreign reached a condition far too respect-\\nable to be dismissed with a mere alluf:iori.\\nOn both sides of the Swedeland stream,\\nand on several of its islands, were con-\\nsiderable settlem(!nts, which, between\\nthe joint tributes of the old mother coun-\\ntry and of the new county mothers in-\\ncreased with amazing rapidity,! and\\nseemed to argue for the yellow cross of\\nthe Northmen a firm establishment in the\\nwoods of the newer world.\\nOn the west side of the Swedeland\\nStream, the most southern town was\\nChristina Hamn, at the condtience of the\\nBrandywine and Christiana Creeks\\nnext was Finland, a settlement of bond\\nFins and Laps; and then came Upland,\\nwhere now Chester stands, famous, if we\\nmay believe the insinuation of a roman-\\ncer, for the inquisitiveness of its people.\\n*Campanius, p. 73. TCIny s Annals, p. 25.\\nt The peculiar fitness of the Swedish iii;itrons\\nfor a new country is celebrated by William Penn.\\nClarkson I, p. 3(11).\\nSec Print?, flail, a novel in 2 vol) by .Mr. Gal-\\nlagher; Phil. 183J. Vol. II. p. llfJ.\\nAt Passayunk, which was a crown gift to\\nSwen Schute, was Fort Korsholm; and\\nat Manayunk on the Schuylkill there was\\nanother fortress, froiri a description of\\nwhich we can form some idea of the mil-\\nitary architecture of tlie day. It was a\\nhandsome fort says Campanius- built\\nof logs, filled up with sand and stones,\\nand surrounded with palisades cut very\\nsharp at the top.\\nUpon the island of Tinicum, as we\\nhave said before, was the great capital\\nNew Gottenborg, the residence of all the\\nJohns, and the intended Stockholm of the\\nnev/ world. On a peninsula a little north\\nof Upland lived the black bearded Olof\\nStille and some other Swedish freemen\\nwho had much dealing with the Indians.\\nOn Manathann or Cherry Island near\\nFort Christiana was a manufactory of\\ntubs and boats, carried on by two Dutch-\\nmen, renegades probably from Nassau,\\nand some Swedes, And at Karakong,\\na creek now unknown, was the Gover-\\nnor s mill, the first that ever clattered\\nupon the Delaware.\\nOn the Jersey side of the river, the\\nmost southern settlement of which we\\nhave any certain account, v/as lillfsborg,\\nat Fort Point in Elsinboro township,\\nSalem County,f or as the Indians called\\nit, Wootsessung-sing. Tlie next was at\\na promontory opposite Reedy Island,\\nwhich still retains the name of Fins\\nPoint, v/here probably resided only Fins\\nand Laps, who were kept in slav(!ry,\\nand had a particular spot appointed to\\nthem apart from the freemen.:]; On the\\nRacoon in Gloucester County where now\\nSwedesborough stands, a town was built\\nat a very early day, and became the chief\\npost on the east of the Swedeland\\nStream. In addition to these it is highly\\nprobable that the settlement called by\\nCampanius Chin3essing(\\\\ was also upon\\nthe eastern bank in Burlington County,\\nabout Cinnaminson for although Dupon-\\nceau has concluded that Chinsessing\\nand the modern Kingsessing in Philadel-\\nphia County are one and the same, it is\\nPage 80. t Johnson s Salem, p. 7.\\nICiiinp.inius, p. 73.\\n\u00c2\u00a70r Sineesingh. Uescrip. of New Sweden, p. 48,", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "8\\nOF NEW SWEDEN IN THE DAYS OF 1T8 GLORY.\\nto }yc observed that J .indstrom has marked\\nno place on the western side of the river\\nwhich sounds at all like that name, while\\nhe has marked a creek on the eastern\\nside next but one above the Hiorte-Kilen\\nor Cooper s Creek, Sincessinj2:h; in con-\\nfirmation whereof we may add that the\\nstream next above Pensaukin is to this\\nday called Swedes Branch.^- Campan-\\nius leaves us in darkness as to the precise\\nlocality of Chincessing, but he has told\\nusf that it was not properly a fort, but\\nf5ubstantial log houses built of good strong\\nhard hickory, two stories high, which\\nwas sufficient to secure the people from\\nthe Indians; and he adds in that set-\\ntlement there dwelt five free men who\\neultivated the land and lived very well.\\nOf the number of people inhabiting the\\nSwedeland Stream in the palmy days of\\nthe Swedish empire we have no certain\\ninformation. We know however^: that\\nin the next generation after the conquest\\nby Stuyvesant, that is in 1693, there were\\nabout a thousand who still retained the\\nSwedish language and customs. When\\nwe remember that a double subjugation\\nmust have driven many back to Sweden,\\nand that by intermarriage with the Dutch\\n^nd English, many others lost their na-\\ntionality, we may fairly account that the\\npopulation of New Sweden at her fall\\nwas not far from the same number.\\nThe government established by Printz\\nwas in effect a monarchy, regulated only\\nin name by the power of the crown at\\nhome which, though it professed to in-\\nstruct, was too weak by reason of its dis-\\ntance to compel, and therefore too wise\\nto insist on, compliance. We have seen^\\none instance of the boldness of his sub-\\nMajesty John I. in sending back cargoes\\nof convicts whom the government at\\nhome had transported to the Swedeland\\nStream And this is by no means the\\nonly case in which the will of Tinicum\\noverruled that of Stockholm.\\nIdem 80, and Duponceau s note ibidem. See\\nGordnn s large map of New Jersey.\\ntPiigeSl.\\nt From tlie census preserved in Campanius, p.\\n164.\\nAnte, Chap. IV.\\nThe Swedish settlements on the Del-\\naware were managed to a certain extent\\nby a Navigation Company,- divisible at\\nleast in name from the government of\\nSweden itself, though hardly to be sepa-\\nrared in any thing else. From this joint-\\ndirection arose one of the four estates\\nrecognized among the people of New\\nSweden. First was the Governor, su-\\npreme in political matters secondly, the\\ncompany s servants who were employed\\nin various capacities in the private econ-\\nomy of the new empire thirdly, the prin-\\ncipal men or freemen, who came over to\\nbetter their fortunes, and might locate\\nand build where they pleased, and return\\nhome whenever they wished and fourth-\\nly, were vagabonds, malefactors, and the\\nvictims of Sweden s triumphs in war\\nwho were held in strict slavery, and were\\nemployed in all the base services of pure\\nvillenage, apart from the better classes,\\nand confined to particular spots of land,\\nwhich they dare not leave except upon\\nthe bidding of their masters.f This\\ncondition, abject though it was, the vag-\\nabonds aforesaid doubtless preferred to\\nthe fate they would have met had they\\nremained in Europe.\\nOf the details of the government of\\nTinicum no very full account has reached\\nus. One fact has however been pre-\\nserved, and we record it merely to show\\nthe lovers of the unique how much they\\nhave lost by the remissness of New\\nSweden s chroniclers the Secretary of\\nState received eight rix dollars per\\nmonth, and the gubernatorial barber ten. J\\nA civil list, the symmetry of which re-\\nminds of Jack Falstaff s tavern bill\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nItem, sack, live and eight pence; item,\\nbread, halfpenny.\\nWhen John I. abdicated in 1652, it was\\nin favor of his son-in-law, John Pape-\\ngoya, or as historic dignity requires us to\\ncall him, John II. He two years after\\nresigned his sceptre to John Risingh.the\\nlast of the vice-roys of Tinicum who,\\naccompanied by Lindstrom the engineer,\\n*Gordon, p. 13.\\nt Campanius, Book II. chap. vii.\\nt Gordon, a hi supra.\\nShalispoare, I King Henry IV, ii. 4.", "height": "3254", "width": "1957", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "WHAT THB SWEDES SAW UPON THE DELAWARE.\\n9\\nhad come out as commissioner, soon after\\nthe abdication and departure ofPrintz/\\nHow Ichabod was written on the doors\\nof New Sweden, and what John HI. did\\nto sustain the waning glory of his realm,\\nwill presently appear.\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nWHAT THE SWEDES SAW UPON THE DELA-\\nWARE.\\nCredat Judaeus Apella;\\nI ego.\\nHOR. Brund. llO.\\nThe Swedes of the Delaware, natu-\\nrally superstitious, and having their taste\\nfor the monstrous heightened by really\\nmeeting with much that their philosophy\\nhad never dreamed of before, discovered\\nmany things in their new home, which\\nwe of later days inhabiting the same\\ncountry have never even heard of. Some\\nof these jDrodigies are gravely recorded\\nby pastor Campanius and others, and it\\nmay be amusing to select a few of them\\nto show what a wonderful place New\\nSweden must have seemed to be, and\\nhow little truth will sometimes, even in\\npious and good writers, give rise to a\\ngreat deal of falsehood.\\nAnd firstly, said Camjianius testifies\\nthat at Kag-Kisizachens, or at Oklman s\\nCreek, (so called by us after the Dutch\\nname Alderman s Kilen) all plants grew\\nluxuriantly, particularly tobacco ;t and it\\nwas considered a healthier place than Oit-\\nsessingh, or Elfsborg, on Salem Creek,\\nFrom Oldman s Creek to Memirako,\\notherwise Naraticon, or Racoon Creek,\\nhe says there are several islands, which\\nare nothing else but marshes, such as we\\nhave in our lakes in Sweden; they pro-\\nduce a great quantity of rushes, grow-\\ning together with strong thick roots, so\\nthat a man may walk upon them, sinking\\ndeep however in mud and water. In\\nthese marshes there grows a kind of root,\\nwhich the Swedes call hog s turnep;\\nthey look and taste much like the Jeru-\\nClay s Annals, p. 25.\\nt The tobacco is excellent upon the river Del-\\nj-ware. Blome, p. 87.\\nC\\nsalem artichoke the Indians feed upon\\nthem when their bread and meat fail.\\nOn these roots the swine feed all the\\nwinter, and grow very fat upon them.\\nFrom Racoon to Makle s (or Mantua)\\nCreek, he avers, there grows a great\\nquantity of walnuts, chestnuts, peaches,\\ncypresses, mulberries, fish-trees, and\\nmany other rare trees to which no names\\ncan be given, as they are not found any\\nwhei e else but on this river. Below\\nTimber Creek, and in the woods above,\\nthere is said to have been a great num-\\nber of white, brown, blue and red grapes\\nand Deer Creek, now Cooper s Creek,\\nwas famous for peach trees, and the\\nsweet-smelling sassafras tree. From\\nAquikanasra, or Potty s Island, to Sin-\\ncessingh, the place probably now called\\nCinnaminson, the land continues the\\nauthor is high, and not well suited for\\ncultivation. In this place grows ihejish-\\ntree, which resembles box-wood, and\\nsmells like raw fish. It cannot he split;\\nbut if a fire be lighted around it with some\\nother kind ofioood, it mells away. Here\\nat Sincessingh the Rennappi Indians\\ncatch tortoises, sturgeons, and other\\nkinds of fish. It would puzzls the Pea\\nShore men, we imagine, to find one of\\nthese wonderful trees now, notwith-\\nstanding the Swedish parson so une-\\nquivocally asserts their existence.\\nSomewhere between Qu;nkoringh,\\nnow Kinkora, and Rancocas, tuere was\\nbelieved to be a silver mine; and at Wa-\\nrentapecka Creek, more to the south,\\nthere is a place in the middle of the creek\\nthat never fi-eezes, and where swans are\\nseen at all times. This Warentapecka\\nand the modern Pensaukin are doubtless\\nthe same, except in the peculiarities here\\nattributed to them.\\nThus much for the river shore of our\\ncounty. As for the interior, writes\\nthe same author in language worthy of\\nan Irishman, nothing is known about it\\nexcept that it is believed to be a continent\\nthe Swedes have no intercourse with any\\nof the savages but the black and ivhite\\nMengwees, and these know nothing ex-\\ncept that as far as they have gone into\\nthe interior the country is inhabited by\\nother wild nations of various races.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "10\\nTIIB WAH3 OF THli DUTCH AND SWEDES.\\nBut the wonders of New Sweden did\\nnot stop atiish-trees and white and black\\nIndians. T!ie Delaware was alive with\\nwhales, sharks, sea-spiders and tarm-\\nlisks and its shores with a large and\\nhorrible serpent which is called a rattle\\nsnake, which has a head adds our eye-\\nwitness author like that of a dog, and\\ncan bite off a man s leg as clear as if it\\nhad been liewn doivn ivith cm axe! The\\nskins of these snakes were supposed to\\nhave a peculiar medicinal property, and\\nwere much sought by the Indian women\\nin pregnancy,\\nThe sea-spiders great numbers of\\nwhich were driven ashore by the south\\nwinds at Spinnel s Udd, or Spider s\\nPoint, now Bombay Hook are described\\nas being as large as tortoises; and like\\nthem they have houses over them of a\\nkind of yellow horn. They have many\\nfeet, and tlieir tails are Jialf an ell long,\\nand made like a three-edged saiv, tvith\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0u JiicJi the hardest trees may be sawed\\ndown. In which exaggerated account it\\nis easy to recognize the well known\\nshell-fish called the king-crab.\\nThe tarm-ftsk Campanius deposeth\\nhath no head, and is like a smooth rope,\\none-quarter of a yard in lengh, and four\\nfingers thick, and somewhat bowed in\\nthe middle. At each of the four corners\\nthere runs out a small bowel three yards\\nlong, and thick as coarse twine. With\\ntwo of these bowels they suck in their\\nfood, and with the two others eject it from\\nthem. They can put out these bowels\\nat pleasure and draw them in again, so\\nthat they are entirely concealed; by\\nwhich means they can move their bodies\\nabout as they like, which is truly won-\\nderful to look upon. They ere enclosed\\nin a house or shell of brown horn,\\nThere was also a kind offish with great\\nlong teeth, called by the Indians manitto\\nthat is, spirit or devil; which plunged\\nvery deep into the water and spouted it\\nup like a whale. The author says this\\nmanitto-fish Avas only seen in one partic-\\nular spot of the Delaware and it were\\nuseless to hint that both it and the tarm-\\nfisk have now left our waters entirely.\\nMany more strange things are related\\nby the early toppgraphers and geogra-\\nphers of this part of New Jersey; but\\nhere we end our digression, referring\\nthe curious to those writers themselves,\\nwherein such oddities will more at large\\nappear.\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nTHE WARS OF THE DUTCH AND SWEDES.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094nulla cadavera calcent\\nJuvenal, Sat. XF. 60.\\nWe have seen that the Dutch, as if to\\nplay the dog in the manger, had returned\\nto their deserted dominions very soon\\nafter the Swedes began to settle them,\\nand that the two nations had formed an\\noffensive alliance against the English.\\nThis feeling of friendship did not last a\\ngreat while the allies quarrelled and\\na war ensued, the most singular in one\\nrepect, at least, of any ever recorded.\\nOf this sad rupture it is said the fort at\\nthe mouth of Salem Creek, or Mosquitoe\\nFort, was the remote cause. Campani-\\nus-==- testifies that this place was mounted\\nwith cannon, and when the Swedes came\\nin from Sweden with their ships these\\nguns were fired to welcome them. It\\nis objected! however that a less innocent\\nuse was found for the Myggenborg batte-\\nry, and that the Swedes therewith forced\\nthe Dutch ships passing up to Fort Nas-\\nsau humbly to strike their flags; which,\\nif true, was justified by the prior inso-\\nlence of the Dutchmen at Nassau, who\\nhad claimed to stop Swedish vessels\\nfrom visiting WlcacoaandChinsessing.;}:\\nYet the retaliation offered by the Elfs-\\nborgers being somewhat abstract. Myn-\\nheer might have forgotten or forgiven it,\\nbut for other events which occurred\\nsometime afterwards, and made war in-\\nevitable.\\nThe Dutch in 16.51 erected Fort Cas-\\nimer on the site of New_Castle, within\\nPa^e 80.\\nt Smith s New Jersey, p. 23; from a MS. en-\\ntitled A hrirf account of New Netherland, in Hans\\nSloan s collection.\\ntSee Gordon, p. 14; and instructions to Gover-\\nnor Printz, Clay s Annul?, p. 22.\\nI\\ni", "height": "3254", "width": "1957", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "THE WARS OP THE DUTCH AND SWEDES.\\n11\\nfour miles of Christina itself, inthe land\\nof the Swedes says Campanius, and\\nin spite of various protestations of our\\ngovernor. This John III. took in high\\ndud ^eon, and in 16.54 he formally de-\\nmanded a surrender of the post. After\\nduly smoking the summons over, the\\nDutchmen arrived at the conclusion that\\nthey hardly knew whether to comply\\nor not, and so things remained in statu\\nquo. Thereupon the governor seized it,\\nbut whether by force or fraud historians\\nare not agreed. Tlie Swedes say it was\\ntaken by storm the Dutch, by treache-\\nry;t the latter alleging that John III. and\\nan army of thirty men came into the fort\\nas guests, and then mastered it and\\nobliged the conquered garrison to swear\\nallegiance to Queen Christiana. At all\\nevents it was taken somehow; and the\\nengineer Lindstrora having improved its\\nfortifications, it was thereafter called\\nTrinity Fort. And thus old Nassau be-\\ncame the only vestige of das neue Neder-\\nlandt on South River; it being garrisoned\\nby twenty Dutchmen, who do not seem to\\nhave suffered with their brethren at\\nSandhocken the misfortunes of war.\\nIn the course of time for news will\\ntravel even in Dutch ships all these\\ntransactions on the Delaware reached\\nthe ears of the great Peter Stuyvesant,\\nwho lived at Manaates, a clever little\\ntown says CampaniusJ which went on\\nincreasing every day, and was a fine\\ncommercial place where goods were\\nbought and sold, as in old Holland;\\nwhich clever little town is now known by\\nthe name olNew York. Stuyvesant was\\ngovernor of all Dutch America; and vi-\\ngilamly did he watch and valiantly de-\\nfend the rising empire of the States Gen-\\neral in the New Netherlands. Yet his\\nvalor did not lack the better part discre-\\ntion for he was wont to smoke a matter\\nover sundry times before he decided upon\\nI it once. This precaution however he\\nomitted when he heard of the fall of Fort\\nCasimer. On that occasion he concluded\\nPage 82.\\nt Compare Campanius, p. 82, and Macauley s\\nNew York, n. .351.\\nt Ubi supra.\\nimmediately, and his conclusion was for\\nwar, avenging war\\nAccordingly at the end of August 16.5.5,\\nwith seven ships and six or seven hun-\\ndred men, he appeared on the Delaware,\\nand proceeded to desolate the happy\\nrealm of John III. In narrating this fa-\\nmous expedition the immortal Knicker-\\nbocker has done more than justice to the\\nvictors so we as a feeble offset v/ill follow\\nthe accounts of the vanquished, prefer-\\nring, if we must err at all, to err in favor\\nof the unfortunate. And moreover some\\nthere are who boldly say that Deidrick\\nKnickerbocker as a historian is worthy\\nof no dependence at all, whereas John\\nCampanius of Stockholm was a grave\\nparson, not to be suspected either of a\\nsuggestion of falsehood, or a suppres-\\nsion of the truth. There are two rea-\\nsons therefore for following the latter in-\\nstead of the former of these writers.\\nIn the first place then it appears that\\nStuyvesant came upon the Swedes una-\\nwares: John III. having settled the Cas-\\nimer affair with him months before, and\\nthe two nations being entirely at peace,\\nso far as the invaded people knew or\\nbelieved. Herein Stuyvesant outraged\\nthe universal law of nations, for even Zee\\nPentor, the sachem of the Armewaraexes,\\nwould not attack the Minquas until he\\nhad declared war by leaving a bloody\\nclub upon their shores.\\nThe first landing of the Dutch was by\\nnight at Elfsborg, where they made\\nprisoners of the i ree inhabitants. The\\nnext day they crossed over to Fort\\nTrinity, which the commandant, Swen\\nSchute, tenant in capite of Passyunk,\\npartly by threats and partly by persua-\\nsion treacherously gave up.f The\\nSwedish officers were left under arrest,\\nand the common soldiers taken on board\\nthe victorious lleet. On the second of\\n*The Timber Creek Indians were at war with\\nthe Minquas on the Ciiristina in 1633. DeVries\\nsays in liis Journal that tiie sachem of the former\\ntribe at that time was named Zee Puntor. See\\nPierre DuSimitre s MSS. in the Piiiladelphia Li-\\nbrary.\\nt The strength of Fort Trinity was four four-\\nteen pounders, five swivels and some small arms.\\nSmith s New York, p. 6; Holmes Annals, I. p. 3:)6.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "12\\nTHE RESTORATION OF THE DUTCH POWER,\\nSeptember, Christina was invested, but\\ncapitulated without a serious resistance\\nand Stuyvesant, fhished with success,\\nimmediately proceeded to assail New\\nGottenborjj^, on Tinicum the very eye\\nof New Sweden, and the seat perhaps of\\nmore splendor and politeness than even\\nNew Amsterdam itself.\\nJohn III. makinjj- a bold stand for his\\ncapitol, the invincible Peter landed a\\nforce and laid waste the plantations\\nwithout the fort, killed the cattle, and\\nplundered the outpost Swedes for four-\\nteen days. Every eflbrt was made to\\nreduce the stubborn place except the\\nuse of arms; for, although Campanius\\nsays the fortress was surrendered at last\\nfor want of men and ammunition, it\\nseems that the latter was an article en-\\ntirely superfluous to both sides it never\\nhaving been questioned that all the fa-\\nmous battles of which we are writing\\nwere decided in the following manner.\\nTaking it for granted that the most nu-\\nmerous party would con(]uer at all events\\nif they fought, they also took the fighting\\nfor granted, and solved the problem of\\nvictory by an e([uation of noses. After\\nsome diplomacy, this philosophical ap-\\npeal to arithmetic instead of the cartridge\\n_box was consented to by John III. the\\nSwedes were outcounted by the seven\\nhundred Dutchmen and the standard of\\nthe States General waved in bloodless\\ntriumph over the ramparts of Tinicum\\nI iie terms of these surrenders were\\nas honorable to the Swedes as the means\\nof procuring them were novel. The pro-\\n})erty of the crown and company was to\\n)e restored, and to this end it was in-\\nventoried. Such being the case, and not\\na drop of blood having been shed in the\\nwhole war, we cannot marvel at the lev-\\nity with which the Swedes evacuated\\ntheir capitol with their arms, with fly-\\ning colors, lighted matches, drums beat-\\ninji-, andlifes playing. The officers and\\nprincipal people were taken captives to\\nNew Amsterdam the common people\\nreceived the yoke and thus .after a\\nSwedish empire of seventeen years, the\\nDutch were again lords of a country\\nwhich in the language of Kieft had been\\nujany years in their possession, above\\nand below studded with forts, and sealed\\nwith their blood.\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\nTHE RESTORATION OF THE DUTCH POWER,\\nAND FINAL DESTRUCTION OF FORT NAS-\\nSAU.\\nerrat Iont;e mea qnldem sententia\\nQui iinperiuiu crcdal t;iaviiis esse aut stnbilius\\nVi quod fit, quaui illud quiid amicilia adjuni;itur.\\nTerknce, Add. i. i. 40.\\nGreat was the satisfaction of old Nas-\\nsau when she heard of the surrender of\\nTinicum, and found herself by indubita-\\nble right again the queen of the Dela-\\nware and still greater was it when the\\ntriumphant Stuyvesant entered her por-\\ntals to participate in the jokes, smokes,\\nand congratulations which naturally fol-\\nlowed his brilliant campaign\\nA government was immediately estab-\\nlished by the conquerer over his newly\\nrecovered territory, to be administered\\nby a deputy cafled a vice director; who\\nwas invested with power to grant lands\\nby patent, to decide disputes, and in\\ngeneral to see that the republic receive\\nno detriment. The first lieutenant was\\nnamed Johannes Paul Jaccjiiet the sec-\\nond, Peter Aldricks; the third, Hinoiossa;\\nand the fourth and last William Beek-\\nman.f These functionaries resided some-\\ntimes at Tinicum, sometimes atNewAm-\\nstel, and sometimes at Fort Nassau, ac-\\ncording to the exigencies of the realm\\nthat is to say, wherever their presence\\nwas most required, there they were sure\\nnot to be found. The constant quarrels\\nhowever between the Swedes and the\\nDutch made mere business than the vice\\ndirectors could possibly elude; and so,\\nas the next preferable alternative, the\\nworthy judges made it a point always to\\ndiscover the right to be on the side of\\ntheir countrymen, and to pass sentence\\naccordingly; by which rule of decision\\nthat conflict of precedents so trouble-\\nsome in other systems of judicature, waa\\nwisely avoided.\\nIliizard s Penn. Register, Vol. IV. p. 22.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "AND FINAL DESTRUCTION OP FORT NASSAU.\\nIS\\nDuring their second empire the Dutch\\nadded a few houses under the walls of\\nthe fort at Gloucester, and the whole\\nwas honored with the name of the town\\nof Nassau.* Other houses were also\\nbuilt along the river shore for some miles\\nabove and below the town; the inhabi-\\ntants trusting to the reduced numbers and\\nsubdued spirit of the Indians for that\\npeace which they had formerly secured\\nonly by seeming ever prepared for war.\\nThe natives however had not forgotten\\nthe affair of the Hoorne Kill and the\\nfailure of their attempt to repay their\\nwrongs by murdering De Vries on the\\nTimmerkill, only increased their hatred\\nof Mynheer, and induced them to hug\\nthe hope of vengeance still closer to their\\nhearts.\\nThis feeling led them, after the fall of\\nNew Sweden, much further than they\\nwere encouraged to go by the tame ex-\\nample of the Swedes themselves. They\\nfell upon the new comers did them\\ngreat injury, and retaliated upon some\\nDutch women who fell into their hands,\\nthe violence which their own mothers\\nhad suffered at the Hoorne Kill. As\\nthe Dutch says Campanius.-f following\\nthe account of Peter Lindstrom did\\nnot quickly turn upon them, but rather\\nsought to quiet the Swedes, the Indians\\ntook them by surprise, and destroyed\\ntheir town and habitations to the ground.\\nAlthough the historian does not clearly\\nsignify what Dutch town it was upon\\nwhich the savages thus fell, there is no\\ndoubt it was the town of Nassau. For\\nfirstly Campanius, after mentioning the\\nrebuilding of that post in the time of Go-\\nvernor Printz,J says expressly that the\\nIndians destroyed it again; secondly,\\nthe Dutch had no other town on the Del-\\naware save New Amstel, which we know\\nwas never destroyed and thirdly, from\\nthe epoch of which we are speaking\\nnothing is again heard either of the fort\\nor the town of Nassau, except as things\\nwhich had ceased to be.\\nWatson s Historic tales of the Olden Time, p.\\n14 and Du Simitre s MSS.\\ntPage 117.\\nt Ante, p. 6; and Description of New Sweden,\\np. S2.\\nThe revenge of the Indians was not\\nvisited solely upon the settlement at\\nGloucester, but several of the houses\\nwhich dotted the east bank of the river\\nin the neighborhood of that place were\\nassailed at the same time, and the inhab-\\nitants at least in some instances mur-\\ndered. The remains of one .of these\\noutposts, built in part of sturdy square\\nbricks, such as are made only in Holland,\\nwere visible a few years ago at a point a\\nshort distance north of Newton Creek.\\nAmong the ruins, there were pipe stems\\nin abundance, charred wood, and glass,\\nmany colored from the effects of fire.\\nAmidst these were found a small copper\\nSwedish coin of the reign of Charles X.,*\\nand an insepult human skeleton, the skull\\nof which was pierced in the back part\\nas if v/ith a bullet; the whole revealing\\nwith dreadful certainty one of those tales\\nof horror and blood with which ancient\\ntimes were too familiar to think them\\nworthy even of being recorded.\\nDuring the directorship of Jacc[uet and\\nhis suceesTsors, the Swedes seem to have,\\noccasioned but little trouble, though a\\nreasonable suspicion of their allegiance-\\nwas doubtless the cause of the Dutch-\\nmen s forgiving the frequent outrages of\\nthe natives. The latter people and the\\nSwedes entertained a mutual hatred or\\ntheir new masters, which cemented their\\nformer alliance and gave room for no\\nidle fears in the breasts of the repre-\\nsentatives of Peter the Great of Manaa-\\ntes. The Swedes seemed disposed how-^\\never to use their influence over the Indi-\\nans only for good; and in their laudable\\nendeavors they were assisted by the\\ngovernment of Sweden itself, which sent\\nout books, priests, and money for the pro-\\npagation of the Ciiristian religion among^\\ntheir pagan friends.\\nBut stable though every thing else be\\nthat is Dutch, Dutch fortune is as fickle\\nas any other varium et mutabile sem-\\nper! That people had committed a\\ngreat outrage upon the Swedes, in view\\nwhereof Campanius recordsf with evi-\\ndent satisfaction the brief triumph which\\nWho ascended the throne in 1654.\\nt Page 97.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "14\\nTHE APPEARANCE, CUSTOMS, CHARACTEU AND lNSTITL TiON3\\nthey themselves were suiTered to enjoy.\\nIn the course of a decade, Indians, Dutch\\nand Swedes were all brouj^ht hi subordi-\\nnation to the English. The two last na-\\ntions hated each other too heartily to\\nhave any ill feelinj:; left for Charles 11. of\\nEn 2:land. They became j:i^ood subjects,\\nand thus, we dismiss them. But u\\\\)on\\nthe Indians, who were swept into obli-\\nvion by the third wave of civilization\\nwhich broke upon the shores of the Del-\\naware, a former promise requires us yet\\nto bestow a more particular notice.\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nTHE APPEARANCE, CUSTOMS, CHARACTER,\\nAND INSTITUTIONS OF THE INDIANS UPON\\nTUE DELAWARE.\\n:niaU tlio l)lis5 Ihnt sense alone bestows,\\nAmi sensual liliss is all the nation knows;\\nIn /loritl l)eauty groves and litlils appear;\\nMan seems the oa\\\\y growlli that dwiiulles here.\\nGoldsmith s Traveller.\\nIn the followinp^ description of the first\\nmasters of the Delaware we shall mainly\\nfollow the accounts left us by William\\nPenn and Gabriel Thomas, who had\\nmuch intercourse with the sava i;;es on\\nboth sides of the river, and seem to have\\nobserved well and to have recorded\\nfaithfully all that was remarkable in their\\nsocial, political or moral condition. We\\nshall not however nejjlect what others\\nhave w ritten of a people who must be to\\nus the most interesting; portion of an in-\\nterest! n j; race; but shall gather from\\nwhatever quarter we may those facts\\nwhich w ill throw any lij^ht upon their ap-\\npearance, customs, character and institu-\\ntions. And tirsdy, of their appearance:\\nI. Of])erson says Thomas,! with\\nparticular reference to the Indians about\\nthe then villa2:e of Philadelphia, they are\\nordinarily tall, strai;::ht, well turned and\\ntrue proportioned their tread stronj^\\nand clever generally walking with a\\nlofty chin of complexion black, but by\\ndesign. Gipsie-like, greasing themselves\\nIn a letter dated August 16th 1683, Blome s\\nPresent Stale, vtc. p. 85.\\nHistory of Peiisilvania, p. 46.\\nwith bear s fat clarified, and using no\\ndefence against the injuries of the sun\\nand weather, their skins fail not to be\\nswarthy. Their eyes are small and\\nblack. They have comely faces, some\\nof their noses having a rise like the\\nRoman. But Campanius tells usf that\\nthe men had broad faces, flat noses,\\nlarge lips and short broad teeth which\\nfeatures added to a head flattened by be-\\ning tied to a board during infancy would\\nseem to show that Thomas was by no\\nmeans fastidious in his ideas of comeli-\\nness. Both writers concur however in\\ntheir opinion of the other sex. The\\nwomen, deposeth the Swede, are ra-\\nther handsome, with round faces, high\\nbreasts, and bodies straight and plump.\\nThese sutTered their hair to grow to its\\nfull length, and generally to hang loosely\\ndown their back; but the men only left\\nenough to answer their enemies in case\\nof emergency as a scalping handle. The\\ncommon warriors had one tuft upon the\\ntop of the head, but the sakimas by way\\nof distinction had two, which we re plait-\\ned. They w ill not sutler their beards\\nto grow, says the first historian of West\\nJersey,:]; for they will pluck the hair off\\nwith their own fingers as soon as they\\ncan get hold of it, holding it a great de-\\nformity to have a beard. The process\\nof tattooing was imknown to the Dela-\\nware tribes; but they stained their faces,\\narms, and bodies with fantastic daubs of\\nvarious colors, among which a black\\npaint, said to have been found upon\\nthe sea shore\u00c2\u00ab^\\\\ generally predominated.\\nThese colors were changed however ac-\\ncording to the feelings of the individual;\\nentire black, the universal sign of grief,\\nwas used for a wiiole year after the fu-\\nneral of a friend; and a coat of red fol-\\nlowed a marriage, a successful scalping\\nparty, or any other occasion for joy.\\nThe observant historian|| records that\\nthe women were exceedingly particular\\nNot unlike a streigflit looked Jew, adds\\nPenn, (upon whose description Thomas seems to\\nhave drawn liberally.) Blome, p. 96.\\ntPage 116.\\nThomas, p. 4.\\nCampanius, ubi supra.\\nII Idem, p. 119.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS UPON TIIE DELAWARE.\\n15\\nin bettering the complexion whicii nature\\nf^ave them, as if his readers would not\\nhave taken the fact for granted.\\nWhen these simple people dressed at\\nall they wore square mantles made of\\nthe skin of some animal, generally the\\ndeer. These they wrapped about their\\nbodies with the hair inwards in winter\\nand outwards in summer, binding them\\nat the waist with a sash of the same\\nadorned with feathers. Their legs and\\nfeet were covered with casings of like\\nmaterial. These three articles consti-\\ntuted the whole of their serviceable ap-\\nparel. For the sake of ornament they\\nwore neclaces of wampum (beads made\\nfrom the pearly part of oyster shells) or\\nstrings of hawks claws. A warrior of\\nmuch reputation could also afford a neck-\\nlace of enemies thumbs cut off after bat-\\ntle, and strung together to commemorate\\nhis prowess.f Upon their heads they\\nwore a crown of feathers and variegated\\nsnake-skins, to which after the opening\\nof traffic with the Europeans they added\\n1/ureau-knobs, brass buttons, and divers\\n(liher trinkets for which they could divine\\nno other use. Having improved some-\\nwhat in absurdity by their intercourse\\nwith the whites, they began to affect ear-\\nrings of tin or copper, and many a broad\\nacre of their hunting ground did they\\npart with for such captivating baubles.\\nThey admired and coveted the gay co-\\nlors of the European dress exceedingly;\\nand it is likely that these feelings towards\\nthe jackets worn by the Virginia people\\nwho explored the Delaware in 1633 had\\nno little share in causing them to be mur-\\ndered, as we have before hinted upon\\nthe Timmerkill.:]: They never however\\n*See Evelin s Letter, in Plantagenet, p. 20;\\nCampanius, Book III. Chap, iii.; and Hennepin s\\nContinuation, ,c. p. 79.\\nt Cumpanius, p. 1 19.\\nt Ante, Chap. III. De Vries, after his desertion\\nof Fort Nassau, stopped at Virginia, where the gov-\\nernor told iiirn that a small sloop with seven or\\neight men was sent to Delaware Bay in Septem-\\nber 1G33, to see whether there was any river; but\\nthey were not returned, and he could not tell wheth-\\ner they were lost or not. I told him that we had\\nseen Indians in the South River wiih English jack-\\nets on, and that we understood by an Indian wo-\\nman (who bid us be upon our guard) that the In-\\ndians had runaway with an English sloop in which\\nadopted the tight dress of their civilized\\nvisiters their greatest improvement be-\\ning the substitution of square pieces of\\ncloth, or shaggy woolen blankets called\\nduffels, for their deer skins, and tasseled\\ncaps for their variegated crowns.\\n11. It has been remarked by an exact ob-\\nserver of the mcm7icrs of the Indians^\\nthat they ate just as often as they were\\nhungry; which generally happened once\\nin the morning and once in the afternoon.\\nTheir viands consisted chielly of venison,\\nbirds and fish which latter they shot\\nupon the meadows at the reflux of the\\ntide.f They also ate bear s meat, using\\nthe oil for butter. Of vegetables they\\nhad beans and peas and Daniel Pasto-\\nrius (a German quaker of Germantown,\\nwho wrote a book olten mentioned by\\nCampanius):[: testifies that he has seen\\nthem repast with great delight on a pom-\\npion boiled in water without any kind of\\nseasoning:. But their staff of liie was\\nmaize. This being crushed in a hollow\\nstone and moistened with water, they\\nmade into small cakes which were rolled\\nup in corn-leaves and baked in the ashes.\\nThese cakes, mixed with tobacco juice,\\nwere eaten in tramp and ambush to pre-\\nvent hunger and quench thirst. Some-\\ntimes they beat iht^iv corn and boiled it\\nin water; which dish we have adopted,\\nand with it the Indian name liom me. All\\nthese dishes were eaten without salt,\\nwhich it seems the savages only used,\\nif they knew it at all, as an antepileptic.lf\\nCampanius says that it can be easily\\nproved that the tribes on the Delaware\\nwere cannibals, and he relates an inci-\\nwere seven or eight Englishmen. This must be\\nour people, saitli he, otherwise they would have\\ncome home long ago. De Vries Journal, trans-\\nlated in Du Simitre s MSS. Phil. Lib. No. 1413,\\nquarto, p. 23.\\nCampanius, p. 121. t Ibidem, t Page 124,\\nPra2cipnuni illorum alimentum Maizium is\\nthe language of De Laet, Lib. III. Chap. xi. e quo\\nliba qnoedam panum inslur coquunt pisces, aves\\natque ferina.\\nII This notion of the virtue of tobacco has been\\nadopted by some of the whites but the scientific\\nconsider it ?^s merely imaginary. See Dr. Wil-\\nlick s Cyelnpsedia, \\\\n vcrl). Tobncco,\\nIT See Hist, of Del. and Iroq. Indians, p. 72.\\nPage 122. See Hennepin s Continuation of\\nthe New Discovery, p. 92.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "16\\nTHE APPEARANCE, CUSTOMS, CHARACTER AND INSTITUTIONS\\ndent on the authority of his fatlier, of a\\nSwede who had shared with the Indi-\\nans a sumptuous entertainmont of broiled,\\nboiled aud hashed meat, which made\\nliim sick, and which he afterwards\\nlearned was tlie lleshof a captive wh6m\\nhis hosts had taken in war. But as\\nThomas mentions no such thing, we dis-\\ncard it as a sheer fabrication. This ve-\\nritable author however testilies that such\\nas they were, the repasts of the Indians\\nwere well cooked by the industrious\\nsquaws.^-- The earth M as their table as\\nwell as their bed: stretched upon the\\nground says De Laetf or upon strewn\\nrushes they take their food as well as\\ntheir sleep. Their sumptuary furniture\\nconsisted of calabash ladles, muscle-\\nshell spoons, and oak leaf saucers, which\\nwere only serviceable from the fact that\\nsome articles entirely defied the clutch\\nof the fingers. These independent sons\\nof the forest aped no good manners even\\nto suit extraordinary occasions. If they\\nate at the house of a Christian they in-\\nsisted on mounting the table and there\\nenjoying their host s hospitality in a cross\\nlegged, tailor-like posture.\\nTheir houses says Thomas^\\\\ are\\nmats or barks of trees set on poles, barn-\\nlike, not higher than a man; so, not ex-\\nposed to winds. They he upon reeds or\\ngrass. In travel they lodge about a great\\nlire, with the mantle of duflels they wear\\nwrapped about them, and a few boughs\\nstuck around them. The wigwams in\\nWest Jersey were for the most part roofed\\nwith chestnut bark sewed together with\\nstrings slit from mai/e stalks; and they\\nwere close and warm, insomuch that no\\nrain could penetrate them.|| The mats\\nenclosing the sides were made of corn-\\nleaves. Their huts were often large\\nenough for several families;^ sometimes\\nHistory of West Jersey, p. 5.\\ntLib. 111. Chap, xi.: liunii strati, aut super\\nstoreas junceas, soninum pariter alque cibum\\ncapiiint.\\nt Campanius, p. 12o, from Pastorius.\\nHistory of Pensilvania, p. 49.\\nII West Jersey, p. 5.\\nT Ue Iiaet, who wrote in tlie time of De Vries,\\nsays, ubi supra fixas seiles habeunt domicilia-\\nque et Ugnis furni efligic, corticibus arborum do-\\nbuilt square with oven-like tops, but gen-\\nerally conical with a centre-pole, around\\nwhich was an opening for the escape of\\nsmoke. From this pole or from the roof,\\nthey affixed a beam or hook to support\\ntheir only utensil save calabashes, earth-\\nen basins and cedar ladles a kettle, un-\\nder which a fire Mas kept together by a\\nrude hearth of stones. Around this they\\nspread their corn-leaf mats, to answer at\\nonce for beds, tables and chairs. Most\\nhouses had two doors, which were open-\\ned or shut according to the requirements\\nof wind or weather. In time of war the\\nwigwams of the whole tribe were built\\ntogether and surrounded with pahsades,!\\nand these fortifications sometintes ripen-\\ned into towns. The largest Indian vil-\\nlage on the east bank of the Deleware\\nwas that already mentioned^ in the land\\nof the Sanhigans, on the site of Trenton;\\nsouth of which, at Mechansia Sippus,\\nprobably about Bordentown, was anoth-\\ner whereto the Swedes resoi tedfor corn\\naud other provisions.^ A considerable\\nvillage of Indians was also seated at the\\nmouth of the Timmerkill, at Cooper s\\nPoint,! where sa3-s the Hon. Richard\\nPeters, in a letter to Roberts Vaux, ma-\\nny itnplements and utensils indicating a\\nsettlement had been frequently found\\nsome of which are preserved in Peale s\\nMuseum.^ And it is likely that the bu-\\nrial groimds which have been discovered\\nupon so many of our creeks, denote in\\nalmost every instance the site of some an-\\ncient town.\\nAs soon as a child was born, it was\\ndipped in the river, especially in cold\\nweather, for the purpose of initiating\\nit into the ruggednesss of savage life;\\nand this treatment was repeated when-\\never the father happened to be in an ill\\nhumor. The pappooses when very young\\nsuper contecta, adeo capacia ut pluribus jfamiliis\\nsutficiant.\\nCampanius, p. 123.\\ntSee the cut facing Campanius, p. 122.\\nt Ante, Ciiap. 1.; and Campunins, p. 82.\\nIbidem and see the note by Mr. Dupon-\\nceau.\\nII Barker s Sketches of the Primitive Settle-\\nments on the Delaware, p. 52.\\nIT See Trans. Penn. His. Society, Vol. I. p. 87.\\nThomas Hist. Pcnsil., p. 48.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "OF THE INDIANS UPON THE DBLAWARB.\\n17\\nwere tied to a board which could conve-\\nniently be swimi;^ at the mother s back,\\nor from the limb of a tree. At nine\\nmonths they generally found their feet,\\nand shortly afterwards every one could\\nswim. As soon as they comprehended\\nthe meaning of words they be^an to\\nacquire the little their fathers knew\\nsuch as the weather sio;ns given by the\\nmoon; the virtues of herbs; what kinds\\nof wood soonest produce fire by friction\\nthe difference in the growth of trees,\\nwhich might enable them to tell the north\\nfrom the south when traveling at night;\\nthe manner of making flint or fish-bone\\narrow heads and stone hatchets of con-\\ntriving tackle for angling; of burning out\\ncanoes hewing bowls baking clay ves-\\nsels, in which to boil their meat; and the\\nart of plaiting mats, ropes and baskets of\\nwild hemp, or splits of trees; and of coin-\\ning wampum. They were also taught to\\nobey the immemorial customs of their\\nfathers such as to perfume and paint the\\ncorses of the dead, and bury them in a\\nsitting posture, together with their arms,\\nutensils and some money; to kill the rat-\\ntle-snake that gave no warning, but to\\nspare that which did; not to eat the hol-\\nlow of the thigh of any thing killed; to\\ninterrupt no one while speaking; and to\\nwalk, when going in companies, one after\\nanother, or, as we still call it, in Indian\\nfile.\\nIn sickness, so long as there was any\\nhope, the people were very attentive to\\neach other; but they considered it vain\\ntrouble to take care of desperate cases.\\nTheir chief remedies were roots and\\nherbs, with the various qualities of which\\nthey were much better acquainted than\\nwe are. Of these they generally made\\na decoction in spring water, while using\\nwhich they abstained from meat altoge-\\nther, or only ate that of the female. Al-\\nways impatient to recover, or to die, if\\ntreatment with herbs failed to produce\\nan effect they shut themselves up in a\\nclose cabin, where they were steamed\\nby the sprinkling of water upon red hot\\nstones; after which they were hurried to\\nthe nearest creek and therein immersed.\\nA system of quackery attended with the\\nsame results among its savage inventoi s\\nas among us of the present day who have\\nadopted it; for Smith yjlainly intimates\\nthat it generally killed its subjects, not-\\nwithstanding their hardy natures. They\\nsupposed that convulsions were caused\\nby necromancy, of which their doctors\\nprofessed to be perfect masters. They\\ncould bewitch all save those who ate salt\\nand could remove spells by a process of\\npowwowing, somewhat similar to that\\nused in animal magnetism. f\\nThe boys among the tribes on the Del-\\naware fished till fifteen, before they as-\\nsumed the bow and arrow; after which,\\nas soon as they had evidenced their\\nmanhood by the return to their father s\\nwigwam of a certain number of skins,\\nthey were allowed to marry whichever\\ngirl they could of those who wore crowns\\nof red or blue baysj as an advertisement\\nof willingness. The male generally took\\nhis first wife when he had reached six-\\nteen and the females put on the adver-\\ntisement, as Penn calls it, at the age of\\nsixteen, but they remained with their\\nmothers for some time after marriage,\\ncontinuing- to assist her in hoeinjr the\\nground, bearing burdens, grinding corn,\\nand the like occupations. The ceremony\\nof marriage in West Jersey, according to\\nSmith s account^, was simple but signifi-\\ncant. In the presence of the relatives the\\nman gave a bone to his intended, and she\\nproffered him an ear of maize, meaning\\nthereby that the husband was to pro-\\nvide meat and the wife bread. From\\nthe era of marriage, hunting and fishing\\nwere their business, and war their\\namusement. If they survived the latter,\\ntheir hardy education, active pursuits\\nand simple diet generally prolon]*ed their\\nlife to three score and ten or four score\\nyears; and when at last they took their\\ndeparture to the spirit land, they felt\\nhappy in believing that their deeds would\\nbe rehearsed around many a council fire\\nof their descendants, and that wherever\\ntheir children went, their bones would\\naccompany them, their graves be pre-\\nSee Historical Coiled ions of N. Jersey, p. 53,\\nHist, of Dei. and Iroq. Indians, p. 7ii.\\nt Penii s letter, in Blome, p. 99; Smith, in New\\nJeiscy Hist. Col., p.. 5.3 and Tliotnaf, ubi supra.\\nHist. Col. of N. Jersey, p. 51.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "18\\nTHB APPBAHAXCR, CUSTOMS, onAO-VCTEIl ANll INSTITITTIONS\\nservod, and Iheir niemory fondly cher-\\nished, though their names might not lx\\nbreathed.--\\nin. Tliis tender regard wliicli tlie In-\\ndians hud for their de])arte({ lVi(Muls, is\\nbut one of the many admirable traits\\nwhich adorned their clioractcr before it\\nvas cornipttHl by intercourse witli the\\nEnro])eans. Bravery, generosity, lirm-\\niiess and an indomitable love for hberty\\nvere virtues ^hich tlie tribes on the\\nDelaware shared with their whole race\\nbut \\\\n shrewdness, integrity, depth of\\nlove, and susceptibility to the iiner\\nfeelings of liuman nature they were far\\naliead of their brethren. Campaniust\\npronounces them the most sensible na-\\ntion in all America; and William Penn\\nsaysj Jle will deserve the name of wise\\nthat outwits them in any treaty about a\\nthing they understand. Yet they were\\nptraight-i orward in their mode oV man-\\naging alVairs. and despised bad faith so\\nheartily that Thonias\\\\) says of the West\\nJersey savages: If any go from their\\nlirst oiler or bargain with liiem it will be\\nver}- diilicult for that party to get any\\ndealings M-iih them any more, or to have\\nany further converse with them. The\\nsanie autlior,|| after attributing to the In-\\ndian women of West Jersey the qualities\\no( neatness, cleanliness, iiulustry and\\ningenuity, crowns all by saying, Their\\nyoung maids are naturally very modest\\nand shame-faced; and their young wo-\\nmen when newly married are very nice\\nand shy, and will nor suller the men to\\ntalk of any immodest or lascivious mat-\\nters.\\nIn itself, each tribe was an example of\\nharmony and love.f If one received a\\npresent, it often begged acceptance at the\\nhands of all his clansmen, and returmul\\nat last to his own a double gift. Even\\nafter the lessons of selfishness taught\\nThomas West Jersey, pp. 3 nnd G. The\\npraves were usually dug; by the old women nnd\\nin curly times the Helawarcs were buried in baric\\ncottins. After death a person s name was never\\nnifntinned. Hist, of Del. and Iron. Indians, pp.\\nIIT) and 116.\\nt Page 115. t Hlome. p. 103.\\nWest Jersey, p. fi. Pugc Cu\\nff Canipanius, p. IIS.\\nthem by the Europeans, they retained the\\ntraits of liberality and hospitality in ati\\neminent degree.- They spoke little, but\\nfervently, el(^gantly,t and what is more,\\nstrictly to the purpost whence the} al-\\nways considered it impertinent to be\\nask( d twice their judgment about one\\nthing..-j: Their contempt for verbosity is\\niljustrated by the Swedish professor,\\nKalm, who j)aid a visit to ids country-\\nmen on the Delaware about a century\\nago. He tells us\\\\^\\\\ that on one occasion\\nan Indian coming into the Swedish\\nchurch at liacoon during a sermon,\\nlooked about him, and after hearkening\\nawhile to the preacher, exclaimed\\nHere is a great deal of prattle and non-\\nsense, but neither brandy nor cyder!\\nand went out again. Remarkable for\\ne(|uanimity in all things, these people\\navoided on the one hand the boisterous\\nmirth, and on the other the moping gloom\\nof their Christian visiters. Subject to no\\nwants thenis( lves which the earth, the\\nwoods and the rivers, their ever open\\nstore-houses, could not readily supply,\\nthey wondered at their civilized neigh-\\nbors for })roviding for the future as if\\nthey were to live I orever. AVe say that\\nthey wondered at it; because even their\\nperception of so great an absurdity as\\nthe sacrifice of happiness itself to obtain\\nthe doubtful means of happiness, could\\nnot melt them into a jesting hmnor.\\nThey never indulged in jokes or ridicule,\\nbut despised alike the levity of a smile\\nand the weakness of a tear.\\nIV. We have already said that the\\nDelawares claimed for themselves the\\ntitle of Original People. According to\\ntheir universally received legend, they\\nhad in remote times lived about the Mis-\\nIf three or four of them come into a Chris-\\ntian s House, and the master of it happen to give\\none of them victnals and none to the rest, lie will\\ndivide it into et-inal sliares amon^ them; and they\\nare also very kind and eivil to any of the Chris-\\ntians, tor 1 niyselfhave had vietua ls eut by them\\nin their eabiiis before tlicy look any for thcnj-\\nsslvcs. Tliomas West Jersey, p. 4.\\nt Blome, 103. t Thomss, ubi supra.\\nKalm s Travels, Vol. II. p. IIH.\\nII From this anecdote it is lii r|ilv probable arose\\nthe proverb All talk and no cider, which is\\nso current in West Jersey.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "OF TIIK INDIAKaUPON TUB I KLAWAKK.\\nI J\\nfiissippi, whcnco thoy foii ^4it their way\\nthroii^rh opposinj^ iribos, to tlio vu ;a.rit\\nhuntiiifr //onnda aloiij^ the Atlantic sr-a-\\nhoard.-**^ Here, exemj)t for a lonjr period\\nIrorn serious wars, anrl opposed to all in-\\nnovation Crorn a vain pride in their own\\nanticpiity, they retained their institutions\\niinalten;d from a^e to a^e. Of these\\ninstitutions, whether social, political, or\\nreiij^ious, it is now our purpose to take\\na brief view, bej^inninj^ with tlv^ social\\ncompacts of lanj^uage, rnarria je and pro-\\nperty.\\nThe various tribes of the Delaware\\nnation spoke different dialects; but the\\nvariances were seldom so {.^reat as to\\nforhid intorcornrnunication. De Laet has\\npreservedf a vocabulary of the ton ^ue\\nusfid by the Sanhijrans, or Fire Workers,\\nabout the falls of I renton and Campan-\\niiis another, J of that used about linicum,\\nwhich in many words precisely coincide.\\nAccordinj^ to Thomas,*) the I.enna])pi\\nlanguage was sweet, lofty and senten-\\ntious one Avord servinj: for three in\\nPln}rlish; and William Penn saysjj that\\nno ton^ruo spoken in Europe could sur-\\npass it in melody and jrrandeur of accent\\nand emphasis; to prove which he cites,\\namon;^ other illustrations, the name of\\nthe Kancocas and of Tamane, a chief\\nwho died on Pea Shore, a mile or so\\nabove Cooper s Point. Like other Indi-\\nans the Delawares counted by tens and\\nth(!y could jro in this manner up to thou-\\nFands, without pointing to their hair, the\\nsand or the stars to show that they had\\nlost themselves in the infinite as their\\nless cultivated neighbors were ,(ener;dly\\noblii^ed to do when they had reached\\nfour or five tens. It has been said^ that\\nthe eighteenth letter of our alphabet was\\nnf;ver pronounced by the Americans but\\nthis notion is controverted by innumera-\\nble Indian names which still exist, and\\nThis legend receives great support from the\\nfact that the great father of waters bears a name\\ncompounded of two I.cnnappi wordn Lamaaes,\\nfish, and Sippuiting, river. See Campanius, pp.\\n148 and 149.\\nN ovua Orbis, p. 75. Book I V.\\n(j Hist. West Jersey, p. 7; and of Pens!!., p. 47.\\nH In the IcUer of A us. 16lh 1B8.3.\\nSec the note from Smith in New Jersey Hist.\\nColl., p. 52.\\nby the dialects 8pf)ken by the western\\ntribes at the present day, who certainly\\ndo articulate it, tiiou;^h with the same\\nharsh aspiration that marked the Greek\\nr/io. (Jampanius has endeavored to de-\\nduce the Lennappi lanj^ua^fo from the\\nHebrew; but the learned Dnponceau con-\\nsiders tlie attempt a complotrj failure,\\nnot even worth translatintr. Jlad he said\\nit was a lanffuatre founded on nature and\\noften cnrryin its sijrnification in its very\\nsound, I he would probably have been\\nnearf;r the truth.\\nAs to the institution of marriaf^e amonj;\\nthe tribes on the Delaware, suffice it to\\nsay that bijramy, though allowed, was sel-\\ndom practised.! Except, perhaps, the\\nsakimas, they had but one wife at a time\\nbut her they assumed the rijrht of repu-\\ndiating: whenever they saw fit. W hen\\nthis ri^ht was exercised, it was the law\\nin West Jersey that if the parties left\\nchilflren they themselves should choose\\nwhich parent they should follow; but if\\nthey disaj^reed, the father was to decide\\nthe matter. The Indian wife however\\nhad too lofty a conception of the nup-\\ntial tie, to j^ive her husband just cause for\\nspiirninjr her, or to retaliate upon him\\nwhen unjustly spurned. Of this William\\nPenn has left us an alfectinj^ proof. A\\ntraj^ical incident says he fell out\\nsince I came into the country. A kinj^ s\\ndaughter, thinkinj^ herself slighted by\\nher husband in suffering another woman\\nSee the translator s remark in Campanius p.\\n115. Closer analogies than those upon wliich iho\\nSwede depended for the estahlifhment of his\\ntl^ry mi^rht hn found to prove the Delawares to\\nhWt derived their language from the Greckn, the\\nRomans or even the Siixons. i hus an ingenious\\nphilologist might easily show that the Indian\\nword for breast or chest, tkorai, comes like our\\nthorax from the Greek b x^-ji; and chichrj the Len-\\nnappi for soul, could with equal ease be proved to\\nbe only a corruption of the Greek 4 i\u00c2\u00bb. From\\nthe Latin punis we might derive the lucWau pane,\\nbread, and from the Saxon /tocr/, deer, the Indian\\nfiarlo, which means the same thing. These\\ninstances show how ridiculous is the attempt lo\\ntrace the origin of any language by rneru acci-\\ndental coincidences.\\nf How expressive, for instance, of the lively\\nchirp of the tit is its Indian name rpiinkipiink,\\nand how significant of the harsh icrearn of llie\\ngoosi; (he word cnhaak.\\n1 Campanius, l.JG. i Blomc, p. 91.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "20\\nTHE APPEARANCE, CUSTOMS, CITARACTER AND INSTITUTTONS\\nto lie down between them, rose up, went\\nout, phickt a root out of the ground,\\nand eat it; upon which she immediately\\ndied I\\nThe third instittition which we shall\\nnotice, that of property, marks a hij^her\\nstate of association than is implied by\\neither of the compacts of which we have\\njust spoken. No people can exist long\\nwithout language and marriage but they\\nmay exist a great while without learning\\nthe advantages of an exclusive, inviola-\\nble, transmissable right of property in\\nthe soil. Yet such a property the Indi-\\nans on the Delaware undoubtedly knew.\\nEach tribe held a determinate tract of\\nland, generally lying between two creeks,\\nto which they had as perfect a title as\\nto the very duffels they wore. In the\\nsummer they frequented the river shore\\nof the country, for the purpose of fish-\\ning; and in the winter retired to the\\nheadwaters of their creeks to take deer\\nand other game; but their temporary\\ndesertion of either part was never re-\\ngarded by themselves or others as a\\nwaiver of their right. As the title of a\\nwhole tribe to a certain territory was thus\\nacknowledged against all the world, so\\nindividuals sometimes acquired by build-\\ning and culture an equally indefeasible\\nright to particular spots, against their\\nown clansmen; and the wigwam and\\ncorn-field, on the death of their owner,\\nappear to have been subject to descent\\nor devise as completely as with any peo-\\nple in the world. As for property in\\nchattels, so highly was it venerated that\\nif an Indian found a piece of venison ia\\nthe woods, he would not touch it, thouj^\\nnever so hungry, unless he saw by cer-\\ntain signs that it had been left there for\\nthe use of the public. They had inven-\\nted, it is well known, an universal re-\\npresentation of property, called wani-\\npum, which we have before described.\\nThe value of this wampum was regulated\\nby its color. In New Sweden, a white\\nbead was worth the sixth of a stiver; a\\nredone, the third; and a brown one still\\nmore. In wholesale transactions a fath-\\nom of wampum passed current for five\\nDutch sruild^rs. They always carried a\\nstring of money about their necks, and\\ngenerally left this world with a bribe for\\nthe next. Their mode of testing the\\nstandard of wampum was to rub the\\nwhole string upon their noses consider-\\ning it good if they found it to glide\\nsmoothly, but condemning it if other-\\nwise.\\nWith reference to the political institu-\\ntions of the tribes on the Delaware there\\nis a difference of opinion among the au-\\nthors upon Avhom we depend. De Laet\\nintimatesf that they had no form of go-\\nvernment save a patriarchy: William\\nPenn, Thomas and others| agree that\\neach tribe had an hereditary monarchy;\\nwhile Lewis Evans is very positive that\\nthey were strict republicans. The pol-\\ntroons says the latter writen^ picked\\nup in America by several colonies, and\\nsent over to England for Indian kings,\\nand there publicly carest as men of\\nconsequence, would induce one to think\\nthat our savages had monarchial govern-\\nments; but nothing is so opposite to the\\ntruth and fact. They are all republicans\\nin the strictest sense. Every nation has\\na general council, whither deputies are\\nsent from every village and, by a major-\\nity of votes, every thing is determined\\nthere. We can fully credit this de-\\nscription of the national government of\\nthe Indians without rejecting the testi-\\nmony either of De Laet or Penn; for\\neach nation was divided into tribes,\\nand each tribe into lamilies; so that the\\nIndians might have been, and doubtless\\nwere, subject to a threefold government.\\nFirstly\\nby nature erown d, each Patriarch sate\\nKing, priest, and parent of his growing state; |I\\nand upon him fell the duty of settling\\nCampanius, p. 13Q.\\nLiber III. chap. 11. Nulla ipsis politEe for.\\nma proBtcrquam quod prsefcctos suos habeant quos\\nSafjainos vocaiit qui fere sunt fumiiiarum princi-\\npes; nam raro cognationis nnius limites exce-\\ndunt.\\nt See Penn s Icltcr above referred to; Thomas\\nPennsil., p. 50 Smith, quoted in Mis. Col. p. 64\\nandt^Iauipanius, p. 133.\\n111 a letter to Rich. Peters, dated 1743* Du\\nSimitre s MSS., No. 965 Phil. Lib.\\nII Pope s Essay on Man, v. 215.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "OF THB INDIANS UPOIf THE DELAWARE.\\n21\\nthe disputes, and defending the rights of\\nhis immediate household. Next was the\\nSakima, who decided disputes involving\\ndifferent families, led the whole tribe in\\nbattle, and acted as their spokesman in\\ncouncil. This office was hereditary, but\\nin a peculiar manner; for to the present\\nking succeeded firstly his brother ex\\nparte materna; nextly, the sons of his\\nsister, or if there were none of these,\\nthe sons of his sister s daughters; the\\nSalic law and the law of primogeniture\\nprevailing in all cases. When a quarrel\\nwith a foreign people or some other na-\\ntional matter made a confederation of all\\nthe tribes necessary, a general council\\nwas held, of deputies from the different\\nvillages. In general this council only\\ndecided the question of war or peace,\\nleaving each tribe to support the decree\\nif it was for war, under what chief and\\nwith what number of men they pleased;\\nbut sometimes a Great Chief was chosen\\nto command the united forces.\\nIn time of peace the duty of govern-\\ning among the savages was by no means\\nan onerous one; the chiefs suffered their\\nsubjects in most cases to enforce the law\\nof retaliation as they saw fit. This\\nEvans observes; yet he tells us that when\\nthe ruler did interpose his authority over\\nhis fierce subjects, no officer on earth\\nis more strictly obeyed so strone: are\\nthey inuuencedby the principle of doing\\ntheir duty. And to the same effect\\nwrites Penn: Tis admirable to con-\\nsider how powerful the kings are, and\\nhow they move by the breath of the peo-\\nple; which mutuality of respect our\\ngreat author himself sought to secure in\\nthe political relations of the government\\nhe had founded. t\\nThe savages of whom we are speak-\\ning had few laws defining and protecting\\ntheir natural, political or social rights.\\n*BIome, p. 102.\\nTo support power in reverence with the peo-\\nple, and to secure the people from the abuse of\\npower, that they may be free by their just ohe-\\ndiance, nnd tlie magistrates honorable by their just\\nadministration, are the preat ends of all gfovern-\\nmenls. Pcnn e Discourbc, preliminary to iiis\\nConcessions.\\nWhen therefore any individual felt him-\\nself wronged he generally retaliated\\nupon the offender; each one, accord-\\ning to Evans being judge and execu-\\ntioner in his own case. If however\\nthe lex talionis was waived, immemorial\\ncustom had in some instances provided a.\\nfixed compensation for the injury done.\\nEven murder says Smith| might be\\natoned for by feasts and presents of wam-\\npum the price of a woman killed being\\ndouble, and the reason because she bred\\nchildren, which men could not do; in\\nwhich mode of atonement th\u00c2\u00aby resem-\\nbled the Germans as described by Ta-\\ncitus. J The conduct of one tribe to-\\nwards another was also regulated by\\nthe simple law of nature or, in case that\\nwas supposed to be infringed, by the law\\nof retaliation. When however a treaty\\nhadj been made and ratified by the in-\\nterchange of belts of wampum, they ad-\\nhered honorably to its terms; of which\\na curious instance is found in the case of\\nthe Delaware nation, who, in a confer-\\nence with the Iroquois, negotiated them-\\nselves into the character of women, and\\nbore their humiliation for a long time\\nwithout complaint.\\nOn public occasions the king say*\\nPenn|| sits in the middle of a half moon\\nand hath his council the old and wise\\non each hand, and behind them at a lit-\\ntle distance sit the younger fry in the\\nsame figure. If the business on hand\\nwas the making of a treaty, each orator\\nstood up before the opposite king, and\\nclosed every period with a present of\\nwampum, to be retained as a perpetual\\nAiemorial of his stipulations. II After\\nIn the letter above cited.\\nt Hist, of N. Jersey. See Barber (t Howe, p. 55,\\nt De Mor. Ger., XII. s. 12. Equorum et pe-\\ncorum numero convicti mulctanlur. One of\\nthe most sinj^fular laws of the Indians was that\\nrcfjuirinjr each man whose wife had died, to make\\nan offering to her kindred for atonement, and lib-\\nety to marry again. Blonie, p. 91.\\n6 De VViU Clinton s Address, 181], p. 52.\\n11 Blome, p. 102.\\nSee De Vries account of his treaty with the\\nMantcses and other tribes before Fort Nassau, on\\ntheSlhofJan. 1 f;.32. New York Hist. Coll.,\\nNew Ser. I. p. 263.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "83\\nTHB APPBARANCB, ETC. OP THE WDlABia UPON THE DBLAWARB.\\nthe terms were settled upon, the whole\\ntreaty was confirmed by passing around\\nthe calumet, out of which each one pres-\\nent took a whiif.\\nOf the relif^ion of the Indians, an ex-\\nclamation of De Laet would persuade us\\nthere was little to be said NuUus ipsis\\nreligionis sensus, nulla Dei veneratio\\nYet their irrelij^ion arose not from the\\nwant of a belief in a God, (for they had\\nan Horitt 31anitto to whom they as-\\ncribed all perfection) but from a notion,\\nas Van Der Donck testifies, that God\\nhimself takes no concern in the com-\\nmon affairs of the world nor does he\\nmeddle with the same, except that he\\nhas ordered the devil to take care of\\nthose matters. The Devil, or 3Io-\\nnunckiis Manitto, the deprecation of\\nwhose wrath was the main object of their\\nworship, they began to believe in later\\ndays was made only for the white peo-\\nple; of which doctrine we are told they\\nall highly approved.! This evil spirit,\\naccording to their belief, inflicted all the\\nharm of which he was capable in life.\\nThey had an idea of heaven, but not of\\nhell. To safer worlds in depths of\\nwoods embraced they hoped all good\\nIndians were suffered after death to go\\nwhile the wicked portion were kept at\\na distance, and only allowed to look\\nupon the pleasures which the others en-\\njoyed.\\nThe West Jersey tribes endeavored to\\nconceal their Devil adoration as much as\\npossible from the whites; J but Penn ap-\\npears to have observed closely the man-\\nner in which it was performed. Their\\nworship says he^ consists of two\\nparts sacrifice, and canticle. Their\\nsacrifice is their first fruits the first and\\nfattest buck they kill goes to the fire,||\\nwhere he is all burnt with a mournful\\nditty of him that performs the ceremony,\\nIn his New Netherlands, New York Hist.\\nColl., Second Series I. p. 216.\\nt Hist. Del. and Iroq. Ind., p. 65.\\nX Smith in Barber and Howe, p. 55.)\\nk Blome, p. 101.\\nII These sacrifices were made on an altar of\\ntwelve stones. Thom.ns Pensil., p. 2; Campanius\\np. 140 Thomaa West Jcree^i p. 2.\\nbut with such marvellous fervency and\\nlabor of body that he will even sweat to\\na foam. They broke no bones of the\\nanimals they eat, but gathered them up\\nand buried them very carefully in a heap;\\nand these bones in the time of Smith\\nwere often ploughed up.* The other\\npart of their cantico continues Penn\\nis performed by round dances, sometimes\\nwords, sometimes songs, then shouts;\\ntwo being in the middle, that begin, and\\nby singing and drumming on a board di-\\nrect the chorus.f Their postures in the\\ndance are very antick and differing, but\\nall keep measure. This is done with\\nequal earnestness and labor, but with\\ngreat appearance of joy.\\nOnce a year, at the gathering of the\\nmaize crop, they had semi-religious and\\nsemi-social festivals, to which all were\\nfree to come who could pay a small sum\\nof wampum. At one of these entertain-\\nments which Penn attended, they served\\nup twenty bucks, with hot cakes com-\\npounded of new corn, wheat and beans\\nto correspond. After eating these they\\nfell, as was usual after the performance\\nof every great feat, to dancing; J which\\ndoubtless the author of No Cross, no\\nCrown, thought quite a superfluity,^\\neven in savages.\\nNaturally incredulous, and prejudiced\\nagainst every thing Christian by the early\\nSee Smith, ubi sup.\\nThe only musical instruments used by the sa-\\nvages were the tamborine here mentioned, and\\npipes made of reed. De Vries mentions the lat-\\nter in his account of the str.ile Ty of the Timmer-\\nkill. On the 6th Jan. 1632 (old style) he weighed\\nanchor, and lay before the Tinjmerkill prepared\\nfully to see what the Indians intended to do. A\\nparcel of them now approached the boat, offering\\nsome skins of beavers, entering as many as forty-\\ntwo or forty-three into the yacht. Some of them\\nbeiran to play on reeds, so as to give no suspicion\\nbut we being only seven in the yacht, were on\\nour guard; and when wc judged that it was high\\nenough we ordered them all on shore or we would\\nfire at them. New York Hist. Coll., New Ser.\\nVol. I. p. 253.\\nt Blome, p. 101.\\nPenn, in his No Cross, no Crown, 1669, p. 86,\\nquotes with approbation this remark from some\\nold author As many paces as a man mnketh in\\ndancing, so many paces doth he make to go to\\nhell.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "raS ALOIOK KNIQHTS 09 TBB ODNTGHfllOM.\\nfrkud and tyranny of the Dutch, the In-\\ndians ot the Delaware could never be\\ninduced to relinquish their Devil-wor-\\nship, and adopt the religion of Christ.\\nThey were far more stubbornly attached\\nto their idolatry than some of the north-\\nern Americans; for so easily did the lat-\\nter fall into the fashion of Christianity,\\nthat Father Hennepin has devoted one\\nentire chapter of his book^ to the great\\ndifficulty met with in keeping the salva-\\nges from praying by rote. The tribes\\nunder our notice, upon the contrary, al-\\nways scorned even a seeming compliance\\nwith the forms of Christian worship.\\nThey laughed at the idea of a heaven in\\nwhich men were neither to eat nor drink\\nand politeness only restrained them from\\ninsulting the missionaries, who told them\\nof miracles.f Yet the engineer Lind-\\nstrom has recorded a legend prevalent\\namong the savages on the Delaware,\\nwhich seems to prove conclusively that\\nthey had heard of the Messiah long be-\\nfore the Columbian discovery^ and im-\\nmemorable authorities warrant us in\\nbelieving that similar legends obtained\\nthroughout the chief part of the new\\nworld.\\nSuch is an imperfect sketch of the\\nrace once inhabiting the banks of the\\nDelaware. In tracing their origin the\\nlearned are confounded; in contemplat-\\ning their end the hardiest might melt to\\ntears.\\nThe brief glimmer of light which\\nhas fallen on their history, shows us\\nmuch that is worthy of admiration, and\\nbut few faults for which their European\\noppressors are not responsible. Yet\\nthe philosopher will recognise in the\\nvicissitudes of which they have been the\\nsubject, the hand of an all wise Provi-\\ndence still working for the greatest ag-\\ngregate good of mankind.\\nChap. XIV. of the Continuation, .c.\\nIf a miracle is related to liave been performed\\nin confirmation of any proposition advanced, lis\\nnothing but their mere good breeding will make\\nthem civil for they truly take it, you do but try\\ntheir credulity with swingers. Evan s Letter in\\nDu Simitre s MSS.\\njSce Lindstrom s Description in French in tho\\nLib. of Am. Piiil. See, No. 173; and Campaniu!\u00c2\u00ab,\\np. 139.\\nCHAPTER X.\\nTHE ALBION KNIGHTS OF THE CONVERSIOPT.\\nIlium in Italiam portiins.\\nVlRO.^n. 4 86.\\nIt must not be inferred from the silence\\nof the foregoing chapters respecting the\\nEnglish, that they had passively beheld\\nthe intrusions of the Dutch and Swedes\\nupon the banks of the Delaware. Our\\nancestors had never acknowledged that\\nthe discovery of Delaware Bay by Hud-\\nson (although that event clearly preceded\\nthe voyage of Lord De La War)^- gave\\nthe Dutch any shadow of right against\\nthe possession which John and Sebastian\\nCabot took of the whole country from\\nNewfoundland to Florida, as early as\\n1.597, in the name of Henry VII., king^\\nof England. And for the Swedish claim,\\nwhich had no decent pretext at all to\\nsupport it, they entertained even less\\nregard than for the pretensions of the\\nStates of Holland.\\nBetween 1606 and 1623 the soil of\\nNew Jersey had been repeatedly granted\\nby the English crown. To wit in the year\\nfirst mentioned, the South Virginia or\\nLondon Company obtained their patent\\nfor the land between the thirty-fourth\\nand forty-first degrees of north latitude\\na part of which was by carelessness also\\ngiven about the same time to the Ply-\\nmouth Company, whose charter author\\nvied the occupancy of any land betwee\u00c2\u00bb\\nthe thirty-eighth and forty-fifth degrees.f\\nAll our state, except a triangle whose\\napex was near the junction of New Jer-\\nsey with New York on the Hudson, was\\nthus subject to two claims, the validity\\nof which must be determined by the re-\\nlation in point of time of the conflicting\\ngrants. In 1609, by a new charter to\\nthe Virginia Company, the southern grant\\nwas reduced to a belt extending two\\nhundred miles north and south from Point\\nComfort; and in 1620 the great grant\\nDouglas Summary, Vol. II. p. 390; DuSim-\\nitre s MSS., Phil. Lib. No. 1413 quarto; and Joel s\\nJournal, New York Hist. Col., New Ser. I. p. 320.\\nSee Goodrich s United Slutefl, p. 45.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "34\\nTOB ALBIO:!^ KNIGHTS OF TRK CONVEIWION.\\nwas made to Lenox and Gorges of the\\nland between tiie fortieth and fortv-\\neio:htli deo:rees of latitude. From this\\n^rant by patent under the g^reat seal from\\nkin]? James of blessed memory says\\nHubbard* all other cl)arts and jz^rants\\nol land from Pemmaquin to Delaware\\nBay alon{^ the sea coast derive their\\npedigree. Hut this is not strictly true\\nfor the fortieth degree of north latitude,\\nwhich bounded this grant on the south,\\ncrosses the Debiware three miles above\\nPhiladelphia so that for some years after\\n1 20, a part of the land afterwards form-\\ning old Gloucester lay in New England,\\nanda part, together with all south Jersey,\\nwithout it. The last portion had, by the\\nrestriction in the Virginia charter just re-\\nferred to, reverted in 1609 to the crown\\n\u00c2\u00abf England; where it remained unaffected\\nby the grant of Maryland in 16-23 to Cal-\\nvert Lord Baltimore, and inidisjiosed of\\nuntil about 163!, f when Charles 1. made\\nthe grant to Sir Eomund Ployuen, of\\nwhich we are now to speak.\\nKARL PLOYDKN.\\n[Copied from Plantugenel s New Albion.]\\nOf this gentleman, in whose history,\\nas he was the iirst Englishman who set-\\ntled in New Jersey, no particular would\\n^ack interest, but little is known, except\\nthat he was of aji ancient family, w ho\\nderived their name from their bravery\\nin resisting the Danes, -J that he had\\nserved king James I. in Ireland, and that\\nhe was a rank monarchist. Forseeing:\\nNarrative of Troubles with the Indians, 1676.\\np. 2.\\nt Barclay s Skefclics, p. 53.\\nt Plantugenut, p. 14.\\nprobably the storm which was brooding\\nover England, and anxious to provide an\\nescape from the terrors it denounced\\nagainst all friends of royalty, he peti-\\ntioned Charles 1., and procured a tract\\nof land in America, of whose limits we\\ncan only premise with safety that they\\nembraced all of the territory now com-\\nprised within New Jersey, (regardless of\\nthe prior grant of a large portion thereof\\nto tiie New England Company) all of\\nDelaware, and parts ol Maryland, Penn-\\nsylvania, and New York.^^ By the liberal\\ncharter which Ployden procured from his\\nsympathetic monarch, lie was invested\\nwith the title of Earl Palatine, which drew\\nalter it very great privileges to the gran-\\ntee; for Bracton, the ancientest of\\nlawyers, as Plantagenet calls him, de-\\nfines an Earl Palatine to be one who lias\\nregal power in all things save allegiance\\nto the king.f This earldom in the wil-\\nderness was called New Albion and\\nsteps were soon taken to people it by\\nthose who feared the terrible crisis which\\nwas appn aching in the affairs of their\\nmother England.\\nThe foremost ofthose who fled from the\\nfierce spirit of democracy which beg-an\\nto rock the throne of Charles ere lie had\\nfairly seated himself upon it, was a cer-\\ntain Beauchanip Plantagenet who had\\ndescended from the royal house which\\nhad given England her three first Ed-\\nwards. This man listened with utter\\ndismay to the republican nomenclature\\nwhich had begun to prevail, such as\\ncavalleers, independents, round heads,\\nand inalignants, which he describes as\\nnew names and terms like an unknown\\nlanguage, unheard of in all the globe as\\nfar as ourantipodes. :j: And seeing the\\nstorm more likely to increase than to calm\\nhe consulted with seven knights, his kin-\\ndred and neighbors, who like himself\\nsought TO escape from evils they could\\nnot avert. The recent grant to Ploy-\\nden just met their wishes and suited their\\ntastes for from the omnipotence of the\\nBarclay s Sketches ubi supra, and Plantage-\\nnet, p. 26.\\nt Bracton, p. 62; Plantafrenef, p. 10.\\nt In his Dedication, p. 3 of New Alb.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "THE ALBION KNIGHTS OF THE COWTERSIOtf\\nS6\\nPalatine they hoped to become lords at\\nleast in the new world, whereas if they\\nstayed in England, they plainly saw that\\neven the humbler title of knights could\\nno longer tickle their ears.\\nIt was agreed therefore to send Plan-\\ntagenet, as being the oldest and l;oldest\\ntraveler, to visit all parts of Sir Ed-\\nmund s vast tract, and to select the best\\nplace for the eight knights and gentle-\\nmen themselves, a hundred servants, and\\ntwenty of their old tenants and their\\nfamilies; and he was instructed to follow\\nCato s rules of colonization, to wit: to\\nsecure a pure air, a fresh navigable river\\nand a rich country. Under ther^e direc-\\ntions Plantagenet fixed upon the Dela-\\nware, just midway as he describes it*\\nbetween Virginia, too hot and aguish\\nwith the blasted rains, on one side, and\\nthe cold New-England on the other.\\nThis trip took place in 1636. Our voy-\\nager only ascended the Delaware sixty\\nmiles, and did not therefore meet with\\nhis countrymen, who had already come\\nfrom Virginia, and built a fort at the\\nmouth of the Pensaukin, where they\\nwere then actually residing in patient\\nexpectation of the golden reign of Ploy-\\nden himself.\\nThese settlers were Captain Young,\\nhis nephew, the famous Robert Evelin,\\nand thirteen other traders, who arrived\\nin 163:3, and seated themselves in the\\ncountry of the Amarongs, after whose Sa-\\nkima, Eriwoneck, they named their first\\nfort. At this post, the exact site of\\nwhich is now lost, Evelin and his uncle\\nkept up a trade with the Indians,f for\\nfour years. Soon after the expiration of\\nwhich time, that is in 1637, it was occu-\\npied by I^ogot, a Swede and a pioneer\\nof Mencwc s colony; who, by proclaim-\\ning a gold mine in the neighborhood,\\n\u00c2\u00abP;iffe6.\\nt We learn from Evelin s letter that the tribes\\non tlie eastof tlie Delaware n cre at that time in\\nseveral factions and wars ajjainst the Sasqiielian-\\nnocks, who resided in Pennsylvania. He de-\\neeribcs tliein as extream fearfull of a gun, na-\\nkidiind unarmed apainst our short swoid.-! and\\npicks, and adds I h:id some bickerinjr with\\nIhein, but tlicy are of so little esteem, as I durst,\\nwith fifteen men sit down or trade in despight of\\nthem. Plantagenet, p. 20.\\ndrew several more to him, and laid th\u00c2\u00a9\\nfoundation of Sincessingh, of which wo\\nhave before spoken.- Eriwoneck was\\nonly possessed by the English from 1633\\nto 1637; for Evelin in the latter year,\\ntired of waiting for Sir Edmimd s per-\\nsonal advent, journied to England, where\\nhe wrote his letter to Madam Ployden,\\nurging her husband to bring with him to\\nthe country he so glowingly describes,\\nthree hundred men or more, as there\\nis no doubt but that he may doe very\\nwell and grow rich.\\nIn 1637, almost simultaneously with the\\npublication of Evelin s letter, appeared\\nthe first part of Plantagenet s account\\nof New Albion,! giving a general de-\\nscription of the country, and calculated\\nto induce the Earl to hasten his scheme\\nv/ith all diligence. Accordingly a splen-\\ndid palatinate was projected the banks\\nof the Delaware were set off into ma-\\nnors all the earl s children received\\ntitles and a chivalric order was in-\\nstituted under the imposing name of\\nThe Mbion Knights of the conversion\\nof the twenty -three Kings. The first\\nof these manors, called Watcessit, the\\nearl reserved for himself. It was situ-\\nated about the site of Salem, at the\\nsouthern end of what Plantagenet calls\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2The Swedes who settled on the Pensaukin\\nwere, according to Plantagenet, (p. 17) instigated\\nby the Dutch. He also says that the gold mine\\nwhich the Swedes used as a bait, was a poor af-\\nfair fifty shillings charges only producing nine\\nthillings gold, for which reason it was of Cap.\\ntain Young that tried it, slighted. Yet in tho\\nina|)s of Ogilby and Du Sitnitrc a gold niirie was\\nactually located soniewhero about the R.iiicocas.\\nBarker s Sketches, p. 55. Tiie Swedish settle-\\nment at Eriwoneck had eighteen inhabitants in\\nthe time of Evelin, but when Cainpanius wrote\\n(if his Chincessing and Lindstrom s Sincessingli\\nare one and the same) it had been reduced to live\\nfreemen, wh^), rotvvithstaiiding the fallacious\\nhopes of diggins gold, lived very well, Ante,\\np. 7. The four years which Master Evelin stayed\\nin Fort Eriwoneck are easily determined by the\\ndata we have; for the Dutch had left the Dela-\\nware before he came, and the Swedes did not ar.\\nrive till after he wont; but the Dutch left in Jan-\\nuiirv 1633, (new style) and the Swedish pioneera\\nin 1637.\\n+A second part of this curious book, cmbodfi\\ning Evelin s letter, was issued in ]64 2, and tha\\nwhole as now extant in 1048. See p. 6.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "26\\nTHE ALBION KNIGHTS OF THE OONYEBSIOfl.\\nthe Manteses plain, which Master Ev-\\nelin voucheth to be twenty miles broad\\nand thirty lon^, and fifty miles washed\\nby two fair navigable rivers; of three\\nhundred thousand acres fit to plow and\\nsow all corn, tobacco, and flax and rice,\\nthe four staples of Albion. Three\\nmiles as was estimated from AVatcessit\\nlay the domain of I.ady Barbara, Ba-\\nroness of Richneck, the mirror of wit and\\nbeauty, adjoinin^^ Cotton River, (now\\nAlloway s Creek) so named of six hun-\\ndred pound of cotton wilde on tree grow-\\ning says our historian; who further sets\\nforth the value of the seat awarded to the\\nKarl s favorite daughter, by adding- that\\nit was of twenty-four miles compasse,\\nof wood, huge timber trees, and two feet\\nblack mould, much desired by the Vir-\\nginians to plant tobacco. The manor\\nof Kildorpy, at the falls of Trenton, was\\nunappropriated. Bolalmanack, or Bel-\\nvedere, on the Chesapeake shore of\\nDelaware State, was given to Plantage-\\nnet under the Lord s seal, as a reward\\nfor his pains in exploring the country.\\nHow far this scheme was realized we\\ncannot tell. It is said that the New-Ha-\\nven settlers at Salem were visited by\\nMaster Miles, who swore their officers\\nto fealty to the Palatine before their ex-\\npulsion by the Dutch and Swedes f\\nThe Earl himself, sometime before 1611,\\ncame to New Albion, and lie and the\\nroval Plantagenet marched, lodged and\\ncabinned together among tiie Ir.dians\\nfor seven years; during which time the\\nsecond part of our author s book W as\\npublished to induce the emigration of the\\nvieounts, barons, baronets, knights,\\ngentlemen, merchants, adventurers and\\nplanters ot the hopeful colony, who had\\nbound themselves in England to settle\\nthree thousand able, trained men in the\\nPalatine s domain. The times however\\nwere too full of excitement at home for\\nthis agreement to be fulfilled even the\\nKnights of the Conversion concluded at\\nlast to hazard the dangers of republi-\\ncanism, rather than tlie bufletings of the\\nocean and few, if any of them, redeemed\\nBarker s Skelches, pp. 20 and 55 and Plan-\\ntagenet pp. 23 and 8.\\nt Plantagenet, p. 7.\\ntheir pledge to Ployden by joining him in\\nhis new earldom. Having studied mi-\\nnutely the character and peculiarities of\\nhis twenty-three kings, finding that Wat-\\ncessit iiad fallen, anddisgusted with the\\ntreachery of the men he liad loaded with\\ntitles and promises, he returned to Eng-\\nland with his faithful Plantagenet, who\\nhowever resolved to make still another\\neffort to stock the country with subjects\\nfor his master. Accordingly the book oa\\nNew Albion was revamped and sent forth\\nin IG IS but in vain. In the whirlwind\\nthat had now seized the popular mind,\\nmore eloquent pens than Plantagenet s\\nM ere unheeded. As for his, it suc-\\nceeded eifectually in writing New Albion\\ninto utter oblivion for nearly two centu-\\nries\\nWe cannot treat the Knights of the\\nConversion so cavalierly as to pass them\\nby without yet further notice. This\\ngoodly band, composed originally of\\nPlantagenet and the seven persons with\\nwhom he conferred, partook strongly\\nof the fantastic spirit wliich marked their\\nHudibrastic age. Whatever selfish mo-\\ntive might have influenced them in real-\\nity in their organization, they professed\\nto have at heart only a desire for the\\nconversion of the twenty three Indian\\ntribes living within the limits of Sir Ed-\\nmund s grant. Hence, upon the badge\\nof their order we find their own and\\nPloyden s arms supported by the right\\nhand of an Indian kneeling, around\\nwhich are twenty -two crowned heads\\nthe whole being encircled by the legend\\nDOCEBO INIQUOS VIAS TUAS, ET IMPII AD\\nTE coNVEKTENTUR. The kuights* device\\nwas a band holding a crown upon the\\npoint of a dagger, above an open bible\\nand the Palatine s arms, two flowers upon\\nthe points of an indented belt, with the\\nlegend Virtus beat sic suos.-?\\n?ce the cuts of the knights badgfe and of the\\nAlbion medal (of the two sides ot which our cuts\\nare copies) in Plnntag-cnet, p. 2. Not bciiiy siiillcd\\nin the phraseolojfy ot iicruldry ourselves, we copy\\nfroiii our royal author an ex[)!ai!ation of the two\\ncoats of arms, represented upon the said medal.\\nPloydcn s lie describes as\\nTrue viiliie mounted aloft on honour high,\\nIn a serene conscieuce as clear as skie\\nWhile the knights double duty of supporting the", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "THE ALBION KNIGHTS OF THB CONVERSION.\\n27\\nployden s arms.\\n[Copied from Plaritagenet s New Albion.]\\nOf the mode intended to be pursued\\nbv these Knij^hts in proselyting the In-\\ndians, PJantagenet has left us a hint, for\\nhe tells US that any g-entleman who\\nwas out of employ and not bent to labor\\nmight come to New Albion and live\\nlike a devout apostolique soldier ivith\\nthe sword and the icord to civilize and\\nconvert them to be his majesty s lieges,\\nand by trading with them for furs, get\\nhis ten shillings a day, which he thought\\nmuch better than contracting with the\\ngovernment at home to kill Christians\\nfor five shillings a week.\\nBut notwithstanding the aposto!ic\\nblows and knocks which the Knights of\\nthe Conversion thus meditated for the\\ngood of their red brother s souls, the\\nI earl himself intended no such logic for\\nj his English subjects. He meant by an\\nact of his parliament to require an ob-\\nservance of some of the fundamental\\ncreeds, but there was to be no perse-\\ncution to any dissenting, and to all such\\nas the Walloons free chapels. The\\ngovernment he had projected was, ex-\\ncepting his own exorbitant powers, as\\nliberal as his church. Its officers were\\nthe Lord head governor, a deputy go-\\nvernor, secretary of estate or seal keep-\\n61-, and twelve of the councell of state or\\nPalatine s power and the relig-ion of Christ is set\\nfortl) quite as clearly in the device itself as in the\\nfolowing explication thereof:\\nAll power OD life and death, (he sword and crown\\nOn Gospel s trulhs shine honour and renown.\\nThe Virtus beat sic suos was the legend of\\nthe Palatine.\\n*Page 31.\\nupper house and these or five of them\\nwere also a court of chancer3\\\\ His lower\\nhouse consisted of thirty burghers freely\\nchosen, who were to meet the lords in\\nParliament annually on the tenth of No-\\nvember to legislate for the palatinate.\\nAny lawsuit under forty shillings, or one\\nhundred pounds of tobacco in value, was\\nto be ended by the next justice at one\\nshilling charge. The jurisdiction of\\nthe county courts, consisting of four jus-\\ntices, and meeting every two months,\\nbegan at ten pounds sterling or fifteen\\nhundred weight of tobacco; and the costs\\nof no case tried herein were to exceed\\nfour shillings. Appeals lay from these\\ncourts first to chancery and then to par-\\nliament; and our author concludes his\\nexposition of the earl s judiciary by say-\\ning; Here are.no jeofails nor demur-\\ners but a summary hearing and a sheriff\\nand clerk of court with small fees, end\\nall for the most part in a iew words.\\nAfter the expulsion or dispersion of\\nthe New Albion subjects (as Plantagenet\\nclaims the settlers on Varcken s Kill in\\n1612 to have been) the land embraced\\nin their purchase of the Indians was the\\ncause of much controversy between the\\nButch governor of New Amsterdam, and\\nthe commissioners of the United colonies\\nof New England. On the nineteenth of\\nSeptember, 1650, all difficulties were ap-\\nparently removed by a treaty concluded\\nat Hartford between Stuyvesant and the\\nsaid commissioners, by which it was\\nagreed to leave both parties in statu\\nquo privs, to plead and improve their\\njust enterests at Delaware, for planting\\nor trading as they shall see cause. f Ac-\\ncordingly in the spring of 1651, the New\\nHaven men attempted to effect another\\nsettlement upon the Turner purchse, and\\nfifty people actually started for the Dela-\\nware with that intent. Stopping how-\\never at New Amsterdam with a friendly\\nletter from Governor Eaton to Governoi\u00c2\u00bb\\nStuyvesant, they were arrested by that\\ntreacherous Dutchman and compelled to\\npromise that they would return home.\\nStuyvesant moreover wrote a letter to the\\nPag:e 28,\\nt Hazard s Penn. Register, Vol. I. p. 18.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "S8\\nTHE GRAlfT TO THE DUKE OF YORK,\\ngovernor of New Haven, threatening^ to\\nresist any English encroachment on the\\nSouth River, even to blood. The claim\\nthus summarily disposed of was never re-\\nvived. The Swedes or Dutch held the\\ncountry for thirteen years, at the end of\\nwhich time the great charter of Charles\\nswallowed up all former grants, and\\nopened the source from which we must\\ndeduce, in law if not in morals, all the\\npresent land titles upon the seaboardof\\nthe middle states.\\nCHAPTER XI.\\nTHE GRANT TO THE DUKE OF YORK, AND\\nTHE CONQUEST BY CARR.\\nDo right unto this princely Duke of York,\\nOr I will fill the house with armed men,\\nAnd o er the chair ol slate where now he sits,\\nWrite up his title with usurjiine; blood!\\nbilAKSPEABE, King Henry IF. part 3.\\nOn the twelfth of March IGGlf\\nCharles, with a view it is said of pro-\\nvoking a war with the States of Holland, :j;\\nmade a charter to his brother the Duke\\nof York, afterwards James H., for two\\ntracts of land in America; the second of\\nwhich extended from the west side of\\nthe Connecticut to the eastern shore of\\nthe Delaware, and was to be held of the\\nKing and his successors as of the man-\\nner of East Greenwich in the county of\\nKent, in free and common socage, and\\nnot in capite or by knight service. ij^\\nFor these two tracts and the absolute\\nright of government over both, his royal\\nHighness covenanted to pay forty beaver\\nskins yearly within ninety days after\\ndemand.\\nBefore 1G51 we lenrn from the Beschriving^\\nvan Virginia, New Netiierlancis, c., clmp. I. of\\nDuponceau s translation, that the Eng:lish had at\\nseveral times tried to get the river. But tlie col-\\nftiiy at Ponsaukin under Ployden s grant, and that\\non Salem Creek in 1G42 are the only known at-\\ntempts by that nation to settle the east bank of the\\nDelaware prior to the grant to the Duke of York.\\nLearning and Spiccr, p. 8.\\nt Gordon s New Jersey, p. 20.\\nThis clause was doubtless introduced in con-\\nsequence of the late statute 12 Car. II, abolishing\\nthe feudal tenures, and turning them into free and\\nwommon socage. 2 Black. Comm. Chap v.\\nIn pursuance probably of an under-\\nstanding entered into before he was\\nhimself infeoffed, the Duke, on the\\ntwenty-third and twenty-fourth of June\\nfollowing, by deeds of lease and release\\nconveyed that portion of his tract now\\nconstituting our state, to two assiduous\\nattendants at his brother s court: John\\nLord Berkley, baron of Stratton, and Sir\\nGeorge Carteret of Saltrum in the county\\nof Devon, Knight; to the latter of whom,\\nin consideration of his good service to\\nthe Stuarts in defending the island of\\nJersey against the Long Parliament, the\\nlessor did the honor of directing the\\ncountry to be called New Jersey. All\\nrivers, mines, minerals, woods, fishing,\\nhawking, hunting and fowling and all\\nother royalties were demised, with the\\nland for the consideration of ten shil-\\nlings and the yearly reddendum of one\\npepper-corn to be paid on the day of the\\nnativity of St. John the Baptist if legally\\nexacted, and the release which perfect-\\ned the fee in Berkley and Carteret\\nreserved a rent-seek of seventy nobles\\nof lav ful money of England, if the same\\nshall be lawfully demanded at or in the\\nInner Temple Hal!, London at the feast\\nof St. Michael the Arch-angel. In\\nthese conveyances nothing is expressed\\nconcerning the right of government; but\\nthe proprietors construing the duke s\\nwords most strongly against himself,\\nseem to have considered that right as\\nclearly vested in them as the title to\\nwhales and sturgeons, or any other\\nbranch of the royal prerogative. f\\nSir Robert Carr having been sent out\\nwith three ships and six hundred men in\\nthe fall succeeding these alienations, vis-\\nited the Delaware, and after the outlay of\\ntwo barrels of powder and twenty shot,\\ntook political attornment of the Dutch j\\nand Swedish residents at Racoon, El-\\nsinborg and elsewhere upon the Jersey\\nshore. An agreement was concluded be-\\ntween the parties on the first of October\\nstipulating for the burghers and planters\\nSmith s New Jersey, p. 49.\\ntThe originals of these two deeds are now in\\nthe Surveyor General s office at Burlington, and 1\\nare signed with a simple James, in au autograph\\nremarkable for its boldaess and grace.\\nI", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "AND THE CONQUEST BY CARR.\\nsd\\nsecurity in their persons and estates, the\\ncontinuance of most of their old magis-\\ntrates in office, and the privilege of re-\\nturning to Europe within six months, or\\nfree denizenship and liberty of conscience\\nif they remained. For some time after\\nthis event, the Dutch and Swedes resid-\\ning upon the Delaware were subject to\\nthe government of Sir John Carr, Dep-\\nuty of Nicholls, assisted by a council of\\nthe old inhabitants, to wit Hans Block,\\nIsrael Helmes, Peter Rambo, Peter Cock\\nand ex-director Peter Aldrick. Three\\nof this council, Helmes, Rambo and Cock\\nafterwards figured on the grand jiiries of\\nold Gloucester County;- and Rambo s\\nson of the same name had the honor of\\nentertaining the learned Kalm during his\\nvisit to Racoon in 1748. f\\nThe Dutch could not tamely see their\\nNew Netherlands appropriated by their\\nhated foe of York. I A war with England\\nensued, which was ended in July 16(37,\\nby the treaty of Breda, hereby each\\nparty was allowed to retain whatever it\\nhad acquired from the other. This war\\ndid not in any wise alter the circum-\\nstances of the country under our consi-\\nderation but somewhat more than a year\\nafter the renewal of hostilities in March\\n1672, between the restless Chai les and\\nhis phlegmatic neighbors, the banks of\\nthe Delaware became again the property\\nof the Dutch by actual conquest and the\\nrenowned Peter Aldrick, who appears\\nto have been willing to serve any master,\\nwas made commandant thereof under An-\\nthony Colve, the governor general over\\nNew York, (now again New Netherlands)\\nand its dependencies.^ The Dutch do-\\nminion lasted just long enough to puzzle\\nthe English lawyers as to the validity of\\nthe grants to and from the Duke of York;\\nfor by the treaty of Westminster, con-\\ncluded on the twenty-eighth of February\\nin the same year,|| the whole country was\\nWoodbury Recordf;, book A ofCourt Minutes.\\nt Kwlrn s Travels Vol. I. p. 334.\\nt Acrclius, New York Hist. C^oll. new. ser. Vol.\\nI. p. 426. See Hume s Hist, of England, London\\ned. 1824, p. 7G9.\\n\u00c2\u00a7Acrel., ubi supra.\\nII Gordon, p. 30, dates this treaty in 1674; but\\nMr. Johnson is right when he says in his Hist of\\nrestored to Charles, and vested in him,\\nit was thought, de novo and free of all in-\\ncumbrances.\\nOn the tenth of February 1664, eleven\\nmonths after the royal charter, the two\\nLords Proprietors published their Grants\\nand Concessions, the first constitution of\\nNew Jersey, and, as the term is now\\nunderstood in American politics, the first\\nconstitution in the world. But although\\nthis code was framed on principles which\\nthe historian justly applauds, the set-\\ntling of the province, especially along\\nthe Delaware, went on slowly for some\\nyears after its promulgation. The dis-\\nappointed Berkley, therefore, on the\\neighteenth of March, 1673, dissolved\\nthe joint tenancy between himself and\\nCarteret, by selling his undivided share\\nfor one thousand poimds, to John Fen-\\nwicke, of Binfield, in the county of\\nBerks, in trust for Edward Billinge.| It\\nis probable that an understanding was\\nhad between the two proprietors that the\\nPensaukin should be the western di-\\nviding point of their respective moities;\\nfor the king, in order to cure any legal\\ndefect arising from the Dutch reconquest,\\nhaving on the twenty-ninth day of jfune,\\n1674, made a second grant to his bro-\\nther, the latter just a month afterwards\\nreconveyed to Cai^teret, in severalty, all\\nthat part of New Jersey lying north of a\\nline extending from Barnegat to a cer-\\ntain creek in Delaware River next adjoin-\\ning to and below a certain creek in Del-\\naware River, called Renkokus Kill. J\\nBy a conveyance perfected on the tenth\\nof February, 1674, Fenwick and his ces-\\ntui que trust assigned nine undivided\\ntenth parts of West Jersey to William\\nSalem, p. 9, that it was in 1G73; February beinjof\\nuntil late in the la.st century the last instead of the\\nsecond month of the twelve. The common year\\nran from the first, and the legal year from the\\n25lh of March the liislorical year sometimes be-\\nginning from Jariu;iry. See Leiuning and Spicer,\\np. 74. An oversiglit of this fact has ltd Mr.\\nGordon, p. 24, to sugjjest that Berkely .nnd Carte-\\nret published their Concessions while New Jersey\\nactually bclonired to the crown\\nGordon s New Jersey, p. 79.\\nI Learning and Spicer, pp. 50 and 64; and\\nSmith s New Jersey, p. 97.\\nt Learning and Spicer, p. 47.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "so\\nTOE grat\u00c2\u00ab:t to Tns duke of tork.\\nPenn, Gawn Lawrie and Nicholas Lucas,\\nin trust for the creditors of Hillinn^e; tlio\\nreniainiii lontli brin;^ reserved to Fen-\\nwick hiiiisolf. This remainder was soon\\nafterwards leased for a thousaini jears to\\nEldridg-e and Warner, who were allowed\\nto sell so much of the land demised as\\nwould reimburse them a sum of money\\nwhich they had advanced to Fenwick.\\nUnder this power the lessees sold to\\nPenn, Lawrie and Lucas ;dl of the les-\\nsor s rijiht and tide, foreprizin^ onlytlie\\nclaims of a (e\\\\v persons who in 1G7.5 had\\nsettled on Fenwick s tenth under deeds\\nfrom him prior to the lease.-\\nTiius the province of West Jersey\\ncame wholly into the hands of Billinjio\\n(whose right was merely equitable) and\\nliis three trustees and creditors whom\\nwe have above nauied. DisreiL -ardinjr\\nalike the threats and the complaints of\\nFenwick, these four proprietors on the\\nthird of March, 1676, proinul 2:ated their\\nConcessions for West Jersey, which were\\nagreed to by most or all of the freehold-\\nors and inhabitants, Dutch, Swedish and\\nEnglish, of whom one hundred and forty\\nse\\\\en signed with the proprietors this\\nbond of union, and became thenceforth\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0one people. t\\nA new line having been fixed upon be-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0tween East and est Jersey by the quin-\\ntipatite deed made on the lirst of July\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a01676 by Carteret and the four Vv est Jer\\n^ey proprietors, the latter were ready to\\n-carry into effect that clause of their con-\\ncessions J which required the province to\\nThe conveyance by Fenwick s lessees was\\nde ostensibly for the purpose of enabling; Penn\\nmade ostensibly tor the purpos\\nto eftoct a partition with Carteret; but in a re-\\nmonstrance from Fenwick dated at Fenwick s\\nIvy, the r2th of (lie first month, commonly called\\nMarch. 1678-9, he dircclly accuses Penn and the\\nrest with having conspired toofether to clicai him\\nout of his whole estate I See Johnson s Salem, p.\\nUS ct seq. We might readily settle this point if\\nwe knew the sum Fenwick had borrowed, and the\\n-sum for whidi his tenth was sold.\\nt These Concessions (writlen in text in a parch-\\nment book) are still preserved in Burlington, as is\\nalso the great quintipartite deed, which covers two\\nsheep skins There are several other interesting\\nand valuable instruments in the surveyor s oflice\\nin that city, from one or two of which some Van-\\ndal has cut Penn s signature.\\nI Chap. I.\\nbe laid off into ten precincts, each em-\\nbracing ten proprietaries or actions.\\nThe tenths were not really laid off how-\\never until after the fourteenth day of\\nJanuary, 1631 at which time the com-\\nmissioners ordered tiie surveyor to mea-\\nsure the front of the river Delaware\\nfrom Assunpink to Cape May, into ten\\nproportionable parts, running each tenth\\nso far btick into the woods as to give\\nit an area of sixty-four thousand acres.\\nTlie first and second tenth extended\\nfrom the river Derwent, formerly ctdled\\nSinipink, on the nortli, to the river Crap-\\n\\\\vell, or Pensaukin, on the South, and\\nthe third and fourth tenths reached from\\nthe said river called Crapwell, on the\\nnorth, to the river Berkley, formerly\\ncalled Old Man s Creek on the south\\nand out of these two precincts (firstly by\\nthe voluntary i^ct of the people them-\\nselves, and afterwards by a law of the\\nW est Jersey General Assembly, was j\\nformed the County of which we are\\nwriting.\\nAfter the execution of the quintipar-\\ntite deed, Billinge and his three trustees\\nrecei\\\\ed John Eldridge and Edmund\\nWarner into the nuuibcr of proprietors,\\nby reconveying to them in fee the share\\nformerly belonging to Fenwick; and on\\nthe sixth of August, 16S0,- the duke of\\nYork made a second grant of the soil of\\nWest Jersey to these persons; from\\nwhom either mediately or immediately\\nare derived all regular titles to lands in\\nthe said province unlocated before that\\ntime. The mode of appropriating un-\\noccupied tracts as prescribed by the con-\\ncessions of Bcrkely and Carteret,t and\\ncontinued by subsequent laws down to\\n16S7 without material alteration, was as\\nfollows: The adventurer having pitched\\nupon his site, procured from the propri-\\netary government a warrant directingthe\\nsurveyor general to run oil and mark a\\nspecific number of acres; and this war\\nrant, endorsed by the surveyor with the\\ndate of the siu vey, was returned to the\\nregister s office and recorded, where-\\nupon by precipe from the government the\\nLearning and Spicer, p. 412.\\ntldem, p. 20, el seq.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "THE THIRD AND FOURTH PRECINCTS PURCHASED OF THE INDIANS.\\n31\\nregister issued a patent, which being were resurveyed to them under the West\\ncountersigned by the Govenor and some Jersey concessions; to which, as we\\nhave before observed, many Dutch and\\nof the Council, created an indefeasible\\ntitle in the patentee. Until 1G7S the\\nquantity of land which an individual\\nmight take up was regulated by his\\nnumber of servants and his celerity in\\nremoving to the province; and each lo-\\ncator was obliged on pain of escheat to\\nSwedes voluutarilj became parties. One\\nof the Swedish purchases, made by Go-\\nvernor Printz himself, in 10 16, extended\\nfrom the llacoon to Mantua s Hook,\\nwhere the Swedish arms were set aloft\\nas a caution to Andries Huddie, Jost von\\nkeep on every himdred acres covered by dcm Boyandh, and all other trespassing\\nhis warrant two able men servants or\\nthree weaker servants. The fees thus\\nacquired were subject to a ground rent\\nvarying from a hali -penny to a penny\\nand a lialf per acre, payable to the Gen-\\neral Proprietors. In 1687, on accomit\\nof fre(|uent alienations and transfers,\\nthese Proprietors had became too nume-\\nrous to conduct their business in their\\nformer democratic manner; and accord-\\ningly a Proprietary Council was selected\\non the fourteenth of February in that\\nyear to manage all matters relating to\\nunseated lands. This council, the ghost\\nof the once potent proprietary govern-\\nment of West Jersey, has survived two\\nrevolutions, though there has long been\\nbut little real necessity for its continuance.\\nIts jurisdiction in matters connected with\\nvacant lands has been recognized by\\nconq^aratively late statutes o! this state ;f\\none of which, and to the anti(iuarian the\\nmost important, provides for the sale\\nkeeping of the valuable documents to\\nwhich we have before referred.\\nIn grantinji: warrants the General Pro-\\nprietors of West Jersey, who, notwith-\\nstanding Fen^vjck s complaints, were\\nupright and honest men, seem to have\\nadmitted the possession of the Dutch\\nand Swedes to have given them a pra-\\nemption right. All of these people at\\nthe commencement of the English go-\\nvernment were summoned to New York\\nby Andross, to take deeds in the Duke s\\nname, at a rent of a bushel of wheat for\\na hiuidred acres; and some of them,\\nAcrelius says.l actually complied. Whe-\\nther they rested upon this title or upon\\npurchases from the natives, their tracts\\nGordon, p. 65, et seq.\\nt miner s Digrest, p. 548.\\nX New York Hist. Coll., new ser. Vol. I. p,\\nct eq.\\n427,\\nDutchmen. Soon after this it is proba-\\nble that six of the Dutchf interested in\\nthe settlement at Nassau bought in trust\\nfor the West India Company all the land\\nfrom the north bound of the above pur-\\nchase to the Rankokas, as a retaliation\\non Printz; so that in reality the Indian\\ntitle to the soil of Old Gloucester had\\nbeen entirely extinguished before the ar-\\nrival of the English.\\nCHAPTER XII.\\nTHE THIRD AND FOURTH PRECINCTS PVR-\\nCHASED OF THE INDIANS AND SETTLED.\\nWhat nation will jou find whose nnnals prove\\nSo rich an int rest in Alnli^lll) love;\\nWIktc dwell lliny now, wlii.ie dwelt in ancient day\\nA people planted, waler d, Ijjest, .ii lliev.\\nGowper s Expostulation.\\nOwing to the differences between Bil-\\nlinge and FenwickJ no ship followed to\\nWest Jersey for two years after the set-\\nHiiddie and Uoyandh were then officers of\\nFort Nassau, in whicii responsihie posl they suc-\\nceeded one Jan Janson U|)pendatn, who was\\nconiinis.sary in 1612. See Acrelius, New York\\nMist. Coil, new ser. vol. 1, p. 41.3. J he reason of\\nGovernor Printz s making this purehase was as\\nfollows: In the year above stated one J hoinas\\nBroeri catne wilh permission froni Sluyvesant to\\nestablish himself at .Mjintua s Mook, opposite Tin-\\nieuin. Printz corisentcd on roiidilion that Broeri\\nwould become a Swedish subject. This was re-\\nfused whereupon the governor, discovering the\\ndesigns of the l^ntch, says the hislorian, bought\\nthe land himself. Acrelius ut sup. p. 411.\\niViz: Simon Rulh, Cornelius Marizen, Peter\\nIlermnnson, Ai, dries Hnddie, Alexander Boycr,\\nand Divid Davids. See Acnlins, ubi supra,\\nThere is no reason for believing with the editor of\\nthe nevv scries of the New York Hist. Coll. that\\nthe Tenekong mentioned by the Sv. cde in the ac-\\ncount of Ibis purchase was not the Tinicuni oppo.;\\nsite Mantua s Creek.\\nSmith s New Jersey, p. 79.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "32\\nTHE TiriRD AIVD FOVKTn PKECirOCTS\\ntlement of Salem; but Pomi liavin at\\nlenjrrh pacitiod these parties, vijiorous\\nmeasiirt^s be^i^-an to be taken to or iani/o\\nthe provincial jjovernnient accordiiij; to\\nthe Concessions. Vhc coininissioners\\nprovided bv (he tirst chapter of that code\\nsailed from London in the ship Kent.\\nGretiory Marlow master, and arrived at\\nNew Castle, then the Enj;lish capital of\\nthe Delaware, on the sixteenth of Au-\\ngust, 1676.\\nBesides the cooimissioners there came\\nin the Kent two hundred and thirty pas-\\nsengers, mostly (piakers of iOod estates\\nin Ku^laiul, who, it is a fact worth no-\\nlicins:, lU d from their native land to\\navoid tile itlentical princi])les which their\\npredecessors under Ployden had souj:;ht\\nto secure. They were ill pleased at a\\nreturn front republicanism to monarchy,\\nand from liberal toltM-ation to a religion\\njirescribed by law and pronuil^i ated by\\nlire, dun\u00c2\u00ab:eons, and tiie sword. Their\\nminds had been enlarged by the free\\nspirit ol inquiry which preceded the\\ngreat revolution, and couUl not again be\\ncompress( d into the narrowness of ac-\\nknow ledgin;j; the di\\\\ine ri rht of kings\\neither in matters of church or of stale.\\nbile others therefore of more plastic\\nteuiper tiirew up at the restoration the\\nsame caps with which they had hailed\\nthe bleeding head of Charles I., these\\nqitakers sought an asylum in the western\\nworld, where they might nourish their\\ndeep-rooted hatreil for the jnigeantry of\\nmonarchs, and the hy[)ocrisy of priests.f\\nh was lui secret to Cliarles 11. that the\\nfollowers of Fox etitertained and avowed\\nthe most latitudinarian doctrines of go-\\nvernment and church polity; yet while tlie\\nKtMit lay in the Thames, that sceptred\\nharleipnn, who was pleasuring in his\\nbarge, came along side, asked if the pas-\\nsengers were Quakers and where they\\nIdem, p. !13. These commissioners wore\\nThon);is 0!ivo, D^inicl Wiljj,-, John Kinsoy, John\\nPenloid. .Joseph Uohjisley, Robert Stacy, Ht-nju-\\nmill Scott, Uichard (niv and Tliomas Fonllxe.\\nGuv had come out with Fenwick in thcGrilViih in\\n1675. and Kinsey died ul ShaeKamaxon (now Ken-\\nFinjrton) soon after his arrival, and iioiv lies in-\\nterred 111 one of (he streets of Buriinjjlon.\\nt Junius, letter xxxv.\\nwere bound, and gave them his bless-\\ning.^- This last circumstance, it has\\nbeen observed, may seem somewhat\\nextraordinary, when we rellect that at the\\nvery time it took place, thousands of\\nthe Quakers were suftering throughout\\nCharles dominions; but it was in char-\\nacter with the monarch. Ever smooth\\nand specious in his exterior, but in heart\\ndeceptive and corrupt, his character was\\na gilded cheat. Vet perhaps a blessing\\nfr( m him was better than a mal( diction;\\nand if aught of advantage was conferred,\\nlet us not be ungrateful.\\nThe Kent landed her passengers at the\\nmouth of the Racoon Creek, where the\\nSwedes had left a few scatterin r habita-\\ntions. These not being sullicient to\\naccommodate them all, some took pos-\\nsession of cow-stalls, and apartments of\\nthat sort, until other edifices could bo\\nbuilt. From U atson s description of the\\nSwedish houses in the olden time, it\\nseems there was little choice between\\nthem and the stalls. Each mansion con-\\nsisted of but one room, with a door so\\nlow as to require those entering to stoop,\\nand no windows save loop holes with\\nsliding boards or isinglass dead-lights;\\ntheir chimneys, in one corner, were of\\ngrey sandstone, adjoining to which was\\nan oven; and the cracks between the\\nlogs of which the house was built were\\nlilled with clay. J These dwellings had\\nbeen aliandoned by the concentration of\\nthe Swedes at the now obliterated vil-\\nlage of Repaapo,\\\\\\\\ or at the ancient town\\nof Hacoou, now called Swedesborough\\nand it is j)robable from the description\\nthat they had been originally built liy the\\nservile Finns, and Laps who tilled the\\ngVound.\\nOn the second of March, 1676, Billinge s\\ntrustees sold to live considerable persons\\nin the comity of Vork,!| certain privi-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Smith s Now Jersey, p. 93.\\n.MS. I.eeture on Tlie Setlk ments on l!ie\\nDelaware, dehvered by Dr. Isaac, S. Alulford l e-\\nfore the Cunulen Washington Library Co., Feb.\\n9th, 1810.\\nAnnals ef riiiladelphia, p. 470, ed. oflSSO.\\nKalm s Trawls, Vol.11, p. 168.\\nII Viz: Thos. llntchinson. Thomas Pearson, Jo.\\nsr-ph Helmslcy, George Hutchinson nod Mahion\\nStacy.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "PUHCnASKD OF TUB INDIANS.\\n85\\nUi^fiH for a town to be built, whereby they\\nhave liberty to choose their own rnaj^is-\\ntratos and officers for execulinj^ laws ac-\\ncordiniT to the Concessions, within the\\nf^aid town.- This contract was ratified\\nby the Concessions which followed in loi^r\\ndiiys afterwards; and the Yorkshire men\\nwere thereby allowed the first choice of\\nthe tenths into which the province was\\nto be divided tlie second choice bein;^\\nreserved to any other company v/ho\\nshould purchase ten proprieties or ac-\\ntions. Immediately afterwards, a com-\\npany of Friends in London purchased a\\npatent for another tenth; the commis-\\nsionf!rs app(jinted by the Proprietors be-\\ninj( di\\\\ided into two committees, who\\nwere respectively to fix upon the tenth\\nto he occupied by the two companies.\\nJOhnley, Hehnsley and Stacy, on behaif\\nol the Yorkshire men, immediately alter\\ntheir arrival in 1G77, chose from the falls\\nof Delaware down whde PenlonJ, Ol-\\nive, Wills and Scott chose for tin; Lon-\\ndon men the country about Arwames, or\\nGloucester Point The commissioners\\nwere also authorized to buy the ri^ht of\\nthe Indians, which the latter were vf ry\\nready to sell aj^ain, notwithstandinji their\\nformer barj^ains with the Dutch and the\\nSwedes. Accordiiii^ly, havinjj procured\\nIsrael llelmes, Peter Hambo and Lacy\\nCock from the Swedes as interpreters,\\nall the land between the falls and Old-\\nman s creek was barjrained for, thoii;jh\\nthe Indians seem to have stood seized to\\nthe use of the Enj^lish for some time af-\\nterwards, on account of delay in the forth-\\ncoming of the consideration.f\\nThe first purchase was made, accord-\\nin;^ to the minute of the deed in the of-\\nfice of the Secretaryof State in Trenton, J\\non the tenth of September 1677, of Kat-\\namas, Sekappio, Peanto alias Enequeto,\\nand Rennowii^hwan, Indian Sarkamark-\\noes, of the land lyin;^ between the mid-\\nstreams of Rancocas and Timber creeks,\\nand bounded on the east by a rij^ht line\\ndrawn between the uppermost head of\\neach stream. The consideration stipu-\\nlated by the commissioners was literally\\nLearning; andSpiccr, p. 384.\\nt Smith s New Jersev, p. 95.\\nt l.iljer B of Deed., No. 1 p. 4.\\nas follows fTorty six fladome of duf-\\nfels, thirty blankits, one hundred and fifty\\npounds of powder, thirty jjunns, two\\njjundred fladome of wam|)um, tliir;y ket-\\ntles, thirty axes, thirty small howes,\\nthirty auls, thirty needles, thirty lookin^^\\n{^^lasses, thirty [laire of stockinj^s, seavf:n\\nanchors cif hrandij, thirty knives, thirty\\nbarres of lead, thirty-six rin;;rs, thirty\\nJtwd a harpH, thirty combs, thirty brace-\\nlets, thirty bells, thirty tobacco ton^s.\\nthirty paire of sissors, twelve tobacco\\nboxes, thirty fllints, Icnnf; pewlnr spoon-\\nJ utl.-i of paint, one hundred flish hooka\\nand one j^rosse of pipes. This hard\\nbarjrain was witnessed by Thomas Wat-\\nson and three Swedes: Andrew Swan-\\nson, Swan Swanson and Lacy Swan-\\nson.\\nSeventeen days afterwards (on the\\ntwenty-seventh of September) a deed\\nwas made to the commissioners by the\\nIndian chiefs Mohocksey, Tetamchro\\naid Apperinj^es, for the land betweea\\nthe midstream of Oldman s Creek to the\\nsouthward, and the midstn.-am of Tim-\\nber (jreek to the northward, and bounded\\nto the eastward by a riji^ht lyne extended\\nalon;^ the countery from the uppermost\\nhead of Oldman s Creek to the upper-\\nmost h ad of Timber Creek, for the con-\\nsideration of thirty match-coats, twenty\\nj(uns, thirl ij kettks and one ({r/;at one,\\ntliiriy paire of hose, twenty ffadome of\\nduflels, thirty petticoats, thirty Indian\\naxes, thirty narrow howes, thirty barres\\nof lead, fifteen small barrels of powder,\\nseaventy knives, sixty paiie of tobacco\\nton^^s, sixty sissors, sixty tinshaw lookino^\\nasses, seaventy combs, one hundred\\nand twenty aul blades, one hundred and\\ntwenty flish hooks, tivo grasps of red\\npaint, one hundred and twenty needles,\\nsixty tobacco boxes, one hundred and\\ntwenty pipes, two hundred bells, on^\\nhundred Jewe s harps, and six anchors\\nof rum. And this conveyance was ex-\\necuted before Robert Wade, James\\nSaunderland, James Yesteven, Samuel\\nLovett and Henry Reynolds.!\\nCommissioner Olive bavin? bought\\nKinRcy s name appears inthia indenture, bat\\nnot in the former.\\nI Sla.te Rerordd, ubi \u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00c2\u00bbipr\u00c2\u00ab.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "34\\nTDK ORIGIN OF OLD QLOUCKSTBR.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2cm\u00c2\u00a9 cattle of the Swedes,-* sent out\\nservants to cut hay, and was proccedinoj\\nimmediately to make a settlement lor the\\nLondon people at Arwames; but the\\nYorkshire men, not likin;:; so wide a sepa-\\nration between themselves and their com-\\npanions, proposed that the two compa-\\nnies should unite and establish a tt)wn.\\nBeinn; promised very favorable thin 2;s,\\nthe Londoners consented, and Burlinjj^-\\nton was accordinjjly laid out, and lor\\nsome time enjoyed in connnon but the\\nYorkshire men, with proverbial astute-\\nness, manajred to allot to their allies the\\neastern part of the town, and reserve tiie\\nmost pleasant for themselves.f\\nFrom 1(377 emijrrants continued to pour\\ninto West Jersey from various parts of\\nEnjrland, to enjoy the wise and liberal\\ng^overnment established upon the Con-\\ncessions. This }2:overnment was admin-\\nistered from ll37G to lOSO, by counnis-\\nsioners appointed by the Proprietors in\\nEn ;land. After the twenty-lifth .\\\\y of\\nJ^larch, 16S0, the people in each tenth\\nwere to elect one commissioner yearly,\\nuntil a General Assembly could be cho-\\nsen. In IGSl, Jenning:s, the deputy of\\nBillinge, whom the Proin-ietors had\\nmade Governor, called an assembly,\\nwhich, on account of the tribes or tenths\\nnot yet being set apart, was elected by\\nthe province at large. In May of the\\nfollowing year, such partition having\\nbeen made, the Assembly, among many\\nother statutes passed during a session of\\nonly four days, J enacted that each tenth\\nas it was peopled should send ten dele-\\ngates. On the second of ^lay, 1083,\\nthe first assembly thus chosen, began to\\nsit: the third or Irish tenth (from Pens-\\naukin to Timber Creek) being repre-\\nsented by William Cooper, Mark New-\\nbie, Henry Stacy, PVancis Collins, Sam-\\nuel Cole, Thomas Ilowell and William\\nBate only seven persons; while the\\nSmith s New Jersey, p. 98 and Kalm s Tra-\\nvels Vol. II. p. 110.\\nSmith, ubi s^iiprn.\\ni Learn, and Spicer, p, 4i 2. A special st-ssitm\\nof the same assembly, called by the Gi)vcrnor on\\nthe 25lh orSc|)lrmber, JGSO, oi)ly lasted two days,\\nin which time they panned ten laws I I^cam. and\\n3\u00c2\u00abpi\u00c2\u00ab., p. 453.\\nfourtli tenth, from Timber Creek to Old-\\nman s Creek had no delegate at all, on\\naccount nrobablv of its vet containing\\nonly Dutch and l^wedes, who took no\\ninterest in matterb of government.\\nCHAPTER XII.\\nTHE ORIGIN OF OLP GI.OUCKSTER ITS PUB-\\nLIC BUILDINGS THE ERECTION OF AT-\\nL.VNTIO AND CAMDEN.\\nA rily liiiilt with such prnpilioiis rays\\nWill sliuul lo si e oli4 walls anil h.i|i( y itsys;\\nBut ki\u00c2\u00bbm!oins, cities, inrit in eve? y stale\\nAre suli]Oct to vici silUiU s ot fate;\\nAll enviiiu-! cloml may slmle tlie sinilMig morn,\\nThoui;h t ates oi daiii the beanun^^ suit s return.\\nJacoo Taylor s Horoscope uf PhiiadelpKia,\\nIn ]\\\\Iay, 1652,^ the province having\\nbecome quite populous, the Assembly\\ndivided it into two jurisdictions, or coun-\\nties, to each of which they assigned a\\ncourt of quarter sessions, a sheriff and\\na clerk or recorder. The jurisdictions\\ntook their names from the only two towns\\nthen built in West Jersey, to wit Bur-\\nlington and Salem. The inconvenience\\nto which the concentration of the public\\nbusiness at these distant places must have\\nsubjected the people of the third and\\nfourth precincts is obvious; and we can-\\nnot wonder that our sturdy ftn-efathers\\nseized upon the first opportunity oflered\\nby disturbances in the provincial govern-\\nment, to administer a remedv for them-\\nselves.\\nOn the twenty-fifth of November,\\n1665, the Assembly met, but adjourned\\nthe same day on account of the sharp-\\nness of the season. f It did not convene\\nagain until the third of November, 1693;\\nthe province being in the mean while in\\ngreat confusion, from the attempt made\\nby liillinge to assume the government\\nentirely into his own hands.\\nSoon after this state of things began,\\non the twenty-sixth day of May, 108(3,\\nthe proprietors, freeholders and inhabi-\\ntants, generally of the territory lying\\nbetween tlie Pensaukin and Oidman s\\nCreek, met at Arwames and formed what\\nmay be termed a county Constitution.\\nLearning and Spicer, p. 447.\\ntldcm, p. 503.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "TnC TOWW OF GLOUCiSTKR.\\nThis curious instrument, comprising in\\nall but ten short paragraphs, not only\\nregulated the marking of hogs and other\\ncattle a precaution to which the ab-\\nsence of fences in those primitive days\\ngave considerable importance\u00e2\u0080\u0094 but erect-\\ned the two precincts into a county, or-\\ndained a regular court, provided officers\\nsimilar to those already employed in the\\njurisdictions of Salem and Burlington,\\nand prescribed the minutiaj of legal\\npra9tice. This was the origin of Old\\nGloucester the only county in New\\nJersey that can deduce its existence from\\na direct and positive compact between\\nher inhabitants.\\nIt would seem, a historian remarks\\nin commenting upon this unique paper,!\\n*Thc following is a literal copy of this Con-\\nBtitution. as it is recnrcied in Book A sub initio of\\nCourt Minutes at Woodbury:\\nGloucester, ye 28lh May, 1686.\\nBy the Propryctorn, Freeholders and Inhabi-\\ntunts of the Third and Fourth Tenths (alias coun-\\nty of Glouceste) then Agreed as followelh\\nImprimis That a Court be hdd for llie Juris-\\ndiction and l^irnits of the af)resaid Terllh^^ or\\nCounty, one fyme at Avwainus alias Gloucester,\\nand another tyme at Red Batik.\\nIiem That Uiere be fower courtes for the Ju\\nri. diction aforesaid held in one year at ye days\\nand times hercafier mentioned viz: upon the first\\nday of the first Month, upon ye first day of ye\\nfourth monlh, on the first day of tlie seventh month\\nand upon ye first day of the tenth month.\\nItem Th.it tlie first Court shall be hdd at\\nGlouc ster aforesaid upon the first day of Seplem-\\nber nev^.\\nItem That all warrants and sumfins shall be\\ndrawne by the Clarke of the Courle and sijrned by\\nthe J iisiice and soc delivered to tiie Sheriff or his\\nDeputy to Fxecute.\\nItem Tiiat the bodyc of each warrant etc.\\nsliiill contayiie or intimate the n;itijre of the action.\\nIler.i That a coppy of the Declaration be giv-\\nen alon with ye warrant by the Gierke of the\\nCourt, that soe tlie t efenr!arit may have the long-\\ner tyme to considder the same and prepare liis an-\\nswer.\\nItem That all sumons, warrants, etc. shall be\\nserved and Declarations given at least ten days\\nbefore the Court.\\nIlern That the SherifFc shall give the Jury\\nBunimons six diys b(fire the court be held on\\nwhich they are toapfiear.\\nItem That all persons within ye Jurisdiction\\naforesaid bring into the next courte ye mark of\\ntheir Hoggs and other Callell, in order to be ap-\\nproved and Recorded.\\nf Gordon s Gaz. tit. Gloucester.\\nthat the inhabitants of the county\\ndeemed themselves a body politic, a de-\\nmocratic commonwealth, with full pow-\\ners of legislation. And that such was\\ntheir opinion even after the resettling of\\nthe provincial government in 1692, will\\nabundantly appear by the extracts from\\nthe county records which we shall give\\nin the next chapter. The courts and\\ngrand juries which sat at Red Bank and\\nArvvames would have bsen formidable\\ntribunals indeed, but for the stern integ-\\nrity with which they exercised their ex-\\norbitant authority. We must confess,\\nhowever, that the justices, who were\\nelected by the people under the forty-\\nfirst chapter of the Concessions, seem to\\nhave been too complaisant to the juries\\ngrand and petit, under their direction.\\nWhether it be a verdict turninjr a free-\\nman into a slave, or a presentment lay\\ning the most considerable tax,t the wor-\\nthy clerk has but one footing up: To\\nall which ye Bench assents,\\nThe government of the state of Glou-\\ncester, having now a name, of course\\nwanted the other essential of respecta-\\nbility, a local habitation, This was\\nfixed by the joyntt consent of the pro-\\nprietors, who during the interreicnum\\nin the provincial government fixed ev-\\nery thing, at Arwames. A splendid city,\\nreaching from the Quinquorenning or\\nNewton Creek to the Sassackon or Lit-\\ntle Timber Creek with ten streets run-\\nning east and west, and two north and\\nsouth, and with a fainous Market place\\nthree chains sf|uare was laid out by\\nThoiTias Sharp in 16S9. The whole plot\\nwas divided into ten equal shares, to\\ncorrespond with the number of proprie-\\nties and on the east side, in conformity\\nwith the good old notions of the father-\\nland, a space was consecrated to the\\ngambols of the school-boys of future\\nages, under the name of Town Bounds. f\\nIt did not escape the observation of the\\never vigilant gfrandjury that the exijren-\\ncies of the public required, in addition\\nto the said Market Place and Town\\nMinutes for Dec. Term, at Red Bank, l Z.\\nt S\u00c2\u00ab e Justices and Freeholders Minutes, 13tii\\nFeb. 1704.\\nVide draft on the following pag*.", "height": "3244", "width": "1956", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "fO\\nTOT TOWN OF OLOUCHiTKR.\\no\\n-5\\nr/1\\na\\nH..2 S\\nre\\ntJ\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0-5\\n-1\\nS 3\\n3\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00baD\\n5\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2-I\\nF\\no -0\\nA\\n2 r vj\\n-5 O\\nkJ\\no\\nm\\n\u00c2\u00a3C\\nE\\nw\\n5 5^\\nThe iaiiU and bv\\\\auip btiuiigint: lo Jutm Uea iing.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "rUBLlC BUILDING*.\\n57\\nBounds, a jail wherein to lock up the\\nunruly. And therefore, at a court held\\nin the new town on the second day of\\nDecember, 16S9, they did in due form\\nPresent ye County of Gloucester for\\ntheir not erecting a common goale for\\nthe seciiriug of prisoners; whereupon,\\nthe clerk tells us Daniel Reading un-\\ndertakes to build a goale or logg-house\\nof lifteen or sixteen foot S(!uare, provided\\nhe may have one lott of I^and conveyed\\nto him and his heirs forever; and ye sd\\nhouse to serve for a prison till ye County\\nmakes a common geole, or until ye sd\\nlogge house shall with age be destroyed\\nor made insufficient for that purpose.\\nAnd Wm. Royden undertakes to convey\\nye lott, he being paid three pounds for\\nthe same at or before ye next courte.-\\nThe place thus provided answered as\\na gaol imtil December, 169.5, when it\\nwas ordered that a prison be with all\\nconvenient expedition built, sixteen feet\\nlong, twelve feet wide in the clear, and\\neight loot high; to be made of loggs,\\nwith a floor of loggs, above and below\\ncovered with cedar shingles, and a par-\\ntition in the middle. The courts had\\nhitherto been held at taverns or at pri-\\nvate houses; but on the first of June,\\n1696, the preceding^ order was remodel-\\nled, so as to require a prison of twenty\\nfoot long and sixteen wide, of a sufficient\\nheighth and strength, made of loggs, to\\nhe erected and biiilded in Gloucester\\nwith a Court House over the same of a\\nconvenient height and largeness, co-\\nvered ol and with cedar shingles, well\\nand workmanlike to be made, and with\\nall convenient expedition finished Mat-\\nthew Medcalfe and John Reading to be\\noverseers or agents to lett the same or\\nsee the said buildings done and per-\\nformed in manner aforesaid, they to have\\nmoney for carrying on of the said work\\nof the last county tax. On the fifth of\\nOctober, ITOS, we tind the following\\nrecord: We, the Grand Jury for the\\nCounty of Gloucester, being mett toge-\\nther at Gloucester to concider of the\\npresent imergancies of the same, doe\\nWoodbury Records, book A of Court Minutes.\\ntHist. Coll. of New Jersey, p. 209.\\nconsider itt necessary that an addition\\nbe made to the Prison and Courtt House\\nin manner following, viz. That it joyne\\nto the south end of the ould one, to be\\nmade of stone and brick, twelve foot in\\nthe cleare, and two story high, with a\\nstack of chimneys joyning to the ould\\nhouse. And that itt be uniform from ye\\nfoundation lo the Court House.\\nTo carry on this improvement the\\ngrand jury levied a tax of one shilling\\nupon every hundred acres of land, one\\nshilling for every horse and mare over\\nthree years old, sixpence per head for\\nneat cattle, two pence for each sheep,\\nthree shillings for each freeman in ser-\\nvice, and three shillings for each negro\\nover twelve years old, to be paid ia\\ncurrent silver money or corn, or any\\nother country produce at money price,\\nto be delivered and brought in to the\\nCounty treasurer at his dwelling house.\\nOur ancestors however bad begun to ^et\\nproud, and did not therefore remain long^\\nsatisfied with their public buildings, even\\nas improved. On the fifth of the se-\\ncond month called April 171.5, the jus\\ntices and Freeholders concluded to build\\na goal iwenly four foot long in the\\ncleare, and the wall in the full height\\nfrom the foundation nine foot high and\\ntwo foot thick, well done with good mor-\\ntar of lime and sand. And to lay the\\nupper and under floors with the planks\\nof the old prison, to make a good roof\\nto it, and necessary doors and windows.\\nAnd to remove the court house where\\nthe new prison is to stand, and to re-\\npayve the same as shall be needfull.\\nThe new county capitol was finished in\\n1719, but failing (rom some cause or other\\nto please the justices and freeholders,\\nthey ordered it in December of that year\\nto be pulled down to ye lower floor,\\nand rebuilt upon the same foundation\\nwith good fresh lime and sand. We\\nfind about this time the following entry\\nupon the Clerk s Book of the county le-\\nS^islature: It is agreed by this meeting\\nthat a payor of substantial stocks be\\nThe old court house and prison was sold in\\nMarch 1719, to William Harrison for eight\\npounds.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "ss\\nTHE ERECTION OF ATLANTIC AND CAMDEW.\\nerected near the prison with a post at\\neach end, well fixed and fastened with\\na hand cuff iron att one of them for a\\nwhipping-post. In 1736 the board or-\\ndered a yard, a watch-house, a work-\\nshop, and a pump to be added to the\\npublic property; and these we believe\\nare the last material improvements made\\nto the lof:;\u00c2\u00a7i:-h.oi(se, which has led us into\\nso long a digression.\\nIn 1692 the statute erecting Cape\\nMay into a county indirectly sanctioned\\nthe irregular proceedings of the Glouces-\\nter men in associating themselves toge-\\nther, by reciting that the province had\\nbeen formerly divided into three coun-\\nties. In the same year the boundaries\\nof Gloucester were partially defined, by\\na law making Pensaukin the division line\\nbetween it and Burlington; but there be-\\ning a great inconveniency seen in that\\nact, it was repealed by its framers at\\ntheir next session/}; 1 hus the matter\\nrested until 1694, when two laws were\\npassed relating to Gloucester: thefirst^\\nenacting that the two distinctions or di-\\nvisions heretofore called the Third and\\nFourth Tenths be and is hereby laid into\\none county, named, and from henceforth\\nto be called, The County of Glouces-\\nter; the limits whereof bounded with\\nthe aforesaid river called Crapwell, (for-\\nmerly called Penisawkin) on the north,\\nand the River Berkley, (formerly called\\nThe court house at Gloucester appears never\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2to have been m.irle very comlorlalile, lor so late as\\nDec. 19lh, 1721, we fi.id tiie filluwiiig miniilc:\\nPrnclainaiion being- niacie, tiieCi.urt, of Common\\nPleas is adjiiiirnt d nolo Uie house of Mary Spey\\nby rmsori of t/ie cold. Meeting as the worthy\\njusliee.s often did at six o clock in (he nuiriiinjf,\\nit. is Of) wonder that they complained of the frost.\\nSee Hook B of Court ininuf.es.\\n1- Oldmi.xoti, writing- in 1708, says of West\\nJersey: II is not divided into slirres as East. Jer-\\nsey is; Iho Dr. Cox wlien he was Proi)rietiiry\\n.ordered seven counties to be laid out, as Cape\\nMay bounty, Salliam (\\\\)unty, Gloucester County,\\netc., l)ut his successors did not g-o on with the pro-\\nject. Atrain he says ihc trncl of l.ind between\\nCape M iV atid Little Egj; Harbour goes t y the\\nname of C-ipo May County; but we do not under-\\nstand that tlierc is any other division of this pro-\\nvince honored with the name of county. Brit-\\nish Empire in America, Vol. I. 138.\\nt Learning and Spicer, pp. 509, 513, c.\\nIdem, p. 530.\\nOldman s Creek) on the south. It\\nwas probably intended that the eastern\\nboundary of this county should be a right\\nline drawn from the head-waters of\\nPensaukin to the head-waters of Cld-\\nman s Creek. We are sure at least that\\nGloucester did not reach originally to\\nthe ocean; for the second law,- passed\\nin the above year, is in the following\\nwords: Forasmuch as there are some\\nfamilies settled upon Egg Harbour, and\\nof right ought to be under some jurisdic-\\ntion, be it enactedbythe authority afore-\\nsaid that the inhabitants of the said Egg\\nHarbour shall be and belong to the juris-\\ndiction of Gloucester to all intents and\\npurposes, till such time as they shall be\\ncapable, by a competent number of in-\\nhabitants, to be erected into a county,\\nany former act to the contrary notwith-\\nstanding. The Egg Harbour country\\ncontinued in this dependent state until\\n1710, t when another law was made in-\\ncorporating it with Gloucester. An\\nhundred and twenty-seven years after-\\nAvards the people on the seaboard\\nthought they had a competent number\\nof inhabitants to be set off as a separate\\ncounty, and accordingly Atlantic was\\nerected in 1837. On the diirteenth day\\nof March, 1844, the new county of Cam-\\nden was erected, partly to accommodate\\nthe fast sv/elling population of the north\\nand north-western townships, and part-\\nly to secure to West .Jersey her just share\\nof influence in the state government.\\nAs an antiquarian, who does not re-\\ngret who would not have prevented\\nthese repeated mutilations of old Glou-\\ncester s territory But let us remember\\nthat public convenience and public jus-\\ntice are considerations paramount to any\\nidle feeling like tiiis. Let us shov/ that\\nthe mere interposition of metaphysical\\nlines can never divide those whose hearts\\nthe common sufferings and the coinmon\\njoys of a centurj and a half have united.\\nThe people of Atlantic and Camden\\nthe daughters of Old Gloucester still\\nclaim the glory of her name as in part\\ntheir own still hope from her the return\\nof a mother s affections; and he who\\nIdem, p. 535.\\nt Allison s Laws, p. 11.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "EXTRAC rS FROM THE MINUTES OP THE COUNTr COURT.\\nS9\\nwould deny that glory or disappoint that\\nhope is unworthy of his birth in a county\\n80 ancient and so favored.\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nEXTRACTS FROM THE MINUTES OF THE\\nCOUNTY COURT, AND OF THE BOARD OF\\nJUSTICES AND FREEHOLDERS.\\n-laptam co^nomine gentem\\nHort -r amare focos, arctnique atluleie tectis.\\nJainqtie ic.ie sicco pubdiiclas liUure piippcsj\\nConmibiis arvisque novis operata juveiUusj\\nJura domosque dabam.\\nVlRG. ^n. 133.\\nThe following extracts, while they\\nshow conclusively that our ancestors of\\nthe county of Gloucester deemed them-\\nselves, for some time after the constitu-\\ntion of Arwames, an independent go-\\nvernment, with power to prescribe pun-\\nishments, levy taxes, fix boundaries and\\ndo many other acts equally sovereign\\nalso throw much light upon the moral\\nand physical condition of the early Eng-\\nlish settlers.\\nAt a Court held at Red Bank on the\\ntenth of December, 1686, Andrew Wil-\\nkie was brought to ye bar, and the In-\\ndictment against him for fiellony being\\nread, he pleaded guilty in manner and\\nform. Yet a jury was empannelled,\\nand attested upon his Triall and true\\ndeliverance to make between our Lord\\nthe King and the prisoner at the bar, etc.\\nVerdict The jury bi ought in An-\\ndrew Wilke the prisoner. Guilty in the\\nmanner and form, and that ye said pris-\\noner ought to make pay to the prosecu-\\ntor the sum of sixteen pounds.\\nSentence The Bench appoints that\\nye said Wilkie shall pay ye aforesaid\\nsixteen pounds by way of servitude, viz\\nif he will be bound by Indenture to ye\\nprosecutor, then to serve him ye terme\\nof four years, but if he condiscended\\nnot thereto then ye court awarded that\\nhe should be a servant and soe abide the\\nterme of five years, and to be accommo-\\ndated in the tyme of his servitude by his\\nmaster with meat, drink, cloaths, wash-\\ning and lodging according to ye ciiMome\\nof ye County, and fitt for such a ser-\\nvant.\\nThe felony of which Wilkie was thus\\ndoubly convicted was stealing goods of\\nDenis Lins; and the sentence therefore\\nwas in accordance with the provincial law\\nof 16S1, which requires thieves to render\\nfour fold restitution, or be made work\\nfor so long time as the nature of the of-\\nfence shall require. We have been\\nunable however to find either law or\\ncustom to authorize the following step,\\nwhich was taken at a court held at\\nGloucester, on the first of December,\\n1693:\\nThe grand jury present William\\nLovejoy, for that contrary to the order\\nand advice of the Bench he doth frequent\\nthe house of Ann Penstone, and lodge\\nthere, none being in ye house but he and\\nye said Ann with the bastard child.\\nWilliam Lovejoy solemnly promises to\\nappear at the next court to be held at\\nGloucester, and to be of very good be-\\nhaviour during the same time.\\nThe first Court held under the consti-\\ntution of Arwames was in September,\\n16S6. The justices then present on the\\nBench were Francis C(i!lins, Thomas\\nThackera, and John Wc)d. The jury\\nlist returned by the sherirl contained the\\nnam.es of William Hunt, William Bate,\\nWilliam Albertson, William Lovejoy,\\nHenry Wood, Jonathan Wood, John\\nHugge, James Atkinson, Thomas Sharp,\\nThomas Chaunders, George Goldsmith,\\nJohn Ladde, Daniel Reading John Ithel,\\nJohn Bethell, Thomas Matthews, Wil\\nliam Dalboe, Anthony N eilson, John Mat-\\nson, Thomas Bull, John Taylor, Wil^\\nliam Salisbury, Matthew Medcalfe and\\nWilliam Cooper. At this term, upon\\nye complaynt of Rebecca Hammond\\nagainst her late master Robert Zane for\\nwant of necessary apparell, as alsoe his\\nfailure in some covenants that he was\\nobliged by his indenture to perform it\\nwas ordered yt ye said Rob. Zane, be-\\nfore ye first day of ninth mon Ji next\\nshould finde and give to ye said Rebecka\\nHammond apparell to the valine of three\\nLeam. and Spic, p. 434 Gab, Thomas in pra\\nface to West Jersey.", "height": "3244", "width": "1946", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "40\\nKXTRAOrrS FROM THE MINUTES OF THE COUNTT OURT.\\npounds, seven shillings and six pence,\\nand alsoe fifty acres of Icmd to licr and\\nIter hcira forever; and in case ye sd Rob.\\nsJiall di dike this order, then to stand to\\nand abide by ye act of Jlsscmbly in the\\nlike case provided. Whereupon ye sd\\nRob. Zane did at last declare that he\\nwould comply with ye aforesaid order\\nand answer ye same.\\nThe last clause of the county constitu-\\ntion, relating to hogs, not having been\\nobeyed by the people, the clerk was or-\\ndered at tiiis court to warne in tliose\\nwho had made default, to hisowne howse,\\nand there take account and register their\\nmarkes. Accordingly each ciiizen who\\nowned any of those animals cut their\\nears according to fancy, and returned a\\ndraft to Clerk Sharp. These were scru-\\npulously copied, and form a fantastic por-\\ntion of the county records. To kill a\\nmarked hog, even though its owner\\nwas unknown, was a misdemeanor\\nagainst the peace and dignity of the\\ncounty, and as such was punished by fine\\nto the public use.\\nOn the first of March, 1691, one John\\nRichards was found guilty of perjury,\\nand senter.ced by the jury to pay twenty\\nSounds fine or stand in ye pillory one\\nour. To which ye bench assents, and\\nye prisoner chusing to stand in ye pillo-\\nry, they award and order the same to be\\nin Gloucester on ye tweith day of April\\nnext, between ye hours often in ye morn-\\ning and four in ye afternoon, and conde-\\nscend to take his owne bond for his ap-\\npearance at that tyme under ye penalty\\nand fortification of fifty pounds.\\nAt September Term, 1690, two bur-\\nglars having been convicted, were sen-\\ntenced to be burnt to the bone in the\\nhand with the letter T, or sold for five\\nyears in the West Indies: the thieves\\nchose the latter.\\nThe subjoined extract affords a strong\\ninstance of the independence claimed by\\nthe county during the disturbances in the\\nfjrovincial government. She and Bur-\\nington seem to have considered the sub-\\nSee Minutes of Court nt Red Bank, Dec.\\nTerm, 16SG, where three of the most respectable\\nmen in the county were fined respectively twelve\\nten and esvcn Bhillings for thus offendinjf.\\nject of county boundaries as one entirely\\nwithin the scope of county legislation.\\nx Yt a court held at Gloucester, on ye\\nfirst day of 4th mo., 16S9, the grand\\njury having inlbrmation that the persons\\nformerly ajijointed by ye propryetors for\\nfixing ye line of division between ye\\ncounties of Burlington and Gloucester,\\nhave agreed upon a course that shall de-\\ntermine ye same. Doe in pursuance\\nthereof order that upon ye seventeenth\\nday of this instant ye said lines hall be run,\\nand that Thomas Sharp shall be surveyor\\nfor ye doing thereof. That John Walker^\\nand John Heritage shall mark ye trees,\\nan dtbat Francis Collins, Richard Heri-\\ntage, John Key, and John Wills be ap-\\npointed to see yt the same be duly per-\\nformed and done. And also that it s\\njudged convenient that ye people in Bur-\\nlington County may have advice hereof\\nthat they may appear to see that affair\\ncompleted if they please. To all which\\nye Bench assents, and order the pro-\\ncedure thereof in manner above said.\\nTwo years before the above proceed-\\nings was had, the Burlington men had\\noffended those of Gloucester by holding\\npleas of crimes belonging to the juris-;\\ndiction of Arwames. The officers who\\nhad contributed to this insult were\\npromptly dealt with. At a court held at\\nGloucesteron the first of December 1687,\\nThe grand jury present John Wood and\\nWill Warner for conveying forth of this\\ncounty two prisoners thereof, namely,\\nHenry Treadway and Mary Driner ibr\\ntheir tryall at Burlington Court, contrary\\nto the rights and privileges of this county,\\nand to the perverting of justice, c. The\\nBench orders this ])resentment to be re-\\nferred to the next court, at which tyme\\n3^e sd John Wood is ordered to appear.\\nAt the next court Jhe presentment of\\nthe grand jury of the last court ag^uinst\\nJohn Wood for the conyeying of Henry\\nTreadway and Mary Driner, two noto-\\nrious delinquents forth of this county,\\nc, to the destroying of ye county s\\nprivileges, c., being road, the said John\\nWood speaketh as followeth: Since I i\\nunderstand that this county hath taken\\noffence at and with m} proceedings con-\\ncerning Henry Treadway and Mary Dri-", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "EXTRACTS FROM THE MINUTES OF THE COUNTY COUKT.\\nil\\nYjer, I am heartily sorry that I ever\\ngave them that cause of offence. Ffor-\\nasmiich as I desi{^ned noe prejudice\\nagainst the county nor any therein, but\\nthat it was my ij^norance that occationed\\nthe same, I doe desire the sd county\\nwould he pleased to remit and pass by\\nye same.\\nThe fbllowinj^is a copy of the first tax\\nact passed by the Grand Jury, or as we\\nmi^ht call it, the Legislature, of the\\ncounty,\\nGloucester, firstof second mo., 1G87:\\nThe Courte dissolved, but the Grande\\nJury having something under considera-\\ntion that required a longer tyme to de-\\nliberate thereof, they now adjourned till\\nthe fourteenth day of the same month, at\\nwhich time appearing they agreed and\\nordered as followeth;\\nThatforthe public use and concerne\\nof the County of Gloucester there should\\nbe a tax levyed and raised upon the in-\\nhabitants thereof in manner following\\nThat every owner or possessor of\\nlande shall pay for every hundred acres\\nof lande that shall be possessed, taken up\\nor surveyed, the sum of one shilling.\\nAnd that every person keeping Catieil\\nwithin the sd county of Gloucester,\\nwhether oxen, horses or cowes, being\\ntwo years of age, shall pay for every head\\nof such cattell the sum of two pence.\\nAnd alsoe that all free men having neither\\nlande nor cattell shall pay the sum of two\\npence. And alsoe that all men having\\nneither lande or cattell, being sixteen\\nyears of age, shall pay for their owne\\nheads one shilling a piece,\\nThe assessors appointed for the tax-\\ning of every man s estate as aforesaid\\nare Richard Heritage, .lohn Key, Thomas\\nSharpe, Andrew Robeson, jun., and An-\\nthony Neilson, whoe are to meet together\\non or before the twentieth day of the\\nthird month next, in order to assess and\\nleavy the said tax.\\nThe treasurers appointed are Henry\\nWood and Anthony Neilson, to whom ev-\\nery person concerned shall bringe in their\\nseveral taxations by or before the twenty-\\nninth day of September next, either in\\nsilver money or in come at the prices fol-\\nlowing, viz:\\na\\ns. d. s. d.\\nWheat at 4 Gates at 2\\nRye 3 Indian Peas .5\\nBarley 3 Buckwheat 2 6\\nIndian Corne 2 6\\nAnd in case any person shall refuse or\\nneglect to bring in their tax as aforesaid,\\nit shall be lawful! to distriene upon them\\nfor double the vallue with all such\\ncharges that shall accrue for or by reason\\nof distress soe made, and any one that\\nfindes himself wronged shall repaire to\\nthe next justice, who hath power tore-\\ndress their agrievances. And the Trea-\\nsurers are hereby ordered to have for\\ntheir recieveing and disposall of the pay\\ntwo shillings in the pound.\\nAnd that this tax when recieved shall\\nnot be disposed on but by the consent,\\nknowledge, and appointment or aproba-\\ntion of the Grand Jury for the tyme be-\\ning.\\nThis was seen and approved on the\\nfourteenth day of April, by the Justices\\naforesaid, and soe the Jury was dis-\\ncharged.\\nThe Grand Jury continued to levy\\ntaxes of its own accord until 1694, when\\nthe Assembly vested the power in a quo-\\nrum of the County Justices, with the\\nadvice, concurrence and assistance of\\nthe Grand Jury. In 1713 the prerog-\\native passed by statute to the Justices\\nand Chosen Freeholders,! with whom it\\ncontinued to reside until the organization\\nof the Board of Freeholders upon its\\npresent footing on the thirteenth of Feb-\\nruary, 179S.J On the eleventh of De-\\ncember, 1733, we find upon the minutes\\nof the Board then legislating for the\\ncounty the subjoined act: The justices\\nand freeholders have appointed George s\\nWard and Constantino Wood to be man-\\nagers to repair Timber Crick Bridge;\\nand also that fifty pounds shall be raised\\nto defray the charge of the said repair,\\nand for and towards other county charges, g\\nin manner following, viz: Single men\\none shilling and six pence each servants i\\nfour pence each. Mei chants as follow-\\nLonm. and Spic, p. 52S.\\nt Feb. 28th, Allison s Lavvi, p. 14.\\nPattereon s Laws, p. 265.", "height": "3275", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "4 i\\nEXTRACTS FROiM THE MINUTES OF THE COUNTY COURT.\\neth, viz John Brown of Gloucester ten\\nshillinj^s, Sarah Norris five, Timothy\\nMatlack ten, Michael Fisher five, C.\\nTaylor ten. Mills as followeth, viz\\nBennet s mill four shillin^^s, Cole s mill\\nfour, Child s mill four. Key s mill four,\\nAndrew Ware s mill two, Richard Chees-\\nman s mill three, George Ward s mill\\nfive, Griffith s mill one and six pence, I.\\nCousen s mill two, Israel Ward s mill two,\\nS. Shiver s mill four, Somers mill three,\\nStileman s mill one and six pence, Fish-\\ner s mill four, Breache s mill two. Ta-\\nbfinis as followeth, viz T. Perrywebb s\\nten shillings, Medcalf s ten, W^heeldon s\\nten, Griffith s one, Sarah Bull s two, E.\\nEllison s five. Tateni s ferry seven and\\nsix pence, Gerrard s seven, Taylor s ten,\\nMedcalf s ferry twelve. We learn\\nfrom a similar act passed in 1750 that\\nthere were then in the county fourteen\\nstores and shops, twenty-seven mills,\\nfive ferries, and over twenty-five ta-\\nverns.\\nThe first ferry licensed by the county\\ncourt was one from Gloucester to Phila-\\ndelphia in 16SS.- On the first of Jan-\\nuary says Clerk Sharp, It is proposed to\\nye bench yt a ferry is very needfull and\\nmuch wanted f om Jarsey to Philadel-\\nphia, and yt William Roy don s house is\\nlooked upon as a place convenient for,\\nand the said William Roydon a person\\nsuitable for that employment; and there-\\nfore an order desired from ye Bench that\\na ferry may be fixed, He. 1 o which ye\\nB^nch assents, and refers to ye Grand\\nJury to methodize ye same, and fixjhe\\nrates thereof.\\nIn 1693 proposals were made for a\\nferry over Timber Creek; but this and\\nthe one before established across the\\nDelaware seem to have gone down before\\n1695; for under the date of June the first\\nof that year we read as follows:\\nThe Grand Jury consenteth to and\\npresenteth the proposals of Daniel Coop-\\ner for keeping a ferryf over the river to\\nPhiladelphia at the prices following, that\\nSee Barber and Howe s New Jereey, p. 209.\\nThe dates in this book are not always to be de-\\npended on.\\ntThis 18 the middle Ferry now called English s\\nFerry.\\nis to say: For a man and horse, one shilling\\nand six pence for a single horse or cow,\\none shilling and three pence for a single\\nman, ten pence and when ten or more,\\nsix pence per head; and six pence per\\nhead for sheep, calf s, or huggs. To\\nwhich ye bench assents.\\nThe Grand Jury consenteth to and\\npresenteth ye proposals of John Read-\\ning for keeping a ferry over Giocester\\nRiver, and from Giocester to Wickaco at\\nye prices following, That is to say, for\\na single man and horse, two shillings and\\nsix pence, and lour shillings per head for\\nmore than one horse or cow, He. and\\none shilling and six pence lor a single\\nman, and one shilling per head when\\nmore than one from Gloucester to Wick-\\nacoe. And five pence per head for\\nhorses, cov/s, c., and two pence per\\nhead for man without horses or cattell\\nover Giocester River. To all which ye\\nBench assents.\\nOn the first of December, 1702, the\\nfirst regular ferry over Cooper s Creek\\nwas established at ihe foot of School-\\nhouse Lane. J(^in Champion, says the\\nclerk, makes great complaint of his great\\ncharge in setting people over Cooper s\\nCreek at his house; whereupon ye Grand\\nJury propose that in case ye sd John\\nChampion will find sufficient conveni-\\nences to putt people over at all seasons,\\nthe said Champion may take for ferriage\\nas follows, viz: For two persons to-\\ngether two pence per head, for one sin-\\ngle person three pence, and for a man\\nand a horse five pence. To which ye\\nBench assents.\\nIt will be observed that no mention is\\nmade in any of these regulations of car-\\nriages. Such refinements were not in-\\ntroduced generally, even in Philadelphia,\\nuntil the revolution. In West Jersey\\nmost journeys were performed on horse-\\nback; and the marriage portion of the\\ndaughters of the most wealthy men gen-\\nerally consisted of a cow and a side-sad-\\ndle. Wheeled vehicles indeed would\\nhave been of but httle use in a country\\nwhere roads were yet full of trees, and\\nwhere streams had but few if any bridges.\\nDu Simitre s MSS.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "EXTRACTS FROM THE MINUTES OF THE COUNTY COURT,\\n43\\nFunerals were frequently attended in\\nboats; and a hi j:hly respectable gentle-\\nman, late of Camden, distinctly remem-\\nbered a burial of the kind which took\\nplace in his boyhood. The deceased\\nlived upon Cooper s Creek near the head;\\nhis coffin was placed in a barge, and\\nrowed around to the old ground upon\\nNewton Creek, followed by several\\nother boats containing the family and\\nfriends.\\nIn 1701 occurred the first murder in\\nthe county of Gloucester. It seems\\nfrom the record that it was a case of\\ninfanticide but what was done with\\nthe guilty mother is not very clear.\\nThe cause was tried at Gloucester by\\nLord Cornburv in person and on the\\nnineteenth of December we find the fol-\\nlowing minute We, the Grand Jury for\\nthe County of Gloucester doe order\\neighteen pence to by twelve bushels of\\ncharcoal for the prisoner, and two pounds\\nand two shillings to by three match coats\\nfor the prisoner s use so long as shea\\nhath occasion for it, and then to be re-\\nserved for the county s use. We allow\\nseven shillings and six pence to the Clerk\\nfor five warrants to the Collector to ga-\\nther the above tax. We further allow\\nMatthew Medcalfe twelve shillings and\\nsix pence for defraying the Lord Corn-\\nbury s retinue s expenses when he was\\nlately at Gloucester; and six shillings to\\nJohn Siddon for a coffin for the mur-\\nthered child, and six shillings more we\\nallow him by discount of his old tax in\\nthe year 1691, for bringing the Justices\\nand Coroner to Gloster. We also allow\\neight pounds twelve shillings and four\\npence for defraying the Lord Cornbury s\\nand his attendance s expenses when he\\nwas lately at Gloucester.\\nThe clerk was required, among a\\nthousand other duties,^ to keep a regis-\\nRichard M. Cooper, E q.\\ntG vcriior Hniiloke held the Glniiresler Court\\nin March and Dtccinber Terms, 16J2, and Sep-\\nt nibrr, 16^4. (iov. Jfremiah Bass pre ided at\\nS pieiiiber Term, 1698; and Gov. Andrew Hain-\\niJion in March, 1 7UU.\\nt Justices and Freeholders Minutes, Book A.\\ni A comparison of the multifarioue duties of\\ntry of the marriages and births happening\\nin the county. The following are true\\ncopies of some of these records\\nThe t/nrtec7ith of ye first month, anno\\n16S7. Samuel Taylor and Elizabeth\\nWard now then married together accord-\\ning to the good and laudable rules and\\nlaws of the Province of West Jarsey in\\nthat case made, before Francis Collins,\\none of ye King s Magistrates for ye Coun-\\nty of Gloucester, and in the presence of\\nJohn Richards. Phillis Richards, James\\nWarde, Thomas Thackera, John Hugge,\\nGeorge Gold imith, Jonathan Wood. ^c.\\nJohn Reading, Recorder,\\nProvince of IVcst Jersey.\\nJohn Burroughs, the son of John Bur-\\nroughs and Jane his wife, of Glocester\\nRiver, in ye County of Glocester, was\\nborn ye fourteenth day of March, Anno,\\n16S7. Entr. pr. me,\\nJohn Reading, Re,\\nTestis,\\nJohn Ashbrook,\\nThe si-xteenth of November, anno,\\n1697. This may certify whom it may con-\\ncern that I, George Ward, of ye Towne\\nof Upton, and County of Gloucester,\\nand Hannah W^aynwright of Woodbe ry\\nCreek, have been Published according to\\nLaw, and nothing appearing contrary in\\nany wise to hinder them, they have pro-\\nceeded at a public place appointed tor\\nthat purpose as followeth: Ye said\\nGeorg;e standing up and taking ye cd\\nHannah by ye hand, Saith as followeth\\nI, George Ward, in ye presence of God\\nand this Assembly, Take Hannah Wayn-\\nwright to be my Wife, promising to be a\\nloueing Husband vntill Death sepperate g\\nand She ye sd Hannah in like manner\\nsaith I, Hannah Waynwright, in ya\\npresence of God and this Assembly take\\nGeorge Ward to be my husband, promis-\\nthe poor Recorder with his slim fees induced\\nClerk f^harp to perpetrate the fallowing distich,\\nwhi.-:h we find in the Book containing the Mar-\\nriages and Births:\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\ni(\\nThe Clerk s Office of thii County I ihink I miy Proclaim,\\nWill Dot al Preteai the Uwaer of itc Load with mtich Gain.\\nT. S.", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "4i\\nKXTRACTS FROM TlIK RHNUTES OF THE COUNTY COURT.\\ning to be a Loueing Fl aithfull Wife till\\nDeath seppcrate. hi,\\nGeorge x Ward.\\nmark,\\nher\\nHannah x Waynwrigiit.\\nmark.\\nPersons present were\\nJohn Brown, Israel Ward, William\\nWard, John ratimi, Thomas Gibson,\\nIsaac Wood, Charles Crossthwait,\\nJohn Ashhrook, Tiionias Bull, James\\nWhitall, yanuioll Tayler, John Kuno,\\nElizabeth Talum and Susannah Wayn-\\nwright.\\nDecember ye .first, anno 1697. The\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\\\\viihin cortilicate was ordered to be re-\\ncorded By Tiio. Gardiner,\\nJi(stice.\\nDecember Stit, 1697. Entr. Exam, and\\nRecorded pr me,\\nJohn Reading, Rec.\\nTestis, JoI/71 Readln\u00c2\u00a3\\nThe subjoined miscellaneous extracts\\nare by no means devoid of interest.\\nAt a Court held at Red Rank on the\\ntenth of ye tenth Month, 1GS6, the Grand\\nJury present the neglect of Majiistrates\\nfor theire not makinj^ a full Bench on ye\\nfirst day of this instant, for which cause\\nye Court was yn adjourned till this pre-\\nsent tenth day.\\nAt ye Court held ht Gloucester (for\\nA-e jurisdiction thereof on ye first day\\nof ye fourth month, anno 1686, Divers\\nComplaints being made to ye Grand Jury\\nof ye great loss and damage which the\\nCounty sutlers by reason of wolves, they,\\nwith ye concurrence of ye Bench, to en-\\ncourage ye destroying of them, doe or-\\nder ye soverall Treasurers within this\\ncounty to pay ten shillings for every\\nWolfe s head to them brought forth of ye\\neffects of ye County tax, and ye clerk is\\nordered to write papers to publish ye\\nsame.\\nAt a court held at Gloucester on the\\nfirst of December, 1701, the jrrand jury\\npresented Thomas Wills of Gloucester\\nfor selling beer by wine measure and\\nallso that John Roe and George I^aw-\\nrence be paid for two wolfe s heads by\\nthem killed. To which ye Bench as-\\nsents.\\nOn the fifteenth of January, 1736, the\\njustices and freeholders ordered Abra-\\nham Chatten to receive ten shillings for\\ntreating the workmen at building the\\nwork or watch house, and that John\\nKaighn receive I orty shillings for treating\\nthe said workmen.\\nWe conclude the present chapter with\\nthe following ordinance, which shows\\nhow our fathers were wont to live a\\nhundred years ago or more.\\nJN ORDINANCE,\\nOf the rates of Liquors and of Eatables\\nfor ]\\\\/an, and Provender and Pasture\\nfor Horses, to be open d and kept by all\\nthe Public House Keepers, Inn Keepers,\\nor Tavern Keepers in the County of\\nGloucester for the folloiving year as\\nfbllowith, viz:\\ns. d.\\nEvery Pint of Madera Wine, 1\\nEvery Quart Bowl of Punch made of\\nLoaf Sugar and good Hum and ffresh\\nLmies,\\nEvery like Bowl of Punch made with\\nLin.e .luice,\\nEvery Quart of Mirabo made of Musco-\\nvado 8uirar,\\nEvery Quart of Metheslin,\\nEvery Quart of Cyder Royal,\\nEvery Quart ot Eiia Punch,\\nEvery Quatiof Milk Punch,\\nEvery Quart ol Cyder Irom 1st of Sep-\\ntember to Isi ol .lan y, 3\\nFrom the 1st ofJan y to 1st of Sep r, 4\\nEvery Quart of Strong Beer, 4\\nEvery Jdl of Brandy,\\nEvery .lill of oiher Cordial Drams,\\nEvery Jill of Rum,\\nAnd so in piopordnn for jrrcater I\\nor sniiiller quanliliesofcnch sort.\\nEvery Breaklast of Tea, Coflee, or\\nChocolate, S\\nEveiy Breakfast of other victuals, 6\\nEvery Hot Dinner or Supper provided\\nfor a siiiizle person, wiih a pitu of\\nstrong Beer or Cyder, 1\\nEvery Hot Dinner or Supper for a Com-\\npany, wi;h a quart of Strong Beer or\\nCyder each, 1\\nEvery Cold Dinner or Supper, with a\\npint of Stron^r Beer or Cyder each, 8\\nEvery Night s Lodging each Person, 3\\nHORSES, c.\\nStabling every horse each night, and\\nCtoper h dij erioitgh, S\\nStabling each Night, and other Hay\\nenough, 6\\nI\\n6\\n1\\n4\\n8\\nI\\n8\\n2\\n8", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "THE ERKCTION OF THE JIX ORIGINAL TOWNSHIPS. 45\\nEvery night s Pasture for a Horse, 6 fourth that of Deptforri, or, as it was\\nEvery two quaits of Oats, or other originally spelled, Deadford. In 1708,\\nCirain, 3 -we also tind mention made of the town-\\nAdopted at tlie Court of General Se.s- ship ofEj^j^ HarLour, or New Weymouth,\\nsions and County Court, ^c, held at I he Grand Jury in appointin\u00c2\u00bb^ officers\\nGloucester the eighth June, Ann. Dom. for this distant and independent territory\\n1742. was clearly guilty of usurpation but the\\nEgg Harbour people made no resistance,,\\nand, as we have seen,^ in two years af-\\nCHAPTER XIV. terwards an act of Assembly healed all\\ndefects l;y a law annexing them to the\\nTHE ERECTION OF THE SIX ORIGINAL TOWN- jurisdiction of the county of Gloucester.\\nSHIPS, AND HEREIN OF WATEKFOuu. It is our piirpose now to give a short\\nsketch o( each oftbe^e six ancient consta-\\nBomf books arc lies frae end (o end, blewicks, noting down whatover mav bc\\nAnd lome trreat lies were iievei uciiJi d. i i\\nsupposed to possess any tbin^r of value\\nBui Mi iini I am eaiin (o leii OT interest to the people of Old Glouces-\\nI, ju.t a. .rue s ,^.c {;i;;;;- ii tor, or whatever may contribute to nour-\\nBvunH Death atldDr. HorrJ ook. ish in them that curiosity in the annals\\nof their homesteads, which is at once a\\nOn the first of June, 1695, the follow- proof of patriotism and of intelligence,\\ning minute occurs upon the records of And firstly of Waterford.\\nthe court of Gloucester County: I lie This township derives its name from a\\nGrand Jury return and present that fishing town on the Barrow, in Ireland.!\\nwhereas there was a law made ye last It was settled at an early period by the\\nassembly for dividing of ye counties into Coles, Eliises, Kays, Spicers, Morgans,\\nparticular townships, I herefore they Champions, Heritages, and other fami-\\nagree and order that from Pensoakin, lies which are still extant. The first lo-\\nalias Cropwell River, to the lowermost cations were made upon Cooper s Creek,\\nbranch of Cooper s Creek sliall be one and in the neighborhood of Colestown,\\nconstabulary or township; and from ye where was established the first Episco-\\nsaid branch of Cooper s Creek to ye palean church in the county. It was in\\nsoutherly branch of Newton Creek, bor- this church that the Rev. Nathaniel\\ndering Glocester, shall be another con- Evans, the friend of Godfrey, and the\\nBtablewick or township; and from ye only poet we believe who has ever sung\\nsaid Newton Creek branch to ye lower- of Old Gloucester, used to preach. Th-s\\nmost branch of Glocester Hiver shall be jrentleinan was born in Philadelphia in\\nanother constablewick or township; and 1742 took the degree of A. M. in the\\nfrom ye said branch of Glocester River to college of his native city went to Eng-\\nGreat Mantoe s Creek shall be another land soon afterwards, and was admitted\\ntownship; and from Great Mantoe s into holy orriers by Dr. Terrick, iJishop\\nCreek to Barclay River another towin- of London. He returned to Philadel-\\nship. And for the year ensuing is nom- phia in December, 176.5, and immediately\\ninated Edward Burroughs constable in entered upon the duties of a mission in\\nye upper township Jeremiah Bate con- Gloucester, New Jersey. He closed his\\nstable in Newton I ownship, and William blameless life on the twenty ninth of Oc-\\nBate and Thomas Sharpe for regulating tober, 1767. He published a volume of\\nand laying forth of highways; EliasHugg poems, says Mr. Wharton, :j: in 1770,\\nconstable in Glocester Township; and most of which may be read now with\\nWilliam Chester for ye next below, called pleasure. If not remarkable for energy\\nand Jacob Cozens for Green- or originality, the vivida vis animi,\\nwicli To all which ye F ench assents.\\nThe first of these lownsbips soon re- ^^^e Brnn Vol. VI. p. 800.\\neeived the name of Waterlord; and the tP\u00c2\u00abnn. Register, Vol. vi. p 147.", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "46\\nWATERFORD TOWNSHIP.\\nthey are smooth and polished, and indi-\\ncate the possession of a refined taste\\nand lively imagination.\\nThe river front of Waterford is, for mid-\\nJersey, quite picturesque; the land being\\nhigh, and butting boldly upon the water.\\nAt Pea Shore which the fish-trees of\\nCampanius has made classic ground\\nstands the Pleasure House of the Tam-\\nmany Fishing Company, where parties\\nfrequently resort during the summer from\\nits origin\\nPhiladelphia.\\nin that old English\\nThe club had\\nsocial feeling which\\nso strongly marked the generation of our\\ngrandfathers. It was instituted before\\ntlie Revolution, and still exists, we be-\\nlieve, in full vigor. The name was taken\\nfrom Tamane, a great Delaware chief,\\nwho is said to have died somewhere in\\nthe neighborhood of the club s castle.\\nThis is perhaps mere fancy. The fame\\nof this great man, says Heckwelder,-\\nextended even among the whites, who\\nfabricated numerous legends respecting\\nhim, which I never heard, however, from\\nthe mouth of an Indian, and therefore\\nbelieve to be labulous. In the revolu-\\ntionary war his enthusiastic admirers\\ndubbed him a saint, and he was estab-\\nlished under the name of St. Tammany,\\nthe patron saint of America. His name\\nwas inserted in some calenders, and\\nhis festival celebrated on the first day of\\nMay in every year.-j- On that day a nu-\\nmerous society of his votaries walked\\ntogether in procession through the streets\\nof Philadelphia, their hats decorated\\nwith bucks tails, and proceeded to a\\nhandsome rural place out of town, which\\nthey called the Wigwam where, after a\\nlo7iii talk or Indian speech had been de-\\nlivered, and the calumet of peace and\\nfriendship had been duly smoked, they\\nspent the day in festivity and mirth. Af-\\nter dinner Indian dances wei e performed\\non the green in front of the Wigwam, the\\ncalumet was again smoked, and the com-\\npany separated. This Tamane was in\\nPhiladelphia in 1694, and delivered a\\nHist. Aec. in Trans, of the Tlist. an l Lit.\\nComni. of the Am. Phil. Soc, Vol. I. p. 298.\\nSee Mem. of Gloucester Fox Hunting Club,\\np. 42.\\nspeech before Markham and the other\\nmagnates of the new city;- after which\\nwe hear no more of him in history. f\\nThe people of Waterford were in the\\nRevolution staunch whigs, and as such\\nwas particularly obnoxious to the British.\\nWhile the latter occupied Haddonfield\\nin 1778, most of the houses north of\\nCooper s Creek were searched and\\nsacked by the foragers. One morning a\\nBritish officer went to the dwelling of\\nthe Champions and demanded the best\\nhorse the farm could afford. A young\\nunbroken steed was brought out and\\nsaddled the officer mounted and drove\\na little piece to a pond which intercepted\\nthe lane. The colt here became unruly,\\nand the officer was thrown into the\\nmuddy pool. As a revenge fer spoiling\\nhis uniform, he commanded his men to\\nrob the house, and then took a plough\\nhorse and rode away.\\nA worthy old gentleman, near Ellis\\nhaving a good deal of specie which he\\nwas anxious to save from some Hessians,\\nwho also rendezvoused at Haddonfield,\\nundertook to buiy it. For this purpose\\nhe went out at midnight, taking with\\nhim, unfortunately, a lantern to guide\\nhim. Having deposited his treasure he\\nreturned boms; but the next morning in\\npassing the spot, lo! he beheld his gold\\nwas gone. The whole country was un-\\nder strict surveillance day and night.\\nThe old man s lamp had betrayed him to\\nthe spies who were lurking about, and\\nthey had dug up his pot almost as soon\\nas he had concealed it.\\nAll s fair, however, in war, and it was\\nseldom that the enemy got ahead of the\\nYankee boys in sharp dealing. A Wa-\\nterford man hearing that some British\\nwho were stationed at Mount Holly were\\nin need of flour, started off with ten bags\\n*Soe Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, Vol. I.\\np. 410.\\nt A forest but recently felled between Oamden\\nand F eltervllle was called, ns long as it stood,\\nbv a name but liitle corrupted from Tum/irie s\\nWiio(h. So great was Tamane s fame amongr\\nthe Dclawares that when ihey wished to flatttr a\\ngreat while man they g-ave hiiri the appfllation of\\nT.immatiy. Col. George Mnrg-an, of Princeton,\\nwas thus honored in 1776 by the Delawares ia\\nthe far west.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "INCIDENTS IN THE HISTORY OF NEWTON.\\n47\\non a speculation. The officer opened\\neach sack, took out a handful of the\\nflour, pronounced it good, and paid a\\nhandsome price. The speculator was\\nmoving off. Stop, said the officer,\\nyou re leaving your bags. You need\\nnot empty them, said the countryman,\\nI ll throw the bags in for the sake of\\nthe cause. When the contents came to\\nbe emptied it was discovered that there\\nwas only a small portion of flour upon\\nthe top the rest being saw dust\\nIt was related to the Cooper family\\nwhen they first arrived in West Jersey,\\nby Indians who were themselves eye-\\nwitnesses, that a great canoe-fight had\\ntaken place upon the Delaware opposite\\nWaterford. The adverse lines reached\\nentirely across the river, and the engage-\\nment lasted many hours and was very\\nbloody. This was doubtless in the wiir\\nmentioned by De Vries and Master \u00c2\u00a3v-\\nelin. The contending parties were the\\nIroquois and the Delawares; the former\\nendeavoring probably to acquire, and the\\nlatter to retain the mastery of the Len-\\nnape Whittuck.\\nThe township of Waterford preserved\\nits integrity longer than any other of the\\noriginal constablewicks. tlntil the set-\\nting ofT of Delaware by an act of the last\\nlegislature, it reached from the river to\\nAtsion. The only considerable town in\\neither the old or the new division is\\nLong-a-coming; of the origin of which\\noutlandish name our worthy friend Henry\\nHowe of New Haven, has somewhere\\npicked up the following account: One\\nhundred years since, more or less, on the\\nnoon of a hot summer s day, two fatigued\\nand thirsty pedestrians were toiling\\nthrough the pine forests of this sandy\\nregion. They had been for several hours\\nin momentary expectation of coming to a\\nspring, where they might, like true teto-\\ntallersand on all fours, slake their burn-\\ning thirst and then repose their weary\\nlimbs but no cool bubbling fountain over-\\nflowing with Nature s pure beverage,\\ngreeted their aching vision. Thirsty\\nand weary nigh unto faintness they were\\nabout to despair, when a beautiful spring\\ncame in view, shaded by pendant boughs,\\nand decked around with woodland flow\\ners. Hastily throwing aside their packs,\\nthey bounded to the spot, exclaiming\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Here we are at last, though lons^ a com-\\nin\u00c2\u00a3r. And such, says tradition, was the\\norigin of this place.\\nThe Waterlbrd men and the Burling-\\nt ;iians had a warm dispute about 1692,\\nas to w l! ether the south or the north\\nbranch r, the Pensaukin should be the\\ncouniv line. A law was passed! l^yi^^n\\nthe line up the creek to the forks up\\nthe southerly branch to the king s road\\nup said road to the northerly branch up\\nto the head of the same, and thence due\\nsouth-east to the utmost boundaries of\\nthe counties. This made the Glouces-\\nter men liable to the entire cost of the\\nsoutherly bridge, instead of the half.\\nThey remonstrated the law was re-\\npealed, and the southern branch became,\\nas before and ever since, the boundary.\\nThe men in Waterford appear always to\\nhave had considerable spirit. They con-\\ntrived, when in 1770 a bridge was need-\\ned across Cooper s Creek at Spicer s\\nFerry, on the neiv road from Burlinjjton,\\nto make the two Coopers Ferries in\\nNewton pay one tenth of the expense,\\nand Burlington county three hundred\\npounds of the balance ;l while all Water-\\nford east of the King s Road was ex-\\npressly exempted.\\nCHAPTER XV.\\nINCIDENTS IN THE HISTORY OF NEWTON-\\nOh! wond rous days of o d romance,\\nHow pleasant di ye sepm;\\nFor sunlit hours in summer bowers.\\nFor winter nights a theme!\\nHowiTT s Tomb of St. George.-\\nOf the first settlement of Newton\\nTownship, old Thomas Sharp has left us\\na quaint account. Let it be remem-\\nHistorical and Descriptive Letters in the New\\nHaven Herald, No. II.\\nLearn, and Spicer, p. 513.\\n{See Act of Assembly, Allison s Laws, p. 229.\\nThe old King s Road between Buriinffion and\\nSalem, laid out by act of assembly in 1681, was\\nthat leadinjr through Colestown, Ellisburg and\\nHaddonfield. It probably crossed the Rancocas\\nnear the park of Gov. Franklin. See Leam. and\\nSpicer, p. 427.", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "IS\\nINCIDENTS IN THE HISTORY OF NEWTON,\\n)ered, says he, it having wrought\\nipon ye minds of some friends that dwelt\\nn Ireland, but such as formerly came\\nhither from Enj^Iand; and a pre^^sure\\nlavins: laid njon tliem for some years\\nvhich they could not o;ett from under\\nhe weight of until they g:ave upp to\\neave their friends and relations tliere,\\nogether with a comfortable sulisistence,\\ntransport themselves and famelys into\\nhis wilderness part of America, and\\nhereby expose themselves to difficulties,\\n,vhich, if they could have been easy\\nvhere they were, in all probability\\nnig^ht never had been met with; and in\\n)rder thereunto, sent from Dublin in\\nreland, to one Thomas Lurtin, a friend\\nn London, commander of a pink, who\\niccordingly came, and made an agree-\\nnent with him to transport them and\\nheir famelys into New Jersey, viz\\nWiark New by-- and famely, Thomas\\nrhackara and famely, William Bate and\\niamely. George Goldsmith, an old man,\\nmd Thomas Sharp a younjj^man, but no\\niamelys; and whilst the ship abode in\\n3ublin harbor provideing for the voy-\\ni^e, said Thomas Lurtin was taken so\\nII that he could not perform ye same, so\\nhat his mate, John Da^^er, undertook it.\\n\\\\nd upon the nineteenth day of Septem-\\n)er, in the year of our Lord, 16S1, we\\nsett saile from the place aforesaid, ^nd\\nhrou^h the good providence of God\\nowards us, we arrived at Elsinburjr, in\\nhe county of Salem, upon the 19th day\\n)f November followinj^, where we were\\nveil entertained at the houses of the\\nriiompsons, who came from Ireland\\nibout four years before, who by their\\nndustry, were arrived to a very g-ood\\niej2;ree of Living and from thence we\\nvent to Salem, where were several\\nlouses yt were vacant of persons who\\nlad left the town to settle in ye country,\\nA^hich served to accommodate them for\\nThis Newby brougflit with him a jjreat num.\\n)er of Iristi hHlf-penny pieces, wliich the Assein-\\n)ly in May, 1682, in:ide a legal tender under ihe\\nimount tjf five shilling s. Le.uning and Spicer,\\n415. Tiny were called Piil rick s half-pence.\\n^J^evvby lived on the farm now owned by that snc-\\nlessful collectur of coins, Joseph B. Cooper, Esq.,\\nn Newton, where manyof tiie-.Patrick half-pence\\nlave been ploughed up.\\nye winter, and having thus settled down\\ntiieir famelys, and the winter proving\\nmoderate, we at Wickacoa, among us,\\npurchased a boate of the Swansons, and\\nso went to l-i irlington to the commis-\\ns onors, of whom we obtained a warrant\\nof ye surveyor general, which then was\\nDaniel Leeds; and after some consid-\\nerable search to and fro in that then\\nwas called the third of Irish tenth, we\\nat last pitched upon the place now\\ncalled Newton, which was before the\\nsettlement of Philadelphia; and then\\napplied to sd surveyor, who came and\\nlaid it out for us; and the next spring,\\nbeing the beginning of the year 16S2,\\nwe all removed from Salem together\\nwith Robert Zane, that had been set-\\ntled there, who came along from Ireland\\nwith the Thompsons before hinted, and\\nhaving expectation of our coming only\\nbought a lott in Salem town, upon the\\nwhich he seated himself nntill our com-\\ning, whose propriatery right and ours\\nbeing of the same nature, could not then\\ntake it up in Fenwick s Tenth, and so\\nbegan our settlement; and although we\\nwere at times pretty hard bestead, hav-\\ning all our provisions as far as Salem to\\nfetch by water, yett, through the mercy\\nand kindness of God, we were preserved\\nin health and from any extream difficul-\\nties. And immediately there was a\\nmeeting sett up and kept at the house of\\nMark Newby, and, in a short time, it\\ngrew and increased, unto which William\\nCooper and famely, that lived at the\\nPoynte resorted, and sometimes the\\nmeeting was kept at his house, who had\\nbeen settled some time before.\\nZeall and fervency of spirit was what,\\nin some degree, at that time abounded\\namong Friends, in commemoration of our\\nprosperous success and eminent preser-\\nvation, boath in our coming over the\\ngreat deep, as allso that whereas we\\nAvere but few at that time, and the Indi-\\nans many, whereby itt putt a dread upon\\nour spirits, considering they were a sal-\\nvage people but ye Lord, who hath the\\nhearts of all in his hands, turned them\\nso as to be serviceable to us, and very\\nloving and kinde which cannot l e\\notherwise accounted for. And that the", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "IXCIDENTS IN THE HISTORY QF NKWTON.\\nAD\\nr\\\\innrr j^enoratlon may consider tluit the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0sottleinent of this coimtrv was dinicted\\niipou an iaijailse by the spiritts ol Crod s\\npeople, not so much for their ease and\\ntruu(pidity, but rather for the posterity\\nyt sliould he aller, and tliat the wilder-\\nness beiu- planted with a good seed,\\nnii ,Wit grow and increase to the satisfhc-\\ntion of the good husbandman. But in-\\nstead thereof, if for wheat it should briu\\nforth tiires, the end of the good hus\\nbandinan will he frustrate, and they\\nthemselves will suffer loss. This narra-\\ntion J have thought good and retpiisite\\nto leave behind, as having had know-\\nletlge of tilings from the beginnin\\nHADUOXFfELD VILLAGE.\\nThe oldest village in Newton is IIad-\\nnoNFiELD, which was founded by Eliza-\\nl)ethHaddon about 1702. This woman-\\ndaughter of John and Elizabeth Had-\\nIon, friends of J.ondon, was born in the\\nyear 16S2. Her parents gave her a\\nliberal education. They havino- an es-\\ntate in lands in this province, proposed\\ncoming over to settle; and in order\\nthereto seat persons over to make suita-\\nble preparations for their reception but\\nthey being prevented from coming, this\\nour friend, with her father s consent,\\ncame over, and fixed her habitation\\nwhere lie proposed if he had come, she\\ni eing then about twenty years of age in\\na single state of life, and exemplary\\ntherein, in the year 1702 she was mar-\\nried to our worthy friend John Estau\u00c2\u00b0-h\\nwho settled with her where she then\\ndwelt, the place being called Haddon-\\nheld in allusion to her maiden name.\\nIhere they lived together near forty\\nyears. exce])t in that space her several\\ntimes crossing the sea to Europe to visit\\nher aged parents. This lady was an\\neminent member of the society of Friends\\nand was clerk to the woman s meetin-\\nnear fifty years, says the memorialist\\ngreatly to satisfaction. In 1713 she\\nbnilt a mansion house of bricks and\\nboards brought from England. This was\\ndestroyed by fire some two years ago.\\nBeing situated immediately upoV? the\\nKing s Road which led from Burlington\\nCollection of Memorials, Phil. 1787, p. 210.\\nn\\nto Salem, I.Iafldonfield soon beuame a\\nplace of considerable note. In the Re-\\nvolution it was tempo lariiy the capital of\\nthe confederacy; Congress having sat\\nthere, according to the Historical Collec-\\ntions,- in the house built by Matthias\\nAspden, for soine, weeks, during which\\ntime the members btkarded about aitioii\\nthe inliabitants. We have been unable\\nafter diligent search, to find any proof\\nlor the fact in the jiublished minuCea of\\nthe Congress itself; but the legend has\\nlong been believed, and is sanctioned by\\nthe fact that some state papers in the\\nyear 1778 bear date from this place.\\nSeveral interesting incidents conaijcted\\nwith Haddonlield have already found\\ntheir way into print; but many survive\\nonly in the memories of a few aged peo-\\nple. The almost miraculous escape of\\nMii,Ks Sagk forms the favorite theme of\\nevery Old Gloucester soldier. Miles\\nwas in the dragoon service, and a braver\\ntrooper never lived. On one occasion,\\nwhile Haddonfield was occupied by El-\\nlis regiment, to which our hero belonged,\\nhe, in company with one Hen Haines,\\nwas ordered to reconnoitre the euerny,\\nwho lay near Gloucester Point. Sage\\nhaving lost his companion, reached The\\nPoint and learned that the British had\\nalready moved for Haddonfield, intend-\\ning a surprise upon the Americans. He\\nturned his licet and faitliful mare, and\\ndashed off through the darkness of the\\nnight, for the camp.. Driving on through\\nNewton Creek, and over ditches and\\nhedges with the speed of the wind, he\\nreached the village and stopped before\\nCol. Ellis (|uarters to give the alarm. It\\nwas needless, for the house was already\\nfilled with British officers. He mounted\\nagain without having been discovered,\\nand galloped off to find his retreating\\ncountrymen. Near the eastern extrenr\\nity of the town the enemy were drawn\\nup in three ranks. Through two ranks/\\nthe trooper charged successfully; but at\\nthe third his mare fell, and left him at the\\nmercy of his fbes. They surrounded\\nPdg:e 220. Tlie Provincial Cotiffrcs.s or Le-\\ng-islatiire of New Jersey, we are told by Captain\\nC:ooper, once sat in Haddonfield t ut he douhn\\nwhether the Contiueulal Con^jress ever met there", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "50\\nINCIDENTS IN THE HISTORY OF NEWTON.\\nhim, and pierced him with no less than\\nthirteen bayonet wounds! A Scotch of-\\nficer here interposed, and had him car-\\nried to the village inn, where he was put\\nunder the care of some women.* One of\\nthese beseeching him to remember hea-\\nven, he exclaimed, Why Martha, I mean\\nto give the enemy- thirteen rounds yet.\\nHe lived to tell his grandchildren of his\\nfearful adventure,! and, we have no\\ndoubt, to remember heaven too.\\nAt the end of February, 1778, Col.\\nStirling and the Queen s Ranger s, Ma-\\njor Simcoe, were stationed at Haddon-\\nfield for the purpose of annoying Gen.\\nWayne, who was collecting cattle in\\nSouth Jersey. Col. Stirling reached\\nHaddonfield early in the morning, and\\noccupied the ground in front of the vil-\\nlage, with the left upon Cooper s Creek.\\nA circumstance happened here, says\\nthe officer of the Queen s Rangers, J\\nwhich, though not unusual in Jlmerica,\\nand in the rebel mode qf tvarfare, it is\\npresumed is singular elsewhere. As\\nMajor Simcoe was on horseback in con-\\nversation with Lieut. Whitlock, and near\\nthe out sentinels, a riHe was tired, and\\nthe ball grazed between them. Ihe\\nground they were on being higher than\\nthe opposite bank, the man who had fired\\nWas plainly seen running off. Lieut.\\nWhitlock with the sentinels pursued him,\\nand the guard followed incase of neces-\\nsity, the piquets occupying their place.\\nThe man was turned by Mr. Whitlock\\nand intercepted, and taken by the sen-\\ntinels. On being questioned how he\\npresumed to fire in such a manner, he\\nanswered that he had frequently fired at\\nthe Hessians, who a few weeks ago had\\nbeen there, and thought he might as well\\ndo so again* As he lived within half\\na mile of the spot, continues Simcoe,\\nhad he not been taken and the patroles\\npushed the next day, they would have\\nfound him, it is probable, employed in\\nhis household matters, and strenuously\\ndenying that he either possessed or had\\nOne of these women was the mother of Gov.\\nStratton.\\ntSee a communication in the Woodbury Con-\\nstitution, by Mr. RcdHcId, dated Jan. 20tli, 1844.\\nX Simcoe t) Military Journal, p. 39.\\nfired a gun. He was sent prisoner to\\nPhiladelphia. This specimen of rebel\\neffrontery induced Major Simcoe to dou-\\nble his guard, and to recommend partic-\\nular alertness. He never felt safe among\\nthe Gloucester boys, after the coolness\\nexhibited by our nameless Haddonfield\\nranger.\\nAfter staying for some days at Had-\\ndonfield, and making valiant assaults\\nupon some tar barrels ip Timber Creek,\\nand some rum casks on the Egg Harbor\\nroad, the Forty-Second and the Rangers\\ngot wind that Mad Anthony was on his\\nway from Mount Holly to attack them.\\nSimcoe pretends that, to secure the in-\\nhabitants of the village, he wished to ad-\\nvance to a favorable position about two\\nmiles from Haddonfield, and lay in am-\\nbush for the enemy. Stirling however\\nthought it prudent to retire within the\\nlines at Cooper s Ferry, and Simcoe,\\nnotwithstanding his professed readiness\\nto fight, led the retreat. The night,\\nsays he,t was uncommonly severe, and\\na cold sleet I ell the whole way from\\nHaddonfield to the ferry, where the\\ntroops arrived late, and the ground be-\\ning occupied by barns and forage, they\\nwere necessitated to pass the coldest\\nnight they ever felt without fire.\\nThe next day a sharp skirmish ensued\\nbetween the Spicer s Ferry Bridge over\\nCooper s Creek, and the place where\\nthe Camden Academy now stands. Fifty\\nmen, picked out from the Forty Second\\nand the Rangers, having been sent three\\nor four miles up the direct road to Had-\\ndonfield for some remaining forage,\\nwere met by Wayne s cavalry, and forced\\nto retreat back to the ferry. The Ame-\\nricans followed up to the very cordon of\\nthe enemy. The British were drawn\\nup in the following order the Forty-\\nSecond upon the right. Col. Markham\\nin the centre, and the Queen s Rangers\\nupon the left, with their left flank resting\\nupon Cooper s Creek. Capt. Kerr and\\nLieut. Wickham were in the meanwhile\\nembarking with their men to Philadel-\\nphia; and as the Americans seemed dis-\\nposed only to reconnoitre. Col. Mark-\\nId. p. 41.\\nt Page 43.", "height": "3244", "width": "2009", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "INCIDENTS IN THE HlSTORt OP NEWTON.\\n51\\nham s detachment and the horses also\\nstarted across the river. Just then a\\nbarn within the cordon was iired, and\\nthe Ajnericans, taking this as Simcoe\\nsupposes for an evidence that only a few\\nstragglers were left upon the eastern\\nshore, drove in the piquets. .The Forty-\\nsecond moved forward in line, and the\\nRangers in column by companies, the\\nsailors drawing on some three pound\\ncannons. A few Americans appearing\\nupon the Waterford side of Cooper s\\nCreek, Capt. Armstrong, with a com-\\npany of Grenadiers was ordered forward\\nto line a dyke on this side to watch them.\\nUpon the right, in the neighborhood of\\nthe Academy,and the Hicksite meeting, a\\nheavy fire was kept up by the Forty-\\nSecond upon the main body of the Ame-\\nricans, who were in the woods along the\\nHaddonfield road. The Rangers upon\\nthe left towards the creek only had to\\noppose a few scattered cavalry who\\nwere reconnoitering. As Simcoe ad-\\nvanced rapidly to gain an eminence in\\nfront which he conceived to be a strong\\nadvantageous position, the cavalry re-\\ntired to the woods, except one officer,\\nwho reined back his horso and facing\\nthe Rangers as they dashed on, slowly\\nwaved his sword for his attendants to\\nretreat. The English light infantry came\\nwithin fifty yards of him, when one of\\nthem called out, You are a brave fel-\\nlow, but you must go away. The un-\\ndaunted officer paying no attention to the\\nwarning, one McGill, afterward^ a quar-\\nter-master, was ordered to fire at him.\\nHe did so, and wounded the horse but\\nthe rider was unscathed, and soon joined\\nliis comrades in the woods a little way\\noff. And who, think you, that bold rider\\nwas It was Count Pulaski, the ar-\\ndent Pole, who had left his native land\\nand braved the billows of a thousand\\nleagues to pour out his blood in the cause\\nof universal liberty. It was the opinion\\nof Simcoe that if the Huzzars had not\\nbeen sent to Philadelphia before the\\nskirmish, Pulaski would have been taken\\nor killed on this occasion; but the\\nPage 45. This eminence was doubtless the\\nridpe at the hamlet of Dofrvvoodtown, half way\\nbetween Sixth Street, in Camden, and the creek.\\nhaughty hireling forgot that there it a\\njust God who watches over and defends\\nthose who have consecrated themselves\\nto a holy cause. In this affray, although\\nthe English outnumbered the Americans\\nten to one, all the loss appears to have\\nfallen upon the right side. Several of\\nthe Rangers were wounded, and Ser-\\ngeant McPherson of the grenadiers was\\nkilled. A cannonading was kept up\\nfrom the eminence which Simcoe had\\noccupied, upon some of the Americans\\nwho were removing the plank from\\nCooper s Creek bridge. This was done\\nto amuse the English sailors, but it\\nproved to be a very harmless pastime,\\nfor none of the Americans were wound-\\ned. This skirmish occurred on the first\\nof March, 1778.\\nDuring the French Revolution, Louis\\nPhillippe, the present king of the French,\\nit has been said and believed, taught a\\nschool in the village of Haddonfield.\\nOne of the Redmans a few years ago\\naddressed a letter to the king, inquiring\\nif such were the case, and his Most\\nChristian Majesty very promptly re-\\nturned the following answer, from which\\nit appears that the story had this much\\nof truth in it, and this much only, that\\nHis Majesty did actually dine once in\\nthe place\\nSt. Cloud, 26th August, 1837.\\nSir\u00e2\u0080\u0094 I have received your kind letter of\\nthe sixteenth of June last, and I readily\\ncomply with your request to answer in my\\nhand your obliging inquiries.\\nDuring my residence in the United Slates,\\nI never went by any other name than Or-\\nleans. I have known Mr. Peter Guerrier,\\nin Philadelphia, and later in Havana; but\\nsince that time, in 1799, I have never heard\\nof him, and I am totally ignorant of what\\nmay have been his fate. 1 cannot believe\\nthat he ever ajtempted to pass himself for\\nme; but of this I am certain, that I never\\nassumed his name, nor ever attempted to,\\npass myself off for him.^\\nI believe I never went to Haddonfield, but\\nI am positive that I never lodged or boarded;\\nthei# at your father s house or any other. It\\nis now so long about forty years\u00e2\u0080\u0094since I;\\nwas in Philadelphia, that my recollections,\\nare become confused but 1 believe I dined\\nthere once in comj)any with a luetober of\\nthe Society of Priends, whojse name was", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "5U\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0=1KC1DENTS IN THE lUSTOKY OF NEWTON.\\nRedman, at tlie house of another member\\nof the same ^ociely, wl)use name was I\\nbelieve John Elliott, and to whom I had\\nbeep introduced by Mr. Gurrier.\\n1 ref;rel to be unable to give you more\\ncomplete infortnation in answer to your in-\\nquiries, and I must add ihat 1 highly value\\nthe favorable opinion entertained of me in\\nthe United States, and I thank you for hav-\\ning expressed it in so gratifying a manner,\\naad 80 gratifying to my feelings.\\n1 remain dear sir,\\nyoui sincere friend.\\nLOUIS PHILIPPE.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2lohn Evans Redman, Esq., Philada.\\nTlie orij^inal of this letter is written\\nin u bold, Howinj^ and plain hand.\\nThe seal is a simple crown, with the\\nkin;^ 8 initials in old En;2;lis!h text letter.\\nOf tho Peter Guerrier mentioned by\\nLouis Phillippe, we {gather the follow-\\ning particulars from a communication in\\nthe Saturday Chronicle, Philadelphia,\\nwritten by an old resident of Haddon-\\nfield: He was a royalist who left his na-\\ntive land in the early part of the French\\nRevolution, and souj^^-ht an asiyltun at St.\\nDomino^o. On the s;ervile insurrection\\nin that island in 1795 ho (led to Pbihidel-\\nphia, where, poor and friendless, he was\\ndiscovered by the philanthropic Joseph\\nSansom, who recommended him to the\\npeople of lladdon/ield as a schoolmaster.\\nGuerrier taught a French School in that\\nvillage for several months, in the winter\\nof 179.5 and spring of 1796; and after-\\nwards he was clerk to Wetherill atid\\nSons, druggists, in Philadelphia. In\\n1797 he left Philadelphia, and went, it\\nappears, to Havana. His grave and\\ngentlemanly bearing, added to a certain\\nmysteriousness which hung over his\\ncharacter, easily led people to mistake\\nhim for the Duke of Orleans, whose exile\\nin America was by no means a secret.\\nWe have seen that a Friend s Meet-\\ning was first set up in Glottcester in 16S2,\\nat the house of Mark Newbie. It ap-\\npears from a passage in Smith s Penn-\\nsylvaniaf that Newbie and the othejvpi-\\noneers who settled upon the third tenth,\\nsurveyed their land in common together\\nNov. 25ili, 1837.\\nChap. 111. Penn. Reg. Vol. VLf), 163.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0ft spring\\nnature ol a\\nwames.\\nans being found\\nin one tract, and in the follow in{\\nlaid out some lots in the\\nsmall town upon Newton Creek, and built\\nsome accommodations. This epheme-\\nral village was probably called Newtown,\\nin contradistinction to the old town at Ar-\\nTJie fears respecting the Indi-\\nill grounded, the town\\nwas soon abandoned. But in 1684 a\\npublic meeting house was erected on its\\nsite, and the old grave-yard belonging to\\nthat primitive church still serves to mprk\\nout the spot. Before that, continues\\nSmith, many Friends being settled,\\nsome by the river s side, some on the\\nother side of Cooper s Creek, and some\\nat Woodberry Creek, these joined and\\nwith the permission of Burlington Friends\\nset up a monthly meeting for the good\\ngovernment of their religious afTairs; and\\nsometime after, Friends at Salem and\\nthey increasing in number, joined and\\nmade up one quarterly meeting. In\\n1720 the first Haddonfield meeting-house\\nwas erected, where the present one\\nstands; and about 1809 the Friends in\\nWest Newton established near the Cam-\\nden line that now called the Newton\\nMeeting House; a building which, plain\\nand unpretending as it is, will long be\\nhallowed in the afl ections of Friends by\\nthe recollection of Richard JoitDAN.\\nThis man for many years a very emi-\\nnent preacher was born at Elizabeth,\\nin the county of Norfolk, in Virginia, on\\nthe nineteenth of December, 17.56, of\\nhonest Quaker parents. After his mar-\\nriage with Pharaby Knox, bis father,\\nwho was a slave holder, oflered him\\nsome slaves to help him work. My\\nmind says he,- for several years be-\\nfore had been so thoroughly impressed\\nwith a belief that it was not right to\\nkeep them as slaves, that I modestly de-\\nclined accepting them. His father, ir-\\nritated at this, cut him oflf with a dollar,\\nand this same was all he ever received\\ni rom a considerable patrimony. He be-\\ngan to preach soon after his marriage,\\nand vvas actively engaged in the min-\\nistry, anfl in works of philanlhropy up\\nto his death. Early in February, ISOO,\\nJournal, Phil. 18^0, p. VJ.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "INCIDENTS IN THB UI8T0RY OF NEWTON.\\n5S\\nhe saile l for Europe, where, says the\\ntestimony of his flock, he experienced\\nmany remarkable preservations and si;?-\\nnal interpositions ofDivine Providence.\\nCalling with some others of his religious\\nsociety at the office of the Burgher of\\nAmsterdam, to exhibit their passports,\\nthey were at iirst refused admittance,\\nuntil they had taken off their hats. I his\\ncompliance they refused to yield, and\\ntheir firmness linally triumphed. We\\nwent on our way, says Jordan,^- re-\\njoicing that we had been enabled to bear\\nthis testimony on behalf of Truth and\\nFriends.\\nAfter his return from Europe he felt\\ncalled upon to reside some time m Con-\\nnecticut. He moved to Hartford in 1804.\\nIn 1809, being satisfied, says the tes-\\ntimony, that it would be right for him\\nto leave those parts and again change\\nhis residence, he removed to Newton.\\nHere he passed the remainder of his\\ndays; enforcing by his own example the\\npure life to which he exhorted others.\\nHis mind was strong and original, and\\nhis manners marked with a pleasant dig-\\nnity which, while it raised him above the\\ncontempt of Al, made him repulsive to\\nnone. At times in his sermons he poured\\nforth a strong native eloquence, which\\ncarried the feelings and convinced the\\njudgment of every one who heard him.\\nInflexible in what he believed to be the\\nancient faith of the church, innovators\\nmet at his hands with no quarters.! He\\ndied on the thirteenth of October, 1825,\\nat his hiuiible residence ne:ir the Meet-\\ning; J leaving to the charitable institu-\\ntions of Orthodox Quakerism most of the\\nfortune which his industry had amassed,\\nand to his brethren at large a name and\\na reputation in which all may rejoice.\\nIdem, p. 103.\\n-I- The Friend, Vol. 1. p. 212.\\nt The .lordan residence is slill standing, and is\\nnow occupied by Gcorije Roseman. An excellent\\ndrawing of it was made some years ago, by Mr.\\nMason. This was eng;raved and afterwards sent\\nlo C.jiina, where it was copied u on tea scUs, and\\nother articles of China-ware. The pielitre n)ay\\nnow l)C met with at fiiihlic tables, in harFicr slinps,\\nand in crockeiy oloies from one end uf the iiiiion\\nto tiie other.\\nC.A.MDEN CITY.\\nThe town of Camden having been in-\\ncorporated into a city upon the thirteenth\\nof February, 1828,- it was found advis-\\nable soon after to sever it entirely from^\\nNewton, and give it separate township\\ncapacities, and Camden was therefore\\nestablished as a constablewick on the\\ntwenty-eighth of November, ISSl.f A\u00c2\u00bb\\nwe have lately seen, this citygtive name\\nto the second county born from the\\nwomb of Old Gloucester, and attained\\nto the dignity of a shire-town; an honor,\\nby the by, which some of her neighbors\\nthreaten shall be of brief duration. Be\\nthis as it may, a town which has risen to\\ndistinction so fast deserves a particular\\nnotice in the history of old mother New-\\nton.\\nThe land embraced in Camden town-\\nship was located at three several times\\nby as many different persons. The old-\\nest appropriation was of the tract reach-\\nins: from Little Newton Creek about to\\nLine Street, in Fetterville. On the\\nfourth and fifth of July, 1678, Billinge\\nand trustees granted this tract, being\\ntwo sevenths of a propriety, to Samuel\\nNorris. On the twentieth and twenty-\\nfirst days of September, 1686, Norris\\nconveyed a portion of his location to\\nRobert Turner, who, on the fourteenth\\nof December, 1696, sold this, with some\\nother land, making in all four hundred,\\nand fifty-tive acres, to John Kaighn, from\\nwhom Kaighn s Point derives its name.\\nThe second location in respect to anti-\\nquity, was of the land lying between-\\nCooper s Street and Cooper s Point.\\nThis was made in 1679 by William Coop-\\ner, a worthy and eminent member of the\\nsociety of Friends, who emigrated from\\nCole s Hill in the- parish of Amiersham.\\nHereford County, England. He built a\\nmansion on a high bank above Clooper s\\nPoint, called by him Pyne Point, from a\\ndense pine forest which then grew there. :j|\\nThis gentleman took up other considera-\\nble tracts of land in Gloucester County,\\n2 [larrison s Laws, p. 164.\\nt Idem, p. 307.\\nJ The remains of this house were visible a few\\nyears ago, but they have now washed into the ri-\\nver.", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "54\\nINCIDENTS IN THE HISTORY OF NEWTON.\\nmost of which yet remain in the posses-\\nsion of his family. He was a distin-\\nguished man in our early provincial his-\\ntory; having- held a seat for many years\\nin the Legislative Council, and been con-\\nnected with almost every important mea-\\nsure of his times. William Royden,\\nhaving by a third location made on the\\ntwentieth of September, 1681, appro-\\npriated the land between Cooper s street\\nand Kaighn s line. Cooper of Pyne\\nPoint in the next year bought out his in-\\nterest, and further secured himself by\\ngetting an Indian deed guaranteeing the\\npossession of Pyne Point and adjacencies\\nagainst all other Indians. This deed is\\nsigned by Tallaca, the resident chief, and\\nwitnessed by several of his tribe.\\nFor many years the Ferry House and\\nMansion at the Point, the Middle Ferry\\nat the fbot of Cooper Street, and four or\\nfive ferrymen s houses constituted the\\nwhole of Camden. Towards the mid-\\ndle of the last century, another Ferry hav-\\ning been set up at the foot of Federal\\nStreet, and a few more humble buildings\\nhaving been erected along the shore,\\nCamden, as contradistinguished from\\nCooper s Point, began to be dignified\\nwith the name of Phickemin possibly,\\nthough we would not like to say proba-\\nbly, from a singular Indian custom ob-\\nserved hereabouts at the birth of chil-\\ndren\\nA few years before the Revolution, Ja-\\ncob Cooper, a descendant of him of Pyne\\nPoint, to whom had fallen the land be-\\ntween Cooper and about Market Streets,!\\nAnte, p. IG. The name of Pluekemin seems\\nnever to have obtained very generally. It was\\nonly used by the people back in the country, and\\nby them only occasionally.\\nt Jacob Cooper on the 29d of April, 1776, gave\\nto Charles Lyon, Nathaniel Falconer, William\\nMoulder, and Nicholas Hicks, and to the survivor\\nin fee, the lots on Plum St., at the north-west cor-\\n\u00c2\u00bbiers of Fifth and Sixth Streets, in trust for the\\nInhabitants of the town to erect places of pub-\\nlic worship, and make a grave yard. The lot on\\nFifth Street has been sometimes used as a ceme-\\ntery; but as any church erected under the trust\\nniusl of necessity be open to all kinds of preach-\\ning, none has been erected. Tiie lots upon which\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0tlie Acudeniy stands was a donation from the Hart-\\nley family some years alter Cooper s gift. The\\nAcademy v. us built by subscription, and is owned\\nprojected the original town plot of Cam-\\nden, which embraced Cooper s and Mar-\\nket Streets running east and west, and\\nKing, Queen, Whitehall, Cherry, Cedar,\\nand Pine running norih and south.*\\nEarly in the present century Joshua\\nCooper laid out Plum Street, and relaid\\nthe Lower Ferry road, to which he\\ngave the name of Federal Street, The\\nstreet along which the Amboy Railway\\nis now located was laid out by Edward\\nSharp, an active but visionary inhabitant\\nof the village; who, in 1819, con-\\nceived the plan of throwing a bridge from\\nCamden to Smith s Island, and actually\\nprocured a charter from the legislature of\\nNew Jersey for that purpose.f The street\\nwhich he laid out was intended as the\\nstarting place for his bridge, and was\\nhence named The Bridge Avenue. The\\nnewer part of the city. South Camden,\\nwas laid out by Richard Fetters in\\n1833, upon land formerly owned by the\\nKaighns.\\nThis goodly city\u00e2\u0080\u0094 whose rapid ad-\\nvancement seems to excite the jealousy\\nof some of the country villages is al-\\nmost exclusively the growth of the nine-\\nteenth century. There are those yet\\nalive not old men either who remem-\\nber when many a tempting cherry-tree\\nstill lined her roads when a nail fac-\\ntory stood in the middle of. Whitehall\\nStreet above the market place and\\nwhen truant boys used to dig for the\\nby the peoislc in the old town of Camden\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that is\\nthose living between Cooper Street and an un-\\nmarked line about half way between Market and\\nPlum Streets.\\nKing Street was changed by the Council af-\\nter Camden was incorporated, into Front Street\\nQueen into Second Street, Whitehall into Third,\\nand so on, in the order above named. The name\\nCamden was given by Jacob Cooper in his origi-\\nnal map of the town, in compliment, it has been\\nsupposed (Mulford s Lecture) to an eminent Eng-\\nlish nobleman who strongly favored the cause of\\nthe Americans in the parliamentary struggles\\nwhich preceded the Revolution. There is, how-\\never, a town called Campden in Gloucestershire,\\nEngland, which might have suggested the name in\\nquestion to Cooper s mind. However this be, the\\ntitle did not seem to attach very readily; for we\\ngenerally find the place generally called The Fer-\\nries, or Cooper s Ferry, until after the last war.\\ntThis Charter was passed Jan. 26th, 1819.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "rNCIDENTS IN THE HISTORY OF NEWTOW.\\n5i\\npirate s moneywhere now are busy tho-\\nroughfares and long rows of seemly\\nhouses. Up the road leading from Coop-\\ner s Ferry, the great and good Washing-\\nton used to ride, when President, to\\nmuse upon the eventful scenes through\\nwhich he bad passed, and to breathe,\\nperhaps, in solitude his grateful ac-\\nknowledgements to God for his country s\\nsalvation.* Along the river bank where\\nnow are enacting all the scenes of busy\\nlife, less than half a century ago Matthew\\nCarey and the notorious Cobbett met for\\nmortal combat.t as in an out of the way\\nplace where no intruders would be likely\\nto disturb their proceedings. We our-\\nself have seen schooners tack upon the\\nvery spot where this pamphlet was\\nprinted, and have many a time skated\\nover land now measured and sold by\\nscrupulous feet and inches.\\n*The last time President Washington took his\\naccustomed morning ride up tJiis road early in\\n1797 a Hessian who had deserted at the battle of\\nTrentjn, named Henry Dheets, chanced to meet\\nhim near the ferry. We were unloading some\\nwood near the ferry, says our informant, a worthy\\nold gentleman yet resident in Camden, when\\nWashington, entirely unattended, rode slowly\\npast. I knew him, and bowed, as did the Hes-\\nsian also. Washington returned the acknow-\\nledgement with his accustomed politeness, and\\nwas passing on, when Dheets addressed him I\\ntink I has seen your face before vat ish your\\nname? The General drew up his beautiful gray,\\nand bowing to the man, replied, My name is\\nGeorge Washington. Half frightened out of\\nliis wits, the poor Dutchman exclaimed Oh mine\\nGott I vish I vas unter te ice I vish I vas un-\\nter te ice Washington kindly assured him that\\n1)6 had done no harm rode a short distance up\\nthe road to the row of mulberry trees which you\\ndoubtless remember and sat there some time in\\nhis saddle, looking over the remains of the works\\nwhich the British army had thrown up during\\nthe war. He then turned his horse, rnde slowly\\npast us again, and crossed the river. This is the\\nlast time he ever visited New Jersey, as he re-\\ntired to Mount Vernon soon afterwards. To\\nAmericans, no incident, however trifling, in the\\nlife of Washington will, we trust, prove uninter-\\nesting.\\ntThc duel between these two persons arose\\nfrom a newspaper war in Philadelphia. It is said\\nto have occurred about the silo of Fetterville, or\\nSouth Camden. Cobbett s first fire broke Carey s\\nleg, and Ifift him with that limp which the pub-\\nlic cannot fail to remember. See Carey s Auto-\\nbiagraphy in Alkiuson^s Casket.\\nSome of the reminiscences belonging\\nproperly to this city have been already\\nnoticed. There is fortunately no such\\ndearth of material as to force us to rake\\nup events which every true son of Old\\nGloucester desires to forget.-*--\\nWe have heretofore alluded to the be-\\nlief that treasures had been buried by\\npirates in the olden time in the vicinity\\nof Camden. The tradition is said to have\\nhad its origin from the fact that a mys-\\nterious vessel, with a savage looking\\ncrew, came up the Delaware, while\\nPhiladelphia was still a village, and an-\\nchored oif Pyne Point, where she re-\\nmained for a few days, and again put to\\nsea. Kidd and Blackboard had long\\nswept the ocean with a broom of fire, and\\nat the time- in question the whole Amer-\\nican sea-board was rife with tales of their\\nexploits. The stranger brig which paid\\nthis flying visit to the Delaware was by\\nmany set down as piratical and from\\nthat time to the present money digging\\nat Cooper s Point has been a favorite\\nemployment for the superstitious. Wat-\\nson, the delectable annalist of Philadel-\\nphia, has preserved one anecdote upon\\nthis subject, which is worth mentioning:\\nAbout 1760, a wag in Philadelphia,\\nyclept Col. Thomas Forest, wishing to\\nplay off a prank upon a Dutch tailor,\\nwho was a firm believer in the pirate\\nstories of the times, wrote what pur-\\nported to be the confession of one John\\nHendricks, executed at Tyburn for pi-\\nracy, in wliich it was stated that he had\\nburied a chest and pot of money at Coop-\\ner s Point. Having smoked the parch\\nment so as to make it look ancient, For-\\nest showed it to the tailor, who immedi-\\nately procured a printer and professor of\\nthe Black art, named Ambruster, to con-\\njure the ghost of the pirate to give up\\nA minute account of the Heberton tragedy\\nin 1843 was appended to the sketch of Camden\\nin Barber and Howe s Hist. Coll. of New Jersey,\\nin such a manner as to render the Reminiscent\\nresponsible for it. We feel it due to ourself tc\\nstate that we had nothing whatever to do with\\nthe insertion of that part of the sketch; which, by\\nthe by, (he publishers [iromptly suppressed in their\\nsecond and subsequent editions, at our reque\u00c2\u00bb-t.\\nHist. Coll., p. 205; and the American Eagle for\\nMay 4th, 1844.", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "56\\nINCICENTS IK THE HISTORY OF KFAVTON.\\nthe treasure. On a nij^ht appointed. Fo-\\nrest and his friends who were in the joke,\\nmet at a tavern, where every arran;i;e-\\nment for the conjuration had been made.\\nBeing seated around the table, Arabrus-\\nter shuffled and readout cards, on which\\nwere the names of the New Testament\\nSaints, until he supposed the spell was\\ncomplete. At the words, John Hen-\\ndricks du verfluchter cum heraus, the\\npuUy reeled, a closet opened, and out\\ncaine John Hendricks, one of Forest s\\ncompanions, disguised in all the giiastli-\\nness of ghosthood Ambruster, terrified\\nat the success of his spell, left the premi-\\nses with commendable despatch, accom-\\npanied by the no less frightened tailor.\\nThe appearance of the pirate, however,\\nthe conjurer assured liis friends, author-\\nized him to take up the money; and a\\nnight was therefore fixed upon to visit the\\nPoint, in search of the two stones be-\\ntween which the parchment directed\\nthem to look for the buried pot. When\\nthe night came, the tailor, the conjurer,\\nand others who were in the secret,\\ncrossed the river, and, following the in-\\njunctions of the confession, arrived at the\\nscene of action, and commenced digging.\\nIn due time they reached the pot but,\\njust as they struck it, two negroes, ar-\\nrayed like imps, appeared and scared\\nthem off. At the second attempt they\\nwere assaulted by cats tied two and\\ntwo, with whizzing lire-works attached\\nto their tails, and making hideous noises;\\nall which passed for enchantment with the\\ntailor and Ambruster. But the pot was\\nat last taken up and removed in triumph\\nto Philadelphia Wharf. Here, while\\ngetting it out of the boat, Forest con-\\ntrived to let it fall into the river, and with\\nit went the tailor, who manifested no\\nmind to let go so precious a treasure.\\nI he pot was lost\u00e2\u0080\u0094 but the poor Dutchman\\ngot safely out, to reproach Forest with\\nthe mishap. He and Ambruster behoved\\nfor years that Forest had recovered the\\npot himself, and was enriched thereby;\\nand they actually sued out k writ of trea-\\nsure trove against him, which they only\\nabandoned on the whole trick being dis-\\nCome out, John Hendricks, tliou a(:cursc:d 1\\nf\\ncovered to them.* We have heard in\\nlater times of less elaborate but e(iually\\nludicrous pranks upon money-diggers at\\nthe Point; but our rvpace forbids us to\\nnarrate them.\\nUpon the shore of the cove above the\\nPoint the immortal Franklin once passed\\na Saturday night in October in rather an\\nuncomfortable manner. He had started\\nfrom Burlington in an open boat to work\\nhis passage to Philadelphia; but dark-\\nness overtaking them, and the weather\\nbeing very foggy, they became bewil-\\ndered. At last they made the shore,\\nand, stealing some pickets, built .a fire,\\nwhich kept them warm until morning.\\nWhen the day made they found they\\nwere in Cooper s Creek. This was the\\nnight before the Doctor s famous landing\\nat^^Market Street Wharf, when he de-\\nscribes himself as covered with dirt, with\\nhis pockets filled with shirts and stock-\\ning s, and with only one Dutch dollar to\\nbless himself withal. In this plight, eat-\\n\\\\n from a roll which he carried under\\nhis arm, he first saw Miss Read, after-\\nwards his wife\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and in this plight, bat-\\nin the roll, he entered the old Market\\nStreet Friends Meeting House\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the first\\nhouse he entered, and the first house, he\\ntells us, in which he slept, in Philadel-\\nphia.!\\nIn the Revolution, after the British\\nhad taken Philadelphia, Cooper s Point\\nwas foimd a convenient out-post, and\\nwas used us such until the evacuation.\\nThe first encampment made there was\\nby General Abercrombie, who after-\\nwards fell at the battle of Alexandria,\\nin Egypt. His head Quarters were in\\nthe house now belonging to Joseph W.\\nCooper, Es([. The tpfarters of the For-\\nty-Third Regiment, Col. Shaw, and\\nseveral Highland and Hessian\\nregi-\\nments were at the Middle Ferry House,\\nor English s. The British lines reached\\nfrom the Point down the Delaware nearly\\nto Market Street\u00e2\u0080\u0094 thence up to the site\\nof the present Academy, and thence\\nabout north-east across to Cooper s\\nWatson s Annals of Pliiladclpliia, new cd. Vol.\\nI, p. 268.\\nj Fiaiikliirs Autobiograpliy, p. 35.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "1NT10KN rs IN THE HUTORY OF .NEWTON.\\n57\\nCreek. The remnlns of their redoubts\\nwere visible until a lew years ag^o.\\nProperty inside of the lines was safe,\\nbut the people outside were continually\\nplundered by the Hessians.\\nAfter the occupation of Philadelphia\\nby the British land forces, they placed\\nbatteries along the river. From these\\nthey used to play upon the American\\nmilitiamen seen loitering upon the Jersey\\nshore. On one occasion a ball from one\\nof their batteries struck a rain-cask from\\nwhich a lady, an ancestor of my inform-\\nant,^ was taking water. When the\\nBritish fleet arrived, the men of war an-\\nchored in the west channel and the con-\\nvoys and tenders, numbering a hundred\\nor more, in tiie eastern, between Wind-\\nmill Island and the Jersey shore. The\\nofficers of the former often exercised\\ntheir guns with full cartridges, and a\\ngreat many balls have been found a mile\\nor two back from the river in Newton\\nTownship, which were doubtless thus\\nthrown away.\\nWhile the enemy lay at the Point they\\nwere often annoyed by the Americans.\\nIn March, 177S, soon after the retreat of\\nSimcoe from Haddoufield, and the skir-\\nmish which we have already noticed,\\nPulaski, with a considerable body of\\ncontinental troopers came close under the\\nBritish lines to reconnoitre. The enemy\\nanticipating his approach, placed an am-\\nbush upon both sides of the road leading\\nfrom the bridge to the Middle Ferry, in the\\nneighborhood of the present Friends\\nmeeting house, under the command of Col,\\nShaw. As Pulaski approached, a good\\nway in advance of his men, a staunch\\nWhig, William West, who was aware of\\nthe design, mounted a log and waved his\\nhat as a signal for retreat. Pulaski took\\nthe hint, hastily wheeled his men, and\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2aved them from slaughter. About the\\nsame time a hot fight took place at\\nCooper s Creek bridge, where the Eng.\\nlish surprised a party of militiamen. Se-\\nveral of the latter were killed and the\\nWe nre much indebJcd to William D. Cooper,\\nE^q., ot Camden, who has contributed several in-\\nteresting facts in the early history of the township\\nnow under coosider tion.\\nrest captured. Most of tlie Gloucester\\nfighting men enlisted early in the war,\\nand were marched to Fort Washington,\\nwhere they were taken and confined on\\nboard of the Jersey prison ship, through\\nthe horrors of which but few ever lived\\nto return home. Most of the minute-\\nmen therefore who annoyed the British\\nin the neighborhood of Philadelphia were\\nvery young. They fought bravely and\\nsold their lives whenever they were\\noverpowered, as dearly as possible.\\nAmong the American rangers who\\ndistinguished themselves in forays in\\nthe west end of Newton, none were\\nmore eminent than John Stokes and\\nDavid Kinsey, or, as he was generally\\ncalled, Taph Bennett. Stokes was a\\nman of unconquerable energy, and some\\nof his feats equal anything told of Jas-\\nper or Mac Donald. He was continually\\nhanging upon the lines of the enemy,\\nand was in hourly danger of his life.\\nHis courage and activity however could\\nrelieve him from any dilemma. He lived\\nthrough the war to tell of his hair\\nbreadth escapes at many a social party.\\nTaph was a kindred spirit. Like Stokes\\nhe had pinked many an Englishman,\\nwho dreamed not of a rebel s being\\nwithin ten leagues; and it is said he\\ngenerally cut off his foeman s thumb to\\nevidence his prowess to his comrades!\\nThey were familiar to the whole encamp\\nment at Camden, and the bare names of\\nJack and Taph would give the poor Hes-\\nsians a lively idea of the world to come.\\nTowards the close of the war, after\\nCongress had returned to Philadelphia,\\nthe colors captured with Burgoyne at\\nSaratoga were displayed in their Hall.\\nThe British, being anxious to recover\\ntheir lost honors, employed a refugee to\\nsteal them. He came on from New York,\\nand was concealed for three days in a 1\\nstack of corn stalks just above the Middle\\nFerry. But Congress, hearing of the 1\\nscheme, removed the colors to aplace of\\nsafety, and thus defeated the plot. v\\nThe people of Camden have ever been\\nsturdy friends of their country. As such I*\\nthey deeply resented the disgrace which\\nAaron Burr, by his supposed south-\\nwestern plot had cast upon New Jersey.", "height": "3244", "width": "2010", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "*9\\nTHB TOWNSHIf OF GLOUCESTER.\\nAfter Burr s acquittal in 1804, when he\\nfirst set foot upon the shore of his native\\nState, he was met by a crowd whose in-\\ndignation led them to inexcusable ex-\\ncesses. At the Ferry at which he crossed\\nto Camden, he deliberately produced\\nfrom his holster a brace of pistols, and\\ncocked them to be ready for the menacing\\ntown s people. At Cooper s Creek\\nbridge he passed under a board upon\\nwhich in huge letters was printed the\\nword Traitor! The cue here given\\nwas followed throughout his journey;\\nbut it is with no feelings of pleasure that\\nwe record such insults to one whom\\nwhatever were his deserts the law of\\nthe land had pronounced innocent.\\nOf late years Camden has pursued the\\neven tenor of her way, with little.jper-\\nhaps, in her history as a city to interest,\\nbut with nothing, we believe, over which\\nshe has occasion to blush. A few years\\nmore, and the humble Pluckemin of other\\ndays will rank as the second city in our\\nstate\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\nTHE TOWNSHIP OF GLOUCESTER.\\nProceed nor quit the tales, which, limply told\\nCould c^er so well mj aniwering bosom piercej\\nProceed in forceful lounds and color nold,\\nThe nitive legends of thy land rehearse.\\nCollins, Ode on the SupcrstUiom of the Highland!.\\nThe name of Gloucester is borrowed\\nfrom a cathedral-town on the bank of the\\nSevern, in the west of England, whence\\nemigrated some of the earliest settlers\\nin West Jersey. The word itself is\\nfrom the Celtic, glaw caer, which signi-\\nfies Handsome City.* It first attached,\\nupon the banks of the Delaware, to the\\ntown projected by Olive then to the\\ncounty, and lastly, to the township of\\nwhich we are now to speak.\\nThe Township of Gloucester the\\nthird of the six erected by the Grand\\nJury in 1695 originally extended to the\\nDelaware. The town of Gloucester\\nhowever soon began to affect the right\\nto choose its own constable, to have its\\nrepresentatives in the board of Justices\\n.Mahc Brnn, Vol. VI. p. 748.\\nand Freeholders, and do all other things\\nwhich it belongs to a township to do. In\\nfact it became, by prescription, a con-\\nstablewick, to all intents and purposes\\nand the legislature in 1798,* by a gene-\\nral act incorporating the^townships of the\\nState, acknowledged it as such. On the\\nfifteenth of November, 1831, f this town-\\nship of Gloucestertown and a portion of\\nGloucester township were laid together,\\nand the whole received the name of Union.\\nTHE TOWN OF GLOUCESTER.\\nOf the TOWN OF Gloucester the\\ncentre of interest in this township we\\nhave spoken somewhat before but much\\nyet remains to be said of that ancient\\nplace. Here stood the ever renowned\\nNassau, the first Christian settlement in\\nWest Jersey; here, the beaux and belles\\nof the lusty village of Philadelphia used\\nto congregate for pleasure here, the\\nFox Hunters, emulous of the customs of\\nthe fatherland, used to mix the huge\\nwassail after a successful chase and\\nhere in later days the great Lafayette\\nmet the foes of ireedom, and rebuked\\ntheir insolence. Such a spot cannot be\\nwritten of too much\\nThe precise locality of Fort Nassau\\nis, as we have already hinted, a matter\\nof much debate among antiquarians.\\nThe best opinion seems to be that it was\\nsituated immediately upon the river at\\nthe southern extremity of the high land\\nbutting upon the meadows north of the\\nmouth of Timber Creek. J That position\\nFeb. 21st Rev. Laws, p. 332. We can find\\nno statute creating the townsh i p of Gloucester, but\\nit is said that there v^as an act for that |-urpo.se\\nwhich is now lost. In March, 1705, the city of\\nGloucester had overseers of the poor and of tlie\\nhighways, independent of Gloucester township.\\nAt March Term, 1712, we find that William\\nHarrison was appointed by the court, constable\\nfor Gloucester town, in place of John Siddons,\\nwho was probably the first constable of the njw\\ntownship. The lost law is said by Michael Fish,\\ner, Esq. to have been of a much more recent dale\\nso that the supposition in the text, that the town\\nbecame a township by prescription, seems un-\\navoidable.\\nt 2 Harrison s Laws, p. 364.\\nt Du temps du Governeur Jean Print/, says\\nLindstrom, in his dcKcription of New Sweden,\\nLib. Am. Pliil. Soc. Philada., No. 173, AISS., lea", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "o\\na.\\no\\nB\\n6\\nTO\\n3\\no\\nO\\n3-\\n2\\nc\\no\\n(ft\\nV)\\nTO\\no\\n5\\no\\nc\\nO", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "60\\nTHE TOWNSHIP OF CLOrCKSTBR.\\nwould have stn.ick the eye of an engi-\\nneer inasmuch as a fortress thus situ-\\nated could have commanded both the ri-\\nver and creek, while it would have been\\ngreatly secured from the attacks of the\\nIndians by the low marshy land which\\nsurrounded it upon all sides but the\\nnorth. Some of the cabins which con-\\nstituted the town of Nassau, are sup-\\nposed with much reason to have stood\\nnear the mouth of the Sassackon. Re-\\nmains of buildings have been discovered\\nupon the east bank of that stream and\\na peculiar little blue flower which the\\nfarmers call the Dutch Jloiver, still grows\\nthereabouts.\\nWe have no very exact description of\\nthis famous fortress, and cannot there-\\nfore tell much about its dimensions,\\nstrength, or appearance. The first fort,\\nthat erected by May in 1623, was proba-\\nbly a very rude pile of logs, just sufficient\\nto serve as a breastwork. This having\\nbeen destroyed by the Indians, another\\nfort was buiit in 1642, when the Dutch\\nreturned to watch their rivals, the\\nSwedes.! The latter fort Barker sup-\\nposes was built with some style its ar-\\nchitect being Herr Ilendrick Christi-\\naanse, the builder of Fort Amsterdam.^\\nAlthough Lindstrom says very posi-\\ntively, in speaking of this post, that Go-\\nvernor Printz chased the Hollanders out\\nof it,^ we believe that it was never oc-\\ncupied by any but the Dutch. During\\nHollandois ont dans la Nouvelle Belgique con-\\nBtruits une fortresse nomee Fort Nassau mais le\\nGoverneur Printz les en chasse. Les sauvages\\ndemoUissoient enfine ce fort la. La riviere est ici\\nbien profonde. The last sentence would hardly\\nhave been added if, as it has been suggested, the\\nfort was not immediately upon the river, but some\\ndistance up Timber Creek.\\nBy a singular mistake upon the part perhaps\\nof Gabriel Thomas engraver, a Dutch Fort is\\nplaced upon his map at some distance above\\nGloucester, at the mouth of what seems to be in.\\ntended for Cooper s Creek. The map is a great\\ncuriosity, but it is very far from being accurate.\\nWe are fortunate enough to own the copy of\\nHolmes Annals which belonged to the late M.\\nI Duponceau. It contains some MSS. annotationB\\nby that profound scholar, which we have found of\\ngreat service. Upon the authority of these notes\\nwe date the rebuilding of Fort Nassau in 1649.\\nI Barker s Sketches, p. 15.\\nSupra, note.\\nthe palmiest days of New Sweden. Nas-\\nsau continued to be an imperium in im-\\nperio, its commissioners never showing a\\ndisposition to render fealty to the lords\\nof Tinicum.\\nA report dated at Fort Nassau on the\\nseventh of September 1648, gives us a\\nstriking instance of the spirit with which\\nthe men of that redoubtable place re-\\nsented the slights and insults of their\\npowerful neighbors, the Swedes. On\\nthe evening of the seoond day of April\\nin the year above named, says Com-\\nmissary Huddie, a vessel undertook\\nto pass up by Fort Nassau without\\nshowing her colors. She was fired\\nover twice by Huddle s command, but\\nnot heaving to, eight men were sent in a\\nbarge in pursuit of her. The wind be-\\ning fresh and fair, the vessel outsailed\\nthe rowers and got off. In two or three\\ndays Huddie learned that she was\\nthe Swedish barque\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the state vessel of.\\nJohn I. of Tinicum. When she came\\ndown the river again she showed her\\ncolors but Claert Huygen, her skipper,\\non being questioned by Huddie as to his\\nformer neglect, answered very con-\\ntemptuously that if he had known that\\nthis would have come into considera-\\ntion, he would have been sorry not to\\nhave given more cause for offence.\\nSuch a reply even Dutch phlegm could\\nnot put up with. Huddie immediately\\nsent a letter to Printz, complaining of\\nhis skipper s conduct much diplomacy\\nthereupon ensued between the courts of\\nTinicum and Nassau and the whole\\nmatter was at length compromised by\\nStuyvesant s cannon, in the manner we\\nhave before related.^\\nWere we to dwell on the massacre of\\nthe garrison at Nassau by the Indians.f\\nthe curious treaty which they soon after\\nconcluded with De Vries on board his\\nvessel before the fortj\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the terrible ar-\\nmada which Commissary Jan Janson\\nUppendam fitted out therefrom in 1642\\nNew York Hist. Coll., New Series, Vol. I.,\\nP-437.\\nAcrelius and Vanderdonck agree thai the\\nrocn in Nassau were murdered when the lower\\nfort was destroyed. Id. p. 409.\\nJ Idem, p- 253.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "^clu.J;lkl]i. and the hundred ofher in-\\nI esting and important topics in the\\neventful history of Fort JSassau. our\\npamphlet Mould become a book, ^nd a\\nU^ iZr^ f P^\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00ab then\\nonger famous ior fulminating proclama-\\nvS commissaries and\\nIms v.l y^^ ^t f^^^ters, with cocked\\nMt. ,velvetdoublets,andgoIdlaced vests\\ntl ere came a race of drab-colored sur-\\nveyors and town Jot speculators, who\\nht ion. T ^^id the foun!\\ndations of a city intended to be the\\nqueen of the Delaware.!\\nThe specious alliance sought bv the\\norkshire men at BurJington t did Zi\\n|.;r retard the progress of tiie town o\\nGioucester. Old Gabriel Thomas, wri\\ningin 1668 says: There is Glouc;sTer.\\ntown which IS a very fine and pleasant\\nfuht h summer\\nfriuts, as cherries, mulberries and straw-\\nrom Philadelphia in the wherries to eat\\n^irawbernes and cream; within si^it o\\nN^hich city It ,s sweetly situated bein-\\n^buut three miles distant from thence l?\\n,j!! TA years afterwards,\\n^ivs Gloucester is a good town an.f\\ngave name to a county, it contain; one\\nArwames, which, according to Linds mm\\nhe name of one of the branches of TmbcrCreer\\nOn h.s map this stream is correctly epre?ented\\nZnf ^l T n^ost southern of Sh\\nrtTS.-c^.::;^^it7o?^t:n\\nwere applied to Timber Creek gene al,; S^!\\n-eems that the natives called the main ,tr^;rTe\\ntamekanchz. The names of Arwam and ^e\\nkoke have sometimes been mistaken for the In\\nd.an designation of Gloucester Point Th\\nbrxnch. W\u00e2\u0080\u009et Jersej., p 9. Arwan.es\\nAnte, p. 31. HVe,t Jersey, p, J g.\\nT. iK TOM SSmv OF GI.OUCtSTKR.\\n61\\nhundred houses, and the country about\\nin the last century also give this town\\nbuSg^ of -ts\\nn.rin u7M Gloucester a chalybeate\\n^h a rI^ of Philadel-\\npnia. between the voune- nennl^ ui\\n-cted by ^le ffrSuc:. d\\nsfrawberries and cream, and the older\\niry who sought health Lt the S,a he\\nancient hotels at the point used^ t o be\\nlively enougn.:j: Occasionally, too. du\\nl-e been on^t^^^:^;:^^^^^;^^^^\\nGloucester, however, has faded before the br.J) t r\\nn o tt orf it! r. P-^ -do rs;;.!!\\nui resiore its lost honors Tli\u00c2\u00bb n\\nstanzas are from F,-.,, t following\\nP- 126 which book, we may remark M ivi\\nTHK\\nMORNING INVITATION\\nTO TWO yot;|G ladies at th\u00c2\u00ab\\nGLOUCESTER SPRING.\\nSequester d from the city s noise\\nIts tumults and fantastic jnyr-\\nFair nymphs a.,d svv;i ins retire\\nHherc Delaware s far nJlin^r;\\niVhue^tic winds by GloVter s side?\\nWhose shades new joy\u00c2\u00ab inspire.\\nThere innocence and mirth resort.\\nAnd round ,ts banks the graces suorf\\nYoung love, delight and joy\\nBr.ght blushing health unlocks his snrin.\u00c2\u00ab\\nEach grove around its fragrance flmT^\\nWith sweets that never cloy.\\nSoon as from out the orient maio,\\ni he sun ascends the etherial plain.\\nBepearhng ev ry Jawn\\nVV.id warbling wood.notes floit around\\nWhile echo doubles ev ry sound.\\nTo hail the gladsome dawn.\\nNow Celia with thy doe rise,\\nYe fair unlock those radiant eye.,\\nNor more the pillow press;\\ndtasletheverna bJis.\\nRomantic drcam i anH\\nand Bleep difsmies,\\new joys your aense .hall bless.\\nI-\\nS", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "i\u00e2\u0080\u009eE ToWK.iiir of or,oi-T.E\u00c2\u00bbrEB\\n63\\n,i\u00e2\u0080\u009eff the lasliii.irablo sfiisou, lli\u00c2\u00ab P\u00e2\u0084\u00a2\\ndol,^ to a,te,.d tho t\\n(;iouc.ester Point, kept bv lUuuu ti\\nI came qu.te celebrated ^J^^\\nvous of the Gloucester l\\nThis association ^vas tormed i ^^^^^W^^^\\n1766 bv twenty seven -entlemen ot\\nplJilidelphia, -V, %::n t;^^\\nioined bv several Jerseynieii. Anunv\\nff luter\\\\vere the ^^allant Capt. Jume\\nS:^ Cooler of Haddonfield. who .sstdl\\nWhether along tlic velvet preen,\\nAdorning all the sylvan xccne,\\nTliu fair incline to stray\\n^Vherc lofty trees o crshade the wa^e,\\nAnd Zcphvrs leave their secret cave,\\nAlong the streams to play.\\nThere lovely views the \u00c2\u00bbrtt)rr crown,\\nXV ds.nJdows, ships, yon t.p.ry town.\\nWhere wit and beauty rcign;\\nWhere Cloe and fair Celiascharn-.\\nFill many a vouth with love s alarm^,\\nSweetplea^urc.mix dwUhpam.\\nOr whether o er the fields we trip,\\nAt v^n salubrious t fount to s p,\\nImmur d in darksome shade\\nAr.uJwh.,se sides 11 m\u00c2\u00ab?noi. bloo,^i,\\nWhose s.Wer blossoms deck the gloom.\\nAnd scent the spicy glade.\\nThese are A-ora s rural\\nFresh dew-drops, floweis anu\\nPerfume the balmy air\\nKise then and greet the new-born day,\\nRise, fair ones, jom the Imnetslaj,\\nAnd Nature s pleasures share.\\nSo -liall gay health your cheeks adorn,\\nWnh bhfshes sweeter than the morn.\\n\\\\nd fresh as early day\\nAnd then, that Glo ster is the place.\\nTo add to beauty s hr.ghtest grace.\\nThe world around shall say.\\nPhiladelphia.\\nDel.w! re.\\nTl.e ch.lvhe.U .prins near Gloucester.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009elive Caut Para -el Wliilall. Col. He\u00c2\u00bb-\\nto, (d Jo\u00c2\u00bbhv,. Ho\u00c2\u00abdl of Fancy 11.\\n;;,rurfie;a. for action b..,,j,g a o\u00e2\u0080\u009e,.^\\nill es troin C aniden, or ai hk i^\\nwo or three iniles trom o^^^^\\nDeptford, at Chew s Land.nu^Hlaa\\nxvood.owt.. Heston s ^l^f^r;, t on tl^\\nGlassboro and Ihomsot. s Po t on the\\nDehware. The kennel ot the Ciuo\\nwS^askeptatthePointbv anold\\nne7ro named N atty, contained m -b\\nuvlntv two excellent dogs, whose na\\ne eloquent and enthusiastic meinoru l-\\nlst ot the Chib has with due solemnity\\n^Xirl^ the revolution, nianv. in fact\\nniJ^r^he members ot\\nin their country s service, ^he assocu\\nctpa\u00e2\u0096\u00a0 caused it to la,,g\u00c2\u00ab.^-n^^.\\n^:^.^ofth: :;:rr,hat.tytave-i,oe\u00e2\u0080\u009e\\nmans oi mtu s^ \u00e2\u0080\u009et^A tiip rross-\\n^-^hfchasV. generally lasted only tor a\\ntew hours: but once. ml. ^-R^-^;;\\nearned the pack n lull cry\\nIt was a point ot honor not to gi^^, iip,\\nunrthe bushwas taken: after\\nthere ensued a banquet at ^u^^ N\\nvhereat he who was tlrst m at the death\\nl s for the time bein- the ion Ihe\\nGlou ester farmers, who suftered tmich\\nthose days from the great number ol\\nfoxes with which the county still abound^\\nS were always glad to hear the sound\\nSee Memoirs of Gloucester Fox Huatnig\\nClub, by a Member. F ^i^.^^^^^^tr /.J y farmer.\\ntS S:X7:i^^^^^ by plungmg\\nZtt ttVs after a fox which had broken\\nthrough the ice. Memoirs, .Vc. p. Ji.", "height": "3249", "width": "2056", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "TflR TOWNSHIP ON GLOUCESTKR.\\n63\\nof the lionis and hounds. From the tenth\\nol October to the tenth of April, the Club\\nliad the entire freedom of iheir fields\\nand woods, and often on catching the\\nmusic of the iipproachinjz^pack, the sturdy\\nhusbandman bridled his best horse, and\\njoined the merry dashinj^^ train, drinking,-\\nas deep as any tlie excitement of the\\nroyal sport.\\nJdNAS CATTELL.\\n[From the Memoir.^ of the Gloucester Fox Hunt-\\ning Club.]\\nThere were many disting-uished men\\nconnected with the Gloucester Club;\\nl)ut none is more deserving immortality\\nthan Jonas Catteli.! For twenty years\\nthis worthy fellow was -rand guide and\\n\\\\vhipper-in to the Hunters, always at\\nhis post, says the memorialist, whe-\\nther at setting out with the company\\nJfading off, at fault, or at the death.\\nVhile all the rest rode, he travelled on\\nloot with his gun and tomakawk, and\\nwas always on hand for any emero-ency\\nbefore half the riders came insight!\\nHis physical strength and activity were\\nalmost incredible When about my\\nyears of age he ran a foot race from\\nMount Holly to Woodbury with an In-\\ndian runner of great celebrity, and came\\noff victor. About the same time he won\\na wager by going on foot from ^Vood-\\nbury to Cape Island in one day, deliver-\\ning a letter, and returning in the SBmo\\nmanner, with an answer, on the day\\nfollowing. He accomplished tliis extra-\\nordinary feat with easn, and was willing\\nto repeat it the same week, on the same\\nterms.-\\nIn the half century during which the\\nClub was in existence, the foxes were\\npretty well routed from the county.\\nOnce in a great while we still hear of\\none being taken in the interior, where\\nnature still reigns in her undisturbed\\nwilderness. But the day is near at\\nhand when the fox, like the bear, the\\nM olf and the buffalo, which once in-\\nhabited our woods, Mill be heard of no\\nmore. The brood of the Gloucester ken-\\nnel\u00e2\u0080\u0094which at the dissolution of the\\nClub, was divided among the the sport-\\ning farmers in the neighborhood\u00e2\u0080\u0094will\\nlast much longer than the mischievous\\ntribe of Reynard.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^On the evening of the twenty-fifth of N\\\\\\nNovember, 1777, a spirited affair took\\nplace on the King- s Road between Big\\nand J ittle Timber Creeks. LordCorn-\\nwallis, with about four thousand men\\nand abundant military stores, had been\\nencamped at the Pofnt, but was about\\nmoving across the Delaware. General\\nGreene, with a considerable body of\\nAmericans lay at Haddonlield, and kept\\na close watch upon Cornwallis. Lafay-\\nette, who had not yet recovered from a\\nwound received some time before, volun-\\nteered to reconnoitre the British, and\\nattack them if it seemed advisable. In\\nobserving the position of the enemy,\\nhe ventured out upon the sandy pen-\\ninsula south of the outlet of timber\\ncreek very near the hostile lines. He\\nwas discovered, and a detachment of\\ndragoons were sent off to intercept hiin.\\nIn 1830, when Mr. Clay drew the likeness of\\nCatfeli from which the above cut ivS roughly co-\\npied, he was engaged in fisiiing at Clark s^fishery.\\nWe saw him at the meeting lield in Woodbury,\\nin Mrirch last, to remonstrate against the setting\\noffofCamdon county- He is still alive and hearty,\\nand is very fond ol telling stories of his hunting*\\ndays and anecdotes of the leading men in the\\nGloucester Club. He doeP not know how old he\\nis, i)ut thinks he is not far from ninety. The\\nauthor of (he Memoir from which we have drawn\\nmost of the fncts in the text, says he was cnlipled\\nby the Club in 1796, but does not give his age tit\\nthat time.\\nI-", "height": "3249", "width": "2056", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "CI\\nTHE i TOWNSHIP OF GLOUCESTKR.\\nHis guide seeing this, became very much\\nfriglftened but soon collected himselt,\\nand showed the gallant Frenchman a\\nback path which led him beyond the\\nreach of the horsemen before they had\\nadvanced to the bridge. He passed un-\\ninjured withih musket shot of an outpost,\\nand joined his detachment.\\nAfter having spent the most part ot\\nthe day, says Lafayette, in making\\nmyself well acquainted with the certain-\\nly of the enemy s motions, I came pret-\\nty late into the Gloucester road between\\nthe two creeks. I had ten light horse,\\nalmost one hundred and fifty riflemen\\nand two pickets of militia. Colonel Ar-\\nmaud, Colonel Laumoy and Chovehers\\nDuplessis and Gimat were the French-\\nmen with me. A scout of my men un-\\nder Duplessis went to ascertain how\\nnear to Gloucester were the enemy s\\nfirst pickets, and they found at the dis-\\ntance of two miles and a half from that\\nplace, a strong post of three hundred\\nand fifty Hessians, with field pieces, and\\nthey engaged immediately. As my lit-\\ntle reconnoitering party were all in fane\\nspirits, I supported them. We pushed\\nthe Hessians more than half a mile froni\\nthe place where their main body had\\nbeen, and we made them run very fast.\\nBritish reinforcements came twice to\\nthem but very far from recovering their\\nground, they always retreated. The\\ndarkness of the night prevented us from\\npursuing our advantage. After standing\\non the ground we had gained, I ordered\\nthem to return very slowly to Haddon-\\ntield. 1 take great pleasure in letting\\nyou know that the conduct of our sol-\\ndiers was above all praise. 1 never saw\\nmen so merry, so spirited, and so desir-\\nous to go on to the enemy, whatever\\nforce thev might have, as that small par-\\nty in thisUttle fight. It was on this oc-\\ncasion that Morgan s riflemen drew trom\\nLafayette the notable compliment, I\\nfound them even above their reputation.\\nThe^e brave fellows were commanded\\nbv Lieut. Col. Butler. The Americans\\nhad only one man killed and six wound-\\ned The British had twenty killed,\\nmany more wounded, and lost about\\ntwenty prisoners.-^\\nWhile Mad Anthony-as old Wayne\\nwas generally called\u00e2\u0080\u0094 was posted at\\nHaddonfield, in the month of lebruary,\\n177S, some of his men went down to\\nGloucester to reconnointre the British\\nwho lav there in considerable numbers.\\nThey were discovered and pursued by\\na superior force. A running fight en-\\nsued which lasted nearly from the Point\\nto the American cordon, but the British\\nsuffered much the greater loss. Ihe\\nmost prominent man in this action on he\\nAmerican side was Col. Lllis, of the\\nGloucester county miUtia. boon alter\\nthis the whole encampment at Glouces-\\nter moved upon Wayne by night, mtend-\\nin- to surprise him; but he was too\\nwFde awake for them, and was gone be-\\nfore they got there. It was on this oc-\\ncasion that Miles Sage was entrapped\\nand bayonetted.\\nAbout this time the houses of several\\nstaunch Whigs in Gloucester township\\nr\\n\u00c2\u00bbLHtert,n Washington, Spark s Writing? of\\nBsh^IlJJ^oll, V jl. V. p. 171.\\nwere burnt, and among them the man-\\nsions of the Huggs and Harrisons, the\\nfirst on Timber Creek, near the Bridge\\nand the other nearer the Point. Ihai\\nthe Hugg s should have been obnoxious\\nto the British, was no more than natural,\\nfor that family gave two officers and\\nseveral privates to the revolutionary ar-\\nmies, and its very women were uncon-\\nquerable patriots. On one occasion some\\nEn-lishmen coming to the residence ot\\nCof. Joseph Hugg. began to throw a\\nhatchet at the poultry in the yard. Ihe\\nmatron cameforth.-and gave the intruders\\na rebuke worthy of a Spartan mother\\n-Do you, said she, call yourselves\\nofficers, and come thus to rob undefend-\\ned premises 1 have sons who are in\\nWashington s army. They are gentle-\\nmen, and not such puppies as you. u\\nis no wonder, we repeat, that after this.\\nCol. Abercombie should have burnt the\\nhouse and with it a large quantity of ha^\\nin the rick.j\\nIdem and Gordon s New Jersey, p. 255.\\ntThis incident is from a MS. sent us some\\n,i\u00e2\u0080\u009e,e \u00c2\u00ab50 by nn e.toem.d friend, who wa. weH\\nvrr.ed in all the revolutionary history of old\\nGlourestpr.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "TfiK tOWNSrilP OF Dl-rT )RD.\\n65\\nMany other iiicideiils of skirrnislies,\\nescapes and adventures are related as\\nhaving occurred in the iiei5:rhhorbood of\\nGloucester in the Revohition but we\\nfind that to gather anything like a satis-\\nfactory account of them is now im-\\npossible. The time for gleaning tra-\\nditionary histoirettes of that age is,\\nwe fear, very nearly past. The oral\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2legends of a much later period are often\\nflatly Hbsurd, or very si/spicious. The\\ndeficient memories of the narrators, if\\nthey v/erethehiselves eyewitnesses, and\\nthe natural accession of which marvel-\\nlous stories are the subject at every re-\\npetition, make us very cautious in re-\\npeating here any but those incidents\\nwhich were recorded at the proper time\\nand by respectable auli)oriiies.\\nAfter the removal of the public busi-\\nness from Gloucester, that to\\\\vn began\\nspeedily to decline. Instead of the hun-\\ndred houses which it contained at the\\nbeginnin- of the last century, we all re-\\nmember it when it hardly had a dozen.\\nIhe old court-house, whicli stood on the\\n.Market Square, was burnt down,--- the\\nM(:4|ket Square itself was turned imo\\ngarden ground; the streets were ploughed\\nup; and desolation sat everywhere upon\\nthe once thriving city. Goyernors no\\nlonger made it their residence\u00e2\u0080\u0094 fashion\\nMO longer drew thither its votaries,\\nNow and then, perhaps, a traveller cross\\nJng at the ferry stopped for an hour to\\nindulge in recollections of the past\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ij)\\nquote snatches from the Deserted Villa-^e,\\nand draw a morul having particular re-\\nference to speculations in \\\\vater-lots.\\nBut even such visiters were scarce\\nLike the fabled phoenix, Gloucester\\nseems now about to arise from her ashes\\nmore beautiful than ever! The exten-\\nsive factories in course of erection, or\\nin contemplation there, will make her\\nvet\u00e2\u0080\u0094 just what the ghost of Thomas\\nSharp would dance to see one of the\\nmost busy and populous towns in West\\nJersey. So mote it be\\nThe villages in the original township\\nof Gloucester\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Chew s Landing and\\nKUickwoodtown\u00e2\u0080\u0094 .-Hid the hamlets of\\nMount Ephraim, Clementon, Tansboro,\\nand New Freedom are s/nall and com-\\nparatively of recent origin. Thero is\\nbut little connected with either worthy of\\nnote.\\nCHAPTER XVIJ.\\nTHK TOWNSHIP OF DKPTJ ORD.\\nT ir^m hurrijA lielU:\\nDicmn acie-, acCu ijiit aniuiis in iuiieii r -irrt.\\nVilKi. .Jin.VU.iu\\nThe country nbout Woodbury Creok.\\naccording U) Gid.riel Thomas man, was\\noriginally called by the English the\\nTowusinp of Bethiem; but this name\\nsoon passed into oblivion, and instead of\\nit our ancestors adopted that of Dept-\\nFORD, from a little town in Kcntshire,\\nEngland, where Peter the Great of Rus-\\nsia served his apprenticeship to the art\\nof shipbuilding.\\nVILLAGE OF WOODfiKJlRY.\\nThe oldest village in this township is\\n\\\\V oodbury; or, as it should be spelled.\\n\\\\\\\\ooj)BKRi{v, whiili takes its name from\\nthe faniily of Woods who caiao from\\nP\u00c2\u00bberry, in Lancashire, England, in J 68-1.\\ni?!chard Vv^ood, the first settler upon\\nWoodbury Creek, ca.me out with the ear-\\nliest emigrants to Philadelphia. Leav.\\ning his family in that town, he got a ca-\\nnoe and paddled two or tliree miles u^\\nthe Piscozackasingz-Kil until he came\\nto a likely place for an habitation. Hav-\\ning conciliated the friendship and as-\\nsistance of the Indians, he erected a\\nrude house, and in less than one week\\nhe and his family were living therein as\\ncomfortably as circumstances would al-\\nlow. A brother arrived shortly, after, j\\nand, settling a little higher up thestream\\nfounded the capital of old Gloucester i\\nCounty.t If Thomas map be worthy\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Many valuable records were burnt in ihiir\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Malte Brun, Vol. VI. p. 751.\\nt Mulford s Lecture. We find in the Sanev.\\nor General s office at Burlington, Book B of Sur.\\nvevs, that 432 acres of land on Woodburj Cresk\\nwere surveyed to Jonathnn Wood on the 13th of\\nPcccmhcr, 1683. One hundred aerts on fheeam^\\nsreck, lud been purvejed the year before to V\\\\ jl.", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "ftfi\\nTHR TOWNSniP OF DEPTiOlXl*.\\noldopoudeDefi, this uedlementwas made\\nupon the north bank of tho creek, pro-\\nbably about the sito of the hamlet of Flip-\\npenttown, or tho old Ward Burying\\nGround.\\nBefore tho Woods had been joined in\\ntheir settlement by any other families, all\\nthe men belonging to tlie little colony\\nwere obliged upon some occasion to go\\nto Burlington, Dating their absence,\\nwhich was prolonged by a storm, the\\nti^omen became short of provisions, and\\nin great distress paid frequent visits to\\nthe bank of the crock to look for their\\nhusbands return. An Indian squaw up-\\non the opposite shore observing their\\nRolicltude, and understanding by their\\nsigns that thoy wore in need of food,\\nstarted off through the forest for her\\ncabin, and in an hour or two returned\\nwith some venison and corn-bread.\\nPutting these on a long bark iloat, she\\npushed them across to where the white\\nwomen were. As the husbands of the\\nlatter did not return for a considerable\\ntime afterwards, nothing but the oppor-\\ntune assistance of this kind hearted sav-\\nage saved the worthy matrons from\\nstarvation. Verily, Woman deserves\\nthe compliment which Barker pays her,\\nwhen, in speaking of the young huntress\\nwho saved De Vrit s on the Timmerkill,\\nhe exclaims, Her native wilderness\\ncannot always render her wild, nor a\\nlife of savage association deprive her of\\nher innate softness t\\nAfter the public buildings at Glouces-\\nter were burnt in 17S7, Woodbury was\\nmade the shire-town of the county, by a\\nvote of the people. From that time un-\\ntil it was overtaken and surpassed by\\nCamden, it continued to be the most\\nconsiderable town in Gloucester County.\\nThe present court-house and jail were\\nthen erected, and were regarded as a\\ngreat improvement upon the old affairs\\nat Gloucester. Upon the steeple of the\\neourt- house, the freeholders contem-\\nJiam HijTffins. There is no record of tho earlier\\nlocations\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Book A of Surveys havinsj disappear-\\ned, we believe, in some mysterioup manner from\\nthe Sarveyor n office many years ago.\\nBsrkei- i Sketclics, p- lP.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2SwCiiey s M ^j if New Jersey, n\u00c2\u00bb6.\\nplated to place a large Indian ae a vane;\\nbut some one, not liking such vanities,,\\nis said to have stolen the Indian, and\\nkept it for a long time secreted. At\\nlength it came to light, and was first set\\nup on Governor Stratton s old mill at\\nSwedesboro and afterwards mounted\\nupon a pole in the neighborhood of\\nSharptown; where it still serves in its^\\nveerings and shiftings as an emblem of*\\nthe mutability of human affairs. Tho\\nstory is trilling, but be it remembered,\\nthe very object of this book is\\nAngualis addere rebus honorem.\\nIn lS25the old public buildings having\\nbecome very much dilapidated, the Grand\\nJury presented them as insufficient,\\nand an Act of Assembly was procured\\nfor submitting the question to the people\\nwhere the new buildings, if any, should\\nbo put. As soon as Camden was found\\nto be a competitor for the honor, the\\nworthy denizens of Woodbury disco-\\nvered that the old buildings were quite\\ngood enough, or at least might be made\\nso with very little expense. The Wood-\\nbury interest prevailing in the Board of\\nFreeholders, a new Clerk s office was\\nbuilt with all despatch, the Court House\\nwas somehow patched up, and a deal of\\nmoney spent thereupon, with the design\\nof outgeneraling Camden. Such tactics\\ncould not fail of success. The thrifty\\nfishermen upon the seaside, not relish-\\niiig the idea of throwing away this mo-\\nney, voted when the election came for\\nWoodbury, and so the Court House was\\nretained there by a majority rising eight\\nhundred. The pamphlets and placards\\nwhich were the ammunition of this\\nCourt House war, savor strongly of the\\njealousy which still exists between the\\ntwo towns.\\nIn the winter of 1777, I-ord Cornwal-\\nlis had his head-quarters in this village,\\nin the house now occupied by Amos\\nCampbell, Esq., on the east side of the\\nmain street. During his stay, some of\\nhis men having seized a valuable cow\\nbelonging to an ardent Whig in the\\nneighborhood, his lordship was waited\\nou by the owner, who requested a re-\\nstoTation of his property. Cornwallii", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "TiltL TOWNSarP OF DKM-Foft*.\\naBked luni as to his political principles.\\nThe sturdy patriot tried to evade the quo8-\\ntjon, but at lon;,4lj\u00e2\u0080\u0094 cow or no cow\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the\\ntruth would out. His lordship, admiring\\nthe man s independence soon returned\\nhim his animal.-*\\nCaptain Jamks Lawrence was in his\\nyouth a schoolboy at the Academy in\\nthis village having begun the stud v of\\nnavigation with Samuel Webster. Be-\\nfore this he had entered as a student at\\nlaw in the ol!ice of iiis brother John\\nLawrence, who was an eminent prac\\ntitioner at the Gloucester bar. The\\nyoung hero, not arguing much pleasure\\nirora a peep into Vortescue s gloomy vis-\\nta\u00e2\u0080\u0094the lucubrationcs viginti annoiwn\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nleft his law books in about two years\\nfcramore congenial life.f Here also,\\nbTEPHEN Decatur went to school his\\nhome being in the West family, at the\\nBuck Tavern. A gentleman who knew\\nboth Decatur and Lawrence very well\\nhas given us an anecdote of the former\\nwhich is worth recording In 1 793 when\\nthe yellow fever raged in Philadelphia\\nIt was found that some persons, to avoid\\ndoing quarantine had escaped from in-\\nfected ships at the Lazaretto, landed\\nupon the Jersey shore, and so got up to\\nthe city. To prevent this infraction of\\nthe laws, a company of young men living\\nabout Woodbury was formed to guard the\\nDeptford shore. Decatur and our in-\\nformant both joined this corps; and on\\none occasion being on duty the same\\niiight, the latter as Captain and the\\nformer as private, Decatur was stationed\\nat Red Bank. At midnight all the look-\\nouts below the creek were relieved as\\nwas understood beforehand; but poor\\nDecatur was entirely forgotten and left\\nin service until morning. He remained\\nmanfully at his post until the return 6f\\nday, but visited his neglected Captain\\nwhen next he saw him with a hearty\\nround of sailor s b!essing.|\\n*t.\\nExcept wheo tho se^sious of Iha eoua-\\nty courts galvaniisQ AVoodbury into\\nsomething like life, it is by no means a\\nplace in which lovers of novelty and ex-\\ncitement would be induced to tarry. Yet\\nIt has pervading it, as a compensatioa\\nfor its monotony, a quiet rural beauty to\\nwhich even a lawyer cannot be insemi-\\nble, as the following verses will show\\nWOODBURY\u00e2\u0080\u0094 .A SONNET.\\nA little vill embowor d round with trees,\\nWhere Heaven s delicious ether seema niar\u00c2\u00ab\\nsweet\\nThan in the heated city There the feet\\nOf uummer trip more liohtly, and the breeie\\nSings softer songs, the birds more an\u00c2\u00bb ron\u00c2\u00bb lay*\\nTroll mid the leaves of heaven-kissinjj elms-\\nTill beauty like a g:URh ofmii iic whelms\\nTlie languid soul that yearns to sing its praise.\\nThere may be brighter spots beneath the sun,\\nBut none so calm in beauty, none so still\\nWith heaven s own quiet; and I stand and flit\\nMy soul s full cup till it doth overflow\\nWith loveliness and light, and I bow dowa\\nTo thee, as to a shrine, serenest town I*\\nThe land upon the river shore of\\nDeptford township, seems to have becR\\ntaken up at an early day. In 16S8 a\\ntrart of near five hundred acres at Cork\\nCove, above Red Bank, was surveyed\\nto John Ladd. The Ward, Chaunders,\\nC OY Saunders,) Higgins, Tatem and\\nWhitall families, all of which are still\\nextant, located in this vicinity, or iu other\\neligible places in the township about th\u00c2\u00ab\\nsame time.\\nRED BANK.\\nBy the Constitution of Arwames, we\\nhave seen. Red Bank was made an al-\\nternate capital of the State of Glouces-\\nter. Courts were held there two or\\nthree times in the years 1686 and 1687,\\nParber and Kowe, p. 208.\\nT Biography of Lawrence. Phila. 1813. n 12\\nAnalectic .Mag. 1813. Vol. IJ. p. 129.\\n;Tho last lime our informant saw Lawience\\nwas just at the opening of the late war, at Eng.\\nF^-i^y. Caraden. Ho remarked with much\\nwtrrnth, in alluaion to tho affair of the Leopard\\nand Chesapeake, I shall never sleep Bound an- 1\\ntil that stain is washed from the Cheaapeake\\ndecks. Soon afterwards his own blood maiU\\nthe expiation he prayed for J\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Tliis sonnet was written by Honry B. Hirst\\na young Philadelphia lawyer, when reporting fw\\nthe city press the trial of Mercer, in April. 1841.\\nThe unexceptionable taste of the Camden Mail\\nhaving pronounced it worthy of original inacr.\\ntion, we feel justified in copying it here. At all\\nevents, aince local poetry is somewhat like wine,\\nwhatever the Bcnrtct may be pn le, i i posterity it\\nwill be eurious,", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "es\\nTHfi TOWNSHIP OF DErTKORD.\\nat the Tavern probably which had been\\nset up near the niouih of iho Piscozac-\\nka8ihj;z-kil, or, as the Woods very ex-\\ncusably named it, Woodbury Creek.\\nWhy the positive reinitiation of the Con-\\nstitution was broken we know noi but\\nthe town of Gloucester soon hecanie the\\nexclusive metropolis of the county.\\nBut Red Bank derives little of its ce\\nlebrity from the fact of its beings a decay-\\ned capital Its name has not run^\\nthroughout Christendom for any judicial\\nantics of which it niv^iht h;i,ve been the\\niicene in the seventeenth century, but\\ntor one of the most brilhant buttles we\\neay it wiUiput fear of contradiction in\\nour whole Revolution.\\nFort Mercer which had been erected\\nhere to support the left of the upper\\nchevaux-de-frize, sunk in 1776, to pre-\\nvent the ascension of the British ileet,\\nwas originally desig^ned for a garrison\\nof twelve or fifteen hundred men. When\\nGreene took possession of the works,\\nhaving but three hundred men, he adopt-\\ned the suggestion of M. de Manduit, an\\nexperienced French engineer, and threw\\nout a large part of the fortification on\\nthe north, reducing it to a pentagonal\\nredoubt of convenient size. A rampart\\nof earth raised to the height of the cor-\\ndon, a fosse and an aliattis irj front of\\nthe fosse constituted the whole strength\\nof the post. The battery numbered four-\\nleen pieces of artillery of small calibre.\\nLate in the afternoon of the twenty-\\nfirst of October, 1777. Count Donop with\\na detachment of about twenty-iive hun\\ndred Hessians crossed the Delaware at\\n/ooper s Point to dislodge Greene and\\ntiie little handfull of republicans who\\ndefended this redoubt. Owing to the\\nprecaution of the Americans in destroy-\\nins; the lower bridges on the imerven-\\ning streamsf, the Count passed through\\nHaddonfield and down the Clement s\\nBridge road to the attack. He pressed\\nseveral persons whom be found along\\nTravels of Marquis tie Chiistellux, London,\\n\u00c2\u00ab(i. Vol. I. p. 561, et fcq. The Marquis visited Red\\nBank with Lafayette, Miinduit and several other\\ndi tiiigfuibhed Frenchmen in 1780. His account\\nef ihe w.irlt,.*, the action, etc. is the best extant.\\nt W afd Luttor, Uhi. Venn. Rv.g. Vi.l. Ill.n.181\\nthe route into his service as pilots,\\namoni whom was a negro belonging to\\nthe Cooper family, called Old Mitch,\\nwho was at work by the Cooper s Creek\\nBridge. A negro named Dick, belong-\\ning to the gallant Col. EUis, and an in-\\nI amous white scoundrel named Mcll-\\nvaine volunteered their assistance as\\nguides. At the bar of the Haddonfield\\ntavern, these two lo_val fellows were ve-\\nry loud in their abuse of the American\\ncause but their insolence as we shall\\nsee was soon repaid.\\nOn the morningof the twenty-second,\\nthe Hessians appeared.\u00c2\u00ab.t the edge of a\\nforest north of the fort, almost within\\ncannon shot thereof. Halting here to\\nrest from the march, Donop sent an ofii-\\ncer with a drummer to command Greene\\nto surrender. King George, said the\\nofficer, directs his rebellious subjects\\nto lay down their arms, and promises\\nno quarter if a battle is risked. At\\nwhich Greene deptitized a man to mount\\nthe parapet and return the laconic re-\\nply W^e ll see King George damned\\nfirst we want no quarter! The inter-\\nview here terminated, and the ofiicer re-\\nttirned to the Hessian camp.^-\\nAt four o clock in the a/ternoon Do-\\nnop opened a heavy cannonade from\\na l)attery which he had erected to the\\nnorth-eastward and at the same time\\nthe British ships from below the che-\\nvaux-de-frize began to thunder upon the\\nlittle fort. Most of the balls from the\\nlatter I ell too low, and entered the bluff\\nbeneath the works. After cannonad-\\ning for a short time, the Hessians ad-\\nvanced to the first entrenchment. Find-\\ning this abandoned, they shouted Vic-\\ntoria waved their hats, and rushed in-\\nto the deserted area before the redoubt;\\nthe little drummer before mentioned,\\nheading the onslaught with a hvely march.\\nWhen the first of the assailants had\\ncome up to the very abattis and were en-\\ndeavoring to cut away the branches, the\\nAmericans opened a terrible fire of\\nmusketry iti front and flank. Death rode\\nin every volley. So near were the Hes-\\nMSS. Notes of a Rcptunji^rnarian, /Jcncj me.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "THE TOWNSHIP OF DEPTFORB.\\n69\\nsiuns to the caponiere or looped trench\\nwhich flanked the enemy when they set\\nupon the main fort, that the wads were\\nblown entirely through their bodies.\\nTlie officers leading the attack, fought\\nbravely. Again and again they rallied\\ntheir men and brought them to the charge.\\nThey were mowed down like grass, and\\nfell in heaps among the boughs of the\\nabattisand into the fosse. In the thick-\\nest of the tight Donop was easily dis-\\ntinguished by the marks of his order and\\nhis handsome figure but even his ex-\\nample availed nothing. His men re-\\npulsed from the redoubt in front, made\\nan attack upon the escarpment on the\\nwest, but the fire from the American\\ngallies drove them back here also with\\ngreat loss; and at last, they flew in much\\ndisorder to the wood, leaving among\\nmany other slain the saucy drummer and\\nhis officer.\\nAnother column made a simultaneous\\nattack upon the south, and in the tech-\\nnical lanjjnage of a soldier, passed\\nthe abattis, traversed the fosse and\\nmounted the berm; but they were re-\\npulsed at the fraises, and all retreated\\nsave twenty, who were standing on the\\nberm against the shelvings of the para-\\npet, under and out of the way of the\\nguns, whence they v ere afraid to move.\\nThese were captured by M. de Man-\\nduit, who had sallied from the fort to\\nrepair some palisades. This brave\\nFrenchman making another sortie in a\\nfew minutes afterwards to repair the\\nsouthern abattis, heard a voice from\\namong the heaps of the dead and dying,\\nexclaim in English, Whoever you are,\\ndraw me hence. This was Count Do-\\nnop. M. de Manduit caused him to be\\ncarried into the fort. His hip was bro-\\nken, but the wound was not at first con-\\nsidered as mortal. The victorious Amer-\\nicans, remembering the insolent mes-\\nsagre which their captive had sent them\\na few hours before, could not withhold\\nmarks of exultation.\\nWell is it determined, they asked\\naloud, to give no quarter?\\nChasMlnx, Vol. I. p. ^63.\\nI ajn in your hands, replied Do-\\nnop you may revenge yourselves.\\nM. de Manduit enjoining the men in\\nbroken English to be generous towards\\ntheir bleeding and humbled prisoner, the\\nlatter said to him, You appear to be a\\nforeigner, sir; who are you\\nA French officer, answered Man-\\nduit.\\nJesuis content, exclaimed the Count\\nin French, je nieurs entre les mains de\\nI h onneur meme.\\nDonop was taken first to the Whitall\\nhouse, just below the fort, but was after-\\nterwards removed to the residence of\\nthe Lowes, south of Woodbury Creek,\\nHe died three days after the battle, say-\\ning to M. de Manduit in his last mo-\\nments, It is finishing a noble career\\nearly but 1 die the victim of my ambi-\\ntion and of the avarice of ray sove-\\nreign. I o Col. Clymer he made the\\nremarkable remark-: See here Colonel,\\nsee in me the vanity of all human pride!\\n1 have shone in all the courts of Eu-\\nrope, and now 1 am dying here on the\\nbanks of the Delaware in the house of\\nan obscure Quaker.\\nThe Hessians retreated hastily to-\\nwards Cooper s Ferry. The main body\\nwent by way of Clement s Bridge, some\\nby way of Blackwocdtown, and some it\\nis said by Chew s Landing, near where\\nthey were met by a company of farmer s\\nboys and held at bay for some time.\\nThis detachment had with them a brass\\ncannon which they are supposed to have\\nthrown into the creek somewhere near\\nthe Landing. Dick and McIIvaine, the\\nguides, having been taken prisoners by\\nthe Americans, were immediately hung\\nI am satisfied I die in the very hands of\\nHonor 1\\nt Ihidem.\\nt Weems, in Life of Washington, Chap. IX.\\nThe legs of prose being altogether loo tardy for\\nthis eccentric writer he frequently invokes tho\\nwings of poetry to help him over an extraordina-\\nry occurrence. In describing the battle of Red\\nBank, he breaks into versification as follows:\\nHeaps on heaps, the slaughter d Hessians lie;\\nBrave Greene beholds them with a tearful eye;\\nFar now from home and from their native shore\\nThey sleep in death and hear of war no more.", "height": "3244", "width": "1994", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "19\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0UiSi TOWH\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00abir OF BSPTFORB.\\nwithin the fort for divers outraj^es which\\nthey had committed. Old Mitch, the\\nother pilot, lived until recently to tell to\\ngroupes of admiring Camden boys how\\nlerribly he was scared in this memora\\nble tight. Resolved not to bear arms\\nagainst his country, and being afraid to\\nrun away, he got behind a hay-rick\\nwhen the battle began, and lay there flat\\non his belly until it was over. But\\nLord, massa! he used to exclaim in\\nnarrating the circumstance, I guess I\\nshuk, as de dam cannon ball came plow-\\nin along de ground and flingin de san\\nin my face and arter de Auguster\\nblow d up I tought for half an hour I\\nwas dead weder or no\\nThe respected friend to whose MSS.\\nnotes we have before acknowledged our\\nindebtedness, tells us that of the men\\nunder Col. Greene in this action many\\nwere blacks and mulattos. He was in\\nthe fort on the morning of the twenty-\\nthird of October, while the garrison\\nwere burying the slain, and cannot be\\nmistaken as to the point, ITis account\\nof the loss agrees with that contained in\\nWard s letter to Washington, to wit:\\nupon the American side, from Greene s\\nregiment, two sergeants, one fifer and\\nfour privates killed, one sergeant and\\ntwo privates wounded and one captain\\nwho was reconnoitering, taken prisoner;\\nfrom Angel s regiment, one captain,\\nthree sergeants, three rank and file kill-\\ned, and one ensign, one sergeant and\\nfifteen privates wounded; and from Capt.\\nDuplessis company ,two privates wound-\\ned. The Hessians lost lieutenant Col.\\nMingerode, three captains, four lieuten-\\nants, and near seventy privates killed,\\nand Baron Donop, his Brigade Major,\\na captain, lieutenant and upwards of\\nseventy non-commissioned officers and\\nprivates wounded and prisoners. Other\\naccounts make the loss of the Hessians\\nmuch greater but as the action only\\nlasted forty minutes, it is probable that\\nthis is not far from the truth. Several\\nof the Americans were killed by the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Hnz, Penn. Rej, Vol. Ill, iibi supra; and\\nsee Vol. I. p. 347 of llie same work and Leo t\\nMemoirs of the War, Vol. I. p. 25 et 6\u00c2\u00abq.\\nbursting of on\u00c2\u00a9 of their cannon, tho frag-\\nments of which are yet in the neighbor-\\nhood, J\\nThe Hessian slain were buried in\\nfront of the fosse, south of the fort. The\\nwounded were carried to Philadelphia\\nby Manduit, and exchanged. Count Do-\\nnop was interred near the spot where\\nhe fell, and a stone placed over him.\\nwith the inscription Here lies buried\\nCount Donop. The epitaph has ceas-\\ned to be true\u00e2\u0080\u0094 all that was left of the\\npoor Hessian having been dug up and\\nscattered about as relics.t We doubt\\nnot that the Philadelphians who resort\\nto this place in great numbers in the\\nsummer, began this outrage but candor\\ncompels us to own that some Jerseymou\\nhave been guilty of exhibiting canes, the\\nheads of which are set with teeth taken\\nfrom the Count s jaw!\\nThe anecdote of dame Ann Whitall.\\nwhich the compiler of the Collections^\\nseems inclined to doubt, is so well au-\\nthenticated that we cannot but believe\\nit. The attack upon the fort commenced\\nwhile this woman, the mistress of the\\nfirst house on the river bank below Do-\\nnop s grave, was busied in spinning.\\nPresently, a shot from the Augusta or\\nMerlin, whizzing through tho hall, ad-\\nmonished her of her danger. She there-\\nupon took her wheel into the cellar and\\nactually continued her spinning through-\\nout the afternoon. The house was used\\nas a hospital after the action, and its\\nfloors are said still to show traces of the\\npools of blood which flowed from the\\nwounded soldiers-H This anecdote is\\ncertainly much more credible than on\u00c2\u00a9\\nwhich Com. Barney mentions in con-\\nInscrip. on Red Bank Monuoient.\\nThe last time we were at Red Bank, Donop s\\nhead.*fone was between two cart-riits and almotit\\novergrown with grass. The inscription on lh\u00c2\u00ab\\nBtone is now entirely worn away.\\nt Page 212.\\nII It seems that Manduit could not comprehend\\nthe peace doctrines of the Quakers. Because\\nMr, Whitall would not doff his straight coat,\\nshoulder a musket and go into the fort, the\\nFrenchman jumped at the conclusion that ho\\nwas a little of a Tory, and ordered his barn to\\nlorn down and his orchard destroyed. See Cha\u00c2\u00ab.\\ntell jx, ubi iup.", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "THB TOWXBHIP OF DErTKORD.\\n71\\nElection with this action. One of the\\nenemy s ^allies had a hrass eij^hteen\\npounder, which told at every fire. The\\nAmericans on board the gun boats soon\\nbecame so well acquainted with the\\nubort sharp sound of her explosion,\\nsays the Commodore, that whenever\\nit was heard, some one would cry\\nout, Galley-shot and this served as a\\nJiind of watch-word, at which all bands\\nwould lie down. Dodj^ing a con-\\nnon-ball especially after the report\\nie by no means an ordinary feat!\\nAs soon as the British had forced the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0chevaux-de-frize, Fort Mercer was aban-\\ndoned and began to fall into decay.\\nOn the anniversary of the battle in 1829\\na neat monument was erected upon the\\nspot by a number of the New Jersey and\\nPennsylvania volunteers, which the Phi-\\nladelphians have characteristically mu-\\ntilated, by striking- out the name of New\\nJersey from the inscription. The le-\\ngend upon the monument modestly gives\\nGreene one hundred men more than he\\nseems to have had, and makes the num-\\nber of Hessiams five hundred too low.\\nThe following notice of a visit to Red\\nBank by one whom the Reminiscent is\\nproud in being able to call his friend, is\\ntoo eloquent to be omitted The line\\nof the embankment at Fort Mercer is\\nyet plainly seen and the place is now,\\nas in the hour of our country s peril, cov-\\nered with a gloomy pine forest through\\nwhose branches the wind sighs dismal-\\nly as if chanting a requiem for the spir-\\nits of the departed brave. Towards the\\ndose of a fine afternoon I visited the\\nbattle-ground. Here and there a sail\\ndotted the Delaware, which lay calmly\\nbefore me. A few solitary fishermen\\nwere pursuing their accustomed avoca-\\ntions upon the shore below the bank,\\nand it seemed as if this secluded spot\\nhad ever been the abode of peace. I\\nlingered until the shades of evening be-\\ngan to darken the distant landscape and\\nenshroud the forest in gloom. The fish-\\nermen had gathered their nets and re-\\nBarney s Memoirs, by hi\u00c2\u00ab daughter, Boston,\\n1535, p. 61.\\ntired to their humble homes; and I wa\u00c2\u00ab\\nleft alone, with no companion but my\\nthoughts, and nothing to disturb save\\nthe gentle rippling of the waves upon\\nthe smooth pebbly beach. With reflec-\\ntions suggested by the occasion, I was\\nslowly departing when the distant roll\\nofa drum from Fort Mifflin, summoning\\nthe soldiers to evening parade, remind-\\ned me that war s dreadful trade was not\\nyet over\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that the time had not yet\\ncome when the lion and the lamb should\\nlie down together, and all nations\\ndwell in peace.\\nOn the seventeenth day of February,\\n1936, the new township of Washing-\\nton was set off from the east end of\\nDeptford; but the interior of our coun-\\nty, having been settled at a comparitive-\\nly modern date, has as yet no history. At\\nthe time of the Revolution, the country\\nfor a considerable chstance on both sides\\nof the ridge which divides the Atlantic\\nfrom the Delaware streams had very\\nfew^ inhabitants, and these were mostly\\ntemporary residents who soughtamidst\\nthe barrens a refuge from the perils of\\nthe war. The legendary lore of these\\nsparsely settled regions consists princi-\\npally in tales of superstition which are\\nnot worth collecting, much less recording.\\nThe village of Squankum, the largest\\nin Washington township, has been built\\nsince 1800, at which time we are told-\\nthere were but four or five houses\\nwithin sound of the conch-shell. f A\\nyear or two ago the place was thought\\nto have become worthy of a more re-\\nspectable name; so the inhabitants in\\ntown-meeting solemnly substituted Wil-\\nliamstown for tlie Indian, Squankum.\\nThe hamlet at the Buck Tavern under-\\nwent a few years ago a similar improve-\\nment; the people thereof abolishing the\\nvenerable name of the Buck, and sub-\\nstituting that of Westvillc. When the\\nAdmonessonites will slough the present\\ntitle of their demi-ville, or what better\\nname they will select, we know not.\\nHenry Howe s Historical and Descriptive\\nLetter? in (he New Haven Herald. No. II.\\nT Hist. Coll. of New Jersey, p. 222,", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "73\\nGREENWICH TOWNSHIP.\\nCHAPTER XVlll.\\nTHE TOWNSHIP OF GREENWICH.\\nSav why does man, while lo hb opening sisht\\nEa ch shrub nreseius a source of chaslc ileligtit,\\nAnd nature bids for him her treasures liow,\\nAud eives to him alone his bliss lo know-\\nWhy does he pant for Vice s dsa.lly ch.rms,\\nAod clasp the siren Pleasure lo hi. aruis.\\np KlUKB WHITE S Clifl^n Grove.\\nThe TOWNSHIP OF GREENWICH IS by\\nsome months the most ancient township\\nin Gloucester county for we find upon\\nthe minutes of the County CoUrt, under\\ndate of the first of March, 1694, the fol-\\nlowing note The inhabitants between\\nGreat Mantoes Creek and Barclay Ri-\\nver, request yt ye same division be made\\nand laid into a township, henceforth to\\nbe called by ye name of ye Township ot\\nGreenwich and yt ye same be so re-\\ncorded. To which ye Bench assents\\nand order ye same to be done.\\nThe country about the Racoon and\\nthe Repaupo, having been settled by the\\nSwedes\u00e2\u0080\u0094 hundreds of whom still resided\\nthere when the English arrived\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the\\ntownship of Greenwich was for some\\nyears by far tiie most populous of the\\nsix into which the county was m 169o\\ndivided. In the seventeenth century\\nmost of the magnates of this part ot old\\nGloucester bore such titles as Erick\\nCock, Hermanns Helme, John Rambo,\\nand Mens Lock. The Swedish lan-\\ngua e religion and customs were rigid-\\nly conserved for a long time and even\\nto this day many traces of the Swedish\\norigin of the people of Greenwich are\\nobservable.\\nTHB PARISH OF RACOON, NOW SWEDES-\\nBORO\\nAt what time the Swedes founded the\\nvillage of Racoon we are unable to tell\\nwith precision. A settlement is marked\\nthere on I indstrom s map, as it is loiind\\nin the original Swedish copy of Campa-\\nnius, and this map was made in 16.54.\\nUnless preceded, therefore, by the town\\nof Nassau, Racoon is the most ancient\\nvillage in our county,\\nWoodbury Records, Book A Court Minute*.\\nIt is fortunate for us\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and for all who\\nlike us feel an interest in the annals ot\\ntheir homesteads\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that Kalm made the\\nvillage of Racoon his residence tor a\\nconsiderable time during his visit to this\\ncontinent near a century ago. Although\\nthe main business of that distinguished\\nman was an exploration of the botanical\\nproductions of New Sweden, he has lett\\nus many facts concerning the original\\nsettlers here, which cannot, we are sure,\\nprove uninteresting.\\nThe first visit of Kalm to Racoon was\\nbegun on the twentieth o[ November\\n174S. He crossed at Gloucester, where\\nhe mentions that passengers from 1 enn-\\nsylvania were obliged to patronize tne\\nferry kept by Pennsylvanians,and those\\nfrom Jersey that kept by Jerseymen.\\nHis iourney through our county gave lun\\nbut little to admire. At and about Glou-\\ncester he observed a grcMt abundance ot\\nlir-trees but after he left this place, he\\nfound nothing whatever to marvel at\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nexcept very sandv roads. He tells us he\\nsaw single farm houses scattered in tiio\\ncountry, and in one place only he adds\\nwe sJw a small village. The country was\\nvet more covered with forests than culti-\\nvated, and we were for the greatest\\npart always in a wood. 1 ho small vil-\\nlage he mentions was W oodbury.\\nrhe county then as now abounded\\nwith pine trees, which Kalm describes\\nas being good for nothing but the pro-\\nduction of tar; which article; together\\nwith pitch and rosin seems to have been\\nanions old Gloucester s earliest staples.f\\nHe afterwards tells us however that\\ncattle are very partial in summer to the\\nshade of the pine, and suggests that the\\nresinous exhalations from that tree are\\nwholesome and beneilcial to them. He a\\nso saw many of the spoon-trees, (or fe.al-\\nmialatifolia, as Linnauis named it in hon-\\nor of his friend, our traveller) of which\\nthe Indians residing hereabouts used to\\nVol. I. p. 333. r,\\nt The trade in Gloucester County, says Ga-\\nbriel Thomas, West Jersey p. 39, consists chief-\\nIv in pitch tar and rosin; the latter ot which i9\\nmade by Robert Style.-, an excellent artii^t in that\\n^ort of work, for ho delivers it as clear as nnj\\ngum Arabick.", "height": "3224", "width": "2035", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2TtEEXWICH TOWKSHir.\\nT\u00c2\u00bb\\nmako their \u00c2\u00abpoom and trowels. We\\ncali this tree the Lowland Laiirei; and\\nthe marvellous properties which Kalm\\nhas attributed to it, it no doubt possesses.\\nOf the Sassafras which ^rew every-\\nwhere in great abundance, the abori-\\ngines, he tells us, used to make bowls;\\nthe Swedes used its root in brewing,\\napplied its juice as a cure for dropsy,\\nused it in decoction as a rinse for ves-\\nBels in which they kept brandy and ci-\\nder,and made their bed posts of it, to keep\\naway the bu ^s The bark of the Chest-\\nnut-oak was used by the Indians, as a\\nSwede named Ramho told Kalm, for\\ndyin^ leather red and the Swedes pro-\\nbably used it for the same purpose. The\\nfruit of the Persimmon tree ^ave to the\\nfirst inhabitants of Greenwich a very\\ncurious and palatable liquor, which is\\nnow, we believe, never made. They\\nalso distilled brandy from it by a very\\nsimple process. Porfipions, or Crock-\\nnacks, as the Swedes called them.\\nSquashes and Calabashes are also men-\\ntioned by our traveller, as havinj? been\\nprocured from the Indians, and culti-\\nvated by the Swedes for household pur-\\nposes. The pompions and squashes\\nthey ate\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the latter being served up on\\nthe edge of the dish, around the meat.\\nOf the calabashes they made in those\\nprimitive days, not only ladles and bowls,\\nbut plates for the table. In Holly-leaves.\\ndried and bruised in a mortar, they found\\na cure for the pleurisy; which tferriblo\\ndisease in 1728 swept away nearly all\\nthe Swedes in the numerous settlement\\nat Penn s Neck, where it broke out again\\nwith increased violence just before our\\nauthor s visit. The ague, too. in the\\nolden time was a much more dangerous\\nenemy than no\\\\r. Against this, the\\nSwedes employed with various success,\\nthe Jesuit s bark,the root of the Tulip tree\\nand of the Dogwood, the yellow bark of\\nthe Peach tree, the leaves of the Potentil-\\nal reptans, and several other indigenous\\npreparations which thev adopted from\\nthe Indians As an antifebrile they\\nsometimes tied whisps of Mullein, or In-\\ndian tobacco around their arms and feet.*\\nTke iner*aM of f\u00c2\u00abTeri w\u00c2\u00bb Mid by the uM\\nThe root of tho Bay-trw* they n\u00c2\u00bb^d ns s\\nremedy for the tooth acho, which h\u00c2\u00bb]l\\nof a diseases, as Hums calls it, the\\nSwedes brought upon themselves in con-\\nsequence of the belief that nothing was\\ngood unless eaten as fast as it came from\\nthe fire.^\\nThe earliest inhabitants of Racoon\\nlived in a very humble manner. Thpy\\nhad neither tea, coffee, chocolate nor\\nsugar, and were too poor to buy any in-\\ntoxicating drinks, or vessels to distil\\nthem in. The first settlers drank at ta-\\nble as a substitute for tea, a decoction of\\nsassafras; and even in 1749 they mixed\\nthe tea they then used with all sorts of\\nJiorbs, says Kalm, so that it no longer\\ndeserves the name of tea. t For a lon\u00c2\u00b0\\ntime they continued to make their can*\\ndles and soap from bay berry bushes.\\nTheir buck-wheat cakes, which were a\\nstandard dish, were baked in a fryino--\\npan. or on a stone. The men wore caps,\\nbreeches, and vests of the skin of vari-\\nous animals. The women wore jackets\\nand petticoats of the same material.\\nTheir beds, except the sheets, were\\ncomposed of the skins of wolves, bears,\\npanthers, and other beasts with which\\nour woods once abounded. They made\\ntheir own leather for shoes, and other\\narticles, dying it red with Chestnut bark,\\nor the moss of a certain tree not now\\nknown; or black, with a preparation of\\nthe common field Sorrel.\\nPoor as was the condition of tho\\nSwedes, far worse was that of the ser\\nvile Bmlanders. Instead of shoes theso\\nwretches were content with mocassins\\nof skins rudely sewed together, and for\\ndishes for their tables, they scooped out\\nthe knobs of the Ash tree as the Siberians\\nnow do. The Indians of New Sweden,\\nwe are told, used to boil their meat in a\\nvessel of burnt pot stone, mixed with\\ngrains of quartz\u00e2\u0080\u0094 two of them holding it\\nSwedes to be owing to the loss of many odorife-\\nrous plants, which once grew in New Sweden\\nand which the cattle hnd extirpated, Kalm. VoL\\nI. p. 371.\\nSee Profcsior Kalm*. grave didsertntion na\\nthe loss of teeth which the Racoonites and oth\u00c2\u00ab\\nEuropeans on the hanljtof the D-!8wiir\u00c2\u00ab \u00c2\u00aba(Fef\u00c2\u00abl\\nVol. I. pp. 360\u00e2\u0080\u0094 3W.\\nIbid, p. J:0.", "height": "3224", "width": "2035", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "74\\n\u00c2\u00a9REENWICH TOMN SHIP.\\nover the fire until their victuals were\\ndone. The Finns of New Sweden were\\npoor enouj^h and lazy enouj:;h too, to\\nhave done their cooking in the same\\nmanner.\\nAmong the customs mentioned by\\nKalm, as peculiar to the early Swedes\\nof Racoon and other Swedish settle-\\nments upon the banks of the Delaware,\\nthere is one which, we trust, we will\\nbe excused for adverting to. When a\\nman died in such circumstances that his\\nwidow could not pay his debts, if she\\nhad an offer of a second husband, she\\nwas obliged to marry hin\u00c2\u00bb en chemise. In\\nthis plight, on her wedding-day, she\\nwent out of her former house to that of\\nher new spouse, v. ho met her half way\\nwith a full suit of clothes, which he pre-\\nsented to her, saying he only lent them;\\nlest, says Kahn, if he had said he\\ngave theni, the creditors of the first hus-\\nband should come and take them from\\nher. t If this be a fair sample of the\\ncivilization of New Sweden, we can\\nreadily believe what the learned Profes-\\nsor hints, that the Swedes were already\\nhalf Indians when the English arrived.\\nIn March, 1749, the professor paid a\\nvisit to Nils Gustafson, who lived near\\nRacoon. This man had seen nearly a\\ncentury\u00e2\u0080\u0094 had carried much timber to\\nPhiladelphia when that city was first un-\\ndertaken\u00e2\u0080\u0094yet had a vigorous frame and\\na good memory. Kalm (juestioned him\\nparticularly as to the origin of the do-\\nmestic animals then in West Jersey, and\\nwas told by Gustafson that the English\\ngot their horses, cows, oxen, sheep,\\nho\u00c2\u00b0-s, geese and ducks from the Swedes,\\nwIk) iiad brought them over from Sweden.\\nWe also owe to the Swedesthe first seed\\nof many of our most valuable fruits and\\nherbs, and of our wheat, rye, barley and\\noats. Peach trees were in the olden\\ntime very numerous but where the\\nSwedes got them Gustafson could not\\ntell. In his infancy the Indians had ma-\\nny little maize plantations, but did not\\ntake much care of them; preferring to\\nlive upon the fruits of the chase, or upon\\ndifferent troots or whortleberries. The\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Ibid, Vol. II. p. 94 and 11. \\\\ld. Vol. II. p. 30.\\nsavages had no agricultural implement\\nbefore the Swedes came, but a stone\\nhatchet. With this they peeled the large\\ntrees when they bad lost their sa p, so\\nthey would die; and the little trees they\\npulled out by the roots, i he field thus\\nopened to the sun v/as dug up with\\nsharp branches or pickets, and the maize\\nwas then sown. In the winter they kept\\ntheir corn in holes under ground. Af-\\nter the Swedes came, and began to cul-\\ntivate apple and peach trees, the Indi-\\nans often stole tije fruit. Sometimes too\\nthey stole their hogs as they ran wild in\\nthe woods, and these they taught to fol-\\nlow tiiem familiarly. The only domes-\\ntic animals which the Indians had on the\\narrival of the Europeans were a species\\nof little dogs. Being very fond of milk,\\nfor which they were dependent upon the\\nSwedes, the savao:es made an artificial\\nliquor very like it, by pounding tire dried\\nkernels ofwalnuts and hickory nuts, and\\nmixing the flour with water. In hue\\nand sweetness this liquor much resem-\\nbled milk.\\nAccording to Gustaf:^on, the Indians\\nabout Racoon used to worship a certain\\nred spotted snake as a deity. Walking\\nonce with one of the red men, the old\\nSwede met one of these snakes, and\\ntook a stick to kill it; but the Indian\\nbegged him not to touch it, as he adored\\nit. This only confirmed the pious Gus-\\ntafson s resolution, and he killed the\\n{.make, at the risk, of being himself\\nscalped. During the youth of this old\\nman, the Indians used sometimes to an-\\nnoy the Swedish colonists. They killed\\nseveral of the men and stole some of the\\nchildren. On one occasion they scalped\\nix little girl; who survived, got a husband,\\n(thanks perhaps to a wig,) and had many\\nchildren. Once some strange savages\\nattempted to kill the mother of Nils, but\\nshe was too stout for them.\\nUntil the Enghsh arrived, the Swedes\\nused to bathe regularly every Saturday.\\nChristmas they celebrated with various\\ngames, and by serving up certain pecu-\\nliar dishes at table, as was usual in old\\nSweden. When Gustafson was a boy\\nthere were two Swedish smiths at Ra-\\ncoon, who made excellent knives, scythes", "height": "3244", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "CREKNWICH TOWXSI!!?.\\nT5\\nand hatchets, like the Swedish ones.\\nThen also they made their cart and wag-\\non wheels bv sawing- thick horizontal\\nsections out of Liquid-amber trees but\\nwhen the English came they began to use\\nspokes and felloes the iirst made of\\nWhite-oak and the latter of the Spanish\\noak. Horses, he remembered, used\\nsometimes to run wild in the woods and\\nin his boyhood one cow gave as much\\nmilk as four did in later days, owing to\\nthe great abundance of good grass which\\nthey used to have.\\nAll this, and much more did old Gus-\\ntafson tell his learned visiter but here\\nwe must stoD. He who is curious as to\\nthe natural history of New Sweden, or\\ndesires to know more of the manners and\\ncustoms of the first parishoners of Ra-\\ncoon, will do well to read the first and\\nsecond volumes of Kalm s Travels for\\nhimself. Nothing in nature was too mi-\\nnute for the observiition of that enthusi-\\nastic lover of science, and nothing in the\\nannals of his countrymen upon the banks\\nof the Delaware too humble to be re-\\ncorded. Blessed, thrice blessed, was\\nRacoon, in finding such an historian\\nAt what time the first Swedish church\\nwas built at Racoon, or who were its\\nearlier pastors, we do not know. From\\n1706 to 1787 the following clergymen\\nare m.entioned as having officiated\\ntherein. Jonas Asiren, Abraham I.ide-\\nnius, Petrus Tranberg, Andreas Wind-\\nrufwa, John Sandin, Erick Unander,\\nJohn Lidenius, John Wvcksell, and Nich-\\nolas Collili, the translator of the work\\nleft by Acrelius. Most of these gentle-\\nmen were sent out by tlie mother-church\\nin Sweden, and soruo of them were men\\nof fine talents; They preached in the\\nSwedish language to a mixed audience\\nof Swedes, Finns, and Indians, but to\\nlittle efl ect, it would seem from an anec-\\ndote before given, so far as the natives\\nwere concerned- The history of this\\nchurch, as it is the most ancient by many\\nyears of any in West Jersey, would be\\nvaluable. Nothing can be gathered con-\\ncerning it, prior to the beginning of the\\neighteenth century. The old parish re-\\nAnte, p. J8.\\ncords yet preserved there, are, we are\\ntold, by no means devoid of interest;\\nbut they refer to a period much later than\\ntiic antiquarian could wish. We only\\nknow that the ancient temple which was\\ntaken down in 1784 was built of cedar\\nlogs, and stood near the site of the pre\\nsent Episcopal Church, In 1765 the\\ncongregation about Racoon were incor-\\nporated under the name of The Swed-\\nish Evangelical Lutheran Church, and\\nto the petition of the associators are ap-\\npended many Swedish names still ex-\\ntasit in Gloucester county.\\nThe town of Swedesboro has had its\\nups and downs, like most of the other\\nvillages we have noticed. When the\\nnationality of the Swedes was broken\\nup by the inroads of the English, the\\nfeeling which before led them to cluster\\ntogether departed. Repaapo vanished\\nfrom existence, and Racoon nearly\\nshared the same fate. Towards the end\\nof the last century it contained but a\\ndozen log dwellings, and a school house,\\ntavern and parsonage built in the same\\nmanner. Some houses were burnt here\\nby the British in the Revolution, and the\\nfurniture and bedding of Col. Brown\\nwere destroyed by them in a bon-fire, in\\nthe road. Of late years however, the\\ntown has reached a prosperity which it\\nnever attained even in the best days of\\n^New Sweden. As the most ancient of\\nthe villages yet standing in West Jersey,\\nmany a traveler will turn from his way\\nto visit it and to recal its humble, yet\\npleasant and edifying stories, of another\\npeople and another time.\\nMULLICA HILL.\\nThe village of Mullica Hill takes\\nits name from Eric Molica, by birth a\\nSwede, who came here when a young\\nman, and purchased a large tract of land\\nabout the site of the town.f He lived to\\nthe age of one hundred years, and had\\n*See Clay s Annals, passim, Hist. Coll. of New\\nJersey, 223 et aeq. and Acrelius passim.\\nt Watson s Annals, Vol. II, p. 231 Clay s An-\\nnals, p. 141; and Hisl.ColI.of New Jersey, p. 216.\\nThe latter work states that Mx lica 8 dwelling\\nftood on the North pide of the Racoon, in or neftx\\nthe orchard of .Mr. Joseph Doran.", "height": "3254", "width": "2019", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "71 \u00e2\u0080\u00a2HBBNWICH TOWNBHir.\\na family of eig^it persons in 1693, when Billinge, as the eite of a future town, and\\nthe census of New Sweden was taken, received the name of the proprietor.\\nThe name of Mullica Hill was at first The striking advantages of Billing s\\ngiven only to that portion of the village Port as a military post, were ovsjlooked\\nnorth of the Racoon; the southern part by neither side in the Revolution,* An\\nhaving been named Spicerville, from extensive fort was begun here by the\\nJacob Spicer, (one of the compilers of Americans in 177G, to support the left of\\nthe valuable book of Provincial Laws the lower chevaux de frize, but wa\u00c2\u00bb\\nwhich we have so often cited) who came never entirely finished. It was however\\nfrom East Jersey early in the eighteenth occupied by a small garrison when the\\neentury, and settled just south of the Roebuck and other forerunners to Lord\\ncreek. In the olden time Mullica Hill, Howe s fleet arrived in the Delaware in\\nlike all other towns of a Swedish October, 1777. Captain Hammond of\\nderivation, was merely a settlement of the vesel just named, seeing the absolute\\nfarmers. The origin of these farm-vil- necessity of forcing a passage, promised\\nlages wasa fear of the Indians; but they General Howe, to rahv the chevaux de\\nwere probably held together long after frize, if he could be saved from annoy-\\ntlie Indians ceased to be a cause of alarm, ance from the Jersey shore. Accordingly\\nby the gossipping propensities of the Howe detached two regiments, who\\nSwedish matrons. 13eing removed from crossed at Chester, under the command\\nthe seat of the war, Mullica Hill has few of Col. Stirling, and marched with al!\\nif any Revolutionary reminiscences of in- haste to attack the Billing s Port fort in\\nterest. Owing however to the strong rear. The Americans being greatly in-\\nSwedish traits yet marking the character ferior In number, spiked their artillerj^\\nof the people, the neighborhood abounds burnt the barracks and retreated. Soon\\nin curious traditions and superstitions, after this, Lord Cornwallis took post at\\nwhich an abler pen than ours, wo trust, Billing s Port with a heavy force, under\\nwill soon give to the world.* orders to make a second attack upon\\nFort Mercer. But his lordship found a\\nCannae wherever he stopped He was\\nBILLINO 8 PORT. ,i\\n80 slow m moving, m the present case,\\nNext in interest to the two chief towns that Washington had time to detach\\nof Greenwhich township, is Billing s General Greene for the support of his\\nPort, which is the Roder Udden of the namesake who commanded the threat-\\nSwedes, or the Mantua s Hook oppo- ened post. The American reinforcement\\nsite Tinicum where Broen wished to started from Burlington but General\\nset up the arms of the States General, Greene hearing that Cornwallis had be-\\nadversely to the Swedish empire.f We come greatly superior to him in numbers\\nhave strong suspicions notwithstanding by a reinforcement front New York,\\nthe respectable authority of Barker, that changed his intention of giving battle,\\nthe Manteses Plain whereon Earl immediately after which Red Bank with\\nPloyden projected the manor of Watces- its guns and stores, was abandonedt to\\nsit, for his own august residence, was the British, and dismantled.\\nno other than this same Billing s Port.J In the late war Billing s Port again\\nBe this as it may, the place we know bristled with bayonets; an encampment\\nwas marked out in the time of Edward of the South Jersey troops having been\\nmade there under the direction of Gen-\\nn..r f,\\\\^r,A .r,A .^j,\u00e2\u0080\u009e\u00e2\u0080\u009ei\u00e2\u0084\u00a2 w.,.. II rals Gaines and Elmer. An expedition\\nOur friend and schoolmate vVirxiAM H. i-,\\nSmowden, of Mullica Hill, has in coniempl.ition outfrom this place against a British\\na History of West Jersey, for whinh he lias for tender which had been frequently seen\\nytars been collecting material. To him we owe\\nthe \u00c2\u00abu?c\u00c2\u00abstion which gave rise to these Remini- ^!?f ^l Washingrion. Vol. V. pp. 77. 84 and\\nfcenoei^ ^^T; Simcoe s Jour. pp. 15.3, 236.\\nA.\u00c2\u00bb. \u00e2\u0080\u00a291 A 0, New Haven, 1840, Vol. II. p. 4S,\\nt Ante, p. 31, JAnte, p. 25. 52 etc r", "height": "3249", "width": "2035", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2MKKWICB TOWN\u00c2\u00abnir.\\nIn the bay and river, is the subject of\\nmuch merriment amongthe Billing s Port\\ncampaigners. A schooner was chartered\\nand manned with forty or (illy raw lands-\\nmen, apd a sea captain in the dragoons\\nselected as conmianding officer, with in-\\nstructions to drive off the saucy tender.\\nWhen the schooner got into the bay the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2weather was so rough, that all her force\\nsave the captain and two or three other\\ninitiated sailors, were obliged to go un-\\nder hatches, where they soon became\\nvery sick, and entirely hors du combat.\\n}n this plight the captain spied the ten-\\nder, and with genuine Yankee impu-\\ndence, gave chase. The tender crowded\\ncanvass and put to sea, though her\\nbarge s crew could undoubtedly have\\ntaken the schooner in a very few minutes.\\nTHE LANDING PLACE.\\nAt the mouth of the Racoon, we have\\nseen, our forefathers, the first permanent\\nsettlers of West Jersey, first landed. The\\nexact spot of their debarkation might, we\\nimagine, be determined upon an exami-\\nnation of the place, and if so it would\\npossess to us quite as much interest as\\nany point in our county. This spot,\\nit has been well said, will ever he\\nconnected with recollections the most\\ninteresting to us, and which it becomes\\nus to cherish. We labor with patient\\nperseverance to trace the streams of the\\nancient world, and become familiar with,\\nevery torrent and every brook. W^e\\nvisit in fancy the borders of the Eurotas!,\\nand linger by the side of the golden\\nHermus. All this is well; but we must\\nriot suffer the scenes in our own story to\\nbe forgotten. Jiet every spot be notod,\\nthat it may not be said in after times,\\nJin ungrateful generation per^nittcd the\\nmemory of their fathers to perish. Or\\nif we are prompted by no filial feelings\\ntowards the actors, we can not be in-\\nsensible of the movement here made.\\nThe advent of these pilgrims small\\nas was their number was of more\\nconsequence to the interests of humanity\\nthan most of the brilliant achievements of\\nmartial hosts. Of the many battles that\\nhave been fought, of the many warriors\\nwho hav* fig^ured upon the field of con-\\nquest, how few have left a lasting influ-\\nence for good The victory of to-day\\nis lost on the morrow, and both victors\\nand vanquished sink together into utter\\nforgetfulness. But here a feeble band,\\nwithout art or arms, with no standard\\nbut the olive branch, laid the foundation\\nof a work which we trust will stand\\nforever; and not only ourselves but our\\ndescendants through all generations\\nshall look back to that spot and that\\nhour, with increasing feelings of grati-\\ntude and affection. As yet no sculp-\\ntured marble adorns our Delaware Ply-\\nmouth, but to the sneerer every true\\nfriend of man can exclaim Circumspice\\nOf the several small villages which\\nhave arisen in comparatively late days\\nin this township, it is unnecessary to\\nspeak. None of them can become inter-\\nesting\\nto the antiquarian, so long as\\nRacoon and Molica s Hill, and the Man-\\nteses Plain and tlie Landing Place are\\nknown. Let us then in conclusion see\\nin what manner old wide -belted Green-\\nwich has been chopped into divers sub-\\ndivisions, by the irreverent utilitarianism\\nof modern times.\\nAs this township at first extended from\\nMantua Creek to Oldman s, it was soon\\nfelt by the inhabitants in the lower part\\nto be advisable to set up for themselves.\\nTheir spontaneous election of overseers\\nand nomination perhaps of a constable,\\nratified at first by the County Court and\\nafterwards by the Colonial Legisla-\\nture, gave rise about 1750 to the township\\nof Woolwich.t This latter took its nam*^\\nfrom a town on the Thames, famous for\\nits naval school, as the mother-township,\\nGreewich, did from the English naval\\nasylum, from the observatory of which\\nall Christendom reckons the meridian\\nof longitude. The termination, wich,\\\\%\\nfrom the Saxon ivic, signifying a place\\non the shore,X or more properly, says\\nJacobs, a village.\\nMulford s Lecture, MSS.\\nAt April Term, 1767, the present name first\\noccurs Francis Batten and William Kay having\\nbeen then appointed Surveyors for the new town,\\nship of Woolwich. But for many years befor\u00c2\u00ab\\nthis Woolwich had been called Lower Greenwich\\nond had constable of its own.\\nt 1 Co, Id. 4. i Ruffhead B Jacobt, lei, W,", "height": "3249", "width": "2015", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "7\\n8\\nEGO HAKBOR OR NKW WAYMOUTH.\\n4\\nIn 1820^ the township of franklin\\nwas erected from parts of Greenwich\\nknd Woolwich; and by the last L egisla-\\nure an application having been made\\nTor a new township to be erected out of\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Woolwich, to be called Harrison a law\\nwas passed creating the township of\\nSpicer. This name was given in honor\\nof Jacob Spicer, whom we have before\\nmentioned.\\nCHAPTER\\nTHE TOWNSHIP OF EGG HARBOR OR NEW\\nWAYMOUTH AND HEREIN OF THE FIVE\\nTOWNSHIPS OF ATLANTIC.\\ngf nus c]u;uni sumus, experieiisque lahoruui\\nEt documeiita tlauius\\nOvid, Met. Lib. I. p. 4i4.\\nWe have already seen that wljen the\\npeople upon the sea-board of old Glou-\\ncester county first had tithing officers\\nassigned them by the Grand Jury, which\\nwas about 1708, their township was\\ncalled Egg Harbor or New WTAVMouTii.t\\nThis township undoubtedly com])rised\\nall the present county of Atlantic, by far\\nthe greater part of which was then en-\\ntirely unsubdued. When the population\\nbegan to increase and spread along the\\nshore, a new township was found neces-\\nsary, and Galloway was therefore cre-\\nated, in the same manner it seems pro-\\nbable that Gloucestertown and Wool-\\njvich had been created some years be-\\n^re namely, by the voluntary act of\\nba\\\\ P^^opie themselves, in the first in-\\ntVince, with the subsequent sanction of\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2le County Court and the final appro-\\nbation of the Colonial Legislature.\\nThe first time that Galloway is men-\\ntioned in the county records is in March,\\n1775, when the court allotted to her and\\nto Egg Harbor two constable each. Her\\nname does not appear in the laws of the\\nColony prior to the general act of incor-\\nporation in 179S; and her origin therefore\\nwe must set down as lost in antiquity.\\nHer name is probably taken from a tongue\\nof land in Solway Frith, Scotland, called\\nGalloway Mull.\\nOn tbe27lli of January, Rev. Laws, p. 661.\\nAnte. p. 45.\\nThe alias. New Waytnouth, by which\\nthe township of Egg Harbor was some-\\ntimes called, seems to have been drop-\\nped early in the last century. Hut\\nwhen on the twelith of February HBS\\nEgg Harbor was divided, this old name\\nwas in part revived the new township\\nbeing dubbed Weymouth. Hamilton\\nwas erected from Egg Harbor and Wey-\\nmouth on the fifth of February 1813,t\\nand Mullicafrom Galloway on the twen-\\nty-first of February 1838. In the pre-\\nsent work, as the reader will have seen,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^.ve merely mention the subdivisions of\\ntjhe six townships erected in 169.5 or\\nvery scon afterwards, as matters of his-\\ntory. When we speak of the township\\nof Greenwich we mean the primitive\\nQrcenwich, which included the present\\ni ^)v/nship of that name, as well as Wool-\\nWich, Franklin and Spicer; and when\\nwie speak of the township of Egg Har\\nbor or New Waymouth, we mean to\\neimbrace ail the five townships now\\nfoiWing Atlantic county.\\nThe name of Eyer Haven or Egg\\nHai^ bor, was given to the large port\\niipo^n the sea-board of our county\\ni rotrii the fact that the early jiavigators\\nfound there an immense quantity of sea-\\nbird eggs. 11 With this Gabriel Thom-\\nas* testimony fully agrees. The latter\\nwriter in enumerating the streams of\\nW^sst Jersey, mentions Great Egg\\nHarbor River, up which a ship of two\\nor three hundred tuns may sail, which\\nrum? by the back part of the county into\\nthe main sea I call it back part, be-\\ncause the first improvements made by\\nChrie tians was Delaware River-side;\\nthis place is noted for good store of\\ncorn, horses, cows, sheep, hogs, etc.,\\nthe lands thereabouts being much im-\\nproved and built upon; and Little Egg\\nPlarbor Creek which take their names\\nfrom the great abundance of eggs which\\nthe swans, geese, ducks and other wild\\nfowls on those rivers lay thereabouts.\\nPaterson s Laws, p. 264. t Rev. Laws, p. 559.\\nt Pamph. p. 95.\\nII De Laef, Noviiff Orbis, p. 76: Ovorum \\\\e\\\\\\netiam sinuum portum voca.nt nostratos.\\nWest Jersey, p. 27.", "height": "3249", "width": "2035", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "sea HARBOR OR NEW WAYMOUTH.\\nThis description, like most that\\nThomas Avrote, has a high tinge of the\\ncoteur de rose. At least good old John\\nFothergill who travelled through Egg\\nHarbor township early in 1722, seems\\nnot to have found the advanced state of\\ncivilization and improvement which we\\nmight expect from what his predecessor\\ntells us. He speaks of taking a journey\\nthrough the desarts from Chesterfield,\\nin Burlington, to Little Egg Harbor,\\nHere, at the house of Gervas Farrar he\\nheld a meeting and had a prett} good\\ntime in the extending of the love of truth\\nto the ]toor people thereaway. The\\nnext day he travelled part by land and\\nthrough dismal marshes, and part by\\nwater in canoes to Great E^^^ Harbor,\\nwhere, he tells us, he held another meet-\\ning, among some poor dark people that\\ncame thither. After holding a third\\nmeeting for the edification of the natives,\\nat one John Scull s, he started oyer a\\ngreat river to Cape May, but was near-\\nly drovrned in the crossing. Whether\\nthe Capemen held out encouragement\\nfor the worthy preacher to stay longer\\nwith them than he did in Egg H^^rbor,\\nwe do not know; but certain it is the\\nsturdy i^ihabitants of the latter region\\nhave never been over fond of long ser-\\nmons of any kind. They are hardy,\\nbrave, industrious and honest; but like\\nthe Indian at the Racoon Church, a\\ngreat deal of prattle and nonsense with-\\nout either brandy or cider to wash it\\ndown, they cannot endure.\\nIn the Revolution, the Refugees of\\nSouth Jersey, Delaware and Maryland\\nwere continually passing to and from\\nNew York, and other northern points,\\nby way of Egg Harbor. These trouble-\\nsome strangers did infinite mischief to\\nthe property of the shore men, who were\\ngenerally good Whigs; but on some oc-\\ncasions the tables were turned and the\\nRefugees got their full deserts. Early\\nin September, 1782, Capt. Douglas, with\\nsome of the Gloucester militia attacked\\na boat containing eighteen Refugees, of\\nwhom fourteen were killed.f Several\\nFothergill s Journal, first ed. p. 102.\\nState Gazette, in New Jersey Hist. Coll. p. 69.\\nother e(|ually severe retaliations are rt\\ncorded.\\nTowards the close of the war, sorae j\\npeople at Egg Harbor and others furtherl\\nup in the interior, got to carrying on a*\\nconsiderable trad\u00c2\u00a9 with the British in\\nNew York. The Refugees often camt\\nthere in large bodies and committee\\ngreat depredations on the people anc\\nthe troops taken at the capture of Lord|\\nCornwallis, who were cantoned in Vir-\\nginia, frequently escaped in small parties,\\nand by concealing themselves in the\\nwoods in the day and only travelling by\\nnight, by the assistance of guides and\\nfridnds whom they found on their way,\\ngot to Ei^!^ Harbor and from thence to\\nNew York. To prevent ail this, Capt.\\nJohn Davis was sejit with a company of\\nmen to Egg Harbor. On one occasior\\nhis lieutenant, Benjamin Bates, witl\\nRichard Powell, a private, called at a\\nhouse where Davis had been informed,\\nover night, that two Refugee officers\\nwere lodging. Bates got to the house\\nbefore any of the family had risen except\\ntwo girls, who were making a fire in the\\nkitchen. He inquired if there were any\\npersons in the house beside the family,\\nand was answered none, except two\\nmen from up in the country. He bade\\nthe girls show him where they were,\\nwhich they did. In passing through a\\nroom separating the kitchen from the\\nbed-room, he saw two pistols lying on a\\ntable. Knocking at the door, he was at\\niirst refused admittance; but finding hit ix\\ndetermined to enter, the two Refugee\\nfinally let him in. They refused to tel\\ntheir names, but were afterwards found\\nto be William Giberson and Henry Lane,\\nRefugee lieutenants, the former a noto-\\nrious rascal who had committed many\\noutrages, and killed one or two Ameri-\\ncans m cold blood. On their way to the\\nquarters of Davis company, Giberson\\ncalled Bates attention to something he\\npretended to see at a distance and\\nwhile Bates was looking in that direc-\\ntion Giberson started in another, and\\nbeing a very fast runner, although Bates\\nfired his musquet at him, he made his\\nescape. Davis on being informed of\\nwhat had happened, told Bates to try", "height": "3223", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "nAnB\u00c2\u00bbR OR KBW WATMOBTS.\\nagain the next night. Accordingly tho\\nnext night he went to the same house.\\nWhile in the act of opening the door he\\nheard the chck of a musket cock, behind\\na large tree within a few feet of him,\\nI and turning around, saw Giberson just\\ntaking aim at him. He dropped on his\\nknees and the ball cut the rim of his hat.\\nS Giberson started to run, but before he\\nhad got many rods Bates gave him a\\n1 load of buck-sliot which broke his leg.\\nHe was well guarded until he could be\\nremoved with Lane to Burlington goal,\\nfrom which however he soon made his\\nr escape and went to New York.-- Giber-\\nIson was a large man, of almost incredible\\nstrength and activity. It is said that at\\na running jump he could clear the top of\\njUn ordinary Egg Harbor wagon, but\\njince the MSS. \\\\vhich we are i ollowing\\nUo not mention the fact, we think it\\nmay well be doubted.t\\nAbout the time of Giberson s capture,\\nDavis was informed of a party of twenty-\\none British troops who had escaped\\nfrom the cantonment in Virginia, and\\narrived upon the Egg Harbor shore.\\nKnowing where they would embark, he\\nsecreted himself with nineteen men near\\nwhere the boat lay, which was to take\\nthem off to the vessel, and there waited\\ntheir approach. When they came, a\\nvery warm contest ensued, hand to hand\\nand foot to foot. Davis and his men\\nwere completely victorious having\\nilled or taken prisoner every English-\\n^jjl-van. What I here give run our\\nvUSS. is part from my own knowledge\\n^*and part from such sources as I tiiink\\nmay be relied on. Of the locality of\\nthese incidents the MSS. say nothing\\ndefinite but we have no doubt that a\\nlittle inquiry of that worthy personage,\\nthe oldest inhabitant, would fix the\\nvery spot where they occurred.\\nDuring the war, Elijah Clark and\\nRichard Westcott, Esqs,, built at their\\nMSS. of a Septuagenarian penes me.\\ni There was, a few years ngo, a woman named\\nGiberson, living in Salem county, who could\\nstand in one hogshead an-d witlioat using her\\nhands, jump into another hogshead standing by\\nits tide, with til ease.\\nown expense, a small fort at tho Fox\\nBurrows, on Chestnut Neck, near the\\nport of Little Egg Harbor, and bought\\nfor it a number of ct.nnon for the defence\\nof said port. While the Revolutionary\\nLejjislature was in session at Haddon-\\nfield, in September, 1777, the two\\nbranches passed a resolution for paying\\nClark and Westcott four hundred and\\nthirty pounds, one shilling and three\\npence for this fort;- which, we are\\ntold, was at one time defended by fifteen\\nhundred of the shore men, who, upon\\nthe enemy ascending the river in great\\nforce in barges, evacuated it.f Tho\\ngood people of Chestnut Neck ought to\\nmark the site of this old redoubt, that\\nfuture ages may know it.\\nmay s landing.\\nMay s Landing, the shire town of\\nAtlantic county, takes its name from\\nGeorge May, who settled there in 1710,\\nand opened a store for the supply of\\nwood vessels, putting into the Great\\nEgg Harbor. His house, a gambrel\\nroofed building, a story and a half in\\nheighth, stood until 1S30, on the north\\nbank of the river, a few rods above, the\\nmouth of Babcock s Creek. Col. West-\\ncott, one of the builders of the fort at the\\nFox Burrows, moved from the Forks of\\nLittle Egg/ Harbor to Mays Landing,\\nafter the close of the war, and died\\nsome twenty years ago, at the ripe age\\nof one hundred and two. The oldet\\nchurch in May s Landing was built by\\nthe Baptists in 1782, and formerly this\\ncongregation and the Methodists used\\nto worship in the same temple. Among\\nother improvements which have marked\\nthe village since it became a shire town,\\nis a neat Presbyterian Church, situated\\nnear the Court House, amid the primal\\nforest trees.\\nIn the latter part of 1813, the sloop\\nNew Jersey, from this village, manned\\nby Capt. Barton and two hands, was\\ntaken by a British armed schooner off\\nCape May. A young middy, and two\\nSee Votca and Proceedings of LegisIatiTe\\nCouncil, 1777, p. 103.\\nt N\u00c2\u00abw Jersey Hist. Coll., p. M,", "height": "3187", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "OBLITERATED VILLAOES.\\n81\\nEnglishmen and an Irishman were put\\non board the Jersey, with orders to fol-\\nlow the schooner. But three Yankees\\nare not to be beaten by such poor odds\\nas this Barton and his men soon re-\\ncovered the sloop and run her in at\\nSomers Point, with the middy and his\\nthree assistants as prisoners. The first\\nwas confined awhile and then exchanged\\nand of the latter, the Englishmen soon\\nwent to work in the neighborhood, and\\nthe Irishman enlisted on board of one of\\nJefferson s gun-boats and fought bravely\\nfor the gridiron.\\nThe other villages in the township\\nunder consideration have nothing but\\noutlandish names, to recommend them\\nto notice. Yet there is little in this.\\nAny civil man can stop at Wrangleboro\\nwithout quarelling, and any honest one\\npass through Bargaintown without being\\ncheated; which is not the case, we\\nween, at some other places which have\\nfar less ominous titles. The towns\\nsituated near the sea, are peopled by\\nhardy fishermen and bay-men. The\\nshore-road upon the sea side, which\\nconnects Somers with Leeds Points,\\nruns through an almost continuous set-\\ntlement of tishermen-farmers, whose neat\\nwhite houses present a very pretty\\nview I rom vessels a league or two at\\nsea.\\nHamilton, Weymouth, Pennypot, Pleas-\\nant Mills, Atsion, and Gloucester are\\nfurnace or factory villages generally im-\\nmured in the forest, and containing ew\\ninhabitants except those engaged in\\nmanufacturing, and their families. They\\nare all of modern origin, and of them\\ntherefore we have nothing to say.\\nCHAPTER XX.\\nOBLITERATED VILLAGES.\\nNear yonder (horn, thai lifts its h^ad on hi^h\\nWhere once the sign post canght the passing eye,\\nLow lies (hat hi ii*e were mil-brnwn diauglits in5pired,\\nWhere sray-beiird miclh anil smiling toil ri lii d,\\nWhere villace statesmen lalk d with looks profound,\\nAud new* much older ll an their ale went lOunH.\\nGoLrsMiTHsDe;(rt\u00c2\u00a3d Vi.lege.\\nAlthough but two centuries have rolled\\naway since the blows of the white man s\\naxe first resounded upon the banks of\\nthe Delaware, we do not lack evidence\\nof Time s rude work, in the way of ruined\\nvillages. Where is Dorchester, once\\nthe queen of Prince Maurice River? She\\nflickers, but only flickers, like a dying\\ntaper. And where is Antioch, which\\nonce stood south of the Cohansey? Swept\\nfrom existence, and her very name un-\\nheard of!\\nIn old Gloucester, there are several\\ndecayed, towns of some of which it is\\nimpossible to fix even the site. The\\nfirst is\\nTHE VILLAGE OF REPAAPO.\\nOur knowledge of this place is derived\\nsolely from Kalm, who visited it from\\nRacoon on the fifth of May, 1749, and\\nreturned the same evening. Early\\nthis morning, says he,- I went to\\nRepaapo, luliich is a great village, whose\\nfarms ly all scattered. It-was inhabited\\nmerely by Swedes, and not a single\\nEnglishman or people of any other na-\\ntion lived in it. Therefore they have\\npreserved their native Swedish tongue,\\nand mixed but few English words with\\nit. The intention of my journey was\\npartly to see the place, and to collect\\nplants and other natural curiosities there;\\nand partly to find the places where the\\nWhite Cedar, or Cupressus Thyoides\\ngrows. Of this White Cedar, he tells\\nus many of the houses in Repaapo\\nwere made. t It grew in abundance in\\nthe swamps about the village. Bullfrogs\\nalso seem to have abounded there, and\\nKalm, who had never heard them before,\\ntook their roaring at first for the bellow-\\ning of a bad goring bull. He relates\\na curious race between a young Indian\\nand one of these bullfrogs, which was\\nonce run to decide a bet made by some\\nSwedes. B} a very odd application of\\na coal of fire, the frog was made to beat\\nbis competitor, J although the latter could\\nhimself almost keep up with the best\\nhorse.\\nWhere this viflage of Repaapo was\\nlocated, we can form something like a\\nId. p. 69.\\nVol. II, p. 168, t Id. p. 175. X Id. p. 173.", "height": "3187", "width": "2004", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "u\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2BLITKRATI\u00c2\u00bb VTLLAOEI.\\nj!;ues9. The description of the country\\ntbout it, the mention of its dykes, and\\nits nearness to Racoon, are confirmatory\\nof the supposition to which its name\\nnaturally leads. It must have been upon\\nRepaupo Creek, near the river; though\\nwe are not aware that the traditions of\\nthe vicinity have preserved even the\\nname of this the last vestige of New\\nSweden.\\nNEW-TOWN.\\nWe have before said upon the au-\\nthority of Smith, that Newby and the\\nother first English settlers in |Nevvton\\nlaid out a town upon Newton Creek,\\nwhere the Old Burying Ground is, and\\nbuilt there a small village. This was in\\n1682, alter Gloucester had been founded;\\nso that the village was properly called\\nNew-TOWN. From this town, the creek\\nand township took their name. Although\\nNewby and his friends scattered over\\nthe country, as soon as they found that\\nthe Indians were not at all dangerous,\\nin consequence of which New-town soon\\ndecayed, yet we iind it still accounted\\na town by Thomas in 1()98, and by the\\nclerk of the county at a much later period.\\nThe former mentions Newton River\\nthat runs by Newtonf and the latter,\\nwe believe, dockets a license granted\\nto some one to keep a tavern near\\nNew-town. Some traces of the primi-\\ntive Meeting House erected here in\\n1634, and the now weed-choked and\\nneglected cemetery are all that remains\\nof the once respectable village.\\nTHE TOWN OF UPTON.\\nThe third decayed town of our county\\nis Upton the town of Upton on GIo-\\ncester River of which the earliest\\nWoodbury records frequently make men-\\ntion. It is supposed by some to have\\nbeen located at the place where the\\nKing s Road crossed Little Timber\\nCreek, or Little Gloucester River; and\\nby others at the place where the said\\nroad struck Big Timber Creek, a short\\ndistance above the present truss bridge,\\nupon the north bank of the stream. The\\nAnt\u00c2\u00ab, p. 5!J. i Wtst Jer\u00c2\u00bbf y, p. 2?.\\nremains of a tavern were visible until a\\nfew years ago, at the spot designated\\nupon Little Timber Creek, and there are\\ntraditions of there having been other\\nhouses there. This, Michael Fisher, Esq.\\nthinks was the spot, George Ward,\\nEdward Williams, Isaac Pearson, John\\nBrown, John Euno and several other of\\nthe principal men of Gloucester county\\nresided, in the seventeenth century, at\\nUpton.\\ntowns upon the sea-coast.\\nIn the Revolution there was a con-\\nsiderable settlement at the Forks of\\nLittle Egg Harbor river which went to\\ndecay before it had received a name. It\\ncontained some thirty houses, and was\\ninhabited by adventurers engaged in\\nrunning goods when Philadelphia\\nwas in posession of the British, Priva-\\nteering vessels frequently ascended the\\nMullica to land their cargoes. The\\ngoods were discharged with great se-\\ncrecy and despatch and carried up the\\ncountry in wagons apparently filled with\\nclams, fish or wood.\\nThere was, it seems, another village,\\non Chestnut Neck, between the Mullica\\nand Nacote Creek, where the Foxbur-\\nrows Fort stood. It contained some\\nstore-houses, which were burnt by the\\nBritish when the Zebra and other ves-\\nsels broke up the American privateer\\nrendevous at Tuckerton.-\\nOn Great Egg Harbor Bay, in Glou-\\ncester count}^ according to Scott, there\\nwas formerly a town called Egg Harbor,\\nthe inhabitants of which exported large\\nquantities of pine.t As this writer lived\\nin Philadelphia, and compiled his work\\nwith a great deal of care, we have no\\ndoubt there was a village of this name\\nbut where it stood or into what it has\\nbeen changed we are unable to tell.\\nSuch, such are the works of time\\nSix of our villages, all of them once re-\\nspectable and some of them great and\\npopulous, have forever passed away.\\nTwo centuries more, and who knows\\nbut that it may be questioned whether\\nNew Jersey Hist. Coll. pp. 6\u00c2\u00ab, 109, etc.\\nUniversal Gazctcer, Vol. IT, let. E.", "height": "3249", "width": "2035", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "KATVRA-L HUTOHr, FOBIIl. REMAINS, KTC.\\nftS\\nWoodbury or Haddonfield ever existed\\nTempus! edax rerum tuque invLdiosa vetustas\\nOiiiniii dcstruitis!\\nCHAPTER XXI.\\nNOTES UPON THE NATURAL HISTORY, TO-\\nPOGRAPHY AND FOSSIL ANTIQUITIES OF\\nTHK COUNTY OF GLOUCRSTKK.\\nAgricola, iucurvo terrarn molilu-i arato,\\nE.\\\\^3a invcniet 3cahr;v roI)i::ine ni!a\\nGrandiaque efibssis mirabitur ossa septilchris.\\nVlRG. Georg I. 494.\\nProfessor Kalm on one occasion called\\ntogether tiie oldest Swedes in the\\nparish of Racoon, to question them\\nupon divers topics in the natural history\\nand topography of that part of New\\n.Sweden. This interesting meeting seems\\nto have been attended by Maons Keen,\\na septuagenarian, who had children,\\ngrand-children and great-grand-children\\nforty-five by Aoke Helm, still more\\naged, whose father came over with\\nGovernor Printz by Peter Rambo,\\nsixty years old by Sven Laock (or\\nLock), William Cobb, and another\\nSwede named King, who were each\\nabove fifty and though last, not least,\\nby Eric Ragnilson, the churchwarden\\nof Racoon, at whose house probably the\\ncouncil met.f As no mention is made of\\nNils Gastafson upon this occasion, we\\nmay take it for granted that his lumbago,\\nor some other cause prevented him from\\nwalking into the village.\\nThe whole council agreed in asserting\\nthat whenever a well was dug in the\\nneighborhood of Racoon, they always\\nfound at the depth of twenty or thirty\\nfeet, great numbers of clam and oyster\\nshells. In many places reeds and rushes\\nhad been found ahnost entirely unde-\\ncayed; and on one occasion a hank of\\nflax, duly tied together and in perfect\\npreservation, was brought up from a\\ndepth of more than twenty feet. Can\\nit be supposed asks Kalm, that past\\nages have seen a nation here so early\\nK3lm 3 Travels, Vol. 11, p. 4.\\nt Id. Vol. I, p. 3!3, eitfq.\\nacquainted with the use of flax I would\\nrather abide by the opinion that iho\\nAmerican Y)\\\\ants Lin um Firginianum or\\nAntirrli mttm Cwiadense or other similar\\nones have been taken for flax. Char-\\ncoal, firebrands, great branches, blocks,\\nand Indian trowels, had often been found\\nvery deep in the ground. One of King s\\nrelatives, who lived eight miles from the\\nDelaware on a hill near a rivalut, dis-\\ncovered in digging a well, at the depth\\nof forty feet, a great number of shells,\\nreeds and broken branches.f Peter\\nRambo testified that in several places at\\nRacoon people had met deep in the\\nground vast quantities of muscles and\\nother marine animals, and logs of wood,\\nsome putrified and others burnt. A\\nhuge spoon and bricks had also been\\ndug up there. Maons Keen had found\\nat the depth of forty feet, a great piece\\nof chestnut wood, roots and stalks of\\nreeds, and clayey earth with a saline\\ntaste. Sven La(jck and William Cobb\\nconfirmed all these facts; and stated\\nfarther, ihat on making a dyke some\\nyears before, along the river on which\\nthe church at Racoon stands, and for\\nthis purpose cutting through a bank, it\\nwas found quite full of oyster shells,\\nthough the place is above an hundred\\nand twenty miles from the nearest sea-\\nshore. These men and all the inhabi-\\ntants of Racoon continues Kalm, con-\\ncluded from this circumstance (of their\\nown accord and without being led to the\\nthought) that this tract of land was a\\npart of the sea many years ago.\\nIt is stated in an old work of very\\ngood authority! bones of a huge\\ncarnivorous animal had been discovered\\nby a negro who was digging a ditch\\nthree or four feet deep in a meadow\\nnear the Delaware, in Gloucester county.\\nA part of these bones were sent to Phila-\\ndelphia as curiosities. Shark s teeth, it\\nis said, have been found, in a marl bed\\nnorth of Cooper s Creek, about one mile\\nfrom the Delaware, and fossil crocodiles\\nhave been discovered in many parts of\\nId. p. 358, Id. p. 353. et sf.q.\\nt Wintcrbatham f America, Vol. II, p. 363,\\nlit \u00c2\u00abd.", "height": "3239", "width": "1978", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "^r\\nNATimAL mSTORT, FOSSIL REMAINS, ETC\\nWest Jersey. These phenomena, which\\nare ahiiost too well known to be men-\\ntioned, persuade us that the solemn con-\\nclusion of the Racoonites above set forth\\nwas not erroneous.\\nAs to the dwindling of the streams in\\nNew Sweden, our philosopher has left\\nus some very curious and very positive\\ninformation. Kin^, one of the old Swedes\\nof the council, was well convinced that\\nthe little lakes, brooks, springs and\\nrivers had much less water than when\\nhe was a boy. He could mention several\\nlakes on which in his youth the Swedes\\nused to sail in large boats even in the\\nhottest summer, which had since entire-\\nly dried up. Aoke Helm knew several\\nplaces in the Delaware, where the\\nSwedes used to go in boats in his boy-\\nhood, which had since been changed\\ninto islands. Peter Rambo conceded\\nthat many lakes had been dried up; but\\nhe thought there was still as much water\\nin the rivers as there had ever been.f\\nThe same Maons Keen above named,\\nand several other old Swedish residents,\\ntold Kalm repeatedly that when the\\nSwedes made their tirst settlement at\\nHelsingburg, in Salem county, they\\nRog^cr s Geoloffical Survey, Final Report, p.\\n277; and see First Report, p. 78, el seq. See also,\\nMease s Picture, etc. p. IG.\\nt There was in the olden time a lake jibout\\nhalf a nuie south-east of the County Court House\\nin the city of Camden, which was much frequented\\nby wild geese and ducks. Allliough the bed of\\nthis lake is now cultivated, there are those who\\nremember when it contained several feet of water\\nthroughout the year. It was called Ly the Cam-\\nden boys the Play Pond. An old painting\\nmade by a Philadelphia artist before the sur-\\nrounding forest was felled, represents this pond\\nas having been quite picturesque. The fall of\\nthe waters, not only of our inland ponds, but of\\nthe creeks (and of course of the river with which\\nthey connect) is a well established phenomenon.\\nA geological examination of the high banks\\nwhich almost invariably distinguish the south\\nsides of the creeks of West Jer.\u00c2\u00abey will show the\\nold water mark to be some feet above the present\\nriver-level. Upon the north ^ides of the creeks\\nin Gloucester county the upland generally slopes\\ngradually towards the stream, so that the edge of\\nthe recent meadow alluvion can be plainly traced.\\nAnd this line, it is believed, will always be found\\nconsiderably above the present high water mark\\nof the Delaware. See upon this subject De War-\\nyille 8 Travels, p. 341.\\nfound at the depth of twenty feet some\\nancient wells inclosed with brick walls.\\nThese remains when discovered were\\non the fast last, but the river had after-\\nwards so encroached upon the shore at\\nthat place that Kalm could not make an\\nexamination of them for himself. Sub-\\nsequently to this discovery the Svr edes\\nin digging new wells at some distance\\nfrom the former, found broken earthen\\nvessels and whole good bricks. From\\nthese facts the learned Professor con-\\ncluded that in very remote times a com-\\npany of Europeans had been carried\\nhither by storm had burnt bricks and\\nmade a colony but afterwards amalga-\\nmated with the natives, or were killed\\nby them. The Indians knew of these\\nwells, and their tradition gave them a\\ndate long before the expedition of Co-\\nlumbus.\\nWhen the Swedes arrived upon the\\nDelaware they found the surface of the\\ncountry covered with all sorts of marine\\nshells. Good grass came everywhere\\nin great abundance, and grew to the\\nheight of a man;! for the soil, though\\nnot so miraculous as Peter Lindstrom\\nwould have us believe, was upon the\\ntop really very rich from the vegetable\\ndecompositions of centuries. J\\nThe same cause which has given so\\ndifferent an aspect to the face of our\\ncountry, has also wrought a very percep-\\ntible change in the climate. This effect\\nbecoming in turn a cause, will produce\\nother changes in the vegetable produc-\\ntions of the soil, at which future natural-\\nists will doubtless be amazed. So severe\\nwas the winter of 1697-8, that Nils\\nGustafson brought many wagon loads of\\nhay across the river on the ice from\\nWilmington, and horses and sledges\\ncrossed even much lower down. Isaac\\nNorris, of Philadelphia, told Kalm that\\nin his father s days the Delaware was\\nKalm s Travel s, Vol. II, p. 31.\\nt Id. pp. 110, 129; and Campanius, p* 163.\\nt Campanius, p. 163, cites Lindstrom as saying\\nthat in New Sweden the soil has this peculiar\\nproperty, that one may sow rye in it and reap\\nwheat. But the French MS. copy of Lind-\\nstrom s work contains, we believe, no such false-\\nhood.", "height": "3249", "width": "2035", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "TOPeftRAPHT OP THE DELAWARE.\\n65\\ngenerally frozen over from the middle\\nof November until the beginning of\\nMarch, old style. The snow and rain\\nfell in greater quantities, and the winters\\nwere much more uniform in former years\\nthan when Kalm was at Racoon. Most\\nof the ancient people agreed however\\nin telling him that the spring came later\\nthen than in the olden time. The Swedes\\nused to have a proverb, Pask bitida,\\nPask sent, altid gras that is, Come\\nEaster soon or late, we always then\\nhave grass. But this, as Kalm suggests,\\nproves rather the extirpation of certain\\nearly grasses than a retrograde of the\\nclimate. The want of constancy which\\nbegan to be observed in the weather\\nafter the Europeans had been here for\\nsome time was the reason, our Professor\\nthought, why the people had become so\\nmuch less robust and healthy than their\\nancestors. If so, we trust that when\\nthe heat from millions of hearths and the\\nfelling of the immense forests to the\\nwestward and northward shall have\\ngiven to the climate of West Jersey the\\nmildness and uniformity of that of cen-\\ntral Spain, we shall begin to have less\\noccasion for doctors.\\nAmong the animals which used to in-\\nhabit this region, but which like the In-\\ndians, have fled at the approach of civili-\\nzation, are Buffalos, Wolves, Panthers,\\nBears, Otters and Beavers A Wolf-\\nbounty was set up by the county of\\nGloucester in 16S6; and the colonial\\nstatute 7 Annae Regin. cap. XV, f ap-\\nplying to the whole province, gave a\\npremium of fifteen shillings to every\\nwhite man who killed a wolf or panther,\\nand eight shillings to every Indian and\\nhalf these sums respectively for every\\nwolf or panther whelp. The same law\\nPlantagcnet, p. 19, and Vanderdonck, ut.\\nBup. p. 166, mention Buffalos and Beavers among\\nthe animals of this part of America, though the\\nlatter says the Buffalos keep towards the south-\\nwest, where few people po. The same writer\\nsays the Indians of the New Netherlands some-\\ntimes brought Lion-skins to the Christians for\\nsale but his Lions were doubtless Cougars or\\nPainters. See Thomas, West Jersey, p. 23.\\nt Ante. p. 44. And see the Anonymous Com-\\npilation of New Jersey Laws from the Surrender,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2tc, 1732. p, 13.\\ngave a bounty of three pence for every\\nCrow, Hawk and Woodpecker.and three\\npence a dozen for Blackbirds, or as the\\nSwedes called them, Maizethieves. But\\nfor the speedy repeal of these bounties,\\nthose birds would no doubt have been\\nas thoroughly banished from New Jersey,\\nas they were by the same means from\\nNew England.\\nThat Delaware Bay and the coast of\\nNew Jersey once abounded with Whales,\\nappears from indubitable authority. Van-\\nderdonck says they were in his time\\nfrequently stranded and cut up by the\\nDutch, though that people had then no\\nregular whale iishery.f Lambrechtsen\\nsays, the seas adjoining the New Neth-\\nerlands were once rich in cod-tish,\\ntunnys and whales J and Pierre du\\nCimitiere in his valuable MSS. mentions\\nthat a large whale once came up nearly\\nto Philadelphia. The Cape May men,\\naccording to quaint old Gabrial Thomas,\\nmade in ancient times, prodigious nay\\nvast quantities every year, of oil and\\nwhalebone; having mightily advanced\\nthat great fishery, and taking great\\nnumbers of whales. j]\\nBut hereof as our master Coke\\nwas wont to say, this taste must suf-\\nfice. The student who wishes to go\\nto the bottom of the natural history of\\nthe banks of the Delaware, must read\\nat large not only the books to which we\\nhave referred him, but many other pon-\\nderous tomes written in no less than five\\nlanguages.\\nCHAPTER XXII.\\nOF jacque s island, and othek curious\\nPARTICULARS IN THE TOPOGRAPHY OF\\nTHE RIVER DELAWARE IN FRONT OF OLD\\nGLOUCESTER.\\nIt seems to be pretty clear that the\\nKalm, on the authority of Dr. Franklin, Vol.\\n11, p. 78.\\nt Page 176. The colony at Fort Nassau un-\\nder De Vries, as we have seen, had prepared\\nthemselves for the whale and seal fisheries. Ante\\np. 3.\\nI New York Hist. Coll., new series. Vol. I. p. 88\\nII West Jersey, p. 23; and see Extracts from\\nThomas Learning s MSS. in New Jeriey Hist.\\nColl. p. 124.", "height": "3208", "width": "1968", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "IW\\nToPOeSAI IIT OF TIIS \u00c2\u00bbH:.A\\\\VAJl\u00c2\u00ab.\\nland upon which Camden is built was\\nonce an island. De ries and the early\\nDutch at all events took it lor such, and\\nj^ave it the name of Jacquess Eylandt,\\nv/hich the circumspect Dk Ciniitiere\\nadopted in his improved map of (he\\nDelavv are. It is evident, too, as well\\ni vom Lindstrom s chart entitled Nova\\nSifecia hodU dicta Pennsyloania, as Crom\\nhis written desci-iption oi the topography\\nof the river shore at and above Glouces-\\nter Point, that he and the Swedes con-\\nsidered the land bt^tween Newton and\\nCooper s Creeks to have been insulated\\nby a connection between those two\\nsireams. The island thus formed which\\nwas by much the larj^est of any in the\\nDelaware was called by the Swedes\\nafter the Indian name, Aquikanasra.t\\nThe veracity of these old ji^eo^^raphers\\nmay be doubted by some, but to us their\\nstatements contain nothing that seems\\nimprobable. Indeed, the land which\\nthsy called Jacques Eylandt is even now\\na peninsula, and we do not know but\\nthat if the dams and dykes on Cooper s\\nand Newton Creeks were removed; so\\nSee De Vries .Toiirnal, ul snpe anfr, p. 254,\\njiifi Corker s Sketolips, p. 52. Du l^inlilre inup,\\nivhicli Barker refers to, is not now In be found.\\nt Upin Lindstrom s map the Delaware is re-\\nf)resenled as dividing ji)st above (ilnucesler into\\n[wa branrjies, and tlie more eastern branch after\\ninakitisr an almost sernicirctilar curve into the\\ncountry and receivinjr in its courpp the Qiiinkor-\\n^Huing; or Newton (Ireek and the ISiorle Kileni or\\niioper s reek,rfjoins the western channel, ne.irly\\nopposite the place on the Pennsylvania sliore\\niKirked Furkmliind. The followiiiir extract from\\nF inrl-tronrs Description, in the Library of the\\nA.]n. Phil. Soc, No. \\\\1 A, affords no inconsiderable\\n-ui)port to onr view of what he meant to represent\\n;\u00c2\u00bbpon his map: Des Tekokc [Timber Creek] a\\n[^uinkoring [the Qiiinkorenning or Newton\\nJreek] il y a iin {rrarid cap; mais le pays est plain\\n3l ras. Lcs longucs basses d line ile sitiiee au\\nroillieu de la riviere ct coiiverte de Rytflachls\\nwhich the translator explains by plain ou cani-\\nl)agne des roseaox empfchent lcs vaisseaux d\\nipprocher. This lose-covered island could have\\nr een no other the fast land in Newton and Carn-\\nien townships, and the long flats lonjrues\\nasses which prevented the approach of vessels\\nDO other than the present Windfoill Island and\\nard, which as we shall preasantly see, wereonee\\nied to the Jersey nhore at Cooper s Point, and\\nextended much furlher down tlie liver tliun the}\\n.^0 now.\\nthat the water might rise upon their\\nmeadows and adjacent lowlands to the\\nriver level, the connection would be yet\\nrestored. For, as many of our readers\\nknow, the north branch of Newton\\n(Jreek heads within a few yards of\\nCooper s Creek, while the strip of in-\\ntervening land, (although constantly fill-\\ning up in dry windy weather) is yet\\nquite low, some feet, perhaps, below the\\nhigh-watermark in the Delaware. What\\nis there, then, to forbid the supposition,\\nthat while all streams continued to be,\\nas we have seen they once were, much\\nfuller than now, there was a connection\\nbetween these two creeks at this point\\nWe could much sooner believe that the\\nGraef Ernest River, as the Dutch called\\nthis now partially dry channel, was once\\nthe passage for a very heavy body of\\nwater, than that Dutch, Swedish and\\nEnglish geographers should have united\\nin mistaking a peninsula for an island.\\nBut there are other arguments in\\nfavor of the existence of the Graef\\nErnest passage, which it may be inter-\\nesting to a portion of our readers at\\nleast, to advert to. Thus we know that\\nWindmill Island was once attached to\\nthe Jersey shore at Cooper s Point, and\\nused to be bared at low water, so that\\npersons could and probably often did\\ncarry their grists on foot from Jersey\\nto be ground at John Harding s wind-\\nmill, which stood on the island opposite\\nthe end of Chestnut street. We have a\\ncopy of a letter before us from William\\nBrown to Thomas Penn, in the hand-\\nwriting of Richard Peters, then Secre-\\ntary to the Honorable Proprietors of\\nPennsylvania, dated October twentieth,\\n1761, in which Brown by wa}^ of crying\\ndown the island, so that he could buy it\\nupon better terms, says: I am now\\nwilling to offer two hundred and fifty\\npounds for the whole rather than take\\nthe proposed lease of one half for ninety-\\nVanderdonck, in his map, represents! the\\nTimnierkill and Newton Creek as falling near\\nJoffrther into a bay or cove which runs up into\\nthe county; but he does not mark Jacque s Ey-\\nlandf, nor any other island in the whole river.\\nOffilhy s map agrees with Vanderdonck s in fhi\u00c2\u00bb,\\na t in most other point*.", "height": "3249", "width": "1989", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "TOPOORAPHT OF THS DELAV^ AHE.\\n\u00c2\u00bb7\\nnine years, payinj^ the acknovvled\u00c2\u00b0;nient\\nof one shilling sterlinji: per year; tlio\\nJohn Kinsey in his life time advised nio\\nto get a Jersey right for it as there had\\nbeen great strife with the Jersey people\\nabout the grass, tho they tell me where\\nthe grass\\ngrew\\nthen it s gone, and\\ngathered in this place, and as that was\\nnot called an island when our worthy\\nproprietor bought the islands in the\\nriver witli the lower counties whicii I\\naccordingly did; and as a Jerseyman\\ninform d me, he could or did when a\\nboy, wade all the way from Cooper s\\nPoint to it, and now it s very shoal and\\nstony all the way over, so that they\\nclaini d the right to it, til I bought it of\\na Jersey proprietor; nevertheless as our\\nproprietors claim it, I am willing to pay\\nfor it, if I can have the whole for what I\\ndare venture to give. There are those\\nyet alive who remember when the re-\\nmains of trees wei e standing for some\\ndistance out in the river below Cooper s\\nPoint, which seems to show that Brown s\\nstatement is by no means extravagant.\\nIndeed we think it by no means improba-\\nble that where the channel now runs\\nbetween Camden and the island, was\\nonce a marsh which the tide sometimes\\nleft partially if not entirely bare. But\\nwhether this have been so or not, it is\\nevident that as long as the eastern chan-\\nnel was so shoal as to be fordable, the\\nvast volume of water ebbing from above\\nmust have passed between Windmill\\nIsland and the Pennsylvania shore. The\\nefl ect of such an abrupt narrowing of\\nthe river channel immediately below the\\nmouth of Cooper s Creek, must manifest-\\nly have contributed greatly to force that\\nstream to seek, for a portion of its\\nwaters, a more direct and more easy\\noutlet by way of the Graef Ernest. We\\ndo not claim that this outlet was ever\\nvery deep; but if we can show that even\\none drop of water from Cooper s Creek\\never found its way into the Delaware by\\nthe mouth of Newton Creek, then we\\nshall have succeeded in proving the ex-\\nistence of the Island of Roses, and in\\nvindicating the venerable Lindstrom from\\nilio doubts and sneers of the ignorant.\\nWith reference to Pettj- s Island, to\\nwhich (since Jacques Eyiandt no longer\\nexists,) the name of Aquikanasra seems\\nle\u00c2\u00a3:itimatelv to survive, we meet AJth\\nnothing m the ancient geographers of\\nthe Delaware worth noting. It proba-\\nbly had no rose-fields to attract the ad-\\nmiration of I/mdstrom, and in respect\\nto she it was insignificant along side of\\nthe Island of Jacques. Its modern his-\\ntory can be soon told It took its name\\nfrom a gentleman who located it under\\na patent from Pennsylvania, to which\\niSiate it originally belonged, by the rule\\nof the common law it being west of the\\nJi/um medium aqua. Windmill Island\\nby the same rule belonged clearly to\\nJersey, but for some reason which does\\nnot appear, the Convention between\\nNew Jersey and Pennsylvania, concluded\\non the twenty-sixth of xApril, 17S.3, trans-\\nferred Potty s Island (or Petly s Islands,\\nas the old laws usually call it,) to New-\\nJersey, and Windmill Island to Pennsyl-\\nvania. The former was immediately\\nannexed, contrary to the general rule of\\nproximity, to Newton township.- When\\nCatnden township was erected, by some\\nstu])id oversight Potty s Island was for-\\ngotten and left out of the bill.\\nUpon the east side of this island near\\nits southern end, lie the remains of Paul\\nJones famous ship, the Alliance., This\\nvessel was built at Salisbury, Massachu-\\nsetts, and was laun-hed just after our\\ntreaty of amity with France, in honor of\\nwhich event she received her name.\\nShe bore the terrible flag of Jones in\\nseveral engagements, among which that\\noff Scarborough Head, England, was of f\\nitself enough to immortalize her.f After\\nthe war she made one voyage we believe,\\nas a mercljantman, and was then laid up,\\nwhere relique seeking posterity could\\nreadily chip her to ])ieces. Nor, ex-\\nclaims the patriotic McClure, shall she\\nlie forgotten while the victories won are\\nworth the recollection, or this pen lives\\nto record her memory. :j:\\nRev. Laws, p. 5S.\\nt Coopcr a Navul History, Vol. I, p. 150, and\\n189 et seq.\\nt See MfClnrc s Survey of (hp Delaware be-\\ntween riusttr htk! Hichirond, etc., p. 33,", "height": "3249", "width": "1989", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "88\\nTOPOORAPHT OF THB \u00c2\u00bbELAWARB.\\nWindmill Island contained a few years\\nago a memento almost as valuable as the\\nwreck of the Alliance we mean the\\nhulk of the vessel which in 1815 brought\\nout the glad tidings of the treaty of\\nGhent. Being old and unfit for further\\nservice, she was purchased by the Smith\\nfamily who had located the north part of\\nthe island, and having been hauled out\\nopposite the foot of Chestnut street, was\\nconverted into a pleasure house. When\\nthe workmen were digging the canal a\\nlittle south of the site of this Old Mes-\\nsenger of Peace, one of them found at\\na considerable distance below the sur-\\nface, a brass button, having upon it the\\nfigure of a pig, and the inscription No\\ntithes. This seems to show the truth\\nof Brown s complaint in the letter above\\ncited, that this mud barr is continually\\nshifting and changing in one part or\\nother. Since the button in question\\ndropped from its owner s coat, the allu-\\nvion had increased there tour or five\\nfeet. Uj;on Hill s map, made in 1809, it\\nappears that between Vine street and\\nthe Navy Yard there were seven inde-\\npendent bars or islands, separated by\\npassages, one o( which, the remains\\nwhereof are yet visible opposite Spruce\\nstreet, contained for many years, it is\\nsaid, three fathoms water at low-tide.\\nMr, McClure has mentioned instances\\nin which these channels have moved a\\nconsiderable distance or altogether van-\\nished in the course of a day. There\\nseems to be now a uniform decrease of\\nthe fast land of this island at the south\\nand an increase to the northward.f\\nSurvey of the Delaware from Chester, etc.,\\np. 3.^.\\nt In a map made in 1777 by Mr. Scull, then\\nSurveyor of Philadelphia, ihe VVindinill bar is re-\\n.presented as joining 1 lie Jersey shore at the point\\njust above Cooper s Ferry. The fiist land of this\\nisland, il is well known, used to run some distance\\nbelow tiie Swedes Church, nnd it was upon its\\nbar, opposite the present Navy Yard, that the\\nAmerican frigate Delaware was grounded on the\\nseventeenth of November, 1777, and taken by\\nthe British. All the gallies and gun boats\\nwhich had cooperated with Smith and Greene, at\\nFort Mifflin and Red Bank, passed up the Jersey\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0channel on the night of the sixteenth, and got\\n\u00c2\u00abafely to Bordcntown. Barneys Memoireg, p.\\nFurther down the river many changes\\nhave taken place within the last half\\ncentury. Thus Gibbet Island, which\\nonce lay opposite the mouth of the\\nSchuylkill, has been like some of Pet-\\nty s Islands entirely swept away; and\\nits fragments now form a considerable\\nflat, some distance below where the\\nisland itself was located. Bush Island\\nopposite Red Bank, has also disap-\\npeared, and the ground upon which it\\nstood is now an irregular bar. Upon\\nthe other hand, there are now great\\nshoals and banks where there used to\\nbe a good depth of water; thus after the\\nsinking of Davis Pier or Fort Gaines,\\nopposite Fort Mifflin, during the Revolu-\\ntion, a bar speedily formed below it,\\nmore than a mile in length, and to the\\ngreat injury of navigation. Between\\nTinnicum Island and the Jersey shore a\\nsmall shoal was formed around a sunken\\npilot boat; and a much larger one gath-\\nered about the British frigate Augusta,\\nin a few years after her loss. In 1812\\nLittle League Island, north of League\\nIsland proper, emerged from the river,\\nand continued for some time indepen-\\ndent; but the alluvion has now united\\nthe two together. At the upper end of\\nHog Island, the alluvion accumulated so\\nfast, that about 1820 the proprietors en-\\nclosed fifty acres of land over which\\nlarge sloops used to sail a few years be-\\nfore. Between this Island and the\\nPennsylvania shore thex e was in the\\nRevolution, a channel so deep that a\\nlarge British frigate ascended it to at-\\ntack Fort Mifflin in the rear; but by 1820\\nit had so filled up that deserters from\\nthat post could ford it and thus get away.\\nMany other such changes as these are\\nmentioned in David McClure s pamphlet\\nand in Hill s Circular Map.\\n61. Opposite the Swedes Church at Wicacoa\\nthere is a rock famous for pcrch-tishing. It was\\nhere that the frigate Philadelphia struck and filled\\nsome time before her fatal cruise to the Medi-\\nterranean. In the olden time Windmill Island\\nwas used as a gibbttting place for pirates. Early\\nin the present century three mutineers who had\\nkilled a part of a crew, but were captured through\\nthe instrumentality of a large dog, were hung op.\\nposite Fine Street", "height": "3254", "width": "1999", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "FORMER NAMES OF PLACES.\\nSt\\nThe wrecks of the frigate Merlin and\\nof the Augusta, sixty-four, lie near the\\nmouth of Mantua Creek\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the former just\\nbelow the creek and quite near the shore.\\nThese vessels were part of the British\\nfleet with which the American gallies\\nunder Hazelwood, had so warm and\\nglorious an engagement on the morning\\nof the tvventy -third of October, 1777.\\nThe Merlin having run aground in escap-\\ning from the gallies, was burnt by her\\ncrew, and the Augusta took fire by\\naccident and blew up. As this hap-\\npened on the day after the battle of\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Red Bank, old Mitch s veracity may\\nwell be questioned.\\nCHAPTER XXIII.\\nTHE INDIAN, DUTCH, SWEDISH AND OLD\\nENGLISH NAMES OF THE CREEKS, AND\\nPROMINENT POINTS ALONG THE DELA-\\nWARE.\\nIt is important, in order to avoid con-\\nfusion, in reading the ancient historians\\nand geographers of the Delaware, to\\nremember that many localities have four\\nor five different names, owing to the\\npetty jealousy and bad taste of the\\nDutch, Swedes and English, each of\\nwhich people insisted upon displacing\\nthe euphonious titles of the Indians and\\napplying its own new-fangled designa-\\ntions.\\nOldman s Creek, the south bound of\\nGloucester county, was called by the\\nIndians Kag-Kiksizachens-sippiis^r^sipr\\npus being in the Delaware language the\\nword for river or creek. The Dutch\\nand Swedes called it Aldermcin s^kilen\\nkit in Dutch and kilen in Swedish mean-\\ning the same as sippus. The early\\nEnglish settlers named it Berkley River\\nin honor of the Proprietor Lord Berkley,\\nbut it is often spelled in old laws. BarX\\nley. Finally the present name came in\\nvogue, it bemg a translation of the Dutch\\nname. Alderman s Kilen.\\nThe Racoon takes its title from the\\npowerful tribe of Naraticon Indiana\\nHazlewood s Ledor to Washinaton, Pcnn.\\nReg. Vol. Ill, p. 181. Ante, p, 70.\\nN\\nwho once resided there\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -;?\u00c2\u00ab7r 7f icon being\\nthe Indian name, it seems, for the now\\ncanonized animal, the racoon, which\\nKalm tells us formerly abounded in great\\nnutnbers in that part of the country. The\\nIndian name for this creek was Nara-\\nticons-sippus or 3femirako, which neith-\\ner the Dutch nor Swedes seem to have\\naltered.\\nThe Repaupo, according to Lind-\\nstroms map, was called by the aborigines\\nWivenski Sackoey -sippus, and probably\\ntook its present title from the Swedish\\ntown of Repaapo.\\nGreat and Little Mantua Creeks are\\nnamed. Smith tells us, from the native\\nword mania, which signifies a frog.-*\\nThe Indian tribe which resided here, and\\nwhich had a branch about Burlington, ic\\noften mentioned in old writers: De Vries\\ncalls them Indians of the Roodehoek\\nor Mantes, De Laet the Manta^sy,\\nand Plantagenet the Manteses. Thev\\nwere a bloody people, and had doubtless\\nhad a hand in the Graef Ernest tragedy,\\ninasmuch as De Vrics tells us that some\\nof them boarded his yacht in the Timmer-\\nkill, with the very jackets on, which the\\nmurdered Virginians had worn. The\\nSwedish name for Great Mantua Creek\\nwas Makles-ki/kn. The Roodehoek\\nmentioned by De Vries was Billings-\\nport; hock being the Dutch for point or\\nhook. The Swedes called this place\\nRoder-udden, the latter word bearing the\\nsame signification in Swedeish as7iQ ?/t\\nin the Dutch.\\nThe original name of Woodbury\\nCreek was Piscozackasing, upon which\\nneither the Dutch nor Swedes attempted\\nany other improvement than the custo-\\nmary addition of kyl. It received its\\npresent English title from the town of\\nWoodbury.\\nTimber Creek, as we have before\\nseen, was called indiscriminately, by the\\nDutch and Swedes, Tetamekanchz-kil,\\nJirwanies, Tehokevind Sassackon, though\\nin strictness, each of those Indians names\\napplied to a particular branch.f The\\nnames Gloucester River and Bi^ and\\nLittle Timber Creek came in use very\\nHis!. N.J,, p. 136. t.Ante, p. 61.", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "to\\nTUB POLITICIANS AND SOLDIERS OF OLD GLOUCESTER.\\nioon after the permanent settlement of\\nthe English. Gloucester Point was\\ncalled originally Tekaacho or Herma-\\nomissing, and was justly considered\\nwhen the creeks above and below it\\nwere open, un grand cap. Howell s\\nCove, below Timber Creek, was called\\nby the first English, Cork Cove, and\\nnfterwards Ladde s Cove.\\nThe Indian name of Newton Crefk\\nwas Quinquorenning but the Dutch\\ncalled so much of it, and of Cooper s\\nCreek, as was regarded as forming the\\neast channel around Jacques Island, the\\nGraef Ernest, or Count Ernest River, in\\nhonor of a celebrated German prince of\\nthe seventeenth century. The point\\nnorth of Newton Creek is called in Hill s\\nMap, Walnut Point.\\nCooper s Creek was perhaps called\\nby the Indians Asoroches or Jisomochcs.\\nThe Dutch named it the Timmcr-kill;\\nand the Swedes the Hiorte-kilen, irom\\nharto, the Indian name for deer. In\\nthe French copy of Lindstrom s Map, it\\nis called Riviere des c-erfs, that is Deer\\nRiver, by which name it is also once or\\ntwice spoken of by Campanins. After\\nthe settlement of William Cooper at\\nPyne Point, now Cooper s Point, the\\nneighboring stream took his name.\\nThe Penshaukin is proba])ly the TVa-\\nreptapecka of the Indians; for Campanius\\nafter speaking of the Rankoques, men-\\ntions Warantapecka as lying more to\\nthe south. De Laet speaks of visiting\\na fine creek, upwards of a Dutch mile\\nabove Jacques Eylandt, the country upon\\nwhich was fine and covered with an\\nabundant growth of vines, and he\\nnamed it therefore, H^yns;aerVs kill, or\\nVine Creek. This we think was the\\nsame as the Warentapecka. Upon Van-\\nderdonck s map there is an Indian town\\non the north bank of this stream, called\\nMispennirk, and the stream itself, or the\\npoint at its mouth, is marked Pr n/f)iens\\nhoek. When William Penn arrived,\\nthis name was most likely corrupted out\\nof complin)ent to him, into Pcnsoakev.\\nIt was also called by the early English,\\nCrapivell or CropivcU River.\\nIt may not be amiss to observe that\\nwaMiev or mej: seems to have been the\\npatrial, and ong, onck or karonck the\\nusual trilninary affix of the Indian lan-\\nguage. Thus upon ^anderdonck s map\\nthe country between the Timmerkill and\\nPruymenhock is called Ermomex, the\\nthe king of which, twenty years before\\nVanderdonck s time, was also called by\\nPlantagenet, Eriivomeck or Eriivoneck.\\nIn the same map an Indian town upon\\nthe south side of Timber Creek, a little\\nway south-east of t Fort Nassou is\\nmarked Jir7}ie Wamea: the last two syl-\\nlables evidently forming an independent\\nword. The tribe inhabiting Ermomex!\\nwas called, according to Vanderdonck,\\nthe Ama-Caronck, or in De Laet s La-\\ntin, Jlma-Kciroaongy, and the Cooper s\\nCreek tribe, called by De Laet the\\nMceroahkongy is named by Vander-\\ndonck the Moitoam-Kwonck.\\nAbout the Delaware, almost all the\\nIndian names the euphon} of which\\nPenn so much admired have been abol-\\nished, or improved, as the spirit of the\\nage will have it, by gross corruptions.\\nBut several branches of the Mullicaand\\nthe Great Egghai bor j et retain their pri-\\nmitive titles. The significance of these\\nnames is lost, biit their fine sound yet\\nremains to plead against the vandalism\\nof those who would destroy them.\\nCHAPTER XXIV.\\nTHE politicians AND SOLDIERS OF OLD\\nGLOUCESTER.\\nAVhal constiditps a State\\nNot high raisi d liatllemiTits or lahoured mound\\nThick walls, or moated gafp\\nNot cities proud witli spijcs and turrets crown d,\\nNo nifii, high ininded MEN\\nMen who their duties know,\\nRut know their right and knoiving dare maintain;\\nPrerent the long aim d Idow,\\nAnd crush the tyrant while they rend the chain:\\nThese constitutes a State.\\nSir William Jones, from Alcaut.\\nWe have had occasion to mention in\\nthe preceding pages, several incidents\\nwhich illustrate the sturdy attachment\\nof the first English settlers in West\\nJersej to those just and liberal princi-\\nples which caused their exile from the\\nmother count^3^ The political history\\nof those settlers and theij. immediate\\ndescendants is a subject of which the", "height": "3254", "width": "1963", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "THE POUTICIANS AN\u00c2\u00bb flOLDIERS OF OLD GLOUCESTER.\\n91\\nablest pen might not be ashamed. The\\nmaterial is abundant and rich, and fornis\\na mine which should long ago have been\\najjpropriated by a Griffith or an Ewing.\\nWhen this neglected field is explored,\\nif Impartially be the lamp-bearer, we\\nare sure that old Gloucester will be\\nfound to have given to the councils of\\nour state and the armies and navies of\\nour nation, men than whom none better\\nunderstood the true principles of liberty,\\nor knowing, more bravely defended\\nthem. For a long time Gloucester was\\npeopled almost exclusively by Friends\\nby men who had themselves felt the\\npolitical thraldom of the mother country,\\nor by those who remembered well their\\nfather s recitals of the wrongs which\\ndrove them into the wilderness. Tliey\\nguarded therefore with a jealous eye\\nthose admirable Concessions upon which\\nthe government of West Jersey was\\nbased; and, after the union of the two\\nprovinces in 1702, watched with unceas-\\ning vigilance every attempt made by the\\nEast Jersey Calvinists to despoil the laws\\nof the colony of that peaceful and lenient\\nspirit which had preeminently distin-\\nguished the western code.\\nA consistent hatred of militia-bills, and\\nall quality,\\nPride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war,\\nformed a prominent trait in the character\\nof the early men and wo may add of\\nthe early women too of Gloucester. In\\n109.5 the Recorder, John Reading, after-\\nwards President of the Council, having\\nso far forgotten his original Quakerism\\nas to accept a militay comnnssion oi\\nsome kind from the Governor, employed\\na driunmer, who on one occasion had\\nthe audacity to visit the tavern kept by\\nMathew Medcalfe, at Gloucester town.\\nThis worthy host not seeing the use of\\nmusic, and not feeling disposed to tole-\\nrate such vanities about his premises,\\ncalled his wife Dorothy to his assistance\\nand mcontinently broke the heads both\\nof drum and drummer for which being\\nindicted he made no defence, but prompt-\\nly paid his penalty, content with having\\nborne some testimony against the prac\\ntice of war. The defendant in this in-\\ndictment was for many year3 one of the\\nmost prominent men in the county.*\\nThe representatives of Gloucester\\ncounty in the General Assembly always\\nfirmly resisted the attempts of the East\\nJersey colonels and majors to fasten\\nupon the colony a militia system in time\\nof peace. Prior to the French war this\\nsubject became in New Jersey one of\\nsuch warm interest, that both parties\\nbetook themselves to pampheteering. In\\none of the works elicited in this wordy\\ncontest, it is urged as a potent reason\\nagainst the establishment of a militia\\nsystem, that six shillings of every\\nhonest man s property in the province\\nexcept those above sixty, is subject year\\nly to the humors or prejudices of any\\nlow-lived pragmatical fellow that can\\nget dubbed a sergeant. t All the abuse\\nof the East Jersey champions failed to\\ndrive the Friends from Gloucester into\\na support of this step, until the necessi-\\nties of the war absolutely required the\\norganization of a military force.\\nBut it was not only in questions of\\nconscience that the ancient men of our\\nshire carried a stiiT neck. They were\\nimbued with a county pride, which\\nbrooked no insult and forgave no wrong.\\n\\\\n 1742, one John Jones, a lawyer, a\\ndeputy of Joseph Warrell, Esq., the\\nAttorney General, prosecuted some cri-\\nminal to conviction in the Gloucester\\ncourt; whereupon he demanded his fees\\nof the Board of Justices and Freeholders,\\nwho referred him to his employer, telling\\nhim the county had not asked for his\\nservices. Jones threatened to take out\\nOn the second of September, 1695. the fol.\\nlowinor niiniite is made by the Clerk of the County\\nCourt: The Crand Jury return and find a bill\\nagainst Mattiievv Medcalfe and Dorothy, his wife,\\nfor a breach of the Kinj/ s peace, and contemptu-\\nously asi^auitine: of a drummer under ye com-\\nmand of John Reading:, and breaking of ye drum.\\nThe said Malhew confesseth ye matter of ffact\\nboth as to himself and in ye behalf of his wife,\\nand leaves ye same to ye consideration and mercy\\nof ye Bench. The Bench after consideration\\naward the said Matthew to pay as n fine jt sum\\nof twenty shillings, with costs of suite.\\nSee the pamphlet entitled Diulog-ae b\u00c2\u00abtweea\\ntwo genii jmen of New York, fflating to the pub-\\nlic affairs of New Jersey, p. 5.", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "93\\nTHB POLITICIANS AN0 SOLDIERS OF OLD GLOUCESTER.\\na mandamus to compel them to pay, at\\nwhich the worthy Freeholders took lire,\\nand immediately char ?ed the deputy\\nbefore the Assembly with trying- to ex-\\ntort money from them against law. They\\npressed their plaint with such vigor, that\\nJones was forthwith arrested by the\\nSpeaker s warrant and brought before\\nthe House, Here he humbly promised\\nnot to do the like again, and was dis-\\nmissed; but as he had criminated the\\nKing s Attorney as the instigator of his\\noffence, Mr. Warrell was also arrested.\\nHis story was, that what he had done\\nwas b}^ the importunity of Jones; but\\nsince he was informed that it was the\\nopinion of the House that such demands\\nwere not allowable he asked pardon\\nof the county and colony, and was dis-\\nmissed from custody This case, which\\nwas in reality Gloucester county versus\\nthe crown of England for the Attorney\\nGeneral was a crown officer also caus-\\ned a pamphet war, which was con-\\nducted with considerable ability on both\\nsides. The Assembly was assailed for\\nlis action in the premises in a pamphet\\nentitled Extracts from the minutes, etc.,\\nto which are added some Notes and\\nObservations, a reply whereto speedi-\\nly followed under the caption of The\\nNote maker noted and the Observer ob-\\nserved upon; by a true Lover of English\\nliberty; 1743. The first was probably\\nWritten by Jones himself, and the other\\nby some of old Gloucester s indignant\\nfreeholders. In this little affair we see\\na strong tinge of the spirit which thirty\\nyears afterwards led to the Revolution;\\nand we hazard but little in saying that\\nthe same jealousy of the royal power in\\nall its modifications always distinguished\\nthe people of Gloucester county.\\nThe first Legislature of independent\\nNew Jersey during its session at Had-\\ndonfield, in the month of September,\\n1777, found itself surrounded by true\\nfriends of liberty, who gave all its acts\\nExtracts from the minutes and votes of the\\nHouse of Assembly oftlie Colony of New Jersey\\nmet in General Asseml ly at Burlington, 16lh\\nOctober, 1742; tn which are added some notes\\nand iibfervatione. Printed by Benjamin Franklin,\\n1743. i .i:,.\\na prompt and hearty support. It was\\nhere, during the darkest hour of the\\nRevolution, that the two Houses by\\nunanimously expunging the word colo-\\nny and substituting state in public\\nwrits and commissions, wiped out the\\nlast vestige of our servitude. It was here\\ntoo that that Committee of Safety was\\nestablished, which afterwards proved of\\nsuch signal service. The member of\\nCouncil for Gloucester during this ses-\\nsion, was John Cooper, who attended\\nregularly at Haddonfield but did not fol-\\nlow to Princeton, whither the Legisla-\\nture adjourned on the twenty-fourth of\\nSeptember. His Excellency William\\nLivingston, and Messrs. Sinnickson,\\nCox, Condict, Symmes, Hand, Scudder\\nand Paterson were regular in their at-\\ntendance. The joint-meetings were held\\nwhile the two Houses continued at Had-\\ndonfield, at Thomas Smith s, and Joint\\nCommittees generally met at Hugh\\nCreighton s or Samuel Kinnard s.\\nThe most prominent military charac-\\nters of the county of Gloucester at the\\ncommencement of the war of the Revo-\\nlution, were Colonels Joseph Ellis, Jo-\\nsiah Hillman, Joseph Hugg and Robert\\nBrown; Major William Ellis; Captains\\nSamuel Hugg, John Stokes and John\\nDavis. Col. Ellis had commanded a\\ncompany in Canada In the French war,\\nbut on the opening of the issue between\\nthe mother county and her colonies, he\\nresigned the commission he held of the\\nKing, and was made a colonel in the\\nGloucester militia. He was in the battle\\nof Monmouth, and several other engage-\\nments, in all of which he fought bravely.\\nCol. Hillman was esteemed a good of-\\nficer, and saw much hard service. Col.\\nHugg was appointed Commissary of Pur-\\nchans for West Jersey, at an early stage\\nof the war, and in that capacity did\\nmuch for the cause. He was in the bat-\\ntles of Germantown, Shorthills and Mon-\\nmouth and when the British crossed\\nfrom Philadelphia to New York, he was\\ndetailed to drive away the stock along\\ntheir line of march, in performing which\\n*See Votes and Proceeding s of Council of 1777,\\np.lOl el scq. Hugh Creighton was the gfrand-nitlier\\nuITtoV. Striitfon. lie kej i a hotel in Huddonficld.", "height": "3254", "width": "1963", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2THE P01JTICIAN8 AND SOLDIERS OF OLD QLOUCESTER.\\n93\\nduty he had many narrow escapes from\\nthe enemy s light horse. Col. Brown\\nlived at Swedesboro and his regiment\\nwas chiefly employed in preventing the\\nenemy from landing from their ships,\\nand restraining the excursions of the\\nRefugees from Billingsport. Major El-\\nlis was taken prisoner early in the war,\\nand kept for a long time upon Long\\nIsland. Captain Samuel Hugg and Fred-\\nerick Frelinghuysen were appointed\\nby an act of the Legislature to com-\\nmand the two first companies of Artillery\\nraised in New Jersey, Hugg in the west-\\nern and Frelinghuysen in the eastern\\ndivision. The former soon raised his\\ncompany, and in it were a number of\\nyoung men of fortunes and the first\\nfamilies in the state, the Westcoats, El-\\nmers, Seeleys and others, men who af-\\nterwards occupied distinguished posts\\nin the local and national governments.\\nThis company was at the battles of\\nTrenton and Princeton. When the Roe-\\nbuck, forty-four, was engaged in pro-\\ntecting the operations against the che-\\nvaux de frize at Billingsport, Hugg s\\nartillerists threw up a small breast-work\\nupon the Jersey shore, and fought her\\nduring a whole day but unfortunately\\ntheir first sergeant, William Ellis, was\\nkilled by a cannon ball which took off\\nboth his legs above the knees. This\\nEllis was an Englishman, and had been\\nfor several years a recruiting officer for\\nthe British service, in Philadelphia. He\\njoined the American cause early like\\nhis namesake, was a very brave man\\nand died much regretted by his com-\\npanions in arms. Captain Stokes, whose\\nprowess in the neighborhood of the\\nBritish camp at Camden we have before\\nalluded to,- commanded a company of\\nmere boys made up from some of the\\nbest families in Gloucester county.\\nThese fellows were at the battle of\\nMonmouth, but Col. Hillman sent them\\nto the rear to guard the baggage. Stokes\\nwas often heard to say afterwards, that\\nhe never saw so mad a set of young-\\nsters as these were on being assigned\\nso safe a post. They cried with rage\\nAnte, p. 57.\\nat being stationed there, after having\\nmarched so far to see what fighting\\nwas. Two, and we believe only two,\\nof the soldiers whom Gloucester gave\\nto the Revolution, are now residents of\\nthis county, namely, Capt. James B.\\nCooper, of Haddonfield, and John\\nMapes, (or John Mapes of Long\\nstreet, as he sometimes writes himself)\\nboth of whom were members of Lee s\\nLegion. Cooper entered the army when\\nquite a boy, and his name is honorably\\nmentioned in some of the histories of the\\ntirae.t Long, very long, may it be, be-\\nfore either he or his compatriot will\\nwant an epitaph\\nIn our war with Tripoli and in the\\nlate war with England, some of the best\\nand bravest sailors in our navy were\\nsons of Gloucester county. Who, that\\nis not culpably ignorant of the history of\\nhis country, has not heard of the name\\nof Capt. Richard Somers This chival-\\nric sailor was the son of Col. Richard\\nSomers, an officer of the Revolution.\\nHe was born at Somers Point, about\\nthe year 1778, was educated at Burling-\\nton, but took to the sea when very young.\\nHe joined the American navy in its in-\\nfancy, where he soon became distin-\\nguished by his courage, and his thorough\\nseamanship. In 1804 he was in the\\nMediterranean, captain of the Nautilus,\\nunder Commodore Preble. The opera-\\ntions of the fleet before Tripoli having\\nbeen prolonged a great while to little\\npurpose, a master stroke was devised\\nto cripple the enemies gallies, and\\nhasten the Bashaw s will to capitulate.\\nWith this view, the ketch Intrepid was\\nprepared as an infernal, to be sent into\\nthe harbor among the Tripolitan vessels,\\nand there exploded. To navigate a\\nmachine to the crew of which an acci-\\ndental spark or a shot from the enemy\\nwas certain destruction, required no or-\\ndinary degree of courage. But though\\nothers shrank back, Somers volunteered\\nThese farts are from the MSS. of a Scpfuge-\\nnarian before oiled. The writer knew all tlie\\nmen, of whom he speaks personally and intimately.\\nSee Garden s Anecdotes of the American\\nRevolution.", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "94\\nCONCLUSION.\\nfor the adventure, and with a picked\\ncrew, on a proper night, embarked in\\ntlie infernal for tlie liarbor. For a few\\nminutes the breathless Americans peered\\nwith intense, unsatisiied curiosity into\\nthe deep darkness which had swallowed\\nthe adventurous vessel. Then shells and\\nshot started from the alarmed battery of\\nthe town, and swept in every direction.\\nA fierce light rested for a moment upon\\nthe wave, and with the tenfold darkness\\nthat returned, came a terrific concussion\\nwhich made the ships in the offing quake\\nfrom their trucks their keels. It was\\nevident that the ketch had prematurely\\nexploded, and that Somers and his crew\\nhad been blown to a thousand atoms It\\nwas understood upon the departure of\\nthe infernal from the fleet that in no\\nevent was her cargo of powder to fall\\ninto the hands of the Tripolitans.\\nSomers was known to be a man capable\\nof any sacrifice for the glory of the ser-\\nvice and the welfare of his country; and\\nit was therefore believed by Preble (and\\nis still believed upon every foretop and\\nquarter-deck of our navy) that being\\ndiscovered and in danger of being taken,\\nhe ordered the match to be applied to\\nthe magazine, and died with his com-\\nrades, to keep I rom the enemy the means\\nof prolonging the war.^\\nWere we to dwell upon the biogra-\\nphies of all the distinguished sons of old\\nGloucester, where would we find what\\nwe fear the reader already anticipates\\nwith pleasure the end of our book\\nOne has risen from a poor Eggharbor\\nfisher-boy to be the second only among\\nthe millionaires of America. Another,\\nleft at an early age an orphan and friend-\\nless, becomes celebrated as the most\\neloquent man at the most powerful bar\\nin the Union. A third receives for the\\nfirst time, directly at the hands of the\\npeople, the office of Governor of New\\nJersey. And, many, in distant states, by\\nthe manner in which they discharge high\\nand responsible posts, reflect honor upon\\nthe shire that jrave them birth.\\nCooper s Naval ?Iist ry, Vol. II, p. 75, etc.,\\nand see the Sketches of Somers, by the same\\nauthor, in Graham s Magazine, October, 1842.\\nCHAPTER XXV.\\nCONCLUSION.\\nNo need to lurn the page as if twere lead\\nOr flini; aside the voluuie till lo-niorrow\\nBe cheer d tis ended and I will not borrow,\\nTo try thv patience more, one anecdote\\nFrom Baitholine, or Perinskiold, or Snorro.\\nScott s Harold the Dauntless.\\nTo him who has felt sufficient interest\\nin our desultory sketches to have fol-\\nlowed us thus far, no apology will be\\nnecessary for introducing, in conclusion,\\na short notice of some of the books from\\nwhich we have gleaned our materials.\\nSomething of the biography of every\\nwriter, something of the occasion of his\\nwork and of the time and circumstances\\nof its publication, and of the manner in\\nwhich it was I eceived by his cotempo-\\nraries, is requisite to be known, to enable\\nthe reader to understand well and esti-\\nmate properly what he peruses. And\\nwho has not felt the additional pleasure\\nwhich such scraps of information impart\\nto his reading Who, for instance, does\\nnot devour Rasselas with increased de-\\nlight, after learning that Johnson wrote\\nit in less than a week to raise money to\\npay the funeral expenses of his mother?\\nor Caisar s Commentaries with more in-\\nterest, after learning how narrowly they\\nescaped destruction in the bay of Alex-\\nandria. We see no reason why such\\nextrinsic facts as serve to explain or to\\nrender pleasing to the student, the event-\\nful story of his native land, should be of\\nless importance than the very contents\\nof the books from which it has hitherto\\nbeen our object to extract the essence.\\nThe most ancient historian in whose\\npages we find any thing definite in rela-\\ntion to the east bank of the Delaware, is\\nJohn de Laet, a native of Antwerp, but\\na resident of Leyden; who was a very\\nlearned man, and by far more precise\\nand accurate than any of his successors\\nwho undertook to enumerate the Indian\\ntribes of West Jersey. This may appear\\nsingular, since De Laet was never in\\nAmerica himself, but wrote altogether\\nfrom hearsay. When we remember,\\nhowever, that he was intimately ac-\\nquainted with Captain De Vries, and", "height": "3239", "width": "1983", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "CONCLUSION.\\n95\\nhad also enjoyed the advantage of read-\\ning the MS. journals of Hendrick Hud-\\nson, Adrien Block, Capt. May, and per-\\nhaps other very early voyagers to the\\nNew Netherlands, we will not wonder\\nat the remarkable accuracy with which\\nhe has written of that country. He was\\nan enthusiastic student in the new field\\nof science which the discovery of Ame-\\nrica had opened to the savans of Europe;\\nand was at one time engaged in a con-\\ntroversy with Grotius upon the origin\\nof the Indian race. But his chief work\\nwas his New World or a Description\\nof the West Indies, which was first\\npublished in Dutch, black-letter, folio,\\nfrom the famous press of the Elzevirs,\\nin Leyden, in the year 1625. This edi\\ntion, though it appeared but two years\\nafter Captain May had built Fort Nassau,\\ncontains some very accurate information\\nconcerning the South River. In IQ33,\\nsoon after the visit of De Vries to Hol-\\nland, a new edition was published at the\\nsame press, in Latin, in which was in-\\ncorporated much new matter collected\\nby subsequent traders to Fort Nassau,\\ntogether with a map entitled Nova An-\\nglia, Novum Belgium et Virginia, which\\nis, we believe, the first chart of the\\nDelaware now extant. With this edition\\nthe student of the history of West Jersey\\nshould begin his labors. The eleventh\\nand twelfth chapters of the third book\\ncontain a description of the Indian tribes\\nfrom Cape May to the Falls of Trenton,\\nthan which, we venture the assertion,\\nno subsequent account can compare in\\nsuccintness, clearness and intrinsic evi-\\ndence of truth. De Laet died in 1649,\\nhaving enjoyed the pleasure of seeing\\nhis New World acquire a high repu-\\ntation among readers of three languages.\\nThis book, especially in the l^atin, al-\\nways commands an extravagant price\\namong the literati of Europe, on ac-\\ncount of the great beauty of theElzevir\\ntype. A translation of the part relating\\nto the New Netherlands has been pub-\\nlished, in the first volume of the New\\nSeries of the New York Historical Col-\\nlections, which in a measure atones for\\nthe extreme scarcity of the orio:inal.\\nNext to De Laet comes the royal\\nBeauchamp Plant age net, whose\\nDescription of the Province of New\\nAlbion, and a Direction for Adventurers\\nwith small stock to get two for one and\\ngood Land freely, was made up in 1648,\\nof two pamphlets which had appeared\\nin 1637 and 1643. Of the history of\\nPlantagenet we have already told all\\nwe know. His book has been ridiculed\\nby some as a mere fabrication,* but the\\nbest opinion isjthat, though very careless-\\nly written, it is really what it professes to\\nbe, to wit: the result of an actual resi-\\ndence, by certain English settlers under\\nthe grant to Ployden, during the inter-\\nregnum between the Dutch and Swedish\\nempires, upon the banks of the Dela-\\nware. But one printed copy of this\\nmost singular work is believed now to\\nexist; and that is very much worn and\\ndeface d.f\\nPerhaps we should rank the Des-\\ncription of New Sweden, by Campa-\\nNius, as the third book in point, of anti\\nquity, which treats particularly of the\\nbanks of the Delaware for although it\\nwas not printed until after several other\\nworks had appeared upon that ponion\\nof history, yet the material was collected\\nby Thomas Campanius and Peter Lind-\\nStrom or Lindhestrom, of whom the for-\\nmer came out with Governor Printz, in\\n1642, and the latter with Ciovernor Ri-\\nsingh, shortly after. This Campanius,\\nit will be remembered, \\\\ras a Swedish\\nclergyman, who lived in New Sweden\\nfor six years. He was born at Stock-\\nholm, (whence he is sometimes called\\nThomas Campanius Holm,) on the fif-\\nteenth of August, 1601. He went\\nthrough his studies with much credit,\\nafter which he was employed many\\nyears as preceptor in the Orphan s\\nHouse, in his native city. After his re-\\nturn home in 1648, he was made first\\npreacher of the Swedish Admii alty,\\nand subsequently had the cure of souls\\nSee the pnprr by Mr. Pennington, in Vol.\\nVI. of the Memoirs of the Penn. Hist. Society.\\nt This copy is in the Philadelphia Library.\\nThinking it a pity that so rare a work should\\npt-rish, vvc some time ago took an exact trans,\\ncript of it on parchment paper, from which a re\\nprint may at Buiiie liiuc be made.", "height": "3239", "width": "1983", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "96\\nCONCLUSION.\\nat Frost Hultz and Herenwys in Upland.\\nHere he completed a translation of Lu-\\nther s Catechism into the Indian lan-\\n^ua^e, which was printed at Stockholm\\nin 1696, and sent out to New Sweden.\\nHe died on the seventeenth of Septem-\\nber, 16S3; and was buried in the church\\nof Frost Hultz, where the choir erected\\nto his memory a handsome monument.\\nThe notes which he had collected dur-\\ning his residence at Tinicum, were ed-\\nited by his grandson, also named\\nThomas Campanius Holm. This com-\\npilation, called NyaSwerige in the\\nSwedish, was printed at Stockholm in\\n1702. It has been made accessible to\\nEnglish readers by Mr. Duponceau s\\ntranslation, which was undertaken at the\\nsuggestion of the Pennsylvania Histori-\\ncal Society. A small copy of Lind-\\nstrom s Map of the Delaware, drawn in\\n1654 or 1655, accompanies the work,\\nand a written relation by the same au-\\nthor is often referred to. A French\\ntranslation of these Lindstrom MSS.\\nwas procured from the archives of the\\nSwedisii Government at Stockholm, by\\nCapt. William Jones, and is preserved\\nin the library of the American Philiso-\\nphical Society, as is also a twenty-seven\\ninch copy from the original Lindstrom\\nChart, called Ardcnna Novce Svecice\\nCarta nud dess Rivicrs, etc., which\\nwas destroyed at the conflagration of\\nthe Royal Palace at Stockholm, in 1697.\\nIn addition to the notes of his grand-\\nfather, the verbal accounts of his father\\n(who was also some time in New Swe-\\nden) and the MSS. of Lindstrom, the\\neditor of Nya Swerige seems to have\\nhad access to a book written by Francis\\nDaniel Pastorius, a Dutch Quaker and\\nmagistrate, who lived at Germantown,\\nand to several of the letters written by\\nWilliam Penn after the founding of\\nPhiladelphia. But he has so jumbled\\nmatters together that his meaning is of-\\nten obscure, and he is so fond of the mar-\\nI vellous that he seems sometimes only to\\nI amuse himself by writing fables. Yet,\\nwe owe to him many undoubted facts\\nwhich we could gather no where else,\\ng The next of our historians and geogra-\\n8 phere is Adrian Vax der Donck, who\\ntook at the Leyden University, the im-\\nposing degree of Beyder Recliten Doc-\\ntoor, which means Doctor of both Civil\\nand Canon Law. He enjoys the dis-\\ntinction of having been the first lawyer\\nin the New Netherlands, and the first\\nSheriffof the Colony of Rensselaerwyck.\\nHe came out in 1642; and in 1650, he,\\nwith others, signed the remonstrance\\ncalled Vertoogli van Niew Nederlandt,\\netc., which was printed at the Hague,\\nand which was the nest-egg perhaps of\\nthat excellent Description of the New\\nNetherlands, to which we would com-\\nmend every assiduous student of our\\nearly history. The first edition of this\\nwork was printed about 1653; the second\\nand the one from which Mr. .Tohnson of\\nBrooklyn has made his translation, bears\\nthe imprint of Evert Nieuwenhof, Am-\\nsterdam, 1656. Van der Donck was a\\nlearned man but preferred his vernacu-\\nlar Dutch to the Latin, in order perhaps\\nto draw the more settlers to a colony in\\nwhose prosperity he was so deeply nter-\\nested. His few errors are upon the ex-\\ncusable side. Instead of stocking the\\nnew country, like Campanius, with night-\\ningales, prophetic grass, miraculous\\nfish-trees, and the like, he introduces,\\nlions, and some other ornaments quite\\nas little seductive. His map, of the New\\nNetherlands, which bears date 1656, is\\nas far as the Delaware is concerned,\\nremarkably correct, and seems to have\\nbeen the foundation of Ogilby s and\\nother subsequent charts.\\nIn 1655, were published in Dutch, at\\nAlckmaer, North Holland, at the press\\nof Simon Cornelis Brekgeest, the Brief\\nhistorical and journalized notes of seve-\\nral voyages to the four quarters of the\\nGlobe, etc., by David Pieterszen de\\nVries, Master of Artillery to the Most\\nHonorable Lords, the Committee Coun-\\ncil of the States of West Vriesland and\\nthe North Quarter. This was the same\\nDe Vries who figured so conspicuously\\nin the history of Fort Nassau. That\\nportion of his work which Mr. Troost\\nhas translated into English for the New\\nYork Historical Society, and other frag-\\nments which we found among the MSS.\\nof Pierre du Cimitiere, have been of", "height": "3254", "width": "1963", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "CONCLUSION.\\n97\\nmuch service to us. De Vries was (rom\\nHoorn, a port in North Holland famous\\nas a nursery of good seamen. He was\\nan expert navigator, and wrote with\\nmuch clearness and precision. He was\\nconcerned with his friends De Laet and\\nVan Rensselaer in planting colonies in\\nthe New Netherlands, but seems not to\\nhave run into the common error ot inter-\\nested authors, setting ofif the country in\\nfalse colors.\\nThe rare little book by Gabriel\\nThomas, called An Historical and Ge-\\nographical account of the Province and\\nCounty of Pennsylvania and ot West\\nNew Jersey, in America, was prmted\\nat London, in 169S. The author was a\\nQuaker, who came over in the barali\\nand John, the first ship that sailed from\\nEn-land to Penn s province after it re-\\nceived the name of Pennsylvania. He\\nlived in Philadelphia about fifteen years.\\nHe tells us that he saw the first cellar\\nin that city when it was digging tor the\\nGovernor, William Penn. He is very\\nparticular to reassure us that what he de-\\nlivers is indisputably true, as he was\\nan eye witness to it all. In the preface\\nto his West Jersey, he encourages the\\nidle, the sloathful and the vcL-^abonds ot\\nEn-land, Scotland and Ireland to hasten\\nthither instead of lingering out their\\ndays so miserably poor and halt starved,\\nor whippiniT, burning and hanging Jor\\nviUainies,they will have little temptation,\\nnay, or inclination to perpetrate here.\\nThis work is now very scarce, and com-\\nmands a high price,\\nPeter Kalm. whose Travels in\\nNorth America have been so otten\\ncited in the preceding pages, was born\\nin 1715 in Ostro Bothnia, Sweden.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0080\u00a2From 174S to 1751, he was engaged in\\nmaking a botanical exploration of North\\nAmerica. He hustened, as soon as he\\narrived, to visit his countrymen in Glou-\\ncester county, and spent some months\\namong them, in investigating the natural\\nhistory of New Sweden. Alter his re-\\nturn home, he was made protessor ot\\nBotanv in the University of Abo, where\\nhe died in 1779. He was the intimate\\nfriend of the great T^innaus, and was\\nhimself a very distinguished naturalist.\\no\\nBesides his Travels in America, which\\nxvere translated and published m Eng-\\nland in 1770, he left more than eiglity\\ndissertations upon various subjects con-\\ncerning the commerce, agriculture and\\nmanufactures of Sweden.-\\nIn 1795 the Rev. Israel Acrelius\\npublished at Stockholm a Description\\nof the present and former state ot the\\nSwedish congregations in New Swe\\nden which was translated by Nicholas\\nCollin, D. D., formerly pastor of tlie\\nSwedish Church at Racoon. Acrelius\\nofficiated for several years at the church\\nat Christina, Delaware, and was Provost\\nof the Swedish clergy, of what had once\\nbeen New Sweden. He returned to old\\nSweden in 1756, and resumed the pas-\\ntorship of Fellingsbro, where he lived\\nwhen his Description was published.\\nDuponcean regarded this as a work ot\\nhi-h authority, and often quotes it in his\\nnotes to Campanius. The translation\\nby Collin is said to be very imperfect\\nbut still it forms a very valuable addition\\nto our local history.\\nPierre du Cimitiere or Simitiere\\n(sometimes corrupted into Simitre) was\\nborn at Geneva, Switzerland. He came\\nto Philadelphia several years before the\\nRevolution, and resided there until after\\nthat event. He was a portrait painter\\nby profession, and a very good artist,\\nbut seems to have cared Uttie for domes-\\ntic happiness or the exercise of political\\nri-hts for he was never married or\\nnaturalized. Feeling, a deep interest in\\nthe neglected history of his adopted\\ncountry he collected a vast amount ot\\nlocal facts, upon which every American\\nwriter can draw with profit. Upon his\\ndecease all of his MSS. were deposited\\nin the Philadelphia Library, where they\\nyet remain, to chide the remissness ot\\nthose who are natives, and to the man-\\nor born.\\nThe Marquis de Chastellux was a\\nFrench nobleman, who with Lafayette\\nvisited our county soon after the close\\nof the war of liberty. His Travels,\\nwhich were translated into English afjout\\n1786, have a peculiar value to the reader\\nDavenports D ^t. Biog. tit. Kalm.", "height": "3244", "width": "1989", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "03\\nOONCLUSIOW.\\nof West Jersey history, as containing a\\nprecise and intelligible account of most\\nof the Revolutionary battles fought along\\nthe Delaware.\\nJohn Peter Brissot de Warville,\\nanother Frenchman who visited Phila-\\ndelphia and the neighboring places in\\n1788, wrote a book of New Travels,\\nwhich is a kind of comment upon the\\nwork by Chastellux. Brissot was the\\nson of a pastry-cook, and was born near\\nChartres, in 1757. He was a rank re-\\npublican, and one of the prime movers\\nin the French Revolution. After being\\ntwo or three times an editor, and once\\nimprisoned in the Bastile for libel, he\\ncame to America. Returning to France,\\nin 1789, he plunged again into the stor-\\nmy sea of politics, and was at last, in\\n1793, sent to the scaffold by Robespierre,\\nwho headed the opposite and then tri-\\numphant faction. Brissot was a promi-\\nnent man in the I^egislative Assembly of\\n1791 and in the Convention; and his in-\\ntrigues it is said, succeeded in bringing\\nabout the war between France, Austria\\nand Great Britain.^\\nLastly, among those foreigners to\\nwhom we owe much of the information,\\nwhatever it may be, transmitted in this\\npamphlet, is the late Peter Stephen\\nDuPONCEAu, a native of the romantic isle\\nof Rhe, off Larochelle, in France. This\\ngentleman came to America, when a\\nyoung man, and settled in Philadelphia,\\nwhere he afterwards became distin-\\nguished as a lawyer, but still more dis-\\ntinguished as a patron of our local his-\\ntory. He was a man of very extensive\\nliterary acquirements, and a patient in-\\nvestigator of every subject to which he\\nturned his attention. The members of\\nI the Historical Society, over which he\\npresided so acceptably, and all who care\\nfor the annals of their homesteads will\\nJ, long cherish for his memory a warm re-\\nu gard.\\n1- A tribute is due to that obscure but\\nmeritorious native geographer, Jojm\\nHill, of Darby, Pennsylvania, who pub-\\ni\\n5i( See Durivage s Cyclop, and Davenport, tit.\\nhe Brissot.\\nlished in 1800 a circular chart, called\\nHill s Record and Historical Map of\\nPhiladelphia and Environs, which cost\\nhim eight or nine years work. This\\nchart is a minute representation, admi\\nrably drawn from actual survey, of the\\ncountry as it then was, within a circle\\ndescribed with a radius of ten miles,\\nabout the centre-hydrant in Philadelphia.\\nWithin this space, as well in Gloucester\\ncounty as in Pennsylvania, most of the\\nfamily estates then subsisting are laid\\ndown, with the number of acres, the\\nname of each property, and the year of\\nits location. Poor Hill continued his\\nlabors after his map was first published,\\nhoping that the patronage extended to it\\nwould warrant another and improved\\nedition but sometime before his death,\\nfinding this hope sadly fallacious, he\\nabandoned the idea and gave to our\\ngrand-father his own copy, upon which\\nhis contemplated additions were marked.\\nLike our friend Howe, in more recent\\ndays, Hill took his knapsack upon his\\nback, and went into the byways as well\\nas highways, in search of information,\\ncalling at every house, and inquiring of\\nevery passenger, until he reached the\\nbottom of the matter he had in hand.\\nOf the ninety-six men whose writings,\\ngentle reader, we have carefully ran-\\nsacked for thy amusement, or it may be,\\nthy instruction, of these few we have\\nthought it best to make special mention.\\nFor, as in writing the history of Glou-\\ncester county, we have sought to give\\nthee not those facts which any school-\\nbook or newspaper could tell thee, but\\nrather those which are curious and by\\nthe ignorant, incredible so in speaking\\nof the historians of our good County, we\\nintroduce to thee not thorough acquain-\\ntances, such as Smith and Gordon, but\\nthose ancient worthies who hide them-\\nselves in the corners of libraries and the\\nlofts of houses. It is these whom we\\nhave invoked to tell thee stories of thy\\nnative land. Question them soundly; for\\nthey can give thee much that we have\\nnot even hinted. Remember them well;\\nfor it is at home that true knowledge\\never begins.\\nTHE END.", "height": "3254", "width": "1963", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "ERRATA.\\nThe following errors occur in part only of the edition:\\nPage 3, 1st col. 7th line from top, for country read county.\\n7, 25th unauspirious read inau$piciott$.\\n8, 2d 24th dare read dared.\\n15, 17lh Daniel Pastoriua read Francis Daniel Pa$toriu$.\\n20, Ist 10th from bottom, for representation read representative.\\n23, 2d 18th from top, for 1S97 read 1497.\\n25, (note,) 5 lines from bottom before in 1637 suppljr arrived.\\n40, 26th from top, for proceedings read proceeding.\\n46, Ist 8th has read have.\\n54, 2d (note,) 3d from bottom, dele one generally.\\n55, 3d from top, for noticd read noticed.\\n58,1st Ist 1804 read 1807.\\n61, 22d 1668 1698.\\n62, (note,) the two last lines, The Gloucester Spring, etc., belong at the head of the note\\n(t) on page 61, second column.\\n\u00e2\u0082\u00ac6, the two notes at the foot of the first column are transposed.\\n67, 1st col., last line of the text, for blessing read blessings,\\n68, ct sequentibus, for Manduit read Mauduit.\\n83, 2d col., 10th from top, for riwalut read rivulet.\\n66, 1st col., note, 8th line from bottom, after other insert than.", "height": "3254", "width": "1963", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "i4o^", "height": "3254", "width": "1963", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3244", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3254", "width": "1963", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "a\\\\\\ns*", "height": "3254", "width": "1963", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "V^^\\nx^^^.\\n7\u00c2\u00bb\\nvN\\n4*-\\ny\\ny\\ni:\\n*0 Jv\\nc\\n0\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0y, ^A\\n^oo^\\nA", "height": "3254", "width": "1963", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "ci-\\nX^^:\\nt. t{M\\nt--\\no*\\nz\\n.^^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^.v J\\nS .V. -h\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0A\\no5 r. N^\u00c2\u00b0- A^ -n..\\nV o", "height": "3254", "width": "1963", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3254", "width": "1963", "jp2-path": "reminiscencesofo01mick_0118.jp2"}}