{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3665", "width": "2371", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "CENTENNIAL HISTORY OF OCEAN COUNTY.\\nHISTORICAL REMINISCENCES\\nOCEAN COUNTY, NEW JERSEY,\\nBEING A SERIES OF HISTORICAL SKETCHES RELATING TO OCEAN COUNTY,\\nORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN THE NEW JERSEY COURIER,\\nTOMS RIVER, N. J.\\nT\\nBy EDWIN SALTER\\nPRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE NEW JERSEY COURIER.\\nTOMS RIVER, N. J.\\n1 878", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "v5", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "PLD J\\nI M ES IN\\nP\\nC E A N\\npo\\nU NT Y,\\nHISTORICAL SKETCHES\\nOF\\nForked River, Cedar Creek and Vicinity.\\nBY EDWIN SALTEll.\\n[Note. The f^rcatcr part of the following sketches was prepared by request, for the\\nPresbyterian Society at Forked Kiver, Rev. James M. Denton, pastor, for their Centennial\\nFourth of July celebration. Since then, both Mr. Denton and the writer have received nu-\\nmerous letters from clergymen and others, asking for extracts, and also inquiries in re-\\ngard to matters not presented for want of time in the orginal paper. In consequence,\\nit has been suggested that the sketches should be published in the New Jeksey Courier,\\nwith additional matter, to make more complete historical notices of the places named.]\\nDISCO\\\\^BY OF OCEAN COUNTY.\\nWho first discovered this section of\\nour country Who first entered Barne-\\ngat Bay, and explored its shores Who\\nwere the first whites who located here\\nHave any accounts of the Indians once\\nliving here been preserved These are\\namong the first questions which natural-\\nly present themselves in making inqui-\\nries into the early history of this section\\nof our State. While the records of the\\npast, meagre indeed as regards this lo-\\ncality, do not furnish as full answers as\\ndesirable, yet much has been preserved\\nwhich is of interest to all desirous of ob-\\ntaining information on these and kindred\\npoints.\\nThe discovery of that part of New\\nJersey now kno-rni as Ocean County, was\\nby Sir Henry Hudson, on the 2d day of\\nSeptember, 1609, while cruising along\\noiar coast in the celebrated Dutch ship,\\nthe Half Moon. This ship was quite\\nsmall, being of only eighty tons burthen,\\nand of a build that would now be con-\\nsidered quite novel, reminding one of\\nthe curious-looking Dutch galliots, which\\noccasionally were seen in the harbor of\\nNew York a generation or so ago, which\\nused to attract the attention of, and are\\nwell remembered by old seafaring men\\nof Ocean County.\\nThis ship, two or three days previous-\\nly, hatl tried to enter Delaware Bay, but\\nfinding the navigation dangerous, no at-\\ntempt was made to land, and she again\\nstood out to sea. After getting fair-\\nly out, Hudson headed northeastwardly,\\nand after a while hauled in and made\\nland, Sept. 2d, near Egg Harbor. A\\nvery complete log of the ship was kept\\nby the mate, Alfred Juet, which was sub-\\nsequently pubUshed, and from which is\\nmade the following extract gi\\\\Tng their\\nobservations of the coast, bay, land, \u00c2\u00abfec.,\\nas they sailed close along shore. It will\\nbe seen it quite accurately describes our\\nGOftsfc from Egg Harbor on to witbiu", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "biglit of the Higlilauds of Niivcsiuk. The\\nlake spokcu of is noAV kiiowu as Banie-\\ngat Bay, aud the month of it as Barne-\\ngat lulet\\nSept. 2d, 1G09. WTien the sun arose\\nwe steered north again, and saw land\\nfrom the west bj^ north to the northwest,\\nall alike, broken islands, and our sound-\\nings were eleven fathoms and ten fath-\\noms. Then we luffed in for the shore,\\naud fair by the shore we had seven fath-\\noms. The course along the land we\\nfound to be northeast by north. From\\nthe land we first had sight of until we\\ncame to a great lake of water, as we\\ncould judge it to be, being dro^-ned land,\\nwhich made it rise like islands, which\\nwas in length ten leagues. The mouth\\nof the lake has many shoals, and the sea\\nbreaks upon them as it is cast out of the\\nmouth of it. And from that lake or\\nbay the land lies north by east, and we\\nhad a great stream out of the bay and\\nfrom thence our soundings were ten\\nfathoms two leagues from land. At five\\no clock we anchored, being light wind,\\nand rode in eight fathoms water. The\\nnight was fair. This night I found the\\nland to haul the compass eight degrees.\\nFar to the northward of us we saw high\\nhills. This is a very good land to fall in\\nwith, and a pleasant land to see.\\nThe next day the Half Moon i^roceed-\\ncd northwardly, and entered Bandy Hook,\\nand the day after, Sept. 4tli, a boat was\\nsent on shore, which contained the first\\nEuropeans who landed on New Jersey\\nsoil. It is supposed they landed in old\\nMonmouth, not far from Keyport. The\\nIntlians looked upon the whites and their\\nship with Avondcr, and some ventured on\\nboard with presents of green tobacco\\nleaves, aud seemed pleased to see the\\nwhites. After lingering there until the\\n10th, the ship got under way, and pro-\\nceeded up the Hudson River, which de-\\nrives its name from its discovery at this\\ntime by the commander of the ship and\\non their return down the river, the ship\\nput to Bca without any attempt to laud.\\nBy the extract given alwvc from the\\nlog of the Half Moon, it will be seen\\nthat the opinion of the whites who first\\nsaw this part of our coast, was that this\\nis a very good land to fall in with, aud a\\npleasant land to see.\\nEXPLORING OLR COAST.\\nThe fh st attempt to make exploraticms\\non our coast was in 1614, hy Captain\\nCornells Jacobseu Mey, in the ship For-\\ntune. He displayed considerable ego-\\ntism in naming places after himself, as\\nNew York Bay he called Port Mey\\nthe Delaware Bay, New Port Mey,\\nand its north point, Cape Mey, and\\nits south one, Cape Cornells. Only\\none of these designations has been re-\\ntained Cape May and that with a slight\\nchange of orthography. It is probable\\nit was he who gave tjje names to Banie-\\ngat Inlet aud Egg Harbor. On the map\\nof the original explorations, the inlet\\nnow knoAvn as Barnegat was marked as\\nBarcndc-gat, the Dutch words signify-\\ning breakers inlet, or an inlet with\\nbreakers. Absecom Inlet was also\\nmarked Bareude-gat, but the present\\nname, of Indiau origin, was eventually\\nsubstituted. Barende-gat was in course\\nof time corrupted by the English to\\nBarndegat, Bardegat, and finally to\\nBarnegat. Egg Harbor was so called on\\naccount of the luimber of gulls eggs\\nfound by the exjilorers (m the islands with-\\nin the inlet the Dutch calling it /v//t Ha-\\nven, which in English means Egg Harbor.\\nIn 1615, Captain Hendrickson, in n\\nlittle yacht called the Onrcst, (which\\nin English means Restless, also\\ncruised along the const to make explora-\\ntions. This little yacht was the second\\nvessel built in America. The year pre-\\nvious a Dutch shiiJ, while lying near\\nNew York island, had accidentally caught\\nfire aud burned up, and during the win-\\nter the crew nuilt the Restless, about\\nwhere Beaver Street, New York, now is.\\nWhen she was launched in the spring,\\nher first cruise was up Long Island\\nSound, under Captain Adrian Block, who", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "3\\nwent as far as Block Island, named after\\nhim, and his perilous adventures through\\nHell Gate, caused him to bestow the\\nname it has ever since retained. The\\nname he gave to what is now called\\nRhode Island, has caused a very natural\\nmistake to be made in our school text-\\nbooks, which say it was so called from its\\nfancied resemblance to the island of\\nRhodes in the Mediterranean Sea, while\\nthe fact is Captain Block called it lioodt\\nIsland Roodt, which is pronounced as\\nRhode, is the Dutch word for red, and\\nthe island was so called from red soil and\\nleaves that attracted Block s notice. Af-\\nter Block returned to Ncav York, Caj)tain\\nHendrickson took command of the Rest-\\nless, and cruised south along the New\\nJersey coast. He made a curious majD\\nof his discoveries, which he took to Hoi-\\nland, and which has since been copied in\\nthis country. One writer claims that he\\nwas the first white man who set foot on\\nthe soil of West Jersey or Pennsylvania.\\nFrom the small size of his yacht, about\\nsixteen ton\u00c2\u00a7, it is quite probable that\\nCaptain Hendrickson entered Barnegat\\nBay, and that he was the first white man\\nwho set foot in wliat is now known as\\nQeean County.\\nAnother noted navigator, named De-\\nVries, was on our coast April 15, 1633,\\nand says that off Barnegat he fished\\nwith a drop-line, and caxaght in two hours\\neighty-four codfish, Avhich are very good\\nflavored, sweet fish, better than those of\\nNewfoundland. And in 1(55(5, A^ander-\\ndonk, another noted Dutch explorer,\\nspeaks of Barnegat and Egg Harbor In-\\nlets as safe harbors, but says they are\\nseldom used, seemingly because their\\nseafaring men were not acquainted with\\nthe channel ways.\\nIt is probable that about this time,\\nthis section was occasionally visited by\\nwhite men from the settlements on the\\nDelaware and near New York, for the\\npurpose of explorations and to get furs\\nof the Indians, and before the close of\\nthe centi;ry, some Swedes from West\\nJersey, and perhaps others, had perma-\\nnently located at points from Toms\\nRiver to Egg Harbor.\\nTHE REVOLUTIONARY WAR.\\ni KEFUGEES AT FORKED EmilE, OEDATt\\nCP.EEK AND VICINITY.\\nj During the Revolutionary War, Forked\\nRiver, Goodluck and Cedar Creek were\\noccasionally \\\\asited by parties of Refu-\\nI gees under command of the noted Capt.\\nJohn Bacon, the Dover Refugee, Daven-\\nj)ort, and jDerhaps others.\\nBacon, in one of his raiding expedi-\\ntions, with fifteen or sixteen men, plun-\\nj dered the dwelling house of John\\nj Holmes then residing at the upper\\n(Frank Cornehus) mill. The party\\ncamped in the woods near the house un-\\nI til daylight and then came and demanded\\nmoney. Mr. Holmes had the reputation\\nof being somewhat forehanded, and the\\nTories expected to make a good haul.\\nIn expectation of such a visit he had\\nburied many of his valuable. and at this\\ntime he had most of his money hid under\\na gooseberry bush in the garden. The\\nRefugees put a bayonet to his breast and\\nthreatened to Mil him if his money was\\nnot forthcoming. Mr. Holmes s wife\\nhappened to have some money about her,\\nwhich she delivered to them, and this\\nI seemed to satisfy them as far as money\\n1 was concerned. They then ransacked\\nthe house and took provisions and such\\nother things as they wanted. An ancient\\nnewspaper, probably referring to this\\naffair, says that about the last of April,\\n1780, a party of Refugees visited the\\nhouse of John Holmes and robbed him\\nj of a large amount of Continental money,\\na silver watch, gold ring, silver buckles,\\npistols, clothing, c. While a part of\\nthe gang remained here, a detachment\\nwent over to Goodluck to plunder the\\nhouses of John and William Price, from\\nI which they took such things as they\\nwanted. John Williams, Esq., an aged\\ncitizen stUl living at Goodluck, who is a\\ngrandson of John Holmes, says that", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "among other things taken from the i\\nPrices were a musket, fife and drum, and\\nthat the last two came near causing^\\ntrouble among the Kefugees themselves,\\nfor as they mai-ched back to Holmes\\nmill to rejoin Bacon, they played upon\\nthem for amusement -vvdth such effect\\nthat Bacon thought a party of Americans\\nwas after him and he arranged his men\\non the mill hill prepared to fire as soon i\\nas the party emerged from the woods, j\\nUnfortunately for justice he saw who the\\nmen were in time to prevent firing.\\nBacon, in his raiding expeditions in this I\\nvicinity, was materially aided by an Eng-\\nlishman named William Wilson, better\\nknown as Bill Wilson, who pretended to\\nbe neutral, but who really acted as a spy\\nfor the Eefugees. During the war he\\nlived at Waretown but a patriot named\\nReuben Soper was killed on the beach\\nbelow the lighthouse, by the Eefugees,\\nand BUI Wilson was supposed to have\\naided, and the Waretown Sopers com-\\npelled him to leave. He finally located\\non the North Beach, about opposite\\nForked Eiver, where he lived to quite\\nan advanced age. There are persons\\nnow living who remember him, among\\nthem Eeuben Williams, who when a boy\\nwas quite a favorite of Bill Wilson.\\nBacon had a cabin, or cave on the north\\nliranch of Forked Eiver, near Franks\\nCrossway after he was killed his widow\\ncame from Pemberton to Forked Eiver\\nto get some of his things left in the cave,\\nand Eeuben Williams remembers some\\nof the incidents of her visit as related\\nby Mrs. Williams, with whom Mrs. Bacon\\nstopped. Mrs. Bacon lived during the\\nwar and long after at Pemberton, where\\nshe was respected by the Americans\\nshe had two sons who grew itp and went\\nwest and became useful citizens. In her\\nlate years she married a man named\\nMonis. The late Samuel Fox, of Barne-\\ngat, an aged citizen who died a few\\nmonths ago, knew her and her last hus-\\nband.\\nIt is well known that during the Revo-\\nlution, members of the same family not\\nunfrequently took different sides in the\\nwar, and tradition states that a relative\\nof the John Holmes mentioned above,\\nnamed William Holmes, sympathized\\nwith the Eefugees that at the time John\\nHolmes was plundered, his team was\\ntaken and this William was compelled to\\ndrive it loaded with plunder to a Eef ugee\\nrendezvous in Manahawken or Bass\\nEiver swamp that he was compelled at\\none time to act as guide in disguise, to a\\nparty who plundered John Eogers,\\ngi-andfather of Judge Eogers, of Cedar\\nCreek, when he was recognized and sub-\\nsequently compelled to cause the return\\nof the plunder. The Holmes family\\nAvas quite numerous in old Monmouth,\\nand nearly all were active patriots, some\\nholding honorable positions in the Amer-\\nican Army, but two or three aided with the\\nBritish, and at the close of the war left\\nfor Nova Scotia. Those of the family\\nnow living here are descendants from pa-\\ntriots who suffered severely for their ad-\\nherence to the cause of liberty.\\nTHE BEFUGEE DAVENPORT AT FORKED\\nRIVER, AXD HIS DEATH.\\nOn the 1st of June, 1782, Davenport\\nwith eighty men, half of whom were\\nblack and half white, in tAvo long barges\\nlanded at Forked Eiver, first on the\\nnorth side where they demanded pro-\\nvisions of Samuel and James Woodman-\\nsee, brothers who then lived on the\\nJames Jones and Joseph Holmes places.\\nThey then i^roceeded to the south branch\\nof Forked Eiver, to the house of Samuel\\nBrown, an active member of the militia,\\nwho then lived on the place owned some\\ntwenty odd years ago by John Wright.\\nThey plundered his house, burnt his salt\\nworks, and came near capturing Mr.\\nBrown himself, who just had time to es-\\ncape to the woods. Mr. Brown often\\nhad to sleep in the woods for fear of\\nI Eefugee raids at night.\\nAfter completing their work of de-\\nstruction, the two barges proceeded down\\nForked Eiver to its mouth, when one", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "went lip the bay, while the other with\\nDavenport himself proceeded down the\\nbay with the intention of destroying the\\nsalt works of the Americans at Ware-\\ntown and vicinity. Davenport expected\\nto meet with no opposition, as he sup-\\nposed no militia Avere near enough to check\\nhim. But before he reached Oyster\\nCreek he perceived a boat heading for\\nhim. His crew advised him to turn back,\\nas they said the other boat must have\\nsome advantage or they would not ven-\\nture to approach.\\nDavenport told them they could see\\nthe other boat had fewer men, and ridi-\\nculed theii* fears. He soon found, hoAv-\\never, why it was that the American boat\\nventured to attack them. Davenport s\\nmen had only muskets with which to de-\\nfend themselves the Americans had a\\ncannon or swivel, and when Avithin prop-\\ner distance they discharged it Avith so ef-\\nfective an aim that DaA enport, who was\\nstanding up in the boat, was killed at\\nthe fii st discharge, and his barge dam-\\naged and upset by his frightened crew.\\nIt happened that the water was only\\nabout four feet deep and his crew waded\\nashore and landed near Oyster Creek,\\nnot far from the place now OAvned by\\nJames Anderson, and thus escaped, scat-\\ntering themselves in various directions\\nin the woods and swamps. The late\\nJohn Collins of Barnegat remembered\\nsome of them calling on his father and\\nother Quakers begging for provisions.\\nBack of Toms River is a stream called\\nDavenport s Branch, which some suppose\\nto have derived its name from his having\\nplaces of concealment on its banks.\\nOLD RESIDENTS IN A BAD SCRAPE.\\nDuring the Revolution, three men\\nliving in this vicinity and Waretown,\\nnamed Asa Woodmansee, Richard Web-\\nster and Thomas Collins, hearing that\\nfarm produce was bringing exorbitant\\nprices in New York among the British,\\nloaded a whale-boat with truck from\\nfarms along Barnegat Bay and proceeded\\nto New York by way of old Cranberry\\nInlet, opposite Toms River, which then\\nwas open. These men were not Refu-\\ngees, but undertook the trip merely to\\nmake money by trying a kind of running\\nthe blockade business on a small scale.\\nThey arrived safely in New York, sold\\nout their produce, and were about return-\\ning home when the noted Refugee Capt.\\nJohn Bacon called on them and insisted\\non taking passage back in the whale-boat.\\nMuch against their will they Avere forced\\nto alloAV him to come on board. They\\narrived near Cranberry Inlet before sun-\\ndown, and lay outside until after dark,\\nbeing afraid to venture in the bay dui-ing\\nthe day. In the meantime the patriot\\nmilitia stationed at Toms River had got\\nAvind of their proceedings, and being de-\\ntermined to put a stop to the contraband\\ntrade, a small party under command of\\nLieutenant Joshua Studson took a boat\\nand went across to the inlet and con-\\ncealed themselves behind a point just in-\\nside. After dark the Avhale-boat came\\nin, but no sooner had it rounded the\\npoint than to the consternation of those\\non board they saw the boat of the militia\\nso close by that there was no apparent\\nchance of escape. Lieutenant Studson\\nstood up in his boat and called upon\\nthem to surrender. The unfortunate\\nsjjeculators were unai-med and in favor\\nof yielding, but Bacon knoAving that his\\nlife was ah-eady forfeited, refused, and\\nhaving his musket loaded suddenly fired\\nwith so deadly an aim that the brave\\nlieutenant instantly dropped dead in the\\nboat. The sudden, unexpected firing,\\nand the death of Studson, threw the\\nmilitia into momentary confusion, and\\nbefore they could decide how to act the\\nwhale-boat was out of sight in the dark-\\nness. The militia returned to Toms\\nRiver the same night and delivered the\\nbody of Studson to his wife, who was\\noverwhelmed with sorrow at his sudden\\ndeath. Studson s home then was in a\\nhouse near the water s edge, just below\\nthe present Toms River bridge. Some", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "6\\nyears after Mrs. Studsou married a\\nChamberlain at Toms Kiver.\\nThe crew uf the whale-boat, knowing\\nit was not safe for them to remain at\\nhome after this affair, lied to the British\\narmy and were forced into service, bnt\\nwere of little use as they were sick\\nwith the small pox, and suffered every-\\nthing bnt death, as one of them (Col-\\nlins) said, during their stay with the\\nBritish. Taking advantage of one of Gen-\\neral Washington s proclamations, offering\\nprotection to deserters from the British\\nArmy, they were afterwards allowed to\\nreturn home. James Mills, an aged, re-\\nspected citizen now living at Barnegat,\\nin his young days resided with one of the\\nWoodmansees on the James Jones place,\\nat Forked River, and frequently met one\\nor two of these ill-starred blockade run-\\nners. Thomas Collins lived to an ad-\\nvanced age, and was always badly scarred\\nfrom the small pox, which he caught\\nwithin the British lines.\\nTHE SKIRMISH AT CEDAR CREEK BRIDGE.\\nThe Refugee, Captain John Bacon,\\nhad rendered himself so obnoxious to\\nthe Americans that they determined to\\ncapture him if possible, and accordingly\\na sharp lookout was kept for him. In\\nDecember, 1782, a party of Americans\\nfrom Burlington County in pursuit of\\nhim, stopi^ed at the inn on the north\\nside of Cedar Creek, in later years kejit 1\\nby Joel Piatt, for rest and refreshment.\\nThey had not been in the house long be-\\nfore word came that Bacon and liis party\\nwere on the south side of the creek near\\nthe bridge. The militia immediately\\nmounted horse and started to meet them,\\nwith what would appear to be more i\\nvalor than discretion, for they had to j\\nto cross a long narrow crossway ended\\nby a bridge which exposed them to the\\nlire of Bacon and his men who were con-\\ncealed l)y a thick gi-owth of trees and\\nunderbrush on rising ground. The fol-\\nfowing account of the skirmish, which\\noccun-ed December 27, 1782, is from\\nCollins New Jersey Gazette, January\\n8th, 1783\\nOn Friday, the 27th nit.. Captain\\nBenjamin Shreve, of the Burlington\\nCounty Light Horse, and Capt. Edward\\nThomas of the Mansfield Militia, having\\nreceived information that John Bacon\\nwith his banditti of robbers were in the\\nneighborhood of Cedar Creek, collected\\na party of men and went immediately in\\npursuit of them. They met them at\\nCedar Creek Bridge. The Refugees be-\\ning on the south side, had greatly the ad-\\nvantage of Captains Shreve and Thomas,\\nin point of situation. It was neverthe-\\nless determined to charge them. The\\nonset on the part of the militia was fu-\\nrious, and opposed by the Refugees with\\ngreat firmness for a considerable time,\\nseveral of them having been guilty of\\nsuch enormous crimes as to have no ex-\\npectation of mercy should they surren-\\nder. They were nevertheless on the\\npoint of giving way, when the militia\\nwere unexpectedly fired upon from a\\nparty of the inhhabitants near the place,\\nwho had suddenly come to Bacon s assist-\\nance. This put the militia in some\\nconfusion and gave the Refugees time U^\\nget oft William Cooke, Jr., sou of\\nWilliam Cooke, Esq., was unfortunately\\nkilled in the attack, and Robert Reckless\\nwounded. On the part of the Refugees\\nIchabod Johnson, (for whom the govern-\\nment had offered a reward of \u00c2\u00a325) was\\nkiUed on the spot. Bacon and three\\nmore of the party are wounded. The\\nmilitia are in pursuit of the Refugees,\\nand have taken several of the inhabi-\\ntants prisoners, who were with Bacon in\\nthe action at the bridge, and are now in\\nBurhngton jail some have confessed\\nthe fact. They have also taken a con-\\nsiderable quantity of contraband and\\nstolen goods, in searching some suspected\\nhouses and cabins on the shore.\\nJohn Salter, a member of Captain\\nShreve s Light Horse trt)op, was also\\nwoimded in the action.\\nAs before stated, in this attack the", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "Refugees Lad great advantage iu posi-\\ntion, being on tlie south side of the i\\ncreek, on rising ground at the edge of a I\\nthick wood which commanded the long\\nnarrow causeway and bridge over which\\nthe Americans had to pass. Cooke was\\non the bridge when killed, and his horse,\\nmortally wounded, sprang off into the\\nstream a man named Imlay found the J\\nbody of the horse at a landing below I\\nand secured the bridle, c. next day.\\nAll the Refugees kept concealed iu the\\nwoods, except Ichabod Johnson, who\\nfoolhardily showed himself, daring the\\nmilitia to come on, when he was instantly\\nshot, and died during the day at the\\nhouse of a man named Woodmansee,\\nwho then lived, it is said, on the place\\nnoAV owned by Judge David I. C. Rogers.\\n((James Mills, an aged resident of Bar-\\nuegat, who .in his youth lived at Forked\\nRiver, and was then acquainted with\\nstirvivors of the Revolution, says that\\nhe was told that Ichabod Johnson was\\nearned to the house of James Wood-\\nmansee, where he died that James\\nWoodmansee then or subsequently lived\\non the place in late years owned by the\\nlate Capt. Joseph Holmes, and that this\\nWoodmansee had his house twice plun-\\ndered by Refugees. The Woodmansees\\nwere not sympathisers with the Refugees,\\nbut some of the family seem to have\\nbeen Quakers, or inclined to their belief.\\nThe ancient paper quoted above, speaks\\nof some of the inhabitants as aiding\\nBacon. There were no residents of the\\nplace who rendered Bacon assistance,\\nbut skulking, roving Refugees who had\\ncabins or caves at different points back\\nin the woods near the head waters of the\\nvarious streams, where they made tem-\\nporary stay in their travels up and down\\nshore. Remains of these places of con-\\ncealment have been found in late years.\\nWe are quite confident that no known\\nRefugee lived in any of o\\\\ir shore vil-\\nlages.\\nFrom the unusual number of men\\nwith Bacon at this time, and from the\\nfact that the war was .about closed, it is\\nnot improbable that the Refugees all\\nalong shore were endeavoring to get to\\nNew York, to leave the country for Nova\\nScotia, Bermuda Islands, and other\\nplaces, with other British sympathisers,\\nwho were then leaving New York in great\\nnumbers, in ships provided by the Brit-\\nish government. This skirmish at Cedar\\nCreek, and the general watchfulness of\\nthe militia, probably caused the Refugee\\nband to scatter, and each member to\\nlook out for himself. Bacon himself,\\nwith unaccountable foolhardiness, re-\\nmained until the following spring, when\\nhe was killed about half a mile below\\nWest Creek, at the house of a woman\\nknown as Old Mother Rose, by a\\nparty of Americans, among whom was\\nyoung Cooke s brother.\\nSETTLEMENT OF FORKED RIVER.\\nThe first regular survey of lands iu\\nthis section was by order of the Gov-\\nernor and Twenty-four Proprietors, in\\nInstructions concerning laud, dated\\nJuly 3d, 1685, which directs as follows\\nThat whenever there is a convenient\\nplot of ground lying together, consist-\\ning of twenty-four thousand acres, as wo\\nare informed will more especially be at\\nBarnegat, it be marked in twenty-four\\nparts, a thousand acres to each propriety,\\nand the parts being made as equal as can\\nbe, for quality and situation, the first\\ncomers, presently settling, to have the\\nchoice of divisions, and where several\\nstand in that respect upon equal terms\\nand time of settling, the choice to be de-\\ntermined by lot.\\nIn pursuance of these instructions, the\\nland in this vicinity and elsewhere along\\nBarnegat Bay was divided off into tracts\\nof a thousand acres each, and the titles\\nto land now are derived originally from\\nthe individual proprietors to whom tho\\ntracts were allotted. Baker s Patent,\\nso frequently mentioned iu old deeds,", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "and on which ii part of the village of\\nForked River is located, was probably\\nthe thousand acres allotted to Thomas\\nBarker, (sometimes called Baker in old\\nrecords) who was a Loudon merchant\\nand one of the Twenty-four Proprietors\\nbut he never came to America.\\nThe first settlers, who piirchased from\\nthe proprietors, generally located some\\ndistance east of the main shore road and\\nnot far from where the uplands join the\\nmeadows. Their dwellings in this vicin-\\nity were generally situated about in a line\\nfrom the old Captain Benjamin Stout\\nfarm, east of Goodluck Church across\\nStout s creek, by the Joseph Holmes and\\nJames Jones places, and thence to the\\nsouth side of Forked River by the old\\nJames Chamberlain or Ezekiel Lewis\\nIjlace and James Anderson s then across\\nOyster Creek by the old Camburu home-\\nstead. And the original main route of\\ntravel along here appears to have been\\nby these places. Then the little north\\nbranch of Forked River, now known as\\nBridge Creek, had a bridge over it, and\\nthere was a ferry across Forked River\\nnearly opposite the old Wells swamp at\\nthe place still called the ferry, by old\\nresidents.\\nA century ago, the most noted resi-\\ndents appear to have been David\\nWoodmansee, who lived on the place\\nnow owned by Judge D. I. C. Rogers\\nThomas Potter, who lived on the farm\\neast of Goodluck Church Samuel,\\nJames and Gabriel Woodmansee, sons of\\nDavid, who lived on the James Jones and\\nJoseph Holmes farms Samuel Brown,\\nwho lived on the old Wright place on\\nsouth branch of Forked River and John\\nHolmes, who lived at the upi^er mill,\\nForked River. William Price, who was\\na captain in the militia during the Rev-\\nolution, and his brother John, who was\\nmade Major after the war, moved to\\nGoodluck two or three years before the\\nwar ended. There was a tavern at Good-\\nluck before the war, and one just over\\nCedar Creek during the war.\\nBUSINESS IN OLD TIMES.\\nThe first permanent settlers at Forked\\nRiver, as well as other places along-\\nshore, depended for a livelihood on culti-\\nvating the soil and the products of the\\nbay. After getting fairly settled, the\\nnext consideration was to find something\\nthey could send to New York and other\\nplaces to exchange for articles they\\ncould not raise. About the first enter-\\nprise of this kind they engaged in was\\ncutting the cedar in the swamps for rails,\\nshingles, etc. to export. Many vessels\\nwere engaged in carrying cedar-rails to\\niliflferent pomts on the Delaware River,\\nand other places. It will surprise some\\nwho remember the thick, heavy growth\\nof cedar on the branches of Forked River,\\nCedar Creek, Oyster Creek and other\\nstreams forty years or so ago, to lears\\nthat it was all a second grow.th, the first\\ngrowth having been cut off along Barnc-\\ngat Bay as long ago as 1760.\\nThe next important business was in\\npine lumber, to pirepare which saw-mills\\nwere built on the head water of the\\nstreams, generally a few miles west of the\\nmain shore road among them Double\\nTrouble INIill on Cedar Creek, the Frank\\nCornelius Mill on Forked River, onco\\nowned by the noted Thomas Potter,\\nLittle Mill on Oyster Creek, and the\\nWaeirs Mill near Waretown. To persons\\nwho remember, the obstructions in these\\nstreams in late years by branches of\\ntrees, logs, c. it would seem a difficult\\ntask to float lumber down them towards\\nthe bay; but the streams then were\\ncleared, and small rafts of lumber made\\nand floated down towards their moutlis\\nready for shipping. This business was\\nquite flourishing just before the Revolu-\\ntion, and also after that war until the\\nearly part of the present centuiy when it\\nbegan to decline, probably because the\\nconvenient timber was generally cut oft\\nand also because of competition from\\nplaces more convenient to market.\\nWhile this business flourished along our\\nbay, lumber from here was sent to New", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "York, Newark, New Bruuswiek, ami utli-\\ner places.\\nWhen the ecdar swamps began to give\\nout, our shore people feared their vessels\\nwould no longer be of use, but the lum-\\nber trade sprang up and gave them am-\\npie cmijloyment. Then, in turn, the I\\nlumber business began to fail, and again\\nour people feared ruin. But about this\\ntime -were rumors that Fulton, Fitch, and\\nothers had made inventions by -which\\nvessels could be run by steam, and that\\nthese steam vessels would eventually\\ntake the place of sail vessels. The coast-\\ners were incredulous, and ridiculed the\\nidea of a vessel being di iven by a kettle\\nfull of boiling water, Nevertheless,\\nsteamboats proved a success, and not\\nonly that, but the salvation instead of\\nthe ruin of the coasters, for they required\\nbefore many years, an immense amount\\nof pine cord wood for fuel, which our\\ncoasters could carry and did carry from\\nvarious places along the bay. Some\\nthirty odd years ago the cord wood along\\nshore began to give out, and then again\\ncame the inquiry what business next\\ncould be found for vessels This was\\nsatisfactorily answered to many by the\\nstarting of the charcoal trade. The long\\nranks of cord- wood near the npper and\\nlower landings of north branch of Fork-\\ned River and on the middle and south\\nl)ranches, with which old residents had\\nbeen familiar from childhood, gave way\\nto piles of charcoal, the dust from which i\\nrendered it almost impossible to tell\\nwhether our seafaring friends in the\\nl)usiness were white or black. AVheu\\nthis trade gave out, trade from Virginia\\nand other southern States became brisk.\\nThe great civil war interrTipted that and j\\napparently ruined it, but it soon opened\\nother and more remunerative business in\\ncarrying supplies for the army. And\\nnow the coasting trade is again at a low\\nebb and those engaged in it, as their\\npredecessors often have before, are won-\\ndering if it is possible for anything to\\nturn up to revive it. j\\nHEmuiOUS .SOCIETIES .^I.ONO SHOICE.\\nThe first preachers who visited any\\npart of the New Jersey shore, of whom\\nAve have any account, belonged to the\\nSociety of Friends, commonly called\\nQuakers. This Society established a\\nmeeting at Tuckerton, in 1704, and built a\\nmeeting house there in 1709.\\nThe first religious society established\\nin Ocean County was jjrobably that of\\nthe Rogerine Bajitists, a company of\\nwhom came to Waretown about 17:37, and\\nremained here about eleven years, and\\nthen left. They Avere singular people in\\ntheir ideas of worship among other pe-\\nculiarities, the members took work to\\nmeeting with them, and during services\\nthe men made axe and hoe handles, the\\nwomen knit, sewed, c. The principal\\nmember of the Society Avas Abraham\\nWaeir, from Avhom WaretoAvn derives its\\nname.\\nAn Episcopalian clergyman, named\\nRev. Thomas Thompson, visited Barue-\\ngat and Manahawken, while he was a\\nmissionary in Old Monmouth, from 1745\\nto 1751, and on his return sent Christo-\\npher Robert Reynolds, Avho was a school\\nmaster of the Society for the Propaga-\\ntion of the Gospel in foreign parts, to\\nlabor at these tAvo places, but on account\\nof his age and infirmity he remained but\\na short time.\\nAt Manahawken, according to the\\nrecord there, three Baptists named James\\nHey wood, and Benjamin and Reuben\\nRandolph, settled about 1760; and Au-\\ngust 25th, 1770, a Baptist Society was\\norganized there.\\nA church, which tradition says was\\nfree to all denominations, was built at\\nManahawken as early as 1758, which A\\\\ as\\nthe first church built in Ocean County.\\nThis church is noAV known as the Baptist\\nChurch.\\nThe second church built in Ocean\\nCounty, was the noted Potter Clnu ch, at\\nGoodliick^ built by Thomas Potter about\\n17G5, which lie intended to be free to all\\ndenomiufttions.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "10\\nThe third church built iu Oceau Coun-\\nty, was the Quaker Meeting House, at\\nBaruegat, erected as early as 1770. This\\nwas the first church in the county 1 )uilt\\nfor a particular society.\\nI RESBYTERIANISM AT FOKKED KIVEU AND\\nVI(!INITY.\\nThe first preachers of any religious so-\\nciety who held meetings at either Forked\\nRiver, Goodluck or Cedar Creek, of\\nwhom the WTiter has found mention,\\nwere Presbyterians. Ministers of this\\nsociety visited Old Monmouth and Egg\\nHarbor at least as early as 1746, and reg-\\nular supplies were furnished for Egg\\nHarbor as early as 1755, during which\\ntime it is possible some may have held\\noccasional meetings in this vicinity, and\\nit is probable that ,Ilev. John Braiuerd\\nvisited here about 1700.\\nThe first notice of regular meetings iu\\nthis vicinity and elsewhere along shore,\\nis found in the following letter from Ecv.\\nJohn Brainerd to Rev. Enoch Green\\nTrenton, June 21.s/, 1701.\\nReverend and Dear Sir It has\\nnot been in my power, by any means, to\\nmake a visit to the shore, since the ses-\\nsion of the Synod, and consequently\\ncould not make appointments for yoii.\\nYour places of preaching, however, M ill\\nbe as follows\\nToms River will be the most north( rly\\nplace. Then southward, Goodluck,\\ncither at Thomas Potter s or David\\nWooilmansee s Baruegat, at Mr. Ru-\\nlou s Maunahocking, at IMr. Haywood s\\nor Mr. Randall s (Randolphs.)\\nIf you can begin at Toms River and be\\nthere a day or two before Sabbath, to\\nnotify them, you might make your ajj-\\nl)ointmeut8 and send them seasonably\\nbefore you. Thus, dear sir, in\\niu a minute or two, as I pass through\\ntown, I have given you these hints,\\nwhich may perhaps be of some use to\\nyour tour on the shore, in which I hope j\\nthe blessings of God will attend your\\nlabors, and am with all respect, reverend\\nand dear sir,\\nYour aftectionate brother,\\nJohn Braineki\\nTo Rev. Enoch Green.\\nP. S. If you could consult witli Mr.\\nThomas Smith and Mr. McKnight, who\\nwill succeed you, and make appointments\\nfor them, it would be of use. I hope\\nyou will be kind enough to call and see\\nme upon your return.\\nAfter the above named, the Rev. Ben-\\njamin Chesuut was appointed to supply\\nthis section, from the first Sabballi iu\\nSejitember, 1763.\\nWebster s History of the Presbyterian\\nChurch says There was in 1767 a new\\nPresbyterian meeting house at Baruegat,\\nand probably as early there was one at\\nManahawken. This is a mistake he\\nevidently refers to tlie old Potter Church\\nat Goodluck, then sometimes called Bar-\\nuegat, and to the old church at Mana-\\nhawken, commonly known as the Baptist\\nChurch, both of which were built to be\\nused free to all denominations. As they\\n^^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ere always open to PrcKbyteriaus, Web-\\nster inferred they were Presbyterian\\nchurches.\\nIt would seem tliat tie first Presbyte-\\nrian ministers who visited this vicinity\\nwere Rev. Messrs. John Brainerd, Ben-\\njamin Chesn\\\\it, Enoch Green, Charles\\nMcKnight and Thomas Smith.\\nDr. Hodge in his Constitutional His-\\ntory of the Presbyterian Church, says\\nThe effects of the Revolutionary\\nWar on the state of our churcli, were ex-\\ntensively and variously disastrous. The\\nyoung men Mere called from the seclu-\\nsion of their homes to the demoralizing\\natmosphere of the camp congregations\\nwere broken up churches were burnt,\\nand in moi e than one instance, pastoi s\\nwere murdered the usual ministerial in-\\ntercourse, and eilbrts for the dissemina-\\ntion of the Gospel, Avere iu a great\\nmeasure suspended, and public morals\\nin various respects deteriorated. The", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "11\\nwar seems to have suspeuded all Presby-\\nterian efibrts iu this section, and the\\nwriter knows of no systematic attempt\\nto renew them, nntil 1850, when Rev.\\nThomas S. Dewing commenced regular\\nservices at Forked River, Cedar Creek\\nand Toms River.\\nMETHODISM IN OCEAN COUNTY.\\nThe first Methodist Society established\\nin Ocean County held its meetings in the\\nold Potter Church at Goodluck. In the\\ndark days of the history of Methodism,\\nwhen it not only met with opposition\\nfrom other societies on account of differ-\\nence iu religious views, but also when\\ndiiring the Revolution, their enemies un-\\njustly charged them with being in sym-\\npathy with Great Britain, and would\\nallow them to hold meetings in but few\\nl^laces, the old Goodluck Church was al-\\nways oi^en to them, and the people of\\nthis vicinity gave its preachers a welcome\\nwhich they rarely met with elsewhere.\\nIt is probable that the pioneers of\\nMethodism visited our county within a\\nvery few years after the j)rinciples of the\\nsociety were first proclaimed in America,\\nand that occasionally some preacher\\nwould hold forth in one of the free\\nchurches, in school houses or in private\\nhouses, possibly as early as 1774. Rev.\\nWilliam Waiters, the first itinerant of\\nAmerican birth, was stationed iu our\\nState in 1771, and it is possible that he\\nand the noted Captain Thomas Webb, of\\nPemberton, (then New Mills,) may have\\nvisited this section. That zealous, self-\\nsacrificing minister of the Gospel, Rev.\\nBenjamin Abbott, is the first preacher\\nwho sjjeaks positively of visiting this\\nvicinity, though before his visit which\\nwas in 1778, it is probable that some if\\nnot all the following named, may have\\nloreached here, viz.: Captaiu Thomas\\nWebb, Revs. Philip Gatch, Caleb B.\\nPedicord, William Watters, John King,\\nDaniel Ruff and William Duke. From\\nthat time uj) to the year 1800, the names\\nof preachers assigned to this part of the\\nState, is given iu the History of Meth-\\nodism in New Jersey. During the first\\nthirty years of the present century,\\namong the most noted preachers iu this\\nsection were Revs. Sylvester and Robert\\nHutchinson, Ezekiel Cooper, Charles\\nPitman and Geo. A. Raybold. Rev.\\nWilliam Watters, above mentioned as\\nthe first itinerant of American birth, who\\nwas located in our State iu 1771, pub-\\nlished in 1807 an account of his labors\\nhere and elsewhere and the author of\\nMethodism in New Jersey says he\\nknows of but one copy in existence, and\\nthat in possession of a gentlemen iu Balti-\\nmore, but the writer has a copy pur-\\nchased by a relative over half a century\\nago, which is still iu a good state of pres-\\nervation.\\nA METHODIST PIONEEK.\\nRev. Benjamin Abbott, who ex-\\nperienced considerable persecution else-\\nwhere, for his Methodist views, without\\nmolestation preached at several places in\\nour county in 1778, and we give his ac-\\ncount of his visit. The first mentioned\\nplace was probably Manahawken\\nAt my next appointment I preached\\nAvith great liberty from these words\\nIf we say we have no sin, we deceive\\nourselves, and the truth is not iu us if\\nwe confess our sins, he is faithful and\\njust to forgive our sins and to cleanse us\\nfrom all unrighteousness, John 1:8, 9.\\nAnd many wept much. A Baptist being\\npresent when I had done, I asked him\\nwhat he thought of what he had heard,\\n1 and whether it was not the truth in\\nJesus He replied that it was, and ex-\\nhorted the people to believe it.\\nI\\nBENJAMIN ABBOTT AT WARETOWN.\\nNext day I went to my appointment\\nat WaretoAvn, but a woman being dead,\\nclose at hand, I was requested to preach\\nher funeral sermon. While I was speak-\\ning, I observed to my hearers that the", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "12\\ndarkest tiniP in the night was just before\\nthe dawning of day and that tliis was\\ntlie case with a sonl groaning for re-\\nlemption in Christ for just as they\\nsaw themselves on the very brink of\\neternal damnation, destitute of every\\njiower to extricate themselves, the Sian\\nof Righteousness, the Lord of Life and\\nGlory, broke in upon their souls and set\\nthem at liberty. Up rose a Baptist wo-\\nman and said that she had come twenty\\nmiles through the snow to hear me, and\\nthen related her experience to the fol-\\nlowing puiijort\\nA SIN GITL..VR EXPERIE^fCE.\\nT was standing on the heai th with\\nmy husband and two children, and\\nthought the earth opened before me, and\\nI saw hell from beneath opened and\\ndevils ready to receive me. I then\\nstarted and ran into the room and cried\\nmightily unto God to have mercy on my\\nsoul. Meanwhile my husband went after\\nthe cattle, and I continued in prayer un-\\ntil the house was filled with the glory of\\nGod, brighter than the sun at noonday.\\nT then arose and sat on the foot of the bed,\\nwishing for my husband s return. After\\na while he came in I i*an out to meet\\nhim and clasped him about the neck and\\ntold him what God had done for my\\nsoul. The power of God came uj^on me\\nagain as it had dcme in the house, and I\\ncried out in siich a manner that it\\nfrightened my husband and the cattle, so\\nthat the cattle ran off again, and my hus-\\nband wedt away also. I went to the\\nhouse, happy in God, and our people\\n(meaning the Baptists) say it is only a\\ndelusion of the devil, for that God did\\nnot come to the i)eople in such a manner\\nnow-a-daya.\\nThen she asked me what I thought\\nof it, for I feel, said she, the same\\npower in me now. T told her it was the\\nwork of (i(xl, a change of heart, and\\nthat if the Lord ever had converted my\\nHoul, he hud converted liers. She im-\\nmediatelv laiil liold of faith, and was in-\\nstantly delivered from that anxiety and\\ndespair tliat had attended her mind.\\nAISBOrr AT (H)OI Li:{K AND TOMS ia\\\\T3K.\\nShe rode next day with one of her\\nfriends to a place called Goodluck, Avhere\\nI preached from these words Awake,\\nthou that sleepest, and arise from the\\ndead; Christ shall give thee light,\\n(Eph. 5 14,) with great liberty, and tlie\\npower of God attended the word.\\nNext day I rode with one of our\\nfriends, about twelve miles, through a\\nnortlieast storm of liail, to Esquire\\nAikens on Toms lliver. When we\\narrived we were both wet and cold.\\nAfter drying myself a little, I gave an ex-\\nhortation to the few present, and tarried\\nall night. In the morning I went to my\\napi^oiutment, and had an attentive con-\\ngregation, and the Lord attended the\\nword with power. A Frenchman fell to\\nthe floor and nevei- rose until the Lord\\nconverted his soul. Here we had ti hap-\\njij time.\\nThe foregoing is all we find in Abbott s\\nJournal that relates to our county. The\\nEsipiire Aikens he mentions, was Abiel\\nAikens, who lived on the south side of\\nToms River. He was an active patriot\\nin the Revolution, and his house, the\\nfirst in which Methodism was preached\\nat Toms River, was burned with others\\nby the British AVhen the l)lock house was\\ntaken March 24, 1782. In his old age,\\nour Legislature (1808) passed a law for\\nhis benefit. Next year (1878) will be one\\nhundred years since Abbott visited our\\nsection, and it should be commemorated\\nhy a Centennial sermon at old Goodluck\\nhurcli, and from his old text Awake,\\nthou that sleepest, Sec. What a contrast\\nbetween now and then, when he was\\nmobbed, when soldiers entered his meet\\nings with drawn .swords, c., so aus-\\npicious were they of Methodism.\\nAN OLD TIME METUODIKP WEODtNO.\\nIn 178. 3 a ^Methodist Quarterly Meet-\\ning of unusual interost was held in tlic", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "13\\nGondhick Chuvcli, at which, on Sunday,\\nJames Stirling was married to Rebecca\\nEudd in the presence of the congrega- i\\ntion. We presume this was the James\\nStirling, of Burlington, the most noted\\nand influential layman of the Methodist\\nChurch in his day in New Jersey and if\\nso it was his second marriage. James\\nStirling was a merchant living at Bur-\\nlington, and some of our shore store-\\nkeepers were supplied with goods by\\nhim, among them Major John Price, of\\nGoodluck. His business affairs and\\nhis interest in Methodism would occa-\\nsionally bring him to the shore, and here,\\nas elsewhere, he proved himself a most\\nenergetic, useful layman of Methodism.\\nBISHOP ASBUKX AT GOODLUCK.\\nThat noted, faithful, untiring minister\\nof the Gospel, Bishop Francis Asbury,\\nvisited this vicinity twice. It is doubtful\\nif any minister of any denomination ever\\nperformed so much labor in travelling\\nand preaching as did he, and none ever\\nkept a more complete journal, which is a\\nmarvel when we remember the thousands\\nof miles he travelled in all parts of the\\nUnited States and his unparalleled phys-\\nical and mental exertion. When he first\\nj)reached at Goodluck, it was after a tire-\\nsome travel through Old Monmouth and\\nthat he thought the people here so difier-\\nent from what other Methodist preachers\\ndid, we are inclined to ascribe to his be-\\ning worn down with labor himself. Of\\nhis first visit he says\\nTuesday, Sept. 2Gth, 178G. I had\\nmany to hear me at Potter s Church, but\\nthe people were insensible and unfeeling.\\nHis next visit was in 1809. On Mon-\\nday, April 24th, 1809, I preached at\\nWaretown. I staid awhile with Samuel\\nBrown, and came to Thomas Chamber-\\nlain s (Forked River) I was compelled\\nby uncomfortable feeling to go to rest at\\nsix o clock. At David Woodmansee s\\n(Goodluck), on Tuesday, I preached on\\n2nd Tim. 2 15. On Wednesday, after\\na rain, I set out for Polhemus Chapel\\n(Polhemus Mills) where I preached.\\nSome modern Methodist writers have\\nbeen puzzled to know where Avas the Pot-\\nter s Church to which Asbury alluded,\\nand from whence its name, and seem in-\\nclined to think it wa\u00c2\u00bbs erected for work-\\nmen in some potter s ware establishment\\nMETHODISM AT BARNEGAT.\\nThe old church in the school house\\nlane at Barnegat was built in 1829, to be\\nused free for all denominations. The\\nsame year a Methodist society was estab-\\nlished, and held regular meetings in it.\\nThe late Rev. Job Edwards was the class\\nleader and local preacher from the organ-\\nization of the society, and continued for\\nover forty years to faithfully and accept-\\nably fill these positions, and during that\\ntime no one was so well known from\\nCedar Creek to Mannahawkin for labors\\nin meetings, exhortations and at funeral\\nservices. To him, and his relative, the\\nlate Joel Haywood, of West Creek, Meth-\\nodism in the southern half of Ocean\\ncounty is probably more indebted tlian\\nto any other two men, for the compara-\\ntively prosperous condition of the society.\\nThe people generally showed their appre-\\nciation of both men, by electing them to\\nrepresent the county in the Legislature,\\nand Joel Haywood was the regular Whig\\nand Temperance nominee for Governor\\nof New Jersey, in 1853.\\nDOVER CHAPEL.\\nDover Chapel, near Bayville, was\\nerected as a church free to all denomina-\\ntions, about the year 1825, as we are in-\\nformed by the venerable Captain Samuel\\nR. Bunnell, himself one of the old land-\\nmarks of Methodism, whose voice was\\nfamiliar to us in meetings almost a gen-\\neration ago, in exhortations in the cause\\nof the great Master. Methodism has\\nlong had a strong hold on the people in\\nthe neighborhood of Dover Chapel,\\nthough in it Protestant Methodists, Pres-", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "14\\nbvterirtiis and fithors have liolil statod or\\noooiVHioiirtl moctiiicfs.\\nTOMS KIVKR IN THE KEVOLUTION.\\nDuriug the greater jjai-t of the Revo-\\nhitiou, militia were on duty iu Toms River\\nor in its vicinity they were generally\\ntwelve months men, commanded by differ-\\nent officers, among whom, it seems from an\\nancient record iu the library of the New\\nJersey Historical Society, were Captains\\nBigelow, Ephraim Jenkins, James Mott,\\nJohn Stout and tlie well-remembered\\nJoshua Huddy. Caj^tain Mott had com-\\nmand of a company called the Sixth\\nCoiupiuiy, of Dover, and Captain Stout,\\nof the Seventh Company, of Dover.\\nThe Fifth Company was in old Stafford\\ntoAvuship, and commanded by Captain\\nReuben F. Randoljih, then of Manahaw-\\nken, but originally of Middlesex County.\\nDuring the war salt works were quite\\nnumerous along Barnegat Bay, and of so\\nmuch imjJortauce that the British and\\nRefugees make several attempts to de-\\nstroy them, and the first mention that\\nwe have found of militia to be stationed\\nat Toms River was for the pi-otection of\\nworks in its vicinity, and is found in the\\nfollowing extract from the minutes of\\nthe Pennsylvania State Council of Safety,\\nNovember 2d, 177G, from which it ap-\\nl)ears that that State owned works near\\ntilt village\\nResolved, that an officer and twenty-\\nfive men be sent to the salt works at\\nToms River (erected by this State at\\nToms River, N. J.,) as a guard, and\\ntwenty-five spare uniskets and two lunv-\\nitzers and a sufficient (piantity of ammu-\\nnition to defend in case oi attack.\\nIn the Continental Congress, 177(1, the\\nPresident of Congress was requested to\\nwrite to Gov. Livingston, of New Jersey,\\nfor two companies of militia to guard\\nsalt works at Toms River.\\nSabine, in his notices of Loyalists,\\n.says John Williams jjlaccd the signif-\\nicuut letter R. on the buildings of the\\nsalt works at Toms River bridge, by or-\\nder of (ileneral Skinner, of the N. J.\\nRoyalist brigade. And in another place\\nhe says Col. John Morris, of the N.\\nJ. Royalists in 1777, was sent by Sir\\nWilliam HoAve to destroy the salt works\\nat Toms River bridge, but when informed\\nthat the jjroperty was ^jrivate iu part, he\\ndc^clined to comply with the order.\\nSabine gives no exi^lanation of the mean-\\ning of what he terms the significant let-\\nter R., but the inference is that persons\\nwho then favored the Royalist cause,\\nwere part owners of the buildings near\\nthe bridge. It will be remembered tliat\\nat the outbreak of the Revolution, tlie\\npeople of Old monmoutli unanimously\\nprotested against the tyrannical acts of\\nGreat Briikiii, and favored an armed re-\\nsistance, but were divided in the j)olicy\\nof declaring independence. When the\\nDeclaration of Independence was\\nadopted, hundreds of citizens of Old\\nMonmouth jDrotested against it, and\\njoined the Royalists, and this Avas pro-\\nbably the case with some of the owners\\nof these buildings. From the folloAving\\nwe infer the PenusyiA ania and other\\nworks from Toms River to the head of the\\nbay Avere destroyed the following year.\\nAn ancient paper says About the\\nfirst of April, 1778, the British under\\nCaptain Robertson with a strong force\\nlanded at S(piau and destroyed a number\\nof salt Avorks on the coast one building\\nthey said belonged to Congress, and cost\\n\u00c2\u00a3G,000. A letter iu the Ncav Jersey\\nGazette, speaking of this raid, says|:\\nAbout 135 of the enemy lauded on\\nSunday last, about 10 o clock, on the\\nsouth aide of Squan Inlet, burnt all the\\nsalt works, broke the kettles, S:c, and\\nstripped the beds, c., of some people\\nAvlio I fear wished to serve them they\\nthen crossed the river and burnt all ex-\\ncept Derrick Longsti eet s. After this\\nmischief they embarked. The next day\\nthey landed at Shark RiA cr and set fire\\nto two salt Avorks, when they observed\\nfifteen horsemen heave in sight, Avhich\\noccasioned them to retreat with great", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "15\\nprecipitation iuJectl tlit-y jninpecl iuto\\ntheii- Aat-bottomeJ boats with sucli pre-\\ncipitation that they sank two of tliem.\\nThe enemy consisted chiefly of Greens,\\nthe rest of Highhinders. One of their\\npilots Avas the noted Thomas Oakerson.\\nSabine says, Thomas Oakerson had\\nprevioiisly been ordered to be committed\\nto jail for aiding Eefugees, by Oontinent-\\nal Congress, July 17tli, 1776. The\\nGreens, referred to, were from the ren-\\negade Jerseyman, who joined the British\\nand formed a brigade, calling themselves\\nthe N. J. Eoyal Volunteers, placed un-\\nder command of General Cortlandt\\nSkinner, and were called Greens, from\\ntheir uniform.\\nThe owners of salt v. orks, along the\\nbay experienced a streak of ill luck about\\nthis time, as within a week or so after the\\nabove raid a storm of unusual severity\\ndestroyed many of the smaller works\\nand caused the tide to rise several feet\\nhigher than ever was known before,\\ndrowning cattle on the beach, floating\\nfurniture out of lower rooms of houses,\\nthat stood low ou the water side, c.\\nIn October, 1778, the British destroyed\\nChesnut Neck mills, at Tuckerton, c.\\nand then despatched a detachment to\\ndestroy the salt works from Little Egg\\nHarbor to Toms River, but were pre-\\nvented by the appearance of Count\\nPulaski s legion.\\nPEIVATEERS AT TOMS RIVER.\\nDuring the war of the Revolution, old\\nCranberry Inlet, then open, opposite\\nToms River, was often found to be a\\nvery convenient haven for privateers and\\ntheir prizes. These j)rivateers were\\ngenerally fitted OTit in New England.\\nThe following notice of a prize brought\\nhere by Rhode Islanders, is from a cer-\\ntificate in i^ossession of Hon. Ephraim\\nP. Emson\\nProvidence, Feb. 21, 1777.\\nThis may certify that Messrs. Clark\\nand Nightingale and Capt. Wm. Rhodes\\nhave purchased here at vendue the\\nschooner Pope s Head, which was taken\\nby the privateer Sally and Joseph, (un-\\nder our command,) and carried into\\nCranberry Inlet in the Jersies, and there\\ndelivered to the care of Mr, James Ran-\\ndolph, by our prize masters.\\nJames ^Iauo.\\nJohn Fish.\\nThe following extracts from papers\\npublished durmg the Revolution, give\\nan idea of the stirring events that oc-\\ncurred in Toms River and vicinity\\nAugust 12th, 1778. We learn that\\non Thursday se en night, the British ship\\nLove and Uuity from Bristol with 80\\nhhds. of loaf sugar, several thousand\\nbottles London porter, a large quantity\\nof Bristol beer and ale, besides many\\nother valuable articles, was designedly\\nrun ashore near Toms River. Since\\nwhich, by the assistance of some of our\\nmilitia, she has been brouglit into a safe\\nport and her cargo properly taken care\\nof.\\nThe cargo of this ship was advertised\\nto be sold at Manasquan, on the 26th of\\nthe same month, by John Stokes, U. S.\\nMarshal. The articles enumerated in\\nthe advertisement show that the cargo\\nmust have been a very valuable one.\\nThe Americans were not so lucky with\\nthe ship as with the cargo, as will be\\nseen by the following\\nFriday, Sept. 18th, 1778. Two Brit-\\nish armed ships and two brigs came close\\nto the bar off Toms River inlet, where\\nthey lay over night. Next morning, be-\\ntween seven and eight o clock, they sent\\nseven armed boats into the inlet, and re-\\ntook the ship Washington (formerly the\\nLove and Unity,) which had been taken\\nby the Americans they also took two\\nsloops near the bar, and captured most\\nof the crews. The captain of the shi]),\\nand his officers, escaped to the main in\\none of the sloop s boats. After they got\\nashore, a man named Robert McMulleu,\\nwho had been condemned to death at\\nFreehold, but afterwards pardoned,\\njumped into the l)oat, hurrahing for the", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "16\\nBritisli, and rowed oil t j join tliom.\\nAuotliei llet ugee named William Dillon,\\nwho had also beau sentenced to death at\\nFreehold and pardoned, joined this party\\nof British as pilot.\\nBv the following extracts, it will be\\nseen that the Refugees, McMnllen and\\nDillon, had been out of jail but a short\\ntime when they joined the British in\\nthis expedition\\nJuly 22ud, 1778. We learn that at\\nthe Court of Oyer and Terminer, held at\\nMonmouth in June last, the following\\nparties were tried and found guilty of\\nburglary, viz Thomas Edmims (Uias\\nBurke, John Wood, Michael Millery,\\nWilliam Dillon and Robert McMuUen.\\nThe two former were executed on Friday\\nlast, and the other three reprieved. At\\nthe same time, Ezekiel Forman, John\\nPolhemus and W^illiam Grover -were tried\\nand convicted of high treason, and are to\\nbe executed August 18th next.\\nOn the 9th of December, 1778, it is\\nannounced that a British armed vessel,\\nbound from Halifax to New York and\\nrichly laden, came ashore near Barnegat.\\nThe crew, about sixty in number, sur-\\nrendered themselves prisoners to our\\nmilitia. Goods to the amount of \u00c2\u00a35,000\\nwere taken out of her by our citizens,\\nand a number of prisoners sent to Bor-\\ndentown, at which place the balance of\\nof prisojicrs were expected.\\nAbout March, 1779, the sloop Success\\ncame ashore in a snow storm, at Barne-\\ngat. She had been taken by the British\\nbrig Diligence, and was on her way to\\nNew York. She had a valuable cargo of\\nrum, molasses, coffee, cocoa, A-c, on\\nboard. The prize master and three\\nhands were made prisoners, and sent to\\nPrinceton. lu the case of tlxis vessel\\nand the one previously mentioned, it is\\n2)OHHible that the Toms River militia aid-\\ned, as the name Barnegat was frequently\\napplied to places gcnierally along Barne-\\ngat Bay.\\nIn February, 1779, a sale at Toms\\nRiver, prububly prizcK and cargo, was\\nadvertised by the U. S. Marshal, viz\\nSchooner Hope and sloop Fancy, with\\ncargoes of pitch, tar and salt.\\nOn the 14th of May, 1780, Major John\\nVan Emburgh, of the 2nd Middlesex mil-\\nitia, and eight or nine men from West\\nJersey, on a fishing party, were surprised\\nin bed, at Toms River, by the Refugee?,\\nand put on board a vessel to be sent\\nprisoners to New York but before the\\nvessel sailed, they managed to escape.\\nToms River, then, did not seem quite\\nas desirable a place for a pleasure resort\\nas it is at the i^reseut day. Ancient jja-\\npers do not mention whether the Major\\nwas successful in catching fish all we\\nknow is that he got caught himself.\\nAbout the middle of December, 1780,\\na British brig in the West India trade\\nwas captured and brought into Toms\\nRiver. This brig had run short of water\\nand provisions, and, mistaking the laud\\nfor Long Island, sent a boat and four\\nmen to obtain supplies. The militia\\nhearing of it, manned two boats, and\\nwent out and took her. She had on\\nboard 150 hhds. of rum and si)irits, which\\nour ancestors pronounced excellent,\\nfrom which we conclude they must have\\nconsidered themselves competent judges\\nof that article. With the British, rum\\nmust have been deemed a necessity, as\\nin almost ever} prize it formed an im-\\nportant part oT the cargo.\\nThe British ship Molly was driven\\nashore in a snow storm, about this time,\\non the beach, and her prize crew made\\nprisoners and sent to Philadelphia.\\nIn the same month, December, 1780,\\nLieutenant Joshua Studson, who lived in\\nthe village of Toms River, with some\\nmilitia, crossed over the bay to old Cran-\\nberry Inlet to intercept some men en-\\ngaged in contraband trade with the ene-\\nmy at New Y ^ork, Avheu he was shot and\\ninstantly killed by the Refugee captain,\\nJolm Bac(m, the i)articulars of Avhicli\\nhave been given in describing Revolu-\\ntionary events relating to Forked River\\nand vicinity.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "17\\nThe lOth of March, 1782, it is au-\\nnouuced that the privateer Dart, Capt.\\nWm. Gray, of Salem, Mass, had arrived\\nat Toms River with a prize sloop taken\\nfrom the British galley Black Jack. The\\nnext day he went with his boat and seven\\nmen in pnrsnit of a British brig near\\nCranberry Inlet. Unfortunately for\\nCapt. Gray, instead of taking a prize he\\nwas himself taken. For a long time af-\\nter, the people of Toms River wondered\\nwhat had become of him. In August\\nfollowing, they heard that after he got\\noutside the inlet, he was taken prisoner\\nand carried to Halifax, and subsequently\\nreleased on parole. He stated that he\\nwas well treated while a prisoner.\\nA few days after Capt. Gray was taken\\nprisoner, the British attacked and burned\\nToms River, the details of which are too\\nlengthy to give here. This attack on\\nToms River was the last affair of any\\nnote that occurred here during the war,\\nbut south of Toms River several events\\nof local importance took place. The\\nRefugee Davenport made a raid on Fork-\\ned River, with 80 men, and was himself\\nkilled off Oyster Creek, in June. In\\nOctober, Bacon attacked and killed sev\u00c2\u00bb\\neral men on the beach about a nule below\\nBarnegat light-house. In December oc-\\ncurred the skirmish at Cedar Creek\\nbridge, when yoxing Cooke was killed,\\nand in the following spring, Bacon him-\\nseK was killed near West Creek.\\nDuring the war, interesting events\\noutside of miUtary matters occurred at\\nToms River.\\nIn January, 1778, the sloop Two\\nFriends, Capt. Alexander Bonnett, of\\nHispaniola, was cast away near Barnegat,\\nwith 1,600 bags of salt, 48 hhds. molas-\\nses, also a lot of rum, sugar, etc. Only\\n160 gallons of rum saved. The shore\\npeople went to their assistance, but one\\nman was lost. Capt. Bonnett then\\nshipped as a passenger in the sloop En-\\ndeavor, at Toms River, for New York;\\nbut, sad to relate, while she lay at anchor\\nin the inlet a storm parted the cable\\nand all on board were drowned in the\\nbay.\\nIn December. 1778, Capt. Alexander,\\nof the sloop Elizabeth, of Baltimore, was\\ntaken by the British but he was permit-\\nted to leave in a small boat, and landed\\nat Toms River Lilet.\\nIt was during the war, in 1778, that\\nRev. Benjamin Abbott expounded the\\nthen new princii^les of Methodism to the\\npeople of Toms River, first at the house\\nof Esquire Abiel Aikene, and then at an-\\nother place and had here, as he says in\\nhis journal, a happy time.\\nWARETOWN REMINISCENCES.\\nBy the side of the main shore road\\nthrough Waretown, adjoining the farm of\\nex-Senator Samuel Birdsall, is a grove\\nwhere a century ago was a grave yard in\\nwhich, among others, was buried Abra-\\nham Waeir, from whom Waretown derives\\nits name. His tombstone is still pre-\\nserved, though removed from its original\\nplace, and the inscription upon it reads\\nthus\\nIn memory of\\nABRAHAM WAEIR,\\nDied March 24th, 1768,\\nAged 85 years\\nWhose inocent life\\nAdorned true light.\\nIn the inscription, a letter is left out of\\nthe word innocent, as will be seen by\\nthe above copy. In the same grave yard\\nwas another tombstone, a rude affair, a\\nremnant of which is preserved the in-\\nscription on it is only partially legible,\\nthe following being all that can be deci-\\nphered\\nE. WAEIR.\\nYear 1757.\\nIn the grave yard commonly known as\\nthe Birdsall burying ground, are to\\nbe found the following inscriptions upon\\ntombstones, the first named of which is\\nthe most ancient in the village, if not in\\nthe county\\n3", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "18\\nHere lyes ye body of\\nWILLIAM CARBEL\\nDied Sept. 15, 1742\\nAged 51 years.\\nAuother reads\\nlu memory of\\nISAAC STANSBERY\\nWho departed this Ufe Oct. 10, 1803,\\nin the (31th year of his age.\\n[Ropreseutatiou of two cannons crossed.]\\nReader, remember, as you pass by,\\nAs you arc now so ouee was I,\\nAs I am now so you will be,\\nTiiereforc prepare to follow me.\\nFrom the cannons crossed, it\\nwould be inferred that the deceased be-\\nlonged to the ordnance branch of the\\nmilitaiy service.\\nAbraham Waeir, from whom Ware-\\ntown derives its name, was a member of\\nthe sect generally called Eogeriue Bap-\\ntists, thongh they themselves seemed to\\nprefer the name of Quaker Baptists.\\nA company of Rogerine Baptists came\\nfrom New London, Conn. to Schooley s\\nMountain in Morris county in New Jer-\\nsey, in 1734 and after remaining there\\nthree years, they removed to Waretown\\nand remained here from 1737 to 1748,\\neleven years, and then the greater part\\nof them returned to Schooley s Moun-\\ntain. The principal members at Ware-\\ntown were Abraham Waeir, John Colver\\nand Mann. The Waeirs, tradition\\nsays, did not go with the rest to School-\\ney s Mountain, but remained here, and\\ntheir descendants removed to the head of\\nBaruegat Bay or near Squan. The\\nColvers and Manns went with the others\\nto Morris county, and in 1790 the Roger-\\niues were reduced to two aged persons\\nwhose names were Thomas Colver and\\nSarah Mann Init the posterity of John\\nColver, who ai^pears to have been the\\nIciuler here, is yet numerous in Morris\\ncounty, and of him more particular men-\\ntion will be made in giving a sketch of\\nthe Rogerme Baptists. The traditionary\\naccounts of the peculiarities of this sect\\nwhile at Waretown among which may\\nbe mentioned the men making axe han-\\ndles, baskets, etc., the women sewing\\nand knitting during their religious meet-\\nings, as related by the late Judge Jacob\\nBirdsall, Jeremiah Spragg and other old\\nresidents of Waretown and vicinity are\\ncorroborated by the notices of them in\\nNew England and Long Island histories.\\nTheir building, used for meetings and\\nschools, we have understood was in the\\nfield a little south-easterly of Capt. T,\\nOorlies Newbury s residence,\\nriKE AND LOSS OF LITE AT WAKETOWX.\\nAbout sixty years ago a sad event oc-\\ncurred at Waretown, which is thus de-\\nscribed by the late Hon. Jacob Birdsall,\\nwho was a witness to the melancholy\\naffair\\nA blacksmith named George Sojjcr,\\nor Sopher as I understand some of his\\ndescendants now spell the name, and his\\nwife Betsey then lived in a house standing\\nabout one-hundred and fifty yards to the\\nthe eastward of where Taylor C. New-\\nbury now lives. One very cold winter s\\nnight about twelve o clock, an alarm of\\nfire was made at my father s house bj\\nIMr, William Predmorc, and upon look-\\ning out of the window wo saw that Geo.\\nSoper s house was on fire. Mr. Pred-\\nmore hurried on and got there just in\\ntime to save a young man named Brown,\\nwho was ai)prentice to Soper. When\\nBrown got uxit, the house was beginning\\nto fall he had nothing on but his night\\nclothes, and Mr. Predmore had to lend\\nhim a part of his own wearing ajjparel.\\nIt was then discovered that Mrs. Betsey\\nSolder was in the fire. It seemed that\\nher husband was over to Mr. Hillman s\\non business attending a trial, I think.\\nI did not reach the house until after it\\nfell in, and then I witnessed as awful a\\nsight us human being can behold the\\nhusband so frantic that he could hardly\\nbe kept from rushing into the fire where\\nhis wife lay, a mass of burning flesh\\nplainly to be seen by all present.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "19\\nHeaven grant that I may never look up-\\non such a sight again There had been\\nsome company there the previous even-\\ning, and among the visitors was Mrs.\\nAnn Haywood, wife of the late James\\nHaywood, of Mannahawken. Mrs. Hay-\\nwood, previous to her marriage, had lived\\nwith Mrs. Soper, and from her testimony\\nand other evidence, there was no doubt\\nbut that the unfortunate affair was\\ncaused by liquor.\\nFIGHTING FIRE liOSS OF LIFE.\\nFires have been so frequent in the ex-\\ntensive forests of Ocean county, that it\\nis a hopeless task to attempt to enumerate\\nthem or describe in detail the exciting\\nscenes they have occasioned. Often\\nthousands of acres are swept over and\\ntens of thousands of dollars worth of\\ntimber are bunied in a very short time.\\nWith a high wind, the roar of the fire in\\nthe woods, the fearful appearance of the\\nsky, the flames leaping from tree-top to\\ntree-top and running along the dried\\nleaves and bushes on the ground make\\nan appalling scene never to be forgotten;\\nand the exciting work of fighting fire,\\nwith the flames often leaping over their\\nheads or on the ground escaping and\\nsurrounding them, is too familiar to our\\nold citizens to need describing.\\nAbout fifty years ago, a fire broke out\\nin the woods between Oyster Creek and\\nForked River, and many persons from\\nWaretown and Forked River endeavored\\nto subdue it. A sudden shift and increase\\nof the wind brought the flames down\\nwith such rapidity upon the men that\\nthey had to run for then- lives toward the\\nnearest body of water, which happened\\nto be the old Frank Cornelius mill j)ond\\non Forked River but one man named\\nGeorge Collins, of Waretown, missed\\nthe right road, and was overtaken by the\\nflames and burned to death. His shoes\\nwere left to mark the si^ot where he\\nwas burned, for twenty or thirty years\\nafter.\\nAN EXCITING DAY AT WARETOWN.\\nPerhaps the most exciting time in the\\nhistory of Waretown was during the last\\nwar with England, when Commodore\\nHardy, of the British man-of-war Ramil-\\nlies, on March 31st, 1813, sent several\\nlarge barges into Barnegat Inlet to burn\\nthe Greyhound and other vessels there.\\nThe citizens of Waretown feared a repiti-\\ntiou of the scenes enacted by the noto-\\nrious Admiral Cockburn in Virginia and\\nMaryland, plundering and burning\\ndwellings, insulting women, c., and\\nwomen and chihli-en fled from the village\\nto dwellings back in the woods as far as\\nthe late Moses Headley s place, and the\\nexcitement spread to Forked River and\\nother places. But before the barges had\\nfinished all the work assigned to them,\\nthey were recalled by signal guns from\\nthe Ramillies, lymg off the bar, caused\\nby the discovery of a ship at sea which\\nthey wished to overhaul.\\nMISCELLANEOUS TRADITIONS.\\nThe following items relating to Ware-\\ntown were derived from aged citizens\\nliving from fifteen to twenty years ago in\\nthis and adjacent villages.\\nAbraham Waeir, it is said, came from\\nnear the Hurlgate above New York,\\nwhere he had a mill which was destroyed\\nby a flood. He had sons here named\\nThomas and Timothy, and perhaps other\\nchildren. The Waeirs lived on the place\\nowned in recent years by Hon. Jacob\\nBirdsall, and had two saw-mills. A canoe\\nwas dug out of one of their old mill dams\\nI in recent years by Judge Birdsall near his\\n1 residence how it came to be thus\\nburied seems to be unaccountable,\\ni During the Revolution, one of the\\nmost noted salt-works on Barnegat Bay\\nwas Newlin s, near Job Headley s land-\\ning, beside wliich were others less noted\\nabove and below. Most of those works\\nwere destroyed by the British during the\\nwar, but some were rebuilt.\\nThe Brown family, of Waretown, it is\\nsaid came originally from Goshen, N. Y.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "20\\nSamuel Brown seems to have been one\\nof the early friends of Methodism in this\\nplace, and among Methotlist pioneers who\\nmade their home with him was the cele-\\nbrated Bishop Asbury. The Headleys,\\nit is said, also came from New York\\nState, as probably did the Chamberlains,\\nthe first comers of whom located above\\nWaretown on the Cambum place and on\\nOyster Creek where James Anderson\\nnow lives. Samuel Bennett, the first of\\nthe Bennetts, of Waretown and Bame-\\ngat, of whom we have heard, came from\\nNew England. David Bennett, we have\\nbeen informed, kept the public house at\\nWaretown, during the Revolution.\\nThe first settler on the Soper place,\\nbetween Waretown and Barnegat, ac-\\ncording to the late Jeremiah Spragg, an\\naged citizen of Barnegat, was John Per-\\nkins, whose daughter married James\\nSpragg, father of Jeremiah Mr. Perkins\\ncame from England during the old French\\nWar, and located near Soper s Landing,\\nand subsequently sold out to Joseph\\nSoper, ancestor of the numerous Soper\\nfamilies in this vicinity and elsewhere.\\nThe first house built on the beach, oppo-\\nsite to Waretown, according to Mr.\\nSpragg, was by Thomas Rogers. It was\\nlocated near the Inlet, and in it lived Rog-\\ners and also James Spragg, father of Jere-\\nmiah and duriug the Revohitiou they\\nwitnessed many exciting scenes, such as\\nshipwrecks of war and merchant vessels\\nand contests between the British and\\nAmericans in efforts to capture crews\\nand cargoes. The first Soper in New\\nJersey, was Thomas Soper, who landed\\nin West Jersey, iu 1G78 the old mem-\\nbers of this family had a tradition that\\nthey were of Huguenot descent.\\nAn early settler on the place now\\nowned by Hon. Samuel Birdsall, tra-\\ndition says, was a Dutchman named\\nDaniel Rackhow one of his sous was a\\nreputable young man, named Peter, who\\nrun out the Rackliow road, near Barne-\\ngat, and who died comparatively young\\nanother son, Peter Rackhow, Jr., joined\\nthe Refugees, and was not heard of after\\nthe war. Daniel Rackhow, Senior, had a\\nbrotlier on Staten Island, and descend-\\nants of the Rackhows changed their name\\nto Richards.\\nThe first Cambum at Waretown,\\nwhose name has been preserved, was\\nWilliam, who, according to the late Dan-\\niel Cambum of Waretown, a grandson,\\nand other aged descendants, came when\\nseventeen years old, with his father from\\nNew England, probably from Nantucket\\nbefore and after coming here, the first\\nCamburus went to sea on whaling voya-\\nges. William Cambum s father, origi-\\nnally settled on the place nearly opposite\\nJudge Birdsall s lane, on which in late\\nyears lived Captain Job Falkinburg, and\\nsubsequently Capt. Amos Birdsall, and\\nsome of William s first companions were\\nIndian children.\\nThe Birdsall family originally came\\nfrom Long Island, probably from Oyster\\nBay. Amos Birdsall, a prominent citizen\\nof Waretown in the early part of the\\npresent century, was during the war of\\n1812 captain of the schooner President,\\nand was captured by the British. In\\nlater years he was better known as Es-\\nquire Birdsall.\\nRalph Chambers, another respected\\ncitizen of Waretown, was a soldier in\\nthe war of 1812, and seriously wounded\\nat the battle of Plattsburg. As he was\\nsomewhat forehanded, he would not go\\nin the hospital for soldiers to risk the at-\\ntendance there, but went to a private\\nhouse and paid for his surgical and other\\nattendance out of his own pocket. Mr.\\nChambers, we believe, had the honor of\\nbeing the oldest regular subscriber for a\\nnewspaper in Ocean County, having\\ntaken the old Trenton State Gazette for\\nbetween forty and fifty years.\\nThe Eayres came originally from Bur-\\nlington County, and were among the first\\nsettlers there. The Bowkers, or Bogers,\\nas the name is sometimes spelled, we\\nbelieve, are also from Burlington Coun-\\nty Samuel Boger wiva a soldier in the", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "21\\nRevolution, from Burlington. The\\nPredmores are said to be from Middle-\\nsex County the first of the name we\\nhave found in New Jersey, owned a large\\ntract of land at New Brunswick, in 1684,\\nand then, as now, the name was some-\\ntimes given as Prigmore. The old mem-\\nbers of the Penn family, who came from\\nBass River or thereabout, and located a\\nfew miles back of Waretown, claimed\\nthat they were descended from the cele-\\nbrated William Penn, though by bar\\nsinister. This is probably true none\\nof William Peon s sons bore the irre-\\nproachable character of their father.\\nThomas Penn, son of William, had left-\\nhanded children, and from these the\\nOcean County Penns probably descend.\\nThe late Jesse Penn bore a remarkable\\nresemblance to the life-sized portraits of\\nWilliam Penn.\\nMORMONISM IN OCEAN COUNTY.\\nIn 1837, Elder Benjamin Winchester\\npreached the first Mormon sermon in\\nOcean county, in a school house, in\\nNew Egypt. Winchester was from the\\nState of New York, and one of the early\\ndisciples of Joseph Smith. He contin-\\nued for some time to hold regular servi-\\nces here, and in his discourses gave mi-\\nnute account of the alleged original dis-\\ncovery of the golden plates of the Book\\nof Mormon near Palmyra, New York, by\\nJoseph Smith, and their translation by\\nhim and Sidney Rigdon, and claimed that\\nthey were deposited by a people two\\nthousand years before, whom they said\\nwere the Lost Tribes of Israel. He\\nalso preached in neighboring places.\\nHe made some fifty converts, who were\\nbaptized among them was Abraham\\nBurtis, who became a preacher, and a\\nlarge number joined the society at Horn-\\nerstown, where they finally built a\\nchurch, and where a good many respect-\\nable people aihered to the faith. The\\nchurch has since gone down, but a few\\npeople remain favorably impressed with\\nthe principles. The excitement extended\\nto Toms River, and here too they built a\\nsmall church, on the south side of\\nthe river, which is remembered as the\\nfirst building in which the Ocean County\\nCourts were held after the county was\\nestablished, and before the court house\\nwas built. Their preachers also went as\\nfar south as Forked River, where they\\nmade a considerable impression, and\\nbaptized some in the mill pond the\\npreacher complimenting one convert, it\\nis said, by saying, after immersing her,\\nthat he saw the devil as big as an owl\\nleave her\\nJoseph Smith, the founder of Mor-\\nmonism, visited New Egypt, Horners-\\ntown and Toms River, in 1840, and\\nsealed a large number, some of whom\\nare probably still living. William\\nSmith, brother of the prophet, frequent-\\nly preached at New Egypt he preached\\nthe funeral sermon of Alfred Wilson,\\nwho was originally a Methodist, but be-\\ncame a Mormon preacher. James L.\\nCurtis, originally a Methodist, also be-\\ncame a Mormon preacher. The present\\nsuccessor of Joseph Smith and Brigham\\nYoung, as head of the Mormon Church,\\nis John Taylor, who has also preached in\\nOcean county, and was probably the\\nlast who preached as far south as Forked\\nRiver, He held forth some twenty-five\\nor thii ty years ago, in the old Forked\\nRiver school house, and his sermon, to\\nthe writer, seemed to differ but little\\nfrom an old-fashioned Methodist sermon\\non the necessity of salvation, as he made\\nbut Httle allusion to the peculiar tenets\\nof Mormonism. About twenty- five or\\nsix years ago many Mormon converts left\\nOcean county for Salt Lake City, among\\nwhom were Joseph Chamberlain and\\nfamily, of Forked River, and a number\\nof respectable families from Toms River.\\nThey encountered serious hardships in\\ncrossing the plains. It is generally con-\\nceded that the Mormon converts were\\nnoted for sincerity, industry, and frugal-\\nity.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "212\\nOf Joseph Smith s visit to New Egj-pt, I\\nsome amusing stories, probably exagger-\\nated, are told at the expeuse of converts,\\nsuch as of a wealthy niiiu being told by\\nSmith to repair to a i:)articular tree at a\\ncertain hour of the night and pray for\\ndirection from Heaven, and the Lord\\nwould rejjly. Accordingly the man\\nsought the place and prayed as directed\\nhe was answered by a voice from above,\\nwhich, among other things, directed him\\nto give a good share of his worldly goods\\nto the prophet Smith but the man\\nseemed to doubt it being the voice of an\\nangel it sounded more like Smith him-\\nself concealed in the branches.\\nROGERINE BAPTISTS OF WARETOWN.\\nAbout the year 1737, a society of Eog-\\nerine Baptists or Quaker Baptists, as\\nthey were sometimes called, located at\\nWaretown in Ocean county. From vari-\\nous historical notices of this singular sect\\nand accounts of how they came to locate\\nin New Jersey, we extract the following\\nTliis society was founded by John Kog-\\ners, about 1()74. His followers baptized\\nby immersion the Lord s sujjper they\\nadministered in the evening with its an-\\ncient appendages. They did not believe\\nin the sanctity of the Sabbath they be-\\nlieved that since the death of Christ all\\ndays were holy alike they used no med-\\nicines, nor emjjloyeel doctors or sui geous;\\nVr ould not say gi-ace at meals all prayers\\nto be said mentally except when the spir-\\nit of prayer compelled the use of voice\\nthey said all unscriptural parts of reli-\\ngious worship are idols, and all good\\nChristians should exert themselves\\nagainst idols, c. Among the idols they\\nplaced the observance of the Sabbath,\\ninfant baptism, c. The Sabbath they\\ncdled the New England idol, and the\\nmethods they took to demolish this idol\\nwere as follows They would on Sunday\\ntry to be at some manual labor near\\nmeeting houses or in the way of people\\ngoing to and from church. They woiild\\ntake work into meeting houses, the wo-\\nmen knitting, the men whittling and\\nmaking sjilints for baskets, and every\\nnow and then contradicting the preach-\\ners. This was seeking persecution,\\nsays one writer, and they received plen-\\nty of it, insomuch that the New England-\\ners left some of them neither liberty,\\nproperty nor whole skins.\\nJohn Rogers, the founder of the sect,\\nwho, it is said, was as churlish and con-\\ntrary to all men as Diogenes, preached\\nover forty years, and died iu 1721. The\\noccasion of his death was singular. The\\nsmall-pox was raging terribly in Boston,\\nand spread an alarm to all the country\\naround. Rogers was confielent that he\\ncould mingle with the diseased and that\\nthe strength of his faith would preserve\\nhim safe from the mortal contagion. Ac-\\ncordingly he was presumptuous enough\\nto travel one hundred miles to Boston to\\nbring his faith to the test the x esult was\\nthat he caught the contagion, came home\\nand died with it, the disease also spread-\\ning in his family and among his neigh-\\nbors. This event one would think would\\nthink wotild have somewhat shaken the\\nfaith of his followers, but on the contrary\\nit seemed to increase their zeal.\\nIn 1725, a company of Rogerines were\\ntaken up on the Sabbath in Norwich,\\nConnecticut, while on their way from\\ntheir place of residence to Lebanon\\nthey were treated with much abuse, and\\nmany of them whipped in a most unmer-\\nciful manner. This occasioned Gov.\\nJenks, of Rhode Island, to write spirit-\\nedly against their persecutors, and also\\nto condemn the Rogerines for their j^ro-\\nvoking, disorderly conduct.\\nOne family of the Rogerines was named\\nColver or Culver, (Edward s History\\nspells the name one way, and Gov. Jenks\\nthe other). This family consisted of\\nJohn Colver and his wife, who were a\\nIjart of the company which was treated so\\nrudely at Norwich, and five sons and five\\ndaughters, who, with their families, made\\nlip tlie number of twenty-one souls. In", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "23\\nthe year 1734, this large family removed\\nfrom New London, Conn. and settled in\\nNew Jersey. The first place they pitched\\nupon for a residence, was on the east side\\nof Schooley s Mountain, in Morris county.\\nThey continued here about three years,\\nand then went in a body to Waretown,\\nthen in Monmouth, but now in Ocean\\ncoiinty. Wliile here they had their\\nineetings in a school house, and their pe-\\nculiar manner of conducting services was\\nquite a novelty to other settlers in the\\nvicinity. As in New England, during\\nthe meeting the women would be engaged\\nin knitting or sewing, and the men in\\nmakin*^ axe handles, basket splints or in\\nother work, but Ave hear of no attempt to\\ntlisturb other societies.\\nThey continued at Waretown about\\neleven years, and then went back to Mor- i\\nris county and settled on the west side of j\\nthe mountain from which they had re-\\nmoved. In 1790 they were reduced to\\ntwo old persons whose names were Thos.\\nColver and Sarah Mann but the j,)oster-\\nity of John Colver, it is said, is yet quite\\nnumerous in Morris county. Abraham\\nWaeir, from whom the village of Ware-\\ntown derives its name, tradition says was\\na member of the Eogerine Society.\\nWhen the mam body of the society left,\\nhe remained behind, and became quite a\\nprominent business man, generally es-\\nteemed he died in 1768, and his de-\\nscendants removed to Squan and vicinity\\nnear the head of Barnegat Bay.\\nBefore concluding this notice of the\\nPiogerines, it should be stated that an-\\nother thing in their creed was that it was\\nnot necessary to have marriages performed\\nby ministers or legal officers they held\\nthat it was only necessary for the man\\nand woman to exchange vows of mai-riage\\nto make the ceremony binding. A zeal-\\nous Rogerine once took to himself a wife\\nin this simple manner, and then to tan-\\ntalize Gov. Saltonstall called on him to\\ninform him they had married themselves\\nwithout aid of church or State, and that\\ntlicy intended to live together ns husband\\nand wife without their sanction. What,\\nsaid the Governor, in apparent indigna-\\ntion, do you take this woman for your\\nAvife? Yes, I most certainly do, re-\\nplied the man. And do you take this\\nman for your hiisband said he to the\\nAvoman. The woman replied in the af-\\nfirmati\\\\ e. Then, said the wily old\\nGovernor, in the name of the Common-\\nwealth I pronounce you husband and\\nwife whom God hath joined together\\nlet no man piit asunder. You are now\\nmarried according to both law and gos-\\npel.\\nThe couple retired much chagrined at\\nthe unexpected way the Governor had\\nturned the tables upon them, despite\\ntheir boasting.\\nMANAHAWKEN IN THE REVOLUTION.\\nManahawken, during the Kevolution,\\nwas noted for the patriotism of its citi-\\nzens. From a manuscript originally\\nfound in Congressional records, but now\\nin the library of the New Jersey Histori-\\ncal Society, it appears that the militia\\ncompany here was called the Fifth Com-\\npany of Monmouth, Reuben F. Randolph,\\ncaptain, and Nathan Crane, lieutanant.\\nCaptain Randolph Avas originally from\\nMiddlesex county about the time of the\\nAvar, he kept the iDublic house at Mana-\\nliaAvken, which in later years was kept by\\nJoseph R. Wilkins. His sons, Thomas\\nand Job, were in his company. As the\\nnames of the heroic men of his company\\nshoiild be preserved as far as possible,\\nand especially by their descendants, Ave\\ngive a list of such as we have ascer-\\ntained.\\nFIFTH COMPANY, MONMOUTH MILITIA.\\nReuben F. Randolph, captain Nathan\\nCrane, lieutenant James Marsh, ensign.\\nPrivates Micliael Bennett, Jeremiah\\nBennett, Samuel Bennett, Israel Ben-\\nnington, Joseph Brown 1st, Joseph\\nBrown 2ud, Joseph Camburn, Thomas\\nChamberlain, William Casselman, Luke\\nCourtney, Seth Crane, Amos Cuflce,", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "24\\nDavid Howell, David Johusou, Thomas\\nJohnson, David Jones, Thomas Kelson,\\nPhilip Palmer, Jr. Benjamin P. Pear-\\nsou, Benjamin Paul, Enoch Pvead, Job\\nRandolph, Thomas Randolph, David\\nSmith, Joseph Sopcr, Reuben Soper,\\nZachariah Southard, Jeany Sutton, Ljous\\nPangbum, Sylvester Tilton,\\nOf the above, Reuben Soper was killed\\nby the Refugees on Long Beach, in\\nOctober, 1782. He left a son, named\\nReuben, who has children still living,\\namong them Mrs. George W. Lippin-\\ncott, of Tuckerton, who has preserved\\nseveral interesting old-time relics and\\nher brother, also named Reuben Soper,\\ninheriting the patriotism of his grand-\\nfather, enhsted in the Union army, in\\nthe Rebellion, was mortally wounded,\\nand died three weeks after in Saterlee\\nhospital, Lyons Pangbom was killed in\\nthe skirmish at Manahawken, Dec. 30th,\\n178L Sylvester Tilton was dangerously\\nwounded at the same time. One of the\\nCranes was wounded near his own resi-\\ndence.\\nTHE SKIKinSH AT MANAHAWKEN.\\nAt one time it was rumored that the 1\\nRefugee, Captain John Bacon, with a\\nparty of his marauders, was on his way\\nto Manahawken, on a plundering expe-\\ndition, and such of the militia as could\\nbe notified, were hastily summoned to-\\ngether at Capt. Randolph s house to pre-\\npare to meet them. The handful of mil-\\nitia remained on the alert the greater\\npart of the night, but towards morning,\\nfinding the enemy failed to appear, they\\nconcluded it was a false alann, and re-\\ntired to sleep, after stationing sentinels.\\nTradition says that the sentinels were\\nstationed on the main road, two above\\nthe hotel, and two below, and that on\\none post were Jeremiah Bennett and\\nJob Randolph, and on the other, Seth\\nCrane and Samuel Bennett, and that\\nCapt, Randolph superintended the look-\\nout.\\nThe RcfugocH came dowu the road\\nfrom the north, and the first intimation\\nthe sentinels stationed near the old Bap-\\ntist Church had of their approach, was\\nhearing their bayonets strike together as\\nthey were marching. The sentinels\\nhalted long enough to see that the party\\nwas quite large, double the number of\\nthe militia, and firing, ran across the\\nfields to give the alarm. By the time\\nthe few militia were aroused, the Refu-\\ngees were abreast of the house, and be-\\nfore the Americans could form, they\\nwere fired upon, and Lyons Pangbum\\nkilled, and Sylvester Tilton severely\\nwounded. The militia were compelled\\nto retreat down the lane before they\\ncould organize, when, finding the Refu-\\ngees had the largest force, and were well\\narmed, they were reluctantly compelled\\nto decline pursuing them. The Refu-\\ngees passed down the road towards West\\nCreek.\\nTilton, who was so severely wounded,\\nrecovered almost miraculously, as the\\nbaU passed clear through him, going in\\nby one shoulder and out at his breast\\nthe physician, as is well authenticated,\\npassed a silk handkerchief completely\\nthrough the woimd. After the war was\\nover, Tilton removed to Colt s Neck,\\nwhere it is believed some of his descend-\\nants now live. Lyons Pangburn, who\\nwas killed, was probably the same person\\nwho aided in organizing the Baptist\\nChurch at Manahawken, was the first\\ndelegate to the General Association, and\\nalso the man referred to so very kindly\\nby Rev, John Murray, as Esquire\\nPangburn.\\nSylvester Tilton alwtiys believed that\\na Refugee named Brewer, was the man\\nwho wounded him, and he vowed to have\\nrevenge if he should ever meet him.\\nSeveral years after the war closed, he\\nheard that Brewer was at a certain place,\\nand he started after him unarmed,\\nthough he knew Brewer was always well\\nprovided with weapons. He found Brew-\\ner and closed in on him before the Refu\u00c2\u00bb\\ngee could avail himself of weapons, and", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "25\\ngave liim a most uumerciful beatiug it\\nwould probably have fared worse with\\nBrewer but for the interference of a\\nmuch esteemed Quaker named James\\nWillets. After Tiltou had finished, he\\ntold Brewer, You scoundrel, you tried\\nto kill me once, and I have now settled\\nwith you for it, and you ve got to leave\\nhere and follow the rest of your gang.\\nThe rest of the Eefugees had fled to\\nNova Scotia.\\nA PATRIOT WOUNDED ANOTHER C.\\\\PTUBED.\\nThe Mariahawken Militia, and tJie Battle of\\nMonm.ouih.\\nTradition says that one w^arm summer\\nevening during the war, there had been\\nreligious services at the Church, at Man-\\nahawken after services the minister\\nwent home with one of the Cranes,\\n(Silas Crane, we think it was,) when the\\nminister and Crane sat conversing until\\nlate in the evening. The front door was\\nopen, and also a window on the opposite\\nside of the room, by which Crane sat.\\nAt length, happening to look at the front\\ndoor, Crane got the glimpse of two or\\nthree men with muskets, and knowing\\nthe Refugees had threatened his life, he\\nsprang throiigh the back window as he\\njumped he was fired upon, and thoiigh\\nseverely wounded in the thigh, he man-\\naged to escape.\\nThe notorious Refugee leader, John\\nBacon, it is said, worked as a farm labor-\\ner, a year or two for the Crane family,\\nbefore the war.\\nCaptain Randolph and his heroic mil-\\nitia, just previous to the battle of Mon-\\nmouth, marched on foot, though the\\nweather was intensely hot, to join Wash-\\niugton s forces beyond Freehold, but\\nwere unexpectedly prevented from eu- j\\ngaging in the battle tradition fails to\\ngive a reason why they went so near, I\\nand yet did not participate, but the his-\\ntory of the battle and of Washington s j\\ndisposition of his forces sufficiently ex-\\nplain it. Washington had stationed\\nGeneral Morgan at Shumar s ]Mills, (near\\nBlue Ball,) with positive instructions\\nnot to move until he should receive or-\\nders, and through that memorable battle\\nMorgan was compelled to listen all day\\nto the distant firing, chafing with impa-\\ntience for orders to jtjiu, but orders\\nfailed to come. The JNIanahawken mili-\\ntia, when they got to Shumar s Mills,\\nwere probably placed under Morgan s\\ncommand, and this would account for\\ntheir not participating in the battle.\\nDuring the war Captain Randolph was\\none night surprised in bed, at home, by\\nRefugees, taken prisoner and carried to a\\nswamp and tied to a tree, but managed\\nto escape. At another time the Refu-\\ngees surrounded and searched his house\\nwhile he was in it, but his wife success-\\nfully concealed him under feathers in a\\ncask.\\nT^\\\\0 UNARMED MILITIA CAPTURE THREE\\nARMED REFUGEES.\\nSeth Crane and David Johnson, two\\nmembers of the Manahawken militia, on\\ntheir return from a fishing excursion one\\nday during the war, were in their boat\\nby the bank of a meadow, preparing to\\ngo home, when three armed Refugees\\ncame down to the boat, and the leader\\nleaning his musket against the side of\\nthe boat, went aft, and unceremc-\\nniously began to pick out the finest of\\nthe fish, and said he meant to have them.\\nCrane told him he could not without\\npaying for them the Refugee said he\\nwould take them by force. As quick as\\nflash. Crane f)icked up an eel spear, and\\nholding it over him, told him to drop\\nthe fish or he would run the spear\\nthrough him. Crane was a small sized\\nman, brave, but apt to be rather hasty,\\nand his comrade Johnson, who was just\\nthe reverse, large, powerful, but apt to\\nbe too slow, now saw the probability of\\na serious fight before them, and as he\\nstood on the meadow by the bow of the\\nboat between the remaining two Refu-\\ngees, instantly with his powerful fist,\\nknocked one of them, musket and all,", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "2(i\\ninto the Avater, and tlieu grasping the j\\nmusket leaning against the boat brought I\\nit to bear upon the remaining tory, who\\nwas so startled by the unexpected turn of\\nevents, that he started to run, npon\\nwhich he was told to drop his musket\\ninstantly, or he would be a dead man\\nthe tei-rified man did so. Johnson and\\nCrane secured the muskets and then let\\nthe Refugees go with a seasonable warn-\\niug against stealing fish in future.\\ni\\nOIBERSON, THE REFUGEE, AND THE MAN-\\nAHAWKEN MILITIA.\\nDuring the war the Refugee leaders\\nappear to have had our shore divided in-\\nto districts Davenport and his men had\\nDover township for their stamping\\nground Bacon from Cedar Creek to\\nParkertown, below West Creek around\\nTuckerton and below it Joe Mulliner\\nand Gibcrsou, from their head- quarters\\nat the forks of the Mullica river, sailed\\nft)rth on their i:)redatory excixrsions.\\nThese men do not appear to have left\\ntheir respective districts except to aid\\ntheir confederates.\\nOne time Giberson, with a part of his\\nband, suddenly ajjpeared at Tuckerton,\\nand thinking they were safe went to\\nDaniel Falkinburgh s tavern, (where Dr.\\nImage s house now is,) and determined to\\nliave a good time. They began liy mak-\\ning night hideous with their bacchana-\\nlian revels. Some of the villagers at\\nonce sent word to the Manahawken mil-\\nitia, and Sylvester Tilton and three or\\nfour more started in a farm wagon to at-\\ntempt to capture or disperse the outlaws.\\nGiberson was informed by a Tory that\\nthe militia had been sent for, and so he\\nretreated towards the landing, to a good\\npetition near his boats, and when the\\nmilitia arrived he poured into their raiiks\\nsuch a volley that they were compelled\\nto retreat, as they found the Refugees\\nwere in greater force than had been\\nrepresented.\\nThe militia jumped into theii- wagon\\nand drove back, folloAved 1\u00c2\u00bbt Giberson\\nand his men, who pursued them to AVest\\nCreek bridge, where the Refugees halted.\\nThis little affair was about the only one\\nduiing the war that gave the Refugees a\\nchance to boast, and so they often re-\\nlated the story Avith great glee and much\\nexaggeration but after all there was\\nbut little to brag about, in a strong force\\ncav;sing the weak one to retreat. As the\\nmilitia were driA ing over West Creek\\ncrossing a mishap occurred to the wagon\\ntongue one end dropping down, which\\nchecked them long enough to allow the\\nRefugees to fire again, but fortunately\\nwithout effect.\\nTERRIBLE CALAMITY AT MANAHAAA KEN.\\nDuring the war (in December, 1780,) a\\nshocking calamity occured at ManahaAv-\\nken, by which several lives Avere lost. A\\ndwelling house owned by William Pid-\\ngeon, on what was once known as the\\nHayAvood place, took fire and burned\\ndoAvn. Captain Isaac Andrews lived iu\\nthe house. His two daughters, one\\nwhite hired man and two colored men\\nwere burned to death, so rapid was the\\nfire, occasioned by a high wind. Six\\npersons in the house managed to escape,\\nbut A^athout apparel. Mr. Pidgeou at\\nthe time was ill in the house, and got\\nsomewhat burned, but leaped out of the\\nsecond story, window and was tlien taken\\nto a neighboring house he was taken\\nworse from excitement, and caught cold\\nthat night, having been removed in his\\nshirt, and died a few days after.\\nTHE BURNING OF TOMS KIVEK.\\nCAPTURE OF THE BLOCKHOUSE INHUMAN\\nBUTCHERY OF AMERICANS A TERRIBLE\\nDAY AT TOMS RIVER.\\nThe attack by the British and Refugees\\non Toms River, was made early in the\\nmoniing of Sunday, March 21:th, 1782.\\nThe blockhouse iu the village was under\\ncommand of Captain Joshua Huddy, who\\nreceived notice of the expected attack the\\nprcA ious evening, and at once notified\\nthe inhabitants, and carefully stationed", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "27\\nsentiuels, and towards morning sout a\\nscouting party to reconnoitre. This pav-\\nty missed the British. It is j^robable\\nthey went down the river road, while the\\nenemy, guided by a Refugee named Wil-\\nliam Dillon, came up the road where the\\nCourt House now stands. The sentinels,\\nstationed some distance oiitside the fort,\\non the enemy s approach, fired their guns\\nto notify the little garrison. Before\\nreaching the fort, the British were joined\\nby a band of Refugees under Davenijort,\\nwhose head-quarters were in cabins and\\ncaves back in the woods in old Dover\\ntownshij).\\nThe rude fort or block-house, which\\nwas unfinished, it is said was six or seven\\nfeet high, made with large logs with loop-\\nholes between, and a number of brass\\nswivels on the top which was entirely\\nopen, with no way of entering but by\\nclimbing over. The little ganisou, said\\nto have consisted of only twenty-five or\\nsix men, had, beside the swivels, muskets\\nwith bayonets and long pikes for defence.\\nThe enemy s force appeared quite for-\\nmidable, considering the weak garrison\\nthey came to attack. They left New\\nYork on the Wednesday preceding, under\\ncommand of Lieut. Blanchard, of the\\nBritish ai med whale-boats, with (accord-\\ning to their own statement) about eighty\\nmen, with Captain Thomas and Lieuten-\\nant Roberts, of the Bucks County Roy-\\nalists, and between thirty and forty other\\nRefugees. They proceeded to Sandy\\nHook, where they were detained by un-\\nfavorable weather until Saturday, the\\n23d. Then under convoy of the British\\narmed brig Arrogant, Captain Stewart\\nRoss, they proceeded to Old Cranberry\\nInlet, and about 12 o clock at night, the\\nwhale boats or barges entered the moiith\\nof Toms River, and the party landed and\\nreached the block-house about daylight.\\nThe sentinels fired as they approached,\\nand then retreated. Lieutenant Blancli-\\nard stated that he summoned the gar-\\nrison to surrender, which they not only\\nrefused to do, luxt bid him defiance,\\nThat he summoned them to surrender, is\\nclearly disproven by the affidavit of Es-\\nquire Randolph, one of the guards, from\\nwhich extracts will be given hereafter.\\nBlanchard added that on their refusal to\\nsurrender he ordered the jjlaco to be\\nstormed, which was according done, and\\nthough defended with great obstinacy,\\nwas soon carried. He acknowledged\\nthat on his side two officers were killed,\\nviz Lieutenant Iredell, of the armed\\nboatmen, and Lieutenant Inslee, of the\\nLoyaUsts, and that Lieutenant Roberts\\nand five others were wounded but the\\ndamage inflicted on them must have been\\ngreater. A negi-o Refugee, killed, was\\nleft by them outside the fort for the\\nAmericans to btiry. On the part of the\\nAmericans, the British in their exagger-\\nj ated report stated that among the killed\\nI was a major of the militia, two captains,\\nj one lieutenant, and five men beside, nine\\nI in all, and twelve made prisoners, two of\\nI whom were wounded, and the rest es-\\nj caped. The American account, as fur-\\nI nished to Gen. Washington, stated that\\nHuddy and fifteen men were made pris-\\noners and that five men were deliberately\\nmurdered after siirrendering and asking\\nfor quarter. Major John Cook, of the\\nSecond Regiment Monmouth MiUtia,\\nwas brutally killed outside the fort by a\\nnegro, after surrendering John Farr\\nI and James Kensley were also killed\\nMoses Robbins was seriously wounded in\\nthe face John Wainright fought until\\nshot down with six or seven bullets in\\nhim. From circumstantial evidence, it is\\nprobable that Captain Ephraim Jenkins,\\nof Toms River, was also killed. Among\\nthe prisoners taken were Captain Joshua\\nHuddy, Esquire Daniel Randoljih and\\nJacob Fleming. Tradition says that one\\nof the sentinels named David Imlay es-\\ncaped and hid in a swamp until the Brit-\\nish left.\\nMr. Randoljili s account of the attack,\\ngiven under affidavit three weeks after-\\nwards, and forwarded to Gen. Washing-\\nton, and by liim sent to Congress, is a", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "28\\ncleai statement of so miicli of the affaii*\\nas came imder liis own observation. In\\nhis deposition, he stated that he resided\\nat Toms Kiver that on Saturday, March\\n23d, 1782, the inhabitants of the \\\\dllage\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0were informed by Captain Huddy that a\\nbody of Refugees were approaching to\\nattack the post that deponent joined the\\nguard that just as day began to appear,\\non Sunday morning. Captain Huddy de-\\ntached a party of the guard to make dis-\\ncovei y where the enemy were, and bring\\nhim accounts that this guard missed\\nthe enemy, and soon after, before it was\\nbroad daylight, the enemy appeared in\\nfront of their small unfinished block-\\nhouse, and commenced an attack without\\nany previous demand of surrender that\\nCapt. Hixddy did all that a brave man\\ncould to defend himself against so supe-\\nrior a number that after quarter was\\ncalled for, and the block-house surrend-\\nered, he, Randolph, saw a negro Refu-\\ngee bayonet Major John Cook, and he\\nalso saw a number of Refugees jump into\\nthe blockhouse, and heard them say they\\nwould bayonet them, but he did not see\\nit done to any person other than Major\\nCook.\\nAfter the capture of the block-house,\\nthe brutal enemy proceeded to burn the\\ndwellings in the village. They boasted\\nthat they burned the whole town, which,\\nthey said, consisted of about a dozen\\nhouses, together with a grist and saw\\nmill and the block-house, and carried\\naway two V)arge8, one a fine one belong-\\ning to Capt. Adam Hyler, spiked an iron\\ncannon and threw it into the river, and\\nintended to visit other places to destroy\\nthem, but were prevented by the condi-\\ntion of their wounded. The barges of\\nHyler, referred to by them, generally\\ncarried thii ty or forty men.\\nAll the houses in the village were\\nImrned, except two, one belonging to\\nAaron Buck and the otlier to Mrs. Stud-\\nsou. Aaron Buck was an active Whig,\\nand one reason why it was spared was\\nprobably owing to the fact that his wife\\nwas a niece of William Dillon, the Refu-\\ngee guide. Mrs. Studson s husband.\\nLieutenant Joshua Studson, had been\\nmurdered a short time before by the\\nRefugee captain, John Bacon, and the\\nBritish probably thought injury enough\\nhad already been done to her. Among\\nthe houses burned, was one belonging to\\nCapt. Ephraira Jenkins, and also one on\\nthe south side of the river in which Abiel\\nAikens lived and in which the first Meth-\\nodist sermon was preached at Toms\\nRiver. Mr. Aikens daughter came near\\nbeing burned in the house when the\\nruffians surrounded the house, she re-\\ntreated up stairs, and when she came\\n1 doMii, the stairs were on fire, and fell\\njust as she reached the bottom. About\\na mile north of the block-house, was a\\ni dwelling in the woods, belonging to a\\nman named Wilbur, which appears to\\nhave been overlooked by the Refugees,\\nI as it was spared.\\nj What a terrible day to the inhabitants\\nof Toms River, was that memorable Sab-\\nbath Probably not less than from sev-\\nenty-five to a hundred women and chil-\\ndren were rendered houseless and home-\\nless household goods and necessaries of\\nj life destroyed the killed and wounded\\nj demanded their attention husbands and\\nj fathers were carried away captive. Some\\nfamilies were entirely broken up, the\\nheads killed syid mothers and children\\nj scattered, to be cared for by strangers.\\nTHE GARKISON AT TOMS RFVEK.\\nCaptain John Huddy was stationed at\\nToms River at the request of the citizens\\nI of Old Monmouth, made in a petition to\\nj the Legislature, dated December 10,\\n1781, recommending him as a suitable\\nperson to command a guard at Toms\\nI River. The State Council of Safety, it\\nis supposed, gave him his orders in the\\nmouth following, and as it must have\\ntaken a little time for him to collect men\\ni he could not have been long at Toms\\nI River when attacked. The British, after\\ntheir return to Xew York, stated that the", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "29\\ngarrison of the block-house consisted\\nof twenty-five or six twelve months men.\\nThis, probably, was about the number\\nof men they found in and around the\\nblock-house, but several did not belong-\\nto Captain Buddy s Company. They\\nwere volunteers from the citizens of the\\nvillage, who responded to his notice the\\nevening before, and hastily joined him\\nto aid in defending their homes. Among\\nthem were Daniel Randolph, Jacob\\nFleming and David Imlay, and also Ma-\\njor John Cook and Captain Ephraim\\nJenkins, who appear to have been home\\non leave. From Randolph s affidavit, it\\nwould seem that most of the remaning\\ncitizens vohmteered to join the guard,\\nand went down the river road and were\\nthus cut off from aiding, by the enemy\\ngetting between them and the blockhouse.\\nIn the official register of officers and\\nmen of New Jarsey, in the Revolution,\\nthe following names are given of men be-\\nlonging to Captain Huddy s Company.\\nAs the privates are termed matrosses\\nit is probable they had experience in ar-\\ntillery sei-vice. The names in italics de-\\niiote men who had also served in the\\nContinental army.\\nCaptain, Joshua Huddy Sergeant,\\nDavid Laudon.\\nMatrosses Daniel Applegate, Wil-\\nliam Case, David Dodge, James Edsal,\\nJoJin Fan; James Kensley, Cornelius\\nMcDaniel, James Mitchell, John Morris,\\nJohn Nlverson, George Parker, John\\nParker, Joseph Parker, Jonathan Petti-\\nV more, Moses Jlohbins, Thomas Rostoin-\\nder, Jacob Stillwagne, Seth Storey,\\nThomas Valentine, .John Wainright, John\\nWilbur.\\nOf the above named, John Farr and\\nJames Kensley were killed in the fight,\\nand Moses Robbins and John Waim-ight\\ndangerously wounded and of those who\\nvolunteered the previous evening, Major\\nCook and Cai^tain Jenkins were killed.\\nIn regard to Major Cook s murder by\\na negro, after surrendering, it is jjossible\\nthat his death might have l^een avenged\\nby some one in the block-house shooting\\nthe negi o through the port holes, as a\\nnegro was killed and left lying there.\\nMEMORANDA RELATING TO PERSONS MEN-\\nTIONED IN THE FOREGOING.\\nDaniel Randolph, Esquire, who re-\\nsided at Toms River at the time of the\\nattack, was well-known throughout Old\\nMonmouth as a man of prominence and\\ninfluence among the Whigs. He Avas\\ntaken prisoner and carried to New York,\\nwhere two or three weeks after he was\\nexchanged for a Refugee captain, named\\nClayton Tilton. Jacolj Fleming was ex-\\nchanged for a Refugee, named Aaron\\nWhite. On the 15th of April, about\\nthree weeks after the attack on Toms Riv-\\ner, Esquire Randolph was in Freehold and\\nmade the affidavit before refeiTcd to.\\nCaptain Ephraim Jenkins was an active\\npatriot he had commanded a company of\\nthe Monmouth militia, and June 14th,\\n1780, he had been commissioned as\\nCaptain in Colonel Holmes regiment of\\nState troops. From the fact that the\\nwriter has not been able to find any\\nmention of him after the fight, and that\\nhis chiklren were afterwards scattered\\nalong shore to be cared for by strangers,\\nit is p^ obable that he was one of the two\\ncajitains said to have been killed. One of\\nhis daughters Avas adopted by Major John\\nPrice, of Goodluck and she subsequent-\\nly married a man named Springer.\\nAbiel Aikeus suffered severely for his\\npatriotism during the war. In his old\\nage (1808) the Legislature passed an act\\nfor his relief. He was the first friend\\nMethodism found at Toms River, and a\\nprominent citizen of the place many\\nyears after the war.\\nAaron Buck, was also a well-known\\nWliig. The Dillon, whose daughter he\\nmarried, was not known as a Tory, and\\nwas a much better man than his In-other\\nWilliam, who acted as guide to the\\nTories. Aaron Buck left two daughters,\\none of whom married Judge Ebenezer\\nTucker, formerly a member of Congress,", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "30\\nafter whom Tnckcrtou was named. An-\\nother daughter married John Rogers,\\nfather of the late James D. and Samuel\\nRogers. It is said that in a fit of tem-\\nporary insanity jNIr. Buck committed\\nsuicide by hanging himself on board of\\nhis vessel at Toms River.\\nWilliam Dillon, the Refugee guide,\\nhad been once tried and sentenced to\\ndeath at Freehold, but pardoned soon\\nafter he aided as pilot to the British ex-\\npedition which came from New York to\\nrecapture the ship Love and Unity, as\\ndescribed in a jjrevious chapter.\\nCaptain Joshua Huddy was taken to\\nNew York and confined until the 8th of\\nApril following, when he was taken on\\nboard a sloop and carried to Sandy Hook,\\nand on the 12th of April he was barbar-\\nously hung by tlie Refugees near the\\nHighlands.\\nTHE LAST WAR WITH ENGLAND.\\nC.AJ TURE OF OCEAN COITNTY VESSELS.\\nDuring the war of 1812-14, Ocean\\ncounty vessels trading to New York and\\nelsewhere, found their business seriously\\ninjured by British cruisers on our coast.\\nOccasionally some bold, fortunate mas-\\nter of a yessel would succeed in eluding\\nthe enemy s vigilance, and arrive safely\\nat New York but generally they were\\nnot so fortunate. Commodore Hardy, in\\nhis flag-ship, the Ramillies, a 74-gun\\nship, had command of the British block-\\nading scpiadron on our coast. All ac-\\ncounts, written and traditional, concede\\nthat lie was one of the most honorable\\nofficers in the British service. Unlike\\nthe infamous Aflmiral Cockburn, who\\ncommanded the blocking sqtiadrou fur-\\nther south, Hardy never took private\\nproperty of Americans, except contraband\\nin war, without offering comiiensation.\\nBy his vigilance, he inflicted considerable\\ndamage to otir coasters, and by nearly\\nstopinng this trade, injury also resulted\\nto a large jjortion of other citizens, tlien\\ndepemliug on tlie lumber trade.\\nOn the last day of March, 1813, Hardy\\nin the Ramillies, came close to Bamegat\\nInlet, and sent in barges loaded with\\narmed men after two American vessels\\nlying in the Inlet. They boarded the\\nschooner Greyhound, Capt. Jesse Rogers,\\nof Potter s Creek, and attempted to take\\nher out, biat she grounded the\\nenemy then set fire to her, and she\\nwas burned, together with her cargo of\\nlumber. They then set fiie to a bIooj)\\nbelonging to Capt. Jonathan Winner,\\nHezekiah Soper and Timothy Soper, of\\nWaretown this vessel was saved, how-\\never, as signals were fired by the Com-\\nmodore recalling the barges in haste,\\nthat he might start in pursuit of some\\nvessel at sea. As soon as the barges left,\\nthe Americans went on board the sloop,\\nand extinguished the fire. The name of\\nthe sloop has generaDy been given as the\\nMary Elizabeth, but one or two old resi-\\ndents insist that it was the Susan the\\nprobability is that vessels of both names\\nwere fired, but at diff erent times, TVTiile\\nthe barges were in the Inlet, a party\\nlanded on the beach, on the south side,\\nand killed fifteen head of cattle belonging\\nto Jeremiah Spragg and John Allen.\\nThe owners were away, but the British\\nleft word that if they presented their bill\\nto Com. Hardy, he would settle it as he\\ngenerally did similar ones but the own-\\ners were too p\u00c2\u00a3\\\\.triotic to attempt anything\\nthat seemed like furnishing supplies to\\nthe enemy.\\nAt another time, the schooner Presi-\\ndent, Captain Amos Birdsall, of Ware-\\ntown, bound to New York, was taken by\\nCom. Hardy, who at once commenced to\\ntake from the schooner, her spars, deck\\nplanks, etc. Capt. Birdsall with his\\ncrew had liberty to leave in their yawl\\nbut on account of a heavy sea, they were\\ndetained a day or two on board, when\\nthey succeeded in getting on board a\\nfishing smack and thus got home. Be-\\nfore Capt, Birdsall left the Ramillies, the\\nmasts of his schooner had boon sawed in-\\nto plank l y the British.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "31\\nThe sloop Elizabeth, Captain Thomas\\nBunnell, of Forked River, was captured\\nby barges sent into Barnegat Inlet, and\\ntowed out to sea but it is said she was\\nshortly after lost on Long Island. The\\ncaptain saw the barges coming, and he\\nand the crew escaped in the yawl. She\\nwas owned by Wm. Piatt and Capt. Bun-\\nnell. At another time, Capt. Bunnell\\nwas taken out of another vessel, and de-\\ntained by the British some time, and then\\nput on board a neutral vessel, said to\\nhave been Spanish, and thus got to New\\nYork. The sloop Traveler, Captain Asa\\nGrant, was set on fire by the British,\\nbut the fire was extinguished after the\\nBritish left. At another time, two\\nsloops, one named the Maria, the name\\nof the other not known, were chased\\nashore near Squan Inlet.\\nA vessel commanded by Capt. John\\nRogers, who lived near Toms Rfver, was\\nalso captured, and Rogers himself de-\\ntained for a while on the British man-of-\\nwar. Capt. Rogers used frequently to\\nrelate his adventures on this ill-starred\\ntrip which cost him his vessel, and among\\nothers to the late well-remembered Billy\\nHerbert, or Harbor as he was generally\\ncalled, at the old Toms River hotel. The\\nBritish, he said, treated him with civili-\\nty, and one day, an officer, who believed\\nin the superiority of his ship, asked\\nRogers, rather boastingly, What would\\nan American man-of-war do alongside a\\nship like this? And what did you\\ntell him asked Uncle Billy. I told\\nhim she would blow the Ramillies to h 1\\nmighty quick said Rogers.\\nCapt, Jesse Rogers, of the Greyhound,\\nwho lived to quite an advanced age, made\\nefforts to have his losses re-imbursed by\\nCongress, as ditl also Messrs. Spragg and\\nAllen and others, but they were unsuc-\\ncessful.\\nIn giving reminiscences of Waretown,\\nmention has been made of the excitement\\ncreated by the barges of Com. Hardy en-\\ntering the inlet and burning the Grey-\\nhound, At Forked River, a new dwell-\\ning and store had just been erected at\\nthe upper landing by Charles Parker,\\nfather of Gov. Joel Parker. Mr. Parker\\ninformed the writer that though his\\nhouse was unfinished, yet the roof was\\nfilled with persons watching Hardy s\\nproceedings. Judge Jacob Birdsall, then\\na boy, was among the children sent to\\ndwellings back in the woods for safety.\\nThe war of 1812 did not seem to be a\\nvery popular one in New Jersey, as the\\npolitical party opposing it generally\\ncarried the State. To raise troops, a\\ndraft was at one time ordered along\\nshore, which called for one man in every\\nseven. This draft, however, seemed to\\nwork but little hardship, as seven men\\nwould chib together to hire a substitute,\\nwho could generally be engaged for u\\nbonus of fifty dollars. Most of the men\\nobtained under the orders for drafting,\\nwere sent to defend Sandy Hook, where,\\nfrom the reports they siibsequently\\nmade, their time was principally occTijHed\\nin uttering maledictions on commissaries\\nfor furnishing them with horse beef and\\nother objectionable grub. Among those\\nwho volunteered, the last survivor at\\nForked River was the late Gershom\\nAyres, who served under Gen, Rossell.\\nAt Waretown, Ralph Chambers was the\\nlast survivor. He was properly entitled\\nI to extra pension for wounds received in\\ni the battle of Plattsburg but as he had\\nmoney of his own when wounded, he\\nhired medical attendance at a private\\nhouse to insure good attention, by which\\nmeans his name escaped being embraced\\nin the official report of wounded. At\\nBamegat, Tunis Bodine is a survivor of\\nthe war of 1812, and is in receipt of a\\npension for his services. In September\\nlast, Mr. Bodine completed his eighty-\\nsixth year, and was so remarkably well\\nand hearty that he made quite a round to\\nPhiladelphia, Trenton and other places,\\ntransacting business, writing letters, etc.\\nas well as most men twenty years his\\njunior.\\nRefei-ring to losses of our citizens by", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "32\\nthe war of 1812, remiuds iis uf au aucc-\\ndote of Capt. Winner, a rather eccentric\\ncitizen of Goodhick, who before the war\\nwas i^ossessed of some property but his\\nvessel was bnrned by tlie British, his\\nbusiness ruined, and he was aboixt\\nstripped of everything. One time he\\nwas travelling some distance from home,\\nquite depressed Avith his misfortunes.\\nThe landlord of an inn, where he stojjped,\\nasked him his name. Winner replied,\\nI am ashamed to tell it, for it is a con-\\nfounded lie The landlord then asked,\\nWell, where are you from Winner\\nreplied, I am ashamed to tell you that,\\nfor it is another confounded big lie\\nThe landlord and bystanders began to\\nthink he was drunk or crazy, when he\\nexplained My name is Winner, but I\\nam always a loser; I live at a place\\ncaUed Goodluck, but I never found any\\nthing there but infernal bad lurk/\\nAfter hearing a detail of his h)sses, the\\nbystanders were satisfied that in his case\\nboth names were misnomers,\\nGENERAL JOHN LACEY.\\nLACEY TOWNSHIP, WHENCE ITS NAME\\nFOUNDER OF FERRAGO FURNACE A\\nYOUTHFUL BRIGADIER A QUAKER IN\\nTHE WAR PATH.\\nLacey township derives its name from\\nGeneral John Lacey, who established\\nFerrago Forge, in 1809, and the well-\\nknown Lacey Road from Ferrago to\\nForked River lauding must have been\\nlaid out soon after. General Lacey was\\nquite a noted man in the Revolution,\\nand the following outline of his life will\\nshow that he Avas desei-ving the honor of\\nhaving his name bestowed on a part of\\nthe county he endeavored to benefit.\\nJohn Lacey was born in Bucks Coun-\\nty, Pa., February 4th, 1755. His pa-\\nternal ancestor Avas from the Isle of\\nWight, and came to this country with\\nWm. Peun. General Lacey s ancestors\\nand all his descendants were Quakers.\\nAt the breaking out of the Revolution,\\nhis love of freedom i\u00c2\u00ab-edomiuated over\\nhis anti-war creed, and he made u^) his\\nmind to obtain it peaceably if he couhl,\\nforcibly if he must. He took a captain s\\ncommission of the Continental Congress,\\nJanuary Gth, 1776, for which he was at\\nonce disowned by the Quakers. He left\\nhis home, his society, his mill, to do\\nbattle for his country. He served under\\nGeneral Wayne, in Canada, and per-\\nformed the hazardous duty of carrying\\nan express from General Sullivan to\\nAi uold, when before Quebec. On his re-\\nturn next year he resigned on account of\\na difficulty with General Wayne. He\\nwas then appointed by the Pennsylvania\\nLegislature to organize the militia of\\nBucks County. He was soon elected\\nColonel. He was now in the midst of\\nTories and Quakers, who were acting in\\nconcert with the enemy, some of whom\\nthreatened him with jjersonal vengeance.\\nThese threats he disregarded as the idle\\nwind. He brought his regiment into\\nthe field and performed feats of valor\\nthat at once raised him to a high standard\\nin the list of heroes. His conduct was\\nparticularly noticed by Washington, and\\nhe was honored with the commission of\\nBrigadier General, January 9th, and or-\\ndered to relieve General Porter. He\\nwas then but twenty-two years old.\\nProbably influenced by Refugee neigh-\\nbors, the British, in Philadeli^hia, de-\\ntermined upon taking him, dead or alive.\\nHis duties were onerous and his watch-\\nfulness untiring. On the first of May,\\nfollowing, he was stationed at a place\\nsince called Hatborough with less than\\n500 men, mostly raw militia. Owing to\\nto the negligence of the officers of the\\npicket guard, his little camp was sur-\\nrounded just at the dawn of the morning,\\nby about 800 British rangers and cavalry.\\nHe formed his men quickly and cut his\\nAvay through with such impetuosity that\\nhe threw the enemy into confusion, and\\nescaped with the loss of only twenty-six\\nmen and a few wounded and prisoners,\\nwho were treated with a barbarity that\\ncasts savage warfare in the shade. The", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "33\\nbold maueuvre of Geu. Lacey aud\\nhis brave Spartans Avas a matter of ap-\\nplause througliout the country. He -was\\nconstantly employed by General Wash-\\nington in hazardous enterprises, and in\\nevery instance receive his unqualified\\napprobation. After the evacuation of\\nPhiladelphia, Gen. Lacey was a member\\nof the Pennsylvania Legislature, and\\nserved three consecutive sessions. In\\n1781 he closed his military career, and\\nlike a good citizen married an amiable\\ndaughter of Col. Beynolds, of New Jer-\\nsey, and commenced a successful career\\nof domestic feUcity. He filled various\\ncivil offices, lived in the esteem of every\\npatriot (not of all his Quaker relatives)\\nand died at the village of New Mills,\\n(now Pemberton) New Jersey, Feb. 14th,\\n1814, in his 59th year.\\nThe foregoing notice is substantially\\nfrom a work by L. Carroll Judson. In\\nNiles Principles of the Eevolution, is\\nto be found considerable correspondence\\nbetween Gen. Lacey and Gen. Washing-\\nton, which shows the responsible duties\\nGeneral Lacey had to perform, princi-\\npally in preventing Tories from furnish-\\ning supplies to the British. Both of\\nthese Generals distrusted the Quakers of\\nBucks county, a notoriously Tory section\\nAvhich furnished Befugees to attack\\nToms Biver, and in one letter General\\nWashington orders Gen. Lacey to pre-\\nvent all Quakers from the surrounding\\ncountry from going to Philadelphia year-\\nly meeting, as he fears the plans settled\\nat these meetings are of the most perni-\\ncious tendency. The Whigs at this\\ntime suffered so much from information\\nand supplies to the enemy, that, on re-\\nceipt of Washington s letter, Lacey at\\nonce issued orders to stop all Quakers\\nand others from visiting Philadelphia,\\nand if they refused to stop when hailed\\nto tire upon them and leave their bodies\\nin the road. This order was afterward\\nmodified by Congress, to confiscation only\\nof horses and provisions.\\nIn regard to the surprise of Geu. Lacey\\nand his men by the British, alluded to\\nabove, Lacey -smtes as follows\\nSome of my men were butchered in\\nthe most savage and cruel manner even\\nwhile living, some were thrown into\\nbuckwheat straw, and the straw set on\\nfire. The clothes were burnt on others,\\nand scarcely one was left without a dozen\\nwounds with bayonets and cutlasses.\\nHe says he retreated upwards of two\\nmiles, fighting all the way, until he\\nreached a wood and extricated himself,\\nlosing thirty killed and seventeen\\nwounded.\\nGen. Lacey and his corps were dis-\\ncharged by the Executive of Pennsylva-\\nnia, Oct. 12, 1781, with the thanks of the\\nCouncil.\\nSamuel H. Shreve, Esq. who in past\\nyears has furnished many valuable his-\\ntorical items to the New Jersey Coue-\\nlEK, says in a communication dated Janu-\\nary, 1868 Ferrago Foige was erected\\nby Gen. Lacey in 1809, and the same\\nyear Dover Forge was built by W. L.\\nSmith, the father-in-law of Lacey.\\nFrom this it would appear that Gen.\\nLacey was twice married. We have\\nheard it stated that Lacey expended ten\\nthousand dollars at Ferrago in building\\nthe dam alone, and the contruotion of\\nthe forge and other buildings and of the\\nroad to Forked Biver must have required\\na very considerable outlay of money.\\nINDIAN WILL.\\nAN ECCENTRIC ABORIGINAIi OF THE SHORE.\\nIn days gone by, the singular char-\\nacter and eccentric acts of the noted In-\\ndian Will formed the theme of many a\\nfireside story among our ancestors, many\\nof which are still remembered by older\\ncitizens. Some of the traditionary inci-\\ndents given below diflfer in some particu-\\nlars, but we give them as related to us\\nmany years ago by old residents. Inchan\\nWill was evidently quite a traveler, and\\nwell known from Barnegat almost to the\\nHighlands. At Forked Biver, it is said", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "34\\nhe often visited Samuel Chamberlain on\\nthe neck of land between the north and\\nmiddle branches, and was generally fol-\\nlowed by a jjack of lean, liungiy dogs\\nwhich he kept to defend himself from his\\nIndian enemies. The following tradition\\nAvas published in 1842, by Howe, in His-\\ntorical Collections of New Jersey\\nAbout the year 1670, the Indians\\nsold out the section of country near Eat-\\nontown to Lewis Morris for a barrel of\\ncider, and emigrated to Crosswicks and\\nCraubiuy. One of them, called Indian\\nWill, remained, and dwelt in a wigwam\\nbetween Tintou Falls and Swimming\\nRiver. His tribe were in consequence\\nexasperated, and at various times sent\\nmessengers to kill him in single combat\\nbut, being a brave, athletic man, he al-\\nways came off conqueror. On a certain,\\nwhile partaking of a breakfast of suppawn\\nand milk with a silver siJoon at Mr.\\nEaton s, he casually remarked that he\\nknew where there were plenty of such.\\nThey promised that if he would bring\\nthem, they would give him a red coat and I\\ncocked hat. In a short time he was ar-\\nrayed in that dress, and it is said the\\nBatons suddenly became wealthy. About\\n80 years since, in pulling down an old\\nmansion in Shrewsbury, iu which a\\nmaiden member of this family in her\\nlifetime had resided, a (juantity of cob\\ndollars, supiDosed by the superstitious to\\nhave been Kidd s money, was found con-\\ncealed iu the cellar wall. This coin was\\ngenerally of a square or oblong shape,\\nthe corners of which wore out the\\npockets.\\nA somewhat similar, or perhajjs a vari-\\nation of the same tradition, we have fre-\\nquently heard from old residents of\\nOcean county, as follows\\nIndian Will often visited the family\\nof Derrick Lougstreet at Manasquan,\\nand one time showed them some silver\\nmoney which excited their surprise.\\nThey Avished to know where he got it,\\nand wanted Will to let them have it.\\nAVill refused to part with it, luit told\\nthem he had found it iu a trunli along\\nthe beach, and there was plenty of yellow\\nmoney beside but as the yellow money\\nwas not as pretty as the white, he did\\nnot want it, and Longstreet might have\\nit. So Longstreet went with him, and\\nfound the money in a trunk, covered over\\nAvith a tarpaulin and buried in the sand.\\nWill kejit the white money, and Long-\\nstreet the yellow (gold), and this satis-\\nfactory division made the Longstreets\\nwealthy.\\nIt is probable that Will found money\\nalong the beach but whether it had\\nbeen buried by i^irates, or Avas from\\nsome shipAVi-ecked vessel, is another\\nquestion. However, the connection of\\nKidd s name with the money would indi-\\ncate that Will lived long after the year\\nnamed in the first quoted tradition\\n1670j. Kidd did not sail on his pirati-\\ncal cruises until 1696, and, from the\\ntraditionary information the Avriter has\\nbeen enabled to obtain, Will must have\\nlived many years subsequent. The late\\nJohn Tilton, a prominent, much-re-\\nspected citizen of Barnegat, in early\\nyears lived at Squan, and he was quite\\nconfident that aged citizens who related\\nto him stories of Will, knew him per-\\nsonally. They described him as stout,\\nbroad-shouldered, with prominent In-\\ndian features, and rings in his ears, and\\na good-sized one in his nose.\\nThe following are some of the stoi ics\\nrelated of him Among otlier things\\nAvhicli Will had done to excite the ill-Avill\\nof other Indians, he was charged with\\nhaAdng killed his Avife. Her brother,\\nnamed Jacob, determined on revenge.\\nHe pursued him, and, finding him un-\\narmed, imdertook to march him off cap-\\ntive. As they Avere going along, Will\\ncspiod a pine knot on the ground, man-\\naged to liick it up, and suddenly dealt\\nJacob a fatal bloAv. As he dropped to\\nthe ground. Will tauntingly exclaimed,\\nJacob, look up at tlie sun yoii ll\\nnever see it again Most of the old\\nresidents who related traditions of Will,", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "85\\nspoke of bis finding honey at one time\\non the tlead body of an Indian he had\\nkilled but whether it was Jacob s or\\nsome other, was not mentioned.\\nAt one time to make sure of killing\\nWill, four or five Indians started in pur-\\nsuit of him, and they succeeded in sur-\\nprising him so suddenly that he had no\\nchance for defence or flight. His cap-\\ntors told him they were about to kill him,\\nand he must at once jirepare to die. He\\nheard his doom with Indian stoicism,\\nand he had only one favor to ask before\\nhe was killed and that was to be allowed\\nto take a drink out of his jug of liquor\\nwhich had just been filled. So small a\\nfavor the captors could not refuse. As\\nWill s jug was full, it was only common\\npoliteness to ask them to drink also.\\nNow if his captors had any weakness it\\nwas for rum, so they gratefully accepted\\nhis invitation. The drink rendered them\\ntalkative, and they commenced reasoning\\nwith him upon the enormity of his of-\\nfences. The condemned man admitted\\nthe justness of their reproaches and\\nbegged to be allowed to take another\\ndrink to drown the stings of con-\\nscience the captors consented to join\\nhim again indeed it would have been\\ncruel to refuse to drink with a man so\\nsoon to die. This gone throx;gh with,\\nthey persuaded Will to make a full con-\\nfession of his misdeeds, and their magni-\\ntude so aroused the indignation of his\\ncaptors that they had to take another\\ndrink to enable them to do their duty\\nbecomingly in fact they took divers\\ndrinks, so overcome were they by his\\nharrowing tale, and then they were so\\ncompletely unmanned that they had to\\ntry to recuperate by sleej). Then crafty\\nWill, who had really drank but little, j\\nsoftly rose, found his hatchet, and soon\\ndispatched his would-be captors.\\nIt was a rule with Will not to waste\\nany ammunition, and therefore he was\\nbound to eat whatever game he lolled,\\nbut a buzzard which he once shot, sorely\\ntried him, and it took two or three days\\nj starving before he could stomach it.\\nI One time when he was alone on the\\nbeach he yvas seized with a fit of sickness\\nand thought he was about to die, and\\nnot wishing his body to lie exposed, he\\nsucceeded in digging a shallow grave in\\nthe sand in which he lay for a while, but\\nhis sickness passed off and he crept out\\nand went on his way rejoicing. In the\\nlatter part of his life he would never\\nkill a willet, as he said a willet once\\nsaved his life. He said he was in a canoe\\none dark stormy night crossing the bay,\\nand somewhat the worse for liquor, and\\nunconsciously about to drift out the\\nInlet into the ocean, when a willet\\nscreamed and the peculiar cry of this\\nbird seemed to him to say this way,\\nWni this way. Will and tliat way\\nWill went, and reached the beach just in\\ntime to save himself from certain death\\nin the breakers. When after wild fowl\\nhe would ^sometimes talk to them in a\\nlow tone Come this way my nice bird,\\nWill won t hurt you. Will won t hurt\\nyou If he succeeded in killing one\\nhe would say You fool, you believed\\nme, eh? Ah, Will been so much with\\nwhite men he learned to lie like a white\\nman\\nNear the mouth of Squau river is a\\ndeep place known as Will s Hole.\\nThere are two versions of the origin of\\nthe name, but both connecting Indian\\nWill s name with it. Esquire Benjamin\\nPearce, an aged, intelligent gentleman,\\nresiding in the vicinity, informed the\\nwriter that he understood it was so called\\nbecause Will himself was drowned in it.\\nThe other version, related by tlie late\\nwell remembered Thomas Cook, of Point\\nPleasant, is as follows\\nIndian Will lived in a cabin in the\\nwoods near Cook s jjlace one day he\\nbrought home a muski-at which he or-\\ndered his wife to cook for ilinner she\\nobeyed, but when it was placed iipon\\nthe table she refused to partake of it.\\nVery well, said he, if you are too\\ngood to eat muskrat you are too good to", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "36\\nlive with me. And thereupon he took\\nher clown to the place or hole in the\\nriver spoken of, and drowned her.\\nMr. Cook gave another tradition as fol-\\nlows Indian Will had three brothers-\\nin-law, two of whom resided on Long\\nIsland, and when, in course of time,\\nword reached them that their sister had\\nbeen drowned, they crossed over to Jer-\\nsey to avenge her death. When they\\nreached Will s cabin, he was inside eat-\\ning clam soup. Knowing their errand,\\nhe incited them to dinner, telling them\\nhe would fight it out with them after-\\nward. They sat down to eat, but before\\nconcluding their dinner Will pretended\\nhe heard some one coming, and hurried\\nto the door, outside of which the visitors\\nhad left their guns, one of which Will\\ncaught up and fired and killed one Indian\\nand then shot the other as he rushed to\\nclose in. In those days the Indians held\\nyearly councils about where Burrsville\\nnow is. At one of these councils Will\\nmet the third brother-in-law, and when\\nit was over they started home together\\ncaiTjing a jug of whiskey between them.\\nOn the way, inflaimed with liquor, this\\nIndian told Will he meant to kill him\\nfor drowning his sister. They closed in\\na deadly fight, and Will killed his antag-\\nonist with a pine knot.\\nMr. Cook said, Indian Will finally\\ndied in his cabin above mentioned. From\\nthe traditions related to us many years\\nago, by Eli and John Collins and John\\nTilton of Barnegat, Eeuben WilUams of\\nForked River, and others, and from\\nThomas Cook s statements, it is evident\\nIndian Will must have lived until about\\na ceutuiy ago and if he jjrotested against\\nany sale of laud it must have been\\nagainst the titles ceded about 1758. At\\nthe treaties then, an Indian called Cap-\\ntain John, claimed the lands from Mete-\\ndeconk to Toms River, but other Indians\\nBaid they were also concerned.\\nBAPIISTS IN OCEAN COUNTY.\\nMANAHAWKEN CHURCH.\\nThe first church built in Ocean county\\nwas the one generally known as the Bap-\\ntist Church at Manahawkeu. It was\\nbuilt at least as early as 1758, as it is\\nsaid the original deed for the land on\\nwhich it was situated is dated August 24,\\n1758, and calls for 1 20-100 acres, be-\\nginning at a stake 265 links north* west\\nfrom the meeting house, by which it\\nappears the edifice was already erected.\\nThere is a tradition that the church was\\noriginally erected as a free church, chief-\\nly through the instnimentality of James\\nHaywood. That it was free to all de-\\nnominations is quite evident, as in it\\nmeetings were held by Quakers, Presby-\\nterians, and probably Methodists, and\\nRev. John Murray, the founder of Uni-\\nversahsm in America, also preached in it.\\nIn Webster s History of Presbyterianisni\\nit is claimed as a Presbyterian Church.\\nThe author probably supposed it to be\\nsuch because ministers of that society\\nheld regular services in it in fact, they\\nheld them many years before the Baptist\\nSociety was organized, and were enter-\\ntained by Messrs. Haywood and Ran-\\ndolph, subsequently named among the\\nfounders of the Baptist Society, as ap-\\npears by a letter written by Rev. John\\nBraiuerd in 1761. It is evident that the\\nearly settlers of Manahawkeu were not\\nonly anxious to hear the Word of Truth,\\nbut also believed in religious toleration.\\nThe history of the Bajitist Society at\\nManahawkeu, as given in its old church\\nrecord, was evidently written many years\\nafter the organization of the society. It\\nis well worth preserving in our local re-\\nligious history, though not as definite on\\nsome points as the sketch given in the\\nBaptist Century Book. The following\\nis substantially from the church record\\nAbout 1760, James Haywood, a Bap-\\ntist from Coventry, England Benjamin,\\nReuben and Joseph Randolph, also Bajj-\\ntists, from Piscataway, settled in this", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "37\\nneigliborhood. They were visited by\\nRev, Mr. Blackwell, who preached and\\nbaptized among them. Other Baptists\\nsettled among them from Scotch Plains\\nso that in 1770, they were multiplied to\\nnine souls, which nine were constituted\\na Gospel church that same year by Eev.\\nBenjamin Miller. They joined the Bap-\\ntist Association, and were occasionally\\nvisited by other brethren, so frat in 1776\\nthey numbered fifteen. Rev. Henry\\nCrossley resided among them some time,\\nand was succeeded by Rev. Isaac Bon-\\nnell, after whose departure there was no\\nmore account of Manahawken Church\\nso that in 1799, at a meeting of the Bap-\\ntist Association at Great Valley, they\\nwere about to be erased from the records,\\nbut at the intervention of one or two\\nbrethren they were spared, and visited\\nby ministering brethren, and that not in\\nvain, for though there could none be\\nfound of the character of Baptists save\\nfive female members, two of whom are\\nsince deceased, yet a number round\\nabout were baptized among them but\\nnot meeting in membership with them,\\nit remained doubtful whether they could\\nbe considered a church. Next season,\\nthey were represented to the Association\\nwith flattering prospe its, and a query\\nwas made whether they really were a\\nchurch, which query was answered in\\nthe aflfii-mative in consequence of which\\nsupplies were named, some c f whom pro-\\nposed the propriety of receiving into fel-\\nlowship among them such as had been,\\nor may be in future baptized among\\nthem. The proposition was generally\\naccepted, both by the old members and\\nyoung candidates, and in confirmation of\\nwhich the first Sunday in July, 1802, was\\nset apart for the above purpose, when\\nBros. Alex. McGowan ^and Benjamin\\nHedges gave their assistance. Brother\\nMcGowan, pastor of the church at New\\nMills (now Pemberton), by authority,\\nand on behalf of Sarah Puryne (Perrine?)\\nMary Sprague and Elizabeth Sharp, the\\nremainder of the church in the place.\\nj receiving into union, by right hand of\\nj fellowship, the following named persons,\\nj viz\\nDaniel Parker and Elizabeth his wife\\nEdward Gennings and Abigail his wife\\nThomas Edwards and Catharine his wife;\\nSamuel Grey and Katurah his wife\\nAmos Southard and wife Mary Fortune-\\nberry Phebe Bennett Hannah White\\nMartha Headley Leah Clayton Han-\\nnah Sulsey Jemima Pidgeon Hester\\nPerrine. In the above, Mary Fortune-\\nberry, we presiame, should be Mary\\nFalkinburgh,\\nThe Baptist Century Book furnishes\\nadditional information to the above as\\nfollows\\nThe Baptist Society at Manahawken\\nwas organized August 25th, 1770. In\\nOctober 1771 there were eleven members,\\nand Lines Pangburn was a delegate to\\nthe Baptist Association. The foUowiug\\nwere the appointments made for that\\nyear\\nRev. D. Branson, 3d Sunday in Dec,\\nand May.\\nRev. D. Jones, 3d Sunday in Nov. and\\nMarch.\\nRev. Jas. Sutton, 3d Sunday in Feb.\\nRev. S. Heaton, 3d Sunday in April.\\nRev. P. P, Vanhorn, 4th Sunday in\\nJuly,\\nRev. R. Runyon, 3d Sunday in Aug.\\nRev. W. Van Horn, 3d Sunday in Sep.\\nIn 1772 there were twelve members\\ndelegates from Manahawken and Pitts-\\ngrove, Daniel Prine preachers appointed\\nfor the ensumg year. Rev, Messrs.\\nCrossley, Miller, Kelsey, and David\\nJones.\\n1773. No delegates; twelve members.\\n1774. Rev. Henry Crossley, delegate\\nfifteen members four had joined by\\nletter, one by baptism and one died.\\nThe church this year is called the\\nStafford Church.\\n1775. No delegates members the\\nsame.\\nFrom 1775 there are no returns until", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "38\\ntlie year 1800, when five members are\\nreported.\\n1801. Four members, one having died.\\nThe remaining members of the church\\nhaving some doubts in their minds be-\\ncause of the fewness of their numbers,\\nwhether they exist as a church or no,\\nit is the sense of this Association that the\\nchurch still exists, and while they re-\\njoice in that prosperity which has lately\\nattended the preaching of the Gospel\\namong them, they exhort them to proceed\\nto the reception of members and the\\nelection of officers.\\n1802. Edward Gennings appointed\\ndelegate four baptized, twenty received\\nby letter, oue dead remaining, 27 mem-\\nbers.\\n1803. Thirty-three members.\\n1804. Amos Southard and Samuel\\nGrey, delegates 31 members.\\n1805. Samuel Grey, delegate 74 1\\nmembers 44 baptized two received by\\nletter, and three dismissed.\\n1806. Samuel Grey and Edward Gen-\\nnings, delegates 69 members.\\nHere ends the record of this church in\\nthe Baptist Century Book.\\nIt wiU be seen by the foregoing, that i\\nfrom the out-break of the Revolutionary j\\nwar this society seems to have shared\\nthe fate of so many others in that event- i\\nful period, being virtually broken up for\\na time. Some of its principal members\\nand supporters responded to their coun-\\ntry s call Reuben F. Randolph became\\na captain in the mihtia, his sons members\\nof his company Lines Pangburn, who\\nwe presume was the same person first\\nelected delegate, was killed by the Refu-\\ngees within sight of the church, and\\ndoubtless others were among the patriots\\nfrom this village, who did military ser-\\nvice during the war, particularly in\\nguarding against marauding bands of\\nRefugees who were active until the very\\nclose of the Revolution.\\nRev, Benjamin Miller, who organized\\nthe church, belonged to Scotch Plains,\\nwhere he labored for over thirty years,\\nand died in 1781,\\nFor the items relating to the original\\ndeed of the church we are indebted to I\\nthe researches of Samuel H, Shreve, i\\nEsq. j\\nOTHEK BAPTIST SOCIETIES,\\nThe Baptist Century Book says that\\nthe Baptist Church of Squan and\\nDover was received into the Baptist\\nAssociation in October, 1805, and the\\nsame year Samuel Haven was delegate,\\nand the society had 38 members. In\\n1807 Samuel Haven was again delegate\\n45 members.\\nIn Gordon s History of New Jersey, it\\nis stated that a Baptist Society was es-\\ntablished at West Creek in 1792, which\\nhad, about 1832, 33 members. This\\nstatement is given in close connection to\\nstatistics of the Manahawken Church,\\nand leads to the inference that West\\nCreek, in Ocean County, is referred to.\\nBut we have never heard of a Baptist\\nSociety in past years here, and we are\\ninformed by Wm, P. Haywood, Esq. of\\nthat village, that none existed until\\nwithin a couple of years, and that the\\nWest Creek referred to by Gordon, was\\nin Cape May County.\\nOLD CRANBERRY INLET.\\nA century ag5. Cranberry Inlet, oppo-\\nsite Toms River, was one of the best in-\\nlets on our coast. We have no account\\nof the exact depth of water on its bar,\\nbut large vessels like the loaded brig\\nHand-in-Hand, in 1770, and the ship\\nLove-and-Unity, in 1778, came in with-\\nout difficulty, and during the Revolution\\nit was of much importance, and often\\nused by privateers from New England.\\nThe question of the exact year when it\\nwas first opened, was brought before\\nour courts, some years ago, in a suit in-\\nvolving title to land in its vicinity, but\\nno decisive information was elicited. It\\nis probable, however, that it broke\\nthrough about 1750, It is laid down on", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "39\\nLewis Evaus map, published, iu ITon,\\naud on au English map by JeJBFreys,\\noriginally drawn by Capt. Hallaud, the\\nsame year. David Mapes, a well-re-\\nmembered, much-esteemed colored man,\\nlate of Tiickerton, when a boy, it is said,\\nwas tending cattle on the beach for Sol-\\nomon Wardell, when Cranberry Inlet\\nbroke through. He slept in a cabin, and\\nwas astonished one morning on waking\\nup, to see the sea breaking across the\\nbeach near by. The Inlet finally closed\\nabout the year 1812, though for years\\nprevious it had been gradually shoaling.\\nATTEMPTS TO OPEN NEW INLETS.\\nThe closing of Cranberry Inlet caused\\ngreat inconvenience to coasters, especial-\\nly those belonging to the upper part of\\nthe bay, as they had to go several miles\\nout of their way to Barnegat Inlet.\\nAbout the year 1821, an attempt to open\\na new inlet near the head of the bay was\\nmade by Michael Ortley. He worked at\\nit, off and on, for several years, and\\nspent considerable money in the under-\\ntaking. At length, one day, a large\\ncompany of men volunteered to aid him\\nin completing it. In the evening after\\nfinishing it, Mr. Ortley and his friends\\nhad quite a celebration but sad was\\ntheir disappoiniment the next morning to\\nfind that the running of the tide, which\\nthey supposed would work the inlet\\ndeeper, had a contrary effect, and had\\nraised a bulkhead of sand sufiiciently\\nlarge to close it up. The result was that\\nthe inlet was closed much more expedi-\\ntiously than it had been opened.\\nMany supposed that if an effort was\\nmade to open an inlet farther down the\\nbay in the vicinity of old Cranberry, it\\nwould prove more successful. Acting\\nupon this supposition, another effort was\\nmade to open one opposite Toms River.\\nThe work was done by some two or three\\nhundred men under direction of Anthony\\nIvins, Jr. of Toms Kiver, and completed\\nJuly 4, 1847. In this undertaking, care\\nwas taken to let in the water when it was\\nhigh tide in the bay and low water oixt-\\nside but this enterprise also proved a\\nfailure the sea washing sand in it, and\\nspeedily closing it.\\nBAKNEGAT INLET.\\nBarnegat Inlet has always been open\\nfrom our earliest accounts. The first\\nDutch navigators called it Barcnde-gat,\\nmeaning breakers inlet, or an inlet\\nwith breakers, and the present name is a\\ncorruption of the original Dutch one. In\\nthe character of the inlet, depth of water\\nand roughness on the bar, it has always\\nbeen the same as now, except during the\\nbrief period Cranberry was open, when it\\nwas more shoal and difficult to use than\\nbefore or since. The inlet has shifted\\nup and down the beach, two or three\\nmiles, and, about twenty years ago,\\nwashed down the old lighthouse. At one\\ntime, there was au island iu the inlet with\\na pond in the centre, bixt it soon washed\\naway.\\nBARNEGAT LIGHT HOUSE.\\nThe first light house at Barnegat Inlet\\nwas built about 1834, Congress, by an\\nact approved June 30th, of that year,\\nhaving appropriated $6,000 for the pur-\\npose and it was refitted in 1855. The\\nnew light house was completed in 1858,\\nan appropriation of $45,000 having been\\nmade to build it two years previous. The\\nheight of the light above the level of the\\nsea is 165 feet height of tower from\\nbase to light, 159 feet. It can be seen\\nby an observer standing ten feet above\\nthe level of the sea, twenty-five English\\nmiles and from masthead, about thirty\\nmiles. Its light is revolving, intervals\\nof flash ten seconds, and to aid mariners\\nin distinguishing it, the upper half is\\npainted red and the lower half white. It\\nis one of the finest light houses in the\\nUnited States. Its majestic tower, mag-\\nnificent light and curious revolving ma-\\nchinery make it as well worth seeing as\\nany Ught house on our coast. It is 38 i\\nmiles from the Highland light houses,", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "40\\nIte latitude is 39 deg. 45 miu. 54 sec.\\nand its longitude 74 deg, 6 miu. 1 sec.\\nIts tower is the tallest in the United\\nStates with one exception, that of Pensa-\\ncola light, which is only one foot higher.\\nTHE STOUT FAMILY.\\nThe Stout families of Ocean and Mon-\\nmouth coiiuties descend from John Stout,\\na gentleman of good family, of Notting-\\nhamshire England, whose son Kichard\\nhad a love affiiir with a young woman\\nbeneath his rank, and on account of his\\nfather s interference he got angry and\\nwent to sea in a man of war and served\\nseven years. He was discharged at New\\nYork (then called New Amsterdam) and\\nlived there awhile, when he fell in with a\\nDutch widow, whose maiden name was\\nPenelope Vanprinces, whom he married\\nhe was then said to be in his 40th\\nyear, and she in her 22d. They had\\nten children, seven sons and three\\ndaughters, and Mrs. Stout lived to the\\nremarkable age of 110 and saw her off-\\nspring multiplied into 502 in about 88\\nyears.\\nThe remarkable history of Mrs, Stout,\\nas given in Smith s History, published in\\n1765, is substantially as follows\\nWhile New York was in possession of\\nthe Dutch, a Dutch ship coming from\\nAmsterdam was stranded near Sandy\\nHook, but the passengers got ashore\\namong them was a young Dutchman who\\nhad been sick most of the voyage. He\\nwas so bad after landing that he could not\\ntravel, and the other passengers, being\\nafraid of the Indians, would not stay\\nuntil he recovered. His wife, however,\\nwould not leave him, and the rest prom-\\nised to send for them as soon as they ar-\\nrived at New York. They had not been\\ngone long before a company of Indians,\\ncoming to the water side, discovered\\nthem on the beach, and hastening to the\\nspot soon killed the man and cut and\\nmangled the woman in such a manner\\nthat they left her for dead. She had\\nstrength enough to crawl to some logs\\nnot far distant, and getting into a hollow\\none lived within it for several days, sub-\\nsisting in part by eating the excrescences\\nthat grew from it. The Indians had left\\nsome lire on the shore, which she kept\\ntogether for the warmth. Having re-\\nmained in that manner for some time, an\\nold Indian and a young one coming\\ndown to the beach found her they were\\nsoon in high words, which she afterwards\\nunderstood was a dispute the old In-\\ndian was for keeping her alive, the other\\nfor despatching her. After they had de-\\nbated the point awhile, the oldest Indian\\nhastily took her up and tossing her upon\\nhis shoulder, carried her to a place where\\nMiddletown now stands, where he dressed\\nher wounds and soon cured her. After\\nsome time the Dutch at New York, hear-\\ning of a white woman among the Indians,\\nconcluded who it must be, and some of\\nthem came to her relief the old man,\\nher preserver, gave her the choice to go\\nor stay she chose to go. Awhile after,\\nmarrying one Stout, they Uved together\\nat Middletown among other Dutch in-\\nhabitants.\\nThe old Indian who saved her life used\\nfrequently to visit her. At one of his\\nvisits she observed him to be more pen-\\nsive than common, and sitting down he\\ngave three heavy sighs after the last\\nshe thouglit herself at liberty to ask him\\nwhat was the matter. He told her he\\nhad something to tell her in friendship,\\nthough at the risk of his own life, which\\nwas that the Indians were that night to\\nkill all the whites, and he advised her to\\ngo to New York. She asked him how she\\ncoixld get off? He told her he had pro-\\nvided a canoe at a place which he named.\\nBeing gone from her, she sent for her\\nhusband out of the field and discovered\\nthe matter to him, who, not believing it,\\nshe told him the old man never deceived\\nher, and that she with her children\\nwould go accordingly at the place ap-\\npointed they found the canoe and pad-\\npled off. When they were gone the bus-", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "41\\nband began to considered the matter and\\nsending for five or six of his neighbors,\\nthey set upon their guard. About mid-\\nnight they heard the dismal war -whoop\\npresently came up a company of Indians\\nthey first expostulated, and then told the\\nIndians if they persisted in their bloody\\ndesigns they would sell their lives very\\ndear. Their arguments prevailed the\\nIndiana desisted and entered into a\\nleague of peace, which was kept without\\nviolation. From this woman, thus re-\\nmarkably saved, is descended a numer-\\nous posterity of the name of Stout, now\\ninhabitants of New Jersey. At that\\ntime there was supposed to be about fifty\\nfamilies of white people and five hundred\\nIndians inhabiting those parts.\\nAnother account of Penelope Stout is\\ngiven in Benedict s History of the Bap-\\ntists, as follows\\nShe was bom in Amsterdam, Holland,\\nabout the year 1602 her father s name\\nwas Vanprinces. She and her first hus-\\nband, whose name is not known, sailed\\nfor New York about the year 1620. The\\nvessel was stranded at Sandy Hook the\\ncrew got ashore and marched towards\\nNew York, but Penelope s husband be-\\ning hurt in the wreck could not march\\nwith them therefore he and his wife\\ntarried in the woods. They had not\\nbeen long in the place before the Indians\\nkilled them both, as they thought, and\\nstripped them to the skin. However,\\nPeulope came to, though her skull was\\nfractured and her left shoulder so hacked\\nthat she could never use that arm like\\nthe other she was also cut across the\\nabdomen so that her bowels appeared\\nthese she kept in with her hand. She\\ncontinued in this situation for seven days,\\ntaking shelter in a hollow tree and eat-\\ning the excrescence of it. The seventh\\nday she saw a deer passing by with ar-\\nrows sticking in it, and soon after two\\nIndians appeared, whom she was glad to\\nsee, in hopes they would put her out of\\nher misery accordingly one made for\\nher to knock her in the head; but the\\nother, who was an elderly man, prevented\\nhim and throwing his watch coat about\\nher, carried her to his wigwam and cured\\nher. After that he took her to New-\\nYork and made a present of her to her\\ncountrymen, viz an Indian present,\\nexpecting ten times the value in return.\\nIt was in New York that Richard Stout\\nmarried her. He was a native of England\\nand of good family she was now in her\\n22d year and he in his 40th. She bore\\nhim seven sons and three daughters, viz\\nJonathan, John, Richard, James, Peter,\\nDavid, Benjamin, Mary, Sarah, and\\nAlice. The daughters married into the\\nfamilies of the Bounds, Pikes, Throck-\\nmortous and Skeltons, and so lost the\\nname of Stout. The sons married into\\nthe families of Bullen, Cra-wford, Ash ton,\\nTruax, c. and had many children.\\nRev. T. S. Griffiths, pastor of the\\nBaptist church at Holmdel, Monmouth\\ncounty, in a late historical discourse says\\nthat is believed that Penelope Stout was\\nburied in an old grave yard near Holm-\\ndel, about one hundred yards south of\\nthe residence of the late John S. Hen-\\ndrickson.\\nTHE FALKINBURG FAMILY.\\nThe Falkinburg families of Ocean\\ncounty, it is said, are descended from\\nHenry Jacobs Falkinburg, who came\\nfrom Holstein, a little province adjoin-\\ning Denmark on the South. His name\\nin old records is not always given alike\\nSmith s Histoi-y of New Jersey calls him\\nHeuric Jacobsou Falconbre Jasper\\nDankers, who -visited him 1679-80, at his\\nresidence near the upper edge of the\\npresent city of Burlington, calls him\\nJacob Hendricks, and sometimes, we be-\\nlieve, he was called Hendrick Jacobs.\\nThe Dutch and Swedes at that day sel-\\ndom had surnames, and from their usual\\nmode of bestowing names their designa-\\ntion of him would probably be rendered\\ninto EngUsh as Henry Jacob s son, of\\nFalconbre or Falkinburg.\\nWhen the first Englisli came to settle", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "42\\niu West Jersey, in 1677, the Bi-ceuten-\\nnial of which was lately celebrated in\\nBurlington, they wished an interpreter\\nbetween them and the Indians living be-\\ntween the Rancocas and the Assanpink,\\nwhere Trenton now stands, and Falkin-\\nburg was recommended to them. He\\nappears to have enjoyed the confidences\\nof Dutch, Swedes and Indians, and must\\nhave been somewhat of a linguist, as he\\nseems to have understood their lan-\\nguages and the English also. At that\\ntime he lived farthest up the Delaware\\nof any white man, on a point of land on\\nthe river just above Burlington. He\\nwas quite successful in aiding the\\nQuakers to negotiate with the Indians,\\nand the land on both sides of the river\\nwas purchased by a treaty made Oct,\\n10th, 1677. When this land was divided\\noflf between the settlers, Richard Ridg-\\nway, ancestor of the Ridgways of Ocean\\nand Burlington counties, had 218 acres\\nallotted to him on the Pennsylvania side\\nof the Delaware, nearly oj^posite Tren-\\nton, as shown by a map made about\\n1679, a copy of which is given iu the\\nJournal of Dankers and Sluyter, pub-\\nlished by the Long Island Historical\\nSociety. This Journal describes the\\ndwelling of Falkiuburg, which, as it was\\none of the best found by Dankers, iu\\nthat section, in his travels in 1679, we\\ncopy as showing the contrast between\\ndwellings then and now\\nNov. 19th, 1679, Satui-day\\nBefore arriving at the village (Burling-\\nton) we stopped at the house of one\\nJacob Hendricks, from Holstein, li\\\\ ing\\non this side, but he was not at home.\\nWe therefore rowed on to the \\\\Tllage in\\nsearch of lodgings, for it had been dark\\nall of an hour or more, but proceeding a\\nlittle farther, we met this Jacob Hen-\\ndidcks, in a canoe with hay. As we were\\nnow at the village we went to the ordin-\\nary tavern, but there was no lodgings to\\nbo obtained there, whereupon we re-em-\\nbarked in the boat and rowed back to\\nJacob Hcndrick s, who received ns very\\nkindly and entertained us according to\\nhis ability. The house, although not\\nmuch larger than the one where we were\\nlast night, was somewhat better and\\ntighter, being made according to the\\nSwedish mode, as they usually build\\ntheir houses here, which are blockhouses,\\nbeing nothing else than entire trees, split\\nthrough the middle or squared out of the\\nrough and placed in the form of a square\\nupon each other, as high as they wish to\\nhave the house the ends of these tim-\\nbers are let into each other about a foot\\nfrom the ends, half of one into half of\\nthe other. The whole structure is thus\\nmade without a nail or a spike. The\\nceiling or roof does not exhibit much\\nfiner work, except among the most care-\\nful people, who have the ceiling planked\\nand a glass window. The doors are wide\\nenough, but very low, so that you have to\\nstoop on entering. These houses are\\nquite tight and warm but the chimneys\\nare placed iu a corner. My comrade and\\nmyself had some deer skins spread upon\\nthe floor to lie upon, and we were there-\\nfore quite well off and could get some rest.\\nIt rained hard during the night, and\\nsnowed and froze and contintied so until\\nthe 19th, Sunday, and for a considerable\\npart of the day, aflfording but little pros-\\npect of our leaving.\\nDuring this day, Sunday, Dankers\\nagain visited Burlington, and at night re-\\nturned to FaUdnburg s house, and this\\ntime he says he slept on a good bed, the\\nsame that on the previous evening had\\nbeen occupied by the guide and his wife,\\nwliich gave us great comfort and re-\\ncruited us greatly.\\nFalkinburg seems to have been so fa-\\nvorably impressed with the Quakers that,\\nit is said, he joined their Society, and re-\\nmoved to Little Egg Harbor by, or be-\\nfore 1698, settling a short distance below\\nTuckcrton. Mrs. Leah Blackman, ui\\nhor valuable contributions to the New\\nJersey Coitrieb, relating to the history\\nof Little Egg Harbor, published in 1866,\\nsays that after Falkinburg had concluded", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "4d\\na treaty with the shore Indians, his first\\ndwelling was a cave on the Down Shore\\ntract, on that poi-tion of it now known\\nas the Joseph Parker farm, the site of\\nwhich is still discernible, and that after\\nhe got his dwelling fixed up he went\\nback to West Jersey, and returned with\\nhis intended wife, whom he married by\\nFriends ceremony in the presence of the\\nprincipal Indians thereabouts and that\\ntheir first child, Henry Jacobs Falkin-\\nburg, Jr. bom in this cave dwelling was\\nthe first white child born in that section,\\nfrom whom descends the numerous fami-\\nlies of Falkinburg in Ocean and else-\\nwhere.\\nBARNEGAT.\\nThe village of Bamegat derives its\\nname from the inlet, which was original-\\nly called Barende-gat by the first Dutch\\ndiscoverers on our coast. Barende-gat,\\nmeaning an inlet with breakers, was sub-\\nsequently corrupted by the English to\\nBamdegat, and finally to Bamegat.\\nAmong the first whites who settleel at\\nBamegat and vicinity, tradition says,\\nwere Thomas Timms, Elisha Parr, Thom-\\nas Lovelady, Jonas Tow (pronounced\\nlike the word noiv) and a man named\\nVaull. Thomas Lovelady is the one\\nfrom whom Lovelady s island, near Bar-\\nnegat, takes its name. The first settlers\\nseem generally to have located on the\\nupland near the meadows, on or near\\nthe Collins, Stokes and Mills farms.\\nThere was a house built on the Collins\\nplace by Jonas Tow, at least as early as\\n1720. The persons named above as the\\nfirst comers, do not appear to have been\\npermanent settlers, and tradition fails to\\nstate what became of any of them, with\\nthe exception of Jonas Tow, who it is\\nsaid died here.\\nAmong the first permanent settlers, it\\nis said, were William and Levi Cranmer,\\nTimothy Kidgway, Stephen and Nathan\\nBirdsall and Ebenezer Mott and Eben-\\nezer Collins followed soon after. The\\nCranmers and Birdsalls came from Long\\nIsland about 1712 to Little Egg Harbor,\\nand not long after members of the fami-\\nlies located at Bamegat. The Cranmers\\nare said to be of the stock of the cele-\\nbrated Archbishop Cranmer, and the\\nRidgways descend from Richard Rilg-\\nway, who came with other Quakei 8 to\\nWest Jersey two hundred years ago. He\\nfirst took up, about 1678, a tract of 218\\nacres of land, on the Pennsylvania side\\nof the Delaware, nearly opposite Trenton\\nhis descendants were among the earliest\\nsettlers of Little Egg Harbor. Ebene-\\nzer Mott, it is said, came from Rhode\\nIsland about 1745, and shortly after\\nlocated at Bamegat, Ebenezer Collins\\nwas a native of Connecticut, came to\\nGoodluck, and about 1749 married a\\ndaughter of David Woodmansee, and in\\n1765 he moved to Bamegat. He subse-\\nquently went to New York to sail for\\nSouth America, to look after some dye\\nwood lands he owned there, and was\\nnever afterward heard from. From his\\ntwo sons, John and James, descend the\\nBamegat Collins, Ebenezer was not a\\nQuaker, but his son John became a noted\\nand influential member of the Society.\\nOn the place now owned by Captain\\nHoward Soper, an ancient settler named\\nCassaboom hved his residence was sur-\\nrounded by woods, and probably was\\nthe first within the limits of the present\\nvillage, the other settlers living a mile or\\nso distant on the Mills, Collins and\\nStokes places. The ancestor of the\\nshore Rulons was also au early settler\\nhe probably Uved in the house which\\nonce stood close by the old one, back of\\nCaptain Ralph Colhns in which twenty\\nyears ago lived David Rulon, a descend-\\nI ant.\\nThe first member of the Cox family iu\\nthis vicinity, was Jonathan who original-\\nly located at Littleworth Mill he had a\\nson Jonathan whose descendants now\\nlive in Bamegat. James Spragg, father\\nof the late Jeremiah Spragg, during the\\nRevolution lived on the beach, by the\\ninlet, in a liouse built Thomas Rogers,", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "44\\nniul after tho war he located on the farm\\na niih^ or so south of Barnegat, some-\\n1 iuies called the George Applegate place,\\naud subsequently owned by Messrs.\\nPredmore and Bodine and others. James\\nSpragg married a daughter of John Per-\\nkins, the first settler at Sopers Landing, a\\nmile or so above Barnegat. Perkins had\\nbeen a soldier of the old French war\\nhe sold the place to Joseph Soper, an\\ncestor of the Soper families at Barnegat,\\nWaretown and elsewhere, and it is said\\nhe was buried near Soper s Landing.\\nTwo brothers named Stephen and John\\nConkliug, were early settlers in the vicin-\\nity of Barnegat, Stephen once owning\\nthe place on the northerly edge of the\\nvillage, in late years owned by Capt.\\nJohn M. Inman, deceased. The Inmans\\nfirst located at Manahawken, and then\\nmembers of the family branched off to\\nBarnegat. James Mills, ancestor of the\\nMills families, was boni in West Jersey,\\nand before the Revolution, when a boy,\\noame to Forked River, and lived on the\\nplace subsequently owned by the late\\nJames Jones from thence Mr. Mills\\nmoved to Barnegat, where he lived to an\\nadvanced age. Mr. Mills remembered\\nmany incidents of Refugee raids in old\\nDover township, which then extended to\\nOyster Creek.\\nA dwelling was built in 1793 by Wil-\\nliam Cambura, along the main shore\\nroad, west side, by Camburn s brook, on\\nthe place owned during the late Rebel-\\nlion by Captain Thomas Edwards, de-\\ncreased, William Camburn was a de-\\nscendant of the Waretown early settler,\\nand from him, it is said, the brook de-\\nrives its name.\\nThe first permanent settlers at Barne-\\ngat, as well as ut other jjlaces along-\\nshore, appear not to have ijurchased\\ntitles of the proprietors until several years\\nafter they came. The first land taken\\nuj} from the proprietors, it is said, was\\nthe tract of 500 acres, bought by Tim-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2jthy Ridg^ay aud Levi Cranmer, Sep-\\ntember 9th, 1759. of Oliver Delancey\\naud Henry Cuyler, Jr., agents for the\\nproprietor, William Dockwra. This\\ntract included the lot upon which the\\nQuaker church is built, biit the main\\nportion lay south-easterly. The land\\nalong shore was originally divided ofl\\ninto two tracts of about a thousand acres,\\nby John Reed, surveyor, and allotted in\\nalternate divisions to the proprietors\\nWilliam Dockwra having for his portion\\na large part of the land on which stands\\nthe \\\\411age next north came Robert\\nBurnett s, and then Lord Neill Camp-\\nbell s. Lochiel brook, between Barne-\\ngat and Waretown, it is said, was named\\nin compliment to Campbell s locality in\\nScotland.\\nThe first Cranmer family at Barnegat,\\nlived in the tract iDurchased as above\\nmentioned, and their dwelling was on or\\nnear the site of the one owned in modern\\ntimes by Captain Isaac Soper and subse-\\nquently by Captain John Russell.\\nThe Rackhow road was laid out by\\nPeter Rackhow, a son of Daniel Rack-\\nhow, who once lived in the place now\\nowned by Samuel Birdsall, Esq. Ware-\\ntown. Rackhow, it is said, was a Dutch-\\nman, who eventually changed his name\\nto Richards he had two sons Peter\\nabove named who was a reputable young\\nman, and died quite young, and another\\nwho joined the Refugees, went off with\\nthem and was not heard of afterwards.\\nKELIGIOT S SOCIETIES.\\nThe first church built at Barnegat was\\nthe Quaker meeting house. The deed\\nfor the land on which it is situated, is\\ndated June 11, 1770, and is from Timo-\\nthy Ridgway and Levi Cranmer to\\nStephen Birdsall and Job Ridgway, of\\nBarnegat, and Daniel Shrouds aud\\nJoseph (Jauntt, of Tuckerton. The deed\\ncalls for one acre and half a quarter\\nconsideration money, twenty shillings.\\nThe meeting house was then already\\nbuilt, as the deed calls for the beginning\\nof the survey at a certain course and dis-\\ntance from the soutli-east coi ner of the", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "45\\nmeeting house. The Job Ridgway\\nnamed in the deed, we presume, is the\\nsame person who died July 24, 1832, aged\\n89 years.\\nThe principal settlers of the place\\nwere Quakers, and, before their place of\\nworship was erected, traveling ministers\\nvisited our shore, and occasionally held\\nmeetings at private houses. Among\\nthose who first preached at Bamegat,\\nwas the philanthropist, John Woolman,\\nwho was here in August, 1746, and again\\nin 1765. After the house was built,\\namong noted preachers who have record-\\ned their visits here in their published\\njournals, may be mentioned Patience\\nBrayton m 1772, Job Scott in 1785, and\\nEhzabeth Collins in 1807. The early\\nBamegat Quakers were regular in their\\nattendance upon the monthly meetings\\nof the society at Tuckerton. As an in-\\nstance, the late John Collins, bom in\\n1776, for sixty years regularly attended\\nthe Egg Harbor monthly meetings, and\\nhis father before him was as regular in\\nattendance, but probably not for so long\\na period.\\nThe second John Collins was among\\nthe most prominent and useful men of\\nhis day. In his early life, he was master\\nof a vessel, and made his first trips out\\nof old Cranberry Inlet but in his later\\nyears he settled down to the more con-\\ngenial business of farming. For sixty\\nyears he missed attending but two elec-\\ntions, and probably no man was ever so\\noften selected to fill township offices.\\nHis duties often called him to old Mon-\\nmouth Court House, as Freehold once\\nwas usually called, where he was well\\nknown and respected. Mr. Collins had\\na remarkably retentive memory, and to\\nhim, more than to any other one man, is\\nthe writer indebted for valuable tradi-\\ntionary information of olden times in\\nOcean county. He seemed to be a con-\\nnecting link between the past and pres-\\nent.\\nThe Presbyterians were among the\\nearly religious pioneers of the village,\\nand about 1760 they commenced holding\\nregular or occasional services. Among\\nthe first preachers were Rev. Messrs.\\nChesnut, Green, McKnight and John\\nBrainerd. From a letter written by Rev.\\nJohn Brainerd in 1761, it seems the\\nPresbyterians held their meetings at the\\nhouse of Mr. Rulon.\\nThe Presbyterian Society now at Bar-\\nnegat is of recent origin, having been or-\\nganized in February, 1876, with nine\\nmembers.\\nThe first effort to introduce Episcopal-\\nianism in Bamegat, was by Rev. Thomas\\nThompson, between 1745 and 1750, which\\nhe mentions in his published account of\\nmissionary services in old Monmouth in\\nthose years. He made four trips to Bar-\\nnegat and Manahawken, and, after his\\nreturn to Shrewsbury, he sent Christo-\\npher Robert Reynolds, a schoolmaster of\\nhis faith, to labor from house to house at\\nBamegat and Manahawken. Reynolds\\nremained here one year, and then, ac-\\ncount of age and infirmity, he went back\\nto Shrewsbury.\\nThe Methodist pioneers held regular\\nor occasional services probably as far\\nback as the Revolution. The first Meth-\\nodist Society was organized in 1829, with\\nthe late Rev. Job Edwards as the first\\nclass leader and local preacher. Mr.\\nEdwards grandfather, James Edwards,\\nwho had been a soldier in the old French\\nWar, was one of the earliest and most\\nearnest converts to Methodism along\\nshore, and in more modem times the so-\\nciety in this section has had no more\\nzealous, successful laborer than Rev.\\nJob Edwards. He still lives in the\\ncherished remembrance of his fellow-\\nmembers, and in the evidences of his\\nworks in the cause of his Master.\\ni INDUNS AT BARNEGAT.\\nLong after the first whites settled at\\nI Bamegat, Indians from West Jersey\\nwould frequently visit the place and re-\\nmain a part of the year. One called", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "4G\\nIndian John, with his squaw, had a wig-\\nwam near the northerly edge of the vil-\\nlage, on the road to the Hamilton place,\\nand another Indian, name not remem-\\nbered, had a wigwam close by. The last\\nand most noted Indians who visited Bar-\\nnegat were Charles Moluss or Moolis, and\\nhis wife Bathsheba or Bash as she was\\ncommonly called. They had their wig-\\nwam on the place now owned by Cap-\\ntain Timothy Falkinburg, a few hundred\\nyards northwesterly of his residence, by\\nthe edge of Camburn s Brook. They\\nhad two papooses or childi-en, and Bash s\\nsister, named Suke, was generally with\\nthem. Among the Quakers of Builing-\\ntou coimty Bathsheba was considered as\\na kind of Indian queen, and Mrs. Leah\\nBlackmau, in her sketches of Little Egg\\nHai bor, says she was quite a favorite\\nwith the Quakers at Medford, and when\\nshe visited Tuckerton on her annual\\nvisit to the shore, she was not permitted\\nto camp out with other Indians, but\\nalways invited to the dwelling of some\\none of the Little Egg Harbor Friends.\\nBathsheba belonged to the remnant of\\nIndians who once lived at Edgepelick\\nabout three miles from Atsion, in Bur-\\nlington County. At Bamegat, her hus-\\nband, Indian Charles, made baskets to\\nsell, and himself and family were on good\\nterms with the whites. They probably\\nleft New Jersey with the remnant of their\\ntribe in 1802. While the Quakers of\\nBurlington viewed Bathsheba in the\\nlight of a Indian Queen, and she was\\nprobably superior to other Indian wo-\\nmen, the Bamegat traditions give no\\nvery romantic idea of her, as may be in-\\nferred from the unpoetic name of Bash,\\nV)y which she was generally known. The\\nlate Uncle Eli CoUins, an aged citizen of\\nBamegat, informed the writer that one\\nday when he was a young man he had\\nbeen from home all day, and on his way\\nback he stopped at Indian Charles wig-\\nwam. Bash was boiling something in a\\npot that sent forth an odor that was de-\\nlightful to him, an he had enten nothing\\nsince morning he was invited to dine\\nwith them, and being very hungry he ac-\\ncepted the invitation, but he speedily\\nchanged his mind when he found the\\nsavoury smelhng dish was hop-toad soup\\nAn old Bamegatter once tried to teach\\nIndian Charles the names Shadrach,\\nI Meschach and Abednego the words\\nj were too much for him, but he replied\\ngive me cider and to bed me go, which\\nwas as near as he cared to come to them.\\nThe remains of shell beds on the farm\\nof James Mills, Esq. and at other places\\nshow that the Indians at Bamegat, long\\nbefore the whites came, caught shell fish\\nin great quantities. Some of course\\nwere eaten here, but the principal object\\nof the Indians appeared to be to prepare\\na quantity to take back with them this\\nwas generally done by roasting and then\\ntaking them out of the shell, stringing\\nand drying them in the sun. On their\\njourneys back to West Jersey, they some-\\ntimes slung these strings around the neck\\nto carry them conveniently when they\\nwere wanted for food they were often\\nsoaked and boiled.\\nThe appearance of the shells here in-\\ndicate that the colored portions were\\ntaken out to be prepared as wampum, or\\nIndian money, which was so much prized\\nby the Indians that fifty years after the\\nwhites came to New Jersey a shot bag\\nfull of wampum was worth one-fourth\\nmore to the Indians than the same quan-\\ntity of silver.\\nMISCEIiliANEOUS ITEMS.\\nThe first inn or public house in Bame-\\ngat was established in 1820 by David\\nOhphant, on the site of the present one\\nat the comer of the main shore road and\\nthe road to the landing.\\nThe well-remembered old public house\\nof Eli Colhns was occasionally patron-\\nized forty or fifty years ago by distin-\\nguished visitors, among them the noted\\nPrince Murat with quite a train of ser-\\nvants. He was one of the most expert\\nhunters of his day. Murat was a large.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "47\\npowerful mau, and of remarkable powers\\nof endurance able to tire out almost\\nany other hunter or gimner he met. He\\nwould make his head-quarters at Mr.\\nCollins inn, for his gunning expeditions\\non the bay, being generally gone about\\ntwo weeks, during which time he would\\nsleep in his boat, or camp on the beach,\\nor on islands in the bay, and rough it in\\na manner surprising to our shore gun-\\nners, who had no idea a scion of royalty\\nhad so much physical endurance.\\nAnother celebrated personage who oc-\\ncasionally stopped here was Lieut., or\\nCaptain Hunter, of Aivarado fame.\\nOnce as he drove up, an hostler stepped\\nout to attend to his horses and addressed\\nhim by name. Capt. Hunter was sur-\\nprised to find himself addressed so famil-\\niarly by so humble a personage, and\\nupon inquiry found that the hostler had\\nonce held some oflSce in the Navy, and\\nbeen on a man of war with him up the\\nMediterranean, and while there had acted\\nas Hunter s second in a duel. Hunter\\nreplied, Proctor, I know you, but I\\ndon t know your clothes Proctor had\\nconsiderable natural ability, but it was\\nthe old story, liquor sent him on the\\ndown grade. Frank Forrester (WiUiam\\nHenry Herbert) the great authority and\\nnoted writer on field sports, was evi-\\ndently well acquainted here, as his writ-\\nings show wonderful familiarity with this\\nsection. Uncle Eli Collins house and\\nthe lower tavern once kept by David\\nChurch were old well-known headquarters\\nfor gunners from distant places. Speak-\\ning of gunners, reminds us of one who\\nstopped once at the lower tavern with a\\nfierce bull dog the landlord told the\\ngunner to keep his dog away from a yard\\nwhere he had a loon wounded in hifl\\nwings, as the loon might hurt the dog.\\nThe idea of a loon or any other wild\\nfowl hurting his bull dog amused the\\ngunner, and he offered to bet fifty dollars\\nthat his dog would kill the bird. The\\nlandlord took the bet, the dog was let in,\\nbut in an instant the loon picked out the\\ndog s eyes by suddenly darting his sharp\\nbill in quick succession.\\nAmong the traditions handed down by\\nold residents of Bamegat, is one relating\\nto a man named Bennett, who lived on a\\nstrip of land called Bennett s Neck, in\\nlate years occupied by Solomon Burr,\\ndeceased, situated about a mile below\\nthe village on the road to Manahawken.\\nIt is said that Bennett was only an as-\\nsumed name, and that when he was a\\nyouth he was bound apprentice to a sea-\\nfaring man who afterward joined the pi-\\nrate Kidd in his cruises, and compelled\\nhis apprentice to go with him that when\\nthe pirates were captured, taken to Eng-\\nland and tried, some were convicted and\\nexecuted, but this apprentice was cleared\\nbecause it was proved that he did not\\njoin the pirates from choice, but was\\ncompelled to do so by his master. After\\nbeing liberated, wishing to lead an hon-\\nest life where he was not known, became\\nto America, and wandered down along\\nshore to this place, where he erected a\\nsmall habitation, and lived an honest life\\nby himself until his death. A reference\\nto the trial of Captain Kidd and his men\\nshows that this tradition is not improba-\\nble. Captain Kidd was tried at the Old\\nBailey, London, in May, 1701, with\\nsome of his men ten in all. They were\\nall found guilty but three, named Robert\\nLumly, William Jenkins and Richard\\nBarlicorn, who proved themselves ap-\\nprentices, and that they were forced to\\ngo. It is not unreasonable to suppose\\none of these apprentices, disliking the\\nodium attached to his name on account\\nof the company he had been forced into,\\nwould abandon his countiy, and under\\nan assumed name seek a retreat in some\\nretired place like Bennett s Neck.\\nAnother ancient tradition relates to\\nJonas Tow, whose name has been men-\\ntioned among the first settlers. His\\nneighbors seemed to be suspicious of his\\ncharacter some supposing him to be a\\ncounterfeiter, and others that he was or\\nhad been a pirate, but there was nothing", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "48\\never proved against liim. The reasoua\\ngiveu for these suspicions were that Tow\\nhad a shop on the place owned in late\\nyears by Samuel Leeds, in which he kept\\na curious, miscellaneous lot of articles,\\nwhich some supposed could only have\\nbeen obtained by a rover of the seas.\\nThis shop was separated from the house\\nby a thick swamp, and as he would never\\nallow any of his neighbors to visit it,\\nthey surmised he might be engaged in\\ncounterfeiting or other unlawful busi-\\nness. As before stated, nothing was ever\\nproved against him but while he lived,\\nand after his decease he was always\\nspoken of as a suspicious character, and\\nwhat added to the suspicions was the fact\\nthat the energetic measures against pi-\\nrates generally before Tow came here,\\nhad caused them to disband, quit the sea\\nand seek retreats where they were not\\nknown and as the pirates had known all\\nthe inlets on the Atlantic coast, it was\\npossible that Tow had been a rover, and\\nsought retreat here, bringing some of his\\nmiscellaneous plunder with him and\\nprobably burying the most valuable.\\nDuring the Revohitionary war, parties\\nof both Refugees and Patriots, as they\\ntraveled up and down shore, would stop\\nat the houses of the Bamegat Quakers,\\nand demand victuals but on the whole,\\nthe residents suffered less during the\\nwar than did those of any other place\\nalong shore, except perhaps West Creek.\\nThey had, however, but little reason to\\ncongratulate themselves on this score, as\\ntkey suflfered enough after the war\\nclosed for then in time of peace, on ac-\\ncount of their conscientious scruples\\nagainst militia training and paying fines\\nfor non-attendance, they were continually\\nharassed by lawsuits, arrests, fines and\\nexecutions, and imprisoned or property\\nsold for non-compliance with militia\\nlaws. The once notoi-ious Esquire Wil-\\nliam Piatt, of old Dover township, bore\\nno enviable name among the Quakers\\nfor his vexing them with suits on thi\u00c2\u00bb\\naccount.\\nDuring the Revolution, quite extensive\\nsalt works were carried on at Bamegat,\\non the meadows near the farm of Mr,\\nJames Mills, by the Cranmers, Ridgways\\n1 and others. The usual plan to manu-\\nI facture salt was to seek some place on\\nI the salt meadows where no grass could\\ngrow. By digging wells in these bare\\nplaces, the water was found to be strong-\\nly impregnated with salt. The water\\nfrom these wells or springs was put in\\nlarge boilers with a kind of arched oven\\nunderneath, in which a fire was builtj;\\nafter most of the water was boiled away,\\nthe remainder, thick with salt, was poured\\nj into baskets of sugar-loaf shape made to\\nallow the water to drain out. One of\\nI these curious-shaped baskets was pre-\\nserved, and in possession of the late\\nUncle Eli Collins as late as 1860.\\nCAPTAIN WILLIAM TOM.\\nIn regard to the origin of the name\\nToms River we have two distinct tradi-\\ntions one alleging that it was named\\nafter a somewhat noted Indian who\\nonce lived in the vicinity the other at\\ntributes it to a certain Captain William\\nTom who resided on the Delaware river\\nover two hundred years ago, and who it\\nis said penetrated through the wilderness\\nto the seashore on an exploring expedi-\\ntion, when he discovered the stream now\\nknown as Toms River upon his return\\nhe made such favorable representations\\nof the land in its vicinity that persons\\nwere induced to oome here and settle,\\nand these settlers named the stream after\\nCapt. Tom, because he first brought it\\nto the notice of the whites.\\nCaptain Tom lived many years before\\nIndian Tom, and in view of the disagree-\\nment as to the origin of the name Toms\\nRiver, some may be disposed to compro-\\nmise by conceding that it originated with\\nCaptain Tom, and was perpetiaated by\\nIndian Tom. Reserving the discussion of\\nthis question to another article, it seems\\nan opportune time to pfive an outline of\\nOaptaiu Tom s life. It will be seen that", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "41)\\nhe was a coufidential officer of the Eng-\\nlish army, and subsequently held various\\ncivil positions of trust, such as commis-\\nsary, justice, judge, town clerk, keeper\\nof official records, collector of laud rents,\\nagent for lands, etc. and that he stood\\nhigh in the estimation of Governors\\nNichols, Audross and Lovelace, and of\\nthe Swedes, Dutch, English and Indians.\\nCaptain William Tom came to this\\ncountry with the English expedition un-\\nder Sir Robert Carre and Col. Richard\\nNicholls, which conquered the Dutch at\\nNew Amsterdam, (New York), August,\\n1664. Immediately after the English\\nhad taken formal possession of New York,\\ntwo vessels, the Guinea and the Wil-\\nliam and Nicholas, under command of\\nSir Robert Carre, were dispatched to at-\\ntach the Dutch settlements on the Dela-\\nware river. After a feeble resistance the\\nDutch surrendered about the first of Oc-\\ntober of the same year (1864). Captain\\nTom accompanied this expedition, and\\nthat he rendered valuable service, there\\nis evidence by an order issued by Gov.\\nNicholls, June 30, 1665, which states\\nthat for William Tom s good services\\nat Delaware, there shall be granted to\\nhim the lands of Peter Alricks, confiscat-\\ned for hostility to the English. Captain\\nTom remained in his majesty s service\\nuntil August 27, 1668 during the last\\ntwo years of this time he was commissary\\non the Delaware. He was discharged\\nfrom his majesty s service on the ground,\\nas is alleged, of good behavior. In\\nthe early part of 1668, a servant of Mr.\\nTom s was killed by some evil disposed\\nIndians, who it is said also killed one or\\nmore servants of Peter Alricks at the\\nsame time. The Indians generally were\\ndisposed to live on amicable terms with\\nthe whites, and these murders were the\\nresult, it would seem, of selling liquor to\\nthe Indians, the majority of whom seeing\\nits evil effects requested the white au-\\nthorities to prohibit the sale of it among\\nthem. The perpetrators of these out-\\nfages were not apprehended and\\nbecause this was not done, Gov. Lovelace\\nattributes another murder two years\\nlater he severely censured the authori-\\nties, for too much remissness in not\\navenging the previous murder of Mr,\\nTom s servant, etc.\\nOn the 12 of August, 1669, Captain\\nTom was appointed collector of quit\\nrents, which were imposed on all persons\\ntaking up land along the Delaware river\\non both sides. This office he held for\\nthree years, when he resigned. Its du-\\nties must have been of considerable re-\\nsponsibility and labor, as it involved the\\nnecessity of visiting all places where set-\\ntlers located, from the Capes of the Dela-\\nware to the Falls of the Delaware (Tren-\\nton.) While engaged in this business it\\nis probable that as he traveled from place\\nto place he made it a point to search for\\neligible places for new settlers to locate,\\nand acted as agent for the sale of lands.\\nAt one time he acted as land agent for\\nJohn Feuwick the noted Salem proprie-\\ntor.\\nWe find that Captain Tom not only\\nstood well in the estimation of Gov.\\nNicholls, but also in the opinion of his\\nsuccessor, Gov. Lovelace, who, at the\\nsuggestion of Captain T. issued several\\norders relating to affairs on the Dela-\\nware. Aug. 12, 1669, Gov. Lovelace at\\nrequest of Wm. Tom, grants certain\\nspecial favors to Finns and others re-\\nmoving near New Castle, Del. By his\\norder permission on request of Mr.\\nTom was granted to families from\\nMaryland to settle in the same vicinity,\\nto the end that the said place may be\\ninliabited and manured, it tending like-\\nwise to the increase of inhabitants. An\\norder of the same date is preserved which\\nallows William Tom to kill and mark all\\nwild hogs in the woods near his land.\\nIn 1671, an extraordinary coimcil was\\nconvened in New York, on the occasion\\nof the arrival of William Tom and Peter\\nAlricks, just from the Delaware, with the\\nparticulars of the Indians murdering two\\nChristians (Dutch) near Burliugtou.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "50\\nThese murders \u00e2\u0096\u00a0svere committed by two\\nIndians who were known, and who re-\\nsided at Suscunk, four miles east of Mat-\\niniconk or Burlington Island. Governor\\nLovelace, in a letter to Cajit. Tom, dated\\nOct. 6th, expresses great surprise at what\\nhe has learned from Mr. Tom in regard\\nto these murders. This letter gives\\nstringent orders to guard against e\\\\ il-\\ndisposed Indians in the future, and from\\nit we find that Burlington Island was\\nthen occupied as a kind of frontier mili-\\ntary station. Gov, Lovelace recommends\\na good work about Matiniconk house (on\\nBurlington Island) which, strengthened\\nwith a considerable guard, would make\\nan admirable frontier. Vigoroiis efforts\\nwere made to secure these Indian mur-\\nderers. The result is seen in the follow-\\ning letter written by Capt. Tom to Gov.\\nLovelace, Dec. 25, 1671. He says that\\nabout eleven days since, Peter Alricks\\ncame from New York, and the Indians\\ndesired to speak with us concerning the\\nmurders, whereupon they sent for me to\\nPeter Kambo s, where coming they faith-\\nfully promised to bring in the murderers,\\ndead or alive whereuijon they sent out\\ntwo Indians to the stoutest, to bring him\\nin, not doubting easily to take the other,\\nhe being an Indian of little courage\\nbut the least Indian, getting knowledge\\nof the design of the sachems, ran to ad-\\nvise his fellow, and advised him to run\\nor else they would both be killed, who\\nanswered that he was not ready, but in\\nthe morning would go with him to the\\nMaquas, and advised him to go to the\\nnext house for fear of susiDicion, which he\\ndid and the two Indians coming to his\\nhouse at night, the one being his great\\nfriend, he asked him if he would kill him,\\nwho answered No, but the sachems\\nhave ordered you to die whereupon he\\ndemanded what his brothers said, and\\nwas answered They say the like, Then\\nhe, holding his hands before his eyes,\\nsaid Kill me whereupon the Indian\\nthat comes with Cocker, shot him with\\ntwo bullets in the breast, and gave him\\ntwo or three cuts with a bill on the head,\\nand brought him down to Wicaco, from\\nwhence we shall carry him to-morrow to\\nNew Castle, there to hang him in chains.\\nFor this, we gave to the sachems, five\\nwatch-coats, which Mr. Alricks paid\\nthem. When the other Indian heard the\\nshot in the night, naked as he was, he\\nran into the woods but this sachem\\npromised to bring the other alive, for\\nwhich we promised him three watch-\\ncoats. The sachems brought a good\\nmany of their young men with them,\\nand there before us they openly told\\nthem now they saw a begiuniug, and all\\nthat did the like, should be served in the\\nsame manner. They joromised if any\\nother murders were committed, to bring\\nin the murderers. How to believe them\\nwe knew not, but the sachems seem to\\ndesire no war.\\nWhat official position Capt. Tom held\\nin these transactions is uncertain, but he\\nappears to have been more relied upon\\nthan any other man to settle difficulties\\nat this time.\\nIn 1673, Capt. Tom was appointed one\\nof four appraisers to set a value on Tini-\\ncum Island in the Delaware. In 167-i,\\nhe was appointed secretary or clark for\\nthe town of New Castle, and he appears\\nto have had charge of the public records\\nfor several years. In 1673, the Dutch\\nregained their power in New York, New\\nJersey and Delaware, biit retainfd it on-\\nly a few months after they were again\\ndisplaced in 1674, Gov. Andross appoint-\\ned Capts. Cantwell and Tom to take\\npossession for the King s use, of the fort\\nat New Castle, with the public stores.\\nThey were authorized to pro\\\\-ide for the\\nsettlement and repose of the inhabitants\\nat New Castle, Whorekills (Lewes) and\\nother places.\\nIn 1675, some settlers complained\\nagainst Capt. Tom for molesting them in\\nthe enjoyment of meadow land adjoining\\ntheir plantations. The settlers probably\\nsupposed because they owned uplands,\\nthey should also have the use of meadow", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "51\\nland without paying for the same. The\\nGovernor ordered a compromise. In\\n1676, he -was appointed one of the Jus-\\ntices of the Peace and a Judge of the\\nCourt. He sat as one of the Judges in\\nan important suit, in which the defend-\\nant was John Fenwick, the Salem Pro-\\nprietor. Judgment was given against\\nFenwick, and a warrant issued to take\\nhim dead or alive. Fenwick, finding it\\nuseless to resist, gave himself up, and\\nwas sent prisoner to New York.\\nCapt. Tom was reappointed Justice\\nand Judge in 1677. Toward the latter\\npart of this year, complaint was made\\nthat the town records of New Castle were\\nin confusion, and Mr. Tom was ordered\\nto arrange and attest them. It is not im-\\nprobable that ill health prevented him\\nfrom completing this task, as we find his\\ndeath announced January 12, 1678,\\ncoupled with the simple remark that his\\npapers were in confusion.\\nFrom the foregoing and other facts\\nthat are preserved, it would appear that\\nWilliam Tom was about the most promi-\\nnent, useful and trustworthy man among\\nthe early settlers in South Jersey, from\\nthe coming of the English until his death\\njust two hundred years ago, and that his\\nvaried duties w^ere performed to the sat-\\nisfaction of English, Dutch, Swedes and\\nIndians and we may safely infer that\\nhe did as much, if not more, than any\\nothsr man in his day towards the set-\\ntlement and repose of the inhabitants.\\nAnd it is no discredit to Toms Eiver to\\nbe named after such a man.\\nTHE HOLMES FAMILY.\\nThe Holmes family of Ocean county\\nare descended from Kev. Obadiah\\nHolmes, so favorably remembered in the\\nannals of the Baptist Church in America.\\nHe was born at Manchester in Lanca-\\nshire, England, in 1606 married in 1636\\nto Catharine and came from Pres-\\nton, Lancashire, to Salem, Mass., in\\n1639. For his zeal in preaching Baptist\\ndoctrines, he was sentenced by the Puri-\\ntans of New England to pay a fine of \u00c2\u00a330\\nor be publicly whipped. Although\\nabundantly able to pay the fine, he re-\\nfused to do so, as he deemed it would be\\nan acknowledgment of error, and he\\nchose rather to suffer than to deny his\\nLord. In September, 1651, he was\\npublicly and severely whipped at Boston\\nwith a three-corded whip, thirty\\nstrokes.\\nEev. Obadiah Holmes was one of the\\noriginal patentees of old Monmouth, al-\\nthough it is believed he never resided\\nhere but his son Jonathan Holmes be-\\ncame a resident, and in 1668 was a mem-\\nber of the Assembly. Subsequently he\\nreturned to the family homestead at\\nMiddletown, K. I., having settled his\\ntwo sons, Jonathan and Obadiah, upon\\nhis lands in Middletown, N. J., which,\\nin 1713, he bequeathed to them. These\\ntwo sons were among the pioneers of the\\nBaptist faith in New Jersey. This son\\nObadiah had a son named Jonathan who\\ndied about 1766, and this Jonathan s son\\nJohn is supposed to be the John Holmes\\nwho lived at the upper mill at Forked\\nEiver, during the Eevolution. This\\nJohn Holmes married Catharine Potter,\\nand they had children William, John,\\nHuldah, Katy, Polly and Sally. Huldah\\nmarried Esquire Daniel Williams, and\\nthe Williams families near Goodluck are\\ntheir children or descendants. The last\\nnamed John Holmes (the second in Ocean\\ncounty) married Catharine Lane, and\\ntheir children were Joseph, William,\\nJacob, Stephen, Alice, and jjerhaps oth-\\ners. William, Jacob and Ste2Dhen went\\nwest. Alice first married Daniel Cono-\\nver, and afterwards Daniel P, Pierson,\\nand left children by both husbands.\\nCapt. Joseph Holmes married Anna\\nStout, daughter of Daniel Stout, a hero\\nof the Eevolution, and their children and\\ndescendants, we believe, are the only\\nones now bearing the name of Holmes in\\nthis vicinity. Their ancestry may thus\\nbe traced back Joseph, son of John,", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "52\\nwho was the sou of Johu, sou of Jona-\\nthan, son of Obacliah, son of Jonathan,\\nsou of Rev. Obadiah Holmes, born in\\nLancashire, EngLaud, 1 606. This carries\\nthe line back, in an unbroken chain, over\\n270 years.\\nThe recurrence of given names in dif-\\nferent generations is noticeable in the\\ngenealogy of the Holmes family. There\\nhave been several Josephs, Johns, Hul-\\ndahs, Catharines and Alices (or Elsie as\\nit was sometimes called), and an Alice\\nHolmes last century married a Daniel\\nConover, as did an Alice Holmes this cen-\\ntury.\\nMuch trouble has been taken by one\\nor two persons to collect the genealogy\\nof this family from the time of Rev. Oba-\\ndiah Holmes down, and the writer is un-\\nder obligations to Rev. Mr. Schenck, of\\nMarlborough, for a complete genealogi-\\ncal chart of the family in Massachusetts,\\nRhode Island and old Monmouth.\\nThe founder of the family, Rev. Oba-\\ndiah Holmes of precious memory,\\ndied at Newport, R. I., in 1682. The\\nSomerset counties. In No, 29 of a series\\nof articles headed Historical Notes,\\npublished in 1876, in the New Bninswick\\nFredonian, is a notice of the descendants\\nof Mr. Gulick in that section, which\\nstates that his grandson Joachim had\\nsons Abram, William, John, Joachim,\\nJabobus and Peter, and three daughters.\\nThe Ocean county Gulicks descend from\\nJacobus, who at one time lived at Pleas-\\nant Plains and then removed to Rhode\\nHall, where he kept the main hotel and\\nstage house between New York and Phil-\\nadelphia. He had children Joachim,\\nCornelius, Abram (or Brom, as the Dutch\\ncalled it,) John, Jacobus and Isaac. The\\nlast named, Isaac, who settled at Toms\\nRiver in 1794, married Abigail Hatfield,\\na widow with one child by her fijrst mar-\\nriage. Her maiden name was Van Deven-\\nter. Her son, named John Hatfield, on\\nhis arrival at manhood, followed the\\ncoasting trade from Toms River, and was\\nlost with all his crew in a severe snow\\nI storm, Dec. 13th, 1811. He was a young\\n1 man of much promise, and his loss was\\ntownship of Holmdel, in Monmouth greatly regretted by all his acquaint-\\ncounty, is named for him. auces. From him, John Hatfield Gu-\\nlick, late Surrogate, derives his name.\\nIsaac Gulick and Abigail his wife had\\nTHE GULICK FAMILY. g^^ ^j^ james, Stephen, Abner,\\nThe Gulick family are descended from William and Nimrod. Of these, Stephen\\nJoachim Gulick, who came to this coun- 1 is the only survivor, being over eighty\\ntry in 1653, and settled first at Graves- years of age*. Abner and William mar-\\nend, Long Island, where we find his ried, removed to Ohio and died there,\\nname in 1656, with the Tiltons, Still- j leaving families. Nimrod moved to\\nwells, Stouts, Bowues, Applegates and Tuckahoe, N. J. and died there, leavuig\\nothers Avho subsequently settled in old a family. James Gulick, who was the\\nMonmouth county. The first time the first Judge appointed in Ocean county,\\nEnglish recorded his name, they seemed was born near Cranbury, Middlesex\\nat a loss to know how to spell it, and so county, Jan. 9, 1793, the year before hie\\nwrote it Joachim Guylock. Mr. Gu- father moved to Toms River, and died\\nlick, it is said, took the oath of allegiance July 7, 1855. He had five sons, of whom\\nin 1687, and moved to Six Mile Run, John H., Sidney and Henry C. still sur-\\nnear New Brunswick, N. J. previous to vive. His sop Horatio, who died about\\n1717, and he subsequently owned 330 a dozen years ago, was one of the first\\nacres of land lying on both sides of Ten Collectors of the county. Stephen Gu-\\nMile Run Brook. His descendants ap- lick married Deborah Page, and they\\nIjear to have settled near and on both had two daughters, both living. One\\nsides of the line between IMiddlesex and married Captain William Jeflfrey, and the", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "63\\nother Theodore McKeau, now living in\\nUtah.\\nA tradition handed down among the\\nold members of the Guhck family says\\nthat two brothers (probably Joachim and\\nHendricks) came from the Netherlands\\ntogether, and that the name Gulick is\\nderived from the town from whence they\\ncame.\\nMost of the old members of the Gulick\\nfamily were men of stout, almost gigan-\\ntic frames, and possessed of extraordinary\\npowers of endurance. They were noted\\nfor their patriotism in the Kevolution.\\nIsaac was then too young to serve, but\\nhis brothers were in the ai-my, and among\\nthem and other GuUcks in tlie State\\ntroops were three Abrams, Cornelius,\\nBenjamin, James, John, Peter and Joa-\\nchim. The last named, a brother of\\nIsaac, was noted for deeds of daring dur-\\ning the war, in which he was a captain.\\nHe was a man of giant frame and Hercu-\\nlean powers. At one time he was sta-\\ntioned below New Brunswick to watch\\nthe movements of the enemy, who were\\nexpected to come up the river by water.\\nWhile on one of its banks a few miles be-\\nlow the city, the British came in sight,\\nand commenced iiring on the party, who\\nwere compelled to retreat up a steep hill.\\nWhen partly up, the Captain heard a\\nC17 of distress, and, looking towards the\\nplace whence it came, saw one of his\\nmen lying on the ground, wounded and\\nhelpless. He immediately ran back,\\ntook the man on his shoulders, and took\\nup in safety amidst a shower of bullets\\nand the cheers of his men.\\nThe original Gulick tract near Ten\\nMile Run is now divided into three tracts\\nor farms, two of which are now owned by\\nWilliam Cannon, and the other by Simon\\nH. Nevins.\\nTHE EDWARDS FAMILY.\\nThe Edwards family, in the southern\\npari of Ocean county, with branches\\nelsewhere, are descended from James\\nEdwards, who was with General Brad-\\ndock at the time of his disastrous defeat\\nin the old French war. After that war\\nhe first settled in Pennsylvania, and then\\nremoved to Little Egg Harbor, and from\\nthence to Barnegat. Here he frequent-\\nly described to his neighbors the partic-\\nulars of Braddock s defeat, and he always\\npositively asserted that Braddock was\\nkilled by one of his own men, who\\nthought that he was uselessly sacrificing\\nthe lives of his soldiers. His statements\\nhave subsequently been fully corrobor-\\nated, and the following particulars are\\nderived from Virginia and Pennsylvania\\nlocal histories\\nGen. Braddock was shot by one of\\nhis own men, named Tom Fawcett, who\\nlived to quite an advanced age near\\nUniontown, Fayette Co., Pa. In the\\npresence of friends, Fawcett did not\\nhesitate to avow that he shot Braddock.\\nFawcett was a man of gigantic frame, of\\nuncivilized, half savage loropensities,\\nand spent most of his later years among\\nthe mountains as a hermit, living on the\\ngame he killed. He would occasionally\\ncome into town and get drunk. Some-\\ntimes he would repel inquiries into the\\naffair of Braddock s death, putting his\\nfingers to his lips and uttering a sort of\\nbuzzing sound at other times he would\\nburst into tears and appear greatly agi-\\ntated by conflicting jjassions. In spite\\nof Braddock s silly order that his troops\\nshould not protect themselves behind\\ntrees from the murderous fire of the\\nIndians, Joseph Fawcett, brother of\\nTom, had taken such a position, when\\nBraddock rode up in a passion and struck\\nhim down with his sword. Tom, who\\nwas but a short distance from his brother,\\nsaw the whole transaction and imme-\\ndiately drew up his rifle and shot Brad-\\ndock through the lungs, partly for re-\\nvenge for the outrage upon his brother,\\nand partly, as ho alleged, to get the Gen-\\neral out of the way and thus save the re-\\nmainder of the gallant band who had\\nbeen sacrificed to his obstinacy and want\\nof experience in frontier warfare.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "54\\nMrs, Leali Blackmail, in her Egg\\nHarbor Sketches, states that James Ed-\\nwai ds was wounded in the battle, receiv-\\ning a musket ball in his leg, which he\\ncarried to his grave, and she adds that\\nhe lived to an advanced age and was\\nburried in the Methodist Church Yard\\nat Tuckerton. He was also a soldier in\\nthe Kevolutionary War, and fought un-\\nder Washington, whom he loved W ith an\\nundying love. One of his grand-\\ndaughters told me that when the angel\\nDeath was hovering over him, one of his\\ndaughters who stood at his bedside,\\nasked him if he knew he was dying, and\\nhe replied, O yes, I shall soon be with\\nJesus where I shall meet my dear old Gen-\\neral Washington. His daughter asked\\nhim if he believed that wan-iors like\\nGeneral Washington inherited the King-\\ndom of Heaven he answered Yes, I\\nbelieve that Washington is a bright star\\nin the regions of glory. Soon after\\nthis his spirit took its flight to the spirit\\nworld.\\nJames Edwards was one of the first,\\nprobably the first, adherent of the prin-\\nciples of Methodism at Barnegat and\\nvicinity, and continued to his death a\\nstrict, faithful member of the Society.\\nHis two sons, James and Thomas, do not\\nappear to have united with any religious\\nsociety, but both encouraged religious\\nefforts by clergymen of different denom-\\ninations James especially entertaiaed\\npreachers of all denominations. Among\\nhis frequent visitors was Kev. Mr. Jayne\\na Baptist preacher, father of Dr. Jayne,\\nof Philadelphia, noted for jiopular med-\\nicines.\\nJames Edwards, the first, married\\nElizabeth Hedden their children were\\nZophar, Thomas, James, George, Debo-\\nrah, Elizabeth, Amy, Prudence, and\\nKaturah. Zophar and George both fol-\\nlowed the sea George was taken sick\\nand returned to h^ home and died un-\\nmarried Zopliar contiuuetl in the same\\nemployment, but when and where he\\nended his days were uulniowu to his\\nrelatives.\\nI Thomas Edwards married Phebe Corn-\\nstock, of Elizabethtown, N, J., and their\\nchildren were George, Samuel, Thomas,\\ni Richard, Mary, and Ann Eliza the last\\ntwo died unmarried George married\\nHannah Mills, Samuel married Thursa\\nHedden, Richard married Jemima Hed-\\nden, and Thomas married a Miss Clayton\\nof Freehold. Captains Nelson and\\nMills Edwards, and Mrs. iMary A. Pred-\\nmore, wife of Capt. John Predmore, Sr.,\\nand Phebe, ^vife of Captain John Inman,\\nare children of George and Hannah\\nEdwards.\\nSamuel and Thursa Edwards had chil-\\ndren, Thomas, Samuel and Phebe Ann,\\nwho married Jonathan Lawi ence the\\nthe last named Thomas, made a noble\\nrecord during the late Rebellion as an\\nofficer of the Na\\\\ y.\\nJames Edwards, 2ud, married Sojjhia\\nRidgway of Barnegat they had six sons\\nwho grew to manhood, viz., Clayton,\\nGidion, Jesse, Job, James, and Noah.\\nThe three first never married Job mar-\\nried, first Nancy Slaght, and second\\nSusannah Haywood James, 3d, married\\nSerena Craumer, daughter of Isaiah\\nCranmer of Manahawken Noah, the\\nwell-known Methodist minister, married\\nfirst Hannah Downs, daughter of Isaac\\nDowns of TuCkerton, second Phebe Ann\\nHartshorne.\\nOf the children of James Edwards,\\n2d, the only survivors now are James\\nEdwards, 3d, merchant, Waretown, and\\nRev. Noah. Job, who may be considered\\nthe founder of the present Methodist\\nSociety at Barnegat, served the county\\nin the Legislature, two terms.\\nDeborah EdAvards, daughter of the\\nfirst James, married Thomas Collins of\\nBarnegat.\\nElizabeth, daughter of the first James,\\nmarried ]5arzilla Matins of Egg Harbor.\\nAmy, daughter of the first James,\\nmarried Stephen Shourds of Tuckerton.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "55\\nPrntlence, daugliter of the first James,\\nmarried Phineas Burton of Egg Harbor.\\nKaturah, daughter of the first James,\\nmarried Richard McChire.\\nThe daughters of James Edwards, 1st,\\nhave numerous descendants along shore\\nand elsewhere the names of their chil-\\ndren living in Egg Harbor were given\\nby Mrs. Blackman in her sketches of that\\nvicinity, published in the New Jersey\\nCouEiEK several years ago.\\nThe religious princii^les of the Society,\\nof which the first James Edwards was\\nthe earliest adherent we have found in\\nOcean county, have an able representa-\\ntive in a descendant in the fourth gener-\\nation. Rev. James T. Edwards, D. D.,\\nat present principal of the Chamberlain\\nInstitute, a flourishing and well endowed\\ninstitution of learning at Randolph, N.\\nY. Prof. Edwards is son of the late\\nRev. Job Edwards, and though com-\\nparatively young, his career has been\\nsingularly active and useful besides\\nbeing a successful educator, he served\\nhonorably as an officer in the army dur-\\ning the late Rebellion, was a leading\\nmember of the Rhode Island State\\nSenate, and as an able and eloquent minis-\\nter of the Gospel he was awarded the\\ndegree of D. D., at an unusually early\\nage.\\nCAPTAIN THOMAS EDWARDS.\\nCaptain Edwards entered the U. S.\\nNavy as Acting-Master, Oct. 22, 1861,\\nand was assigned to duty on the favorite\\nman-of-war, Oneida, and while on her,\\nserved under the then Captains, but sub-\\nsequently Rear-Admirals, Bailey, S. P.\\nLee and Preble. He was in many hotly\\ncontested, memorable engagements,\\namong which w^ere the battles of Port\\nRoyal, Forts St. Philip and Jackson, the\\ntaldng of New Orleans, the battle of\\nVicksbiirg and other engagements on\\nthe Mississippi river, and also at the cap-\\nture of Fort Morgan and the taking of\\nMobile. When the Oneida and Varuna\\nj were in the thickest of the fight in the\\nmost terrific combat probably known in\\nnaval warfare, in the passage of the forts\\nbelow New Orleans, under fii-e of the\\nforts, running the gauntlet of fire-ships\\nand rafts to the barriers across the river,\\nand that obstacle overcome by Union\\ndaring and ingenuity, there among and\\nthi-ough the swarm of rebel irou-clads\\nand gun-boats, Capt. Edwards was among\\nthe most active and fearless in his line of\\nduty, repeatedly narrowly escaping\\ndeath, as when in one instance being for\\na moment called from the battery of\\nwhich he had charge, the officer who\\nstepped into his place was instantly\\nkilled with several men near him. When\\nthe first rebel vessel surrendered, he was\\ndetailed to receive the rebel commander s\\nsword. After the taking of New Orleans,\\nhe was ordered on board the U. S. S.\\nStockdale to take command of her and the\\nnaval force, consisting of four or five ves-\\nsels on Lake Ponchar train, to prevent\\ncontraband trade. While in the Stock-\\ndale, he received his promotion for merit-\\norious service, to the rank of Lieutenant\\n(Acting Volunteer), April 12, 1864, and\\nwell had he earned it, for he had been\\nover three years attached to the Gulf\\nSquadron, being longer on continuous\\nduty than any other officer, all the rest\\nhaving been detached, killed, dismissed\\nor sent home. It required his utmost\\nvigilance to check the continital attempts\\nto carry on the contraband trade, and\\nhence his duties were not at all monot-\\nonous in addition to which, he was fre-\\nquently called upon to relieve suflering\\namong the rebel families living in the\\nadjacent districts. In a letter to the\\nwriter of this, dated April, 1864, he says\\nThe rebels in the district along the\\nlake are in a most terrible state of desti-\\ntution their subsistence being nothing\\nbut corn bread (and very httle of that),\\nand no clothing to be had. I have had\\nladies who, three years ago, were living\\nin luxury and wealthy in negro and other\\nproperty, come on board my ship, and", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "56\\nbeg for a few pouuds of pork to keep\\nthem from starvation, and they declared\\ntliey had not tasted meat of any kind for\\nmonths they would also beg me to pro-\\ncure for them a few yards of calico for\\nthe commonest dresses. It is impossible\\nto describe their distressed condition. If\\nany produce is raised, the Confederate\\nsoldiers seize it, and many come to take\\nthe oath of allegiance merely to keep\\nfrom starving.\\nHis letters describing the different bat-\\ntles which he witnessed, written immedi-\\nately after they occurred, are graphic ac-\\ncounts of events which have passed into\\nhistory.\\nBut it was evident, from some of his\\nletters, that the brightest day to him,\\nduring his long, excitkig labors, was the\\none towards the close, when he had the\\npleasure of welcoming his wife on board\\nhis ship, for with our brave men on land\\nand sea there were times when thoughts\\nof home and loved ones overpowered all\\nother feelings, as when one time both\\narmies lay encamped near each other,\\nand tlie Eebel band to taunt the Union\\nmen struck up Dixie. It was at once re-\\nsponded to by the Star Spangled Banner.\\nThen the rebels replied with the Bonny\\nBlue Flag, which aroused vindictive feel-\\nings among our troops, and their band\\nresponded with Eally Bound the Flag.\\nBy this time, the rival tunes had stirred\\nup warlike feelings on both sides, both\\nparties felt the taunts intended, and both\\nwere stirred eager for strife but sud-\\ndenly, in the evening air, another band\\nstruck up Home, Sweet Home, and it\\nwas wonderful how quick that tune\\nsoothed down angi-y passions on both\\nsides, recalling love l ones at home, and\\ntears trickled down many cheeks, and\\nthen soldiers on both sides felt like clasp-\\ning hands across the bloody chasm.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Tlic bravest arc the tcndercst,\\nThe lovini^ arc the dariuf^.\\nCaptain Edwards stood well in the es-\\ntimation of his different superior officers,\\nand with one or two his relations wei-c of\\nI the most confidential nature. For his\\nold admiral, Farragut, he had the high-\\nest admiration. He was deeply in ear-\\nnest in the Union cause. After a little\\nover two years hard service, referring to\\na rumor that he wished to leave it, he\\nwrites God forbid that I ever should\\nas long as this glorious old flag floats\\nover my head, and I have strength\\nenough to point a gun towai d a traitor.\\nHe returned home on a furlough during\\nthe last Lincoln campaign, in which he\\nwas among the most active and eflective\\nsupporters of the Union ticket in the\\ncounty, and was the chief organizer and\\nmarshal of the largest political proces-\\nsion then known in the county, which\\nproceeded by can-iages, farm wagons,\\netc. to Tuckerton, to aid a Lincoln dem-\\nonstration there.\\nCaptain Edwards died at his home in\\nBarnegat on Sunday, February 25, 186G.\\nSkilful and brave in his profession, en-\\nterprising and honorable as a citizen,\\nwarm-hearted and faithful as a friend,\\nhis early decease was a severe loss to the\\ncommunity in which he lived. He was a\\nworthy descendant of the first James\\nEdwards, who, in two wars, risked his\\nlife for his countiy.\\nTHE LAWRENCE FAMILY.\\nThe following is a notice of the coming\\nto America of the first members of this\\nfamily\\nApril 2, 1635. Barque Planter, Cap-\\ntain Nich, Trarice. Among the passen-\\ngers, who, it is said, were chiefly from\\nSt. Albans, Hertfordshire, England, are\\nfound the names of John Lawrence, aged\\n17 year.s William Lawrence, aged 12\\nyears, and Marye LaMrence, aged 9\\nyears. In 1055, another brothei-, named\\nThomas, came over.\\nIt will be noticed that some of these\\nwere quite young. The greater propor-\\ntion of the Lawrences in America descend\\nfrom the second brother, William.\\nThe first Lawrence who settled within", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "57\\ntlie limits of old Monmoulli, it is said,\\nwas Elisha, a son of William. Elislia\\ncommenced business as a mercliaut, in\\nthe latter part of the seventeenth century,\\nat Cheesequakes, on the south side of\\nthe Raritan river iu Monmouth county\\nbut his store having been joillaged by the\\ncrew of a French privateer, he removed\\nto Upper Fi-eehold, which once included\\na part of what is now Ocean county. He\\nrepresented the county iu the provincial\\nAssembly in 1707. His residence was\\ncalled Chestnut Grove. He was born in\\n1666, and died May 24, 1724. He mar-\\nried Lucy Stout, and had children as fol-\\nlows Sons Joseph, Elisha and John.\\nDaixghters Hannah, who married Rich-\\nard Salter Elizabeth, w^ho married\\nJoseph Salter Sarah, who married John\\nEmber, and Rebecca, who married a\\nNew Yorker named Watson. The sec-\\nond sou, Elisha, had a son named John\\nBruen Lawrence, who was the father of\\nCommodoi c Lawrence of Don t give\\nup the ship fame, and grandfather of\\nCommodore Boggs, who distinguished\\nhimself on the Varuua in passing the\\nforts at New Orleans.\\nThe first-named Eliiha Lawrence s sou\\nJohn was born in 1708, and is noted as\\nhaving run the celebrated Lawrence s\\nline between East and West Jersey.\\nHe married Mary, daughter of William\\nHartshorne, and had sons, John and\\nEUsha, who became noted amoug the\\nRoyalists iu the Revolution, but have no i\\ndescendants now living. His daughters\\nwere Helena, who married James Holmes;\\nLucy, wlio married Rev. Henry \\\\Vaddell\\nElizabeth, who married Yv illiam Le-\\nCompte, and ^lavy and Sarali wlio died\\nsingle.\\nIt is impracticable in the i^reseut arti-\\nele to trace out the genealogy of all the i\\nTjawrenees iu Monmouth and Ocean, but\\nthe foregoing gives it so far as relates to\\nthe branch which was most noted iu the\\nearly history of old Monmouth. Two or\\nthree publications have been issued giv-\\nthe genealogy of the Lawrences, by\\nwhich descendants can trace their auces\\ntry.\\nThe Lawrence family claim to be de-\\nscended from Sir- Robert Laurence, of\\nAshton Hall, Laucastershire, England,\\nwho went to Palestine during the Cru-\\nsades with Richard Occur do Leon, and\\nparticipated in the siege of St. Jean de\\nAcre, in the year 1119, and was the first\\nto jalant the Banner of the Cross on thf\\nbattlements of the town, for which he\\nwas knighted. A grandson of Sir Robert\\nLaurence, named Sir James Laurence,\\nmarried into the Washington family in\\nthe reign of Henry Third. General\\nGeorge Washington s half-brother, Law-\\nrence, was so named on account of liis\\nrelationshir) to this familv.\\nDICK BIRD,\\nTHIS potter s creek oittlaw.\\nThis scounckel, who was probably one\\nof Davenport s gang, was exceedingly\\nobnoxious to the Americans on account\\nof many daring outrages in which ho\\nwas concerned. He was intimately ac-\\nquainted with all the roads and bye-paths\\nin the woods and swamps in old Dover\\ntownship, which then extended to Oyster\\nCreek. Tradition says, that early in the\\nwai- he had a cave near the head waters\\nof Cedar Ci eek, and that his sister, who\\nwas married to a patriot soldier, named\\nCottrell, resided iu a cabin a short dis-\\ntance from the village of Cedar Creek,\\nnear where the late Benjamin H. Stout\\nformerly lived. This sister, for fear of\\nBird s getting her into trouble, finally\\nmoved to the Burnt Tavern, near Free-\\nhold she was motlier of Mercy Worth,\\nwife of Peter wortli, from whom all of\\nthis name in Berkeley township descend.\\nBird for a long time managed to elude\\nthe vigilance of the Americans, but one\\nday, he, with a companion, was seen\\nalong the road, a little south of Toms\\nRiver, by some one who at once notified\\nthe militia on duty at Toms River, and\\ntwo or three at once started in pui suit.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "Bird s comrade escaped by hiding under\\na bridge, over wliich liis iiursuers passed,\\nand Bird himself managed to ehide them\\nthem until after dark. It is supposed\\nhe had intended to make for his cave,\\nnear Cedar Creek, but the pursuit caused\\nhim to change his plan. Xear Quail\\nEun was a woman of low character,\\nwhom he often visited, and this time he\\ncalled on her she told him as the militia\\nwere after him, they would tiud him\\nthere, and advised him to go to a less\\nsusijected place, and he then left and\\nstopped at a house on the old Anderson\\nplace, near Dover Chapel. He was seen\\nby some i^atriotic women, who sent in-\\nformation to his pursuers, and some of\\nthem, one tradition says, went into the\\nhouse and chatted with him until it was I\\ntime for the Whigs to arrive, and that\\none of them was sitting on his lap when\\nshe saw his pursuers looking in the win-\\ndow. Another version, which is most\\nprobable, is that it was the woman of\\nlow character, before refen-ed to, who was\\nsitting on his lajj, and she sprang oti and\\nhe jumped for his musket, which was in\\nthe chimney corner, and just as he\\nreached it his pursuers fired through\\nthe window and killed him instantly.\\nIt is said the girl was so little atiected\\nby his death that when the pursuers\\ncame in the door they found her search-\\ning Bird s pockets.\\nBird was a married man, but when he\\njoined the Refugees his wife forsook him\\nand went to Toms River, where she re-\\nsided many years after his death. While\\nlie was pursui)ig his infamous career she\\nbitterly denounced him, yet when she\\nheard of his death she grieved so much\\nthat her neighbors expressed their sur-\\nprise, knowing the disgrace lie had been\\nto her. The simple-minded womau, as\\none story had it, replied that it was not\\nthe man she so much cared for, but he\\noften sent her a quarter of venison, when\\nlie had more than he could use, and she\\nwould so much miss such presents\\nnow\\nCAPTAIN JOHN BACON.\\nAX OTTTiAW s CAP.EER, AND ITS TERRIBIiE\\nEND.\\nThis noted Refugee leader, whose name\\nis so well remembered by old residents\\nof Ocean, Monmouth, and Burlington,\\nappears to have confined his operations\\nchiefly between Cedar Creek and Tuck-\\nerton. His eftbrts were mainly du ected\\nto i^lundering the dwellings of all active\\nmembers of the patriotic militia organi-\\nzations. Some old residents, generally of\\nQuaker proclivities, considered him one\\nof the most honorable partisan leaders\\nopposed to the Americans, because they\\nasserted, excepting calling for a meal s\\nvictuals for himseh and men in passing,\\nhe never molested the i)ersous or proper-\\nty of any but Americans in niihtia ser-\\nvice. Himself and men were well ac-\\nquainted with the roads and paths\\nthrough the forests of old Monmouth\\nand Burlington, some in the lower part\\nof the county still being known as Refu-\\ngee ijaths, and they had numerous hid-\\ning places, cal ins in the woods and caves\\nin the banks by the headwaters of Cedar\\nCreek, Forked River and other streams,\\nwhich they used as temporary resting\\nplaces as they passed up and down the\\nshore. A principal one of Bacon s was\\nnear Frank s crossway, above the upper\\nmill on Forked River.\\nSeveral events in which he was en-\\ngaged havffbeen described in notices of\\nForked River, Manahawkeu and Toms\\nRiver. The following are tlie principal\\nadditional atiairs in which he was con-\\ncerned\\nrLUNDERINC4 OF JOSEPH SOPER.\\nAmong other zealous Americans for\\nwhom Bacon had a strong antipathy was\\nJoseph Soper, who lived at Soper a\\nLanding, between Waretown and Barnc\\ngat. His attentions to Soper were so\\nfrequent and threatening that he had\\noften to seek refuge, and sleep in the\\nswamps along Lochiel Brook, and some-\\ntimes at the place in that vicinity in late", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "59\\nyears owned by James Letts, deceased.\\nAt this time there lived at Waretown an\\nEnglishman, known as Bill Wilson, who\\npretended neutrality but who really\\nacted as a spy for Bacon. Mr. Soper\\nwas a vessel builder, and at one time he\\nhad received pay for building a small\\nvessel. Wilson accidentally witnessed his\\nreceiving the money, but did not know\\nthe amount. After he left, Mr. Soper\\nsuspected that he would inform Bacon,\\nand so he divided his money into two\\nparcels, a small amount in one and a\\nlarge amount iu the other, and then\\nburied both in separate places, not far\\nfrom the house. Sure enough, iu a very\\nshort time. Bacon and his men \\\\dsited the\\nhouse, piloted by a man with a black silk\\nhandkerchief over his face that he might\\nnot be recognized. This man Avas be-\\nlieved to be Wilson, though eflforts\\nwere made subsequently to induce the\\nSopers to think it was another man,\\nthen li\\\\T[ng near Waretown. Mr. Soper\\nn.t this time had taken refuge iu the\\nswamp, and the house was occupied only\\nby women and chikli-en. N^Tien the llef-\\nugees entered they at once began be-\\nhaving rudely and boisterously, flourish-\\ning their weapons iu a menacing manner,\\npushing their bayonets in the ceiling, and\\ndoing other things to frighten the wo-\\nmen. Their threats compelled the wo-\\nmen to lead them into the garden, to the\\nHpot where the smallest sum of money\\nwas buried when they received it they\\nseemed to be satisfied, thinking it was\\nall they had they then returned to the\\nhouse and made a clean sweep, as they\\nhad several times before, of provisions,\\nclothing and such other articles as they\\n;ould carry. Among other articles taken\\nby Bacon at this time, was one of Mr.\\nSoper s shii-ts, which afterwards served\\nfor a winding sheet for Bacon, as he was\\nsTibsequently killed and buried with it\\non. Bill Wilson could never be fairly\\ncon\\\\-icted of actual complicity with the\\nRefugees, in overt acts, yet all who knew\\nhim were convinced that he was a spy of\\nBacon s. It was alleged that he was with\\nthe Refugees in their raid on the Holmes\\nand Prices at Goodluck. After the war\\nclosed he remained for some years in the\\nvicinity of Waretown but he foiand it a\\nvery uncomfortable place for him to live,\\nfor occasionally some zealous Whig, who\\nhad occasion to hate the Refugees, would\\ntake him in hand on very slight pretexts\\nand administer off-hand justice. At one\\ntime, at Lochiel Brook, Hezekiah Soiier,\\nsou of Joseph, gave Wilson a severe\\nthrashing and then nearly drowned him\\nin the brook for alleged participation in\\nthe murder of Reuben Soper, a brother\\nof Hezekiah s. Wilson, finding Ware^\\ntown did not agree with him, at length\\nmoved over to the North Beaoh, above\\nthe Inlet, where he hved a lonely life\\nuntil his death, which occurred between\\nsixty and seventy years ago. Two or\\nthree old residents arc still living who\\nremember seeing him when he came oflf\\nto Forked River to procure supplies.\\nmt;rder of eeuben sopek. massacre\\nOF SLEEPING MEN ON liONG BEACH.\\nThis was the most important affair in\\nwhich Bacon was engaged. The inhuman\\nmassacre of sleeping men was in keeping\\nwith the memorable affair at Chesnut\\nNeck, below Tuckerton, when Count\\nPulaski s guards were murdered by\\nBritish and Refugees. This massacre\\ntook place on Long Beach, about a mile\\nsouth of the light-house, at a spot once\\nknown as the lower end of the cedars.\\nAt this place we think more men were\\nkilled than in any other action during the\\nwar in our county one account stating\\nthat twenty were killed or wounded, most\\nof them belonging to Capt. Steelman s\\ncomj)auy, from Atlantic county, who\\nwere doing coast guard duty. A Tory\\npaper, published at the time, gives the\\nfollowing version of the affair\\nA cutter from Ostend, botmd to St,\\nThomas, ran aground on Barnegat shoals,\\nOctober 25, 1782. The American galley\\nAlligator, Captain Steelman, from Cape", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "00\\nMa J, with tweuty-five nu-n, pluudorecl\\nher ou Saturday night List, of a quautity\\nof Hyson tea and other vahiable articles,\\nbut was attacked the same night by Cap-\\ntain John Bacon with nine men, in a\\nsmall boat called the Hero s Eeveuge,\\nAvho killed Steelman and wounded the\\nfirst lieutenant, and all the party excejjt\\nfour or five were either killed or wound-\\ned.\\nIn this account the number of Steel-\\nman s men is doubtless overestimated,\\nand Bacon s underestimated. When the\\ncutter was stranded ou the shoals, word\\nwas sent across the bay to the main land\\nfor help to aid in saviug the cargo, in\\nconsequence of which, a party of men,\\namong whom were Joseph Soper and two\\nof his sons, Reuben and Hezekiah, pro-\\nceeded to the beach to render what as-\\nsistance they could. The party worked\\nhard while thei-e to get the goods through\\nthe surf ou the beach. At night they\\nwere tired and wet, and built fires, around\\nwhich they meant to sleep. It is sup-\\nposed that as soon as they Avere all asleep\\nthat Bill Wilson, who was there, arose uji\\n^h h S^^ ii^ and rowed off to the\\nniaijiland to inform Bacon how matters\\nstood.\\nBac^ju and his party huriitd over to\\nthe beach, and arrived just beforii day-\\nbreak at the spot where the men were\\nsleeping, and immediately commenced\\nfiring on them as they lay on the ground.\\n(-)f (!Ourse the xVmericans were taken l)y\\nBuqjrise, and had no opportunity of de-\\nfending themselv( s. Among those shot,\\nwas Keuben Soper, one of the sons of\\nJoseph Soper. He was mortally wound-\\ned, and died during the day, in the boat,\\non his passage towards home in c.u-e of\\nhis father and brother. Fortunately for\\nhis father ami others of the jjarty from\\nthe mainland, they had risen before\\nBacon s arrival and gone some distance\\ndown the beach in search of water, and\\nthey remained at a safe distance, being\\nunarmed, until Bacon s departure, which\\n\u00c2\u00bbnist have been very early iu the day.\\nBacon s chief object appears to have\\nbeen the surprise and destruction of\\nCaptain Steelman s command. He knew\\nit would not have been safe for him to\\nremain many hours on the beach, as the\\nmiHtia from the main were on the look-\\nout for him.\\nReuben Soper, who was killed, was a\\nmari-ied man with two or three children\\nhis widow removed to the vicinity of\\nBass River, in Burlington, w^here his de-\\nscendants now live. At the time of his\\ndeath he was a member of Caj^taia Ran-\\ndolph s Staflbrd militia company.\\nSome interesting relics of the Sopc r\\nfamily are still preserved by descendants,\\nas will be seen by the following extract\\nof a letter from AVm. P. Haywood, Esq.,\\nof West Creek, dated Oct. 1866\\nThe wife of Geo. W. Lippencott, of\\nTuckerton, N. J., is a grand-daughter of\\nReuben Soper, who was murdered by\\nthe Refugees on Long Beach. While at\\nher residence I was sliowu a quaint look-\\ning pocketbock, full of ohl Avritiugs that\\nbelonged to her grandfather, which has\\nsacredly been kept until the present\\ntime. Among other v.ritings of interest\\nwas a marriage certificate which I give\\nII rliatiiii ct lilci dliiii\\nNew Jersey,\\nMonmouth Co. s\\nThese Ijjies sertii y that Reubin Soper\\nwas Maryed to Marv Mathis on the 22nd\\nday of May, 1779, By me.\\nJess:: Halsey. justice.\\nWitness present,\\nRichard Brown, Letislie Brown.\\nMr?. Li])pencott s father, Reub^ni\\nSoper, (2dj had seven children five are\\nstill living. A son, Reuben, was wound-\\ned in the late Rebellion, and \u00c2\u00ablied three\\nweeks after in Saterlee hospital.\\nAmong other wi itings in the pocket-\\nbook was an order from Reuben s son\\nJoseph, requesting the return of five\\ncrowns in money, deposited witlj some\\none for safe keeping, while his fath-\\ner was on board the cutter. This\\norder was written shortly after his\\nfather s murder. One of the papers Avas", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "Gl\\npersonally iuterostiug to me, us it liud,\\n:imong other uames, that of my fatlier,\\nJoel Haywood, as a pupil to Eeubeu\\nSoper, Jr. This paper was Jateil Mana-\\nhawken, 180(S. Most of the scholars, as\\nwell as the teacher, have passed to a\\nhigher school. This letter of Mr. Hay-\\nwood s gives auother instance of heredi-\\ntary patriotism a descendant of Reuben\\nSoper, and named for him, having also\\nlost his life in his country s service.\\nbacon s i.ast ketreat.\\nThe next aifair in which Bacon was\\nconcerned, was the skirmish at Cedar\\nCreek, Dec. 27, 1782, which has been\\ndescribed in speaking of the Refugees at\\nForked River and Cedar Creek. This\\nafi iir seemed to have caused the Refu-\\ngees to scatter, most of them probably\\ngetting to New York and from thence to\\nNova Scotia or Bermuda but with un-\\naccountable foolhardiness, Bacon re-\\nmained behind until the following spring.\\nAbout the last of March, 1783, a vessel\\nwas wrecked on Long Beach, oj^posite\\nWest Creek, and to the surj^rise of those\\non the beach, Bacon made his ajipear-\\nanee among them, and endeavored to\\nmake himself conspicuous by giving or-\\nders to the wreckers, some of whom,\\nknoAving him, determined to take him\\nprisoner that night. Their jjlan was\\nheard by a girl Csubsequently the mother\\nf the late Sylvester Birdsall, of Barne-\\ngat) who informed Bacon, and he quietly\\nslipped away, got over to the mainland,\\nand proceeded to the house of Wm. Rose,\\nsituated just over the Ocean county lino\\nin Burlington, about a half mile below\\nWest Creek, Rose s wife, generally\\ncalled Mother Rose, was known to be\\nfriendly to Bacon, and the very night he\\narrived there he was surprised and kUled\\nby a party under Captain John Stewart,\\nguided liy a man named Thomas Smith,\\nwho had vrorked in the neighborhood,\\nand was intimately acquainted with the\\nlocality. The most reliable account of\\nBacon s death is found in a paper fur-\\nnished to the New Jersey Historical So-\\nciety, in 184G, by ex-Governor George\\nr. Fort, of New Egypt, the substance of\\nwhich we give below. Gov. Fort de-\\nrived his information from a son of Capt.\\nStewart.\\nDEATH Ol BACON\\nJohn Bacon was a rotorious Refu-\\ngee who had committed many depreda-\\ntions along the shores of Monmouth\\nwhich then included Ocean) and Bur-\\nlington counties. After ha-ving been a\\nterror to the people of this section for\\nsome time, John Stewart (afterwards\\nCapt. Stewart) of Arneytown, resolved,\\nif possible, to take him. There liad been\\na reward of \u00c2\u00a350 sterling offered by the\\nGovernor and Council for his capture,\\ndead or alive. A short time previous to\\nthis, in an engagement at Cedar Creek,\\nBacon and his company had discomfited\\na considerable body of State troops,\\nkUliug William Cook, Jr. a brother of\\nJoel Cook, of Cook s Mills, now Cooks-\\ntown in Burlington county, which ex-\\ncited much alarm and exasperated the\\nwhole country. On the occasion of his\\narrest, Captain Stewart took witli him\\nJoel Cook, John Brown, Thomas Smith,\\nJohn Jones, and auother person whose\\nname is not recollected, and started in\\npursuit, well armed. They traversed\\nthe shore, and found Bacon separated\\nfrom his men at the public house or cab-\\nin of William Rose, between West Creek\\nand Clamtown (now Tnckerton), in Bur-\\nlington county. The night was verj-\\ndark, and Smith l)eing m advance of tlie\\nparty, approached the house, and dis-\\ncovered through the window a man sitting\\nvdth a gun between his knees. He im-\\nmediately informed his companions. On\\narriving at the house, Captain Stewart\\nopened the door, and presenting his\\nmusket demanded a surrender. Tlie\\nfellow sprang to his feet, and cocking his\\ngun was in the act of bringing it round\\nto the breast of Stewart, when the lat-\\nter, instead of discharging his piece.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "62\\nclosed iu with Jiim aucl succeeded after a\\nscuffle iu briugiug liim to the iloor. He\\ntheu avowed liimself to be Johu Bacou,\\naud asked for quarter, which was at once\\nreadily granted to him hj Stewart. They\\narose from the floor, aud Stewart (still\\nretaiuiug his hold on Bacou) called to\\nCook, who, when he discovered the sup-\\nposed murderer of his brother, became\\nexasperated, and stepping back gave\\nBacou a bayonet thrust unknown to\\nStewart or his companions. Bacon ap-\\npeared fidnt and fell. After a short time\\nhe recovered, aud attempted to escape\\nby the back door. Stewart pushed a\\ntable agaiust it. Bacon hurled it away,\\nstruck Stewart to the floor, o] ened the\\ndoor, and again attemiJted to pass out\\nbut was shot by Stewart (who had re-\\ngained his feet) while in the act. The\\nball passed through his body, through a\\npai t of the Viuilding, and struck the\\nbreast of Cook, who had taken a position\\nat the back door to prevent egress.\\nCook s companions were ignoi-aut of the\\nfact that he had given Bacou the bayonet\\nwound, and would scarcely credit him\\nwhen he so informed them on their way\\nhome. They examined Bacon s body at\\nMount Miseiy, aud the wounds made by\\nVioth bayonet and ball were obvious.\\nThey brought his dead Ijody to Jacobs-\\ntown, Burlington county, and were in\\nthe act of burying it in the public high-\\nway, near the village, iu the i)resence of\\nmany citizens Avho had collected (m the\\noccasion, when Bacon s brother ajjpeared\\namong them and after much entreaty\\nsucceeded in obtaining his body for ])ri-\\nvate burial.\\nThis affair took i)lace on Thui sday\\nevening, April Jd, 178:?.\\nAs there have l)een some disputes in\\ntraditionary accounts as to the exact\\nmanner of Bacon s death, we have been\\nat much trouble to get at tlu^ truth.\\nSome old residents of tlie vicinity wliere\\nhe was killed are positive that ho was\\nshot down after asking for quarter. They\\nsny that Captain Stewart s party sudden-\\nly opened the door and pointed a musket\\nat Bacon, wht) instantly rose up and held\\nI a table before him and begged for quar-\\nter, but the musket was fired, and the\\nball went through the table and killed\\nhim. But after much patient investiga-\\ntion and inquiry we believe this story is\\nuntrue, and that the correct version is\\nabout as Governor Fort has given it.\\nWe are soriy to add, however, that the\\nparty treated the body with unjustifia-\\nble indignity. As soon as Bacon was\\nkilled his body was thrown into a wagon\\nwith his head over the tail-board, and\\nthe party drove for home that same\\nnight. Young Cook seemed qiiite car-\\nried away to think he had avenged his\\nbrother s death, and at the inns at Man-\\nahawkeu and Mount Misery, insisted on\\ntreating Bacou with liquor, fastening\\noi^en his mouth while he poured liquor\\ninto it. The descendants of British\\nsympathisers have charged the party\\nwith much cruelty, but the only founda-\\ntions are the indignities offered to his\\nbody and even there we can find some\\nIjalliation for it, when we consider tlie\\nexcitement, bordering on frenzy, of young\\nCook.\\nIn addition to what has been quoted\\nfrom Governor Fort regarding Bacou s\\nburial, we have heard it stated that in\\naccordance witli an ancient cust mi with\\ngreat criminals, the intention was to bury\\nBacon at the forks of some public roads,\\nwith a stake driven through the body\\nbnt his brother s arrival cbauged their\\nplan. This brother of Bacon s was gen-\\nerally respected where he was known.\\nThe writer of this has been informed\\nthat before the war Bacon s home was in\\nBurlington county, though he occasion-\\nally worked in Staflbi d township, in\\nOcean coimty, and that Bacon left a wife\\naud two sons, named Jesse and Edward,\\nat Pemberton that his widow mamed\\na man named Alorris, and the two sous\\nemigrated West, and became respectable\\naud useful citizens.\\nThe late Samuel Cox, an aged, es-", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "63\\nteemed citizeu of Eaiiiegat, whoBe death\\nwas noticed in the Courier of Dec. 27,\\n1877, was a native of Pemberton, and\\nknew Mrs. Bacon aft\u00c2\u00abr she married\\nMorris, and bore testimony to the respect\\nin which she was held by tliose who\\nknew her.\\nAfter Bacon s death his widow came to\\nForked Biver, and Mrs. Hnldah Wil-\\nliams, then quite young, went with her\\nto Bacon s principal cave near Frank s\\ncrossway, where they found a sword and\\nother articles belonging to the Refugee.\\nThe last attempt of which the writer has\\nheard to find the location of the caves of\\nDavenport, Bacon and other Befugees\\nwas by the late Charles I. Errickson,\\nwho some thirty years ago started from\\nToms Biver with an old woods guide,\\nand was successful in finding vestiges of\\nthem on branches of Toms Biver and\\nother streams.\\nTHE POTTER CHURCH AT GOODLUCK.\\nTHE EIRTHPIiACE OF UN ITERSAI.ISM\\nIX AMERICA.\\nA singular and interesting chapter in\\nthe religious histoi*y of our State, relates\\nto the historical old Goodluck Church,\\nformerly known as the Potter Church,\\nbuilt from 1760 to 1765, by the noted\\nThomas Potter, a benevolent citizen of\\nthe village, who then lived east of the\\nchurch on the farm since owned by the\\nlate Capt. Benjamin Stout. Before\\n))uilding the church. Potter had been in\\nthe habit of opening his house to travel-\\ning preachers of all persuasions and,\\nafter a while, to accommodate them, he\\nerected t ais edifice free for all denomin-\\nations, and it was used by Presbyterians,\\nQuakers, Baptists and Methodists, and\\nin it was ijreached the first Universalist\\nsermon ever delivered in America.\\nIn giving the history of this church,\\nit is proper fii-s:t to quote the account\\nfound in the journal of the celebrated\\nRev. John Murray, the founder of the\\nUniversalist Society in America, as this\\naccount has made the Potter Church so\\nnoted in the religious history of our\\ncountry.\\nThe Rev. John Murray, the first\\npreacher of Universalism in America,\\nsailed from England for New York, July\\n21st, 1770. When he left England,\\nthough a warm advocate of the principles\\nof that society, yet he was not a regular\\npreacher, and had but little idea then of\\nbecoming one in America. During a thick\\nfog in the early part of the month of\\nSeptember, the brig Hand in Hand,\\non which he was acting as supercargo,\\nstriTck on the outer bar of old Cranberry\\nInlet (now closed, nearly opposite Toms\\nRiver. She soon passed over, and was\\nheld by her anchors from going ashore.\\nHere she remained several days before\\nshe could be got off While lying here\\nthe provisions of the brig were exhausted,\\nand after locking up the vessel, all hands\\nproceeded in a boat across the bay in\\nsearch of sustenance. Being unacquaint-\\ned with the main, they spent the greater\\nIjart of the day before they could effect\\ntheir purpose, after which, it being late,\\nthey proceeded to a tavern to stay all\\nnight. Mr. Murray s mind appears to\\nto have been much exercised by eventful\\nscenes in his previous life, and to have\\nlonged to get somewhere where the busy\\nares of th3 w orld would not disturb his\\nmeditations and hence as soon as the\\nboatmen arrived at the tavcni he left\\nthem for a solitary walk through the dai-k\\npine grove. Here, said he, I was\\nas miich alone as I could wish, and my\\nheart exclaimed, Oh, that I had in this\\nwilderness the lodging of a poor way-\\nfaring man some cave, some grot, some\\nplace where I might finish my days in\\ncalm repose. As he thus passed along\\nmusing, he unexijectedly reached a small\\nlog house where he saw a girl cleaning\\nfish he requested her to sell him some.\\nShe had none to spare, but told him he\\ncould get all he wanted at the next house,\\nWhat, this said Mr. Murray point-\\ning to one he could just discern through", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "64\\nthe woods. The girl told him no, that\\nwas a meeting lionse. He was much\\nsurprised to find a meeting house there\\nin the woods. He was directed to i)ass\\nt)U by the meeting house, and at the\\nnext house he would fiud fish. He went\\non as directed, and came to the door,\\nnear which was a large jiile of fish of va-\\nrif)ns sorts, and standing by was a tall\\nman, rough in appearance and evidently\\nadvanced in years. I ray, sir, said\\n^[r. Murray, will you have the good-\\nness to sell me one of those fish No,\\nsir, was the abrupt reply of the old\\ngentleman. That is strange, replied\\nMr. Murray, when you have so many\\nfish, to refuse me a single one! I\\ndid not refuse you a fish, sir you are\\nweh^ome to as many as you please, but I\\ndo not sell the article I do not sell the\\nfish, sir, I have them for taking up, and\\nyou may obtain them the same way.\\nMr. Muriay thanked him tlie old man\\nthen inquired what he wanted of them,\\nand was told he wished them lor supper\\nfor the mariners at the tavern. The old\\nman oftered to send the fish over for him\\nand urged Mr, Murray to tarry with him\\nthat night. Mr. Murray consented to\\nreturn after visiting tlie crev/ at the pub-\\nlie house. Tlie i ld gentleman was\\nThomas Potter. Mr, IMurray says he\\nwas astonished to see so much genume\\npoliteness and hospitality under so rough\\nan exterior, but his astonishment was\\ngreatly increased on his return. The\\nold man s room was prepared, his fire\\nblight and his heart opened. Come,\\nsaid he, ray friend, I am glad you have\\nreturned, I have longed to see you, I\\nliave been expecting you a long time.\\nExpecting him Mr. Murray was\\namazed, and asked what he meant. Mr.\\nPotter replied, I must answer in my\\nown way. I am a poor ignorant man,\\nand know neither how to read or write\\n1 was born in these woods, and worked\\non these grounds until I became a man,\\nwhen I went on coasting voyages from\\nhere to New York I was then about get-\\nting married, but in going to New York\\nonce I was pressed on board of a man-of-\\nwar and taken in Admiral Warren s ship\\nto Cape Bi eton. I never di ank any rum,\\nso they saved my allowance bnti would\\nnot bear an affront, so if any of the of-\\nficers struck me I struck them again,\\nI but the admiral took my part and called\\nme his ucw-liglit man. ^\\\\^len I reached\\nLouisburg, I ran away, and traveled\\nbarefooted through the country and al-\\nmost naked to New York, where I was\\ni known and supplied with clothes and\\nmoney, and soon returned home, where\\nI found my gu l married. This rendered\\nme unhappy, but I recovered my tran-\\nquility and married her sister. I settled\\ndown to work, and got forward quite fast,\\nI constructed a saw-mill, and possessed my-\\nself of this farm and five hundred acres\\n1 of adjoining land, I entered into navi-\\ngation, own a sloop, and have now got\\ntogether a fair estate, I am, as I said,\\nunable to read or write, but I am capable\\nof reflection the sacred Scriptures have\\nbeen often read to me, from which I\\nI gathered that there is a great and good\\nBeing who has preserved and protected\\nme through innumerable dangers, and to\\nwhom we are all indebted for all we en-\\njoy and as He has given me a house of\\nmy own I conceived I could do no less\\nthau to open it to the stranger, let him\\nI be who he would and especially if a\\ntraveling minister passed this way he al-\\nways received an invitation to put up at\\nmy house and hold his meetings here.\\n1 continued in this i)ractice for more\\ntliau seven years, and illiterate as I was\\nI used to converse with them, and was\\nfond of asking them questions. They\\npronounced me an odd mortal, declaring\\nI themselves at a loss what to make of mo;\\nwhile I continued to afiirm that I had\\nbut one hope I believed that Jesus suf-\\nfered deatli for my transgressions, and\\nthis alone was sufiicient for me. At length\\ni my wife grew wearj of having meetings\\nheld in her house, and I determined to\\nbuild a house for the worship of God. I", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "65\\nhad uo cbildreu, and I kuew that I was\\nbeholden to Almighty God for everything\\nwhich I possessed, and it seemed right I\\nshoukl appropriate a part of what He be-\\nstowed for His service. My neighbors\\noffered their assistance, but *No, said\\nI, God has given me enough to do this\\nwork without your aid, and as he has\\nput it in my heart to do so, so I will do.\\nAnd who, it was asked, will be your\\npreacher I answered, God will send\\nme a preacher, and of a very different\\nstamp from those who have heretofore\\npreached in my house. The preachers\\nwe have heard are perpetually contra-\\ndicting themselves but that God who\\nhas put it into my heart to build this\\nhouse, will send one who shall deliver\\nunto me His own truth who shall speak\\nof Jesus Christ and his salvation. When\\nthe house was finished, I received an ap-\\nplication from the Baptists, and I told\\nthem if they could make it appe?.r that\\nGod Almighty was a Baptist I should\\ngive them the building at once. The\\nQuakers and Presbyterians received sim-\\nilar answers. No, said I, as I firmly\\nbelieve that all mankind are equally dear\\nto Almighty God, they shall all be equal-\\nly welcome to preach in this house which\\nI have built. My neighbors assured me\\nthat I should never see a preacher whose\\nsentiments corresponded with my own,\\nbut I uniformly replied I assuredly\\nwould. I engaged for the first year with\\na man whom I greatly disliked we part-\\ned, and for some years we have had uo\\nstated minister. My friends often asked\\nme, Where is the preacher of whom you\\nspoke and my constant reply was, He\\nwill by and by make his appearance.\\nThe moment, sir, I saw your vessel on\\nshore it seemed as if a voice had audibly\\nsounded in my ears, There, Potter, in\\nthat vessel, cast away on that shore, is the\\npreacher you have so long been expect-\\ning. I heard the voice and believed the\\nreport, and whea you came up to my\\ndoor and asked for the fish, the same\\nvoice seemed to repeat, Potter, this is\\nthe man this is the person whom I hnvO\\nsent to preach in your house\\nAs may be supposed, Murray was im-\\nmeasureably astonished at Mr. Potter s\\nnarrative, but yet had not the least idea\\nthat his wish could ever be realized. He\\nasked him what he could discern in his\\nappearance to lead him to mistake him\\nfor a preacher. What, said Potter,\\ncould I discern when you were on the\\nvessel that could induce this conclusion\\nSir, it is not what I saw or see but what\\nI feel which produces in my mind full\\nconviction. Murray replied that he\\nmust be deceived as he should never\\npreach in that place or anywhere else.\\nHave you never preached? Can\\nyou say you never preached\\nI cannot, but I never intend to preach\\nagain.\\nHas not God lifted up the light of\\nI His countenance upon you Has He not\\nI shown you the truth\\nI trust he has.\\nThen how dare you hide this truth\\nDo men light a candle and put it under a\\nbushel If God has shown you His\\nsalvation, why should you not show it to\\nyour fellow men. But I know that you\\nwill I am sure that God Almighty has\\nsent you to us for this purpose. I am\\nnot deceived, sir, I am sure I am not de-\\nceived.\\nMurray was much agitated when this\\nman thus spoke on, and began to wonder\\nwhether or no, God, who ordains all\\nthings, had not ordained that this should\\ncome to pass but his heart trembled, he\\ntells lis, at the idea. He says he en-\\ndeavored to quiet his own fears and to\\nsilence the waim-hearted old man by in-\\nforming him he was supercargo of the\\nvessel, that property to a large amount\\nwas entrusted to his care, and that the\\nmoment the wind changed he was under\\nsolemn obUgatious to depart.\\nThe wind will never change, said\\nPotter, imtil you have delivered to us,\\nin that meeting house, a message from\\nGod.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "t)()\\nMurray still resolutely determiued\\nnever to enter any pulpit as a preacher\\nbut being mucli agitated in mind, asked\\nto be shown to bed after he had prayed\\nwith the family. When they parted for\\nthe night his kind host solemnly request-\\ned him to thiuk of what he said.\\nAlas, says Murray, he need not\\nhave made this request it was impossi-\\nble to banish it from my mind when I\\nentered my chamber and shut the door,\\nI burst into tears I felt as if the hand j\\nof God was in the events which had j\\nbrought me to this place, and I prayed\\nmost ardently that God would assist and\\ndirect me by His counsel.\\nSo much exercised was he in mind that\\nhe spent the greater jiart of the night in\\npraying and weeping, dreading more\\nthan death he says, supposing death\\nto be an object of di-ead, the idea of en-\\ngaging as a public character.\\nIn his writings he gives the substance\\nof his meditations on that memorable\\nnight. In the morning his good friend\\nrenewed his solicitations: Will you\\nspeak to me and my neighbors of the\\nthings which belong to our peace\\nMurray, seeing only thick woods, the\\ntavern across the field excepted, request-\\ned to know what he meant by neighbors.\\nO, sir, we assemble a large congre-\\ngation whenever the meeting house is\\nopened indeed when my father first set-\\ntled here, he was obliged to go twenty\\nmiles to grind a bushel of corn, but now\\nthere are more than seven hundred in-\\nhabitants within that distance.\\nMurray still could not be prevailed\\nupon to yield, but Potter insisted and\\nseemed positive the wind would not\\nchange until he had spoken to the peo-\\nple. Thiis urged, Murray began to\\nwaver, and at length he tells us he im-\\nplored God, who sometimes condescends\\nto indulge individuals with tokens of His\\napprobation, graciously to indulge me\\nupon this important occasion, and that\\nif it was His will that I should obtain\\nmy soul s desire by passing through life\\nas a private individual if such was uot\\nHis will, that I should engage tis a\\npreacher in the ministry. He would\\nvouchsafe to grant me such a wind as\\nmight bear me from this shore before\\nanother Sabbath. I determined to take\\nthe changing of the wind for an answer.\\nBut the wind changed not, and towards\\nthe close of the Saturday afternoon he\\nreluctantly gave his consent to preach-\\ning the next day, and Mr. Potter imme-\\ndiately despatched his men on horseback\\nto notify the neighbors, which they were\\nto continue to do until ten o clock in the\\nevening. Mr. Murray appears to have\\nhad but little rest that night, thinking\\nover the responsibilities of the avocation\\nhe was so unexpectedly aboiit to be en-\\ngaged iu, and of what he should say and\\nhow he should address the people but the\\npassage Take no thought what ye shall\\nsay, etc., appears to have greatly re-\\nlieved his mind. Sunday morning they\\nproceeded to the church, Potter very\\njoj ful and Murray uneasy, distrusting\\nhis own abilities to realize the singularly\\nhigh formed expectations of his kind\\nhost. The church at that day is de-\\nscribed as being neat and convenient,\\nwith a pulpit rather after the Quaker\\nmode, with but one new pew and that a\\nlarge square one just below the pulj^it iu\\nwhich sat the venerable Potter and his\\nfamily and visiting strangers the rest of\\nthe seats wea-e constructed with backs,\\nroomy and even elegant. As Murray\\nwas preaching, Potter looked up into the\\npulpit, his eyes sparkling with pleasure,\\nseemingly completely happy at the ful-\\nfillment of what he firmly believed a\\npromise long deferred. We have no re-\\ncord of the substance of this, the first\\nUniversalist sermon in America, nor of\\nits impression upon any of the hearers\\nsave one that one, Thomas Potter him-\\nself, api^ears t have had all his expecta-\\ntions realized, and upon their return\\nhome overwhelmed Murray with his\\nfrank warm-hearted congratulations and\\nsoon visitors poured in. Said Potter to", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "67\\nthem, This is the happiest Jay of my\\nlife there, neighbors, there is the min-\\nister God has sent me. Murray was so\\novercome by the old man s enthusiastic\\ndemonstrations that he retired to his\\nroom, and tells us he jsrostrated him-\\nself at the throne of grace, and besought\\nGod to take him and do with him what\\nhe pleased.\\nAfter a while he returned to the com-\\npany and found the boatmen with them,\\nwho wished him to go on board imme-\\ndiately, as the wind was fair. So he was\\ncompelled to leave. His ho.st was loth\\nto part with him, and exacted a promise\\nfrom him to return, which he soon did,\\nand preached often in the Potter church,\\nand other villages. The first place he\\nvisited during this stay was Toms Eiver.\\nHe relates tAvo or three interesting scenes\\noccurring here, in explaining to individ-\\nuals his peculiar religious view?. The\\nnext village he visited was probably\\nMauahawken, for though he does not\\nmention the name, yet he speaks of a\\nBaptist preacher and church, of a family\\nof Pangburns, Szc, and there was then a\\nBaptist church at that village, and the\\nPangburn family were then prominent\\nmembers of it. Lines Pangburn was a\\ndelegate from the Manahawken Baptist\\nchurch to the Baptist General Associa-\\ntion, in 1771. A man named Lines\\nPangburn was afterwards killed by Eef-\\nugees at Manahawken probably the\\nsame one.\\nFor many years, and though travelling\\nin various parts of the United States,\\nyet as long as Thomas Potter lived, his\\nhouse at Goodluck was considered by\\nMurray as his home. At length, after\\nbeing away some time upon a religious\\nmission, he returned and found that his\\ngood old friend was dead his letter de-\\nscribing this visit, recounting some of\\nthe scenes of Potter s life, his traits of\\ncharacter, his own feelings, etc. is full\\nof tender feeling and sincere grief, ad-\\nmirably expressed, and the substance of\\nthe discourse which he preached on that\\noccasion, in that memorable old chapel,\\nis a touching specimen of Murray s elo-\\nquence, A brief extract will serve to\\ngive an idea of Murray s style and of his\\nfeelings towards his departed friend.\\nHis text was, For ye are bought with a\\nprice therefore glorify God in your\\nbody and in 3 our spirit, which are God s.\\nTowards the close of his discourse, point-\\ning towards Potter s grave, which could\\nbe seen from where he stood, he says\\nThrough yonder open casement I\\nbehold the grave of a man, the recollec-\\ntion of whom swells my heart with grat-\\nitude, and fills my eyes with tears. There\\nsleeps the sacred dust of him who well\\nunderstood the advantages resulting\\nfrom the public worship of God. There\\nrests the ashes of him who glorified God\\nin his body and in his spirit, which he\\nwell knew were the Lord s. He believed\\nhe was bought with a price, and there-\\nfore he declared that all that he had and\\nall that he was were righteously due to\\nGod, who created and purchased him\\nwith a price, all price beyond. There\\nrests the precious dust of the friend of\\nstrangers, whose hospitable doors were\\never open to the destitute, and him who\\nhad none to relieve his sufferings his\\ndust reposes close to this edifice, itself a\\nmonument of his piety. Dear, faithful\\nman, when last I stood in this place, he\\nwas present among the assembly of the\\nl^eople. I marked his glistening eye it\\nalways glistened at the emphatic n :ime of\\nJesus. Even now, I behold in imagina-\\ntion, his venerable countenance, benig-\\nnity is seated on his brow, his mind ap-\\nparently open and confiding, tranquility\\nreposeth upon his features, every vaiy-\\ning emotion evincing faith in that endur-\\ning peace which passeth understanding.\\nLet us, my friends, imitate his philan-\\nthropy, his charity, his piety. I may\\nnever meet you again until we unite to\\nswell the loud hallelujahs before the\\nthrone of God. But to hear of your\\nfaith, of your perseverance, of your\\nworks of charity, of your brotherly love,", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "08\\nwill lieighteu my eujoymeuts auJ soothe\\nmy sorrows, even to the ^erge of mortal\\npilgrimage. i\\nPotter, in his will, left the church to j\\nMurray. The clause in his will reads,\\nas given in Murray s Life, as follows\\nThe house M-as built by me for the\\nworship of God it is my will that God\\nbe worshipped in it still, and for this\\npurpose I will that my ever dear friend,\\nJohn Murray, preacher of the gospel, I\\npossess it, having the sole direction, dis-\\nposal and management of said house and\\none acre of land ui^on which it stands\\nand by which it is surrounded.\\nIt was Mr. Murray s desire as well as\\nMr. Potter s, that the church should be\\nkept free to all denominations for the\\nworship of God. In his sermon just\\nquoted he says Thomas Potter built\\nthe house that God might be worshipped\\nwithout interruption, that he might be\\nworshipped by all whom he should\\nvouchsafe to send. This elegant house,\\nmy friends, the first friends who hailed\\nmy arrival in this country, this house\\nwith its adjoining grove, is yours. The\\nfaithful founder bequeathed it to me\\nthat none of you may be deprived of it,\\nand in Mr. Murray s will he expressly\\nleft a free to all drnoininnlions.\\nThis church property is now under\\nthe control of the Methodists the Uni-\\nversalists, although manifesting little or\\nno disposition to dispute their claims,\\nyet contend that its sale was through\\nthe mismanagement of the executor to\\nsatisfy illegal claims, c. The Uuiver-\\nfalists held an interesting conference at\\nthe church. May 15th, 1833, which was\\natteuded by many of their leading\\npreachers and laymen, and while there\\nerected the tombstone over Potter s\\ngrave, which yet marks the spot where\\nhe was buried. The ceremony was (juitc\\nimpressive Rev. A. C. Thomas deliver-\\ning an appropriate discoiu se, after which\\na hynm composed for the occasion was\\nsung among other exercises. This con-\\nference, while there, adopted a circular\\nletter to their churches generally, m\\nwhich, among other things, they say\\nWe have been on a mission of love and\\ngratitude, have assembled in the ancient\\nhouse of our Fathers, have convened\\naround the grave of the venerated Potter,\\nand dropped a tear of grateful remem-\\nbrance on the spot where repose his\\nashes, etc., and then earnestly invite\\ntheir brethren from the East and from\\nthe West, from the North and from the\\nSouth to unite with them in an annual\\npilgrimage to this sacred spot this Holy\\nLand in order that we may all receive a\\nlittle of the Godlike spirit of benevolence\\nwhich warmed the soul of that man of\\nGod, and friend of man, Thomas Potter.\\nTHE CENTENARY OF UNIVERSALISM.\\nCELEBRATION AT GOODLUCK.\\nKev. Abel 0. Thomas, a noted and an\\naged minister of this society, furnished\\nthe following account of the centennial\\ncelebration in 1870, at Goodluck, for the\\nNew Jersey Courier, shortly after it\\noccurred\\nMr. Editor In behalf of many\\nUniversalists, I thank you for your late\\nfair and liberal article respecting Thomas\\nPotter, of Goodluck, and the Rev. John\\nMurray. We exp:ct no man to endorse\\nthe statements of the latter, as recorded\\nin his autobiography nor the tradition-\\nal accounts of his remarkable interview\\nwith the former but we are happy to\\nknow that the time has arrived for a\\ntruly catholic representation of our his-\\ntory as a people, as illustrated recently\\nin your columns. In one item you were\\nmisinformed. We had no expectations\\nof large delegations of our members\\nat the late celebration in Goodluck.\\nOur centenary had been attended the\\nwc ek previously in Gloucester, Mass.,\\nthe number present being variously es-\\ntimated from ten to fifteen thousand, in-\\ncluding two hundred and fifty out of six\\ni hundred and fifty clergy meu. It was\\nthe date of the stated annual session of", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "69\\nour general couveiition, aud was ap-\\npointed to be held in Gloucester under\\nthe following circumstances. In 1770 a\\nMr. Gregory, j^resumably a mariner,\\nbrought from Loudon to Gloucester a\\nbook written by Rev. James Relly, in\\nadvocacy and defence of the doctrine of\\nthe restoration of all souls, in the Lord s\\nown time and way. This book was\\npassed from hand to hand, and made\\nhappy converts of a number of influen-\\ntial religious people.\\nIt would require no great stretch of\\nimagination to date the landing of that\\nbook on the 28th of September, of the\\nyear named, and on that day Eev. John\\nMurray, a disciple of Relly (in the sense\\nthat Relly was a disciple of Christ) land-\\ned on the coast of New Jersey, as nar-\\nrated in your recent article.\\nAfter an extended missionarj service\\nin New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and New\\nEngland, Murray was for the second time\\nin Boston, in 1774. Having heard of\\nhim as a disciple of Relly, the Glouces-\\nter people sent for him. He accepted\\nthe invitation, the visit being a meeting\\nof the lines of providence in the case.\\nHere he afterwards settled as a pastor,\\nhis meetings for worship being held in\\nprivate houses until 1788. In that year\\na meeting house was erected, and a more\\npretentious one in 1805. The old build-\\ning was then sold and devoted to secular\\nuses in the village. Ten years later it\\nwas removed to a fann about two miles\\ndistant, aud since that time has been\\nused as a hay barn. In 1804 Murray re-\\nmoved to Boston, and his successor in\\nGloucester, Rev. Thomas Jones, for\\nforty-two years was minister of the\\nparish, dying in 1846. During the ses-\\nsion of our general convention last week,\\nwe had a memorial service at the old\\nchurch barn, and also at the grave of\\nFather Jones, the latter being marked\\nby aliuge granite obelisk in the cemetery.\\nThe late great convocation in Gloucester\\nantedated the landing of Murray by the\\nspace of one week, and a few of us de-\\ntermined to spend the exact Centenary\\nat Goodluck. This was what took us\\nthere precisely one hundred years from\\nthe landing of Murray, we held a memo-\\nrial service in the old cliurch, and also\\nat the grave of Thomas Potter the order\\nbeing substantially the same that we had\\nused in Gloucester. The only change\\nwas this We strew this evergreen and\\nthese flowers in memory aud honor of\\nThomas Potter, the friend and patron of\\nJohn Murray, our early preacher of Uni-\\nversalism in America.\\nAfter a brief address by the Rev. Abel\\nC. Thomas, who conducted the services,\\nthe following hymn was sung, and the\\nservice proceeded in the order given be-\\nlow.\\nWhilst far aud wide thy scattered sheep,\\nGreat Shepherd, in the desert stray.\\nTlij love by some is thought to sleep,\\nUnheedful of the wanderer s way.\\nBut truth declares they shall be found\\nWherever now thej darkling roam\\nThy lore shall through the desert sound,\\nx\\\\nd summon every wanderer home.\\nUpon the darkened waves of sin.\\nInstead of terror s sword and flame,\\nShall love descend for love can win\\nFar more than terror can reclaim.\\nAnd they shall turn their wandering feet,\\nBy grace redeemed, b} love controlled\\nTill all at last in Eden meet.\\nOne happy, universal fold.\\nAll the ends of the world shall remember\\nand turn unto the Lord, and all the kindreds\\nof the nations shall worship before thee\\nFor the kingdom is the LorrCst, and He is lli,e\\nGovernor among nalionif.\\nSend forth thy light and thy truth, O Lord\\nlet them lead us and bring us to thy holy hill,\\nand to thj tabernacles, even unto God our ex-\\nceeding joy.\\nThou wilt shoui us the path of life in th;/\\nprese7ice is fullness of joy at thy right hand\\nthere are pleasures forevermore.\\nHow amiable are thy tabernacles, O Lord of\\nHosts My soul longeth, yea, even fainteth\\nfor the courts of the Lord\\n]\\\\ly heart and my flesh crieth out for the liv-\\ning God,\\nAs the sparrow findetli a house, aud the\\nwallow a nest for herself where she may hides", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "70\\nlier youufi so let im- dwell ai thiue altars. O\\nLord of Hosts, iiiy Kiuo; and my God.\\nJllesscd arc they who dwell in Ihi/houfie they\\nnull be still praising thee.\\nA day in thy courts is better than a thousand\\nelsewhere; I had rather be a doorkeeper in\\ntlie bouse of my God than to dwell in the tents\\nof ungodliness.\\nLord of Hosts, blessed is the man that\\ntrusteth in thee.\\nThy perfection is hij^her than heaven what\\ncan we do to celebrate thy praise It is deeper\\nthan hell; what can we know of thy fathom-\\nless love\\nWe 2^raise thee, God ice aeknoirled/je thee\\nto be the Lord.\\nAll the earth doth worship thee, tlie Father\\neverlasting. To thee all angels cry aloud, the\\nheavens and all the powers therein. To thee,\\ncherubim and seraphim continually do cry\\nUohj, holy, holy Lord of Sabaoth! heaven\\nand earth are fall of the nrajestv of thy glory I\\nThe illustrious procession of the patriarchs\\npraise thee\\nThe jubilant assembly of tlie prophets praise\\nthee\\nThe glorious company of the apostles praise\\nthee\\nThe noble army of martyrs praise thee\\nThe Holy Church throughout all the world\\n(loth acknowledge thee, the Father of an in-\\nfinite majesty\\nAlso thy ivell-beloved and consecrated Son. and\\nthe Holy Ghost, the Comforter.\\nO God, the King of Glory, help thy servants\\nwhom thou hast redeemed by the hand of thy\\nniiglity power;\\nMake thein to be nunibrreil icith tlt.y saints in\\nglory everlasting.\\nO Lord, save thy jyeople and bless thy heri-\\ntage govern and lift tbem up forever.\\nDay by day we manifest thee and loe toor-\\nship thy name ever world without end.\\nVouchsafe. Lord, to keep us evermore\\nwithout sin. All our trust is in thee.\\nLord, in thee I hare trusted Let me never\\nbe confounded.\\nIt is iiotliing wonderful tliat the occa-\\nnon slionld have special attractions for\\n)iir. After the final visit of Murray to\\n(Toodluck fit was I believe in 1790) no\\nUniversalifit clergyman had been there\\nuntil my first visit in 1832 being ac-\\ncompanied by Eichard Norton and James\\nEly, of Hightstowu. I was again there,\\naccompauied by several friends, iu May\\n1833 at which date we erected a\\nplain headstone at the grave of Potter,\\nand engaged Benjamin Stout (then owner\\nof the Potter farm) to erect a paling\\nfence. This was removed a few weeks\\nsince, and a beautiful and substantial\\niron one substituted, by an organization\\nknown as the Goodluck Association.\\nThis Association also recently bought an\\nacre of wooded ground adjacent to the\\nmeeting house as a sort of perpetual\\nmemorial.\\nWe have no present thought of estab-\\nlishing a worshiping assembly iu that\\nvicinity, and the courteous treatment re-\\nceived from all the neighbors, and from\\nthe Rev. Mr. Johnson, Methodist minis-\\nter in charge, gives us assurances that\\nthe door of the old meeting house will\\nnot be closed against us for an occasional\\nservice in years to come.\\nTruly yours,\\nAbeij C. Thomas.\\nPhiladelphia, Sept. 30, 1870.\\nTHE INDIANS.\\nOf the different accounts by ancient\\nwriters of the manners and customs of\\nthe Indians of our part of the State and\\nWest Jersey, about the most vivid and\\nreadable is by the celebrated Swedish\\ntraveller. Professor Kalm, who visited\\nour State in 1748, and from whose writ-\\nings the following extracts are taken\\nINDIAN MODE OF FELLING TKEES.\\nWhen the Indians intended to fall a\\nthick, strong tree, they could not make\\nuse of their clumsy stone hatchets and,\\nfor want of proper instruments, employ-\\ned fire. They set tire to a great quantity\\nof wood at the root of the tree, and\\nmade it fajl by that means. But that\\nthe fire might not reach higher than\\nthey would have it, they fastened some\\nrags on a pole, dipped them in water,\\nand kept constantly wetting the tree a\\nlittle above the fire.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "71\\nMAKING CANOES A SEIIIOUS TASK.\\nWhenever the Indians intend to hol-\\nlow out a thick tree for a canoe, they lay-\\ndry branches all along the stem of the\\ntree as far as it must be hollowed out.\\nThen they put fire to these dry branch-\\nes, and as soon as they are burned out,\\nthey are replaced by others. While\\nthese branches are burning, the Indians\\nare very busy with wet rags and pouring\\nwater upon the tree to prevent the fire\\nfrom spreading too far in at the sides\\nand at the ends. The tree being burnt\\nhollow as far as they found it sufficient,\\nor as far as it could without damaging\\nthe canoe, they took their stone hatchets,\\nor sharp flints, or sharp shells, and\\nscraped off the burnt part of the Avood,\\nand smoothed the boat within. By this\\nmeans they likewise gave it what shape\\nthey pleased instead of using a hatchet\\nthey shaped it by fire. A good sized ca-\\nnoe was commonly thirty or forty feet\\nlong.\\nPREPAKING LAND FOR CORN RUDE\\nFARMING.\\nThe chief use of their hatchets was to\\nmake fields for maize plantations for\\nif the ground where they intended to\\nmake corn fields was covered with trees,\\nthey cut off the bark all around the trees\\nwith their hatchets, especially at a time\\nwhen they lose their sap. By that\\nmeans, the trees became dry and could\\nnot partake any more nourishment, and\\nthe leaves could no longer obstruct the\\nrays of the sun. The small trees were\\npulled out by force, and the ground\\nwas a little turned up with crooked or\\nsharp branches.\\nMAKING FLOUR INDIANS ASTONISHED.\\nThey had stone jjestles about a foot\\nlong and as thick as a man s arm, for\\npounding maize, which was their chief\\nand only corn. They pounded all their\\ncorn in hollow trees some Indians had\\nonly wooden pestles. They had neither\\nwind mills, water mills nor hand mills\\nto grind it, and did not so much ns know\\na mill before the Europeans came to\\nthis country. I have spoken with old\\nFrenchmen in Canada, who told me the\\nIndians had been astonished beyond\\nexpression, when the French set up the\\nfirst wind mill. They came in numbers\\neven from the most distant parts to view\\nthis wonder, and were not tired witli sit-\\nting near it for several days together, in\\norder to observe it they were long of\\nopinion that it was not driven by wind,\\nbut by spirits who lived within it. They\\nwere partly under the same astonishment\\nwhen the first water mill was built.\\nTOOLS OF THE INDIANS.\\nBefore the coining of the Europeans,\\nthe Indians were entirely unacquainted\\nwith the use of iron. They were obliged\\nto supply the want with sharp stones,\\nshells, claws of birds and wild beasts,\\npieces of bone and other things of that\\nkind, whenever they intended to make\\nhatchets, knives and such like instru-\\nments. From whence it appears they\\nmust have led a very wretched life.\\nTheir hatchets were made of stone, in\\nshape similar to that of wedges used to\\ncleave wood, about half a foot long, and\\nbroad in proportion they are rather\\nblunter than our wedges. As this\\nhatchet must be fixed with a handle,\\nthere was a notch made all around tlie\\nthick end. To fasten it, they sj^lit a\\nstick at one end, and put the stone be-\\ntween it, so that the two halves of the stick\\ncame into the notches of the stone then\\nthey tied the two split ends together with\\na rope or something like it, almost in the\\nsame way as smiths fasten the instru-\\nments with which they cut oft iron, to a\\nsplit stick. Some of these stone hatchets\\nwere not notched or furrowed at the\\nupper end, and it seems that they only\\nheld these in their hands to hew or strike\\nwith them, and did not make handles to\\nthem. Some were made of liard rock or\\nstone. Fish hooks were made of bones\\nor birds claws.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "72\\nTHE MURDER OF CAPTAIN JOSHUA\\nHUDDY,\\nTHE HEKO OF TOMS RIVEK.\\nCaptain Huddy was iu command of\\nthe block house at Toms River when it\\nwas captured by the British and Refu-\\ngees on the memorable Sunday, March\\n24th, 1782. He, with Esquire Daniel\\nRandolph, Jacob Fleming and other\\nprisoners were taken to New York and\\nlodged in the noted siagar house prison,\\nwhere they remained until April Ist,\\nwhen they were removed to the Provost\\nguard and closely confmed until April 8,\\nwhen Huddy, Randolph and Fleming\\nwere carried on board a sloop, put in\\nthe hold and ironed, Huddy having irons\\non both his hands and feet by order of\\nthe notorioiis Captain Richard Lippen-\\ncott. The next evening they were trans-\\nferred to the gviard ship at Sandy Hook.\\nOn the 12th the Refugees took Captain\\nHuddy on shore and near the Highlands\\nthey erected a gallows and barbarously\\nhung him about 10 o clock iu the fore-\\nnoon. While under the gallows he\\nsigned his will on the barrel from which\\na few minutes later he was launched into\\nanother world. In this will he appoint-\\ned Samuel Forman, of Freehold, his ex-\\necutor. A few yeai s ago, Bennington\\nF. Randolph, Esq., a favorably remem-\\nbered member of the bar at Freehold,\\ndiscovered among the papers of the late\\nCol. Samuel Forman, Huddy s executor,\\nthis will, a copy of which was furnished\\nto the writer by Mr. Randolph and\\nreads as follows\\nIn the name of God, amen I,\\nJoshua Huddy, of Middletown, in the\\ncounty of Monmouth, being of sound\\nmind and memory, but expecting short-\\nly to depart tliia life, do declare this my\\nlast will and testament. First, I commit\\nmy soul to Almighty God, hoping He\\nmay receive it iu mercy and next, I\\ncommit my body to the earth. I do also\\nappoint my trusty friend, Samuel For-\\nman, to be my lawful executor, and after\\nall my just debts are paid, I desire that\\nhe do divide the rest of my substance,\\nwhether by book, debts, bonds, notes,\\nor any effects whatever belonging to me,\\nequally between my two children, Eliza-\\nbeth and Martha Huddy. In witness\\nthereof I have hereto signed my name,\\nthis twelfth day of April, in the year of\\nour Lord one thousand seven huudreil\\nand eighty-two. Joshua Huddy.\\nThe will was written on half a sheet\\nof foolscap paper, on the back of which\\nwas the following statement\\nThe will of Captain Joshua Huddy,\\nmade and executed the same day the\\nRefugees murdered him, April 12th,\\n1782.\\nCaptain Huddy s children subsequent-\\nly became Elizabeth Green and Martha\\nPiatt the last named lived to an ad-\\nvanced age. In early life she removed\\nto Cincinnati, Ohio. Both daughters\\nleft descendants.\\nThe Refugees alleged that they exe-\\ncuted Huddy in retaliation for the kill-\\ning of Phil. White, and they fastened\\nthe following label to his breast\\nWe, the Refugees, having long with\\ngrief beheld the cruel murders of our\\nbrethren, and finding nothing but such\\nmeasures daily carried into execution, we\\ntherefore determine not to sufifer without\\ntaking vengeance for the numerous cru-\\nelties and thus begin, making use of\\nCaptain Huddy as the first object to pre-\\nsent to your view and further, deter-\\nmine to hang man for man while there\\nis a Refugee existing.\\nUTP GOES HtTDDY FOR PHIL. WHITE.\\nThe Refugees also asserted to Esquire\\nRandolph and others that Huddy had\\ntaken Phil. White prisoner, cut off both\\nhis arms, broke his legs, pulled out one\\nof his eyes, damned him and then bid\\nhim run. It is inconceivable why stich\\na monstrous falsehood should have been\\nput forth, as it was notoriously false, for\\nPhil. White was not taken prisoner by\\nthe Americans until a week after Huddy\\nwas captured by the British.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "73\\nWhile Huddy was standing on the I leaped a fence on horseback and headed\\nbarrel he shook hands with Capt. Lip- him off when he made for a bog North\\npencott, whom he requested to come jumped from his horse, dropped his gun\\nnear for that purpose. After his inhu- and pursued him with drawn sword, and\\nman murder, his body was left hanging overtook him White would not stop,\\nuntil afternoon, when the Americans and North struck at him with the sword\\ncame and took it to Freehold, to the\\nhouse of Capt, James Green, where it\\nwas April 15th. He was buried with\\nwhich wounded him in the face, and\\nWhite fell, crying that he was a dead\\nman. Borden repeatedly called White,\\nthe honors of war. His funeral sermon j if you will give up you shall have quar-\\nwas preached by the celebrated Eev.\\nJohn Woodhull, of the First Presbyte-\\nrian Church.\\nPHIL. WHITE S CAPTURE AND DEATH.\\ntersyet. White s body was taken to\\nFreehold, and the evidence of General\\nDavid Forman and others who saw the\\nbody, showed that he had received no\\nother woimds but the gun shot in his\\nbreast and cuts of a sword on his face.\\nj The probability is that Phil. White\\ncape, and he made the effort at a place\\nwhere he thought the woods, fences,\\nmarsh and brook would imj)ede the light\\nhorsemen.\\nAmong some old residents, the Befu-\\ngee version of Phil. White s death at\\none time seemed so far accepted as to I supposed if he was taken to Freehold\\nimply a belief in wanton cruelty to i^^l ^^at he would be tried and hanged\\nWhite, and Howes Historical Collection ^^v his participation m the murder of\\nseems incHned to favor the same belief. father of John Kussell, one of his\\nBut they seem not to have been aware guards, and the attempt to kill Kussell\\nthat the whole matter was thoroughly j himself, as well as in other misdemean-\\ninvestigated by both the British and o^^ determined to try to es-\\nAmericans shortly after it occurred, and\\nthe evidence, subsequently filed in the\\nState Department at Washington, con-\\nclusively proves the falsity of the [Ref-\\nugee assertions of wanton cruelty. This\\nevidence is given in full in a report made\\nto Congress, Feb. li, 1837, on a report\\nrelating to pension claims of Capt. Josh-\\nua Huddy s heirs. Among the affidavits\\ntaken and forwarded to General Wash-\\nington were those of Aaron White, a\\nbrother of Phil. White, who was taken\\nprisoner with him, John North, William\\nBorden and John Eussell, who were his\\nguards. White was captured near Long\\nBranch, and the guard was ordered to\\ntake him to Freehold, Before starting\\nhe was told if he attempted to escape he\\nwould be shot down. When between\\nColt s Neck and Freehold, White shpped\\noff his horse and made for the woods\\nthe guards called on him to stop, but he\\nrefused to halt and they fii ed on htm\\nthe ball fired by Borden wounded him\\nand he fell on his hands and knees, but\\ngot up and ran for the woods, but North\\nTHE ATTACK ON THE RUSSELL FAMILY.\\nThis outrage was an unusually aggra-\\nvated one, even for the Refugees, and\\nthe particulars will show why Phil.\\nWhite was afraid that he would be hung\\nif he reached Freehold. John Russell,\\none of his guards, after the war, remov-\\ned to old Dover township, near Cedar\\nCreek, and his descendants now live at\\nBarnegat.\\nThe following extract is from the New\\nJersey Gazette, published during the\\nRevolution\\nOn the 30th of April, 1780, a party\\nof negroes and Refugees from Sandy\\nHook, landed at Shrewsbury in order to\\nplunder. During their excursion, a Mr.\\nRussell, who attempted some resistance\\nto their depredations, was killed, and his\\ngrandchild had five balls shot through\\nhim, but ie yet living. Capt, Warner, of\\n9", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "u\\nthe privateer bidg Elizabeth, was made\\nprisoner by these rufl ans, biit was re-\\nleased by giving them two and a half\\njoes. This banditti also took off sev-\\neral prisoners, among whom were Capt.\\nJames Green and Ensign Johu Morris\\nof the militia.\\nThe following is from Howes Collec-\\ntions\\nMr. Russell was an elderly man\\naged about 60 years as the party en-\\ntered his dwelling, which was in the\\nnight, he iBred and missed. William\\nGillian, a native of Shrewsbury, their\\nleader, seized the old gentleman by the\\ncollar, and was in the act of stabbing\\nhim in the face and eyes with a bayonet,\\nwhen the fire blazed up and shedding a\\nmomentary light upon the scene, ena-\\nbled the younger Eussell, who lay\\nwounded on the floor, to shoot Gillian.\\nJohn Farnham, a native of Middletown,\\nthereupon aimed his musket at the young\\nman, but it was knocked up by Lippen-\\ncott, who had married into the family.\\nThe party then went off. The child was\\naccidentally wounded in the affray.\\nThe Liijpencott above mentioned, we\\npresume, was Capt. Richard Lippencott,\\nwho subsequently had the command of\\nthe party which hanged Capt. Joshua\\nHuddy. John Russell, mentioned above\\nas having been wounded, and who sub-\\nsequently was one of Phil. White s\\nguard, lived to quite an advanced age,\\nat Cedar Creek, and his accoxmt of the\\naffair, as related to the late Captain\\nEphraim Atcheson, was substantially as\\nfollows\\nThere were seven refugees, and he\\n(John) saw them through the window,\\nand at one time they got so that he told\\nhis father he could kill four of them,\\nand he wished to fire as he believed the\\nother three would run. His father per-\\nsuaded him not to fire, but to do so when\\nthey broke into the house. When they\\nbroke in, the father fired first, but missed\\nhis aim he was then fired upon and\\nkilled. John Russell then fired upon\\nand killed Gillian who had shot his fath-\\ner. During the affray John was shot in\\nthe side, and the scars of the wound\\nwere visible until his death. After be-\\ning wounded, he fell on the floor and\\npretended to be dead. The Refugees\\nthen went to plundering the house, The\\nmother and wife of John were lying in\\nthe bed with the child the child awoke\\nand asked, Grandmother, what s the\\nmatter A Refugee pointed his gun at\\nit and fired, and said that s what s the\\nmatter Whether he intended to woimd\\nthe child or only to frighten it is uncer-\\ntain, but the child, as before stated, was\\nbadly wounded, but eventually recover-\\ned. As the Refugees were preparing to\\nleave, one of their number pointed his\\nmusket at John Russell as he lay on the\\nfloor, and was about again firing at him,\\nsaying he didn t believe he was dead yet,\\nwhereitpon another, probably Lippen-\\ncott, knocked up the musket, saying it\\nwas a shame to fire upon a dying man,\\nand the load went into the ceiling. After\\nthe Refugees were gone, John got up\\nand hail his wounds dressed, and ex-\\nclaimed to his wife, Ducky bring me\\na glass of whiskey I ll come out all\\nright yet. He did come out all right,\\nand before the war ended he aided in\\nvisiting merited retribution on the Ref-\\nugees for their doings at this time.\\nWhen some two years later he aided in\\nthe capture of Phil. White, one of the\\nparty who killed his father, it is not\\nprobable that he desired his death be-\\nfore reaching Freehold, as it was quite\\ncertain justice would be meted out to\\nhim there. Of the seven Refugees con-\\ncerned in the attack on the Russell fam-\\nily, at least three met with their just de-\\nserts, viz Gillian, killed at the time\\nFarnham, subsequently captured and\\nhanged at Freehold and Phil. White,\\nkilled while attempting to escape.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "75\\nmoved to Amwell near Shawuock. Feb-\\nruary 20, 1680, Richard and Penelope\\nStout, the first of the family in America,\\nsold a lot of 16 acres in Middletown to\\nThomas Suowselle, and signed the deed\\nby making their mark. July 20, 1686,\\nRichard Stout, Sr., was still living. I\\nhave never seen a statement of the date\\nof the death of either Richard or Penel-\\nope. December 19, 1689, Richard\\nStout (no doubt Junior) is said to be a\\nresident of Squan.\\nOne branch of our Ocean county Stouts\\ndescend, as stated by Benjamin B. Stout,\\nEsq. of Goodluck, from the last-named\\nRichard Stout Squan Richard as he\\nwas sometimes called as follows\\nRichard Stout, of Squan, had a son\\nBenjamin, who married Mary Johnson\\nthis Benjamin and Mary, his wife, had a\\nson also named Benjamin, who is still\\nwell remembered and known as Captain\\nBenjamin Stout, and who married Sarah\\nor Sally Breese. Capt. Benjamin Stout\\nTHE STOUT FAMILY.\\nGENEALOGICAIi NOTES OF DESCENDANTS IN\\nOCEAN COUNTY.\\nAs stated in another chapter, the Stout\\nfamilies of Ocean county are descended\\nfrom John Stout, a gentleman of Not-\\ntinghamshire, England, whose son Rich-\\nard came to New York where he married\\nabout the year 1622, a Dutch widow\\nwhose maiden name was Penelope Van-\\nprinces. They had seven sons and three\\ndaughters. The order of their birth\\nand the names of the daughters, as given\\niu Benedict s History of the Baptists,\\nhave already been given but the follow-\\ning from Rev. G. 0. Schenck, of Marl-\\nborough, Monmouth county, diflPers a\\nlittle in these particulars from the account\\nby Benedict. But as the Rev. Mr,\\nSchenck is probably the best informed\\nperson on the genealogy of many fami-\\nlies iu this State, and thorough and care-\\nful in his researches and statements, his\\nversion is undoubtedly correct. Speak-\\ning of his copy of the noted Stout manu- 1 bought the noted Thomas Potter farm at\\nscript, the original of which was drawn Goodluck, where he died February 13,\\nup by Nathan Stout, he says in a letter 1850, aged 69 years, 7 months and 5 days,\\nto the writer of this He had sons Joseph, Benjamin B.,\\nRichard and Penelope Stout had to- Daniel, James and John and several\\ngether seven sons and three daughters, daughters. His descendants can trace\\nnamely Sons John, Richard, Jona- their ancestry back in an unbroken line\\nthan, Peter, James, Benjamin, David for over three centuries, and no family\\ndaughters Deliverance, Sarah, Penelo- in New Jersey can go back further among\\npe. All of these sons and daughters ancestors. Their genealogy may be\\nlived to raise large families. John, the briefly stated thus Joseph, Benjamin\\neldest son of the first Richard, named his B. and other children of Benjamin\\neldest son Richard, who, when married, Stout, who was the son of Benjamin, son\\nsettled at a place called Squan, and was of Squan Richard, son of John, son of\\ngenerally afterward called Squan Richard Richard, son of John Stout, of Notting-\\nor Squan Dick, who raised a large fami- hamshire, England,\\nly, some of whom scattered about Barne- If the first Richard Stout was 40 years\\ngat Bay along shore, a great number of old when he married in 1622 (as stated in\\nwhose descendants are there to this day. Benedict s History), he must have been\\nThe said John named his second son, born about 1582, and his father, John\\nJohn, who in consequence of following the Stout, probably between 1550 and 1560.\\nsea was called Sailor John, of whose fam- This would carry the genealogy from\\nily I am unable to give but little account the present time back to the birth of the\\n(although it was niimerous), except one first John about 325 years,\\ndaughter whose name was Penelope, who At the breaking out of the Revolution-\\nmarried John Sutphen and afterwards ary war, a John Stout, who tradition", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "76\\nsays was a sou of James Stout, lived iu\\nold Dover township, wliicli tlien extend-\\ned to Oyster Creek, between Forked\\nRiver and Waretown. This John was a\\ncaptain in the militia, and at times was\\nin command of the military post at Toms\\nEiver, He had sons Daniel and John\\nwho were in his company the last\\nnamed, John, was killed by the British\\nat Hornerstown, according to Strykes\\nRevolutionary Roster. Of Daniel, men-\\ntion will be made hereafter. Capt. John\\nStout s father, James, must have been a\\nson or grandson of the first Richard.\\nGarret Stout, the favorably-known\\nhotel-keeper of Cedar Creek, is a son of\\nAbraham Stout, whose father was also\\nnamed Abraham,\\nPhoebe Stout, who about seventy-five\\nyears ago married Anthony Parker, was\\na daughter of David Stout, of old Shrews-\\nbury township, who was probably a\\ngrandson of the first Richard. Anthony\\nParker and Phoebe, his wife, located at\\nForked River, and had children\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Thom-\\nas, David Stout, who married Emeline\\nBaiter, Abigail who married Rev. David\\nB, Salter, John who married Hester\\nWoolley, and Joseph who married Eliza-\\nbeth Predmore. Of these, Capt. David\\nStout Parker and ex-Sheriff Joseph\\nParker now live at Forked River.\\nThe old stock of the Stout family were\\nnoted for longevity. Penelope, wife of\\nthe first Richard, lived to the age of 110,\\nand as it is stated she was born in 1602,\\nshe must have died about 1712. It is\\nbelieved she was buried in an old grave-\\nyard near Holmdel, about one hundred\\nyards south of the residence of the late\\nJohn S. Hendrickson. Rev. Mr. Schepck\\nstates that the first Richard was living\\nin 1686 he must then have been 104\\nyears old, if he was 40 years old when\\nhe married in 1622.\\nRichard and Penelope Stout appeal- to\\nhave lircd in New York until the first\\nEnglish came to Long Island, Avlien they\\nlocated with them, and were Hving there\\niu I64;j. In 1648, they, with five other\\nfamilies, moved over in old Monmouth,\\nnear Middletown. These were the first\\nwhite settlers in East Jersey and as\\nthe other families were probably Dutch,\\nRichard Stout was the first Englishman\\nof whom we have any account who set-\\ntled in New Jersey. On account of hos-\\ntile Indians, about 1655, these settlers\\nwere compelled to leave, and Stout lo-\\ncated at Gravesend, L. I., with other\\nEnglish. About 1665, he, with other\\nEnglish, came back to Middletown, and\\nmade the first permanent settlement\\nthere, and members of his family were\\namong those who established the Baptist\\nChurch at Middletown, which was the\\nfirst Bajstist Society established in New\\nJersey.\\nESQTJIBE DANIEL STOITT.\\nEsquire Daniel Stout, one of the last\\nsurviving heroes of the Revolution, who\\ndied at Stout s Creek near Goodluck,\\nSeptember 2, 1843, was born November\\n14, 1758, in old Dover township. He\\nhad a brother John, and they both, at one\\ntime, served in the war in the company\\nof their father, Capt. John Stout. John,\\nJr., was killed, it is said, at Horners-\\ntown. The following record of the ser-\\nvice of Daniel Stout during the Revolu-\\ntion, we extract from the records of the\\nPension Oflfice at Washington\\nDaniel Stout served about one month\\nat Perth Amboy iu 1776 in 1777, was\\non guard at Toms River one month, and\\ntwo months at Monmouth Court House,\\nand then again six months at Toms River.\\nFor a short time, he performed light\\nhorse duty at Morristown, and was de-\\ntailed to procure cattle for Gen. Wash-\\nington s army. In 1780, he was in his\\nfather s company in Col. Samuel For-\\nman s regiment. Towards the close of\\nthe war, he served every other month on\\nguard at Toms River under Captains\\nPri ;o, Hankins and Brewer, and his mil-\\nitary career ended in 1783. His actual\\ntime in service was about two years and\\nthree mouths. He api^ears to have beeu", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "77\\nbut eighteen years old wlieu lie first eu-\\nlisted. He married Anna Chadwick,\\nDecember 25, 1792 his wife, -who was\\nborn December 9, 1772, was daughter of\\nCapt. Thomas Chadwick, a noted hero of\\nold Monmouth. She lived to an advanced\\nage, and was a lady of marked natural\\nability, retentive memory and agreeable\\nconversational powers, and one of the\\nmost interesting narrators of Revolution-\\nary and other old time events in our\\ncounty. Daniel and Anna Stout had\\nchildren as follows John, born 1793, and\\ndied 1795 Elizabeth, born 1794 Han-\\nnah, 1796, married Capt. William Rog-\\ners; Rachel, 1798, married John Wil-\\nliams Caroline, 1800, married John\\nHenderson Catharine, 1802, married\\nWilliam Holmes Anna, 1805, married\\nCapt, Joseph Holmes Alice, 1807, mar-\\nried Randolph Dey Margaret, 1809,\\nmarried John Applegate Sarah, 1811,\\nmarried Judge D. I. C. Rogers. Of\\nthese, the following are still living in\\nthis vicinity Elizabeth unmarried, An-\\nna who married Capt. Joseph Holmes,\\nand Sarah who married Judge David I.\\nC. Rogers. Catharine and Margaret\\nwent to Ohio after marriage, and Caro-\\nline to Leeds Point.\\nTHE BODINE FAMILY.\\nThe Bodine family, in the southern\\npart of Ocean county, are of French Hu-\\nguenot descent. The first members orig-\\ninally came to Staten Island, and from\\nthence descendants came to this county.\\nThe History of Staten Island, by Clute,\\nin speaking of the origin of this family,\\nrefers to John Bodin, a celebrated law-\\nyer and literary character, who was born\\nat Angers about 1530 for a time he en-\\njoyed the favor of King Henry III, which\\nhowever he lost by his patriotic conduct.\\nAmong his works, the most remarkable\\nare a treatise on Republican government\\nand a work on witchcraft called Demona-\\nnia. He became chief magistrate of\\nLaon, and while holding that position,\\ndied of the plague in 1596.\\nThe first known member of the family\\nin America was John Bodine, who pur-\\nchased land on Staten Island in 1701, and\\nwas living in 1714. His wife was prob-\\nably named Hester, as John Bodine and\\nhis wife Hester are mentioned in Staten\\nIsland records in 1736-7. He had a son\\nFrancois, who married Marie Dey, and\\nthey had a son, Jean or John, baptized\\nNovember 29, 1719, who married Dor-\\ncas and had children, viz\\nJohn, bom February, 1753, and James,\\nborn December 17, 1758. The last\\nnamed John died March, 1835, aged\\nabout 82 years James died May 13,\\n1838, in his 80th year, John married\\nCatharine Britton, and had children\\nJohn (subsequently known as Squire\\nJohn), Jacob and Edmund, and perhaps\\nothers. The last-named James Bodine\\nfirst married Elizabeth Egbert, daughter\\nof Tunis Egbert, and they had four sons\\nand two daughters, viz Nancy, Dorcas,\\nJohn, Tunis, James and Edward he\\nnext married Margaret Oakley, daughter\\nof Israel Oakley, and they had six chil-\\ndren, viz Eliza who married Isaac\\nSwift, Margaret who married Abraham\\nHouseman, William who married Rosan-\\nna Willetts, of Warwick, Va., Andrew\\nwho married Mary Houseman, Abraham\\nwho married Abby Kinsey, and Israel\\nwho died young.\\nOf the sons of James Bodine, two came\\nto what is now Ocean county in 1816,\\nnamely, Tunis and James. They origin-\\nally located at Manahawken, and entered\\ninto the mercantile business beside\\nwhich they started a stage line, probably\\nthe first, from the ferry below the vil-\\nlage to Mount Holly James soon sold\\nout and left, and embarked on a ship,\\nand subsequently died of cholera. Tunis\\nmarried Ann Haywood, of Manahawken.\\nAfter living at that place some six or\\nseven years, he removed to Barnegat,\\nwhere he still resides. He had children\\nElizabeth who married Capt. Wright\\nPredmore, James who married Cornelia\\nHolmes, Sarah who married Joseph Sex-", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "78\\nton, and Ann who died young. Tunis\\nnext married Amelia Cliadwick tliey\\nhad no children.\\nWilliam Bodine, son of James and\\nMargaret Bodine, who married Rosauna\\nWilletts, had children George James\\nwho married Emeline Williams, William\\nOakley, Margaret who married Edwin\\nSalter, and Abraham.\\nA TOMS RIVER BOY KIDNAPPED.\\nIn the early years of our county paper,\\nit gave one item of news that always\\nhad a melancholy interest to many old\\nresidents. It was published, if I mis-\\ntake not, chiefly at the request of the\\nlate Charles I. Errickson, who will long\\nbe remembered by many for his kind\\ndeeds, and who took much interest in\\nthis particular affair. The substance of\\nthe story was this\\nThe late Captain Samuel Beatty, of\\nthe schooner Amos Falkinburg, was\\nlying near Franklin, on the Gulf coast\\nof Louisiana, when, one day, he was as-\\ntonished by a colored man, a slave in\\nthe vicinity, hailing him and asking him\\nif he knew certain men, whom he nam-id,\\nthen living at Toms Eiver, Cedar Creek\\nand Forked Eiver. Capt. Beatty, sur-\\nprised, asked him how he came to ask\\nthe question, and how he, a slave so\\nfar away, knew the names of these men.\\nThe colored man said he saw by the\\nstern of the vessel where she was from,\\nand then stated that he was originally\\nfrom Toms River, knew the late Capt,\\nWm. Rogers, father-in-law of Capt.\\nBeatty, was a boy with Capt. Hiram\\nHorner, of Toms River, and went on\\nsitflficiently to prove that his story was\\nsubstantially correct. He was then asked\\nhow he came to be a slave down in Lou-\\nisiana. He replied that when he was a\\ngood sized boy, a man who once lived at\\nToms River was about emigrating West,\\nand persuaded his mother to let him go\\nalong, promising to do well by him but\\nafter getting out West, this man was in-\\nfamous enough to sell the boy as a slave\\nto some trader going down the Missis-\\nsippi to New Orleans. When Capt.\\nBeatty returned, he found plenty of\\nproof that the boy was free born, and\\nMr. Errickson entered warmly into the\\ncase, and communicated with the then\\nGovernor, Geo. F. Fort, of New Egypt.\\nGov. Fort was deeply impressed with\\nthe outrage committed, and would glad-\\nly have aided in redeeming him from\\nbondage, but he had no authority to in-\\ncur the heavy costs of sending witnesses\\nso far and paying expenses of lawyers,\\ntrial, Szc. And so the poor fellow was\\nleft to his fate. It is some consolation\\nto know that if he was living, the late\\ncivil war must have resulted in his free-\\ndom.\\nWas it wrong in so many of our citi-\\nzens who remembered this offence, re-\\njoicing, a few years later, to hear the\\nnews that the man who committed it,\\nwas safe inside the grated doors of Toms\\nRiver jail Thoitgh for another offence,\\nit was some satisfaction to know he wag\\nimprisoned in the place from which the\\nboy was stolen.\\nA RARE OCCURRENCE.\\nA HOinCIDE IX OCEAN COUNTY.\\nFew, indeed, are the places of equal\\npopulation -rt ith the district now known\\nas Ocean county, which can present a\\nrecord as unstained by serious crimes.\\nAbout the most noted event in its crimi-\\nnal calendar, was the killing of a lad\\nsome fifteen years old, named Thomas\\nWilliams, son of Esquire Daniel and\\nHuldah Williams, by a man named Peter\\nStout, at Goodluck, on the 19th of No-\\nvember, 1802. Peter Stout was always\\nconsidered as a half-witted, partially\\ncrazed man, but had always, previous\\nto this affair, seemed harmless. At the\\npresent day, it is no uncommon occur-\\nrence if a half-witted or drunken man is\\nseen, for a troop of thoughtless boys to\\nfollow him, calling names and torment-", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "79\\ning him, tiuch shoiilcl learn a lesson\\nfrom this story. The boys around Good-\\nluck often tormented Peter Stout, calling\\nhim nicknames, the principal of which\\nwas eel head hollo, old eel head\\nOn the morning in question, young\\nWilliams left home to di ive cattle to the\\nmeadows, down the road along the north\\nside of Stout s creek. On his way he\\nmet Peter Stout, who had an axe on his\\nshoulder, and thoughtlessly began to\\nplague him, calling him eel head, c.\\nStout let him pass, and then turned, slyly\\nran up behind him and struck him on the\\nhead with the axe, killing him instantly.\\nDuring the forenoon, the boy s mother,\\nuneasy at his long absence, went in\\nsearch of him, and found the body at a\\nspot marked for half a century after by\\ntwin oak trees, about opposite the com-\\nmencement of the path leading across\\nStout s creek, towards the place formely\\nowned by the late Capt. William Rogers,\\nMrs, Williams was so horror-stricken at\\nthe sight of the lifeless body of her son,\\ncovered with blood, that for a time she\\nwas bereft of her senses. It seems she\\ngrasped the boy in her arms and carried\\nhim home, a distance of about half a\\nmile, but she remembered nothing about\\nit, however, until she came to her senses,\\nwhen she found herself in a chair at\\nhome, rocking her boy, her dress shock-\\ningly covered with blood.\\nThe neighbors were soon uotiJfied of\\nthe event, and the body taken to the inn\\nat Goodluck, for the j)urpose of holding\\na coroner s inquest. In past years a\\nsuperstition prevailed in the minds of\\nmany in England and in this country,\\nthat if the murderer touched the body of\\nthe murdered person, the wounds would\\ncommence to bleed afresh. At this in-\\nquest, some person mentioned this su-\\nperstition, and it was proposed and\\nagreed to that every one present should\\nby turns approach and touch the body.\\nAll did so but Peter Stout, who was\\npresent, and who extended his hand\\ntowards the body, but suddenly checked\\nhimself, ws if afraid of the ordeal, re-\\nfused to touch the body, and turned\\naboiit and went out whistling. Blood\\nwas observed upon his clothes, and\\nupon being questioned, he said it was\\nfrom a fowl he had killed. Suspi-\\ncion being strong against him, he was\\narrested and sent to Freehold, tried,\\nfound guilty and sentenced to be hanged.\\nWhile in jail he made a full confession,\\nwhich was afterwards printed. As it\\nwas generally conceded by all who knew\\nStout, that he was not of sound mind,\\nstrong efforts were made to have his\\nsentence changed, and among those who\\nlabored hard for it were Esquire Wil-\\nliams and his wife, the parents of the\\nmurdered boy. They visited Freehold\\nfor that purpose, and visited the con-\\ndemned man in jail but all their efforts\\nwere unavailing, and the unfortunate\\nman suffered the extreme penalty of the\\nlaw. His body was taken to Goodluck,\\nand buried by the road along the south\\nside of Stout s Creek, and the spot\\nmarked by a grape vine. This spot and\\nthe place where the boy was killed can\\nstill be pointed out by old residents.\\nYoung Williams was buried in the grave-\\nyard at Goodluck, and on his headstone\\nis this inscription Thomas Williams,\\ndied November 19th, 1802, aged 14 years,\\n9 months and 18 days,\\nTOMS RIVER\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ORIGIN OF THE NAME.\\nGOOSE CBEEK INDIAN TOM CAPT, WM.\\nTOJX,\\nTwo distinct traditions have been\\nhand down, giving the origin of the name\\nof Toms River one that it is derived\\nfrom a certain Captain Wm. Tom, who\\nresided on the Delaware River over two\\nhundred years ago, before any whites\\nhad settled in what is now known as\\nOcean county, and who, in the prosecu-\\ntion of his duties as a kind of land agent,\\nI penetrated through the wilderness to the\\nseashore in search of eUgible land for\\nsettlers, and discovered this stream", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "80\\nupon his return he made such favorable\\nrepresentations of the land in this vicin-\\nity that settlers were induced to come\\nhere, and they named it Toms Eiver,\\nafter Capt. Tom, because he first brought\\nthe place to the notice of the whites.\\nThe other tradition attributes the ori-\\ngin of the name to an Indian named\\nTom, who lived in the vicinity during\\nthe first half of the last century.\\nThe stream was also anciently called\\nGoose Creek, and this name was used to\\ndesignate it in legal writings, and on\\nmaps for over a century.\\nIn regard to the name Toms Eiver,\\nthe writer of this acknowledges that after\\npatient investigation of all sources of in- j\\nformation known to him, he has found\\nnothing that conclusively settles the\\nquestion of its origin yet he is strong\\nin the belief that it originated with Capt.\\nWm. Tom some two centuries ago, and\\nthat Indian Tom, who lived a generation\\nor so later, aided in perpetuating it and\\nthe reasons for this belief will be given\\nbefore concluding. In regard to the\\nname\\nGOOSE CREEK,\\nit seems to have been bestowed by the\\nproprietors or their agents, when the\\nland here was originally run out in 1690.\\nSamuel H. Shreve, Esq., a careful in-\\nvestigator of land titles in this vicinity,\\nin a communication published in the\\nOcean Emblem about fifteen years ago,\\nsays\\nThe first patent to Dr. Johnson was\\ndated 1G90, and in that as well as in the\\npatent to Robert Barclay, of the same\\ndate on the south side of the river and\\nopposite Dr. Johnson s, the name is\\nGoose Creek. It is the same in all doc-\\numents that I have been able to find un-\\ntil 1727, when Obhonon Cedar Swamp is\\nreferred to as being on a branch of Toms\\nRiver subsequently, in 17iO, the well-\\nknown surveyor, John Lawrence, desig-\\nnates it as Toms River, and after that\\ndate the name occurs more frequently\\nthan that of Goose Creek, though deeds\\nmade by parties living near the river\\nmentioned it thus Goose Creek (alias\\nToms Eiver) and Goose Creek, other-\\nwise called Toms River, as late as 1789,\\nas if the former the correct name, while\\nthe latter was the more common. I can-\\nnot, therefore, but believe the original\\nname was Goose Creek.\\nIn addition to what Mr. Shreve states,\\nthe writer has found the name of Goose\\nCreek given to the stream on various old\\nmaps, among which may be named\\nMitchell Pownall s map, 1755, and Jef-\\nfrey s map, 1778 and the last time on\\nCarey s map of New Jersey, 1814, which\\ncalls it Goose or Toms Creek.\\nINDIAN TOM.\\nInformation in regard to Indian Tom,\\nis very meagre indeed. The most defi-\\nnite notice that the writer has is in the\\ncommunication of Mr. Shreve above re-\\nferred. The same number of the Ocean\\nEmblem which contained Mr. Shreve s\\ncommunication, had another, advocating\\nthe Indian Tom origin of the name,\\nsigned A Native, which, we presume,\\nwas from James N. Lawrence, Esq.\\nWe give the substance of both as show-\\ning the strongest arguments we have\\nfound in favor of the Indian Tom origin.\\nMr. Shreve says\\nThere certainly was a Tom, an in-\\ndividual incarnate Tom, and he had a\\nwigwam. I haye a map made in 1740 of\\nthe country about Mosquito Cove, a\\nI short distance north of Toms River, on\\nwhich Barnegatt Toms wigwam is\\nlocated upon the north point of the cove.\\nThe fact that an Indian by the name of\\nTom, most jDrobably Barnegatt Tom,\\nlived on the river near the head of Dil-\\nlon s Island during the Revolution, seems\\n|.to be well established. Suppose this to\\nhave been in 1778, As I have mentioned\\nbefore, the name of Toms River occurs in\\n1727, and if Tom was at the latter date,\\nsay twenty-seven years of age, or even\\nolder, the story is still plausible. Be-", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "81\\nside the tradition itself, that the river\\ntook its name from the Indian, is entitled\\nto some credence when we consider the\\nfact that the descendants of our first\\nsettlers are living among us, and they\\nespecially believe it.\\nAs Mr. Shreve says, his theory is\\nplausible iipon the facts he gives but\\nthe following extract from records in the\\nFreehold Court House quite effectually\\ndestroys his foundation. After men-\\ntioning under date of Oct. 13th, 1713,\\ncertain roads in the upper part of old\\nMonmouth, the record mentions\\nTHE FIRST ROADS LAID OUT IN OCEAN\\nCOUNTY.\\nLaid out a highway from Henry\\nLeonard s saw mill to Barnegate that is\\nfrom said saw mill along John Hankin s\\npath to Hay path then to ye head of\\nSarah Reape s meadow and down ye side\\nof ye said meadow as ye line of marked\\ntrees, to the Fish path then as that goes\\nto Mauasquan thence along ye Fish j\\npath to the Cedar path, and along the\\nCedar path as the marked trees that lead j\\nto Metetecqnk, and following the marked\\ntrees to Goose Creek, called Toms\\nliiver, and over said river, by marked\\ntrees to the line of the lands of late\\nThomas Hart. Signed by John Reid,\\nElisha Lawrence and Obadiah Bowne,\\ncommissioners. j\\nThe foregoing was copied by Judge\\nBeekman from the original records and\\npublished in the Monmouth Democrat, I\\nFeb. 8, 1877, in his articles on the Boun-\\ndaries of Old Monmouth. Judge Beek-\\nman, who has proved himself a careful,\\nreliable investigator of the history of\\nOld Monmouth, informs the writer that\\ntne name Toms River was certainly thus\\nused as stated as early as 1713, showing\\nit was a common name then. Hence, if,\\nas Mr. Shreve surmises, Indian Tom\\nwas twenty-seven years old in 1727, he\\nwould have been only thirteen in 1713 j\\nand if the Indian Tom of the Revolution\\nwas the Indian Tom, he might have been\\nstill younger and it will not be seriously\\ncontended that the stream was named\\nafter a little Indian jiapoose.\\nPerhaps the most strenuous advocate\\nof the Indian Tom origin of the name,\\nwas the writer before referred to, who\\nsigned himself a Native, (probably\\nJames N. Lawrence). We give the sub-\\nstance of his article which also contains\\nreferences to old Toms River settlers\\nBy reference to actual survey, and\\nespecially to Andrew Johnson s patent,\\n1690, he (Mr. Salter,) will see that said\\npatent commences on the south side of\\nMiles Foster s patent at Tilton s Creek\\nand runs south to (xoose Creek, which\\npatent includes the Ralph place (Messrs.\\nSchofield s and McLean s), Edwin Jack-\\nson s, Thomas Salter s (late Cook s), and\\nDillon s (now Robiason s Island). Grant-\\ning that the gentleman is somewhat of\\nan antiquarian, I suggest that he ramble\\nover Johnson s patent, thereby visiting\\nthe old salt works erected by Albertus\\nSchoeslear, Savidge and Coats, Thomas\\nSalter and others, merchants from Phil-\\nadelphia, who were engaged in the salt\\nbusiness during the Revolution. Some\\ninformation may be obtained by refer-\\nence to a controversy between Messrs.\\nL. and Justice, published in the Mon-\\nmouth Inquirer of November and Dec-\\nember, 1819 also the Emblem of Feb-\\nruary, 1858, where the editor gives the\\nname George s instead of Goose Creek.\\nSurveyor John Lawrence, in his notes\\n(1725) of New Barnegat Inlet or Cran-\\nberry Inlet, gives the bearing of com-\\npass from certain points in the bay, the\\nchannel running from opposite Tilton s\\nPoint to Nigger house farm thence by\\na thoroughfare to the north point of land\\nat the Inlet. Aaron Bennett, Richard\\nPhillips and William Chadwick, de-\\nceased, I have heard make the same\\nstatements also that the inlet called\\nBurning Hole or Barnegat, was opposite\\nEgg Island, north of where Amos Grant\\nnow lives, and that Barnegat was called\\nNew Inlet in those days. Rebecca", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "82\\nBuad, (laughter of Daniel Liiker, the\\nfirst white inhabitaut of the jjlace, told\\nme, in the winter of 1835, that the above\\nwas coiTect also, that she conld remem-\\nber when it was a thick cedar swamp\\nwhere the bridge now is, and a log was\\nused for pedestriaiis to cross on. Then\\ncame a severe storm Avhich destroyed\\nthe timber, after which a ferry was kept\\nby her father until a bridge was built, a\\nportion of which may now be seen.\\nJohn Lawrence, in his notes, calls it\\nthe riding-over place, afterwards\\nLuker s fen-y. Capt. Htephen Gulick,\\nthe oldest male inhabitant now here, will\\ncorroborate my sketch.\\nTom, from whom the name was de-\\nrived, and his brother, Jonathan Pumha,\\nowned all the land south of Metedecouk\\nto Goose Creek (see Smith s History of\\nNew Jersey, 1721). Tom died about\\n1734 or 5, miich lamented as he was\\nknown as a friend of the white man, al-\\nways holding out inducements for the\\nwhites to settle on his lands.\\nRespectfully yours,\\nA Native.\\nIn tlie foregoing the writer states some\\nthings which are true, some which are\\ndoubtful, and some which are probably\\nerroneous and it is to be regretted that\\nman who had such opportunities to ex-\\namine into papers and records relating\\nto old times at Toms Eiver, should be\\nso careless in his statements. It is true\\nthat there was an Indian named Tom,\\nthat there was a Luker s ferry and a\\nriding-over place, and that there was\\nmiich business done in the salt trade,\\nespecially about the time of the Revolu-\\ntion. But we vei-y much doubt that\\nSurveyor John Lawrence s notes stated\\nthat Old Cranberry Inlet was opened as\\nearly as 1725 that Daniel Luker was\\nthe first white inhabitant that a log,\\nunless a remarkably large one in a very\\ndry time, was ever used to cross Toms\\nRiver that Thomas Salter was a Phila-\\ndelphia merchant, though he and Joseph\\nand Richard Salter were old time resi-\\ndents or business men at Toms River,\\ntrading with Philadelphia merchants\\nwe doubt if Bamegat Inlet was ever\\ncalled New Inlet, unless about the time\\nCranberry closed and then, if at all, only\\nfor a vei-y brief period. Smith s History\\nof New Jersey was not published in\\n1721, but in 1765, and Mr. Shreve, a re-\\nliable writer, has given good reasons to\\nbeUeve that Indian Tom lived many\\nyears after 1734-5. And as to the In-\\ndian ownership of the land from Meted-\\neconk to Toms River, Smith s History, i\\npage 413, says at the great conference\\nheld at Crosswicks, N. J., in 1758, for\\nextinguishing all Indian claims to lands\\nin New Jersey, at which the commission-\\ners were Andrew Johnson, Richard Sa\\nter and others, a paper was submittec\\ndeclaring the lands from the half wa^^^i\\nfrom the mouth of Metedecouk river tO^\\nToms Eiver, from the sea to the heads\\nof the rivers, belonged to Ctqit. Johi\\nTotamy Widoc/ciris. There is nothing\\nin Smith s History that refers to any lu^\\ndiau Tom in this vicinity. But on th^i\\ncontrary, several references to Capt*^\\nWilliam Tom, which show that he was le;*\\nprominent man in his day.\\nThat Indian Tom lived as late as th(W-\\ntime mentioned by Mr. Shreve, we hav ve\\nheard traditionary corroboration fronU.\\nthe late Hon. Charles Parker, (father o;\\nGovernor Joel Parker,) who was in bus-U-\\ninessatToras River in 1810.- Mr. Par- a\\nker liad a remarkably retentive memory ,3f\\nand he informed the writer that when heA\\nfirst came to Toms River, he talked to^\\nmen who had known Indian Peter, a 3\\nbrother of our Indian Tom that Indiau\\nTom once undertook to sell lands for\\nother Indians, but proved a defaulter,\\nand was not again trusted, was di-uukeu,\\nc. and the personal recollections of\\nthese men would probably not go further\\nback than say about fifty years before\\nMr. Parker talked to them. And Na-\\ntive s own letter gives a statement which\\nis also corroborative he says iu 1835 he\\ntalked to a daughter of Daniel Luker,", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "83\\nwho was the first white iuhabitaut of the\\nplace. If ludian Tom induced whites\\nsettlers to come here, it then must have\\nbeen after Luker located here, and it is\\nevident that if Luker had a daughter\\nliving in 1835, he could not have lived\\nlonger ago than the time Mr. Shreve\\nstates Tom lived. Mention is made in\\nancient deeds of A. Luker s ferry at\\nToms Eiver in 1749. Was he the father\\n,f Daniel Eeference is made to Capt.\\ntephen Gulick as the oldest inhabitant,\\n-t the request of the writer, Capt. Gu-\\nck v/ais interviewed by Chas. W. Bun-\\nell, Esq., of Bayville, who stated to\\nim the substance of Native s statement,\\napt. Gulick s reply was that he knew\\nothing about ludian Tom more than\\njhers knew he had heard there was\\nich an Indian. Many who never heard\\nCapt. Tom, and had heard of ludian\\nom, would be likely to guess that the\\nver was named after the Indian.\\nIn concludiug the notice of the ludian\\nom theory, we shall simply repeat that\\nle river could not have been named af-\\n.r him, because he was living on Dil-\\nn s Island in the Revolution, and the\\nlace was well known as Toms River\\niarly seventy years before, and it is not\\nTtain he was even then born at most\\ni must have been a very young pap- j\\nt4jose, and more likely to have been\\nimed after the river than the river\\nnamed after him.\\nThe reasons for believing the river de-\\nrived its name from Captaiu Tom, will\\nnext be briefly stated.\\nWHY AFTER C.VPTAIX WILLIAM TOJI.\\nAmong aged jiersons now living, who\\nwere acquainted at Toms River sixty or\\nmore years ago, is Rev. David B. Salter,\\nformerly of Forked River, but at i:)res-\\nent residing in Bayonne, N. J. He is a\\ngentleman noted for observation and\\nretentive memory, and he is very posi- j\\ntive that the river derived its name from\\nCaptain Tom, from information he ob-\\ntained when at the place about sixty\\nyears ago, from residents who then were\\nancient and some twelve or thirteen\\nyears ago he named a gentleman still\\nolder than he, who had investigated the\\nsubject when at Toms River about sev-\\nenty years ago. This gentleman then\\nlived in Illinois, and the writer of this\\naddressed him on the subject. His reply\\nfully corroborated the statement. He\\nsaid when he first visited Toms River,\\nintelligent old residents not only assured\\nhim that the place was named after Cap-\\ntain Tom, but showed him an old histo-\\nrical work that explained the reason,\\nwhich was in substance that Captain\\nTom induced settlers to locate here, and\\nthese settlers named the stream after\\nhim. By reference to the sketeh of\\nCapt. Tom s life, previously given, his\\nstatement seems sufficiently sustained to\\njustify his assertion of the origin of the\\nname. Cajjt. Tom was apjwinted col-\\nlector of quit-rents and land agent, by\\nGovernor Lovelace in 10(39. It was his\\nduty to call on settlers in South Jersey,\\nfrom the Falls of Delaware (now Tren-\\nton) to Cape May, including what is now\\nknoATU as Ocean county. By notices of\\nhim in Smith s History of New Jersey,\\nHazard s Annals of Pennsylvania and\\nNew York Colonial Documents, it is evi-\\ndent he was a great traveler, and well\\nacquainted from New Castle, Del., to\\nNew York, with settlers paths through\\nthe forests, and desirable places to lo-\\ncate and it would be both in keeping\\nwith the character of the man and in the\\nlegitimate line of his duties, to explore\\nthe country by ludian ijaths to Toms\\nRiver, and on his return report what he\\nthought of the place. And it is reason-\\nable to believe that the fir^t settlers\\nnamed the river after the man who in-\\nduced them to locate near it.\\nCaptain Tom appears to have been a\\nleading man in public matters, and pop-\\nular with the settlers. He came to West\\nJersey in 1604, and subsequently held\\nvarious positions of j-esixmsibility,", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "o/7 7 7\\n84\\namong them Keeper of Public Records,\\nCommissaiy, Deputy Governor, kc.\\nThere is force in the remark made by\\nMr. Shreve, quoted in speaking of In-\\ndian Tom, that a tradition handed down\\nfrom old settlers should receive consid-\\neratiou. But the writer has, in person\\nor through friends, interviewed about,\\nall the aged persons now or formerly\\nlivmg at Toms Biver that could be\\nreached, and with the exception of the\\nrambling writer who signed himself A\\nNative, and -whose statements have been\\nsufficiently answered, he has found no\\none who positively asserts the Indian\\nTom theory all they stated was simply\\na repetition of the statement of the late\\nUncle BiUy Harbor (Herbert), so favor-\\nably remembered in connection with our\\nlate stage line, who was authority on\\nmany local traditions. When questioned\\nas to the origin of the name, his reply\\nsubstantiaEy was It is said there was\\nan Indian named Tom living in the vi-\\nckdty, and I suppose the name might\\nhave come from him. This was the\\nnatural guess of those who had heard of\\nIndian Tom, but not of Captain Tom.\\nThe two old gentlemen referred to in\\nthe foregoing as being positive that the\\nplace derived its name from Captain Tom,\\nbelong to a family that had special oppor-\\ntunities of obtaining information on the\\nsubject. William Salter (named by\\nNative, was a commissioner appoint-\\ned in 1801 by the Legislature, to aid the\\nremnant of New Jersey Indians in sell-\\ning their land. Before this, in 179G,\\nJoseph Salter, whose heirs until late\\nyears owned the James Cook place, was\\ncommissioned to aid the Indians to lease\\ntheir lands and before them, in 1756,\\nBichaid Salter was Indian Commissioner,\\n(see Smith s New Jersey, and Samuel\\nAllison s sketch of New Jersey Indians,\\nin New Jersey Historical Society Pro-\\nceedings, January 1875). So that if the\\nplace had been named after the Indian\\nTom, they would have known it.\\nFrom what has been said of Indian\\nI Tom it seems impossible that the river\\ni could have been named af tey him and\\nfrom the facts presented it is safe to as-\\nsiime that Toms River derives its name\\nfrom Captain WHliam Tom.", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3456", "width": "2198", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3671", "width": "2311", "jp2-path": "centennialhistor00salt_0096.jp2"}}