{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3505", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "\u00c2\u00a9X\u00c2\u00abD TIMSI\\nOLD MONMOUTH.\\nHISTORICAL REMINISCENCES OF\\nOLD MOETMOUTH COUNTY NEW JERSEY.\\nBeing a series of Historical Sketches relating to Old Monmouth County,\\nNow Monmouth and Ocean Counties, originally published in\\nthe Monmouth Democrat, Freehold, N. J.\\nEDWIN SALTER.\\nPrinted at the office of the Monmouth Democrat,\\nFreehold, N. J.\\n1874.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": ".A t", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "oilmTD a?xiv\u00c2\u00a3\u00c2\u00a33]s;\\nIN\\nVI\\n(f3\\nt\\nTHE MONMOUTH PATENT.\\nAs tills noted instrument, though famil-\\niar to those who have made the early his-\\ntory of our State a special study, is not\\nreadily accessible to some of our readers,\\nwe copy it lu-re for convenient re eren( d\\nto all interested in the history of Old Mon-\\nmouth\\nTo all whom these jiresents shall ceme:\\nT Richard Nicolis Esq, Oovernor under his\\nRoyal Highness the Duke of York of all\\nhis Territories in America, send greeting.\\nWhereas there i\u00c2\u00ab a certain tract or par-\\ncel of land within this government, lying\\nand being near Sandy Point, upon the\\nMain which said parcel of land hath\\nbeen with my consent and approbation\\nbought by some of the inhabitants of\\nGiaves\u00c2\u00abnd upon Long Island of the\\nSachems (chief proprietors thereof) who\\nbefore me liav\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bb acknowledged to have re\\nceived satisfaction tor the same, to the\\nend that the said land may be planted,\\nmauuie l and inhabited, and for divers\\nother good causes and consideia lions. 1\\nhave tluHightfit to giv\u00c2\u00ab confirm and grant\\nand by the .e pr\u00c2\u00absents do give confirm and\\ngrant unto William Glrlding, Samiei,\\nSiMCER, RiCIIARU GrlHBONS,/ RiCHARD SxOfT,\\n.1 AMES GrOVER, JOIIV BowX, .loUN TlLTON,\\nNaTHAMEI. SVl.VESTER, Wl!,I,IA.\\\\I ReaI E,\\nWalter Clarke, Nicholas Davis, Obadiah\\nHolmes, patentees, and their associates,\\nthpir heirs, successors and assigns, all that\\ntract and part of the main land, beginning\\nat a certain place commonly called or\\nknown by the name of Sandy Point and so\\nrunning along the bay West North West, till\\nit comes to the mouth of the Raritan\\nRiver, from thence going alon^ the said\\nriver to th# wt-stermostpart of the certain\\nmarsh land, which divides the river into\\ntwo parts, and from that part to run\\nin a direct Southwest line into the woods\\ntwelve miles, and thence to turn away\\nsouth east and by south, until it falls into\\nthe main ocean; together with all lands,\\nsoils, rivers, creeks, harbors, mines, min-\\nerals (Rejal mines e:xcepted) quarries,\\nwoods, meadows, pastures marshes, wat-\\ners, lakes, fishings, hawkings, huntings\\nand fowling, and all other profits, commo-\\ndities and hereditaments to the said lands\\nand premises belonging and appertaining,\\nwith their and every of their appurtenances\\nand ofevery part and parcel thereof, to have\\naxd to hold all and singular the said lands,\\nhereditaments and premises with their\\nand every of their appurtenances herebv\\ngiven and granted, or herein before men-\\ntioned to be given and granted to the only\\nproper use and behoof of the said paten-\\ntees and their associates, their heirs\\nsuccessors and assigns forever, upon\\nsuch ternts and conditions as here-\\nafter are expressed, that is to say,", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "OLD TfMKS TX OLD MONMorTif.\\nthat the said patentees and their as-\\nsociates, their heirs or assigns slmll within\\nthe space of three years, beginning from\\nthe day of tlie date hereof, manure and\\nplant the aforesaid land and premises and\\nsettle there one. hundred families at the\\nleast; in consideration whereof I do\\npromise and grant that the said patentees\\nand their associates, their heirs, succt-ssors\\nand assigns, shall enjoy the said land and\\npremises, with their a[)i)urtenanees, for the\\nterm of seven years next to come .iftor the\\ndate of these presents, free from payment\\nof any rents, customs, excise, tax or lery\\nwhatsoever. But after the expiration of tlie\\nsaid term of seven years, the persons wlio\\nshall be in possession thereof, shall pay\\nafter, the same rate which others witliin\\nthis his Royal Highness territories shall be\\nobliged unto. And the said patentees and\\ntheir associates, their heiis successors and\\nassigns sliall have free leave and liberty to\\nerect and budd tlieir towns and villages in\\nsuch places, as they in their discretionsshall\\nthink most convenient, provided that they\\nassociate themselves, and that the hjuses\\nof their towns and villages be not too far\\ndistant and scattering one from another;\\nand also that they make such fortifica-\\ntions for their defence against an enemy\\nas may be needful.\\nAnd I do likewise grant unto the said\\npatentees and their associates, their heirs\\nsuccessors and assigns, and unto any and\\nall other persons, who shall plant and in-\\nhabit in any of the land aforesaid that\\nthey shall have free liberty of conscience,\\nwithout any molestation or disturbance\\nwhatsoever in their way of worship.\\nAnd I do further grant unto tlie afore-\\nsaid patentees, their heirs, successors and\\nassigns, that they shall iiav3 liberty to\\nelect l)y the vote of the major part ol the\\ninhabitants, five or seven other persons of\\nthe ablest and discreetest of the said in-\\nhabitants, or a greater number of them if\\nthe patentees, their heirs, successors or as-\\nsigns shall s\u00c2\u00abe cause to join with them,\\nand they together, oi- the major part of\\nthem, shall have full power and authority,\\nto makesuch peculiar and ))rudentiul laws\\nand constitutions amongst tlie inhabitants\\nfor the belter and more orderly governing\\nof them, as to them shall seem meet pro-\\nvi(h^d they be not rej)ugnant to the public\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2aws of tlie government; and they shall\\nalso have liberty to try all causes and ac\\ntions of debts and trespasses arising\\namongst themselves to the valu\u00c2\u00ab of /.en\\npnuyirf. i. without apnea], but tlipy mny I c-\\nrait the hearing of all criminal matters to\\nthe assizes of New York.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2And furthermore 1 do pi oinise and\\ngrant unto the said patentees and, their\\nassociates aforementioned their hfirs, suc-\\ncessors and assigns that tliey shall in all\\nthings have equal privileges, freedom and\\nimmunitit^s with any of his majesty s sub-\\njects within this government, these paten\\ntees and tlu-ir associates, tlieir heirs, suc-\\ncessors and assigns rendering and paying\\nsuch dutii s and acknovrledgments ;is now\\nar^, or hereafter shall be constituted and\\nestablished f)y the laws of this government,\\nunder obedience of his iioyal Highnoss. his\\nheiri! iind success irs, provided they do ni\\nway enfringe tlie jjrivileges above specified.\\nGiven under my hand and seal at Fort\\nJames in New York in Manhattan Island\\nthe 8th day of April, in the 17th year of\\nthe reign of our sovereign lord Charles\\nthe Second by tlie grace of God, of Eng-\\nland, Scotlantl, France and Ireland, King,\\nDefender of the Faith c., and in the\\nyear of our Lord dad 106.\\nRichard Nicolls.\\nEntered in the o/ /ice of record in New York,\\nthe day and year above written.\\nM.\\\\TTiiiAs NicoM.s, Secretary.\\nAbout seven years after the date of the\\nabove instrument, the following confirma-\\ntions to portions of it were agreed o by\\nGovernor Cartertt and Council:\\nNkw Jersev May liSth 1672.\\nrjpon the addres.s of James Grover, John\\nBowne, Richard Hartshorne, Jonathan\\nFlolmes, patentees, and James Ashon and\\nJohn Hanse, a.%sociates, imj^owerea by the\\npatentees and a-ssociates of the towns of\\nMiddlctown and Shrewsbuiy, unto the\\nGovernor and Council for confirmation of\\ncertain jirivileges granted unto them by\\nColonel Richard Nicolls, as by patent un-\\nder his hand and seal bearing date the SUi\\n(Uiy of April Anno Domini (3ne thousand\\nsi.v hundred sixty five, th Governor and\\nCouncil do confirm unto thes:ud patentees\\nand associates, these particulars tollowing,\\nbeing their rights, contained in the afore\\nsaid patent, viz\\nImprimis: That the said patentees and\\nassociates have full power, license and au-\\nthority to dispose of the said lands ex-\\npressed in the said patent, as to them shall\\nseem meet.\\n11. That no ministerial power or cler-\\ngyman shall he imposed on among the in-\\nhabitants of the said laiul. so as to enforce\\nany that are contrary mindi il to (\u00e2\u0080\u00a2(nitribtile\\nto their nnuntenance.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "OLD TJMKS [.V OLD MONMOUTH.\\nill. That all realises whatsoever crimi-\\nnals excepted sh-rfll first have a liearing\\nwiiiiin their cu^nizance, arxl that no ap-\\njieals unto higher eourts where sentence\\nhas been passed amongst them under tiie\\nvalue of ten pounds be admitted.\\nJV. That all crirninnls ,ind appeals\\nabove the value of ten pounds, which are\\nto be referred unto the afore. said iiighei\\ncourts, shall receive th\u00c2\u00abir fletin-minalion\\nupon appeals to his Majesty, iioi to be\\nhindered.\\nV. That for all eomniission officers\\nboth civil and militaiy, the iiateutees, as\\nsociates and Freeholders, hav\u00c2\u00ab liljerty to\\npresent two for each office to the Governor\\nwhen they shall think fit, one of which the\\n(iovf-rnor is to (kimrimt^ionule to execute the\\nsaid office, and that they have liberty to\\nmake peculiar prudential laws and consti-\\ntuti(tns amongst themselves according to\\nthe tenor of the said patent.\\nPii. Carteret.\\n.Tolm Kenney, Lordue Andress, 8amuel\\nKdsall, Jolin Pike, John Biahop, Council.\\nThe causes which induced the following\\nveiy material modification in the grants\\n;iu l privileges to the Monmouth patentees\\nand their associates will be referred to\\nhereafter.\\nDirections, instructions and ord rs made\\nby the late L )rds Proprietors of the prov\\nince of East New Jersey, to be observed by\\nthe Governor, Council and inhabit.nls of\\nthe said province, bearing date the 31st\\nday of July, Anno Domini, 1674, amonjjst\\nwhich there is as followeth, viz: as to in-\\nhabitants of Nevisinks, considering tbeir\\nfailhfulne.ss to thf Lords Pro[)rietors that\\nupon their petition, their tovrnshij) shall\\nbe surveyed and shall be incorporated, and\\nto have equal privileges with other the\\ninhabitants of the Province, and that such\\nof them who were the pretemled patentees\\nand laid out money in purchasing 1 md\\nfrom the Indians, i^hall have in considera-\\ntion thereof five hundred acres of land to\\neach of tliem to be alloted by the Gov\u00c2\u00abr\\nnor and Council, in such places that it may\\nnot 1)6 prejudicial to the rest of the inhab-\\nitants, and because there is much barren\\nland, after s n-vev taken, the Governor and\\nCouncil may give t lem allowance.\\nOLD MONMOU i H DESCRIBED BY AN\\nANCIENT WRITEIl.\\n.MlIJI)l,ET0W\\\\, SlIRKH-SIil-RY AND I RERHOI.D\\nI.N 1708. New Jersev a Paraui.\u00c2\u00ab;e.\\nWe copy the following from the cele-\\nbrated but quite rare work ofOldmixon,\\npublished in 1708. The Capitals, orthog-\\nraphy and italics are aI out as in the origi-\\nnal.\\nAfter dosciibing Midillesex county, he\\nsays We cross over the river fi om Mid-\\nddlesex into\\nMonmouth County Where we first meet\\nwith Middleton a pretty Good Town con-\\nsisting of 100 Families and 30,000 Acres of\\nGround on what they call here Out Plan-\\ntations. Tis about 10 or 12 miles over\\nLand, to the Northward of Shrewsbury\\nand 20 miles to the .Southward of Piscat-\\ntavvay. Not far off, theShoar winds itself\\nabout like a TTook and being ?andy gives\\nN\u00c2\u00abme to all the Bay.\\nShrewshury IS i\\\\\\\\e mo.st Southern Town of\\nthe Province and reckon d the chief Town\\n-of the Shire. It contains about IGO Fami\\nlies and 30.000 Acres of OmC Plantations,\\nbelonging to its Division. Tis situated on\\nthe Side of a fresh Water Stream, thence\\nCidled Shrewsbury River, not far from\\nits Mouth. Between this Town and Mid-\\ndleton is an Iron Work but we flo not un-\\nderstand it has been any great Benefit to\\nthe Proprietors. Col. Morris is building a\\nChurch at the Falls. There s a new town\\nin the County called\\nFreehold, which has notbeenlaid outand\\ninhabited lo.,g. It does not contain as yet\\nabWvw 40 Families and as to its Om/! Planta-\\ntions we suppose they are much the iame\\nin nnmbei- with the rest and may count it\\nabout .30,000 acres.\\nWe have not Iivided the counties into\\nParishes and that for a good reason, there\\nl)eing none, nor indeed a Church in the\\nwhole Province worth that Name. But\\nthere are several Congrejrations of Church\\nof Kuf/land men as at Shrewsbury, Amhoy,\\nElizabeth Town and Freehotd whose Minis-\\nter is Mr. John Beak his Income is 6.51. a\\nyear and a Church is building at Salem.\\nIn another place Oldmixon in speaking\\nof the first settlers of New Jersey says\\nWe must note that most of the first\\nEnglish Inhabitants in this country (East", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES I^^ OLD MONMOUTH.\\nand West Jersey) were Dessenters, and\\nmost of them Quakers an l Anabaptists.\\nThese people are generally industrious\\nBe their Ifypocrisy to th\u00c2\u00abmselves it they\\nare Hypocrites; but we must do them the\\n.Justice to own tliat they are the fittest to\\ninhabit a n\u00c2\u00abw discovered Country, as po-\\nscssinji Industry, and shunning those pub-\\nlick Vices which beget Idleness an l Want.\\nTheir enemies drove great numbers of\\nth\u00c2\u00abm out of England, and the Jerseys had\\ntheir share of them. The People here are\\nfor this l\\\\eason Dissenters to this Day.\\ntheir being but two Church of England\\nMinisters in both Provinces and this\\nmay be one reason why there are no\\nParish Churches, which the Inhabitants\\nmay be afraid to build, least it might be a\\ntemjitation for more Orthodox Divines to\\ncome among them.\\nA gentleman asking one of theProprie-\\ntaries If there were no Lawyers in the Jer-\\nseys^ Was answered No. And then\\nIf there were no Physicians f The Propri-\\netor replied iVo Nor Parsdnaf adds\\nthe Gentleman. No, says the Proprie-\\ntor. Upon which the other crv d What\\na huppy placf ymist tJiis be and how loorthy the\\nname of Paradice We do not perhaps\\ndiffer more from this gentleman than we\\nagree with him.\\nOldmixon derived his information of\\nNew Jersey from two of the Proi)rietors\\nas will be seen by the following extract\\nfrom his preface\\nMr Dockwra and Dr Cox were both so\\nkind as to inform him fully of the Jeiisevs\\nand Mr. Pen did him the same Favor for\\nPennsylvania these three Gentlemen do-\\ning him the Honor to admit him into\\ntheir Friendship.\\nOLD MONMOUTH UNDER THE\\nDUTCH.\\nGovernor Parker, in his valuable address\\nbefore the New Jersey Historical Society,\\nproduced the old town book of Middle-\\ntown township, which gives the history of\\nthis .section of East Jersey from 1667, to\\n1702. After tlie Dutch conqicest in 1673, it\\nwas stated that little or nothing is recorded\\nin the town book during Ihoir biiof rule of\\nless than a year.\\nYour readers may remember tiiat the\\nDutch had the sui)remacy in New York\\nand New Jorsev until 1664. when tlio\\nEnglish conquered the Dutch. In 1673,\\na war having agnin broken out between\\nEngland and Holland, a small Dutch\\nsquadron was sent over and arrived at\\nStaten Island, July 30th. Captain Man\\nning, the English officer temjiorarily in\\ncommand at New York, surrendered at\\nonce without any effort to defend the\\nplace and the Dutch again resumed sway\\nover New York, New Jersey and settle-\\nments along the Delaware. They retained\\nit however only a few months, as by a\\ntreaty made in February following, these\\nplaces were ceded back to England,\\nthough the English appear not to have\\ntaken formal possession until November\\nfollowing. During this short time while\\nthe Dutch were again in authority, em-\\nbracing the time that Governor Parker says\\nthe Middletown township book records\\nbut little or nothing, the following items\\nrelating to Old Monmouth, are found\\namong the official records of the Dutch at\\nNew York. The first is an order issued\\nshortly after their arrival the orthography\\nis given as we find it\\nThe inhabitants of Middletovrn and\\nShrewsbury, are hereby charged and re-\\nquired to senxl their deputies unto us on\\nTuestlay morning next, for to tnat with us\\nupon articles of surrendering their said\\ntowns under the obedience of their High\\nand Mighty Lords, the States General of\\ntlie saitl United Provinces, and his serene\\nHighness, the Prince of Orange, or by re-\\nfusall we shall be necetsitated to subdue\\nthe placos thereunto by force of arms.\\nDated at New Orange this 12th day of\\nAugust. A. D. 1673.\\nCORNELIS EVERTSF, Ir\\nJ AC015 BeNCKES.\\nIn compliance with the above order,\\ndeputies from Shreivsbury. Middletown\\nand other places in East Jt-rsey, apjieareil\\nin court on tht\u00c2\u00bb ISth of August, and upon\\ntheir verbal request the same privileges\\nwere granted to them as to Dutch citizens.\\nAugust 19th 1673. Mi ldletown, Shrews-\\nbury and otiier towns in Achter Cod. to\\nname two deputies Ciich, who shall nunii-\\nnate three persons for .Schout and three\\nfor Secretarys, ou\u00c2\u00bb of whice said nominat-\\ned per-ons l)y us shall be elected fur fach\\ntown, three migestrates and for ilie six\\ntowns, one .Schout, and une Secretary.\\n.lACor. Bknckes.\\nCORN EI.IS EVF.KTSE, Jr.\\nAchter Coll above mentioned, is said to\\nmean beyond the hills, that is, beyond\\nBergen Hiils. The [)utrl! in New York it", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MOl^; MOUTH.\\nis stated sometimes called Old Monmouth\\nand other parts of East Jersey, beyond\\nBergen Hills, by this name.\\nAugust 23d, 1673. Middletown and\\nShrewsbury, reported that they had nomi-\\nnated double the number of magistrates.\\nAugust 24th, from the nominations\\nmade by the inhabitants, the following\\nwere selected and sworn, viz\\nJohn Hanoe (Hance?), Eliakim War-\\ndel, Hugh Dyckman.\\nSept. 6th, 1673. Captain Knyff and\\nCaptain Snell were sent to administer the\\noath of allegiance to the citizens of the\\nvarious towns in East .Jersey to tlie\\nDutch.\\n14th of 7 ber, Captain KnyfF and Li\u00c2\u00abut.\\nSnell having returned yesterday from\\nAghter Coll, report that, pursuant to their\\ncommission, they have administered the\\noath of allegiance in the form herein before\\nset forth, under date of to the inhabi-\\ntants of the undersigned towns, who are\\nfound to number as in the lists delivered\\nto Council.\\nElizabethtown 80 men 76 took o.ath, rest absent.\\nNewark 86 75\\nWoodbridge 54 53\\nPiscataway 43 43\\nMiddletowu 60 52\\nShrewsbury 68 38 18 Quaker)\\npromised allegiance, the rest absent.\\nThe following officers of the militia,\\nelected, were sworn in by Captain Knylf\\nand Lieut. Snell, by order of the Council\\nof War, viz\\nMiddletown, Jonathan Hulmes. Cap-\\ntain Jolin Smith, Lieutenant Thomas\\nWhitlock, Ensign.\\nShrewsbury, William Newman, Cajitain,\\nJohn Williamson, Lieutenant Nicies\\nBrown, Ensign.\\n29th, 7 ber, 1673, Notice is this day sent\\nto the Magistrates of the towns, situated\\nat the Nevesin^s, near the sea coast,\\nwhich tiiey are ordered to publish to their\\ninhabitants, that on the first arrival of any\\nship from sea, they shall give the Governor\\nthe earliest possible information thereof.\\nSept. 7th, 1673, Whereas, the late chosen\\nMagistrates of Shoursbury, are found to be\\nPersons whoes religion Will NotiSufter them\\nto take on any oath, or administer the\\nsame to others, whereof th\u00c2\u00ab y Can Not be\\ntit Persons for tliiit office, I have therefore\\nthough fit to order that by ye sd inhabi-\\ntants of ye sd towne a New Nomination,\\nshall be made of four persons of true Pro-\\ntestant Christian religion, oiit of which I\\nshall Elect two, and Continue one of ye\\nformer for Magestrates off ye sd towne.\\nDated att ffort William hendrick, this\\n29th, 7 ber, 1673. A. Colve.\\nThe date 7th ber, in the above extracts,\\nmeans September, and the persons in\\nShoursbury [Shrewsbury] who could not\\ntake the oath were Quakers.)\\nMarch 8th, 1674, In council At fort Wil-\\nliam Hendrick\\nRead and considered the petition ot\\nBartholomew Appelgadt, Thomas Appel-\\ngadt and Richard Saddler, requesting in\\nsubstance that they be allowed to purcliase\\nfrom the Indians, a tract of land, situated\\nabout two lea!*nes on this side of Middle-\\ntown, near the Nevesings, fit for settlement\\nof 6 or 8 families c. Wherefore it was\\nordered\\nThe Petitionees request is allowed anil\\ngranted on condition, that after the land\\nbe purchased, they take out patents in\\nform for it and actually settle it within\\nthe space of two years, after having effect-\\ned the purchase, on pain of forfeiture.\\nApril 18th, 1674, John Bound (Bowne?),\\nand Richard Hartshoorne, residing at\\nMiddletown, both for themselves and\\npartners give notice that the land granted\\nto Bartholomew Applegadt, Tho. Apple-\\ngadt and Richard Sadler, in their petition\\nis included in tueir, the Petitioners patent,\\nrequesting therefore that the said land\\nmay be again denied to said Appelgadt.\\nOrdered, That the petitioners shall\\nwithin six weeks fr\u00c2\u00aem this date, prove,\\nthat the said land is inclu led within their\\npatent, when further order shall be made\\nin the premises.\\nApril 19th, 1674, A certain proclama-\\ntion being delivered into Ueuncil from the\\nMagestrates of the Toune of Middletoune,\\nprohibiting all inhabitants from depart-\\ning out of said toune, unless they give\\nbail to retui-n as soon as their business\\nwill have been performed, or they be em-\\nployed in public service c., r^qtiesting\\nthe Governers approval of the same, which\\nbeing read and considered, it is resolved\\nand ordered by the Governer General and\\nCouncil, that no inhabitant can be hinder-\\nei changing his domicile, within the\\nProvince unless arrested foi lawful cause\\nhowever ordered that no one shall depart\\nfrom the toune of Middletoune, unless he\\npreviously notifies the Magestrates of his\\nintention.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTIL\\nRANDOM REMINISCENCES\\nOF THE\\nEARLY HISTORY OF 01,1) MuNMuUTll.\\nThe Whites Entering Sandy Hook.\\nThe earli(^st accounts vve have of the\\nwhites being in the vicinity of Monmouth\\ncountv is contained in a letter of John de\\nVerazzano to Francis 1st, King of France.\\nVerazzano entered Sandy Hook -p he\\nspring of 1524 in the ship Dolphin. Un\\nhis return to Europe, h\u00c2\u00ab wrote a letter\\ndated July 8th, 1524, to the King, giving\\nan account of his voyage from Carolina to\\nNew Foundl^nd. From this letter is ex-\\ntracted the following\\nAfter proceeding a hundred leagues,\\nwe found a very pleasaUt situation among\\nsome steep hills, tlirough which a very\\nlarge river, deep at its mouth, forces its\\nway to the sea; from the sea to the estua-\\nry of the river any ship heavily laden\\nmight pass with the helj^ of the tide, which\\nrises eight feet. But as we were riding at\\ngood berth we would not ventuie up in\\nour vessel without a knowledge of its\\nmouth; therefore we took a b(iat, and en-\\ntering the river we found the country on\\nits banks well peopled, the inhabitants not\\ndiffering much from the others, being\\ndrei^sed out with featliers of birds of vari\\nous colors. They caite towards us with\\nevident delight, raising loud shouts of ad\\nmira ion and showing us where we could\\nmost securely land with our boat. We\\npassed up this river about half a league\\nwhen we found it formed a ra(\u00c2\u00bbst beautiful\\nlake thrc leagues in circuit, upon which\\nthey were rowing thirty or more of their\\nsmall l)oat\u00c2\u00ab fr ^m one shore to the otner,\\nfilled with multitudes who came to see us.\\nAll of a sudden, as is wont to hit|)p?n in\\nnavigation, a violent contrary wind blew\\nin from th;- sea and forced us to return to\\nour ship, greatlv regretting to leave this\\nregion which seemed so commodious an l\\ndelightful, and which we i\u00c2\u00bbupp\u00c2\u00ab sed must\\nahso contain great riches, as the hills show-\\ned many indication? of minerals.\\nfli.^torians generally concede that the\\nfurpgoiui; is the first notice we have of the\\nwhitfs entering Sandy Hook, visiting the\\nharbor of New Y rk or ln ing in the vicin-\\nity of ohl Monmouth.\\nARRIVAL OF .SIR HENRY HUDSON.\\nIn the year 1609, Sir Henry Hudson\\nvi-sited our coast in the yacht or ship Half\\nMoon, a vessel of about eighty tons bur-\\nthen. About the last of August he enter-\\ned the Delaware Bay, but finding th\u00c2\u00ab nav-\\nigation dangerous he soon left without\\ngoing ashote. After getiing out to sea ho\\nstood northeastwardly and after awhile\\nliauled in, atjd mads the land probably\\nnot tar distant from Great Egg Harbor.\\nT. e journal or log book of this vessel was\\nkept by the mate, Alfred Juet. nnd as it\\ncontains the first notices of Monmouth\\ncounty by the whites, remarks about the\\ncoun ry, its inhabitants and productions,\\nfirst binding, ard other interesting matter,\\nan extract is herewith given, commencing\\nwith September 2nd. 1609, when the Halt\\nMoon made land near Egg Harbor. The\\nsame day, it will be seer, the ship passed\\nBarnegat Iiilel, and at nijiht anchored\\nnear the beach within sight of the High-\\nlands.\\nTheir first impres-^^ion of old Monmouth,\\nit will lie seen, was that it is a very gnnd\\nland to full in with, and a pleasant land to i e cy\\nan opinion which in the minds of our peo-\\nple at the present day show thai good\\nsense and correr t judgment were not lack-^\\ning in Sir llen v Hudson and his fellow-\\nvoyagers\\nExtract from the Li-g-Bork of the Half Moon.\\nSept. 2nd, 1609. When the sun arose\\nwe steered nor h again and saw land from\\nthe west by north lo the northwest, all\\nalike, broken islands, and our soundings\\nwere eleven fathoms and ten fathoms.\\nT ie course along the land we found to be\\nnorth east. l)v norili. From tiie land wjiich\\nwe fiist had sight of until we came to si\\ngreat ^ake of waier, as vve could judge it\\nto be, {Barnegat Bay,) being drowned land\\nwhich mude il rise, Ike island which was\\nin length tvn lengues. The m aith of the\\nlake [Ba ncgat Inlet) had mapy sh- als, and\\nthe sea breaks upon them as il is cast out\\nof the mouMi of it. And f om ihnl lHk\\nor bay the land lies north by e ;st, and vve\\nhad a great stream out of the bay and\\nfrom t^^enc- our sounilings ^-as t ;.i fatii-\\noms two leagues fVom land, .^t five o clock\\nwe anchored, being light wind, and rode\\nin eight fathoms water the night wasfnir.\\nThis night 1 found the land to haul the\\ncom])ass eight degrees. Far to the north-\\nward of lis we saw high hilLs (Highland f)", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nfor the day befoio we found not above two\\ndegrees of variation.\\nThis is a very good land to fall in uiili,\\nand a pleasant land to see.\\nSept. 3d The morning misty until ten\\no clock then it cleared and the wind\\ncame to the south southeast, so we weigh-\\ned and stoo d northward. I he land is very\\npleasant and high and bold to fall withal.\\nAt three o clock in the afternoon we cuine\\nto tin ee great rivers Narrows., Bockaway\\nInlet and the Bariian so we stood along\\nthe northward [Rockaway Inlet,) thintiing\\nto have gone in, but we I ound it to have a\\nvery sho -il bar before it for we had but ten\\nfeet water. Then we cast about to the\\nsouihward and found two fathoms, thre*\\nfathoms and three and a quarter, till we\\ncame to the so iihein sideof theni; then\\nwe had five and six fathoms and returned\\nin an hour and a half. 80 we weighed\\nand \\\\yenl in and rode in five fathoms, ooze\\nground, and saw many salmons and mul-\\nlets and ra\\\\K ve y iri-eat. The hei^jht is\\n40\u00c2\u00b0 30^ {Latitude.)\\nFirst Landing tif the Whites in Old Monmouth.\\nSept. 4th. In the morning as soon as\\nthe day was liglit, we saw that it was good\\nri iing farther up; so we ent our boat to\\nsound, and foui.d that it was a very good\\nIr-irbor and four or five fathoms, two cable\\nlengths from the shore. Then we weighed\\nand went in with our shij). Then our boui\\nwent on land with our net to fish, and\\ncaught ten gr\u00c2\u00ab at mullers of a foot and a\\nh:df long, a pla.ioe and a ray as great as\\nfour men could liaul into the ship. 80 we\\nti inimed ui bo it and rode still all day.\\nAt night the wind ble-w hard ai the nortii-\\nwest, and our anclior came home, and we\\ndrove on sliore, but took no hurt, and\\nthank God, foi- the ground iss iftsand and\\nooze. I liis day the people of tlie country\\ncame aboard of us and seemed very glad\\nof our coming, and brought gre n tobacco\\nleaves and gave us of it for knives and\\nbeads. They go in deer skins, loose and\\nwell dressed. They have yellow copper.\\nThey desire clothes and are very civi!\\nTtiey have a, great store of maize or Indian\\nwheat, whereof hey make good bread.\\nThe country is full of great and tall o\u00c2\u00bbks.\\nSept. .5ih. In the morning, as soon as\\nthe day was light, tlie wind ceased and the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0flo.^d came, ^o we heaved off the shij:)\\nagain into five fathoms uid sent our boat\\nto sound the bay, and we found that there\\nwas three fathoms hard by the southern\\nshore. Our men went on land then and\\nsaw a great store of men, women and chil-\\ndren, who gave them tobacco at their com-\\ning on lai d. So they went up into the\\nwoods and saw a great store of very goodly\\noaks and some curraVits, prohahly huckle-\\nberries). For one of them came on board\\nantl brought some dried, and gave me some,\\nwhich were sweet and good. This day\\nmany of the people came on board, some\\nin mantles of feathers, and some in skins of\\ndivers sorls of good fur.s. Some women\\nalso came with hemp. They had red coi\\nper tobacco pipes, and other things of cop-\\nper they did wear about their necks. At\\nnight they went on land again, so we rode\\nvery quiet but durst not trust them.\\nTIte First White Man Killed.\\nSunday, Sept. 6th.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 In the morning was\\nfair weather, and our master sent John\\nColman, with four other men, in uur boat\\nover to the North side to sound the other\\nriver AWj-om- s being four leagues from\\nus. They found by the way shoal water,\\nbeing two ;athonis but at the north of\\nthe river, eighteen and twenty fathoms,\\nand very good riding for ships, and a very\\nnarrow river to the westward between two\\nislnnds Staten Islaiul and Bergen Point.)\\nT.ie land they told us, was as pleasant with\\ngrass and flowers anil goodly trees as ever\\nthey iiad seen, and here very sweet smells\\ncame from them. So they went in two\\nleagues and saw an open sea Neivark Bag),\\nand returned, and as they came back they\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6vere set upon by two canoes, the one hav-\\ning twelve men and the other fourteen\\nmen. The night cume on and if began to\\nrain, so that their match went out; and\\nthey had one man slain in the fight, which\\nwas an EngMshman named John Colman.\\nwith an arrow shot in his throat, and two\\nmore hurt. It grew so dark that they\\ncould not find the ship that night, but la-\\nbored ^o and fro on their oars. They had\\nso great a strain that their grapnel would\\nnot liold them.\\nSept. 7th. Was fair, and by ten o clock\\nthey returned aboard the ship and brought,\\nour dead m-^n with them, whom we carried\\non land and buried and named the point\\nafter liis name, C olman s Point Then we\\nhois ed in oitr boat and raised her side\\nwith Waist boards, for defence of our men.\\nSo we rode still all night, having good re-\\ngard for our watch.\\nSept. 8th. Was very fair weather; we\\nrode still ver\\\\ quietly. The people came\\naboard of us and brought tobacco and In-\\ndian wheat, to exchange for knives and\\nbeads and offered us no violence. So we\\nfitting up our boat did mark them to see", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nif they would make any show of the death\\nof our man, which they did not.\\nSept. 9th. Fair weather. In the morn-\\ning two great canoes came aboard full of\\nmen the one with their bows and arrows,\\nand the other in show of buying knives, to\\nbetray us; but we perceived their intent.\\nWe took two of them to have kept them,\\nand put red coats on them, and would not\\nsuffer the others to come near us. So they\\nwent on land and iwo \u00e2\u0096\u00a0others came aboard\\nin a canoe we took tne one and let the\\nother go but he which we had taken got\\nup and leaped overboard. Then we weigh-\\ned and went off nito the chanriftl of the\\nriver and aLchored there all night.\\nThe foregoing is all of the log-book of\\nJuet that relates to Monmouth county.\\nThe next morning the Half Moon proceed-\\ned up the North River, and on her return\\npassed out to sea without stopping.\\nIn the extract given above, the words in\\nitalics are not of course in the original,\\nbut are underscored as explanatory\\nTHE COMING OF THE WHITE MAN.\\nWhat the Indians thought of the Whites\\nand their ships. The Natives Astonish-\\ned. The Man in Red and the Red Man.\\nFire Water and its F irst Indian Vic-\\ntim.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The First In lians Drunk, c.\\nAf er Sir Henry Hudson s departure\\nfrom til* shores of Monmouth he j)ioceed-\\ned towards Manhattan Island and thence\\nup the river now bearing his name. The\\nfollowing traditionary account, the coming\\nof the Whites according to Heckwelder.\\nwas handed down among both Delaware\\nand Iroquois Indians. It is not often we\\nmeet in fact or fiction a more interesting\\nstory than his plain, simple Indian tradi-\\ntion. After explaining that ihe Indian\\nchief:^ of old Monmouth County, notifiea\\nthe chiefs on York or Manhattan Island,\\nand that the cniefs of the surrounding\\ncountry finally gathered at tlie last named\\nplace to give a I ormal reception, the tradi-\\ntion says\\nA long time ago oetore men with a white\\nskin had ever been seen, some Indians\\nfishing iit a place wh -re the sea widens,\\nespied something at a distance moving\\nupon the water. They hurried ashore,\\ncolle(!led their neighbors, who togetlier\\nreturned and viewed intently this aston-\\nishing phenomenon. What it could be\\nbaflHed conjecture. Some supposed it to\\nbe a large fish or other animal, others that\\nit was a large house floating upon the se-\\\\.\\nPerceiving it moving towards the land, the\\nspectators concluded that it would be\\nproper to send runners in different direc-\\ntions t* carry the news to their scattered\\nchiefs, that ihey might send off for the im-\\nmediate attendance of their wariiors.\\nThese arrived in numbers to beiiold the\\nsight, and perceivinti that it was actually\\nmoving towards them, that it was coming\\ninto the river or bay, ttiey conjectured\\nthat It must be a remarkably large house\\nin which the ManiU or Great Spirit was\\ncoming to visit them. They were much\\nal raid and yet under no apprehen?ion that\\nthe Great Spirit would injure them. They\\nworshipped him. The chiefs now assem-\\nbled at New York Island and consulted in\\nwhat rrumuei they should receive their\\nManitto; meat was prepared (or a sncri\\nlice. The women were directed to prepare\\ntheir best victtials. Idols or images were\\nexamined and put in order. A grand\\ndan.-e they thought would be pleasing,\\nand in addition to the sacrifice might ap-\\npease him if hungry. The conjuror.s were\\nalso set t M work to determine what this\\nphenomenon portended and what the result\\nwould be. To tlie conjurors, men, women\\nand children looked lor protection. Ut-\\nterly at a loss what to do, and distracted\\nalternately between hope and ftar, in the\\nconfusion a grand dance commerced.\\nMeantime fresh runners arrived, declaring\\nit to be a great house of various colors and\\nuU of living creatures. It now appeared\\ntliat It was their Manitto, probably bring-\\ning some new kind of game. Others ar-\\nriving df-chired ii positively full of people\\nof different color and dress from theirs,\\nami that one appeared altogether in red.\\nThis was sujiposed to be Sir Henry Hud-\\nson.) This then must be the Manitto.\\nThey were lost in admiration, could not\\nimagine what the vessel was, whence it\\ncame, or what all tliis portended. They\\nare now hailed from the vessel in a Ian\\nguage they could not understand. They\\nanswered by a shout or yell in their way.\\nThe house or large canoe as some call it,\\nstojas. A smaller cai1 oe comes on shore\\nwith the red man in it; some stay by the\\ncanoe to guard it. The thief and wise\\nmen form a circb into which the red man\\nand two attendants enter. He salutes\\nthem with friendly countenance, and they\\nreturn the salute nfier their manner.\\nThey are amazed at their color and dress,", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "()ldtimp:s in old monmoutii.\\npaiticuhu ly with him, who glitteiing in\\nI ed wore Bomething, perhaps lace and but-\\ntons, they could not comprehend. He\\nmust be the great Manittu, they thought,\\nbut why should he have a white skin\\nA large elegant Hockhack gourd, i. e.\\nl)ot(le, decanter, c.,) is brought by one of\\nthe supposed Manitlo s servants, from\\nwhich a substance is placed into smaller\\ncups or glasses and handed to tlie Manitto.\\nMe drinks, lias the irlasses refilled and\\nhanded to the chief near him. He takes\\nit, smells it, and passes it to the next, who\\ndoes the same. The glass in this manner\\nis p.Tssed around the ciiMe and is about to\\nbe returned to the red clothes man, when\\none of the Indians, a great warrior, har-\\nangues them on ihe impropriety of return-\\ning the cup unemptied. It was handed\\nto them, he said, by the Manitto, to drink\\nout of as he had. To follow his example\\nwould please him to reject might provoke\\nhis wrath; and if no one else would he\\nwould drink it himself, let what would fol-\\nlow, for it were better tor one man to die,\\nthan a whole nation to be destroyed. He\\nthen took the glass, smelled it, again ad-\\ndressed them, bidding adieu, and drank\\nits contents. All eyes are now fixed upon\\ntlie first Indian in New York, who had\\ntasted the poison, which has since effected\\nso signal a revolution in the condition of the\\nnative Americans He soon began to stag-\\nger. Thfl women cried, supposing him in\\nfits. He rolled on the ground they be-\\nmoan his f-ile they thought him dying;\\nhe fell asleep they at first thought he had\\nexpired, but soon perceived he still breath-\\ned he awoke, jumped up, and leclared\\nhe never felt more liappy. He asked for\\nmore, and the whole assemljly imitating\\nhim became intoxicated. While this m-\\ntoxication lasted, the whites confaned\\nthemselves to their vessels after it ceased,\\nthe man with the red clothes returned\\nand distributed beads, axes, hoes and\\nstockings. They soon became familiar,\\nand conversed by sii/ns. The whites made\\nthem understand that they would now\\nreturn home, but the next year they\\nwould visit them again with presents, and\\nstay with them awhile; but as that they\\ncould not live without eating, they should\\nthen want a little land to sow seeds, in\\norder to raise herbs to put in their broth.\\nAccordingly a vessel arrived the season\\nfollowing, when they were much rejoiced\\nto see each other; but the whites laughed\\nwhen they saw axes and hoes hanging as\\nornaments to their breasts, and the stock-\\nings used as tobacco pouches. The whites\\nnow put handles in the axes and hoes and\\ncut down trees before their eyes, dug the\\nground, and showed them the use of stock-\\nings. Here, say the Indians, a general\\nlaugh ensued to think they had remain-\\ned ignorant of the use of these things, and\\nhad borne so long such heavy metals sus-\\npended around tlieir necks. Familiarity\\ndaily increasing between them and the\\nwhites the latter prepared to stay with\\nthem asking them only for so much land\\nas the hide of a bullock spread before them\\nwould cover; they granted the, request.\\nThe whites then took a knife, and, begin-\\nning at a plane on the hide, cut it up into\\na rope not thicker than the finger of a lit-\\ntle child. They then took the rope and\\ndrew it gently along in a circular form,\\nand took in a large piece of ground the\\nIndians were surprised at their superior\\nwit, but they did not contend with them\\nfor a little ground, as they had enough.\\nThey lived contentedly together for a long\\ntime, but the new comers from time to\\ntime asked for more land, which was read-\\nily obtained, and thus gradually proceeded\\nhigher up the Makicannittuck [Hudson River),\\nlantil they began to believe they would\\nwant all their country, which proved\\neventually to be the case.\\nThe name which the Indians first gave\\nto the whites was Woapsiel Lennape, which\\nsignified white people. But in process of\\ntime, when disagreeable events occurred\\nbetween them, the Indians laid aside this\\nname and called Lhem Sckwonnack the\\nsalt people because they came across the\\nsalt water and this name was always after\\napjilied to the whites.\\nThe foregoing traditions are said to have\\nbeen handed down among both Delaware\\nand Iroquois. It has also been said that\\nth^ Indian name for the Island upon which\\nNew York is situated Manhattan is de-\\nrived from a word signifying the place\\nwhere we all got drunk together. Home\\nNew York writers take umbrage in this\\nstatement, and say the drunken scene oc-\\ncurred up the river but the exact place\\nwhere it occurred is immaterial. Perhaps\\nsome may think the city has since that\\ntime fairly earned that name Ancient\\nwriters testify that the first Indians who\\ndrank liquor generally became intoxicated\\nby one drink, by two at most.\\nThe Delawares owned and were spread\\nover the whole country, from New York\\nIsland to the Potomac. They say they\\nhad a great many towns, among other", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "10\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nplaces a number on the Lennapewihittack\\nor Delaware river, and a great many in\\nSheyichbi on that part of the country now\\nnamed Jersey. That a place named Chi-\\ncAoAacJ, now Trenton, on the Lannape-\\nwihittuck a large Indian town had been\\nfor many years together, where their great\\nchief resided. The Delawares say Chick-\\nohacki is a place on the east side of the\\nDelaware river above Pbdadelphia, at or\\nnear a great bend where the white people\\nhave since built a town which they call\\nTrenton. Their old town was on a high\\nbluff, which was always tumbling down,\\nwherefore the town was called Chieho-\\nhacki, which is lumbling banks, or falling\\nbanks.\\nWhen the Europeans first arrived at\\nYork Island the Great Unami, chief of the\\nTurtle tribe, resided southward across a\\nlarge stream or where Amboy now is.\\nThat from this town a very long sand bar\\n(Sandy Hook) extended far into the sea.\\nThat at Amboy and all the way up and\\ndown their large rivers and bays and on\\n/?reat islands they had towns when the\\nEuropeans first arrived, and that it was\\ntheir forefathers who first discovered the\\nEuropeans on their travel, and wlio met\\nthem on York Island after they landed.\\nSIR HENRY HUDSON S VISIT 10 OLD\\nMONMOUTH.\\nA celebrated historian, in speaking of\\nHudson s visit to Monmouth County and\\nvicinity in September, 1609, says\\nFor a vreek Hudson lingered in (he\\nU:)wer bay, admiring the goodly oaks\\nwliich garnished the neighboring shores,\\nand holding frequent intercourse with the\\nnative savaiies of Monmouth, N. J. The\\nHalf Moon visited in return by tiie wan-\\ndering Indians, who flocked on board the\\nstrange vessel, clothed with niantles of\\nfeathers and robes of furs and adorned\\nwith rude copper necklaces. Meanwhik^.\\na boat s crew was sent to sound the river\\nwhich opened to the northward. Passing\\nthrough the Narrows they found a noble\\nliarbor with very good riding for ships a\\nlittle further on they came to the Kills\\nbetween Staten Island and Bergen Neck\\na narrow river to the westward between\\ntwo islands. Thw lands on both sides\\nwere as pleasant with grass and flowers\\nand goodly trees as ever they had seen.\\nand very sweet smells came from them.\\nSix miles up the river they came to an\\nopen sea, now known as Newark Bay. In\\nthe evening, as the boat was returning to\\nthe ship, the exploring party was set upon\\nby two canoes full of savages, and one of\\nthe English sailors, named John Colman.\\nwas killed by an arrow shot into his\\nthroat. The next day Hudson buried,\\nupon an adjacent beach, the comrade who\\nhad shared the dangers of his polar ad-\\nventures, to become the first European\\nvictim to an Indian weapon, in the placid\\nwaters he had now reached. To coru\\nmem orate the ev^nt, Sandy Hook was\\named Colman s Point. The ship was\\nsoon visited by canoes full of native war-\\nriors but Hudson, suspecting their good\\nfaith, took two savages, put red coats on\\nthem, while the rest were not suffered to\\napproach.\\nIn regard to the place where Colman\\nwas buried, most writers have taken it for\\ngranted that it was Sandy Hook, and one\\nthat it was Coney Island. But mere is\\nmuch plausibility in tiie fallowing, from a\\npaper published many years ago in the\\nProceedings of the New Jersey Historical\\nSociety\\nDr. Strong, in his Histoi-y of Flalbusli.\\nsupposes Colman s Point to be Coney Island^\\nand t4iat Colman had been corrupted into\\nConey, but (in the opinion of the writer of\\nthis paper), it is a point about seven miles\\nwest ofS.\u00c2\u00bbndy Hook, called by the Indians\\nMones-conk. and on Gordon s map called\\nPoint Comfort. Hudson, on the fifihof\\nSeptember, removed from his anchorage\\nin the Horse Shoe, not counting it safe to\\nremain there. A strong northwest wind\\nhad the night previous brought home the\\nanchor and driven them ashore In the\\nmorning, having got off without injury,\\nhe sent the boat to sound the bay and\\nfound three fathoms hard by the Southern\\nshore. If, then, he left the Horse Shoe, as\\nit is probaV)Ie, there is no such roadstead\\nas that described, with three fathoms hard\\nby the southern shore, untd we reach the\\nbay between Point Comfort and Brown s\\nPoint, where the steaKiboatR now land.\\nThe waters and a part of the shore in thi^\\nvicinity were called by tlie Indians Chin-\\ngarora pronounced Shingarora a name\\nwhich ought by all means to have distin-\\nguished the flourishmg village .{idjaeent,\\ninstead of the uncouth name of Keyport.\\nThe paper f lom which the foregoing ex-\\ntract was made, was furnished to the N. J.\\nHistorical Society by the Rev. Mr. Mar-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n11\\ncellus. well known to the older citizens of\\nFreehold, who took great interest in all\\nmatters j^iertaining to the early history of\\nOld Monmouth, and whose decease was\\nnot only regretted by an extensive circle\\nof person il friends, but by every peison\\ninterested in the early history of our\\nstate, cognizant of hi earnest efibrts to\\nrescue from oblivion the fading records of\\nthe pioneers of Old Monmouth.\\nIn commenting upon Hudson s first\\nlanding, Mr. Marcelius says\\nThe firsr interview with Hudson and\\nhis crew presented an interestingspectacle\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094a grand subject for a painter. The\\nIndians had never before seen a ship.\\nThe complexion of the men, their dress,\\nlanguage and manners, the sails nnd tack-\\nling of the ship the vastness of the vessel\\nitself all was wonderful.\\nThe fourth of September, 1609, is a\\nmemorable day in the annals of our state,\\nas on that day, on the soil of Monmouth,\\noccurred the first landing ofwhitesin New\\nJersey.\\ni vvo days before- this that is, on Sep-\\ntember 2nd Sir Henry Hudson sailed\\nnear the inlet now known as Jiarnegat\\nInlet. The loy: book of his ship speaks\\nof the sea breaking upon its shoals, and\\nfrom this it derive its name. The first\\nDutch exjjlorers named it on their chart\\nBarende-gat, meani^ig breakers inlet,\\nor an inlet with breakers. Barende-gat\\nwas gradually corrupted to Barndegat,\\nBardegf t, and finally to Barnegat.\\nRANDOM REMINISCENCES\\nOE THE\\nEARLY HISTORY OP ObD MONMOUTH.\\nTRAVELLING TWO CENTURjES AGO.\\nDistinguished Quakers Visit Old Mon-\\nmouth.\\nCrossing the State in Ancient Times Per-\\nilous Travelling Indian Hotels and\\nHospitalities Singular Accident and\\nRemarkable Recovery\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Friends Meet-\\ning, in Middletown and Shrewsbury\\nPurgatory in Old Monmouth Where\\nwas it Novel Life Preservers, c.\\nIt is dovibtful if any more ancient ac-\\ncounts of travelling across New Jersey can\\nbe found than the following, extracted\\nfrom the journals of John Burnyeate and\\nGeorge Fox, distinguished members of the\\nSociety of Friends in company with them\\nwere Robert Withers, George Patison and\\nothers, some of whoHi returned by the\\nsame route a few months afterwards.\\nThese noted Quaker preachers left Mary-\\nland in the latter part of February, 1672,\\nand arrived at New Castle, Delaware,\\nabout the first of March. From thence\\nBurnyeate gives the following account of\\ntheir journey across the State to Middle-\\ntown\\nWe staid there (New Castle) that night,\\nand the next day we got over the river\\n(Delaware). When we got over we could\\nnot get an Indian for a guide, and the\\nDutchman we had hired would not go\\nwithout an Indian, so we were forced to\\nstay there that day. The next day we\\nrode about to seek an Indian, but could\\nget none to go but late in the evening\\nthere came some from the other side ol\\nthe town, and we hired one, and so began\\nour journeying early the next morning to\\ntravel through the country, which is now\\ncalled New Jersey and we travelled we\\nsupposed nearly forty miles. In the even-\\ning we got to a few Indian wigwams, which\\nare their houses we saw no man nor wo\\nman, house nor dwelling, that day, for\\nthere^welt no English in that country\\nthen.\\nWe lodged that night in an Indian\\nwigwam, and lay upon the ground as the\\nIndians themselves did, and the next day\\nwe travelled through several of their towns,\\nand they were kind to use, and helped us\\nover the creeks with their canoes we\\nmade our horses swim at the sides of the\\ncanoes, and so travelled on. Towards\\nevening we got to an Indian town, and\\nwhen we had put our horses out to grass\\nwe went to the Indian King s house, who\\nreceived us kindly, and showed us very\\ncivil respect. But alas he was so poorly\\nprovided, having got so little that day,\\nthat most of us coi^ld neither get to eat or\\ndrink in his wigwam but it was because\\nhe had it not so we lay as well as he, up-\\non the ground only a mat under us, and\\na piece of wood or any such thing under\\nour heads. Next morning early we jtook", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "12\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nhorse and trav*llefl through several\\nIndian towns, and that night we lodged\\nin the woods and the next morning go^\\nto an English plantation, a town called\\nMiddletown. in East Jersey, where there\\nwas a plantation of English and several\\nFriends, and we came down with a Friend\\nto his house near the water-side, and he\\ncarried us over in his boat and our horses\\n*.o Long Island.\\nThough Burnyeate says there dw*lt\\nno English in that country then it must\\nhot be inferreoi that the Europeans at this\\ntime had no settlements in* West Jersey.\\nThe settlements there were near the Del-\\naware river Btirnyeate, Fox and their\\ncompanions had to travel inland some dis-\\ntance from the Delaware so as to be able\\nthe more easily to cross the head of\\nstreams which empty into that river.\\nThese Friends were travelling in great\\nhaste to get to a half yearly meeting at\\nOyst\u00c2\u00abr Bay, L. I., to settle som\u00c2\u00bb difficul-\\nties there, which was the cause of our hard\\ntravelling. Crossing the State then in\\nthree or four days was considered fast\\ntravelling.\\nGEORGE FOX VISITS MIDDLETOWN\\nAND SHREW\u00c2\u00abr,URY.\\nThe following is George Fox s account\\nof the same journey and also of his return\\ntrip.\\nWe departed thence from New Castle,\\nDel., and got over ttie river not without\\ngreat danger of some of our lives. iVhen\\nwe were got over we were troubled to pro\\ncure guides which were hard to get and\\nvery changeable. Then had we that\\nwilderi\\\\ess to pass through since called\\nWest Jersey not then inhabited by Eng-\\nlish so that we have travelled a whole\\nd \u00c2\u00bby together without seeing man or wo-\\nman, house or dwelling place. Sometirnes\\nwe lay in the woods by a fire and some-\\nt;me in the Indians wigwams or houses.\\nWe came one night to an Indian town\\nand lay at the king s house, who was a\\nvery pretty man. Both he and his wife\\nreceived us very lovingly and liis attend-\\nants (such as they were) were very respect-\\nful to us. They laid us mats to lie on\\nbut provision was very short with them,\\nhaving caught but little that day. At\\nanother Indian town where we staid the\\nking came to us and he could speak some\\nEnglish. I spoke to him much and als\\nto his people, and they were very loving to\\nus. At length we came to Middletown, an\\nEn^rlish plantation in East Jeisey, and\\nthere were friend^ there, but we could not\\nstay to have a meotinL at that time, being\\nso earnestly pres -ed in our spirits to get to\\nthe half yearly meeting of Friends of\\nOyster Bay, Long Island, which was near\\nat hand. We went with a friend, Richard\\nHartshorne, brother t Hugh Hartshorne.\\nthe tipholster in Tondon, who received us\\ngladly to his liouse, where we refreshed\\nourselves and then he carried us and our\\nhorses in h r- own boat over a great water,\\nwhich held us most part of the d.iy in get-\\nting over, and set us upon Long Island.\\nFrom thence Fox proceedt-d to Graves-\\nend, L. I. In -lune tollr\u00c2\u00bbwing he returned\\nto New Jersey. Of his return tri] he\\nwrites as follows\\nBeing clear of this place we hired a\\nsloop and the wind serving set out for the\\nnew country now called Jersey. Passing\\ndown the bay by Conny Island, Naton Is-\\nland and Stratton Ish .nd we came to\\nRichard Hartshornu at Middleton harbor\\nabout bi-eak of day on the 27ih of sixth\\nmonth. Next day ve rode abo;it hirty\\nmiles into that country tlirougli the woods\\nand over very l ad bogs, on\u00c2\u00ab worse than\\nall the rest, the descent into which wa-\\nso steep that we were fain to slide down\\nwith our horses and then let th\u00c2\u00bbm lie and\\nbreathe themselves before thev go on.^\\nThis place, the people of the place called\\nPurgatory. We got at length to Shrews-\\nbury in East Jer.5ey, and on First day had\\na precious meeting there, to whi(;h Friends\\nand other people came far, and the bles ed\\npresence of the Lord was with us. The\\nsame week we had a men and women s\\nmeeting out of most parts of New Jersey.\\nThey are building a m eting place in the\\nmidst f them, and there is a monthly and\\na general raeeti..g set up, which will be of\\ngreat service in those parts, in keeping up\\nthe gospel order and government of Christ\\nJesus, of the increase of which thf^re is no\\nend, that they who are faithful may see\\nthat all who profess the holy truth liv in\\npure religion and walk as hecometh the\\ngospel. While we were at .Shrewsbury an\\naccident befel which for a time was a great\\nexercise to us.\\nJohn Jay, a friend of Barbadoes who\\ncame with us from Rhode Island and in-\\ntended to accompany us through the\\nwoods to Maryland, being to try a horse,\\ngot upon his back and the horse fell a run-\\nning, cast him down upon his head and", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n13\\nbroke his neck as the peaple said. Those\\nthat were near him took him up as dead,\\ncarried him a good way and hiid him on a\\ntree. I got to him as soon I could and feel-\\ning liim, concluded he was dead. As I stood\\npitying him and his family I took hold of\\nhis hair and his head turned any way, his\\nneck was so limber. Whereupon I took\\nhis head in both my hands and setting my\\nknees against the tree I raised his head\\nand perceived there was nothing out or\\nbroken that way. Then I j^ut one hand\\nunder his chin and the other behiud hio\\nhead and raised his head two or three\\ntimes with all my strength and brought it\\nin. I soon perceived his neck began to\\ni;row stiff again and then he began to\\nrattle in his throat an quietlj after to\\nbreathe. The people were amazed hui I\\nbade them have a .jood heart, be of good\\nfaith and carry him into the house. They\\ndid so and set him by the fire. I bid them\\nget tiim something warm to drink and put\\nhim to bed. After he\\\\had been in the\\nlinuse a while he begifn to speak, but di i\\nnot know where he had been. The next\\nday we passed away and he with us, pretty\\nwell, about sixteen miles to a meeting at\\nMiddletown through woods and bogs and\\nover a river wliere we swam our houses\\nand got over ourselves upon a hollow tree.\\nMany hundred miles did lie travel with us\\nafter this.\\nTo this meeting came most of tb\u00c2\u00a9 people\\nof the town. A glorious meeting we had\\nand the truth was over all, blessed be the\\ngret Lord God forever. After the meeting\\nwe went to Middletown harbor about five\\nmiles, in order to take our long journey\\nnext morning through the woods towards\\nMaryland, having hired Indians for our\\nguides. I determined to pass through the\\nwoods on the other side of the Delaware\\nthat we might head the creeks and rivers\\n;is much as possible. The ninth of seventh\\nmonth we set forward, passed through\\nmany Indian towns and over some rivers\\nand bogs. When we had rid over forty\\nmiis we made a fire at night and lay by it.\\nAs we came among the Inians we declared\\nthe day of the Lord to them. Next day\\nwe travelled fifty miles as we computed,\\nand at night finding an old house, which\\nthe Indians had forced th^ people to leave,\\nwe raad\u00c2\u00ab a fire and lay there at the head\\nof Delaware bay. The ext day we swam\\nour horses over a river about a mile, at\\ntwice, first to an Island called Upper Dini-\\ndock and thence to the main land, having\\nhired Indians to help us over in their\\ncanoes.\\nThe island called by Fox Upper Dmi-\\ndenk is now known as Burlington Island;\\nit was formerly called Matinicunk, which\\nname Fox has misunderstood. He also\\ncalls the Delaware river here Delaware\\nbay as he does in other places. By his\\njournal it would seem no whites at that\\ntime lived at Burlington though a few\\nwhites had lived there and in the vicinity\\nmany years before.\\nIt is impossible to read the accounts of\\ntravelling at this early period without\\nbeing forcibly reminded of the contrast in\\ntravelling ih\u00c2\u00abn and now. Many of the\\nQuaker preachers speak of crossing streams\\nin frail Indian canoes, with their horses\\nswimming by their side and one, the\\nfearless, zealous John Richardson, (so\\nnoted among among other things for his\\ncontroversies with the apostaie George\\nKeith in substance recommends, in\\ntravelling across New Jersey, for safety,\\ntravellers horses should have long tails.\\nThe reason for this singular suggestion\\nwas that in crossing streams the frail\\ncanoes were often capsized, and if the\\ntraveller could not swim, he might prob-\\nably preserve his life by grasping his\\nhorse s taik Mr. Richardson describes how\\none man s life was preserved by this\\nnovel life preserver in this case the life-\\npreserver being the long tail of Mr. R. s\\nown horse and in commenting upon it\\nhe quaintly observes that he always ap-\\nproved horses tails being long in crossing\\nrivers.\\nLong before Fox and Burnyeate crossed\\nthe state the whites, part cularly the\\nDutch, frequently crossed our state by In-\\ndian paths, in going to and fro between\\nthe settlements on the Delaware and New\\nAmsterdam (New York), though they\\nhave left but meagre accounts of their\\njourneyings, and their are strontr probabili-\\nties that the Dutch from New Amsterdam,\\nafter furs and searching for minerals,\\ncrossed the state as far as Burlington Is-\\nland, Trenton, and points far up the Dela-\\nware from forty to fifty years before the\\ntrip of these Quaker preachers.\\nThat their journeyings were not always\\nsafe, is shown in the following extract of a\\nletter written by Jacob Alricks, Septem-\\nber 20th, 1669\\nThe Indians have again killed three or\\nfour Dutchmen, and no person can go\\nthrough one messenger who was eight", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "14\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\ndays out returned without accomplishing\\nhis purpose.\\nThe next day he writes\\nI have sent off messenger after messen-\\nger to the Manhattans overland, but no\\none can get through, as the Indians there\\nhave again killed four Dutchmen.\\nAt the time of writing these letters\\nAlricks resided in Delaware, and they\\nwere addressed to the Dutch authorities\\nat New York.\\nCONFISCATION IN THE REVOLUTION.\\nLoyalists of Frebhold, Middletown,\\nShrewsbury, Upper Freehold and\\nDover.\\nThe sales of property in New Jersey ad-\\njudged to be confiscated during the war,\\nappear to have been in accordance witli the\\nact of the Legislature, April 18th, 1778,\\nentitled An Act for taking charge of or\\nleasing the real estates and for forfeiting\\nthe persona! estates of certain fugitives and\\noffenders, fec.\\nWe give below a copy of an official ad\\nvertisement of property to l.s sold in old\\nMonmouth under this act. While among\\nthe names are found some who were quite\\nnoted for their services inider the British,\\nof whom mention is made in another chap-\\nter, yet there are probably several, who,\\nbecause of conscientious scruples against\\nwar and to avoid being drafted, left the\\ncounty and sought refuge in the British\\nlines on Long Island or New York. This\\nwas probably the case in the township of\\nShrewsbury where Quakers were quite nu-\\nmerous. How the Quakers fared who\\nstayed at home and risked drafting may\\nbe inferred from an extract, which we pro-\\npose to give hereafter, describing drafting\\nin Burlington county.\\nDuring the course of the war it would\\nseem that almost every man in the county\\ncapable of bearing arms, except Quakers,\\ntook an active part in the fearful strife on\\none side or the other.\\nAs an evidence of how not only neigh-\\nbor was arrayed against neighbor but rela-\\ntive against relative, it is only necessary to\\ncompare the names in this advertisement,\\nwith the names given in the list of the\\nMonmouth militia. Not only are old fami-\\nlies represented on both sides, but in some\\ncases persons of the same name are promi-\\nnent on both sides for instance, Elisha\\nLaurence, mentioned below, was a Colonel\\nin the Loyalists, while anothei Elisha Law-\\nrence, was a Lieutenant Colonel on the\\nAmerican side.\\nMost of the persons mentioned below\\nwere of the most honorable class of tories,\\nor loyalists, as they called themselves\\npersons of education, wealth and standing,\\nand for that very reason their activities in\\nand advocacy of the British cause was very\\ninjurious to the Americans, so much so\\nthat it is said that at one time in the early\\npart of the war the Refugees gained the\\nascendancy and had possession of Freehold\\nvillage for about a week or ten days and\\nwe find that about Nov., 1776, General\\nWashington found it necessary to detach\\nColonel Forman of the New Jersey militia\\nto suppress an insurrection which threat,\\nened to break out in Monmouth county,\\nwhere great numbers were well disposed\\nto the Royal cause.\\n^Monmouth Cou7ity,ss: Whereas inqui-\\nsition havf been found and final judgment\\nentered thereon in favor of the State of\\nNew Jersey against persons herein men-\\ntioned Notice is hereby given that the\\nreal and personal estates belonginu to Sam-\\nuel Osburn, Thomas Leonard, Hendrick\\nVan Mater, John Throckmorton, Daniel\\nVan Mater, Jo m Longstreet jr, Alexander\\nClark, Joseph Clayton, Israel Britton,\\nJohn Oweson, John Thompson, Thomas\\nBills and Benzeor Hinkson, all of thf\\ntownship of Freehold, will be sold at ree-\\nhold Court House, beginning on Wednes-\\nday the 17th day of March next and con-\\ntinue from day to day until all are sold.\\nThomHs Crowel, George Taylor jr,\\nJames Stillvell, John Mount, boatman.\\nConrad Hendricks, Joseph Baley, John\\nCottrell, Richard Cole, Samuel Smith,\\nJohn Bown, James Pew, Thomas Thorne,\\nEzekiel Tilton, Joseph Taylor, John Til-\\nton, of Middletown and William Smith of\\nMiddlesex having lands in said own, will\\nbe sold at public vendue, beginning on\\nMonday tin* 22nd day of March next at the\\nhouse of Cornelius Swart and continue from\\ndav to day until sold.\\nJohn Taylor and William Walton at\\nNew York but having property in Shrews\\nbury, John Williams, Christopher Talman,\\nJohn Wartiell, Michael Price, James\\nMount, John Williams, Jr., John Pintard,\\nClayton Tilton, Samuel Cook, James\\nBoggs, James Curlis, Asael Chandler,", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n16\\nJohn Morris, William Price, Robert Mor-\\nris, Peter Vannote, James Price, John and\\nMorford Taylor, John Hankinson, Timo-\\nthy Scobey, William Laurence, Peter War-\\ndel, Oliver Talman, Richard Lippencott,\\nJosiah White, Benjamin WooUey, Eben-\\nezer Wardell, Robert Stout, Nathaniel\\nParker, John Hampton, Samuel Layton,\\nJacob Harber, Samuel Layton, Jacob Em\\nmons, Britton White, Tobias Kiker and\\nDaniel Lafetter, (Lafetra?), late of the\\ntownship of Shrewsbury, and Garnadus\\nBeekman of New York, having property\\nin said township, will be sold at public\\nvendue, beginning on Monday the 29th of\\nMarch at Tinton Falls and continue from\\nday to day until ail are sold.\\nJohn Leonard, Grisbert Giberson, Sam-\\nuel Stillweli, Barzilla, Joseph, Thomas,\\nWilliam and SamuelGrover, John Horner,\\nFuller Horner, John Perine, William Gi-\\nberson, Jr., Mallakeath Giberson, John\\nPolhemus, Jr.. Benjamin Giberson, Sam-\\nuel Oakerson, EHsha Laurence and /Jotin\\nLaurence sons of John, late of Upper\\nFrei-hold and Isaac Allen late of Trenton,\\nwill be sold at public vendue beginning on\\nMonday the 5th day of April next at\\nWalls Mills and continue until all are\\nsoil.\\nJohn Irons and David Smith, of the\\ntownship of Dover, will be sold ai Free-\\nhold Court House at the time of sales\\nthere.\\nThe two emissions called in and bank\\nnotes will be taken in pay. No.credit will\\nbe given. The sale will begin at 9 o clock\\neach day. Also deeds made to the pur-\\ncliasers agreeable to act of Assembly by\\nSamuj^l Forman\\nJoseph Laurence\\nKenneth Hankinson\\nCommissioners.\\nFebruary 17th. 1779.\\nCAPTAIN WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM.\\nHow American prisoners were treated by\\nthe British at New York. H( rrible con-\\nfession by the British Provost Marshal.\\nThe following is copied from the Ameri-\\ncan Apollo, February 17th, 1792. In it will\\nbe found some startling confessions, show-\\ning how hellish wag the treatment of our\\nancestors who were confined as prisoners\\nin New York during the Revolution by\\nthis fiend in human shape. It furnishes\\nanother reason why our forefathers so de-\\ntested the British. It will amply repay\\nperusal. Captain Joshua Huddy, and\\nmany other old Monmouth patriots, were\\nfor a time in this villain s charge\\nThe life, confession, and last dying words\\nof Captain William Cunningham, former-\\nly British provost marshal in the city of\\nNew York, who was executed in London\\nthe lOth of August, 1791.\\nI, William Cunningham, was born in\\nDublin barracks in the year 1738. My\\nfather was trumpeter to the Blue Dragoons,\\nand at the age of 8 years I was placed with\\nan officer as his servant, in which station\\nI continued until I was 16, and being a\\ngreat proficient in horsemanship, was tak-\\nen as an assistant to the riding master of\\nthe troop, and in the year 1761 was made\\nsergeant of dragoons, but the peace com-\\ning the year following, I was disbanded.\\nBeing bred to no profession, I took up\\nwith a woman who kept a gin shop in a\\nblind alley near the Coal Quay but the\\niiouse being searched for stolen goods and\\nmy doxy taken to Newgate, I thought it\\nmost prudent to decamp accordingly set\\noff for the North and arrived at Drogheda,\\nwhere in a few months ?fter 1 married the\\ndaughter of an exciseman by whom 1 had\\nthree sons.\\nAbout the year 1772 we removed to\\nNewry where I commenced the profession\\nof scowbanker, which is the enticing of\\nmechanics and country people to ship\\nthemselves for America on promises of\\ngreat advantage, and then artfully getting\\nan indenture upon them in consequence\\nof which, on their arrival in America, they\\nare sold or obliged to serve a term of years\\nfor their passage. I embarked at Newry\\nin the ship Needham, for New York, and\\narrived in that port the 4th day of August,\\n1774, with some indented servants I kid-\\nnapped in Ireland, but who were liberated\\nin New York on account of the bad usage\\nthey received from me during the passage.\\nIn that city I used the profession ot break-\\ning horses and teaching ladies and gentle-\\nmen to ride, but rendering myself obnox-\\nious to the citizens in their infant struggles\\nfor freedom, I was obliged to fly on board\\nthe Asia man of war, and from thence to\\nBoston, where my own opposition to the\\nmeasures pursued by the Americans in\\nsuoport of their rights, was the first thing\\nthat recommended me to General Gage\\nand when the war commenced I was ap-\\npointed provost marshal to the royal army^", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "16\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nwhich phxced me in a situation to w^reak\\nmy vengeance on the Americans. I shud-\\nder to think of the murders I have been acces-\\nsory to, both ivith and without orders from gov-\\nernment, especially while in New York, during\\nwhich time there were more than two thousand\\nprisoners starved in the difi erent churches by\\nstopping their rations, lohich I sold.\\nThere were also two hundred and sev-\\nenty-five American prisoners and obnox-\\nious persons executed, out of which num-\\nber there w\u00c2\u00abre only about one dozen pub-\\nlic \u00c2\u00abxecutions, which chiefly consisted of\\nBritish and Hessian deserters. The mode\\nof private executions was thus conducted\\nA guard was disp atched from the provost\\nabout half after twelve at night to the\\nBarrack street, and the neighborhood of\\nthe uj^per barracks, to order the people to\\nshut their window shutters and put out\\ntheir lights, forbidding them at the same\\ntime to i)resume to look out of their win-\\ndows and doors on pain of death, aftc^r\\nwhich, the unfortunate prisoners were con-\\nducted, gagged, just behind the upper bar-\\nracks and hung without ceremony and\\nthere buried by the black pioneer of th@\\nprovost.\\nAt the end of the war I returned to\\nEngland with the army and settled in\\nWales, as being a cheajier place of living\\nthan in any of the populous cities, but\\nbeing at length persuaded to go to Lon\\ndon, I entered so warmly into thy dissipa-\\ntion of the capital, that I soon found my\\ncircumstances much embarrassed, to relieve\\nwhich I mortgaged my half pay to an army\\nagent, but that being soon expended, I\\nforged a draft for three hundred pounds\\nsterling on the board of ordnance, but be-\\ning detected in presenting it for accept-\\nance, I was apprehended, tried and con-\\nvicted, and for that offence am here to\\nsuffer an ignominious death.\\nI beg the prayers of all good christians,\\nand also pardon and forgivness of God for\\nthe many horrid murders I have been ac-\\ncessory to.\\nWilliam Cunningham.\\nTHE ATTACK ON TOMS RIVER.\\nBurning of the village. Capture of Cap-\\ntain Joshua Huddy. A day of horrors.\\nIn giving an account of this affair we\\nshall first coi)y a brief statement from\\nHave s Collections, the editor of which\\nvisited- the place in 1842 in search of his-\\ntorical information relating to oiden times\\nin Old Monmouth:\\nIn the American Revolution, a rude\\nfort or blockhouse was erected a short dis-\\ntance north ol the bridge, at the village of\\nToms River, on a hill about a hundred\\nyatds east of the road to Freehold, on\\nland now belonging to the heir.s of Elijah\\nRobbins, deceased. In the latter part of\\nthe war, this blockhouse was attacked by\\na superior force of the enemy. Its com-\\nmander. Captain Joshua Huddy, most gal-\\nlantly delended it until his ammunition\\nwas expended and no alternative but sur-\\nrender left After the little brave garrison\\nwas in their power, it is said they deliber-\\nately murdered^five men asking for quai-\\nters. From thence Captain Huddy, Jus-\\ntice Randolph, and the remaining prison-\\ners were taken to New York, where, suffer-\\ning the various progressions of bai barity\\ninflicted upon those destined to a violent\\nor lingering death, those two jzentlemen,\\nwith a Mr. Fleming, were put into the\\nhold of a vessel. Captain Huddy was\\nironed hand and foot, and shortly after\\nbarbarously hanged on the shore of the\\nHighlands of Nave sink.\\nDuring the war of the Revolution the\\nchief organ of the tories and Bfitish in\\nAmerica was Rivington s Royal Gazette,\\npublished in New York, of which paper\\nand its editor we may have occasion to\\nspeak hereafter. Quite complete filfP of\\ntins paper are pr* served in the librai v of\\nthe New York Historictl Society. The\\nfollowing is its version of the attack on\\nToms River:\\nThe tuthentic account of the expedi-\\ntion against the rebel past on i oms River,\\nNew Jersey, undpr the Honorable Board\\nof Associated Loyalists\\nOn Wednesday the 20th inst March\\n1782,) Lieutenant Blanchard of the armed\\nwhale boats, and about eighty men belong-\\ning to them, with Captain Thomas and\\nLieutenant Roberts, both of the late Bucks\\ncounty volunteers, and between thirty and\\nforty other refugee loyalists, the whole\\nund\u00c2\u00abr the command of Lieutenant Bianch-\\nard, proceeded to Sandy Hook under the\\nconvoy of Captain Stewart Ross, in the\\narmed brig Arrogant, where they were de-\\ntained by unfavorable winds until the 23d.\\nAbout 12 o clock on that nighl, the party\\nlanded near the mouth of Toms River and\\nmarched to the blockhouse at the town of\\nDover now Toms River and reached it\\nju.-it at daylight. On their way they were", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n17\\nchallenged and fired upon, and when they\\ncame to th\u00c2\u00ab works they found the rebels,\\nconsisting of twenty-five or twenty-six\\ntwelve months men and militia, apprized\\nof their coming and prepared for defence.\\nThe post into which they had thrown\\nthemselves was six or seven feet high,\\nmade with large logs with loop holes be-\\ntween and ft number of brass swivels on\\nthe top, which was entirely open, nor was\\nthere any way of entering but by climbing\\nover. They had, besidf^s swivels, muskets\\nwith bayonets and long pikes for their de-\\nfence. Lieutenant Blanchard summoned\\nthem to surrender, which they not only\\nrefused, but bid the party defiance on\\nwhich he immediately ordered the place\\nto be stormed, which was accordingly\\ndone, and though defended with obstinacy,\\nwas soon carried. The rebels had nine\\nmen killed in the assault, and twelve made\\nprisoners, two of whom are. wounded. The\\nrest made their escape in the confusion.\\nAmong the killed was a major of the mili\\nti^, two captains and one lieutenant. The\\ncaptain of the twelve months men station-\\ned there, is amongst the prisoners, who\\nare all brought safe to town. On our side,\\ntwo were killed Lieutenant Ire iell of the\\narmed boatmen and Lieutenant Inslee of\\nthe loyalists, both very brave officers, who\\ndistinguished themselves on the attack\\nand whose loss is much lamented. Lieu-\\ntenant Roberts and five others are wound-\\ned, but it is thought none of them are in a\\ndangerous way.\\nThe Town, as it is called, consisting of\\nabout a dozen houses, in which none but\\na piratical set of banditti resided, together\\nw.th a grist and saw mill, wer\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bb, with the\\nblockhouse burned to the ground, and an\\niron canno:.i spiked and thrown into the\\nriver. A fine large barge (called Hyler s\\nbarge,) and another boat in which the\\nrebels used to make their excursions on\\nthe coast, were brought off. Some other\\nattempts were intended te have been\\nmade, but the appearance of bad weather,\\nand the situation of the wounded, being\\nwithout either surgeon or medicines, in-\\nduced the party to return to New York,\\nwhere they arrived on the twenty- fifth.\\nThe attack on Toms River was made on\\nSunday morning, March 24th, 1782. Cap-\\ntain Huddy received notice of the expect-\\ned attack on the previous evening, and at\\nonce notified the inhabitants sentinels\\nwere carefully stationed, and towards\\nmorning Captain Huddy sent a scouting\\nparty to reconnoitre. This party missed\\nthe British it is probable they went down\\nalong the river, while the enemy, guided\\nby a refugee named William Dillon, cam6_\\nup the road near where the Court House\\nnow stands. The sentinels staiioned some\\ndistance outside of the fort, on the ene-\\nmy s approach, fired their guns to notify\\nthe little garrison. Before reaching the\\nfort, the British were joined by a band of\\nrefugees under Dg^en port, whose stamping\\nground was in old Dover township; him-\\nself and men had cabins and caves in the\\nwoods, by the he^id waters of Cedar Creek,\\nToms River and other streams. No Tory\\nor Tory sympathizer was tolerated in the\\nvillage of Toms River, which was the only\\nreason that caused Rivington s Royal Ga-\\nzette to call its people banditti.\\nUpon the apjjroach of the British, the\\nAmericans opened fire so effectually that\\nthe British account acknowledges that\\nseven were killed or wounded, though the\\ndamage inflicted upon them must have\\nbeen greater. A negro refugee killed, was\\neft by them outside of the fort for the\\nAmericans to bury. On the side of the\\nAmericans, among the casualities, were\\nMajor John Cook, John Farr and James\\nKinsley, killed Moses Robbins wounded\\nin the face; John Wainwright fought un-\\ntil shot down with six or seven bullets in\\nhim. From circumstantial evidr-nce it is\\nprobable that Captain Ephraim Jenkins\\nwas among the killed. Among the pris-\\noners taken were Captain Joshua Huddy,\\nDaniel Randolph, Esq., and Jacob Flem-\\ning. One of the guards named David im\\nlay, escaped and hid in a swamp until the\\nBritish left. Major Cooke at one time\\nof the 2nd regiment, Monmouth militia\\nit is said was killed outside the tort by a\\nnegro.\\nAll the houses in the village were burned\\nexcept two, one belonging to Aaron Buck\\nand the other to Mrs. Studson. Aaron\\nBuck was an active Whig, and one reason\\nwhy his house was spared was owing, it is\\nsupposed, to the fact that his wife was a\\nneice of William Dillen, the refugee guide.\\nMrs.Studson s husband, Lieutenant Joshua\\nStudson, had been murdered by the ref-\\nugee Captain John Bacon, a short time\\nbefore, and the Britisli probably thought\\ninjury enough had already been done to\\nher. Among the houses burned was one\\nbelonging to Captain Ephraim Jenkins,\\nand also one in which Abiel Aikens lived\\nin which the first Methodist sermon at\\nToms River was preached, by Rev Benja-\\nmin Abbott, in 1778.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "18\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nWhat a terrible day to the inhabitants\\nof Toms River was that memorable Sab-\\nbath I Probably not less than a hundred\\nwomen and children were rendered home\\nless the killed and wounded demanded\\nimmediate attention husbands and fath-\\ners were carried away captive, their house-\\nhold goods, provisions their all destroyed.\\nSome families were entirely broken up, the\\nheads killed, mothers and chilren scattered,\\nnever as families meeting again.\\nMemoranda relating to persons mentioned\\nIN the foregoing.\\nWilliam Dillon, the refugee guide, had\\nonce been tried and sentenced to death\\nat Freehold, but subsequently pardoned,\\nand the first we hear of him afterwards\\nwas as pilot of a British Expendition, which\\ncame from New York into old Cranberrj^\\ninlet, then open, opposite Toms River, to\\nrecapture the ship Love and Unity,\\nwhich a short time previous had been\\ncaptured by the Americt.rjs.\\nAaron Buck was an active member of\\nthe militia. The Dillon whose daughter\\nhe married was a much better man than\\nhis brother, who acted as guide to the ref\\nugees. Aaron Buck left two daughters\\nfrom whom have descended several re-\\nspectable shore families. One married\\nJudge Ebenezer Tucker, formerly mem-\\nber of Congress, after whom Tuckerton, in\\nBurlington county, was named. The other\\nmarried John Rogers, of Dover township,\\nancester of many, persons now residing in\\nOcean county. It is said that after the\\nwar Mr. Buck in a temi3orary fit of in-\\nsanity, committed suicide by hanging\\nhimself on board his vessel at Toms River.\\nDaniel Randolph, who then resided at\\nToms River, was well known throughout\\nold Monmouth. A tory witness on tha\\nti ial of Captain Richard LippencoU, in\\nNew York, testified that Esquire Daniel\\nRandolph, was a man of prominence and\\ninfluence among the Whig?. He was\\nsoon afterwards exchanged for Captain\\nClayton Tilton.\\nCaptain Epliraim Jenkins was in com-\\nmand of a militia company during the\\nwar. After the fight at the Block House,\\nhis family was scattered and his children\\noared for by strangers.\\nAbiel Aikons suffered severely during\\nthe war. In his old age (1808), the Legis-\\nlature passed a law for his relief. He was\\nthe earliest friend of Methodism in that\\nvicinity.\\nTOMS RIVER DURING THE REVO-\\nLUTION.\\nToms River during the Revolution wat.\\na place of considerable importance owing\\nchiefily to the fact thai old Cranberry In-\\nlet, nearly opposite, was then open and\\nperhaps the best inlet on our coast, except\\nLittle Egg Harbor. On this account it\\nwas a favorite base of operations for Ameri-\\ncan privateers on the lookout for British\\nmerchant vessels carrying supplies to the\\nenemy at New York. In another chapter\\nare given some extracts from ancient\\nauthorities, showing that Toms River and\\nvicinity was the scene of many stirring\\nincidents during the war. The village\\nwas occupied by the Americans as a mili-\\ntary post probably during the greater part\\nof the Revolution. The soldiers state-\\ntioned here were sometimes twelve months\\nmen, commanded by diflerent officers,\\namong whom it is supposed were Captains\\nBigelow. Ephraim Jenkins, James Mott,\\nJohn Stout and Joshua Huddy. The\\nduties of the militia stationed at Toms\\nRiver, appear to have been to guard the\\ninhabitants against dej^redations from the\\nrefugees; to check contraband trade by\\nway of Cranberry Inlet to New York, and\\nto aid our privateers who brought vessels\\ninto old Cranberry Inlet.\\nA TERRIBLE DAY FOR THE REF-\\nUGEES.\\nPeace Declared How th\u00c2\u00ab news was re-\\nceived by the ^riends of the Lost\\nCause Confisciition, Banishment, Des-\\npair.\\nf ivil wars have ever been noted for being\\nmore terrible than those where one na-\\ntion was against another; as in the last\\nnamed case stranger meets stranger on the\\nbattle field, while in civil wars oftimes,\\nneighbor is arrayed against neighbor,\\nfather against son, brother against brother.\\nIn the war of the Revolution it was the\\nlot of our ancestors to be compelled to un-\\ndergo the hardships of both at the same\\ntime. They had not only to face the\\narmies which England landed upon our\\nsoil but also thousands of native born\\nAmericans, who from what they thought a\\nsense of duty, or for plunder or revenge,", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n19\\nrallied to th\u00c2\u00ab cause of Kin.^ and crown.\\nThe number of Loyalists, that is, Ameri-\\ncans who aided the British, was much\\nlarger than is generally supposed. Sabine\\nin his history of the Loyalists estimat^es\\nthe number who took up arms to aid the\\nenemy at 25,000. The Loyalists them-\\nselves, in an address to the King, 1779,\\nclaimad that the Americans then in his\\nMajesty^ s service exceeded in number the troops\\nenlisted by Congress to oppose them, exclusive\\nof these who were in pri?ite ships of war.\\nIn 1782 they stated that there were many\\nmore Loyalists in the King s service than\\ntroops in the Continental army. At the\\nclose of the war they claimed that their\\nlosses were \u00c2\u00a37,046,178, besides debts to the\\namount of \u00c2\u00a32,354,135. Of their claims the\\nBritish Government in 1788 had liquidated\\nabout \u00c2\u00a32,000,000.\\nOld Monmouth suffered during the war\\nto an extent hardly equalled, certainly not\\nsurpassed by any other section of the coun-\\ntry, and when the welcome news of peace\\nwas announced the patriots of this as well\\nof every other section of the Union were\\noverjoyed beyond exp ession. But the\\nnews which brought gladness to their hearts,\\nwas a terrible blow to the Refugees. It\\nwas not only the announcement to them\\nthat the cause for which they had so long\\nfought was irretrievably lost, but also that\\nthey must forsake the land of their birth\\nand seek homes elsewhere, that there\\nproperty here would be confiscated and\\nthat without money or friends they\\nmust commence life anew on the cold\\nshores of Nova Scotia or elsewhere. The\\nfollowing from an ancient authority, de-\\nscribes how the news of peace was received\\nby the Refugees in JSTew York\\nWhen the news of peace was known,\\nthe city of New York presented a scene\\nof distress not easily described; adherents\\nto the Crown who wen- in the ai my tore\\nthe lappels from their coats and stamped\\nthem under their ftet and exclaimed that\\nthey were ruined others cried out that\\nthey had sacrificed everything to prove\\ntheir loyalty and were now left to shift for\\nthemselves without the friendship of\\ntheir King or country.\\nIn September, previous to the final\\nevacuation of New York by the British,\\nupwards of 12,000 men, women and chil-\\ndreir embarked at the city and at Lone\\nand Staten Islands for Nova Scotia and the\\nBahamas.\\nSome of these victims to civil war tried\\nto make merry at their doom by saying\\nthat they were bound to a lovely country\\nwhei e there are nine months winter and\\nthree months cold weather every year\\nWhile others in their desperation would\\nhave torn down their houses, and had they\\nnot been prevented would have carried off\\nthe bricks of which they were built.\\nThose who went north landed at Port\\nRoseway (now Shelburne) NovaScotiaand\\nat St. Johns, whpie many, utterly destitute,\\nwere supplied with food at public charge\\nand were obliged to live in huts built of\\nbark and rough boards. A mong the ban-\\nished ones were persons whose hearts and\\nhopes had been as true as Washington s,\\nfor in the division of families, which every\\nwhere occurred and which formed oije of\\nthe most distressing circumstances of the\\nconflict, their wives and daughters, who\\nalthough bound by the holiest ties to Loy-\\nalists, had given their sympathy to the\\nright from the beginning, and who now in\\nthe triumph of the cause which had their\\npi ayers, went meekly as woman ever\\nmeets a sorrowful lot in hopeless, inter-\\nminable exile.\\n(3^E0RiE KEITH, THE FOUNDEtt OF\\nFREEHOLD.\\nThe following outline of the life of Rev.\\nGeorge Keith is by William A. Whitehead\\nEsq. author of the History of East Jersey\\nAmong those selected by the Proprieta-\\nries in England to serve them in East Jer-\\nsey was George Keith, a native of Aber\\ndeen, an eminent Quaker, although origi-\\nnally a Scotch Presbyterian and among\\nall whose namt^s subsequently became\\nwidely known, his was one of those which\\nobtained the greatest renown. Those who\\nfirst welcomed him to the province as a\\nfellow helper in subduing the wilderness\\ncould hardly have prefigured for him the\\ncourse which events opened to him in this\\nand the adjoining province of Pennsylva-\\nnia. The circumstances which probably\\nled to his acquaintance with the leading\\nScotch Proprietaries was his having under\\nhis charge in 1683 at a school which he\\ntaught in Theobalds, a son of Robert Bar-\\nclay. He was appointed Surveyor General\\non the 31st of July, 1684, but did|n6t reach\\nthe province until the spring of the follow-\\ning year. On the 9th of April he present-\\ned his credentials to the Council of Pro-\\nprietors, but as the office to which he was\\nappointed was already filled by William", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "20\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nHaige, under a oommission emanating\\nfrom Deputy Governor Eudyard, they\\nfound themselves delicately situated, and\\npostponed the consideration of Mr.\\nKeith s commission until their next meet-\\ning. It was unanimously agreed, however,\\nthat he should have one of their houses\\nas directed by the Proprietors. (Thomas\\nWarne was directed to clear out the\\none he inhabited to make room for him.)\\nThe Council at the appointed time were\\nurged by Keith to deci le in his favor, and\\nthey finally desired both of the apjilicants\\nto appear before them on the 12th of June,\\nwhen the office, in consequence of tha ab-\\nsence of Ml Haige and the inability, from\\nsome cause of his deputy. Miles Forster,\\nwas declared vacant and Mr. Keith au-\\nthorized to take the oaths and assume the\\nduties.\\nBesides performing the general duties of\\nhis office, for which he was well qualified,\\nbeing an excellent surveyor, he ran the\\ndivision line between East and West Jer-\\nsey in 1687 but in 1689 he left the pro-\\nvince for Pennsylvania. Then residing at\\nFreehold, of which settlement he was the\\nfounder, and where at the time of his re-\\nmoval he had a fine plantation, he was\\ninduced by the solicitations of the Qua-\\nkers of Philadelphia to accept the super-\\nintendence of a school in that city for fifty\\npounds, a house for his family, and what-\\never profits might accrue, with the prom-\\nise of an increase to one hundred and\\ntwenty pounds after the first year, the\\npoor to be taught gratis. This is the first\\nand only allusion to his family I have\\nnoticed. He did not remain long in this\\nhumble situation (vacating it the next\\nyear) and we are warranted in attributing\\nits acceptance to other inducements morp,\\nlikely to aftect a man of his character\\nthan the pecuniary remuneration named.\\nHaving been eminent as a preacher and\\nwriter among the Quakers for several\\nyears, he became a public speaker in their\\nreligious assemblies in Philadelphia.\\nPossessing quick natui al talents improvad\\nby considei able literary attainments, he\\nwas acute in argument and able in logical\\ndisputations and discussions of nice dis\\ntinction in theological matters but hav-\\ning great confidence in his own suj^erior\\ncapacity he was apt to indulge in an over-\\nbearing disposition, not altogether in ac-\\ncordance with christian moderation and\\ncharity.\\nThese peculiarities of mind and temper-\\nament naturally impelled him to assume\\nthe part of a leader, and he soon, through\\nhis talents and energy, gathered a party\\ninculcating plainness of garb and language\\nand other points of discipline there be-\\ning in his opinion too great slackness\\ntherein. Connected with these religious\\ntenets were the political doctrines of the\\nabandoament of all forcible measures to\\nuphold secular or worldly government\\nand the emancipation of the negroes after\\na reasonable term of service.\\nAlthough his opinions and views met\\nthe approval of a large number of Friends,\\noccasioning a serious division in that be-\\nfore united body father and son, husband\\nand wife, friend\u00c2\u00ab and relatives who had\\nusually worshiped together, though still\\nprofessors of the same faith in the main,\\nbeing seen going to different places of wor-\\nship, heats and bitterness being engen-\\ndered, occasioning many labors and watch-\\ning, great circumspection and patience; yet\\nas they did not meet with the general ac-\\nceptation he expected, Keith became cap-\\ntious and indulged in censure and re-\\nproach, accusing some of the most es-\\nteemed and approved ministers with pro-\\nmulgating false doctrines although it is\\nsaid the points he now condemned had\\nbeen strongly advocated in his writings\\nand declaring those only who were asso-\\nciated with him true Quakers.\\nHe was charged with exercising an over-\\nbearing temper and an unchristian dispo-\\nsition of mind in disparaging manv of the\\nsociety, and at a meeting of ministers in\\nPhlladelj^hia in June, 1692, a declaration\\nor testimony of denial was drawn up, in\\nwhich both he and his conduct were pub-\\nlicly denounced.\\nFrom this decision Keith appealed to\\nthe general meeting of Fri^^ncls, at Bur-\\nlington, and in the meanwhile wrote an\\naddress to the Quakers in which, as on\\ndifferent occasions verbally, he spok* in.\\nsuch disparaging, if not calumnious man-\\nner of the Deputy Governor and other\\nfunctionaries, as to bring ui:)on him the\\nire of the civil magistrates (themselves\\nQuakers) and he was in consequence pro-\\nclaimed in the market place, by the com-\\nmon crier, a seditious person and an ene-\\nmy to the King and Queen s government.\\nThe general meeting confirming the\\ndeclaration of the ministers, the sei)ara-\\ntion became complete, but Keith continu-\\ned preaching and writing in support of his\\nviews and for the establishment of his fol-\\nlowers until early in 1694, when he appeal-\\ned to the yearly meeting in London and", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n21\\nappeared there in person but his behav-\\nior was such as led to the approval of the\\nproceedings against him and his authority\\nand influence were at an end.\\nThis controversy occasioned mucVi dis-\\nturbance in the province of Pennsylvania\\nand many of the pamphlets to which it\\ngavw birth are yet extant.\\nExcited it would seem by the opposi-\\ntion he had met with, although for a time\\nhe retained a considerable number of ad-\\nherents in England, and disgusted with\\nthe society from which he had received so\\nlittle sympathy while aiming for its ad-\\nvancement in what he conceived the es-\\nsentials of true religion, Keith abjured the\\ndoctrines of the Quakers and became a\\nzealous clergyman of the established\\nChurch of England.\\nHe officiated for some time in his mother\\ncountry, and in 1702 returned to America\\nas a Missionary of the Society for the\\nPropagation of the Gospel in Foreign\\nParts sent out to travel through the\\ndifFarent provinces for the purpose of in-\\nquiring into their true condition, their\\nwants in regard to their spiritual interests\\nand to arouse in the people a sens*^ of the\\nduties of religion.\\nHis labors are said to have been very\\nsuccessful, particularly in Pennsylvania,\\nNew Jersey and New York to which he\\ndevoted moi-e of his time than he did to\\nthe other provinces from his previous\\nacquaintance with the people. In the\\nfirst two especially a large number of\\nthose Quakers who had adopted his views\\nin the dissensions of 1691 and 1692, be-\\ncame converts to the doctrines and disci-\\npline of the Church of England.\\nHe retixrned to England by way of Vir-\\nginia and received a benefice in Sussex,\\nworth one hundred and twenty pounds\\nper annum, where he continued until his\\ndeath to write against the doctrines of\\nthe Quakers. Prund s History of Pennsyl-\\nvania says from well authenticated ac-\\ncount it is asserted that he thus expressed\\nhimself on his deatli bed I wish I had\\ndied when I was a Quaker for then 1 am\\nsure it would have been well tor my soul.\\nSINGULAR INDIAN CLAIMS.\\nAbout the last remnant of Indians re-\\nmaii^ing in our state, sold their lands to\\nthfi^hites about 1801, and the year fol-\\nloi i,ing removed to New Stockbndge, near\\nO v ^ida Lake, New York, from whence,\\nabo yit 1824, they removed to Michigan,\\nwhere they purchased a tract of land of\\nthe Menomonie mdians, on both sides of\\nthe Fox river near Green Bay.\\nIn 1832, the New Jersey tribe, reduced\\nto less than forty souls, delegated one of\\ntheir number named Barlliolomew .S. Cal-\\nvin, to visit Trenton and apply to our Leg-\\nislature for remuneration for hunting and\\nfishing privileges on unenclosed lands,\\nwhich they alleged had not been sold with\\nthe land. Calvin was an aged man who\\nhad been educated at Princeton, where he\\nwas at the breaking out of the Revolution\\nwhen he joined the American army. Th-e\\nclaim, so unusual, was met in a spirit of\\nkindness by our Legislature, who directed\\nthe S!.aie Treasurer to pay to the agent of\\nthe Indians, the sum of two thousand dol-\\nlars, thus satisfactorily and honorably ex-\\ntinguishing the last claim the Indians\\nbrough against our state. Hon. Samuel\\nL. Southard, at the close of a speech made\\nat the time, said It was a proud fact in\\nthe history of New Jersey, that every foot\\nof her soil had been obtained from the\\nIndians by fair and voluntary purchase\\nand transfer, a fact that no other st^te of\\nthe Union, not even tlie land which bears\\nthe name of Penn, can boast.\\nIn 1678, a somewhat similar claim was\\nbrought by the Indians, against Richard\\nHartshorne, an early settler of old Mon-\\nmouth, who had previously bought of\\nthem Sandy Hodk, and lands around the\\nHighlands. In that year, to prevent their\\ntrespassing ujjon his lands, he iiad to pay\\ntheto to relinquish their claims to hunt,\\nfish, fowl, and gather beach plums. The fol-\\nlowing it a copy of the agreement\\nThe 8th of August, 1678. Whereas\\nthe Indians pretend tjiat formerly, when\\nthey sold all the land upon Sandy Hook,\\nthey did not sell, or did except liberty to\\nplumbs, or to say the Indians should\\nhave liberty to go an Sandy Hook, to get\\nget plumbs when they please, and to hunt\\nupon the land, and fish, and to take dry\\ntrees that suited them for cannows. Now\\nknow all men by these presents, that I,\\nRichard Kartshorne. of Portland, in tne\\ncounty of Monmbuih, in East Jersey, for\\npeace and quietness sake, and to the end\\nthere may be no cause of trouble with the\\nIndians and that I may not for the future\\nhave any trouble with them as formerly I\\nhad, in their dogs killing my sheep, and\\ntheir hunting on my lands, and their fish-\\ning, I have agreed as followeth\\nThese presents witnesseth, that 1,\\nVowavapon, Hendricks, the Indians sonn,", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "22\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nhaying all the liberty and privileges of\\npluming on Sandy Hook, hunting, fishing,\\nfowling, getting cannovvs c., by these\\npresents, give, grant, bargain, sell, unto\\nRichard Hartshorwe, his heirs and assigns\\nforever, all the liberty and privilege of\\npluming, fishing, fowling, and huHting,\\nand howsoever reserved and excepted by\\nthe Indians for him, the said Richard\\nHartshorne, his heirs and assigns, to have\\nhould, possess, and injoy forever, to say\\nthat no Indian, or Indians, shall or hath\\nno pretense to lands or timber, or liberty,\\nprivileges on no pretense whatsoever on\\nany part a parcell of land, belonging to\\nthe said Kichard Hartshorne, to say Sandy\\nHook or land adjoining to it, in considera-\\ntion the said Hnrtshorne, hath paid unto\\nthe said Vowavapon, thirtee?. shillings\\nmoney; and I the said Vowavapon, do\\nacknowledge to have received thirteen\\nshillings by these presents. Witness my\\nhand and seal.\\nVowavapon X his mark.\\nTocus X his mark.\\nSigned, sealed and delivered in the\\npresence of John Stout.\\nTHE RARITAN INDIANS.\\nAn ancient work says that when the\\nwliites first came to this country, the\\nRaritans lived on the south side if Raritan\\nbay and river, but they were flooded out\\nby a storm, previous to 1650, and then\\nremoved to the north side. They after-\\nwards it is supposed mingled with the\\nSa/ihicans or Wapingas, who finally left\\nthe state and located on the east side of\\nthe Hudson river, in New York state, near\\nAnthony s INose.\\nAN INDIAN DINNER\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A SAVORY\\nDISH.\\nBethsheba, tue Indian Queen.\\nThe last remnant of the Indians who\\nfrequented the lower part of old Mon-\\nmouth, had their principal settlement at a\\nplace called Edgepelick or Edge Pillock\\nabout three miles from Atsion in Burling-\\nton county, from whence they removed to\\nOneida Lake, New York, in 1802. Before\\ntheir removal, members of this tribe with\\ntheir families would visit the shore once a\\nyear and spend some time fishing, oyster-\\ning, making baskets, c. The most noted\\namong the last Indians who regularly vis-\\nited the shore were Charles Moluss, his\\nwife, and wife s sister, who bore the eu-\\nl^honious names of Bash and Suke, among\\nthe ancient residents of old Stafford town-\\nship, but in Little Egg Harbor, Burlington\\ncounty, where they also were frequent vis-\\nitors, Moluss wife was known as Bathshe\\nba, and considered as a kind of Indian\\nQueen, on account of the great respect\\nshovvn to her by her people and by the\\nQuakers of Burlington, becauseof herpos-\\nsessing more intelligence, and having amore\\nl re.posessing personal appearance than the\\nrest of her tribe. At Tuckerton, when her\\ncompany visited there and put up their\\nteats, Bathsheba was generally invited to\\nmake her home with some one of the\\nprincipal inhabitants of the jilace. At\\nBarnegat, her company generally camped\\non the place now owned by Captain Timo-\\nthy Falkinburgh, wliere they were on\\nfriendly terms with the whites and quite\\ndisposed to be hospitable, but Bathsheba,\\nIndian Queen though she may hivve been,\\noccasionally prepared Indian delicacies for\\nthe table which the whites seldom appre-\\nciated. Some twenty years ago Eli Collins,\\na well remembered aged citizen of Barne-\\ngat, told the writer of this, that when he\\nwas K young man, one time he had been\\nout from Iiome all day, and on his wav\\nback, stopped at the hut of Moluss. His\\nwife Bash, or Bathsheba, was boiling some-\\nthing in a pot which sent forth a most de-\\nlightful odor to a hungry man, and he was\\ncordially invited to dine. As he had bees\\nwithout anything to eat all day he willing-\\nly accepted the invitation but he soon\\nchanged his determination when he found\\nthe savory smelling dish was hop toad sovj)\\nINDIAN PETER.\\nA Tradition oe Imlaystown.\\nAbout a century ago an Indian named\\nPeter, said to have been connected by re-\\nlationship and in business with the noted\\nIndian Tom, after whom some, we\\nthink erroneously, considered Toms\\nRiver to be named, resided at Toms River,\\nbut owing to an unfortunate habit of mix\\ning too much whisky with his water,^. he\\nbecame unfortunate, and about the timp of\\nthe war removed with his family to (the", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.\\n23\\nvicinity of Imlaystown, wb\u00c2\u00a9r\u00c2\u00ab he built a\\nwigwam by a oond not far from the vil-\\nlage.\\nShortly after he located here his wife\\nsickened and died. Peter dearly loved\\nhis squaw, and was almost heart-broken\\non account of the unlucky event. He\\ncould not bear the idea of parting with his\\nwife, of putting her under ground out of\\nsight. For a day or two lie was inconsola-\\nble and knew not what to do at length a\\nlucky idea occurred to him instead of\\nburying her where he never more could\\nsee her, he would put a rope about her\\nneck and place her in the pond and daily\\nvisit her. This idea he at once put into\\nexecution, and as he daily visited her, it\\nsomewhat assuaged his poignant grief.\\nOn one of his melancholy visits te the de-\\nparted partner of his bosom, he noticed\\nin the water around her a large number\\nof eels. To turn these eels to account was\\na matterof importance to Peter, for though\\nhe loved his wife yet he loved money too.\\n.So he caught the eels daily, and foraweek\\nor so visited the village regularly and\\nfound a ready sale for them among the\\nvillagers.\\nBut at length the supply failed his\\nnovel eel trap gave out. A few days there-\\nafter he was in the village and numerous\\nwere the inquiries why he did not bring\\nany more of those good eels.\\nAh, said Peter very innocently, draw-\\ning a long sigh, me catch no more eels\\nme squaw all gone boo hoo\\nHis grief and singular reply called for\\nan explanation, and he, thinking nothing\\nwrong, gave it.\\nThe result was a general casting up of ac-\\ncounts among the villagers, terrible anath-\\nemas upon the Indian, and a holy horror\\nof eels among that generation of Imlays-\\ntown citizens, and even to this day it is\\nsaid some of their descendants would as\\nsoon eat a sni.,ke as an eel.\\n(The above tradition we have no doubt\\nis substantially correct we derived it\\nfroii; Hon. Charles Parker, for many years\\nState Treasurer, father of Gov. Parker,\\nwho some sixty years ago, while at Toms\\nRiver, met with some of the disgusted pur-\\nchase! s of Indian Peter s eels.)\\nA BRAVE ^OUTH.\\nOne fine morning in May, 1780, as the\\nfamily of David Forman, Sheriff of Mon-\\nmouth County, were at breakfast, a soldier\\nalmost out of breath suddenly burst into\\nthe room and stated, that as he and anoth-\\ner soldier were conducting to the Court\\nHouse two men taken up on suspicion at\\nColt s Neck, they had knocked down his\\ncomrade, seized his musket and escaped.\\nThe Sheriff, on hearing this relation, im-\\nmediately mounted his horse and galloped\\nto the Court House to alarm the guard.\\nHis son Tunis Forman, a lad of about 17,\\nand small of his age, seized a musket load-\\ned only with small shot to kill blackbirds\\nin the cornfields, and putting on a cart-\\nridge box, dispatched his brother Samuel\\n(the late Dr. Samuel Forman of Freehold,)\\nupstairs for a bayonet, and then without\\nwaiting for it, nurried off alone in the pur-\\nsuit.\\nAfter running in a westerly direction\\nabout a mile, he discovered the men sit-\\nting on a fence, who on perceiving him\\nran into a swamp. As the morning was\\nwarm, he hasiily pulled off his coat and\\nshoes and dashed in after them, keeping\\nclose upon them lor over a mile, when\\nthey got out of the swamp and each climb-\\ned into separate trees. As he came up\\nthey discharged at him the musket taken\\nfrom the guard. The ball whistled over\\nhis head. He felt for his bayonet, and at\\nthat moment perceived that in his haste\\nit was left behind. He then pointed his\\ngun at the man with the musket, but\\ndeemed it imprudent to fire, reflecting\\neven if he killed him, his comrade could\\neasily master such a stripling as himself.\\nHe compelled the man to throw down his\\nmusket bv threatening him with death if\\nhe did not instantly comply. Then load-\\ning the prize from his cartridge he forced\\nhis prisoners down from the trees and\\narmed with his two loaded muskets, he\\ndrove them toward the Court House, care-\\nful however, to keep them far apart, to\\nprevent conversation. Passing by a spring\\nthey requested permission to drink.\\nNo replied the intrepid boy, under-\\nstanding their design. You can do as\\nwell without it as myself; you shall have\\nsome by and by.\\nSoon after, his father, at the head \u00c2\u00a9f a\\nparty of soldiers in ttie pursuit, galloped\\npast in the road within a short distance.\\nTunis hallooed, but the clattering of their\\nhorses hoots drowned his voice. At length\\nhe reached the village, and lodged his\\njjrisoners in the county prison.\\nIt was subsequently discovered that\\nthese men, whose name was John and\\nRobert Smith, were brothers from near", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "24\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nPhiladelphia, that they had robbed and\\nmurdered a Mr. Boyd, a collector of taxes\\nin Chester county, and when taken, were\\non their wav to join the British. As ttiey\\nhad been apprehended on suspiri )n mere-\\nly of buing refugees, no definite charge\\ncould be brought against them. A few-\\ndays after, Sheriff ^ornian saw an adver-\\ntisement in a Pennsylvania paper df^scrib\\ning them, with the facts above mentioned,\\nand a reward of $20,000 Continental mon-\\ney offered for their appiehensi-^n. He, ac-\\ncompanied by his son, took them there,\\nwhere they were trie i and executed. On\\nentering Philadelphia young Tunis was\\ncarried through the streets in triumph\\nupon the shoulders of the military. In\\nthe latter part of the war this voung\\nman became very active, and was a pecu-\\nliar favorite of General David Forman. He\\ndied not far from 1835. (The foregoing\\naccount is as related by the late Dr. Sam\\nuel Formaai to Henry Howe, Esq.)\\nCAPTAIN JOSEPH COWARD.\\nIn a Philadelphia work containing\\nSketches of Revolutionary Heroos is found\\nihe following notice of one of the patriots\\nof old Monmouth\\nJoseph Coward was a native of Mon-\\nmouth county, N. J. In view of his cogno-\\nmen we may well exclaim, What s in a\\nname, my Lord? He was a Coward; and\\nyet one of the bravest of the Revolutionary\\nCaptains. He was a great terror to the\\nRefugees alias Tories. At the Battl fe of\\nMonmouth and at several other places, his\\nundaunted courage was conspicuous.\\nWhen the British fleet lay off vSandy Hook,\\none of the supply ships ran loo near the\\nshore and stuck fast. Witli a few. Captain\\nCoward captured her in defiance of two\\nbarges manned with superior numbers\\nthat were sent to the rescue. At the clese\\nof the war he returned to his farm, became\\nthe esteemed citizen and fully exemplified\\nthe noble attributes of an honest man.\\nFrom his name we should not be sur-\\nprised if the above named liero was a rela-\\ntive of the late Captain Joseph Coward of\\nToms River, formerly a member of the\\nLegislature, a gentleman much esteemed\\nand popular among his political opponents,\\nas well as friends.\\nA JERSEY BLUE AT THE BATTLE\\nOF GERMANTOWN.\\nBarkalow, of Old Moxmouth.\\nThe following story which we find in an\\nold work is worth repeating:\\nA Brave Fellow. Among numerous\\nfeats of valor performed by individuals of\\nthe American Revolutionary army, none\\nhas pleaded me more ihan the iollowing,\\nrelated by an eye witness.\\nDuring the heat of the baltlir at Oer\\nmantown, while bullets flew thick as hail-\\nstones, one Barkalow, of Monmouth, N. J.,\\nwas levelling his musket at the enemy\\nwhen the lock was carried away bv a bull.\\nUndismayed, he caught up the gun of a\\ncomrade, just killed by his side, and taking\\naim, a bullet entered ihe muzzle and twist-\\ned the barrel round like acorkscrewl Still\\nundaunted, our hero immediately ivneel- d\\ndown, unscrewed the whole lock from the\\ntwisted barrel, screwed it on the barrel\\nfrom which the lock had been torn, and\\nblazed away at the enemy.\\nCan ancient Sparta or modern Bririan\\nboast a more brilliant display o* cool, de-\\nliberate, unshtvken courage? Tliis hero is\\nstill livinj,. Niles Prin. Revolution, 1822\\nTHE REDSTt NE COUNTRY.\\nOld Monmouth Citizens Emigratixo WtsT.\\nAt dift erent times between fifty and a\\nhundred years a^jo, a large number of the\\ncitizens of old Monmouth emigr iied to\\nwhat then was termed the Redstone\\ncountry. These emigrants left behind\\nnumerous relatives, and among their de-\\nscendants are often heard inquiries as to\\nthe precise locality of this Redstone\\ncountry. The origin of the name at the\\npresent day seems somewhat singular.\\nThe term Redstone settlements or\\nRedstone country, was employed to de-\\nnote most fthe country in Pennsylvania\\nand Virginia west of the mountains. The\\nname Redstone was ap})lied to a creek\\nwhich enters the Monongahela below\\nBrownsville, Pa., upon which was a settle-\\nment calleii Redstone Old Fort.\\nIn thatMay coal, as an article of fuel,\\nwas unknown. It is .stated that the hills\\naboun led with bituminous coal and along\\nwater courses where the earth had been\\nwashed off, the coal was left exposed\\nwhich often caught fire these fires came\\nin contact with the suri ounding earth and", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IX OLD MONMOUTH.\\n2r.\\nstones and gave them a red appearance\\nindeed so much so that when pulverized\\nthey were used in painting a vSpanish\\nbrown color. Hence the name. Many of\\nthese red banks are now visible, the most\\nprominent of whieh are in Redstone Creek,\\nFayette county, Pa.\\nThe last considerable exodus of citizens\\nof old Monmouth bound for the Redstone\\n(Country, occurred some fifty odd years ago.\\nSome of the emigrants from the county\\nwho went previous to this time, experienc-\\ned great hardships, a;nd at one time were\\nso seriously annoyed by the Indians that\\nthey had to return until the troubles were\\nover. One native of old Monmouth named\\nConovea during the Indian troubles, be-\\ncame quite noted for his skill and bravery\\nin meeting the savages, and his adventures\\nwei-e so thrilling that we shall try to find\\nplace for them liereafter it will be seen\\nthat he did no discredit to the county that\\ngave him birth.\\nINDIAN WILL.\\nAn EccK.NTRic .\\\\boriginai. ok Old Mov-\\nMOLTH.\\nIn days gone by the singular character\\nand eccentric acts of the noted Indian\\nWill, formed the theme of many a fireside\\nstory among our ancestors, many of which\\nare still well remembered by our older\\ncitizens, especially those belonging to the\\nSociety of Friends. Some of the incidents\\ngiven below, derived many years ago from\\naged Friends, differ in some particulars,\\nbut we give them as related to us now, in\\nhopes some of our readers can furnisn cor-\\nrections and additions. The first story\\ngiven below, was published some thirty\\nyears ago, and as will be seen differs from\\nother versions.\\nAbout the year 1670, the Indians sold\\nout the section of country near Eatontown\\nto Lewis Morris for a barrel of cider, and\\nemigrated to Crosswicks and Cranbury.\\nOne of them, called Indian AVill, remained\\nand dwelt in a wigwam between Tin ton\\nFalls and Swimming river. His tribe were\\nin consequence exasperated, and at vari-\\nous times sent messengers to kill liim in\\nsingle combat but being a brave, athletic\\nman, he always came ofi conoueror. On a\\ncertain occasion, while partaking of a\\nbreakfast of suppawn and milk at Mr. Ea-\\nton s with a silver spoon, he casually re-\\nmarked that he knew where there were\\nplenty of such. They promised if he\\nwould bring them they would give him a\\nred coat and a cocked hat. In a short\\ntime he was arrayed in that dress and it\\nis said that the Batons suddenly became\\nwealthy. About 80 years since, in pulling\\ndown an old mansion in Shrewsbury, in\\nwhich a maiden member of this family in\\nher lifetime had resided, a quantity o\\\\ cob\\ndollars, supposed by the superstitious to\\nhave been Kidd s money, were found con-\\ncealed in the cellar wall. This coin was\\ngenerally of a square or oblong shape, the\\ncorners of wliich wore out the pockets.\\n{Howe s Hist. Coll.)\\nA somewhat similar or a variation of the\\nabove tradition, we have fi-equently heard\\nas follows\\nIndia Will often visited th\u00c2\u00ab family\\nof Derrick Longstreet at Manasquan, and\\none time showed them some silver money\\nwhich excited their surprise they wished\\nto know where he got it, and wanted Will\\nto let them have it. Will refused to part\\nwith it. but told them he had found it in\\na trunk along tlie beacli, and there wa.s\\nplenty of yellow money beside but as the\\nyellow money was not as pretty as tlie\\nwhite, he didn t want that, and Longstreet\\nmight have it. So Longstreet went with\\nhim, and found the money in a trunk cov-\\nere 1 over with tarpaulin buried in the\\nj sand Will kept the white money and\\nLongstreet the yellow gold,) and this sat-\\nj isfactory division, made the Longstreets\\nquite wealthy.\\nIt is very probable that Will found mon-\\nj ey along the beach, but whether it was\\nfrom some shipwrecked vessel, or had been\\nburied by pirates, is another question.\\nHowever, the connection of Kidd s name\\nwith the finding ol the money would indi-\\ncate that Will lived long after the year\\nmentioned in the first quoted tradition,\\n1670.) Kidd did not sail on his piratical\\ncruise until 1696. And from the tradition-\\nary information the writer of this has been\\nable to obtain, Will must have lived many\\nyears subsequent.\\nIn personal appearance, Willis described\\nas having been stout, broad shouldered,\\nwith prominent Indian cast of fentures\\nand rings in his ear-, and a good sized one\\nin his nose. The following are some of\\nthe additional traditions related of him:\\nAmong other things which Will had\\ndone to excite the ill will of other Indians\\niie was charged with killing his wife. Her\\nbrother named Jacob, determined on re-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "26\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nvenge; so he pursued him and finding Will\\nunarmed, undertook to march him off cap-\\ntive. As they were going along, Will\\nespied a pine knot on the ground, and\\nmanaged to pick it up and suddenly dealt\\nJacob a fatal blow, and as he dropped to\\nthe ground, Will tauntingly exclaimed,\\nJacob, look up at the sun you ll never\\nsee it again. Most of the old residents\\nwho relate stories of Will, speak of his\\nfinding honey at one time on the dead\\nbodv of an Indian he had previously killed,\\nbut whether it was Jacob or some other is\\nnot mentioned.\\nAt one time, to make sure work of kill-\\ning Will, four or five Indians started in\\npursuit of him, and they succeeded in sur-\\nprising him so suddenly that he had no\\nchance for defence or fight, ffis captors\\ntold him they were about to kill him and\\nhe must at once prepare to die. He heard\\nhis doom with Indian stoicism, and he had\\nonly one favor to ask before he died, and\\nthat was to be allowed to take a drink out\\nof his jug ot liquor which had just been\\nfilled. So small a favor the captors could\\nnot refuse. As Will s jug was full, it was\\nonly common poUtene.--.s to ask them to\\ndrink also. Now if his captors had a.nj\\nweakness it was for rum; so they grateful-\\nly accepted his invitation. The drink\\nrendered them talkative, and they com-\\nmenced reasoning with him upon the\\nenormitv of his offences. Tiie condemned\\nman admitted the justness of their re-\\nproaches, and begged to be allowed to take\\nanother drink to drown the stings of con-\\nscience the captors condescendingly join-\\ned him again indeed it would have been\\ncruel to refuse to drink with a man so soon\\nto die. This gone through with, they per-\\nsuaded Will to make a full confession of\\nhis misdeeds, and their magnitude so\\naroused the indignation of his ca})tors,\\nthat they had to take another drink to\\nenable them to do their duty becociingly.\\nIndeed, they took divers drinks, so over-\\ncome were they by his harrowing tale; and\\nthen they become so unmanned, that they\\nhad to try to recuperate by sleep. Then\\ncrafty Will, who had really dr.ink but lit-\\ntle, softly arose, found his hatchet, and\\nsoon despatched his would-be captors.\\nIt was a rule with Will not to waste any\\nammunition, and therefore he was bound\\nto eat all the game he killed, but a buz-\\nzard which he once shot sorely trie l him,\\nand it took two or three days starving, be-\\nfore he could stomach it. One time when\\nalone upon the beach he was seized with a\\nfit of sickness and thought he was about\\nto die and not wishing his dead body to\\nlie exposed, he succeeded in digging a\\nshallow grave in which he lay for awhile,\\nbut his sickness passed off and he crept\\nout and went on his way rejoicing. He\\nwould never, in the latter years of his life,\\nkill a willet, as he said a willet once saved\\nhis life. He said he was in a canoe one\\ndark night crossing tlie bay, somewhat the\\nworse for liquoi and unconsciously about\\nto drift out the inlet into the ocean, when\\na willet screamed, and the ])eculiar cry of\\ntiiis bird seemed to him to sound, this\\nway. Will; this way. Will! and that w y\\nWill went and reached the beach just in\\ntime to save himself from certain death in\\nthe breakers.\\nWhen after wild fowl he had a singular\\nvvav of talking to them in a low tone\\nCome this way, my nice bird, Will won t\\nhurt you; Will won t hurt you! If he\\nsucceeded in killing one he would say\\nYou fool, you believe me eh Ah, Will\\nbeen so much with the whites he learned\\nto lie like a white man\\nAn old resident of the present county\\nof Ocean, says that Indian Will some-\\ntimes travelled down along shore as far as\\nBarnegat Inlet and always attended by a\\nlot of big, lean, hungrj looking dogs, to\\nhelp him fight off other Indians.\\nNear the mouth of Squan River is a\\nplace known as Will s Hole. There are\\ntwo versions itf the origin of the name.\\nOne old gentleman living in the vicinity,\\ns-ays it was so called because Will was\\ndrowned in it. The other version is that\\nWill drowned his wife here.\\nThe following traditions of Indian Will\\nwere told last summer by the venerable\\nThomas Cook of Point Pleasant, recently\\ndeceased, to a correspondent of the i\\\\ew\\nYork World. Though copied in this paper\\nat that time, yet in this connection they\\nwill bear republishing\\nAlong the hore of Squan river a small\\ninlet was pointed out to me which is known\\na,s Imiian Will s Hole. Some three\\nquarters of .i century ago, an old Indian\\nchief made his home in the woods attached\\nto the Cook farm. He was a brawny,\\nmuscular savage, peaceably inclined to-\\nwards the whites and suffered no molesta-\\ntion from them. Many of his people lived\\naround him, but he preferred to occupy\\nhis cabin alone with his wife, while he\\nspent most of his time in hunting and\\nfishing.\\nBut one day Indian Will brought home", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n27\\na muskiat, which he ordered his spouse to\\nprepare for dinner. She obeyed, but when\\nit was placed upon the table, refused to\\npartake of it. Very well, grunted the\\nnoble red man, if you are too good to eat\\nm.iskrat you are too good to live with me.\\nAnd thereupon took her down to the little\\nbay spoken of, and caused her to sink so\\nett ectually that she has not yet come to\\nthe surface.\\nIndian Will liad three brothers-in-hiw,\\ntwo of Tfhom resided on Long Island, and\\nwhen in course of time word reached ihem\\nof the manner in which the chief had put\\naway their sister, they went dawn to\\nJersey to avenge her deatli. When they\\nreached Will s c?bin^ he sat inside eating\\nclam soup. Knowing their errand, he in-\\nvited them in to dinner, telling them that\\nlie vtould figlit it out with them as soon as\\nthe meal was concluded. Barkis was\\nVs illin and they gathered around the ab-\\noriginal board, complimentiniz the steam-\\ning scHip wliich was placed before them,\\nami scooped it into their capacious jaws in\\nthe very felicity of sensuous enjoyment.\\nBefore dinner was over Indian Will pre-\\ntended that he heard some one approach-\\ning, and springng up hurried out of his\\ncabin as if to meet him. But the instant\\nlie was out of sight of the two visitors, he\\ncaught up their two guns, which they had\\nleft leaning up against the cabin in full\\ntrust of his honor, and through the open\\nilooi shot both, the last redskin falling\\ndead as he was rushing out to close in with\\nhis treacherous iiost.\\nIn those days it was the custom of the\\nIndians to hold a yearly meeting or coun-\\nI il at a place now known as Burrsville,\\nsomewhat like a lozen miles from this\\npoint. It was here that Indian Will en\\ncountered the third brother-in-law, and\\nthey started homeward together having\\nno weapons with them, but carrying a jug\\nof whiskey. Deep in the gloomy recesses\\nof the pine woods, when his blood was in-\\nflamed with fire-water, this Indian told\\nth chief that he must: die as the death of\\nhis relatives must be avenyed.\\nThey halted and closed in the deadly\\ntruggle. Both were active and powerful\\nmen and it was a fight unto death but\\nlate in the evening Indian Will appeared\\nat liis cabin with no companion but his\\nwhiskey jug. The next day he received\\nseveral visitors from his race who had been\\nat the Council the day before, aud who\\nhad seen the two depart together. In\\n([uiring as to what had become of his com-\\nrade, he told them to search and they\\nwould probably find out.\\nThey took the back trail of the chief\\nand after an hour s tramping found the\\ndead body. The crushed skull and a\\nbloody pine knot near told the tale. Hence-\\nforth Indian Will was let alone and quiet-\\nly died in his own cabin many years after.\\nI find that in the deed of the Cook farm,\\nthis Indian Will s Hole is recognized,\\nand its margin is given as one of the land-\\nmarks.\\nCAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION-\\nPRINCIPLES INVOLVED.\\nEarly Stand taken by the Citizens of Mon-\\nmouth. Prooceedings of Meetings in\\nDifferent TowMships in 1774-5. Free-\\nhold leads the State. County Resolu-\\ntions. An Admirable Document. Pa-\\ntriots Appeal to their Descendants. A\\nFaithful Record of 1774, audits Message\\nto 1873.\\nHistorians of other States have always\\nconceded that the citizens of New Jersey\\nwere among the earliest and most active\\nopponents of those tyrannical acts of Great\\nBritain which brought on the war, and fi-\\nnally resulted in separation. Large and\\nspirited public meetings were held in va-\\nrious parts of the State in 1774-5, to de-\\nnounce the obnoxious laws, and to organ-\\nize for counsel and defence.\\nAt this stage of affairs, sepiaration from\\nEngland had not been proposed, and most\\nof these meetings, while condemning the\\nacts of the British Ministry and Parlia-\\nment, still expressed decided loyalty to\\nthe King. Our ancestors warmly seconded\\nthe stand taken by the people of Boston\\nand freely forwarded contributions to the\\nsuffering inhabitants of that city.\\nWe annex extracts from the proceed-\\nings of some of these meetings in Old\\nMonmouth, as they exhibit the timely\\nzeal and firm and decided spirit of its citi-\\nzens, and also furnish the names of some\\nof the leading spirits who were prominent\\nin the early stages of political m ^vements\\nwhich brought on the Revolution. The\\nseveral counties of the State were request-\\ned to send delegates to meet at New Bruns.\\nwick, July 21st, 1774, to consider what", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "28\\nOLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.\\naction should be taken by the citizens oi\\nthe Province ol New Jersey. This conven-\\ntion was geHeraliy spoken of as the Pro-\\nvincial Congress of New Jersey, and was\\na different body from the Legislature: in\\nseveral instances, however, the same per-\\nsons were members of both bodies. A\\nnumber of persons named in these pro-\\nceedings were afterwards, during the war,\\nconspicuous in military or civil life, for\\ntheir services in behalf of their country in\\nlegislative halls and on the field of battle.\\nFor a year or two tbe citizens of the\\ncounty appear to have been about unani-\\nmous in their sentiments, but when finally\\nthe subject of a separation from the moth-\\ner country was boldly advocated, there\\nwas found to be a diversity of opinion, and\\nsome who were among the most active in\\nthe meetings of 1774-5, earnestly opposed\\nthe ijroposition, and eventually sided with\\nEngland in the later years of that memor-\\nable struggle. The fearful consequences\\nof this division, in which it would seem\\nalmost every man capable of bearing arms\\nwas comoelled to take sides, we have en-\\ndeavored to give in other chnpters.\\nThe citizens of Freehold had the honor,\\nwe believe, of holding tlie first meeting in\\nNew Jersey to denounce the tyrannical\\nacts of Great Britain of inaugurating the\\nmovements in our State which finally re-\\nsulted in Independence. The date of\\ntheir first meeting is June 6th, 1774; thft\\nearliest date of a meeting in any other\\nplace tliat we have met with, is of a meet-\\ning at Newark, June 11th, 1774.\\nThe following is a copy of the Freehold\\nProceedings\\nhowRR Freehold Resomitxoxs.\\nFreehold June 6th 1774.\\nAtameeting of the Freeholders and In-\\nhabitants of the Township of Ldwer Free-\\nhold in the county of Monmouth in New\\nJersey, on Monday the 6th day of June\\n1774 after notice given of the time place\\nand occasion of this meeting\\nResolved That it is the unanimous o\\\\nn-\\nion of this meeting, that the cause in wliich\\nthe inhabitants of the town of Boston are\\nnow suflPering is the common cause of the\\nwhole Continent of North America; and\\nthat unless some general sj)irited measures,\\nlor the public safety be speedily entered\\ninto there is just reason to fear that every\\nProvince may in turn sliare the same fate\\nwith them; and that therefore, it is higldy\\nincumbent on thom all to unite in some\\neffectual means to obtain a repeal of the\\nBoston Port Bill and any other that may\\nfollow it, which shall be deemed subver-\\nsive of the rights and piivileges of free\\nburn Americans.\\nAnd that it is the opiiijoti of this meet-\\ning that in case it shall Ijtreafter a()pear\\nto be consistent with the general opinion\\nof the trading towns and the commercial\\npart ot our countrymen, that an entire\\nstoppage of importation and exportatioii\\nfrom and to Great Brit. iin and the West\\nIndies, until the said Port Bill and other\\nActs be repealed, will be conduijive to tbe\\nsafety and preservation of North America\\nand her liberties, they will yield a cheerful\\nacquiesence in the ipeasure and Earnestly\\nreccommend the same to all their iM cth-\\nren in this Province.\\nResolved, ?noreo?er That the inhabitants\\nof this township will jom in an Association\\nwith the several towns in the county and\\nin conjuction with them, with the several\\ncounties in the Province (if, as w^e\\ndoubt not they see fit to accede to the\\nproposal in any measures that may ap-\\npear best adapted to tiie wea! and safety\\nof North America and all her loyal sons.\\nOrdered That\\nJohn Anderson Esq Peter Fokman\\nHendrick Smock John Forman\\nAsHER Holmes Capt Jno Covenhoven\\nand Dr. Nathaniel Scxjdder\\nbe a committee for the township to join\\nthose who may be elected for the neigh-\\nboring townships or counties to co.^stitute\\na General Committee for any purposes\\nsimilar to those above mentioned; and\\nthat the gentlemen so appointed do im-\\nmediately solicit a correspondence with\\ntlie adjacent towns.\\nDr. Scudder subsequently was a Colo-\\nnel in tlie First Regiment Monmouth\\nMilitia, and killed October 15th, 1781. a\\ndescribed elsewhere.)\\nThe following week the citizens of Essex\\nsent the following to the patriots of Mon-\\nmouth\\nEssex to Mon.moi th.\\nElizabethtown -lune 13th 1774.\\nGentlemen: The alarming Measures\\nwhich have been lately taken to deprive\\nthe Inhabitants of the American Cehnies\\nof their constitutional Rights and Privi-\\nleges, together with the late violent -itlacks\\nmade u])on the rights and liberties of the\\nColony of the Massachusetts Bay for as-\\nserting and endeavoring to maintain their\\nrights) manifestly intended lo crush them\\nwithout Mercv and thereby disunite and", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n29\\nwc-aken the Colonies, and at tlie same time\\ndare the.n to assert or own their Constitu-\\ntional Rights, Liberties or Properties, un-\\nder the Penalty of the like, and if jwssible,\\nworse treatment and ai the Assembly of\\nNew Jersey are not like to meet in time\\nto answer the Design j^roposed, and the\\nneighboring Colonies are devising and ex-\\npecting the immediate union of this Colo-\\nny with them.\\nBunclry of the hjhabitantsof theCounty\\nof E^sex by Advertisements, convened a\\ngeneral Meeting of said County at Newark\\non Saturday last, when the said inhabi-\\ntants unanimously entered into certain\\nKesolves and Declarations upon that occa-\\nsion, a copy of which you have enclosed.\\nWe the Committee appointed by the said\\nMeeting, do earnestly request that i^ou\\nwill immediately by Advertisements or\\notherwise, call a general Meeting of your\\nCounty for the purposes aforesaid as soon\\nas possible, as we have intelligence that it\\nis most probable the General Congress of\\nthe Colonies will be held the latter end of\\nJuly next. We think New Brunswick the\\nmost suitable i)lace for the committee to\\nmeet, and with submission to them desire\\nthey will meet lis at New Brunswick on\\nThursday July 21st next at 10 o clock in\\nthe morning, unless some other time and\\nplace more suitable shall in the meantime\\nbe agreed upon.\\nVVe earnestly lequest your answer as\\nsoon as possible.\\nLetters of this Tenor and Date we now\\ndespatch to the other Counties in this Col-\\nony. We are. Gentlemen,\\nyour most ob t servants\\nStephen Craxe Chairman\\nHy order\\nTo Messrs Edward Taylor, Richard Law-\\nrence Elisha Lawrence, John Taylor and\\nHenry Waddeli, and other Inliabilants ot\\nthe County of Monmouth, Friends to the\\nliiiierties and Privileges of the American\\nColonies.\\nThe above letter was directed to the\\nabove named gentlemen or to any body\\nelse in Monmouth County.\\nDelegates IVdm the different townships\\nin the connty assembled at Fi eohoiil, July\\ni9lh, and the result of their decision is\\nfound in the following admirable docu-\\nment. It is lengthy but will well repay\\nperusa In the closing paragraph they\\ntrust that some fiithful record will trans-\\nmit the reasons which actuated them, to\\ntil ir posterity to whom they make a brief\\nbut f loquetit appeal. As they desired, this\\nrecord has been jjreserved, and as they\\ndesired, we do what we can to place it be-\\nfore their descendants:\\nMoxMOUTH County Resolutioxs.\\nOn Tuesday July 19th 1774, a majority\\nof the Committees from the several town-\\nships in the covinty of Monmouth of the\\nColony of New Jersey met according to\\nappointment at the Court House at Free-\\nhold in said county and api)earing to\\nhave been regularly chosen and constituted\\nby their respective townships, they unani-\\nmously agreed upon the propriety and ex-\\npediency of electing a committee to repre-\\nsent the whole county at the approaching\\nProvincial Convention to be held at the\\ncity of New Brunswick, for the necessary\\npurpose of constituting delegates from Ibis\\nProvince to the general Congress of the\\nColonies and for all other such important\\npurposes as siiall hereafter be found neces-\\nsary.\\nThey at the same time also recorded the\\nfollowing Resolutions, Determinations and\\nOpinions, which they wish to be transmit-\\nted to posterity as an ample testimony to\\ntheir lovalty to his British Majesty, of their\\nfirm attacement to the principles of the\\nglorious Revolution and their fixed and\\nunalterable purpose, by every lawful\\nmeans in their power, to maintain and de-\\nfend themselves in the possession and en-\\njoyment of those inestima,ble civil and re-\\nligious privileges which their forefathers,\\nat the expense of so much blood and treas-\\nure, liave established and handed down\\nto them.\\n1st. In the names and behalf of their\\nconstituents, the good and loyal inhabi-\\ntants of the county of Monmouth, in the\\ncolony of New Jersey^ they do cheerfully\\nand publicly proclaim their unshaken al-\\nlegiance to the person and government ot\\nhis most gracious Majesty King George the\\nThird now on the British throne, and do\\nacknowledge^ themselves bound at all\\ntimes, and to the utmost exertion of their\\npower to maintain his dijznity and lawful\\nsovereignty in and over all his colonies in\\nAmerica; and that it is their most fervent\\ndesire and constant prayer that in a Prot-\\nestant succession, the descendants of the\\nillustrious House of Hanover, may con-\\ntinue to sway the British sceptre to the\\nlatest posterity.\\n2d. They do highly esteem and prize\\nthe happiness of being governed and hav-\\ning their liberty and property secured to\\nthem by so excellent a system of laws as", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "30\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nthat of Great Britain, the best doubtless in\\nthe universe and they will at all times\\ncheerfully obey and render every degree of\\nassistance in their power to the full and\\njust execution of them. But at t}\u00c2\u00abe fame\\ntime will, with the greatest alacrity and\\nresolution oppose- any unwarrantable in-\\nnovations in them or any additions to or\\nalterations in the grand system which may\\nappear unconstitutional, and consequently\\ninconsistent with the liberties and privi-\\nleges of the descendants ot free borit\\nAmerican Britons.\\n3d. As there has been for ages past, a\\nmost happy union and uninterrupted con-\\nnection between Great Britain and her\\ncolonies in America, they conceive their\\ninterests are now become so intimately\\nblended together and their mutual de\\npendence upon each other to be at this\\ntime so delicately great that they esteem\\neverything which has a tendency to alien-\\nate affection or disunite them in any de-\\ngree, highly injurious to their common\\nhappiness and directly calculated to pro-\\nduce a Eevolution, likelv in the end to\\nprove destructive to both they do there-\\nfore heartily disclaim every idea of that\\nspirit of independence which has, of late,\\nby some of our mistaken brethren on each\\nside of the Atlantic, been so groundlefsiy\\nand injuriously held up to thr.- attention of\\nthe nation, as having through ambition,\\n])Ossessed tlie breasts of tlie Americans.\\nAnd moreover they do devoutly bt-seech\\nthe Supreme Disposer of all events, gra-\\nciously to incline the heart of our Soverign\\nand all his Ministers, to a kind and im-\\npartial investigation ot the real sentiments\\nand disjjosition of his truly loyal American\\nsubjects.\\n4th. Notwithstanding many great men\\nxind able writers have employed their tal-\\nents and pens in favor of the newly adopt-\\ned mode of taxation in America, tliey are\\nJ et sensible of no convictive light being\\nthrown upon the subject; and therefore,\\nalthough so august a body as that of the\\nBritish Parliament is now actually endeav-\\noring to enforce in a military way. tlie ex-\\necution of some distressing edicts upon the\\ncapital of the Mas-^acliusetts colony, they\\ndo freely and solemnly declare that in\\nconscience they deem them, and all oth-\\ners that are, or ever may be framed upon\\ntiie same principles, altogetlier unprece-\\ndented and unconstitutional, utterly in-\\nconsistent wilh the true original intention\\nof Magna Charta, subversive of the just\\nrights of free born Englishmen, agreeable\\nand satisfactory only to the domestic and\\nforeign enemies of our nation, and conse-\\nquently pregnant with complicated ruin,\\nand tentling directly to the dissolution and\\ndestruction of the Britisli Empire.\\n5tii. As they, on tlie one hand firmly\\nbelieve that the inhabitants of the Massa-\\nchusetts colony in general, and those of\\nthe town of Boston in particular, are to all\\nintents and purposes as loyal subjects as\\nany in all his Majesty s widely extended\\ndominions and on the other, that (al-\\nthough the present coercive and oppres.sive\\nmeasures against them may have taken\\nrise in some part from the grossest and\\nmost cruel misrepresentat.on both of their\\ndisposition and conduct the blockade of\\nthat town is principally designed to lead\\nthe way in an attempt to execute a dread-\\nful deep laid plan for enslaving all Anipr-\\nicd. J heyare therefore clearly of 0[)inion,\\nthat the Bostonians are now eminently\\nsufi ering in the common cause .f Aim-ii-\\ncan fretsdotn, and that their fate n:ay\\nprobably pVove decisive to this very ex-\\ntensive continent and even to the whole\\nBritish nation and they do verily expect\\nthat unle s some generous ^pii lted meas-\\nures for the public safety be speedily en-\\ntered into and steadily prosecuted, every\\nother colony will soon in turn feel the per-\\nnicious etiects of the same detestable re-\\nstrictions. Whence tiiey earnestly entreat\\nevery rank, denomination, society and\\nprofession of their brethren, that, laying\\naside all bigotry and every party disposi\\ntion. tliey do now universally concur in\\none- generous and vigorous etibrt for the\\nencouragement and support of their suf-\\nf ^ring friends, and in a resolute assertion\\nof their birth right, liberties and rivileges.\\nIn consequence of vvliich t!?ey may reason-\\nably expect a speedy repeal of ail the ar-\\nbitrary edicts re. ;pecting the MassHchusetts\\ngovernment, and at the same time an ef-\\nfectual preclusion of any future attempts\\nof the kind from the enemies of our ha))-\\nl^y Constitution, either upon them or any\\no their American brethren.\\n6th In case it shall hereafter appeiu- to\\nbe consistent with t!ie result of the delib-\\neration of the general Congress, that an\\ninterruption or entire cassation of com-\\nmercial intercourse with Great Britain and\\neven jninful as it may be with the West\\nIndies, until such oppressive Acts e re-\\n]ii aled and the liberties of America fully\\nrestored, stated and assorted, wiH on this\\ndeplorable emergency be really necessary\\n;intl conducive to the public good, they", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n31\\npromise a ready acquiesence in every mea-\\nsure ^nfi will recommend the same as far\\nas their ii;fluence extends.\\n7th. As a general Congress of Deputies\\nfrom the several American Colonies is pro-\\nposed to be held at Philadelphia soon in\\niSeptember next, they ileclare their entire\\napprobation of the design and think it is\\nthe only rational method of evading those\\naggravated evils which threaten to involve\\nthe whole continent in one general calam-\\nitous catastrophe. They are therelore met\\nthis day, vested with due authority from\\ntheir respective constituents, to elect a\\ncommittee to represent this county of\\nMonmouth in any future necessary trans\\nactions respecting the cause of liberty and\\nespecially to join the Provincial Conven-\\ntion soon to be held at New Brunswick,\\nfor the purpose of nominating and consti-\\ntuting a number of Delegates, who in be-\\nhalf of this Colony ma, steadily attend to\\nsaid general Congress and faithfullv serve\\nthe laboring cause of freedom and they\\nhave consequently chosen and deputed the\\nfollowing gentlemen to that important\\ntrust viz y\\nEdward^ aylor John Anderson\\nJohn Tiiylor Dr Nathaniel Scudder\\nJohn Burrowes John Covenhoven u-\\nJoseph Holmes Josiah Holmes\\nEdward Williams James Crover\\nJohn Lawrence.\\nEdward Taylor being constituted chair-\\nman and any five of them a sufficient\\nnumber to transact business. And they\\ndo beseech, entreat, insti uct and enjoin\\nthem to give their voice at said Provincial\\nConvention, for no persons but such as\\nthey in good conscience and from the best\\ninformation shall verily believe to be am-\\nply quaiified fnr so int ^resting a depart-\\nment; particularly that they be men high-\\nly aj^proved for integrity, honesty and up\\nrightness, faithfully Httached to his Maj-\\nesty s person and lawful government, well\\nskilled in tiie principles of our excellent\\nconstitution and steady assertors of all our\\ncivil and religious liberties.\\n8th. As under the present operation of\\nthe Boston Port Bill, thousantls of our re-\\nspected brethren in Ijuit town must neces\\nsarily be reduced to great distress, they\\nfeel themselves affected with the sincorest\\nsympathy and most cordial-commiseration;\\nand as they expect, under God, that the\\nfinal deliverance of America will be owing,\\nin a great degree, to a continuance of their\\nvirtuous struggle, they esteem themselves\\nbound in duty and in interest to afforl\\nthem every assistance and alleviation in\\ntheir power and they do now in behalf\\nof their constituents, declare their readi-\\nness to contribute to the relief of the suf-\\nfering poor in that town therefore they\\nrequest the several committees of the\\ncountry, when met, to take into serious\\nconsideration the necessity and expedien-\\ncy of forwarding under a sanction from\\nthem, subscriptions through every part of\\nthe Colony, for that truly humane and\\nlaudable purpose and that a proper plan\\nbe concerted for laying out the product of\\nsuch subscriptions to the best andvantage,\\nand afterwards transmitting it to Boston\\nin the safest and least expensive way.\\n9th. As we are now by our Committees\\nin this, in conjunction with those of other\\ncolonies, about to delegate to a number of\\nour countrymen a power equal to any\\nwherewith liuman nature alone was ever\\ninvested and as we firmly resolve to ac-\\nquiesce in their deliberations, we do there-\\nfore earnestly entreat them, seriously and\\nconscientiously to weigh the inexpressible\\nimportance of their arduous department,\\nand fervently to solicit that direction and\\nassistance m the discnarge of their trust,\\nwhich all the powers of humanity cannot\\nafford thesn and we do humbly and ear-\\nnestly beseech that God, in whose hand\\nare the hearts of all flesh and who ruleth\\nthem at his pleasure, graciously to infuse\\ninto the whole Congress a spirit of true\\nwisdom, prudence and just moderation\\nand to direct them to such unanimous and\\nhappy conclusion as shall terminate in His\\nown honor and glory, the establishment\\nof the Protestant succession of the illus-\\ntrious House of Hanover, the mutual weal\\nand advantage of Great Britain and all her\\nl^ominions and a just and permanent con-\\nfirmation of i.ll the civil and religious lib-\\nerties of Araerica. And now lastly, under\\ntlie consideration of the bare possibility\\nthat the enemies of our constitution may\\ny\u00c2\u00ab t succeed in \u00e2\u0096\u00a0x desperate triumph over\\nus in this age, we do earnestly should\\nthis prove the case call upon all future\\ngenerations to renew the glorious struggle\\nfor liberty as often as Heaven shall afford\\nthem any probable means of success.\\nMay this notification, by some faithful\\nrecord, be handed down to the yet unborn\\ndescendants of Americans, that nothing\\nbut the most fatal necessity could have\\nwrested the present inestimable enjoy-\\nments from their ancestors. Let them\\nuniversally inculcate upon their beloved\\noffspring an investigation of those truths,", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "32\\nOLD TIMES IX OLD MONMOUTH.\\nrespecting both civil and religious liberty,\\nwhich have been so clearly and fully stated\\nin this generation. May they be carefulh\\ntaught in all their schools-, and may they\\nnever rest until, through Divine blessing\\nupon their efforts, true freedom and liber-\\nty shall reign triumphant over the whole\\nCrlebe.\\nSigned by order of the Committes,\\nEdward Taylor Chairman\\nBoston Gratefully Acknowledges Mon-\\nmouth Contributions.\\nThe patriots of Monmouth promptly\\nand freely contributed to the suffering in-\\nhabitants of Boston. In forwarding their\\nfirst contribution they entreated their\\nbrethren not to give up, and if they\\nshould want a iurther supjjly of bread to\\nlet them know it.\\nOn the 21st of October, 1774, a letter was\\nwritten on behalf of the Boston ians, to\\nthe citizens of Monmouth, in whicli they\\nsay:\\nThe kind and generous donations of\\nthe County of Monmouth in the -Tersies\\nwe are now to acknowledge and with\\ngrateful hearfcB to thank you therefore,\\nhaving received from the Committee of\\nsaid county, per Captain Brown, eleven\\nhundred and forty (1140) bushels of rye\\nand fifty barrels of rye meal, for thesuffer-\\ning poor of this town which shall be au-\\nplied to the purpose intended by the don-\\nors and what further cheers our hearts,\\nis your kind assurances of a further sup-\\nply, if necessary, to enable us to oppose\\nthe cruel Parliamentary Acts, levelled not\\nonly against this town, but our whole\\nConstitution.\\nCommittees of Observation and Inspec-\\ntion.\\nFreehold December 10th 1774.\\nIn pursuance of the recommendation of\\nthe Continental Congress and for the pres-\\nervation of American Freedom, a respect\\nable body of the freeholders of Freehold\\ntownshij) met at the Court House and\\nunanimously elected the following gentle-\\nmen to act as a Committee of Observation\\nand Inspection for said township\\n.Tolin Anderson Hendrick Smock\\nJohn Forman John Covenhoven\\nAsher Holmes Dr. Nath l Scudder\\nTeter Forman David Forman\\nDr. T. Henderson.\\nThe committee were instructed by their\\nconstituents to carry into e.xecution the\\nseveral imjiortant and sahitniT measures\\npointed out to them by the Continental\\nCongress and without favor or affection to\\nmake all such diligent inquiry as shall be\\nfound conducive to thd accomplishment\\nof the great necessary purposes held up to\\nthe attention of Americans.\\nUpper Freehold, Dover and Middle-\\ntown formed similar committees, and noti-\\nfied the Freehold committee.\\nShi ewsbury however failed to appohit a\\ncommittee. This may havf been owing\\nto the prevalence of Quaker principles in\\nthe township. An attempt by the patri-\\nots of Shrewsbury was made to have a\\nCommittee appointed, as will be seen by\\nthe following cojiy of an advertisement\\nput up in this township\\nAdvertisement.\\nShrewsbury January 2nd 1775.\\nAiireeable to the Resolutions of the\\nlate General Continental Congress The\\nInhabitants of the town of Slirewsbury,\\nmore especially such as are properly qual-\\nififcd for choosing Representatives to serve\\nin the Genend Assembly are hereby warn-\\ned to meet at the house of Josiah Hal-\\nstead, in said Sh^-ewsbury, on ^esday the\\n17th of this instant January at noon, in\\norder to choose a Committee for the seve-\\nral purposes as directed by thesai l Con-\\ngress.\\nAs the method ordered by the Congress\\nseems to be the only peaceable method\\nthe case will admit of, on failure of which\\neither confii med Slavery or a civil war of\\ncourse succeeds the bare mention of\\neither of the two last is shocking to hu-\\nman nature, more particularly so to all\\ntrue friends of the English Constitution.\\nTherefore it becomes the indispensable\\nduty of all such to use their utmost en-\\ndeavors in favor of the first or peaceable\\nmethod, and suffer it not to miscarry or\\nfail of its salutary and much desired effects\\nby means of any sinister views or indo-\\nlence of theirs. Surely expectinir on the\\none hand to be loaded with the curses\\narising from sla very to the latest posteri-\\nty, or on the other band the guilt of\\nblood of thousand of their brethren and\\nfellow Christians to lay at their door and\\nto be jusily required at their hands.\\nThink well of this before it be too late\\nand let not the |irecious moments pass.\\nA .number of the citizens of Shrewsbury\\nHssemhled at the time and place mention-\\ned in the advertisement but they failed to\\nappoint a committee. The following\\n-^iiows tho conclusion to which tb(^ meet-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n33\\ning came. It concludes more like a Qua-\\nker Meeting epistle than a town meeting\\nresolve\\nExtract from a letter to a gentleman in\\nNew York dated Shrewsbury N. J. Jan-\\nuary 18th 1775.\\nIn consequence of an anonymous ad-\\nvertisement fixed up in this place, giving\\nnotice to freeholders and others, to meet\\non Tuesday the 17th inst in order to\\nchoose a Committee of Inspection etc, be-\\ntween thirty and forty of ^he most respect\\nable freeholders accordingly met and after\\na few debates on the business of the day,\\nwhich were carried on vrith great decency\\nand moderation it was generally agreed\\n(there being only four or five dissenting\\nvotes) that the appointment of a commit-\\ntee was not only useless, but they were\\napprehensive would prove a means of dis-\\nturbing the peace and quietness which\\nhad hitherto existed in the township, and\\nwould continue to use their utmost en-\\ndeavors to preserve and to gaurd against\\nrunning upon that rock on which, with\\nmuch concern, they beheld others, through\\nan inattentive rashness, daily splitting\\nThe Freehold Committee of Observation\\nand Inspection at a meeting held March\\n17th, 1775, took up the case of Shrewsbury\\ntownship, and after stating the subject in\\na preamble they resolved that from and\\nafter that day they would esteem and\\ntreat the citizens of Shrewsbury as ene-\\nmies to their King and country and de-\\nserters of the common cause of Freedom\\nand would break off all dealings and con-\\nnections with taem unless they shall\\nttirn from the evil of their ways and testi-\\nfy their repentance by adopting the mea-\\nsures of Congress.\\nThe New Jersey Provincial Legislature,\\nin May following, authorized other town-\\nshijis to appoint delegates for Shrewsbury,\\nbut the same month the refractory town-\\nship, as will be seen by the following,\\nchose delegates and also a committee of\\nObservation, and so the unpleasantness\\nended.\\nShrewsbury Falls Into Line.\\nAt a meeting f Freeholders and Inhab-\\nitants, of the township of Shrewsbtiry this\\n27th day of May 1775, the following per-\\nsons were by a great majority, chosen a\\ncommittee of observation for the said\\ntown agreeable to the direction of the\\nGeneral Continental Congress held at\\nPhiladelphia September 5th 1774 viz.\\nJosiah Holmes John Little\\nJos. Throckmorton Samuel Longstreet\\nNicholas Van Brunt David Knott\\nCor, Vanderveer Benjamin Dennis\\nDaniel Hendrickson Samuel Breese\\nThomas Morford Garret Longstreet\\nCornelius Lane.\\nI Ordered That Daniel Hendrick.son\\nand Nicholas Van Brtint, or eitherof them,\\ndo attend t ae Provincial Congress now\\nI setting at Trenton, with full power to rep-\\nresent there, this town of Shrewsbury.\\nAnd that Josiah Holmes, David Knott and\\nSamuel Breese be a sub committee to pre-\\npare instructions for the Deputy or Depu-\\nties who are to attend the Congress at\\nTrenton.\\nJosiah Holmes was unanimously chosen\\nchairman. Josiah Holmes.\\nChairman and Town Clerk.\\nFreehold PxVTRiots Indignant. Novel\\nProceedings.\\nMarch 6th, 1775.\\nA Tory pamphlet entitled Free\\nTho^ights on the Resolves of Congress by A\\nW. Farmer was handed to the Freehold\\nCommittee of Observation and Inspection\\nfor their opinion. The committee declar-\\ned it to be most pernicious and malignant\\nin its tendencies and calculated to sap the\\nfoundation of American liberty. The\\npamphlet was handed back to their con-\\nstituents who gave it a coat of tar and\\nturkey buzzards feathers, one person re-\\nmarking that although the feathers\\nwere plucked from the mos^ stinking of\\nfowls, he thought it fell far short of being\\na proper emblem of the authors odious-\\nness to the friends of freedom and he\\nwished he had the pleasure of giving the\\nauthor a coat of the same material.\\nThe pam^jhlet in its gorgeous attire was\\nthen nailed to the pillory post.\\nThe same committee severely denounc-\\ned a Tory pamphlet written by James\\nEivington, editor of Kivington s Eoyal Ga-\\nzette, the Tory paper, printed in New\\nYork.\\nBy the following resolves it will be seen\\nthat the citizens of Upper Freehold favor-\\ned arming the people if necessary, to op-\\npose the tyrannical acts of Great Britain.\\nA striking illustration of the stirring\\nevents of that perilous time is found in\\nthe fact that before a year had elapsed\\nsome of the prominent men in this meet-\\ning were aiding Great Britain to the best\\nof their ability by voice, pen or sword", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "34\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nUpper Freehold Resolitions.\\nMay 4th 1775. This day, agreeable to\\nprevious notice a very considerable num-\\nber of the principal inhabitants of tins\\ntownship met at Imlaystown.\\nJohn Lawrence Es i. in tlie chair; Wlien\\nthe following resolves were unanimously\\nagreed to\\nResolved, I liat it is our first wish to\\nlive in unison with Great Britain, agree-\\nable to the principles of the Constitution\\nthat we consider the unnatural civil war\\nwhich we are about to be forced into,\\nwith anxiety and distress but that we are\\ndetermined to oppose the novel claim of\\nthe Parliament of Great Britain to raise a\\nrevenue in Amtrica and risk every possi-\\nble consequence rather than to submit to\\nit.\\nResolved. That it appears to this\\nmeeting that there are a suflBcient num-\\nber of arms for the people.\\nResolved. Thatasum of money be now\\nraised to purchase what further quantity\\nof Powder and Ball may be necessary\\nand it is recommended that every man\\ncapable of bearing arms enter into Com-\\npanies to train, and be prepared to march\\nat a minutes warning and it is (urther\\nrecommended to the people that they do\\nnot waste their powder in fowling and\\nhunting.\\nA subscription was opened tvnd one\\nhundred and sixty pounds instantly paid\\ninto the hands of a person appointed for\\nthat purpose. I he officers of four com-\\npanies were then chosen and the meeting\\nbi oke up in perfect unanimity.\\nEmsiia Lawkrmk. Clerk.\\nTHE OUTLAWS OF THE 1 INES.\\nAmong the most noted of these scoun-\\ndrels may be mentioned Lewis Fenton,\\nJacob Fagan, Thomas and Stephen Burke\\nalias Emmons, Ezekiel Williams, Richard\\nBird, John Bacon, John Giberson, John\\nWood, John Farnham, Jonathan and\\nStephen West, DeBow aud Davenport.\\nBird and Davenport appear to have op-\\nerated principally in old Dover township.\\nGiberson s head quarters appear tj have\\nbeen in the lower part of Burlington, from\\nwhence he made occasional raids into Staf-\\nford, then the southern township of Mon-\\nmoutii county.\\nIn speaking of the Pine Robbers, Howe s\\nCollections give several items derived\\nchiefly from tra litionary sources, relating\\nto some of these notorious scoundrels.\\nWe give their substance below. ap2)en :ling\\noccasional corrections and a large amount\\nof additional matter. The compiler of\\nthe above named work derived his infor-\\nmation Irom aged citizens of the country\\nover three score years after the events re-\\nferred to occurred. By comparing their\\ntraditionary accounts with letters written\\nfrom Freehold and vicinity at the time, it\\nwill be seen that they differ only in minor\\ndetails.\\njn speaking of Howell township. Howe\\nsays\\nSuperadded to the other liorrorsof the\\nRevolutionary war in this region, the pines\\nwere infested with numerous robbers, who\\nhad caves Vnu-rowed in the sides of sand\\nhills, near the margin of swamps, in llie\\nmost secluded situations, which were cov-\\nered with brush so as to be almost undis-\\ncernable. At dead of night these miscre-\\nants would sally forth from their dens to\\nplunder, burn and murder. The inhsihi\\ntants, in constant terror, w ie obliged tor\\nsafety to carry their muskets w tii them\\ninto the fields, and even to the house oi\\nworship. At length, so numerous and au-\\ndacious had tliey become, that the state\\ngovernment ofi ei ed large rewards for\\ntheir destruction, and they were hunted\\nand shot like wild beasts, when they weri^\\nalmost entirely extirpated.\\nThe first of whom We shall speak i^\\nLewis Fenton.\\nFenton wa\u00c2\u00ab originally a blacksmith, and\\nlearned h-s trade at Freehold. On one\\noccasion he robbed a tailor s shop in that\\ntownship. Word was sent him that if he\\ndid not restore the clothing within a week\\nhe should be hunted and shot, [ntimida\\nted by the tiireat, he returned the proper\\nty accompanied by the following fiendish\\nnote\\nI have returned your d d rags.\\nIn a short time I am coming to burn your\\nbarns and houses, and roast vou all liice a\\npack of kittens.\\nIn August, 177 J, this villain, at the head\\nof his gang, attacked, at midnight, the\\ndwelling of Mr. Thomas Farr. in the vi-\\ncinity of Imlaystown. The iamily. con-\\nsisting of Mr. Farr and wife (both aged\\npersons) and their daughter, barricaded\\nthe door with logs of wood. The assail-\\nants first attemj ted to beat in the door", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n35\\nwith rails, but being unsucpssful, fired\\nthrough a volley of ball;, one of which\\nbroke the leg of Mr. Farr. Then forning\\nan entrance at the back door, they mur-\\ndered his wife and dispatched him as he\\nlay helpless on the floor. His daughter,\\nthough badly wounded, escaped, and the\\ngang, fearing she would alarm the neigh-\\nborhood, precipitately fled without wait-\\ning to plunder.\\nAfter perpetrating many enormitir-;,\\nFeriton was shot, about two miles helow\\nBlue Ball, under the following cir Mim-\\nstances\\nFenton and Burke beat and robbed a\\nyoung man named VanMater of his meal.\\nas he was going to mill. He escaped and\\nconveyed the information to Lfp s Legion,\\nth\u00c2\u00abn at th\u00c2\u00ab Court Housr. A part^ staited\\notFin a wagon in pursuit, consisting of the\\nSergeant. VanMater and two soldiers.\\nThe soldiers lay on the bottom of the\\nwiigon concealed under the straw, while\\ntlie sergeant, disguised :is a ountryman,\\nsat with VanMater on th\u00c2\u00ab seat. To in-\\noi ease the deception, two or th) ee pmpty\\nbarrels were put m the wagon. On pass-\\ning a low grpggery in the pines, Fenton\\ncame out with pistol in hand and com-\\nmanded tliem to stop. Addressing Van-\\nMater he said\\nYou d d rascal I gave you such\\na whippin. I thought you would not dare\\nto show your head then changing the\\nsubject inquired, where are you going?\\nTo the salt works, was the reply.\\nHave you any brandy rejoined the\\nrobber\\nYes will you have some\\nA bottle was given him^ he put his foot\\non the hub of the wagon, and was in the\\nact of drinking, when rlif sergeant touched\\nthe foot of one of the soldiers, who arose\\nand shot him through th^ head. His\\nbrains werp scattered over the side of the\\nw-agon. Burke, then in he woods, hear\\ning the report and supposing it a signal\\nfrom his companion, discharged his rifle\\nin answer. The party went in pursuit,\\nbut he escaped.\\nCareh^ssly throwing the body into the\\nwagon, they drove back furiously to the\\nCourt House, where, on their arrival, they\\n.jerked out the corpse by the heels, as\\nthough it had been that of some wild ani-\\nmal, with the ferocious exclamation\\nHere is a cordial for your tories and wood\\nrobbers f^\\nIn the above version it is stated that\\nFenton s companion was Burke, but an-\\ncient papers published during the war say\\nit was DeBow. Of the two Burkes alias\\nEmmons, Th\u00c2\u00abmas and Stephen, we shall\\nhave occasion to speak before concluding.\\nBy the following extract it will he seen\\nthat the brutal attack by Fenton and his\\nganir on Thomas Farr and family, occurr-\\ned in Juiy, instead of August, as stated in\\nthe foregoing traditionally aitcouni fr,om\\nHowe\\nJuly 31st, 1779.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Thomas Farr and\\nwife were murdered in the niL ht near\\nCrosswicks Baptist meeting house, and\\ndaughte- b;idly wounded by a gang sup-\\nposed to be under the lead of Lewis Fen-\\nton. About the same time Fenton broke\\ninto and robbed the house of one An-\\ndrews, in M. n;nouth -ounty. Governor\\nLivingston offered \u00c2\u00a3500, reward for Fen-\\nton and \u00c2\u00a3300, and \u00c2\u00a32-50 for persons assist-\\ning him.\\nThe Penn.sylvania Pacl et (1779) gives a\\nnotice of the attack on VanMater by Fen-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0on, which corresponds with the foliowing\\nfrom another ancient paper. .Sept. 29,\\n1779, probably written by a Freehold cor-\\nrespondent\\nOn Thursday last (September 23d,\\n1779), a Mr. V^inM.iter was knocked ofF\\nhis horsf^ on the road near Longstreet s\\nMills, in Monmouth County, by Lewis\\nFenton and one De Bow, by whom he was\\nstabbed in the arm and otherwise much\\nabused, besides being robbed of his saddle.\\nIn the meantime another person coming\\nup, which drew the attention of the rob-\\nbers, gave VanMater an opportunity to\\nescape. He wnt directly and informed\\na Serjeant s gaurd of Major Lee i; liglit dra-\\ngoons, who were in the neighborhood, of\\nwhat had happened. The serjeant im-\\nmediately impi esed a wagon r.nd horses\\nand 6rdered three of his men to secrete\\nthemselves m it under some hay. Hav-\\ning changed his clothes and procured a\\nguide, he made haste, thus equipped, to\\nthe place where Fenton lay. On the ap-\\nproach of the wagon, Fenton (his compan-\\nion being gone) rushed out to plunder it.\\nUpon demanding what they had in it. he\\nwas answered a little wine :;nd spirit.\\nThese articles he said he wanted, and\\nwhile advancing toward tlie wagon to\\ntake possession of them, one of the sol-\\ndiers, being previously informed who he\\nwas, shot him through the head, which\\nkilled him instantly on the spot. Thus\\ndid this villain end his days, which it is\\nto be hoped will at least be a warning to\\nothers, if not to induce them to throw", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "ot:i\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nthemselves* on the rnerey of their Injured\\ncountry.\\nIn the early part of September, 1779,\\nshortly before the VanMater affair, four of\\nFenton s gang were captured by- the mdi-\\ntia and lodged in Freehold jail.\\n.Ij\u00c2\u00bblCOB Fagan.\\nF.iiXan, also a monster in wiekcdness,\\nwas killed in Shrewsbury by n party of\\nmilitia under Mnjor Benjumin Denni.s.\\nThe account here given, is from Mrs.\\n.\\\\melia Coryel. a daughter of Mr. Denni\\nliving in JanUMvy, 1843, in Phi!adelph;a,\\nand who, as will be seen in the n;irration,\\nnarrowly escii])ed death from the ruffians:\\nOn Mond.iy in the autumn ^f 1778,\\nFngnn, Bi^ke and Smith c;une to the\\ndwelling of Major Dennis, on the .soutli\\nside of Man;isquan river, four miles below\\nHowell Mills, to rob it of some plunder\\ncaptured from a British vessel. Fragan\\nhad formerly been a ue-.w neigliboi-.\\nSmith, .in honest citizen, who liail j ined\\nthe otl er tw the most notorious lobbers\\nof their time, for the purpose of belrnying\\nthem, prevailed upon th jm o remain in\\ntheii lurking place while he entered the\\nhouse to ^iscertain if the v^aj was clear.\\nOn entering he appr zed Mrs. Dennis of\\nher danger. Her daughter Amelia (after-\\nwards Mrs. Goryel), a girl of fourteen, hid\\na pocket book contnining $80, in ;i bed-\\ntick, atid with her little brother hastily\\nretreated to a swamp near. Shf had\\nscarcely left when they entered, searched\\nthe house nnd the bed. but witliout suc-\\ncess.\\nAfter tbri atening Mrs. nnis. and\\nascertaining if she was unwilling to give in\\ntormsition where the treasure was conceal-\\ned, one of tliein jtroposed to murder her.\\nNo, replied his comrnd*- let the\\nd n rebel b h live. The counsel ot\\nthe first prevailed. They took her to a\\nyoung cedar tree, and suspended her to it\\nby the neck with a bed cord. In her\\nstruggles she got free and escaped.\\nAmelia, observing them from her hiding\\nplace, just tlieii descried .John Holmes ap-\\nproachmg m her father s wagon over a rise\\nof ground two hundred y; rds distant, and\\nr;in towards him. I he robbers fired fit\\nlier; the bail whistled over her head and\\nburied itself in an oak. Holmes abandon-\\ned the wagon and escaped to thf\u00c2\u00bb woods.\\nThey then plundeipd the wagon and went\\noff.\\nThene.xtday Major Dennirf renicyve I\\nhis family to Shrewsbury, under ])rotec\\ntion of the guar\\ncompanions, an(\\nSmith stole from his\\ninformed Dennis they\\nwere coming th next evening to more\\nthoroughly search his dwelling, and pro-\\nj)Osed thai he and his comrades should be\\nwaylaid at a place agreed upon. On\\nWednes lay evening the Miijor.with a par-\\nty of militia, lay in ambush at the appoint-\\ned s])ot. After a wiiile Smith drove by in\\na wagon intended for the })luiider, and\\nFagan and Burke came behind on foot.\\nAt a given signal fro u Smith, which was\\nsomething siid to tiie horses, the militia\\nfired and the robbers disappeared. On\\nSaturday, some hunters in a groggt ry.\\nmade a bet that Fagan was killed.\\nSe .rch was made and his body was found\\nand buried. On Sunday, the event becom-\\ning known, the peojde assembled, disin-\\ntwrred the remains, and alter heaping in-\\ndignilie.-. upon it, enveloped it in a tarred\\ncloth Mud suspended it in chains, with i\u00c2\u00abin\\nl)ands .irnund it, from a large chestnut\\ntree about a mile from he Court House, on\\nthe road to Colts Neck. There hung the\\ncorpse in mid air, rocked to and fio by the\\nwinds, a horrible warning to his comrades,\\nand a terror to travellers, until he birds\\nof prey i)icked .he flesh from its bono.-\\nand the skeleton fell piecemeal to the\\nground. Tradition affirms that the skull\\nwas afterwards })lace l .-gainst tl^e tree.\\nwith a pipe in its mouth in derision.\\nMrs Dennis, wife of M ijor Dennis, on\\nanotlier occasion came n^e^ir neing kiiled\\nby a par.y of Hessians, who entered her\\ndwelling, and alter rudely accosting hei\\nknocked her down with their muskeis and\\nleft lier for dead, in the July succeeding\\nthe leath of Fagan, her husband was\\nshot by liie robi^ers Fen on and Emmons,\\nas he was travelling from Coryel s Ferry\\nto Shrewsbury. After the murder of her\\nhusband, she married John liaaibert. act-\\ning fjrovernor of New .leisev in 1802. She\\ndied in 1835.\\nFagan s death ab ove referred to oc-\\ncurred in September. 1778. An ancient\\npaper has a communication dated October\\n1st, 1778, which says\\nAbout ten days ago -Jacob Fagan, wlio\\nhaving previously headed a number of\\nvillain.s in Monmouth county that have\\ncommitted divers robl)eries and were the\\nterror of travellers, was shot. Since\\nwhicii his body lias been gibbeted on the\\n]iublic highvvav in that county, to deter\\nothers from i c-rpetrating the like detest-\\nable crimes.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n37\\nTHE OUTLAWS OF THE TINES.\\nStephen Burke alias Emmon.s, Stephen-\\nWest AND EZEKIEL WiLLIAMS.\\nThe following is an extract from a let-\\nter dated at Monmouth Court House, -Jan-\\nuary 29th, 1778\\nThe Tory pine robbers, who have\\n.their haunts and caves in the pines and\\nhave been for some time past a terror to\\nthe inhabitants of this county, have dur-\\ning the course of the present week, met\\nwith a very eminent disaster.\\nOn Tuesday evening last (January 26th)\\nCaptain Benjamin Dennis, who lately\\nkilled the infamous robber Fagan, with\\na party of his militia, went in pursuit of\\nthree of the most noted of ,the Pine Kob\\nhers and was so fortunate as to fall in\\nwith them and kill them on the spot.\\nI heir names are Stephen Burke alias\\nEmmons, Stephen West and Ezekiel\\nWilliams. Yesterday they were brought\\nup to this place and two of them it is said\\nwill be hanged in chains. This signal\\npiece of service was effected through the\\ninstrumentality of one John VanKirk\\nwho was prevailed upon to associate with\\nthem on purpose to discover thoir practi-\\nces an to lead them into our hands. He\\nconducted himself with so much address\\nthat the robbers and especially the three\\nabove named, who were the leading vil-\\nlains, looked upon him as one of their\\nbody, kejit him constantly with them and\\neiitrusted him with all th.ur designs.\\nVanKirk at proper seasons gave intelli-\\ngence of their movements to Captain Den-\\nnis who conducted himself accordingly,\\ni hey were on the eve of setting off for\\nNew York to make sale of tiieir plunder,\\nwhen VanKirk informed Captain Dennis\\nof the time of their intended departure\\n(which was to have been on Tuesday\\nnight last) and ot course they would take\\nto their boats. In consequence of which\\nand agreeable to the directions of Van-\\nKirk. tlie captain and a small party of\\nhis militia i)lanted themselves at Rock\\nPond, near the sea shore, and shot Burke,\\nWest and Williams in the manner above\\nrelated.\\nWe were at first in hopes of keeping\\nVanKirk under the rose, but the secret is\\nout and of course he must fly the county,\\nfor the Tories are so highly exasperated\\nagainst him that death will certainly be\\nhis fate if he does not leave Monmouth\\nCounty. The Whigs are soliciting contri-\\nbutions in his favor, and from what I have\\nalready seen, have no doubt that they will\\npresent him with a very handsome sum.\\nI question whether the destruction of the\\nBritish fleet could diffuse more universal\\njoy through the inhabitants ot Monmouth\\nthan has the death of the above three\\nmost egregious villains.\\nRefugee Version of the Death of Burke\\na/zas Emmons, West and Williams.\\nWilliam Courlies, of Shrewsbury, who\\njoined the British about the last of 1778,\\ntestified before a British Court Martial in\\nanswer to the question as to what he\\nknew respecting the deaths of Stephen\\nWest, Stephen Emmons alias Burke, and\\nEzekiel VVilliams, as follows\\nHe (the deponent) was carried prison-\\ner to Monmouth in January, 1779, on the\\nnight of the 24th of that month. He saw\\nCaptain Dennis of the itebel service bring\\nto Freehold Court House three dead bod-\\nies that Ca[)tain Dennis being a neighbor\\nof his (the deponent s) he Jisked where\\nthose men were killed. He replied, they\\nwere killed on the shore, where they were\\ncoining to join their regiments. Two of\\nthem, he said, belonged to Colonel Morris\\ncorps, in General Skinner s brigade the\\nother had been enlisted in their service by\\nthose two belonging to Colonel Morris\\ncorps. He said, also, he (Capt. Dennis)\\nhad employed a man to assist them in\\nmaking their escape at a place where\\nhe (Dennis) was to meet with them\\non the shore, at which place he did meet\\nthem that on coming to the spot he\\n(Dennis) surrounded them with his party;\\nthat the men attempted to fire, and not\\nbeing able to discharge their pieces, begged\\nfor quarters and claimed the benefit of be-\\ning prisoners of war. He ordered them\\nto be fired on, and one of them by the\\nname of Williams fell that they were all\\nbayonetted by the party and brought to\\nMonmouth and that he (Dennis) receiv-\\ned a sum of money for that action, either\\nfrom the Governor or General Washing-\\nton which of the two he does not recol-\\nlect.\\nIt is only necessary to say in connection\\nwith the above by Courlies s own statement,\\nthat at least two, if not all three, deserved\\ndeath by the usual rule of warfare. They\\nhad evidently been noted for their ma-\\nrauding expeditions, as a reward was\\nofferei for them. They may have belong-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "38\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\ned to Skinner s Greens (the Loyalist\\norganization of Jerseymen, so termed from\\ntheir uniforms), but they had been noted\\nfor their frequent visits witliin the Amer-\\nican lines, plundering, acting of course as\\nR])ies, and endeavoring to enlist men for\\nthe British service within the patriot lines.\\nThe third man we infer remained m hid-\\ning places in the county, and when the\\nothers came over from the British lines\\nwould join them in their marauding expe-\\nditions, and he was shot while trying to\\njoin the enemy.\\nJonathan West.\\nJonathan West, another of this lawless\\ncrew, in an affray with some of the inhab-\\nitants of Monmouth, was taken prisoner to\\nthe Court House. His arm, being horribly\\nmangled, was amputated. He soon after\\nescaped to the pines and became more\\ndesperate than before. He used the\\nstump of his arm to hold his gun. Some-\\ntime later he was again pursued, and on\\nrefusing to surrender, was shot.\\nFive Men Condemned.\\nThe following item was published i)e\\ncember, 1782:\\nFive men were convicted at Mon-\\nmouth Court House of burglary, felony, c.,\\nand sentenced to be hanged three on\\none Friday, the other two the next Fri-\\nday.\\nThree refugees named Farnham, Burge\\nand Patterson were executed at one time\\nat Freehold. Our impre.ssion is that they\\nare the three men referred to in the above\\nparagraph, and that the other two were re\\nprieved. We pre.sume that Farnham is\\nthe same man who tried to shoot young\\nRussell (as mentioned in speaking of the\\nliussell outrage) while he was lying on the\\nfloor supposed to be mortally wounded\\nbut was prevented by Lippencott, who\\nknoci ed uj) his musket.\\nExEouTiox OF T110.MAS Burke and John\\nWood.\\nThe following is irom an ancient paper\\nJuly 22nd 177S. We learn that the\\nCourt of Oyer and Terminer and (leneral\\nJail delivery held in Monmouth in June\\nlast, the following jiersoii.s were tried and\\nfound guilty of burglary viz Tlionias Em-\\nmons alias Bourke. Johti Wootl, Michael\\nMillery, Willia.m Dillon and Robert Mc-\\nMuUen. The two former were executed\\non Fiiday last and the other three re-\\nfuieved. At the same time Ezekiel For-\\nman, John Polhemus and William Grover\\nwere tried and convicted of hij;h treason\\nand are to be executed on the 18th of\\nAugust next.\\nWilliam Dillon and Robert McMuUen,\\nmentioned above, were pardoned, but they\\nshowed no appreciation for the favor, for\\nwe find that shortly after, in September,\\nDillon piloted a British expedition into\\nold Cranberry Inlet, opposite Toms River,\\nto endeavor to recapture the ship Love\\nand Unity, which a short time before\\nhad been made a prize of by the Ameri-\\ncans, the particulars of which will be giv-\\nen in s()eaking of privateering at Toms\\nRiver and other places in old Monmouth\\nduring the war. When this expedition\\narrived at the Inlet, Rob*rt McMullen,\\nwho seems to have been on shore waiting\\nfor them, siezed a small boat, hurrahed for\\nthe British, and rowed off to join their\\nExecutions at Freehold.\\nThe late Dr. Samuel Forman stated that\\nno less than thirteen pine robbers, refu-\\ngees and raurdert^rs were executed at dif\\nferent times on one gallows, wliich stood\\nnear the tree where Fa^an was hung in\\nthe vicinity of the Court House, and that\\nhe assisted in the erection of the gallows.\\nWe are not certain who the thirteen\\nwere, but most of them are probably men-\\ntioned in the foregoing and other chap-\\nters, if those hung in chains after lieiug\\nshot are included.\\nStephen Edwards was executed at Free-\\nhold for being a spy. Thomas Emmons\\nalias Burke, John Wood, Farnham, Burge\\nand Patterson were hung for burghiry,\\nfelony, c. Ezekiei Forman, John Poihe-\\nmus and William Grover were sentenced\\nto be exccuteil, but wo have found no men-\\ntion of the sentence bt^ing carried into ef-\\nfect but from circumstantial evidence ir.\\nis probable that they were reprieved.\\nFagan was iiung in chains after being\\nshot, though not on the gallows. After\\nStephen Burke, West and Williams were\\nshot and brought to Freehohf, the Ameri-\\ncan account says the bodies of two of the\\nthree were to be hung in chains.\\nIn addition to executions, c., al)ovo\\nmentioned, a refugee named James Pew,\\nibrmerly of Middletown townshii), joined\\nthe British and was taken })risoncr by the\\nAmericans November lOtlr, 1779, ;ind con-\\nfined in Freehold jail, and five days after\\nwas shot by James Tilley, who was acting\\nas sentry over him. It is probable that\\nPew was shot in attempting to escape. It", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n39\\nis said that a coroner s jury condemned\\nTilley, but after two or three days confine\\nment he was discharged.\\nDavenport, the Refugee Leader of Dover.\\nThe refugee leader Davenport appears\\nto have confined most of his operations\\nwithin the limits of the old township of\\nDover, then in Monmouth, now in Ocean.\\nThe rnilitia stationed at Toms River were\\nso active thi.t Davenport and his band o(\\ndesperadoes had but little chance to do\\nserious mischief except by plundering\\ndwellings at a distance from the principal\\nsettlements.\\nThe most noted aflfliir in which Daven\\nport was concerned vvas in aiding the\\nBritish expedition which captured the\\nBlock House at Toms River, and burned\\nthe village March 24th, 1782. One account\\nof this affair says that Davenport vvas\\nwounded when attacking ihe Block House^\\nif so it must have been slightly as on tlie\\nfirst of June following helandedat Forked\\nRiver, ten miles below Toms River, with\\neighty men, half white and iialf black, in\\ntwo barges. They first landed on the\\nnortli side of Forked River and plundered,\\namong others, the hou.ses ot Samuel\\nWoodmansee and hh brother who resided\\non what are now known as the Jones and\\nHolmes places. They then proceeded\\nacross the south branch to the place in\\nlate years best known as the Wright\\nplace (formerly belonging to the father\\nof Caleb Wright, tlie nopular railroad\\nconductor) in which at this time livefl\\nSamuel Brown, an active member of the\\nold Moninout.h militia.\\nThey plund.-red Mr. Brown s dwelling,\\ninsulted his family, and burnt his salt\\nworks and came new capturiig Mr. Brown\\nhimself, who had barely time to escape in-\\nto the woods. They were particulnrly in-\\nCv -rnsed against him for his Jiciivity in the\\npatriotcause, he having, among other du-\\nties, served a year at the military jjost at\\nToms River.\\nAfter completing their work of destruc-\\ntion at Forked River, they proceeded\\ndown Forked River to the mouth, when\\none barge went up Barnegat bay, while\\nthe other, witii Davenport himself, pro-\\nceeded south to endeavor to destroy the\\nimportant salt works of Newlin s at Ware-\\ntown, andotlK r salt works along the bay.\\nDavenport expected to meet with no op-\\nposition. av~! he supposed there were no\\nmilitij.1 near enough to check him. But\\nhe had hardly jzot out of the mouth of\\nForked River into the open bay when he\\nperceived a boat heading for him. His\\ncrew advised him to return as they told\\nhim the other boat must have some ad-\\nvantage or they would not venture to ap-\\nproach. Daven2wrt told them that they\\ncould see the other boat was smaller and\\nhad fewer men and he ridiculed their\\nfear. lie soon found, however, why it\\nwas that the American boat, ventured to\\nattack them. Davenport s men had only\\nmuskets with which to defend themselves;\\nthe Americans had a cannon or swivel, and\\nwhen within proper distance, they fired it\\nwith so effective an aim that Davenport\\nhimself was killed at the first discharge,\\nand his boat damaged and upset by the\\nfrightened crew. It happened that the\\nwater where they were was only about\\nfour feet deep*and his crew waded ashore,\\nlanding near the mouth of Oyster Creek,\\nbetween Forked River and W^aretown, and\\nthus escaped, scattering themselves in va-\\nrious directions in tlie woods and swamps.\\nAt Barnegat, some five miles south of\\nwhere Davenport was !:il!ed, lived many\\nQuakers who took no part in the war.\\nA day or so after Davenport s death\\nsome of his crew in a starved condition\\ncalled on Ebenezer Collins and other\\nQuakers at Barnegat, begging for food,\\nwhich was given them, after which they\\nleft for parts unknown.\\nThus ended the career of Davenport\\nwhose most noted exploit was in aiding a\\nforeign fee to murder men who were once\\nhis neigtibors and friends, burn tlieir\\nhouses, and turn their families adrift upon\\nthe world.\\nSome distance back of Toms River is a\\nlittle stream called Davenport s Branch,\\nwhich some suppose derives its name from\\nDavenport s having places of concealment\\nin the vvo^da and swamps along its banks.\\nRichard Bird, the Potters Creek Outlaw.\\nThis scoundrel, who was probaoly con-\\nnected with Davenport s gang, was very ob-\\nnoxious lo the Americans on account of\\nthe many outrages in which he was con-\\ncerned.\\nHe was intimately acquainted with all\\nthe roads and bye paths in the woods and\\nswamps in Dover tovynship, and for a long\\ntime he managed to elude the vigilence\\nof the militia. One day, however, he with\\na companion was seen along the road, a\\nlittle south of Toms River, by someone,\\nwho at once notified the militia, two or\\nthree of whom immediately started in pur-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "40\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nsuit. Bird s comrade escaped by hiding\\nunder a bridge over which the pursuers\\npassed, and Bird himself managed loelude\\nthem till after dark. His pursuers had\\nheard that he occasionally visited a young\\nwoman of low character who lived in a\\nlone cabin in the woods, and late in the\\nevening they approached the cabin, and\\nlooking through the window saw Bird\\nseated in the lap of a young woman. One\\nof the militia fired through the window\\nand Bird dropped ott the girl s lap on the\\nfloor dead. The girl wa so little affected\\nby his death, that when the pursuers\\nburst open the door and entered the room\\nthey found her busily engaged m rifling\\nhis pockets. Bird appears to have made\\nhis headquarters in the vicinity of the\\nvillage of Bayville, formerly Potters Creek,\\nin Dover township.\\nBird was a marrietl man, but when he\\njoined the refugees, his wife forsook him\\nand went to Toms River, where she resi-\\nded many years after his death. While\\nhe was pursuing his wicked career, she\\nbitterly denounced him, yet when she\\nheard of his death, she greatly grieved, so\\nmuch so that her neighbors expressed\\ntheir surprise, knowing the disgrace he\\nhad been to her. The oimple minded\\nwoman replied in substance, that it was\\nnot the man she so much cared but he\\noften sent her a quarter of venison when\\nhe had more than he could use, and she\\nshould so miss such presents now\\nA Bayville correspond,ent of the New\\nJersey Courier mentions the death of a\\nrelative of Dick Bird, a lady named Mi s.\\nMercy Worth, who lived to the remark-\\nable age of 106 years, 6 months, and 24\\ndays, who died March ith, 1873. Her\\ntatlier was one of Washington s soldieis\\nand served throughout the war. Her\\nmother was a sister of the notovious Ricli-\\na/rd Bird, and moved away from Cedar\\nCreek, Lacy township, for fear that Bird\\nwould be killed at her house, near which\\nhe had a cave where he stayed at light,\\nwhich can still be seen.\\nCAFIWIN WILLIAM TOM.\\nA West Jersey PionerT After whom was\\nToms River named The coming oi\\nthe English Indian Justice Discove-\\nry of Toms River.\\nIn regard to the origin ot the name of\\nToms River, we have two distinct tradi-\\ntions one alleging that it was named\\nafter a somewhat noted Indian, who once\\nlived in its vicinity the otlier attributes\\nit to a certain Captain William Tom, who\\nresideil on the Delaware two hundred\\nyears ago, and who it is said jienetraied\\nthrough tije wilderness to the seashore, on\\n\\\\n exploring expedition, where he discov-\\nered the stream now known as Toms Riv-\\ner upon his return he made such favor-\\nable representations of the land in its vi-\\ncinity, that settlers were induced to couit-\\nhere and locate, and these settlers named\\nit Toms River, alter Mr. Tom, becaiise he\\nfirst brought it to the notice of the whites.\\nWhile the ivriter of this, after patient in-\\nvestigation acknowledges that he can find\\nnething that co?ie/i siv6 (y settles the question,\\nyet he is strong in the belief that tiie place\\nderives its ntane from Mr. Tom, for the\\nfollowing reasons First, Though there\\nwas a noted Indian residing at Toms Riv-\\ner a century ago, known as Indi-tn Tom,\\nyet the phu:e is known to have borne the\\nname of Toms River when he was q lite a\\nyoung man it is not reasonable to sup-\\npose the place wae named after him when\\nhe was scarce out of his teens. Second,\\nthe position and business of Cajitain Wil-\\nliam Tom, was such as to render it ex-\\ntremely probably that the tradition relat-\\ning to liim is correct. Much diftioulty li;is\\nbeen found in making researches in tliis\\nmatter, as Capt. Tom was an active man\\namong our first settlers before our West\\nJersey records begin, and information re-\\ngarding him has to be sought for in tiie\\nolder records of New York and New Castle,\\nDelaware. In his day outliern and West-\\nern Jersey were under control of officials,\\nwhose headquarters were at New Castle,\\nDel. these officials were appointed by the\\nauthorities at New York. In his time\\nCapt. -lohn Carr appears to have be^-n the\\nhighest official among the settlers on both\\nsides of the Delaware, acting as Commis-\\nsioner, c. But at times it would seem\\nthat (Japt. Tom was more relied upon in\\nmanaging public affairs by both the Gover-\\nnors at New York, and the early settlers\\nthan any other man among them. In the\\nvarious [)Ositions which he iield, heap-\\npe irs to have unselfishly and untiringly\\nexerted himself for the best interests of\\nthe settler? and the government.\\nHe held at difierent times the position.-\\nof Commissary, Justice, Judge, Town\\nClerk and Keei)ei of Official Records rela-\\ntiiiiito the settlements on bothsides of the\\nDelaware, collector of quit rents, Ac. As\\ncollector of quit rents anil agent to sell\\nlands, his duties called him throughout", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n41\\nthe .Southern half \u00c2\u00aef our State, wherever\\nsettlers were found, and in search of elig-\\nible places for settlers to locate. And here\\nhis duties seem to have been somewhat\\n-.inftilar to those performed for the rrojiri-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^Aors by the late Francis W. Brinley so\\nwell remembered by oiu citizens. We\\nJind that Capt. Tom was continually trav-\\neling to and fro in the performance of his\\nduties, was among the first while men to\\ncross the State to New York, was on good\\nterms with the Indians, with whom he\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ontitmally must have mingled, and it is\\nnot at all unlikely in the performance of\\nhis duties, he crossed to the shore by In-\\ndian paths, so numerousand so frequented\\nby the red men in his time, and thus vis-\\nited the stream now known as Toms River.\\nAs no f utline of Capt. Tom s life and\\nservices has ever been i)ublished, we give\\nthe substance of the facts found lelating\\nto him, not only because of its probable\\nbearing on the history of cld Monmouth,\\nand that our citizens may know who he\\nwas, but also because it gives an interest-\\ning c lapter in the history of our State. It\\nwill be seen that lie was a prominent,\\nuusted and influential man before the\\nfounding of Philadelphia, Salem or Bur-\\nbiigton, or before any considerable settle-\\nments existed in New Jersey. In looking\\nback to the past, it seems a long while to\\nIndian Tern s day, but Capt. William Tom\\nlived nearly a century before him. The\\nfollowin;; items are coUecteii from New\\nYork, Pennsylvania and Deloware records.\\nC.\\\\rT. William Tom came to this coun-\\ntry with the English expedition under Sir\\nRobert Carre and Col. Richard NichoJls\\nwhich conquered the Dntcii at New Am\\nsterdam, (New York) August. 1664. Im-\\nmediately after the English had taken f r-\\nmal possession of New Yoi;k. two vessels,\\nthe- Guinea and the William and\\nNicholas, under command of Sir Robert\\narre were despatched to attack the Dutch\\nsettlements on the Delaware river. After\\na feeble resistance the Dutch surrendered\\nabout the first of October of the same year\\n(1664). Capt. Tom accompianied this ex-\\npedition, and that he rendered valuable\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2service there is evidence by an order is-\\nsued by Gov. Nicholls JuneSO, 1665, which\\nstates that for William Tom s good\\nservices at Delaware, there shall be grant-\\ned to him the lands of Peter Alricks, con-\\nfiscated for hostility to the English. Capt.\\nTom remained in his majesty s service un-\\ntil August 27, 1668; during the last two\\nyears of this time he was Commissary on\\nthe Delaware. He was discharged from\\nhis majesty s service on the ground as is\\nalleged of good behaviour. in the ear-\\nly part of 1668, a servant of Mr. Tom s was\\nkilled by some evil disposed Indians, who\\nit is said also killed one or more servants\\nof Peter Alricks at the same time. The\\nIndians genera,lly were dispu-ed to live on\\namicable terms with the whites, and these\\nmurders were the result \\\\i would seem of\\nselling liquor lo the Indians, the majority\\nof whom seeing its evil effects, requested\\nthe white authorities to prohibit the sale of\\nit among them. The perpetrators of these\\noutrages were not apjirehended, and be-\\ncause this was not done, Gov. Lovelace at-\\ntributes another murder two years later\\nhe severely censured the authorities for\\nto* much remissness in not avenging the\\nprevious murder on Mr. Tom s servant,\\nAc.\\nOn the 12th of August, 1669, Capt. Tom\\nwas appointed collector of quit rents,\\nwhich wei e imposed on all persons taking\\nup land along the Delaware river on both\\nsides.\\nThis office he held for three years when\\nhe resigne L Its duties must have been of\\nconsiderable responsibility and labor, as it\\ninvolved the necessity of visiting all places\\nwhere settlers located from the Capes of\\nthe Delaware to the Falls of the Delaware\\n(Trenton.) While engaged in this busi-\\nness it is probable that as he travelled\\nfrom place to place he made it a point to\\nsearch for eligible places for new settlers\\nlo locate, and acted as agent for the sale\\nof lands .-Vt one time he acted as land\\nagent for John Fen wick the noted Salem\\nproprietor.\\nWe find that Capt. Tom noi only stood\\nwell in the estimation of Gov. NichoUs,\\nbut also in th^ opinion of his successor,\\nGov. Lovelace, who at the suggestion of\\nCapt. T. issued several orders relating to\\naffairs on the Delaware. Aug. 12, 1669,\\nGov. Lovelace at request of Wm. Tom,\\ngiants certain special favors to Finns and\\nothers lemoving near New Castle, Del.\\nBy his order permission on request of\\nMr. Tom was granted to families from\\nMaryland to settle in the same vicinity\\nto the end that the said jJace may be in-\\nhabited and mamired, it tending likewise\\nto the increase of the inabitants. An\\norder oi the same date is preserved, which\\nallows William Tom to kill and mark all\\nwild hogs in the woods near his land.\\nIn 1671 an extraordinary council was con-\\nvened in New York on the occasion of the", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "42\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\narrival of William Tom and Peter Alricks,\\njust from the Delaware, with the parHcu-\\nlars of the Indians murdering two Cliris-\\ntians (Dutcli) near Burlington. Tliese\\nmurders weie rommitted by two Indians\\nwho were known and who resided at\\nSuscunk, four miles eas of Matinicoiik\\nor Burlington Island. Gov. Lovelace in a\\nletter to Capt. Tom dated )ctoder 6, ex-\\npresses great surpsiseat what he hasleai-n-\\ned from Mr. Tom in regard to these mur-\\nderH. This letter gives stringent orders to\\nguard against evil disposed Indians in the\\nfuture, an l from it we find that Burling-\\nton Island was then occupied as a kind of\\nfrontier military station. Tiov. Lovelace\\nrecommends a good work about Matitii-\\nconk house (on Burhngton Island) which\\nstrengthened with a considerable guard\\nwould make an admirable frontier. Vig-\\noTous efforts were made to secure these\\nIndian murderers, and the result is se^n\\nin the following letter written by C.ipt.\\nTom to Grov. Lovelace, Dec. 25th, 1671.\\nHe says that about 11 days :ince, Peter\\n.\\\\lricks came from New York, and the\\nIndians desired t speak with us concern-\\ning the murders, whereupon they sent\\nfor me to Peter Rambo s. where comiui:\\nthey faithfully ijromised within .^ix days\\nto bring in tlie murderers dead or alive\\nwhereupon they sent out two Indians to\\nihe stoutest, to bring him in. not doubting\\neasily to take the other, he being an In\u00c2\u00b0\\ndian of little courage but the feast In-\\ndian getting knowledge of the design of\\nthe sachems, ran to advise his fellow, and\\nadvised him o run or else they would\\nboth be killed, who answered he was not\\nteady, but in the morning would gowitli\\nhim to the Waquas, and advised him to\\ngo to the next house for fear of suspicion,\\nwiiich lie did and the two Indians, com-\\ning to his house at night, the one being\\nhis great friend, he asked him if lie would\\nKill him, who answered No, but the\\nsacliems have ordered you to die; wliei-^\\nupon he demanded what his brothers\\nsaid who answered they say the like.\\nThen he. holding his hands i efore liis\\neyes said Kill me whereupon tiie In-\\ndian that comes with Cocker shot him\\nwith two bullets in the breast, and gave\\nhim two or three cuts with a bill on the\\niiead and brought him flown to Wicaco,\\nfrom whence we shall carrs him tomorrow\\nto New Casile, there to hang him in cliains\\nfor which we gave to th\u00c2\u00ab Sachems tive\\nmatch coats which Mr. Alricks paid them.\\nWhen the other Indian lejid the sh(\u00c2\u00bbt in\\nthe night, naked as he was, he ran into\\nthe woods but this sachem promised to\\nbring the other alive, tor which we prom-\\nised three match coats. The sachems\\nbrought a good nifiny of their young men\\nwith them, and there before us ihey open-\\nly told them Now they saw a beginning,\\nand all that did the like, liOuld be served\\nin the same manner. They promised it\\nany other murders were committed to\\nbring in the murderers. How to believe\\nthem we knew not. but liie Sachems seem\\nto desire no war.\\nWhat official position Capt. Tom held\\nin these transactions is uncertain, but he\\nappears to have been more relied upoi.\\nthan any olhwr man to settle difficultie\\nat til is time.\\nIn 1673 Capt. Tom was aj j)ointed one\\nof four appraisers to set a value on Tini-\\ncum Island in the Delaware. Jn 1 674 he\\nwas app ointed secretary or clar/c for the\\ntown of New Castle, and lit:; apjieais to\\nhave had charge of the public records for\\nseveral years In 1673 the Dutch regain-\\ned iheir power in New York, New Jersev\\nand Delaware, but retained it onlv a few\\nmontlis after lliey were- again displaced\\nin 1674, (iov. Andross appointed Captain.-\\nCantwell and Tom to take possession tor\\nthe King s use, of the fort at New Castl*.\\nwith the public: stores. I liey \\\\Tere author-\\nized to provide for the settlement and re-\\npose of the inhabitants at New Castle.\\nWhorekills Lewesjand other places.\\nIn 1675 some sett ers complainetl\\nagainst Capt. Tom for molesting them in\\nthe enjoyment of meadow lands which ad-\\njoined their plantation.-^. Che setllei\\n})robably .-uj)posed because they owned up-\\nlands, iliey s.iould also have the use of\\nmeadow land without paying for the same.\\nI lie (jrovernor ordered a compromise. In\\n1676 he was .ijipointed one of the .fustice,-\\nof the Peace and a .ludge of the court.\\nHe sat as one of the .Judges ,n an impor-\\ntant suit in which the defendant was John\\nFen wick, the Salem Proprietor. .ludg-\\nment was given against Fen wick, and\\nwarrant issued to take iiim dead oi alive.\\nFenwick finding it useless to re.-^ist, gave\\nhimseit ufi, and ^^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2as .sent prisoner to Ne\\nYork.\\nCapt. Tom was reappointed justice and\\njudge in 1677. Tow.nrds the latter part of\\nthis year complaint Wivs made that the\\ntown lecords of New Castle were in confu-\\nsion, and Mr. I om was ordered to arrange\\nand attest them. It is not improbal-le\\nthat ill health prevented him trom com-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n43\\nl)leting this task, as we find his death an-\\nnounced January 12, 1678, coupled with\\nthe simple remark that, his papers were\\nin confusion.\\nFrom the foregoing and other facts that\\nare preserved, it would appear that Wm.\\nTom was about the most prominent, use-\\nful and trustworthy man among the sett-\\nlers from the time of the coming of the\\nEnglish to his decease, th-it he enjoyed the\\nconfidence of Governors Nicholls, Lovelace\\nand Andross, that his varied duties were\\nperformed with general satisfaction to\\nsettlers, Indians and officials, and we\\nmay safely infer that he did as much or\\nmore than any other man in his day to-\\nwards the settlement and repose of the\\ninhabitants on both sides of the Dela-\\nware. It IS no discredit to the name of\\nToms River that it should be derived\\nfrom such a man.\\nIn speaking of Capt. Tom s discovering\\nToms River, we do not refer to its original\\ndiscovery, nor wish to convey the idea\\nthat he wtis the first white man who visit-\\ned it. The stream was discovered by nav-\\nigators fifty years before Capt. Tom came\\nto Ameiica. They simply maiked the\\nstream on their charts without naming it.\\nThe particulurs as far as is known of the\\noriginal discovery of Toms River, and\\nother places along our bay ar* too lengthy\\nto be given here and may hereafter he fur\\nnished in another chapter. We will say,\\nhowever, before concluding, that the fact\\nthat this river had been previously visited\\nby tlie Dutch, was probably not known to\\nCapt. Tom and the English in this day.\\nCAPTAIN JOHN BACON.\\nThe Refugee Leader of Monmouth and\\nBurlington\u00e2\u0080\u0094 An Outlaw s Career and its\\nDreadful End.\\nThis noteJ refugee leader, whose name\\nis so well remembered by old residents of\\nMonmouth, Ocean and Burlington, ap-\\npears to have confined his operations\\nchiefly to the lower part of old Monmouth\\ncounty, between Cedar Creek in what is\\nnow Ocean county and Tuckerton in Bur-\\nlington county. His efforts were mainly\\ndirected to plundering the dwellings or all\\nwell known, active members of the old\\nMonmouth militia. Many old residents\\nin the section where his operations were\\ncarried on, consic^ered him one of the\\nmost honorable partizan leaders opposed\\nto the patriot cause. Himself and men\\nwere well acquainted with the roads and\\npaths through the forests of Burlington\\nand old Monmouth, and had numerous\\nhiding places, cabins, caves, c., in the\\nwoods and swamps, where they could re-\\nmain until some trustworthy spy informed\\nthem of a safe chance to venture out on\\nwhat was then termed a picarooninci expe-\\ndiiion.\\nThe following items, gleaned from vari-\\nous sources, give the most prominent\\nevents in which he was an actor. They\\naid to give a more vivid idea of the perils\\nby which our ancestors were surrounded\\nat home, and of the character of the man\\nwho, probably with the except on of Lieu-\\ntenant James Moody, was about the most\\neffective refugee leader in our state.\\nIn ancient i apers we have found notices\\nof refugee raids in Burlington county, but\\nthey do not give the names of the leaders.\\nIt is probable that Bacon commanded\\nsome of these expeditions as he was well\\nacquainted in Burlington, and his wife re-\\nsided at Pemberton in the latter part of\\nthe war. About iSeptember, 1782, it is an-\\nnounced that a man, supposed to be a spy\\nof Bacon s, was shot in the woods near\\nPemberton, by some of the inhabitants\\nwho went out to hunt him and we find\\nthat the citizens of Burlington were so\\nmuch exa.-peraied against him that they\\norganized expeditions to tbliow him in old\\nMonmouth.\\nBacon Kills Lieutenant Joshua Studson.\\nThe New Jersey Gazette, published at\\nTrenton during the later years of the Kev-\\nolutionary war, has a brief item to the ef-\\nfect that Lieutenant Joshua Studson\\nwas shot, December, 1780, by a refugee,\\nnear the inlet opposite Toms River.\\nJoshua Studson had been a lieutenant\\nin the Monmouth militia, and was also ap-\\npointed lieutenant in the State troops in\\nCapt. Ephram Jenkins company. Colonel\\nHolmes battalion^ June 14, 1780. Here-\\nsided at Toms River.\\nThe following particulars of his death\\nwe believe to be substantially correct,\\nthough derived from traditiontiry sources\\nThree men named Collins, Webster and\\nWoodmansee, living in the lower part of\\nold Monmouth, hearing that farming pro-\\nduce WHS bringing exorbitant prices in\\nNew York city among the British, loaded\\na whole boat with truck from farms along\\nBarnegat bay, and proceeded to New York\\nby way of old Cranberry inlet opposite\\nToms River, which inlet though now", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "44\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nclosed, was, during the war, the next best\\nto Egg Harbor, as square rigged vessels\\n(ships and brigs) occasionally entered it.\\nThese men were not known as refugees\\nbut undertook the trip merely to make\\nmoney. They arrived safely in New York,\\nsold out their produce, and were about re-\\nturning home when Captain John Bacon\\ncalled on them and insisted on taking\\npassage back with them. Much against\\ntheir will, they were forced to allow him to\\ncome on board. They arrived safely out-\\nside the b each near the inlet before sun-\\ndown and lay there until after dark, being\\nafraid to venture in the bay during day-\\nlight, in the meantime the patriotic citi-\\nzens of Toms River had got wind of the\\nproceedings of these men, and being de-\\ntermined to put a stop to the contraband\\ntrade, a small party under command of\\nLieutenant Studson took a boat and cross-\\ned over to the inlet and lay concealed be-\\nhind a point inside, close to the inlet.\\nAfter dark the whale boat came in, hut\\nno sooner had it rounded the point, than\\nto the consternation of those in it, they\\nsaw the boat of lliemiliiia soclose by, that\\nthere was no apparent chance of esca})e.\\nLieutenant Studson stood up in his boat\\nand demanded theirimmediatesurrender.\\nThe unfortunate speculators were unarm-\\ned and m favor of yielding, but Bacon,\\nfearing that his life was already forfeited,\\nrefused, and having his musket loaded,\\nsuddenly fired it with so deadly an aim,\\nthat the brave lieutenant instantly dropp-\\ned dead in the boat. The sudden, unex-\\npected firing and the death of Studson,\\nthrew the militia into momentary confu-\\nsion, and before thev could decide how to\\nact, the whale boat was out of sight in the\\ndarkness. The militia returned to Toms\\nRiver the same night and delivered the\\nbody of the lieutenant to his wife, who\\nwas overwhelmed with sorrow at his sud-\\nden and unexpected death.\\nThe crew of the vhale boat, knowing\\nIt was not safe for them to remain at\\nhome, after this aftair, Hed to to the Brit-\\nish army, and were forced into service,\\nbut were of little use as they were sick\\nwith the small pox, and suffered every-\\nthing but death, as one of them after-\\nwards said, during their brief stay with\\nthe British. Taking advantage of one of\\nGeneral Washington s proclamations offer-\\ning protection to deserters from the Brit-\\nish army, they were after \\\\fards allowed to\\nreturn home.\\nSkirmish at Maxnahawkin.\\nA Patriot Killed^ Sylvester Tilton, an old\\nColts Neck citizen His Wounding and\\nRevenge.\\nAnotlier affair, in which Bacon was a\\nprominent actor, was the skirmish at\\nMannahawkin, in Ocean County, Decem-\\nber 30tli, 1781. The militia of this place,\\nunder command of Captain Reuben F.\\nRandoli)h, having heard that Bacon, with\\nhis band, was on a raiding expedition and\\nwould probably try to plunder some of\\ntiie patriots in that village, assembled at\\nthe inn of Captain Randolph s, prepareil\\nto give them a reception. After waiting\\nuntil two or three o clock in the morning,\\nthey concluded it was a false alarm, and\\nso retired to rest, taking the precaution to\\nj)Ut out sentinels. Just before daylight\\ntiie Refugees came down the road from\\nthe north on their way to West Creek.\\nThe alarm was given and the militia hasti-\\nly turned out but were compelled to re-\\ntreat, as the refugees trad a much larger\\nforce than they anticipated. As they were\\nretreating. Bacon s party fired and killed\\none of the patriots named Lines Pangborn\\nand wounded another named Sylvester\\nfilton. The refugees did not stop to pur\\nsue the Americans but passed on south\\ntoward* Wesi Creek.\\nIn regard to the wounding of Sylvester\\nTi ton, it is a well attested fact, that the\\nball went through him below one of his\\nshoulders, and that the surgeon passed a\\nsilk handkerchief through his body, in\\nsearch of the ball. He recovered his\\nhealth and strength, much to the surprise\\nof all who knew how seriously he luul\\nbeen wounded. He was convinced that a\\nrefugee named Brewer, one of Bacon s\\ngang, was the man who had wounded him.\\nand he always vowed to have satisfaction\\nif he could evei- find him. After the war\\nlie heard that Brewer was living in a cabin\\nin some remote place near the shore, and\\nhe started on foot, one time, to find him.\\nAs he was on his way, he met a man\\nnamed James Willetts. then quite anoted\\nand highly esteemed Quaker, of old Staf-\\nford, wiio upon finding out Tilton s er-\\nrand, vainly endeavored to persuade him\\nto turn back. Finding ti^ would not\\nWilU-ts asked permission to go along, hop-\\ning something would turn, up to make a\\npeaceable ending of the affair. Tilton\\nconsented to his going but plumply told\\nthe Quaker that if he interfered he would\\nflog him too.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n45\\nArriving at the house where Brewer was\\nTilton suddenly opened the door and\\nrushed ;n upon him before ne could reach\\nhis musket, which he always kept in the\\nroom expecting such a visit\\nTilton WHS a powerful man and he\\nlragged Brewer to the door and gave iiim\\na most unmerciful pummelling, and then\\ntold him You scoundrel you tried\\nto kill me once, and I have now settled\\nwith you for it, and I want you now to\\nleave here and follow the rest of your\\ngang. Most of the refugees had then\\ngone to Nova Scotia.\\nAfter this affair Tilton removed to Colts\\nNeck, near Freehold, where we believe\\nhis descendants yet live.\\nHacon at Goodluck, Forked River and\\nWarltown. j\\nOn one of iiis picarooning or raiding ex-\\npeditions, Bacon with fifteen or sixteen\\nmen plundered tlie dwelling house of\\nJohn Holmes at Forked River, who then\\nlived at the mill known in late years as\\nFrancis Cornelius mill. The party camp-\\ned in the woods, near the house, until\\ndaylight and then came and demanded\\nmoney. Mr. Holmes was supposed to be\\n.-omewhat forehanded and they hoped to\\nhave made a good haul. In the expecta-\\ntion of s lch a visit, he had buried many\\nof his valuables in his garden. The refu-\\ngees pointed a bayonet to his breast and\\nthreatened to kill him if the money was\\nnot forthcoming. Mr. Holmes wife hap-\\npened to have some money about her,\\nwhich she delivered up and this seemed\\nto satisiy tiiem as far as money was con-\\ncerned tliey then ransacked the house\\nand took provisions and such other things\\nas they wanted.\\nAn ancient paper says that about the\\nlast of April, 1780, the refugees attacked\\nthe house of John Holmes. Upper Free-\\nhold, and robbed him of a large amount\\nof Continental money, a silver watch, gold\\nrin silver buckles, pistols, clothing, c.\\nIt is possible that th s refers to the same\\naffair\u00e2\u0080\u0094 if so it occurred in old Dover town-\\nship instead of Upper Freehold.\\nWhile a part of the gang remained at\\nthe mill a detachment went over to (iood-\\nluck, about a mile distant, to plunder the\\nhouses of two staunch patriots named John\\nPrice and William Price, iwu brothers\\nwho h;id lived in West Jersey during the\\nfirst part of the war, but for the last two\\nor three years of the struggle, had resided\\nat Goodluck. Tliese men had not onlv\\nbeen active in the field during most of tbe\\nwar, but, to the extent of their abilities,\\naided the families of those who suffered\\nat the hands of the enemy. When tlie\\ndwelling of Capt. Ephraim Jenkins, at\\nToms River, was burned, and his family\\nscattered, as described in a previous chap-\\nter, Lieut. John Price, (in after years, bet-\\nter known as Major Price,) took one of\\nthe children, a-girl, and gave her a home.\\nThe activity of thp Prices made them\\nmarked objects of refugee attentions.\\nbacon s party, at this time, entered the\\nhouses of the Price-;, and took whatever\\nthey could carry, though, we believe, Miese\\npatriots, like others in those dark days, kept\\nburied in gardens and fields many things\\nthey feared the refugees mightcovet. We\\nliave heard from an aged resident of Good-\\nluck, a tradition of the visit of the refugees\\nto the house of an American Lieutenant,\\nat this village, and that the officer saw\\nthem. just before they revcheii the house\\nhe sprang uj) and grasped his lieutenant s\\ncommission, which he valued highly, from\\na high shelf, and sprang out of the back\\ndoor just in time to escape. We presume\\nthis officer must have been Lieut. Price,\\nas we know of no other officer then resid-\\ning at Goodluck. Among other things\\nfound at Major Price s was a musket, fife\\nnnd drum, the two last of which c;ime near\\ncausing trouble among the tories them-\\nselves, for as i hev marched back to Holmes\\nMill to rejoin Bacon, they used them for\\nI heir amusements with such effect, that\\nBacon thought it was apartyof Americans\\nafter him, and he arranged his men on\\ntlie mill hill, prepared to fire as soon as\\nthe parry emerged from the woods. Un-\\nfoi tunately for justice, he saw who the\\nmen were in time to stop fir ng. The\\nRefugees then impressed Mr. Holmes\\nteam to carry of the plunder they had\\ngaihered, and forced his son William\\nHolmes to drive it they went on to Ware-\\ntown and took possession for a short time\\nof a public house (of David Bennet s\\nuntil they could find some safe way of\\ngetting their plunder to one of theirsecret\\nrendezvous, one oi which was supposed to\\nbe at this time in Mannahawkin swamj).\\nAmong other zealous Americans for\\nwhom Bacon had strong antipathy were\\nJoseph Soper and his son Reuben, both\\nmeml)ers of Captain Reuben F. Randolph s\\nmilitia comjiany. They lived about half\\nwav between Waretown and Barnegat at\\na place known as iSoper s Landing. His\\nattentions to the Sopers were so trequent", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "46\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nthat they often had to sleep in the adja-\\ncent swamps along Lochiel brook.\\nMr. Soper s son Reuben was murdered\\nby Bacon on Long Beach about a mile\\nsouth of Barnegat Inlet, the particulars of\\nwhich will be given hereafter.\\nAt this time tiiere lived at Waretown\\nan Englii-hman, named William Wilson,\\nbetter known as Bill Wilson, whoseems\\nto have acted as a kind of jaekall for Ba-\\ncon to scent out bis prey for him. Mi\\nSoper was a vessel builder at one time\\nhe had received pay for building a^ small\\nvessel. Wilson accidentally w.as a witness\\nto his receiving the money, but he did not\\nknow the amount. After Wil?owh!id left,\\nMr. Soper suspected he would inform Ba-\\ncon, and so he divided his money into two\\nparcels a small amount in one jiarcel,\\nand th^ larger part in arother, and then\\nburied both lots in separate places not far\\nfrom the house. Sure enough, in a verv\\nshort time, Bacon and his gang visited ihe\\nhouse, piloted by a man with a black silk\\nhandkerchief over his face that he should\\nnot be recoiinized. This man was gener-\\nally believed to be Bill Wilson, though\\nstrong efforts were made o make the So-\\npers believe it was another man then re-\\nsiding at Waretown. Mr. Soper at this\\ntime, liad taken refuge in the swamp, and\\nthe house was occupied only by women\\nand young children. When the refugees\\nentered they at once begfin behaving very\\nrudely and boisterously, flonrishing their\\nweapor;s in a menacing manner, jambing\\nbayonets in the ceiling, and other similar\\nacts to frighten the women. Their threats\\ncompelled the women to lead them into\\nthe gardon, to the spot where the smallest\\namount of money was buried, when they\\nreceived which they seemed to be satisfied,\\nthinking it was all they had they then\\nreturned to the house and made a dean\\nsweep as they had done several times be-\\nfore, of provisions and clothing, and such\\nother articles as they cculd carry. Among\\nother things taken by Bacon at this time\\nwas one of Mr. Soper s shirts, which after-\\nwards served Bacon s winding sheet, as be\\nwas subsequently killed witii it on. Bill\\nWilson could never be fairly convicted of\\nactual comjtlicity in overt acts with the\\nrefugees, but all who knew him were con-\\nvinced that he was a spy of Bacon s. It\\nwas alleged that he was with Bacon at\\nHolmes Mill s and at the Price s, atOood-\\nluck. After the war closed he remained\\nfor some years in thevicinityof Waretown,\\nbut he found it a very uncomfortable place\\nfor him to live, for though no legal hold\\ncould be taken of him, yet occasionally\\nsome zealous whig, who had occasion to\\nhate refugees, would take him in hand on\\na very slight pretext, and administer off-\\nhand justice. At one time at Lochiel\\nbrook, below Waretown, Hezekiah Soper,\\nwhose brother was killed by Bacon, gave\\nWilson a soi:nd thrashing and then nearly\\ndrowned him in the brook. At length,\\nfinding the place did not agree with him,\\nhe left Waretown, and moved over to the\\nNorth beach, a few miles above the inlet,\\nwhere he lived a lonesome, miserable life\\nuntil his death, which occurred some sixty\\nodd years ago.\\nThe Massacre on Long Beach.\\nBacon Kills Capt. Steelman, Reuben So-\\nper and Others Murder of Sleeping\\nMen.\\nThis was the most important affair m\\nwhich Bacon was engaged. The inhuman\\nmassacre of sleeping men was in keeping\\nwith the memorable affair at Chestnut\\nNeck, near Tuckerton, when Count Pu-\\nlaski s guards were murdered by the Brit-\\nish and Refugees.\\nThe massacre at Long Beach took jjlace\\nabout a mile south of Barnegat light house,\\nand there were we think more men killed\\nand wounded then than in any other ac-\\ntion in that part of Old Monmouth now\\ncomprised within the limits of Ocean coun-\\nA tory paper gives the following version\\nof the affair\\nA cuttei from Ostend, bound to St.\\nThomas, ran aground on Barnegat Shoals,\\nOctober 25, 1782. The American galley\\nAlligator, Captain Steelman, from Cape\\nMay, with tweniy-five men, plundered her\\non Saturday night last of a quantity of\\nHyson tea and other valuable articles, but\\nwas attf.ckeid the same night by Caj)tain\\nJohn BMCon with nine men, in a small\\nboat called the Hero s Revenge, who kill-\\ned Steelman and wounded the first lieu-\\ntenant, and all the party except four or\\nfive were either killed or wounded.\\nIn this account the number of Steelman s\\nmen is doubtless overestimated and Ba-\\ncon s underestim ^ted. When the cutter\\nwas stranded on the shoals, word was sent\\nacross the bay to the main land for help\\nto aitl in saving tlie cargo, in consecjuence\\nof which a party of unarmed men, among\\nwhich were Joseph Soper and two of his\\nsons, proceeded to the beach to render\\nwhat assistance they (;ould. The party", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n47\\nworked hard while there to get the goods\\nthrough the surf on the beach. At night\\nthey were tired and wet, and built fires,\\naround which they meant to sleep. It is\\nsupposed that as soon as they were all\\nasleep that Bill Wilson who was there\\narose up slyly, got a boat and rowed otf to\\nthe main land to inform Bacon how mat-\\nters stood.\\nTHE LOYALISTS OF OLD MON-\\nMOUTH.\\nTo fairly com})rehend the danjiers by\\nwhich our patriotic ancestors were sui\\nrounded during the early part of the\\nRevolution, it is necessary to remember\\nthat those of its citizens v?ho openly or\\nsecretly favored the enemy, were not a\\nmere handful of men, but ihey were num-\\nbered by hundreds, and among them were\\nmen of all classes, from the highest to the\\nlowest clergymen, lawyers, physicians,\\nmerchants, farmers, mechanics and labor-\\ning men, and unprincipled men of no par\\ntioular profession oi busine ^s, who rejoiced\\nat the opportunities given by the w,ar for\\nplunder, revenge and ofttimes murder.\\nThe best class oftories were too honorable\\nto engage in midnight marauding expedi-\\ntions against their former friends and\\nneighbors, but cast their lot with the\\nBritish, most of them in the military rr-\\nganiz tion known as the First Battalion\\nNew Jersey Royal Volunteers, command-\\ned by an ex-Sheritf of Monmouth county.\\nThey rirt-ly committwd acts dishonorable\\nas soldiers, yet their former high standing\\nand influential positions served to exert\\na most injurious influence on the patriot\\ncause among their former friends md ?c-\\nquaintances the example of such men\\nserved to entice many to the ranks of the\\nenemy and to cause others secretly to\\nwish tliem well, or a least, to strive to re-\\nmain neutral at a time when their country\\nmost needed their services and in a coun-\\nty wliich sufl^ered probably more severely\\nluring the war than did any other in the\\ncountry. When (ve remember that our\\npatriotic ance.stors had to contend with\\nstich men, and with bands of marauding\\nrefugees, and also lawless robbers scattered\\nthrough the pint s ^all in addition to a\\nforeign foe, we cannot too highly extol the\\ndetermined, vigilant, ceaseless efforts, the\\nwisdom in planning, the skill and bravery\\nin execution, shown by those noble patriots\\nduring the long, bloody and at times\\nseemingly hopeless struggle. Though we\\nmay concede that some who deserted their\\ncountry were in some respects wise and\\nbrave, yet they were no match for those\\nleft behind.\\nAs was the case in the late war for the\\nUnion, the Revolution brought out from\\nobscurity men whose abilities were never\\nbefore known or suspected.\\nFor the first year or two of the war our\\nancestors were seriously annoyed by Tory\\nsympathizes who remained at home, some\\nof whom had sons, brothers or other rela-\\ntives in the British army. Some of these\\nremained at home because age or other\\ndisability unfiitted them for field service.\\nThese men for a time endeavored to in-\\njttre the American cause by their insidious\\nwiles wherever and whenever opportunity\\noffered, when their acts came to the\\nknowledge of the whigs, fchey were at once\\nordered to leave, while those who remained\\nquiet, though closely watched were rarely\\nmolested.\\nThotigh the names Loyalist or Royalist\\nwould properly include all who favored the\\ncause of the Crown, yet they were often lim-\\nited to the more honorable class who joined\\nthe Royal Volunteer organization, todistin-\\ns;uish them from the small marauding\\nbands commonly known as Refugees.\\nAmong th\u00c2\u00ab tnost prominent of these loy-\\nalists, were some noticed below it will be\\nseen they numbered among them men\\nof wealth, position, and learning; one suc-\\nceeded in raising five hundred men to\\nfollow him over to the enemy, and it is\\nnot a little curious to find that from two\\nof these tories, descended certain men\\nwho, in after years, nobly served our coun-\\ntry in many a hard fought battle.\\nIn this connection io is well to add, that\\nas an offset to the Tories who left Mon-\\nmouth and other parts of our state, to join\\nthe enemy, there were a large number of\\nwhigs, who came here and into other\\ndecided patriotic counties, from Long and\\nStaten Islands, when the British took pos-\\nsession of those places.\\nAnother fact should not be lost sight of,\\nas it furnishes additional evidence of tne\\npeculiar troubles the patriots had to con-\\ntend against, and that is, that many lead-\\ning men who sided with theui in this and\\nother counties of the state, during the first\\nyear or two of the war eventually abandon-\\ned them and went over to the Royalists.\\nOf some of these and their alleged reasons\\nwe shall endeavor to speak in -another\\nchapter.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "48\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nFor much of the following we are en-\\ndebted to Sabine, but we have added many\\nitems from other sources which we deem\\nreliable.\\nNotices of Prominent Loyalists.\\nThomas Crowell, of Middletown, joined\\nthe Loyalists and was commissioned Cap-\\ntain. His property was confiscated and\\nadvertised to be sold at the house of Cor-\\nnelius Swart in Middletown, March 22d,\\n1779. During the war Governor Franklin,\\nof the Refugee Board, ordered him to exe-\\ncute, without trial, a Monmouth officer,\\nprobably one of tlie Smocks, but the\\nrefugees who captured him protested so\\nearnestly that the order was not executed.\\nLawrence Hartshoune, of Shrewsbury,\\nmade himself so obnoxious as a Royalists,\\nthat he was compelled to fly to New York.\\nHe was a merchant and gave the British\\nvaluable information.\\nJohn Taylor, formerly Slieriffof Mon-\\nmouth County, a gentleman of great\\nwealth was born in 1716. When Lord\\nHowe arrived in this country to offer terms\\nof reconciliation, he appointed Mr. Taylor\\nHis Majesty s Lord High Commissioner\\nof New Jersey. This office, as well as\\nthe fact that all his children adhered to\\nthe Crown, and were in the British army,\\nmade him obnoxious to the whigs. He\\nwas indeed once tried for his life but ac-\\nquitted. His property was applied to\\npublic use, but not confiscated, since he\\nwas paid for it in Continental money,\\nj et such was the depreciation of that cur-\\nrency that payment was little better than\\nconfiscation. He died at Perth Amboy,\\nin 1798, aged 82 years. His grandson was\\nthe celebrated Commodore Bainbridge, his\\ndaughter Mary having married Dr. Bain-\\nbridge, father of Commodore s William and\\nJ\u00c2\u00abseph Bainbridge. A Dr. Absalom Bain-\\nbridge was surgeon in Skinner s Greens,\\nthe Royalist organization, elsewhere no-\\nticed.\\nWilliam Taylor, son of tlie above named\\nJohn Taylor, had his estates confiscated,\\nbut after the war he purchased them\\nagain. He was a lawyer by profession and\\natone time Chief Justice of Jamaica.\\nHe died at Amboy 1806.\\nColonel Taylor, of the New Jersey Roy-\\nalists who sent Stephen Edwards as a spy\\ninto Monmouth, was from Middletown.\\nit IS possible that he may have been one\\nof the Taylors whose property was con-\\nfiscated- and advertised to be sold at Mid-\\ndletown, March 22d, 1779. He may have\\nbeen a son of the John Taylor mentioned\\nabove, as it seems he had more than one\\nson in the British service.\\nRev. Samuel Cooke, D.D., of Shrewsbury,\\nEpiscopal minister, was educated at Cain s\\nCollege, Cambridge, England, and came to\\nAmerica as a missionary of the Society\\nfor the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign\\nParts, in September, 1751, locating in\\nShrewsbury a,^ successor of Rev. Thomas\\nThompson, in the care of the churches in\\nFreehold. Middletown and Shrewsbury.\\nThe Revolution divided and dispersed his\\nflock. As a minister of the Church of\\nEngland he thought it his duty to con-\\ntinue his allegiance to the Crown, and\\njoined the British in New York. At the\\nCourt Martial trial of Captain Richard\\nLippencott, in New York, in June, 1782.\\nhe was a witness and tilyled Reverend\\nSamuel Cooke, c^erk, deputy chaplain to\\nthe brigade of guards. His property we\\nbelieve was confiscated and advertised to\\nbe sold at Tinton Falls, March 29th, 1779.\\nIn 1785, he settled at Fredericktown,\\nNew Brunswick, as rector of a church\\nthere. In 1791. he was commissarj^ to the\\nBishop of Nova Scotia. He was drowned\\nin crossing the river St. John, in a birchen\\ncanoe, in 1795. His son who attempted\\nto save his life perished with him.\\nThomas Leonard, a prominent citizen of\\nFreehold, was denounced by the patriot\\ncommittee for his Tory principles and\\nevery friend of freedom advised to break off\\nall connection with him on that account.\\nHe went to New York and after the war\\nwent to St. John New Brunswick.\\nJoseph Holmes, by adliering to the\\nTories, lost \u00c2\u00a3900. After the war he went to\\nNova Scotia and settled at SJielburne.\\nAndrkw Bell, a name familiar to our\\nolder citizens on account ol its frequent\\nrecurrence in deeds relating to Proprietor\\nlands, joined tlie British army as secretary\\nto Sir Henry Clinton. A diary kept bj\\nhim up to the battle of Monmouth is pre-\\nserved in the library of the New Jersey\\nHistorical Society. He died in 1843.\\nThough we believe he was not a resident\\nof Monmouth yet he was well known and\\ninfluential throughout the county.\\nJohn Lawrence, of Monmouth county.\\nwas born in 1709. He was a justice of the\\ncourt and a surveyor, and ran the division\\nline known as Lawrence s line, between\\nEast and West Jersey. Advanced in life\\nat the beginning of the Revolution he did\\nnot bear arms, but accepted from the\\nenemy the important duty of granting", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "OLD TIxVlES IN OLD MONMOITTIL\\n49\\nBritish protections to such Americans as\\nhe could induce to abjure the cause of\\ntheir country and swear allegiance to\\nGreat Britain, for which he was arrested\\nby the Americans and confined in Bur-\\nlington jail for nine months. He died in\\n1794 aged 86 years. We propose to refer\\nto John and Elisha Lawrence, in giving\\nthe proceedings of the patriot meetings in\\nUpper Freehold and elsewhere in the\\ncounty in 1774-5, and in oth^r chapters\\nElish.! Lawrence, son of the above, was\\nhorn in 1740 At the beginning of the\\nRevolution he was Slieriff of Monmouth\\nCounty he foon joined the British, and\\nraised by his own efforts chiefly, five hun-\\nnrea men whom he commanded, and was\\ncommissioned by the British, Colonel of\\nthe First Battalion, New Jersey Royal\\nVolunteers. He was taken prisoner on\\nStaten Island V;y Colonel Ogden under\\nGeneral Sullivan in 1777. His property\\nwas confiscated and advertised to be sold\\nat Wall s Mills, April 5th, 1779. At the\\nconclusion of the war he hft with the\\nBritish army, retained his rank as Colonel\\nand retired on half pay. He was awarded\\nby the British Government n large tract\\nof land in Nova Scotia, to which he re-\\nmoved, but finally went back to England,\\nand from ihence to Cardigan, Wales,\\nwhere he died. He man led Mary Ash-\\nfield, of New York.\\nJohn Lawrence, son of the above\\nnamed John, and brother of Elisha, was\\nborn in 1747, graduated at Princeton Col-\\nlege, studied medicine in the Philadelphia\\nMedical College and became a physician\\nof repute. In 1776 he was arrested\\nby order of General Washington, and or-\\ndered by the Provincial Congress to re-\\nmam at Trenton on parole, but leave was\\nafterwards given him to remove to Morris-\\ntown. As his father and brother held\\noffice under the British, he was narrowly\\nwatched. Fired at, after mucn annoyance\\n(says one account apparently a Tory\\none) by a party of militia, fie retired to\\nNew York among the British, where he\\npracticed medicine and commanded a\\ncompany of volunteers for the defence\\nof the city. After the war in 1783, he re-\\nturned to Monmouth, where he lived un-\\nmolested. He died at Trenton, April 29th,\\n1830. In the list of names of persons in\\nUpper Freehold whose property was con-\\nfiscated and advertised to be sold at Wall s\\nMills, April 5th, 1779, are found the\\nnames of Elisha and John Lawrence,\\nson of John.\\nJohn Brown Lawrence was a member\\nof Council and a lawyer. Because of his\\nofficial relations to the Crown, he was ar-\\nrested and imprisoned in Burlington jail\\nfor a long time on the charge of holdiui^\\ntreasonable intercourse with the enemy\\nbut was tried and aoqui.ted. He went to\\nCanada after the war, where he received\\na large tract of land. Hi* son was the\\ncelebrated Commodore Lawrence of\\nDon t give up the shit) fame, and Com-\\nmodore Boggs, distinguished in the late\\nrebellion, was a descendan;.\\nClayton Tilton, of Slirewsbury, joined\\nthe loyalists and was commissioned as\\nCaptain. He was captured by the Ameri-\\ncans in the spring ol 1782, about the same\\ntime that Phil White was, and confined in\\nFreehold jail, but shortly exchanged for\\nDaniel Randolph, Esq, He probably went\\nto the British Provinces at the close of the\\nwar, as mention is made of a certain Clay-\\nton Tilton, a loyalist from New Jersey,\\nmarrying the widow ot Thomas Green, at\\nMusquash, New Brunswick, shortly after\\nthe war.\\nJohn Warueli., of Shrewsbury, an asso-\\nciate judge of Monmouth, on account of\\nhis tory proclivities, sought refuge within\\nthe British lines. His property was con-\\nficated and advertised to be sold at Tin ton\\nFalls, March 29th, 1779. He was a neigh-\\nbor and warm Iriend ot Captain Ricliaid\\nLippencott.\\nCaptain Richard Lippencott, the Refu-\\ngee who Hanged Captain Huddy.\\nThis refugee who obtained such unen-\\nviable notoriety for hanging Captain Josh-\\nua Huddy, was born in New Jersey in\\n1745, and died at Toronto, Canada, in 1826,\\nin his 82d year. At the breaking out of\\nthe war he was a resident of Shrewsbury\\ntownship. Early in that mtmorablestrug-\\ngle he left Monmouth and went to New\\nYork and expressed to the Board of Asso-\\nciated Loyalists a desire for authority to\\nraise a company, which was given him by\\nthe Board upon his signing the usual\\narticles requiring him to obey the orders\\nof Governor William Franklin, its Presi-\\ndent. On account of his activity in the\\nRoyal service, his property was confiscated\\nand advertised to be sold at Tinton Falls,\\nMarch 29th, 1779. He appears to have\\nhad many relatives among both the pa-\\ntriots and loyalists. The character he bore\\namong tlie adherents of the Royal cause\\nis shown by the following extracts Dur-\\ning the Briiish Court Martial trial held in\\nNew York in June, 1782, to try him for", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "50\\nOLD TIMES I\\\\ OLD MONMOUTH.\\nthe murder of Captain .foshua Huddy,\\nColonel John Morris, commander of the\\nsecond battalion of the brigade of New\\nJersey Royal Volunteers, testified as fol-\\nlows:\\nHe had known the prisoner (Lippen-\\ncott) many years he always suppoited a\\ngood cnaracter ever since deponent has\\nknown him and he always endeavored\\nto serve the Government all in his power,\\nand that with propriety. Deponent has\\nnever known him guilty of plundt^ring or\\n:iny action of that kind.\\nJotin Wardell, late of Shrewsbury town-\\nship, and formerly an associate judge of\\nMonmouth, testified that he had been\\nacquainted with Lijjpencotl more than\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2en years that he was his neighbor and\\nwas always looked upon as a peaceable,\\ninoflensive man.\\nRev. Dr. Samuel Cooke, the noted Epis-\\ncopalian clergyman who settled in Shrews-\\nbury in 1751, where he remained until the\\nbreaking out of the Revolution, and to\\nwhom reference is made in other chapters,\\nat the time of Lippencott s trial was depu-\\nty chaplain to the brigade of guards in the\\nBritish serv ce upon being sworn he\\nsaid\\nHe had not known Lippencott before\\nthe rebellion, but has been acquainted\\nwith him upwards of three years since\\nLippencott has been within his Majesty s\\nlines. That lie has been particularly ac-\\nquainted with him. and has every reason\\nto think liis character stood as fair as that\\nof any refugee within his Majesty s lines.\\nAfter the Revolution, Lippencott went\\nto England to claim compensation for his\\nlost-es and services. He obtained the half\\npay of CcXptain for life, and the grant of\\n300 acres of land at York, (now Toronto)\\nin Canada, upon wuich he settled about\\n1794. His only child, Esther Borden\\nLippencott, married George Taylor Den\\nnison, and her son, George T. Dennison,\\nsome twenty odd years ago, was a member\\nof the Canadian parliament. Sabine, in\\nthe first edition of his history of the loyal-\\nists, having made some remarks not very\\ncomplimentary to Captain Lippencott, his\\ngrandson, George T. Dennison, addressed\\nliim a letter in which he endeavored to\\ndefend the acts itid character of his grand-\\nfather. He says\\nLippencott was naturally a person of\\nthe most harmlesn and quiet disposition.\\nPhilip White was half brother to his wife,\\nand Lippencott was exasperated by the\\nbutchery of an innocent relative (Stephen\\nEdwards who, found on a visit to his\\nmother s house, was treated by Huddy as\\na spy. The old man (Lippencott) was re-\\nspected by all who knew him in the coun-\\ntry, rich and poor, and was so well known\\nto all old loyalists who settled there, that\\npersons came uninvited thirty or forty\\nmiles to pay tribute to his memory hun-\\ndreds still living will repudiate the unfa-\\nvorable character as a man and a siildier\\ngiven him by tlie American historian.\\nHe was true to his Sovereign both in prop-\\nerty and peril, and nobly maintained the\\nLippencott family motto, Si cundus du-\\nhusque rectus.^ Indeed the trutij is, as I\\nhave always heard it declared by himself\\nand others, ihat he had the autkonty from\\nSir Henry Clinton himsell to hang HudcJy\\nin retaliation for White.\\nAs to what Mr. Dennison says in regard\\nto the character of Lippencot aft^^r the\\nwar, it may be all quite true but it has\\nbut little to do withtiie hanging ot Huddy\\nduring the wai. Mr. Dennison is in error\\nin saying th^i-t Sir Henry Clinton authoriz-\\ned the execution. On the contrary he\\nwas so indignant at the act that he at .nce\\nordered LiiJ|H-ncott to be Court Mai tialed,\\nand Sparks, the historian, says tiiat while\\nin London, he; saw original letters from\\nSir Henry Clinton and his succ ssor, Sir\\nGuy Carleton, expressing in the strongest\\nterms their indignation at Buddy s mur-\\nder. The fact probably is, that Mr. Den-\\nnison errs only in the ni.me of the person\\nit is probable that his grandfather \u00e2\u0080\u00a2stated\\nthat he had the autiiority of his superior\\nofficer to hang Huddy, and from this Mr.\\nD. inferred that this suijerior officer was\\nSir Henry Clinton. Who this superior offi-\\ncer really was will be seen by extracts we\\nshall hereafter give from official iiiitish\\nrecords, which show quite :on(;lusivel}\\nhow far Lippencott was responsible foithe\\nmurder of Huddy. It will be seen that\\nLippencott was not the only guilty party\\nas to whom the most guilt should be at-\\ntached may be judgi.d from the evidence\\nproduced on his trial.\\nThe New Jersey Royal Vounteeks.\\nThe following are the names of some of\\nthe offitiers \u00c2\u00abf this noted organization,\\ncomposed mainly of Jerseymen, who aid-\\ned the British during the Revolution.\\nThe commandini: officer was Cortland\\nSkinner, and his brigade was often called\\nSkinner s Greens. The officers and\\nmen were from different counties, chiefly\\nin East Jersey. Most of the Old Mon.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN (3LD MONMOUTH.\\n51\\nmouth Loyalists joined.the Fiist battalion\\nof this brigade.\\nCortland Skinnkr, Brigadiek General.\\nFirst Battalion.\\nElisha Lawrence, Colonel.\\nB. G. Skinner, 1781.\\nStephen Delancej Lieut. Colonel.\\nThomas Millidge, Major.\\nWilliam Hutchinson, Captain.\\nJoseph Crowell,\\nJatnes Moody, Lieutenant.\\nJohn Woodward,\\nJames Brittain\\nOzias Ausley, Ensign.\\nJoseph Brittain,\\nSecond Battalion.\\nJohn Moi ris, Colonel, Second battalion.\\nIsaac Allen, Lieut. Colonel\\nCharles Harrison, Captain,\\nThomas Hunlock,\\nJohn Combs, Lieutenant\\nThird Battalion.\\nAbraham Van Buskirk, Lieutenant\\nColonel, Third battalion.\\nRobert Timpanv, Major,\\nPhilipCortiand(N.Y.\\nJacob Van Buskirk, Capt.\\n.lames Servanier, Lieut.\\nrhilipCortland, Jr., Ensign\\nJohn Van Orden,\\nThe Ibllowing named were also officers\\nin this organization\\nElisha Skinner, Lieutenant Colonel,\\nJohn Barnes. Major, R. V. Stockton, Ma-\\njor, Thomas Lawrence, Major, John Lee,\\nCaptain, Peter Campbell, ditto, John Bar-\\nbara, ditto, Richard Cayfoid, ditto, Wil-\\nliam Chandler, ilitto, Daniel Cozens, ditto,\\nKeating, ditto. Lieutenants, Troup\\nand Fitz Randolph. Absalom Bainbridge,\\nSurgeon. Peter Myer, Ensign.\\nLieutenant James Moouy.\\nIn the above list of Loyalist officers will\\n1)6 noticed the name of .Times Moody,\\nLieutenant in the First Battalion, in which\\nwere so many former residents of Mon-\\nmouth. At the close of the war, Moody\\nwent to England, and shortly after his ar-\\nrival there published a pam[)hlet entitled,\\nLieutenant James Moody s Narrative of\\nhis Exertions and Sufferings in the cause\\nof the Government since the year 1770;\\nauthenticate l bv proper certificates. Lon-\\ndon, 1783.\\nAs this publication is rare, we propose\\nhereafter to extract the substance which\\nwill be found to contain many things of\\nvalue to the historian, and of much inter-\\nest to the general reader. As a matter of\\ncourse he strives to depreciate the Ameri-\\ncans and their cause, and to exalt Tories\\nand Toryism to the best of his ability, and\\non this particular account his narrative\\ndeserves a place in our local history, for\\nto obtain a comprehensive view of life and\\ntimes in the Revolution it is necessary to\\nlook at the causes and effects from a Tory\\nstand-point. As during the war all who\\njoined the Americans were not Avholly\\ngood, so all who joined the British were\\nnot wholly bad, and to one who is curious\\nto know what reasons werts offered for\\ntheir course by the more honorable Tories\\nand what versions they gave to scenes in\\nwhich they were actors, Lieutenant\\nMoody s narrative will have peculiar val-\\nue. His career, it will be seen, furnishes\\nexciting incidents sufficient to form the\\ngrou .id work for half a dozen modern sen-\\nsational novels. He made many raids in-\\nto New Jersey, and on one expedition in-\\nto Monmouth it was alleged that he caused\\nthe death of two Monmouth militiaofficers\\nunder circumstances so contrary to the\\nusual rule of warfare, that when, afterward,\\nhe was captured, he was sentenced to be\\nexecuted, but escaped almost miraculous-\\nly-\\nTHE FIRST SETTLERS IN OLD MON-\\niMOUTH.\\nThe Stout Famii,t.\\nIndians on the War Path Firm Stand of\\nthe Settlers A League of Peace Never\\nBroken.\\nAmong the first whites who permanent-\\nly settled in old Monmouth, was Richard\\nStout, who, with his own family and five\\nother families, it is said, located in Mid-\\ndletown in 1648. The history of the Stout\\nfamily, though familiar to those versed in\\nthe ancient history of our state, yet is so\\nremarkable on account of the wonderful\\npreservation of the life of Mrs. Stout, and\\nof so much general interest because their\\ndescendants in our county and elsewhere\\nare so numerous, and also because this\\nfamily were among the first Baptists in\\nNew .Jersey, that it will bear rejjeating,\\nespecially as it may prove new to many of\\nour readers. Tlie version of the remarka-\\nble history of Penelope Stout, as given in\\nBenedict s History of the Baptists, is the\\none most familiar to our older citizens", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "52\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nbut believing that many of our readei s\\nmay wish for preservation both this ver\\nsion and the one given in 1765, by Smith\\nin his history of New Jersey, we append\\nthem with additional items from other\\nsources.\\nThe ship in which Penelope came to\\nthis country was wrecked on the coast of\\nMonmouth, some two hundred and fifty\\nyears ago. The story of her remarkable\\npreservation was handed down by tradition,\\nin various parts of the state, for a century\\nand a half with little variation except that\\nsome traditionary versions, at one time,\\nlocated the place of the shipwreck on the\\nDelaware.\\nThe following version is the one pub-\\nlished by Smith in 1765\\nWhile New York was in the possession\\nof the Dutch, about the time of the Indian\\nwar in New England, a Dutch shi] com-\\ning from Amsterdam, was stranded on\\nSandy Hook, but the passengers got ashore\\namong them was a young Dutchman\\nwho hacl been sick most of the voyage\\nhe was so bad after landing that he could\\nnot travel, and the other passengers, being\\nafraid of the Indians, would not stay until\\nhe recovered his wife, however, would\\nnot leave him, and the rest promised to\\nsend for them as soon as they arrived at\\nNew Amsterdam (New Yotk.) They had\\nnot been gone long before a company of\\nIndians, coming to the water side, discov-\\nered them on the beach, and hastening to\\nthe spot, soon killed the man and cut and\\nmangled the woman in such a manner\\nthat they left her for dead. She had\\nstrength enough to crawl to some logs not\\nfar distant, and getting into a hollow one\\nlived within it for several days, subsisting\\nin part by eating the excrescences that\\ngrew from it. The Indians had left some\\nfire on the shore, which she kept together\\nfor the warmth. Having remained in that\\nmanner for some time, an old Indian and\\na young one coming down to the beach\\nfound her they were soon in high words,\\nwhich she afterwards understood was a\\ndispute the old Indian was for keeping\\nher alive, the other for dispatcliing her.\\nAfter they had debated the point awhile,\\nthe oldest Indian hastily took her up and\\ntossing her upon his shoulder, carried her\\nto a place near where Middletown now\\nstands, where he dressed her wounds and\\nsoon cured her. After some time the Dutch\\nat New Amsterdam, hearing of a white\\nwoman among the Indians, concluded who\\nit must bQ, and some of them came to Iier\\nrelief the old man, her preserver, gave\\nh r the ctioice to go or stay she chose to\\ngo. A while after, marrying one Stout,\\nthey lived together at Middletown among\\nother Dutch inhabittints. The old Indian\\nwlio saved her life used frequently to visit\\nher at one of his visits she observed him\\nto be more pensive than common, and sit-\\nting down, he gave three heavy sighs\\nalter the last, she thought herself at liber-\\nty to ask him what was the matter, lie\\ntold her ho had something to tell her in\\nfriendship, though at tlie risk of his own\\nlife, which was that the Indians were that\\nnight to kill all the whites, and he advised\\nher to go to New Amsterdam she asked\\nhim how she could get off? He told her\\nhe had provided a canoe at a place which\\nhe named. Being gone from her she sent\\nfor her husband out of the field, and dis-\\ncovered the mattei to him, who, not be-\\nlieving it, she told him the old man tiever\\ndeceived her, and that siie with her children\\nwould go accordingly at the place ap-\\npointed thev found the canoeand paddled\\noff. When they were gone, the husband\\nbegan to consider the matter, and sending\\nfor five or six of his neighbors, they set\\nvtpon their guard. About midnight they\\nheard the dismal warwhoop; presently\\ncame up a company of Indians they first\\nexpostulated and then told the Indians if\\nthey persisted in their bloody designs, they\\nwould sell their lives very dear. Their\\narguments prevailed, the Indians desisted,\\nand entered into a league of i^eace, which\\nwas kept without violati n. From this\\nwomar, thus remarkably saved, is descend-\\ned a numerous posterity of the name of\\nStout, now inhabitants of New Jersey. At\\nthat time there were supposed to be about\\nfifty families of white people, antl five\\nhundred Indians inhabiting ttiose parts.\\nThe account of Penelope Stout, as given\\nin Benedict s History, is as follows\\nShe was born in Amsterdam, in Hol-\\nland, about the year 1602 her father s\\nname was Vanprincis. She and her first\\nhusband (whose name is not known) sail-\\ned for New York (then New Amsterdam)\\nabout the year 1620; the vessel was strand-\\ned at Sandy Hook the crew got ashore\\nand marched towards New York but\\nPenelope s (for that was her name) hus-\\nband being hurt in the wreck, could not\\nmarch with them therefore, he and his\\nwife tarried in the woods they had not\\nbeen long in the place before the Indians\\nkilled them both (as they thought) and\\nstripped them to the skin however, Pen-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MOXMOUTIL\\n53\\nelope came to, though hei skull was frac-\\ntured an d her left shoulder so hacked that\\nshe could never use that arm like the oth-\\ner she was also cut across the abdomen\\nso that her bowels appeared these she\\nkept in with her hand she continued in\\nthis situation for seven days, ta ing shel-\\nter in a hollow tree, and eating the ex-\\ncrescence of it the seventh day she saw\\na deer passing by with arrows sticking in\\nit, and soon after two Indians appeared,\\nwhom she was glad lo see, in hope they\\nwould put her out of her misery accord\\ningly, one made for lier to knock her on\\nthe head but the other, who was an el-\\nderly man, prevented him and, throwing\\nhis match coat about her, carried iier to\\nhis wigAVam and cured her of her wounds\\nand bruises after that he took her to\\nNew York and made a present of her to\\nher rountrymen, viz an Indian [)resent,\\nexpecting ten times the value in return.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nIt vv^s in New York that one Richard\\nStout mariied her lie was a native of\\nEngland, and of good family: she was now\\nin her 22!id year, and he in his40 h. !She\\nbore him seven sons and thrf o daughters,\\nviz Jr nathan, John, Richard, James,\\nPeter, David, Benjamin, Mary, Sarah and\\nAlice the daughters married into the\\nfamilies of the Bound?, Pikes, Throck-\\nmortons and Skeltons, and so lost the\\nname of Stout the sons inarrird into the\\nfamiliesofBullen, Crawford, Ashton.Truax,\\n!ic., and had many children. Themother\\nlived to the age of 110, and saw her oft-\\nspri-g multipli d into 502 in about 88\\nyears.\\nRichard Stout, who married Penelope,\\nw.^s the son of John Stout, of Nottingham-\\nshire, in Eogland. His father interfered\\nin a love affair with a young woman be-\\nneath his rank, so he got angry and went\\nto sea in a man of war, and served seven\\nyears. He was discharged at New York\\n(then New Amsterdam) and lived tliere\\nsome years, when he fell in with the Dutch\\nwidow, whoia he afterwards married.\\nINDIAN CLAIMS IN OLD MON-\\nMOUTH AND VICINITY.\\nConfeience of Whites and Indians Des-\\ncription of last lands claimed by Indians\\nNames of leading Indians Indians\\nsatisfactorily paid for all their land\\nOur ancesters as doers ofjustice.\\nThe last lands in Old Monmouth claimed\\nby the Indians were described in certain\\np ipers, powers of attorney, (fee, presented\\nto a conference between the whites and\\nIndians held at Crosswicks, N, J., in Feb\\nruary, 1758. For several years previou.s\\nthe Indians had expressed much dissatis-\\nfaction because they hud not received pay\\nfor several tracts of land, some of them of\\nconsiderable ext ^nt in this and other\\ncounties. When the ill feeling of the In-\\ndians became apparent, the Legislature\\nappointed commissioners to examine-into\\nthe causes of dissatisfaction. Several con-\\nferences were held at Crosswicl s. Burling-\\nton, Easton, Pa., c. At the second con-\\nference at Crosswicks the commissioners\\non the part of the state were Andrew\\nJohnson and Richard Salter, of the Coun-\\ncil, and Charles Read, John Stevens, Wil-\\niam Foster and Jacob Spicer.\\nThe Indians were Teedyescunk, king of\\nthe Delavvares George Hopaycock, of the\\nSusquehannas Andrew Wciolley, George\\nWheelwright. Peepy, Joseph Cuish, Wil-\\nliam Lonlax, Gabriel Mitop, Zeb Conchee,\\nBill Nevvs, John Pembolus, of the Cross-\\nwick Indians Moses Totsimy and Philip\\nof the Movmtain Indians; Tom Evans, of\\nthe Rarilans Robert Kekott, Jabob\\nMullis, Samuel Gosling of the Rancocus\\nIndians Thomas Store, Stephen Calviri,\\nJohn Pompsliire, Benjamin Gh .us, Joseph\\nWoolley, Josiah Store, Isaac Still, James\\nCalvin, Peter Calvin, Derrick Quaquay,\\nEbenezer Woolley, Sarah Store, widow of\\nQuaquahela of the Cranbury Indians\\nAbraham Lacques, Isaac Swanelea, South-\\nern Indians.\\nJohn Porapshire acted as interpreter.\\nThe Indians informed the Commissioners\\nthat the lands they claimed could not by\\nthem be described by lines very intelligi-\\nble to persons not on the spot, as they\\nwent to hollows and small brooks which\\nhad no certain names, but that they had\\ndescribed them as well as they could, and\\nthey delivered lists of the tracts they es-\\nteemed unpurshased.as follows:\\nNo. 1. A power of at .orney from Ca-\\npoose and Telamen, to Moses Totamy, dated\\nI January 30lh, 1743-4, for lands on the\\nsouth and fouihvvest side of the south\\nbranch of the Raritan river, joining there-\\nto, as explained by said power.\\nNo. 2. A paper declarinti ilie lands\\nfrom the half wav, from the mouth of\\nMotetecunk to Toms River, from the heads\\nof the rivers, belong to Captain John,\\nTotamy Willockins; and from John\\nEastels (Estells?) to Hookanetcunk on\\nCrosswicks then on a straight course to\\nMount Holly and so up Rancocus creek", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "54\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nand along the said creek to Jarvis Pharo s\\nmill and so lo the sea. Pompshire and Ste-\\nphen Calvin say they are concerned in the\\ntract.\\nNo. 3. A power of attorney to Twtamy\\nand Captain John, dated February 21st,\\n1747, from Tawlayenum, Tohokenum,\\n(jrooteleck, to sell lauds in Egg Harbor be-\\ntween Mount Holly and Crosswieks.\\nfhey have a tract of land beginning at\\nthe Old Ford by John Fowler s; then in\\na line to Doctor s Creek, above but in sight\\nof Allentown then up the creek to the\\nlower end of Irnlaystown then in a line\\nto Cros.ewicks creek by Duke Horseman s;\\nthen along said creek to the place of\\nbeginning. Teedyscung an l Totamy are\\nconcerned in the above lands.\\nThen they said that from the mouth of\\nSquan to No. 2, belongs to Sarah Store,\\nto whom it was given by her husband, to\\nthe heads of the branches, and so across\\nfrom one branch to the other.\\nTom Store and Andrew WooUey, claim\\na tract beetween Cranbury and Devil s\\nBrook, possessed by Josiah Davidson ssons\\nthat has two new houses built thereon, in\\nwhich is included the whole tract of the\\nlate President Hamilton probably John\\nHamilton, governor from 1736 ^o 1738) and\\nalso Mr. Alexander s surveys where Thomas\\nSowden lives he has sold part of this\\naract to Holiinshead where McGee lives;\\nalso has sold some to Josiah Davidson, to\\nDoore Marlet, John Wetherill and Jarans\\nWilson. He claims lands from Cranbury\\nbrook to trie cross roads lying on the\\nright hand of the road, and is claimed by\\nWilliam Pidgeon James Wall and John\\nStory live upon one corner of it. They\\nalso claim from the mouth of Squan to\\nthe mouth of Shrewsbury, by the streams\\nof each to their heads and across from one\\nhead to another. Also Vannole s place on\\nthe west si le of Squan river. Also a piece\\nat Topauemus bridge; in this piece Ben\\nClaus is concerned.\\nTom Store and Andrew WooUey, also\\nclaim a piece on the north aide of South\\nRiver Polly Ritchies place.\\nAlso a piece between Allentown and\\nMillstone brook, where Hockan Gapee\\nused to live, joining on the east side of the\\npost road to Aniboy, part of Dunstan s\\ntract.\\nAlso Vance s place, adjoining Millstone\\nbrook, on Amboy road, part of Fullerton s\\ntract.\\nAlso a swamp near Gawen Watson s\\nplace, belonging to llie Johnston -families\\nand the Furmans.\\nJacob MuUis claims pine lands oa Edge\\nPillock Branch and Goshen Neck\\nBranch, where Benjamin .Springer and\\nGeorge Marpole s mills stands and all\\nthe lands between the head branches of\\nthose creeks to whv-ne the waters join or\\nmeet.\\nThe Indiai.;s in gtmeral, claim their\\nsettlements near Cianbury on Menolapan\\nriver, near Falkner s tract, whereon many\\nIndians now live. Also a few acres below\\nthe plantation of Robert Pearson s, on the\\nNorth side of Crosswieks creek.\\nHiiving delivered these claims to the\\nCommissioners, the Indians present ex-\\necuted a power of attorney to Tom Store,\\nMoses Totamy, Stephen Calviw, Isaac Still\\nand John Pompshire, or the major part of\\ntliem, to transact all future business with\\nthe state government respecting lands.\\nIn 1757 the government had appro-\\npriated \u00c2\u00a31,600 to purchase a release of\\nInciian claims; one lialf to be laid out in\\npurchasing a settlement for the Indians\\non the south side of he Raritan, whereon\\nthey might reside the other lialf to pur-\\nchase latent claims of back Indian^ not\\nresident in the province. At the confer-\\nence at Eastoii, in Oclober, 1758, it was\\ndecided to purchase a tract of land in\\nEvesham township, Burlington, containing\\nover 3,000 acres, for the Indians to locate\\nupon. There was there a saw mill and\\ncedar swamp and satisfactory hunting\\nground. The Indians soon removed to\\nthis reservation, named Brotherton in\\nremoving their buildings tliey were assist-\\ned by government. A house of worship\\nand several dwellings were soon put up.\\nIn 1765, it is said, there were about sixty\\npersons settled there.\\nThe remn;int of these Indians sold out\\nthe tract and left the slate in 1802, as\\nelsewhere described. We believe they\\nleft behind a lot of half breeds, who al io\\nleft the state some thirty years later.\\nHOW THE BRITISH REWARDED\\nTHE TORIES.\\nDazzling Promises and liovv they were ful\\nfilled Loyalists die broken hearted.\\nThe following is from the Albany States-\\nman, Sept. 1820:\\nBy the following extract from the pro-\\nceedings of the British House ofCommons\\nJune 19th, 1820, it will be seen that the", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nbh\\nTories of the Revolution were but poorly\\nrewarded for their loyalty to England and\\ntheir base desertion of their own country.\\nIt seems the most fortunate of them re-\\nceived but seven shillings in the pound, of\\nwhat had been promised them, as a re-\\nmuneration for their losses and treason-\\nable services. The conduct of the British\\ngovernment towards these miserable be\\nings v ho were dazzled with promises and\\nanticipations of princely wealth and\\nprincely honors, furnishes a monitory les-\\nson of the wretched fate of the traitor.\\nMany of them, it is said, died oj broken hearts\\nconscious of their own degradation, ne-\\nglected and despised by those they had\\nserved, and treated with scorn and re-\\nproach by their own countrymen. How\\ndifferent was their lot from that of the\\nrevolutionary patriot and soldier, who was\\ntrue to his country and whose motto was\\nLiberty or Death.\\nAmerican Loyalists.\\nA. vote of \u00c2\u00a39, 000 was proposed for Amer-\\nican Loyylists.\\nMr. Hume asked the Chancellor of the\\nExchequer whether government meant to\\ntake into consideration the claims of those\\nloyalists who had been resident in Ameri-\\nca at the breaking out of the war, and\\nwho had been assured by their govern-\\nment that any losses they might sustain,\\nwould be made good by this country\\nWhereas in violation of the public faith\\nthey never had been remunerated.\\nThe Chancellor of the Exchequer ad-\\nmitted that the people alluded to were a\\nmost ineriiorioMS and unfortunate class of men,\\nbut on the other liand, if the claims of in-\\ndividuals loere to he listened to by his majes-\\nty s ministers, a dangerous precedent\\nwould be established and a door opened\\nfor their endlesss repetition.\\nMr. Courtney observed that this claim\\nstood on tlie plighted faith of the country.\\nHis conviction was, their case was quite\\ndiflferent from that of all other claimants,\\nand was, at least, entitled to tlie serious\\nconsideration of i)arliament [Hear.)\\nMr. Williams added his testimony to\\nthat of the last speaker. It was consider-\\nably moie than thirty years since the\\nclaims accrued. Three fourths of the\\nclaimants were dead, and many of them\\nof broken hearts.\\nMr. Lockhart said that the American\\nloyalists had never received any compen-\\ni^ation for their losses. It was the mer-\\nchants trading to America who consented\\nto accept of \u00c2\u00a3500,000 to b\u00c2\u00a9 distributed\\namongst them by commissioners and\\nwhen the resident loyalists ajjplied to the\\ncourts in America, they were met with\\nthe plea of being attainted persons and\\ntraitors to their counting.\\nThe Chancellor of the Exchequer said\\nthe individuals in question had received\\ntheir fair proportion of the \u00c2\u00a3500,000 from\\nthe commissioners.\\nMr. J. Smith said that they had receiv-\\ned but seven or eight shillings in the pound of\\ntheir reduced debt or claim.\\nThe resolution was postponed to the\\nfollowing week.\\nEPISCOPALIANISM IN OLD MON-\\nMOUTH.\\nPioneers of the Society. Rev. Messrs.\\nKeith, Talbot and Inness First Converts\\nto the Protestant Episcopal Church\\nOne Hundred and Seven*y Years Ago.\\nThe most noted among the first clergy-\\nmen of the Protestant Episcopal Church,\\nwho held services in the county, was the\\ncelebrated Rev. George Keith, an outline\\nof whose life has been given in an other chap-\\nter. When he first located at Freehold\\nhe was an active member of the Society of\\nFriends, as it would seem were others of\\nthe first settlers. He left Freehold in\\n1689 and went to reside in Philadelphia.\\nIn 1694 he went to London and soon after\\nabjured the doctrines of the Quakers, and\\nbecame a zealous clergyman of the Church\\nof England. He officiated some time in\\nhis mother country, and in 1702 he was\\nsent to America as a missionary o? the\\nSociety tor the Propagation of the Gos-\\npel in Foreign Parts. He sailed from\\nEngland April 28, 1702, in the ship Cen-\\nturian bound for Boston. After his arri-\\nval he travelled and preached in various\\nparts of New England and New York, ac-\\ncompanied and assisted by the Rev. John\\nTalbot, who had been cliaplain of the ship,\\nand who, a few years later, located at Bur-\\nlington, JN. in charge of the Protestant\\nEpiscopal Society there. Mr. Keith ar-\\nrived at Amboy, and preached his first ser-\\nmon in NeAv Jersey in that place, October\\n3d, 1702. He saysthatamongthetiudience\\nwere some old acquaintances, and some\\nhad been Quakers but were come over to\\nthe church, particularly Miles Forster and\\nJohn Barclay (brother to Robert Barclay,\\nwho published the Ajjology for Quakers.\\nAfter stopping a few days with Miles For-\\nster, he left for Monmouth county, where", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "56\\nOLD TIMES I^[ OLD MONMOUTH.\\nhe i^reached his first sermon, October 10,\\n1702. Of his tr.avels and services in Mon-\\nmouth we give his own account from his rare\\nand curious Httle work entitled A Jour-\\nnal of Travel from New Hampshire to Car-\\natuck, on the Continent of America, by\\nGeorge Keith, A. M., late Missionary from\\nthe Society for the Propagation of the Gos-\\npel in Foreign Parts, and now Rector of\\nEdburton, in Sussex. London printed by\\nJoseph Downing, for Brab. Aylmer at the\\nThree Pigeons over against the Royal Ex-\\nchange, Cornhill, 1706.\\nIt will be noticed that he speaks of the\\nQuakers at Freehold holding meetings\\nseparate from other Quakers. The cause\\nof this separation is explained in the chap-\\nter giving an outline of his life.\\n01 his visit to Monmouth he says\\nOctober 10, 1702.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 We went to the\\nmeeting of the Quakers at loponcmes in\\nFreehold in East Jersey, who used to keep\\na separate meeting from the other Quakers\\nfor their gross errors and joined witli me\\nand my friends in the separation about\\n1692 and it happened to be their yearly\\nmeeting where divers came from West\\nJei sey and Pennsylvania. One of their\\npreachers prayed and preached before I\\nbegan. After he had done, I used some\\nChurch Collects 1 bad by heart, in Prayer;\\nand after that I preached on Heb. 5 9.^\\nThere was a considerable auditory of di-\\nvers sort*, some of the Cliurch, and some\\nPresbyterians, besides Quakers. They\\nheard me without interruption and the\\nmeeting ended peaceably. Their two\\nspeakers lodged in the same house with\\nme that evening at the house of Thomas\\nBoels, formerly a Quaker but now of the\\nchurch. I had some free discourse with\\nthem about several weighty things. 1 told\\nthem so far as they used their gifts to in-\\nstruct the ignorant and reclaim the vile\\nerrors of Quakerism, they were to be com-\\nmended but that they had taken upon\\nthem to administer baptism and the Lord s\\nSupper to any, they were greatly to be\\nblamed, having no due ciill or ordination\\nso to do.\\nWe met again next day and after that\\nI pi ayed, using the same Collects as the\\nday before and preached on 1st Thes. 5 9\\nwithout any interruption, and the meeting\\npeaceably ended. 1 could blame nothing\\nin the matter of the second speaker, nor\\nin the former, except where he said m his\\ndiscourse That they who were in Chrisi,need\\nnot fear IJcliy I endeavored to clear the\\nmatter in my discourse by distinguishing\\nbetween an absolute fear of hell, such as\\nwicked men ought to have and a condi-\\ntional fear which good men, even such\\nwho are in Cin ist, ought to have and\\nabout this he and I had some private dis-\\ncourse also betwixt u. but he wasdissatis\\nfied and would not own that any who werein\\nChrist, ought to have any les? of hell, so much\\nas conditional.\\nSunday, October 17th, 1702. I preached\\nat Middletown in East Jersej where be-\\nfa)re sermon Mr. Talbot read the Church\\nPrayers, and I preached on Matt. 28: 19,20.\\nOne main part of my sermon being to\\nprove Infant baptism to be included in the\\nApostle s commission as well as that of\\nadult persons, their being several of the\\naudience who were Anfibapiists, who heard\\nme civilly vvithout interruption but most\\nof the iuditory were Church people orwoli\\naffected to the Church.\\nOctober 24th, 1702. I preached atShrews-\\nbury at a houKC near the Quaker Meeting\\nHouse, and it happened it was the time of\\nthe Quaker Yearly Meeting at Shrewsbury.\\nMy text was 2d Peter, 2:1,2. Th\u00c2\u00abChurcIi\\nPrayers being read before sermon, we liad\\na great congregation, generally well affect-\\ned to the Church, and divers of them were\\nof the Church, and that day I sent some\\nlines in writing to the QuaReis at their\\nYearly Meeting which Mr. Talbot did\\nread to them in their meeting, wherein I\\ndesired them to give me a meeting with\\nthem some day of that week before their\\nmeethig was concluded; in which meeting\\n1 offered to detect great eri ors in their\\nAuthor s books, and they should have full\\nliberty to answer what they had to say in\\ntheir vindication. But they altogether le-\\nfused my proposition, and several papers\\nl)assed betwixt us. In some of their pa-\\npers they used gross reflections on the\\nChurch of England as much as on me.\\nWe continued our meeting three days, as\\nthe Quakers did theirs. And the second\\nday of our meeting at the same house,\\nwhere we had formerly met, I detected\\nQuaker errors out of their printed books,\\nparticularly out of the Folio Book of Ed-\\nivard Burrou(jh s Works^ collected and pub\\nlished by the Quakers after his death, and\\ndid read (juotations to tiie Auditory, lay-\\ning the pages optn before such as wore\\nwilling to read them for their better satis-\\nfaction, as some did read them.\\n(Mr. Keith here quotes what he consid-\\ners some of their errors.)\\nOctober 26th. I preached again at\\nShrewsbury, on Matt. 7 13. In these", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.\\n57\\nmeetings in Shrewsbury, Middletown and\\nTopsnemes, or where else in the Nethesiuks\\n(Nevisinks) Mr. Louis Morris and divers\\nothers of the besl note in that county, fre-\\nquented the congregations and places\\nwhere we preaclied and did kindly enter-\\ntain us at their houses where we lodged as\\nwe travelled too and again, particularly at\\nMr. Morris, Mr. Inness, Mr, Johnson, Mr.\\nBoels and Mr. Read. Mr. Inness being in\\nPriest s orders often preached among them\\nand by preaching and conferences frequent-\\nly with the (Quakers and other sorts of peo-\\nple, as also by his pious conveisation, has\\ndone much good among them and been\\nvery instrumental to draw them off from\\ntheir errors and bring them over to the\\nChurch.\\nMr. Keith left Monmouth about the last\\nof October, 1702, for Burlington and else-\\nwhere. He returned in December, and\\nsays\\nDecember 20th, 1702. I preached at\\nDr. Johnstons at Nethersinks, on Rev.\\n22:14.\\nDec. 25th, Friday, being Christmas. I\\npreached at the house of Mr. Morris, on\\nLuke 21.10, 11. iVud after sermon divers\\nof the auditoiy received with us the Holy\\nsacrament both Mr. Morris and his wife,\\nand divers others. Mr. Talbot did admin-\\nister it.\\nDecember 27th, Sunday. I preached at\\nShrewsbury Town, near the Quaker Meet-\\ning House, at a Planter s house, and had\\na considerable auditory of Church people,\\nlately converted from Quakerism, with\\ndivers others of the Church of best note in\\nthat part of the country. My text was\\nHeb. 8.10, 11.\\nJanuary 1st, 1703, Friday. I preached\\nat the house of Thomas Boels, in Freehold,\\nin East Jersey. My text was Isaiah 59.20,\\n21. Before sermon, after the Church\\nPrayers, I baptized all his children, two\\nsons and three daugliiers. He was for-\\nmerly a Quaker, but is now come over to\\nthe Church also a son of Samuel Dennis,\\na late convert from Quakerism.\\nJan. 3d, 1703. I preached again at his\\nhouse on the sanie text, and before sermon\\nMr. Talbot baptized two persons belonging\\nto the family of John Read, formerly a\\nQuaker, but was lately come over to the\\nCnurcli, with all his children, one son and\\ntwo daughters. His two daughters were\\nbaptized by Mr. Talbot, October 20th,\\n1702 as also the same day was baptized\\nWilliam Leads (Leeds?), and his sister\\nMary Leads, late converts from Quakerism\\nto the Church. And some days before at\\nthe house of John Read, Mr. Talbot .bap-\\ntized the wife of Alexander Neaper and\\nhis three children. Both he and his wife\\nhad been Quakers, but were come over to\\nthe Church.\\nJanuary 4th, 1703. I came to the house\\nof Robert Ray, in Freehold, in East Jer-\\nsey, accompanied with Thomas Boels, and\\nlodged at his house that night. At his\\nand his wife s desire, I baptized all his\\nchildren, some boys and some girls, in\\nnumber five. His wife is come over to the\\nChurch, but he was not then come thor-\\noughly out of Quakerism.\\nMr. Keith after this proceeded to Bur-\\nlington, Philadelphia, and so on to Mary-\\nland, Virginia, and elsewhere in October,\\n1703, he returned to Monmouth, and of\\nhis services here he adds in his journal\\nthe following\\nOctober 10th, 1703, Sunday. I preach-\\ned at Toponemes, in Freehold, in East Jer-\\nsey, on Acts 24:12, and had considerable\\nauditory, divers of them late converts from\\nQuakerism to the Church. Mr. Inness\\nabove mentioned, did read the Prayers.\\nMr. Talbot stayed to preach in several\\nplaces in Pennsylvania and West Jersey\\ntor some time.\\nOctober 17th. I preached at Shrews-\\nbury, near the Quaker Meeting House\\nthere, on Psalms 103 17, 18.\\nOctober 24th. I preached again there,\\non Heb. 8 10, 11, and Mr. Inness baptized\\ntwo men and a child.\\nOn the 31st of October, Mr. Keith\\npreached at Amboy, after which he pro-\\nceeded to New York and New England.\\nOn tiis return he says\\nJanuary 9th, 1704. I preached at the\\nhouse of Dr. Johnston, in Neverthesinks,\\non Psalms 119 5, 113, and had consider-\\nable auditory.\\nJanuary 16th. I preached at Mr. Mor-\\nris s house at the Falls of Shrewsbury, in\\nEast Jersey, on 2 Cor. 5 17.\\nJanuary 23d. I preached again at Mr.\\nMorris s house, on 2 Peter 1 5.\\nJanuary 30th. I preached at the house\\nof Mr. Thomas Boels, in Freehold, in East\\nJersey, n 1 Cor.^15 58.\\nFebruary 6th. I preached at the house\\nof Mr. John Read, in Freehold, East Jer-\\nsey, on Psalms 119 96.\\nAfter this Mr. Keith went to Burlington,\\nPhiladelphia, and shortly sailed for Eng-\\nland.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "58\\nOLD TLMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nLIEUT, JAMES MOODY, THE KEFU-\\nGEE PARTISAN.\\nA Daring Renegade Raid in Monmouth\\nRefugee Versions and Boasts Death\\nof Captain Chadwick and Lieutenant\\nHendrickson.\\nIn the days of the Revohition, about the\\nmost shrewd and effective partisan leader\\nin New Jersey, was James Moody. During\\nthe war we do not believe there was a sin-\\ngle other Tory who was more noted\\nthrougout the State for his daring opera-\\nations, than was he, and yet it is rare to\\nfind his name in any general or local his-\\ntory of New Jersey.\\nIn Howe s Historical Collections of New\\nJersey, mention is made of a certain refu-\\ngee, said to have been named Bonnell\\nMoody, as having been active against the\\nwhigs in Sussex county. We very much\\ndoubt if ever there was a prominent refu-\\ngee of that name in our State we have\\nno doubt but James Mooiy was the man\\nreferred to certain it is that some of the\\ndeeds attributed to Bonnell Moody were\\nperformed by James Moody. An interest-\\ning account of James Moody s career in\\nNew Jersey, was published shortly after\\nthe war in London though dictated by\\nhimself, and consequently more or less\\none sided, yet it contains many things of\\nvalue to the historian and of interest to\\nthe general reader. At some future time\\nwe shall endeavor to give place to the sub-\\nstance of his narrative with the high\\nBritish endorsements it obtained, but for\\nthe present we can only copy the substance\\nof so much of it as relates to one of his\\nraids in Monmouth. It will be seen that\\nwhere he strives to depreciate Americans\\nand laud the Tories to the best of his abil-\\nity, yet he mentions some things worth\\nrecording in our local history.\\nJune 10th, 1779, Lieutenant James\\nMoody requested a Tory friend named\\nHutchinson, with six men and some guides,\\nto join him in a raid into Monmouth.\\nMoody had besides sixteen men. J hey\\nstarted from Sandy Hook ior Shrewsbury,\\nand managed to elude the Rebel guard,\\nand gained a place called tJie Falls (Tinton\\nFalls.) There tliey surprised and took\\nprisoners one Colonel, one Lieutenant\\nColonel, one Major and two Captains, with\\nseveral other i)risoners of lesser note, and\\nwithout injury to private property, de-\\nstroying a considerable magiizine of pow-\\nder and arms. With these prisoners and\\nsuch public stores as they were able to\\nbring off, Mr. Hutchinson was charged,\\nwhilst Moody brought up the rear with\\nhis sixteen men to defend them. They\\nwere as they expected, soon pursued by\\ndouble their n ember and soon overtaken.\\nMoody kept up a smart fire on his assail-\\nants, checkin^!; and retarding them till\\nHutchinson with his booty had got ahead\\nto a considerable distance. He then also\\nadvanced for the next advantngeous posi-\\ntion, and thus proceeded from one good\\nspot to another, still covering the prison-\\ners till they gained a situation on the\\nshore at Black Point where the enemy\\ncould not flank him. But just at this time\\nthe enemy was reinforced by ten men, so\\nthey were near forty strong. Hutchinson\\nwith one man crossed the inlet, behind\\nwliich he had taken shelter, and came to\\nMoody s assistance and now a warm en-\\ngagement ensued which lasted three quar-\\nters of an hour. By this time all their\\nammunition, amounting to 80 rounds was\\nexhausted, and ten men, only three of\\nwhom were wounded, were in any capaci-\\nty to follow a charge.\\nThe bayonet wasMoody s only resource,\\nand this the enemy could not withstand\\nthey fled, leaving eleven of their number\\nkilled or wounded. Unfortunately for\\nMoody, his small but gallant party could\\nnot follow up the blow, being in a manner\\nutterly exhausted by a long harassed\\nmarch in hot weather. They found the\\nrebel Captain dead, and their Lieutenant\\nalso exi^iring on th\u00c2\u00a9 field. There was\\nsomething peculiarly shocking and awful\\nin the death of the rebel captain. He was\\nshot by Moody whilst with the most bitter\\noaths and threats of vengeance, after hav-\\ning missed fire once, he was again leveling\\nhis piece at him. Soon after the engage-\\nment, one of the rebels came forward with\\na handkerchief on a stick, and demanded\\na parley. His signal was returned and a\\ntruce agreed upon, the conditions of which\\nwere, that they should have leave to take\\ncare of their dead and wounded, while\\nMoody and his party were permitted to\\nreturn unmolested to the Biitish lines.\\nNone of Moody s men were mortally\\nwounded. The public stores which they\\nbrought qway, besides those destroyed,\\nsold far upwards of \u00c2\u00a3500, every shilling of\\nwhich was given by Moody to his men, as\\na rewartl for meritorious.\\nFrom a subsequent paragraph in Moody s\\nnarrative, it appears that the names of the", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n59\\nofficers killed were Captain Chadwick and\\nLieutenant Hendrickson.\\nMoody was afterwards captured by the\\nAmericans, and was to liave been hung\\nfor the murder of Captain Chadwick, but\\nhe managed almost miraculously to escape.\\nSome circumstances mentioned in dif-\\nferent accounts of this raid, lead to a sus-\\npicion that Moody placed Captain Chad-\\nwick and Lieutenant Hyndrickson in the\\nrear of their company to prevent the firing\\nor the Americans upon them, and that\\nChadwick and Hendrickson were shot in\\nattempting to escape or after escaping.\\nThe following is an American version of\\nthis raid from an ancient paper\\nA party of about fifty refugees landed\\nin Monmouth and marched to llnton\\nFalls undiscovered, where they surprised\\nand carried off Colonel Hendrickson, Col-\\nonel Wyckotf Captain ChadwicK and Cap-\\ntain McKnight, witli several privates of\\nthe militia, and drove off sheep and horned\\ncattle. AHout thirty of our militia hastily\\ncollected and made some resistance, but\\nwere repulsed with the loss of two men\\nkilled, and ten wountled, the loss of the\\nenemy unknown.\\nMoody s Capture and Escape.\\nThe following is Moody s own account\\nof his capture, imprisonment for the kill-\\ning of Captain Chadwick and Lieutenant\\nHendrickson, and escape. After referring\\nto a raid in which he had been engaged,\\nliis narrative states that while he was re\\ntracing his steps witli thirteen men to-\\nwards New York, on the 21st of July,\\n1780, Moody and llie greater part of his\\nmen fell into the hands of General Wayne,\\nmuch to tlie joy of his captors, and to the\\nwhigs of New Jersey. Moody is in tlie\\ntoils at last, was the word far and near.\\nHe was first sent to a place called the\\nSlote, thence to Stony Point, thence to\\nWest Point, thence to Esopus, and thence\\nbrick to West Point. Arnold who was\\nthen plotting to surrender the latter post,\\ntreated Moody with absolute barbarity,\\nfor by his order he was placed in a dun-\\ngeon excavated in a rock, the bottom of\\nwhich was ankle deep in water, mud and\\nfilth. In this dismal hole the wretched\\nprisoner was fettered hand and foot, and\\ncompelled to sleep on a door raised on\\nfour stones above the disgusting mixtuie\\nand proffered food at which he revolted\\nwhich was brought to him in a wooden\\nbowl that was never washed, and that whs\\nencrusted with dougli, dirt and grease.\\nI The irons upon his wrists were ragged on\\nthe inner side and caused sores which gave\\nhim great pain, while his legs became ir-\\nritated and swollen. He implored Arnold\\nfor relief, declaring that he preferred\\ndeath to sufferings so intense. Some days\\nafter his second petition to be treated as\\na prisoner of war, an officer came into his\\nprison and asked, are you Moody, whose\\nname is a terror to all good men Wlien\\nanswered, the officer pointed to a gallows\\nnear by, and said A swing upon that\\nyou have long merited. Moody replied\\nthai he hoped to live to see him and a\\nthousand other villains like him hanged\\nfor being rebels. The fetters were exam-\\nined but not removed. His case was at\\nlast reported to General Washington, who\\nordered the irons to be taken oft and the\\nserving of wholesome provisions, with\\nleave to purchase milk, vegetables, c.\\nSoon the prisoner was transferred to the\\nChief s own camp, where the Adjutant\\nI General examined his limbs and shocked\\nat their condition, gave instant orders for\\nhumane treatment. While Moody was re-\\ncovering he felt himself much ac ease, ex-\\npecting soon to be exchanged, when he\\nWMs unexpectedly told that in two day?, by\\norder of Dr. Livingston, he was to be\\nbrought to trial the court-martial was to\\nbe composed of picked men, and that\\nMoody was sure of conviction that he\\nwas charged with assassinating a Captain\\nChadwick, and a Lieut. Hendrickson.\\nThese were the two officers who had fall-\\nen fairly in battle, near Black Point, in\\nMonmouth county, as elsewhere related.\\nThe Ensign replied that lie felt himself\\nmuch at ease on that account, as it could\\nbe sufficiently cleared up by their own\\npeople who had been in and survived the\\naction, as well as by some of their officers,\\nwho were at that time prisoners. He was\\ntold that this would oe of little avail, as he\\nhad been so obnoxious to the whiys, and\\nbesides he had enlisted men in the State\\nfor the King s service, and this, by their\\nlaws, was death.\\nMoody says he affected an air of uncon-\\ncern at this information, but at the same\\ntime he believed it was too serious and\\nimportant to him to disregard. He re-\\nsolved therefore, from that moment, to\\nescape or perish in the attempt. His place\\nof confinement was near the centre of the\\nrtbelcamjj. A sentinel was placed with-\\nin the doors of his prison, and another\\nwithout, besides four others close around\\nand witliin a few yards of the place. Tiie", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "60\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTPI.\\ntime now came on when he must either\\nmake his attempt or forever lose the op-\\nportunity. On the night of September\\n17th, busy in ruminating on his project,\\nhe had under pretence of being cold, got\\na watch coat thrown across his shoulders,\\ntha+ he might better conceal from his un-\\npleasant companion the ojierations he\\nmeditated against his hand cuffs. While\\nhe was racking his invention to find some\\npossible means of extricating himself from\\nhis fetters, he happened to cast his eye on\\na post fastened to the ground, through\\nwhich a hole had been bored by an auger,\\nand it occurred to him that it might be\\npossible, with the aid of this hoi?, to break\\nthe bolt of his hand cuffs. Watching the\\nopportunity therefore from time to time\\nof the sentinel s looking another way, he\\nthrust the point of the bolt into the above\\nmentioned hole, and by cautiously exert-\\ning his strength and gradually bending\\nthe iron backwards and forwards he at\\nlength broke it. Let the reader imagine\\nwhat his sensations were when he found\\nthe manacles drop from his hands. He\\nsprang instantly past the inside sentinel,\\nand rushing on the next, with one hand\\nhe seized his musket, and with the other\\nstruck him to the ground. The sentinel\\nwithin and the four others who had been\\nplaced by the fence surrounding the place\\nof his confinement, immediately gave the\\nalarm, and in a moment the cry was gen-\\neral, Moody is escaped from the provost!*\\nIt is impossible to describe the uj^roar\\nwhich now took place throughout the\\ncamp. In a few minutes every man was in\\na bustle, every man was looking for Moo-\\ndy, and multitudes passed by him on all\\nsides little suspecting that the man they\\nsaw deliberately marching along with a\\nmusket on his shoulder, could be the fugi-\\ntive they were in quest of. The darkness\\nof the night which was also blustering and\\ndrizzly, prevented any discrimination of\\nhis person, and was indeed the great cir-\\ncumstance that rendered his escape possi-\\nble. But no small difficulty still remained\\nto be surmounted. To i:)revent desertion,\\nwhich at that time was very frequent,\\nWashington had surrounded his camp\\nwith a cliain of sentinels, posted at about\\nforty or fifty yards from each other Moo-\\ndy was unacquainted with their stations\\nto pass there undiscovered would certain-\\nly be i atal. In this dilemna Providence\\nagain befriended him. He had gained\\ntheir station without knowing it, when\\nluckily h\u00c2\u00ae heard their watchword, Look\\nsharj) to the chain Moody is escaj^ed\\nfrom tlie Provost. From the sound of\\ntheir voices he ascertained the resj^ective\\nsituations of the sentinels, and throwing\\nhimself on his hands and knees, he was\\nhappy enough to crawl through the vacant\\nspace between two of them, unseen by\\neither. Judging that their line ofqursuit\\nwould be towards the British army, he\\nmade a detour into the woods on the op-\\nposite side. Through the woods he made\\nhis way with as much sijeed as the dark-\\nness of the night would permit, steering\\nhis course alter the Indian manner by oc-\\ncasional groping and feeling the white\\noak on the south side thfi bark of this\\ntree is rough and unpleasant to the touch,\\nbut on the north side is smooth hence it\\nserves the sagacious traveller of the woods\\nby night as well as by day, for his compass.\\nThrough the dismal woods and swamps he\\nwandered until the night of the 21st, a\\nspace of 56 hours, during which time he\\nhad no other sustenance than a few beach\\nleaves, which of all the woods afforded,\\nwere the least unpleasant to the taste, and\\nleast pernicious to the health which he\\nchewecf and swallowed to abate the craA\\nings of hunger. In every inhabited dis-\\ntrict he knew there were friends of the\\nBritish, and he had learned where and\\nhow to find them our, without endanger-\\ning their safety, which was always the first\\nobject of his concern. From some of their\\nffood men he received minute information\\nhow the pursuit was directed, and where\\nevery guard was posted. Thus assisted he\\neluded tiieir keenest vigilance, and at\\nlength by God s blessings, to his unspeak-\\nable joy, he arrived safe at Paulus Hook\\nJersey City\\nPHIL WHITE, HIB CAPTURE AND\\nDEATH.\\nA correct version of the affair Refugee\\nslanders refuted and vindicated\u00e2\u0080\u0094 .affi-\\ndavits of Aaron White and of Philip\\nWhite, guards Statement of Gtneral\\nForman, c.\\nThough the death of the refugee Philip\\nWhite, generally called Phil White, is oc-\\ncasionally referred to in modern historical\\nworks, there are none which give complete\\nor correct accounts of the atfair. In the\\nbrief statement given in Howe s Collec-\\ntions unjust imputations are cast upon\\nhis guard, as will hereafter be seen. When\\nCaptain Iluddy was so brutally murdered\\nby the Refugees near th\u00c2\u00ab Highlands, it", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n61\\nwill be remembered that a label was fast-\\nened to his breast, the last sentence of\\nwhich was\\nUp goes Hxiddy for Philip White.\\nThough the Kefugees atone time assert-\\ned that Captain Huddy had an agency in\\nthe death of Phil White, yet this prepos-\\nterous charge was at once shown to be an\\ninfamous falsehood, as when White was\\nkilled, Captain Huddy was a prisoner, con-\\nfined in New YorK in the old Sugar House\\nDuane s sugar house.) The British as-\\nserted that he had taken a certain Philip\\nWhite, cut off both his arms, broke his\\nlegs, pulled out one of his eyes, damned\\nhim and then bid him run.\\nHow much of this was true will be seen\\nby the conclusive evidence hereafter given,\\nbefore quoting which we will copy the\\nversion of the affair given in Howe s (Jol-\\nlections, derived in 1842, from a tradition-\\nary source\\nWhite, the Refugee, was a carpenter\\nand served his time in Shrewsbury. Six\\ndays after Huddy was taken, he was sur-\\nprised by a party of militia light-horse,\\nnear Snag Swamp, in the eastern part of\\nthe township. After laying down his arms\\nin token of surrender, he took up his\\nmusket and killed a Mr. Hendrickson.\\nHe was however, secured, and while being\\ntaken to Freehold, was killed at Pyle s\\nCorner, thiee or four miles from there.\\nHe was under a guard of three men, the\\nfather of one of whom was murdered at\\nShrewsbury the year previous, by a band\\nof refugees, among whom was White, and\\nhe was therefore highly exasperated\\nagainst the prisoner. Some accounts state\\nthat he was killed while attempting to\\nescape others with mure probability that\\nthey pricked him with their swords and\\nthus forcing him to run, cruelly murdered\\nhim.\\nThere are several errors in the foregoing\\nand it is to be regretted that the untrue\\ncharge of wanton cruelty, should have\\nfound its way into so use:ul a book. Cor-\\nrect versions of this affair are found in an-\\ncient pajiers, but for the present we will\\ngive several affidavits taken at the time as\\nbeing tfie most conclusive evidence. Tliese\\naffidavits were forwarded to General\\nWashington, and by him transmitted to\\nCongress, April 20th, 1782.\\nThess affidavits are of Aaron White,\\ntaken prisoner with Phil White, and of\\neach of Phil White s guards. Before quot\\ning them, we will say in regard to the\\nstatement in the extract from Howe s Col-\\nlections that after Phil White had sun en-\\ndered, he took up his musket and killed\\na Mr. Hendrickson, that as no allusion is\\nmade to it in these affidavits, it may have\\noccurred at some previous time, and this\\nmurder as well as his participation in the\\nmurder of John Russell, and in other out-\\nrages, undoubtedly caused the patriots to\\nbe anxious to capture him.\\nDeposition or Aaron White.\\nCounty of Monmouth, ss Aaron White\\nbeing duly sworn* deposeth\\nThat he was taken prisoner with Philip\\nWhite; that the deponent left New York\\nin company with Philip White, Jeremiah\\nBell, negro Moses, John Fennimore and\\nRobert Howell, on Thursday night, the\\ntwenty-eighth of March last that they\\nsailed from New Y\u00c2\u00aerk to the Hook, where\\nthey remained till next morning, being\\nFriday, the twenty-ninth that Phiiip\\nWhite and negro Moses were landed at\\nLong Branch that morning that the de-\\nponent understood that Captain Joshua\\nHuddy was then a prisoner that on the\\nday following, being Saturday the thirtieth,\\nthe deponent being ofi in a boat with\\nFennimore, and having observed that the\\nsaid Philip White and Moses had an en-\\ngagement with some of the troops on\\nshore, he the deponent went in a boat\\nto their lelief, meaning to take them off;\\nthat when he came on shore he joined the\\nsaid Phiiip White and negro Moses, and\\npursued one Thomas Berkley, with whom\\nthey had been engaged that in their pur-\\nsuit, the light horse came down, and the\\ndeponent with the said Philip White\\nwere made prisoners that they were put\\nunder guard to be sent to Freehold for\\nconfinement that on the way from Colt s\\nNeck to Freehold, between Daniel Grand-\\nio s and Samuel Leonard s, the deponent\\nwas told by one of his guard, that Philip\\nWhite was running away that the depo-\\nnent looked back and saw the horsemen\\nin pursuit of something, but being about\\nhalf a mile distant, could not distinguish\\nafter whom or what the pursuit was that\\nthe field in whicii they were pursuing was\\nnear the brook next to Mr, Leonard s, ad-\\njoining a wood that Lieutenant Rhea\\nand Georee Brindley left the deponent\\nunder guard of two men, and ran their\\niiorses hack towards the plac\u00c2\u00ab the other\\nmen were pursuing that the deponent\\nafterwards understood that it was Philip\\nWhite they were pursuing, and that he\\nwas killed in the pursuit: that Captain", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "62\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nJoshua Huddy was not one of the guard\\nor party, and the deponent understood\\nand verily believes, that he was then a\\nprisoner in New York and the deponent\\nfurther and lastly declares, that the above\\nis the truth as related without any fear,\\nthreats or compulsion whatever.\\nAaron White.\\nSworn before me this 1,5th dav of April,\\n1782. David Forman,\\nJustice of Peace, Monmouth County\\nThat a clear idea of the order of the\\nprincipal events referred to in these affi-\\ndavits may be obiained, we will here state\\nthat Cajttain Joshua Huddy was taken\\nprisoner at Toms RiTer, on Sunday, March\\n24th, 1782; on Saturday, the 30th of\\nMarch, six days after, Phil White and\\nAaron were taken jH isoners by the Mon-\\nmouih militia; the same day (March 30th),\\nPhilip White was killed, at which time\\nCaptain Huddy wag confined in the sugar\\nhouse i^rison in New York, where he had\\nbeen put on Tuesday, March 26th, and\\nremained here and in provost jail, until\\nM ^nday, April 8th, when he was taken\\non b\u00c2\u00aeard a sloop and put in irons, and\\nfour days later, April 12th, 1782, he was\\nhanged near the Highlands; his body was\\ndelivered to the Americans, sent to Free-\\nhold and buried with the honors of war.\\nThree days after his death -on the 15th\\nof April, these affidavits were taken while\\nthe recollections of all the circumstances\\nreferred to, were fresh in the minds of tiie\\nwitnesses.\\nStatements of Phjl White s Giauds.\\nPhil White s guards were William Bor-\\nden, John North and John Russell, They\\nwere probably at the time attached to\\nCaptain John Walton sjtrooi)|of light horse,\\nbut Ivussell and perhaps the other two\\nhad been in the regular Continental army\\npreviously. Their statement of the de-\\ntails of Phil White s death are undoubted-\\nly ^correct. We shall hereafter, in the\\ncourt martial trial at New York, of the\\nRefugee captain, Richard Lippincott, give\\nthe Tory evidence, and it will be seen that\\nthere was nothiiig offered to invalidate\\nthe affidavits of the guards. The first\\nstatement we give is the\\nAFFIDAVIT OF WiLMAM BoKDF.N.\\nCounty of Monmouth, ss William Bor-\\nden, of full age, being duly sworn, depos-\\neth\\nThat he with a certain John North, and\\nJohn Russell, were ordered to guard a cer-\\ntain L hilip White, mentioned in an ad-\\ndress to his excellency. General Washing-\\nton, to Freehold. That the guard was\\nordered to shoot him if he attempted to\\nescape, of which the said Philip was in-\\nformed that on their way the said Philip\\njumped off his horse, and on pas.^ing a\\nfence next to the woods, the deponent\\nfired and shot him through the body, the\\nbullet entering his back and coming out\\nof his right breast that the said Philip\\nat first fell, but recovered again, and at-\\ntempted to get into the woods about two\\nhundred yards distant that the deponent\\nhaving leaped the fence on horseback, in-\\ntercepted him in the way to the woods\\nupon which he turned and threw himself\\ninto a bog, where the said John North\\nmet him and gave him a stroke with his\\nsword that as the said Philip White turn-\\ned, the deponent struck him with the butt\\nend of his carbine, and he still continued\\nto run till he was struck by the said John\\nNorth as aforesaid that this deponent,\\nthree or four times called to him, White\\ngive up and yon shall have quarters yet. That\\nCaj^tain Joshua Huddy was; not one of the\\nguard nor in coinj)any, but the deponent\\nunderstood, antl has no reason to doubt,\\nthat he was then a prisoner in New York.\\nThat the above hapjiened between Daniel\\nGrandin s and Samuel Leonard s in a field\\nadjoining tlie woods, and through which\\nthe brook next to said Leonard s did run.\\nOn Saturday, the 30th of March last.\\nWii,i,iAM Bgrdex.\\nSworn before me this 15th day of April,\\n1782. David Forman,\\nJudge of Court of Common Pleas Monmouth Co.\\nAffidavit of John North.\\nCounty of Monmouth, ss John North\\nbeing duly sworn, deposeth and saith\\nThat he, the deponent, was one of a cer-\\ntain guard that had custody of Philip\\nWhit* mentioned in the memorial to his\\nexcellency General Washington that the\\nsaid guar(l was ordered to conduct the\\nsaid Phili]) White from Long Branch\\n(the place at which he with one Aaron\\nWhite was token prisoner,) to Freehold;\\nthat the said guard was ordered, if he at-\\ntempted to make his escape, to kill him\\nthat they were both inf\\\\)rmcd that if they\\nattempted to run they would be killed;\\nthat on the way to Freehold, the said\\nPhilip White went sideways off his horse\\nand ran to the fence next to the wood\\nthat the deponent fired at liim but be-\\nlieves the bail did not t*ke place upon\\nhim that William Borden, another of\\nthe guard, fired at him also, about the", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n63\\nsame instant of time, and shot l)im\\nthrough the body, the bullet entering his\\nback and passing out under his right\\nbreast; that he fell upon his hands and\\nknees, but recovered himself and arose\\nand ran across a small field making for\\nthe woods that the deponent left his\\nhorse and dropped his gun and pursued\\nwith his drawn sword that the deponent\\novertook him in a bog, and as ho was\\npassing, gave him a stroke across tlie face\\nwith his sword, upon which he fell and\\ncried he was a dead man that the said\\nWilliam Korden several times called to\\nhim saying White, if you will give up\\nyou shall have good quarters yet; that\\nnotwithstanding lie continued to run to\\nthe last moment, when he was cut down\\nby this deponent as aforesaid and was\\nwithin three or four paces ot a fence,\\nwhich if he had passed, he would in all\\nj)robability have elfecled his escape, pro-\\nvided the gunshot should not have proved\\ni aial that Captain Joshua Iluddy was\\nnot one of the guard, it being notoriously\\nwell known that he was then a prisoner\\nwith the enemy. That the above haj)-\\npened between Daniel Grandin s and\\nSamuel Leon rd s in a small field that\\nthe brook nearest Leonard s runs through\\nthe field that it was on Saturday the\\nthirtieth day of Marcli last.\\nJohn Noktii.\\nSworn before me this i.5th April 1782.\\nDavid Forman,\\nJustice C. C. Pleas Monmouth Co.\\nAffidavit of John Russei.l.\\nCeunty of Monmouth, ss John Russell\\nof full age, being duly sworn deposeth\\nThat he was one of the guai d appointed\\nto conduct Philip White and Aaron\\nWhite to Freehold that the deponent\\nwas present at the timi; of the said Piiiiii)\\nWhite s attempt to make his escape; that-\\nlie has heard tire ;dhdavits of WiUiam\\nBorden and John North and knows every\\ncircumstance therein mentioned to be\\ntrue and in addition informs that in\\ncour.se of their jnusuit after the said\\nWhite, he passed the said deponent, and\\nhe, the deponent, gave him a sliglitwound\\nin the forehead, but he still continued to\\nrun, although frequently desired to give\\nup and he should have good quarters\\ntliat this was the first blow he received\\ntliat it was entirely his ^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0wn fau t that\\nhe received a single stroke with a sword,\\nhe runni ig and refusing to submit to the\\nlast minute; tliat Joshua Iluddy was then\\na prisoner in New York that this hap-\\npened on Saturday the thirtieth of March\\nlast. John Russeij,.\\nSworn before me this i,5th April, 1782.\\nDavid Forman,\\nJustice of Peace Monmouth (Jo.\\nSecond Affidavit of Wiij.iam Bordkn.\\nFour days after the foregoing affidavits\\nwere taken, it was thouglit advisable to\\ntake additional evidence, and William\\nBorden was again sworn, and deposed as\\nfollows\\nCounty of Monmouth, ss William\\nBorden, of full age, being duly sworn,\\nsaith\\nThat he, the deponent, was one of the\\nguard appointed to conduct Philip White,\\na refugee piisoner, taken and killed as is\\nat large set forth under oath of this de-\\nponent, taken the L ith of April instant;\\nand farther this dei)onent saith that ^Ae\\naforesaid Philip White re.eeivedno other wounds\\nto the knowledge or belief of this^depo-\\nnent than those set forth and described\\nin this deponent s oath as aforesaid that\\nthe report said to be circulated in New\\nYork, viz that the said Philip White\\nhad his arms cut off, and one of his (the\\nsaid White s) eyes pulled out and both\\nhis legs broken, is false and without any\\nthe least foundation for that he, the\\naforesaid Philii) White, did not to this de-\\nponent s knowledge or belief receive any\\nthe least wound or hurt on either his\\n(ttje aforesaid Philip White s) arms or legs\\nneither was either of Ids (the aforesaid\\nPhilip White s) eyes pulled out.\\nLastly, this deponent saith, that he this\\ndeponent was jiresent at the time the\\naforesaid Philip White attempted to make\\nhis escape was in pursuit of him, the\\naforesaid Philip Whito, and was present at\\nthe time that the aforesaid Philip White\\nwas kdled that this deponent saw John\\nKussfcll and John North carry and put his\\n(the aforesaid Philip White s) body in a\\nwagon and attended the wagon up to the\\nvillage of Freehold where his (the afore-\\nsaid Philip White s) body was the same\\nevening buried and further this depo-\\nnent saith not. WlI.MAM BoKIHCN.\\nSworn before me this 19th April, 1782.\\nDavid Forman.\\nCertificate ofCai Tain John Walton.\\nThis may certify that the within depo-\\nnent, Williano Borden, has for several years\\nlast past, resided a near neighbor to me\\nthat.he was at the time the within men-\\ntioned Philip White was killedj a soldier", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "64\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nin my troop of horse and that during\\nmy acquaintance with him, the deponent,\\nWilliam Borden, he has on all occaaions\\nbeen reputed a manof strict veracity and\\nhumanity.\\nGiven under my hand this 19th April,\\n1782. JoHX Walto.v,\\nCaptain Light Dragoons.\\nCertificate OF Judge David Forman.\\nThis may certify that on Saturday the\\n30th of March, 1782, or thereabouts, I the\\nsubscriber, was present at the village of\\nFreehold, when the body of Philip White\\nwas brought up that I went to the wfigon\\nand saw the corpse the guard attending\\nshowed me the gun shot wound on his\\nbreast, pIso the cuts of a sword on his face.\\nAt that time the corpse appeared to be\\nlaid with as much decency as could be,\\nand without any appearance of wounds in\\neither of his arms or legs neither did I\\never hear that his (the aforesaid Philip\\nWhite s) arms had been cut off or his legs\\nbroken, c. until after the execution of\\nCaptain Joshua Iluddy, viz.; on Saturday\\nthe 13th of April instant, and then I\\nheard by a person from the British lines\\nthat a rep irt prevailed there that the\\naforesaid Philip White had been most\\ncruelly murdered by having Ips arms cut\\noff, liis legs broken, c.\\nGiven under my hand this 19th day of\\nApril, 1782. David Formax.\\nThe foregoing affidavits and certificates\\nfurnish a clear, satisfactory account of the\\ncause and manner of Phil White s death,\\nand completely exonerate his guard fiom\\nthe charge of wanton cruelty toward him.\\nThe probability is that Phil White sup-\\nposed if he was taUen to Freehold jail\\nthat he would be tried and hanged for his\\nparticipation in the murder of the father\\nof John BuFsel, one of his guards, and for\\nother misdemeanors and so he determined\\nto try to escape and he made the effort at\\na place where he thought the woods,\\nmarsh, and brook would favor him and\\nimpede the light horsemen.\\nThe accounts published in ancient pa-\\npers are substantially the same as given in\\nthese affidavits. A month or so afterward\\nthe British at New York made desperate\\nefforts to trump up evidence of wanton\\ncruelty aiiainst North, Borden and Russell,\\nthe three guards, but that it signally\\nfailed, will be seen by an abstract of the\\nsecond affidavit of Aaron White, taken\\nJune 19th, about six weeks after Phil\\nWhite s 4eath. Aaron White, it will be\\nremembered, was taken prisoner at the\\nsame time that Phil White was captured,\\nand his affidavit while at Freehold, has\\nalready been given. It is probable that\\nAaron White was exclianged a few days\\nafter his first affidavit was taken, as we\\nfind by a copy of an order from the Board\\nof Associated Ijoyalists that the officer in\\ncharge of prisoners at New York was-\\nordered to deliver up Daniel Randolph\\nand Jacob Fleming, two Americans cap-\\ntured at Toms River, with Captain Buddy,\\nto be exchanged for the refugee, Captain\\nClayton Tilton and another refugee name\\nnot specified; but it is stated on the trial\\nof Captain Richard Lippencott, tiiat they\\nwere to be exchanged by Governoi Frank-\\nlin s order for Captain Clayton Tilton and\\nAaron White. A British military com-\\nmission, of which Major General James\\nPaterson was president, was organized\\nin New York, to examine into the cir-\\ncumstances of Captain Huddy s death\\nand Captain Richard Lippf icott s respon-\\nsibility therefore, a.id before this commis-\\nsion Aaron White testified substantially\\nas follows\\nThat he was taken j^risoner by the\\nrebels at Long Branch that one of the\\nrebel militia named George Brindley told\\nhim if they did not take Phil White,\\nthat they would put him (deponent) to\\ndeath that after Philip White was taken,\\nhe heard the said George Bridley swear\\nby God that Phil White should not go\\nalive to Freehold that the rebels stopped\\nat Colts Neck and changed guard; that\\nwhile at Colts Neck, Philip White told\\nhim he was afraid the rebels would mur-\\nder him before they got to Freehold\\nthat when they started from Colts Neck\\nhe (deponent) was taken on ahead and\\nPhilip White kept behind under a guard\\nof three men that these three men were\\nJohn Russell, John North and one Borden\\nwho he had heard called three of as bad\\npersecuting fellows as any in the country\\nthat it was his opinion the rebels intended\\nto murder Piiilip White that the sergeant\\nof the guard that had charge of Philip\\nWhite as far as Colts Neck, informed him\\nin Freehold jail that if Phil White had\\nnot been removed from his caro lie would\\nnot have been killed that General David\\nForman with a lawyer came to him while\\nhe was in jail at P reehold and wanted\\nhim to make affidavit that Phil White\\nwas killed while endeavoring to escape\\nthat ^le told General Forman that he\\nwould die before he made such affidavit\\n1", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n65\\nthat after he escaped (was exchanged?)\\nfrom Freehold jail, his friends all unani-\\nmously told him that their opinion was\\nthat Philip White was most cruelly and\\ninhumanly murdered that he did make\\nan affidavit before General Forman, re-\\nlating the circumstances of his leaving\\nNew York, of the skirmish, of a light\\nhorseman leaping over a fence and that\\nthe people of Freehold told him that\\nPhilip White was killed fairly that if\\n(\u00e2\u0096\u00a0reneral Forman sent in any other affidavit\\nii must have been forged.\\nThe foregoing was the strongest evi-\\ndence the British and refugees could bring\\nagainst Phil White s guard, and it will be\\nseen that it amounts to but little and in\\nno particular does it sustain the charge of\\nwanton cruelty. It is a matter of pro\\nfound satisfaction that the evidence pre-\\nserved is so conclusive not only because it\\nexonerates the guards from the malicious\\ncharges made against them, but also be-\\ncause many descendants of these guards\\nnow live within the limits of old Mon-\\nmouth, as do also multitudes of descen-\\ndants of the four hundred citizens who\\nassembled at Freehold, on the 14th of\\nApril, 1782, who inquired into and justi-\\nfied the acts of the guard.\\nThe Refugees were very profuse at all\\nlimes in their charges against the Mon-\\nmouth patrriots because the citizens of\\nold Monmouth would not remain quiet\\nand allow these precious scoundrels to\\nroam at will throughout the county, rob-\\nbing and murdering, they were denounced\\nas guilty of inhumanity, wanton cruelty,\\npersecution, c.\\nThe Refugees had a very simple way of\\navoiding trouble from Monmouth patrriots\\nthey had only to refrain from attempt-\\ning to commit outrages among them.\\nATTACK ON THE RUSSELL FAMILY.\\nAs this outrage was an unusually aggra-\\nvated one even for the Refugees, and as\\nmention of some of thw parties concerned\\nin it is made in other chapters detailing\\nother events during the Revolution, wti\\ngive the particulars as derived from vari-\\nous sources. The first extract is from Cei-\\nlings New Jersey Gazette\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2On the 30th of April, 1780, a party of\\nnegroes and refugees from Sandy Hook,\\nlanded at Shrewsbury in order to plunder.\\nDuring their excursion, a Mr. Russell, who\\nattempted some resistance to their depre-\\ndations, was killed, and his giandchild\\nhad five balls shot through him, but is yet\\nliving. Captain Warner of the privateer\\nbrig Elizabeth, was made prisoner by\\nthese ruffians, but was released, by giving\\nthem two half joes. This banditti also\\ntook off several persons, among whom\\nwere. Captain James Greene, and Ensign\\nJohn Morris of the militia.\\nThe following statement is from Howe s\\nCollections Mr. Russell was an elderly\\nman, aged about 60 years as the party\\nentered his dwelling, which wai in th\u00c2\u00ab\\nnight, he fired and missed. William Gil-\\nian, a native of Shrewsbury, their leader,\\nseized the old gentleman by the collar,\\nand was in the act of stabbing him in the\\nface and eyes with a bayonet, when the\\nfire blazed up and shedding a momentary\\nlight upon the scene, enabled the younger\\nRussell who lay wounded on the floor, to\\nshoot Gilian. John Farnham, a native of\\nMiddletown, thereupon aimed his musket\\nat the young man, but it was knocked up\\nby Lippincott who had married into the\\nfamily. The party then ^-ent off. The\\nchild was accidentally wounded in the af-\\nfray.\\nThe Lippincott above referred to, we\\npresume, was Captain Richard Lippincott,\\nwho had command of the party which ex-\\necuted Captain Joshua Huddy. An out-\\nline of his life will be given elsewhere. In\\nregard to John Farnham, a refugee of this\\nname was afterwards captured, tried and\\nhung at Freehold probably the same\\nm\u00c2\u00bbn.\\n1 the extract from Howe s Collections,\\nit will be noticed that a younger Russell is\\nreferred to as being wounded and lying on\\nthe floor. This was .John Russell, at this\\ntime belonging to the Continental army,\\nat home on a furlough to see his wife and\\nparents. After the war, John Russell\\nremoved to Cedar Creek, in Ocean county,\\nwhere he lived to quite an advanced age.\\nHis account of the affair was substantially\\nas follows\\nThere were seven refugees, and he (John)\\nsaw them through the window, and at one\\ntime they got so that he told his father he\\nwas sure they could kill four of them, and\\nhe wished to fire, as he believed the otiier\\nthree would run. His father persuaded\\nhim not to fire, but to do so when they\\nbroke into the house. When they broke\\nin, the father fired first, but missed his\\naim he was then fired upon and killed.\\nJohn Russell then fired and killed the\\nman (Gilian) who shot his father. Dur-\\ning the affray young Russell was shot in", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "66\\nOLD TIMES IX OLD MONMOUTH.\\nthe side, and the scars of the wound were\\nvisible until he die i. After being wound-\\ned he fell on the floor and pretended to be\\ndead. The refugees then went to plunder-\\ning the house. The mother and wife of\\nJohn were lying in a bed with the child\\nthe child -.iwoke and asked, Grandmoth-\\ner, what s the matter? A refugee pointed\\nIns gun at it and fired and said that s\\nwhat s the matter. Whether he really\\nintended to wound tlie child, or only to\\nfrighten it, is uncertain, but the child, as\\nbefore stated, was badly wounded but\\neventually recovered. As the refugees\\nwere preparing to leave, one of the num-\\nber pointed his musket at young Russell\\nas he lay on the floor, and was about firing,\\nsaying he didn t believe he was dead yet,\\nwhereupon another (Lippincott?) knocked\\nup his musket, saying it was a shame to\\nfire upon a dyin\u00c2\u00ab,r man, and the load went\\ninto the ceiling. After the refugees were\\ngone, John got up and had his wounds\\ndressed and exclaimed to his wife, Ducky!\\nbring me a glass of whisky I ll come out\\nall right yet. He did come out a!l right\\nand we have good reason to believe that\\nbefore the war ended he aided in visiting\\nmerited retribution on the refugees for\\ntheir doings at this time. Among the\\nparty was the notorious Phil White who\\nwas killed near two vears later March\\n30tl., 1782.)\\nOf the seven refugees concerned in this\\noutrage, at least three are known to have\\nmet with their just deserts, viz: Gilian,\\nkilled at the tinje, Farnham, hanged at\\nFreehold, and Phil White, killed while at-\\ntemptmir to escape from his guards between\\nColts Neck and Freehold.\\nEXECUTION OF A SPY.\\nOne affair which caused the most intense\\nexcitement throughout old Monmouth,\\nand elsewhere during the war of the Rev\\nolution, was the arrest, trial and execution\\nof a young man named Stephen Edwards,\\non tne charge of being a spy for the Brit-\\nish. Though reference to it is rarely met\\nwith in our histories, yet there were but\\nfew events in the county during the Rev-\\nolution, that created a greater sensation\\nthan did this.\\nOne of the officers who tried Edwaids,\\nand assisted at his execution, was Captain\\nJoshua Huddy, and this furnished one of\\nthe excuses the refugees gave lor his in-\\nhuman murder near the Highlands some\\nthree years after. On the trial of the ref-\\nugee leader, Captain Richard Lippincott,\\nby a British Court Martial at New York,\\nin the summer of 1782, for bis participa-\\ntion in the hanging of Huddy, refugee wit-\\nnesses testified that even while Huddy\\nwas a prisoner in their hands, and but a\\nfew days before his death, he boldly ac-\\nknowlfdged his participation, and justified\\nit on the ground that he was found with\\ntreasonable papers in his possession, which\\nconclusively proved him to be a spy. On\\nthis trial, VViliiam Courlies, husbandtnan.\\nlate of Monmouth, then one of the Asso-\\nciated Loyalists as the refugees called\\nthemselves,) testified\\nThat in regard to the death of Stephen\\nEdwards, he Courlies then resided at\\nShrewsbury, in Monmouth county. Ed-\\nwards was taken out of his bed at his own\\nhouse and carried to Freehold the follow-\\ning day he was brought to some kind of a\\ntrial, and the day following executed.\\nThe ott ense alleged against him was said\\nto be his having some papers found in his\\npacket. Edwards bore an excellent gooil\\ncharacter. Deponent heard there was\\ncomplaint made to General Washington\\nor tiie Governor, about Edwards death,\\nbut he cannot tell the result. General\\nForman was one of the Judges who pre-\\nsided at Edwards trial; Huddy was anoth-\\ner of the judges he had the information\\nfrom Huddy himself; did not recollect\\nheai ing who the otlier judges were depo-\\nnent was not present at the execution of\\nEdwards, but was present at his burial.\\nUnderstood Edwards was tried for treason\\nin consequence of papers found on his per-\\nson.\\nCaptain Wm. Cunningham, who then\\nwas the British Provost Marshal at New\\nYork, and who by his own confession,\\n(which has been given,) just previous to his\\nexecution in London, in 1791, wasas heart-\\nless a wretch as ever lived, testified on\\nthis trial that he Cunningham told\\nHuddy while he was a prisoner in the pro-\\nvost, that he, the deponent, had he^rd\\ntliat Huddy had hanged a refug .e on a\\nlarge oak near the Court House at Free-\\nhold, and deponent asked Huddy concern-\\ning this rej)ort. Huddy^avowed, it saying:\\nBy God he did, and he slushed the rope\\nwell, and that Colonel Forman assisted in\\npulling the ro])e hand over hand that\\nwas the very expression Huddy used.\\nJohn Tilton, carpenter, a refugee from\\nMonmouth, testified that when the refu-\\ngee party was putting Captain Huddy in\\nirons on board the sloop which conveyed", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IX ODL MONMOUTH.\\n67\\nhim to the Highlands, he, the deponent,\\nwas present, and he asked Huddy if he\\nthought it was good usage to iron him.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nHuddy replied that he did not tliink it\\nwas but as he expected to be exchanged\\nin a day or two, he did not mind the irons;\\nand Huddy also said he expected to have\\nthe killing of deponent and many more\\nyet. Deponent then asked Huddy if he\\nexpected to hang deponent as he had done\\npoor Stephen Edwards Huddy replied\\nthat he did not hang Stephen Edwards, he\\nonly tied the knot and greased the rope\\nthat it might slip easily.\\nThe foregoing give the strongest points\\nthat we have been enabled to find against\\nCaptain Huddy for his ])articipation in the\\ntrial and execution of Edwards. It will\\nbe seen that there was no attempt to dis-\\nprove the charge that Edwards was a spy.\\nFrom all the information tliat we have\\nbeen enabled to obtain, we are satisfied\\nthat the following account of Stephen Ed-\\nwards arrest, trial and execution, from\\nHowe s Collections is substantially cor-\\nrect\\nStephen Edwards, a young man, in\\nthe latter part of the war, leit his home in\\nShrewsbury and joined the loyalists ref-\\nugees in New York. From tlience he\\nwas sent bv Colonel Taylor of the refugees,\\na former resident of Middleiown, back to\\nMonmouth county, with written instruc-\\ntions to ascertain the force of the Ameri-\\ncans there. Intormation having been con-\\nveyed to the latter, Captain Jonathan For-\\nman of the cavalry, was ordered to search\\nfor him. Suspecting he might be at his\\nfather s residence half a mile below Eaton-\\ntown, he entered at midnight with a party\\nof men, and found him in bed with his\\nwife, disguised in the night cap of a fe-\\nmale.\\nWho have you here? said Forman.\\nA laboring woman, replied Mrs. Ed-\\nwirds.\\nThe captain detected the disguise, and\\non looking under the bed, saw Edwards\\nclothing, whioh he examined, and in which\\nhe found the papeis given him by Colonel\\nTaylor.\\nHe then said Edwards, I am sorry to\\nfind you You see these j^apers You\\nhave brought yourself into a very disagree-\\nable situation you know thefateof spies!\\nEdwards denied the allegation, remark-\\ning that he was not such and could not so\\nbe considered.\\nThis occurred on Saturday night. The\\nprisoner was taken to the Court House,\\ntried by a Court Martial next day, and ex-\\necuted at 10 o clock on Monday morning.\\nEdwards father and mother had com^^ up\\nthat morning to ascertain the fate of their\\nson, and returned with the corpse. Ed-\\nwards was an amiable young man. The\\nForman and Edwards families had been\\non terms of intimate friendship, and the\\nagency of the members of the former in\\nthe transaction, excited their deepest sym-\\nl^atkics for the fate of the unfortunate\\nprisoner.\\nThe guilt of Edwards was conclusively\\nproven deep sympathy was felt for his\\nparents and wife, but the perils of the pa-\\ntriots at this time were so great that prompt\\nand decisive action was necessary for their\\nown preservation.\\nTiie foolhardiness of Edwards in keep-\\ning treasonable papers about him was re-\\nmarkable. Some features of this affair will\\nremind the reader of the unfortunate Ma\\njor Andre. It is probable that Edwards\\nwas executed about September, 1778.\\nPRIVATEERING ON OUR COAST.\\nToms River During the Revolution.\\nPrizes taken Americans captured An\\nenemy searching for. water loses his rum\\nOld Cranberry Inlet, c.\\nToms River appears to have been occu-\\npied by the Americans as a military post\\ndaring the greater part of the Revolution.\\nThe soldiers stationed here were generally\\ntwelve months men, commanded by dif-\\nferent officers, among whom may be men-\\ntioned. Captains Bigelow, Ephraim Jen-\\nkins, James Mott, John Stout and Joshua\\nHuddy. Captain Mott had command of a\\ncompany called the Sixth company of\\nDover, and Captain Stout of the Seventh\\ncompany. The Fifth company was from\\nStafford, and commanded by Capt. Reu-\\nben F. Randolph. These companies all\\nbelonged to the militia organization ef old\\nMonmouth.\\nThe duties of the militia stationed at\\nToms River, appear to have been to guard\\nthe inhabitants against depredations from\\nthe refugees to check contraband trade\\nby way of old Cranberry Inlet to New\\nY ork,and to aid ourj^rivateers who brought\\nprizes into the Inlet, which was a favorite\\nresort for New Jersey, New England and\\nother American privateers.\\nBy the following extracts, it will be seen\\nthat old Dover township was the scene of\\nmany stirring incidents during the war.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "68\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nAbout the 1st of April, 1778, the govern-\\nment salt works near Toms River, were de-\\nstrv yed by a detachment of British under\\nCaptain Robertson. One building they\\nalleged belonged to Congress and cost\\n\u00c2\u00a36,000 The salt works on our coast at\\nManasquan, Shark River, Toms River,\\nBa -negat and other places, were so impor-\\ntant lo the Americans during the war that\\nwe propose to notice them in a separate\\narticle.\\nMay 22d, 1778, it is announced that a\\nBritish vessel with a cargo of fresh beef\\nand pork, was taken by Captain Anderson\\nand sixteen men in an armed boat, and\\nbrought into Toms River.\\nIn the early part of August following,\\nthe British ship Love and Unity. with\\na valuable cargo w.is brought into the In-\\nlet the cargo was saved but the ship was\\nsubsequently retaken by a large Biitish\\nfo. ce the particulars of the capture and\\nrecapture are as follows from ancient let-\\nte s\\nAugust 12th, 1778. We learn th^at on\\nThursday night, the British ship Love\\nand Unity trom Bristol, with 80 hhds of\\nloaf sugar, several thousand bottles London\\npo. ter, and a large quantity of Bristol beer\\nand ale, besides many other valuable ar-\\nticles, was designedly run ashore near\\nToms River. Since which, by the assist-\\narce of some of our militia, she has been\\nbio loijc mto a safe port and her cargo pro\\nper y taken care of.\\nThe cargo of this siiip was advertised to\\nbe sold at Manasquan, on the 2r)th of Au-\\ngust, by John Stokes, U. S. Marslial. The\\narticles enumerated in the advertisement\\nshow that the cargo must have been a very\\nvaluable one. The Americans were not\\nqi ue so lucky with the ship as with the\\ncargo, as will be seen by the following ex-\\ntract,\\nFriday, September 18th, 1778. Two\\nBritish armed shijis and two brigs, came\\nclose to the bar off Toms River (Cranbury)\\nInlet, where they lay all night. Next\\nmorning between seven nnd eight o clock,\\nthey sent seven armed boats into the In\\nlet, and re-took the ship Washington for-\\nmerly Love and Unity which had been\\ntaken by the Americans they also took\\ntwo sloops near the bar and captured most\\nof the crews.\\nThe cajjtain of the ship and most of his\\noflficers escaped to the main hmd in one of\\nthe ship s boats. Alter they .;ot ashore a\\nman named Robert McMullen, who had\\nbeen condemned to death at Freehold but\\nafterwards pardoned, jumped into the boat,\\nhurrahing for the British, and rowed off\\nand joined them. Another refugee named\\nWilliam Dillon, who had also been sen-\\ntenced to death at Freehold and pardon-\\ned, joined this party of British as pilot.\\nBy the following extract it will be seen\\nthat the regenades McMullen and Dillon,\\nhad been out of jail but a very few weeks,\\nwhen they aided the British in this expe-\\ndition\\nJuly 22d, 1778. We learn that at the\\nCourt of Oyer and Terminer, held at Mon-\\nmouth in June last, the following parties\\nwere tried and found guilty of burglary,\\nviz: Thomas Emmons alias Burke, John\\nWood, Michael Millery, William Dillon\\nand Robert McMullen. The two former\\nwere execute l on Friday last, and the\\nother three rejjrieved.\\nMcMullen probably had some connec-\\ntion with the expedition perhajis to spy\\nout the whereabouts of the captured car-\\ngo, as he would not have been in th^t vi-\\ncinity unless assured that a British force\\nwas at hand.\\nOne tradition states that when he jump\\ned into the boat he was flying for his life\\nthat he was pursued by the Americans\\nand escaped by swimming his horse across\\nthe river near its mouth to a point which\\nhe called Goodluck Point to commemorate\\nhis escape.\\nGoodluck Point near the mouth of Toms\\nRiver, tindoubtedly received its name\\nfrom some person flying for his life in the\\nabove manner, and it is possible that it\\nmight have been McMullen.\\nOn tbe 9t.h of December, 1778, it is an-\\nnounced that a British armed vessel, bound\\nfrom Halifax to New York, and richly\\nladen, came ashore neur Barnegat: The\\ncrew, about sixty in number, surr\u00c2\u00bb^ndered\\nthemselves prisoners to our militia. Goods\\nto the amount of five thousand pounds\\nsterling were taken out of her by our citi\\nzens, and a number of prisoners sent to\\nBordentown, at which place the balance of\\nprisoners were exp ^cted. About March,\\n1779, the sloop Success, came ashore in a\\nsnow storm, at Barnegat. She had been\\ntaken by Uie British brig Dihgence, and\\nwas on her way to New York. She had a\\nvaluable cargo of rum, molasses, coffee,\\ncocoa, fec., on board. The Prize master\\nand three hands were made prisoners and\\nsent to Princeton. In the case of this ves-\\nsel and the 8ne previously mentioned it is\\nprobable the Toms River militia aided, as\\nthe name of Barnegat was freqtiently ap-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nplied to the shore north of the inlet, both\\non the beach and on the main land.\\nFeb. 8th, 1779, the sloop Fancy and\\nschooner Hope, with cargoes of pitch, tar\\nand salt are advertised for sale at Toms\\nRiver by the U. S. Marshal. They were\\nprobabl}*. prize*!. The Major Van Emburg\\nmentioned in the following, belonged to\\nthe 2d Reg. Middlesex militia; he was ta-\\nken May 14, 1780.\\nOn the 5th of June, 1780, an ancient pa-\\nper says: On Sunday morning, Major\\nVan Emburg and pight or nine men from\\nWest Jersey, on a fishing party, were svtr-\\nprised in bed at Toms River by the Refu-\\ngees, and put on board a vessel to be sent\\nprisoners to New York, but before the\\nvessel sailed they fortunately managed to\\nescape.\\nToms River then did not seem quite as\\ndesirable place for pleasure resort as it is\\nin the present day. History does not tell\\nus whether the Major was successful in\\ncatching fish all we know is that he got\\ncaught himself.\\nAbout the middle of December, 1780, a\\nBritish brig in the West India trade, was\\ncaptuivd and brought into Toms River.\\nThis bri^ was short of water and provisions\\nand mistaking the land for Long Island,\\nsent a boat and four men ashore to obtain\\nsupplies. The militia hearing of it man-\\nned two boats and went out and took her.\\nShe had on board 150 hhds of rum and\\nspirits, which our ancestors pronounced\\nexcellent, by which we conclude they\\nmust have considered themselves compet-\\nent judgies of the article! With the\\nBritish, rum must have been a necessity,\\nas in every prize taken from them rum\\nwas an important part of the cargo.\\nThe British brig Molly, was driven\\nashore in a snow storm near Barnegat\\nher prize crew were taken prisoners by\\nthe militia and sent to Philadelphia.\\nIn December, 1780, Lieut. Joshua Stud-\\nson of Toms River, was sliot by tlie refu-\\ngee Bacon, inside of Cranberry inlet. The\\nparticulars of this affair are given in a\\nnotice of Bacon s career, and therefor it is\\nunnecessary to repeat them.\\nMarch 19, 1782. The privateer Dart,\\nCapt. Wm. Gray, of Salem, Mass., arrived\\nat Toms River with a prize sloop, taken\\nfrom the British galley Black Jack. The\\nnext day he went with his boat and seven\\nmen in pursuit of a British brig near the\\nbar. Unfortunately for Capt. G-ray, in\\nstead of taking a prize he was taken him-\\nself. For a long time after, tlie Toms Riv-\\ner people wondered what had become of\\nhim. In August following they heard\\nfrom him. After getting outside the bar\\nhe was taken prisoner, and carried to Hali-\\nfax, and subsequently released on parole.\\nHe stated he was well treated while a\\nprisoner.\\nA few days after Capt. Gray was taken,\\nthe British attacked and burned Toms\\nRiver. This was the last affair of any im-\\nportance occuring in the immediate vicini-\\nty of Toms River during the war. But\\nsouth of Toms River several noted affairs\\nafterwards occurred. Davenport burned\\nthe salt works at Forked River, and was\\nhimself killed in June in October, Bacon\\nattacked and killed several men on the\\nbeach south of Barnegat lighthouse in\\nDecember, occurred the skirmish at Cedar\\nCreek, where young Cooke was killed on\\nthe 3d of April ibllowinjr, (1783,) Bacon\\nwas killed near West Creek\\nA Rhode Isl.\\\\nd Prize.\\nThe original and following certificate is\\nin pressession of Ephraim P. Empson, Esq.,\\nof Colliers Mills:\\nProvidence, Feb. 21, 1777.\\nThis may certify that Messrs. Clark and\\nNightingale and Captain William Rhodes\\nhave purchased here at vendue, the\\nschooner Pope^s Head, which was taken by\\nthe privateers Sally and Joseph (under\\nour command) and carried int\u00c2\u00ab Cranberry\\nInlet, in the Jersies, and there delivered\\nto the care of Mr. James Randolph by our\\nprize masters. James M.\\\\ro.\\nJohn Fish.\\nMiscellaneous Items.\\nDuring the war tbere were interesting\\neverts occurring at Toms River, outside of\\nmilitary and naval matters.\\nIn January. 1778, t4ie sloop Two Friends,\\nCapt. Alex. Bonnett of Hispaniola, was\\ncast away near Barnegat, with 1,600 bags\\nof salt, 49 hhds molasses, also a lot of\\nrum, sugar. c. Only 160 galls, rum\\nsaved. The shore people went to their\\nassistance but one man was lost. The\\nCapt. of the Two Friends, Alex. Bonnett.\\nthen shipped as a passenger in the sloop\\nEndeavor of Tom.=. River, for New York,\\nbut sad to relate, while she lay at anchor\\nin the inlet, a storm at night parted the\\ncable and all on board were drowned in\\nthe bay.\\nIn December, 1778, Capt. Alexander of\\nthe sloop Elizabeth of Baltimore, was\\ntaken by the British, but he wj S permitted\\nto leave in his small boat, and landed in\\nToms River inlet.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "70\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nIt was during the war, in the year 1777,\\nthat Rev. Benjamin Abbott, expounded\\nthe then new principles of Methodism, to\\nthe people of Toms River, first at tlie\\nhouse of Esquire Abiel Aikens, and then\\nat another place when a Frenchman fell\\nto tlie floor, and never rose vxntil the Lord\\nconverted his soul. Here (at Toms Riv-\\ner), we had a happy time, so sa.ys Abbott\\nin his journal.\\nDuring the war there was of course no\\ncommunication with New York, but the\\npeople of Toms River had considerable\\noverland intercourse with West Jersey,\\nPhiladelphia and Freehold.\\nTHE REFUGEES.\\nHistorians generally concede that no\\nstate among the old thirteen suffered dur-\\ning the war of the revolution more than\\ndid New Jersey and it is generally ad-\\nmitted that no county in our State suffer-\\ned more than did old Monmouth. In ad-\\ndition to the outrages to which the citizens\\nweie subjected from the regular British\\narmy, they were continually harassed by\\ndepredations committed by regularly or-\\nganized bands of Refugees and also by\\nthe lawless acts of a set of outcasts known\\nas the Pine Woods Robbers, who\\nthough pretending to be Royalists yet if\\nopportunity offered, robbed Royalists as\\nwell as Americans.\\nThe Refugees or Loyalists, as they call-\\ned themselves, were renegade Americans,\\nregularly organized with officers commis-\\nsioned by the Board of Associated Loy-\\naliBts at New York. Of- this body the\\nfirst president was Daniel Coxe, a Jersey-\\nman. It was organized in 1779, and its\\nobjects were the exanjination of captured\\nAracicans and suspected persons, and the\\nplanning of Eieasures for procuring i itel-\\nligence, and otherwise aiding the Royal\\ncause. Coxe wss appointed President\\n(said a Refugee) to deprive Iiim of the op-\\nportunity of speaking, as he had the gift\\nof saying little with many words. Anoth-\\ner President of the Board was William\\nFranklin, a natural son of Benjamin\\nFi anklin, and the last Tory Governor of\\nNew Jersey.\\nIt is not probable that all who were\\ncalled Jersey Refugees where natives of\\nthe state too many were it is true but\\nthe thrift and industry of the inhabitants\\nof old Modmouth, once the richest county\\nin the state, the advantageof deep swamps\\nfor hiding, the proximity of Raritan Bay\\nand the seaboard rendering it convenient\\nto send plunder to New York, all formed\\nattractions to draw here villains from\\nother parts whose chief object was plun-\\nder, who scrupled at no crime to obtain\\nbooty or to gratify revenge.\\nThe character of some of these men is\\nclearly set forth in the following %xtracts,\\nthe first from Whig and the other from\\nTory authority.\\nGov. Livingston, the able, fearless and\\neloquent first patriot Governor of New\\nJersey, in a message to the Legislature in\\n1777, says\\nThe Royalists (Refugees) have plun-\\ndered friends as well as ibes effects capa-\\nble of division they have divided such as\\nwere not they have destroyed. They have\\nvsii Ted on decrepid old age and upon de-\\nfenceless youth they have committed\\nhostilities against the professors of litera-\\nture and against the ministers of religion\\nagainst public records and private monu-\\nments, books of improvements a.nd papers\\nof curiosity, and against the arts and sci-\\nences. They have butchered the woixnd-\\ned when asking for quarter, mangled the\\ndead while weltering in their blood re-\\nfused to the dead their right of sepulture,\\nsuffered prisoners to perish for want of\\nsustenance, violated the chastitj of vro\\nmen, disfigured private dwellings of taste\\nand elegance, and in their rage of impiety\\nand barbarism, profaned edifices dedica-\\nted to Almighty God.\\nStrong and emphatic as is the foregoing\\nlanguage of the patriotic Livingston, yet it\\nfails to jjortray the brutality of some\\nwretches who pretended to be Refugee\\nLoyalists as clearly as the following brief\\nextract from the evidence of a Tory nam-\\ned Galloway, of Pennsylvania, given un-\\nder oath before Parliament. At the breaK-\\ning out of the Revolution, Galloway, a\\nPennsylvanian of wealth and standing,\\nsided with the Whigs, but soon turned\\nTory, and his property to the amount of\\n\u00c2\u00a340,000 was confiscated. Speaking of\\nRefugee outrages, he said\\nRespecting indiscriminate plunder it\\nis known to thousands. In respect to\\nrapes, a solemn inquiry was made and af-\\nfidavit taken by which it appears that no\\nless than twenty-three were committed in\\none neighborhood in New Jersey, some of\\nthem on married women, in presence of\\ntheir helpless husbands, and others on\\ndaugliters while their unhappy parents\\nwith unavailing tears and cries could only\\ndeplore their savage brutality.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n71\\nThis was the evidence of as reliable a\\nman as ever sided with the Tories. In\\ncorroboi-ation of the foregoing we might\\ninstance, among other things, the burn-\\ning of churches in Essex county, of ravish-\\nment of women (one of them nearly sev-\\nenty years old), c. And Jerseymen have\\nthe mortification of knowing that wretch\\nes pretending to be natives of this state\\ndisgraced the soil that gave them birth\\nby acts of brutality elsewhere, among\\nwhich may be mentioned the cold blood-\\ned murder of the brave Col. Ledyard at\\nFort Griswold, Conn., by a wretch known\\nas the Jersey Refugee, Bromfield. Af-\\nter the Americans had surrendered the\\nfort, Bromfield asked who commanded it.\\nThe heroic Ledyard replied I did, but\\nyou do now, and he delivered his sword\\nto Bromfield. The cold blooded villain\\ntook it and immediately stabbed Ledyard\\nto the heart.\\nThat all the regularly organized Refu\\ngees or Loyalists as they called themselves\\nwere not as hardened villains as above de-\\nscribed we shall endenvor to show here-\\nafter. The best class of them were to\u00c2\u00a9\\nhonorable to engage in midnight marau-\\nding expeditions against their former\\nfriends and neighbors, but cast their lot\\nwith the regular British army, most of\\nthem in a military organization known as\\nthe First Battalion New Jersey Royal\\nVolunteers, of which aprominent officer\\nwas an ex-sherifF of old Monmouth.\\nThese New Jersey Royalists were some-\\ntimes termed the Greens and Gene-\\nral Skinner s Greens. General Skinner\\nwas their most noted commander, of whom\\na notice will be given hereafter, as also of\\nother prominent officers.\\nTo give an idea of the troublous times in\\nwhich lived the citizens of old Monmouth,\\nthe following extracts from various sour-\\nces are furnished, before which, we give\\nthe names of some of the officers of\\nThe Monmouth Militia in the Revolution.\\nThe following are some of the officers of\\nthe militia of old Monmoutn during the\\nwar:\\nFirst Regiment.\\nGeorge Taylor, Colonel. (Deserted to the\\nenemy.)\\nNathaniel ScudrJ^r, Lieutenant Colonel,\\nColonel.\\nAsher Holmes, First Major, Colonel.\\nJohn Smock, Captain, Major, Lieuten-\\nant Colonel, Colonel.\\nThomas Seabrook, First Major, Lieuten-\\nant Colonel.\\nElisha Walton, Ensign, Captain, Second\\nMajor, First Major.\\nThomas Hunn, Captain, Second Major.\\nKenneth Anderson, Adjutant.\\nDavid Rhea, jr.. Adjutant.\\nJohn Stilwell, Quartermaster.\\nJohn Campbell, Quartermaster.\\nRichard Hartshorne, Quartermaster.\\nThomas Barber, Surgeon.\\nJacob Hubbard, Surgeon.\\nJohn Scudder, Surgeon s Mate.\\nSecond Regiment.\\nDavid Brearlf^y, Colonel.\\nJoseph Salter, Lieutenant Colonel.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2--Samuel Forman, Captain, Lieutenant\\nColonel, Colonel.\\nElisha Lawrence, jr., First Major, Lieu-\\ntenant Colonel.\\nWilliam Montgomery. Captain, First\\nMajor.\\nJames Mott, Second Major.\\nJohn Cook, Captain, Second Major.\\nThird Regiment.\\nSamuel Breese, Colonel.\\nDaniel Hendrickson, Colonel.\\nAuke WikofF, Lieutenant Colonel, Colo\\nnel.\\nDennis Denise, First-Major.\\nHendrick VanBrunt, Lieutenant, Cap-\\ntain, Second Major.\\nOf the First Regiment the first Colonel\\n(Taylor) went over to the enemy its next\\nColonel, Nathaniel Scudder, was kilied at\\nBlack Point, Oct. 15th, 178L Asrier\\nHolmes appears to have been transferred\\nto a State Regiment.\\nA more extended list of officers and\\nprivates in these and other organizations\\nwill be furnished hereafter.\\nREFUGEE RAIDS IN OLD MON-\\nMOUTH.\\nJune 3d, 1778. We are informed that\\non Wednesday morning last, a jiarty of\\nabout seventy of the Greens from Sandy\\nHook, landed near Major Kearney s near\\nKeyport headed the Mill Creek, Middle-\\ntown Point, and marched to Mr. John\\nBurrows, made him prisoner, burnt his\\nmills and both his store houses, all valua-\\nble buildings, besides a great deal of fur-\\nniture. They ?lsotook iJrisoners Lieuten-\\nant Colonel Smock, Captain Christopher\\nLittle, Mr. Joseph Wall, Capt. Joseph Co-\\nvenhoven Conover and several other\\npersons, and killed Messrs. Pearce and", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "72\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nVan Brockle, and wounded another man\\nmortally. Having completed this and\\nseveral other barbarities, they precipitate-\\nly returned the same morning to give an\\naccount of their abominable deeds to their\\nbloody employers. A number of these\\ngentry, we learn, u ere formerly inhabi-\\ntants of that neighborhood.\\nApril 26th, 1779. An expedition con-\\nsisting: of seven or eight hundred men un-\\nder Colonel Hyde, went to Middletown,\\nRed Bank, Tinton Falls, Shrewsbury and\\nother places, robbing and burning as they\\nwent. They took Justice Covenhoven and\\nothers, prisoners. Capt. Burrows and Col.\\nHolmes assembled our militia and killed\\nthree and wounded fifteen of the enemy.\\nThe enemy, however, succeeded in carry-\\ning oft horses, cattle and other plunder.\\nIn May, two or three weeks after the\\nabove atfair, some two or three hundred\\nTories landed at Middletown on a pica\\nrooning plundering expedition, but\\nwere repulsed before doing much harm.\\nJune 9th, 1779. A party of about fifty\\nRefugees landed in Monmouth and march-\\ned to Tinton Falls undiscovered, where\\nthey surprised and carried off Col. Hen-\\ndrickson. Col. Wyckoff Capt. Chadwick\\nand Capt. McKnight, and several privates\\nof the militia, and drove off sheep and\\nhorned cattle. About thirty of our mili-\\ntia hastily collected, made some resistance,\\nbut were repulsed with t!ie loss of two\\nmen killed and ten wounded, the enemy s\\nloss unknown.\\nApril 1st, 1780. About this time the\\nTories made another rakl to Tinton Falls,\\nana took seven prisoners. Another party\\ntook Mr. Bowne prisoner at Middletown,\\nwho but three days before had been ex-\\nchanged and had just got home.\\nAbout the last of April llie Refugees\\nattacked the house of John Holmes, Up-\\nper Freehold, and robbed him of a large\\namount of continental money, a silver\\nwatch, gold ring, silver buckles, pistols,\\nclothing, Sec.\\nJune 1st, 1780. The noted Colonel Tye,\\na mulatto, and formei ly a slave in Mon-\\nmouth county, with his motley compa,ny\\nof about twenty blacks and whit^es carried\\noff prisoners Captain Barney vSmock and\\nGilbert Van Mater, spiked an iron cannon\\nand took four horse s. Their rendezvous\\nwas at Sandy Hook.\\nThe Attack on Captain Huudv at Colts\\nNeck.\\nSept. 1780. It is perhaps proper to give\\nfirst tiie version of this affair as found in\\nHowe s Historical Collections of New Jer-\\nsey, as the compiler of that work probably\\nobtained his information from aged per-\\nsons living in 1842, when he visited the\\nlocality.\\nAfter mentioning that the dwelling in\\nwhich Captain Huddy resided during the\\nwar, was then owned by Thomas G. Haight,\\nEsq., and standing in a central part of\\nColts Neck, he say\\nHuddy distinguished himself on various\\noccasions during the war, and became an\\nobject of terror to the Tories. In the sum-\\nmer of 1780, a party of about 60 refugees,\\ncommanded by Tye, a mulatto, one even-\\ning attacked this dwelling. Huddy, as-\\nsisted only by a servant girl aged about\\ntwenty years, defended it for some length\\nof time. Several muskets were fortunate-\\nly left in the house by the guard generally\\nstationed there, but at this time absent.\\nThese she loaded, whil^ Huddy by appear-\\ning at different windows and discharging\\nthem, gave the impression that there were\\nmany defenders. He vvovmded several\\nand at last, while setting fire to the house,\\nhe shot their leader, Tye, in the wrist.\\nHuddy finding the flames fast increasing,\\nagreed to surrender, provided they would\\nextinguish the fire.\\nIt is said that the enemy on entering\\nwere much exasperated at the feebleness\\nof the defenders, and could with difficulty\\nbe restrained by their leader from butcher-\\ning them on the spot. They were obliged\\nto leave, as the militia soon collected and\\nkilled six on their retreat. They carried\\noff with Huddy several cattle and sheep\\nfrom the neighborhood, but lost them\\nfording the creeks. They embarked on\\nboard their boats near Black Point between\\nShrewsbury and Navisink rivers. As the\\nboats pushed off from shore, Huddy jump-\\ned overboard and was shot in the thigh as\\nwas supposed by the militia, then in close\\npursuit. He held up one of his hands to-\\nwards them exclaiming, I am Huddy 1\\nam Huddy swam to the shore and es-\\ncaped.\\nThe name of the heroine who loaded the\\nmuskets for Huddy. says the above writer,\\nwas Lucretia Emmons, afterwards Mrs.\\nChambers, and she died at Freehold about\\n20 years before his visit.\\nTitus or Col. Tye as he was commonly\\ncalled, usually commtinded a mongrel\\ncrew of negroe.s and tories. He died ot\\nlockjaw, occasioned by the wound in his\\nwrist. He was a slave of John Corlies, and\\nwas born and bred in the south part of", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n73\\nthis township. He was an honorable,\\nbrave, but headstrong man. Several acts\\nof generosity are remembered of hiai, and\\nhe was justly more respected as an enemy\\nthan many of his brethren of a fairer com-\\nplexion.\\nMarks of tue fire were plainly discerna-\\nble when the above writer visited the\\nhouse in June, 1842, and on the eastern\\nend of the house were several bullet holes.\\nIn a Philadelphia paper published at\\nthe time, is a letter from Monmouth coun-\\nty dated Sept. 9tli, 1780, which gives a\\nversion of this afiiiir, stated to have been\\non the authority of Captain Huddy him-\\nself. The following is the substance ot the\\nletter\\nThere were 72 men attacked him at\\nhis residence at Colts Neck. They were\\nunder the command of Lieutenant Joseph\\nParker and William Hewlett, and com\\nmenced the attack about an hour before\\nday. They commenced staving a window\\nto pieces, which aroused Huddy the girl\\nhelued him to defend himself. Mrs. Hud-\\ndy and another woman tried to persuade\\nhim to surrender, as defense was usehss.\\nTye, one of Lord Dunmore s crew, re\\nceived a severe wound. After Huddy sur-\\nrendered, they plundered the house. The\\ntight lasted two hours. Six militia men\\ncame near and fired and killed their com-\\nmander. Ensign Vincent and sixteen of\\nthe State Regiment attacked the refugees\\nas they embarked, and wounded Huddy.\\nThe firing made confusion in the boats,\\nand one overset and Huddy swam ashore.\\nThe letter adds that the refugees made\\na silent, shameful retreat, loaded with dis-\\ngrace, and the Americans made quite mer-\\nry over the fact that it took seventy-two\\nof the enemy two hours to take one man.\\nOct. 15th. 1781 A i)arty of refugees\\nfrom Sandy Hook, landed at night at\\nShrewsbury and marched undiscovered to\\nColts Neck and took six prisoners. The\\nalarm reached the Court House about four\\nor five o clock, P. M., and a number of in\\nhabitants, among whom whs Dr. Nathaniel\\nScudder, went in pursuit. They rode to\\nBlack Point to try to recapture the six\\nAmericans, and while firing from the bank\\nDr. Scudder was killed.\\nDr. Scudder was Colonel of the First\\nRegiment Monmouth Militia, and one of\\nthe most prominent, active and useful\\npatriots of Monmouth, and his death whs\\na severe loss to the Americans. He was\\nbviried with all the honors of war. Gen-\\neral Forman s original order to Captain\\nWalton to bury Dr. Scudder with all the\\nhonors of war. was presented to the New-\\nJersey Historical Society in May, 1847, by\\nMrs. Forman,\\nAbout the beginning of August. 1782\\nRichard Wilgus, an American, was shot\\nbeiow A llentown, while on guard to prevent\\ncontraband trade with the British.\\nFebruary 8th, 1782. About fortv refu-\\ngees under Lieutenant Steelraan, came\\nover Sandy Hook \u00c2\u00bbo Pleasant V;dley.\\nThey took twenty horses and five sleighs\\nwhich they loaded with plunder they\\nalso took several prisoners, viz; Hend ick\\nHenderson and his two sons, Peter Coven-\\nhoven, Esq., Esq. Covenhoven or Cone\\nver as the name is now called, was made\\nprisoner once before, in 1779, as before re-\\nlated,) Garret Hendrickson, Samuel B wne\\nand son and Jaques Denise. At Garret\\nHendrickson s a young man named Wil-\\nliam Thompson got up slyly an went and\\ninformed Captain John Schenck, of Colo-\\nnel Holmes regiment, who colh-cted ail\\nthe men he could to pursue. They over-\\ntook and attacked the refugees, and the\\nbefore mentioned VViiliam Thompson was\\nkilled and William Cottrell wounded.\\nThey however took twelve refugee prison-\\ners, three of whom were wounded. But in\\nreturning, they unexpectedly fell in with\\na party of sixteen men under Stevenson,\\nand a sudden firing caused eight of the\\nprisoners to escape. But Captain Schenck\\nordered his men to charge hayonet and\\nthe tories surrendered. Captain Schenck\\nretook nineteen horses and five sheep, and\\ntook twenty-one prisoners.\\nThe first of the foregoing extracts relat-\\ning to the raid of the British in Middle-\\ntown township in 1778, and then landing\\nnear Major Kearney s in the vicinity of\\nKeypo 1, is probably the affair referred to\\nin a tradition given in Howe s Historical\\nCollections, which we append, as it ex-\\nplains whv the refugees fled so precipitate-\\nly. It will be noticed, however, that it\\ndoes not agree with the extract quoted as\\nto damage done, but we are inclineo to\\nbelieve tiiat t e extract coj^ied from the\\nancient paper (Collins Gazette) is correct,\\nas it was written but a few days aVter the\\naffair took place.\\nThe proximitv of this part of Mon-\\nmouth county to New York, rendered it,\\nin the war of tfie Revolution, peculia ly\\nliable to the incursions of the British\\ntroops. Many of the inhabitants, although\\nsecretly favorable to the American cause,\\nwere obliged to feign allegiance to the", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "74\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\ncrown or lose their property by maraud-\\ning parties of refugees from vessels lying\\noff Sandy Hook Among those of this\\ndescription was Major Kearney, a resident\\nnear the present site of Keyport. On one\\noccasion, a party of thirty or forty refugees\\nstopped at his dwelling on their way to\\nMiddletown Point, where they intended\\nto burn a dwelling and some mills. Kear-\\nney teigned gratification at their visit, and\\nfalsely informed them that there were\\nprobably some rebel troops at the Point,\\nin which case it would be dangerous to\\nmarch thither. He ordered his negro ser-\\nvant Jube tliither to make inquiry, at the\\nsame time giving him secretly the cue to\\nact. In due length of time, Jube, who\\nhad gone but a short distance, returned\\nand hastily entered the room where Kear-\\nney and the refugees were, and exclaimed,\\n(3h, Mafsa Massa I the rebels are at the\\nPoint thick as blackberries! They have\\njust come down from the Court House and\\nsay they are going to march down here\\nto-night. The ruse succeeded the ref-\\nugees, alarmed, precipitately fled, retreat-\\ned to their boats, leaving the Major to re-\\njoice at the success of the stratagem which\\nhad saved the property of his friends from\\ndestruction.\\nThe probability is that the ruse prevent-\\ned the refugees from doing as much dam-\\nage as they had intended, although they\\nremained long enough to inflict considera-\\nble injury (is has been related.\\nCAPTAIN JOSHUA BUDDY, THE\\nHERO MARTYR OF OLD MONMOUTH.\\nAmong the multitude of heroic men fur-\\nnished by our State in aid of the struggle\\nfor independence, the name of Captain\\nJoshua Huddy should ever occupy a con\\nspicuous place in the memory of Jersey-\\nmen. Yet when we recall his daring deeds,\\nhis patriotic efforts and sacrifices and his\\nunfortunate end, it is doubtful if les\u00c2\u00ab jus-\\ntice has been done to the services and\\nmemory of any other hero of his day.\\nThough the Continental Congress, as well\\nas General Washington and other noted\\nmen testified their warm appreciation of\\nhis services though his name at one time\\nwas a household word, not only through-\\nout this country but at the courts of Eng-\\nland and France and though his unfor-\\ntunate death and its consequences, for a\\ntime, caused the most intense excitement\\non both sides of the Atlantic, yet in the\\nsubstance of the language of a report\\nadopted by Congress in 1837, It is fear-\\nful to state that after a lapse of fifty years,\\nwnile the services of others of so much less\\nmerit have been made the theme of the\\nbiographer and the poet, the memory of\\nHuddy has not been honored with an epi-\\ntaph. His country, it would seem, has\\noutlived the recollection of his services,\\nand forgotten that suoh a victim was sac-\\nrificed tor American liberty.\\nOutline of Captain^ Huddy s Lite.\\nThe following extracts from the archives\\nof the State Department of New Jersey,\\nwere furnished in 1837 to a Congressional\\ncommittee at the request of the chairman,\\nby the late Governor Philemon Dickenson:\\nJoshua Huddy signs his name as Cap-\\ntain, to a petition from the militia officers\\nof the county of Monmouth, to the Legis-\\nlature, which is dated the 12th of May,\\n1777.\\nCaptain Joshua Huddy is appointed by\\nan act of the Legislature, passed Septem-\\nber 24th, 1777, to the command of a com-\\npany of artillery, to he raised from the mi-\\nlitia of the State, and to continue in ser-\\nvice not exceeding one year.\\nIn the accounts of the paymaster of the\\nmilitia there is an entry of a payment\\nmade on the 30th of July, 1778, to Captain\\nJoshua Huddy, of the artillery regiment\\nfor services at Haddonfield, under Colonel\\nHolmes. In the same accounts a payment\\nis also made to Captain Huddy on the 1st\\nJuly, 1779, for the use ot his horses in the\\nartillery.\\nI find a petition to the Legislature from\\nthe people of Monmouth, dated December\\n10th, 1781, recommending Captain Joshua\\nHuddy as a proper person to command a\\nguard, to be stationed at l^oms River. On\\nexamining the minutes of both houses of\\nthe Legislature, I find no action had on\\nthis petition in fact there is no mention\\nof its being presented. The Legislature\\nadjourned on the 29th of December, and\\ndid not meet again until May 15th, 1782.\\nHuddy was taken liy the tories at Toms\\nRiver, Sunday, March 2 4th, 1782, and it is\\nnot unlikely as the Legislature had no\\naction on this petition he was ordered to\\nthat post by tlie Council of Safety, which\\nexercised legislative potvers during the re-\\ncess of the LegisKture. The minutes of\\nthe Council of Safety must be either lost\\nor destroyed, as thay cannot be found.\\nThe above extracts were made and fur-\\nnislied to Governor Dickenson by George\\nC. Westcott, then secretary of State. In\\nthe original is an error corrected above", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n75\\nit says that Captain Huddy was taken\\nprisoner April 2d it should be March\\n24th.)\\nThe details of the attack on Toms River\\nhave been given.\\nCaptain Huddy, with other prisoners,\\nwas taken to Mew York and lodged in the\\nnoted Sugar House prison, from whence\\nhe was taken on Monday, April 1st, 1782,\\nto the prison of the Provost Guard in New\\nYork, where he was cloFely confined until\\nMonday, April 8th, when he, with Daniel\\nRandolph and Jacob Fleming, both of\\nwhom wfre taken prisoners witu Huddy\\nat Toms River, but soon exchanged for\\ntwo tories. named Captain Clayton Tilton\\nand Aaron White.) were taken on board a\\nsloop and ironed.\\nThe following is a copy of the order to\\nthe Commissary of Prison at New York, to\\ndeliver him to the care of Captain Richard\\nLippincott, of the Refugees, to be taken\\non bo^rd the sloop\\nNew York, April 8th, 1782.\\nSir Deliver to Capt. Ricliard Lippen-\\ncott the three following prisoners Lieu-\\ntenant Joshua Huddy, D;iniel Randolph\\nand Jacob Fleming, to take down to the\\nHook, to procure the exchange of Captain\\nClayton Tilton and two other associated\\nloyalists.\\nBy order of the Board of Directors of\\nAssociated Loyalists.\\nS. S. Blowers, Secretary.\\nTo Mr. Commissary Challoner.\\nHuddy, Randolph and Fleming were\\nkept in irons in the hold of the sloop, until\\nTuesday evenirg, April 9th, when they\\nwere transferred to *^heguardship at Sandy\\nHook, where they were confined between\\ndecks until Tuesday, April 12th, on the\\nmorning of which day, Hud^y was taken\\non shore by a party of refugees under com-\\nmand of Captain Richard Lippencott, and\\nat about ten o clock executed. One refu-\\ngee account says the hangman was a ne-\\ngro. Captain Huddy executed his will\\nunder the gallows, signing it on the barrel\\nfrom which he was a few moments after\\nlaunched into another world.\\nCaptain Huddv s Will.\\nThe following is a copy of the will of\\nCaptain Huddy, signed by him under the\\ngallows\\nIn the name of God, amen I, Joshua\\nHuddy, of Middletown, in the county of\\nMonmouth, being of sound mind and-\\nmemory, but expef^ting shortly to depart\\nthis life, do declare this my lasst will and\\ntestament\\nFirst I commit my soul into the hands\\nof Almighty God, hoping he may receive\\nit in mercy and next I commit my body\\nto the earth. I do also appoint my trusty\\nfriend, Samuel Forman, to be my lawful\\nexecutor, and after all my just debts are\\npaid, I desire that he do divide the rest of\\nmy substance whether by book, debts,\\nnotes or any effects whatever belonging to\\nme, equally between my two children,\\nElizabeth and Martha Huddy.\\nIn witness whereof I have hereunto\\nsunned my name this twelfth day of April,\\ninthe year of our Lord one thousand seven\\nhundred and eighty-two.\\nJoshua Huddv.\\nThe will was written on half a sheet of\\nfoolscap paper, on the back of which was\\nthe following endorsement, evidently writ-\\nten shortly after the will was executed\\nThe will of Captain Joshua Huddy,\\nmade and executed the same day the ref-\\nugees murdered him, April 12th, 1782.\\nThe will was found some years ago\\namong the papers of hie executor, the late\\nColonel Samuel Forman. It was signed by\\nCaptain Huddy, but was apparently writ-\\nten by another person. Captain Huddy s\\ndaughters subsequently became Elizabeth\\nGieen and Martha Piatt the last named\\nlived to an advanced age. In early life\\nshe removed to Cincinnati, Ohio both\\ndaughters we believe left descendants.\\nAfter Captain Huddy s inhuman murder\\nhis body was left hanging until afternoon,\\nwhen the Americans came and took it to\\nFreehold, to the house of Captain James\\nGreene, where it was April 15th. He was\\nburied with the honors of war. His fun-\\neral sermon was preached by the well re-\\nmembered Rev. Dr. John Woodhull, pastor\\nof the First Presbyterian Church, Free-\\nhold.\\nCAPTAIN .JOSHUA HUDDY, THE\\nHERO MARTYR OF OLD MONMOUTH.\\nMEASURES FOR RETALIATION.\\nThe execution of Huddy was regarded\\nby General Washington as a matter of so\\nmuch importance, that he directed that a\\nnumber of general officers of the army\\nshould meet at West Point to decide on\\nwhat measures should be adopted. At this\\ncouncil it was unanimously decided that\\nretaliation should be made, and that it\\nshould be inflicted on an officer of equal\\nrank, and the designation should be made\\nby lot from among prisoners of war, unless", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "76\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOLTTIL\\nthe British surrendered Captain Richard\\nLippincott. A formal demand was made\\nfor the surrender of Lippincott and refus-\\ned, and in consequence on the 13th of\\nMay, lots were cast among the British of-\\nficers held as prisoners, at this time con-\\nfined at Lancaster, Pa.,) and the unfortu-\\nnate victim was Captain Charles Asgill,\\nafterwards Sir Charles Asgiil of a noble\\nfamily, at this time but nineteen years old\\nHe was among the prisoners captured at\\nYorktown, Va.\\nThe particulars of the casting of lots\\nand the events consequent upon the selec-\\ntion of Caj^tain Asgill, are of thrilling in-\\nterest, and excited so much attention at\\nthe time that the celebrated Baron de\\nGrimm speaking of the affair being made\\nthe ground work of a tiagedy brought out\\nin Pans, in 1789, says:\\nThe public prints all over Europe re-\\nsounded with tlie unhappy catasti-ophe\\nwhich for near eight months impended\\nover the life of this young officer. The\\ngeneral curiosity in regai d to the events\\nof the war yielded, if I may say so, to the\\ninterest which young Asgill inspu ed, and\\ntie first question asked of all vessels from\\nany port in North America, was always an\\ninquiry as to the fate of that young man.\\nIt is know)i that Asgill was thrice con-\\nducted to the foot of the gibbet, and tliat\\nthrice General Washington, who could not\\nbring himself to commit the crime of pol-\\nicy without a struggle, suspended his pun-\\nishment; his humanity and justice mad?\\nhim hope that the P^nglish general would\\ndeliver over to him the author of the\\ncrime Asgill was condemned to expiate.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nSir Henry Clinton, either ill-advised or\\ninsensible to the fate of young Asgill, per-\\nsisted in refusing to deliver up the barbar-\\nous Lippincott. In vain the King of Eng-\\nland, at whose feet the unfortunate family\\nof AsgilU fell down, had given orders to\\nsurrender up to the Americans the author\\nof a crime which dishonored the British\\nnation George the Third was not obeyed.\\nIn vain the States of Holland entreated\\nthe United States of America the pardon\\nof the unhappy Asgill. The gibbet erected\\nin front of his prison did not cease to offer\\nto his eyes those dreadful preparations\\nmore awful than deafih itself. In these\\ncircumstances, and almost reduced to de\\nspair, the mother of the unfortunate vic-\\ntim bethought herself that the Minister of\\na King armed against her own nation,\\nmight succeed in obtaiviing that which\\nwas refused her own King. Madam Asgill\\nwrote to the French Minister, Count de\\nVergennes, a letter, the eloquence of which,\\nindependent of oratorical forms, is tliat of\\nall people and languages, because it de-\\nrives its power from the first and noblest\\nsentiment of our nature.\\nBefore giving farther details of Captain\\nAsgills case, his mother s letters, and the\\ncourse of the French court, of Gen, Wash-\\nington and of the Continental Congress re-\\nlating to the affair, it would perhaps be\\nproper to return tu Captain Huddy and\\nrecall the particulars of such of the events\\nof his life as have been preserved. The\\nfollowing, a part of which at least will be\\nfamiliar to most of our readers, comes first\\nin order:\\nBuddy s Capture and Execution.\\nThe next important affair in which we\\nfind Captain Huddy engaged, was in the\\ndefence of the military post at Toms Riv-\\ner. As we gave elsewhere a detailed ac-\\ncount of t!ie attack of the British on tliis\\npost, burning of the village, massacre of\\nthe men after asking for quarters, and oth-\\ner particulars relating to this affair, it is\\nnot now necessary to repeal them, except\\naf tiiey are incidentally given in some im-\\nportant papers, which will be copied here-\\nafter. These papers contain many authen-\\ntic, inteiesting particuliirs which should\\nbe preserved by the citizens of Old Mo.i-\\nmouth. Before copying these, we quote\\nthe following extracts from Howe s Col-\\nlections\\nWhile Huddy was confined on board\\nthe guardsliip, he was told by one of tlie\\nrefugees, that he was. to be hanged. for\\nhe had taken a certain Philip White, a\\nrefugee in Monmouth county, cut off both\\nhis arms, broVe his legs, pulled out one of\\nhis eyes, damned him and bid him run.\\nHe answered, It was impossible I could\\nhave taken Philip White, I being a pris-\\noner in New York, closely confined, and\\nfor many days before he was made a pris-\\noner. .One or two of his., comrades cor-\\nroborated this slatenient. Four days after\\nApril 12th,) Huddy was taken, by 16 ref-\\nugees under Capt. Lippencott, to Gravelly\\nPoint, on the seashore at the foot of Navi-\\nsink liills, about a mile north of the Iligli-\\nland lighthouse where he w^is deliberate-\\nly^ executed. He met his fate with an. ex-\\nfo S^grrliriary dejjree of firmness and sereni-\\nty.. It is said he even executed his will\\ntender the gallows, up.6n the head of that\\nb.arrel from which he was to make his exit,\\nand in a hand writinsj fairer than usual.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nThe following label was attached to his\\nbreast\\nWe, the refugees having long with\\ngrief, beheld the cruel murders of our\\nbrethren, and finding nothing but such\\nmeasures daily carrying into execution\\nwe therefore determined not to suffer\\nwithout taking vengeance for tlie numer-\\nous cruelties and thus begin, havmg\\nmade u^e of Capt, Euddy as the first ob\\nject to present to your view and further\\ndetermine to hang man for man while\\nthere is a refugee living.\\nUp (tObs Huddy for Philip White.\\nThe gallows was formed of three rails,\\nand stood on the beach, close to the sea.\\nTradition states that Capt. Lippincott, ob-\\nserving reluctance in some of his men to\\ntake hold the rope, drew his sword and\\nswore he would run the first through, who\\ndisobeyed orders. Three ol the party,\\nbringing their bayonets to the charge, de-\\nclared their determination to defend them-\\nselves that Huddy was innocent of the\\ndeath of White, and that they would not\\nbe concerned in the murder of an inno-\\ncent man.\\nTiie British version of the execution of\\nHuddy will be given in the account of the\\ntrial of the refugee Captain Richard Lip-\\npincott.\\nCAPT. JOSHUA HUDDV, THE HERO\\nMARTYR 9F OLD MONMOUTH.\\nMEETING AT FREEHOLD.\\nAs soon as the citizens of Old Monmouth\\nreceived information of the barbarous mur-\\nder of Capt. Huddy, a large meeting num-\\nbering some four hundred of the most re-\\nspectable citizens of the countv, assembled\\nat Freehold to take appropriate action.\\nThis meetinji; was held on the 14th of\\nApril, one day before Huddy s burial, and\\nwiiile his corpse was lying at the Louse of\\nCapt. James Greene. This meeting con\\nsidered and approved the following ad-\\ndress\\nTo his Exc. llency George Washington,\\nEsq., Commander in Chief of the com-\\nbined Armies of America and France,\\nacting in N.-rtli America, c., c., c.\\nTiie inhabitants of the county of Mon-\\nmouth, being assembled on account of the\\nhorrid and almost unparalleled murder of\\nCapt. Joshua Huddy, by the refugees from\\nNew York, and as we presume by appro\\nbation, if not by the express command or\\nthe British commander in chief. Sir Henry\\nClinton hold it as our indispensable duty,\\nas well to the United States in general, as\\nourselves in particular, to show to your ex-\\ncellency, that the aforesaid Captain Joshua\\nHuddy, late commanding the post at Toms\\nRiver, was after a brave and gallant de-\\nfence made a prisoner of war, together\\nwith fifteen of his men, by a party of ref-\\nugees from New York, on Sunday, the\\n24th of March, last past. That five of the\\nsaid Huddy s men were most inhumanly\\nmurdered after the surrender that the\\nnext day at night, to wit, on Monday, the\\n25th of March, aforesaid, the said Capt,\\nHuddy and the other prisoners who had\\nbeen spared from the bayonet, arrived at\\nNew York, and were lodged in the main\\ngtxard, during that night thiit on Tuesday\\nmorning, t,ie 26th of the same month, the\\nsaid Hviddy was removed from the main\\nguard to the sugar house, where he was\\nkept closely confined, until removed from\\nthence to the provost guard, on Monday,\\nApril 1st, where he, the said Captain Hud-\\ndy, wasclosely confined, until Monday, the\\n8th of April, instant; when the said Cap-\\ntain Huddy, with two other prisoners, was\\nremoved from the provost jail at New\\nYork, on board of a sloop, then lying at\\nNew York dock, was put in the hold of\\nsaid sloop in irons and then the said\\nCaptain Huddy was told he was ordered\\nto be hanged, although the said Captain\\nHuddy had yiever been charged, or brought to\\nany kind of trial. That the said Captain\\nHuddy demanded to know upon what\\ncharge he was to be hanged that a refu-\\ngee by the name of John Tilton, then told\\nhim that he, the said Captain Huddy\\nmeaning.) was to be hanged for that he\\nhad taken a certain refugee by the name\\nof Philip White, and that he, the said\\nCaptain Huddy, meaning,) had, after car-\\nrying him, theaforesiid Philip White, five\\nor six miles, cut off his the aforesaid\\nPhilip White s arms, broke both his legs,\\n^lulled otit one of his eyes, and most cruel-\\nly murdered him, the aforesaid Philip\\nWhite; and further said, that he, the\\naforesaid Captain Huddy, was ordered to\\nbe hanged for the murder aforesaid; that\\nCap Huddy replied that he had never\\ntaken the aforesaid Philip White prisoner\\nand further said, that he, the aforesaid\\nPhilip White was killed after he, the said\\nCaptain Huddy, was taken prisoner him-\\nself, and was closely confined at New York\\nat the time the said Philip White was kill-\\ned. Which in fact, and in truth, was ex-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "78\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nactly as the said Captain Huddy had relat-\\ned; for he, the aforesaid Philip White, was\\nin New York, on Wednesday, the 27th of\\nMarch, last past, and did oii the night of\\nthat day, sail from New York to Sandy\\nHook, where he lay until Friday, the 29tli\\nof March that late tiie same night, he in\\ncomjjany with Aaron White, .lolin Fenni-\\nmore, negro Moses, John Worth ley, and\\none Isaac, all refugees, weighed anchor for\\nSandy Hook, and ran down to Long Branch,\\nin the townehip of Slirewsbnry tliai the\\nsaid Philip VVliite, so as aforesaid men-\\ntioned to have been killed by the said\\nCaptain Huddy,) and the said negro Mo-\\nses, landed on Long Branch, in Shrews-\\nbury afoiesaid, on Saturday morning, tiie\\n30th of March he, the said .loihua Hud-\\npy, being then a close prisoner in the su-\\ngar house at New York.\\nThat he, the said Piiilip White, was\\ntaken pr so ler on the same 30th of March,\\nin the afternoon, and as a guard was con-\\nducting him, the aaid Piiilip Wliite to jail,\\nthe said Philip in attempting to escape,\\nwas killed by his guard. That on Friday,\\nthe twelfth instant, a party of refugees,\\nsaid to iiave been commanded by a Capt.\\nRichard Lippencott, brought the said Capt.\\nHuddy over to the Highlands of Middle-\\ntown, lianged Inm at ten o clock in the\\nforenoon of the same day, and left him\\nhanging until four o clock in the after\\nnoon, witii the paper herewith annexed\\npinned upon his breast at which time a\\nparly of the inhabitants having been in-\\nformed of the cruel murder, went to the\\nplace of his execution, and cut the unhap-\\npy victim from the gallows.\\nThese bemg a state of induitable facts,\\nfully proven, we do, as of right we may,\\nlook up to your excellency, as the person\\nin whom the sole power of avenging our\\nwrongs is lodged, and who has lull and\\nample authority to bring a British officer\\nof the same rank to a similar end for\\nwhat man after this instance of the most\\nunjust and cruel murder, will presume to\\nsay that any officer or citizen, wliom the\\nchance of war may put into the hands of\\nthe enemy, will not suffer the same igno\\nminious death, on some such groundless\\nand similar pretence.\\nAnd we do with the fullest assurance\\nrely upon receiving effectual support Irom\\nyour excellency, because,\\nFirst, the act of hanging any person\\nwithout any (even a pretended trial, is in\\nitself not only disallowed by all civilized\\npeople, but is considered as barbarous in\\nthe extreme, and most certainly demands\\nredress.\\nSecondly, because the law of nature and\\nof nations, points to retaliation as the only\\nmeasure which can, in such cases, give\\nany degree of security, that the practice\\nshall not become general.\\nThirdly, because the honorable, the Con-\\ntinental Congress, did on the 30th day of\\nOctober, 1778, resolve in the following\\nwords\\nWe, therefore, the Congress of the\\nUnited States of America, do solemnly\\ndeclare and proclaim, that if our enemies\\n{)resume to execute their threats, or persist\\nm thei) present career of barbarity, we\\nwill take such exemplary vengeance as\\nshall deter others from a like conduct.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nWe appeal to that God who searcheth the\\nhearts of men, for the rectitude of our in-\\ntentions, and in his holy presence declare,\\nthat as we are not moved by any light and\\niiasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so\\nthrough every possible change of fortune,\\nwe will adhere to this, our determination.\\nFourthly, because the minds of the peo-\\nple are justly irritated, and if they have\\nnot compensation through a public chan-\\nnel, they may, in vindicating themselves,\\nopen to view a scene at which humanity\\nitself may shudder.\\nThe al)Ove and within, was read to, con-\\nsidered of, and approved, by upwards of\\nfour hundred respectable citizens.\\nOrdered hy them, that the Committee by\\nus appointed, do in our names sign it.\\nOrdered. That General Forman and Col.\\nHolmes be requested to wait on his excel-\\nlency, General Washington, with it, and\\nthat they do wait his excellency s final\\ndetermination.\\nMonmouth, April 14, 1782.\\nJohn Covenhoven, Samuel Forman,\\nThomas Seabrook, William Wilcocks,\\nPeter Forman, Asher Holmes,\\nRichard Cox, Llisha Walton,\\nJoseph Stillvvell, Stephen Fleming,\\nBarnes Smock, John Smock,\\nJohn Schanck. Thomas Cbadwick.\\nAccompanying the address is a copy of\\nthe label elsewhere given fastened to\\nHuddy s breast. The committee appoint-\\ned to wait on General Washington, in ad-\\ndition to the foregoing address, furnished\\nhim with the affidavits of Aaron White,\\nJohn North, William Borden and John\\nRussell, in relation to Philip White s case.\\nThese have been given in speaking of Phil-\\nip White. They also furnished the affida-\\nvit of Daniel Randolph, a copy of which will", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n79\\nbegiven hereafter. When General Washing-\\nton received their papers, he at once trans-\\nmitted them to the President of Congress,\\nwith the following letter\\nHead Quarter*,\\nNewburgh, April 20, 1782. j\\nSir The enclosed papers, which I have\\nthe honor to transmit to your excellency,\\ncontain a state of facts, with their testi-\\nmonials, respecting the death of Captain\\nJoshua Huddy who after being a prison-\\ner sume days, with the enemy at New\\nYork, was sent out with a party of refu\\ngees, and most cruelly and wantonly hang-\\ned on the heights of Middletown.\\nThis instance of barbarity, in my opin-\\nion, calls loudly for retaliation previous\\nhowever, to adopting that measure, ami\\nfor my own justification, in the judgment\\nof an impartial world, I have made a rep-\\nresentation by letter, (a copy ot which is\\nherein transmitted,) to Sir Henry Clititon,\\nand have demanded from him, the actual\\nperpetrators of this horrid a-^t.\\nIf, by Sir Henry s refusal. I s-hould be\\ndriven to an net of retaliation, a Bsitish\\nofficer of equal rank must atone foi- the\\ndeath of the unfortunate Huddy.\\nHappy, if I find that my resolutions\\nmeet the approbatinn of Congrcsf, I have\\nthe honor to be, with the sentiments ot\\nsincere resuect and esteem, Youi Excel\\nlency s inost obedient, and most humble\\nservant, (iEU. WASHINGTON.\\nHis Excellency, the President of Con-\\ngress.\\nCAPT. JOSHUA HUDDY, THE HERO\\nMARTYR OF OLD MONMOUTH.\\nAFFIDAVIT OF DANIEL RANDOLPH\\nESQ., OF TOMS RIVER.\\nvSt.\\\\te of New Jersey,\\nMonmouth County, J\\nPersonally appeared before me, David\\nForman, Esq.. Judge of the Court of Com-\\nmon Pleas, of the county aforesaid, Daniel\\nRandol[)h, Esq., o full age, who, being\\nduly sworn according to law, deposeth\\nand saith, that he, this deponent, did\\nreside at Toms River, in the county afore-\\nsaid that on Saturday nikdit of the 23d\\nof March, they, the inhabitants of Toms\\nRiver, aforesaid, were informed by Cap\\ntain Joshua Huddy, then commanding\\nthe guard at that post, that he, the afore-\\nsaid Captain Joshua Huddy, had informa-\\ntion that a body of refugees were ap-\\nproaching to attack that iwst that this\\ndeponent did join himself to the guard\\nthat just as day befzan to appear on Sun-\\nday morning. Captain Huddy detached a\\nparty of his guard to make a discovery,\\nwhere the enemy were, and to bring him\\naccounts; that as this deponent expects,\\nand believes the guard so sent out, as\\naforesaid, entirely missed the enemy, for\\nthat soon after, viz: before it was yet broad\\ndayliiiht, the enemy appeared in front of\\ntheir small and unfinished block liouse,\\nand immediatelv commenced an attack,\\nwithout any previous demand ot a surren-\\nder that Capt. Huddy, aforesaid, dia all\\nthat a brave man could do, to defend him-\\nself against so tuiserior a number; that\\nafter qtxarters were called f)r, and the\\nbluckhuuse surrendered, this deponent\\nsaw a negro, one of tlie refugee party,\\nbayonet Major John Cooke, and he also\\nsaw a r umber of the refugees, as aforesaid,\\njump into the blockhouse, and heard them\\nsay that they would bayonet them, but\\nthis deponent did not see the deed done\\nto any other person but. Major John\\nCooke. This deponent further saith, that\\nthe same day, viz Sunday, the 24th day\\nof Mirch, they were carried on board the\\nrefugees boats, and arrived iit New York\\nthe evening of the same day that he,\\nthis deponent, Capt. Huddy, und the other\\nprisoners, were th it night lodged in the\\nmain guard at New York that on Mon\\nday morning, the 25th pif March, afore-\\nsaid. Captain Huddy, this dejionent, and\\nthe other prisoners, were carried and con-\\nfined in the sugar house, where they re-\\nmained close confined, until Monday, the\\n1st day of April that on Monday, the 1st\\nday of April, instant, afor-said, Capt,\\nHudtly, this deponent, and tbe other\\npritoriii^rs, aforesaid, were removed from\\nthe sugar house, aforesaid, to the provost\\nguard at New York, aforesaid, and were\\nthere closely coiifined, until Monday, the\\n8th of Api il, instant, when this deponent,\\nCapt. Joshua Huddy. and a certain Jacob\\nFleming, were taken out of the provost\\nguard, aforesaid, and carried immediitely\\non board a sloop, put down in her hold,\\nand ironed the aforesaid Jost/ua Huddy\\nhaving irons on both feet and both hantls\\nAnd further, this deponent saith, that a\\ncertain refugee, called John Tilton, told\\nthe aforosaici Capt. Joshua Huddy, that\\nhe, the aforesaid Joshua Huddy, was or-\\ndered to be hanged that the aforesaid", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "80\\nOLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.\\nCapt. Huddy, then asked the aforesaid\\nJohn Tilton, what charge was brought\\nagainst him that the aforesaid Tilton re-\\nplied, for that he, the aforesaid Capt. Hud-\\ndy, had taken a certain Phihp White\\nprisoner, and after carrying him, the afore-\\nsaid Philip White, six miles up in the\\ncountry, that he, the aforesaid Capt. Hud\\ndy, had cut off both his, (the aforesaid\\nPhilip White s,) arms, broke both his, (the\\naforesaid Philip White s,) legs, pulled out\\none of the aforesaid Philip White s eyes,\\nand then had damned him, the aforesaid\\nPhilip White, and bade him run that he,\\nthe aforesaid Captain Huddy replied, and\\nsaid, he never had taken Philip White\\nand moreover said, that it was impossible\\nthat he could have taken him, for that he,\\nthe aforesaid White was taken and killed,\\nwhile he, the aforesaid Huddy, was a pris-\\noner closely confined m New York. This\\ndeponent further saith, that he, this de-\\nponent, so said that the aforesaid White,\\nwas taken and killed, while Capt. Huddy\\nwas a prisoner, and therefore could not\\npossibly be chargeable upon which this\\ndeponent was told that he, this deponent\\nshould be hanged next further this de-\\nponent saith that the aforesaid Capt. Hud-\\ndy, was frequently charged with the mur^-\\nder of the aforesaid Philii) White, in man-\\nner and form aforesaid. This deponent\\nsaith that he and Capt. Huddy were kept\\nin irons, on board the sloop aforesaid, un-\\ntil they were put on board the guard ship\\nat Sandy Hook, which was done on Tues-\\nday evening, the 9th instant; that on\\nboard this guard ship, this deponent. Cap-\\ntain Hviddy, and Jacob Fleming, were con-\\nfined between decks until Friday, the\\n12th instant; that on Friday, the 12tli inst.,\\nsome men, strangers to this deponent,\\ncame between decks and told him, the\\nsaid Capt. Huddy, to be prepared to be\\nhanged immediately, for having murdered\\nPhilip White, as aforesaid, and took off\\nthe said Cai t. Huddy s irons that Capt.\\nHuddy again said he was not guilty of\\nhaving killed the albresaid White, and\\nshould die innocent, and in a good cause\\nand with uncommon composure of mind\\nand fortitude, prepared himself for his end;\\nthat they, then for the first time since the\\ncapture of this deponent, and the said\\nCapt. Huddy, took the aforesaid Capt.\\nHuddy from this deponent. That about\\nnoon of the same day, the aforesaid John\\nTilton told tliis deponent, that he, the\\naforesaid Capt. Joshua Huddy was hanged,\\nand further said he, that Capt. Hud-\\ndy died iviih the -firmness of a lion. Further,\\nthis deponent saith, that the aforesaid\\nCapt. Joshua Huddy was never taken from\\nhim, this deponent, until he was taken off\\nto be executed, and that he, the aforesaid\\nCaptain Huddy, never was called to any\\nkind of trial, or allowed to make any de-\\nfence and lastly, this deponent saith, the\\ncorpse of the said Cajjtain Joshua Huddy\\nis now at the house of Capt. James Greene,\\nand that he verily believes he came to his\\ndeath by being hanged.\\nDANIEL RANDOLPH.\\nSworn before me, this 15th of April, 1782,\\nDavid Fokman, Judge of the C t of C. P.\\nA COUNCIL OF WAR.\\nThe execution of Huddy was regarded\\nby tfie Commander-in-Chief as a matter of\\nsuch high import, that, in anticipation of\\nthe action of Congress upon his letter, he\\nhad directed that the general oflScers of\\nthe army, and the officers commanding\\nbrigades and regiments, should assemble\\nat West Point, and decide on what meas-\\nures should be adopted. On the 19th day\\nof April, tha meeting was held at the\\nquarters of General Heath, when the fol-\\nlowing questions propounded by Wash-\\nington were stated\\nShall there be retaliation for the mur-\\nder of Huddy\\nOn whom shall it be inflicted\\nHow shall the victim be designated\\nGeneral Heath in his Memoirs describes\\nthe deliberations of the ofBcers as inde-\\npendent of each other no conversation\\nwas permitted between them on the ques-\\ntion submitted, but each one was to write\\nhis own 0}iinion, seal it itp, and address it\\nto the Commander-in-Chief. By this i ro-\\ncess, it was found the decision was unani-\\nmous that retaliation should take jjlace\\nthat it should be inflicted on an officer of\\nequal rank and the designation should\\nbe made by lot from among the prisoners\\nof war who had surrendered at discretion,\\nand not under convention or cai)itulation\\nThis decision was approved by Washing-\\nton, who gave immedifito information of\\nhis intention to retaliate, to the British\\nCammander, unless the perpetrator of the\\nbloody deed shotild be given uj) for execu-\\ntion.\\nNo farther action for a time was taken,\\nthat Sir Henry Clinton might have oppor-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n81\\ntunity to decide upon Washington s de-\\nuaand.\\nIn the meantime occurred the following\\nproceedings in Congress.\\nProceedings in Congress, AjDril, 1782.\\nThe letter of General Washington to\\nCongress, when received, was referred to\\na Committee consisting of Mr. Boudinot,\\nMr. Scott and Mr. Bee. The committee\\nreported on the 20th day of April, 1782,\\nand the following proceedings were then\\nhad\\nA letter of the 20th, from the Com-\\nmander-in-Chief, was read together with a\\nmemorial from the inhabitants of the\\ncounty of Monmouth, in the State of New\\nJersey, and sundry affidavits, respecting\\nthe death of Capt. Joihua Huddy, who\\nafter beini; a prisoner some days with the\\nenemy in New York, was sent out by a\\nparty of refugees, and wns most cruelly\\nand wantonly hanged on the heights of\\nMiddletown.\\nThese papers being committed, and the\\ncommittee having reported thereon\\nResolved, That Congress having de-\\nliberately considered the matter and the\\npaper attending it, and being deeply im-\\npressed with the necessity of convincing\\nthe enemies of these United States, by the\\nmost decided conduct, that the repetition\\nof their unprecedented and inhuman cru-\\nelties, so contrary to the laws of nations\\nand of war, will no longer be suffered with\\nimpunity, do unanimously approve of the\\nfirm and judicious conduct of the Com-\\nmander-in-Chief in his application to the\\nBritish Gen. of New York and do here-\\nby assure him, of their firmest support in\\nhis fixed purpose of exemplary retalia-\\ntion.\\nGeneral Washington to Sir Henry\\nClinton.\\nHead-Quarters,\\nApril 21st, 1782. j\\nSir The enclosed representation from\\nthe inhabitants of the county of Mon-\\nmouth, with testimonials to the facts,\\n(which can be corroborated by other un-\\nquestionable evidence,) will bring before\\nyour excellency, the most v.aiton, unpre-\\ncedented, and inhuman murder that ever\\ndisgraced the arms of a civilised p \u00c2\u00bbple,\\nI shall not, because I conceive it alto-\\ngether unnecessary, trouble your excel-\\nlency with any animadversions upon this\\ntransaction. Candor obliges me to be ex-\\nplicit. To save the innocent, I demand\\nthe guilty. Capt. Lippencott therefore, or\\nthe officer who commanded, at the execu-\\ntion of Captain Huddy, must be given up:\\nor if that officer was of inferior rank to-\\nhim, so many of the perpetrators as will,\\naccording to the tariff of exchange, be\\nequivalent.\\nTo do this, will mark the justice of your\\nexcellency s character; on the fnilure of\\nit I shall feel myself justifiable in the\\neyes of God and man, for the measure to\\nwhich I shall resort.\\nI beg your excellency to be pursuaded,\\nthat it cannot be more disagreeable to you\\nto be addressed in this language, than it\\nis for me to offer it; but the subject re-\\nquii cs frankness and decipion.\\nI have to request your speedy deter-\\nmination, as my resolution is suspended\\nbut for your answer.\\nI have the honor to be, sir, your excel-\\nlency s most obedient servant.\\nGEO. WASHINGTON.\\nHis Excellency, Sir Henry Clinton.\\nSir Henry Clinton replied to Gen. Wash-\\nington on the 25th of April. He express-\\ned surprise at the strong language which\\nhad been used. He refused to give up\\nthe perpetrator of the murder, but inform-\\ned the American commander, that he had\\nordered a court martial to examine the\\ncharge against Capt. Lippencott before\\nhe received the letter. He did not pre\\ntend to justify the conduct of the loyalists,\\nand expressed his regret for the fate of\\nthe sufferer. On the Ist of May, General\\nRobertson, who had succeeded Clinton,\\nreiterated the same sentiments which had\\nbeen previously expressed by his prede-\\ncessor, but still the culprit was protected\\nin New York and the American com-\\nmander replied, in the strongest terms,\\nthat he had resolved upon retaliation, and\\ngiven orders that a British officer should\\nbe designated to suffer. When Sir Guy\\nCarleton took comm-ehd of the British\\nforces, in May, he communicated to Gen-\\neral Washington his intention to preserve\\nthe name of every Englishman from re-\\nproach, and to pursue every measure that\\nmight tend to prevent these criminal ex-\\ncesses in individuals. He did not hesi-\\ntate to conr^emn the many unauthorized\\nacts of violence, which had been commit-\\nted, and concluded that he should do\\nevery thing to mitigate the evils of war.\\nFiom these extracts, as well as the history\\nof that daj it is evident that the British\\ncommander disavowed any participation", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "!0-\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nin the death of Huddy, on the part of the\\nBritish authorities. And it is said, by Dr.\\nThatcher, that the British Government\\nwere inclined to direct that Lippenctt\\nshould be jriven up to Gen. Washington,\\nbut were finally prevented by the influ-\\nence of the American loyalists, (or refu-\\ngees.\\nBaron de Grimm, in his celebrated\\nMemoris, states, wiihou^ any qualifications,\\nthat George III gave orders that the author\\nof a crime which dishonored the English nation,\\n.should be given up for pvnishme.nt, but he\\nwas not obeyed. It is highly probably tliat\\nthis statement is true the writer recorded\\nit in 1775, and from the advantageous posi-\\ntion he occupied, must be presumed to\\nhave known the fact. (vol. iv. p. 272.\\nThe people of New Jersey were exas-\\nperated beyond measure at the bloody\\ncatastrophe but when it was ascertained\\nthat the murderer would not be surren-\\ndered or punished, their indignation\\nprompted the bold attemi t to seize the\\nmiscreant by force. To efiect this pur-\\npose, Capt. Adam Hyler, of New Bruns-\\nwick, having ascertained that Lippencott\\nresided in Broad street. New York, with a\\ncrew disguised as a British press gang,\\nleft the Kills at dark, in a single boat, and\\narrived at White Hill about nine o clok.\\nHere he left the boat in charge of a few\\nmen, and passed directly to Lipp^ncott s\\nhouse, where, on inquiry, it was ascertain-\\ned he had gone to Cock Pit. (Naval Mag.\\nNov., 1839.) The expedition of course\\nfailed but the promptness with which it\\nwas conducted, proves the devotion of the\\nbrave men who were engaged to the com-\\nmon cause, and their execration of Huddy s\\nassassin.\\n(Capt. Adam I Tyler, above referred to,\\nis the one who commanded the barge\\ntaken by the British at Toms River. In\\ntheir accounts they boasted, it will be re-\\nmembered, of capturing one of llyler s\\nbarges. We hai e accounts of a large\\nnumber of the exploits of Hylcr, in the\\nwaters around Old Monmouth, which we\\ntrust to find room for at some tiuie, for it\\nis rare to find, in hict or fiction, more skil-\\nfully planned and fearlessly executed\\ndeeds than those performed by apt.\\nAdam Hyler and his heroic companioll^s.\\nCASTlNd LOTS.\\nExciting Scene\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Captain Asgill the Vic-\\ntim .\\\\ffecting [ncidfMits\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Courts of Eu-\\nroi)e Excited.\\nThe demand for Lijopencott having been\\nrefused. General Washingten, on the 4th\\nof May, directed Brigadier General Hogan\\nto designate by lot, from among the pris-\\noners at either of the posts in Pennsylva-\\nnia or Maryland, a British Captain who\\nhad been unconditionally surrendered as\\nit was ascertained that no such officer was\\nin his power, a second order was issued on\\nthe thirteentn of May, extending the .se-\\nlection to the officers who had been made\\nprisoners by convention or capitulation.\\nUnder this last despatch, the British Cajv\\ntains, who had been captured at York-\\ntown, were assembled at Lancaster, Penn-\\nsylvania, and the lot fell upon Captain As-\\ngill.\\nCharles Asgill was a Captain of the\\nguards, of a noble family, and at the time\\nhe was designated to suffer, but ninetee\u00c2\u00bbi\\nyears of age. lie was captured at York-\\ntown, confined during the winter of 1781-\\n82 at Winchester, in Virginia, and had\\nbeen removed but a short time to York,\\nPennsylvania, when the lot was cast against\\nhim. The officers from whom the victim\\nwas to be selected, were ordered to Lan-\\ncaster, and were there informed by Gener-\\nal Hogan the object for which thev were\\nassembled. Major Morgan, who was the\\nsenior British otlicer at that place, remon-\\nstrated, and used the following language\\nTtiese gentlemen form but a small pro-\\nportion, out of the total number of Cap-\\ntains who became prisoners at Yorktown,\\nand I am sure, if time be afforded, there is\\nnot one of their comrades who will not\\nhasten, even from England, for the pur-\\npose of placing himself by their side, in so\\ntrying an emergency, and staking his life\\nwith theirs.\\nThe (reneral, however, replied his orders\\nwere peremptory, but feelingly remarked,\\nwhen the lot has been declared on whom\\nthis blow shall fall, then you may rely\\nupon it that every indulgence shall be\\nshown which you could e.xpect, or my\\nown feelings dictate. The ceremony is\\nminutely described by an eye witness, the\\nlale Gen. Graham, Lieutenant (Governor of\\nSterling astle, who ve manuscript is pub-\\nlished in the United Service Journal, Novem-\\nber, I S;U. To use his language\\nThe excitement of the scene was now\\nov r, and we gazed ui)on poor Asgill with\\nn liitterness and intensity of feeling, such\\nas defied control. He was barely nine-\\nteen vearsofago; livclv. bravi% Iiandsome:", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n83\\nan only son. as we all knew, and an espe\\ncial favorite with his comrades. To see\\nhim as we did, at that moment, in the full\\nbloom of youth and beauiy, and to know\\nthat his days, nay, his hours, were num-\\nbered that was a demand upon the forti-\\ntude of those who loved him, suoli as they\\ncould not meet. We lifted up our voices\\nand wept and while a warm pressure of\\nthe hand was exchanged with each in his\\nturn, the object of so much commiseration\\nfound it no easy matter, himself, to restrain\\nhis tears. Nor, to do them justice, were\\nthe Americans, either within or without\\nthe house, inditterent spectators to the\\ndrama. The Brigadier at once consented\\nto delay the removal of the victim till the\\nfollowing morning and readily granted a\\npass{)ort to enable an officer to set out on\\nthe instant for New York.\\nCaptain Asgill was conducted to Pliila-\\ndelphia, and from thence was removed to\\nC hatham. He was accompanied by his\\nfriend, Major Gordon, who attended him\\nwith the devotion of a parent to a cliild.\\nIn the meanwhile the execution was\\nsuspended, but every effort was exerted,\\nevery plan that ingenuity could devise or\\nsympathy suggest, adopted to save tlie in-\\nnocent sufferer. Major Gordon appealed to\\nthe French Minister, then in Pliiladelphia;\\nhe wrote to the Count de Rochembeau,\\nand despatched messengers to numerous\\ninfluential Whigs throughout the Colo-\\nnies, to interest them in behalf of his\\nfriend and so eloquent and importunate\\nwere his appeala, that it is said by General\\nGraham, thpt even tliefrtmily of Captain\\nKuddv became themselves sup] liants in\\nAsgill s favor. These untiring exertions,\\nunquestionably contributed to postpone\\nthe fate of the victim, until the final and\\nsuccessful intercession of the Fiench Court\\nobtained his release.\\nWhen Lady Asgill heard of the peril\\nwhicli impended over her son, her husband\\nwas exhausted by disease, and wliile the\\neffect of the intelligence was pent power-\\nfully up in her mind, it produced delirium\\nin tliat ot her daughter; under all tliese\\nembarrassments she applied to King\\n(leorge the III, wlio, it is said, ordered\\nthe cause of this measure of retaliation,\\nthe wretched Lippencott, to be delivered\\nup. wliich Clinton contrived to avoid. She\\ndid not cease lier importunities, until she\\nhad dictated ihe following letter to the\\nCount de Vergennes, who laid it before\\nthe King and ,},ueen of France, and was\\nimmediately directed to communicate with\\nGeneral Washington, and implore the re-\\nlease of the sufferer. A letter, says the\\nBaron de Grimm, the eloquence of which,\\nindependent of oratorical forms, is that of\\nall people, and all languages, because it\\nderives its power from the first and noblest\\nsentiment of our nature.\\nLady Asgill to Count de Vergennes.\\nEloquent Pleadings of a Mother for the\\nLife of an only Son.\\nSir If the politeness of the French\\ncourt will permit a stranger to address it,\\nit cannot be doubted but that she who\\nunites in herself all the more delicate sen-\\nsations with which an individual can be\\npenetrated, will be received favorably by a\\nnobleman who reflects honor not only on\\nhis nation, but on human nature. The\\nsubject on which I implore your assistance\\nis too heart-rending to be dwelt upon\\nmost probably the public report has al-\\nready reached you. This relieves me from\\nthe burden of so mourniul a duty. My\\nson, my only son, dear to me as he is brave,\\namiable as h3 is beloved, only nineteen\\nyears of age, a prisoner of war, in conse-\\nquence of the capitulation of Yorktown, is\\nat present confined in America as an ob\\nject of reprisals.\\nShall the innocent suffer the fate of the\\nguilty Figure to yourself, sir, the situa-\\ntion of a family in these circumstances.\\nSurrounded as I am with objects of dis-\\ntress, bowed down by fear and grief, words\\nare wanting to express what I feel, and to\\npaint such a scene of misery my husband\\ngiven over by his physicians some hours\\nbefore the arrival of this news, not in a\\ncondition to be informed of it; my daugh-\\nter attacked by a ever, accompanied with\\ndelirium speaking of her brother in tones\\nof wildness and without an interval of rea-\\nson, unless it be to listen to some circum-\\nstances which may console her heart. Let\\nyour sensibility, sir, paint to you my pro-\\nfound, my inexpressible misery, and plead\\nin my favor. A word a word from you,\\nlike a voice from heaven, would liberate\\nus from desolation, from the last degree of\\nmisfortune. I know how far General\\nVV ashington reverences your character.\\nTell liim only that you wish my son re-\\nstored to liberty, and he will restore him\\nto his desponding family he will restore\\nhim to happiness. The virtue and cour-\\nage of my son will justify this act of clem-\\nency. His honor, cir, led him to America;\\nhe was born to abundance, to independ-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "84\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nence, and to the happiest prospects. Per-\\nmit me once more to entreat the interfer-\\nence of your high influence in favor of in-\\nnocence, and in the cause of justice, of\\nhumanity. Despatch, sir, a letter from\\nFrance to General Washington, and favor\\nme with a copy of it, that it may be trans-\\nmitted from hence. I feel the whole\\nweight of the liberty taken in presenting\\nthis request; but I feel confident, whether\\ngranted or not, that you will pity tlie dis-\\ntress by which it is suggested your hu-\\nmanity will drop a tear on my fault and\\nblot it out forever.\\nMay tiiat heaven which I implore, grant\\nthat you may never need the consolation\\nwhich you have it in your power to bestow\\non. Theresa Asgill.\\nA NOBLEMAN TELLS ASG ILL S\\nSTORY.\\nExcitement in Holland and throughout\\nEurope The Gibbet\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Asgill thrice con-\\nduced to it Intense anxiety in Eurojje\\nto hear of his fate, c.\\nThe statement of Captain Asgill s case\\nwould not be complete without tlie follow-\\ning extract, which contains some interest-\\ning facts not elsewhere given. It is from\\nBaron de Grimm, who was led to notice\\nthe case on account of its b^inji made the\\nground work of a tragedy called Abdir,\\nby de Sauvigny, represented in Paris in\\nJanuary, 1780.\\nYou can well remember the general\\ninterest which Sir Asgill inspired, a\\nyoung officer in the English guards, wlio\\nwas made prisoner and condemned to\\ndeath by the Americans, in reprisal for\\nthe death of Capt. Iluddy, who was hanged\\nby order of Capt. Lippencott. The public\\nprints all over Europe resounded with\\nthe unhappy catastrophe, which for eight\\nmonths impenled over the life of tliis\\nyoung officer. The extreme grief of his\\nmother, the sort of delirium which cloud-\\ned the mind of his sister, at hearing the\\ndredful fate which menaced tlie life of\\nher brother, interested every feeling mind\\nin the fate of that unfortunate family. The\\ngeneral curiosity in regard to the events\\nof the war, yielded, if I may say so, to the\\ninterest which young Asgill inspired, and\\nthe first question asked of all vessels that\\narrived from any port in North America,\\nwas always an inquiry into the fate of that\\nyoung man. It is known that Asgill was\\nthrice conducted to the foot of the gibbet,\\nand that thrice Gen. WashingtoiT, who\\ncould not bring himself to commit this\\ncrime of policy without a great struggle,\\nsuspended his punishment his humanity\\nand justice made him hope that the P^n-\\nglish general would deliver over to him\\nthe author of the crime Asgil was con-\\ndemned to exj^iate. Sir Henry Clinton,\\neither ill advised or insensible to the fate\\nof young Asgill, persisted in refusing to\\ndeliver up the barbarous Lippencott. In\\nvain the King of England, at whose feet\\nthe unfortunate family fell down, had\\ngiven orders to su render up to the Ameri-\\ncans the author of a crime which dishon-\\nored the English nation George the 3d,\\nwas not obeyed. In vain the State of\\nHolland entreated the United States of\\nAmerica the p.rdon of the unhappy As-\\ngill. The gibbet, erected in front of his\\nprison, did not cease to offer to his ye\u00c2\u00ab\\nthose dreadful preparatives, more awful\\nihan death itself. In these circumstances,\\nand almost reduced te despair, the mother\\nof the unfortunate victim beihonght her-\\nself that tlie Minister of a King, armed\\nagainst her own nation,, miglit succeed in\\nobtaining that which was refused to her\\nKing, Madam Asgill wrote tothe Cnuntde\\nVergennes a letter, the eloquence of vvhicli,\\nindependent of oratorical forms, is that of\\nall people and languages, because it de-\\nrives its powe-r from the first and noblest\\nsentiment of our nature.\\nFor seven months, the fate of this intei-\\nM esting young officer remained suspended,\\nwhen, cheitfly through the intercession of\\nthe French Court, he was set at liberty.\\nThe following are the proceedings of Con-\\ngress directing his discharjje\\nTill RSD.AV, Novembe 7th, 1782.\\nOn the repoit of the Committee, con-\\nsisting of Mr. lUitledge, Mr. Osgood, Mr.\\nMontgoniery, Mr. Boudiirot, and Mr.\\nDuane, to whom were referred the ielter\\nof the 19th of August la ^t, from the Com-\\nmander-in-Chief, the report of a committee\\nthereon, and the motives of Mr. William\\nson and Mr. Kutledge; and also, another\\nletter^ (rom the Commander-in Chief, with\\na copy of a letter to him from the Count\\nde Vergennes, dated July 29th last, inter-\\nceeding for Capt. Asgill\\nResolved. That the Commander in-Chief", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "OLL) TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nbe, and he hereby is directed, to set Cap-\\ntain Asgill at liberty?\\nA copy of the foregoing proceedings and\\nresolutions was forwarded by Gen. Wash-\\nington to Capt. Asgill, together with a let-\\nter, given below, which exhibits the moral\\nexcellence, the great and commanding at-\\nribiites that always distinguished the\\nFather of liis Countrj\\\\ The decision of\\nGen. Wiisliington in this delicate aftair,\\ntlie deep interest felt by the American\\npeople for theyoiithfui sufferer, the pathet-\\nic appeals of Lady Asgill to the Count de\\nVergennes in behalf of her son, (in the\\nlanguage of Congress, in 1837,) forms one\\nof the most impoitant and instructive\\nportions of revolutionary history.\\nGexerai. Washington to Captain Asgill.\\nSiK: It affords me singular satisfaction\\nto liave it in my power to transmit to you\\nthe enclosed copy of an act of Congress of\\nthe 7th inst., by which you are reli^^ved\\nfrom the disHgreeable circumstances in\\nwhich you have been so long. Suppos-\\ning that you would wish to go to New\\nYork as soon as possible, I al-*o enclose a\\npassport for that pur])Ose. Your letter of\\nihe 18th came regularly to my hands. I\\nbeg of you to believe that my not answer-\\ning it sooner did not proceed from inat\\ntention to you, or a want of feeling for\\nyour situation- but I daily expected a de-\\ntermination of your ca se and I thought it\\nbetter to awa.t that, than to feed you witii\\nhopes tha miLdit in the end prove fruit-\\nless. You will attribute my detention of\\nthf enclosed letters, which have been in\\nmy possession a fortnight, to the same\\n(viuse. I cannot take leave of you, sir,\\nwithout assuring y6u that, in vvhatever\\nlight my asency in this unpleasant affair\\nmay be viewed, I was never influenced\\nthroughout the whole of it Uy sanguinary\\nmotives, but what I conceived to be a\\nsense of duty, wliich loudly called upon\\nme to use measures, however disagreeable,\\nto prevent a repetition of those enormities\\nwliich liave been the subject of discussion\\nand that this important f^Ld is likely to b\u00c2\u00ab\\nanswered without the effusion of the blood\\nof an innocent person, is not a greater re-\\nlief to you that it is to me.\\nSir, c. George Wasuington.\\nImmediately after this letter released\\nhim, Cuptain Asgill prejiartd himself to\\nreturn to England, arid in a short time\\nembaiked. The following letters from\\nhis mother exhibi a tone of high-wrought\\ngratitude that was worthy of her exalted\\nspirit\\nSecond Letter of Lady Asgill to Count de\\nVergennes Outpourings of a Grateful\\nHeaVt.\\nExhausted by long suffering, overpow-\\nered by an excess of unexpected happiness,\\nconfined to my bed by weakness and lan-\\nguor, bent to the eartJi bj what I have un-\\ndergone, my sensibility alone could supply\\nme with strength sufficient to address\\nyou.\\nCondescend, sir, to accept this feeble\\neffort of my gratitude. It has been laid\\nat the feet of the Almighty and believe\\nme, it has been presented with the same\\nsincerity to you, sir, and to your illustrious\\nsovereigns. By their august and salutary\\nintervention, as by your own, a son is re-\\nstored to me, to whom my whole life was\\nattached. I have tlie sweet arsurance\\nthat my vows for my protectors are heard\\nby the Heaven to whom they are ardently\\noffered. Yes, sir they will produce their\\neffect before the dreadful and last tribu-\\nnal, wtiere I indulge in the hope that we\\nshall both meet together you to receive\\nthe recompense of your virtues; myself,\\nthat of my sufferings. I will raise my\\nvoice to that imposing tribunal I will\\ncall for those sacred registers in which\\nyour humanity will be found recorded I\\nj will pray that blessings may be showered\\nj on your head upon him, who, availing\\nhimself of the noblh st privileges received\\nfrom God a privilege no other tlian di-\\nvine has changed misery into happiness,\\nhas withdrawn the sword from the inno-\\ncent head, and restored the worthiest of\\nsons to the most tender and unfortunate\\nof mothers.\\nCondescend, sir, to accept this ju\u00c2\u00b0t tri-\\nbute of gratitude due to your virtuous\\nsentiments. Preserve this tribute, and\\nmay it go down to your posterity as a testi-\\nmony of your sublime and exemplary\\nbeneficence to a stranger, whose nation\\nwas at war with your own, but whose ten-\\nder aff ctions had not been destroyed by\\nwar. May this tribute bear testimony to\\nmy gratitude, long after the hand which\\nexpresses it with the heart, which at this\\nmoment only vibrates with the vivacity of\\ngrateful sentiments, shall be reduced to\\ndust; even to the last day of my existence,\\nit shall beat but to offer you all the re-\\nspect and all the gratitude with which it\\nis penetrated. Thehesa Asgill.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "86\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nLADY ASGILL TO MAJOR GORDON.\\nA Grateful Mother to a True and Tried\\nFriend of her Son.\\nSir If distress liice mine has left any\\nexpression but for grief, I sliould long\\nsince addressed myself to you, for whom\\nmy sense of gratitude makes all acknowl-\\nedgments poor indeed. Nor is this the\\nfirst attempt but you were too near the\\nobject, of my anguish to enter into the\\nheart-piercing subject. I constantly pray-\\ned to Heaven that he might not add to\\nhis sufferings the knowledge of ours. He\\nhad too much to feel on his own account,\\nand I could not have concealed the direful\\nefiect of his misfortune on bis family, to\\nwhom he is as dear as he is worthy to be\\nso. Tnfit as I am at this time, by joy\\nalmost as insupportable as the agony be-\\nfore, yet sir, acc-^-j^t this weak effort from\\na heart deeply affected by your humanity\\nand exalted conduct, as Heuven knows it\\nhas been torn by affliction. Believe me,\\nsir, it will only cease to think in the lust\\nmoments of life, with the most grateful,\\naffectionate, and respectiul sentiments to\\nyou. But a fortnight, since, I was sinking\\nunder a wretchedness I could no longer\\nstruggle with. Hope, resignation, had\\nalmost forsaken me. I began to experi-\\nence the greatf-st of all misfortunes\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that\\nof being no longer able to bear them.\\nJudge, sir, the transition the day after tlie\\nblessed change takes place. My son is\\nreleased; recovered; returned; arrived at\\nmy gate; in iny arms. I see nim unsub-\\ndued in spirits, in health unreproached\\nby himself, a])proved by his country in\\nthe bosom of tiis family, and without anx-\\niety, but for the happiness of his friend;\\nwithout regret, but i or having left him\\nbehind. Your humane feelings that have\\ndictated your conduct, to him, injured and\\ninnocent as he was, surely will participate\\nin our relief and joy. Be that pleasure\\nyours, sir, as well as every other blessing\\nthat virtue like youis and Heaven can be-\\nstow. This prayer is offered U( for you in\\nthe heart of transport, as it was in the, bit-\\nterness of my anguish. My gratitude has\\nbeen soothed by the energy it has been\\noffered with. It has ascended to the\\nthrone of mercy and is, f trust, accepted.\\nUnfit as 1 am, lor nothing but suscei)tibil-\\nity so awakened as mine could enable me\\nto write; and exhaust -d by too loni; anx-\\niety confined at this time to a bed of\\n.sickness and !Mn _ uor vet T fould not\\nsuffer .another interval to pass, without\\nthis weak efrbrt. Let it convey to you sir.\\nthe most heartfelt gratitude of my husband\\nand dav.ghters. You have the resjject\\nand esteem of all Europe, as an honor to\\nyour country and to human nature, and\\nthe most zealous friendship of, my dear\\nand worthy Major Gordon,\\nYour affectionate and obliged servant,\\nTheresa Asoill.\\nThe fate of Captain Asgill, while it was\\nsuspended in doubt, tilled the public\\ni;)rints all over Europe witn anxious wishes\\nfor his release and in the year 1785,\\nwhen the excitement of a former period\\nhad subsided, the story of this intenaed\\nreprisal was made the groundwork of a\\ntragic drama by the celebrated French\\nwriter, M. de Sauvigny while in Ander-\\nson s History of the American War, pub\\nlished immediately after the peace, the\\nauthor has deemed the incidents so mem-\\norable, that lie has given a portrait of the\\nyoung Asgill in the costume of the day.\\nWhile Captain Asgill s fatewa.s in doubt,\\nthe Britisli instituted acourtmarti.il to try\\nCaptain Lippencott, who was sui)pose(l to\\nbe the principal agent in the murder of\\nliuddy. It will be seen, by extracts from\\nthe evidence of witnesses, hereafter given,\\nthat Governor Franklin, the President of\\nthe Board of Associated Royalists, gave\\nveibal orders for the execution of Huddy,\\nand that he afterwaids basely endeavored\\nto throw the whole blanip on Lippencott.\\nWhen Franklin gave the verbal or iers,\\nhe designated Huddy as a proper subject\\nfor retaliation, as he said Huddy had been\\na chief prosecutor of refugees, and partic-\\nularly instrumental in lianging ^tei)hen\\nEdwards, the refugee spy. Tlie decision\\nof the court, will be given hereafter. It\\nclenred Lippencott perhai)s justly. If so,\\nGov. William Franklin should huve been\\nhanged for Iluddy s murder. Sir Guy\\nCarle- ton, who was the British commander\\nat New York, wlien Lippencott was ac-\\nquitted, appeared disposed to do justly,\\nand assured Wa^^hington, that notwiili-\\nstanding tlie acquittal of Lippencott, he\\nrepiobated the measure, and L ave assur-\\nance of i)rosecuting a further inquiry.\\nThanks to Sir Guy, he broke up tiiis Board\\nof A.ssociated Royalists The war was\\nabout closing, and the necessities for retal-\\niation about over; and hence the request\\nof the King and cineen of France, through\\nCount Verirenne.s, for the release of A*gill,\\nwere favorably receiv(-d.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nPetition to CoNYiKESS of Martha Piatt,\\nDaughter of Captain Joshua Huddy,\\nPresented December 21st, 1836.\\nTo the Congress of the United States\\nYour Moinorialist, Martha Piatt, now\\nresiding in Cincinnati, State of Ohio,\\nRespectfully represents\\nThat she is the only surviving child of\\nCaptain Joshua lluddy, who was inhuman-\\nly put to death by a party of lories under\\nthe imniedi-ite command of Captain Lip\\npencott, in the month of April, 1782.\\nHer deceased father, ever ready at the\\ncall of his country, had for from the com-\\nmencement of the revolutionary war, Irom\\nhis devotion to the cause uf liberty, be-\\ncome obnoxious to the enemy, lie was\\nnia e a prisoner of war by the refugees, in\\nMarch, 1^72, while he commanded a block-\\nhouse in Monmouth county. N. J.:\\nhaving dei ended that post with great\\nbravery, until his ammunition was entire-\\nly expended. He was then taken to New\\nYork, and detained in close confinement\\nfor two or three weeks, when, without\\nform of trial, he was told that he was or-\\ndered to be hanged. In pursuance of this\\nlesolution, he was carried over to the New\\nJersey shore, and executed, in a manner\\nso barbarous, that the anisals of savage\\nwarfju-e do not present an instnnce of hu-\\nman sacrifice more wantonly cruel.\\nThis act. so dishonorable to the British\\ncharacter, (for Sir Heniy Clinton,- the\\nCommander-in-Chief, refused to give up\\nthe perpetiator of the crin:!e), was not less\\ndisastrous to the family of the iamented\\npatriot, who was not permitted to die a\\nsoldiers death, much less to enjoy the\\nlast kinfl ulKces of those dear to him by\\nthe stronge.-it eartidy ties. The first in-\\ntelligence they received of his decease,\\nwa.s that he hid perished on the scaffold.\\nHis widow left desolate, with two daugh-\\nters of tender age, in common with the\\nhighsouknl females of the revolution,\\ntrusted in Providence, and hoped that the\\ncountry lor which her husband s life had\\nbeen sacrificed, would not fortiet her or\\nher children.\\nThe subject of Captain Huddy s mur-\\nder, (for such is the appropriate name it\\ndeserves,) was referred to the American\\nCongress by Gen. Washington, and the\\nmode of retaliaiion he adopted unanimous-\\nly ap(..roved by that body and the people\\nof New Jersey, roused by the bloody deed\\na sj)irif-stirring\\n!o vengeance, adilressed\\nmemorial to the Commander-in-Chief, de-\\ntailins the facts, and requiring exemplary\\nas well as summary retributioii at his\\nhand. While in obedience to these claims,\\na British officer was selected by lot, as the\\nvictim of retaliation, and while the melan-\\ncholy interest whicli youth and innocence\\nassociated with the name of Captain Asgill,\\nexcited the deep sympathy of the Ameri-\\ncan people while the heart-rending ap-\\npeal \u00c2\u00a9f his noble mother to the Count de\\nVergennes. in behalf of her devoted son,\\ninduced the mediation of the French\\nCourt to effect his release; the name and\\nfate of Capt. Huddy are only remembered\\nas .nmong the many instances of cruelty\\nincident to a state of war. And the wid-\\now and the children of that martyred\\nhero, have been left hitherto without the\\nleast token of the gratitude of their coun-\\ntry\\nYour petitioner appeals to the .Justice\\nof Congress. Slie is now seventy years of\\nage: her mother is dead, and her sister\\nalso she alone survives to feel anew the\\nhorrors of that dreadful moment, when\\nshe was told that she was fatherless, and\\nthat her gallant sire m^t the death of\\na malefactor; while his only crime wns\\nhis ardent attachment to the cause of\\nAmerican liberty. The gratitude of the\\ncountry has been long deferred, and\\n1 hough late, your petitioner asks, that in\\ncommon with the representatives of her\\ndeceased sister, she may be allowed such\\nsum in moncv, and such quantities of land\\nas her father wouid h\\\\ve been entitled to,\\nhad he served unril the conclusion of the\\nrevolutionary war.\\nShe commits iier appeal to Congress in\\nthe lull assurance that her claim will not\\nbe disregarded. And as in duty bound,\\ni c. Martha Piatt.\\nThis petition was presented to Congress\\nDecember 21st, 1836, and referred to a\\nspecial convnittee, consisting of Mr. Storer,\\not Ohio; Mr. Buchanan, of Penn.; Mr.\\nHardan, of Ky. Mr. Elmore, ofS. C. and\\nMr. Schenck, of N. J., in February follow-\\niuL reported a bill extenaing to the heii s\\nof Captain Huddy the benefits of existing\\npension laws, the same as if he had been\\nin the regular army, and also granting\\nthem six hundred acres of land, and also\\npaying the sum of twelve hundred dollars,\\nbeing the sum due Captain Huddy for\\nseven years service as Captain of Artillery.\\nThe report of this committee, adopted\\nby Congress Febiuary 14, 1837, is so ably\\nwritten, and contains such vivid pictures", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "0\\\\A I [.\\\\IK8 IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nof Old Monmouth during the war, and of\\nCaptain Huddy s services and sacrifices\\ntiiHt it is well worth perusal and preserva-\\ntion, and we tlierefore append so much of\\nit as has not a ready been quoted.\\nREPORT ADOPTED BY CONGRESS,\\nIN RELATION TO PETITION OF\\nMARTHA PIATT.\\nHuddy s services appreciated by Congress\\nGraphic picture of affairs in Old Mon-\\nmouth Is the nation grateful Elo-\\nquent ext acts.\\nTlie memorialist is the only surviving\\ndaughter of Captain Jushua Huddy of\\nNew Jersey, who was a soldier of the war\\nof the revolution. Her father in 1776,\\nwas an officer in the militia of his native\\nstate, and in the autumn of 1777, was ap\\npointed by the Legislature to command a\\ncompany of artillery, wlio were enlisted\\nfor twelve months. In 1779. he was en-\\ngaged in the same duty and in 1781, the\\npeople of Monmouth Couiity, having le-\\noommeded him for the {)urpo. e, he was se-\\nlected to command the post at Toms Riv-\\ner. While gallantly defedi.ing himself\\nagainst a superior force, he was there\\ntaken prisoner in 1782. and reserved for\\nan ign minious death on the scaffold.\\nTlie tours of duty thus detuiled, aro ex\\ntracted trom ofiici 1 records, as will ap-\\npear by papfern attached to this report;\\nbut the histoiy of the whole war n that\\nregion, if it sliould be minutely described,\\nwas a series of bold and haziudous efforts\\nto sustain the cause of liberty in all\\nwhich Capt. Huddy was eminently con-\\nspicuous. Brave, patriotic and persever-\\ning, he perilled liis propel ty and his life\\nfor his country, and at last perished in\\nher defence.\\nPerhaps the annals of ihe civilized\\nworld do not present a more melancholy\\nspectacle than was exhibited in. New .Jer-\\nsey, while the British array, occupied tiie\\ncity of New York. The people were all a\\narms, their substance wasted by the enemy,\\ntheir farms unfilled their families, dispers-\\ned. In iiddition to the constant and har-\\nassing inroads of the Tiritisii, there was a\\nfhe within her very borders more watch-\\nful and more relentless than the common\\nenemy. Traitors to American liberty filled\\ntlie land, willing to sacrifice their former\\nfriends to gratify their malignant passions,\\nor to i)rove their loyalty to their King.\\nThese men combined together for the\\navowed object of murder and plunder,\\nwere to be met at all points and it re-\\nquired the titmost energy, activity and ad-\\ndress to oppose them. Their movements\\nwere sudden, and from their intimate\\nknowledge of the country their march was\\noften unknown until their object had been\\neffected. Hence, the most untiring vigi-\\nlance was required to counteract their\\nplans and Ccipt. Huddy became so zeal-\\nously engaged as a partizan leader, that he\\nwas more obnoxious to the tories that any\\nindividual in the American service. To\\ntliese de.^perate men, it was then all im-\\nportant that one whcwii they so much\\ndreaded should be deprived of power toop-\\npose them and no means were left unat-\\ntempted to effect their purDose.\\n(The report her^ proceeds to give an\\naccount of Capt. Huddy s capture, impris-\\nonment and execution, which we have\\ngiven elsewhere, after which it says:\\nThe documents which the committee\\nhave annexed to the report, minutely de-\\nscribe the horrid tragedy, and they for-\\nbear to sta e here the incidents which are\\nthere recorded in the language of eye wit\\nnesses. riiere is sometlimg so revolting\\nin the mode a brave soldier was doomed\\nto die: something sofiendlikein the haste\\nto saci ifice Iiiiu without tlie parting fare-\\nwell of Ids friends and the consolations of\\nreligion that no age hovvever barbarous\\ncan furnish a stronger nslance of refined,\\ndeliberate cruelty. Yet, even here, th?\\ndevoted sulfeier sustained his high ret u-\\ntatioii for moral firmness and heroic devo-\\ntion to liberty. Mr. Randolph testifies tlint\\nwhen the refugees were taking the irons\\nfiom Capt. Huddy, to conduct liim to the\\ngallows, the brave man sai l that be sh ^uld\\ndie innocent, and in a good cause; and\\nwith uncommon composure and fortitude,\\nprepared himself for his end. And to use\\nthe* language ot one who assisted at the\\nexecution, he met his fate with all the\\nfirmness of a lion. His executioner was a\\nnegro.\\nThe immediate agent in this oeed of\\nblood, was Richard Lippencott, .a native\\nof New .Jersey, and then a Captain in the\\nBritish service he was the instrument qi\\na board of assoiiated loyalfvts in New-\\nYork, at the head of wliich was William\\nFranklin, once the royal Governor of New\\nJersey, and Sampson S. Blown s, formerly\\nof Boston. Secretary. The members of\\nthis board, after the murder had taken\\nplace, endeavored for a time to deny that\\nthey had directed it: but the evidence ad\\nduced on the trial of the perpetrator as", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n89\\nwell as on the subsequent publications of\\nthe loyalists themselves, abundantly prove\\nthat without the courage to act them-\\nselves they had the baseness to authorize\\nth* deed to be committed and the mean-\\nness to attempt the concealment of their\\nprivitv to its perpetration.\\nImmediately after the murdei the peo-\\nple of Monmouth assembled and address\\ned to General Washington the spirit-stir-\\nring and oloquent memorial which he\\nafterwards communicated to Congress,\\nwith the memorable correspondence which\\nhe held on the same subject with 8ir Hen-\\nry Clinton. These documents the com-\\nmittee annex, and would recommend their\\npersual, not only as an authentic narra-\\ntive of facts, (which are buL ,ittle known\\nat the present day,) but as proud exam-\\nples of the lofiy patriotism which distin-\\nguished the men of llie revolution.\\n(The committee here recite Washing-\\nton s measures for retaii;ition, and the\\naction of the Congress of 1782, given else\\nwhere, and then continue as follows j\\nIt is painful to state that after a lapse\\nof fifty years, while the story of Asgill s cap-\\ntivity has been made the theme of the\\nbiographer and poet, the memory of the\\nmurdered Huddy h^s not been honored\\nwith an epitaph. His country it would\\nseem, has outlived the recolleciion of his\\nservices and forgotten that such a victim\\nwas sacrificed for American liberty. The\\nresolution of Congr^ ss, isdopted on the day\\nsubsequent to the discharge of Asgill, and\\nwhich required thai, the British com-\\nmander should be called to fulfil his engage\\nmeni to make further inquisition into the\\nmurder of Capt. Huddy and to pursue it\\nwith all the effect that a due legard of\\njustice will admit, is yet unfulfilled and\\nunrequited; and the only memorial *on\\nthe public journals of America, gratitude\\nfor the services of the livii.g and the chai-\\nacter of the dead are resolutions of retalia-\\ntion none of sympathy or condolence.\\nThe committee in the consideration of the\\ncase, cannot account for i he silence of an\\nAmeric.m Congress u])on a claim Uke this\\npresent which the history of the revolution\\nso amply established. It is true, his repre\\nseiilatives have made no appeal until they\\nottered their memorial at this session, but\\nit is believed the principles of natural\\njustice are independent of all such agency.\\nIf their modesty has hitherio deterred\\nthem, it is at least the gratifyint; evidence\\ntliat there is an American family who have\\nforborne to remind the Legislature of the\\nnation of its high duties and are contend-\\ned to await the judgment of their country-\\nmen, however tardy raay have been its\\nannoucement.\\nThe children of Captain Huddy were\\nboth females, and were left at an early age\\nto their mother s protection. She strug-\\ngled as did the highsouled women of the\\nrevolution with the ordinary vicissitudes\\nof war, and sustained himself by the pros-\\npect of future independence. When her\\ngallant husband was in the field, she knew\\nhe was engaged in a holy cause and pre-\\njiared hei elf for whatever result might\\noccur bus when she found that she was\\nleft desoeate and the father of her children\\nhad been cruelly and wantonly murdered,\\nshe thenceforward lived but for them.\\nThese orphans after the return of peace\\nwere married one of them with her\\nmother is dead the survivor, who is the\\nmemorialist, at the advanced age of seven\\nI ty years, now resides in the west and asks,\\nere she joins those who have already de-\\nparted, that the sufferings of her lathei\\nmight be remembered and tiis services,\\neven at this late day, requited by some\\ntoken of national gratitude.\\nAs Captain Huddy was not in the regu-\\nlar army there is no one of the resolutions\\nof the old Congress that would include\\ni ^his case, were it a claim for military ser-\\nvice merely. But when it ,is considered\\nthat he was actively engaged from 1776\\nuntil 1782 in a most hazardous and import-\\nant dutj at a time when ordinary zeal\\nwould have become cold and ordinary\\ncourage crushed, when they regard hisex-\\nj pose, his position and his untimely death,\\nthe committee can not but conclude that\\nI the spirit of these resolutions should be\\nextended to your memorialist; and if\\nthere is such an attribute as national grati-\\ntude, it should now be exerted.\\nThe committee report the following res-\\nolutions for the consideration of the\\nHouse\\nResolved, That the Congress of the Unit-\\ned States hold in high estimation and\\ngrateful remembrance the servi(!e of Cap-\\ntain -Joshua Huddy, of New Jersey, in the\\nwar of the revolution, and unites in the\\nopinion of the Continental Congress of\\n1782, that he was wantonly and inhuman-\\nly sacrificed by the enemy while in the\\nheroic discharge of his duty.\\nBesolved, That in consideration of the\\nservices rendered to his country by Cap-\\nt.iin Joshua Huddy, and in the perfor-\\nmance of which he was taken prisoner", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "90\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nand afteawards executed for no other\\ncrime than his devotion to liberty, it is\\ntlie duty of Congress to appropriate to liis\\nchildren tiie same sums they woul i havt-\\nreceived liad their hither been a conlinen-\\nt il officer and had continued in llje service\\nuntil ilie close of the war and the wii.-le\\nhenetit of ttie I esoluiions ot 8ept\u00c2\u00bb mber\\n19ih, 1777, and August 24ih, 1780, be ex-\\ntended to them.\\nTo carry which resolutions into effect,\\nyour cominitlee report a bill.\\n(The substance of this bill has already\\nbeen given.)\\nCAPTAIN ASGILL AND HI^ COM-\\nPANIOJNS.\\nHumorous Account of a Serious Affair.\\nIn speaking of casting lots among\\nBritish officers for the puipose o\\\\ retail i- j\\nlion for tije murder of Captain .Joshua\\nHuildy, extracts were quoted from British\\nwriters who enUeavorfd to make iut tliat\\nCaptam AsgilTs compani(jns acted very\\nunselfishly and generously lowardo him, but\\nby the following extract il will be seen\\nthat their conduct was tiothing to boast\\nof. It is from James Smith, one of lh i i\\nauthors of that celebiated woi k Reject-\\ned Address. Smith o.ca iunally used lo\\nvisit CoU)nel Greville, once a somewhat\\nnoted ciiaracter in connection vvitli several\\nliterary journals. Un one visit the Colonel\\nrelated ihe particulars ot what he term -d\\nthe most curious circumstance of .lis life.\\nHe was taken prisoner iluiing the Ameri-\\ncan Kevoluiion along with three other\\nofficers of the same rank one evening\\nthey were summoned into the presence of\\nGeneral Washington, who announced to\\nthem that the conduct of the British gov-\\nernment in cotniemning one of his officers\\n(Cap ain Hufldy) to death a- a rebel lom-\\npelled him to make reprisals; ami that\\nmuch to his regiet he was unuer the ne-\\nneftsity oliequiring them to east lots with-\\nout delay, to decide which of them should\\nbe hanged. They were then bowed out\\nand retuintd to their quarters. P our sliji!-\\nof paper weie put into a hat and the short-\\nest was drawn by Captain Asgill. who ex-\\nclaimed 1 knew how ii would be, 1 never\\nwon so much as a hit at backgiimmon in\\nmy life. Greville said he then was se-\\nlected to set uv) with Captain A.-gill, under\\npretext of cnmpani(.)nship, but in reality\\nto prevent Asgiil trom escaping and leav-\\ning the honor of being har.g d lo be set-\\ntle i between the reniaining tin eel\\nAnd whit, said Siiiitii, d d ou say\\nto c- Uifort hui;\\nWhy I r. meinl)er saying to him, wiien\\nhe left us, D n ic, old fellow, nei tr miiid\\nbut it may be doubled, added Smith,\\nwhether Asgill drt w much comort Irom\\nthe exhortation\\nThis Colonel GrevilU was the one upon\\nwhom Lo d Byron has coiiferre i a not\\nvery enviable noioriet} in the toJlowing\\nlines\\nOr lial at unee the patron and the [lile\\nOf vicu an I fi llv, (irt-vilL- an 1 /irg\\\\k-.\\nLaw Qiuirteili) Mjyazine London\\nTHE REMARKABLE TRIAL OF REV.\\nWILLIAM I E.NWh-NT Full PERJUllY.\\nThe remarkable trial of Rev. William\\nreiinent. of the old reiinent church, for\\nperjury, took [)Iace at I re litem in 1742 be-\\nfore Ciiief Ju tice Robei t Hunter Morris.\\nTne indictment upon which Mr. reii-\\nnent was II ied was one of a series of in-\\ndictmenis all growing out ol the same tran-\\nsaction the alleged stealing ol a horse by\\nthe Rev Ml. liowland and the iniiiv dual\\nI who w^ s the cause ol all the w jes and\\nperils whi h betel the unlortuiiate gentle-\\nmen who Were supposed to be implicated,\\nwas a no oiious si;oundit-l nailed lorn Bell,\\nI whose exploits would n^t suti r l^y a com-\\nparison with thost- of Jonathan Wild or\\nJack SiK ppard. Hew s an iidepl in all\\n1 the arts ol fraud, ihelt, robbery and for\\ngery. But his chief amusement consisted\\nm travelling from on\u00c2\u00ab part of the country\\nj o another |)ersonating ditferenl Individ. j-\\nj als and as uming.a vanely ol chiraciei s.\\ni t y turns he was a sailor, a merchant, a\\nlawjer, a doctor, a preaciier, and su.-tained\\neacli cha act r in such a way for a lime as\\nto impose on the uublio. I he late Jmlge\\nRichaid S. Field, in a p.ii er e id before\\nt e N, J. Hisioii ai Soc.ety m 1851, re\\nviewing the reports of this remaiKable\\nirial, furnishetl qu te a list of tne misueeils\\nthis villian.\\nBy far the most bill iant of all Tom\\nBell o achievements v as unquestionably\\n1 hat out of which grew the indicimiiil of\\nRev. William Tennen! for peijury. 1 1 so\\nhappened that Bell oore a striking le-\\nseinulance to the Rev. Mr. Rowland, a\\npopulai- jiieaiher (t the day, and a triend\\nand as-ociate of Whu field anil the Teii-\\nneiits.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n91\\nOne fvt iiinfr B.Il made hi- (ippearaiice i\\nat a tavern in P iiu-elon (lri s^e l in a daik\\nirrey t:oat. lli there met John SiocUtoii,\\nb., fyther (if Richard Stocktt-.n, a sijjinr j\\nof ilie l)fclaration o\\\\ Inde^ enth. nce, wiio\\ncoming up to him a one accosted liim as\\nthe liev. Mr. Rowland and invited him to\\nIlls h use. Bell assured Inm that lie was\\nmistaken thai his name was not Row-\\nland. Mr. Stockton acknowledj^ed ids\\nt-rrorand told him it pr ceedetl from the\\nverv close resenddance he hope to that\\ngenlUman. This link was enough for Tom\\nBell. It at once occurred to him that here\\nwas a chance for phiying one of his tricks.\\nThe Vf^rv next day he went into wli;it was\\nthen the county of IJ ufiterdon and stopped\\nat a place where tlie Rev. Mr. Rowian l\\nhad occ sionally preached, hut wliere he\\nwas not well kn iwn. Here he introduce d\\nliim elf as Mr. Row and, was invited to\\nthe liouse i ageiulcman in tlu neighlior\\nhood, and asked to preach on the fl low-\\ning Sabhath. Fie coi .-enled to do so. and\\nnotice to that ettect was accordlngis giv- ii.\\nWhen the day arrived lie acjompanied tlie\\nlaihes to church in ih\u00c2\u00bb^ faniiy wa .on while\\nthe master rode alongside, on a very fine\\nhoise. A* they app -ouclie i the chur.h,\\nBell suddenly discovered that he had leli\\nhis notes benird him and propo ed riding\\nback after them on the fine h rse. i his\\nwas at once agree i to and B II m mmed\\ntlif horse, rode back to the house, riflid\\nlie desk of lii.i host nd took liis depart-\\nure, leavin i tlie assemided con-rt-g ition\\nto wonder wiia had become of the Rev.\\nMr. Rowland.\\nWe UKiy imagine the sati-f iction which\\nBell must have derived from this exploii.\\nMr. Rowland was a noted pre ^cher ol great\\npunjzeniiy aiid pov\\\\er, and thundered the\\nttiiorsol the law again.-t ail iaipHiiilent\\nsinners. He wis caileil by the pro essed\\nvvi s of the day JJel/ Fire liowlaiuW He\\nwas literally a. tt-rior to evil doeis, and\\ntherefore it may be [(resumed an object of\\npeculiar aveision to Tom liell. The idea\\nilit-n of bringing such a man into disgracf\\nand at the .-\u00e2\u0096\u00a0ame tune of pursuing his fa-\\nvorite occupation must have been doubly\\npb-asing to him.\\nRfv. Mr. Kowiuiid was at this tim^ ab-\\nsent Irom New Jersey. He had gone for\\nt he purpose ot preaching in Pennsylvania oi-\\nMary hind in company vvitli Rev. Wm.\\nTeiinent and two pious laymen of the\\ncounty of Hunterdon by the names of\\nJushu.i Andt r-on and Bt-nj min Stevens,\\nmembei s of a church coniigujus to the\\none at whicliTotnBell proposed to officiate.\\nAs soon as they returne l Mr. Kovvladd\\nwas cbaiged wilh tne lobbery of the hor-\u00c2\u00abe.\\nA I the next lerm of Oyer and Terminer for\\nHunterdon county an indictment was pre-\\nfe red against him.\\nGreat was th excitement produced by\\nthis event, owing in part to the peculiar\\n.-tate of the Colony at the time. Through\\nthe labors of Mr. Whiifiehi and his as-\\nsociates, among whom were Me.ssrs. Ten-\\nneul and Rowland, a great revival of re-\\nligion had taken ulace in the Pi evinces.\\nBut there was a party in the Colony who\\nwere very hcslilo to this religious move-\\nment, who den unced its authors as fanat-\\nics and enthusiasts, and some of whom did\\nnot hesitate to braml ihem as hypocrites\\nand imposters. Conspicuous among this\\npar y was the Chief Justice, Piobert H.\\nMorris, who what(^ver claim he may have\\nhad to lesj) ct, was certainly not distin-\\nguished eiMier for religion or morality.\\nTo such men this charge against Mr. Row-\\nland, one of til pieachei-^ who were turn-\\niDii everything ujiside down, vvas ol course\\nDecision of great triumph and rejoicing,\\nand the most strenuous eti ir s made to\\nprocure his conviction. The grand jury\\nat first refu.-ed to find a bill aiiaiiist liim,\\nbut they were reproved tiy the Court and\\nsent out again. Tiiey again returned with-\\nout an itidic: men t but the Court sent them\\nout a second lime with threats ot punish-\\nment if they persislwd in iheir refusal, and\\nth^n tliey consented to find a true bill.\\nThus Ml. Rowland was sulijected lo the\\nignominy of a trial. A clear case was\\nmade out on the part of the prosecution.\\nA large numlier of witnessts swore po.\\nitively that he was the identical person\\nwiio hail c mmiiti d the robbery. Un the\\nother hand, the defendants called as wit-\\nnesses, Me.Bsrs. Tenneni, Anderson and\\nStevens, who testified that on the very\\nay on which the rot)bery vvas committed\\nthey were in company with Mr. Rowland\\nat some pit ce in Pennsylvania or Ma-y-\\nand, and. heaid him preach. An alibi\\nbeing thus clearly proved, the jury with-\\nout hesitation acquitted him.\\nBut still the putdic mind was not satis-\\nfien. The person whose horse had been\\nstolen and whose house Iiad been robbed\\nwas so convinced that Mr. Rowland was\\nth^ robber, and i-o many individuals had,\\nas thry supposed, seen him in [lossession\\nof the horse that it was resolved not to let\\nthe matter drop. Messrs, rennent, An-\\nderson and Stevens weie tlierefure arraign-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "92\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\ned before the Court of- Quarter Sessions, of\\nHunterdon, u} on the charjie of having\\nswo-n falsely upon the trial of Mr. Row-\\nland, and indictments were found against\\neach of them for peijuiy. Iluse indict-\\nments were all removed to the .Su{)ren)p\\nCourt. Anderson, conscious of his inno-\\nct nee and unvviliing to be under tiie im-\\nputation of such a Clime, den)anded his\\ntrial at the next term of Oyer and iVinii-\\nner. What evidence he offered in his de-\\nfence does not appear, but he was con-\\nvicted and condemned to stand one hour\\non the Court House steps with a paper on\\nhis breast whereon was written in large\\nletters, This is for loilful and corrupt per-\\njury. Thetiials ofTennent and Sttn ens\\nwere postponed.\\nTtnnent, we are told, being entirely un-\\nused to legal matters and knowing no per-\\nson by whom he could i\u00c2\u00bbrove his inno-\\ncence, had no other resource but to sub-\\nmit himself to Divine will, and thinking\\nit not unlikely that he might be convicted,\\nhad prepared a sermon to preach from the\\npillory. True he employed Mr. John\\nCoxe, an eminent lawyer of the Province\\nto assist, and when he arrived at Trentftn\\nhe found that William Smith one of the\\nmost distinguished members of the New\\nYork bar, who had voluntarily attended\\non his belialf and Mr. Tennent s brother\\nGilbert who was then pastor, of a church\\nin Philadelphia, had brought with him Mr.\\n.lohn Kinsey, an eminent lawyer of that\\ncity, to aid in his defence. But what could\\nthey do without evidence? When Mr.\\nTeiinent was desired by his counsel to call\\non his witnesses that they might examine\\nthem before going into Cour(, he declared\\nhe knew no witnesses but God and his\\nconscience. His counsel assured him, that\\nhowever well founded this confidence\\nmight be, and however important before a\\nln-avenly tribunal, it would not avail him\\nin an earthly court. And they therefore\\nurged thai an application should be madf\\nto postpone the trial. But this he would\\nby no means consent to. They then in-\\nformed him they had discovered a flaw in\\nthe indictment and proposed that advan-\\ntage should be taken of it. (Mr. Stevens\\ntook advantage of this flaw and was clear\\ned Mr. Tennent resisted with great ve-\\nhemence sf.ying it was another snare of\\nthe devil, and before he would consent to\\nit he would suffer death. In the mean-\\ntime the bell summoned them to theCourt.\\nWhile on the way to the Court House Mr.\\nTennent is said to have met a man and\\nhis wife who stopped and asked if his\\nname was Tennent. He said it was and\\nbegged to know if they had any business\\nwiih him. They replied You know best.\\nThey then ini ormed him that they re-\\nsided in a certain j/lace in Pennsylvania\\nor Maryland, and that upon one occasion\\nhe in company witti Itowland, Anderson\\nand Stevens, had lodged at their house:\\nthat on the following day they had heard\\nhim and fiowland preach that some nights\\nbefore they lelt home, they had each of\\nthem dreamed that Mr. Tennent was at\\nTienlon in the greatest possilile distress,\\nand that it was in theii power, and in theirs\\nalone to relieve him tnat ihis dream was\\ntwice repealed and in preci-ely the same\\nmanner to each of them, and that it made\\nso derp an impression o i their minds that\\nthey had at once set off upon a journey to\\nTrenton, and were there to know of him\\nwhat thev were to do. Mr. Tennent hand-\\ned them over to his counsel, who to their\\nastonishment found that their testimony\\nwas entirely satisfactory. Soon after, Mr.\\n.lolin Stockton, who mistook Tom Bell for\\nRev. Mr. Rowland, a!f.o appeared and was\\nexamined as a witness for Mr. fennent.\\nIn short the evidence was so clear and con-\\nclusive, that notwithstanding the most\\nstrenuous exertion of the Attorney Gen-\\neral to procure a conviction, the jury with-\\nout hesitation acquitted Mr. Tennent.\\nMEMBERS OF THE NEW JERSEY\\nPROVINCIAF. ASSE.MBLY FliO.M\\nMONMOUTH COUNTY.\\nFkom their First Session began November\\n10th, 1703, AT Perth Ambov, to the\\nRevolution.\\nIn the list of members of the Assembly,\\nor fiouse of Representatives of the Prpv-\\nince of Nova Cesarea or New .Jersey, from\\n1703 to 1709, during which time there\\nwere four sessions, the names of the coun-\\nties to which they severally belonged are\\nnot given. The records simply mention\\nthat they are from East or West Jersey as\\nthe case may be. Among the members\\nfrom East Jersey it is probable that the\\nfollowing are from Monmouth County\\n1st Assenilily, 1703, Obndiuh Bowiic, Uich il Uartshorne,\\nn j Ricliurd Iliirtsl orne. .lolin Bowne.\\n1 Iliclinnl Salter, OI adiiiIi Bowne.\\n,_-,_ J .John BowiiC, William Lawrence,\\ntLH wis Morris.\\n4tli 1708-9, Gorshom Mott, Rlislia Lawrence.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n93\\nTm-\\nlAftjerithisi Sessi Oia th^ nana^sn of. the\\ncounties to ^^hicb the imembers belonged\\nare. giveui.\\n5tb AiseniWy, 1709. Elieh t Lawrence, Gershom Mott.\\n6th., 1 i ,1710, (3ers)iora Mutt, WiHiitm Lawrence.\\n7th 1716, WilliMni Lawrence, ElisliaLawreuce.\\n8th 1T21, William Lawrence, Garret Schenck.\\n9th,. 1727, John Eaton, .James Grover.\\n10th 1730, John Eaton, James Grover.\\n11th, 1738, John Eaton, Cornelius Vandervere.\\n12th V740, John Eaton, Cornelius Vandervtre.\\n13tlii ,..ii )17.43, John Entou, Robert Lawrence.;\\n14th 1744, Joliii Eaton, K^- liert Lawrence.\\n15tli iVUS, John Eaton, Rol.ei-t Lawrenfe.\\nlekhii Mnl746, John Katon, Robert LnwroBcei ^f/i\\n17th 1749, John Eaton, Robert Lawrence.\\n18th t751, Robert Lawrence, James Holmes.\\n19th i i!l I1764, Robert Lawrence, Jamos Ilohhes.\\n20^h 1761, James Holmef,* lUcharu Lawrence.\\n21st 1769, Robert IIartsli..rne, Edward Taylor.\\n23d 1772, Ed-ward Taylor Richard Lawrence.\\nRobert Lawrence was speaker of the As-\\nsembly in 1746-7, and again fr6m 1754-\\n1758. I ll! ,r.nir i\\nTtiE pROtlNCIAIj CoN GRiSS Oi* NeW -JERSE^.\\nThe delejiates appointed by ih^ peyeral,\\ncounties to take action in rejrard |to th^.\\ntyrannical acts of Great Britain, assemble^,\\nat New Brunswick, July 21vt, 1774, an l\\ncontinued in s ^ssion thteedays.: Sevpnty-\\ntwo delegates were present. The fallowing\\nhad been elected from Monmouth c- unfy\\nby a meeting held at Freehold C pMilt,\\nHouse, Juiy 19th, viz: iijil\\nEdward Taylor, John Anderson, John Taylor.\\nJames Grover, John Lawrence, Dr. Nath l Scudder.\\n.Fohn Burrowes, Joseph Holmes, .Josiali Holmes\\nEdward Williams.\\nEdward Tsykr was appointed chairman\\nof thf delegation. Tlje Provincial Con-\\ngress elected feiephen Crane, of Essex,\\nCliairman, and Jonathian D. Sargent, of\\nSomerset, clerk. Resolutions were passed\\nsimilar in charactei to those adopted by\\nthe Monmoutii meeting, recently publish-\\ned.\\nJames Holmes died and! Johni-.iAiirjdjer\\nsoDi was chosen in his planeaioo oi miinAl\\nii Mi \u00c2\u00bb_i_^;. i If) i-^iiFiH l )i\\nWASHINGTON AND LEE 1t l UE\\nBATTLE O f MONMOUlii,\\ni i 1 1; i: (ill\\nIn the^bstttle of MoriWtiuV h^hWn Ma\\njor General Charles Lee htld v^i jf h ^arfy\\nlost the dAy by ordering a retreat, it is Ve\\nlated by Irving that WfishiiVgtbn gal\\nloped forward to stop the retreat, his in-\\ndignation kindling as l)e rode. The\\ncommander-in-chief soon encounterediLae\\napjiroaching with the body of his? com-\\nmand in full retreat. By this time\\nsays Irving he was thoroughly exaspera-\\nted.\\nWhat is the meaning of this sir? de\u00c2\u00bbd\\nmanded he, in the st(rne.st and evefa\\nfiercest tone as Lee rode up to him. Le\u00c2\u00a5,\\nstung by the manner more than by the\\nwords of demand, made an angry reply and\\nprovoked still sharper expressions which;-\\nare variously vepoited., 7/\\nThe yariotisly reported expressions\\nare the swearing, iqoncerning the quality\\nof which all the great historians inclu-\\ndi^^gjlryingare^ilept^,.^ l,o)i;r.q...x-. oa e-i^v/\\nOil ^;d iwii^T LA FkYiiTTE sAli) c^^ sJfl\\nI iioioi n; ,11 ^.1 i;; J ffj. \u00e2\u0080\u00a2I ^l!\\nB^t, -t^e, Marquis. deLafayettej/VYh,en.j;ej;.\\nlatjng .the circumstance toGovernor Tom.p-v\\nkins, Qf New York, in 1824, said that thi\u00c2\u00a7.\\nwap., th,e only Vme .1 ,(jver hieiud Genej:;.^!,,\\nWs^ghingtoj); 3wea^ Hie called Lee a,;\\ndqrr).7ied .pclffocm, and ;;W^as. in ft towering,\\nrf:ge. AiPPthpr w itDes |Said that Washiog-ij\\nton. cried to Lj^e in tj^ie devil s namj}, s^ij, j\\ngo. back, to tl^e, front, or go to hell. j j\\n1 A Profane ViiiGiNrAiN s VfiHsiioj^.\\niiii,- l.i ii /:MI jji VrtC jl\\nThe late Gen^riil Charles Scott., of TJ?;v\\nginia, wlio had himself a most inveterate\\nhabit of swearing, being asked, after the\\nRevolutionary war, whether it was possi-\\nble that thebe.lojvedi and admired Wash-\\nington 6ver;8w (brb^ii;eiplied ih ihifi; dhiinitJa-!;!\\nlalewaiy;: -..V/ h-a-i..-. i ;\u00e2\u0080\u00a2.,l\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\\nYes sir, he did.once. It was at Mon-\\nmouth and on a dayr that would luive\\nmade;any man swear. Yes sir, he svRore\\nthat day Till the leaves shook in the trees^u\\ncharming, delightful. Never have I enjoyed\\nsuch .sweaiing. befoi*e or since. Sir, on:.\\nthat memorable, day l^e s,wore, Jikeian.aHriJ\\ngel from heaven. I ,iij i. i \u00e2\u0080\u00a21 1\\nThe foregoing would seem to justifjfi!\\nGeneral Lee s statement on his Court Marl\\ntial trial, that he was discQccerted, ast.j\\ntonished and confounded b.y IW asjbttingr,\\nton s.^ordiS^eaid manner; -ili 1:^ lijuri\\nI ^#^^MV Atichtri},t 6 i-! rii^^]\u00c2\u00abMVi f\\nfno .1 ^-iil; iini.siis jill\\n-Says Weems, in his life of Washington;;//\\nAs Washington was advancing, to hja-\\ninfijiitte aStOnisliment he met L\u00c2\u00abe retreaW/\\ning \u00c2\u00bbn J the en?my pursuing. Wr.\\nI Fov; God s sake,, General Z^ee, Baid Wash-J\\ningtoij, in gveAt warmth, Myhat ip tiie;;\\nca\\\\i;se of this ill tiniQd prujJence? j kIi.\\nNo man sir, replied Lee, Oan boastj.Ari\\nlarj^f r poj tion of tha.t rascaillyi virtue ftfcan-;\\nyour Excellency. f il 1 ir- f, i\\nJ D/trtiflg a,lGngf]jJ e; a madmeun,! Washing-/;\\nton rode up to his. troops, who at sight of 1\\nMm rent the air with God save gre:tt\\nWashineton.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "94\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nMy brave fellows can you tight? said\\nhe.\\nThey answered with three cheers.\\nThen face about, my heroes, and\\nchaj ge\\nThis order was executed with infinite\\nspirit.\\nRev. C. W. Upham s Account.\\nUpham in his life of Washington says\\nWhen General Washington met Lee\\nretreating at the battle of Monmouth he\\nwas so exasperated as to lose control of\\nhis feelings for a moment and in his an-\\nger and indignation burst forth in violent\\nexpressions of language and manner.\\nVery harsh words were exchanged be-\\ntween him and Lee and a sharp corres\\npondence ensued, which resulted in Was.h-\\nington s putting Lee under arrest. He\\nwas tried by Court Martial, convicted of\\ndisobedience of orders, of misbehavior be-\\nfore the enemy in making an unnecessa-\\nry and disorderly retreat, and of disrespect\\nto the Commander-in-Chief in the lettei^s\\nsubsequently addressed to hun and sen-\\ntenced to be suspended for one year,\\nAx Old Citizen of Monmouth tells the\\nStohv.\\nThe late Dr. Samuel Forman, whose\\nfather, David Forman and P.^ter Wikoff,\\nacted as guides to General Washington,\\ntrave in 1842 the following version of what\\ntranspired on this memorable occasion.\\nThe action commenced in the morn-\\ning after breakfast, in the vicinity of Briar\\nHill, distant a half or three quarters of a\\nmile beyond the Court House. From\\nthence the Americar^s under Lee slowly\\nretreated before the enemy ab ut three\\nmiles to the vicinity of the Parsonage,\\nwhere a final stand was made and the\\nprincipal action fought. Here Washing-\\nton met Lee in the field immediately\\nnorth of the dwelling, and ri( ing up to\\nhim, with astonishment asked What is\\nthe meaning of this? Lee being some-\\nwhat confused and not distinctly under-\\nstanding the question, replied Sir sir\\nWashington the second time said What\\nIS all that confusion for and retreat?\\nLee replied He saw no confusion but\\narose from his orders -not being properly\\nobeyed. Washington mentioned that he\\nhad certain information that it was but a\\nstrong covering party of the enemy. Lee\\nreplied that It might be .so, but they\\nwere rather stronger tlian he was and that\\nlie did rot think it proper lo risk so\\npiMohi or word- to that (^H ect. W^ sll1^g-\\nton said You should not have underta-\\nken it, and passed by him. Shortly after\\nWa:shington again met him and asked if\\nhe would take command there if not, he\\n(Washington) would; if General Lee\\nwould take command there, he would re-\\nturn to the main army and arrange it.\\nLee replied that nis Exellency had be-\\nfore given him the command there.\\nWashington told him he expected he\\nwould take proper measures for checking\\nthe enemy there. Lee replied that iiis or-\\nders should be obeyed and that he would\\nnot be the first to leave the field and\\nWashington then rode away. Immediate\\nly after this General Hamilton, in a great\\nheat, rode up to Lee and said I will stay\\nhere with you, my dear General, and die\\nwith you; let us all die here rather than retreat.\\nOther Historians.\\nMarshall, Bancroft and Sparks in their\\nlives of Washington merely s ate in sub-\\nstance that Washington spoke in ternis\\nof warmth, implying disippiobation of\\nLee s conduct.\\nMr. George H. Moore, librarian of the\\nNew York Historical Society published in\\n1860 a small volume entitled The Trea-\\nson of Charles Lee, c which gives some\\nimportant facts in General Lee s career to\\nwhich we shall endeavor to refer hereaft-\\ner, but his work sto))s snort of the battle\\n.)f Monmoutii.\\nGen. Washington rarely used profane\\nlanguage, but. there is no doubt that he\\ndid on this occasion, being exasperated at\\nLee s conduct, which gave suspicion of\\ntreachery. The charge of treason against\\nl,ee we shall endeavor to examine here-\\nafter.\\nOur older readers remember the story\\nof the College Divinity Professor wlio al-\\nways held up Washington as a model for\\nills })Ui)iis in all tilings. One day he was\\nlaboring to convince his scholars of- the\\nwickedness of profanity when one ot them\\nloseuD and said Professor yi;u told us\\nto take Washington as an example in all\\nthings and you know he swore terribly at\\nthe battle of Monmouth. The Professor\\nWIS nonplussed, but finally stammered\\nAhem? ah, well if ever any body did\\nliave an excuse for swearing it was Wash-\\nineton at the battle of Monmouth\\nGeneral Lee s Own Version.\\nGeneral Lee, in his defence before the\\ncurt Martial, said\\nWhen I arrived first in hi-; (Washing-\\nton s) ijr^^seuce, oonsoiou-^ having doiie", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n95\\nnothing which could draw \u00c2\u00aen me the least\\ncensure, but rather flattering myself with\\nhis congratulation and applause. I confess\\nJ was disconcerted, astonished and con\\nfounded by the words and manner in\\nwhich bis Exellency accosted me. It was\\nso novel and unexpected from a man\\nwhose discretion, humanity and decorum\\nI had from the first of our acquaintance\\nstood in admirauon of, that I was for some\\ntime unable to make any coherent answer\\nto questions so abrupt and in agreat meas-\\nure unintelligible. The terms I think\\nwere these: I desire to know, sir, what\\nis the reason wiience arises this disorder\\nand confusion V The manner in which he\\nexpre. sed them was much stronger und\\nmore severe than the expressioiis them-\\nselves. When I recovered myself sufS-\\nciently I answered that I saw or knew of\\nno confusion but which naturally arose\\nfrom disobedience of orders, contradictory\\nintelligence and the impertinence and pre-\\nsuni]\u00c2\u00bbtion of individuals who were invest-\\ned with no authority, intruding themselves\\nin matters above their sphere That the re-\\ntreat in the first instance uas contrary to my or-\\nders and wishes.\\nWashington replied all this might be\\ntrue but he ought not have undertaken\\nthe enterprise unless he intended to go\\nthrough with it.\\nEPLSCOPALlANlfsM IN OLD MON-\\nMOUTH.\\nFreehold. Middletown, Shrewsbury, Staf\\nford, c. Missionary Efforts from 1745 to\\nto 1751. Freehold Presbyterians and\\nEpiscopalians Strife in Good Works.\\nHeathens in the Pines. Rogerine\\nBaptists, .G.\\nThe following account of the missionary\\nefforts of Rev. Thomas Thompson in old\\nMonmouth, some cenliuy and a quarter\\nago is worthy of preservation by all inter-\\nested in the early religious history of the\\ncounty. We have seen it stated that but\\ntwo copies of Mr. Thompson s work were\\nto be found in America, one in the Con-\\nnecticut Historical library and the other in\\nthe Astor library at New York. In our\\nvisits to the latter library in past years we\\nhave been surprised to see the value pi .ced\\nupon this little old fashioned book by peo-\\nple versed in the history of olden times in\\nAmeiica, and it is almost as well known\\namong them as Gabriel Thomas History\\nof West Jersey, c., published 1698, of\\nwhich the only known copy of the original\\nedition is in the Franklin Library, Phila-\\ndelphia, a copy of which we hope to find\\nroom for, before concluding these sketches.\\nLately another copy of Mr. Thompson s\\nlittle book was discovered in an Episcopal\\nlibrary in South Carolina, and placed in\\nthe Congressional Library, at Washing-\\nton.\\nIn Mr. Thompson s account of his visit\\nit will be noticed that he sj^eaks disparag\\ningly of the early settlers in the lower part\\nof the county. His zeal for the tenets of\\nthis society by which he was employed,\\nseems to have led him to make animadver-\\nsions against the people there, which it\\nwould appear were not entirely deserved\\naccording to the testimony of ministers of\\nother denominations, which we may give\\nhereafter in sketches of the early history\\nof other societies. It will be noticed that\\nwhile he accuses them of great ignorance,\\nyet he acknowledges having many con-\\nferences and disputes on religious topics\\nwith them, which shows that they were\\nconsiderably posted in scriptural matters,\\nbut undoubtedly opposed to the Church of\\nEngland.\\nMr, Thompson s little work gives an ac-\\ncount of his visi*^ to Monmouth and also to\\nAfrica. We give all that relates to Old\\nMonmouth. His remarks about heathen-\\nism in the pines is rather severe, when it\\nis remembered that it was made after his\\nvisit to the negroes in Guinea, Africa. The\\nsociety he terms Culvers were Rogerine\\nBaptists, who were located some eleven\\nyears at Waretown, Ocean county, and\\nthen left and went to Schooley s Moun-\\ntains.\\nAn Account of the Missionarv Voyages by\\nthe Appointment of the Society for\\nthe Propagation of the Gospel in\\nforeign parts. The one to New\\nJersey in North America,\\nand then from Amer\\nica, to the coast\\nof Guiney.\\nBy Rev. Thomas Thompson, A. M., Vicar\\nOF Reculver, in Kent.\\nLondon printed for Benj. Dod at the\\nBible and Key, in Ave Mary* Lane,\\nnear St. Pauls.\\nMDCCLVIII.\\nIn the spring ot the year 1745 I embarked\\nfor America, being appointed Missionary\\nof the Society for the Propagation of the\\nGospel in Foreign Parts upon recommen-\\ndation of my Reverend Tutor Dr. Thomas\\nCartwright, late Archdeacon of Colchester", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "96\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nand a member of the Society, myself then\\na Fellow of Christ s College Cambridge.\\nI went in a ship called the Albany, belong-\\ning to New York which sailed from Graves-\\nend on the 8th day of May and providen-\\ntially escaping some inst ^nt dangers on the\\npassage, arrived at New York on the 29th\\nof August. The Sunday following I preach-\\ned both Morning and Afternoon at the\\nEpiscopal Church in that citv. whereof the\\nEeverend Mr. Commissary Vesey had then\\nbeen rector more than forty years. On the\\nnext Sunday I passed over to Elizabeth-\\ntown in New Jersey on piy journey to\\nMonmouth County in the Eastern Division\\nwhere I was appointed to reside and have\\nthe care of Churches in that county, being\\nalso licensed thereto by the Right Rev-\\nerend the late Lord Bishop of London.\\nBeing come to the place of my mission\\nI presented my credentials and was kindly\\nreceived and took the first opportunity of\\nwaiting upon the governor Lewis Morris\\nEsq., at his seat at Kingsburg wiiich is in\\nthe Western Division, and took the oath\\nof allegiance and supremacy and also the\\nabjuration oath and subscribed the Declara-\\ntion in presence of his Excellency.\\nUpon making inquiry into the state of\\nthe churches within my District. 1 found\\nthat the members were much disturbed\\nand in a very unsettled state, insomuch,\\nthat some of them had thoughts of leaving\\nour communion and turning to the Dis\\nsenters. The particular occasion of ttiis I\\nforbear to mention.\\nAs I came to gather more information,\\nit presented to me, that many of those who\\nfrequented the Church worship never had\\nbeen baptized .some heads of families and\\nseveral others of adult age, besides a num-\\nber of young children and Infants.\\n1 perceived that it was not altogether\\nneglect, but there was something of princi\\npie in the cause, that so many persons had\\nnot received the sacred ordinance of bap\\ntism and others did not procure it to their\\nciiildren. That part of the country abound-\\ning in Quakers and Anabaptists, tlie inter-\\ncourse with these sects was of so bad in-\\nfluence, as had produced among tlie Church\\npeople thus conforming with their teiiets\\nand example. However the main fault\\nwas rather carelessness of the baptism and\\na great deal was owing to prejudice res-\\npecting the matter of god fathers and god\\nmothers.\\nI seriously declare that the reconciling\\nthis order of the Church to the minds of\\npeople in the American colonies, is of more\\ndifficulty and trouble to the Missionary\\nthan almost all their work and business\\nbesides. And I am well assured that many\\nnf the Sectaries dislike nothing in the\\nChurch so ciuch as that; and some I am\\napt to think, do stand out from our Com-\\nmunion purely upon that account and for\\nno other reairon.\\nI had many tedious arguments with my\\npeople upon this head. I also made it the\\nsubject of some of my discourses in the\\npulpit, till by one means or other, I nt\\nlength brought them to a better under-\\nstanding thereof and to be in a good de-\\ngree satiii-fied with it.\\nAfter sometime they began to bring their\\nchildren to Baptism, and when some had\\nled the way, the rest followed, and pre-\\nsen ted those of their children which were\\nunder years of maturity, to be received in-\\nto the Church and I christened thirteen\\nin one day. After this it went on regular-\\nly. Parents had their children baptized as\\nsoon after they were born as conveniently\\ncould be done and one whole family, the\\nman (whose name was Joseph West) his\\nwife and nine children were baptized all\\nat one time.\\nBy frequent exhortations to the elder\\nsort c.nd often calling upon them to con-\\nsider how they deferred a thing of that\\nconsequence to their salvation. I prtvail-\\ned with many to take upon themselves the\\nbaptismal engagement, to whom 1 gave all\\nnecessary instiuction both to inform their\\nunderstanding and prepare their minds\\nthereto.\\nThe Churches which 1 served were well\\nfilled every Sunday and divers families that\\nlived out of the county came to 3ivine\\nservice from several miles distance and\\nwere very constant devout attendants.\\nBesides these some of the Dutch Church\\noften made a considerable addition to the\\nnumber of my hearers.\\nI had three churches immediately in my\\ncharge, each of them situated in a ditl er-\\nent township, which had regular duty in\\nsuch proportion as were agreed upon and\\nsubscribed to at a general vestry meeting\\nsoon after my coming there. The names\\nof the townships ai e F reehold, Shrewsbury\\nand Middletown. I also officiated at Allen-\\ntown in Upper Freehold while that church\\nwas destitute of a minister, which was af-\\nterwards supplied by Mr. Michael lloudin,\\na convert from the Church of Rome, and\\na worthy clergyman, now the Society s\\nmissionary. Tluse four townships com\\nprised the whole county althcntgli 40 or 50", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH,\\n97\\nmiles in length and in some parts of it con-\\nsiderably wide. 1 also did occasional duty\\nat other places as will be farther men-\\ntioned.\\niliis mission to Monmouth County had\\nbeen very eaily recommended to the So\\nciety but was not presently established.\\nDr. Humphrey s in his Historical account\\nmakes mention that Colonel Morris, a\\ngenllemaii of character and considerable\\ninterest in New J(rsey (the same who was\\nafterwards governor of the province) did\\nin a letter in the year 1703 very earnestly\\nsolicit Dr. Beveridge (late Bishop of St.\\nAsaph, a member of the Society) to send\\na missionary to Mun mouth county in East\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Jersey where a considerable body of hurch\\npeople had formed themselves into a gath\\nered church and had promisea all the belp\\ntheir narrow circumstances could afford\\ntheir minister. The Society were noi then\\nable to support a missionary there, but the\\nReverend Alexander Innis, hapjiening to\\nbe in those parts took the care of that peo-\\nple upon him. After a worLiiy discharge\\nof his functions he died and by his last\\nwill and testament appointed ten acres oi\\nland lying in Middletown to the service of\\nGod, whicli is the ground whereon the\\nchurch now stands. Since that Mr. Wil-\\nliam Leeds became a benefactor to the\\nchurch by making over his house and plan-\\ntation to the society for the use and habi-\\ntation of a missijuarv to be appointed to\\npreach the gospel to the inhabitants of\\nMiddletown and Shrewsbury.\\nAs to the church buildings I have found\\nthem all much out of condition, especially\\nthe church at Middletown, which was be-\\ngun to be built, but the year before I came\\nthere, and had nothing done on the inside,\\nnot even a floor laid. So that we had no\\nplace for the present to assemble in Divine\\nworship, only an old house which had\\nformerly been a meeting house\\nI had now a great and very diflBoult task\\nof it to bring people to the communion.\\nThey that were conformable to this sacred\\nordinance were in very small numbers.\\nMany persons of 50 or 60 years of age and\\n.someolder had never addressed themselves\\nto it. In this case it appeared to me that\\ntheir will was less in fault than their judg-\\nment, which hung so much on the side of\\nfear, that it overbalanced the sense of du-\\nty. 1 took all possible pains to satisfy their\\nscruples, gave them frequent opportiini-\\nties of the communion, ami by the blessing\\nof God gained most of the ancient people,\\nbesides many others, who gave due and de-\\nvout attention to it ever after.\\nThat i might lay a good foundation for\\nthe children and build them up in sound\\nchristian principles I began to catechize\\nat first onlv asking questions in the Church\\ncatechism, but after a while I changed the\\nmethod with them, so as still to keep the\\nwords of the catechism but raised other\\nquestions to the several clauses and mat-\\nters contained therein to trv what they un-\\nderstood of it and by this means led them\\nfurther into the sense and meaning of every\\npart of it.\\nThe number of my catechumens began\\nnow to increase and several of riper years\\npresented themse lves with a teeming ear-\\nnestness to receive the benefit of this in-\\nstruction. So I carried it further and put\\nLewis Exposition into their hands and ap-\\npointed them a day about once a month to\\ncome to the Court House and say the parts\\nwhich I Set them to get by heart, and this\\ncourse I continued till some of them could\\nrecite it from end to end.\\nThere were others willing and desirous\\nto be put forward in the way of godly,\\nknowledge who had not so good memories.\\nTo these 1 propounded two or three ques-\\ntions at a time upon some point of doc\\ntrine which ihey were to prepare them-\\nselves to answer the next meeting and to\\nhave the Scripture proofs written down to\\nbe then also produced. To this they ap-\\n23lied themselves with great industry and\\ngave extraordinarv instances of their good\\nunderstanding as well as diligence.\\nWhen the others had no more of Lewis s\\ncatechism to learn 1 made them repeat the\\nThirty Nine Articles of religion and then\\ntaught them to divide these into questions\\nand answers, and they gave me in month-\\nly the texts they had collected in proof of\\nthem.\\nIn the interim I was not unconcerned\\nfor the poor negroes who wanted enlight-\\nening more than any, and therefore sjjake\\nto their Masters and Mistresses to be at\\nthe pains to teach them the Catechism.\\nAnd thus was taken good care of in some\\npious families and I catechized them in the\\nChurch a certain Sunday, and sometimes\\nat home and after due instruction, those\\nwhom I had good assurance of I received\\nto baptism, and such afterwards as be-\\nhaved well I admitted to the communion.\\nSpeaking here of negroes I will mention\\nthe case of one in whom it pleased God to\\ngive an example of his influencing favor\\nunder circumstances of a condemned crim-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "98\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\ninal. This man was a servant at a place\\ncalled Crosswicks, to a Quaker and had\\nbeen convicted of a rape. He after his ap-\\nprehension, and also at his trial did seem\\nto be a very hardened wretch. According\\nto the strictness of the laws, a negro is to\\nbe executed immediately after sentence;\\nbut the Judges were pleased to be so far\\nfavorable as to allow him the space of a\\nfortnight to be prepared for death which\\nChristian indulgence gave me an opportu-\\nnity to perform those offices to him which\\nby the blessing of God and with the assist-\\nance of a neighboring clergyman, worked\\nupon him by degrees, and at length brought\\nhim to a true repentance. For some time\\nhe held in a very obstinate temper, but\\nwhen it begun that I could get anything\\nfrom him, I found he was not wholly ig-\\nnorant in the principles of Christianity\\nand as he became more disposed to seri-\\nousness, bis readiness of apprehension and\\najitness to learn made it easy to supply to\\nhim the further knowledge of religion,\\nwhich, if he had considered sooner, might\\nhave prevented his coming to that untime-\\nly end. (^ne particular in my dealing with\\nhim I shall speak of, as it may suggest a\\nuseful hint to those whose office may call\\nthem upon a like occasion and which prac-\\ntice I can from other experience recom-\\nmend.\\nI took out of the Psalms such verses as\\nare proper to a penitent sinner; which I\\nmade him repeat verse by verse after me,\\nevery now and then bidding him raise up\\nhis mind and thoughts to Heaven and con-\\nsider that Ne was speaking to Almighty\\nGod. By this means putting the best words\\nof devotioiv into his mouth, the most per-\\ntinent to his use; also holding up his at-\\ntention calling him to awe and reverence\\nthe poo\u00c2\u00bb criminal was drawn out into a\\nsort of involuntary confession of his guilt\\nand the sense of his soul soon correspond-\\ned with what his tongue uttered and he\\nfelt in himself, those affections which\\nworked duly and properly after they had\\nthus been excited. Being thorousihly in-\\nstructed and grounded in tbe christian\\nfaith and there being no room to doubt the\\nsincerity of his repentance, tlu ee days be-\\nfore his execution 1 baptized him and on\\nthat day gave him the communion.\\nIn the year 1746 tbe Churcii at Middle-\\ntown which had stood useless, being, as\\nI have before mentioned, only a shell of a\\nbuilding, had now a floor laid and was oth-\\nerwise made fit to have divine worship per-\\ni ormed in it. The congregation of this\\nchurch was but small and as the service\\ncould not be nftener than once a month,\\nit was morally impossible to increase the\\nnumber much, especially as there was a\\nweekly meeting of Anabaptists in that\\ntown, so that it was the most I covdd pro-\\npose to prevent those that were of the\\nchurch from being drawn away by dissent-\\ners.\\nAfter necessity had been answered its de-\\nmand in the fitting up of one church, ex-\\npediency came next to be consulted for the\\nfinishing another, viz; St. Peters in the\\ntownship of Freehold, which had been\\nbuilt many years but was never quite com-\\npleted. The ground on which the church\\nstands was the gift of one Mr. Thomas\\nBoel, who had been a Quaker, but was\\nbrought over with many others of that per-\\nsuasion by Mr. George Keith, one of tlie\\nSociety s first Missionaries, who himself\\nhad been one of that people but became a\\nvery zealous member and diligent servant\\nof the church and was a person well learned.\\nAfter his return from abroad he had the\\nliving of Edburton in Sussex and jDublished\\nhis journal of missionary travel.\\nThe situation of St. Peteis clmrch at To\\nponcmes, whicli is distant from any town, is\\nhowever convenient enough to tlie congre-\\ngation and WMS resorted to by mai y fami-\\nlie? in Middlesex county living within tlie\\nseveral districts of Cranberry, Machepo-\\nneck, and South River their missionary,\\nmy friend and brother Mr. Skinner gladly\\nremitting to me thecare of them, which he\\ncould not well attend to by reason of a\\nwide and often dangerous Ferry over tlie\\nRaritMn which divides Middlesex county.\\nI was therefore uilling to give them idl\\nDossible attendance and did often meet\\nthem and baptize theii- child -en and ap-\\npointed certain days to preach at ilioso\\nplaces and there also catechize.\\nAt a town called Middletown Point I\\npreached divers times, the place being re-\\nmote and few of tlie settlers having any\\nway for convenience of coming to church.\\nThe inhabitants of Freehold t(Mvnshii\\nwere at least half of them Presbyterian.\\nTiie church people and these interspersed\\namong each other, had liyed less in cliarity\\nand orotherly love than as becomes church-\\nes. But they began on both sides to think\\nless of the thiius in which the. differed in\\nopinion than of tliose in which theyagreed.\\nAnd when bickering and di. puting were\\nlaid down, which was done at hisf^ with tiie\\nfull consent of botli ])arties, another strife\\narose from a better spiiit in tho way oV", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "(ILD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n99\\npeace, to provoke love and to do good works, in\\nwhich neither side was less lorward than\\nthe other.\\nTi)e Church of Enirland worship had at\\nShrewshury been provided lor by the build-\\ning ot a church, before there was any other\\nin the county but this church was now\\ntoo small for the numerous congregation.\\nPeople of all sorts resorted thither and of\\nthe Quaker which are agreit body in th; t\\ntownship, there were several who made no\\nscruple of being present at divine service\\nand were not too piecise to uncover their\\nheads in the house of God.\\nI went sometimes to a place called Man\\nasquan almost twenty miles distant from\\nmy habitation where, and at Shark River,\\nwliich is in that neighborhood some\\nchurch families were settled who were glad\\nof all opportunities for the exercise of Ke-\\nligion. I baptized at Manasquan two Ne-\\ngro brethren, both servants to Mr. Samuel\\nOsborne an eminent and very worthy mem-\\nber of the church, in vvhosn family they\\nhad been taught good cliristtan orincii)les.\\nThe honest nien were so gratified th it each\\nof them otTered me a Spanish dollar in ac-\\nknowledat-ient and would liave thought\\nthemselves more obliged if I had not re-\\nfused their ])resents.\\nFrom Manasquan for twenty miles furth\\ner on in the country, is all one pine forest.\\n1 traveled thiough tiiis desert four times\\nto a place called Barnegat, and thence to\\nMannahawkin, ahnost sixty miles from\\nhome and preached at places where no\\nfoot of minister had ever come. On y at\\nMunnahawkin. one Mr. Neill, a dissenting\\nminister, who is now a presbyter of the\\nChurch of England (then living at Great\\nEijg Harbor) visited Mannahawkin.\\nIn tliis section I had my views of heath-\\nenism ju-t ^!S thorouglily as 1 have ever\\nsince beheld it. The inliabitants are thinly\\nscattered in regions of solid wood. Some\\nare decent peof)le who had lived in better\\nplaces, but those who weie born and bred\\nhere, have neither religion nor manners\\nand do not know to much as a letter in a\\nbook.\\nAs Quakerism is the name under wliich\\nall those in America shade themselves that\\nhave been brought up to none, but vvculd\\nbe thought to be of some religion so these\\npoor people call themselves Quakers, but\\nthey have no meetings and many of them\\nmake no distinction of days, neither observ-\\ning Lords Day nor the Sabbath only some\\nNew England families were then lately set-\\ntled 1 liere who Wf-re filled Culvers and had\\na form and manner of their own vrhich\\nthey held too sacred (though perhaps rath\\ner it was too monstrous) to be communica-\\nted and did not admit others into their as-\\nsemblies. As for those who had removed\\nthither from other parts of the country,\\nthey seemed very sensible of the unhappi-\\nness of their situation, living where they\\nhad no opportunity for the worship of God\\nnor for the christian education of their\\nchildren. I would have taken this difficult\\njourney oitener, finding that some good\\nmight be done among them but having too\\nmuch duty to attend to in other parts of\\nmy mission I could not do it.\\nAs people were desirous of having a\\nSchoolmaster and spoke of making up\\namong themselves a competency for one, I\\nproposed it to Mr. Christopher Robert\\nReynolds, the Society s schoolmaster at\\nShrewsbury and those parts being within\\nthat township, it was not inconsistent with\\nhis appointment. He was willing to go and\\nset up school there, and accordingly went\\ndown and taught a year, employing his dil-\\nigence to good effect.\\nBut his employers living so far asunder\\nthat they could not send their children to\\nschool all at one place, he was obliged to\\nbe often shifting and to go from one house\\nto another, which was such a fatigue and\\nlabor to him, being in years and an infirm\\nman. that he was not able to continue it\\nand returned to Shrewsbury his former\\nstation.\\nIn my journeying through this part\u00c2\u00aef\\nthe country I had many conferences\\nand disputes with the people. Some of\\nthem were willing to see their errors and\\nothers were as obstinate in defending theirs.\\nAnd though ign- irantmindsand prejudiced\\ncannot easily be made to aj^prehend the\\nnature and necessity of the christian ordi-\\nnances yet it pleased God that I brought\\nsome to a true sense of them and I gained\\na few to the communion, and baptized, be\\nsides children seventeen grown persons, of\\nwliich number was Nicholas Wainright\\nnearly 80 years of age.\\nI had now seen a great change in the\\nstate o* my mission within the space of\\nthree years, through the grace of God ren-\\ndering my labors effectual to a good end\\nin particular as to the peace and unison\\nwhich the church members, after having\\nbeen much at variance among themselves,\\nwere now returned to, and the ceasing an-\\nimosities betwixt them and those of other\\nsocieties for these I account the most val-\\nuable success that attended mv ministry.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "100\\nOLD TIxMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nAfter this the churches continued to\\nflourish and in the latter end of the year\\n1750, having then been above five years in\\nAmerica upon this mission, I wrote to the\\nvenerable and honorable society a letter\\nrequesting of them to ^jrant me a mission\\nto the coast of Guiney, that I might go to\\nmake a trial with th* natives and see what\\nhopes there would be of introducing among\\nthem tCe christian religion. The summer\\nfollowing 1 received an answer to that let-\\nter from the Rev. Dr. Bearcroft, acquaint-\\ning me that the Society had concluded to\\nsupport me in the design of that voyage\\nand would appoint another missionary in\\nmy stead for Monmouth county. And the\\nnext September Mr Samuel Cook of Cai-\\nus college anived with his proper creden-\\ntials and I delivered up my charge to liim.\\nHaving took my If ave of the congrega-\\ntion I set out on the 13th of November\\n1751 for New York, from thence to go\\nujjon my voyage to Africa, and at Elizabeth-\\ntown waited on Governor Jonathan Bel-\\ncher Esq., who succeeded Colonel Morris,\\nto pay my respects to him before I left the\\nprovince.\\nNovember 24th 1751 I preached both in\\nthe morning and the afternoon in the Eng-\\nlish church in New YorK of which Rever-\\nend Mr- Barclay is the worthy Rector and\\nthe next day went on board a brigantine\\ncalled the Prince George, Captain Wil-\\nliam Williams, bound for the coast of\\nAfrica.\\nMETHODISM IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nThe Pioneers of the Society Bishop As-\\nbury at Freehold, Allentown, Long\\nBranch, Squan, Kettle Creek, Goodluck\\nc Rev. Benjamin Abbott s visit dur-\\ning the Revolution.\\nWe have reason to believe that the pio-\\nneers of Methodi. ^m visited the county\\nwithin a very few years after the principles\\nof the society were first proclaimed in\\nAmerica, and that occasionally some\\npreacher would hold forth in some of our\\nchurches, school house s or private houses\\nas early as 1774. Some uncertainty exists\\nas to where the first i)reachers held ser-\\nvices in the county, owing to the fact that\\nthe early heroes of Methodism were not\\nalways very precise in giving the names of\\nplaces where they preached, dates and\\nother particulars interesting to the histo-\\nrian of the present day. The most com-\\nplete and satisfactory journal is that of the\\nfaithful, zealous, untiring Bishop Francis\\nAsbury, which is the more remarkable as\\ni is doubtful ii any minister of any denom-\\nination ever perlormed as much labor as\\nhe did in travelling and 2:)reaching. We\\nappend extracts fiom his journal relating\\nto his labois in Monmouth. But other\\npreachers had preceeded him. Rev. Wil-\\n1 liam Walters the first Methodist travelling\\npreachf rof American birth wasstalioned in\\nour state inl774, and hemay have visited our\\ncouiity, though he makes no mention of it\\nin his journal. That earnest, self sacrific-\\ning minister of the gospel. Rev. Benjamin\\nAbbott visitCvl old Monmouth in 1778. Mr.\\nAbbott in hia journal speaks of preaching\\nat various places in that part of old Mon-\\nmouth now composed VTithin the limits of\\nOcean county, among which were Manna-\\nhawkin, Waretown. Goodluck and Toms\\nRiver. But after leaving Tftns River, he\\nomits to name places he merely uses such\\nexpressions as at my next appointment,\\nc., without naming wiiere it was. H\\nprobably preaclied at Freehold and other\\nplaces within the limits of tlie present\\ncounty of Monmoutlj. At some future time\\nwe shall endeavor to rind room for so much\\nof his journal as may relate to old Mon-\\nmouth.\\nThough it is somewhat uncertain who\\nwere the first Methodist preachers in the\\ncounty, yet the prol)abilities aie that some,\\nif not all the following named p ersons\\npreached here before Abbott s visit in 1778,\\nviz: Captain Thomas Webb, Reverends\\nPhilip Gatch, Caleb B, Pedicord, William\\nWatterw, .John King, Daniel Ruff and Wil-\\nliam Duke.\\nRev. John Atkinson in his Memorials\\nof Methodism in iSew Jersey, says:\\nThe Methodist Society of Monmouth\\n(Freehold must have been formed at an\\nearly period, probably about 1780, as in\\nthat year Job Throckmorton of Freehold\\nWas converged under the ministry of Rev.\\nRichard Garietson and became a member\\nof th-d Society. He was one of the first\\nmembera in that region. The Methodists\\nwere much persecuted there at that time.\\nHis house was a home for preachers, and\\nvery likely Asbury was entertainetl at his\\ndwelling duiinghis visits to Freehold.\\nEveritt, Freeborn Garretson, Ezekiel Coop-\\ner, Ware, and others were accustomed to\\nstop at his house. He was accustomed to\\nrelate incidents of Rev. Benjamin Abbott s\\npowerful ministry, one of which is as fol-\\nlows", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n101\\nOn one occasion meeting was held in the\\nwoods, and after Freeborn Garretson had\\npreached, Abbott arose and ooked around\\nover the congregation very significantly,\\nand exclaimed Lord, begin the work\\nLord, begin the work noic! i^ord, begin the\\nwork just there! pointing at the same time\\ntowards a man who was standing beside fi\\ntree, and the man fell as suddenly as if he\\nhad been shot and cried aloud for mercy.\\nIn 1786 Trenton circuil probably in-\\ncluded Trenton, Pemberton, Mount Holly,\\nBurlington and M ^nmouth, Reverends\\nRobert Sparks and Kobert Cann preachers.\\nIn 1787 Rev. Ez-kiel Cooper and Rev. Na-\\nthaniel R. Mills were the preachers. In\\n1788 Rev s John Merrick, Tiiomas Morrell\\nand Jettus Johnson were the preachers.\\nBishop Asbury in Old Monmouth. Ex-\\nTRACTS FROM HIS JoURNAL.\\n.September 14th 1782. I came to New\\nMills (now. Pemberton in Burlington coun-\\nty). I passed through Monmouth in Up\\nper and Lower Fre-eiiold here lived that\\nold saint of God, William Tennent, who\\nwent to his reward a few years ago. j\\nFriday September 9tli 1785. Heard Mr. 1\\nVVoodhuU jJi eacli a funeral discourse on\\nLord thou hast made my days as a hand-\\nbreadth. In my judgment he spoke 1\\nwell. I\\n(The Mr. Wood hull above referred to by\\nMr. Asbury, was probably the Rev. -John\\nWoodhuU, I). D., who succeeded Rev. Mr.\\nTennent at the old Tennent Cliurch, and\\nwho died Nov. 22d, 1824, aged 80 years.)\\nSaturday September 10th, 1785. I had\\nliberty in preaching: to the people ol Mon-\\nmouth on Joshua 24-17 and felt much for\\nthe souls present. (Freehold then was\\noften called Monmouth and Monmouth\\nCourt House.)\\nFriday September 22nd, 1786. We\\ndinefl at Amboy and reached Monmouth\\nat night.\\nSeptember 23rd, 1786. I preaclied life\\nand love at Leonards* The people here\\nappear very lifeless. I had lately been\\nmuch tried and much blessed.\\nTuesday September 26tt 1786. I had\\nmany to hear me at Potter s Church, but\\nthe people were insensible antl unf?elini.\\n(This Potter s Cliurch was at Goodluck\\nin Ocean County, and buili by a benevo\\n|pnt resident of that place named Thomas\\nPotter. Its singular history will be given\\nin sjjeaking of the Universalists society.)\\nFrom Goodluck, Bishop Asbury pro-\\nceeded to Batsto, Burlington county. In\\nOctober, 1790, he preached at rosswicks,\\nAUentown and Cranbury. Of his next\\nvisit to this county he says\\nMonday September 5th, 1791. I rode\\nthrough much rain to Monmouth, N, J.,\\nwbere I preached to a considerable con-\\ngregation on The just shall live by faith\\nbut if any man draw back, my soul shall\\nhave no pleasure in him. There is some\\nstir among the people at Lon^ Branch\\nwithin eighteen months, as I am informed,\\nnearly fifty souls have professed conver-\\nsion.\\nSept. 6th, 1791. I found the Lord had\\nnot left himself without witnesses at Kettle\\nCreek.\\nSept. 7th, 1791. AtP s Church (Pot-\\nter s Church?) I learn some were offended.\\nBlessed be God, my soul was kept in great\\npeace.\\nFrom there Mr. Asbury proceeded to\\nLittle Egg Harbor,\\nOctober 28th, 1795. We came to Mon-\\nmouth we would have gone to Shrews-\\nbury but time and our horses failed us. 1\\nlearn that the ancient spirit of faith and\\nprayer is taking place below. I was shock-\\ned at the brutality of some men ^vho were\\nfighting; one gouged out the other s eye\\nthe father and son then both beset him\\nagain, cut oft his ears and nose and beat\\nhim almost to death the father and son\\nwere tried for a breach of the peace and\\nroundly fined and now the man that has\\nlost his nose is come upon them for dam-\\nage. I have often thought that there are\\nsome things practiced in the Jersie s which\\nare more brutish and diabolical than in\\nany cth-sr of the states there is nothing\\nof this kind in New England they learn\\ncivility there at least\\nWe rode twenty miles to Em ley s Church\\nwhere the great revival of religion was\\nsome years ago. I felt a little of the old\\ngood spirit there still.\\nMay 30th, 1806. I preached at Lower\\nFreeliold. I came home with Simon Pyle.\\nAh what a death there i.s in the Leonard\\nfamily.\\nMay 1st, 1806. 1 breakfasted with Throck-\\nmorton his loss is his gain he has lost\\nhis birthright as a citizens of the state but\\nhe has the blessing of God on his soul\\nSunday April 23rd, 1809. I preached at\\nTuckerton my subject was 2 Cor. 4-2. In\\nthe afternoon I preached again. On Mod-\\nday I preached at Waretown. I staid\\nawhile with Samuel Brown and came to", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "102\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nThomas Chnmberlain s I was eompellen\\nt)y uncomfortable feeling to go to rest at\\nsix o clock. At David WoodmanseV (Good-\\nluck on Tuesday I preached on 2nd Tim.\\n2\u00e2\u0080\u009415. On Wednesday after a rain I set\\nout for Polhemus chapel (Polliemus Mills)\\nwhere I preached. My friends were ex-\\nceedingly kind and T was very sicK. I\\nrose unwell on Thursday and took medi-\\ncine and set out foi iSquan river. My host\\nhere, Derrick I^ongstreet, has been married\\ntwenty-four years his wife once had twins\\nand she has made him the father of six\\nteen children all of whom are sound and\\nwell. I had a noble cont^regation here of\\nwomen and children the mrn were gen-\\nerally gone from the neighborhood, either\\nto the waters or to work. I was seriously\\nunwell. On Friday at Newman s at Shark\\nriver I had women not a few. I suited my\\nsubject to my hearers and preached from\\nLuke 10. 44-42. Ah how many Marthas\\nand how few Mary*- In the afternoon I\\nspoke again at P. White s. We have meet-\\nings twice a day and sometimes at night,\\nand the prospects are pleasing. The weath-\\ner is severely cold.\\nSunday, September 80th, 1809. At Long\\nBranch my subject was Acts 3-26. It was\\ngiven me to speak in strong words, words\\nof God and from God At 3 o clock I\\npreached in the Episcopal church at\\nShrewsbury. I came home with John\\nThrockmorton.\\nMonday, May 10th 1813. 1 preached at\\nAllentown, nearly two hours and haOi gra-\\ncious access to God and to tiuili. We lodged\\nwith John Hughes. I am filled with God.\\nRev. William Mills An Old Monmoith\\nPreacher; a Hero of the war and a\\nSoldier of the Cross.\\nThe following sketch of Mi Mills is by\\nRev. George A. Raybold, author of Metho-\\ndism in We. -t Jersey, whose ministrations\\nin Monmouth county some forty odd years\\nago are so favorabh remembered by many\\nof our older citizens.\\nMr. Mills was a native of Monmouth,\\nof Quaker descent. The fire oT i\u00c2\u00bbatriotic\\nfeeling irduced him, Quaker as he was, in\\n1776, to enter the American army in which\\nhe became an officer. He was taken pris-\\nonei by the British and was st nt, ai ter h f.\\ning changed from one vessel to another,\\nto the West Ii.di(s. At length he was\\ncarried to Euroi)e, from whence at the\\nclose of the war, he returned home and\\nagain settled in New lersey. About the\\nyear 1792 the Melhodi,-t preacheis came\\ninto the region of country where he re-\\nsided. His wife solicited him to hear them,\\nbut he resisted stating his belief that he\\nhad been so wicked his day of grace was\\npast. By a remarkable dream he was at\\nlength convinced tliat there was mercy for\\nhim. He tlie i attended the means of\\ngrace, until as besought the Lord with all\\nhis heart, lie soon found mercy and peace\\nthrough faith in Jesus. He became a mem-\\nber of the first clays formed in tlie vicinity\\nof Shrewsburj in Monmouth. Soon after\\nhe found the Lord, he began to exliort\\nother. j and was aj)pointeel cia^s leader; and\\nin the spring of 1799 he wa^ received into\\nthe travelling connexior,. His lal Ois as nn\\nitinerant began on Milford circuit, Dela-\\nware, from whence he was se-nt to various\\nplaces and finally returned to Jers-ey. In\\n1813 he was sent to Freehold, the place of\\nj his nativity and the first field of his Chris-\\ntian efforts. The soldier who had faced\\ndeath at the cannon s mouth on the land\\nand on tlie sea, now, as liis end api)roached\\nin reality felt no fear. He had a i^resenti-\\nment oi his death and told his wife that\\ndeath seemed to follow him everywhere.\\nHis zeal for God and labors for the salvi-\\ntion of ^ouls increase l. i lie last tim- he\\nleit home he gave his wife sundry direc-\\ntions and advices in case he should die.\\nHe started as well as usual, and filled all\\nI his appointments, i)reaehing most fervent-\\ni Iv until a short lime l)efore his death. Ou\\nthe 4th of December he left Long Branch,\\nmet class, and then returned to Mr. Lii\\njjencott s at the Branch. On Sunday morn-\\nj ing he went into a room in Mr. Lippen-\\nI colt s to prepare for the service in the\\nchurch, which was to commence at half\\nj past ten o clock. The congregation was\\nthen collecting and the family, thinking\\n1 he stayed too long in the chamber sent in\\nto know the cause and found him fallen in\\na fit of apoplexy, almost deprived of sense.\\nAfter a time he revived a little and on be-\\ning asked if they should send for medicai\\naid, he replied, The Lord is the best phy-\\nsician. At about twelve o clock the stu\\npor and other unfavorable .symptoms re-\\nturned he lingered until about six the\\nnext morniif^ and then peacefully depart-\\ned for a worhl of rest. Thus suddenlv fell\\ninto tlie arms ot death anotlier faithful\\nminister of the gospel a zealous, faithful\\nand acceptable preacber; an Israelite, in-\\ndet\u00c2\u00bbd, in whom there was no guile; long\\nhowever has he lived in the atfectionate\\nremembrance of the i)eople of West Jer-\\nsey, who knew him well.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n103\\nIn the year 1812, the year previous to\\nMr. Mills being sent to preach in Freehold\\ncircuit, the number of members embraced\\nin the charge was seven hundred and thir-\\nty-six.\\nMONMOUTH COUNTY-\\nESTABLISHED.\\n-WHEN\\nOFi lCIALS ONE HUNDRKD AND NINETY YEARS\\nAGO.\\nThe name Monmouth was officially giv-\\nen to the county Marcli 7th, 1683, as will\\nbe seen by the following extracts:\\nAtt a Council! held the 7th day of the\\nmo-1 called March 168s\\nA bill sent downe from the Deputyes\\nfor devideing liie p vince into County es\\nread and agreed vtno. Journal oj Proceed-\\nings oj Gov. d- Counci/, 1682 1703.\\nThe following is an extract from the\\nbill referred to:\\nAt a General Assembly begun and\\nliolden at Elizabethtown in this Province\\nof East New Jersey, tbe first day of the\\nMontii called Marcli Anno Domini 1682\\nand in the Five and Thirtieth year of the\\nreign of King Cliailes tlie Sec^ond, over\\nEngland e, and there continueil by sev-\\neral adjournments thereof until the twenty\\neight day ot tlie said Month (if March, f r\\nthe public Weale of this Province was\\nEnacted as follows:\\nIV. An Act to divide (he Province into\\nFour Counties. Having taken into consid-\\neration the necessity of dividing the Prov-\\nince into respective C unties lor the bet-\\nter governing and settling Courls in the\\nsame\\n5(; it Ei Qcted, by this Gem-ral Assembly,\\nainl the Authority .hereof, that this Piov\\nince be divided into fair couniies as fol-\\nluweth (Here loUows the bounds of Ber-\\ngen, Essex, and Middlesex, after which\\nthe bounds of Monmouth are given as fol-\\nlows\\nMonmouth Counti/ to begin at the West-\\nward BouiKts ot Middlesex county, con\\ntaiiiing Middletown and Shrewsbury and\\nso extend Westward, Sv)uthward, bmX\\nNorthward to ihe extream Bounds of the\\nPi-ovince. Provided this distinction of\\nthe Province into ounties, do not extend\\nto the iiifiingemeiit of any Libei ty in any\\nCharter already granted. Leaminci and\\nSpicer.\\nThe Legal and the Historical Year\\nDiscrepancies Explained.\\nIn the foregoing may be noticed an ap-\\nparent discrepancy in giving the year\\nwhen the act referred to was passed.\\nSome authorities give the date as March,\\n1683; the Journal of the Proceedings of\\nthe Governor and Council of the Province\\nof East New Jersey, from 1682 to 1703,\\ngives the date as March 168|, which leaves\\nI the general reader in doubt as to which\\nyear is meant 16S2 or 1683; and Learn-\\ning Spicer s Grants and Concessions,\\npublished in 1752, exj^ressly snys the act\\nI was passed in March, 1682. This appar-\\nent discrepancy is explained by the fact\\nI that at that time the English legal year\\nj commenced March 2.5lh hence the legal\\nyear 1682 began March 25th, 1682, and\\nI ended March 24th, 1683. (See Leaming\\nand Spicer, p 74 and all acts passed in\\nI 1683 previous to March 25th, would be\\ndated the legal year 1682. In the Journal\\ni of the Proceedings of the Legislature\\nfrom 1682 to 1703, before referred to, two\\ndates are given in such a manner that it\\nwould seem quite puzzling were it not for\\nthis explanation. On page 32 the date of\\nthe meeting of the Co ncil is March 24th,\\n168|. As March 25th, was Sunday the\\nnext daily session was March 26th, when\\nthe ye^r is given as 1683. \\\\fi ancient\\nrecords when a date is given with what\\nseems a fraction at the righthand, as in\\nthe case above mentioned, 168f, the mean-\\ning is tliat the upper figure gives the le-\\ngal year and the lower one the historical\\nyear.\\nOrigin of the Name of the County.\\nThe name Monmouth was given to the\\ncounty throutrh the influence ot Col. Lewis\\nMorris who at the beginning of this ses-\\nsion (March 1st,) was said to have been\\nElected for Shrewsbury as a De[)uty,\\nbut his place declared vacant, probably\\nbecause he had been selected by the Gov-\\nernor as a member of the council at that\\ntime.\\nColonel Morris had purchased a large\\ntract of land, in what wa- af erwurds\\nknown as Monmouth County, October\\n25th, 1676, said to contain 3540 acres,\\nwhereupon he located, as described in\\n168t), his iron mills, his Manors, and\\ndivers other liuildings for his servants and\\ndependants: together with 60 or 70 ne-\\ngroes about the Mill and IIust) indiy. I o\\nthis plantiition he gave the name of Tm-\\ntern (corrupted afterwards toTinton) after", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "104\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nan estate which had belonged to the fami-\\nly in Monmouthshire, England, and from\\nh m Monmouth county received its\\nname.\\nCol. Lewis Morris, Josepli Parker, Peter\\nTilton and John Hance of Siirewsbury\\nand John Bowiie and Jolm Throgmorton\\n(Tlirockmorton of Middletown. Riciiard\\nGrardnei was elected Cleric of the County\\nCourts, Richard Ilartsiioine Ilitrh Sheritf.\\nand Richard Lippencott coioner. Rich-\\nard Ilartshorne tendered his resignation\\nas .Sheriff the following May, but il was\\nnot accepted he appears to have refused\\nto sei ve still, and May 31st Eliakim War-\\ndell of iShiewsbuy was elected.\\nIn tjie act erecting County Courts it is\\nenacted that the Judge or Justices of\\nthe respective sessions of the County\\nCourts shall be the Justices of the Peace\\nof tlie said respective counties or three of\\nthem at least. Col. Morris was probably\\npresiding judge. The following year tlu\\nsame justices were reelected, with the ad-\\ndition of James Grover of Middletown.\\nTwo or three days after the passage of\\nthe acts establishing the two Courts above\\nleferred to the General Assembly passed\\nA Bill to settle the Court of Common\\nRight, whicii was the .Sujiream Court of\\nthis Province, to which actions or suits\\nfrom lower Courts, the debts or damages of\\nwhich were five pounds or upwards, could\\nbe removed, and which had power to\\nCorrect Errors in Judgement and reverse\\nthe same if there be just cause for the\\nsame. Uf this Court the first members\\nfrom Monmouth were Col. Lewis Morris\\n(The learned, indefiUigable correspond-\\ning .Secretary of tlie ^ew Jersey Historical\\n.Society, Hon. Wm. A. Whitehead, to\\nwhom our state is indebted more than to\\nany other person for effoits to preserve\\nthe fading records of the i)ast history of\\nNew Jersey, and to whom we have been\\nindebted for several items in these chap\\nters, a few years ago published a sketch of\\nCol. Morris s life to which we may refer\\nhereafter.)\\nAs to the probability of some ot the\\nprominent early settlers favoring Col.\\nMorris s propositon to name the county\\nMonmouth, because of a friendly feeling\\nfor the Duke of Monmouth, beheaded a\\nfew years later, we shall endeavor to speak\\nhereai ter.\\nCOURTS ESTAULISIIED AM) OFFICF.KS API OlNTfcD.\\nOn the 13th of March, 1G83, two acts\\nwere passed under the following titles\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2An Act to erect a Court of small Causes\\nand An Act to Erect County Couits.\\nThe Couit for the trial of small causes was\\nto e held in every township the first\\nWednesday of every month, and to have\\njuiisdiction for deteimening small\\nCJiuses and debts under foity shillings.\\nThe act establishing County Courts fix-\\nefl the following times and places for ses-\\nsions in Morimouth, viz\\nThe County of Monmouth, their ses-\\nsions to be the fouith Tuesday in March\\nin the public meeting house at Middle-\\ntown yearly. The fouith Tuesday in June\\nin the public meeting house at Shrews-\\nbury yearly. The fourth Tuesday in Sep-\\ntember in tlie public meeting house at\\nMiddleiewn, and the fourth Tuesday in\\nDecember in the public meeting house in\\n.Shrewsbury.\\nThe next day after the passage of the\\nabove acts (on March 14th, 1683.) Lewis\\nMorr s, jr., was elected by the Council\\nhigh Sheriff for the succeeding yeare\\nfrom tne 25th of this Listant Month.\\nwhich he probably declined, as Richard\\nPlartshorne was confirmed for the same\\noffice some ten days subsequently.\\nThe following were the first Justices of\\nthe Peace apjtointed for Monmouth Coun-\\nty (March 24th, 1683), viz:\\n(by virtue of being a member of the Coun-\\ncil) and John Bowne.\\nDuring the same session (March, 1683),\\nthe following persons were authorized to\\nmake and settle highways, ))assages, land-\\nings, bridges and ferries in the county,\\nviz\\nThe .Surveyor-General .Samuel Groome,\\nCol. Lewis Morris, Capt. John Bound,\\nRichard Hartshoino, John Hance, Joseph\\nParker, Lewis Morris, jun.\\nAmong the members of The General\\nAssembly of the Pi ovince of East New-\\nJersey which met at Elizabethtown\\nMarcli 1st, 1683, were, from Monmouth,\\nColonel Lewis Morris of the Council, and\\nRichard Hartshoine, lolin Bowne, Joseph\\nParker and John ILince, Deputies.\\nWhen Monmouth County was establish-\\ned its i)opulation was supposed to be be-\\ntween nine hundred and one thousand.\\n.Secretary Nicholls (of N. Y.) estimated\\nthe po])ulation in 1682 of .Shrewsbury at\\nfour hundred inhabitants and Middle-\\ntown one hundred families whicli woidd\\nprobably be al)out five hundreil inhabi-\\ntan ts.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMKS IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n105\\nAn Act for the Militia First Offi-\\ncers IN Monmouth.\\nAn act with the above title was passed\\nDe-cember 1st, 1683, and December 3d it\\nwas ordered for the better settling and ex-\\nercise of the Militia under its provisions\\nthat there bee one Major, and so many\\nCapiaines Com issionated in each County\\nas there be inhabitants to make up Cora\\npanyes. For the County of Monmouth\\nCaptain John Bound was commissioned\\nMHJor, and for Middletown James Grover\\nLieutenant, Safety Grover Ensign. For\\nShrewsbury, John Slocomb Ciiptain, Geo.\\nStowlett Lieutenant, and Lewis Morris En-\\nsign.\\nThe Act for the Militia ordered that ev-\\nery male person between the ages of six-\\nteen and sixty should be provided with\\naims, equipments, ammunition, c., at his\\nown expense under penalty of prescribed\\nfines for each article not provided. A Ser-\\njeant and corporal were authorized to\\nview arms every quarter or as often as the\\nofficer shall see cause. It was enacted that\\nthere should be four training or muster-\\ning days in a year, two in the Spring\\nand two in the Fall of the Leaf, under\\nprescribed penalties.\\nCuiEF Eanger of Monmoutu.\\nDecember 3d, 1683, Captain John Slo-\\ncomb was appointed Chief Kanger for\\nMonmouth County. The duty of this offi-\\ncer is thus described\\nf^orasmuch as many abuses are and\\nhave been committed within this Province,\\nin the taking up, marking, selling and dis-\\nposing of horses, mares and geldings\\nbe it enacted that there shall be one per-\\nson appointed for eacli County who shall\\ntake up and receive all strays, register the\\nsame c. The Chief Ranger was author-\\nized to employ as many deputies as he\\nthought proper. The importers of all cat-\\ntle and horses were required lo furnish\\nthe Ranger witii a description of each\\nhead imported, and all drovers were re\\nquired to do the same The fees and pen-\\nalties under the act must have made the\\noflBce of the Ranger of considerable im-\\nportance.\\nHow Taxes were Levied Assembly\\nmen s Salaries.\\nThe following persons were appointed\\nto make assessment of taxes in Monmouth\\nunder an act passed Dec. 5th, 1683, viz\\nCaptain John Bound, John Throgmor-\\nton (Throckmorton Peter Tilton, John\\nHance, Judah Allen and Joseph Parker.\\nThis act for defraying the public char-\\nges of this Province, enacted that fifty\\npounds be raised to defray public charges\\nas follows Bergen eleven pounds, Essex\\nfourteen pounds, Middlesex ten pounds,\\nMonmouth fifteen pounds. By this it\\nwould seem that even at this early date\\nMonmouth v^as considered the richest\\ncounty in East Jersey.\\nThe taxes were to be paid in wheat at\\nfour shillings and sixpence the bushel;\\nsummer wheat at four shillings the bush-\\nel Indian corn at two shillings and six-\\npence the bushel and good merchantable\\npork at fifty shillings the barrel. Henry\\nLyon of Essex was appointed Treasurer of\\nthe Province to whom the tax was to be\\nhanded for the purpose of paying the\\nclerks of the Council and Deputies four\\nshillings each per day and ten pounds for\\ntranscribing the laws.\\nIn addition to the above tax each town\\nwas required to pay its own Deputy to the\\nGeneral Assembly at the ra^e of four shil-\\nlings per day the year previous the rate\\nof pay for the Deputies had been three\\nshillings each, and as many of the towns\\nhad failed to pay their lepresentativt s\\nthen, provisions v/ere inserted in tnis act\\nto enforce the assessing and collecting the\\narrearages.\\nA fair idea of how far a member of the\\nAssembly s per diem would go then to-\\nwards meeting his expenses is gained by\\nnoticing the j)rices fixed for grain in the\\nbill. The first year his per diem would\\nbuy a little over a bushel of corn the sec-\\nond year a bushel of summer wheat. If\\nhe expended it for pork it would buy six-\\nteen pounds.\\nTHE BAPTIST CHURCH AT MIDDLE-\\nTOWN.\\nThe First Baptist Church in New Jersey.\\nIts Members, Pastors, Trials and\\nTriumphs.\\nThefollowing sketch of the noted church\\nis from Morgan Edwards, Materials, c.,\\nof the State, published in 1792, with ad-\\nditions by Rev. David Benedict of Rhode\\nIsland, t.nd published in his History of the\\nBaptists, sixty years ago, (1813.)\\nThis is the oldest Baptist church in\\nthe State it is thus distin^iuished for the\\nvillage where the meeting house stands in\\na township of the same name, and county\\nof Monmouth, about seventy-nine miles\\nE. N. E. from Philadelphia. The meeting", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "106\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nhouse is forfy-two feet by thirty-two, erect-\\ned on the lot where the old place of wor-\\nship stood.\\nFor the origin of this churcli, we must\\nlook back to the year 1667, for that was\\nI he year when Middletown was purchased\\nfiom the Indians by 12 men and 24 asso-\\nciates. Their names are in the town\\nbook. Of them the following were Bap-\\ntists:\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nRichard Stout, Willium riieesenmii, William Layton,\\nJohn Stout, Jolui Wilson, Wm. Compton,\\n.lames Grover, Walter Hall, .Tames Ashtoii,\\n.7on than Brown, John fox. John Brown,\\nQliadiah Holmes, Jonathau Holmes, Thos Whitlock,\\nJohn Biickmaii, George Mount, Ja-i. Grover, jr.\\nJt IS probable tliat some of the above\\nhad wives and children of their own way\\nof thinking; however the forenamed 18\\nmen ai)23ear to have been the constituents\\nof the church at Middletown. and the\\nwinter rf 1668 the time.\\nflow matters went on among these peo-\\nple, for a period of twenty-four years, viz.,\\nfrom the constitution to 1712, cannot be\\nknown. But in the year 1711, a variance\\narose in the church, insomuch that one j\\nparty excommunicated the other and\\nimposed silence on two gifted brothers\\nthat priached to them, viz John Bray and\\nJohn Okison. Wearied witli their situa-\\ntion, they agreed to refer matters to a\\ncouncil congregated fi om neighboring\\nchurches. The council met May 12th.\\n1712. It consisted of Kev. Messrs Timothy\\nBrooks, of Cohansey Abel Morgan and\\nJoseph Wood, of Penn^pek and Elisha\\nThomas, of Welsh Tract; with six elders,\\nviz Nicholas Johnson, James James,\\nGrifiith Mills, Edward Church, William\\nBettridge and John Manners. Their ad-\\nvice was\u00e2\u0080\u0094 To bury tlie proceedings in ob-\\nlivion and erase therfcoids of them\\naccordingly four leaves aie torn out of the\\nchurch bock. To continue the silence\\nimposed on John Bray and John Okison,\\nthe preceding year. One would think by\\nthis that these two brethren were the\\ncause of the disturbance. To sign a\\ncovenant relative to their future conduct\\naccordingly 42 did sign and 26 refused;\\nnevertheless most of the non -signers came\\nin afterwards: but the first 42 were de-\\nclared to be the church that should be\\nowned by sister churches. That Messrs.\\nAbel Morgan, Sen., and John Burrows,\\nshould supply the pul{ it till the next\\nyearly meeting, and the members should\\nkee[) their j)liices and not waudcr in otJuT\\nsocieties, for at this time there wav ,i\\nPresbyterian congregation at Middletown,\\nand mixed communion in vogue.\\nThe first who preached at Middletown\\nwas Mr. John Bown, ofwhomwecan learn\\nno more than he was not ordained, and\\nthat it was he who gave the lot on which\\nthe first meeting house was built. Cotem-\\nporary witli liini was Mr. Ashton, of whom\\nmenMon will be made hereaft\u00c2\u00ab:r, and after\\nhim rose the foiementioned Bray and Oki-\\nson, neither of whom were ordained and\\nthe latter disowned. Mr. George Eagles-\\nfield was another unordained preacher;\\nbut the first that may be styled pastor\\nwas\\nRev. James Ashton. He probably was\\nordained by Rev. Thomas Killingsworth,\\nat the time the church was constituted in\\n1688 for Killingsworth assisted at the\\nconstitution, which gave rise to the tradi-\\ntion that he was the first minister. Mr.\\nAshton s successor was\\nRev. John Barrowes. He was born at\\nTannton, Somersetshire, Englandj and\\nthere ordained arrived at Philadelph a in\\nthe month of November, 1711, and from\\nthence came toMiddletown in 1713, wl ere\\nhe died at a good old age. Mr. Barrowes\\nis said to have been a happy compound of\\ngravity and facetiousress the one made\\nthe people stand in awe of him. while the\\nother produced familiarity. As be was\\ntravelling one day a young man passed by\\nhim at full speed, and in passing Mr. Bar-\\nrowes said If you would consider where\\nyou are going you would slacken your\\npace. He went on but presently turned\\nback to inquire into the meaning of that\\npassing salute. Mr. Barrowes reasoned\\nwith him on the folly and dangers of\\nhorse-racing (to which the youth was hast-\\nening he gave great attention to the re-\\nproof. This encouraged Mr. B. rrowes to\\nproceed to more serious matters. The is-\\nsue was a serious conveisatir.n. Here was\\na bow drawn at venture and a sinner\\nshot flying! Mr. Barrc wes was succeed( d\\nby-\\nRev. a bei, Morgan, A. M He was born\\nin Welsh Tract, April 13th. 1713, had his\\nlearning at an acad ^my kept by Rev.\\nThomas P^vans in Pencadcr: ordained at\\nWelsh Tract in 1734, became pastor in\\n1748; died there November 24th, 1785.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nHe was never married, the reason it is\\nsupposed that none of his attention and\\nattendance might be taken off his mother,\\nwho lived with him and wlnmi he honor-\\n(1 1(1 an uncommi n degree Mr. Morgan\\nwiis a man ol sound leaniiiii: aiul solid", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "OLD TIME8 IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n10 7\\njudgement; he has given specimens of\\nboth in his public disputes and publica-\\ntions, for it appears that he held two pub-\\nlic disjiutes on the subject of baptism.\\nThe first was at Kingswood, to which he\\nwas challenged by Rev. fSamuel Plarker, a\\nPresbyterian minister. The other was at\\nCape May in 1743, with the Rev. (after-\\nwards) Dr. Samuel Finley, President of\\nPrinceton College. Mr. Morgan s success-\\nor was\\nRev Samuel Morgan. He was born in\\nWelsh Tract August 23d, 1750; called to\\nthe ministry in Virginia; ordained at Mid-\\ndleiovvn November 29th, 1785, at which\\ntime lio took on him the care of the\\nchuich. No account of Mr, Morgan s\\ndeath has been obiained. This ancient\\nchurch has for its pastor (1813) Mr. Ben-\\njamin Bennett, It was once well endowed\\nbut a considerable part of its tempurali-\\nties were sunk by that sacrilegious thing\\n(as Edwards calls it) Congress money.\\nWhat are its present posessions I have not\\nlearned.\\nPHILIP FRKNEAU, THE POPULAR\\nPOET OF THE REVOLUTION.\\nAn Ancient Monmouth Journal.\\nInthelibrary oftho New York Historical\\nSociety is preserved a copy of an ancient\\njournal published in Monmouth county,\\n-vhich presents quite a contrast with the\\npapers published in the county at the pres-\\nent time. This jom^nal was called The\\nNew Jersey Chronicle, and was published\\nat Mount Pleasant, near Middletown\\nPoint. The first number was issued May\\n2nd, 1795 and continued weekly for a year\\nwhen it suspended for want of sup^^ort.\\nThis Chronicle was quite a curious affiiir.\\nIt was printed by the author, Philip Fre-\\nneau himself, who had mustered a medley\\nof types for the purpose. The first num-\\nber wa^ of the humble dimensions of eight\\nsmall quarto ])ages of seven inches by\\neight. This spirited little paper was soon\\nenlarged, but typographically, at least, it\\nalways appeared of a somewhat sickly con-\\nstitution.\\nThe office types however wer well em-\\nployed in printing, this year, 1795, a new\\nand comprehensive edition of Freneau s\\npoems, in an octavo volume of 456 pages\\nto which we shall re er before concluding.\\nIts typographical execution is admirable\\nfor its day and speaks well for tlie pioneer\\nprinting press of Monmouth countj.\\n^voxa one sketch of Freneau s we ex-\\ntract the following\\nOutline of his Life.\\nFTulip Freneau, the popular poet of the\\ndays of the Revolution, who cheered the\\nhearts of the citizens by his ready rhymes\\nin behalf of the good cause, and opposition\\nto its foes, while patriots were struggling\\nfor independence, was born in Frankfort\\nstreet, in New York city, January 2nd, 1752.\\nThe family was of French Hugenot des-\\ncent. Pierre Freneau the father of Philip\\nand of Peter Freneau, distinguished in the\\nhistory of South Carolina, bought an es-\\ntate ot a thousand acres at Mount Pleas-\\nant, Monmouth county. New Jersey, a fam-\\nily inheritance which his son afterwards\\noccupied, and where he wrote many of his\\npoems. Boih the father and grandfather\\nof Philip Freneau are buried in a vault in\\nTrinity Churchyard, New York, by the side\\nof their family relations.\\nOf the boyhood ot Philip Freneau we\\nknow little, but we may infer from the po-\\nsition of his family and his subsequent at\\ntaininents, that he was well instructed at\\nthe schools of the city, for we find him, in\\n1767, a student at Princeton College, N, J.,\\nwhere he graduated with credit after the\\nusual four years course, in 1771. He be-\\ngan early the practice of versification for\\nin his sophomore year, at the age of seven-\\nteen, he composed a rhymed poem of de-\\ncided promise, entitled The Poetical His-\\ntory of the Prophet Jonah, which appeal s\\nat the head of his first general collection\\nof poems. Other compositions in various\\nmetres, on classical and historical themes,\\npreseived in the same volume, were writ-\\nten during his collegiate course.\\nIt was a creditable year for the institu-\\ntion when he graduated, for in his class\\nweie James Madison, afterwards President,\\nand other men ot note.\\nThe commencement exercises at Prince-\\nton, in 1771 were of unusual interest. It\\nwas in the Presidency of that eminent jja-\\ntriot John Witlier.-^poon, who, though born\\nin Scotland, was proving himself, by his\\nenlightened sagacity and ievotion to free-\\ndom, an American of the Ameiicans.\\nTlie political indrpendence of the country,\\nthough not yet formally proclaimed, was\\nripening in Massachusetts and elsewhere,\\nto its great Ueclaration and invincible re-\\nsolve. The young patriots of Princeton,\\non a spot destined to be^ ome memorable\\nin the struggle, were already animated by\\nthe kindling promise of the future. Hugh", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "108\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nHenry Brackenridge, a graduate with Fre-\\nneau, afterwards a celebrated Judge and\\nauthor, and Freneau, had already developed\\na taste for poetry, and they united, for\\ntheir commencement exercise, in the com-\\nposition of a dialogue A Poem on the\\nRising Glory of America, which they pro-\\nnounced together, sounding in animated\\nblank verse, the achievements of coloniza-\\ntion in the pnst and the visionary grandeur\\nof empire liereafter. This joint poem was\\npublished in Philadelphia, in 1772. The\\nportion written by Fieneau opens the col-\\nlection of his poems published in 1865 by\\nW. J. Middleton, New York.\\nThe next information we have of Fre-\\nneau is gathered from the dates of the\\npoems which he contributed to the jour-\\nnals publislied by Hu^h Gaine and Ander-\\nson, in New York, in 1775. They exhibit\\nhis interest in the important military af-\\nfairs of the year in Boston and are found\\nin the work above named.\\nIn a poem of this year, Mac Sniggen,\\na satire on some hostile poetaster, he ex-\\npresses a desire to cross the Atlantic\\nLong have I sat on this disast rous shore,\\nAnd sighing, sought to gain a passage o er\\nTo Europe s towns, where, as our travellers say,\\nPoets may flourish, or perhaps they may\\nAn inclination for foreign travel, which\\nwas gratified in 1776, bj a voyage to the\\nWest Indies, where he appears to have i-e-\\nmained some time in a mercantile capaci-\\nty, visiting Jamaica and the Danish island\\nof Santa Cruz. Several of his most strik-\\ning poems, as the Hoiise of Night, and\\nthe Beauties of Santa Cruz, were writ-\\nten on these visits.\\nIn 1779, Freneau was engaged as a lead-\\ning contributor to The United States\\nMagazine A Repository of History, Poli-\\ntics and Literature, edited by his college\\nfriend and fellow patriot, Hugh Henry\\nBrackenridge, and published by Francis\\nBailey, Philadelphia. It was issued month-\\nly from January to December, when its\\ndiscontinuance was announced until an\\nestablished peace and a fixed value of the\\nmonev shall render it convenient or pos-\\nsible to take it up again. The volume\\nforms a most interesting memorial, in its\\nliterary as well as historical matter, of this\\nimportant year of the war. Freneau wrote\\nmuch for it in prose and verse and with\\nequal spirit m both.\\nHis poem on SantaCruz, in this mag-\\nazine, is prefaced by an interesting prose\\npescription of the island. In it occurs a\\nnoticeable testimony of the author on the\\nsubject of negro slavery.\\nFreneau has also recorded his detesta-\\ntion of the cruelties of West India slavery\\nin verse, in the poem, a terrific picture of\\nslave life, addressed To Sir Toby, a sugar\\nplanter in the interior parts of Jamaica:\\nIf there exists a Hell the case is clear\\nSir Tob3 s slaves enjoy that portion here.\\nIn another poem On the Emigration\\nto America, and Peopling the Western\\nCountry, published in his volume of 1795,\\nFreneau comes nearer home, in the decla-\\nration of his opinions on this subject, when\\nhe writes\\ncome the time and haste the day,\\nWhen man shall man no longer crush,\\nWhen reason shall enforce her sway,\\nNor these fair regions raise our blush,\\nWhere still the African complains,\\nAnd mourns his yet unbroken chiiins.\\nIn after life, when the poet himself, un-\\nder the mild system of Northern .servitude,\\nbecame the owner of slaves in New Jersey,\\nhe uniformly treated them with kindness,\\nmanumitted them in advance of the Eman-\\ncipation Act in tlie State, and sui)ported\\non the farm those of them who were not\\nable to take care of themselves. One of\\nthese, a veteran mammy, proud of having\\nopened the door in her day to General\\nWashington and been addressed by him\\nin a word or two on that important occa\\nsion, long survived the poet.\\nIn the year following the publication of\\nthe Magazine, Freneau, having embarked\\nas passenger in a merchant vessel from\\nPhiladelphia, on another voyage to the\\nWest Indies, was captured by a British\\ncruiser off the Capes of the Delaware and\\ncarried with the prize to New York. There\\nhe was confined, on his ari ival, in the Scor-\\npion, one of the hulks lying in the harbor\\nused as prison-ships. The cruel treatment\\nwhich he experienced on board, with the\\naggravated horrors of foul air and other\\nprivations, speedily threw him into a fever,\\nwhen he was transferred to the host)ital\\nship. Hunter, which proved 8imj)ly an ex-\\nchange of one. species of suffering for anoth-\\ner more aggravated. How long Fieneau\\nwas confined in this hideous prison we are\\nnot informed, nor by what influences he\\ngaiiied his discharge. He carried with him.\\nhowever, on his escape, a burning memory\\nof the severities and indignities he had en-\\ndured, which he gave expression to in one\\nof the most characteristic of his poetical\\nproductions, The British Prison Ship,", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n109\\nwhich was published by Francis Bailey,\\nPhiladelphia, 1781.\\nFreneau now became a frequent contrib-\\nutor of patriotic odes and occasional poems,\\ncelebratinj; the incidents of the war, to\\nThe Freeman s Journal of Phihidelphia.\\nLiterature was, however, not then a profit-\\nable occupation and Government, which\\nhad exhausted its resources in keeping an\\narray in the field, had scant opportunity\\nof rewarding its champions. The poet,\\nlooking to other means of subsistence, re-\\nturned to liis seafaring and mercantile hab\\nits and became known by his voyages to\\nthe West Indies as Captain Freneau.\\nHe still however, kept up the use of the\\npen. In 1783, besides his poetical contrib-yj\\nutions to the newspapers, including several\\nNew Years Addresses, written for the car-\\nriers of rhe Philadelphiajourna s, a spcies\\nof rhyming for which he had great facility,\\nwe find him publishing in that city a trans-\\nlation of the Iravel? of M. Abbe Robin, the\\nchaplain of Count Rochambeau, giving an\\naccount of the progress of the French ar\\nmy from Newport to Yorktown. In 1784\\nFreneau was at the island of Jamaica, writ-\\ning a poetical description of Port Royal.\\nThe first collection of his poetical writ-\\nings wiiich he made, entitled The Poems\\nof Philip Freneau, written chiefly during\\nthe iate War, was published by Francis\\nBiiley at Yorrick s Head, in Market\\nstreet, Philadelphia, in 1786. It is pre-\\nfaced by a brief Advertisement signed\\nby the publisher, in which he states the\\npieces now joUecied had been left in his\\nhands by the author more than a year pre-\\nviously, with permission to publish them\\nwh-never he Ihougat proper.\\nThe success of this volume led to t:he\\npublication, by Mr. Bailey, of another col-\\nlection of Freneau s writings in 1788. It\\nis entitled The Miscellai eous Works of\\nMr. Philip Freneau, containing his Essays\\nand Additional Poems. This volume, as\\nnot uncommon even with works of very\\nlimited extent in that early period of the\\nnation, was published by subscription.\\nAmong the subscribers were DeWitt Clin-\\nton, Edward Livingston and other distin-\\nguished citizens of New York Matthew\\nCarey, David llittenhouse, John Parke A.\\nM., and others el Plii .ndelphia thirty cop-\\nies were taken in Maryland but the larg-\\nest number was contributed tiy South Car-\\nolina, that State supplying tivo hundred\\nand fifty, or more than half the entire list.\\nCaptain Freneau was well known and high-\\nly appreciated at Charleston, which he fre-\\nquently visited in the course of his mer-\\ncantile adventures to the West Indies, and\\nwhere his younger brother, Peter, who sub-\\nsequently edited a political journal in that\\ncity, and was in intimate correspondence\\nwith President Jefferson, was already es-\\ntablished as an influential citizen.\\nAfter several years spent in voyaging,\\nwe find Freneau again in active literary\\nemployment in 1791, as editor of the Dai-\\nly Advertiser, a journal printed in JN pw\\nYork, the superintendence of which he\\npresently exchanged for that of the Na-\\ntional Gazette, at Philadelphia, the first\\nnumber of which appeared under his direc-\\ntion in October of the same year. He was\\nemployed at the same time by Jefferson,\\nthe fSecretary of State, the seat of govern-\\nment being th^n at Philadelphia, as\\ntranslating clerk in the State Dei^artment,\\nwith a salary of two hundred and fifty dol-\\nlars a year. It was a time of fierce p\u00c2\u00aeliti-\\ncal excitement, when the newly framed\\nConstitution, not yet fully established in\\nits working, was exposed to the fierce crit-\\nicism of its adversaries while popular opin-\\nion was greatly excited by the rising tu-\\nmult of ideas generated in the French Rev-\\nolution. In this strife of parties Freneau\\nwas an active partisan of the new French\\nideas, was a supporter of Genet, the minis-\\nter who sought to entangle the country in\\nthe great European struggle, and, as might\\nbe expected, was an unsparing assailant of\\nthe policy of Washington, whose character\\nhe had heretofore eulogized. Washington\\nwas annoyed, and Hamilton attacked Jef-\\nferson for his oflBcial support of the ti oub-\\nlesome editor. Jefferson replied that he\\nhad befriended Freneau as a man of gen-\\nius but that he had never written for his\\npajjer. It is unquestionably true, however,\\nthat Freneau s political writings, at this\\ntime, had Jefferson s warmest sympathy.\\nThe Gazette came to an end with its\\nsecond volume and second year, in 1793,\\nafter which Freneau became a resident of\\nNew Jersey. He had still, however, an in-\\nclination to editorial life, and we accord\\ningly find him, in the spring of 1795, pub-\\nlishing at Mount Pleasant, near Middle-\\ntown Point, a new journal entitled The\\nJersey Ciironicle, before alluded to.\\nThe same year from his jirei-s at Mount\\nPleasant he issued a volume of his poems\\nentitled Poenis, written between the\\nyears 1768 and 1794, by Philip Freneau, of\\nNew Jersey. There are other edUions of\\nhis poems, but this one is so rare that it is\\nhighly priz?d by antiquarians. In a late", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "110\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\ncatalogue of a London bookseller It is ad\\nvertised for sale, price 3.10 s. The last\\ncopy we have heard of for sale in this coun-\\ntry was one in a Washiniiton antiquarian\\nbookstore for which the dealer asked some\\nforty odd dollars, and finally got down to\\nthirty-fiv^f, for a small octavo volume of 456\\npages\\nIn 1797 he edited and aided in piinlinj;\\nand publishing in New York, a miscellane-\\nous periodical entitled he Time Piece\\nand Literary Companion. It was primed\\nin quarto form and appealed three times a\\nweek. In 1799 he published in Philadel-\\nphia a thin octavo volume of Letters on\\nvarious subjects, cfcc. under the nom de\\nplume of Robert Slender, A M.\\nFor some years after this we have no par-\\nticular account of his occupation, but he\\nappears to have resided still in New Jer-\\ns\u00c2\u00aby, penning occasional verses on topics\\nsuggested by the day. In 1809 he published\\nthe fourth collection of his writings enti-\\ntled Poems published during ilie Ameri-\\ncan Revolution, c.\\nRemainder of the article on Freneau\\nnext week.\\nFreneau lived to commemorate ihe in-\\ndents of the second war wiii Great Britain\\nin 1812. He wrote various poems celebra\\nting the naval actions of Hull, Porter,\\nMacdonough and others. His traditionary\\nhatred of England survives in these and\\nother compositions which he puolished in\\nNew York, in 1815, in two small volumes\\nentitled A Collection of Poems on Ameri-\\ncan Ati iiirs and a variety of other subjects.\\n{rc. A distinguished writer says in re-\\nviewing this volume: He depicts land\\nbattles and naval figlits with much anima-\\ntion and gay coloring and being himself\\nan old sun of Neptune, he is never at a\\nloss for appropriate circumstance and ex-\\npressive diction, when the scene lies at\\nsea.\\nAfter witnessing and chronicling in his\\nverse the conflicts of two wars, Freneau\\nhad yet many years of life before him.\\nThey were mostly passed in rural retire\\nment at Mount Pleasant. He occasionally\\nvisited New York, keeping up acquaint-\\nance with the leaders of the Democratic\\nparty. ILs appearance and conservation\\nat this time has been grai)hically described\\nby the late Dr. -John W. Francis, in whom\\nthe genius and history of Freneau excited\\nthe warmest interest, and which was pub\\nlished in the Cyclopedia of American\\nLiterature.\\nI had, says Dr. Francis, when very\\nyoung, read the poetry of Freneau. and as\\nwe instinctively became attached to the\\nwriters who first captivate our imagina-\\ntions, it was with much zest that 1 formed\\na jjersonal ucqu.iintaince with tiie Revolu-\\ntionary bard. He was at that time about\\nseventy-six years old, when he first intro-\\nduced iiimselfto nin in my lil)rary. I gave\\nhim an earnest welcome. He was some-\\nwhat below the ordinary height; in per-\\nson thin ytt muscular; with a f^rm step\\nthough a little inclined to stoop Ins coun-\\ntenance wore traces of care, yet lightened\\nwith intelligence as he spoke he was mild\\nin enunciation, neithor rapid nor slow, but\\nclear, distinct and emphatic. His forehead\\nwas rather lieyond the medium elevation\\nhi^ eyes a dark gray, occui^ying a socket\\ndeeper than common his hair must have\\nonce been beautiful it was now thinned\\nand of an iron gray. He was free of all\\nambitious displays; his habitual expression\\nwas pensive. His divss might have passed\\nfor that of a farmer. New York, the city\\nof his birth was liis most interesting theme;\\nhis collegiate career with Madison, next.\\nHis story of manj of his occasional poems\\nwas quite romantic. As he had at com-\\nmand types and a printing press, when an\\nincident of moment in the Revolution oc-\\ncurred, he would retire for composition, or\\nfind she ter under the shade of some tree,\\nindite his lyrics, repair to the press, set up\\nhis types and issue his productions. There\\nwas no difficulty in versification with him.\\nI (old him what 1 had heard Jeffrey, the\\nScotch reviewer, say of his writings, that\\ni} e time would arrive when his i)oetry\\nlike that of Hudilras, would command a\\ncommentator like Grey. It is remarkable\\nhow tenaciously Freneau V)reserved the\\nacquisitions of his eaily classical studies,\\nnotwithstanding he had for many years, in\\nthe after i)0ition of his life, been occupied\\nin [nusuitb so entirely alien to l)ooks.-\\nThere is no portrait of the patriot Freneau;\\nhe always firmly declined the painters art\\nand would brook no counterfeit present-\\nment. {Ot/clopedia of Amc7: Lit.)\\nThe aversion of Freneau to sitting for\\nhis portrait, noticed by Dr. Frrncis, was\\none of his peculiarities, for which it is not\\neasy to ^suggest a sufficient explanation.\\nAs an author he was careful of the preser-\\nvation of his fame. Certainly the cause\\nwas not to be found in any unfavorable\\nimpression his likeness might create, for\\nhe was, as accurately described by Dr.\\nI Francis, of an inleresting appearance in", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nIll\\nrge. In youth he was regarded as hand-\\nsome. His brother Peter was renowned\\nin South Carolina for his personal beauty.\\nBut whatever the motive, Freneau reso-\\nlutely declined to have his portrait painted.\\nHe was once waited upon by the arlist,\\nRembrandt Peale. with a request for this\\npurpose, by a body of gentlemen in Phila-\\ndelphia but he was inexorable on the sub-\\nject. On another occasion, the elder Jar-\\nvis, with a view of securing his likeness,\\nwas smuggled into a co-ner of the room at\\na dinner party at Dr. Hosack s, to which\\ntiie poet had been invited but the latter\\ndetected the design and arrested its ac-\\ncomplishment. In la*^^e years, the neglect\\nhas been in a measure repaired. The por-\\ntrait prefixed to the volume of his poems\\nvvitii a memoir by Evert A. Duyckinck,\\npublished in 1865. was sketclied by an ar-\\ntist, at the suggestion and dictates of sev-\\nei al members of the poet s family, who re-\\ntained the most vivid recollection of his\\npersonal appear mce. It was pronounced\\nb, them a lair representation of tiie man\\nin the maturity of his physical powers,\\nprevious to the inroads of old age. His\\ndaughter, Mrs. Leadbeater, and his grand-\\nson and adopted son, Mr. Philip L. Fre-\\nneau, of New York, were amoiig tliose who\\npronounced it a salisfactc ry likeness.\\nThe poems of Philip Freneau, if we may\\nbe allowed here to repeat an estimate of\\nhis powers from a sketch written some\\nyears ago, represent his times, the war of\\nwit and verse no less than of sword and\\nstratagem of the Revolution and he su-\\nperadds to this material ahumorous, home-\\nly simplicity, peculiarly his own, in which\\nhe paints the life of village rustics, with\\ntheir local manners fresh about them of\\ndays when tavern ielights were to be free-\\nly spoken of, before temjierance societies\\nand Maine laws were thought of; when\\nmen went to prison at the summons of in-\\nexorable creditors, and when Connecticut\\ndeacons rushed out of meeting to arrest\\nand waylay the jiassing Sunday traveller.\\nWhen these liumois of the day were ex-\\nhausted, and the imi^ulses of patriotism\\nwere gratified in s^ng when he had paid\\nhis respects to Rivington and Hugh Gaiiie.\\nhe solaced himself with remoter themes\\nin the version of an ode of Horace, a vis-\\nionary meditation on the antiquities of\\nAmerica or a sentimental effusion on the\\nlives of Sapplio. These show the fine tact\\nand delicate handling of Freneau, who de\\nserves mud more consider;ition in this re-\\nspect from critics than he has received. A\\nwriter from whom the fastidious Campbell\\nin his best day thought it worth while to\\nborrow an entire line, is worth looking in-\\nto. It is from Freneau s Indian Burying\\nGround, the last image of that fine vision-\\nary stanza\\nBy midnight moons, o er moistening dews,\\nIn vestments for the chase arrayed,\\nThe hunter still the deer pursues,\\nThe hunter and the deer a shade.\\nCampbell has given the line a rich set-\\nting in the lovelorn fantasy of O Conor s\\nChild\\nBright as the bow that spans he tstorm\\nIn Erin s yellow vesture clad,\\nA son of light a lovely form,\\nHe comes and makes her glad\\nN( w on the grass green turf he sits,\\nHis tassell d horn beside him laid,\\nNow o er the hills in chase he flits\\nThe hunter and (he deer a shade.\\nThere is also a line of Hir Walter Scott\\nwhich has its prototype in Freneau. In\\nthe introduction to the third cants of 31ar-\\nrrdon, in the apostrophe to the Duke of\\nBrunswick, we read\\nLamented chief! not thine the power\\nTo save in that presumptuous hour,\\nWhen Prussia hurried to the field,\\nAnd snatched the spear but left the shield.\\nIn Freneau s poem on the heroes of Eu-\\ntaw, we have this stanza:\\nThey saw tlieir injured country s woe;\\nThe flaming town, the wasted field;\\nThen rushed to meet the insulting foe\\nThey took Ihe spear but left the shield.\\nAn anecdote which the late Henry Bre-\\nvoort was accustomed to relate of his visit\\nto Scott, affords assurance that the poet\\nwas really indebted to Freneau, and that\\nhe would not on a proper occasion, have\\nhesitated to acknowledge the obligation.\\nMr. Brevoort was asked by Scott respect-\\ning the authorsliip of certain verses in the\\nbattle of Eutaw, which he had seen in a\\nm;igazine, and had by heart, and which he\\nknew were American. He was told that\\nthey were by Freneau, when he remarked\\nThe poem is as fine a thing as there is\\nof the kind in the language. Scott also\\npiaised one oi the Indian poems.\\nWe might add to these instances that in\\n1790 Freneau, in his poetical correspond-\\nence between Nanny, the Philadelphia\\nHousekeeper, and Nabby her friend, in New\\nYork, upon the subject of the removal of\\nCongress to the former city, hit upon some\\nof the peculiar pleasantry of Moore s Epis-\\ntles in verse, of the present century.\\nFreneau surprises us often by his neat-\\nness of execution and skill in versification.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "112\\nOLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.\\nHe handles a triple-rhymed stanza in the\\noctosyllabic measure particularly well. His\\nappreciation of nature is tender and sym-\\npathetic,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 one of tlie pure spriniis which\\nfed the more boisterous curr ^nt of his hu-\\nmor when he came out nmong men, to deal\\nwith quackery, pretence and injustice. But\\nwliat is. jierhaps, most worthy of notice in\\nFreneau is his originality, the instinct with\\nwliich his genius marked out a path for it-\\nself, in those days when most writers were\\nlanguidly leaning upon the old foreign\\nschool of Pope and Darwin. He was not\\nafraid of home things and incidents. Deal-\\ning with facts, realites, and the lifeiround\\nhim, wherever he was. his writings have\\nstill an interest where the vague expres-\\nsions of other poets are forgotten. It is\\nnot to be denied, however, that Freneau\\nwas sometimes careless. He thought and\\nwrote with improvidence. His jests are\\nsometimes misdirected and his verses are\\nunequal in execution. Yet it is not too\\nmuch lo predict, that, through the genu-\\nine nature of some of his productions and\\nthe historic incidents of others, all that he\\nwrote will yet be called for and find favor\\nin numerous editions Oychpediaqf Amer.\\nLiterature\\nThi\\ntwenty years ago\\nfilled, nn edition o^ his poems having been\\npublished in 1865. the only publication of\\nany of his poems since 1815.\\nFRENEAU S FAMILY.\\nPhilip Freneau left a family of four\\ndaughters, all of whom were living in 1865.\\nThe mother of Gcjvernor Seymour f New\\nYork Mary, the daughter lof General Jon-\\nathan Forman was a niece of Mrs. Philip\\nthe poet s father. Mrs. Freneau survived\\nher husband many years, retaining in her\\nlatter days much of the most interesting\\nmemories of llie days of the Revokition.\\nThe remains of Mrs. Freneau repose,\\nwith those of her husband, in the family\\nburial ground at Mount Pleasant, N. J. A\\nmonument to the poet s memory, within a\\nfew years has been erected on the spot.\\nFreneau lived nearly to the completion\\nof his eightieth year. He lost his life, De\\ncember 18th, 1833, by exposure and Ci)ld\\nwhile going on foot in the night during a\\nsnow storm to his residence near Free-\\nhold.\\nThe Monmouth Inquirer thus announced\\nhis death\\nMr. Freneau wa-s in the village and\\nstarted, toward evening, to go home, about\\ntwo miles. In attempting to go across he\\nappears to have got lost and mired in a\\nbog meadow, where his lifeless corpse was\\ndiscovered yesterday morning. Captain\\nFreneau was a staunch Whig in the time\\nof the Revolution, a good soldier and a\\nwarm patriot. The productions of his pen\\nanimated his countrymen in the darkest\\ndays of 76 and the effusions of his muse\\ncheered the desponding soldier as he\\nprediction was ventured nearly I \u00c2\u00bbgl\\\\t the battles of freedom.\\nIt is in a measure ful- i H^ of the Monmouth journal\\nsays one writer, will remain hreneaus\\nhighest distinct ion He was tlie popular\\npoet of the Revolution.\\nThe following extract from a brief no-\\ntice by Anna Maria Woodhull, of Freneau,\\nis from the Monmouth Democrat of May\\n29th, 1873\\nHe first saw the light in the city of\\nNew Yojk and was graduated at New Jer-\\nsey College. For some time a resident of\\nf^reneau, the wife of the poet.. Tiie Fre- j Monmouth, he was frequentlj the guest of\\nneaus, through the second marriage of the the late Col. Elias Conover, grandfatiier of\\npoet s mothei are connected with the\\nKearney family of New Jersey. Philip\\nFreneau married at about the age of thir-\\nty Miss Eleanor F(^rman, daughter of 8am\\nuel Forman, a wealthy citizen of New Jer-\\nsey. General Jonathan Forman and De\\nWilliam H. Conover, Sr., of Freehold. At\\nthe time of his deatli he owned and occu-\\npied the house now belonging to Mr. John\\nBuck situated about two miles below the\\ntown. He was a great attmirer ot Shakes-\\npeare. I own an old copy, formerly in his\\nnise Forman. who were much engaged in possession (Theobolds, London, 1772.) vvhich\\nmilitary affairs in the State during the Rev- I prize highly also an autograph bold and\\nolution, were iier brothers. David I orman free, dated 1781.\\nalso in military life was her cousin. This In his volume of poems before referred\\nlady, wlio shared her husband s talent for j to, jninted and published by himself at\\npoetry, corresponding with liim, for several Mount Pleasant in tliis County, lie gives\\nyears before their marriage, in verse, was j vivid local descriptions of a Monmouth\\nof marked character ahd intelligence. She i county printing office in the olden time,\\nwas devotedly attached to the Episcopal\\nChurch, which the family attended, having\\nleft the French Church in the lifetime of\\nand of other local matters which deserve\\npreservation in our local iiistory, and in\\nanother chajiter we jiurpose quoting them", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n113\\nand also afew otlier pieces as specimens\\nof liis style and as giving his sentiments on\\n[politics, temperance and religion and oili-\\ner subjects.\\nThe most recent volume of his poems\\nwas published in 1865 by W. J. Middletun,\\nNew York, with an introductory memon-\\nby Evert A. Duyckiiick, to which we are\\nindebted for many of the facts in the fore-\\ngoing outline of his life. Though this vol-\\nume only gives his poems relating to the\\nRevolution yet the fine liRentss of the po-\\net prefixed make it a work which would be\\nhighly prized by many of our readers.\\nin the collection of his poems published\\nin 1809, we find the list ofsubscribers which\\nhe procured for it headed by the names of\\nJames Madison then President, and i hom-\\nas Jefferson and in Monmouth County we\\nfind the following subscribers, viz Middle-\\nlown Jehu Patterson, Esq., Capt Hen-\\ndrick Hendrickson, James Mott, Esq., Col.\\nJarrntt Stillwell, (Japt. Isaac Van Dorn,\\nCapt. Jenise Hendrickson, B. Gen. Rich-\\nard Poole. Middletown Point Cornelius\\nP. Vanderhoi)f, Esq., Dr. William Reynolds,\\nCapt. John Hall. Near Middletown Point,\\n.lolin Van Pelt, Merchant. Peter Johnson,\\nWilliam Walton. Ailentown, Richard\\nStout, Merchant, Freehold, John Quay,\\nEsq., Mr. David Cook. Monmouth, Hon.\\nJames Co.x.\\nOLD MONMOUTH DURING THE\\nREVOLUTION\\nHistorians generally concede that no\\nstate among the old thirteen suffered dur-\\ning the war more than did New Jersey\\nand it is generally admitted that no coun\\nty in our state uttered more than did old\\nMonmouth. In addition to liie outrages\\nto which the citizens were subjected fiom\\nthe regular British army, tliey were con-\\ntinually harassed by depredations com-\\nmitted by regularly organized bands of\\nRefugees, and also by ilie still more law-\\nless acts of a set of outcasts known as the\\nPine Woof s Robbers, who, though pre\\ntending to be Tories, yet, if opportunity of-\\nfered, robSed Tories as well ns vVhigs.\\ni he Refugees, or Loyalists as they call-\\ned themselves, were generally native born\\nAmericans wlio sided with the British,\\nregularly organized, with officers commis-\\nsioned by the Board of Associated loyal-\\nists at New Vork, of which body th\u00c2\u00ab Presi-\\ndent was William Franklin, the last Tory\\ngovernor of New Jersey, an illegitimate\\nson of Dr. Benjamin Franklin. The Ref-\\nugees had a strongly foitified settlement\\nat Sandy Hook, the lighthouse there de-\\nfended with cannon and British vessels of\\nwar always lying in the vicinity. From\\nthis settlement or Refugees town, as it\\nwas sometimes called, these marauders\\nwould sally forth to plunder and murder\\nin the a(ijoining county. To show the\\nperils by which the citizens of old Mon-\\nmouth were surrounded and the outrages\\nto which they were subjected, we append\\nsome extracts chiefly from ancient papers,\\nwhich thi)ugh plain and unvarnished yet\\nwill give a vivid idea of life and times in\\nthis county in the dark days of the Revo-\\ntion.\\nRefugee R-^ids in Old Monmouth. Phom-\\niNENT Patriots Robbed, Captured and\\nMurdered.\\nJune 3d 1778. We are informed that\\non Wednesday morning last, a party of\\nabout seventy of the Greens from Sandy\\nHook, lanaed near Major Kearney s (near\\nKejport,) headed the Mill Creek, Middle-\\ntown Point, and marched to Mr. John\\nBurrows, made him pris.)ner, burnt his\\nmills and both his store houses all valua-\\nble buildings, besides a great deal of his\\nfurniture. They also took prisoners, Lieu-\\ntenant Colonel Smock, Captain Christo-\\npher Liiile, Mr. Joseph Wall, Capain Jo-\\nseph Cuvenhoven (Conover) and several\\nother persons, and killed Messrs Pearce\\nand Van Brock le and wounded anotiier\\nman mortally. Having completed this\\nami several other barbarities they precip-\\nitately returned the same morning to\\ngive an account of their abominable deeds\\nto taeir bloody employers. A number of\\nthese gently, we barn, were formerly in-\\nhabitants of that neigliborhood.\\nThe Greei S above mentioned, it is\\nsaid, were Re ugee or Loyalist Jerseyman\\nwho joined the British. Their organiza-\\ntion was sometimes called the New Jer-\\nsey Royal Volunteers under command\\nof General Cortlandt Skinner, of whom\\nsome farther particulars may be given\\nhereafter.\\nAjaril 26th, 1779. An e.xi)edition con-\\nsisting of seven or sight -hundred men un-\\nder Co!. Hyde went to Middletown, Red\\nBank, Tinton Falls, Shrewsbury and oth-\\ner places, robbing and burning as they\\nwent. They took Justice Covenhoven\\nand others prisoners. Captain Burrows\\nand Colonel Holmes assembled our mili-\\ntia and killed three and wounded fifteen\\nof the enemy. The enemy however sue-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "114\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nceeded in carrying off horses, cattle and\\nother plunder.\\nIn the above extract the name of Jus-\\ntice Covenlioven is mentioned. The\\nnames of difterent membeis of the Coven-\\nhoven family are frequently met with in\\nancient papers and records among those\\nwho favored the patriot cause. Since that\\ntime the name has gradually changed\\nfrom Covenhoven to Conovei\\nIn May, two or three weeks after the\\nabove atiair, some two or three hundrtd\\nTories landed at Middletown, on what\\nwas then termed a picarooning expe-\\ndition. The term picaroon originally\\nmeanmg a plunderer or pirate, seems to\\nhave been used in that riay to convey\\nabout the same idea that raider did in\\nthe late Rebellion.\\nJune 9th, 1779. A party of about fif-\\nty Refugees, landed in Monmouth and\\nmarched to Tinton Falls undiscovered,\\nwhere they surprised and cairitd oft Colo-\\nnel Hendrickson, Colonel Wyckoff Cap-\\ntain Chadwick and Captain McKuight,\\nwith several jirivates of the militia, and\\ndrove off sheep and horned cattle. About\\nthirty of our mililitt hastily collected,\\nmade some resistance but were repulsed\\nwith ihe lo?s of two men killed and ten\\nwounded, the enemy s loss unknown.\\nApril 1st, 1780. About this time, the\\nTories made another raid to Tinton Falls,\\nand took off seven prisoners. Another\\nparty took Mr. Bowne prisoner at Mid-\\ndletown, who, but three days before, had\\nbeen exchanged, and had just got home.\\nAbout the last of April, the refugees at-\\ntacked the house of John Holmes, U[)per\\nFreehold, and robbed him of a large\\namount of continental money, a silver\\nwatch, gold ring, silver buckles, pistols,\\nclothing, fec.\\nJune 1st, 1780. The noted Colonel Tye,\\n(a mulatto formerly a slave in Monmouth\\nCo.) with his motley company of about\\ntwenty blacks and whites, carried off pris-\\noners Capt. Barney Smock, antl Gilbert\\nVan Mater, spiked an iron cannon and\\ntook four horses. Their rendezvous was\\na^ Sandy Hook\\nShortly after this Colonel Tye aided in\\nthe attack on Capt. Joshua Huddy, at hs\\nhouse at Colts Neck. The particulars of\\nthis affair, we purpose publishing in a\\nsketcli of Captain Huddy. Colonel Tye. (or\\nTitus, fo.-merly a slave belonging to John\\nCorlies,) though guilty of having a skin\\ndarker than our own, yet was generally ac-\\nknowledged to be about the most honora-\\nble, brave, generous and determined of the\\nrefugee leaders. Like our forefathers, he\\nfought for his liberty, which our ancestors\\nunfortuiiately refuseil to give him.\\nOctober 15, 1781. A party of refugees:\\nfrom Sundy Hook landed at night, at\\nShrewsbury, and marched undiscovered to\\nCoil s Neck, and took six pri.-oners. The\\nalarm reached the Court House about four\\nor five o clock, P. M., and u number of in-\\nhabitants, among whom was Dr. Nathanitl\\nScudder, went in pursuit. They rode to\\nBlack Point to ti t to recapture the six\\nAmericans, ar d while firing from the bank\\ni Dr. Scudder was killed. Dr. Scudder was\\none of the most prominent, active and use-\\nful patriots of Monmouth, and bis death\\nwas a serious loss to the Americans.\\nAbout the beginning of August, 1782,\\nRichard VVilgus, an American, was shot be-\\nlow Allentown. while on guard to prevent\\ncontraband trade wiih the Britisii.\\nI February 8lh, 1782. About forty refu-\\nI gees under Lieut. Steelman, came via San-\\n1 dy Hook to Pleasant Valley. They took\\ntwenty horses and five sleiglis. which they\\nj loaded with plunder they also took s evei-\\nj al jirisoners, viz: Hendrick Hendrickson\\nand his two sons, Peter Covenhoven, or\\nConover as the name is now called, was\\nmade prisoner onc\u00c2\u00ab before in 1779, as be-\\nfore related,) Garret Hendrickson, Samuel\\nBowne and son, anct Jamrs Denise. At\\ni Garret Hendiickson s a young man named\\nI WilliHiii Tliompsp/n. got up siyiy and went\\noft and informed Ciipt. John Schenck, of\\nI Col. Holmes rfgiment, who collected all\\nthe men he could to pursue. They over-\\ntook and attacked the refugees, and the\\nbefore mentioned William Thomi ?on was\\nj killed and Mr. Cottrel wounded. They\\nI however took twelve refugees prisoners,\\nthree of whom were wounded. But in re-\\nturning, they unexpectedly fell in with a\\nI party of sixteen men under Stevenson, and\\na sudden firing caused eight ot the priso-\\nners to escape. But Crip Scbenck ordered\\nliis men to charge bayonet, and the tories\\nsurrendered. Chj)!. Schenck took nine\\nteen horses and five sleighs, and took twen-\\nty-one prisoners.\\nThe first of the foregoing extracts, rela\\nting to a raid of the British in Middletown\\ntownship, in J778, and landing near Ma-\\njor Kearneys, in the vicinity o: Keyport, is\\nprobably the affair referred to in a tradi-\\ntion given in Howes collections, which we\\ngive below, as it explains why the Refu-\\ngees floxl so precipitately. It will be no-\\nticed, however, that the tradition does not", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n115\\nagree with extract quoted as to damage\\ndone but we have no doubt but that the\\nstatement copied from the ancient paper\\n(Collins Gaxette) is correct, as it was writ-\\nten but a few days after the affair took\\nplace.\\nTheproximity of this part of Monmouth\\ncounty to New York rendered it, in the\\nwar of the Revolution, peculiarly liable to\\nthe incursions of the British troops. Many\\nof the inhabitants, although secretly favor-\\nable to the American cause, were obliged\\nto feign allegiance to the crown, or lose\\nthen property by marauding parties of the\\nrefugees, fi om vessels generally lying oti\\nSandy Hook. Among those of this descrip-\\ntion was Major Kearney, a resident near\\nthe present site of Keyport. On one occas-\\nion a party of thirty or f.^rty refugees\\nstopped at his dwelling on their way to\\nMiddletown Point, where they intended\\nto burn a dwelling and some mills. Kear-\\nney feigned uratification at their visit, and\\ntalsely informed them there were probably\\nsome rebel troops at the Point, in which\\ncase it would be dangerous for them to\\nmarch thither. He ordered his negro ser-\\nvant, Jube. thither to make inquiry, at the\\nsame time secrelly giving him the cue how\\nto act. In due length of time Jube, who\\nhad gone but a short distance, returned\\nand hastily entered the room where Kear-\\nney and the Refugees were, and exclaimed\\nOh Massa Massa the rebels are at the\\nPoint thicic as blackberries I They nave\\njust come down from the Court house and\\nsay they are going to march down here\\nto night. The ruse succeeded the Refu-\\ngees, alarmed, precipitately retreated to\\ntheir boats, leaving the Major to rejoice at\\nthe stratagem whicli had saved the proper-\\nty of his friends from destruction.\\nThe i)robabiiity is that therusre prevent\\ned the Refugees from doing as much dam-\\nage as they had intended, although they\\nremained long enougli to inflict, considera-\\nble injury, as has been related.\\nATTACK ON THE RUSSEL FAMILY.\\nAs the outrage was an unusually aggra-\\nvated one, even for Refugees, and as it\\nwill be necessary to refer to some of the\\nparties concerned in it hereafter, to ex-\\nplain other events, we give the particulars\\nas deiived from various sources. The first\\nextract is from Collin s New Jersey Ga-\\nzette\\nOn the 30th of April, 1780, a party of\\nnegroes and refugees from Sandy Hook\\nlanded at Shrevvsburj in order to plun-\\nder. During their excursion a Mr. Rus-\\nsell, who attempted some resistance to\\ntheir depreciations, was killed, and his\\ngrandchild had five balls shot through\\nhim, but is yet living. Captain Warner, of\\nthe i^rivateer brig Elizabeth, was made\\nprisoner by these ruffians, but was releas-\\ned by giving them two half joes. This\\nbanditti also took ofi several persons,\\namong whom were Capt. James Green\\nand Ensign John Morris, of the Militia.\\nThe annexed additional particulars are\\nfrom Hove s collections Mr. Russell\\nwas an elderly man, aged about 60 years\\nas the party entered his dwelling, which\\nwas in the night, he fired and missed.\\nWilliam Gilian, a native of Shrewsbury,\\ntheir leader, seized the old gentleman by\\ntiie collar, and w-as in the act of stabbing\\nhim in the face and eyes with a bayonet,\\nwhen the fire blazed up, and shedding a\\nmomentary light upon the scene, enabled\\nthe younger ffussell, who lay wounded on\\nthe floor, to shoot Gilian. John Farnham,\\n(A Refugee named Farnham was after-\\nwards captured, tried and hung at Free-\\nhold we presume it was the same man,)\\na native of Middletown, thereupon aimed\\nhis musket at the young man, but it was\\nknocked up by Lipi)incott, who had mar-\\nried into the family. The party then went\\noff. The child was accidentally wounded\\nin the affray.\\nThe Lippencott above referred to vvas,\\nduring the late years of the war, quite a\\nnoted refugee leader the same Captain\\nRichard Lippencott who executed Cap-\\ntain Joshua Huddy. (A New York pub-\\nlication entitled Tales and traditions of\\nNew York, says that Capt. Lippencott was\\namong the Refugees who attacked and\\nburned Toms River.) It will be noticed\\nthat a younger Russell is referred to as\\nhaving been vvounded and lying on the\\nfloor. This was Joim Russell, a very ac-\\ntive member of the Militia, who at the\\ntime of this outrage was at home on a fur-\\nlough with his parents and wife. This\\nJohn Russell alter the war removed to Ce-\\ndar Creek, in Ocean County, where he\\nlived to quite an advanced age. His ac-\\ncount of the affair is as follows\\nThere were seven refugees and he\\n(John) saw them through the window,\\nand at one time they got so near that he\\ntold his father he was sure they could kill\\nfour of them and wished to fire, as be be-\\nlieved the other three would run. His\\nfather persuaded him not to fire, but to\\ndo so when they broke into the house.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "116\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nWhen they broke in the father fired first\\nbut missed his aim he was then fi-ed up-\\non and killed. John Russell fired and\\nkilled the man who shot his father. John\\nRussell was shot in the side (the scars of\\nthe wound were visible until he died\\nAfter being wounded he fell on the floor\\nand pretended that he was dead. The\\nrefugees then went to plundering the\\nhouse. The mother and wife of John\\nwere lying in a bed with the child the\\nchild awoke and asked: Grandmother\\nwnat s the matter? A refugee pointed\\nhis gun at it and fired and said that s\\nwhat s the matter. Whether he really\\nintended to wound the child, or only to\\nfrighten it, is uncertain, but the child was,\\nas before stated, badly wounded, but event\\nually recoveiad.\\nAs the refugees were preparing to leave,\\none of the number pointed his musket at\\nyoung Russell, as he lay on the floor, and\\nwas about firing, saying he didn t believe\\nhe was dead yet; whereupon another\\nknocked his musket up, saying it was a\\nshame to fire upon a dying man, and the\\nload went into the ceiling. After the ref-\\nugees were gone, John got up, had his\\nwounds attended to, and exclaimed to his\\nwife Ducky I I ll come out all right\\nyet. He did come out all right, and we\\nhave good reason to believe before the\\nwai\u00c2\u00bb ended he aided in visiting severe ret-\\nribution on the Refugees, for their doings\\nat this lime. Among this party of Refu-\\ngees was the notorious Phil White.\\nTHE CAPTURE AND DEATH OF THE REFUGEE,\\nFHIL WHITE.\\nA correct version of the A^air. Slanders re-\\nfuted and Patriots Vindicated. Affidavits of\\nAaron White, of Philip Whitens guards;\\nStatements of Gen. Forman, c.\\nThough the death of the refugee Philip\\nW.hite, (commonly called Phil White) is\\noccasionally referred to in modern works,\\nthere are none which give complete or\\ncorrect accounts of the affair. In the\\nbrief statement given in Howe s collec-\\ntions, unjust imputations are cast ujion his\\nguard, as will hereafter be seen.\\nWhen Capt. Muddy was so brutally mur-\\ndered by the Refugees near the High-\\nland?, it will be remembered that a label\\nwas fastened to his breast, the last sen-\\ntence of which was\\nUp goes Htuldy for Philp White.\\nThough the refugees at one time assert\\ned that Capt. Huddy had an agency in\\nthe death of Phil. White, yet this prejws-\\nterous charge was at once shown to be an\\ninfamous falsehood, as when White was\\nkilled, Capt. Huddy wns a prisoner, con-\\nfined in the old sugar house. New York,\\n(Duane s sugar house). The British assert-\\ned that he had taken a certain Philip\\nWhite, cut off both his arms, broke his\\nlegs, pulled out one of his eyes, damned\\nhim and then hid him run. How much\\nof this was true wdl be seen by conclu-\\nsive evidence given below, before quoting,\\nwhich we will give a version of the affair\\nas given in Howe s collection, from a tra-\\nditionary .source.\\nWhile, the Refugee, was a carpenter,\\nand served his time in Shrewsbury. Six\\ndays after Huddy was taken, he was sur-\\nprised by a party of militia ligiithorse,\\nnear Snag Swamp, in the eastern part of\\nthe township. After laying down his arms\\nin token of surrender, he took up his mus-\\nket and killed a Mr. Hendrickson. He\\nwas however secured, and while being tak-\\nen to Freehold, was killed at Pyle s Cor-\\nner, three miles from there. He Wis un-\\nder a guard ot three men, the father of\\nwhom was murdered at Shrewsbury the\\nyear ^Ji evious, by a band of reufugees,\\namon^ whom was White, and he was\\ntherefore highly exasperated against the\\nprisoner. Some accounts state that he\\nwas killed while attempting to escape:\\nothers with more probability that they\\npricked him with their swords and thus\\nto run and cruelly murdered.\\nThere are several errors in the forego-\\ning and it is to be especially regretted\\nthat the untrue chargeof wanton cruelty,\\ncontained at the close of this extract,\\n.-hould have found a place in so useful a\\nbook as the one containing it. Correct\\nversions of this affair are found in ancient\\npapers, but for the present we will give\\nseveral affidavits talcen at the time as be-\\ning the most conclusive evidence. These\\naffidavits were forvvarded to Gen. Wash-\\nington, and by him transmitted to Con-\\ngress, April 20Lh, 1782.\\nThese affidavits are of Aaron White,\\nwho was taken prisoner with Phil. White,\\nand of each of the three guards.\\nDeposition of Aaron White.\\nCounty of Monmouth, ss Aaron White\\nbeing duly sworn, deposeth\\nThat he was taken pri-soner with Philip\\nWhite, that the deponent left New York\\nin company with Philip White, Jeremiah\\nBell, negro Moses, Jolin Feanimore and\\nRobert Howell, on Thursday night, the", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES m OLD MOIXMOUTIJ,\\n117\\n28th day of March last that they sailed\\nfrom New York to the Hook, where they\\nremained until morning, beinjj Friday\\nthat the deponent understood that Capt.\\nHuddy was then a prisoner that on the\\nday following, being Saturday, the 30th,\\nthe deponent being off in a boat with Fen-\\nnimore, and having observed that the said\\nPhilip White and Moses had an engage-\\nment with some of tlie troops on shore,\\nhe, the deponent, went in a boat to their\\nrelief, meaning to take them off; that\\nwhen he came on shore he joined the said\\nPhilip White and negro Moses, and pur-\\nsued one Thomas Berkley, with whom\\nthey had been engaged that in pursuit,\\nthe light horse came down, and the depo-\\nnent with the said Philip White were\\nmade prisoners, that they were put under\\nguard to be sent to Freehold for confine-\\nment that on the way from Colt s Neck\\nto Freehold, between Daniel Grandin s\\nand Samuel Leonard s the deponent was\\ntold by one of his guards that Philip\\nWhite was running away that the depo-\\nnent looked back and saw the horsemen\\nin pursuit of something, but being about\\nhalf a mile distant, could not distinguish\\nalter whom or what the pursuit was; that\\nthe field in which they were pursuing was\\nnear the brook next to Mr. Leonard s ad-\\njoining a wood that Lieut. Rhea and\\nGeorge Brindley left the deponent under\\nguard of two men and ran their horses\\nback towards the place the other men\\nwere pursuing that the deponent after-\\nwards understood that it is was Philip\\nWhite they were pursuing, and that he\\nwas killed in the pursuit that Joshua\\nHuddy was not one ot the guard or party,\\nand the deponent understood and verily\\nbelieves that he was then a prisoner in\\nNew York; and the deponent further and\\nlastly declares, that the above is the truth\\nas related without any fear, threats or\\ncompulsion whatever.\\nAaron White.\\nSworn before me this 15th of April, 1782-\\nDavid Forman,\\nJustice of the Peace, Monmouth County.\\nThat a clear idea of the order of the\\nprincipal events referred to in these affi-\\ndavits may be obtained, we will here state\\nthat Capt. Joshua Huddy was taken pris-\\noner by the British at Toms River, on\\nSunday, March 24th, 1782 on Saturday,\\nthe 30th of March, six days after, Phil.\\nWhite and Aaron, were taken prisoners\\nby the Monmouth militia the same day\\n(March 30th,) Philip White was killed, at\\nwhich time Capt. Huddy was confined in\\nthe sugar house prison at New York,\\nwhere he had been put on Tuesday, March\\n27ih, and remained until Monday, April\\nHth, when he was taken on board a sloop\\nand put in irons, and four days later on\\nthe 12th of April, 1782 he was hung near\\nthe Highlands; his body was delivered to\\nthe Americans, sent to Freehold, and\\nburied with the honors of war. Three\\ndays after his death on the 15th of April,\\nthese affidavits were taken, while the re-\\ncollections of all the circumstances refer-\\nredto were fresh in the minds of the wit-\\nness.\\nORIGIN OF FAMILY NAMES.\\nA surname is an additional name added\\nto a proper or given name for the sake of\\ndistinction, and so called because original\\nly written over the other name instead of\\nafter it, from the French /S \u00c2\u00abrno?rt, probably\\nderived from the Latin Super nomen,\\nsignifying above the name.\\nSurnames have originated in various\\nways. Some are derived from the names\\nof places; others from offices and profes-\\nsions, from personal peculiarities from\\nthe (christian or proper name of the fath-\\ner; from the performance of certain ac-\\ntions; from objects in the animal, mineral\\nand vegetable world, and from accidental\\ncircumstances of every varied character.\\nAccording to Camden, surnames began\\nto be taken up in France about the year\\n1000, and in England about the time of\\nthe Conquest (1066) or a very little be-\\nfore.\\nLocal names form the largest cla s of\\nour surnames. First among these are\\nthose which are national, expressing the\\ncountry whence the person first bearing\\n(he name came, as English, Scott, French,\\nIreland, Britain, Fleming (from Flanders)\\nGaskin, (from Gascony), c. Names were\\ntaken from almost every county, town\\nand hamlet, as Cheshire, Chester, Hull,\\nRoss, Kent, Cunningham, Huntingdon,\\nPreston, Compton, etc., so that local names\\nof this class may number many thousands.\\nFor instance, a person whose native place\\nwas Chester, might remove to another\\nplace the inhabitants of which, to distin-\\nguish him, would give him the surname of\\nChester, originally prefixing it with o/,\\nfrequently shortened to O or .4, sig-\\nnifying/ -#?n or at, as John of Chester, John\\n0 Chester J ohn atKirby, John A Kirby.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "118\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nThe prefixes after a time were dropped\\nand the names descended to children as\\nsimply Chester and Kirby.\\nBesides these we have a great number of\\nlocid surnames which are general and de-\\nscriptive of the nature or situation of the\\nresidence of the persons upon whom they\\nwere bestowed, as Hill, Wood. Dale, Park,\\nfec. The prefix xU or AUe was generally\\nused before these names as Joh}^ At Hill,\\nmeaning John at the hill or John who\\nlived at the hill; James At Well, John At\\nWood, now Atwell and Atwood. In this\\nway men took surnames from rivers and\\ntrees from residing at or near them, as\\nBeck, Gill, Grant, Beach, Bush. Ash,\\nThorn.\\nSurnames derived from Christian or bap-\\ntismal names are probably next in num\\nber to the local surnames; some of these\\nare probably the most ancient of all sur-\\nnames, many of them varied by prefixes\\nand suflSxes. Of this class we have first,\\nthe names terminating in son, which vi\\\\s\\nadded to the name of the father John the\\nson of William, was called John, William s\\nson John Williamson Johnson, John s\\nson T}\u00c2\u00bbompson, Thomas son tSimpson, Si-\\nmon s son; Wilson, Will s son.\\nThe Welsh merely appended 5, in\\nstead of son, as Edwards, son of Edward\\nDavis, son of David Jones, son of John\\nHughes, son of Hugh Williams, son of Wil\\nliam, c.\\nThen we have surnames formed from ab-\\nbreviated names, pet names and nick-\\nnames, as Watson the son of Wat or Wal-\\nter Watts, signifying the same; Dobson,\\nson of Dob or Robert.\\nA great many surnames are formed of\\nabbreviated and nurs =i ngmes with the ad\\ndition of the diminutive terminations ette,\\nkin, cock or cox. all of which signify lit-\\ntle or child. From the termination\\nette we have such names as Willet, wliich\\nmeani. little Will, or son of Will IJallct..\\nLittle Hal or Henry. P^rom kin or kin^s\\nwe have Wilkins, Sirapkins, Atkins, Hig-\\ngins, Hawkins, Dobbins. From cock ov cox\\nwe have Wilcox, Simeox, c..\\nSome surnnines have the prefix Fi z, of\\nNorman wigin, signifying son. as Fiiz Clar-\\nence, son of Clarence, Fitzgerald, son of Ger-\\nald. Fitz was applied to sons both legiti-\\nmate and illegitimate.\\nThe Welsh in like manner prefixed Ap\\nto denote son, as Jhwid ^\\\\p Hoiuell, David\\nson of Howeli; Evan A] lihi/s, Evan son of\\nRhys or Reese liichnrd Ap Evan, Richard\\nson of Evan John Ap Hugh, John son of\\nHugh. These names are now abbreviated\\ninto Powell, Price, Bevan, Pugh.\\nThe affix Ing is of Teutonic origin,\\ndenoting progeny Whiting inei\\\\.ns, fair off-\\nspring Browning, the dark or brown cnild,\\netc. Xe^ of Anglo Saxon origin means lit-\\ntle, as Burtlett, little Bart or Bartholomew\\nWillctt, little Will.\\nThe prefixes Mac and found in\\nIrish names signify the first, son, the lat-\\nter grandson or descendant. DonneiTs\\nson would be called Mac Donnell; the\\ngrandson or descendant would be called\\nO Donnell; Mac iNeall, the son of Neal\\nO Neal, the grandson of Neal.\\nNames of trades, occupations and pur-\\nj suits are next in number, as Smith. Car-\\n))enter, Taylor, Barker, Barber, Brewer,\\nSherman (a shearman, one who shears\\ncloth), Naylor (nailmaker). Tucker (a ful.\\nI ler), etc. John the Smith was shortened\\nI to John Smith, Peter the Carjienter, to\\nPeter Carpenter, c.\\nj Many surnames are derived from offi-\\ncial names, both civil and ecclesiasti-\\ncal. Among these may be mentioned\\nKing, Earl, Knight. Pope, Bishop, Bailey.\\nMarshall, Cliambcrlain, Priest, etc.\\nPersonal characteristics have given ori-\\ngin to another class of surnames descrip-\\ntive of mental or bodily peculiarities.\\nAmong these are the names of color and\\ncomplexion, as Black, Brown, White,\\nGray, Dunn (brown); and from the color\\nof the hair. Whitehead, Fairfax (fair\\nhair), Swartz (bJack), P airchild, Black-\\nman, etc.\\nAmong those which indicate the men\\ntal or moral qualities are such as Good-\\nman, Wise, Wiley, Meek, Moody, Bliss,\\nGay, Sage, Joy.\\nAmong those derived from bodily pecu-\\nliarity and from feats of personal strength\\nor courege are Strong, Mickle, liittle.\\nLong, Armstrong, Turnbuli, etc.\\nA few surnames aie derived from ani-\\nmals, fishes and birds, generally for the\\nreason given hereafter.\\nOf surnames derived from animals may\\nbe mentioned Wolf, Lion, Fox, Hare,\\nRoC; c. I-i rom Wild boar comes Wilbur:\\nfrom Little Wolf or lAipellas comes Lovel\\nTodd means fix in Scotch and from EOer\\nor Eafcr, a boar, is derived Everard, Ever-\\nitt, Everingham. P^verton, ic. Oliphant is\\nfrom elephant.\\nAmong the names of fishes and birds\\ntaken as family names may be mentioned,\\nPike. Salmon, Burt, Ba.ss. Fish, etc l ove.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n119\\nFinch, Peacock, Swan, Jay, Wildgoose\\n(Wilgus), Heron, Sic.\\nThe mineral and vegetable kingdom\\nhave contributed their full quota, as in-\\nstance Garnett, Jewell, Steel, Irons, Stone,\\nFlint, Pine, Rose, Thorn, Burch,etc.\\nOne reason why persons received as sur-\\nnames the names of animals, fishes, birds,\\nflowers, G, was because in ancient times\\nin England, not only innkeepers but\\ntradesmen and mechanics of all kinds put\\non the signs over their doors a representa-\\ntion of something to attract attention and\\nas a distinguishing mark of their [ilaoe of\\nbusiness, as Wild hoars, Elephants, Bulls,\\nSwans, Peacocks, Dolphins, Cranes, Grif-\\nfins, Guns, Bells, Pots, Pitcaers, c., which\\ngave rise to the surnames of those who\\nput them up or to some of their employes.\\nCamden says that he was told by them\\nwho said they spake of knowledge, that\\nmany names that seem unfitting for men,\\nas of brutish beasts, etc., came from the\\nvery signs of the houses where they inliab-\\nited. That some, in late time, dwelling\\nat the sign of the Dolphin, Bull, White-\\nhorse, Racket, Peacocke, etc., were com-\\nmonly called Thnnas at the Dolphin, Will at\\nthe Bull, George at the Whilehorse, Rohin at\\nthe Racket, which names, as many others\\nof the like sort, with omitting at, became\\nafterward hereditary to their children.\\nA few surnames have originated in nick-\\nnames, epithets of contempt and ridicule,\\nimposed for personal peculiarities, habits,\\nqualities, incidents or accidents which hap-\\npened to their original bearers, as Doolit-\\nlle, Bragg, Trollope, Silliman, c.\\nThe foregoing gives the princijDal sour-\\nces from which the greater part of our\\nsurnames are derived, but many names\\nyet remain, the origin of which are not ac-\\ncounted for, hut all surnames must have been\\noriginally significant. The best authorities\\nas to the origin and meaning of surnames\\nare Lover, Camden and Arthur, the work\\nof the last named being the most conven\\nlent and accessible.\\nWe give bel ];v the meaning and origin\\nof many familxar surnames as accepted by\\nsome authorities. In a few instances\\nthere is a difference of opinion among\\nthose who have investigated the subject.\\nAt some future time we shall endeavor to\\nfind room for a more complete list of sur-\\nnames and quote different authorities\\nIn some cases where different opinions\\nare given as to the origin of surnames\\neach may be correct owing to the fact\\nthat many names now common may have\\nhad different origins.\\nSURNAMES- THEIR ORIGIN AND\\nMEANING.\\nAcheson, Atcheson. (Cornish British).\\nAn inscription or memorial.\\nAckerman. (Saxon). From Acker, oak-\\nen, made of oak, and man. Signifying\\nthe brave, firm, unyielding man.\\nActon. (Saxon). Oak-town or oak hill,\\nAgnew. (Norman French). From the\\ntown of Agneau, in Normandy, whence the\\nfamily originated. Agneau, in Normandy\\nFrench signifies lambs.\\nAckers, Aikens, Akers, Akms c. (Sax-\\non). Qx^ni^y oaken ov place o^ oaks, ov oak\\nman, a man firm and unyielding as an\\noak.\\nAllen, Allan. This name is derived, by\\none authority from the Sclavonic Aland, a\\nwoltdog or hound. Camden thinks it is a\\ncorruption of Aelimus, which signifies sun-\\nbright. In the Gaelic, Aluinn signifies ex-\\nceedingly fair, handsome, elegant, lovely.\\nIrish, Alun, fair beautiful. The Gaelic and\\nIrish derivations are probably correct.\\nAnderson. Son of Andrew.\\nArmstrong. A name given for strength\\nin battle.\\nAustin. (Latin) A contraction of Augus-\\ntine, from Augustinus, imperial, royal,\\ngreat, renowned.\\nBailey. A name of office.\\nBarculo, Barkalow. From the town\\nBoiculoor Borkulo in Holland.\\nBarnes. A distinguished family of Sot-\\nterly, Suffolk county, England. Beam, a\\ncity in France. Barnyz, (Cornish Br.) a\\njudge.\\ndiminutive of Bartholo-\\nittle Bart, or son of Bar-\\nBartlett. A\\nmew, meanmg\\ntholomew.\\nBarton. (Saxon). Local. From a town in\\nLincolnshire, England, meaning a corn\\ntown or barley village, from here, barley,\\nand tonixu inclosure, house or village. In\\nDevonshire Barton is applied to any free-\\nhold estate not possessed of manorial\\nprivileges.\\nBates. (Anglo Saxon) Contention.\\nBauer. (German). Farmer.\\nBaxter. (Anglo Saxon). Baker. Sir\\nWalter Scott says that in Scotland it also\\nmeant a baker s lad.\\nBeadle. A name of office; an officer be-\\nlonging to a university or parish.\\nBedell. The same as Beadla, of which\\nit is a corruption.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "120\\nOLD TIMES ^IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nBeers. From Beer, a town in Dorsetshire,\\nEngland, so called from here, grain, bar-\\nley; a fruitful place.\\nBell. A name taken from the sign of an\\ninn or shop. John at the Bell became\\nJohn Bell.\\nBennett. A contraction or corruption\\nof Benedict, from Benedictus, blessed.\\nBlair. A cleared plain or battle field.\\nBlake. A corruption of Ap Lake, son of\\nLake.\\nBogart (Dutch) From boomgard, an or-\\nchard.\\nBond. The father or head of a family,\\nwhence husband, a contraction of house\\nbond.\\nBonnal. (Cornish British). The house\\non the cliff. (See Burnell).\\nBowen. (Welsh). A corruption of Ap\\nOiven, son of Owen.\\nBovvne. (Cornish Br.) Signifies ready,\\nactive, nimble.\\nBowman. A military name one who\\nused a bow; an archer.\\nBowers. A shady recess a cottage. The\\nGerman Bauer is sometimes corrupted to\\nBower.\\nBowyer. One who used or made bows.\\nBradshaw. A broad wood or grove. One\\nwho lived near a wide grove.\\nBreese. (Welsh). A contraction of Ap\\nJRecse, son of Ree?e.\\nBrewer, Brewster. A brewer of malt li-\\nquor.\\nBrick. A corruption of Breek, signify-\\ning broken, a gap.\\nBritton, Brittain. A native of Britain.\\nBrower. From the Dutch Brouer, a\\nbrewer.\\nBryan, Brian Brien. Nobly descended\\nalso one who is fair spoken, wordy, spe-\\ncious.\\nBunnell. A corruption of Bonhill, a par-\\nish in the county of Dumbarton, Scot-\\nland.\\nBurden, Borden. Louver says the sur-\\nname Burden is probably a corruption of\\nbourdov., a pilgrim s staff. It may also be de-\\nrived from two Saxon words Bo^(r and den\\nsignifying a house in the valley.\\nChadwich. Cottage by the harbor.\\nClayton. The Clay hill.\\nCole. An abbreviation of Nicholas,\\ncommon among the Dutch.\\nConnell, Connelly. From Celtic and\\nGaelic, co?(a/, love, friendship.\\nConway. From a river of this name in\\nWales.\\nCoombs. (Cornish Br.) A place betvreen i\\nhills, a valley in the Welsh Coom. I\\nCourtney. From a town in France,\\nCourtenay fifty-six miles south of Paris.\\nThe name signifies The court near the\\nriver.\\nCox. From cock or cox, little, a term of\\nendearment. The word was sometimes\\nused to denote a leader or chief man. In\\nWest Jersey, some two centuries ago, Pe-\\nter, Lacey, and Laurence Cock were prom-\\ninent settlers their descendants general-\\nly now spell the name Cox.\\nCrawforl. From Crawford in Lancashire,\\nScotland, which some say derived its name\\nfrom cru bloody and ford, a pass bloody\\nford.\\nCrowell. From a town in England by\\nthat name.\\nCurtis. An abbreviation of courteous.\\nDennis. A corruption of the Greek name\\nDionysius, divine mind.\\nDunn. Gaelic, a heap, hill, mount, fort-\\nress. Saxon, brown, of a dark color, swar-\\nthy.\\nDunning. Brown offspring, Child of\\nDunn.\\nErricV, Herrick. There is a tradition\\nsays Dean Swift that the ancient family\\nof Ericks or Herricks derive their lineage\\nfrom Erick the Forester, a great command-\\ner who rai ^ed an army to oppose the inva-\\nsion of William the Conquerer.\\nErrickson. Son of Eric. The old settlers\\nof Monmouth of this name were probably\\nof Swedish descent and first settled in\\nWest Jersey. Eric Errickson came over\\nwith the first Swedish settlers (1638?) A\\ncensus of Swedes taken in 1693 gives the\\nnames of Joran Ericson, one child, Mats\\nErrickson, three children, Eric Errickson,\\none child. An old tradition says that the\\nfirst of the family who came to New Jer-\\nsey, descended from Eric, king of Sweden.\\nErvvin, Irwin. Welsh Erivyn, very fair,\\nwhite beautiful.\\nElvans. The Welsh for John, same as\\nJohns, meaning son of Evan or son of\\nJohn.\\nFrench. One who came from France.\\nGoudy, Gowdy. From Gouda, \u00e2\u0096\u00a0i. town in\\nHolland.\\nGordon. A strong man, a hero, a giant.\\nHarris, Harrison. .Son of Henry.\\nHartshorne. The horn ot a hart or male\\ndeer an emblem or sign over a shop or\\ninn, wlience the name Will at the Harts-\\nhorn.\\nHavens. From haven, a harbor. One\\nwho lived near a haven.\\nHenderson, Hendrickson. Son of Hen-\\nry or Hendrick.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n121\\nHerbert. (Saxon) From Here., a sol-\\ndier, and beorht, bright meaning an ex-\\npert soldier, famous in war.\\nHiggins. Little Hugh, or son of Hugh.\\nHilyard. Anciently Hildheard, Hild in\\nSaxon is a hero or heroine, and heard, a\\npastor or keeper.\\nHodges. Hodge was a nickname of Rog-\\ner, and Hodges mean son of Hodge.\\nHoffman. (Dutch) From Hoof Jam, a\\ncaptain or head man, Hofman, from Hof, a\\ncourt the man of the court.\\nHolman. A corruption of Allemand, a\\nGerman, that is a mixture of all men, AUe\\nmann.\\nHolmes. From Holm, a river, island or\\nmeadow; also cultivated rising ground.\\nHume, Hulmes. Same as above.\\nHood. (Saxon) I rom hovd the wood.\\nHooper. A cooper.\\nHopkins. Little Robert or son of Rob-\\nert.\\nHunn. A native of Hungary.\\nIrving, Irvine. From a river and town\\nof same name in Ayrshire, Scotland.\\nJeffrey. Corrupted from Geoffrey or\\nGodfrey, from theGerman, signifying God s\\npeace orjoyful peace. This name was borne\\nby the chief of the royal house of Plantag\\nenet.\\n.Jenkins. From Jenks or John son of\\nJohn.\\nJennings. Same as Jenkins,\\nKemble, Kimlile. A corruption of Camp\\nbell, which family claims to be able to trace\\nits lineage to the fifth century. Cam meant\\ncrooked, and bevl, mouth the man whose\\nmouth inclined a little on one side.\\nLaird. The same as Lord.\\nLane. (Gaelic) A plain a narrow way.\\nLawrence. Flourishing, spreading, from\\nLaurus, the laurel tree. Sir Robert Lau:\\nrence of Ashton Hall, Lancashire, England,\\naccompanied Richard I. to the Holy Land\\n119L\\nLeonard. The disposition of a lion. Li-\\non hearted.\\nLippencot. German. A town on the\\ncoast; one who lived on the coast from\\nleben to dwell, and ccte side or coast.\\nLloyd. (Welsh) Grey or brown.\\nLowe. A hill.\\nMartin. Warlike, a chief man, a warrior.\\nMoore. (Gaelic) Great, chief, tall, mighty,\\nproud.\\nMorgan. One born by the sea.\\nMorris. (Welsh) A hero, a brave man.\\nNorris. A North king the third king\\nat arms.\\nOsborn. From hus, a house, and beam,\\na child a family child or adopted child.\\nOwen. The ^ood offspring, good child.\\nPalmer. A pilgrim from the Holy Land;\\nso called because he carried a palm branch\\nas a pledge of his having been to Palffstine.\\nPancoast, Pancost. A corruption of Pt:rt-\\nLecost, a name probably given to a child\\nborn on Pentecost day.\\nPangburn, Pangbourn. A town in Berk-\\nshire, England.\\nParker. The keeper of a park.\\nPowell. The son of Howell, which is from\\nCornish British Houl, the sun.\\nPotter. One who makes earthen vessels.\\nPrice. The son of Rice or Reese, from\\nAp Ilice.\\nQuackerboss. A thicket, a grove, moun-\\ntain ash.\\nRandolph, Randall. Fair help. Good\\nhelp.\\nReeves. From liccve, a bailiff provost, or\\nsteward.\\nReynolds. Sincere or pure love a strong,\\nfirm hold.\\nRice, Reese. A brave, impetuous man.\\nRoger. One who keeps the peace strong\\ncounsel.\\nRogers. Son of Roger.\\nRussell. Red haired, or somewhat red-\\ndish.\\nSchenck, An inn or public house, from\\nthe German schenhe.\\nSherman. One who shears cloth.\\nSmith. The most common of all sur-\\nnames. The name is derived from the An-\\nglo Saxon Smilan, to strike or smite.\\nFrom wlienee comes Smith, all be he knigVit or\\nsquire,\\nBut from the Smith thut fo i geth a*, the fire?\\nVerstegan.\\nAmong the Highland class, the smith\\nranked third in dignity to the chief, from\\nhis skill in fabricating military weapons\\nand his dexterity in using them. In Wales\\nthere were three sciences which a tenant\\ncould not teach his son without consent of\\nhis lord. Scholarship, Bardism and Smithcraft.\\nThis last was considered one of the liberal\\nsciences, and the term hi.d a more com-\\nprehensive sense than we now give it. The\\nsmith was required to have different\\nbranches of knowledge which are now prac-\\nticed separately, such as raising the ore,\\nconverting it into metal, etc. It originally\\napplied to all mechanical workmen wheth-\\ner in metal, wood or other materials.\\nThe name John ^Smith is s common\\nthat it almost ceases to be a distinctive\\nname. One writer contends, in an amus-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "122\\nOLI) TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\ning article, that the name Smith is not\\nonly common in Great Britain and Ameri-\\nca, hut among all the nations of the earth.\\nHe insists that the Hehrew name ot Sheni\\n(Noah s son) was thus corrupted: Shem,\\n.\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Shemit, Shmit, Smith. A Philadelphia\\nhumorous writer, after asserting that Shem\\nin Hebrew is the origin of vSmith, says the\\nname John Smith is found in other nations\\none and indivisible Thus, Latin, Johannes\\nStnithius Italian, Giovanni Smithi Span-\\nish, Juan Smithas Dutch, Hans Schmidt;\\nFrench, Jean Smeets Russian, Jonloff\\nSkmittowski Polish, Ivan Schmittiwcls.ii\\nCliinese, Jahon Shimmitt Icelandis, Jahne\\nSmilhson Welsh, Jihon Schmidd Tus-\\ncarora. Ton Qu Smittiu Mexican, Jontli\\nF. Smitti.\\nSnyder. (German) Schneider, a tailor.\\nStanton. From s/an a stone and (on, a\\nhill or town.\\nStewart. Malcolm III, king of Scotland,\\ncreated Walter, ihe son ot Fleance and\\ngrandson of Banquo, Lord High Steward\\nof Scotland, from which office his family\\nafterwards took, and retained the name of\\nStewart, and from ihence descended the\\nroyal family of Stuart.\\nStockton. A town in Durham, England.\\nStokes. A parish in Buckinghamshire,\\nEngland.\\nStryker. (Danish.) From .?^r/(/i to strike,\\nto roam, to travel hence a worker at a\\ntrade, a traveller.\\nSutphen. (Dutch.) Originally Van\\nZutphen, that is, from the city of Zutphen\\nin Germany.\\nTaggart. (Welsh.) A meeting house.\\nTunison. Probably son of Tennis or\\nTunis.\\nThrockmorton. A corruption of .1^ Rock-\\nmoor-toii-n, a town on a rock in a moor,\\nin the vale of Eversham, Warwickshire,\\nEngland.\\nThwaite. A piece of ground cleared of\\nVTOod.\\nTice. (Dutch.) A familiar abbreviation\\nof Matihi.as.\\nTilton. Derived from Tilton, a village\\nin England, probably an ancient [)lace of\\ntilling or tents. TU(, Saxon, a tent.\\nTodd. 7W, a Scotch word for fox.\\nTownsend. One who lived at the end of\\ntlie town.\\nTruax. (Cornish Br. i he place on the\\nwaters.\\nVan Cleve. From the city of leve or\\nCleves in Westphalia, Germany.\\nVanderreer. From the ferry.\\nVoorhees. (Dutch.) From voorhius the\\nfore room or best room of a house, or from\\nvflor Hess, b\u00c2\u00abfore the town of Hess.\\nWalton The name of several villages\\nin England, from \u00e2\u0096\u00a0wahl, a wood, and ii^n a\\ntown or village.\\nWatson ami Watts. Son of Walter.\\nWorden, Werden. From Wchr, a forti-\\nfication and dm, a hill a town in Nether-\\nlands called Woerdon.\\nWestervelt. The west field.\\nWoodruff. The governor or keeper of\\na wood, a forester.\\nWoodward. Wood-ward, a forest keeper\\nor officer who hud charge of a park or for-\\nest, and took charge of all offences eom-\\nnaitted.\\nWoolley. From Wohlley, uncultivated\\nlands, hills without woods.\\nWorth. (Saxon.) A court, farm, place.\\nTHE DEATH OF BAC(JN.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2John Bacon was a notorious refugee\\nwho had committed many depredations\\nalong the shores of Monmouth and Bur-\\nlington counties. After having been a tei-\\nror to tlie people of this section for some\\nlime, John ^tevvart, of Arnevtown, (after-\\nwards Ciiptain Stewart), resolved if possi-\\nble to take him. There had been a rewa.rd\\nof fifty pounds sterling offered by the (Jov-\\nernor and Council for his capture, dead or\\nalive. A short time previous, in an engage-\\nment at Cedar Creek Biidge, Bacon and Ins\\ncompany liad discomfited a considerable\\nbody of State troops, killing a brother of\\nJoel Cook, of (book s Mills, (now Cooks-\\ntown), Burlington county, which excited\\nmuch alarm amt exasperated the whole\\ncountry. On the occasion of his arrest, Cap-\\ntain Stewart took with him Joel Cook, John\\nBrown, Thomas Smith, John Jones, and\\nanother person whose name is not recol-\\nlected, and started in pursuit, well armed.\\nThey traversed the shore and found Bacon\\nseparated from his men at the public house\\nor cabin of William Rose, between West\\nCreek and C lamtown (nov/ Tuckerton), in\\nBurlington County, i he night was very\\ndark, and Smith being in advance ol the\\nparty, approached the house, and discov-\\nered through the window a man sitting\\nwith a gun between his knees. He imme-\\ndiately informed his companions. On ar-\\nriving at the house. Captain Stewart\\nopened the door and presenting his mus-\\nket demanded a surrender. The fellow\\nsprang to his feel, and cocking his gun was", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES I^: OLD MONMOUTH.\\n123\\nin the act of bringing it round to the breast\\nof Stewart, when the latter, instead of dis-\\ncharging his piece, closed in with him and\\nsucceeded after a scufHe in bringing him\\nto the floor. He then avowed himself to be\\n.John Bacon, and asked for quarter, wlii h\\nwas at once readily granted to him by Stew\\nart. Tliey arose from tlie floor, and Stew-\\nart (still retaining his hold on Bycon)\\ncalled to Cook, who, when he discovered\\nthe supposed murderer of his brother, be-\\ncame exasperated, and stepping back gave\\nBacon a bayonet thrust unknown to Stew-\\nart or his companions. Bacon appeared\\nfaint and fell. After a sliort time he re-\\ncovered and attempted to escape by the\\nback door. Slewirt pushed a table against\\nit. Bacon hurled itaws^yand struck Stew\\nart to the floor, opened liie door, and ajiain\\nattempted to pass out; hut was shot by\\nStewart (who liad regained his feet) while\\nin the act. Tlie ball passed through his\\nbody, tlirougii a part of the building, and\\nstruck the breast of Cook, who had taken\\na position at the back door to prevent\\negress. Cook s companions were ignorant\\nof the fact that he iuid given Bacon the\\nbayonet wound, and would scarcely credit\\nhim when he so informed tiiem on their\\nway home. They examined Bacon s body\\nat Mount Misery, an i the woumis made\\nl)y both bayonet and ball were obvious,\\nriiey brought his dead body to Jacobstown,\\nBurlington county, and were in the act of\\nburying it in the public highway, near the\\nvillage in the presence of many citizens\\nwho had collected on the occasion, when\\nBacon s tirother appeared among them and\\nafter much entreaty succeeded in obtain-\\ning his body for private burial.\\nThis affair took place on Thursday eve-\\nning, April 3rd, ]78;j.\\nAs there have been some tlisputesin tra-\\nditionary accounts as to the exact manner\\nof Bacon s death, we have been at much\\ntrouble to get at the truth. Some old resi-\\ndents of the vicinity where he was killed\\nare, positive that he was siiot down after\\nasking for quarter. They say that Captain\\nStewart s party suddenly opened the door\\nand pointetl a muskei at Bacon, who in-\\nstantly rooe up and held a table before him\\nand begged for quarter, but the musket\\nwas fired, and the ball went through the\\ntable and killed him. But after much pa-\\ntient investigation and inquiry we be.ieve\\nthis story is untrue, and that the correct\\nversion is about as Governor Fort has giv-\\nen it. We are sorry to add, however, tliat\\nthe party lreatei.1 the body with unjusliiia-\\nble indignity. As soon as Bacon was killed\\nhis body was thrown into a wagon with his\\nhead over the tail-board, and the party\\ndrove for home that same night. Young\\nCook seemed quite carried away to\\ntiiink he had avenged his brother s death,\\nand at tiie inns at Mannahawkin and\\nMount Misery, insisted on treating Bacon\\nwith liquor, fastening open his mouth\\nwhile he poured liquor into it. The de-\\nscendants of British sym[)athisers have\\ncharged the jiarty with much cru ^lty, but\\nthe only foundations are the indignities of-\\nfered to his body and even there we can\\nfind some palliation for it, when we consid-\\ner the excitement bordering on frenzy, of\\nyoung Cook.\\nIn addition to what has been qu ^ted\\nfrom Governor Fort regarding Bacon s buri-\\nal, we have heard it stated that in accord-\\nance with an ancient custom with great\\ncriminals, the intention was to bury Bacon\\nat tiie forks of some public roads, with a\\nstake driven througli the body but his\\nbrother s arrival changed their plan. This\\nbrother of Bacon s was generally respected\\nwhere he was known.\\nThe writer of this is under impression\\nthat before the war Bacon s home was in\\nBurlington county, though he occasionally\\nworked in Stafford township, in Ocean\\ncounty, and he has been told that Bacon\\nleft a wife and two sons at Pemberton\\nthat his widow married a man named Mor-\\nris, and that the two sons emigrated VVest,\\nand bec-ime respectable and useful citi\\nzens.\\nIt is but just to add that among old resi-\\ndents, generally of the Society of Friends,\\nwho though symj)athizing with the Ameri-\\ncans, yet were non-combatants, that Bacon\\nwas held to be among the most honorable\\nof the refuj^ee leade-s. They fay that ex-\\ncept calling for a meal s victuals for him-\\nself and men in passing, he never molested\\nthe persons or property of any but Ameri-\\ncans in the militia service.\\nBefore closing, we will say that, although\\nour State Council of Safety had declared\\nBacon an outlaw, and offered a reward for\\nhim dead f)r alive, yet it is probable that if\\nhe had been taken alive and delivered to\\nthe civil authorities he would have been\\nliberated in purstiance of the treaty with\\nEngb.nd.\\nHetfield, a much worse man than Bacon,\\nmany years after the war, had the impu-\\ndence to return to Essex county (to en-\\ndeavor to secure some property there),\\nwhen he was arrested for his misdeeds dur-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "124\\nOLD TIxMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\ning the Revolution but the judge decided\\nhe must be liberated in pursuance of the\\ntreaty with England. Most of the old resi-\\ndents in ?]ssex well remember the intense\\nexcitement and indignation raised by the\\nreturn and liberation of liiis scoundrel.\\nThe refugee leaders in our State Het-\\nfield, Bacon, Lippincott, Davenport, Moody\\nand others\u00e2\u0080\u0094 all doubtless held commis-\\nsions from the Board of Associated Loy-\\nalists, of which the President was Wil-\\nliam Franklin, the last Britisli Governor\\nof j^ew Jersey.\\nCAPT. ADAM HYLER,\\nThe daring Privateer of the waters in\\nAND AROUND Ol.D MoNMOUTH.\\nIt is rare to find in fact or fiction, more\\ndaring exploits recorded than those per-\\nformed chiefly in the waters around old\\nMonmouth, by Captain Adam Hyler. who\\nresided at New Brunswick during the lat-\\nter part of the Kevolutionary war. From\\nsome unaccountable cause, the heroic\\ndeeds of this man have received but little\\nnotice from historians indeed, we remem-\\nber of but one modere work that makes\\nany allusion to them, and that gives only\\ntwo or three of the items published below.\\nCapt. Hyler s operations were carried on\\nin Raritan bay, and along our coast as far\\ndown as Egg Harbor chiefly, however, in\\nthe first named place. Though he some-\\ntimes used sail craft, yet he generally de-\\npended upon whale boats or large barges,\\nrowed by skillful crews. These barges\\nwere generally kept at New Brunswick,\\nbut some were at times concealed in small\\nstreams emptying into Raritan bay and\\nriver, which place was then reached by\\nold Cranberry Inlet.\\nThough the Refugee band which had\\nits headquarters at the settlement on\\nSandy Hook, around the lighthouse, gave\\ngreat annovance to the patriots of Mon-\\nmouth, yet their operations were much\\ncircumscribed by the efforts of Capt. Ply-\\n.ler and his brave compatriots, who serious-\\nly interfered with the vessels of the refu-\\ngees, as well as of the British, and when\\nopportunity offered as will hereafter be\\nseen, hesitated not to attack their settle-\\nment, and even the lighthouse fort itself.\\nThe refugees would sometimes boast of\\nsuccessful midnight marauding expedi-\\ntions into the adjacent country, but the\\nbold, skillful exploits of Ilylcr, far eclipsed\\ntheir best planned efforts.\\nA clear idea of Capt. Hylers manner of\\nharassing the enemy is given in the fol-\\nlowing extracts, copied from various an-\\ncient I appi s ]-)ublished at the time. They\\nserve to aid in completing the picture of\\nlife and times in and around Old Mon-\\nmouth during tiie Revolution.\\nOctober 7th, 1781. On Friday last.\\nCapt. Adam Hyler, from New Brunswick,\\nwith one gun boat and two whale boats,\\nwithin a quarter of a mile of the guard\\nship at Sandy Hook, attacked five vessels,\\nand after a smart conflict of fifteen minu-\\ntes carried them. Two of them were\\narmed, one mounting four six poundors,\\nand one six swivels, and one three pound-\\ner. The hands made their escape with\\ntheir long boats, and took refu.ye in a\\nsmall fort, in which were mounted twelve\\nswivel guns, from which they kept up v\\nconstant firing; notwithstanding which\\nhe boarded them all without the loss of a\\nman. On board one of them was 250\\nbushels of wheat and a quantity of cheese\\nbelonging to Capt. Lippencott, bound to\\nNew ^ork. He took from them fifty\\nbushels of wheat, a quantity of cheese\\nseveral swivels, a number of fusees, one.\\ncask of powder and some dry goods; and\\nstripped them of their sails and rigging\\nnot being able to bring the vessels into\\nport, in consequence of a contrary wind\\nand tide. After which he set fire to all\\nsave one, on board of which was a woman\\nand four small children, which prevented\\nher from sharing a similar fate.\\nOn the 13th of October, a week or ten\\ndays after the above mentioned afrair.\\nCapt. Hyler with one gunboat and two\\nwhale boats, boarded a sloop and two\\nschooners, which all hands, except two.\\nhad previously left, and which lay under\\nthe cover of the light house fort at Sandy\\nHook, and brought them all off; but the\\nsloop being a dull sailor, and being much\\nannoyed from a galley lying near Staten\\nisland, she was set on fire about three\\nmiles from the fort. One of the schooners\\nrunning aground by accident, was stripped\\nand left tlie other a remarkably fine fast\\nsailing Virginia built pilot, mounted with\\none four pounder was brought, with two\\nprisoners, safely oflf.\\nOn the 24th of the same month, he start-\\ned with one gunboat to surprise the refu-\\ngee town at Sandy Hook. He landed\\nwithin three quarters of a mile of the light\\nhouse, but found the refugees were out in\\nMonmouth County on a plundering expe-\\ndition. He however fell in with six noted", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nI2r.\\nvillains who he brought off and lodged in\\na safe place. A subsequent notice of Capt.\\nHyler, says that at one time he captured\\nthe Captain of the guard at the light house,\\nwith all liis men, but whetiier it was at this\\nor some other time, is not staled.\\nNov. 14th, 1781. On Saturday night,\\nCapt. Hyler, with a gunboat and a small\\nparty of men went to the Narrows, where\\nhe captured a ship with fourteen iiands,\\nand brought her off with the intention of\\nrunning her up the Raritan river, but near\\nthe mouth she unluckily got aground, and\\nas the enemy approached in force, lie was\\nobliged to set her on fire. She was loaded\\nwith rum and porlc several hogsheads of\\nthe form -r he got out and brought off with\\nthe prisoners.\\nThis ship captured was probably The\\nFather s D-^sire, as twenty hogs.heads of\\nrum and thirty barrels of pork -.vere adver-\\ntised by the U. S. Marshal to be sold a few\\ndays after which the advertisement states\\nwere taken from a ship of this name by\\nCaptain Hyler.\\nOn the 15th of December. Capt. Hyler,\\nwho commands seven or eight stout whale\\nboats, manned with near one hundred men,\\nat the Narrows, fell in with two refugee\\nsloops trading to Shrewsbury, one of them\\ncomm mded by the noted villain, Shore\\nStephens, and liad on board \u00c2\u00a3600 in spe-\\ncie, besides a considerable quantity of dry\\ngoods the other had similar articles, also\\nsugar, rum. etc. They were taken to New\\nBrunswick.\\nThe many daring exploits of Capt. Hy-\\nler, following so close one after another,\\naroused the Biitish at New York, and\\nthey fitted out an expedition with the de-\\ntermination of destroying his boats, and\\nif p ssible, capturing him. I he following\\naccount of this expedition is derived\\nchiefly from Philadelphia papers, of the\\ndate of January 15th and 16th, 1782:\\nA party of the British lately (about\\nJanuary 9th) made an incursion to New\\nBrunswick with the design, it is said, of\\ncarrying off the boats of the celebi ated\\npartizan, Capt. Adam Hyler. They land-\\ned at New Brunswick and plundered two\\nhouses, but were gallantly opposed by the\\nneighboring militi i. and the enemy were\\ndriven off with some loss. Farther ac-\\ncounts say there were some 200 refugees\\nand British, and that they suoceeded in\\ndestroying the whale boats. No Ameri-\\ncans were killed, but five were wounded\\nand six taken prisoners. Several tories\\nwere killed four known to be, and sev-\\neral wei-e seen to be carried off. The\\nBritish made the attack about 5 o clock,\\nA. M., just before daylight, and the Ameri-\\ncan account says the expedition was well\\nplanned, and that the Tories held the\\ntown for about an hour. The British reg\\nulars were detachments from the 40th\\nand 42d regiments, under command of\\nCapt. Beck with, in six boats, and they\\ntook away all of Hyler s boats. The Brit-\\nish alleged that Captain Hyler was a de-\\nserter from the Royalists.\\nIt is probable that at this time, besides\\nhis boats at New Brunswick, Capt, Hyler\\nhad others concealed elsewhere, as we find\\nearly in the following spring he was at\\nwork as usual, i pparently, but little in-\\nconvenienced by the loss of the boats\\ntaken by the British, though he may have\\nbuilt some in the meantime. In March\\nfollowing, when the British attacked and\\nburned Toms River, they boasted of hav-\\ning captured there a fine large barge, be-\\nlonging to Capt. Hyler.\\nIn April, 1782, Capt. Hyler, in an open\\nboat, boarded and took a large cutter,\\nalmost ready for .sea, lying near Sandy\\nHook, and near the Lion man-of-war, 64\\nguns. This cutler mounted twelve 18\\npounders, and was commanded by one\\nWliile. formerly of Philadelphia, but\\nturned apostate. Hyler blew up the ves-\\nsel, which was designed as a cruiser, and\\ntook forty prisoners. Another account\\nsays the number of prisoners was fifty, and\\nthe cutter s armament was six 18 pounders\\nand ten 9 pounders. At the same time he\\ntook a sloop which was ransomed for \u00c2\u00a3400.\\nTlie Captain of the cutter gives an amus-\\ning account of the way Hyler captured his\\nvessel, which will be found hereafter.\\nOn the 25th of May, 1782. Capt. Hyler,\\nwith his armed boats, being in Shrewsbury\\nriver, a party of British troops, consisting\\nof twenty-five men, under Capt. Shaak,\\nwas detaclied to intercept him in the gut.\\nHyler discovered them, and landed thir-\\nteen men, with orders to charge; when\\nfour of the enemy were killed or wounded,\\nand the Capt. and eight men taken prison-\\ners. By the firing of a gun it was ^up-\\nposed others were killed, as they were\\nseen to fall. Just before this affair, Capt.\\nHyler had met with a hurt, or otherwise he\\nprobably would not have let a man es\\ncape.\\nOn the 2d of July, Captain Hyler, assist-\\ned by Captain Stoiy, another brave par-\\ntizan, in New York bay, with two whale\\nboats, boarded and took the schooner Skip", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "120\\nOLD TIMES [N OLD MON MOUTH.\\nJack, carrying six guns, besides swivels,\\nand burned her at noon, in sight of the\\nguard-sliip, and took tlie captain and nine\\nor ten men prisoners. About, the same\\ntime he also took three or four trading\\nvessels, loaded with calves, sheep, c.\\nThese were probably about the last ex-\\nploits in which Captain Hyler was en-\\ngaged, as we find no farther mention of\\nhis name in ancient papers until the an-\\nnouncement of his death, some two months\\nafter. He died at New Brunswick, on the\\n6th of September. 1782.\\nThe following from an ancient paper\\ngives a graphic account of his manner of\\nconducting his operations. It was original-\\nly published June 19th, 1782\\nThe exertions of the celebrated water\\npartizan. Captain Adam Hyler, have been\\na considerable annoyance to the wood\\nshallops, trading vessels, and plundering\\npirates of the enemy about Sandy Hook,\\nLong Island, and Staten Island, for sev-\\neral months past. You have heard that\\nhis effort to take an eighteen gun cutter\\nwas crowned with success. It was indeed\\na bold and hazardous attempt, considering\\nhow well she was provided against being\\nboarded. He was, however, compelled to\\nblow her up, after securing his prisoners\\nand a few articles on board. His surpris-\\ning a captain of the guard, at the light-\\nhouse, with all his men, a short time ago,\\nwas a handsome affair, and gained him\\nmuch credit. He has none but picked\\nand tried men the person who discovers\\nthe least symptom of fear or diffidence, be\\nhe who he will, is immediately turned on\\nshore, and never suffered to enter again.\\nIn the next place, they are taught to be\\nparticularly expert at tlie oar, and to row\\nwith such silence and dexerity as not to\\nbe heard at the smallest distance, even\\nthough three or four boats be together,\\nand go at the rate of twelve miles an hour.\\nTheir captin-es are made chiefly by\\nsurprise or stratagem; and most o^ the\\ncrews that have hitherto been take by\\ntliesft boats declare they never knew any-\\nthing of an enemy bemg at hand till they\\nsaw the pistol or cut lass at their throats.\\nThere was a droll instance of this some\\nweeks ago, as one of the prisoners, a\\nshrewd, sensible fellow, and late captain\\nof one of the captured vessels, relates it\\nhimself. Said he, 1 was on deck with\\nthree or four men, on a very pleasant \u00c2\u00abven-\\ning, with our sentinel fixfd. Our vessel\\nwas at anchor near Siindv [look, and the\\nLion man-ofwar about one quarter of a\\nmile distant. It was calm and clear, and\\nwe were all admiring the beautiful and\\nsplendid appearance of the full moon\\nwhich was then three or four hours above\\nthe horizon. While we were thus atten-\\ntively contemplating the serene luminary,\\nwe suddenly henrd several pistols dis-\\ncharged into the cabin, and turning\\naround, perceived at our elbows a number\\nof armed people, fallen as it were from\\nthe clouds, who ordered us to surrender\\nin a moment, or we were dead men Up-\\non this we were turned into the hold and\\nthe hatches barred over us. The firing,\\nhoweviM had alarmed the man-of-war,\\nwho hailed us, and desired to know wiiat\\nwas tiie matter. As we were not in a sit-\\nuation to aiswer, at least so far as to be\\nheard. Captain Hyler was kind enough to\\ndo so for us, telling them through the\\nspeaking trumpet that all was well.\\nAfter which, unfortunately for us, they\\nmade no fartiier inquiry.\\nAfter the notorious refugee, Lippencott,\\nhad barbarously murdered Captain Joshua\\nHuddy, near the Highlands, General\\nWashington was anxious to have the mur-\\nderer secured. He had been demanded\\nof the British General, and his surrender\\nrefused. Captain Hyler was deierniined\\nto take Lippencott. On inquiry he found\\nthat he resided in a well known house, in\\nBroad street. New York. Dressed and\\nequipped like a man-of-war press gang, he\\nleft the Kills, with one boat, after dark,\\nand arrived at Wliitehall about nine\\no clock. Here he left his boat in charge\\nof three men, and passed to the residence\\nof Lippencott, where he inquir =d for him\\nand found that he was absent, having gone\\nto a cock pit. Thus failing in his object\\nhe returned to his boat, with his press gang,\\nand left Whitehall, but finding a sloop ly-\\ning at anchor off the battery, from the\\nWest Indies, laden with rum, he took her,\\ncut her cal)le, \u00c2\u00abet her sails, and with a\\nnorth-east wind sailed to Elizebethtown\\nloint, and before daylij;ht had landed\\nfrom her and secured forty hogsheads of\\nrum. He then burned the sloop to pre-\\nvent her re-capture. (This again furni.whes\\ntiie groundwork of a very interesting story,\\npublished originally in Major Noah s New\\nYork Sunday Times, and afterwards re-\\npublished by tlie author, ill a book entitled\\nTales and Traditions of New York.\\nThe writer however, occasionally blends\\nfiction with facts, which, though perhaps\\nservinir to increase the interest of his sto-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD xMON MOUTH.\\n12:\\nries, yet renders his work unreliable as a\\nmatter of history).\\nThe writer of this has been unable to\\nfind any notice of Captain Hyler previous\\nto 1771. The occasion of this probably is\\nthat he was in the British service in the\\nearly part of the war, but being convinced\\nof the unjustness of the cause in which he\\nwas engaged, he left them and joined the\\nAmericans. The British at New Bruns-\\nwick, as before stated, charged him with\\nbeing a deserter, and the Tory paper pub-\\nlished in New York (Rivington s Royal\\nGazette), Jan. 12, 1782, says This Hyler\\nis, a deserter from the royal service, and\\never since his defection has proved too\\nsuccessful an enterprizer in his various\\ndescents upon our vicinities.\\nThe fact of Captain Hyler s having been\\nformerly in the British service, increases\\nour admiration for his bold operations.\\nHad he been taken by the British, he\\nprobably would have received a deserter s\\npuiaishment.\\nThe writer of this has had occasion to\\nmake a thorough examination of the origi-\\nnal pay rolls of all vessels of war in the ser-\\nvice of our government in the war of 1812,\\nand previous, which rolls are now preserved\\nin the Treasury Department at Wash-\\nington. In looking over the rolls contain-\\ning the list of officers and men serving un-\\nder Commodore Perry and other noted\\nheroes on the lakes is to be found the\\nname of an under officer named Adam\\nHyler, who faithfully served throughout\\nthat war, who was evidently named after\\nand probably a near relative of the Captain\\nAdam Hyler of Revolutionary fame.\\nOTHER PRIVATEERS.\\nCaptain Storer.\\nThe following is from an ancient paper\\npublished in 1782, just previous to the close\\nof the war.\\nWe learn that the brave Captain Stor-\\ner, commissioned as a private boat of-war\\nunder the State, and who promises to be\\nthe genuine successor of the late Captain\\nHyler. has given a recent instance of his\\nvalor and conduct in capturing one of the\\nenemy s vessels. He went in two boats\\nthrough the British fleet in the Narrows,\\nand boarded a vessel under the flag staff\\nbattery. He captured the vessel without\\nalarm She was a sloop in the Engineers\\ndepartment of H. B. M. service, and was\\ncarried away safely.\\nCaptain William Marriner.\\nCaptain Marriner lived in New Bruns-\\nwick during the war. From notice of him\\nin ancient papers, we find he was another\\nbrave enterprising partizan, as the follow-\\ning extracts will show, The first is from\\na letter dated June i7th, 1778.\\nI William Marriner, a volunteer, with\\neleven men and Lieutenant John Sohenck,\\nof our militia, went last Saturday evening\\nfrom Middletown Point to Long Island, in\\nI order to take a few prisoners from Flat-\\nbush, and returned with Major MoncriefF\\nand Mr. Theopiiilus Bacho (tlie worshipful\\nI Mayor and Tormentor-General, David\\nI Matthews, Esq., wiio has inflicted on our\\nprisoners the most unheard of cruelties,\\nand who was the principal object of the\\nj expedition, being unfortunately in the\\nj city,)with four slaves, and brought them\\nI to Princeton, to be delivered to his excel-\\nlency the Governor. Mr. Marriner with\\nhis party left Middletown Point on Satur-\\nday evening, and returned at six o clock\\nnext morning, having traveled by land\\nj and water above fifty miles, and be-\\nhaved with greatest prudence and brav-\\nery.\\nJ he following is from an official naval\\nwork in the Library of Congress\\nThe privateer Biacksnake was captur-\\ned by the British, but in April, 1780, Cap-\\ntain William Marriner, with nine men in\\na whale boat, retook her. Captain Mar-\\nriner then put to sea in his prize, and cap-\\ntured the Morning Star, of 6 swivels and\\n33 men, after a sharp resistance, in which\\nI slie lost three killed and five wounded\\nhe carried both prizes into Egg Harbor.\\nAfter the war Captain Marriner removed\\nto Harlem, where he lived many years.\\nThe Paniel Matthews alove spoken of\\nwas the Tory Mayor of New York, during\\nthe Revolution, and noted for his enmity\\nto all favoring the Americans.\\nCaptain Jackson.\\nDecember I8th, 1782. Capt. Jackson\\nof the Greyhound, in the evening of Sun-\\nday, last week, with much address, cap-\\ntured witnin the Hook, the Schooner Dol-\\nphin and sloop Diamond, bound from New\\nYork to Halifax, and brought them into\\nEgg Harbor. These vessels were both\\ncondemned to the claimants, and the sale\\namounted to \u00c2\u00a310,200.\\nSuccessful Exploit.\\nIn the following item from the Packet,\\n.Ian. 1779, tio names are mentioned.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "128\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nSome Jerseymen went in row boats to\\nSandy Hook and took four sloops, one of\\nwhich was armed. They burned three\\nand took one; also nineteen prisoners.\\nThe share of prize money per man, was\\n\u00c2\u00a3400.\\nPASSAGES IN THE RELIGIOUS HIS-\\nTORY OF OLD MONMOUTH.\\nThe Universalists Origin of the Socie-\\nty IN America.\\nTHE POTTER CHURCH.\\nA Free Church in the Olden Time A Ref-\\nuge for Methodism in its Dark Days\\nThe Cradle of Universalism in America\\nIts Benevolent Founder and Remark-\\nable Incidents in liis Life.\\nA singular and interesting chapter in\\nthe religious history of our State, and one\\nbut little known outside of members of\\nthe Universalist society, relates to a church\\nformerly called the Potter church,\\nbuilt not far from 1760 to 1765, at Good-\\nluck, in that part of old Monmouth now\\nconfined within the limits of Ocean coun-\\nty, by a benevolent resident of that vilUxge\\nnamed Thomas Potter. Before building\\nthe church, Potter had been in the custom\\nof opening his house to travelling preach-\\ners of all persuasions and, after a while,\\nto accommodate them, he built this church\\nfree for all denominations. His object is\\nbest expressed in his own words As I\\nfirmly believe that all mankind are equal-\\nly dear to Almighty God, they .shall all be\\nequally welcome to preach in this house\\nwhich I have built. After it was built, it\\nwas used by traveling ministers of the\\nPresbyterian, Baptist, Quaker, Methodist\\nand other societies, and in it was preached\\nthe first Universalist sermon ever delivered\\nin America. The Methodist society in\\nNew Jersey owe a debt of gratitude to\\nThomas Potter for always openinii his\\nchurch to the noble pioneers of Method-\\nism in tlie dark days of its history, when\\nMethodism not only met with opposition\\nfrom other societies on account of differ\\nence in religious sentiments, but also,\\nwhen during tlie Revolution, their ene-\\nmies most unwarranti^bly slandered them\\nby charging them with being in sympathy\\nwith Great Britain. Though these slan-\\nders had the eftect of rendering the heroes\\nof Methodism so unpopular that they\\ncould hardly obtain a hearing in most\\nparts of this State, as well as in other\\nStates, yet the Potter church was always\\nopen to them, and so often used by them,\\nthat some Methodist writers at the present\\nday who have found the name of this\\nchurch frequently mentioned in the jour\\nnals of these pioneers, have concluded it\\nmust have be\u00c2\u00abn a Methodist church,\\nthough where it was situated, and why it\\nwas so called, they have been unable to\\ndivine. Among the preachers well known\\nin the annals of Methodism who preached\\nin it, were Benjamin Abbott and Bishop\\nAsbury and in it was married James Ster-\\nling, the most earnest, effective layman\\nthe society had in its early struggles in\\nNew Jersey.\\nThe most satisfactory account of Thom-\\nas Potter and his church is given by Rev.\\nJolin Murray, who preached in it the first\\nUniversalist sermon ever delivered in\\nAmerica, under circumstances so very sin-\\ngular that his narrative forms an interest-\\ning as well as important part of our church\\nhistory. As Murreiy s Journal is rarely to\\nbe met with except occasionally among\\nsome of his own denomination, we give the\\nsubstance of his account, though, before\\ngiving it, it is necessary to say a few words\\nin regard to Mr. Murray himself.\\nThe Rev. John Murray, the first preach-\\ner of Universalism in America, sailed from\\nEngland for New York, July 21fet, 1770.\\nWhen he left England though a warm ad-\\nvocate of the principles of that society, yet\\nhe was not a regular preacher and had but\\nlittle idea then of becoming one in Amer-\\nica. During a thick fog in the early part\\nof the month of September, the brig\\nHand in Hand, in which he was act-\\ning as supercargo, struck on the outer bar\\nof old Cranbeiry Inlet now closed near-\\nly opposite Totas River she soon passed\\nover and was held by her anchors from go-\\ning on shore. Here she remained several\\ndays before she could be got off. While\\nlying here the provisions of the brig were\\nexhausted, and after locking up the ves-\\nsel, all hands proceeded in a boat across\\nthe bay to the main in search of susten-\\nance. Being unacquainted with tlie main,\\nthey spent a great part of the day before\\nthey could efJectuate their purpose, after\\nwhich, it being late, they proceeded to a\\ntavern to stay all night. Mr. Murray\\nmind appears to have been much exercised\\nby eventful scenes in his previous life and\\nto have longed to get somewhere where\\nthe busy cares of the world would not dis-\\nturb his meditations and hence as soon\\nas the boatmen arrived at the tavern he", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.\\n129\\nleft them for a solitary walk through the\\ndark pine grove. Here, said l)e, I was\\nas much alone as I could wish and my\\nheart exclaimed, Uh that I had in this wil-\\nderness the lodging of a poor wayfaring\\nman some cave, some grot, some place\\nwhere I might tinish my days in calm re-\\nuose. As he thus passed along musing,\\nhe unexpectedly reached a small log house\\nwhere he saw a girl cleaning tish he re-\\nquested her to sell him some. She had\\nnone to spare, but told him he could get\\nall he wanted at the nex house. What,\\nthis? said Mr. Murray pointing to one he\\ncould just discern through the woods.\\nThe girl told him no, that was a meeting\\nhouse. He was much surprised to find a\\nmeeting house there in the woods. He\\nwas directed to pass on by the meeting\\nhouse and at the next house he would\\nfind fish. He went on as directed and\\ncame to the door near which was a large\\npile of fish of various sorts, and standing\\nby was a tall man, rough in appearance\\nand evidently advanced in years. Pray\\nsir, said Mr Murray, will you have the\\ngoodness te sell me one of those fish\\nNo sir, was the abrupt reply of the old\\ngentleman. That is strange, replied\\nMr. Murray, when you have so many\\nfish, lo refuse me a single one!\\nI did not refuse you a fish, sir; you are\\nwelcome to as many as you please, but I\\ndo not sell the article; I do not sell fish,\\nsir, I have them for taking up and you\\nmay obtain them the same way. Mr.\\nMurray tlianked him the old man then\\ninquired what he wanted of tliem, and was\\ntold he wished them for supper for the\\nmariners at the tavern. The old man of-\\niVred to send the fish over for him. and\\nurged Mr. Murray to tarry with him thai\\nnighi. Mr. Murray consented to return\\nafter visiting the crew at the public house.\\nThis old gentleman was Thomas Potter.\\nMr. Murray says he was astonished to see\\nso much genuine politeness and hospitali-\\nty under so rough an exterior, but his as-\\ntonishment was greatly increased on his\\nreturn. The old man s room was prepared,\\nhis fire briglit and his heart opened.\\nCome, said he, my friend, I am glad\\nyou have returned, I have longed to see\\nyou, I have been expecting you a long\\nti e. Expecting him Mr. Murray was\\namazed, and asked what he meant. Mr.\\nPotter replied, 1 must answer in my own\\nway I am a poor ignorant man, I know\\nhow neither to read or write I was\\nborn in tiiese woods and worked on these\\ngrounds until I became a man, when I\\nwent on coasting voyages from here to New\\nYork I was then about getting married,\\nbut in going to New York once I was\\npressed on board of a man-of-war and tak-\\nen in Admiral Wa.iren s ship to Cape Bre-\\nton. 1 never drank any rum, so they saved\\nmy allowance but 1 would not bear an\\naffront, so if any of the officers struck me\\nI struck them again, but the admiral took\\nmy part and called me his new-light man.\\nWhen I reached Louisburg 1 ran away and\\ntraveled barefooted through the country\\nand almost naked lo New York, where I\\nwas known and supplied with clothes and\\nmoney, and soon returned home, when T\\nfound my girl aiarried. This rendered me\\nunhappy, but I recovered my tranquility\\nand married her sister. I settled down to\\nwork 9, nd got forward quite fast con-\\nstructed a saw mill, possessed myself of\\nthi^ farm and five hundred acres of adjoin-\\ning land. I entered into navigation, own\\na sloop and have now got together a fair\\nestate. I am, as I said, unable to read or\\nwrite, but I am capable of reflection the\\nsacred Scriptures liave been often read to\\nme, from which 1 gathered that there is a\\ngreat and good Being who has preserved\\nand protected me througli innumerable\\ndangers, and to whom we are all indebted\\nfor all we enjoy and as He has given me\\na house of my own I conceived I could do\\nno lets than to open it to the stranger, let\\nhim be who he would and especially if a\\ntraveling minister parsed this way he al-\\nways received an invitation to put up at\\nmy house and hold his meetings here.\\n1 continued in this piaclice for more\\nthan seven years, and illiterate as I was I\\nused to converse with them, and was fond\\nof asking them questions. They pro-\\nnounced me an odd mortal, declaring\\nthemselves it a loss what to make of me\\nwhile I continued to affirm that I had but\\none hope 1 believed that Jesus Christ\\nsufiered death for my transgressions, and\\nthis alone was sufficient for me. At length\\nmy wife grew weary of having meetings\\nheld in her house, and I determined to\\nbuild a house for the worship of God. I\\nhad no children, and 1 knew that I was\\nbeholden to Almighty God for everything\\nwhich 1 possessed, and it seemed right I\\nshould appropriate a part of what He be-\\nstowed (or his service. My neighbors of-\\nfered their assistance, But no, said I,\\nGod has triven me enough to do this work\\nwithout your aid, and as he has put it in\\nmy heart to do so, so I will do. And", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "130\\nOLD TIMES m OLD MONMOUTH.\\nwho, it was asked, will be your preach-\\ner I answered, God will send me a\\npreacher, and of a very different stamp\\nfrom those who have heretofore preached\\nin my house. The preachers we have\\nheard are perpetually contradicting them-\\nselves but that God who has put it into\\nmy heart to build this house, will send one\\nwho shall deliver unto me his own truth\\nwho shall speak of Jesus Christ and his\\nsalvation. When the house was finished\\nI received an application from the Bap-\\ntists, and I told them it they could make\\nit appear that God Almif;;hty was a Bap-\\ntist, I should give them the building at\\nonce. The Quakers and Presbyterians re-\\nceived similar answers. No, said I, as I\\nfirmly believe that ail mankind are equal-\\nly dear to Almighty God, they shall all be\\nequally welcome to preach in this house\\nwhich I have built. My neighbors assured\\nme I should never see a preacher whose\\nsentiments corresponded with my own,\\nbut I uniformly replied I assuredly would.\\nI engaged for the first year with a man\\nwhom I greatly disliked; we parted, and\\nfor some years we have had no stated min-\\nister. My friends often asked me, where\\nis the preache/ of whom you spoke and\\nmy constant reply, he will by and by\\nmake his appearance. The moment, sir,\\n1 saw your vessel on shore it seemed as if\\na voice had audibly sounded in my ears,\\nThere, Potter, in that vessel, castaway on\\nthat shore, is the preacher you have so long\\nbeen expecting. I heard the voice and\\nbelieved the report, and when you came\\nup to my door and asked for the fish the\\nsame voice seemed to repeal, Potter, this\\nis the man this is the person whom I have\\nsent to preach in your house I\\nAs may be supposed Murray was im-\\nmeasurably astonished at Mr. Potter s nar-\\nrative, but yet had not the least idea that\\nhis wish could ever be realized. He asked\\nhim what he could discern in his appear-\\nance to lead him to mistake him for a\\npreacher. What, said Potter, \u00c2\u00abould I\\ndiscern when you were in the vessel that\\ncould induce this conclusion? Sir, it is not\\nwhat I saw or see, but what I feel which\\nproduces in my mind full conviction.\\nMurray replied that he must be deceived,\\nas lie should never preach in that place or\\nanywhere else.\\nHave you never preached can you\\nsay you never preached\\nI cannot, but I never intend to preach\\nairaiu.\\nHas not God lifted up the light of His\\ncountenance upon you? Has he not shown\\nyou the truth\\nI trust he has.\\nThen how dare you hide this truth\\nDo men light a candle and put it under a\\nbushel. If God has shown you His salva-\\ntion why should you not show it to your\\nfellow men. But 1 know that you will, 1\\nam sure that God Almighty has sent you\\nto us for this purpose. I am not deceived,\\nsir, I am sure I am not deceived.\\nMurray was much agitated when this\\nman thus spoke on, and began to wonder\\nwhether or no God who ordains all things,\\nhad not ordained that this should come to\\npass, but his heart trembled, he tells us,\\nat the idea. He endeavored, he says, to\\nquiet his own fears and to silence the warm\\nhearted old man by informing him he was\\nsupercargo of the vessel, that jsroperty to\\na large amount was entrusted to his care,\\nand that the moment the wind changed\\nhe was under solemn obligations to de-\\npart.\\nThe wind will never change, said Pot-\\nter, until you have delivered to us in that\\nmeeting house a message trom God.\\nMurray still resolutely determined nev-\\ner to enter any pulpit as a pieachtr, but\\nbeing much agitated in mind asked to be\\nshown to bed after he had prayed with\\nthe family. When they parted for the\\nnight, his kind host solemnly requested\\nhim to think of what he said.\\nAlas, says Murray, he need not have\\nmade this request; it was impossible to\\nbanish it from my mind; when I entered\\nmy chamber and shut the door, 1 burst in-\\nto tears I felt as if the hand of God was\\nin the events which had brought me to\\nthis place, and I prayed most ardently\\nthat God would assist and direct nie by\\nhis counsel.\\nSo much exercised was he in mind that\\nhe spent the greater part of the night in\\npraying and weeping, dreading more\\nthan death, he says, supposing death to\\nbe an object of dread, the idea ot engaging\\nas a public character. In his writings he\\ngives the substances of his meditations and\\nprayers on that memorable night. In the\\nmorning his good iViend renewed his solici-\\ntations Will you speak to me and my\\nneighbors of the things which belong to,\\nour peace\\nMurray seeing only thick woods, the tav-\\nern across the fields excepted, requested\\nto know what he meant by neigh Ikh s.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MOxN MOUTH.\\n131\\nO, sir, we assemble a large congrega-\\ntion whenever the meeting house is open-\\ned indeed when my father first settled\\nhere he was obliged to go twenty miles to\\ngrind a bushel of corn, but now there are\\nmore than seven hundred inhabitants\\nwithin that distance.\\nMurray still could not be prevailed up\\non to yield, but Potter insisted and seemed\\npositive the wind would not change until\\nhe had spoken to the people. Tlius urged,\\nMurray began to waver and at length he\\ntells us he implored God, who sometimes\\ncondescends to indulge individuals with\\ntokens of his approbation, graciously to in-\\ndulge me upon tiiis important occasion,\\nand that if it was His will that I should\\nobtain my soul s desire by passing through\\nlife as a private individual, if such was not\\nhis will that I should engage as^ a preacher\\nof the ministry, He would vouchsafe to\\ngrant me a wind as might bear me from\\nthis shore before another Sabbath. I de-\\ntermined to take the changing of the wind\\nfor an answer.\\nBut the wind changed not, and towards\\nthe close of the Saturday afternoon he re-\\nluctantly gave his consent to preaching\\nthe next day, and Mr. Potter immediately\\ndespatched his men on horse back to noti-\\nfy the neighbors, which they were to con-\\ntinue to do until ten o clock in the even-\\ning. Mr. Murray apj^ears to iiave had but\\nlittle rest that night, thinking over the re-\\nsponsibilities of the avocation he was so\\nunexpectedly about to be engaged in, and\\nof what lie should say and how he sliould\\naddress the people but the passage\\nTake no thought what ye shall say, etc.,\\nappears to have greatly relieved his mjnd.\\nSunday morning they proceeded to the\\nchurch. Potter very joyful and Murray\\nuneasy, distrusting his own abilities to re-\\nalize the singularly high formed expecta-\\ntions of his kind host. The church at that\\nday is described as being neat and con-\\nv.enient, with a pulpit rather after the\\nQuaker mode, with but one new pew and\\nthat a large square one just below the pul-\\npit in which sat the venerable Potter and\\nhis family and visiting strangers the rest\\nof the seats were constructed with backs,\\nroomy and even elegant. As Murray was\\npreaching Potter looked up into the pul-\\npit, his eyes sparkling with pleasure, seem-\\ningly completely happy at the fulfillment\\nof what he firmly believed a promise long\\ndeferred. We have no record of the sub-\\nstance of this, the first Universalist ser-\\nmon in America, nor of its impression up-\\non any of the hearers save one that one\\nThomas Potter himself, appears to have\\nhad all his expectations realized, and up-\\non their return home overwhelmed Mur-\\nray with his frank, warm-hearted congrat-\\nulations and soon visitors poured in.\\nSiiid Potter to them This is the happiest\\nday of my life there, neighbors, there is\\nthe minister God has sent me. Murray\\nwas so overcome by the old man s enthu-\\nsiastic demonstrations that he retired to\\nhis room and tells us he prostrated him-\\nself at the throne of grace, and besought\\nGod to take him and do with him what\\nhe pleased.\\nAfter a while he returned to the compa-\\nny and found the boatmen with them, who\\nwished him to go on board immediately,\\nas the wind was fair. So he was compelled\\nto leave. His host was loth to part with\\nhim and exacted a promise from him to\\nreturn, which he soon did, and preached\\noften in the Potter church and other vil-\\nlages. The first place he visited during\\nthis stay was Toms River. He relates two\\nor three interestin:; scenes occurring here,\\nin explaining to individuals his peculiar\\nreligious views. The next village he visit-\\ned was probably Mannahawkin, for though\\nhe does not mention the name, yet he\\nspeaks of a Baptist preacher and church,\\nof a family of Pangburns, c., and there\\nwas then a Bapti**! churcli at that village,\\nand the Pangburn family were then prom-\\ninent members of it. (Lines Pangburn was\\na delegate from the Mannahawkin Baptist\\nchurch to the Baptist General Association,\\nin 1771. A man named Lines Pangburn\\nwas afterward killed by refugees at Man-\\nnahawkin probably the same one.)\\nFor many years, and thouijh travelling\\nin various parts of the United States, yet\\nas long as Thomas Potter lived, his house\\nat Goodluck was considered by Murri-y as\\nhis home. At length, after being away\\nsome time upon a religious mission, he re-\\nturned and found that liis good old friend\\nwas dead his letter describing this visit,\\nrecounting some of the scenes of Potter s\\nlife, his traits of character, his own feel-\\nings, etc., is full of tender feeling and sin-\\ncere grief, admirably expressed, and the\\nsubstance of the discourse which he\\npreached on that occasion, in that memor-\\nable old chapel, is a touching specimen of\\nMurray s eloquence. A brief extract will\\nserve to liive an idea of Muri ay s style and\\nof his feelings towards his departed friend.\\nHis text was For ye are bought with a\\nprice therefore glorify God in your body", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "132\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nand in your spirit which are God s. To-\\nwards the close of his discourse, pointing\\ntowards Potter s grave which could be seen\\nfrom where lie stood, he says\\nThrough yonder open casement I be-\\nhold the grave of a man, the recollection\\nof whom swells my heart with gratitude,\\nand fills my eyes with tears. There sleeps\\nthe sacred dust of him who well under\\nstood the advantages resulting from the\\npublic worsliip of God. There rests the\\nashes of him who glorified God in his body,\\nand in his spirit, which he well knew were\\nthe Lord s. He believed he was bought\\nwith a price, and therefore he declared that\\nall tliat he had and all tliat he was, were\\nrighteouslv due to God, who created and\\npurchased him with a price, all price be-\\nyond. There rests the precious dust of\\nthe friend of strangers, whose hospitable\\ndoors were ever open to the destitute, and\\nhim who had none to relieve his suffer-\\nings his dust reposes close to this edifice,\\nitself a monument of his piety. Dear,\\nfaithful man, when last I stood in this\\nplace, he was present among the assemblj\\nof the people. I marked his glistening\\neye it always glistened at the emphatic\\nname of Jesus. Even now, I behold in\\nimagination, his venerable countenance,\\nbenignity is seated on his brow, his mind,\\napparently open and confiding, tranquili-\\nty reposeth upon his features, every vary-\\ning emotion evincing faith in that endur-\\ning peace which passeth understnnding.\\nLet us, my friends, imitate his philanthro-\\npy, his charity, his piety. I may never\\nmeet you again until we unite to swell the\\nloud hallelujahs before the throne of God.\\nBut to hear of your faith, of your persever-\\nance, of your works of charity, of your\\nbrotherly love, will heighten my enjoy-\\nments and soothe my sorrows, even to the\\nverge of mortal i)ilgrimage.\\nPotter in his will left the church to Mur-\\nray. The clause in his will reads, as given\\nin Murray s life, as follows:\\nThe house was built by me for the\\nworsliip of God it is my will that God be\\nworshipped in it still, and for this purpose\\nf wiil that ray ever dear friend, John Mur-\\nray, preacher of the gospel, j^ossess it, hav-\\ning the sole direction, disposal and man\\nagement of said house and one acre of\\nland upon which it stands and by which\\nit is surrounded.\\nIt was Mr. Murray s desire as well as Mr.\\nPotter s, that the church should be kept\\nfree to all denominations for the worship\\nof God. In his sermon just quoted he\\nsays Thomas Potter built this house\\nthat God might be worshipped without in-\\nterruption, that he might be worshipped\\nby all whom he stiould vouchsafe to send.\\nThis elegant bouse, my friends, the first\\nfriends who hailed my arrival in this coun-\\ntry, this house with its a ]joining grove is\\nyours. The faitliful founder bequeathed\\nit to me that none of you may be deprived\\nof it, and in Mr. Murray s will he express-\\nly left it free to all denominations.\\nThis church property is now under the\\ncontrol of the Methodists, the Universal-\\nists, though manifesting little or no dispo-\\nsition to dispute their claim, yet contend\\nthat its sale was through the mismanage-\\nment of the executor to satisfy illegal\\nclaims, tfcc. The Unlversalists held an\\ninteresting conference at the church, Mav\\nl. itli, 1833, which was attended by many\\nof their leading preachers and laymen,\\nand while there erected the tombstone\\nover Potter s grave, which yet marks the\\nspot where he was buried. The ceremony\\nWPS quite impressive. Rev. A. C. Thomas\\ndelivering an appropriate discourse, after\\nwhich a hymn corauosed for the occasion.\\nwas sung among other exercises. This\\nconference, while there, adopted a circular\\nletterto their churches generally, in which,\\namong other things they say We have\\nbeen on a mission of love and gratitude,\\nliave assembled in the ancient house of\\nour Fathers, have convened around the\\ngrave of the venerated Potter, and dropped\\na tear of grateful remembrance on the\\nspot where repose his ashes, etc., and\\nthen earnestly invite their brethren from\\nthe East and from the West, from the\\nNorth and from the South to unite with\\nthera in an annual pilgrimage to this\\nsacred spot this Holy Land, in order that\\nwe may all receive a little of the Godlike\\nspirit of benevolence which warmed the\\nsoul of that man of God, and friend of man,\\nThomas Potter.\\nTheir earnest and feeling appeal to their\\nbrethren to make this annual pilgrimage,\\nhowever, has met with a very feeble re-\\nsponse, though since the time that John\\nMurray delivered his first sermon in Sep-\\ntember, 1770, the churclies of his follow-\\ners have increased to perha2)s twelve hun-\\ndred, yet only once in a long while does\\none of their members make this pilgrim-\\nage to this Holy Land when they do\\nand express a desire to preach, the doors\\nare thrown open to them, and as long as\\nthe trustees are thus liberal to them as\\nwell as other denominations, they cer-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n133\\ntainly can have no occasion to question\\nthe title.\\nThe substance of the foregoing account\\nis derived from Everett s life of Murray\\nand from writings of Murray himself. The\\nwarm unqualified endorsementof the char-\\nacter of Murray, as a man, by such noble\\nhearted men as General Greene of Revolu-\\ntionary fame, and others who knew him,\\nwell show that implicit reliance can be\\nplaced upon his statements. In 1832. the\\nRev. A. C. Thomas visited Toms River and\\nGoodluck, and in both places found per-\\nsona who had listened to Murray in their\\nyouth, and cherished the faith they heard\\nfrom him, and he conversed with several\\nwho remember having heard the circum-\\nstances related by Murray of his first meet-\\ning with Potter, corroborating Murray s\\nstatements.\\nBefore dismisising the subject it may not\\nbe amiss to add that one tradition of the\\norigin of the name of Goodluck, as applied\\nto this village, is that when Murray was\\nlooking for provisions on his first arrival,\\nand finding Potter so kind and open heart-\\ned, and the magnificent groves of pine so\\nsuited to his meditative mind, he exclaim-\\ned Good Luck that 1 have found such\\na place and such a man. (There is anoth-\\ner tradition of the name of Goodluck Point,\\nnear Toms River, which is different from\\nthe origin of Goodluck villnge.)\\nAn old gentleman broutrhc up in the vi-\\ncinity of the church, whose father was a\\nneighbor and friend of Thomas Potter,\\nstated that he often heard his father re-\\nlate Potter s story of the naming of the\\nplace on this account; that in relation to\\nPotter being carried off by a man of-war,\\nhe was gone so long the neighbors thought,\\nhim dead, and the girl to whom he Wdn to\\nbe married, thinking so also, she had mar-\\nried another man just before his return\\nthat Potter often told his neighbors, after\\nhe built the church, that God would send\\na minister after his own heart, and that in\\nMurray he found fulfilled hi.s long defer-\\nred expectations.\\nThe Centenary of Universalism.\\nThe one hundredth anniversary of the\\nintroduction of Universalism into the Uni-\\nted States was celebrated by a large con\\nvocation of clergy and members of the So-\\nciety at Gloucester Mass., in September,\\n1870; and the week following, on Sept.\\n28th, memorial exercises conducted by that\\nfather in the church, Rev. Abel C. Thom-\\nas, of Philadelphia, was held at the old\\nPotter Church at Goodluck. The exer-\\ncises consisted of praying, singing, address\\nby Mr. Ballou, of Philadelphia, c., afteF\\nwhich the congregation were dismissed\\nuntil one o clock, when the grave of Mr.\\nPotter the founder, of the church, was dec-\\norated with appropriate cei emonies. For-\\nty years ago Rev. A. C Thomas caused a\\nwooden fence to be put around Potter s\\ngrave on the centenary occasion this was\\nremoved and a neat iron fence substituted.\\nThe following letter from Rev. A. C.\\nThomas, to the Editor of the New .Jersey\\nCourier, giving some interesting details of\\nthe celebrations at Gloucester and Good-\\nluck, and also items in the rise and pro-\\ngress of the Society, is worthy a place in\\nthe history of the church\\nThomas Potter and .John Murray.\\nMr. Editor: In behsdfof many Univer-\\nsalists, I thank you for your iate fair and\\nliberal article respecting Thomas Potter, of\\nGood Luck, and the Rev. John Murray.\\nWe expect no man to endorse liie state-\\nments of the latter, as recorded in his au\\ntobiography nor the traditional accounts\\nof his remarkable interview with the for-\\nmer; but we are happy to know that the\\ntime has arrived for a truly catholic repre-\\nsentation of our history as a people, as il-\\nlustrated recently in your columns.\\nIn one item you were misinformed. We\\nhad no expectations of large delegations\\nof our members at the late celebration in\\nGoodluck. Our centenary bad been at-\\ntended the week previously in Gloucester,\\nMass., the number present being variously\\nestimated from ten thousand to fifteen\\nthousand, including two hundred and fif-\\nty out of our six hundred and fifty clergy-\\nmen. It was the date of the stated annual\\nsession of our General Convention, and\\nwas appointed to be held in Gloucester\\nunder the following circumstances.\\nIn i770 a Mr. Gregory, presumably a\\nmariner, brought from London to Glou-\\ncester a book written by Rev. .James Relly,\\nin advocacy and defence of the doctrireof\\nthe restoration of all souls, in the Lord s\\nown time and way. This book was passed\\nfrom hand to hand, and made happy con-\\nverts of a number of influential, religious\\npeople.\\nIt would require no great stretch of the\\nimagination to date the landing of that\\nbooK on the 28th of September, of the year\\nnamed and on that day Rev. John Mur-\\nray, a disciple of Relly (in the sense that\\nRelly was a disciple of Christ) landed on", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "134\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nthe coast of New Jersey, as narrated in\\nyo.ur recent article.\\nAfter an extended missionary service in\\nNew Jersey, Pennsylvania, and New Eng-\\nland,, Murray was for the second time in\\nBoston in 1774. Having heard of him as\\na dis.-iple of Relly, the Gloucester people\\nsent for him. He accepted the invitation,\\nthe visit being a meeting of tlie lines of\\nprovidence in the case. Here he after-\\nwards settled as pastor, his meetings for\\nWor.-^hip being held in private houses uniil\\n1788. In that year a meeting house was\\nerected, and a more pretensions one in\\n1805. The old building was then sold\\nand devoted to secular uses in the villagf.\\nTen years later it was removed to a farm\\nabout two miles distant, and since that\\ntime has been used as a hay-barn.\\nIn 1804 Murray removed to Boston, and\\nhis successor in Gioucester, Rev. Thomas\\nJones, for forty-two years was minister of\\nthe parish, dying in 1846.\\nDuring the session of our General Con\\nv ntion last week, we had a memorial ser\\nvice at ihe old church barn, and also at\\nthe grave of Father Jones, the latter be-\\ning marked by a huge granite obelisk ni\\nthe Cemetery.\\nThe late great convocation in Glouces-\\nter antediited the landing of Murray by\\nthe space of one week; and a few of us\\ndetermined to spend the exact centenary\\nat Goodluck. This was what took us\\nthere and there, precisely one hundred\\nyears from the landing of Murray, we held\\na memorial service in the old church, and\\nalso at the grave of Thomas Potter the\\norder being substantially the same that we\\nhad used in Gloucester. The only change\\nwas in this We strew this evergreen\\nand these flowers in memory and honor of\\nThomas Potter, the friend and patron of\\nJohn Murray, our early preacher of Uni-\\nversalism in America.\\nAfter a brief address V)y the Rev. Abel\\nC. Tljomas, who conducted the services,\\nthe following hymn was sung, and the ser-\\nvice proceeded in the ordei given below.\\nWhilst far and wide thy scattered sheep.\\nGreat Shepherd, iu tlie desert stray,\\nThy lore by som* is thought to sleep,\\nUnheedful of the wanderer s way.\\nBut truth declams tliey shall be found.\\nWherever uow they darkling roam,\\nThy love shall through the desert sound,\\n.^.nd summon every wanderer home.\\nUpon the darkened wavs of sin,\\nInstead of terror s sword and flame,\\nShall love de\u00c2\u00ab(-;ind for love can win\\nFar more than terror can reclaim\\nAnd they shall turn their wandering feet,\\nBy grace redeemed, by love controlled,\\nTill all at last in Edeu meet.\\nOne happy, universal fold.\\nAll the ends of the world shall remem-\\nber and turn unto the Lord, and all the\\nkindreds of the nations siiall worship be-\\nfore thee\\nFor the kingdom is the Lord s and he is thf\\nGovernor among the nations.\\nSend forth ihy light and thy truth, O\\nLord let them lead us and bring us to\\nthy holy hill, and to thy tabernacles, even\\nunto God our exceedingjoy.\\nTl ou wilt show us the path, of life in thy\\npresence is fulness of joy at thy right hand\\nthere are pleasures for evermore.\\nHow amiable are thy tabernajles, O\\nLord of Hosts My soul longeth, yea.\\neven fain eth for the courts of the Lord:\\nMy heart and my flesh crieth out for the liv-\\ning God,\\nAs the sparrow findeth a house, and the\\nswallow a nest for herself where she may\\nhide her young, so let me dwell at thine\\naltars. O Lord of Hosts, my King and my\\nGod.\\nBlessed are they -who divell in thy house they\\nwill be still praising thee.\\nA day in thy courts is better than a\\nthousand elsewhere I had raiher be a\\ndoor-keeper in the house ot my God than\\nto dwell in tlie tents of ungodliness.\\nO Lord of Hosts, blessed is the man that\\niriisteth in thee.\\nThy perfection is higher than heaven\\nwhat can we do to celebrate tliy praise\\nIt is deeper than hell what can we know\\nof thy fatliomless love\\nWe praise thee, O God we acknowledge thee\\nto be the Lord.\\nAll the earth doth worship thee, the\\nFather everlasting. To thee ail angels cry\\naloud, the heavens and all the powers\\ntlierein. To thee, cherubim and seraphim\\ncontinually do cry.\\nHoly, holy, holy Lord of Sabatth I heaven\\nand earth are full of the majesty of thy glory\\nThe illustrious procession of the patri-\\narchs praise thee\\nThe jubilant assembly of the prophets\\npraise thee\\nThe glorious company of the apostles\\npraise thee\\nThe noble army of martyrs praise thee\\nThe Holy hurcli throughout all the\\nworld doih acknowledge thee, the Father\\nof an infinite majesty\\nAlso thy well-beloved and consecrated Son\\nand. the Holy Ghost the Comforter.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n135\\nO God, the King of Glory, help thy ser-\\nvants whom thou hast redeemed by the\\nhand of thy mighty power\\nMake them to be numbered with thy saints in\\nglory everlasting.\\nLord, save thy people and bless thy\\nheritage govern and lift them up for-\\never.\\nDay by day we manifest thee and we worship\\nthy name ever world without end.\\nVouchsafe, Lord, to keep us evermore\\nwithout sin. All our trust is in thee.\\nLord, in thee have I trusted Let me nev-\\ner be confounded.\\nIt is nothing wonderful that the occa-\\nsion should have special attractions for me.\\nAfter the final visit of Mui -ay to Good-\\nluck (it was I believe in 1790) no Unive;-\\nsalist clergyman had been there until my\\nfirst visit in 1832\u00e2\u0080\u0094 being accompanied by\\nRichard Norton and James Ely, of Hights-\\ntown. I was again there, accompanied by\\nseveral friends, in May 1833 at which\\ndate we erected a plain headstone at the\\ngrave of Potter, and engaged Benjamin\\nStout (then owner of the Potter farm) to\\nerect a paling fenc3. This was removed a\\nfew weeks since, and a beautiful and sub-\\nstantial iron one substituted, by an organ-\\nization known as theGoodluok Association.\\nThis Association also recently bought an\\nacre of wooded ground adjacent to the\\nmeeting house as a sort of perpetual me-\\nmorial.\\nWe have no present thought of estab-\\nlishing a worshiping assembly in that vi-\\ncinity, and the courteous treatment re-\\nceived from all the neighbors, and fro.n\\nthe Rev. Mr. Johnson, Methodist minister\\nin charge, gives us assurance that the door\\nof the old meeting house will not be closed\\nagainst us for an occasional service in\\nyears to come.\\nTruly yours, Abel C. Thomas.\\nPhiladelphia, Sept. 30, 1770.\\nWHO WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR CAPT\\nBUDDY S MURDER?\\nMonmouth Refugees in New York and\\nBoard of Associated Loyalists action.\\nCaptain Richard Lippencott s Trial, c.\\nCaptain Joshua Huddy, Daniel Ran-\\ndolph, Esq., and Jacob Fleming, it may be\\nremembered, were made prisoners by the\\nBritish, at Toms River, March 24th, 1782.\\nWhile they were in the custody of the\\nBritish at New York, the Americans on\\nthe 30th of the same month, captured\\nPhilip White, Aaron White and other ref-\\nugees as elsewhere described, and also cap-\\ntured at or about the same time Captain\\nClayton Tilton. Aaron White, Tilton and\\npi obably the others, except Phil White\\nkilled in attempting to escape, were taken\\nto Freehold and lodged in the jail. Til-\\nton and Aaron White were subsequently\\nexchanged for Randolph and Fleming, be-\\nfore which it will be seen, by the follow-\\ning extracts, that while the Board of Asso-\\nciated Loyalists,* in their official capacity\\nordered Huddy to be delivered to the cus-\\ntody of Lippencott for the ostensible pur-\\npose of having him exchanged for Tilton,\\nyet that this was only a pretext that the\\nreal object was to have him executed and\\nthat without any form of trial. The fol-\\nlowing is a copy of the order on the com-\\nmissary of prisoners.\\nNew York, April 8th, 1782.\\nSir Deliver to Captain Richard Lip-\\npencott the three following prisoners\\nLieutenant Joshua Huddy. Daniel Ran-\\ndolph, and Jacob Fleming to take them\\nto the Hook [Sandy Hook) to procure the\\nexchange of Captain Clayton Tilton and\\ntwo other associated loyalists.\\nBy order of the board of directors of as-\\nsociated loyalists.\\nS. S. Blowers, Secretary.\\nMr. Commissary Challoner.\\nOn the trial of Lippencott, Walter Chal-\\nloner the commissary of business testified\\nin substance as follows\\nHe never knew anything of Joshua\\nIluddy s being to be delivered to Lippen-\\ncott, till Lippencott brought the order.\\nIn going from deponent s house to the pro-\\nvost with Lippencott, he told deponent\\nthat the three prisoners, whom that order\\nconcerned, were intended to be exchanged\\nfor Philip White, Captaiia Tilton and an-\\nother White. In their conversation in go-\\ning to the provost, Capt. Lippencott told\\ndeponent that if White was murdered as\\nreported, they intended to execute Hud-\\ndy for him.\\nIt will hereafter be seen that at this\\ntime Lippencott knew that Phil White\\nwas really dead.\\nThe Secretary of the Board of Associated\\nLoyalists, S. S. Biowers. gave his testimony\\nwhich, as far as it goes seems to palliate\\nthe action of that body. His evidence refers\\nto what transpired before the Board in its\\nofficial capacity and it may be substantial-\\nly true so far as his knowledge extended\\nbut that it did not give all the facts relat-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "136\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\ning to the order for Huddy to be delivered\\nto Lippencott will be seen by the testimo-\\nny of other witnesses. This iSeoretary, Mr.\\nBlowers, stood high among the loyahsts.\\nHe was* a graduate of Harvard (Jolletje.\\nAfter the war he went to Halifax and was\\nappointed Attorney General, electedSpeak-\\ner of the House of Assembly, and in 1797\\nappointed Chief Justice of the Supreme\\nCourt.\\nAccording to Mr. Blowers testimony,\\nLippencott appeared before the Board on\\nthe 8th of April and stated that Captain\\nTilton was a prisoner at Freehold and he\\nwas afraid the Americans would liang him\\nunless hi- could have some prisoner to hold\\nfor Tilton s security he proposed to have\\nHuddy delivered to him and also two oth-\\ners named Randolph and Fleming. He\\nwished to take these three men to Sandy\\nHook and to offer Huildy for Tilton, and\\nif that offer did not answer, to give all\\nthree to procure his exchange but if the\\nfirst offer was accepted, then to give Ran-\\ndolph and Fleming for two other Loyalists.\\nThe order was thereupon given him as the\\nCo.araissary of prisoners for Huddy, Ran-\\ndolph and Fleming. The next day, April\\n9th, Lippencott again appeared before the\\nBoard and proposed to make an expedi-\\ntion into the Jerseys with a view to\\nForce Freehold Jail\\nwith a pprty of about thirty loyalists and\\nrescue Clayton Tilton, or if that was found\\nimpracticable, to seize General Forman,\\nthat he might by one of these means, pro-\\ncure the release of Tilton, and he request-\\ned a requisition for men, ammunition and\\nprovisions for the expedition. The propo-\\nsal was agreed to. While the necessary or-\\nders were being made out, Lippencott took\\na paper from his pocket, and went towards\\nGovernor Franklin and said, this is the\\npaper we mean to take down with us.\\nThis paper it would seem, was the label\\nafterwards fastened to Huddy s breast\\nwlien he was hung. The secretary said\\nthat Governor Franklin only looked at the\\npa2)er but did not read it, that Mr. Stew-\\nart, another member of the Board, tried to\\nread it by looking over h ranklin s shoul-\\nder and that Daniel Coxe. of N. J., also of\\nthe Board and its first president, hastily\\nsaid we have nothing to do with that pa-\\nper; Captain Lippencott, keep your paper\\nto yourself.\\nFrom the evidence of Mr. Blowers and\\nmore particularly from that of other wit-\\nnesses it is plainly evident that the mem-\\nbers of the Board were acquainted with\\nthe nature of the contents of the paper al-\\nthough they did not choose to recognize\\nit in their official capacity.\\nCaptain Thomas Crowell, a refugee from\\nMiddletown, testified in substance as fol-\\nlows\\nIn consequence of several loyalists\\nhaving been executed in Monmouth, de-\\nponent obtained from the commandant,\\nthi ough Governor Franklin, orders to re-\\nceive three prisoners and follow such di-\\nrections as deponent might give with re-\\nspect to their confinement. That it was\\nproposed to have executed one of them by\\nway of retaliation, the Board of Directors\\nhaving promisfd deponent that orders\\nshould be given for that purpose but\\nsome dispute intervening among loyalists\\nwho had taken those prisoners, the order\\nwas not given, nor did tiie execution take\\nplace but deponent in consequence of\\nthe declaration made by the Board, !ated\\nDecember 28th, 1780, should have thought\\nhimself justifiable in executing one of\\nthose prisoners, even had he received only\\na verbal order from the Board, having nev-\\ner seen any prohibition against the decla-\\nration alluded to.\\nHuDor s Murder Suggested.\\nSamuel Taylor, a refugee from New Jer-\\nsey, probably from Shrewsbury, in his tes-\\ntimony said\\nEarly in April he waited on Governor\\nFranklin and informed him that the Amer-\\nicans had taken Captain Tilton and Philip\\nWhite and had murdered the latter in a\\ncruel manner, and requested the Governor\\nto give an order for ttie delivery of Joshua\\nHuddy and Randolph in order to exchange\\nthe latter for Tilton and execute Huddy\\nin retaliation for White. The Governor\\nreplied that he ivouhJ give the necessary orders,\\nif he thought the deponent would execute Huddy\\nto which deponent replied he need not\\nfear that. After the prisoners were re-\\nmoved to the provost, deponent waited on\\nGovernor Franklin who told him lie wuuld\\ngive the desired orders and as deponent\\nwas ordered on another service, the Gov-\\nernor asked what officer he thought should\\ncommand the party to go out and execute\\nHuddy. Deponent answered, he thought\\nC.M TAi.v Lippencott a Proper Person to\\nExecute Huddy,\\nand deponent believed he would under-\\ntake it. The Governor then told him he\\nwished Captain Lippencott would call, at\\nthe Board room next day at 2 P. M in", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n187\\nconsequence of deponent s telling this to\\nLippencott, the latter accordingly attend-\\ned at the appointed time and place but\\nthe directors would not give Cf ptain Lip-\\npencott the order unless deponent was\\nsent for by the Board that when he asked\\nfor the order to be given to Captain Lip-\\npencott, a member of the Board said he\\nshould have it that in the course of the\\nconversation with Grovernor Franklin, the\\ngovernor told hwi that they were not only to hang\\nHuddy, but that if the rebels banged any\\nother in retaliation for him, they (the loy-\\nalists) should continue retaliating, by hang-\\ning man for man, and if necessary he\\nwould give up all the prisoners taken at\\nToms River for the purpose. Deponent\\nsaid as to Governor Franklin s powers, the\\nAssociated Loyalists looked upon him as their\\ncommanding officer and felt bound to obey his or-\\nders whether verbal or ivritten that he consid-\\nered. F)-^iklin^s orders for executing Iduddy, law-\\nful orders, which if not obeyed would have\\nbeen censurable by a Court Martial, and\\nif the orders had been given to deponent\\nhe would have thought himself anstverab^e\\nfor disobeying them.\\nGovernor Franklin Wants Huddy\\nHanged.\\nAt this point in the trial, the prisoner,\\nCaptain Lippencott, asked the witness\\nTaylor Did he ever hear Governor Frank-\\nlin say that they should not have Huddy\\nunless they would execute him To\\nwhich Taylor replied\\nOn asking for Huddy, Governor Frank-\\nlin said to deponent, Will you execute\\nhim when you take him out? He re-\\nplied he would or would not have made\\napplication for him and Governor Frank-\\nlin then said You shall have him.\\nAnother refugee from Monmouth, Mof-\\nfat (Morlord?) Taylor of Shrewsbury in his\\ntestimony said\\nDeponent was with Governor Frank-\\nlin on ihe subject of executing Huddy,\\nthat Governor Franklin said Randolph\\nand Fleming were to be kept as hostages\\nto be exchanged for Captain Tilton and\\nAaron White and that Huddy ivas to he execu-\\nted/or Philip White, and if Huddy was not\\nexecuted, he had be*^ter be left in jail, as\\none prisoner by the name of Smock had\\nbeen taken out of jail to be executed but\\nwas not, which occurrence gave cause to\\nthe rebels to think the loyalists were afraid\\nof them and dared not hurt them. Depo-\\nnent told Governor Franklin he had no\\ncommission, upon which Franklin said\\nthat Captain Lippencott had a commission\\nand told deponent to go to him and he\\ndared say that Lippencott would be fond\\nof the job. Deponent then went to Lip-\\npencott and toki him that Governor Frank-\\nlin had appointed deponent to call on him\\nand ask if he was willing to go. After that\\nLippencott went to Governor Franklin and\\ndeponent had nothing farther to do with\\nit.\\nThe above witness rtfeis to a Smock\\nhaving been taken out of jail to be execu-\\nted. Captain Barnes Smock and Lieuten-\\nant Henry Smock of Monmouth, were cap;\\ntured by the British in September 1870\\nthe officer referred to was probably the first\\nn. imed and he may have been the ofilcer\\nreferred to in the evidence of Captain\\nThomas Ciowell dready quoted.\\nThe Hanging of Huddy.\\nCaptain Huddy, Randolph and Fleming\\nwere taken by Lippencott and his party\\non board a sloop on the 9th of April, and\\nsailed for Sandy Hook, where they found\\nthe British man of war, Brittania, on board\\nof which they lodged the prisoners a day\\nor two after. Early on the 12th, Lippencott\\ncame for Huddy, and showed Captain Mor-\\nris, of the J5?7tom a, two papers, one being\\nthe label which was afterwards fastened to\\nHuddy s breast. Captain Morris asked\\nLippencott what he intended to do with\\nHuddy. Lippencott replied that he intend-\\ned to put the orders of the Board of Refu-\\ngees in execution which was to hang Hud-\\ndy. Lippencott borrowed a rope from\\nCaptain Morris and then proceeded on his\\ninfamous mission.\\nTimothy Brooks, a Pennsylvania Refu-\\ngee, who was one of Lippencott s party\\nwhen Huddy was hanged, testified that\\nhe saw Huddy hanged and that he was ex-\\necuted by a negro, that Lippencott shook\\nhands with Huddy as he (Huddy) was\\nstanding on the barrel, by Huddy s re-\\nquest that on the 9th of April he heard\\nthat Governor Franklin had ordered Hud-\\ndy to be hanged the party which hanged\\nHuddy consisted of twenty-three, counting\\nCaptain Lippencott, exclusive of the pris-\\noner. Among the number was a Mr. Tilton\\nwho seme said was an officer. This Tilton\\nwas John Tilton, a refugee from Middle-\\ntown, Monmouth, who testified that he\\ncalled on Governor Franklin, before Hud-\\ndy was delivered to Lippencott, and Frank-\\nlin said Joshua Huddy must be executed\\nor the loyalist prisoners would all be hang-\\ned that when the party was putting Huddy\\nin irons on board the sloop, he was present", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "138\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nand he asked him if he thought it good\\nusage to iron him. Huddy replied he did\\nnot think it was but as he was about to\\nbe exchanged in a day or two lie did not\\nmind being in irons. This Til ton wit-\\nnessed the hanging of Huddy and return-\\ned to the Brittania about noon and report-\\ned that Huddy died with the firmness of\\na lion.\\nGrENERAL WASHINGTON ENDORSES THE DeCIS\\nION OF Freehold Patriots.\\nThe Freehold patriots heard of the exe-\\ncution of Huddy the day that it occurred\\nand that it was done without any form or\\npretense of a trial. They at once institu-\\nted a thorough investigation of the circum-\\nstances attending it, and of the pretexts\\nplead in justification. The evidence pro-\\nduced, published in the chapter relating\\nto Phil White, his capture, attempt to es-\\ncape anil manner of death, show that the\\nalleged cruelties were absolute fabrications.\\nGeneral FoVman and Colonel Holmes were\\nrequested to wait on and present the evi-\\ndence to General Washington who consid-\\nered it a matter of so much importance\\nthat on the 19th of Ai)ril he convened a\\nboard of officers to take it into considera-\\ntion this board after mature deliberation\\ndecided that retaliation should be made\\nby selecting an officer of equal rank unless\\nLippencott was given up. The next day\\nGeneral Washington wrote a letter to Con-\\ngress informing them that he deemed the\\nmurder of Huddy so barbarous as to re-\\nquire retaliation and trusts that his deci-\\nsion will meet the approval of that body\\n(which was subsequently given) and the\\nday following (April 21st) he wrote to Sir\\nHenry Clinton demanding that Lippencott\\nshould be given up\\nSir Henry Clinton replied to General\\nWashington on the 25th of April. He re-\\nfused to give uf) the perpetrator of the\\nmurder, but informed the American com-\\nmander that he had ordered a court mariiai\\nto examine the charge against Lippencott before\\nhis letter was received. He did not pretend\\nto .justify the conduct of the loyalists and\\nexpressed his regret for the fate of the suf-\\nferer.\\nOn the trial of Lippencott, which took\\nplace in June, the main points at issue\\nwere Was the execution of Captain\\nHuddy justifiable and Did Captain\\nLippencott execute Huddy on his own re-\\nsponsibility or did he do it by orders of the\\nLoyalist Board.\\nDecision of the British Court Martial.\\nThe following is a copy of the decision\\nof the Court\\nThe court having considered the evi-\\ndence for and against the prisoner Cap-\\ntain Richard Lippencott, together with\\nwhat he had to offer for defence and it\\nappearing that (although Joshua Huddy\\nwas executed without proper autliority)\\nwhat the prisoner d d in the matter was\\nnot the effect of malice or ill will, but pro-\\nceeded fiorp a conviction that it was his\\nduty to obey the orders of the Board of\\nDirectors of Associated Loyalists, and his\\nnot doubting their having full authority\\nto give such orders, the court are of opin\\nion that he, the prisoner, Captain Richard\\nLippencott is noi ^wito/ of the murder laid\\nto his charge, and do therefore acquit\\nhim.\\nThis decision not only virtually admits\\nthat the execution of Huddy was r^urder,\\nbut throws the blame on the Board of As-\\nsociated Loyalists at the head of which\\nwas Governor William Franklin. The ev\\nidence we have already quoted will show\\nthe grounds upon which they based their\\ndecision. It is worthy of note that before\\nthe trial was concluded Governor Frank-\\nlin left New York and sailed for England\\nand so avoi ed any investigation of his\\nconduct that might have been contempla-\\nted.\\nSir Guy Carleton took command of the\\nBritish forces in New York in May, and\\nhe evidently l:;oked upon the Board with\\nless favor than had Clinton. In a letter\\nto General Washington, immediately after\\nhis assuming cummand, he expressed his\\nintention to preserve the name of Eng-\\nlishmen from reproach and to pursue eve-\\nry measure that might tend to prevent\\nthese criminal excesses in individuals.\\nHe did not hesitate to condemn the many\\nunauthorized acts of violence which had\\nbeen committed, and concluded that he\\nshould do everything to mitigate the evils\\nof war. As one proof of his sincerity he\\nat once broke up the Board of Associated\\nLoyalists.\\nGn the 13th of May, the lot was ordered\\nby General Washington which resulte l in\\nthe selection of Captain Asgill to be held\\nas hostage for Lippencott.\\nLu I kncott s Own Defense on the Trial.\\nAfter Lippencott was arrested and con-\\nfined in the Provost jail he had frequent\\nconversations with Captain William Cun-\\nningham, the Provost Marshal, about the", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n139\\nexecution of Huddy. Cunningham, ex-\\npecting to be called upon as a witness at\\nthe trial, noted down Lippencott s state-\\nments and after submitting them to Lip-\\npencott, he made deposition on the 10th\\nof May as follows\\nHe heard Captain Lippencott say that\\nGovernor Franklin often said there was no\\nway of stopping the rebels from massacre-\\ning \u00e2\u0099\u00a6^he refugees but by retaliation, and he\\nwanted one Mason to be the object. Cap-\\ntain Lippencott said he would be the man\\nwho would cause it to be done, it the Gov-\\nernor would give him an order in writing,\\nso that he might stand fair in the eyes of\\nhis exct^ll *ncy the commander-in-chief.\\nGovernor Franklin replied that he could\\ngive no written order, but would answer\\nthe consequences to the commander-in-\\nchief, as it was the only way of putting a\\nstop to the rebels hanging and murdering\\nthe loyal refugees. And he farther he .rd\\nCaptain Lippencott say that he bad been\\ntold some time ago, by two refugees, that,\\nthe honorable board would give up Gap-\\ntain Huddy and two other prisoners and\\nthat Huddy should be executed for Philip\\nWhite, and the other two should be exe-\\ncuted for Captain Tilton and another for\\nAaron White (supposing Tilton and White\\nhad been executed by the rebels if not\\nthey were to be offered in exchange for\\nthem. That aptain Lippencott waited\\non the hou irable board with a label that\\nwas intended to be fixed on Huddy s\\nbreast, and gave it into the hands of the\\nGovernor and asked him if he thought\\nthat vTould do, or something to that effect.\\nMr. Cox, who was present, made answer,\\nand said Captain Lipp\u00c2\u00ab^ncott ought to have\\nkept that to himself; Captain Lippencott\\nanswered, he never did anything but what\\nwas done above board. The Governor\\nread it and tlien gave it to another of the\\nboard to read and when Captain Lippen-\\ncott was going, the Governor wished him\\nluck or success, or words to that effect.\\nHe further says Captain Lippencott seem-\\ned a little affected _when deponent gave\\nhim a copy of his crime, and expressed a\\nseeming surprise, by saying, ila I is this\\nthe way the board is going to leave me\\nor words to that purpose.\\nHe further saith, before Lippeacott was\\nmade a prisoner, he (Lippencott) told him\\nthe board sent him near thre\u00c2\u00bb sheets of\\npaper written, the contents of which were\\nto acquit the board of knowing anything\\nof Huddy s death, and that he (Lippen-\\ncott) should take it entirely on himself.\\nand sign the paper and send it to the\\nboard which he believed he should have\\ndone, but deponent making him prisoner\\nat the time he was copying it had hindered\\nhim from so doing.\\nIt will be noticed, that Lippencott as-\\nserted that Governor Franklin promised\\nhim if he would execute Huddy without\\na written order that he (Gov. Franklin)\\nwould answer the consequences to the Bri-\\ntish commander in-chief, and this asser-\\ntion is substantiated by the evidence of\\nothers. How Franklin performed his\\npromise will be seen by the following.\\nCowardly Act of the Loyalist Board.\\nIn the affidavit of Captain Cunningham,\\nreference is made to a certain paper sent\\nby the Board of Loyalists to Lippencott\\nto sign the purport of the paper being to\\nexonerate the Board from all responsi-\\nbility, for the murder of Huddy, Cunning-\\nham was such an unmitigated scoundrel,\\nas proven by his own confession given in\\nanother chapter, that but little credence\\nwould be attached to his affidavit but for\\nthe fact that it is corroborated by other\\nreliable evidence. The paper referred to\\nwas produced before the Court which tried\\nLippencott. It was written by Mr. Alex-\\nander, one of the Board, at the office of the\\nBoard, at the instigation of the members.\\nWe give the whole of this paper, remark-\\nable as showing the cowardice and duplici-\\nty of the Board and their efforts to sacri-\\nfice the man they had used as a tool, to\\nsave themselves. It was to have been sent\\nto Governor Franklin as the chief of the\\nBoard.\\nSir In compliance with the orders\\nof the honorable board of directors, vre\\nbeg leave to communicate to your excel-\\nlency, for their information, an account of\\nthe proceedings of the loyalists from Mon-\\nmouth on the late expedition for the re-\\nlief of Captain Clayton Tilton and two oth-\\ner loyalists, then prisoners with the rebels\\nin that county.\\nBeing frustrated m the design of bring-\\ning off Captain Tilton by force and our of\\nfers For exchange rejected, we dreaded\\nthat he was reserved for a fate similar to\\nthat our associate Philip White had suffer-\\ned, who was taken at the same time with\\nCaptain Tiltoti, and inhumanly and wan-\\ntonly murdered by the guard who were\\nconveying him to Monmouth jail. This\\nrecent instance of cruelty, added to the\\nmany daring acts of the same nature\\nwhich have been perpetrated with impuni-\\nty by a set of vindictive rebels, well known", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "140\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nby the name of the Monmouth Retaliators,\\nassociated and headed by one General For-\\nman (whose horrid acts of cruelty have\\ngained him universally the name of Black\\nDavid,) fired our party with an indigna-\\ntion only to be felt by men who for a\\nseries of years have beheld many of their\\nfriends and neighbors butchered in cold\\nblood under the usurjDed form of law, and\\noften without that ceremony, for no other\\ncrime than that of maintaining their alle-\\ngiance bo their government under which\\nthey were born, and which the rebels au\\ndaciously call treason against the Stat-s.\\nWe thought it high time to convince the\\nrebels we would no longer tamely submit\\nto such glaring acts of barbarity and\\nthough we lament the necessity to which\\nwe have been driven, to begin a retalia-\\ntion of intolerable cruelties long contin-\\nued and often repeated, yet we are con-\\nvinced that we could not have saved the\\nlife of Captain Tilton by any other means.\\nWe therefore pitched upon Joshua Huddy\\nas a proper subject for retaliation, becauso\\nhe was not only well known to have been\\na very active and cruel persecutor of our\\nfriends, but h;id not been ashamed to bonst\\nof his having been instrumental in hang-\\ning Stephen Edwards, a worthy lo^. alist,\\nand the first of our brethren who fell a\\nmaityr to republican fury in Monmouth\\nCounty. Huddy was the man who tied\\nthe knot and put the rope about the neck\\nof that inoffensive sufferer. This fact will\\nappear by two affidavits which we have\\nthe honor to enclose.\\nIt IS true in this instance we have acted\\nwithout the orders or knowledge of the\\nhonorable board but we hope, when they\\nare pleased to take into consideration the\\nmotives which induced us to take this\\nstep, and that Huddy was executed in the\\ncounty where so many acts of cruelty have\\nbeen committed on liefugees, they will\\nnot think our conduct reprehensible, more\\nespecially when your excellency peruses\\nthe Tollowing state of facts. [The facts al-\\nluded to are not found in the originals.) Many\\nof the above facts are ascertained by affl\\ndavits and such as are not are too notor-\\nious to be denied even by General Forman\\nhimself, the most persecuting rebel in the\\ncountry. By a strange fatality, the loyal\\nists are the only people that have been\\ntreated as rebels, during this unhappy\\nwar and we are constrained by our suffer-\\nings to declare that no efforts have been\\nmade by the Government, under whose\\nprotection we wish to live, to save our\\nbrethren from ignominious deaths. It is\\nour fixed determination, however repug-\\nnant to our feelings (having on all occa-\\nsions treated our prisoners with tender-\\nness, and often indulge them with paroles\\nwhich they have frequently violated) that\\nshould the rebels, to answer their malig-\\nnant purposes, continue to punish the loy-\\nalists, under their usual distinction of pris-\\noners of state from prisoners of war, they\\nshall feel a. severe retaliation in every m-\\nstance the just vengeance due to such\\nenormities. Blood shall flow for blood, or\\nthe loyalists will perish in the attempt.\\nWe have the honor to be on behalf of\\nthe associated loyalists of Monmouth\\nCounty, your excellency s most obedient\\nservants.\\nThis paper prepared by the Board for\\nLippencott to sign, it will te seen by ref-\\nerence to the evidenceof different witness-\\nes already quoted, was false in every es-\\nsential particular. While it is true that\\nthe written order to get Huddy out of the\\nProvost jail, into the charge of Lijjpencott\\nmakes the preteit that it was to have him\\nexchanged for Tilton, yet the real object\\nas expressed by verbal orders of Governor\\nFranklin was to have him taken within\\nthe limits of Monmoutli and there execu-\\nted. They were not frustrated in any at-\\ntempt to bring off Tilton by force, for if\\nany such attempt had been made it would\\nhave been shown on the trial, nor whs any\\nattempt to have him exchanged mention-\\ned. It was not Lippencott who suggest* d\\nthe hiinging of Huddy he was only a tool,\\nperhaps too willing, of Governor Franklin\\nand his associates. There was no reason\\nto fear tliat Tilton was reserved for a\\nfate similar to Phil White s; no evidence\\nwas produced to show that the Monmouth\\npatriots considered him other than a pris-\\noner of war captured under usual circum-\\nstances and to be held for exchange. Gen-\\neral Forman, or Black David as they j)re-\\nferred calling him, and his associates never\\nexecuted a refugee unless under circum-\\nstances justifiable by the rules of warfare,\\nas has already been shown in other chap-\\nters. Tiie Pine Robbers, Fagan, Fenton,\\ni5urke and others of that class met their\\nfate for burglary, murder and other crimes,\\nfor committing what Sir Guy Carleton\\ncalled unauthorized acts of violence\\nand wha he pointedly condemned. Ste-\\nphen Edwards came into the American\\nlines as a spy treasonable papers were\\nfound in his i:)08session so positive was\\nthe proof against him that one of the", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n141\\nwarmest friends of his family, who would\\nhave been glad of any pretext to save him,\\nwas compelled to vote for his condemna-\\ntion.\\nl^ut the most noticeable falsehood which\\nthe Board asked Lippencott to sign was\\nthat he had acted without the knowledge\\nor consent of the Board I\\nOn this pohit, in addition to the evi-\\ndence already quoted, we copy the testi-\\nmony of Henry Steptiensen, a surgeon in\\nthe British legion, relating a conversation\\nbetween hi msell and two membeis of ihe\\nBoard that took place at the office of Riv-\\ningtoti s B ^yal Gazette^ the Toiy paper at\\nNew York. Mr. Stephenson was asked\\nDid he recollect a conversation be-\\ntween himself and several other gentle\\nmen. at Mr Rivington s (soon Jifler the\\nciinfinernent of the risoner for the crime\\nnow charged against him) respeciing a pa-\\nper that was sent to the prisoner by some\\none of the honorable board of directors, to\\nbe signed by the prisoner, assigning rea\\nsuns for the execution of the said Joshua\\nBuddy; and was deponent then censur-\\ning a part of said paper whicli expressed\\nthe execution of Buddy to be without the\\nknowledge of the Board During the con-\\nversation, did Messrs. Stewart and Alex-\\nander, both members of the Board, come\\ninto Mr. Rivington s and what further cou-\\nveisation passed on the sulgect?\\nSuigeon Stephenson deposed in answer\\nas follows\\nYes, he recollects a conversation. He\\nwas at Mr. Rivingt.jn s one evening, some\\nlittle time after the prisoner wa.-i confined\\nin the piovo\u00c2\u00abt, and wms mentioning to\\nsome gentlemen that a report had pre-\\nvailed in town that tht^ board of directors\\nhad drawn up an instrument in writing,\\nwhich they wi.-hed Captain Lippencott to\\nsign, purporting that Captain Buddy was\\nexecuted without tneif knowledge or con-\\nsent. Just at the time they were talking\\non the subject Mr. Alexander and Mr.\\nStewart, two of the board, came in and\\nafter mentioning the above report, depo-\\nnent put the following question to them\\nFirst, Did you gentlemen send such an\\ninstrument in writing to Captain Lippen-\\ncott to sign or not? They replied, there\\nhad been a paper sent to him but thai\\nCajjtain Lippencott might alter it as he\\nthought proper, or words to that effect.\\nMr. Alexander particularly mentioned\\nthat he had objected to the words with-\\nout their knowledge or consent, being in-\\nserted. The second question was Though\\nHuddy was executed, was it not done by\\nyour knowledge and consent or approba-\\ntion. They assented and said it was.\\nThe office of Rivington s Royal Gttzetie\\nwas quite a noted resort for British officers\\nand it is evidei.t they criiicised pretty free-\\nly the action of the Board. Both Alexan-\\nder and Stewart had personal knowledge\\nof the falsity of the statement without\\nknowledge or consent of the board, as\\nwhen, on the 8th of April, Lippencott ap-\\npeared before the Board in response to\\n(jov. Franklin s request to contjent to take\\nconamand of a party to hnng Huddy, both\\nof these men were present and fully talked\\nover the matter. Mr. Al-xander objected\\nto putting in the words but was overruled\\nby the other members, who quieted his\\nscruples by telling him Lippencott could\\nalter it if he chose. They well knew the\\nfearful predicament into whicli they had\\ngot Lippencott.\\nThis paper was gotten up by the Board\\nto shield themselves, because, to their sur-\\nlirise, no sooner was the news of Huddy s\\nexecution heard in New York than the\\nregular British officers generally de-\\nnounced it as a reproach to the name of\\nEnglishmen, and a desire was expressed\\nto have an investigation to find out the\\nreal author or authors to hold responsible.\\nAlarmed at the threatening aspect of af-\\nfairs they drew up this paper to be signed\\nby Lippencott. It would seem as though\\nthey thought as Lippencott found iiis ac-\\ntion so severely denounced by (he regular\\nBritish and that they were arrayed again,st\\nhim, that he would want to retain the ac-\\ntive friendship of the Board to stand be-\\ntween him and the regular British author-\\nities, and that to secure ttieir active servi-\\nces in his behalf he would probably con-\\nsent to sign this paper. And their calcu-\\nlation pioved c rrect, for he had com-\\nmenced copying it off when he was arrest-\\ned. The truth then flashed upon him\\nthat the Board to save themselves wanted\\nto sacrifice him, and then he determined\\nto let matters take their course and simply\\nlook out for himself, and, as he expressed\\ni;, to have the saddle put on the right\\nh Tse.\\nAn idea of the feeling among the regu-\\nlar British officers in regard to Huddy s\\ndeath may be inferred from the testimony\\nof Surgeon Stephenson, but it was most\\nemphatically shown by the action of Sir\\nHenry Clinton himself, who was so indig-\\nnant at the barbarous murder of Huddy", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "142\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nthat he had ordered Lippencott s trial by\\nCourt Martial before he received General\\nWashington s letter demanding his surren-\\nder. Tiiere is good reason to believe that\\nSir Henry thought the reallv guilty party\\nwas the Board of Associated Loyalists, and\\nespecially its head, Governor Franklin,\\nwho so cowardly fled to England leaving\\nboth Lippencott and Asgill to their fates\\nand Clinton s successor. Sir Guy Carleton,\\nwas so satisfied of the disgraceful conduct\\nof the Board that he broke it up\\nAs before stated, the decorum of the\\ncourt martial virtually threw the blame of\\nBuddy s murder on Governor Franklin\\nand his associates, and this decision was\\nsubsequently endorsed by competent Amer-\\nican authority, as will be seen by the fal-\\nlowing extract from a report made to Con-\\ngress in 1837 by a select committee of that\\nbody which had thoioughly investigated\\nthe wiiole subject\\nThe immediate agent in (his deed of\\nblood was Richard Lippencott, a native of\\nNew -Jersey and then a captain in the\\nBritish service. He was the instrument of\\na board of associated loyalists in New\\nYork, at the head of which was William\\nFranklin, once Royal governor of New\\nJersey. The members of this body, after\\nthe murder bad taken place, endeavored\\nfor a time to deny that they had directed\\nit; but the evidence adduced on the trial\\nof the perpetrator, as well as subsequent\\npublications of the, loyalists themselves,\\nabundantly prove that, without the cour-\\nage to act themselves, they had the base\\nnes^ to authorize the deed to be commit-\\nced, and the meanness to attempt the con-\\ncealment of their privity to its perpetra-\\ntion.\\nA BOY TRIED FOR MURDER.\\nThe State against Aaron, a Slave of Levi\\nSolomon s.\\nThe defendant, Aaron, a black boy about\\neleven years of age, was indicted in the\\nCourt of Oypr and Terminer of Monmouth\\nin October, 1817, for the murder of Ste-\\nphen Connelly, a child little more than two\\nyears old. The indictment in the usual\\nform charged the prisoner with the mur-\\nder on the 26th of August, 1817, by throw-\\ning the child into a well. It appeared in\\nevidence that the prisoner was born in\\nJuly, 1806, was of ordinary size and in the\\nopinion of some witnesses, possessed com-\\nmon capacity and intelligence; by the tes-\\ntimony of others he was more cunning\\nand smarter in his play than usual for boys\\nof his age. Stephen Connelly was a stout\\nhealthy child, and on the 26th of August,\\nin the after part of the day, was found in\\na well about 18 or 19 feet deep, having a\\ncurb two and a half feet high, so that he\\ncould reach the top with his hands, and it\\nwas in such a state that all the witnesses\\nthought it impossible for hitn to get over\\nit. The well was in a cornfield and or-\\nchard about one hundred rods from two\\npublic roads and the sam*^ distance from\\nthe house in which Stephen lived. The\\ncorn was so high and thick that a i erson\\nat the well could not be seen except by\\nlooking along the rows. It was in the\\nnyighborhood of a numlj^r of houses.\\nStephen was sfen playing in the road\\nwith I he prisoner a short time before he\\nwas missed by the family and when they\\nwere searching for him tiie pris iner was\\nup in a cl.erry tree. Being asked if he iiad\\nseen him, he said, yes, he i\u00c2\u00ab gone up\\nthe road; being told to come down fud\\nhelp look for him, he looked along the\\nroad and called aloud three or four times\\nbut did not get down. After the body whs\\nfound and taken out of the well, he came\\nup and seeing it lying there he said, so\\nyou ve found Stephen. Theie was yet\\nnothing in his manner whicti excited at-\\ntention or suspicion. That night he went\\nto bed earlier than usual, and without his\\nsupjier. The next morning he told a oun^\\nlad, an apprentice to his master that he\\nsaw Stephen fall into the well and that\\nhe was ten or twelve paces off; thai he\\nwent up and sav Stephen splash the water\\nand then went to pick apples wiiich iiis\\nmaster had directed him to do. Being\\na ked why he did not tell it he gave no\\nanswer. On his trial (May, 1818) the pric-\\noner was defended by Garret D. Wall, L.\\nH. Stockton and Joseph W. Scott. For\\nthe state appeared R. Stockton, jr.. Depu-\\nty Attorney General and R. Stockton.\\nHis counsel objected to any evidence of\\nhis confessions as improper and incompe-\\ntent, he being under the age of twelve\\nyears. After argumen* the court admit-\\nted the confessions in evidence. It then\\nappeared that at the coroner inquest the\\nprisoner was summoned; at first he ap-\\npeared terrified Imt soon became composed.\\nHe then repeated the story he had told\\nbefore, adding that Stephen climbed over\\nthe curb and fell in and that he did not\\ntell anybody for fear they would think he", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n143\\ndid it. He was very closely pressed by the\\njury with questions as to his own guilt and\\ntold that he had better tell the whole\\ntruth to them. He steadily denied doing\\nthe act. After examining him some time,\\nthe jury went to the well that he might\\nshew them how Stephen got over. He\\nshewed them. His master and one of the\\njurors then took him aside and asked him\\nabout it. He then told them he had done\\nit; that Stephen went to the well and put\\nhis hands on the curb and he took hold of\\nhis legs and threw him over that he\\ngasped and caught his breath and made\\nthe water splash as he fell and that he\\n(prisoner) being frightened, ran away to\\npicking apples that he denied it before\\nbecause he was afraid they would send\\nhim to jail. He repeated the same thing\\nto the whole jury. He was urged and\\nquestioned closely but all the witnesses\\ndenied that either promises or threats or\\nimproper contrivnnces were used to induce\\nhim to make the confession, but he was\\nfrequently and constantly told to tell the\\ntruth and that would be best for him. He\\nseemed to understand what he was about\\nand to understand his answers.\\nHe continued for three or four weeks\\nto make the same confession to the\\ngaoler and many other persons and\\nthen he began to deny the fact and con-\\ntinued the denial until the time of trial.\\nWhen he Brst denied, the gaolor asked\\nhim why he had owned it before; he said\\nthat one of the jurymen told him the dev-\\nil would get him if he denied it, but if\\nhe confessed it he would not be sent to\\njail. This was explicitly denied by the ju-\\nror referred to he was further asked who\\nhad been to see him, and he replied his\\nmaster but that he did not tell him to\\ndeny it.\\nAt the time of his first confession, and\\nfrequently afterwards, he gave as a rea-^on\\nfor the act that he did it to spite the fath-\\ner of Stephen because he had driven him\\nout of the shop and threatened to whip\\nhim at other times he said he said he had\\nno reason for it.\\nThe case was ably argued and the court\\ngave a minute charge to the jury who\\nfound the prisoner guilty.\\nA motion was th^n made for a new trial,\\nit being desired by the court that the\\nopening of the Supreme Court of N. J., at\\nbar upon several legal questions (given in\\nIst Southard reports) might be known.\\nThe trial took place in May, 1818. In Sep-\\ntember following it was taken up by the\\nSupreme Court and its decision on the va-\\nrious points was made by Chief Justice\\nKirkpatrick. In regard to the liability of\\nminors under fourteen years of age to\\npunishment, the Chief Justice quoted va-\\nrious authorities from which the Court de-\\ncided that upon this naked confession of\\nAaron s he could not be cjnvicted of a\\ncapital offence that the confession is a\\nsimple, naked confession, disclosing no\\nfact, pregnant with no circumstances to\\ngive it authority or in any way to corrobo-\\nrate it. It did not even lead to the dis-\\ncovery of the body of tlie deceased, for it\\nwas found before it opens no proof of\\nmalice or hatred or ill will against the\\nchild but rather to the contrary; it is a\\nmere naked confession of an infant under\\nthe age of eleven years obtained by some\\ndegree of pressure, at least, after a firm\\ndenirtl and as such (I speak with great de-\\nference to the learning of the Court which\\ntried the cause) I should incline to think\\nit ought not to have been admitted as evi-\\ndence and if admitted that it ought not\\nto have been the ground of conviction.\\nA new trial was granted at which the\\nprisoner was discharged and we have been\\ntold by an old gentleman, a regular attend\\nant of the Freehold Courts in that day,\\nthat it WHS believed the boy was afterwards\\nsold as a slave in the West Indies,\\nTHE INLETS OF OLD MONMOUTH\\nOld Cranberry Inlet.\\nA century ago Cranberry Inlet, nearly\\nopposite Toms River, was one of the best\\ninlets on the Jersey coast. The question\\nas to the exact year when it was opened\\nwas brought before one of our courts a few,\\nyears ago in a suit involving title to land\\nin the vicinity, but no decisive information\\nwas elicited upon the trial. It is probable,\\nhowever, that it broke through about\\n1750. It is laid down on Lewis Evans s map,\\n1755, and Jeffrey s (English) map, same\\nyear, and on the latter and other maps it\\nis called New Inlet. On Jeffrey s map\\nToms River is called Goose Creek, and Bar-\\nnegat Bay is called Flat Bay Sound. Cran-\\nberry Inlet closed about the year 1812,\\nthough for several years previous it had\\ncommenced filling up, gradually shoaling\\nmore and more each year until it was fi-\\nnally closed up. During the Revolution-\\nary war it was a place of considerable im-\\nportance as it afforded conveniences to", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "144\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nour privateers on the lookout for Briti3h\\nvessels bound in and out of New York.\\nThough we have no exact account of the\\ndepth of water on the bar, yet in its best\\ndays it must have been equal to the best\\ninlets nov on our coast, as we find that\\nloaded, square-rigged vessels occasionally\\nentered it. David Mapes, the much es-\\ntet^m^r? and noted colored Quaker of Tuck-\\nerton, when a boy, resided in this vicinity,\\nand was empli yed by Solomon Wardell\\nto tend cattle on the beach when the inlet\\nbroke through. He slept in a cabin and\\none morning on awakening was surprised\\nto see that the sea had broUon across the\\nbeach during the night.\\n(In a pr(^vious article relating to Capt,\\nAdam Hyler, bv the accidentallv omission\\nof one line in the copy it was made to ap-\\npear that Cranberry Inlet opened into\\nRaritan Bay. Though most of our reade\\nwculd infer it was from a tyi)ographical\\nerror yet it reminded us that a brief no-\\ntice of this Inlet, so frequently referred to\\nin Revolutionary limes, but now among\\nthe things of the past, should be given to\\nexplain events related in previous chap\\nters referring to ii.)\\nAttempts to Open New Inlets.\\nThe closing of Cranberry Inlet caused\\ngreat inconvenience to persons along Bar-\\niiegat Bay engaged in the coasting trade\\nas it compelled vessels from the upper\\npart of the bay to sail several miles out of\\ntheir way to Barnegat Inlet to get to sea.\\n.^ibout the )ear 1821 an attempt to open\\na new inlet near the head ot the bay was\\nmade by a man named Michael Urtley.\\nHe worked at it off and on for several\\nyears and spent considerable money in the\\nundertaking at length, one day a large\\ncompany of men volunteered to aid him\\nin completing the enterprise. In the\\nevening after finishing it, Mr. Oi tley and\\nhis friends had quite a merry time in cel-\\nebrating the completion ol the work. But\\ngreat was their disappointment the follow-\\ning morning to find that the running of the\\ntide which they had supposed would work\\nthe inlet deeper, had on the contrary\\nraised a bulkhead of sand wufficiently large\\nto close it up, and the result was the inlet\\nwas closed much more expeditiously than\\nit was opened.\\nMany supposed that if an effort was\\nmade to open an inlet farther down the\\nbay in the vicinity of old Cranberry, it\\nwould prove more successful. Acting up-\\non this supposition, another eftbrt was\\nmade to open on\u00c2\u00a9 about opposite Toms\\nRiver. The work was completed July 4th,\\n1847, by some two or three hundred men\\nunder the direction of Anthony Ivins, jr.\\nIn this undertaking, care was taken to let\\nin the water when it was high tide in the\\nbay and low water outside but this enter-\\nprise also proved a failure as it filled up\\nabout as soon as Urtley s.\\nShrewsbury lifLiiTi\\nShrewsbury inlet was open ih 1778; it\\nclosed again about 1800 again opened\\nabout 1830 and again closed about 1847.\\nJust before the closing of the inlet at this\\ntime, the writer of this was engaged in the\\ncoasting trade and one time in sailing\\ndown the beach noticed a little steamer,\\ncalled the Cricket, from New York, wrecked\\non tlie bar. This wreck seemed to hasten\\nthe closing of the inlet by gathering tli,e\\nsand around it as it washed in and out.\\nBarnegat Inlet.\\nThis inlet has always been open from\\nour earliest accounts. It was first noticed\\nby a Dutch navigator, probably Capt. Mey\\nin the celebrated little yacht Restless in\\n1614, who on account of its dangerous bai-\\nCalled it Baiendegal, which mean\u00c2\u00ab\\nl)re\u00c2\u00abkers inlet or an inlet with breakers.\\nTi.e character of the inlet has ^dways been\\nthe same as at present except during the\\nfew years when Cranberry was open when\\nit was much shoaler than before or since.\\nIt has shifted up and down ihe beach two\\nor three miles and is still shifting and\\nchanging. A few yes^rs ago it washed down\\ntlie old lighthouse built in 1834 and now\\nexhibits a decided inclination to wash\\ndown the new one.\\nLong Branch in 1819. Bathers at Fault.\\nThe company at thi.^ salubrious retreat\\nis represented to be very numerous and\\nrespectable this season. The New York\\nAdvocate says ttiere is a kind of military or\\nnaval regulation there which strangers of-\\nten contravene from ignorance; that is\\nwhen the stipulated time for ladies bath-\\ning arrives, a white flag is hoisted upon\\nthe bank, when it is high treason for a\\ngentlemen to b seen ther\u00c2\u00ab and when the\\nestablished lime for gentlemen arrives, the\\nred fliag is run up vyhich is sometimes done\\nby mistake and produces rather ludicrous\\nmisunderstandings A wag lately hoisted\\nboth flags together wnich cieated some\\nawful squinting and no little confusion.\\n(Niles Register, 1819. Sup., p. 159.)", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n145\\nTownships in Monmouth-\\ntablished,\\n-Wben Es-\\nWhen the county of Monmouth was es-\\ntablished in 1683 it was divided into two\\ntownships, Middletown and Shrewsbury.\\nStafford wa\u00c2\u00ab established in 1749. Upper\\nFreehold, Freehold and Dover were de-\\nfined by an act passed June 25, 1767, to\\ntake effect in March of the following year.\\nHowell was established in 1801 and Mill-\\nstone in 1844; Jackson, now in Ocean\\ncounty in 1844 Plumsted, now in Ocean,\\nin 1845, and Union, now also in Ocean, in\\n1847; Atlantic, in 1847; Raritan, Marl-\\nboro and Manalapan in 1848; Ocean, 1849;\\nWall, 1851 Holmdel and Matavan in\\n1857.\\nThe First Temperance Socieiy in the U. S.\\nOld Monmouth has the honor of organ-\\nizing the first Temperance Society in the\\ncountry, which was established at Allen-\\ntown in 1805 and called The Sober So\\ncietv, and was composed of fifty-eifiht\\nmembers. (Newark Daili/ Adv. and Hist.\\nRcc. 1859).\\nA Valuable Monmouth Dog.\\nIn the Journal of a Quaker named\\nJames Craft, published in Historical Rec-\\nord, Oct., 1851, it is said\\n1780, 2nd mo. 20th Money very plen\\nty. \u00c2\u00a3300 given for a dog in Monmouth.\\nCOL. JONATHAN FORMAN AND\\nDAtJGHTER.\\nThe following is from the Utica N. Y.\\nObserver, 1859.\\nDied, at her residence in Utica, Sept.\\n16th, 1859, Mrs. Mary Ledyard Seymour,\\nwife of the late Hon. Henry Seymour. She\\nwas the daughter of Col Jonathan Forman.\\nand was born at Monmouth, New Jer.sey,\\nFeb. 18th, 1785. Her father at the ag of\\n19, left Princeton College tojoin the Amer\\nican army. He entered it as a lieutenant,\\nand served during the war, rising to tlie\\nrank of colonel. The mother of Mr-. Sey-\\nmour was a niece of Col. Ledyard who was\\nin command of Fort Griswold, opposite\\nNew London, Conn., a t the time of its\\ncapture by the British. She aided in tak\\ning care of the wounded of that massacre,\\nby which nineteen of her relatives per\\nished. When Mrs. Seymour was about\\ntwelve years old she removed to Cazeno\\nvid, in Madison county, at that time a\\nfrontier settlement. There was then\\nno carriage road west of Whitestown, and\\nin many places they were obliged to use\\naxes to make their way in that direction.\\nIt is said that the carriage of Col. Forman\\nwas the first conveyance of the kind that\\npassed beyond the site of Whitestown.\\nHe drove to Chittenango and the family\\nwent thence to Cazenovia on horseback.\\nHer parents died many years ago, but her\\nuncle, Major Samuel S. Forman, of Syra-\\ncuse, still lives, in his 96th year. Miss For-\\nman was married to Mr Seymour at Caze-\\nnovia on the 1st of January, 1807. Mr.\\nSeymour was then a merchant in the town\\nof Pompey, Onondago County. He con-\\ntinued in business there, exercising a wide\\nand beneficial influence in that county un-\\ntil 1819, when he removed vith his family\\nto Utica. His subsequent honorable and\\nuseful career is known to the people of\\nthe State. He died in August, 1837, at his\\ndwelling in Whitesboro street, in this\\ncity, where Mrs. Seymour has ever since\\nresided.\\nMrs. Seymour above mentioned, a na-\\ntive of Monmouth, was the mother of Gov.\\nHoratio Seymour, of JN. Y., and a niece ol\\nPhilip Freneau, the poet of the Revolu-\\ntion. Col. Ledyard above referred to, was\\nbrutally murdered by a renegade New Jer-\\nsey refugee, named Bromfield. After the\\nAmericans nad surrendered the fort,\\nBromfield asked who commanded it. The\\nbrave Ledyard replied, I did but you do\\nnow, and handed his sword to Bromfield.\\nThe villain took it and immediately\\nstabbed Ledyard to the heart.\\nAbout the time Col. Forman left for\\nNew York, many families of old Mon-\\nmouth emigrated to the western part of\\nthat state to what they then termed the\\nGenesee country.\\nTHE TILTON FAMILY.\\nAmong the twelve original patentees of\\nold Monmouth is found the name of John\\nTilton, and members of this family were\\namong the first English settlers who loca-\\nted here. The earliest mention we have\\nfound of the Tilton family is in the Lynn,\\nMass., records which speak of John Tilton\\nand William Tilton as being therein 1640.\\nAbout the time of their arrival the Puri-\\ntans of New England were much exercised\\nby the advent am\u00c2\u00aeng them of the Bap-\\ntists and strong efforts were made by the\\nPuritans to get rid of them. At this time\\nin Lynn the most noted, influential per-\\nson among the Baptists was Lady Debo-\\nrah Moodie, afterwards long and favorably", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "146\\nOLD TIMKS IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nknown among the original settlers of Long\\nIsland. Among nthers who were inclined\\nto adhere to the Baptists with Lady Moo-\\ndie was Mrs. Tilton, as will be seen by the\\nfollowing extract from the Lynn records\\nof the date of December 12th, 1642. which\\nwe give literally with its quaint wording\\nand peculiar orthography\\nThe Lady Deborah Moodie, Mrs. King,\\nand the wife of John Tilton were present-\\ned for hooldinge that liie baptising of in-\\nfants was noe ordinance of God.\\nThe proceedings against them resulted\\nin their leaving Lynn, and the next year,\\n(1643,) we find mention of Lady Moodie,\\nthe Tiltons, William Goulding, Samuel\\nSpicer, and others at Graveseiid, Long Is-\\nland, founding the settlement from which\\nafterwards came many persons to Old\\nMonmouth. For a long time, John Til\\nton was a prominent man at Gravesend,\\nenjoying the respect of the English and\\nthe confidence ot the Dutch authorities at\\nNew York or New Amsterdam as it was\\nthen called, and holding official positions\\nuntil the appearance, in 1657, of the Quak-\\ners among the Gravesend settlers. No\\nsooner did the Quakers begin to promul-\\ngate their views than the Dutch authori-\\nties issued severe edicts against ihem and\\nall who harbored those abominable im-\\npostors, runaways and strolling people\\ncalled Quakers. The following year John\\nTilton was fined \u00c2\u00a312 Flemish money for\\nharboring a Quaker woman. From that\\ntime forward both Tilton and his wife\\nseem t have strongly sympathized with\\nthe persecuted sect and soon cast their lot\\namong them altogether, whicli greatly ex-\\ncited the ire of the Dutch and especially\\nof old Governor Peter Stuyvef^ant. On the\\n5th of October, 1662, John T\\\\\\\\Um and\\nMary his wife were summoned before the\\nGovernor and his council, at New Amster-\\ndam, (New York,) charged with having\\nentertained Quakers and frequenting their\\nconventicles. Tiiey we*-e condemned and\\nordered to leave the province before the\\n20th of November following, under pain\\nof corporal punishment. It is supposed\\nthat through the efforts of Lady Moodie,\\nwho had great influence with Governor\\nStuyvesant, that the sentence was either\\nreversed or changed to the payment of a\\nfine. The following derived from the rec-\\nord of their trial is a curiosity in these\\ndays of religious toleration, especially to\\nJerseymen whose state has the proud dis-\\nnction of never having allowed religious\\npersecution within its borders. From the\\nrecord it appears that\\nGoody Tilton, (Mrs. Tilton,) was not\\nso much condemned for assisting at con-\\nventicles as for having, like a sorceress^ gone\\nfrom door to door to lure and seduce the people,\\nyea even young girls, to join the Quakers^\\nOn the 19lh of September, 1662, John\\nTilton was fined, as the record asiys, for per-\\nmitting Quakers to quake at his house at\\nGravesend. Many other persons were\\nprosecuted at this time by the Dutch on\\nsimilar charges, among whom were the\\nBownes, Spicers, Townsends. Holmesesand\\nothers, ancestors of numerous Jersey fam\\nilies of these names. Some of these fami-\\nlies had been persecuted by the Puritans\\nof New England, to escape which they\\ncame to Long Island. Here, being again\\npersecuted by the Dutch, they seem to\\nhave determined to seek some place where\\nthey could worship God as they pleased.\\nThe lands in Monmouth county impressed\\nthem so favorably that the following year\\n(1663) they made large purchases of the\\nIndians, which greatly excited the indig-\\nnation of the Dutch at New Amsterdam,\\nwho laid claim to the land asserting that\\nthey had bought thy best of it of the In-\\ndians ten or twelve years before. The de-\\ntails of the controversy which ensued and\\nthe arguments advanced by both sides are\\ntoo lengthy to introduce in this place.\\nSuffice it to say that some of the difficul-\\nties were ended by the conquest of the\\nDutch by the English the following year.\\nIn 1665 John Tilton and eleven associates\\nobtained from Gov. Richard Nicholls the\\ncelebrated document known as the Mon-\\nmouth Patent, which has been published\\nin another chapter, which guaranteed lib-\\nerty of conscience to all settlers.\\nAfter the conquest of the Dutch by the\\nEnglish, though we have met with no pos-\\nitive information on the point, yet we are\\ninclined to believe that John*Tilion found,\\nby the change, that he could remain at\\nLong Island without molestation, he pre-\\nferred to end his days there and leave his\\nshare in his Monmouth purchases to his\\nchildren. He died at Gravesend, L. I., in\\n1688; his wife died a few years before, in\\n1683. His will dated 15th of 7th month\\n1687 was recorded at Brooklyn, L. L,\\nApril 3d, 1G88, in Book of Records Vol. 1,\\npage 108. This will shows he left two sons\\nnamed John and Thomas, and daughters\\nnamed Sarah, who married John Painter,\\nAbigail who married Scott, Esther,\\nwho married Samuel Spicer, and Mary,", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n147\\nwho married Carman. In his will he\\nleft a lot of land at Graveaend to his exe-\\ncutors, to be used as a graveyard for them\\nand their successors, and for all friends\\nof the everlasting truth of the Gospel as\\noccasion serves, fwrever, to bury there dead\\ntherein.\\nOLD MONMOUTH THih PIONEER OF\\nRELIGIOUS TOLERATION.\\nEvery citizen of old Monmouth has just\\ncause to be proud of the fact that the orig-\\ninal patentees were among the first in\\nAmerica to iiuarantee toleration to all set-\\ntlers in religious matters. In Rhode Is-\\nland while Roger Williams advocated a\\nfree, full and absolute liberty of con-\\nscience it is charged that Roman Catho-\\nlics were excepted in the charter of 1663.\\nThe much vaunted toleration act of Mary-\\nland limited toleration to all who be\\nlieved in Jesus Christ. William Penn\\ndid not arrive in America until October,\\n1682, nearly eiguteen years after the Mon-\\nmouth patentees declared that every set-\\ntler should have Free Liberty of Con-\\nscience WITHOUT ANY MOLiiSTATION OR DIS-\\nTURBANCE WHATSOEVER IN THE WAY OE THEIR\\nWORSHIP.\\nTHE ROGERINE BAPTISTS.\\nA Singular Religious Socik.ty in Old\\nMonmouth.\\nAbout the year 1737 a society of Roger-\\nine Baptists, or Quaker Baptists as they\\nwere then called, located at Waretown,\\nnow in Ocean county. I rom various no-\\ntices of the history of ihis singular sect\\nand how a society came to be located in\\nOld Monmouth, we extract the following\\nThis society was founded by John Rog\\ners, about 1674. His followers baptized by\\nimmersion the Lord s supper they admin-\\nistered in the evening with its ancient ap-\\npendages. They did not believe in the\\nsanctity of the Sabbath they believed\\nthat since the death of Christ all days\\nwere holy alike they used no medicines\\nnor employed doctors or surgeons; would\\nnot say grace at meals; all prayers to be\\nsaid mentally except when the spirit of\\nprayer compelled the use of voice they\\nsaid all unscriptural parts of religious\\nworship are idols, and all good christians\\nshould exert thexuselves against idols, c.\\nAmong the idols they placed the observ-\\nance of the Sabbath, Infant baptism, c.\\nThe Sabbath they called the New England\\nidol and the methods they took to demol-\\nish this idol were as follows They would\\non Sundays try to be at some manual la-\\nbor near meeting houses or in the way of\\npeople going to and from church. They\\nwould take work into meeting houses, the\\nwomen knitting, the men whittling and\\nmaking splints for baskets, and every now\\nand then contradicting the preachers.\\nThis was seeking persecution, says one\\nwriter, and they received plenty of it, in-\\nsomuch that the New Englanders left some\\nof them neither liberty, property nor\\nwhole skins.\\nJohn Rogers, the founder of the sect,\\nwho, it is said, was as churlish and contra\\nry to all men as Diogenes, preached over\\nforty years, and died in 1721. The occa-\\nsion of his death was singular. The small\\npox was raging terribly in Buston and\\nspread an alarm to all the country around.\\nRogers was confident that he could mingle\\nwith ttie diseased and that the strength\\nof his faith would preserve him safe from\\nthe mortal contagion. Accordingly he\\nwas presumptuous enough to travel one\\nhundred miles to Boston to bring his faith\\nto th\u00c2\u00ab test; the result was that he caught\\nthe contagion, came home and died with\\nit, the disease also spreading in his family\\nand among his neighbors. This event one\\nwould think would have somewhat shaken\\nthe faith of his followers but on the con-\\ntrary it seemed to increase their zeal.\\nIn 1725, a company of Rogeiines were\\ntaken up on the Sabbath in Norwich,\\nConn., while on their way from their place\\nof residence to Lebanf)n they were treat\\ned with much abuse and many of them\\nwhipped in a most unmerciful manner.\\nThis occasioned Gov. Jenks, of Rhode Is-\\nland, to write spiritefily against their per-\\nsecutors, and also to condemn the Roger-\\nines for their provoking, disorderly con-\\nduct.\\nOne family of the Rogerines was named\\nColver or Culver, (Ed ward s History spells\\nthe name one way and Governor Jenks\\nthe other). This family consisted of John\\nColver and his wife, who were a part of the\\ncompany which was treated so rudely at\\nNorwich, and five sons and five daughters,\\nwho, with their families, made up the\\nthe number of twenty-one souls. In the\\nyear 1734, this large family removed from\\nNew London, Conn., and settled in New\\nJersey. The first place they pitched upon\\nfor a residenca, was on the east side of", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "148\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nSchooley s Mountain, in Morris county.\\nThey continued here about three years\\nand then went in a body to Waretovvn,\\nthen in Monmouth but now in Ocean coun-\\nty. VVliile here tliey had their meetings\\nin a school house, and tlieir peculiar man-\\nner of conducting services was quite anov\\nelty to other settlers in the vicinity. As\\nin England, during the meeting tlie wo-\\nmen would be engaged in knitting or sew-\\ning, and the men in making axe handles,\\nbasket splints or engaged in other work,\\nbut we hear of no attempt to disturb oth-\\ner societies.\\nThey continued at Waretown about elev-\\nen years, and then went back to Morris\\ncounty nd settled on the west side of the\\nmountain from which they had removed.\\nIn 1790 they were reduced to two old per-\\nsons whose names were Thomas Colver\\nand Sarah Mann but the posterity of\\nJohn Colver. it is said, is yet quite numer-\\nous in Morris county. Abraham Waeir\\nfrom whom the village of Waretown de-\\nrives its name, tradition says was a mem-\\nber of tlie Rogerine Society. When the\\nmain body of the society left, he remained\\nbehind, and became quite a prominent\\nbusiness man, generally esteemed he\\ndied in 1768. and his descendants removed\\nto Squan and vicinity near the head of\\nBarnegat bay.\\nBefore concluding this notice of the\\nRogerine;-, it should be stated that anoth-\\ner thing in their creed was that it was noi\\nnecessary to have marriages performed by\\nministers or legal officers they held that\\nit was only necessary for the man and wo-\\nman to exchange vows of marriage to\\nmake the ceremony binding, A zealous\\nRogerine once took to himself a wife in\\nthis simple manner, and then to tantalize\\nGovernor Saltonstall called on him to in\\nform him they had married themselves\\nwithout aid of church or state, and that\\nthey intended to live together as husband\\nand wife without their sanction. What,\\nsaid the Governor, in apparent indignation,\\ndo you take this woman for your wife?\\nYes, I most certainly do, replied the\\nman. And do you tal e this man for your\\nhusband? said he to the woman. The\\nwoman replied in the affirmative. Then,\\nsaid the wily old governor, in the name\\nof the Commonwealth I pronounce you hus-\\nband and wife whom God hath joined to-\\ngether let no man put asunder You are\\nnow married according to both law and\\ngospel.\\nThe couple retired much chagrined at\\nthe unexpected way the Governor had\\nturned the tables upon them, despite their\\nboasting.\\nTHE WAR OF 1812.\\nScenes on our Coast.\\nDuring the last war with England the\\nvigilance of the British cuisers on our\\ncoast seriously injured the business of New\\nJersey coiisting vessels. Commodore Hardy\\nin his flag ship the Ramillies, a 74 gun\\nship, had command of the British blockad-\\ning vessels on our coast. Most accounts,\\nwritten and traditional, concede that he\\nwas one of the most honorable, high-mind-\\ned men in the British service, entirely dif-\\nferent from the infamous Admiral Cock-\\nburn, who commanded the blockading\\nsquadron farthersouth. Commodore Hardy\\nrarely took private property except con-\\ntraband of war without offering compensa-\\ntion. Most of the coasters in the southern\\npart of Old Monmouth, along Barnegat bay,\\nwere engaged in the lumber business and\\nthe stoppage of their trade was seriously\\nfelt. Occasionally son e bold fortunate cap\\ntain would manage to run the blockade and\\nreach New York and be well repaid for\\nhis I isk, but others who tried the experi-\\nment or were preparing to, were not quite\\nso fortunate.\\nOn the 31st of March, 1812. Commodore\\nHardy, in the Ramillies, came close to Bar-\\nnegat Inlet and sent in two long barges\\nloaded with armed men after two Ameri-\\ncan vessels Iving in the inlet waiting a\\nchance to slip out. They first boarded the\\nschooner Greyhound, Capt. Jesse Rogers,\\nof Potters CreeK, and attempted to take\\nher out but she grounded and the enemy\\nfired her and both vessel and cargo were\\nburned up. They then set fire to a sloop\\nbelonging to Waretown, owned by Captain\\nJonathan Winner, Hezekiah Soper and\\nTimothy Soper this vessel was saved, how-\\never, as signals were unexpectedly fired\\nfrom the sliip which caused the barges has-\\ntily to leave for the ship that she might\\nstart in pursuit of some vessel seen at sea.\\nAs soon as the barges left, the Americans\\nwent on board the sloop and extinguistied\\nthe fire. While the British were in the In-\\nlet a party landed on the beach wear the\\npresent lighthouse and killed some four-\\nteen or fifteen head of cattle belonging to\\nJeremiah Spragg and John Allen. The\\nowners were away but the British left word", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n149\\nif thejr presented their bill to Commodore\\nHardyjhe would settle it, but they were too\\npatriotic to do anything that savored of\\nfurnishing supplies to the enemy. In some\\ninstances on the New Jersey coast wheie\\ncattle and other things bad been taken by\\nHardy and word left that he would p.ij for\\ntliem, the owners though! themselves jus-\\ntifiable in going off to his ship and getting\\nthe money, as the supplies were not fur-\\nnished voluntarily but taken by foice.\\nThe appearance of the Ramiliies at this\\ntime at Barnegat Inlet created much ex-\\nciterapnt in the villages along the bay.\\nAt Waretown, tor fear tliat tlie baigea\\nmight land and commit excesses like those\\nwhich disgraced the operations of Cock\\nburn, ibe women and ciiildren, and valu-\\nables easily carried weri sent to a hamlet\\nin the (voods a tew milefi west of the place.\\nAt Forked River the late Hon. Charles\\nParker (father of Gov Parker) had just\\ncompleted a large building foi a dweUmg,\\nstore house, c., at- the upper landing.\\nThe roof of thi*! building wis crowded with\\nspectaiors, who, th^. ugh six or seven miles\\ndistant, had a fair view of tlie sliip, burn-\\ning vessel and movemen;s of tiie enemy.\\nAt another time the schooner President,\\nCaptain Amos Birdsall, of Waretown,\\nbound to New YorK, was tak-^n by Comnio-\\ndore Hardy, who at once commenoed tak-\\ning from the schooner her spars, deck\\nplank, c. Captain Birdsall had lib ity to\\nleave with his crew, in a y^fwl, whenever he\\npleas d, but on account of high winds he\\nwas detained a day or two, when he suc-\\nceeded in getting on board a fishing smack\\nand thu^ got home. Before he left, his\\nschooner s masts had bten s^iwed into plank\\nby the British.\\nThe sloop Elizabetli, Captain Thomas\\nBunnell, of Forked River, was captured by\\nbarges sent in Barnegat Inlet; she was\\ntowed out to sea, but the British shortly af-\\nter lost her on Long Island. She was owned\\nby William Piatt and Thomas Bunnell.\u00e2\u0080\u0094-\\nAt another time Captain Bunnell was cap-\\ntured by the British and detained some\\ntime and then put on board a neutral\\n(Spanish?) ship and finally reached N w\\nYork.\\nThe sloop Traveller, Captain Asa Grant,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0vas fired by the British but the fire was\\nextinguished before much damage was\\ndone. Tlie sloop Maria and another sloop\\nnot remembered were chased ashore near\\nSquan Inlet.\\nAn Amusing Stratagem.\\nThe noted Commodore Percival, who\\ndied a few years ago, familiarly named\\nMad Jack Percival, in the early part of\\nhis naval career was the hero of an adven-\\nture on the coast of Monmouth which is\\nthus described by a paper published in\\nNew York at the time:\\nOn Sunday morning, July 4, 1813, the\\nfishing smack Yankee was borrowed by\\nCommodore Lewis, who has command of\\nthe American flotilla stationed at Sand}\\nHook, for the purposa of taking by strata-\\ngem ihe sloop Eagle, tender to the Poic-\\ntiers 74, cruising off and on Sandy Hook,\\nwhich succeeded to a ciiarm. A calf, a\\nsheep and a goose were- purchased and se-\\ncured on deck. T:iirty men, well armed,\\nwere seceted in the cabin and forepeak.\\nThus prepared the Yankee stood out o\\nMosquito r ove as if going on a fishing icip\\nto the Banks; ^hreemen only lieing on\\ndeck dressed in fisherman s upparel with\\nbuff caps on. The Eagle on perceiving the\\nsmack immediately gave chase, and after\\ncoming up with her and finding she had\\nlive -iock onboard ordered her to go down\\nto the Commodore, thfn five miles distant.\\nThehelmsman ot the ^mackanswe -ed Ay I\\nay, sir! and appfirenfly put up the helm\\nfor tliai purpose which brought liim along-\\nside the Eagle not three yards distant. The\\nwatchword Lawr .nce was then given when\\nshe armed men rushed on deck from their\\nhi(Jing places and poured into her a volley\\nuf musketrv wnicli struck the ciew witii\\ndismay and drove them so precipitately\\nirio the hoid that they had not time to\\nstrike tiie flag. Seeing the enemy s deck\\nclear, .Sailing-master Percival, who com-\\nm-vnded the expedition, ordered the men\\nto cease from firing upon wtuch one oi i he\\nmen came out the hold and stiuck the\\nE gle s colors. They liad on board a thirty-\\ntwo pound brass liowitzer loaded with can-\\nister shot, but so sudden was the surprise\\ntliey had not time to discharge it. The\\ncrew of the Eagle consisted of H. Morris,\\nmaster s mate of the Poictiers, W. Price,\\nmidshipman, and 11 seamen and marmes.\\nMr. Morris was killed, Mr. Price mortally\\nwounded, and one marine killed, and one\\nwounded. The Eagh with the prisoners ar\\nrived off the Battery in the afternoon and\\nlanded the prisoners at Whitehall, amid\\nthe shouts and plaudits of thousands of\\nspectators assembled at the Battery o cel-\\nebrate the anniversary of independence.\\nMr. Morris was buried at Sandy Hook with", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "150\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nmilitary honors. Mr. Price was carried to\\nNew York, where on Thursday he died;\\nand was buried with military ceremonies\\nin St. Paul s churchyard.\\nA traditionary version of this aifair, which\\nwe have heard from old citizens, says that\\nPercival wished to make his boat appear\\nas a market boat, that he placed one of\\nhis men on a seat close to the bulwark dis-\\nguised as an old Quakerish looking farmer,\\nwith broad brimmed hat and long staff in\\nhand, while he looked like an ignorant\\nboor at the wheel and by his answers made\\nthe British think he was half-witted. When\\nordered to drop along side under threat of\\nbeing fired into, he made a silly reply to\\nthe effect You had better not try it, lor\\nDad s big molasses jug is on deck and if\\nyou broke that he would make you sorrv\\nfor it.\\nTHE LAWRENCE FAMILY.\\nThe Lawrence family claim to be de-\\nscended from Sir Robert Lawrence, oS Ash-\\nton Hall, Lancastershire, England, who\\nwent to Palestine during the Crusades wilh\\nRichard Coeur de Leon, and parti f ipated in\\nthe siege of St. Jean de Acre, in the year\\n1119, and was the first to plant the banner\\nof the cross on the battlements of the town\\nfor which he was knighted. A grandson\\nof Sir Robert Lawrence, named Sir James\\nLawrence, married into the Washington\\nfamily, having been united to Matilda\\nWashington in the reign of Henry III.\\nGeneral George Washington s half brother\\nLawrence, was so named on account of his\\nrelationship to this family.\\nTlie first Lawrences who came to Amer-\\nica were two brothers, John, aged 17 years,\\nand William, aged 12 years, and also Mary\\nLawrence, aged nine years, wlio embarked\\nin the barque Planter, April 2nd, 1635 her\\npassengers were chiefly from St Albans,\\nHertfordshire, England. Another brother\\nnamed Thomas, came over in 1655, twenty\\nyears- later. The greater portion of the\\nLawrences in America are descended from\\nWilliam, the second brother.\\nThe first Lawrence who settled within\\nthe limits of Old Monmouth, whose name\\nthe writer has met with, was Elisha, a son\\nof William. Elisha commenced business\\nas a merchant, in the latter part of the\\nseven tee\u00c2\u00bbith century, at Cheesequakes, on\\nthe south side of the Raritan, but his store\\nhaving been pillaged by the crew of a\\nFrench privateer, iie removed to Upper\\nFreehold then a wilderness. He repre-\\nsented the county in the provincial Assem-\\nbly in 1708 9. His residence was called\\nChestnut Grove. He was born in 1666,\\nand died May 27tii, 1724. He married\\nLucy Stout and had children as follows\\nsons, Joseph, Elisha and John, and daugh-\\nters, Hannah, who married Richard Salter,/^\\nHilizabeth, who married Joseph Salter, Sa-\\nrah, who married John Ember and Rebec-\\nca, who married a New Yorker named\\nWatson. The second son, Elisha, had a\\nson named John Brown Lawrence, who\\nwas the father of tlie celebrated Commo-\\ndore Lawrence of Don t give up the\\nship fame, and grandfather of Commo-\\ndore Boggs, who so distinguished himself\\nin the Varuna in passing the forts below\\nNew Orleans during the late rebellion.\\nThe genealogy of the Lawrence family\\nhas been traced out and published with\\nmore or less completeness in several works,\\nthe most extensive of which is one devo-\\ntf d to giving the history and genealogy of\\nthe family, jiublished by T. Law rence, New\\nYork, in 1858. In the present article it\\nis impracticable to give the genealogy of\\nall the Lawrences in old Monmouth, but\\nwe append that of one branch, members\\nof which were quite noted in the Revolu\\ntionary history of tlie county as will be\\nseen by reference to sketches of them in\\nchapters previously published.\\nAs ab v*^ stated, the first, named Elisha,\\nhad a son named Jphn, wlio ran the noted\\nLawrence s line between East and West\\nJersey, v/ho was born 1708. This John\\nmitrried Mary, daughter of William Harts-\\nhorne, and had children as follows; John,\\na physician, who died unmarried Helena\\nwho married James Holmes, merchant,\\nNew York Lucy, wno married Rev. Hen\\nry Waddell, of New York, and who was\\ninstalled pastor of the Episcopal church,\\nat Shrewsbury, in 1788 Elizabeth, who\\nmariied William LeCompte of Georgia;\\nMary and Sarah who died single, and Eli-\\nsha, who married Mary Ashfield, of New\\nYork, and who was Sheriff of Monmouth\\ncounty at the breaking out.of the Revolu-\\ntion.\\nThe Hendricksons.\\nThis family is of Dutch origin, and mem-\\nbers of it were among the first whites who\\ncan\u00c2\u00bbe to New Amsterdam, (now New\\nYork). Captain Cornells Hendrickson,\\n(says our account,) was the first navigator\\nwho set foot on tht- soil of Pennsylvania\\nand West Jersey, and probably the first\\nwhite man who set foot in that part of", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n151\\nold Monmouth now comprised within the\\nlimits of Ocean. About the latter part of\\n1614 he cruised along the New Jersey-\\ncoast making explorations in the celebra-\\nted little yacht Onrest (Restless) the\\nfirst vessel built in New York. He re-\\nturned to Holland, in 1616, to give an ac-\\ncount of his discoveries.\\nOf the Hendricksons who settled in this\\ncountry among the first comers, were Rut-\\nger and Legar, who settled up the Hud-\\nson river at Rensaelters-wyck, 1630; Cor-\\nnells, who was there in 1642 another Cor-\\nnells came over in the ship Gilded Beaver\\nand landed at New York in May, 1658.\\nGerrit came from Scrool, in Holland, in\\nthe ship St. Jean Baptiste, and landed\\nMay, 1661 Alfred came from Maersen.\\nin the ship Fox May, 1662. Hendrick\\ncame from Westphalia in the ship Rose-\\ntree, March, 1663.\\nSome of the family at a very early day\\nsettled in old Monmouth, and during the\\nRevolution many of them were in the ser-\\nvice of their country in various capacities,\\nmeeting with the usual vicissitudes of war.\\nThis family ajjpear to be great sticklers\\nfor handing down old family names.\\nAmong the first comers over two hundred\\nyears ago and from that time on down\\nthrough the Revolution to the present\\nwherever Hendricksons have been or may\\nbe, there are found the Cornelius s, Ger-\\nrits, Alberts and Hendricks or Henrys.\\nThe Randolph Family.\\nThe ancient name of this family, so nu-\\nmerous in New Jersey and elsewhere, was\\nFitz Randolph, for which reason members\\nretain at the present day the letter F as\\nthe initial of a middle name. They are\\nsaid to be descended from Edward Fitz\\nRandolph who came when a lad with his\\nparents to Barnstable, Massachusetts, in\\nthe year 1630. The following items relat-\\ning to him are from New England author\\nities.\\nIn a manuscript of the Rev. John Lo-\\nthrop, the first pastor of the churches at\\nBarnstable and Scituate, the names of own-\\ners of dwellings which were built when he\\narrived, and also those built shortly after\\nare given. From his manuscript, copied\\nin a modern New England work, the fol-\\nlowing items are extracted\\nThe Houses in ye planta [manuscript\\nobliterated.\\nScituate,\\nAtt my comeing hither, onely these\\nwch was aboute the end of Sept. 1634.\\nAfter naming those which were already\\nbuilt on his arrival, he says the 36th one,\\nbuilt in 1636, was occupied by the young\\nMaster Edward Fittsrandolfe.\\nFrom the church records of Barnstable\\nand Scituate are derived the following\\nitems relating to the founder of this fami-\\nly in America.\\nMarried. Edward Fittsrandolfe to Eliz- v\\nabeth Blossome, May 10th, 1637.\\nMiss Blossome was a daughter of Wid-\\now Blossome whose name is frequently\\nmentioned in Old Plymouth colony rec-\\nords as far back as 1632.\\nEdward Fitts surrandolfe joyned\\n(church) May 14th, 1637. Our Brother\\nFittsrandolfe s wife joyned August 27th.\\n1643.\\nBaptized Nathaniell son of Edward\\nFittsrandolfe, Aug. 9th, 1640. Died Na-\\nthanniell son ot Edward Fitts Randolfe,\\nDecember 10th, 1640. Baptized ISathan-\\niell son ot Edward Fittsrandolfe, May 15th,\\n1642. Baptized Mary daughter of Edward\\nFittsrandolfe, October 6th, 1644. Baptized\\nHannah daughter of above, April 23d,\\n1648. Btptized Margaret, daughter of\\nabove, June 2nd, 1650. Baptized John,\\nson of above, Jan. 2nd, 1652.\\nMary Fitzrandle, daughter above named\\nmarried Samuel Hincley, 1668.\\nThe last named Nalhanniell became\\nquite a conspicuous man in after ye.^rs.\\nIt is said that descendants of Edward Fitz\\nRandolph went to Piscataqua, New Hamp-\\nshire, and from thence removed to Piscat-\\naqua, New Jersey, and from thence de-\\nscendants went to Monmouth and else-\\nwhere. Bennington F. Randolpli, Esq\\nformerly of Freehold, the late Judge Jo-\\nseph F. Randolph, formerly M. C, and\\nSenator Theodore F. Randolph, are. we be\\nlieve, descendants of Edward Fitz Ran-\\ndolph.\\nBy the exM acts quoted above, it will be\\nseen that the old Puritan pastor was sore-\\nly puzzled as to the proper mode of spell-\\ning the name Fitz Randolph, but we cer\\ntainly must give him credit for noting\\ndown minute particulars.\\nWe have been informed that quite a\\ncomplete history of the Fitz Randolph\\nfamily has been preserved by some de-\\nscendants in Philadelphia, especially by\\nHon. Ross Snowden, a prominent mem-\\nof the Pennsylvania Historical Society.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "152\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nLONG BRANCH.\\nWho first Brought it into Notice.\\nThe earliest mention of Long Branch as\\na watering place in any historical work\\nthat the writer of this has found, is in\\nWatson s Annals of Philadelphia, publish-\\ned in 1830, as follows\\nThis place, before the Revolution, was\\nowned by Colonel White, a British officer,\\nand an inhabitant of New York. The\\nsmall house which he occupied as a sum-\\nmer residence was existing among a clump\\nof houses owned by Renshaw, in 1830.\\nIn consequence of the war the place was\\nconfiscated. The house was first used as a\\nboarding house by Eliiston Perot of Phil-\\nadelphia in 1788. At that time the whole\\npremises were in charge of one old woman\\nleft to keep the place from injury. Of her\\nMr. Perot begged an asylum for himself\\nand family, which was granted, provided\\nhe could get beds and bedding from oth-\\ners. Being pleased with the place he re-\\npeated his visit there three successive\\nyears, taking some friends with him. In\\n1790-1, Mr. McKnight, of Monmouth, no\\nticing the likmg shown for the place\\ndeemed it a good speculation to buy it.\\nHe bought the whole premises containing\\none hundred acres for \u00c2\u00a3700 and then got\\nMr. Perot and others to loan him two\\nthousand dollars to improve it. He then\\nopened it for a watering place and before\\nhis death it was supposed he had made\\nforty thousand dollars by the investment.\\nThe estate was sold to Rehshaw tor $13,-\\n000.\\nIn the foregoing extract Watson says\\nthe property originally belonged to a Brit-\\nish officer named White, whose property\\nwas confiscated during the Revolution.\\nWe cannot now recall the name of but\\nfour loyalists of the name who belonged\\nto or held property in old Monmouth, viz\\nPhilip, who was killr d by his guards in at\\ntempting to escape on the way to Free-\\nhold Aaron, (brother of Philip) and John,\\nboth of whom went to the British Provin-\\nces at the close of the war. and Josiah\\nWhite, of old Shrewsbury township, whose\\nproperty was confiscated and advertised to\\nbe sold at Tintou Falls, March 29th, 1779.\\nThe last named may be the one referred\\nto as we have found no mention of the con-\\nfiscation of property of others.\\nAccording to Watson it would seem\\nt\\nElliston Pbrot was the Founder\\nof Long Branch as a watering place. The\\nPerot family has been a prominent one in\\nPhiladelphia annals. During the Revolu\\ntion the Perot mansion at Germantown\\nwas used by Lord Howe as* a residence,\\nand after the war. while General Wash-\\nington was president, he also occupied it\\nfor a time during the prevalence of the\\nyellow fever in the city in 1793. Members\\nof this family have alwajs been patrons of\\nsome of our New Jersey watering places.\\nThe Last Indian Claimants.\\nAt a conference between the whites and\\nIndians held at Crosswicks, N. J., in Feb-\\nruary, 1758, two Indians known by the\\nwhites as Tom Store and Andrew WooUey\\nclaimed the land from the mouth of\\nSquan river to the mouth of Shrewsbury,\\nby the streams of each to their heads and\\nacross from one head to another. This\\nclaim was satisfactorily settled at a subse-\\nquent conference held at Easton, Pa., in\\nOctober of the same year. These Indians\\nbelonged to a band of the Delawares then\\nknown as the Cranbury Indians; their\\nprincipal settlement was about two miles\\nnortheast of the present village of Cranbu-\\nry and was established through the instru-\\nmentality of the celebrated Rev. David\\nBralnerd, and by him called Bethel. The\\nIndians came here in 1746 from Crossv/icks\\nto be away from bad whites. At the\\nabove mentioned Crosswicks conference,\\nseveral delegates, beside Tom Store and\\nAndrew Woolley, attended from the Cran\\nbury Indians with papers, claims, powers\\nof attorney, c., for themseives and the\\nrest of the band, all of which were settled\\nto the satisfaction of the Indians.\\nHistory and Traditions of Long Branch.\\nThe following extracts are from the New\\nYork Gazette, Morris Guide, and other au-\\nthorities, to which some comments are\\nadded\\nThe nomenclature of popular resorts\\nhas become matter of acknowledged in-\\nterest. Various surmises some ol them\\nabsurd, all incorrect havegonethe rounds\\nas to the origin of Long Branch, among\\nthem an hypothesis in a traveler s direc-\\ntory, that it was termed longest branch or\\nroute from that point on the seashore to\\nAmboy.\\nFrom the best sources we find a tradition\\ngenerally credited among the best informed\\ndescendants of old settlers, that a party of\\nIndians whose grounds lay back of this", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n153\\nportion of the coast, visited tlie shore in\\ntlie fall of 1734. So well pleased were ttie\\nred men with this inaugural visit to the\\nseaside, that like many of their modern\\nwhite brethren, they became habitues of\\nthe place, still adhering to the original\\ncamping ground, a location near the pres-\\nent Clarendon* Hotel the nearest to the\\ndepot. Here they made tiieir annual pil-\\ngrimage for fishing, c., and welcoming,\\nafter a long nurch, the termination of the\\nland, called the place Land s End this\\nbecame a general term for the extent of\\nwaste which tliey gradually explored, and\\non which they established otlier campinti\\ngrounds, such as Squan beach, g., and\\nthe original spot was designated as Laud s\\nEnd at the Long Branch, a small stream\\nbranching from the I Souih Shrousbury\\n(Shrewsbury) River and extending for a\\nconsiderable distance nearly parallel with\\nthe coast. This stream still m mders\\nthrough the vicinity of the depots and\\nsupplies an abundance of ice during the\\nwinter. The locality was thus designated\\nby the abbreviated term Long Branch,\\nA few years thereafter settlers bought\\ncrown lands for twenty shillin /s per acre,\\nand to protect their dwellings from the\\nwinter winds upon the coast, located them\\na short distance from the shore, pursuing\\nthe double calling of farmers and fisher-\\nmen. They opened the Burlington path-\\nway to Monmouth Court House and at-\\ntracted other settlers, thus establishing old\\nLong Branch village, one and a half miles\\nfrom the beach, and within a radius of this\\nlistance embracing a population of over\\nthree thousand. A portion of this village\\njust beyond the toll gate, is still quaintly\\ntermed the pole from a liberty pole\\nhaving been constantly renewed at this\\npoint with patriotic devotion since 1812.\\nThat portion which the wealthier citizens\\nhave erected for summer resorts is natu-\\nrally termed the shore, the nearest spot\\nBranchville, the South Shrewsbury river\\nlanding Branchport, three quarters of a\\nmile from the village, beside Rockville on\\nthe south and Loyalton on the west.\\nGuests at the beach still ao over to the\\nPole for purchases, in which a greater va-\\nriety is desirable than can be found at the\\nshore. Here is the red post office, though\\nfor greater convenience a branch shore\\npost office has been established.\\nWhen the old settlers at the Pole\\nhad opened the Burlington pathway to\\nMonmouth Court House, intersecting a\\nroad to Burlington, communication was\\nthen opened with this point of the Atlan-\\ntic coast, possessing advantages as a salu-\\nbrious seaside resort far superior to any\\nother. We are credibly informed that no\\nother portion of this coast commands a\\nbluflf of more than from half a mile to a\\nmile extent, while Long Branch has a con-\\ntinuous range of five miles of bluff, which\\nextends over a rolling country of increas-\\ning elevations back to Monmouth Court\\nHouse at Freehold, a distance of seven-\\nteen miles. At the early period indicated,\\nPhihtdelphians availed themselves of the\\nopportunity thus presented to drive over\\nthe new road and enjoy the luxuries of a\\nsea bath, but there being no inns tor many\\nmiles they were compelled to return a long\\ndistance on their way homeward for a\\nnights entertainment. A Mr. Bennett\\nproved himself the man for the times by\\nerecting a small building for the accom-\\ndations of these summer visitors, and up-\\non a site a. little east of the present Metro-\\npolitan Hotel; the exact ground has long\\nsince been confiscated by old Neptune and\\nis now available only for bathing purposes.\\nThis, by the way, is in the vicinity of the\\nIndians first camping ground in 1734. The\\nnext man of enterprise of whom- we have\\nan account was named McKnight he\\nbuilt a hotel about a mile down the beach\\nbeyoiid Pitman s. It was called Bath, or\\nGreen s hotel. This was destroyed by fire\\na few years ago.\\nTo the above readable article, which we\\nfind credited to the New York Oazette a\\nfew years ago, and which was copied into\\nmany papers in our State, we take excep-\\ntions on one or two points. The writer evi-\\ndentlv had not read the account of Watson,\\nwho had been familiar with the habitues\\nof Long Branch forty or fifty years before.\\nAnd we believe the Indians had visited\\nthe place long before 1734 in fact before\\nthe time the whites had any knowledge of\\nthe locality. Long before this the fierce,\\nwarlike Mohawks of New Yoi k, the terror\\nof N^w Jersey Indians, occasionally made\\ninroads into our State, conquering and\\nplundering the red men within our bor-\\nders, who were no match for them When\\nanticipating their raids, our West Jersey\\nIndians would send their squaws and chil-\\ndren to the sea shore for safety j and it is\\nprobable thatSquan received its name from\\nthis fact, being probably derived from the\\nIndian.words *S (/Maw, oj- Squaw s place. The\\nIndians who visited Long Branch in 1734\\nwere probably from Crosswicks, and after\\n1746 the Cranbury Indians frequented this", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "154\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nsection and laid claim to it as elsewhere\\nstated.\\nOrigin of Name The Great Wrestling\\nMatch.\\nLong Branch takes its name from a\\nbrook, a branch of the South Shrewsbury\\nriver, which runs in a direct line north-\\nw.^rd with the coast. It is of little use ex-\\ncept for gathering ice for the hotels and\\ncottages\\nTradition points loan Indian fishery, es-\\ntablished inl734, as the first occupation of\\nthis place, which was style l at that time\\nLand s End. A legend tells us that in\\nthose early time.-; four men. named Slocum,\\nParker, Wardell and Hulett came from\\nKhode Island in quest of land, i hey found\\nthe Indians friendly but not disposed to\\nsell. It was proposed by the Yankees that\\na wrestling match should be made up be-\\ntween one Indian and one of the whites,\\nto be decided by the best in thre\u00c2\u00ab- rounds.\\nIf the champion of the white hian won,\\nthey were to have as much laud as a man\\ncould walk around in a day if otherwise\\nthey were to leave peaceably .John Slocum\\nwas selected for the stiuggle e, man of\\ngreat proportions, athletic and of great\\nstrength,, courage and inflexibility of pur-\\npose. Great preparations were made to wit-\\nness the encounter. The chosen Indian\\nwrestler practiced continually for the\\nevent. The day lonji expected proved cloud-\\nless and auspicious. The spot chosen was\\nthe present Fish Landing. A circle was\\nformed and the Indian champion, elated,\\nconfident and greased from head to foot,\\napi^eared. Slocum advanced cuoly and the\\nstruggle began it was long and doubtful\\nfinally Slocum threw his antagonist but in\\nan instant the Indian was again on his\\nfeet. A murmur ran through the circle.\\nAgain the Indian made a violent effort and\\nboth fell. Another murmur was lieard.\\nSilence prevailed as they came together\\nagain, broken only by the roaring of the\\nsurf. A long struggle. Slocum inured to\\ntoil, hardy and rugged, proved too mucli\\nfor the Indian and threw him, to the in-\\ntense disappointment of the Indians and\\nundisguised joy of the whites. The terms\\nwere then all arrange 1. .John Slocum had\\ntwo brothers and they located that part of\\nLong Branch leaching from the shore to\\nTurtle Mill brook, embracing all lands ly\\ning north of the main road, from the sea\\nto Eatontown, between these two points,\\nto the south of Shrewsbury, except Fresh\\nPond and Snag Swamp, which was located\\nby one of the Wardell family. A consider-\\nable portion of these lands continued in\\nthe possession of the Slocums until thirty\\nnr forty years ago. All are now gone into\\nother hands. The Parkers placed them-\\nselves on Rumson s Neck. Hulett lived for\\na time at Horse Neck but afterwards left\\nthis region. Indian warrants, it is said, still\\nexist in the county conveying these lands\\nio the white owners.\\nAfter some years a few hardy settlers\\nfi om neighboring provinces purchased\\nlands from the agents of the Crown at the\\nrate of twenty shillings per acre, deeds for\\nv, hich, it is stated, are in existence over\\nthe signature of King George III or his\\nagents.\\nA notice of Long Branch in 1819, from a\\npaper published at the time, has been giv-\\nen in a previous article. Probably the most\\nnoted Indian in this section of Old Mon-\\nmouth was the celebrated Indian Will, of\\nwhom a number of traditions were pub-\\nlished in the Democrat, June 5th, 1873. He\\nwas well known at Eatontown, Long Branch\\nand vicinity, at Squan and along the coast\\ndown as far as Barnegat. A tradition in\\nHowe s Collections says the Indians in this\\nsection sold out their lands to Lewis Mor-\\nris in 1670, but Indian Will refused to\\nleave. The probability is that this tradition\\nhas confounded two transactions. Indian\\nWill, according to the best traditionary ati-\\nthoritjf, lived near a century later and the\\nIndian sale of land with which his name\\nhas been connected was probably the one\\noriginating at a conference held at Cross-\\nwicks in February, 1758, and concluded at\\nEastern Pennsylvania in the same year,\\nparticulars of which were given in the ar-\\nticle headed Indian Claims in Old Mon\\nmouth, in the Democrat of July 24, 1873.\\nNEW JERSEY WATERING PLACES-\\nTHEIR ORIGIN.\\nThe first seaside resorts in New Jersey\\nin all probability were Long Beach in\\nMonmouth, and Tuckers Beach in Little\\nEgg Harbor. The first named place, now\\nin cean county, is opposite to the vil-\\nlages of Barnegat and Mannahawkin and\\n(he latter opposite Tuckerton. Of these\\nplaces Watson s Annals of Philadelphia\\nsays\\nWe think Long Beach and Tucker s\\nBeach in point of earliest attraction as a\\nseaside resort for Philadelphians must", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nJ55\\nclaim the precedence. They had their\\nvisitors and distant admirers long before\\nSquan and Deal and even Long Branch\\nitself had got their several fame. To those\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ho chiefly desire to restore languid\\nframes and to find their nerves braced and\\nfirmer strung, nothing can equal the in-\\nvigorating surf and general air.\\nLoiiiT Branch last but greatest in fame\\nbecause the fashionables who rule all\\nthings have made it so, is still inferior as\\na surf to those qbove named.\\nBefore the Revolution, Philadelphians\\nand others from a distance, vrho visited\\nLong and Tucker beaches, went in old\\nfashioned shore wagons on their return\\ntrips from the city and took with them\\ntheir stoves, bhvnkets, c. Some people\\non the beaches began to make provisions\\nto receive these transient boarders and so\\norigiiinted tliis business in New Jersey in\\nwhich now annually is spent such an im-\\nm\u00c2\u00abn?^e amount of money. The shore wag-\\nons carted fish and oysters to Philadelphia,\\nTrenton and other places over a hundred\\nyears ago, and these p -imitive convey-\\nnnces on their return trips were first used\\nto convey health or pleasure seekers to\\nour earliest seaside resorts. What a con-\\ntrast between then and now between an\\noyster vv.tgon and a palace car 1\\nLong Brancli comes next in order being\\nfirst known as a watering place about\\n1788.\\nCape May began to be known as a wat-\\nering phice about 1813. Athmtic City was\\nfounded some forty years la+er, about the\\ntime of the completion of the Camden and\\nAtlantic Railroad.\\nThe forego ng watering places from\\nLong Brancii to Cape May. it is said, were\\nall hiouglit into notice by Philadelpliians.\\nA Sea Shore correspondent says\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2The first seaside health or pleasure\\nseekers from Philadelphia would present\\nquite a contrast with the great majority of\\nvisitors at our watering places at the pres-\\nent day in their methods of enjoying\\nthemselves. At home, being citizens of\\nproperty and siandmy they W(;ul(i of\\ncourse conform to the customs of city life\\nin dress and other matters, but at the sea-\\nshore they often adopted the common\\nfisherman cl tlie- -iind enjoyed tlicmselves\\nby fishing, oystering, bathing, c., unre-\\nstrained by fashionable conventionalities.\\nFrom the shore villages, the inhabitants\\nyoung and old would often get up beacli\\nparties to have a good time bathuig in\\nthe surf during tlie day, and enjoying\\nthemselves by plays and dancer in the\\nerenin^r, and it was no uncommon thing\\nto se; the visitors from the city mixing in\\nwitli their sports, evidently enjoying and\\nbeing benefitted by them. Some twenty\\nyears ago I frequently met, at one of our\\nsertside resorts a prcmiinent young Phila-\\ndelphia merchant whom I especially no-\\nticed because an ancestor of his first\\nbrought Long Branch into notice and his\\nmethod of enjoying himself was similar to\\nour first shore visitors. He had his own\\nfishing boat and pleasure yacht at times\\nin red flannel shirt and fisherman clothes\\nhe would engage in fishing, oystering, fec.,\\nand he was an expert in handling his\\nyacht whether by himself, racing with\\notiier boats, or taking rural parties on\\npleasure excursions. He evidently en-\\njoyed himself in these healthful methods\\nof passing away his time, reminding me of\\nthe celebrated Prince Murat s manner of\\nspending his time in the same locality\\nsome forty or fifty years before.\\nCaptain Molly Pitcher.\\nHer bravery at Fort Clinton and Monmouth\\nHer Sad End.\\nFrom various articles relating to this\\nnoted woman the following are selected\\nTlie story of a woman who rendered\\nessential service to the Americans in the\\nbattle of Monmouth is founded on fact.\\nSde was a female of masculine mould, and\\ndressed in a mongrel suit, with the petti-\\ncoats of her own sex and an artilleryman s\\ncoat, cocked hat and feathers. The anec-\\ndote usually related is as follows Before\\nthe armies engaged in general action, two\\nof the advanced batteries commenced a\\nsevere fire against each other. As the heat\\nwas excessive, Molly, who was the wife of\\na cannonier, constantly ran to bring her\\nhust)and water from a neighboi ing spring.\\nWhile passing to his post she saw him fall\\nand on hastening to his assistance, found\\niiim dead. At tlie same moment she\\nheard an oflBcer order tlie cannon to be re-\\nmoved from its place, comi laining he\\ncould not fill his post with as brave a man\\nas had been killed. No, said the in-\\nirepid Moliy, fixing her eyes upon the of-\\nficer, tde cannon i-hall not be removed\\ni or the want of someone to serve it since\\nmy brave husband is no more, I will use\\nmy utmost exertious to avenge his death.\\nTlie activity and courage with which she\\nperformed the office of cannonier during\\nthe action, attracted the attention of all", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "156\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nwho witnessed it, and finally of Washing-\\nton himself, who afterward gave her the\\nrank of lieutenant and granted her half-\\npay during life. She wore an epaulette\\nand was called ever after Captain Molly.\\nHoioe s Collections.)\\nLossiNG in his Field Book of the Revo-\\nlution thus mentions Molly Pitcher\\nShe was a sturdy young camp follower\\nonly twenty two years of age and in devo-\\ntion to her husband, who was a cannonier,\\nshe illustrated the character of her coun-\\ntrywomen of the Emerald Isle. In the\\naction (Battle of Monmouth) while her\\nhusband was managing one of the field\\npieces, she constantly brought him water\\nfrom a spring near by. A shot from the\\nenemy killed him at his post; and the\\nofficer in command, having no one compe-\\ntent to fill his place, ordered the piece to\\nbe withdrawn. Molly saw her husband\\nfall as she came from the spring and also\\nheard the order. She dropped her bucket,\\nseized the rammer and vowed that she\\nwould fill the place of her husband at the\\ngun and avenge his death. She performed\\nthe duty with a skill and courage which\\nattracted the attention of all who saw her.\\nOn the following morning, covered with\\ndirt and blood, General Greene presented\\nher to General Washington, who admiring\\nher bravery, conferred upon her the com-\\nmission of Sergeant. By his recommenda-\\ntion her name was placed upon th* list of\\nhalf pay officers for life. She left the ar-\\nmy soon after the Battle of Monmouth\\nand died near Fort Montgomery among\\nthe Hudson Highlands. She usually went\\nby the name of Captain Molly. Th\u00c2\u00a9 ven-\\nerable widow of General Hamilton, who\\ndied in 1854, told me she had often seen\\nCaptain Molly. She described her as a\\nstout, red-haired, freckled-faced young\\nIrish woman with a handsome, piercing\\neye. The French officers, charmed by\\nthe story of her bravery, made her many\\npresents. She would sometimes pass along\\nthe French lines with her cocked hat and\\nget it almost filled with crowns.\\nThe same writer visited the locality of\\nForts Montgomery and Clinton on the\\nHudson, where Molly Pitcher ended her\\ndays and there found old residents who\\nremembered the famous Irish woman\\ncalled Captain Molly, the wife of acanon-\\nier who worked a field piece at the battle\\nof Monmouth on the death of her hus-\\nband. She generally dressed in the petti-\\ncoats of her sex with an artilleryman s\\ncoat over. She was in Fort Clinton with\\nher husband when it was attacked in 1,^77.\\nWhen the Americans retreated from the\\nfort, as the enemy scaled the ramparts her\\nhusband dropped his match and fled.\\nMoLLEY caught it up, touched off the piece\\nand then scampered off. It was the last\\ngun the Americans fired in the fort. Mrs.\\nRose remembered her as Dirty Kate, living\\nbetween Fort Montgomery and Butter-\\nmilk Falls, at the close of the war, where\\nshe died a horrible death from syphilitic\\ndisease. Washington h^d hoaored her\\nwith a lieutenant s commission for her\\nbravery in the field of Monmouth nearly\\nnine months after the battle, when review-\\ning its events.\\nIS AN OYSTER A WILD ANIMAL OR\\nA TAME ONE?\\nThis question to many may appear ab\\nsurd but it has been broached in lawsuits\\nin our state involving business enterprises\\nto the amount of some thousands oi dol-\\nlars yearly. It originated in the question\\nwhether or not a man had an exclusive\\nright to oysters which he had planted.\\nThe first case carried up to the New Jersey\\nSupreme Court relating to planted oysters\\nbegan in old Shrewsbury township about\\nseventy years ago. A man named Lever-\\nson sued two men named Shepard and\\nLay ton for the larceny of 1,000 oysters\\nwhich he had planted in North river,\\nShrewsbury township. The case came be-\\nfore Esquire Tiebout who gave judgment\\nfor the plaintiff, three dollars. The de-\\nfendants appealed to the Monmouth Com-\\nmon Pleas where the Justice s decision\\nwas confirmed. The case was then car-\\nried to the Supreme Court and tried in\\n1808. The decision, however, was con-\\nfined to one point, that of planting where\\nthere is a natural growth Action does\\nnot lie for taking oysters claimed as plant-\\ned by him in a common navigable stream,\\nin which others were found. The court\\nseemed to consider the throwing of oyster\\nplants where there is a natural growth, as\\nan abandonment, and compared it to a\\nman who should take a deer in a forest\\nand be simpleton enough to let it go again\\nin the same forest, saying, this is my deer\\nand no man shall touch it; it would never\\nbe asked by the next taker what was the\\nintention of the simpleton the very act\\nof letting it go was an abandonment.\\nThe question of the right to planted oys-\\nters was again brought before the Supreme", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n157\\nCourt in 1821, m the noted case of Arnold\\nvs Mundy, on an appeal in a case from\\nPerth Amboy; but this suit hinged mainly\\non title to lands under water, the plaintiff\\nhaving purchased from th\u00c2\u00a9 East Jersey\\nProprietors some forty odd acres of land\\nunder water on which was the oyster bed.\\nJust fifty years after the laws relating to\\nplanted oysters had been first discussed in\\nMonmouth, the subject was finally and\\nclearly settled by the Supreme Court. On\\nan appeal from Cape May, tried in 1858, it\\nwas charged that Thomas Taylor had sto-\\nlen oysters to the value of eighteen dollars\\nfrom George Hildreth. This time the ques-\\ntion of the right to oysters planted where\\nthere was no natural growtfi was reached\\nand decided. As regards the questiorr\\nwhether an oyster is a wild animal or a\\ntame one the inference from the trial is\\nthat an oyster from a natural growth bed\\nis a wild animal and one from a bed plant-\\ned where there was no natural growtii, is\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2I tame one! The counsel for the defend-\\nant I aylor) plead thai oysters being an-\\nimals fene natures (of a v^ild nature wild\\nnimals) there can be no propter ty in them\\nunless they be dead or reclaimed or tamed\\nor in the actual power or possession of the\\nclaimant.\\nThe Chief Justice in giving the opinion\\nof the Court said\\nThe principle (advanced by defend-\\nant s counsel) as api^lied to animals ferm\\nnaturcB is not questioned. But oysters,\\nthough usually included in that descrip\\ntion of aniroals, do not come within the\\nreason or operation of the rule. The own-\\ner has the same absolute property in them\\nthat he has ir) inanimate tilings or domes-\\ntic animals. Like dor. estic animals they\\ncontinue perpetually in his occupation\\nand will not stray from his house or per-\\nson. Unlike finimals/ero; naiwro;, they do\\nnot require to be reclinmed and made tame\\nby art, industry or education, nor to be\\nc nfined in order to be within the imme-\\ndiate power of the owner. If at liberty,\\n*hey have neither the inclination nor\\npower to escape. For the purpo.^es of the\\npresent inquiry they are obviously more\\nnearly allied to tame animals than to wild\\nones, and perhaps more nearly allied to in-\\nanimate objects than to animals of either\\nde.scription. The indictment could not\\naver that the oysters were dead, for they\\nwould then be of no value nor that they\\nwere reclaimed or tamed for in this sense\\nthey were never wild and were not capa-\\nble of domestication nor that they were\\nconfined for that vvould be absurd.\\nIt was the decision of the court that\\nThe owner has the same absolute pi op-\\nerty in oysters that he has \\\\xi inanimate\\nthings or domestic animals, and the rule\\ntliat applies to animals fer B naiurce does\\nnot apply to them, and that an indict-\\nment would lie for stealing oysters plant-\\ned in a public or navigable river where\\noysters do not grow naturally, and the\\nspot designated by stakes or otherwise.\\nAlleged Infringements of Oyster Laws.\\nThe Newark Evening Courier of Decem-\\nber 21st, 1874, contained an interesting\\narticle relating to the oyster trade of New-\\nark Bay, Staten Island Sound, Perth and\\nSouth Amboy, c., during the year 1874,\\nfrom tvhich we extract the following\\nThe great beds at, the mouth of the\\nRaritan river, now retained and staked by\\nprivate individuals|for their own use, are\\nou(- mile and a half long and one mile wide,\\nriiey were what is termed a natural bed\\nup to forty years ago, and were first taken\\npossession of by a company from Perth\\nAmboy. Tiiey were held by this company\\nwithout color of law for about five years,\\nwhen the people interested in the oyster\\nbusiness compelled this monopoly to relin-\\nquish iheir claims on the beds, but in re-\\nturn they severally staked them off for\\ntheir own use, and still retain them to the\\nexclusion uf citizens of their own and oth-\\ner counties without the least shadow of\\nlaw. Il is thought that tliis question, to-\\ngether with a law looking to the better\\npreservation of oysters in the beds, will re-\\nceive the attention of tlie Legislature.\\nWe siiould suppose the law in this case\\nhad been clearly settled by the Supreme\\nCourt, wldch those interested can find\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0stated at length in 1st Halsled, case of Ar-\\nnold vs Mundy, and 3d Dutfher, State vs\\nThomas Taylor.\\nCOLONEL MONCKTON AND THE\\nROYAL GRENADIERS AT TilE\\nBATTLE OF MONMOUTH.\\nLieutenant Colonel Honorable H. Monck-\\nten, generally called Colonel Monckton,\\naccording to both written and traditionary\\naccounts was one of the most honorable of-\\nficers in the service of the British accom-\\nplished, brave, of splendid personal appear-\\nance and of irreproachable moral charac\\nter. He was in the battle of Long Island", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "158\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nin August 1776, when he was shot through\\nthe body and lay for many weeks at the\\npoint of death. He recovered and for his\\ngallantry on that occasion was promoted\\nfrom the 5th Company, 2d Grenadiers, to\\nbe Lieutenant Colonel and was in com-\\nmand of the battalion at the battle of Mon-\\nmouth, in which the 1st and 2n l Rojal\\nGrenadiers bore a consi)icuous part and in\\na charge, the heroic Monckton and the\\ngreater part of the officers of the genadiers,\\nthe flower of the Britisli army, fell from a\\nterrible fire from the Americans under\\nGeneral Wayne, The spoi where Colonel\\nMonckton was killed is said to be about\\neight rods north-east of the old parsonage\\n\u00c2\u00bbnd he was buried about six feet from the\\nwest end of the church. About thirty years\\nago a board was set up to mark his grave\\nby William R. Wilson, a native of Scotland,\\nwho will long and favorably be remem\\nberedby hundreds of citizens of Monmouth\\nand Ocean as a successful teac.ier and for\\nhis many good qualities of head and heart.\\nHe died t Forked River, in Ocean county,\\nabout nineteen years ago, and the respect\\nretained for him by his old scholars near\\nthe battle ground, and elsewhere in Mon-\\nmouth, was evidenced by tiie fact of their\\nsending for his body and giving it a suita-\\nble final resting place in the vicinity of his\\nfirst labors in this county. Mr. Wilson, or\\nDominie Wilsen as he was familiarly\\ncalled on account of his once having been\\na clergyman, deserves a more extended no-\\ntice than we have space for in the present\\narticle.\\nOn the board prepared and set up by\\nMr. Wilson was inscribed\\nHIC JACET\\nCol. Monkton\\nKILLED 28 June\\n1778\\nW. R. W.\\nMr. W. may have been induced to put\\nup the board by noticing that in the rem-\\niniscences of the battle published by Hen-\\nry Howe, who visited the ground in 1S42,\\nattention was called to the fact that no\\nmonument marked the grave.\\nIn 1850, Benson J. Lossing visited the\\nbattle ground and made a sketch of the\\nhead board which was given in his valua-\\nble work, the Field Book of the Revolu-\\ntion, and it is also given in a late number\\nof the American Historical Record Mr.\\nLossing says that when he visited tiie grave\\nthe only monument that marked the spot\\nwas a plain board painted red, mufih weath-\\ner worn, on which was drawn in black let-\\nters the inscription seen in the picture giv\\nen. The board had been set up some years\\nbefore by a Scotch school master named\\nWilliam Wilson, who taught the young\\npeople m the school house upon the green\\nnear the old Meeting House, In speaking\\nof Col. M nckton he says At the head\\nof his grenadiers on the field of Monmouth,\\nhe kept them silent until they were with-\\nin a few rods of the Americans, when wav-\\ning his sword he shouted Forward to tlie\\ncharge Our General VVayne was on his\\nfront. At the same moment Mad Antho-\\nny gave a signal to fire. A terrible volley\\npoured destruction upon Monckton s gren-\\nadiers and almost every Brili\u00c2\u00bbh officer fell.\\nAmongst litem was their brave leader.\\nOver his body the comf)atants fought des-\\nperately until the Americans secured it\\nand bore it to the rear.\\nCaptain Wilson and Dominie Wilson.\\nThe Grenadier Flag.\\nA writer in the American Historical Rec-\\nord, June, 1874, referring to the above no-\\ntice says it reminds liim of the relics of\\nthe Royal Grenadiers and of their gallant\\nColonel which are still in existence; and I\\nwas struck with the coincidence in name\\nof the Scotch schoolmaster, William Wil-\\nson, who set up the board that marks the\\nColonel s grave, with that of the Irish Cap-\\nlain, William Wilson, by the rifles of whos\\ncompany Monckton fell. On the parlor ta-\\nble of Captain William Wilson Potter, of\\nBellefonte, Pennsylvania, a great grandson\\nof General James Potter, of the Revolu-\\ntion, may be seen any day for tlie asking,\\nthe flag of the Royal Grenadiers, captured\\non thefield of Monmouth, by his (materni l)\\ngrandfather, the late Judge William Wil-\\nson, of Chillisquaque Mills, Northumber-\\nland county, Pennsylvania. The ground or\\nmain surface is lemon or light-yellow\\nheavy corded silk, five feet four inclies by\\nfour feet eight inches. The device at the\\nupper right coiner is twenty inches square,\\nand is that of the English Union which dis\\ntinguishes the Royal a.andard of Great\\nBritain. It is composed of the cross of St.\\nGeorge, to denote England, and St. An-\\ndrews cross in the Ibrm of an X to denote\\nScotland, lie field of the device is blue,\\nthe central stripes (cross of St. George)\\nred, the margnial ones white. The flag has\\nthe apptarance of having b; en wrenche l\\nfrom its staff, and has a few blood stains on\\nthe device, otherwise it looks as bright and\\nnew as if it ha l just come from the gentle", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "OLD TLV1K8 IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n159\\nfingers that made it, although ninety-six\\nyears have rolled away since its golden\\nfolds drooped in the sultry air of that June\\nday battle.\\nThe following is an account of that part\\nof the engagement relating to\\nThe Charge of the (Grenadiers,\\nAfter General Lee s retreat was checked\\nby General Washington in person, the lat-\\nter formed a new lin\u00c2\u00ab for his advanced\\ntroops, and put Lee again in command\\nGeneral Washington then rode back to the\\nmain army and formed it on an eminence,\\nwith a road in the rear and a morass in\\nfront. The left was commanded by Lord\\nStirling with a detacliment ot artillery\\nLaFavette with Wavne was [)osted in the\\ncentre, partly in an orchard and partly\\nsheltered by a barn General Greene was\\non the ri ht with his artillery under Gen-\\neral Knox, pos ed on commi nding ground.\\nGeneinl Lee maintained his advanced po-\\nsition as long Hs lie could, himself coming\\noifwitii his rear across a road whicli trav-\\nersed the morass in front of Stirling s\\ntroops. The British followed sharp, and\\nmet^iiiiii with a warm reception, endeav\\nored to turn the left flank but were driven\\nback; they tien tried the rijjht, hut were\\nmet by General Greene s forces and heavy\\ndischarges from Knox s artillery, which\\nnot only checked them but, raked the\\nwhole length of the columns in front of\\nthe U f t wing. Then came a determined\\neffort to break he centre maintained by\\nGeneral Wayne and the Pennsylvania\\nrej^imenti; and the Royal Grenadiers, the\\nflower of the British army, were ordered to\\ndo it. Tliey advanced several times, cross-\\ning a hedge- row in front of the morass and\\nwere driven back. Col. Moncton, their\\ncommander, then made a speech to his\\nmen (the troops ai the parsonage and\\nthose in the orchanl heard his ringing\\nvoice above the storm oi battle), and\\nforming the Grenadiers in solid col-\\numn, advanced to the charge like\\ntroops on parade the men marching\\nwitli such precision that a ball from Combs\\nHill enfihding a platoon isarmed every\\nman.\\nWayne ordered his men to reserve their\\nfire, and the British came on in silence\\nwithin a few rod. when Moncton waved\\nhis sword above his h^ad and ordered his\\ngrenadiers to charge. Simultaneously\\nWayne ordered iiis men to fire and a ter-\\nrible volley laid low the first ranks and\\nmost of the officers. The colors were in\\nadvance to the right with the Colonel and\\nthey went down with him. Captain Wil-\\nliam Wilson and his company who were\\non the right of the Ist Pennsylvania regi-\\nment, (Colonel James Chambers) made a\\nrush for the colors and the body of the\\nColonel. The Grenadiers fought desper-\\nately and a hand to hand struggle ensued,\\nbut the Pennsylvanians secured his body\\nand the colors; the Grenadiers gave way,\\nand the whole British army fell back to\\nLee s position in the morning. They de-\\ncamped so quietly in the night that Gen-\\neral Poor, who lay near them with orders\\nto recommence the battle in the morning,\\nwas not aware of their departure.\\nThe following reminiscences, published\\nby Howe were mainly derived from the\\nlate venerable Dr. Samuel Forman, who\\nwas on the battle field tbe day after the\\naction.\\nThe advanced corps of Americans under\\nWayne was on high ground close by a barn\\nabout twelve rods back of the parsonage,\\nwhile a park of artillery were on Combs\\nHill, a height commanding that ot the\\nenemy. The British grenadiers several\\ntimes crossed the fence and advanced\\ntoward the barn, but were as often\\ndriven back by the fire of the troops\\nstationed there and the artillery from\\nCombs Hill. At length ol. Moncton\\nmade to ihem a spirited address which was\\ndistinctly heard by the Americans at the\\nbarn and parsonage, distant only twenty\\nor thirty rods. They then advanced in\\nbeautiful order as though on parade. As\\nthey appeared within a few reds of the\\nbarn, Wayne ordered his men to pick off\\nthe officers. The spot near\\nwhere Col. Monkton was killed is (1842)\\nmarked by an oak stump about eight rods\\nnortheast ot the parsonage. Phe\\nmost desperate part of the conflict was in\\nthe vicinity of where Monkton fell. There\\nthe British grenadiers lay in heaps like\\nsheaves on a harvest field. Our informant\\nstates that they dragged the corjjses by\\nthe lieels to shallow pits dug for the\\npurpose and slightly covered them with\\nearth; he saw thirteen buried in one hole.\\nFor many years after, their graves were\\nindicated by the luxuriance of the vegeta-\\ntion. Among the enemy s dead was a\\nsergeant of the grenadiers, designated as\\nthe high sergeant. He was the tallest\\nman in the Briti.sli army, measuring seven\\nleet four inches in height.\\nThe day was unusually hot even for the\\nseason and both armies suffered severely;", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "1(30\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nthe British more than the Americans, be-\\ncause of their woollen uniforms and bur-\\ndened with their knapsacks and accoutre-\\nments, while the latter where divested of\\ntheir packs and superfluous clothing. The\\ntongues of great numbers were so swollen\\nas to render them incapable of speaking.\\nMany of both armies perished solely from\\nheat and after the battle were seen dead\\nupon the field, ivithout mark or wound,\\nunder trees and bende the rivulet, where\\nthey had crawled for shade and water.\\nThe countenances of the dead became so\\nblackened as to render it impossible to re-\\ncognize individuals. Several houses m\\nFreehold were filled with the wounded of\\nthe enemy, left on their retreat in care of\\ntheir surireons and nurses. Every room in\\nthe Court Hoase was filled. Tliey lay on\\nthe floor on straw, and the supphoation of\\nthe wounded and the moans of the dying\\npresented a scene of woe. As fast as they\\ndied, their corpses were promiscuously\\nthrown into a pit on thesiteof the present\\n(1842) residence of Dr. Throckmorton, and\\nslightly covered with earth.\\nIn aiJdition to the above statements of\\nDr. FoRMAN regarding the heat of ihe day,\\nwe remember on our first visit to the bat-\\ntle ground forty od(? years ago being told\\nby an old gentleman residing in the vicin-\\nity, while describing the battle, that both\\nthe British and Americans were so over-\\ncome by the heat, and were suffering so\\nmuch from thirst, that as they approached\\nthe stream, the troops of both armies, re-\\niiardless of discipline, broke from their\\nranks and rushed to the hrook to quench\\ntheir thirst at the same time, and but a\\nlittle distance apart. Many were unable\\nto resunoe their places in the ranks and\\nwe. e found dead as above related. Of the\\nBritish it is stated that fifty nine perished\\nfrom the heat.\\nVISITORS AT THE BATTLE GROUND.\\nIf there s a hule in all your coats\\nI rede you tent it\\nA chield 8 among you taking notes,\\nAnd faith ho ll prent it.\\nSo said the poet Burns in reference to\\nCaptain Grose, noted for his peregrinations\\nthrough Scotland collecting antiquities of\\nthe kingdom, and we have been forcibly\\nreminded of liis lines in reading various\\ncomments made by visitors to the Mon-\\nmouth battle ground. These commants\\nare in the main very favorable to the citi-\\nzens of old Monmouth, but occasionally we\\nmeet with an unpalatable note.\\nThe .author of the Field Book of the\\nRevolution says\\nI visited the battle ground of Mon-\\nmouth towaid the close of September, 1850,\\nand had the good fortune to be favored\\nwith the company of Doctor John Wood-\\nhull, of Freehold, in my ramble over that\\ninteresting locality. Dr. Woodhull is the\\nson of the beloved minister of that name\\nwho succeeded Rev. William Tennent in\\nthe pastoral care of the congregation that\\nworshipped in the Freehold meeting house,\\nand who, for forty hix consecutive years.\\npreached and prayed in that venerated\\nchapel. Dr. VVoodhull was born in the\\nparsonage yet upon ihe battleground, and\\nis so familiar with every localitv and event\\nconnei^ted with tiie conflict, that I felt as\\nit traversing the battle field with an actor\\nin the scene.*\\nMr. Lossiiig next speaks of a heavy storm\\nwhich compelled him to take shelter in\\nthe old Tennent church resting his port-\\nfolio on the high back of an old pew he\\nsketched a picture of the neat monument\\nerected to the memory of Rev. John Wood-\\nhull, D. D., who died Nov. 22nd, 1824, aged\\n80 years. He next refers to Rev. William\\nTennent who was pastor of that flock for\\nforty-three years, and gives an outline of\\nhis life, and then says\\nWhen tl)e storm bated we left the\\nchurch and proceeded to the battleground.\\nThe old parsonage is in the present pos-\\nsession of Mr. William T. Sutphen, who\\nhas allowed the parlor and study of Ten-\\nnent and Woodhull to be uised as a depos\\niiory of giain and of agricultural imple-\\nments! The careless neglect which per-\\nmits a mansion so hallowed by religion\\nand patriotic events to fall into ruin, is ac-\\ntual desecration and much to bn repre-\\nhended and de|)lored. The windows are\\ndestroyed, the roof is falling into the\\nchambers and in a lew years not a ves-\\ntige will be left of that venerable mem ^n-\\nto of the Jield of Monmouth.\\nWe visited the spot where Monckton\\nfell; the place of the causeway across the\\nmorass (now a small bridge upon the main\\nroad); and after taking a general view\\nof the vhole ground of conflict and sketch-\\ning a picture, returned to Freehold.\\nIt had been to me a day of rarest inter-\\nest and pleasure, notwithstanding the in-\\nclement weather for no battle field in our\\ncountry has stronger claims to the rever-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTn.\\n161\\nence of the American heart than that of\\nthe plains of Monmouth,\\nThe men nnd women of the Revolution\\nbut a few years since, numerous in the\\nneigliboihood of Freehold, have passed\\naway, but the narrative of their trials dur-\\ning the war have left abiding re cords of\\npatriotism upon the hearts of their de\\nscendants. 1 listened to many tales con-\\ncerning the Pine Robbers and other des-\\nperadoes of tlie time, who kept the people\\nof Monmouth county in a state of contin-\\nual alarm. Many noble deeds of daring\\nwere achieved by the tillers of the soil,\\nand their mothers, wives and sisters and\\nwhile the field o[ Monmouth attested the\\nbravery and endurance of American sol-\\ndiers, the inhabitants whose households\\nwere disturbed on that memorable Sabbath\\nmorning by ihe bugle and the cannon\\npeal, exhibited in their daily course the\\nloftiest patriotism and manly courage. We\\nwill leave the task of recording the acts of\\ntheir heroism to the pen of the local his\\ntorian.\\nThe following item we find published in\\na magazine over a year ago: Attention\\nhas lately been called to the condition of\\nthe grave of Col Monckton, in the burial\\nground of the Fre(-liold Meeting House in\\nMonmouth Co., N. J. It should be prop-\\nerly cared for, for Monckton, though a\\nfoeman to the Americans when he fell\\nmortally wounded at the battle of Mon-\\nmouth, was a gallant officer, and a man of\\nirreproachable moral character.\\nOUR GOOD LOOKING GRAND-\\nMO r HERS.\\nWhy Jersey Ladies ake so Attractive.\\nAll histories of Revolutionary times con-\\ncede that in patriotism our forefathers\\nwere not excelled by the people of any\\notlier state. From ihe following extracts\\nit will be seen that daring the last century\\nthe women also of New Jersey were held\\nin high repute by people in other states.-\\nJerseymen of the present day very well\\nknow tiiat the ladies of our state now are\\nhard to excel in beauty, intelligence, amia-\\nbility, industry and other deservable qual-\\nities. And it is gratifying to know that\\ntheir maternal ancestors obtained such\\nmarked commendation from competent\\njudge? in other states.\\nGuthrie s Geography, published by the\\ncelebrated Matthew Carey in 1795, says\\nThere is at least as great a number of\\nindustrious, discreet, amiable, genteel and\\nhandsomfc women in New Jersey in pro-\\nportion to the number of its inhabitants as\\nin any one of the thirteen states.\\nWinterbottom sGeograi^hy, published in\\nNew York the following year, quotes the\\nabove extract, but the author thinking\\nsuch compliments unusual in such a work\\nprefaces his quotation with the remark\\nthat It is not the business of the geogra-\\npher to compliment the ladies, nor would\\nwe be thought to do so when we say that\\nthere are in New Jersey as great a number\\nof industrious, discreet, c.\\nMorse s Geography, published in New\\nYork by the father of tbe celebrated Pro-\\nfessor-Morse, quotes and endorses the re-\\nmarks of both of the above writers, and\\nadds that the ladies of New Jersey are\\nas well educated and intelligent as the la-\\ndies of any other state. We will take\\nthe liberty here of expressing our gratifi-\\ncation that Morse quoted the most of his\\ncomplimentary remarks from other writ-\\ners had he expressed them in his own\\nlanguage we might reasonably fear as\\nbungling work as he made in describing\\nAlbany and its inhabitants. In an early\\nedition of his geography, which we found\\nin the library of the New York Geographi-\\ncal and Statistical Society, he says\\nThere are over six hundred houses in\\nAlbany, and the population is over ten\\nthousand mostly of the gothic style of\\narchitecture with their gable ends turned\\nto the streets.\\nTen thousand people of the gothic style\\nof architecture with their gable ends\\nturned to the street would have presented\\na remarkable spectacle. He probably\\nmeant this description to apply to the\\nhouses and not the people.\\nAmong more ancient writers who de-\\nscribed the jieople of New Jersey was Ga-\\nbriel Thomas, who published a work in\\n1698, describing Pennsylvania and West\\nJersey, but one copy of which is known to\\nbe in existence. From this copy, in the\\nPhiladelphia Franklin Library, we extract\\nthe following, relating to the inhabitants\\nof Pennsylvania and New Jersey\\nThe men are all industrious and\\nhealthy, the children born here are beau-\\ntiful, without spot or blemish, and every\\nmarried lady has a baby in her laj), or one\\nAhem I well, these old writers have\\nsometimes such a blunt way of expressing\\nthemselves, that a bashful man feels rather\\ndubious about the propriety of quoting ex-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "162\\nOLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\nactly the conclusion of the sentence, but it\\nsubstantially means tliat they jiresent ex-\\nternal evidence of soon being able to have\\none to tend.\\nFrom the foregoing it will be seen that\\nit is perfectly natural that Jersey ladies\\nshould be fascinating; they take after their\\nmothers and female ancestors like them\\nthey are industrious, discreet, amiable,\\ngenteel, handsome and intelligent. But\\nthese complimentary expressions are left\\nout of modern geographies, not because\\nthey are inappropriate, but doubtless out\\nof respect to ladies of other states and to\\nthe men of this; for if they were now pub-\\nlished in our text books, men from other\\nstates might flock here for partners to the\\naggravation of the girls they left behind\\nthem, and of the young men of New Jer-\\nsey, who would naturally object to such in-\\nroads for such a purpose.\\nOur Ancestors of English Origin. The\\nBEST BLOOD OF NeW EnGLAND.\\nThe following complimentary remarks\\nabout our first white settlers of English or-\\nigin are from Watson s Annals ot Philadel-\\nphia\\nThe vicinity of Philadelphia to New\\nJersey has had the etieci to contribute a\\ngreat deal of Jersey ])Opulation to the city\\nand a good race of citizens they make.\\nThey may be considered as a people much\\nformed from the best Yankee hlood. All\\nalong the seaboard, the first settlers there,\\nIS their names show, came from New Eng\\nland in colonial times. In the Revolution\\nthe Governor of Pennsylvania (Reed) was\\nfrom JNew Jersey; so too Attorney General\\nSargent and Commissary General Boudi-\\nnit. Not long since, all ihe officers of the\\nMayor s Court, Mayor, Recorder, prosecut-\\ning officers and even the crier were Jersey\\nborn.\\nThe First White Opinion of Old Mon-\\nmouth.\\nOn the 2nd day of Spptember, 1609, Sn-\\nHenry Hudson in the ship Half Moon,\\ncruised along the shore of the county, and\\nat night anchored not far from Long\\nBranch. His journal or log book was kept\\nby his mate, Alfred Just. After describ-\\ning the coast, c., at the close of the duy s\\nrecord, he says\\nThis is a very good land to fall in with,\\nand a pleasant land to see.\\nThis is the most ancient opinion of the\\ncounty to be lound expressed by a white\\nperson, and one in which all its citizens\\nwill agree as correct and applicable at the\\npresent day.\\nCONGRESSIONAL REPRESENTA-\\nTIVES.\\nBy an act of Congress approved June,\\n1842, all members of Congress were re\\nquired to be elected by Congressional Dis-\\ntricts. Under that law the following per-\\nsons have been elected to Congress to rep-\\nresent the districts to which Monmouth\\nhas belonged.\\nSecond Congressional District.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a228th Congress 1843-4 George Svkes of Burlington Co.\\n29 1845-6\\n30 1847-8 William A. Newell Monmouth\\n31 1849-50\\n32 1851-2 Charles Skelton Mercer\\n.33 1853-4\\n34 1855-6 George R. Fobbing\\n35 1857-8\\n.36 1859-60 J. L. N. Stratton, Burlington\\n37 1861-2\\n38 1863-4 William A. Newell, Monmouth\\n39 1865-6 George Middleton\\n40 1867-8 Charles Haight\\n41 1869-70\\n42 1871-2 Samuel C. Porker, Burlington\\nThird Congressional District.\\n1873-4 Amos Clark, Jr., Middlesex\\n1876-6 Miles Ross\\nIt is a coincidence that since the Dis-\\ntrict law of Congress passed, the Demo-\\ncrats have elected nine members and their\\nopponents just nine including Samuel G.\\nWright elected, but who died before tak-\\ning his seat.\\nCongressional Memoranda.\\nAmong those who were natives of, or\\nhave represented Old Monmouth in the\\nNational councils, may be mentioned the\\nfollowing\\nDb. Nathaniel Scudder.\\nDr. Scudder was a delegate to the Con-\\ntinental Congress from New Jersey from\\n1777 to 1779, ani was one of ttic signers of\\nthe articles of Confederation. He was the\\nson of Col. Jacob Scudder of Monmouth\\nCourt House, born May 10th. 1733. After\\ngraduating at Princeton College in 1751,\\nhe gave his attention to the practice of\\nmedicine. At the outbreak of the Revo-\\nlution he was commissioned Lieutenant\\nColonel, First Regiment Colonel same\\nregiment Nov. 28th. 1776. Delegate to\\nCongress 1777-9. He was killed by the\\nRefugees, Oct 16th, 1781, at Black Poini\\n(Shark River?) He was at the time en-\\ngaged in conversation with General David\\nForman and it is supposed the shot was\\naimed at the latter. General Forman at-", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "OLD TIMES IN OLD MONMOUTH.\\n163\\ntributed his marvelous escape to an invol-\\nuntary step backward which became the\\nraos,ifortv,nate step in all his life,\\nAn interesting outline of Dr. Scudder s\\nlife was published in the Monaiouth Dem-\\nocrat, May 29th, 1873, by Anna Maria\\nWoodhull.\\nJohn Anderson Scudder, M. D.,\\nWas a represt^ntative in Congress from\\nNew Jersey for the unexpired term of\\nJames Cox who died in 1810. He was the\\neldest son of Dr. Nathaniel Scudder, above\\nmentioned. He was born March 22nd,\\n1759; served as Surgeon s m.-ite in the Rev\\nolutionary army was a member of the As-\\nsembly for several years and finally re-\\nmoved to Kentucky.\\nGeneral James Cox.\\nJames Cox was a native of Monmouth\\nCounty, born in 1753 served several years\\nas a member of the Legislature, and was\\nSpeaker of the Assembly commanded a\\ncompany of militia in the Revolution and\\nwas at the battles of German town and Mon-\\nmouth was subsequently a Brigadier Gen-\\neral of militia. Was a representative in\\nCongress 1809-10. Died September 12th,\\n1810.\\nRev. Benjamin Bennett.\\nBorn in 1762, was a Baptist minister and\\na Representative in Congress from 1815 to\\n1819. He died at Middletown, N. J., Oc-\\ntober 8tli, 1840.\\nGarret D. Wall\\nwas born in Monmouth county, March\\n10th, 1783 licensed attorney in 1804 and\\nas counsellor in 1807. Appointed clerk\\nof the Supreme Court in 1812, holding\\nthe position for five years command-\\ned a volunteer company at the defence of\\nSandy Hook in the war of 1812, and was\\nQuarter Master Genernl of the State from\\n1815 to 1827. In 1827 he was elected to\\nthe General Assembly in 1829 was ap-\\npointed United States District Attorney\\nfor New Jersey and tlie same year was\\nelected Governor of the State by the Leg-\\nislature but he deciiued the appointment.\\nGeneral Wall was elected a member of the\\nUnited States Senate to serve from 1835 to\\n1841. In 1843 his health was impaired by\\na stroke of paralysis, but in 1848 he was\\nappointed Judge of the Court of Errors\\nanc} Appeals, which oflRce he occupied un-\\ntil ins death at Burlington, N. J,, Nov.\\ni2, 1850.\\nHis son. Colonel James W. Wall, born in\\nTrenton, was elected Senator in 1863 to fill\\nan unexpired term.\\nJohn C. Ten Evck,\\nwas born at Freehold, March 12th, 1814.\\nIn 1839 was appointed Prosecutor of the\\nPleas for Burlington county, holding the\\nposition for (en years; was a member of\\nthe Convention to frame a new state con-\\nstitution in 1844, and was elected United\\nStates Senator in 1859 to serve six years.\\nDaniel B. Ryall\\nwas born at Trenton, Jan. 30th, 1798.\\nCame to Freehold to practice law in 1820,\\nwhere he remained in practice 35 years.\\nHe was a member of the State Legislature\\nfor three years, and Speaker of the House\\nfor the same time. He was Representative\\nin Congress from 1839 to 1841. He died\\nat Freehold, Dec. 17th, 1864.\\nSamuel G. Wright was elected a mem-\\nber of Congress in the fall of 1844 but died\\nJuly 30, 1845, before taking his seat. He\\nwas born in 1787, and filed n^ar Allen-\\ntown (at Harrison s Hill\\nJames H. Imlay was a representative in\\nCongress from 1797 to 1801. We have\\nfound no record of his nativity but pre-\\nsume he was from Monmouth. He grad-\\nuated at Princeton in 178G, and was for a\\ntime a tutor in that college.\\nWilliam L Dayton w;is born at Basken-\\nridge, Somerset County, Febiuary 17th,\\n1807; graduated at Princeton in 1825, prac-\\nticed law in Freehold many years, was ap-\\npointed Judge of the Supreme Court in\\n1838 and appointed in 1842 to fill vacan-\\ncy caused by death o Samuel L. Southard,\\nand again in 1845 serving to 1851 United\\nStates Senator. In 1857 was Attorney\\nGeneral of the State; appointed Minister\\nto France by President Lincoln in 1861,\\nand died in Paris at Hotel d\u00c2\u00ab Louvre Dec.\\n1st. 1864. The most laudatory notice of\\nhim published in the Paris papers was\\nwritten by John Slidell, the Rebel Com-\\nmissioner whom Judge Dayton for three\\nyears had earnestly opposed.", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3357", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3416", "width": "2241", "jp2-path": "oldtimesinoldmon00salt_0174.jp2"}}