{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": ",1) II r; K(^i I ;ki ,.k;o^a i O.\\nrmrii .iuiH- 4 li -l -l: I\\nPic. I .lilt:. 17 I\\nAu-.-,l", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "THK\\nHISTORY\\nOF\\nNEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nBY JEREMY BELKNAP, D. D.,\\nMEMBER OF THE AJIERICAX PIIILOSOrniCAl! SOCIETY, OF THE AMERICAIT ACAD-\\nEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES, AND CORRESPONDING SECRETARY OF\\nTlIE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY.\\nFROM\\nA COPY OF THE ORIGINAL EDITION,\\nHAVING THE AUTHOR S LAST CORRECTIONS.\\nTO WHICH ARE ADDED\\nNOTES,\\nCONTAINING VARIOUS CORRICTIONS AND ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE TEXT,\\nAND ADDITIONAL FACTS AND NOTICES OF PERSONS AND\\nEVENTS THEREIN MENTIONED.\\nBY JOHN FARMER, V\\nCORRESPONDING SECRETARY OF THE N. H. HISTORICAL SOCIETY.\\nVOJL. I.\\nDOVER\\nS. C. STEVENS AND ELA WADLEIGH.\\n1831.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0009.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "DISTRICT OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE\u00e2\u0080\u0094 o 7cit\\nDistrict Clerk s Office.\\nBe it remembered, That on the eighth day of February, A. D. 1831, and\\nin the fifty-fifth year of the Independence of the United States of America,\\nGeorge W. Ei.a, George WADLEitiii, and Samuel C. Stevens, of the said\\nDistrict, have deposited in tliis office the title of a book, the right whereof\\nthey claim as proprietors in the words following, viz\\nThe History of New-Hampshire. By Jeremy Belknap, D. D., Member\\nof the American Philosophical Society, of the American Academy of Arts\\nand Sciences, and Corresponding Secretary of the Massachusetts Historical\\nSociety. From a copy of the original edition, having the author s last cor-\\nrections. To which are added Notes, containing various corrections and il-\\nlustrations of the text, and additional facts and notices of persons and events\\ntherein mentioned. By John Farmer, Corresponding Secretary of the N, H.\\nHistorical Society. Vol. I.\\nIn conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled An\\nact for the encouragement of learning by secui-ing the copies of maps, charts\\nand books to the authors and proj)rietors of such copies during the times there-\\nin mentioned and also to an act entitled an act supplementary to an act\\nentitled an act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of\\nmaps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during\\nthe times therein mentioned, and extending tlie benefits thereof to the arts\\nof designing, engraving and etching historical and other prints.\\nCHARLES W. CUTTER,\\nClerk of the District Court of the United States,\\nfor the District of J^cw-Hampshire.\\nA true copy of Record. Attest\\nCHARLES W. CUTTER, Clerk.\\nela and wadleigH, printers.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0010.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "EDITOR S PREFACE.\\nThe first volume of the History of New-Hampshire was pub-\\nlished at Philadelphia, in 1784, with the following title-page\\nTHE HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. Volume I.\\nComprehending the Events of one Complete Century\\nFROM the Discovert of the River Pascataqua. Br Jere-\\nmy Belknap, A. M. Member of the American Philosophical\\nSociety held at Philadelphia for promoting useful knovv ledge.\\nTempus edax rerum, tuque invidiosa vetn tas,\\nOmnia destruitis vitiataque dentib is asvi y J\\nPaulatim lenta consumitis omnia morte.\\nHsec perstant. Ovid.\\nPhiladelphia Printed for the author by Robert Aitken, in\\nMarket Street, near the Coftee House. M. DCC. LXXXIV.\\nThe author was then the minister of Dover, and it being diffi-\\ncult for him, at such a distance from the press, to superintend the\\npublication of the work, it was entrusted to his friend, Ebenezer\\nHazard, Esquire, a gentleman well acquainted with the history\\nand antiquities of our country, who faithfully executed the trust\\ncommitted to him.\\nThe second volume of the work was published at Boston in the\\nyear 1791, after the author had removed from New-Hampshire,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2and had been installed over the Congregational church in Federal\\nStreet. The title of this volume is as follows THE HISTO-\\nRY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. Volume II. Comprehending\\nTHE Events of Seventy Five Years, from MDCCXV. to\\nMDCCXC. Illustrated by a Map. By Jeremy Belknap,\\nA. M, Member of the Philosophical Society in Philadelphia, and", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0011.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "iv PREFACE.\\nof tlie Academy of Arts and Sciences in Massachusetts. Printed\\nat Boston for the Author, by Isaiah Thomas Ebenezer T. An-\\ndrews, Faust s Statue, No. 45, Newbury Street. MDCCXCI.\\nIt is believed that there was a reprint of the first volume soon af-\\nter (he publication of the second.\\nThe work having been nearly all sold, a new edition was called\\nfor by the public in 1810, and Mr. Samuel Bragg, of Dover, com-\\nmenced the printing of it from a copy, into which had been tran-\\nscribed the marginal notes and corrections made by the author at\\ndifferent times in a printed copy which he kept for this purpose.\\nThe printing had not proceeded far before the office of Mr, Bragg,\\nwith his printing materials and the corrected copy of the first vol-\\nume, which contained nearly all the corrections and additions\\nmade to the historical part of the work, was consumed by fire. A\\nnew edition however appeared in 1812, printed at Dover by John\\nMann and James K. Hemich, for 0. Crosby J. Varney, but\\nwithout the advantages of the corrected copy of the first volume,\\nwhich had been used by Mr. Bragg, and which it was supposed\\ncould never be replaced. Some of the copies, and it is believed\\na considerable part of the impression, have a false title page, pur-\\nporting that the work was published at Boston by Bradford Read,\\nand that it contains large additions and improvements from the\\nauthor s last manuscript, but it is not apprehended that either\\nthe original publishers or printers had any agency in such a gross\\nimposition on the public.\\nAfter the copy for the present edition had been prepared for the\\npress, I received from John Belknap, Esquire, of Boston, son of\\nthe venerated author, a letter respecting the work, of which the\\nfollowing is an extract. When I sold to Mr. Bragg and Mr.\\nVarney the corrected copy, with the right to print an edition,\\nwith the corrections, two other copies had all the corrections trans-\\ncribed into them, and remain in the family. My object in writ-\\ning, is to offer you an opportunity to avail yourself of these cor-\\nrections, in case you proceed in the publication, which may be\\ndone, by exchanging one of these corrected copies, for a copy of\\nyour new edition. I lost no time in accepting the kind ofter of\\nMr. Belknap, and soon received the copy which had been corrected\\nby the author, together with the original appendix which had been\\nprepared by him, and in his hand writing. The corrections and\\nadditions of the liistorical part have been introduced into this vol-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0012.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PREFACE. V\\nurae and the appendix of original papers and public documeiits\\nhas been printed from the manuscript copy of the author.\\nIn the Notes which I have added to the work, endeavors have\\nbeen made to correct the errors occasioned by the author s reli-\\nance on the authenticity of the Wheelwright deed of 1629 to\\nsupply some facts which had been omitted for want of information,\\nand to give short biographical notices of some of the most promin-\\nent characters mentioned in the course of the history. The notes\\nwhich I have added are included within brackets.\\nAt the head of the left hand page, is the running title of the\\nformer editions at the head of the right hand page, stands the\\nname of the governor or chief magistrate for the time being. The\\nauthorities, which were placed on the side margin of the former\\neditions, are here placed next after the text, at the bottom of the\\npage. The references to them in the text may be sometimes mis-\\nplaced, as none had before been used, but they are believed to be\\ngenerally correct. In spelling the names of persons, autographs\\nhave been followed, whenever they could be obtained. This has\\noccasioned a difference in the orthography of the names of Andros,\\nChamberlain, Cutt, Endecott, Godfrey, Holyoke, Leveridge,\\nMoodey, Wheelwright and Wiggiu, which were before printed, An-\\ndrosse, Chamberlayne, Cutts, Endicot, Godfrie, Holiock, Leverich,\\nMoody, Whelewright and Wiggen. The name of Pickering was\\noften, at an early period, written by those bearing it, Pickeriu.\\nThe name of Hinckes which occurs a number of times in the\\ntext should probably be Hinks. The spelling of the names of\\nplaces has been altered in a number of instances and the orthog-\\nraphy of common words and the punctuation have undergone\\nsome changes. The latter might have been still further improved.\\nIn all these alterations, great care has been taken to preserve the\\ntext unimpaired, and no changes affecting that have been allowed.\\nA copious General Index, embracing every important subject\\nand every name in the text, notes, and tables to the 418th page,\\nhas been prepared with considerable labor, but is necessarily omit-\\nted. It may, however, appear with the second volume.\\nConcord^ 2 February, 1S31.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0013.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "CORRECTIONS.\\nPago 4, ichcrcforCf in tlie Ctli line, should be xohcreof.\\n74, Pcquawct, ill the lf?th line, siionld be Pcquuichct.\\n100, in tiie 2d and Ud lines of second note, D December, 1C87, may he\\nsubstituted for (ilioiit the year 1(!H!).\\n110, after to, in tlie 20lli line, he should be inserted.\\nIIG, insert tlie name of Jolin Cummings as one of the founders of the\\nchurch in Dunstable.\\n133, is, in the 11th line, should be his.\\n144, the figures 13 against Groton, and under Wounded, shovUdi be placed\\nunder Capt d.\\n1C4, council, in the 14tli line, should be counsel.\\n1G(), Gcn-mcn, in tlie 8th and 9th lines, should be Gcnllcmcn.\\n285, St. Frances, in the 10th line, should be St. Francis.\\n21)2, Shattack s in the JHli line, should be Skatluck s.\\n336, Charlestavm, in the !Hh line, should be Charleston.\\n355, neat, in the 40th line, should be 7ict.\\n390, which, in the last line of the text, should be with.\\n410, the year l(!8l, preceding Job Clements, should be i)laced before\\nRobert Mason, and the year 1717, after Job Clements, Dover, should\\nbe 1()83.\\n411, the year 1745, in the first note, should be 1715.\\n412, Gumling, in tlie 7th line, sliould be Gamhiing.\\n413, the year 1778, in the 2d line, should be 1776.\\n416, the year IGO J, in the 11th line, should be 1609.\\nthe list of Treasurers requires the following corrections\\n1800, Thomas W Thompson, Concord, 1810.\\n1810, Nathaniel Oilman, Exeter, 1814.\\n1814 William Austin Kent, Concord, 1816.\\n418, the list of Representatives in Congress requires the following ad-\\ndition ]S2r). Nehemiah Eastman, 2 years.\\nthe year 1830, in the last line, should be 1823.\\n422, the Ab5. 55 and 59, in the 20th line, should be 58, 59 and 62.\\n464, vSier they, in the 41st line, the word freely sliould be inserted, and\\nconferred, in the same line, should be confessed.\\ncontinuance, in the 45th line, sliould be contrivance.\\nadmit, in tlic last line, sliould be attaint.\\n480, sew, in the 34th line, should be sei-ve.\\nIt may he gratifying to some readers to know something further respecting\\nthe three men, wlio commenced the first settlement of New-Hampshire.\\nThe following note is tlierefore added.\\nEdwauu Hilton lived at Dover between fifteen and twenty j-ears, and\\nthen removed to Squainscot patent, or Exeter, and died about the year 1671,\\nleaving sons. Edward, William, Samuel, and Charles, who administered on\\nhis estate, which was appraised at \u00c2\u00a32204. William Hilton removed fiom\\nDover, and his name is found at several places, particular!} at Newbury,\\nwhere five of his children were born. He was a representative at the Gener-\\nal Court at Boston, at the March and May sessions in 1644. He finally re-\\nmoved to Charlestown, where he died 7 September, 1675. Of David Thomp-\\nson I had concluded that nothing farther could be known than what is given\\nin the text and notes, page 5, when unexpectedly the Rev. Joseph B. Felt, of\\nHamilton, Massachusetts, sent me from the Mass. Colony Records some ex-\\ntracts, which enable me to state, that Thompson took possession of the island\\nknown by his name, situated within the present limits of the town of Dorches-\\nter, in the vear J62() that he died in 1628, or soon after that time, leaving an\\ninfant son, John, who, in 1618, claimed the island which belonged to his fath-\\ner, as he had done before, and which was granted to him by the General\\nCourt of Massachusetts. Descendants of the Hiltons are numerous in the\\nstate of New-Ilami)siiire, and in Maine. Of a name so common as that of\\nThompson, it would be diilicult to identify any of the posterity of tlie first\\nsettler of Little-Harbor.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0014.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nTO THE FIRST VOLUME.\\nWhen a new publication appears, some prefatory account of the reasons\\nwhicli led to it, and the manner in wliich it has been conducted, is generally\\nexpected.\\nThe compiler of this history was early impelled by his natural curiosity to\\ninquire into the original settlement, progress, and improvement of the coun-\\ntry which ga^e him birth. When he took up his residence in New-Hamp-\\nshire, his inquiries were more particularl}^ directed to that part of it. Having\\nmet with some valuable manuscripts which were but little known, he began\\nto extract and methodise the principal things in them and this employment\\nwas (to speak in the style of a celebrated modern author) his hobby horse.\\nThe work, crude as it was, being communicated to some gentlemen, to\\nwhose judgment he ptaid much deference, he was persuaded and encouraged\\nto go on with his collection, until the thing became generally known, and a\\npublication could not decently be refused.\\nHe owns himself particularly obliged to the public officers both in this and\\nthe neighboring state of Massachusetts, under the former as well as the pres-\\nent constitutions, for their obliging attention in favoring him with the use of\\nthe public records or extracts from them. He is under equal obligation to a\\nnumber of private gentlemen, who have either admitted him to their own\\ncollections of original papers or procured such for him. In the course of his\\ninquiry, he has frequently had reason to lament the loss of many valuable ma-\\nterials by fire and other accidents But what has pained him more severe-\\nly, is the inattention of some persons, in whose hands original papers have\\nbeen deposited, and who have sutfered them to be wasted and destroyed as\\nthings of no value. The very great utility of a public repository for such\\npapers under proper regulations, has appeared to him in the strongest light,\\nand he is persuaded that it is an object worthy the attention of an enlighten-\\ned legislature.\\nThe late accurate and indefatigable Mr. Prince, of Boston, (under whose\\nministry the author was educated, and whose memory he shall always revere)\\nbegan such a collection in his youth and continued it for above fifty years.\\nBy his will, he left it to the care of the Old Soutli Church, of which he was\\npastor, and it was deposited with a library of ancient books in an apartment\\nof their meeting-iiouse. To thif collection, the public are obliged for some", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0015.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "viii PREFACE.\\nmaterial hints in llio present work, tlie author Jiaving hnd frequent access to\\nthat library belbro the coninienceinont of the late war. But the use which\\nthe British troops in 1775 made of that elegant building, having proved latal\\nto tills noble collection of manuscripts the friends of science and of Ameri-\\nca must deplore the irretrievable loss. JIad we suffered it by the hands of\\nSarticc7is, the grief had been less poignant\\nHistorians have mentioned tiie affairs of New-Hampshire only in a loose and\\ngeneral manner. Neal and Douglass, though frequently erroneous, have giv-\\nen some hints, which, by the help of original records and other manuscripts,\\nhave, in tiiis work, been carefully and largely pursued. Hutchinson has said\\nmany things, which the others have omitted. His knowledge of tiie antiqui-\\nties of the country was extensive and accurate, and tlie public are much\\nobliged by the publication of his history but he knew more than he thought\\nproper to relate. The few publications concerning New-Hampshire, are fu-\\ngitive pieces dictated by party or interest. No regular historical deduction\\nhas ever appeared. The late Mr. Fitch, of Portsmoutii, made a beginning of\\nthis sort, about the year 17:28. From his papers, some tilings have been col-\\nlected, which liave not been met with elsewhere. The authorities from whicii\\ninformation is derived, are carefully noted in the margin. Where no written\\ntestimonies could be obtained, recourse has been had to the most authentic\\ntradition, selected and compared with a scrupulous attention, and with proper\\nallowance for the imperfection of jiuman memory. After all, the critical\\nreader will doubtless find some chasms, which, in such a work, it would be\\nimproper to fill by tlie help of imagination and conjecture.\\nThe author makes no merit of his regard to truth. To have disguised or\\nmisrepresented facts, would have been abusing the reader. No person can\\ntake more pleasure in detecting mistakes, than the author in correcting them,\\nif he should have opportunity. In tracing the progress of controversy, it is\\nimpossible not to take a side, tliough we are ever so remote from any personal\\ninterest in it. Censure or applause, will naturally follow the opinion we\\nadopt. If the reader should happen to entertain different feelings from the\\nwriter, he has an equal right to indulge them but not at the expense of\\ncandor.\\nThe Masonian controversy lay so directly in the way, that it could not be\\navoided. The rancor shewn on both sides in the early stages of it, has now\\nsubsided. The present settlement is so materially connected with the gener-\\nal peace and welfare of the people, that no wise man or friend to the coun-\\ntry, can, at this day wish to overthrow it.\\nMr. HcTBBARD, Dr. Mathf.r and Mr. Peniiallow, have published narra-\\ntives of the several Indian wars. These have bee^i comi ared with the pub-\\nlic records, with ancient manuscripts, with Charlevoix s history of New-\\nFrance, and with tlie verbal traditions of the immediate sufferers or their de-\\nscendants. The particular incidents of these wars, may be tedious to stran-\\ngers, but will be read with avidity by the posterity of those, whose misfor-\\ntunes and bravery were so conspicuous. As the character of a people must\\nbe collected from such a minute series, it would have been improper to have\\nbeen less particular.\\nThe writer has had it in view not barely to relate facts, but to delineate the\\ncharacters, tlie passions, the interests and tempers of the persons who are the\\nsubjects of his narration, and to describe the most striking features of the\\ntimes in which they lived. How far he has succeeded, or wherein he is de-\\nfective, must be left, to the judgment of crery candid render, to which this\\nwork is most respectfully submitted.\\nDover, June 1, 1784.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0016.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nTO THE SECOND VOLUME.\\nWhen the first volume was printed, I had not seen the Political Annals\\nof the American Colonies, published in 1780, by George Chalmers, Esq.\\nThis gentleman, being in England, was favored with some advantages, of\\nwhich I was destitute having access to the books and papers of the Lords of\\nTrade and Plantations, from the first establishment of that Board. He seems\\nto possess the diligence and patience which are necessary in a historian but\\neither through inadvertence or want of candor, has made some misrepresen-\\ntations respecting New-Hampshire, on which I shall take the liberty to re-\\nmark.*\\nIn page 491, speaking of the first Council, of which President Cutt was\\nat the head, he says, they refused to lake the accustomed oaths, as the Eng-\\nlish law required, because liberty of conscience was allowed them. In the\\nfirst volume of my history, page 01, I have said, tliey published the com-\\nmission and took the oaths for which I cited the Council records and on\\nrecurring to them, I find the following entry, in the hand writing of Ellas\\nStileman, Secretary.\\nJanuary 21,1679\u00e2\u0080\u009480.\\nHis Majesty s Commissioners, nomynated in said commission, tooke theii\\nrespective oathes, as menconed in said commission.\\nThat the oaths were really taken, is a fact beyond all dispute but if there\\nis any ground for what Mr. Chalmers is pleased to call a refusal, it must have\\nbeen respecting the form of swearing which was usuall} done here by lift-\\ning the hand, and not by laying it on the bible, as was the form in England.\\nWas it a forced construction of the clause respecting liberty of conscience,\\nto suppose, that this indulgence was granted to them What other use\\ncould they have made of this liberty, than to act according to the dictates of\\ntheir consciences Is it then consistent with candor, to publish an asser-\\ntion, so worded as to adnait the idea, that these gentlemen refused to obey an\\n[It appears from the History of the Rise and Progress of the United\\nStates of North America, till the British Revolution in 1088, by James Gra-\\nham, Esq., that Mr. Chalmers connnenced his acquaintance with colonial\\nhistory in this country. Prior to the American revolution, he emigrated to\\nthe American colonies, and settled as a lawyer at Baltimore, but adliering to\\nthe royal cause, he returned to England, and was rewarded by an appomt-\\nment from the Board of Trade. The North American Review, No. LXX.\\n(January, 1831.) p. 170, has pronounced a severe, but probably just sentence\\npp the character of the work above mentioned.]\\n2", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0017.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "X PREFACE.\\nessential part of the duly prescribed by the commission, which they under-\\ntook to execute Or is it consistent with the character which lie gives of\\ntlie Prt sident, Cutt, p. 4!)i2, tiiat lie was allowed to have been an honest\\nman and a loyal s\\\\ibject The commission required them to take tlie oaths\\nof allegiance and supremacy, and an oath of ofiice, wliich last is recited in\\nthe commission but not a word is said of the mode and form, in which the\\noaths should be taken neither was it said that they sliould be taken as the\\nEnglish law required. They were therefore lelt at their liberty, to take\\nthem in any form which was agreeable to their conscience, or their former\\nusage.\\nIn the same page (401) he sa^ s An Assembly was soon called, which, by\\nmeans of the usual intrigues, was composed of persons, extremely favorable\\nto the projects of those who now engrossed power. And in a note (patre\\n507) the Council transmitted to the towns, a list of those who should be al-\\nlowed to vote.\\nWith what propriety can it be said that these gentlemen engrossed power,\\nwhen they were commissioned by the king; audit is acknowledged, that not\\nonly their appointment, but their entering on office, w\u00c2\u00a3is contrary to their\\ninclinations\\nThat the persons chosen into the Assembly should be favorable to the\\nsentiments of the Council, or of the wise men of Boston, was not the result\\nof any intrigues but because the majority of the people were of the same\\nmind. As to sending a list of those who should be allowed to vote the\\ntrue state of the matter was this. The commission prf vided for the calling of\\nan Assembly, within three months after the Council sliould be sworn, by sum-\\nmons under seal, using and observing therein such rules and methods, as to\\nthe persons who are to choose the deputies, and tiie time and place of meet-\\ning, as they (the Council) shall judge most convenient. The mode which\\nthey judged most convenient was, to order the select men of the four towns,\\nto take a list of the names and estates of their respective inhabitants, accord-\\ning to their usual manner of making taxes, and send it to the Council. The\\nCouncil then issued an oi der, appointing the persons therein named, to meet in\\ntheir resjiective towns, and elect by a major vote, three persons from each, to\\nrepresent them in a general Assembly, on the IGth of March and in the\\norder, there is this proviso, Provided that wee do not intend that what is\\nnow df^ne be presidential for the future, and that it shall extend noe farther,\\nthan to the calling this first assembly.\\nNow ar the rules and methods of calling an assembly, and the persons who\\nwere to choose deputies, were left to the discretion of the Council what\\nmflre proper method could they have taken, than to call for a list of the in-\\nhabitants and their estates, and by tliat means to determine, who were quali-\\nfied in point of property and habitaucy to be electors And as the numbers\\nwere few, and the persons well known, was it not as proper to name thein at\\nonce, in the writs, ar, to establish qualifications, and appoint other persons to\\njudge of those qualifications especially when there was no law in force by\\nwhich they could be judged It is observable that each voter was ordered to take\\nthe oath of allegiance, if he had not taken it before and in the list of names\\nin the book, a mark is set against several persons, who did not take the oath\\nand another against those who did not appear at the election. Has this the\\nappearance of intrigue\\nin page 492, he says, they were extremely slow in conforming to present\\nrequisitions, and passed no laws during the first session. Having again\\nconsulted the records, I find in the Journal of the Council this entry, At a\\ngeneral Assembly held in Portsmouth, the l(Jth of March, IG79 bO. Fres-\\nent, c. Sundry laws and ordinances made at this session are in anotlier\\nbooke, for that purpose.\\nIn that other book, a body of laws is recorded, in the sanie hand writing,\\nviz. of Stileman the Secretary, which bears the following title The general\\nlaws and liberties of the Province of New-Hampshire, made by the general\\nAssembly in Portsmouth, the IGth day of March, 1679 80, and approved by\\nthe President and Council.\\nIt appears from the books, that this Assembly held four sessions within the\\nyear, viz. on the 16th of March, the 7th of June, the 19th of October, and the\\n7th of December. Ae there is not a particular date to each law, but the whole", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0018.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "PREFACE. xi\\ncode bears the date of the first session in March it may fairly be inferred,\\nthat the business was begun in tiie first session, and continued througfh tlie\\nother tliree and when completed, was immediate!) sent to England for Mr.\\nChahners himself tells us, that the laws which they transmitted, in conlbrm-\\nity to their Constitution, had not the good fortune to please, and were disap-\\nproved of, by the Lords of the Committee of Plantations, m December, 1061.\\nFrom this statement it may be concluded, that they were not slower in es-\\nsaying their legislative talents, than the necessity of proceeding with due\\ndeliberation required and that there was no just cause for the reproach\\nwhich he has cast upon them.\\nIn page 494, he gives this account of the character of the people of New-\\nHampshire. When Crakfif.ld arrived, he found the Province containing\\nfour thousand inhabitants, extremely poor from the devastation of the Indian\\nwar. But when he spoke contemptuously of the country which he had been\\nsent lo rule, he seems not to have reflected, that all colonies had once known\\nthe like pnucity of numbers, the same weakness, and the same poverty\\nanimated only by a dissimilar spirit from that of New-Hampshire, which\\nnow disdained that indrprndence on her neighbors, that other provinces had\\ncontended for with enthusiasm. And other plantations, actuated by very\\ndifferent maxims, had not complained, even in their weakest days, of their\\ninabilitv to defend their frontiers, against the attacks of a foe, that has never\\nproved dangerous, except to the effeminate, the factious, or the cvirtirdlij.\\nWhen New-Plymouth consisted only of two hundred persons, of all ages\\nand sexes, it repulsed its enemies and secured its borders, with a gallantry\\nworthy of its parent country because it stood alone, in the desert, without\\nhope of aid.\\nThat the people of New-Hampshire ever deserved the character of effem-\\ninate or eujvurdhj, can by no means be admitted. Innumerable facts evince the\\ncontrary beyond a doubt. Had this author ever resided among them, espe-\\ncially in time of war, he would have thought quite otherwise of them. That\\nthe native savages have never proved dangerous foe, to any but the effem-\\ninate, the factious and the cowardly, is an assertion totally unfounded.\\nTheir manner of attacking was always b} surprise, and the bravest and best\\nmen may sometimes be deficient in vigilance, where no suspicion of danger\\nexists.\\nIf the people of New-Hampshire disdained independence, let it be con-\\nsidered, that they had been, for about 40 years, connected with Massachusetts,\\nto their mutual satisfaction and the proposed independence which ha means\\nwas but anotlier name for subjection to a landlord. Wiien independence, in\\nits genuine meaning, became necessary, in 1776, they freely joined with their\\nbrethren in asserting it, and in bravely defending it.\\nWithout any disparagement to the first settlers of Plymouth, who, from the\\nyear 1G43, were protected by a confederacy of the- four New-England colo-\\nnies, it may with truth be said, that the people of New-Hampshii-e were nev-\\ner behind them, in vigorous exertions for tlieir own defence, wlien they were\\nconducted by officers in whom they could place confidence but in Cranfield s\\ntime, there was no war with the Indians though he attempted to frighten\\nthem into an apprehension of danger, from the Indians, to serve his own pur-\\nposes.\\nThe account which Mr. Chalmers gives of Cranfield s administration differs\\nnot very materially from mine, except in one instance.\\nHe represents the ministers as very attentive to him, because they deem-\\ned him gained over to the Independents. I have met with no evidence of\\nthis the deception, if any, must have been very short lived.\\nMr. Chalmers sa^ s nothing of the prosecution of Moodey, and of Cran-\\nfield s endeavors to ruin him, for his non-conformity to the Church of Eng-\\nland but tells us that he deemed it unsafe, to remain any longer among the\\nministers, who ruled an enthusiastic people, with the same sway as did the\\npopish clergy during the darkest ages and that in his letters to England,\\nhe gave warning that while the clergy were allowed to preach, no true alle-\\ngi.ance would be found in those parts. This ma} be considered as a corrob-\\norating evidence of his bigotry and intolerance. Truth obliges me to add,\\nthat his opponents were not deficient in those unhappy qualities, which were\\ntoo much in fashion among all parties in that age.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0019.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "xii PREFACE.\\nMr. Chalmers concludes his account of New-Hampshire in these words\\nBeing excluded from the charter granted to Massachusetts, it has continued\\nto the present time, a different, thougli uicunsid crahl e settiement ||irregular\\nand factious in its economy, affording no precedents that may be of exem-\\nplary use to otiier colonies. What justice there is in this remark, the\\nreader will be able to determine, from the following portion of its history,\\nwhich, after much unavoidable delay, is now submitted to his perusal.\\nBoston, August 1, 1791.\\n[The words between parallels appear to be quoted by Chalmers. After\\nirregular, the words, as we are assured, occur in Chalmers, but are\\nomitted by Dr. Belknap.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0020.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nChapter I.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Discovery of the country. Establishment of the council\\nof Plymouth. Their grants to Mason and others. Beginning of the\\nsettlements at Portsmouth and Dover. Wheelwright s Indian purchase.\\nNeal s adventures. Discouragements. Dissolution of the council.\\nMason s death. Causes of the failure of his enterprise. Page 1\\nCHAPTER II.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Troubles at Dover. Settlements of Exeter and Hampton.\\nStory of Undf rhill. Desertion of {Mason s tenants. Combinations at\\nPortsmouth and Dover. Union of New-Hampshire with Massachu-\\nsetts. 17\\nCHAPTER ill. Observations on the principles and conduct of the first\\nplanters of New-England. Cause of their removal. Their religious\\nsentiments. Fortitude. Care of their posterity. Justice. Laws.\\nPrinciples of government. Theocratic prejudices. Intolerance and per-\\nsecutions. 34\\nCHAPTER IV. Mode of government under Massachusetts. Mason s ef-\\nforts to recover the property of his ancestors. Transactions of the king s\\ncommissioners. Opposition to them. Internal transactions. Mason\\ndiscouraged. 53\\nCHAPTER V. Remarks on the temper and manners of the Indians. The\\nfirst general war with them, called Philip s war. 65\\nCHAPTER VI. Masons renewed efforts. Randolph s mission and trans-\\nactions. Attempts for the trial of Masons title. New-Hampshire sep-\\narated from Massachusetts and made a royal province. Abstract of the\\ncommission. Remarks on it. 85\\nCHAPTER VII. The administration of the first council. Mason s arrival;\\nOpposition to him. His departure. State of trade and navigation. 90\\nCHAPTER Vin.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The administration of Cranfield. Violent measures.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nInsurrections. Mason s suits. Prosecution of Moodey and Vaughan.\\nArbitrary measures. Complaints. Tumults. Weare s agency in Eng-\\nland. Cranfield s removal. Barefoote s administration. 96\\nCHAPTER IX. Administration of Dudley as president, and Andros as\\ngovernor of New-England. Mason s further attempts. His disappoint-\\nment and death. Revolution. Sale to Allen. His commission for the\\ngovernment. 117\\nCHAPTER X. The war with the French and Indians, commonly called\\nKing William s war. 124", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0021.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "xiv CONTENTS.\\nCHAPTER XI. The rivil affairs of the province during the administra-\\ntions of tJsiier, Partridge, Allen, the Earl of Bellomont and Dudley,\\ncomprehending the whule controversy with Allen and his heirs. 148\\nCHAPTER XH. The war with the French and Indians, called Queen\\nAnne s war. Conclusion of Dudley s and Usher s administration. 166\\nCHAPTER Xlll. The administration of Governor Shute, and his lieuten-\\nants, Vaughan and Wentworth. 184\\nCHAPTER XIV. The fourth Indian war, commonly called the three years\\nwar, or Lovewell s war. 197\\nCHAPTER XV. Wentworth s administration continued. Burnefs short\\nadministration. Belcher succeeds him. Wentworth s death and char-\\nacter. 2J8\\nCHAPTER XVI. Dunbar s lieutenancy and enmity to Belcher. Efforts\\nto settle the boundary lines. Divisions. Riot. Trade. Episcopal\\nChurch. Throat distemper. 226\\nCHAPTER XVII. State of parties. Controver.sy about lines. Commis-\\nsioner s appointed. Their session and result. Appeals. Complaints. 237\\nCHAPTER XVni. Revival of Mason s claim. Accusations against Bel-\\ncher, real and forged. Royal censure. Final establishment of the lines.\\nSpanish war. Belcher s zeal and fidelity. His removal. Examination\\nof his character. 251\\nCHAPTER XIX. The beginning of Benning Wentworth s administration.\\nWar opened in Nova-Scotia. Expedition to Cape-Breton its plan, con-\\nduct and success, with a description of the island, and the city of Louis-\\nburg. 2G2\\nCHAPTER XX.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Projected expedition to Canada. Alarm of the French\\nfleet. State of the frontiers. Peace. 281\\nCHAPTER XXI. Purchase of Mason s claim. Controversy about repre-\\nsentation. Plan of extending the settlements. Jealousy and resentment\\nof the savages. 2y6\\nCHAPTER XXTl. The last French and Indian war, which terminated in\\nthe conquest of Canada. Controversy concerning the lands westward\\nof Connecticut river. 308\\nCHAPTER XXIII. Beginning of the controversy with Great Britain.\\nStamp act. Resignation of Benning Wentworth. 326\\nCHAPTER XXIV.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Administration of John Wentworth the second. New\\nattempt to force a revenue from America. Establishment of Dartmouth\\ncollege. Division of the province into counties. Deatii of Benning\\nWentworth. Complaint of Peter Livius against the governor. Its issue.\\nProgress of the controversy with Great Britain. War. Dissolution of\\nBritish government in New-Hampshire. 339\\nCHAPTER XXV.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 War with Britain. Change of* government. Tempo-\\nrary constitution. Independence. Military exertions. Stark s expe-\\ndition. Employment of troops during the war. 358\\nCHAPTER XXVI. Paper money. Confiscations. State constitution.\\nControversy witli Vermont. 378", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0022.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nXV\\nCHAPTER XXVI I. Popular discontent. Efforts for paper currency.\\nTender acts. Insurrection. Dignity and lenity of government. Fed^\\nera] constitution. \u00c2\u00ab^9o\\nAPPENDIX.\\nLIST OF PAPERS IN THE APPENDIX.\\nNote. Those papers to which a star is prefixed were not published in the\\nformer editions.\\nJVo. Titles.\\n1. Copy of a deed from four Indian sagamores to\\nRev. John Wheelwright and otliers,\\n2. Letter from Thomas Eyre to Ambrose Gibbins,\\n3. Letter from the company of Laconiato Gibbins,\\n4. Letter from Gibbins to the company,\\n5. Letter from the same to the same,\\n6. Letter from Neal and Wiggin to the company, re-\\nlating to the division of lands at Pascataqua,\\n7. Letter from SirFerdinando Gorges and Capt. John\\nMason to Waniertou and Gibbins,\\n8. Letter from Mason to Gibbins,\\n9. Letter in answer to the foregoing,\\n10. Letter from George Vaughan to Gibbins,\\n11. Letter from the same to the same,\\n12. ^Combination for government at Exeter, with\\nforms of oaths for rulers and people,\\n13. ^Combination for government at Dover,\\n14. ^Petition of the inhabitants of Portsmouth,\\n15. *Declaration of John Allen, Nicholas Shapleigh and\\nThomas Lake,\\n16. Report of a conmiittee of reference on the petition\\nof Robert Mason, Edward Godfrey and others,\\nto the king,\\n17. *Commission granted by the general court of Mas-\\nsachusetts, for settling disturbances occasioned\\nby king s commissioners,\\n18. *Address of the town of Dover to the general court\\nof Massachusetts,\\n19. *Address from Portsmouth to the same,\\n20. *Rev. Samuel Dudley s certificate,\\n21. Address of the town of Portsmouth relating to\\nHarvard college,\\n22. Petition of Robert Mason to the king,\\n23. Answer of Massachusetts to Mason and Gorges\\ncomplaint,\\n24. Report of the lords chief justices, and the king s\\nconfirmation thereof,\\n25. Extract from that part of President Cutt s com-\\nmission, in which the claim of Mason is recited,\\n2G, *General laws and liberties of the province,\\n27. Addiessofthe general court of New-Hampshire\\nto the king,\\n28. Address from the same to the same,\\n29. Robert Mason s mandamus as counsellor,\\n30. *The order of the council and general assembly for\\na tax,\\n31. Answer to the claim of Mason,\\n32. Elias Stileman s answer to Mason s claim,\\n33. *Letter from Edward Randolph to the lords of trade\\nand plantations,\\nDates.\\nPaere.\\n17 May,\\n1629.\\n422\\nMay,\\n1G31.\\n422\\n5 Dec.\\n1632.\\n423\\n24 June,\\n1633.\\n424\\n13 July,\\n1633.\\n425\\n13 Aug.\\n1633.\\n426\\n5 May,\\n1634.\\n428\\n5 May,\\n1634.\\n428\\n6 Aug.\\n1634.\\n429\\n20 Aug.\\n1634.\\n431\\n10 April,\\n1636.\\n431\\n4 Oct.\\n1G39.\\n439\\n22 Oct.\\n1640.\\n433\\nMay,\\n1653.\\n433\\nNov. 1654. 435\\n1661.\\n43G\\n1665.\\n437\\n10 Oct.\\n9 Oct.\\n10 Oct.\\n1665.\\n1665.\\n1665.\\n438\\n439\\n439\\n1669.\\n1675.\\n439\\n440\\n1676.\\n444\\n1677.\\n449\\n1679.\\n1680.\\n459\\n453\\n29 Mar.\\n11 June,\\n30 Dec.\\n1680.\\n1680.\\n1680.\\n455\\n456\\n457\\nMar.\\n1681.\\n1682.\\n1682.\\n458\\n459\\n461\\nJ683.\\n463", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0023.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "XVI\\nCONTENTS.\\n34. Letter from Edward Gove to the court of sessions, Jan. 1683. 467\\n35. Cranfields order for tlie administration of the sa-\\ncrament accoidin;f to tl\u00c2\u00bbe liturgy, 10 Dec. 1683. 4C7\\n36. Information against Joshua Moodey, 16fS3. 467\\n37. Second information against the same, 6 Feb. 16H4. 468\\n38. Warrant and mittimus against the same, 6 Feb. 1684. 461)\\n39. Cranfield s order ibr raising money without an\\nassembly, 14 Feb. 1684. 469\\n40. Letter from tlio council to Governor Dungan, of\\nNew-York, 21 Mar. 1684. 470\\n41. Address and petition of the inhabitants of Exeter,\\nHampton, Portsmouth and Dover against Cran-\\nfield, 1684. 471\\n42. The deposition of Peter Coffin, relating to Cran-\\nfields conduct towards Vaughan, 6 Feb. 1684. 474\\n43. The warrant and mittimus to commit Vaughan to\\nprison, 6 Feb. 1684. 475\\n44. Vaughan s letter and journal in prison, Feb. 1684. 476\\n45. Letter from Cranfield and his council to the lords\\nof trade, 23 May, 1684. 487\\n46. Letter from Cranfield to Sir Leoline Jenkins, 23 May, 1684. 488\\n47. Nath l Weare s first complaint against Cranfield, 1684. 488\\n48. Reference of the same to the lords of trade, 11 July, 1684. 490\\n49. Letter from the lords of trade to Cranfield, 23 July, 1684. 491\\n50. *A brief of the affidavits, objections and replies in\\nthe case of Weare against Cranfield, before the\\nlords of trade and plantations, 10 Mar. 1685. 492\\n51. *A brief of Cranfield s commission, and of the evi-\\ndence in support of the complaintand againstit, 1685. 496\\n52. Report of the lords of trade against Cranfield, and\\nthe king s order, 8 April, 1685. 502\\n53. *King s order for hearing Vaughan s appeal, 29 April, 1685. 503\\n54. Letter of lords of trade to Cranfield, 29 April, 1685. 503\\n55. Letter from tlie same to the same respecting\\nVaughan s appeal, 22 May, 1685. 505\\n56. Petition of the inhabitants against Mason, 1685. 505\\n57. Decision of King James IL against Vaughan, 19 Nov. 1686. 507\\n58. Four letters from Ilogkins, sachem at f enacook,\\nto the governor, 15 and 16 May, 1685. 508\\n59. Capt. Francis Hooke s letter, advising of danger\\nfrom the Indians, ]3 Aug. 1685. 509\\n60. Report of pei-sons sent to inquire into the above, (No date.) 510\\n61. Articles of peace with the Indians, inhabiting New-\\nHampshire and Maine, 8 Sept. 1685. 510\\ni)2. Petition of William Ilouchins, for aid to obtain a\\ncure of the king s evil, 7 Sept. 1687. 511\\nj63. Letter from Secretary Addington to Major Waldron,\\nwarning him of danger from the Indians, 27 June, 1689. 513", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0024.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "HISTORY\\nOF\\nNE^IV-HAMP8HIRE.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nDiscovery oftlio country. Establishment of the Council of Plymouth. Tlieir\\ngrants to Mason and others. Beoinning of the setllemenl.-i at Portsmouth\\nand Dover. Wheelwright s Indian purcliase. Noal s adventures. Dis-\\ncouragements. Dissolution of the Council. Mason s death. Causes of\\nthe failure of his enterprise.\\nIt is happy for America that its discovery and settlement by\\nthe Europeans happened at a time, when they were emerging\\nfrom a long period of ignorance and darkness. The discovery\\nof the magnetic needle, the invenlion of printing, the revival of\\nliterature and the reformation of religion, had caused a vast alter-\\nation in their views, and taught them the true use of their rational\\nand activ C powers. To this concurrence of favorable causes, wc\\nare indebted for the precision with which wc are able to fix the\\nbeginning of this great American empire an advantage of which\\n(he historians of other countries almost universally are deslilntc\\ntheir first eras being either disguised by fiction and romance, or\\ninvolved in impenetrable obscurity.\\nMankind do not easily relinquish ancient and established preju-\\ndices or adopt new systems of conduct, vvithout some poweriul\\nattractive. The prospect of immense wealth, from the mines of\\nMexico and Peru, fired the Spaniards to a rapid conquest of those\\nregions and the destruction of their numerous inhabitants but\\nthe northern continent, presenting no such glittering charms, was\\nneglected by the European princes for more than a century after\\nits discovery.^ No effectual care was taken to seciu-e to them-\\nselves the possession of so extensive a territory, or the advantage\\nof a friendly traffic with its natives, or of the fishery on its coasts\\ntill private adventurers at a vast expense, with infinite hazard and\\npersevering zeal, established settlements for themselves, and there-\\nby enlarged die dominions of their sovereigns.\\n(1) Prince s Annals.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0025.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "2 HISTORY OF NKW-HAMPSHIRE. [ICH-\\nOf the voyngers who visited the northern coast of America,\\nfor the sake of its fins and fish, one of the most remarkahle was\\nCaptain John Smith, who ranged the shore from Penohscot to\\nCape Cod, and, in this route, chscovered the river Pascataqua\\nwhich he found to he a safe harhor, with a rocky shore. He re-\\nturned to England in one of his ships, and there puhlished a de-\\nscription of tlie country, with a map of the sea-coast, which he\\npresented to Prince Charles, who gave it the name of New-\\nEngland. The other ship, he left behind under the care of\\nThomas Hunt, who decoyed about twenty of the natives on board\\nand sold them for slaves at Malaga. This perfidious action ex-\\ncited a violent jealousy in the natives, and bitterly enraged them\\nagainst succeeding adventurers. Two of those savages having\\nfound their way back as fiir as Newfoundland, then under the\\ngovernment of Captain John IMason, were restored to their native\\ncountry by his friendly interposition, and reported the strong dis-\\napprobation, which the English in general entertained of the mis-\\nchievous plot, by which they had been carried off. By this means^\\ntogether with the prudent endeavors of Captain Thomas Dermer,*\\nand afterward of the Plymouth settlers, tranquillity was re-estab-\\nlished between the Indians and the adventurers, which was toler-\\nably preserved for many years.- However fond we may have\\nbeen of accusing the Indians of treachery and infidelity, it must\\nbe confessed that the example was first set them by the Europe-\\nans. Had we always treated them with that justice and liumani-\\nty which our religion inculcates, and our true interest at all times\\nrequired, we might have lived in as much harmony with them, as\\nwith any other people on the globe.\\nThe importance of the country now began to appear greater\\nthan before, and some measures were taken to promote its settle-\\nment. A patent had been granted by King James in 1606, lim-\\niting tiie dominion of Virginia, from the thirty-fourtli, to the forty-\\nfourth degree of northern latitude which extent of territory had\\nbeen divided into two parts, called North and South Virginia,\\nThe latter was assigned to certain noblemen, knights and gentle-\\nmen of London the former to others in Bristol, Exeter and\\nPlymouth. Those wlio were interested in the northern colo-\\nny, finding that the patent did not secure them from the intrusions\\nof others, petitioned for an enlargement and confirmation of their\\nprivileges. After some time, the king, by his sole authority, con-\\n(1) Smith s Voyage. (2) Hubbard s printedNarrative of the troubles with\\nthe [Eastorn] Indians, p. U, 7. Gorges Narrative.\\n[This industrious and prudent gentleman haviut;; spent almost two years\\nin searching the coast between New-England and Virginia, the fruit of whoso\\nlabor.-i and hazards many others afterwards reaped, was at the last, on his re-\\nturn to ir(rinia, set upon by some malicious savages in some parts beyond\\nCape Cod, from whom he received fourteen or fifteen wounds, vipon which oc-\\ncasion, retiring to Virginia, he tliere ended his day?, about {lie year 1(121.\\nHubbard, Hist. New-England, 40.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0026.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "1620.] GRANTS AiND SETTLEMENTS. 3\\nstituted a council, consisting of forty noblemen, knia;l)ts and gen-\\ntlemen,* by the name of The council established at Plymouth,\\nin the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling and governing\\n**of New-England, in America. They were a corporation\\nwith perpetual succession, by election of the majority and their\\nterritories extended from the fortieth tothe forty-eighth degree of\\nnorthern latitude. This patent, or charter, is the foundation of\\nall the grants that were made of the country of New-England.\\nBut either from the jarring interests of the members, or their in-\\ndistinct knowledge of the country, or their inattention to business,\\nor some other cause which does not fully appear, their aflliirs were\\ntransacted in a confused manner from the beginning and the\\ngrants which they made were so inaccurately described, and in-\\nterfered so much with each other, as to occasion difficulties and\\ncontroversies, some of which are not yet ended.\\nTwo of the most active members of this council were Sir Fer-\\nlinando Gorges and Captain John Mason. Gorges had been an\\nofficer in the navy of Queen Elizabeth, intimately connected with\\nSir Walter Raleigh, of whose adventurous spirit he had a large\\nshare.~ After the peace which King James made in 1604, he\\nwas appointed governor of the fort and island of Plymouth in De-\\nvonshire. Whilst he resided there, Captain Weymouth, who had\\nbeen employed by Lord Arundel in search of a northwest passage,\\nbut had fallen short of his course and put in at Pemaquid, brought\\nfrom dience into the harbor of Plymouth, five natives of America,\\nthree of whom were eagerly seized by Gorges, and retained in\\nhis service for three years. Finding them of a tractable and com-\\nmunicative disposition, and having won their affecUons by gentle\\ntreatment, he learned from them many particulars concerning their\\n(1) Ms. copy in Superior Court files. [Hubbard, Hist. New-Eno-land, 80,\\n217. Hazard, Coll. i. 103\u00e2\u0080\u0094118. Trumbull, Hist. Connecticut \u00c2\u00b0Aupx.l\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n(2) Hume. n J\\n[Lodovvick] Duke of Leno.x Sir John Brookes,\\n[George] Marquis of Buckingham, Sir Tliomas Gates,\\n[James] Marquis of Hamilton, Sir Richard Hawkins,\\n[WiUiam] Earl of Pembroke, Sir Richard Edgecombe,\\n[Thomas] Earl of Arundel, Sir Allen Apsley.\\n[William] Earl of Batli, Sir Warwick Heale,\\n[Henry] Earl of Southampton, Sir Richard Catchmay,\\n[William] Earl of Salisbury, Sir John Bourchier,\\n[Robert] Earl of Warwick, Sir Nathaniel Rich,\\n[John] Viscount Haddington, Sir Edward Giles,\\n[Edward] Lord Zouclie, Sir Giles Mompesson,\\n[Edmund] Lord Sheffield, Sir Thomas Wroth. Knights,\\n[Edward] Lord Gorges, Matthew Sutcliffe, [dean of Exeter]\\nSir Edward Seymour, Robert Ileatli. [recorder of London]\\nSir Robert Mansell, Henry Bourchier,\\nSir Edward Zouche, John Drake,\\nSir Dudley Digges, Rawley Gilbert,\\nSir Thomas Roe, Cieorge Chudley,\\nSir Ferdinando Gorges, Thomas Haymon,\\nSir Francis Popham, John Argall, Esquires.\\n[There is a copy of this Patent entire in Hazard s Collections, i. 103\u00e2\u0080\u0094118]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0027.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "4 JIISTORY OF NEW-IIAMrSlllRE. [1G20.\\ncoiinlry, its rivers, harbors, islands, fisheries and other produc-\\ntions and tlie inmihers, force, dis})osition and government ol tlie\\nnatives and iVoni this inlbrniation, he conceived sanguine hopes\\nof indulging his genius, and making his fortune, by a thorough\\ndiscovery of the country.^ For this purpose, he, in conjunc-\\ntion with others, ventured several ships, wherefore some met witli\\npeculiar misfortunes and others brought home accounts, which,\\nthough discouraging to some of his associates, made him deter-\\nmine upon farther attempts,vvlicrein his resolution and perseverance\\nwere more conspicuous than any solid gain. These transactions\\nwere previous to the establishment of the council in soliciting\\nwhich, Gorges was so extremely active, that he was appointed\\ntheir president, and had a principal share in all their transactions.\\nMason was a merchant of London, but became a sea-officer, and,\\nafter the peace, governor of Newfoundland, where he acquired a\\nknowledge of America, which led him, on his return to England,\\ninto a close attachment to those who were engaged in its discove-\\nry and upon some vacancy in the council, he was elected a mem-\\nber and became their secretary; being also governor of\\nPortsmouth in Hampshire. He procured a grant froin the\\ncouncil, of all the land from the river of Naumkeag, now Salem,\\nround Cape Anne, to the river IMerrimack and up each of those\\nrivers to the farthest head thereof; then to cross over from the head\\nof the one to tlie head of the other with all the islands lying w ith-\\nin three miles of the coast. This district was called Mariana.\\nThe next year, another grant was made to Gorges and IMason\\njointly, of all the lands between the rivers Merrimack and Saga-\\ndehock, extending back to the great lakes and river of Canada,\\nand this w-as called Laconia.\\nUnder the audiority of this grant. Gorges and Mason, in con-\\njunction with several merchants of London, Bristol, Exeter, Ply-\\nmouth, Shrewsbury and Dorchester, who styled themselves the\\ncompany of Laconia, attempted the establishment of a colony\\nand fishery at the river Pascataqua and in the spring of the\\nfollowing year, sent over David Thompson, a Scotchman,\\nEdward and William Hilton, fishmongers of London,wilh a number\\nof other people, in two divisions, furnished with all necessaries to\\ncarry on their design. One of these companies landed on the\\nsouthern shore of the river, at its mouth, and called the place\\nLittle-Harbor. Here, they erected salt-works, and built an house\\nwhich was afterwards called Mason-Hall but the Hiltons set\\n(1) Gorgps Narrative.\\n[The site of tliis lifinse was on a iicnhisula, or point of land, now called\\nOcliorne s point, which is formed hy J.iltle-Ilarbor on tlie northeast, and a creek\\non the south, with a large tract ofsalt niarsli on the west. This place was se-\\nlected with rrent JMd;vment. The peninsula contain.s ahout five hundred acres\\nof laud, on uliich is a comin;indino; eininence where are evident remains of\\nan ancient fort, and situated so as to be a complete defence .against the incur-\\nsions of a la. x^e enemy. The house was erected a few rods to the northward", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0028.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "1623.1 GRANTS AND SETTLEMENTS. 6\\nup their stages eiglit miles further up ihc river, towart! ihe north-\\nwest, on a neck of land which the Indians called ^Vinniclla]lannal,\\nbut they named Northani, and afterward Dover. Thompson\\nnot being pleased with his situation, removed the next spring to\\nan island in the bay of xMassachiisetts this the General Court\\nafterward confirmed to him, and it still bears his name.\\nThese settlements went on but slowly for several years, but the\\nnatives being peaceable anti several other small beginnings being\\nmade along tlie coast as far as Plymouth, a neighhorly intercourse\\nwas kept up among them, each iollowing their respective employ-\\nments of fishing, trading and planting, till the disorderly behaviour\\nof one Morton, at Mount WolJastcn in the bay of JMassachu-\\nsetts, caused an alarm among the scattered settlements as\\nfar as Pascataqua. This man had, in defiance of the king s procla-\\nmation, made a practice of selling arms and ammunition to liie In-\\ndians, whom he employed in hunting and fowling for him so that\\nthe English, seeing the Indians armed in the woods, began to be in\\nterror. They also apprehended danger of another kind for\\nMorton s plantation was a receptacle for discontented servants,\\nwhose desertion weakened the settlements, and who, being there\\nwithout law, were more formidable than the savages themselves.\\nThe principal persons of Pascataqua therefore readily united with\\ntheir neighbors, in making application to the colony of Plymouth,\\nwhich was of more force than all the rest, to put a stop to this\\ngrowing mischief; which they happily elTected by seizing Mor-\\nton and sending him prisoner to England. f\\n(1) Hubbard, MS. [p. 214 of the printed copy.] 2) Trince s Annals.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n(3) Princes Annals.\\nof the fort. The present possessors of tlie land point out the spot where it\\nstood. They think they have discovered tiie foundation nf the chimney and\\nthe cellar walls. These were standiujj when Mr. Hubbard wrote in Kv ^O.\\nThree or four thousand acres of land were annexed to this building, with an\\nintention of forming a manor there, according to the English custom. Ad-\\nams, Annals of Portsmouth, 10, 11.]\\n[It appears from Bradford, in Prince, i. Kit, that Thompson was living at\\nPascataquack in 1()2G, and probably .about that time, and not as in the text, in\\n1624, removed to the Massachusetts Ba} and took possession of a very fruit-\\nful island and a very desirable neck of land, which is afterwards confirmed to\\nhim by the General Court of the Massachusetts Colony.\\nt [The a])portionment of the cliarges of this united eifort of the earliest\\nplantations to check the progress of Morton, as given by Governor Bradford\\nin 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. See. iii. 03, may serve to show their relative importance\\nat this time.\\nPlimouth, \u00c2\u00a32 10 Natascot, \u00c2\u00a31 10\\nNaumkeak, 1 10 Thomson, 15\\nPascataquack, 2 10 Blackston, 12\\nJeffrey and Burslem, 2 00 Edward Hilton, 100\\nTotal, \u00c2\u00a312 7\\nThis assessment alone enables us to correct the error in Dr. Holmes, (An-\\nnals of America, i. 209) wiio says, under the year ]()31, Portsmouth began\\nto be settled this year.\\nThe settlement of this place commenced in the spring of 1623 by David\\nThompson, and appears from several authorities, not to have been broken up,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0029.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "C HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1629.\\nII 1G29. Sonic of the scattered jjlantcrs in the baj of Massa-\\nchusetts, being tlesirous of making a settlement in the neighbor-\\nhood of Pascataqiia, and following the examj)le of those at Ply-\\nmouth, who had i)iirehased their lands of the Indians, which they\\nconscientiously thought necessary to give them a just title, pro-\\ncured a general meeting of Indians, at Squamscot falls, wiiere\\nthey obtained a deed iVom Passaconaway, sagamore of Penacook,\\nllunnaawitt of Pawtucket, Wahangnoaawit of Squamscot, and\\nHowls of Newichwannock whei-ein they expressed their desire\\nto have the English come and settle among them as among their\\ncountrymen in Massachusetts, whereby they hope to be strength-\\nened against their enemies the Tarrateens; and accordingly\\ntvi(h the tiniversal consent of their subjects, for what they deem-\\ncd a valuable consideration in coats, shirts and kettles, sell to\\nJohn ^Vheelwright of the Massachusetts bay, late of England,\\nminister of the gospel, Augustine Story (or Storer) Thomas\\nWight, William Wentworth, and Thomas Leavit, all that part\\nof the main land boimded by the river Pascataqua and the\\nriver Merrimack, to begin at Newichwannock falls in Pascata-\\nqua river aforesaid, and down said river to the sea; and along\\nthe sea-shore to Merrimack river and up said river to the falls\\nat Pawtucket and from thence upon a northwest line, twenty\\nEnglish miles into the woods and from thence u])on a straight\\nline northeast, till it meet with the main rivers that run down\\nto Pawtucket falls, and Newichwannock falls aforesaid the\\nsaid rivers to be the bounds from the thwart or head line to the\\naforesaid falls, and from thence the main channel of each river\\nto the sea to be the side bounds together with all the islands\\nwithin the said bounds as also the isles of shoals so called.\\nThe conditions of this grant were, that AVheelwright should\\nwithin ten years, begin a plantation at Squamscot falls that\\nother inhabitants should have the same privileges with him\\nthat no plantation should exceed ten miles square that no lands\\nalthough Tliompson liiniself removed within a few years to the Massachusetta\\ncolony. From Governor Bradford, in Prince, i. IGl, it is evident that he was\\nat Pascataquack in l(i;2G; and from tlie preceding apportionment, it appears\\nthat this place was of sullicient consequence in 1G28, to pay a sum equal to\\nthat of Plymouth. Ajrain, from Prince, i. liKi, it seems that the inhabitants on\\nPascataqua river in ]()2!), entered into a combination for the erecting a gov-\\nernment among themselves, and from Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 18,\\nthere were in 1()3], at least, 50 men employed by Mason, as stewards and ser-\\nvants, besides ten Danes, who were occupied in sawing lumber and making\\nfotash. Some persons may have doubts whether Thompson s settlement and\\nascataquack were the same, which will be removed by recurring to Edward\\nWinslow s Good. JVeicrsfrom New- En r} and which informs us that David Tom-\\nson, a Scotchman, began in the spring of Ki ii? a plantation twenty- five\\nleagues north-east from us [Plymoutii] near Smith s Isles, at a place called\\nPascataquack.\\nThe NW. line here described, will end within the township of Amherst\\nand the NE. line from thence will cross the river Merrimack about Amuskeag\\nfalls, and passing through Chester, Nottingham, Barringlon, and Rochester,\\nwill strike Newichwannock river about ten miles above the Salmon falls.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0030.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "1629.1 GRANTS AND SETTI-EMENTS. 7\\nshould be granted but in townships and that these should be\\nsubject to the government of the Massachusetts colony, until\\nthey should have a settled government among iheuiselves that\\nfor each township there slujuld be paid an annual acknowledg-\\nmentof one coatof trucking cloth/ to Pussaconaway the chief\\nsagamore, or his successors, and two bushels of Indian corn to\\nWheelwright and his heirs. The Indians reserved to them-\\nselves free liberty of fishing, fowling, hunting and planting with-\\nin these limits. The principal persons of Pascataqua and\\nthe province of Maine were witnesses to the subscribing of this\\ninstrument, and giving possession of die lands.\\n(1) MS. copy in Superior Court files.\\n[Tlie ])ortioii of the text above and on the preceding page, included witiiin\\nparallels,and those portions thus distinguished which follow, niustbe rejected,a!i\\nthey are founded upon documents which are proved to be spurious. It is much to\\nbe regretted that any part of our history has thus become vitiated, but no blamu\\ncan be imputed to the careful and laborious autiior for relying on authorities,\\nwhichwere supposed tobe genuine when he wrote ,and which were so considered\\nuntil within a few years. The Wheelwright deed of Iti Jlt was supposed to be an\\nauthentic document until June, 1^20, wlien the Hon. James Savan-e, of Boston,\\nin preparing Notes for the new edition of Governor Winthrop s Journal, or\\nHistory of New-England, published in 18 J5 and JS2t), liad his sut-picion exci-\\nted in regard to the authenticity of this instrument. A critical and laborious\\nscrutiny into all the circumstances of the case resulted in tjje conviction that\\nit was a forgery. His ingenious and elaborate argument, by wliich the forge-\\nry of the deed is indisputably proved, and which is too long to be introduced\\nhere, may be found in the Appendix to the first volume of his edition of Win-\\nthrop, 405\u00e2\u0080\u0094424.\\nIf any person should remain skeptical on the subject after reading that ar-\\ngument, let him read the testimony of Rev. Mr. Wheelwright and Edward\\nColcord, two of the original grantees, in an actual purchase of lands of the In-\\ndians, nine years posterior to the pretended one. This testimony, which re-\\nlates to the purchase made in 1G38, mentioned by Governor Winthrop, (Hist.\\nN. E. i. 2!)0) and of which the original deeds are in possession of tlie editor,\\nand have been published in the Coll. of the N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 147 149, was\\nfound among the records of the ancient county of Norfolk, kept at Salem.\\nTeslimcny cf Rer. Julia H hcchcright.\\nI John Wheelwright, pastor of the churcli of Salisbury, doe testify that\\nwhen I, with otliers, first came to sit downe at Exeter, we purchased of tlie\\nIndians, to whom (so far as we could learne) the right did belono-, a certain\\nTract of land about tliirty miles square, to run from Merrimack river. East-\\nward, and so up into the Country, of wch. lands we had a graunt in writing-\\nsigned by t]ie[m.] Joii.v Wueei-wright.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2April 15, IGGd.\\nEdicard CohoriVs Testimony.\\nMr. Edv/ard Colcord testifieth to all above written, and further saith that\\none northerly bound mentioned in our agreemt. with Wehalnionowet. the\\nchiefe Saganiore was, the westerly part of Oyster River, called by the Indians\\nShankhassick,wch. is about fours miles northerly beyound Lampereele River.\\nWe the abovesaid witnesses doe further testefy yt. tliey of the town of\\nExeter, did dispose and possesse divers parcels of land about Laniprel River\\nby virtuee of sd. Indian Right before such time as it was actually taken in by\\nthe Jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, without interruption of Dover or any\\nother.\\nTo the ahore is also added the Testimony of Rer. Samuel Dudley.\\nMr. Samuel Dudly doth testifie that he did see the agreemt. in writing\\nbetweene the towne of Exeter and the Sagamores for that land wch. is above\\nmentioned, and the said Sagamores hands to the same.\\nSworn before the Court ye. 14th 2 mo 1668.\\nTHOMAS BRADBURY, Rer.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0031.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "8 HISTORY OF NRW-ITAMPSIIIRE. [1G2D.\\nBy tliis (leodjtlio English iiihahitants with these limits obtained\\na right to the soil liom the original proprietors, more valuable in\\na moral view, than the grants of any European prince could con-\\nvey. If we smile at the arrogance of a Roman Pontiff in assum-\\ning to divide the whole new world between the Spaniards and\\nl*ortugnose, with what consistency can we admit the right of a\\nking of England, to parcel out America to his subjects, when he\\nhad neither purchased nor conquered it, nor could pretend any\\nother title, than that some of his subjects were the first Europeans\\nwho discovered it, whilst it was in possession of its native lords\\nThe only validity w^hich such grants could have In the eye of rea-\\nson was, that the grantees had from their prince a permission to\\nnegotiate with the possessors for the purchase of the soil, and\\nthereupon a power of jurisdiction subordinate to his crown.\\nThe same year. Captain Mason ))rocured a new patent, under\\nthe common seal of the council of Plymouth, for the land from\\nthe middle of Pascataqua river, and up the same to the farthest\\nJicad thereof, and from thence northwestward, until sixty miles\\nfrom the mouth of the liarbor \\\\vere finished also, through Mer-\\nrimack river, to the farthest head thereof, and so forward up into\\nthe land westward, until sixty miles were finished and from\\nthence to cross over land to the end of the sixty miles account-\\ncd from Pascataqua river; together with all islands widiin five\\nleagues of the coast. TJiis tract of land was called New-\\nHami siiikk it com])rehended the whole of Wheelwright s pur-\\nchase and unless Mason s intention was to frustrate his tide, it is\\ndifficult to assign a reason for the procurement of this patent, as\\nthe same land, with much more, had been granted to Gorges and\\nMason jointly, seven years before. If there was an agreement\\nbetween them to divide the jirovlnce of Laconia, and take out\\nnew patents from the council, in preference to the making a deed\\nof ])artition it is not easy to conceive why the western bounda-\\nry shoukl be contracted to sixty miles from the sea, when the\\nlakes and river Canada were supposed to be but ninety or an hun-\\ndred miles from Pascataqua.- If this grant was intended as\\nan e(piivalent for the patent of Marianna, which the council had\\nthe preceding year Included in their deed to the Massachusetts\\ncompany, it is impossible to account for. the extension of New-\\nHampshire to the river Merrimack, when the grant of\\nMir 1-^* ^fiissachusetts reached to three miles north of that river\\nand of every part of it.\\n(I) MS. in files of Superior Court. (2) Gorges History of America, p. 48.\\nTlie boundaries described in llie true deed, dated the tliird daj of Aprill,\\n1(\u00c2\u00bbI?H, are witliin three miles on the .\\\\ortherne side of ye river Mereinake\\ne.vtendinjr thirty miles alonir by the river from the sea siik and from the. sayd\\nriver side to I isscataqua Patents thirty miles up into the counlrey North West,\\nand soe from the flats of Piscataqua to Oyster river thirty miles square eury\\nway.\\nMr. Hubbard in his MS. history snys, it hath been afllrnied by Mr. Josse-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0032.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "1630.1 GRANTS AND SETTLEMENTS. 9\\nThe west country adventurers were not less attentive to tlieir\\ninterest for in the ibllowing spring, they obtained a patent from\\nthe council, whereby all that part of the river Pascataqua called\\nor known by the name of Hilton s Point, with the south side of\\nthe said river, up to the falls of Squamscot, and three miles into\\nthe niain land for breadth, was granted to Edward Hilton.\\nThis patent, sealed with the common seal of the council, and sub-\\nscribed by the Earl of Warwick, sets forth, that Hilton and his\\nassociates had, at their own proper cost and charges, transported\\nservants, built houses and planted corn at Hilton s Point, now Do-\\nver, and intended the further increase and advancement of the plan-\\ntation.^ William Blackstone, William Jeffries and Thomas Lewis,\\nor either of them, were impowered to give possession of the\\npremises which was done by Lewis and the livery and seiz-\\nin endorsed. Within these limits are contained the towns of Do-\\nver, Durham, and Stratham,with partof Newington and Greenland.\\nIt was commonly called Squamscot patent, but sometimes Bloody-\\npoint patent, from a quarrel between the agents of the two com-\\npanies about a point of land in the river which was convenient for\\nboth; and, there being no government then established, the con-\\ntroversy would have ended in blood, if the contending parties had\\nnot been persuaded to refer the decision of it to their employers. 2\\nThe London adventurers also thought it prudent to have some\\nsecurity for the interest which they had advanced, and according-\\nly obtained a grant from the council, of that part of the patent\\nof Laconia,on which the buildings and salt-woiks were erected,\\nsituate on both sides the harbor and river of Pascataqua to the\\nextent of five miles westward by the sea-coast, then to cross\\nover towards the other plantation in the hands of Edward Hil-\\nton. The grantees named in this patent* were, Sir Ferdi-\\n(1) MS. copy in Proprietary Office. (2) Hubbard s MS. [p. 217 of the print-\\ned copy.] (3) Hutch, vol. 1, p. 310.\\nlyn, who first came over into New-England on Capt. Mason s account, tliat\\nthere was an agreement made between Mr. Matthew Cradock (the first Gov-\\nernor of the Massachusetts company) and Captain John Mason, that the\\nbounds of the Massaclmsetts should reach to thrct miles nortlnrard of the Merri-\\nfnack. and the remainder of the land betwi.\\\\t that line and Pascataqua river,\\nshould be left for Captain Mason s patent.\\nThe commissioners sent by Charles II. in 1G64, report that Mr. Mason\\nhad a patent for some land about Cape Anne before the Massachusetts had\\ntheir first patent whereupon Captain Mason and Mr. Cradock agreed that\\nthe Massachusetts should have that land, which was granted to Capt. Mason\\nabout Cape Anne, and Capt. Mason should have that land which nashcyoiul\\nMcrrhnark and granted 1o the Massachusetts. This agreement was sent to Mr.\\nHenry Jocelyn to get recorded at Boston, but before he could have leisure to\\nfro there, he heard that Capt. Mason was dead, and thereforewent not. Of this,\\nle made affidavit, before the Commissioners. Hutch. Collection Papers,\\np. 423.\\nMr. Hubbard says, that this patent was in the hands of some gentlemen at\\nPortsmouth when he wrote. I have seen no copy of it but what is preserved\\nin his MS. history. There is among the ancient files in the Recorder s office.\\nan invoice of goods sent over in 1G31. subscribed by all the above names, ex-\\ncept the last, in whose stead is subscribed William Gyles.\\n4", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0033.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "10 HISTORY OF NEW-IJAMPSIIIRE [1631.\\nnando Gorges, Captain John Mason, John Cotton, Henry Gard-\\nner, George Griffith, f^dwin Gay, Thomas Warnerton, Thomas\\nEyre and Ehezer Eyre, who, it is said, had ah-eady expended\\ntliree thousand pounds in the undertaking. They were to pay\\nforty-eight pounds per annum by way of acknowledgment to the\\npresident and council, if demanded. 1 Captain Camocke, a re-\\nlation of the Earl of Warwick,* with Henry Jocelyn, who were\\nthen intending a voyage hither, were appointed to put the gran-\\ntees in possession. Within this patent are comprehended the\\ntowns of Portsmouth, Newcastle and Rye, with part of Newing-\\nton and Greenland.\\nThe whole interest being thus divided into two parts, Captain\\nThomas Wiggin was appointed agent for the upper, and Captain\\nWalter Neal for the lower plantation with him were associat-\\ned Ambrose Gibbons, George Vaughan, Thomas Warnerton,\\nHumphrey Chadbourncf and one Godfrey, J as superintendants\\nof the several businesses of trade, fishery, salt-making, building\\nand husbandi-y. INeal resided at Little-Harbor with Godfrey,\\nwho had the care of the fishery. Chadbourne built a house at\\nStrawberry-bank, which was called the great house, in which War-\\nnerton resided. Gibbons had the care of a saw-mill, and lived in\\na palisaded house at Newichwannock,|| where he carried on trade\\nwith the Indians. He afterward removed to Sandcrs -point, where\\nthe adventurers gave him a settlement for his faithful services.\\nHe was succeeded at Newichwannock by Chadbourne, whose\\nposterity are persons of principal figure and interest there at this\\nday. The proprietors were also careful to provide for the de-\\nfence of their plantations, and sent over several cannon which\\nthey directed their agents to mount in the most convenient place\\nfor a fort. They accordingly placed them on the northeast point\\nof the Great-Island at the mouth of the harbor, and laid out the\\nground about a bow-shot from the water-side to a high rock, on,\\nwhich it was intended in time to build the principal fortJ\\n(1) Hubbard s MS. (p. 216 of the printed copy.) (2) MS. letters. (3) MS.\\nin the Recorder s files.\\n[He was nephew to the Earl of Warwick. He lived sometime at Pascata-\\nqua, but died at Scarborough, Me. in 16G3. Prince. Annals, ii. 70. 2 Coll.\\nMass. Hist. Soc. v. 21(;, 224.]\\nt [llumplirey Chadbourne came to this country as early as 1631, on the in-\\nvitation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John Mason, and under them\\nerected tiie large house as stated in tlie text. In 1613, he purcliased a tract of\\nland of an Indian called Kiiowles, being a neck between the Uason and Ne-\\nwichawannock river at Quampeagan, (Sullivan.) He afterwards lived in Kit-\\ntery, and represented that town in the General Court at Boston in 1657 and\\n165!).]\\nt [Edward Godfrey, on whom, Mr. Savage, in Winthrop s Hist. N. E. i. 90,\\n91 bestows a very val liable note, was one of the first aldermen of Agamenticus,\\n(York) and governor of the province of Maine, 1651. See Belknap s Biog. 1.\\n386. Adams s Annals of Portsmouth, 18.]\\nII [The pronunciation of this name two centuries ago appears to have been\\nNc-ge-won-nuck. Capt. Danforth, an eminent surveyor, wrote it Ji egtKionnick\\nin 1679.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0034.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "1631.] GRANTS AND SETTLEMENTS. H\\nA great part of Captain Neal s errand was to penetrate the in-\\nterior part of the province of Laconia, concerning which the ad-\\nventurers had formed very sanguine expectations.^ It was de-\\nscribed as containing divers lakes, and extending back to a great\\nlake and river in the country of the Iroquois. This river was\\nsaid to be fair and large, containing many fruitful islands the air\\npure and salubrious the country pleasant, having some high hills\\nfull of goodly forests, fair valleys and fertile plains abounding\\nin corn, vines, chestnuts, walnuts, and many other sorts of fruit;\\nthe rivers well stored with fish, and environed with goodly mead-\\nows full of timber-trees. In the great lake, were said to be four\\nislands, full of pleasant woods and meadows, having great store\\nof stags, fallow-deer, elks, roe-bucks, beavers and other game,\\nand these islands were supposed to be conimodlously situated for\\nhabitation and traffic, in the midst of a fine lake, abounding with\\nthe most delicate fish. No one wdio is acquainted with the inte-\\nrior part of the country in its wilderness state, can forbear smiling\\nat this romantic description, penned in the true style of adventur-\\ners yet such an impression had the charms of Laconia made on\\nthe minds of our first settlers, that Neal set out on foot, in ^^^09\\ncompany with Jocelyn and Darby Field, to discover these\\nbeautiful lakes, and settle a trade with the Indians by pinnaces, im-\\nagining the distance to be short of an hundred miles. In the course\\nof their travels, they visited the white mountains,* which they\\ndescribed in the same romantic style, to be a ridge, extending an\\nhundred leagues, on which snow lieth all the year, and inaccessi-\\nble but by the gullies which the dissolved snow hath made on\\none of these mountains they reported to have found a plain of a\\nday s journey over, whereon nothing grows but moss and at the\\nfurther end of this plain, a rude heap of massy stones, piled up\\non one another a mile high on which one might ascend from\\nstone to stone, like a pair of winding stairs, to the top, where was\\nanother level of about an acre, with a pond of clear water.\\nThis summit was said to be far above the clouds, and from hence\\nthey beheld a vapor like a vast pillar, drawn up by the sunbeams,\\nout of a great lake into the air, \\\\i here it was formed into a cloud.\\nThe country beyond these mountains nordiward, was said to be\\ndaunting terrible, full of rocky hills, as diick as mole-hills in a\\nmeadow, and clothed with infinite thick woods. They had great\\nexpectation of finding precious stones on these mountains and\\n.something resembling crystal being picked up, was sufficient to\\ngive them the name of the Crystal-Hili.s.^ From hence\\nthey continued their route in search of the lake till finding their\\n(1) Gorges History of America, p. 47. (2) Jocelyn s rarities of New-Eng-\\nland. (3) Hubbard s Ms. Hist. [p. 381, printed copy.]\\n[The visit to the White Mountains by Darby Field sliould be referred to\\nthe vear 1642, under wiiich, see the account of it aa given by Winthrop, Hist.\\nN. E. ii. 67, 6S.] 6^1.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0035.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "J 2 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1632.\\nprovision almost spent, and the forests of Laconia yielding no sup-\\nply, they were obliged to return when they supposed themselves\\nso far advanced, that the discovery wanted but one day s jour-\\nney of being finished.\\nThis expedition, being ended, was succeeded by one of anoth-\\ner kind. Tiic coast was alarmed by the report of a pirate, one\\nDixy Bull who, with fifteen odiers, being employed in the In-\\ndian trade at the eastward, had taken several boats and rifled the\\nfort at Pemaquid. Neal, in conjunction with the others, equip-\\nped four pinnaces and shallops, manned with forty men, being all\\nthe force that both plantations could spare, who, being joined by\\ntwenty ujore in a bark from Boston, proceeded to Pemaquid but\\ncontrary winds and bad weather obliged them to return without\\nmeeting the pirates, who made their way farther to the eastward,\\nand at length got to England, where Bull met with his deserts.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ifcyci The company on their return hanged, at Richmond s is-\\nland, an Indian who had been concerned in the murder of\\nan Englishman.-\\nII The next year, Neal and Wiggin joined in surveying their\\nrespective patents, and laying out the towns of Portsmouth and\\nNortham, and another which w-as called Hampton, though no set-\\ntlement had been made there. They also agreed with Wheel-\\nwright that the plantation which he had undertaken to make at\\nSquamscot falls, should be called Exeter and determined the\\nbounds between his land and theirs. This survey was made by\\norder of the company of Laconia, who gave names to the four\\ntowns, and the transaction was duly reported to them v^ soon af-\\nter which Neal returned to England. ||f\\n(1) Gorges History of America, p. 46. (2) Prince s Annals, vol. 2. p. 73,83.\\n(3) MS. in Recorder s office.\\nMr. Hubbard, and after him, Governor Hutchinson, place this discovery\\nof the White Hills in 1G42. But as Neal had positive orders to discover the\\nlakes, and tarried but three years in the country, employing great part of his\\ntime in seaching the woods, it is probable that Mr. Hubbard mistook one fig-\\nure in his date.\\n[On this note, Mr. Savage, in Winthrop, ii. 07. makes the following remarks:\\nHere, as he lias often done elsewhere, Hubbard might indeed have mistaken\\na figure, but he faithfully copied Winthrop, whose work was unknown to Dr.\\nBelknap, when his history of N. H. was published. A greater mistake is\\nhowever chargeable on Belknap, in making Josselyn the companion of Neal,\\nwho was gone home four years before Josselyn came over. Nor did Josselyn\\nmake the journey according to his own account, before his second voyage to\\nNew-Kngiand in KiUl?. That Neal ever went to the White mountains, is not\\nrendered ])robable by any authorities cited by Belknap and as the circum-\\nstance would have been for him a great matter of boasting, we may be confi-\\ndent of the first journey of Field. Mr. Savage mistakes, in saying tiiat tlie\\nwork of Winthrop was unknown to Dr. Belknap when his history of N. H.\\nwas published. The work was both known and used by Dr. Belknap wiien\\nhe compiled his historj and he has copied from it, as may be seen under the\\nyears Ki .jo and 1(140.]\\ni [The authority for this paragraph is the Letter from Kealavd Wisgin, re-\\nlating to the did sion of Land s at P(iscata(]ua, ICi^ i, which is No. Vf, in the\\nAppendix to the i. vol. of the former editions of this work, and which without", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0036.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "1633.1 GRANTS AiND SETTLEMENTS. 13\\nFrom a number of letters that }3assed between the adventurers\\nand Gibbons, their factor, and which are yet preserved, it appears\\nthat their views were chieHy turned toward the discovery of the\\nlakes and of mines the cultivation of grapes, and the advantages\\nof trade and fishery; and that litde regard was had to agriculture,\\nthe surest foundation of all other improvements in such a country\\nas this. They often complain of their expenses, as indeed they\\nmight with reason for they had not only to pay wages to their\\ncolonists, but to supply them with provisions, clothing, utensils,\\nmedicines, articles of trade, implements for building, husbandry\\nand fishing, and to stock their plantations with cattle, swine, and\\ngoats. Bread was either brouglit from England in meal, or from\\nVirginia in grain, and then sent to the wind-mill at Boston, there\\nbeing none erected here.i Very little improvement was made\\non the lands the lakes were not explored the vines were planted\\nbut came to nothing no mines were found but those of iron, and\\nthese were not wrought three or four houses only were built\\nwithin the first seven years; the peltry trade with the Indians was\\nof some value, and the fishery served for the support of the in-\\nhabitants but yielded no great profit to the adventurers, who re-\\nceived but inadequate returns in lumber and furs. They saw\\ntheir interest sinking apace, and grew dispirited and the major\\npart of them either rehnquished the design, or sold their shares to\\n(1) Prince s Annals, vol. 2, p. 30, 70.\\ndoubt is spurious, and was fabricated for the purpose of supporting the Indian\\ndeed of 1629. That this letter is a forgery, and of the most palpable kind,\\nwill appear from the following considerations\\nI. That there was no such purchase of the Indyans at Squamscutt falls,\\nby Mr. Wheelwright, so earl} as 1633, as is alleged in the letter, nor an im-\\nplied promise that he would name the plantation Exeter, five years before the\\nsettlement of that place was made.\\nII. That Thomas Wiggin, one of the signers of the letter, who is pretend-\\ned to write at North-ham on Pascataway river in New-England, 13 August,\\n1633, was about embarking at that time, at London, in the ship James, for\\nNew-England, with power from Lords Say and Brook. He arrived at Salem,\\n10 October, 1633, in eight weeks passage. Winthrop, Hist. N. E. i. 115.\\nIII. Walter Neal, the other signer, was in Boston, or on his passage to\\nEngland with Capt. Graves, when this letter was dated. He wrote to Gov,\\nWinthrop on that very day, (13 August) to excuse his not coming to see\\nhim, as he had been in the bay above ten days and came not all that time to\\nsee tiie governor. (Winthrop, Hist. N. E. i. 106, 107.) Ambrose Gibbons\\nin a letter, which is numbered V. in the Appx., and dated in July, 1633, says,\\nthe governor (Neal) departed from the plantation the fifteenth of July in\\nthe morning.\\nIV. The name of Northam was not given to Dover until the arrival there\\nof Thomas Larkham in 16^0, when it was changed from the name of Dover,\\nwhich it had received the year before, (Winthrop, i. 326) to North.^m, prob-\\nably to gratify Larkham, who had been a preacher at a place of that name,\\nnear Barnstable, in England.\\nV. The settlement at Pascataqua, or Portsmouth, was called Strawberry-\\nBank until 1653, when tlie inhabitants petitioned the General Court of Mas-\\nsachusetts for an enlargement of territory, and humbly desiring that the\\nname of the plantation, being Strawberry Banke (accidentally soe called by\\nreason of a banke where Strawberries w w found in this place) might be call-\\ned Portsmouth, beinge a name most sutable for the place, it beinge the\\nRiver s mouth, and a good harbour as any in this land. MS. Petition.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0037.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "14 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G33.\\nMason and Gorges, who were more sanguine ihan the rest, and be-\\ncame (either by j)iucliase or tacit consent of the others) the principal,\\nif not sole proprietors. These gentlemen renewed tlieir exertions\\nwith greater vigor, sent over a fresh supply of servants,and materials\\nfor carrying on the settlement, and appointed Francis Will-\\niams their governor. He was a gentleman of good sense\\nand discretion and so very acceptable to the people, that when\\nthey combined in a body politic, they continued him at their head.\\nThe charter by which the council at Plymouth was established,\\nJ ^c^r itid been from the beginning disrelished by theVirginia com-\\npany who spared no pains to get it revoked.* Their appli-\\ncations to the king proved fruitless but when the parliament began\\nto inquire into the grievances of the nation, this patent was com-\\nplained of as a monopoly. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, being sum-\\nmoned, appeared before them, and both in person and by his coun-\\ncil defended it in a masterly manner, but in vain for when the\\nnational grievances w ere presented to the throne, the patent of\\nNew-England was the first.- The council also was in disrepute\\nwith the high-church party, for having encouraged the settlement\\nof the Plymouth and Massachusetts colonists, who (led from their\\npersecutions. These prejudices against them, operating as dis-\\ncouragements to their undertaking, induced the council to resign\\ntheir charter to the king having previously taken care to secure\\nsome portion of the expiring interest to such of themselves as\\nwere disposed to accept it. The scheme they had in view was\\nto divide their territory into twelve provinces, under as many pro-\\nprietary governors, subject to one general governor; and they\\nwent so far as to nominate Gorges, then threescore years of age,\\nfor the person, and build a ship of war, which was to bring him\\nover and remain in the service of the country. But the ship fell\\nand broke in the launching and their project not being sufficient-\\nly attended to by those in power, they were obliged to be content\\nwith such grants as they could make of those districts, into w hich\\nthey had divided the country That which w^as made to Ma-\\nson comprehended both his former patents, extending from Naum-\\nkeag to Pascataqua, and sixty miles northwestward within the\\nland, together with the south half of the Isles of Shoals, and ten\\nthousand acres at Sagadahock saving to those already settled\\nwithin these limits, the property of their lawful grants on paying\\nsome small acknowledgment to the proprietor. This grant\\nwas dated the twenty-second of April.* In June following,\\n(1) Hubbard s MS. Hist. (2) Gorges Narrative, p. 22 and 44. (r^l Hub-\\nbard s MS. Hist. (4) Files of the Superior Court. Hubbard s MS. Hist.\\nWhether Captain Mason had liis title confirmed b} the kinjr after th\u00c2\u00ab\\nsurrender of the charter is a point that has been questioned. I eha.ll here col-\\nlect what evidence I have met wilii on both sides.\\nIn n pamphlet published in 1728, containing a detail of the grants aad\\ntransactions of Capt. Mason, it is said King Charles 1. by charter dated\\nAug. 1! 1G3.5, gives, grants and confirms unto Capt. John Mason, then", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0038.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "1635.]\\nGRANTS AND SETTLEMENTS. 15\\nthe council surrendered their charter to tlie king and in Septem-\\nber, Gorges sold to Mason a tract of land on the northeast side of\\nthe river Pascataqua, extending three miles in breadth, and fol-\\nlowing the course of the river Irom its mouth to its Airthest head,\\nincluding the saw-mill which had been built at the falls of New-\\nichwannock.\\nBut death which puts an end to the fairest prospects, cut off\\nall the hopes which Mason had entertained of aggrandizing his\\nfortune, by the setdement of New-Hampshire. By his last will,\\nwhich he signed a few days before his death, he disposed of his\\nAmerican estate in the following manner, viz. To the corpora-\\ntion of Lynn Regis in Norfolk, the place of his nativity, he gave\\ntwo thousand acres of land in New-Hampshire, subject to the\\nyearly rent of one penny per acre to his heirs, and two fifths of\\nall mines royal on condition that five families should within five\\nyears be settled thereupon. To his brother in law John Wallas-\\nton, three thousand acres, subject to the yearly rent of one shil-\\nling. To his grandchild Anne Tufton, ten thousand acres at\\nSagadahock. To Robert Tufton, his grandson, he gave his\\nmanor of Mason-hall, on condition that he should take the sur-\\nname of Mason. He also gave to his brother Wallaslon in trust,\\none thousand acres for the maintenance of an honest, godly\\nand religious preacher of God s word and one thousand more\\nfor the support of a grammar-school; each of these estates to\\nbe conveyed to feoffees in trust, and their successors, paying an-\\n(1) Printed state of Allen s title.\\ncalled treasurer and paymaster of his army, his heirs and assigns, all the\\naforesaid tract of land, granted to him by the council of Plymouth, by the\\nname of the province of New-Hampshire with power of trovcrnment, and as\\nample jurisdiction and prerogatives as used by the bishop of Durham cre-\\nating him and his aforesaids ahgolute lords and proprietors of the province of\\nNew-Hampshire, with power of conferring honors, c. On this authori-\\nty (I suppose) Douglass has asserted the same tiling. (1) On which Hutchin-\\nson remarks This is not probable. His heirs were certainly unacquainted\\nwith it, or they would have made mention of it before the king in council\\nin 1691. (2) The report of the Lords Chief Justices in 1677, wherein the\\nseveral grants are recited, makes no mention of this But on the contrary it\\nis said, As to Mr. Mason s right of gorjernment within the soil he claimed,\\ntheir lordships, and indeed his own council, agreed he had none the great\\ncouncil of Plymouth, under whom he claimed, having no power to transfer\\ngovernment to any. The Lords of Trade in a report to the king in 1753,\\nBay, It is alleged that this last grant to Mason was ratified and confirmed\\nby the crown, by charter dated Aug. ]6. 55, with full power of civil juris-\\ndiction and government, but no such charter as this appears upon record.\\nNone of Mason s heirs ever attempted to assume government by virtue of\\nsuch a charter, as the heirs of Gorges did in the province of Maine. Robert\\nMason was appointed counsellor by mandamus, and Samuel Allen, who pur-\\nchased the title, was governor by commission from the crown.\\nThere is an original letter in the Recorder s files, written by George Vaughan\\nto Ambrose Gibbons, both factors for the company of Laconia, April 10, 1636,\\nJong before any controversy arose on this point, which may give more light to\\nit than any thing that has yet been published. [This letter is in the Appendix\\nof first edition.]\\n(1) Doug. Summary, i. 415 (2) Hist. Mass. i. 317.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0039.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "IG HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [IG35.\\nnually one penny per acre to liis heirs. The residue of liis es-\\ntate in New-Hampshire he gave to his grandson Jolin Tufton, he\\ntaking the surname of ftlason, and to his lawful issue or in want\\nthereof to Robert Tufton and his lawful issue or in want ihere-\\nof to Doctor Rohert Mason, chancellor of the diocese of Win-\\nChester, and his lawful issue or, in want of such issue, to his\\nown oilier right heirs forever; provided that it should not go out\\nof the name of Mason. The residuary legatee was required to\\npay five hundred pounds out of this estate to his sister Mary and\\nall the grandchildren were to relinquish their right to one thou-\\nsand pounds due from this estate to their father Joseph Tufton.\\nThe estate in America was valued in the inventory at ten thou-\\nsand pounds sterling.\\nThe Massachusetts j)lanters viewed Mason as their enemy,\\nbecause he, with Gorges, had privately encouraged some persons\\nwhom they had censured and sent home, to petition against them\\nas disaffected to the government and had endeavored to get their\\ncharter set aside, to make w^ay for the scheme of a general gov-\\nernoi.*\\nBut though Mason and Gorges had not the same religious views\\nwith the jMassachusetts planters, yet their memory deserves re-\\nspect. They were both heartily engaged in the setderaent of the\\ncountry they sunk their estates in the undertaking, and reaped\\nno profit to themselves yet their enterprising spirit excited em-\\nulation in others, who had the advantage of improving their plans\\nand avoiding their mistakes. Gorges accounted for the ill suc-\\ncess of his adventures in the following manner.- 1. He began\\nwhen there was no hope of any thing for the present but loss\\nas he had first to seek a place which, being found, was a wil-\\nderness and so gloomy was the prospect, that he could scarce\\nprocure any to go, much less to reside in it and those whom he\\nat length sent, could not subsist but on the provisions with which\\nhe supplied them. 2. He sought not barely his own profit, but\\nthe thorough discovery of the country wherein he went so far\\n(1) MS. in Superior Court files. (2) Gorges Narrative, p. 40.\\nMr. Hubbard relates tlie following anecdote, without mentioning the name\\nof the person.* One of tlie gentlemen who was known to be one of the\\ngrentest adversaries to the affairs of the Massachusetts, fell sick and died.\\nIn his sickness, he sent for the minister, and bewailed his enmity against\\nthem and promised if he recovered, he would be as good a friend to New-\\nEngland, as he had been an enemy but his fatal hour being come, his pur-\\nposes of that nature were cutoff. The passage aforegoing was certified by\\nletters from Lord Say and others to the governor of New-England about the\\nyear KilJo.\\nGovernor Winthrop lias the following remark in his Journal. 1036. The\\nlast winter Captain Mason died. He was the chief mover, in all attempts\\nagainst us and was to liave s. nt the general governor and for this end was\\nproviding ships. JJut the Lord, /h merry, taking liim away, all the business\\nfell on sleep. [Winthrop, Hist. N. E. i. 187.]\\n[Dr. Belknap has added in the corrected copy this note It appears\\nfrom Winfhrop s Journal that this was Morton, p. 2()rt.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0040.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "1^35.] SETTLEMENTS. 17\\n(with the holp of his associates) as to open the way for others to\\nmake their gain. 3. He never went in person to oversee the\\npeople whom he employed. 4. There was no settled govern-\\nment to punish offenders, or mispenders of their masters goods.\\nTwo other diings contrihuted to the disappointment in as great, if\\nnot a greater degree, than what he has assigned. The one was\\nthat instead of applying themselves chiefly to husbandry, the orig-\\ninal source of wealth and independence in such a country as this\\nlie and his associates, being merchants, were rr.ther intent on trade\\nand fishery as their primary objects. These cannot be profitable\\nin a new country, until the foundation is laid in the cultivation of\\nthe lands. If the lumber trade and fishery cannot now be carried\\non to advantage, widiout the constant aid of husbandry in their\\nneighborhood, how could a colony of traders and fishermen make\\nprofitable returns to their employers, when the husbandry neces-\\nsary for their support was at the distance of Virginia or England\\nThe other mistake which these adventurers fell into was the idea\\nof lordship, and the granting of lands not as freeholds, but by leases\\nsubject to quit-rents. To settle a colony of tenants in a climate\\nso far northward, where the charges of subsistence and improve-\\nment were much greater than the value of the lands, after the im-\\nprovements were made especially in the neighborhood of so re-\\nspectable and growing a colony as that of Massachusetts, was in-\\ndeed a chimerical project and had not the wiser people among\\nthem sought a union with Massachusetts, in all probaJiility the\\nsettlements must have been deserted.\\nCHAPTER II.\\nTroubles at Dover. Settlements of Exeter and Hampton. Ruin of Mason s\\ninterest. Story of Underiiill. Combinations at PortsmoutJi and Dover.\\nUnion of New-Hampshire with Massacluisetts.\\nWhilst the lower plantation on the river Pascataqua lay under\\ndiscouragement by the death of its principal patron, the upper\\nsettlement, though carried on with more success, had peculiar\\ndifficulties to struggle with. Two thirds of this patent belonged\\nto some merchants of Bristol, the other third to some of Shrews-\\nbury and there was an agreement that the division should be\\nmade by indifferent men. Captain Wiggin who was sent over to\\nsuperintend their affairs, after about one year s residence in the\\ncountry made a voyage to England, to procure more ample\\nmeans for carrying on the plantation. In the mean time, those\\nof Bristol had sold their interest to the lords Say and Brook,\\nGeorge Willys and William Whiting, who continued Wiggin in", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0041.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "18 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G33.\\nthe agency, and procured a considerable number of families in\\nthe west of England, some of whom were of good estates, and\\n1 fco of some account for religion, to con)e over and increase\\nthe colony.^ It appears from ancient records that Wiggin\\nhad a power of granting lands to the setders but, as trade was\\ntheir principal object, they took up small lots, intending to build\\na compact town on Dover Neck, which lies between two branch-\\nes of the river, and is a fine, dry, and healthy situation so high\\nas to command all the neighboring shores, and atTord a very ex-\\ntensive and delightful prospect. On the most inviting part of this\\neminence they built a meeting-house, which was afterward sur-\\nrounded with an entrenchment and flankarts, the remains of which\\nare still visible. Wiggin also brought over William Leveridge, a\\nworthy and able puritan minister but his allowance from the ad-\\nventurers proving too small for his support in a now country, where\\nall the necessaries of life were scarce and dear, he was obliged to\\nremove to the southward and settled at Sandwich in the colony\\nof Plymouth.* This proved an unhappy event to the people,\\nwho, being left destitute of regular instruction, were exposed to\\nthe intrusions of artful impostors.\\n^-_ The first of these was one Burdet.f He had been a\\nminister at Yarmouth in England but either really or\\npretcndedly taking offence at the extravagancies of the bishops\\nand spiritual courts, came over to New-England, and joined with\\nthe church in Salem, who employed him for a year or two as a\\npreacher, being a good scholar and plausible in his behaviour\\nBut, disgusted with the strictness of their discipline, he removed\\ncyf to Dover; and continued for sometime in good esteem\\nwith the people as a preacher till by artful insinuations\\nhe raised such a jealousy in their minds against Wiggin their gov-\\n(1) Hubbard s MS. Hist. (2) Dover Records. (3) Hubbard s MS. Hist.\\n[Rev. William Leveridge arrived at Salem in the sliip James, on the 10\\nOctober, 1033, in company with Captain Thomas Wiggin of Pascataqua. He\\nremained at Dover less than two 3-ears, and went from thence to Boston, where\\nhe was admitted a member of the First church, August, 1035. He was at\\nSandwich in l(i40, and, it is believed as late as ]t!. )2. In 1057, he was emploj^-\\ned as a missionary by tlie commissioners of the United Colonies. He accom-\\npanied the people who made the first settlements at Huntington and 03 ster-\\nBay, on Long-Island, who seem, says Mr. Wood, to have composed one com-\\npany, or to have arrived at nearly tire same time. He settled in Huntington,\\nand is mentioned as the minister of that place in the earliest records of the\\ntown. He remained there until 1070, when he removed to Newtown, on the\\nsame island. Hubbard characterises him as an able and worthy minister.\\nMr. Wood says, that in one of the books among the town records of Newtown,\\nthere is a commentary on a large ))art of the old testament, presumed to have\\nbeen made by him. Some of liis posterity still reside at Newtown, and are\\namong the most respectable peojde of that place. Johnson, Hist. N. E. 226.\\nWinthrop, Hist. N. E. i. 115, 331. Hubbard, Hist. N. E. 221, 003. Wood,\\nHist. Sketch of the Towns on Long-Island, 3d edit. 43 45. Records of First\\nChurch Boston.]\\ni [His name was George. He was admitted freeman, 2 September, 1035.\\nThe authorities for what is said of him are. Hubbard, Hist. N. E. 221, 263, 353\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00943,50, 301 and Winthrop, Hist. N. E. i. 270, 2dl, 291, 2 )8, 320. ii. 10.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0042.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "1G3G.] SETTLEMENTS. 19\\nernor, that they deprived him of his office, and elected Burdet in\\nhis place.\\nDuring his residence here, he carried on a correspondence with\\nArchbishop Laud to the disadvantage of the Massachusetts\\ncolony, representing them as hypocritical and disaffected,\\nand that under pretence of greater purity and discipline in matters of\\nreligion, they were aiming at independent sovereignty it being ac-\\ncounted perjury and treason by their general court, to speak of ap-\\npeals to the king. The prelate thanked him for his zeal in |poq\\nthe king s service, and assured him that care should be taken\\nto redress those disorders when leisure from their other concerns\\nwould permit. This letter of the archbishop was intercepted, and\\nshewn to the governor of Massachusetts. Burdet s villainy was\\nconsidered as the more atrocious, because he had been admitted\\na freeman of their corporation, and had taken the oath of fidelity.\\nA copy of his own letter was afterward found in his closet.\\nAbout this time, tlie Antinomian controversy at Boston having\\noccasioned the banishment of the principal persons of that sect,\\nseveral of them retired to this settlement, being without the juris-\\ndiction of Massachusetts. When diis was known. Governor Win-\\ntln-op wrote to Wiggin, Burdet and others of this plantation, that\\nas there had hitherto been a good correspondence between them\\nit would be much resented if they should receive the exiles and\\nintimating the intention of the general court to survey the utmost\\nlimits of their patent, and make use of them. To this Burdet\\nreturned a scornful answer, refusing to give the governor his title.\\nThe governor thought of citing him to court to answer for his con-\\ntempt but was dissuaded from it by Dudley, the deputy-govern-\\nor, who judged it imprudent to exasperate him, lest he should\\navenge himself by farther accusing them to their enemies in Eng-\\nland. The governor contented himself with sending to Hilton an\\naccount of Burdet s behaviour, inclosing a copy of his letter, and\\ncautioning die people not to put themselves too far under his pow-\\ner. His true character did not long remain secret for being de-\\ntected in some lewd actions he made a precipitate removal to\\nAgamenticus, now York, in die })rovince of Maine, where he also\\nassumed to rule, and continued a course of injustice and adultery\\ntill the arrival of Thomas Gorges, their governor, in 1640, who\\nlaid a fine on him, and seized his cattle for die payment of it.*\\nHe appealed to the king, but his appeal not being admitted, he\\ndeparted for England full of enmity against diese i)lantations.\\nWhen he arrived, he found all in confusion and falling in with\\nthe royalists was taken and imprisoned by the parliamentary party,\\nwhich is the last account we have of him.2\\nOne of the exiles on account of the Antinomian controversy,\\n(1) [Winthrop, Hist. N. E. i. 27G.] (2) [Hubbard, Hist. N. E. 3GI.]\\nThe records of the court mention iiirn as a man of ill name and fame, in-\\nfamous for incontinency. Lib. A. Sept. Sth, IGIO.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0043.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "20 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1638.\\nwas John Wheelwright, brother to the famous Anne Hutchinson.\\nHe had been a preacher at Braintrec, which was then part of\\nBoston, and was a gentleman of learning, piety and zeal. Hav-\\ning engaged to make a setdcment widiin ten years, on the lands\\nhe had purchased of the Indians at Squamscot falls, he with a\\nnumber of his adherents began a plantation there, which ac-\\ncording to the agreement made with Mason s agents, they called\\nExeter. II Having obtained a dismission from the church in Bos-\\nton,* they formed themselves into a church and judging them-\\nselves without the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, they combined\\ninto a separate body politic,! chose rulers and assistants, who\\nwere sworn to the due discharge of their office, and the people\\nwere as solemnly sworn to obey them. Their rulers were Isaac\\nGrosse, Nicholas Necdham, and Thomas Wilson each of whom\\ncontinued in office the space of a year, having two assistants.\\nThe laws were made in a popular assembly and formally consent-\\ned to by the rulers. Treason, and rebellion against the king,\\n(who is styled the Lord s anointed or the country, were made\\ncapital crimes and sedition was punishable by a fine of ten\\npounds, or otherwise, at the discretion of the court. This combi-\\nnation subsisted three years.\\nAbout the same time, a plantation was formed at Winnicumet,|\\nwhich was called Hampton. The principal inducement to the\\nmaking this setdement was the very extensive salt-marsh, which\\nwas extremely valuable, as the uplands were not cultivated so as\\nto produce a sufficiency of hay for the support of cattle. With a\\n(1) Exeter Records.\\nThe names of tliose wlio were thus dismissed were\\nJohn Wheelwriglit, Philemon Purmot, George Baytes,\\nRichard Morrys, Isaac Grosse, Thomas Wardell,\\nRichard Biiigar, Christopher Marshall, William Wardell.\\nBoston Church Records.\\nt [Tlie persons who entered into an agreement at tliis time to erect and set\\nup among themselves, such government as should he to their best discerning,\\nagreeable to the will of God, were the following\\nGeorge Barlow, Edmund Littlefield, Thomas Pettit,\\nRicjiard Bulgar, Philemon Purmont, Samuel Walker,\\nWilliani Cole, Kenry Roby, James Wall,\\nJohn Cram, Francis Matthews, George Walton,\\nThomas Crawley, Richard Morris, Thomas Wardhall,\\nHenry Elkins, Nicholas Needham, William Wardhall,\\nGodfrey Dearborn, George Rawbone, William Wentworth,\\nDarby Field, Robert Read, John Wheelwright,\\nRalph Hall, Edward Rishworth, William Winborne,\\nChristopher Helme Robert Seward, Thomas Wilson,\\nChristopher Lawson, Robert Smitli, Thomas Wright.\\nThomas Leavitt, Augustine Storre,\\nDescendants of several of the i)ersons here named are still found in Exeter\\nand its ncighltorliood. The name of Storre has hci ii variously written, as filar,\\nStarr, iilor and Slarij, but I am assured by John Kelly, Esq., of Northwood, that\\nhis signature to the agreement alluded to, is Sturrc. The name of Wardhall\\nis found written llardcll and Wardicdl. Rawbone may be a mistake for Rath-\\nbune.J\\n1 [This name is called Winicovvett by Winthrop.J", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0044.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "1638.]\\nSETTLEMENTS. 21\\nview to secure these meadows, the general court of Massachusetts\\nhad, in 1G36, empowered Mr. Dummer* of Newbury, witli John\\nSpencer,f to build an house there at the expense of the colony,\\nwhich was to be refunded by those who should settle there. Ac-\\ncordingly, an house was built, and commonly called the Bound-\\nhouse though it was intended as a mark of possession rather than\\nof limits. The architect was Nicholas Easton, who soon after\\nremoved to Rhode-Island, and built the first English house in\\nNewport.-\\nThis entrance being made, a petition was presented to die court\\nby a number of persons, chiefly iVom Norfolk in England, praying\\nfor liberty to settle there, which was granted them. They began\\nthe settlement by laying out a township in one hundred and forty-\\nseven shares and having formed a church, chose Stephen Batcli-\\nelor for their minister, with whom Timothy Dalton was soon after\\nassociated. The number of the first inhabitants was fifty-six. j|\\n(1) Massa. Records. (2) Callender s Century Sermon, p. 73. (3) MS. of\\nMr. Gookin. (4) Massa. Records, Sept. 8, Id SS.\\n[Ricliard Dummer was one of tlie principal men of the Massachusetts col-\\nony. He was born at Bishop-Stoke, Engkind, and came to N. E. in ](i32, re-\\nsided first at Ro.xbury, from whence he soon removed to Newbur} where he\\ndied 14 December, 1679, aged 88. He was elected an assistant in lt)3o and\\n1G3G, and representative in 1G40, and from 1645 to 1647.]\\nt [John Spencer resided in Ipswich and Newbury. He was representative\\none year in 1635. He returned to England in 1638, and died in 1648.]\\nt [Nicholas Easton, one of the first settlers of Ipswich, for which place he\\nwas elected a deputy to the General Court of Massachusetts in March, 1635,\\nbut did not hold his seat, after a sliort residence at Newbury, removed to\\nRhode-Island, where he was elected governor in 1672 and 1673. He died in\\n1685, aged 83.]\\nII Some of their names are mentioned in the Court Records, viz.\\nStephen Batchelor, Thomas Molton,\\nChristopher Hussey, William Estow,\\nMary Hussey ,widow, William Palmer,\\nThomas Cromwell, William Sargeant,\\nSamuel Skullard, Richard Swayne,\\nJohn Osgood, William Sanders,\\nSamuel Greenfield, Robert Tucke,\\nJohn Molton, John Cross.\\n[Among the files of the ancient county of Norfolk, kept in the oflioe of the\\nclerk of the court of common pleas, in Salem, is A Note of the Families in\\nHampton, the first summer Mr. Batchelor came to Hampton, wiiich will be\\nhere added. The names of baptism are generally omitted, but I have en-\\ndeavored to supply them, including them in parentiieses. Those with a\\nprefixed are styled Goodman the year added to each shows the tune of ad-\\nmission as freemen.\\nJohn Browne 16:^8 Married Men.\\nMr. (Christopher) Hussey 1634 ||(Philemon) Dalton 163G\\nll(Edmund) Johnson ||(John) Huo-o-ins\\nII (Robert) Tucke 1630 ||(Jeofrry) Mmgay 1640\\nThomas Jones 1638 Thomas Moulton 1638\\nll(Robert) Saunderson l(i3!\u00c2\u00bb John Moulton 16:te!\\nll(James) Davis l(i40 William Palmer 1638\\nll(Ricliard) Swaine l(i40 ||(Thomas) Marston 1641\\nII (Samuel) Greenfield 163. (William) Estowe 1638\\nAbraJiam Perkins 1640 Lieut. (William) Hayward 1C40", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0045.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "22 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1638.\\nThe authority of INlassachuselts having established this settle-\\nment, they, from the beginning, considered it as belonging to their\\ncolony. 1 Though the agent of Mason s estate made some objec-\\ntion to their proceeding, yet no legal method being taken to con-\\ntrovert this extension of their claim, the way was prepared for one\\nstill greater, which many circumstances concurred to establish.\\nAfter the deadi of Captain Mason, his widow and executrix\\nsent over Francis Norton as her general attorney; to whom\\nshe committed the whole manoge^nent of the estate.^ But the\\nexpense so far exceeded the income, and the servants grew so\\nimpatient for their arrears, that she was obliged to relinquish die\\ncare of the plantation, and tell the servants Uiat they must shift for\\nthemselves upon which, they shared the goods and cattle. Nor-\\nton drove above an hundred oxen to Boston, and there sold them\\nfor twenty-five pounds sterling per head, which it is said was the\\ncurrent price of the best catde in New-England at that time.*\\nThese were of a large breed, imported from Denmark, from\\nwhence Mason had also procured a number of men skilled in\\nsawing plank and making potashes. Having shared the stock\\nand other materials, some of the people quitted the plantation\\n(I) MS. Deposition in Superior Court files. 3) Anne Mason s Letters,\\nand MS. Depositions in Superior Court files.\\nIsaac Perkin.s M 42 Robert Cassell\\nFrancis Peabody IM i ||(.John) Cross Ui3\\nYoung Mm tlnit had Lots. William Sargeant\\nWilliam Wakefield 1G38 Arthur Clark 1G40\\nWilliam Fifield T/ic second Summer.\\nMoses Cox II (Robert) Pajre 1G42\\nThomas Kincr |1 (William) Marston\\nAn liony Taylor ||(Joseph) Austin\\nThomas Ward 1037- ||(.losepli) Smith\\nGiles Fuller ll(.lohii) Philbrick\\n(I (William) Saunders |K William) l^nojlish 1042\\nDaniel Mendrick (Walter) Roper IM2\\n.John Wedgewood 1| Henry) Amiirose 1041\\nTliomas Chase Widdow Parker\\nll(William) Fuller 1011\\nThe names of Stephen Rntrholor. Timothy Dalton, Mary Hussey, widow,\\nThomas Cromwell, Samuel Sknllard and John Osgood, which are in Dr.\\nBelknaps list, do not appear in the preceding. Cromwell and Sknllard re-\\nsided in Newbury, and Osijood settled at Andover. where lie died in October,\\n1051, aged fjCJ. Most of the first settlers of Hampton iiad previouslj- lived in\\nother towns in the Massachusetts colony, after their emigration from England.\\n]n 1043, I find the following additional names at Hampton, viz. .lames Davis,\\n\\\\t.. Francis Swaine, William Marston. jr., Thomas Linnet, William Sanborn,\\nJtjhn Sanborn, Stephen Sanborn, William Huntington, A )uila (^hase. ances-\\ntor of the Chase families in New-Hampshire, Richard Knight and Edward\\nTucke.]\\nNorton did not return to New-Hampshire, but took up his residence at\\nCharleslown, and being, as .lohnsnn s.iys in llisl. N. E.. I .t i, a man of a\\nbold and cheerful spirit, well disciplined, and an able man, was admitted\\nfreeman of the colony in 104*2; chosen a member of the Ancient and Honor-\\nable Artillery Company in 1( 43, and captain of the Charlestown train band.\\nHe was elected a deputy to the Cleneral Court eleven vears, viz. in 1( 47,\\nUI5(), 1052\u00e2\u0080\u0094 lUGl, excepting 10. and 1057. He died 27 July, 1007.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0046.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "1038.] SETTLEMENTS. 23\\nOthers of them tarried, keeping iiossession of the ])iiil(hn2;s and\\nimprovements, which they claimed as their own the houses at\\nNewichwannock were burned and thus Mason s estate was ru-\\nined. These events happened between 1G38 and 1G44.\\nAmong the Antinomians who were banished from Boston, and\\ntook refuge in these plantations, was Captain John Underbill, in\\nwhose story will appear some very strong characteristics of the\\nspirit of these limes.* He had been a sohher in the Netherlands,\\nand was brought over to New-England by Governor Wintiu-oj), to\\ntrain the people in military discipline. He served the country in\\nthe Pequod war, and was in such reputation in the town of Bos-\\nton, tll^t they had chosen him one of their deputies.- Deeply\\ntinctiu ed with Antinomian principles, and possessed of an high\\ndegree of enthusiasm, he made a capital figure in the controversy\\nbeing one of the subscribers to a petition in which the court was\\ncensured, with an indecent severity, for their proceedings against\\nWheelwright. For this ofFence, he was disfranchised. He then\\nmade a voyage to England and upon his return petition- Nov. 15,\\ned the court for three hundred acres of land which had 1^37.\\nbeen promised him for his former services, intending to remove\\nafter Wheelwright. In his petition, he acknowledged his offence\\nin condemning the court, and declared that the Lord had brought\\nhim to a sense of his sin in that respect, so that he had been in\\ngreat trouble on account thereof. On this occasion, the court\\nthought proper to question him concerning an offensive expression,\\nwhich he had uttered on board the ship in which he came from\\nEngland, that the government at Boston were as zealous as die\\nscribes and Pharisees, and as Paul before his conversion. He\\ndenied the charge, and it was proved to his face }ty a woman who\\nwas passenger with him, and whom he had endeavored to seduce\\nto his opinions. He was also questioned for what he had said to\\nher concerning the manner of his receiving assurance, which was\\ndiat having long lain under a spirit of bondage, he could get no\\nassurance till at length as he was taking a pipe of tobacco,\\nthe spirit set home upon him an absolute promise of free grace,\\nwith such assurance and joy that he had never since doubted of\\nhis good estate, neidier should he, whatever sins he might fall\\ninto. This he would neither own nor deny but objected to\\nthe sufficiency of a single testimony. The court committed him\\nfor abusing them with a pretended retraction, and the next day\\npassed the sentence of banishment upon him. Being allowed tiie\\nliberty of attending public worship, his enthusiastic zeal broke out\\nin a speech in which he endeavored to prove that as the Lord\\nwas pleased to convert Saul while he was persecuting, so he\\nmight manifest himself to him while making a moderate use of\\nthe good creature tobacco professing widial diat he knew not\\nwherein he had deserved the censure of the court. The el-\\n(1) Hubbard s MS. Hist. (2) Princes Annals, MS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0047.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "24 HIRTOIIY OF .NEW-HAMrSHlRE. [1G38.\\n(lers reproved liiin for this inconsiderate speech and Mr. Cotton\\ntold him, that though God often laid a man under a spirit of\\nbondage vvliilc walking in sin, as was the case with Paul, yet\\nhe never sent a spirit of comfort but in an ordinance, as he did\\nto Paul by the ministry of Ananias and therefore exhorted him\\nto examine carefully the revelation and joy to which he preten-\\nded. The same week he was privately dealt with on suspicion\\nof adultery, which he disregarded; and therefore on the next\\nsabbath was (piestioned for it belbre the church but the evidence\\nnot being sufficient to convict him, the church could only admon-\\nish him.\\nThese proceedings, civil and ecclesiastical, being finished, he\\nremoved out of their jurisdiction and after a while came to Do-\\nver, where he procured the j)lace of governor in the room of Bur-\\ndet. Governor Winthrop hearing of this, wrote to Hilton and\\nothers of this plantation, informing them of his character. Un-\\nderbill intercepted the letter, and returned a bitter answer to Mr.\\nCotton and wrote another letter full of reproaches against the\\ngovernor to a gendeman of his family, whilst he addressed the\\ngovernor himself in a fawning, obsequious strain, begging an ob-\\nliteration of former miscarriages, and a bearing with human in-\\nfirmities. These letters were all sent back to Hilton but too\\nlate to prevent his advancement.\\nBeing settled in his government, he procured a church to be\\ngathered at Dover, who chose Hanserd Knollys for their minister.\\nHe had come over from England the year before but being an\\nAnabaptist of the Antinomian cast, was not well received in Mas-\\nsachusetts, and came here while Burdet was in office, who forbade\\nhis preaching but Underbill, agreeing better with him, prevailed\\nto have him chosen their minister. To ingratiate himself with\\nhis new patron, Knollys wrote in his favor to the church in Boston\\nstyling him tlie right worshipful, their honored governor. Not-\\nwithstanding which, they cited him again to appear before them\\nthe court granting him safe conduct. At the same time, com-\\nplaint WMS made to the chief inhabitants on the river, of the breach\\nof friendship in advancing Underbill after his rejection and a\\ncopy of KnoUys s letter was returned, wherein he had written that\\nUnderbill was an instrument of God for their ruin, and it was\\ninquired whether that letter was written by the desire or consent\\nof the people.* The principal persons of Portsmouth and Dover\\ndisclaimed his miscarriages, and expressed their readiness to call\\nhim to account when a proper information should be presented\\nbut begged that no force might be sent against him. By his in-\\nstigation, Knollys had also written to his friends in England, a\\ncalumnious letter against the Massachusetts planters, representing\\nthem as more arbitrary than die high-commission court, and that\\nthere was no real religion in the country. A copy of this letter\\n(1) [Winthrop, i. Hist. N. E. 281, 292.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0048.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "jf^39.] SETTLEMENTS. 25\\nbeing sent from England to Governor Winlhrop, Knollys was so\\nashamed at the discovery, that obtaining a license, he went to Bos-\\nton and at the public lecture before the governor, magistrates,\\nministers and the congregation, made confession of his fault, and\\nwrote a retraction to his friends in England, which he left with the\\ngovernor to be sent to them.*\\nUnderbill was so affected with his friend s humiliation, and the\\ndisaffection of the people of Pascataqua to him, that he resolved\\nto retrieve his character in the same way. Having obtained safe\\nconduct, he went to Boston, and in the same public manner ac-\\nknowledged his adultery, his disrespect to the government and\\nthe justice of their proceedings against him. But his confession\\nwas mixed with so many excuses and extenuations that it gave no\\nsatisfaction and die evidence of his scandalous deportment being\\nnow undeniable, the church passed the sentence of excommuni-\\ncation, to which he seemed to submit, and appeared much dejec-\\nted whilst he remained there.\\nUpon his return, to please some disaffected persons at the mouth\\nof the river, he sent thirteen armed men to Exeter to rescue out\\nof the officer s hand one Fish, who had been taken into custody\\nfor speaking against the king. The people of Dover forbade his\\ncoming into their court till they had considered his crimes and he\\npromised to resign his place if they should disapprove of his con-\\nduct but hearing that they were determined to remove him, he\\ni-ushed into court in a passion, took his seat, ordered one of the\\nmagistrates to prison, for saying that he would not sit with an\\nadulterer, and refused to receive his dismission, when they voted\\nit. But they proceeded to choose another governor, Roberts, and\\nsent back the prisoner to Exeter.\\nA new scene of difliculty now arose. Thomas Lark-\\nham, a native of Lyme, in Dorsetshire, and formerly a min-\\nister at Northam near Barnstable, who had come over to New-Eng-\\nland, and not favoring the doctrine, nor willing to submit to the dis-\\ncipline of the churches in Massachusetts, came to Dover and be-\\ning a preacher of good talents, eclipsed Knollys, and raised a party\\nwho determined to remove him. He therefore gave way to pop-\\nular prejudice, and suffered Larkham to take his place who soon\\ndiscovered his licentious principles by receiving into the church\\npersons of immoral characters, and assuming, like Burdet, the civil\\nas well as ecclesiastical authority. The better sort of the people\\nwere displeased and restored Knollys to his oflice, who excom-\\nmunicated Larkham. This bred a riot, in which Larkham laid\\nhands on Knollys, taking away his hat on pretence that he had\\nnot paid for it but he was civil enough afterward to return it.\\nSome of the magistrates joined with Larkham, and forming a\\ncourt, summoned Underbill, who was of Knollys s party, to appear\\nbefore them, and answer to a new crime which diey had to allege\\n(1) [Winlhrop, Hist. N. E. i. 306, 326.]\\n6", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0049.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "26 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1640,\\nagainst him. Underbill collected his adherents Knollys was\\narmed with a pistol, and another had a bible mounted on an hal-\\nbert for an ensign. In this ridiculous parade, they marched against\\nLarkham and his party, who prudently declined a combat, and\\nsent down the river to Williams, the governor, at Portsmouth, for\\nassistance. He came up in a boat with an armed partv, beset\\nKnollys s house, where Underbill was, guarded it night and day\\ntill a court was summoned, and then, Williams sitting as judge,\\nUnderbill and his company were found guilty of a riot, and after\\nbeing fined, were banished the plantation. The new crime which\\nLarkham s party alleged against Underbill was, that he had been\\nsecretly endeavoring to persuade the inhabitants to offer them-\\nselves to the government of Massachusetts, whose favor he was\\ndesirous to purchase, by these means, as he knew that their view\\nwas to extend their jurisdiction as far as they imagined their limits\\nreached, whenever they should find a favorable opportunity. The\\nsame policy led him with his party to send a petition to Boston,\\npraying for the interposition of the government in their case. In\\nconsequence of which, the governor and assistants commissioned\\nSimon Bradstreet, Esq., with the famous Hugh Peters, then min-\\nister of Salem, and Timothy Dalton, of Hampton, to inquire into\\nthe matter, and effect a reconciliation, or certify the state of things\\nto them. These gentlemen travelled on foot to Dover, and find-\\ning both sides in fault, brought the matter to this issue, that the\\none party revoked the excommunication, and the other the fines\\nand banishment.\\nIn the heat of these disputes, a discovery was made of Knollys s\\nfailure in point of chastity. He acknowledged his crime before\\nthe church but they dismissed him and he returned to England,\\nwhere he suffered by the severity of the long parliament in 1 644\\nand being forbidden to preach in the churches, opened a separate\\nmeeting in Great St. Helen s, from which he was soon dislodged,\\nand his followers dispersed.- He also suffered in the cause of\\nnon-conformity in the reign of King Charles the second, and at\\nlength (as it is said) died a good man in a good old age, Sep-\\ntember 19, 1691, JEt. ninety-three.3\\nUnderbill having finished his career in these parts, obtained\\nleave to return to Boston, and finding honesty to be the best poli-\\ncy, did in a large assembly, at the public lecture, and during the\\nsitting of the court, make a full confession of his adultery and hy-\\npocrisy, his pride and contempt of authority, justifying the church\\nand court in all that they had done against him, declaring that his\\npretended assurance had failed him, and that the terror of his\\nmind had at some times been so great, that he had drawn his\\nsword to put an end to his life. The church being now satisfied,\\nrestored him to their communion.* The court, after waiting six\\n(1) [Winthrop, Hist. N. E. ii. 27,28.] (2) Neal s Hist. Puritans. 4to. vol.\\nii. p. 118. Neal s Hist. N.E. vol. i. p. 216. Mather s Magnal. lib. 8. p.\\n7. (4) Prince s Annals.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0050.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "1^40.1 SETTLEMENTS. 27\\nmonths for evidence of his good behaviour, took off his sentence\\nof banishment, and released him from the punishment of his adul-\\ntery the law which made it capital having been enacted after\\nthe crime was committed, could not touch his life. Some offers\\nbeing made him by the Dutch at Hudson s river, whose language\\nwas familiar to him, the church of Boston hired a vessel to trans-\\nport him and his family thither, furnishing them with all necessa-\\nries for the voyage.^ The Dutch governor gave him the com-\\nmand of a company of an hundred and twenty men, and he was\\nvery serviceable in the wars which that colony had with the Indians,\\nhaving, it is said, killed otie hundred and fifty on Long-Island,\\nand three hundred on the Main. He continued in their service\\ntill his death.*\\nWe find in this relation a striking instance of that species of\\nfalse religion, which, having its seat in the imagination, instead of\\nmaking the heart better and reforming the life, inflames the pas-\\nsions, stupifies reason, and produces the wildest effects in the be-\\nhaviour. The excesses of enthusiasm have often been observed\\nto lead to sensual gratifications the same natural fervor being\\nsufficient to produce both. It cannot be strange that they who\\ndecry morality, should indulge such gross and scandalous enormi-\\nties as are sufficient to invalidate all those evidences of their re-\\nligious character on which they lay so much stress. But it is not\\nso surprising that men should be thus misled, as that such frantic\\nzealots should ever be reduced to an acknowledgment of their of-\\nfences which, in this instance, may be ascribed to the strict dis-\\ncipline then practised in the churches of New-England.\\n(1) Hubbard s MS. Hist. [p. 3G5 printed copy.]\\n[Mr. Wood says he settled at Stamford in Connecticut, and was a dele-\\ngate from that town to the court of New-Haven in 1()4:^, and was appointed\\nan assistant justice there. In the war between the Dutch and Indians from\\n1t)43 to IG4(3, he had a principal command. After this war, which was ter-\\nminated by a great battle at Strickland].s plain, and in which the Dutch with\\ndifliculty obtained the victory, he settled at Flushing, on Long-Island. He\\nhad soineagenc} in detecting and exposing the intrigues of the Dutch treas-\\nurer in 1G.53. In 1G65, he was a delegate from the town of Oyster-Bay to\\nthe Assembly, liolden at Hempstead by Governor Nicolls, and was appointed\\nby him, under-sheriff of the north riding of Yorkshire or Queen s count)-. In\\n1GG7, the Matinecoc Indians gave him 50 acres of land, which has remained\\nin the family ever since, and is now in possession of one of his descendants\\nthat bears his name. It is supposed that Captain Underbill died at Oyster-\\nBay in the year 1G7 2. See Wood s Sketch of the First Settlement of the sev-\\neral Towns on Long-Island, 3d edit. 1828, 7(). The author of this work in a\\nletter to me, dated at Huntington, L. I., 5 November, 1827, says, the de-\\nscendants of Captain Underbill are numerous and very respectable. His el-\\ndest son John was a magistrate and a man of influence and very serviceable.\\nThe most of his posterity have changed the warlike habiliments of their an-\\ncestor for the Quaker habit. One of his female descendants, who resides\\nwithin six miles of Huntington, is clerk ofa meetingin tiiat neighborhood, an\\noffice of considerable importance among the F riends. She is regarded a.s a\\nwoman of superior talents and acquirements. The name of Underbill still\\nexists in New-Hampshire. Wliether those bearing it are descendants of\\nCapt. John Underbill, 1 have not ascertained. There was a Giles Underbill\\nin New-Hampshire in 1GG8, who is mentioned in the N. H. Republican of 29\\nJanuary, 1823, printed at Dover.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0051.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "28 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1(340.\\nThe people of Dover and Portsmouth during all this time had\\nno power of government delegated from the crown but finding\\nthe necessity of some more determinate form than they had yet\\nenjoyed, combined themselves each into a body politic after the\\nexample of their neighbors at Exeter. The inhabitants of Dover,\\no t 02 ^y written instrument, signed by 41 persons, agreed to\\nsubmit to die laws of England, and such others as should\\nbe enacted by a majority of their number, until the royal pleasure\\nshould be known.* The date of the combination at Portsmouth\\nis uncertain, their first book of records having been destroyed in\\n1652, after copying out what they then thought proper to pre-\\nserve.^ Williams, who had been sent over by the adventurers,\\nwas by annual suffrage continued governor of the place, and with\\nhim were associated Ambrose Gibbons and Thomas Warnerton*\\nin quality of assistants. During this combination, a grant of fifty\\nq_ acres of land for a glebe was made by the governor and\\ninhabitantsf to Thomas WalfordJ and Henry Sher-\\n(1) Hubbard, MS. Hist. (2) Portsmouth Records.\\nWarnerton had been a soldier. Upon the division of Mason s stock and\\ngoods lie carried his share to Penobscot, or some part of Nova-Scotia, where\\nhe was killed in a fray with the French inhabitants. Hi44. (Hubbard.)\\nrWinthrop, Hist. N. E. ii. 1/8, gives the circumstances of his death, and Mr.\\nSavaire has added a valuable note pp. 177, 178, which serves more fully to\\ndevelope the character of Warnerton, or Waniierton as spelled l)y Winthrop.]\\ni This grant is subscribed by\\nFrancis Williams, Governor, John Landen, 1\\nAmbrose Gibbons, Assistant, Henry Taler,\\nWilliam Jones, John Jones,\\nRenald Fernald, William Berry,\\nJohn Crowther, John Pickerin,\\nAnthony Bracket. John Billing,\\nMichael Chattertun, John Wotten,\\nJohn Wall, Nicholas Row,\\nRobert Pudington, Matthew Coe,\\nHenry Sherburne, William Palmer.\\nPortsmouth Records.\\n(1) [Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 395, has this name Lander. The name\\nof Wotten above, he reads Wolten.]\\nt [Thomas Walford was among the earliest emigrants to the Massachusetts\\ncolony. He was found at Charlestown in 1(i2H, by those who went from Sa-\\nlem, III the summer of lliat year, to settle that place. He occupied an En-\\nglish thatched house pallisadoed, and was employed as a smith by trade. He\\nremoved to Pascataqua within a few years, where he appears to have acquired\\na considerable estate for those days, as his property at the time of his death,\\nin ir)r)7, was inventoried at \u00c2\u00a3]4 Xi fi. He possessed some influence, and\\nserved in several offices of responsibility. Jane Walford, supposed to be his\\nwife, fell under the censure of dealing in witchcraft, and a prosecution [prob-\\nably the first, and perbajis the only one of the kind in New-Hain])shire,] was\\ninstituted against her, in 1(; 7. which Mr. Adams supposes was dropped, as\\ntwelve years afterwards, she brought against her prosecutor an action of slan-\\nder, and obtained a verdict of five pounds, and costs of court. Mr. Walford\\nprobably left descendants as the iiajue continued many years in the eastern\\nparts of the state. From this early artisan of New-England, a mechanic s\\nNews Room,Iaf#ly established at Charlestown, Massachusetts, has received\\nthe name of- Walford ball. See llidibard. Hist. N. E. 20.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Hutch. Hist.\\nMass. i. 17.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. ii. IC.:!\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Coll. of N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 25r\\n257. Savage, Notes in Winthrop. i. il, Adams, Annals of Portsmouth,\\n5 (i, 38, :w, 40, :Jiir).]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0052.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "IG40.]\\nSETTLEMENTS. 29\\nburnc,* cliurcli-wardcns, and their successors forever, ns feoflecs\\nin trust by virtue of which grant tlie same land is still held, and\\nbeing let on long leases, a considerable part of the town of 1 Ports-\\nmouth is built upon it. At this time, they had a parsonage house\\nand chapel, and had chosen Richard Gibson for their parson, the\\npatronage being vested in the ))arishoners. Gibson was sent from\\nEngland as minister to a fishing plantation belonging to one Tre-\\nlavvney. He was wholly addicted to the hierarchy and disci-\\npline of England, and exercised his ministerial function ac-\\ncording to the ritual.2 He was summoned before the court at\\nBoston for scandalizing the government there, and denying\\ntheir title but upon his submission, they discharged him\\nwithout fine or punishment, being a stranger and about to depai t\\nthe country. After his departure, the people of Portsmouth had\\nJames Parkerf for their minister,*^ who was a scholar, and had\\nbeen a deputy in the Massachusetts court. After him, they had\\n(1) Portsmouth Records. (2) Gov.Winthrop s Journal, MS. [Vol. ii. p. 66,\\nMr. Savage s edition.] Portsmouth Records.\\n[Henry Sherburne, it appears from a deposition found among the old\\ncolony files of Massachusetts, was born about the year 1612. lie tlierefore,\\nif the same who is mentioned in the text, must iiave come to New-England\\nbefore he was 20 years of age. He was the deputy of Portsmouth to the Gen-\\neral Court of Massachusetts in KiGO, and was living in ](J(J5. and probably at\\na later period. The Sherburne family in New-Ham])shire has been a distin-\\nguished one from tJie earliest settlement of the state. Capt. Samuel Sher-\\nburne, of Portsmouth, a worthy officer who was killed by the Indians at Mac-\\ncjuoit, is named in this history, sub anno 1()91. Samuel Sherburne, who\\ngraduated at Harvard College in 171f), was a merchant of Portsmouth. Hen-\\nry Sherburne was appointed a mandamus counsellor in 1728, and died 29 De-\\ncember, 1757. aged H:1 Henry Sherburne, born in 1710, graduated at Harvard\\nCollege in 1726 was engaged in mercantile business was elected rt-i)resen-\\ntative of Portsmouth twenty-one years in succession, from .January, 174. was\\nspeaker of the House of Representatives from 1755 to ]7(!(), when he was ap-\\npointed counsellor by mandamus. In 1705, he received the appointment of\\nJustice of the Superior Court of Common Pleas for tiie province. He died 30\\nMarch, 17()7, in the 5r- th year of his age. (Adams, in Annals of Portsmouth,\\n220, 221, gives an account of his character.) Joseph Sherburne was appointed\\na counsellor of the jirovince in 173:?, sworn into office, 1 January, 1734. and\\ndied 3 December, 1744, aged (i4. John Sherburne, the fourth counsellor of\\nthe name, received his appointment the year before the revolution commen-\\nced, and served only one year. He died 10 March, 17f)7, in his 77th year.\\nJohn Samuel Sherburne, Judge of the U. S. District Court for the New-\\nHampshire District, is of this family.]\\nt Governor Winthrop gives this account of him and his ministry. (1642.\\n10 mo:) Those of the lower part of Pascataquack invited Mr. .fames Par-\\nkerof Weymouth, a godly man [and a scholar] to be their minister. He^\\nby advising with divers of the magistrates and elders, accepted the call, anti\\nwent and taught among them, this winter, and it pleased God to give gre.it\\nsuccess to his labors, so as above forty of them, whereof the most had beert\\nvery profane, and some of them professed enemies to the way of our church-\\nes, wrote to the magistrates and elders, acknowledging the sinful course\\nthey had lived in, and bewailing tlie same, and blessiuir God for calling them\\nout of it. and earnestly desiring that Mr. Parker migiit be settled amongst\\nthem. Most of them fell back again in time, embracing this present\\nworld. 1 He afterward removed to Barbadoes and there settled, (vide\\nHutchinson s Collection of paper.s, p. 1,55 and 222.) Hutchinson supposes\\nhim to have been minister of Newbury, mistakinir him for Thomas Parker.\\n(1) MS. Journal. [Vol. ii. p. 03 of Mr. Savage s edition.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0053.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "30 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1640.\\none l^rowno and Samuel Dudley,* a son of Deputy Governor\\nDudley but these were only temporary preaciiers, and they did\\nnot obtam the regular settlement of a minister for many years.\\nFour distinct governments (including one at Kittery on the\\nnorth side of the river) were now formed on the several branches\\nof Pascataqua. These combinations being only voluntary agree-\\nments, liable to be broken or subdivided on the first popular dis-\\ncontent, there could be no safety iji the continuance of them.\\nThe distractions in England at this time had cut off all hope of\\nthe royal attention, and the people of the several settlements were\\ntoo much divided in their opinions to form any general plan of\\ngovernment which could afford a prospect of permanent utility.\\nThe more considerate persons among them, therefore thought it\\nbest to treat with Massachusetts about taking them under their\\nprotection. That government was glad of an opportunity to re-\\nalize the construction which they had put upon the clause of their\\ncharter wherein their northern limits are defined. For a line\\ndrawn from east to west, at the distance of three miles to the\\nnorthward of Merrimack river and of any and every part there-\\nof, will take in the whole province of New-Hampshire, and the\\ngreater part of the province of Maine, so that both Mason s and\\nGorges s patents must have been vacated. They had already in-\\ntimated their intention to run this east and west line, and presum-\\ning on the justice of their claim, they readily entered into a nego-\\ntiation with the principal settlers of Pascataqua respecting their\\nincorporation with them. The affair was more than a year\\nIG41. ill agitation, and was at length concluded by an instrument\\nsubscribed in the presence of the general court, by George\\nWillys, Robert Saltonstall, William Whiting, Edward Holyoke,\\nand Thomas ]V[akepeacc, in behalf of themselves and the other\\npartners of the two patents by which instruments, they resigned\\nthe jurisdiction of the whole to Massachusetts, on condition that\\nthe inhabitants should enjoy the same liberties w-ith their own peo-\\nple, and have a court of justice erected among them. The prop-\\nerly of the whole patent of Portsmouth, and of one third part of\\nthat of Dover, and of all the improved lands therein, was\\nreserved to the lords and gentlemen proprietors, and their\\nheirs forever.\\nThe court on their part consented diat the inhabitants of these\\ntowns should enjoy the same privileges with the rest of the colony,\\nand have the same administration of justice as in the courts of\\nSalem and Tpswich that they should be exempted from all public\\ncharges, except what should arise among themselves, or for their\\nown peculiar benefit that they should enjoy their former liber-\\nties of fishing, planting and selling timber that they should send\\n(1) Massa. Records.\\nDudley settled at Exeter in 1 0, and died there in 1083, aged 77. He\\nwas a person of good capacity and learning. Fitch s MS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0054.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "1^41.1 SETTLEMENTS. 31\\ntwo deputies to the general court and that the same persons who\\nwere authorized by their combinations to govern them, should\\ncontinue in office till the commissioners named in this order should\\narrive at Pascataqua. These connnissioners were invested with\\nthe power of the quarter courts of Salem and Ipswich, and, at\\ntheir arrival, they constituted Francis Williams, Tliomas Warner-\\nton and Ambrose Gibbons of Portsmouth, Edward Hilton, Thom-\\nas Wiggin and William Waldron of Dover, magistrates, who were\\nconfirmed by the general court.*\\nBy a subsequent order, a very extraordinary concession was\\nmade to these towns, which shows the fondness that\\ngovernment had of retaining them under their jurisdiction.\\nA test had been established by law, but it was dispensed\\nwith in their favor their freemen were allowed to vote in town\\naffairs, and their deputies to sit in the general court though they\\nwere not church-members.\\nThe people of Dover being left destitute of a minister by the\\nsudden departure of Larkham, who took this method to avoid the\\nshame which would have attended the discovery of a crime simi-\\nlar to that for which Knollys had been dismissed, wrote to Massa-\\nchusetts for help. The court took care to send them Daniel\\nMaud, who had been a minister in England. f He was an hon-\\nest man, and of a quiet and peaceable disposition, qualities much\\nwanting in all his predecessors.- Larkham returned to England,\\nwhere he continued to exercise his ministry till ejected by the act\\nof uniformity in 1662, from Tavistock in Devon. He is said to\\nhave been well known there for a man of great piety and sin-\\ncerity, and died in 1669, M. 69.3 j\\n(1) Hubbard s MS. [Winthrop, Hist. N. E. ii. 02. Savage, Winthrop, ii.\\n92.] (2) Math. Mag. (3) Calamy s account of ejected ministers, p. 24.]\\n[Hubbard says, on Sept. 24, 1C41, the inhabitants on the south side of\\nPascataqua, both at Dover and Strawberry-Bank (since Portsmouth) were de-\\nclared to belong to the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and in pursuance thereof,\\na committee was chosen to order matters accordingly. Hist. N. E. 372.]\\nt [Daniel Maud came to New-England as early as 1635, in which year, on\\nthe 25 October, he was admitted freeman by the Massachusetts colony. He\\nwas employed while at Boston as a schoolmaster. He was the minister of\\nDover about thirteen years, and died in 1655.]\\nt [1G42. The visit of Darby Field to the White Mountains should be placed\\nunder this year. The season of the year, when this visit was made is deter-\\nmined by the following note, among the chronological items in tiie Rev. Sam-\\nuel Danforth s almanac for 1647. 1642. (4) [i. e. .June] The first discovery\\nof the great mountaine (called the Christall Hills) to the NW.by Darby Field.\\nThe expedition was deemed so important and atttended with so much labor\\nand fatigue, that it may be proper to give Gov. Winthrop s account of it\\nentire.\\nOne Darby Field, an Irishman, living about Pascataquack, being accom-\\npanied with two Indians, went to the top of the White hill. He made his,\\njourney in 18 days. His relation at his return was, that it was about one hun-\\ndred miles from Saco that after 40 miles travel, he did, for the most part as-\\ncend, and witliin 12 miles of the top, was neither tree nor grass, but low sav-\\nins, which they went upon the top of sometimes, but a continual ascent upon\\nrocks, on a ridge between two valleys filled with snow, out of which came", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0055.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "32 HISTORY OF NEVV-IIAMPSHIRE. [1G42.\\nThe inhnhitnnts of Exrter had hitherto continued dieir combi-\\nnation bnt finding themselves comprehended within the claim of\\nMassachusetts, and being weary of their ineflicacious mode of\\ngovernment they petitioned the court, and were readily\\nadmitted under their jurisdiction. William VVenborne,\\nRobert Smith, and Thomas Wardhall were appointed their mag-\\nistrates; and they were annexed to the county of Essex. Upon\\nthis. Wheelwright who was still under sentence of banishment,\\nwith those of his church who were resolved to adhere to him, re-\\nmoved into the province of IMaine, and settled at Wells, where his\\nposterity yet remain. He was soon after restored, upon a slight\\nacknowledgment, to the freedom of the colony, and removed to\\nHampton, of which church he was minister for many years un-\\ntil he went to England where he was in favor with Cromwell.\\nBut, after the restoration, he returned and settled at Salisbury,\\nwhere he died in IGS0.~\\n(1) Mass. Records. (2) Hubbard s MS. [pp. 351, 305-3G8 of the printed\\ncopy.]\\ntwo branches of Saco river, which met at the foot of the hill, where was an In-\\ndian town of some 200 people. Some of them accompanied him within 8\\nmiles of the top, but durst go no further, telling him that no Indian ever dar-\\ned to go higher, and that he would die if he went. So tliey staid there till his\\nreturn, and his two Indians took courage by his example and went with him.\\nThey went divers times through the thick clouds for a good space, and within\\n4 miles of the top they had no clouds, but very cold. JJy the way, amono-\\nthe rocks, there were two ponds, one a blackisli water, the other reddish.\\nThe top of all was plain about (iO feet square. On the north side there was\\nsuch a precipice, as they could scarce discern to tlie bottom. They had nei-\\nther cloud nor wind on the top, and moderate heat. All the country about\\nhim seemed a level, excepting liere and there a hill rising above the rest, but\\nfar beneath them. lie saw to the north a great water which he judged to be\\nabout too miles broad, but could see no land be3 ond it. The sea by Saco\\nseemed as if it had been within 20 miles. He saw also a sea to the eastward,\\nwhich he judged to be the gulpli of Canada he saw some great waters in\\nparts to the westward, which he judged to be tlie great lake which Canada\\nriver comes out of. He found there much muscovy glass. They could rive\\nout pieces of 40 feet long, and 7 or 8 broad. Winthrop, Hist. N. E. ii. ()7, P.\\nField again visited the mountains about a month afterwards, in company with\\nfive or six persons. At this time, tliey brought away some stones which they\\nsupposed were diamonds, but which proved to be crystal. It is to be regret-\\nted that the other relation, vwrr, true and cract, to which Gov. Winthrop\\nrefers as subsequent, is not to be found in his History. There have been ma-\\nny accounts of the White Mountains published in the periodicals of the day,\\nthe most satisfactory of which may he found in the N. E. Journal of Medicine\\nand Surgery, for January, iHKi, vol. v. 321 338, and in Farmer and Moore s\\nCollections for April, 1823, vol. ii. 97\u00e2\u0080\u0094 107.]\\n[Rev. John Wheelwright died 15 November, 1070, at an advanced age,\\nand probably between 80 and 00 j ears, as he is said to have been at the Uni-\\nversity with Oliver Cromwell, who, when Wheelwright, while in England,\\nwaited upon him after he became Protector, declared to the gentlemen then\\nabout him, that he could remember the time when he had been more afraid\\nof meeting Wheelwright at foot-ball, than of meeting any army since in the\\nfield, for he was infallibly sure ofhc ingtriptvp by him (Mather, in Appx.\\nto iii. vol. Belknap, 225.) Mr. Wheelwright came from Lincolnshire to New-\\nEngland in lf)3fi. Soon after his arrival, he preached a sermon at Boston,\\nwhich, being considered by the magistrates as tending to sedition, occa-\\nsioned his banishment from the colony in November, 1637. Mr. Savage\\nwho has seen the sermon, says, in Winthrop, i. 215, that it was not such as", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0056.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "1544.1 SETTLEMENTS. 33\\nAfter his departure from Exeter, an attempt was made by the\\nremainins; inhabitants to form tbemselves into a chnrch, ,p,,^\\nand call the aged Stephen Batchelor to the ministry, who\\nhad been dismissed from Hampton for his irregular conduct. But\\nthe general court here interposed and sent them a solemn\\nprohibition, importing that their divisions were such that\\ntliey could not comfortably, and with approbation, proceed in so\\nweigJity and sacred affiiirs, and therefore directing them to\\ndefer gathering a church, or any other such proceeding, till tiiey\\nor the court at Ipswich, upon further satisfaction of th ir recon-\\nciliation and fitness, should give allowance therefor,\\n(1) Massa. Records.\\nas can justify the court in their sentence for sedition and contempt, nor pre-\\nvent tlie present age from regarding that proceeding as an example and a\\nivaruingof tiie usual tyranny of ecclesiastical factions. There is a copy of\\nthe sermon in MS. in tlie library of the Massachusetts Historical Society.\\nThe following exhortation from it is copied by Mr. Savage. Thirdly, let\\nus have a care, that we do show ourselves holy in all manner of good conver-\\nsation, botli in private and public and, in all our carriage.s and cojiversations,\\nlet us have a care to endeavor to be holy as the Lord is let us not give occa-\\nsion to those that are coming on, or manifestly opposite to the wavs of o-race,\\nto suspect the way of grace let us carry ourselves, that they may be ashamed\\nto blame us let us deal uprightly with those with whom we have occasion to\\ndeal, and have a care to guide our families and to perform duties that belono-\\nto us and let us have a care that we give not occasion to say, we are liber\\ntines or antinoniians.\\nMr. Wheelwright, on iiis banishment, came to New-Hampshire and settled\\nExeter as has been stated in the text, having obtained from several Indian\\nSagamores, by purchase, a tract of territory thil-ty miles square lying with-\\nin three miles on the nortliern side of Merrimack river, extending thirty miles\\nnloqg by the river from the sea side, and from the said river to Pascataqua pa-\\ntent, thirty miles up into the countrv north west, and so from the falls of\\nPascataqua to Oyster River, thirty miles square every way. From Exeter\\nhe went to Wells, in Maine, wheje he remained, some time, but beino- releas-\\ned from his sentence of banishment, he went to Hampton in 1647, where he ap-\\npears to have remained until 1(J54, and perhaps later. He was in England in\\n1().58, but returned to this country after the restoration, and succeedl-d Rev.\\nWilliam Worcester at Salisbury. His will, made 25 of May. 1(17!), names hi^^\\nson Samuel, who lived at Wells, his son-in-law Edward Rishwortli, his grand-\\nchildren Edward Lyde, Mary White, Mary Maverick, William, Thomas and\\nJacob Bratlbury, to whom he gave his estate in Lincolnshire, in England,\\nand his lands and tenements and personal property in New-Enoland. Two of\\nhis daughters were living when Mather wrote the letter in Appx. to iii. vol-\\nume of Belknap, already cited.]\\n[After this, the town of Exeter did not settle a minister until 1050. The\\ntown records show the contract to have been made ^vitll Rev. Samuel Dudley\\non the 13 of May, that year. He then, in consideration of the stipulated sal-\\nary, c. agreed to come and inhabit at Exeter, to be a minister of God s\\nword to the people there, until such time as God should be pleased to make\\nway for the gathering of a church, and then he is to be ordained Pastor and\\nTeacher according to the ordinance of God\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and was not to leave till death\\nor some more than ordinary call of (Jod otherways. MS. Note communica-\\nted by Hon. Jeremiah Smith. LL. D.\\nRev. Samuel Dudley was born in IGOfi, and probably came to New-Eng-\\nland with liis father in 1630. He resided a short time at Cambridge, then at\\nBoston, and removed to Salisbury as early as 1641, and represented that town\\nin the General Court, at the March and May sessions in 1G44. His first\\nwife, who was Mary, daughter of Gov. Winthrop, died at Salisbury, 12 April,\\niGid. He afterwards married a second and third wife, by all of whom he had\\nas many as fifteen children. His eldest son, Thomas, graduated at Harvard\\n7", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0057.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "34 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSPIIRE. [1644.\\nSuch a stretch of power, which would now be looked upon as\\nan infringement of christian liberty, was agreeable to the princi-\\nples of the first fathers of New-England, who thought that civil\\ngovernment was established for the defence and security of the\\nchurch against error both doctrinal and moral. In this sentiment\\nthey were not singular, it being universally adopted by the re-\\nformers, in that and the preceding age, as one of the fundamental\\nprinciples of their separation from the Romish church, and neces-\\nsary to curtail the claims of her Pontiff, who assumed a suprem-\\nacy over the kings of the earth.\\nCHAPTER III.\\nObservations on the principles and conduct of the first planters of New-Eng--\\nland. Causes of their removal. Their fortitude. Religious sentiments.\\nCareof their posterity. Justice. Laws. Theocratic prejudices. Intoler-\\nance and persecutions.\\nA UNION having been formed between the settlements on Pas-\\ncataqua and the colony of Massachusetts, their history for the\\nsucceeding forty years is in a great measure the same. It is not\\nmy intention to write the transactions of the whole colony during\\nthat period; but, as many of the people in New-Hampshire had\\nthe same principles, views and interests with the other people of\\nNew-England, I shall make some observations thereon, and in-\\ntersperse such historical facts as may illustrate the subject.\\nIn the preceding century the holy scriptures, which had long\\nlain hid in the rubbish of monastic libraries, were brought to public\\nview by the happy invention of printing aud as darkness vanish-\\nes before the rising sun, so the light of divine truth began to dis-\\nsipate those errors and superstitions in which Europe had long\\nCollege in 1G51, and died 7 November, 1655, aged 21. Several of his sons\\nwere active useful men, and their descendants have been numerous in this\\nstate.]\\n[Under this year, 1644, Governor Winthrop (Hist. N. E. ii. 177) speaks\\nof the contentions in Hampton as grown to a great height. The whole\\ntown was divided into two factions, one with Mr. Batchellor their late pastor,\\nand the other with Mr. Dalton their teacher, both men very passionate, and\\nwanting discretion and moderation. Their differences were not in matters of\\nopinion but of practice. Mr. Dalton s party being the most of the church,\\nand so freemen, had great advantage of the other, though a considerable par-\\nty, and some of them of the church also, wiiereby they carried all affairs both\\nin church and town according to their own minds, and not with that respect\\nto their brethren and neighbors which had been fit. Divers meetings had\\nbeen both of magistrates and elders, and parties had been reconciled, but\\nbrake out presently again, each side being apt to take fire upon any provoca-\\ntion. Whereupon Mr. Batchellor was advised to remove, and was called to\\nExeter. It was then that the General Court of Massachusetts interposed aa\\nrelated in the text.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0058.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "PRINCIPLES OF THE PURITANS. 35\\nbeen involved. At the same time, a remarkable concurrence of\\ncircumstances gave peculiar advantage to the bold attempt of\\nLuther, to rouse Germany from her inglorious subjection to the\\nRoman Pontiff, and effectuate a reformation, which soon spread\\ninto the neighboring countries. But so intimately were the po-\\nlitical interests of kingdoms and states blended with religious\\nprejudices, that the work, though Iiappily begun, was greatly\\nblemished and impeded.\\nHenry the Vlllth of England took advantage of this amazing\\nrevolution in the minds of men, to throw off the papal yoke, and\\nassert his native claim to independence. But so dazzling was\\nthe idea of power, and the example of the first christian princes,\\nwho had exercised a superintendency in spirituals, as well as tem-\\nporals, that he transferred to himself that spiritual power which\\nhad been usurped and exercised by the bishops of Rome, and\\nset up himself as supreme head on earth of the church of England\\ncommanding both clergy and laity in his dominions to swear al-\\nlegiance to him in this newly assumed character.\\nThis claim was kept up by his son and successor Edward the\\nSixth, in whose reign the reformation gained much ground and\\na service-book was published by royal authority as the standard\\nof worship and discipline for his subjects. This excellent prince\\nwas taken out of the world in his youth and his sister jMary,\\nwho then came to die throne, restored the supremacy of the pope,\\nand raised such fiery persecution against the reformers, that many\\nof them fled into Germany and the Netherlands where they de-\\nparted from that uniformity which had been established in Eng-\\nland, and became divided in their sentiments and practice respect-\\ning ecclesiastical affairs the native effect of that just liberty of con-\\nscience which they enjoyed abroad, pursuing their own inquiries\\naccording to their respective measures of light uninfluenced by\\nsecular power, or the hope of acquiring dignities in a national es-\\ntablishment.\\nThe accession of Elizabedi inspired them with new hopes\\nand they returned home, resolving to attempt the reformation of\\nthe church of England, agreeably to the respective opinions\\nwhich they had embraced in their exile. But they soon found\\nthat the queen, who had been educated in the same manner with\\nher brother Edward, was fond of the establishment made in his\\nreign, and was strongly prejudiced in favor of pomp and ceremony\\nin religious worship. She asserted her supremacy in the most\\nabsolute terms, and erected an high-commission court with juris-\\ndiction in ecclesiastical affairs. Uniformity being rigorously en-\\njoined, and no abatement or allowance made for tender conscien-\\nces, (though it was conceded that the ceremonies were indiffer-\\nent) a separation from the establishment took place. Those whc\\nwere desirous of a farther reformation from the Romish supersti-\\ntions, and of a more pure and perfect form of religion were de-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0059.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "36 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nnoininaled Puritans; whose princij)lcs, as distinguished from\\nthose oi the other reformers wlio were in favor with the queen,\\nare thus represented.^\\nThe queen and court-reformers held, 1. That every prince\\nhad the sole authority to correct all abuses of doctrine and wor-\\nship within his own territories. 2. That the church of Rome\\nwas a true church, though corrupt in some points of doctrine and\\ngovernment; that all her ministrations were valid, and that the\\npope was a true Bishop of Rome though not of the universal\\nchurch. 3. That the scriptures were a perfect rule of faith, but\\nnot a standard of discipline and that it was left to the discretion\\nof the christian magistrate, to accommodate the government of\\nthe church to the policy of the state. 4. That tlie practice of\\nthe primitive church for the first four or five centuries was a\\nj)roper standard of church government and discipline and in\\nsome respects better than that of the Apostles, which was only\\naccommodated to the infant state of the church, while it was un-\\nder persecution whereas the other was suited to the grandeur\\nof a national establishment. 5. That things indiflerent in their\\nown nature, as rites, ceremonies, and habits, might be settled,\\ndetermined and made necessary by the command of the civ ?l\\nmagistrate, and that in such cases, it was the duty of the subject\\nto observe theiri.\\nOn the other hand, the Puritans, 1. Disowned all foreign\\njurisdiction over the church, but could not admit of that exten-\\nsive power which the crown claimed by the supremacy. How-\\never, they took the oath, with the queen s explication, as only\\nrestoring her majesty to the ancient and natural rights of sovereign\\n])rinces over their subjects. 2. They held the pope to be anti-\\nchrist, the church of Rome a false church, and all her ministra-\\ntions superstitious and idolatrous. 3. That the scriptures were a\\nstandard of disci|)line as well as doctrine, and if there was need\\nof a discretionary power, it was vested not in the magisti ate, but\\nin the officers of the church. 4. That the form of government\\nordained by the Apostles was aristocratical, and designed as a\\npattern to the church in after ages, not to be departed from in\\nits main princi|iles. 5. That those things which Christ had left\\nindifFcrent ought not to be made necessary and that such rites\\nand ceremonies as had been abused to idolatry and superstition,\\nand had a manifest tendency to lead men back thereto, were no\\nlonger indifferent but unlawful.\\nBoth parties agreed too well in asserting the necessity of\\nuniformity in public worship, and of using the sword of the mag-\\nistrate for the support and defence of their respective principles\\nwhich they made an ill use of in their turns, whenever they could\\ngrasp it in their hands. The standard of uniformit}- according to\\nthe bishops, was the queen s supremacy and the laws of the land\\n(1) Neal s Hist. Puritans, vol. i. p. Oo, [)3j 4to.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0060.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "FIRST SETTLERS OF iNEW ENGLAND. 37\\naccording to the Puritans, the decrees of national und provincial\\nsynods, allowed and enforced by the civil magistrate. Neither\\nparty \\\\k ere for admitting that liberty of conscience and freedom\\nof profession which is every man s right, as far as is consistent\\nwith the peace of civil government. Upon this fatal rock of\\ntiniformity, was the peace of the church of England split.\\nit is melancholy to observe what mischiefs were caused by the\\nwant of a just distinction between civil and ecclesiastical power,\\nand by that absurd zeal for uniformity, which kept the nation in a\\nlong ferment, and at length burst out into a blaze, the fury of\\nwhich was never thoroughly quelled till the happy genius of the\\nrevolution gave birth to a free and equitable toleraiion, whereby\\nevery n)an was restored to the natural right of judging and acting\\nfor himself in matters of religion. All the celebrated wisdom of\\nElizabeth s government could not devise an expedient so success-\\nful. Though her reign was long and prosperous, yet it was much\\nstained with oppression and cruelty toward many of her best sub-\\njects who, wearied with ineffectual applications, waited the ac-\\ncession of James, from whom they expected more hvov, because\\nhe had been educated in the presbyterian church of Scotland, and\\nprofessed an high veneration for that establishment. But they\\nsoon found that he had changed his religious principles with his\\nclimate, and that nothing was to be expected from a prince of so\\nbase a character, but insult and contempt.\\nIn the beginning of his reign, a great number of the Puritans\\nremoved into Holland, where they formed churches upon their\\nown principles. But not relishing the manners of the Dutch,\\nafter twelve years, they projected a removal to America, and\\nlaid the foundation of the colony of Plymouth. The spirit of\\nuniformity still prevailing in England, and being carried to the\\ngreatest extent in the reign of Charles the First, by that furious\\nbigot Archbishop Laud many of the less scrupulous, but con-\\nscientious members of the church of England, who had hitherto\\nremained in her communion, seeing no prospect of rest or liberty\\nill their native country, followed their brethren to America, and\\nestablished the colony of Massachusetts, from which proceeded\\nthat of Connecticut.\\nBy such men, influenced by such motives, were the principal\\nsettlements in New-England effected. The fortitude and perse-\\nverance which they exhibited therein will always render their\\nmemory dear to their posterity. To prepare for their enteiprise,\\nthey had to sell their estates, some of which were large and val-\\nuable, and turn them into materials for a new plantation, with the\\nnature of which they had no acquaintance, and of which they\\ncould derive no knowledge from the experience of others. After\\ntraversing a wide ocean, they found themselves in a country full\\nof woods, to subdue which required immense labor and patience\\nat a vast distance from any civilized people in the ncigl)borliood\\nof none but ignorant and barbarous savages and in a climate,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0061.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "38 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMrSHIRE.\\nwhere a winter much more severe than they had been accustom-\\ned to, reigns for a third part ofliic year. Their stock of provis-\\nions falling short, dioy had the dreadful apprehension of |)erishing\\nby famine, one half of their number dying before the first year\\nwas completed die ocean on one side separated them from Uieir\\nfriends, and the wilderness on die other, presented nothing but\\nscenes of horror, which it was impossible for them to conceive of\\nbefore they endured them.\\nBut under all these difllculties, they maintained a steady and\\npious resolution depending on the providence of the supreme\\nruler, and never repenting the business on which they had come\\ninto this wilderness. As purity in divine administrations was the\\nprofessed object of their undertaking, so they immediately set\\nthemselves to form churches, on what diey judged the gospel plan.\\nTo be out of the reach of prelatic tyranny, and at full liberty to\\npursue their own inquiries, and worship God according to their\\nconsciences, (which had been denied them in their own country)\\nwas esteemed die greatest of blessings, and sweetened every hit-\\nler cup which they were obliged to drink. They always profes-\\nsed that their principal design was to erect churches on the prim-\\nitive model, and that the consideration of temporal interest and\\nconveniency had but the second place in their views.*\\nIn the doctrinal points of religion, they were of the same mind\\nwidi their brethren of the church of England, as expressed in\\ntheir articles. The Massachusetts planters left behind them,\\nwhen they sailed, a respectful declaration importing that diey did\\nnot consider the church of England as anti-christian, but only\\nwithdrew from the imposition of unscrijitural terms of commu-\\nnion. Some of the Plymouth planters had embraced the narrow\\njirinciples of the Brownists, the first who sejiarated from the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2cluircli of England but by die improvements which they made\\nin religious knowledge under the instruction of the renowned John\\nRobinson, their pastor in Holland, they were in a great measure\\ncured of that sour leaven. The Congregational system of church\\ngovernment was the result of die studies of Uiat truly pious, Icarn-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ed, humble and benevolent divine, vviio seems to have had more\\nof the genuine sjiirit of die reformation, and of freedom from big-\\notry, than any others in his day. His farewell charge to those of\\nids flock who were embarking in Holland for America, deserves\\nto be had in perpetual remembrance.- Brethren, (said he)\\nwe are now quickly to part from one another, and whether I\\n(1) Hutch. Hist. vol. i.p. 487. (2) Neal s Hist. N. E. vol. i. p. 84.\\nTt coiicerneth New-Enivlaiid always to remember, that they are orig-\\ninally a plantation reliirioiis, not a plantation of trade. The profession of\\nthe purity of doctrine, worsliip and discipline is written upon her forehead.\\nLet merchants, and sucli a.s arc increasing cent, percent, remember this,\\nthat worldly fi;ain was not the. end and design of the people of New-Eng-\\nland but religion. And if any man among us make religion as twelve, and\\nthe world as thirteen, such niione hath not the spirit of a true New-Eng-\\nland man. Higgiusou a Election Sermon, 10(33.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0062.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. ^Q\\nmay ever live to see your face on earlli any more, the God of\\nheaven only knows but whcllu r llie Lord liutli npjiointed that\\nor no, I charge you before God and his blessed angels that you\\nfoUovv me no further than you have seen me follow the Lord\\nJesus Christ. If God reveal any thing to you by any other\\ninstrument of his, be as ready to receive it, as ever you were\\nto receive any truth by my ministry for I am verily persuaded,\\n1 am very conlident, the Lord has more truth yet to break forth\\nout of his holy word. For my part, I cannot sufHciently bc-\\nwail the condition of the reformed churches, who are come to\\na period in religion, and will go at present no farther than the\\ninstruments of their reformation. The Lutherans cannot bo\\ndrawn to go beyond what Luther saw whatever part of his\\nwill our good God has revealed to Calvin, they will rather die\\nthan embrace it. And the Calvinists you see stick fast where\\nthey were left by that great man of God, who yet saw not all\\nthings. This is a mis ery much to be lamented for though\\nthey were burning and shining lights in their times, yet they\\npenetrated not into the whole counsel of God but where they\\nnow living, would be as willing to embrace farther light, as that\\nwhich they at first received. I beseech you to remember it as\\nan article of your church covenant, that you be ready to re-\\nceive whatever truth shall be made hioum to you from the urit-\\nten tvord of God. Remember that, and every otiior article of\\nyour sacred covenant. But I must herewithal exhort you to\\ntake heed what you receive as truth. Examine, consider and\\ncompare it with other scriptures of truth, before you receive it\\nfor it is not possible the christian world should come so lately\\nout of such thick antichristian darkness, and that perfection of\\nknowledge should break forth at once. It is much to be regretted\\nthat this excellent man did not live to come to New-Iilngland, and to\\ndiffuse more generally such truly catholic and apostolic principles.\\nMany of the first planters of New-England were persons of\\ngood education, and some of them eminent for their abilities and\\nlearning. Such men could not but see the necessity of securing\\nto their posterity the advantages which they had so dearly pur-\\nchased. One of their first concerns was to have their children\\nconsidered, from their earliest years, as subjects of ecclesiastical\\ndiscipline. This became a matter of controversy, and w^as largely\\ndiscussed in sermons and pamphlets, and at length determined\\nby the authority of a synod. A regular course of academical\\nlearning was a point of equal importance, and admitted of no dis-\\npute. They saw that die reputation and happiness of the whole\\ncountry depended greatly upon it. They therefore took early\\ncare for the establishment of schools, and within ten years from\\ntheir first settlement, founded a college at Cambridge,* which,\\nWhen New-England was poor, and we were but few in number, there\\nwas a spirit to encourage learning, and the college was full of students.\\nResult of a Synod in 167lt.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0063.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "40 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nfrom small beginnings, by the munificence of its patrons, has\\nmade a distinguished figure in the repubhc of letters. Many\\ncminent men have there been formed for the service of the church\\nand state and without this advantage, the country could not\\nhave arrived, in so short a time, at its present respectable state\\nnor have been furnished with men capable of filling the various\\nstations of usefulness, and of defending our civil and religious\\nliberties.\\nThough the first planters derived from the royal grants and\\ncharters a political right as subjects of the crown of England, to\\nthis territory yet they did not think themselves justly entitled to\\nthe property of it, till they had fairly purchased it ol its native\\nlords, and made them full satisfaction.* Nor did they content\\nthemselves with merely living peaceably among them, but exert-\\ned themselves vigorously in endeavoring their conversion to\\nChristianity, which was one of the obligations of their patent, and\\none of the professed designs of their setdement in this country.\\nThis painful work was remarkably succeeded, and the names of\\nEliot and Mayhew will ahvays be remembered as unwearied\\ninstruments in promoting it. Great care was taken by the gov-\\nernment to prevent fraud and injustice toward the Indians in trade,\\nor violence to their persons. The nearest of the natives were so\\nsensible of the justice of their English neighbors, that they lived\\nin a state of peace with them, with but little interruption, for\\nabove fifty years.\\nSlavery was thought so inconsistent with the natural rights of\\nmankind, and detrimental to society, that an express law was\\nmade prohibiting the buying or selling of slaves, except those\\ntaken in lawful war, or reduced to servitude for their crimes by a\\njudicial sentence and these were to have the same privileges as\\nwere allowed by the laws of Moses. There was a remarkable\\ninstance of justice in the execution of this law in 1645, when a\\nnegro who had been fraudulently brought from the coast of Africa,\\nand sold in the country, was, by the special interposition of the\\ngeneral court, taken from his master in order to be sent home to\\nhis native land.f How long after this the importation of blacks\\nThe Abbe Raynal in his elegant History of the East and West Indies,\\nspeaks of the purchase made of tiie Indians by William Penn in 1081, as\\nan example of moderation and justice in America, which was never thought\\nof before, by the Europeans. It can be no derogation from the honor due\\nto the wise founder of Pennslyvania that the example of this moderation and\\njustice was first set by the planters of New-England, whose deeds of convey-\\nance from the Indians were earlier than his by half a century.\\nIn some parts of the country the lauds purchased oi tlie Indians are subject\\nto quit-rent, which is annually paid to their posterity. They have lands re-\\nserved to their use, which are not allowed to be purchased of them without\\nthe consent of the legislature.\\nt 14. 3d mo. 1G45. The court thought proper to write to Mr. Williams\\nof Pascataqua, (understanding that the negroes which Capt. Smyth brought\\nwere fraudently and injuriously taken and brought from CJuinea, by Capt.\\nSmytli s confession and the rest of the company) that he forthwith send the", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0064.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 41\\ncontinued to be disallowed, is uncertain but if tbc same resolute\\njustice bad always been observed, it would have been much lor\\nthe credit and interest of the country and our own struggles lor\\nliberty would not have carried so flagrant an appearance of in-\\nconsistency.\\nSevere laws conformable to the principles of the laws of Moses\\nwere enacted against all kinds of immorality. Blasphemy, idol-\\natry, adultery, unnatural lusts, rape, murder, man-stealing, false\\nwitness, rebellion against parents, and conspiracy against the com-\\nmonwealth, were made capital crimes and because some doubt-\\ned whether the magistrate could punish breaches of the four first\\ncommands of the decalogue, this right was asserted in the highest\\ntone, and the denial of it ranked among the most pestilent here-\\nsies, and punished with banishment. By the severity and im-\\npartiality with which diose laws were executed, intemperance and\\nprofaneness were so effectually discountenanced that Hugh Peters,\\nwho had resided in the country twenty years,* declared before\\nthe parliament, that he had not seen a drunken man, nor heard a\\nprofane oath during that period. The report of this extraordinary\\nstrictness, while it invited many of the best men in England to\\ncome over, kept them clear of those wretches who fly from one\\ncountry to another to escape the punishment of their crimes.\\nThe professed design of the plantation being die advancement\\nof religion, and men of the strictest morals being appointed to\\nthe chief places of gov^ernment, their zeal for purity of every\\nkind carried them into some refinements in their laws which are\\nnot generally supposed to come within the sphere of magistracy.,\\nand in larger communities could scarcely be attended to in a\\njudicial way. The drinking of healths, and the use of tobacco\\nwere forbidden, the former being considered as an heathenish and\\nidolatrous practice, grounded on the ancient libations the other\\nas a species of intoxication and waste of time. Laws were insti-\\ntuted to regulate the intercourse between the sexes, and the ad-\\nvances toward matrimony they had a ceremony of betrothing,\\nwhich preceded that of marriage. Pride and levity of behaviour\\ncame under the cognizance of the magistrate. Not only the\\nrichness but the mode of dress, and cut of the hair were subject\\nto state-regulations. Women were forbidden to expose their\\narms or bosoms to view it was ordered that their sleeves should\\nreach down to their wrist, and their gowns be closed round the\\nnegro which he had of Capt. Smytli hither, that lie may be sent home,\\nwhich this court doth resolve to send back witiiout delay. And if you Jiave\\nany thing to allege, why you sliould not return him to be disposed of by\\nthe court, it will be expected you should forthwith make it appear either by\\nyourself or your agent. Massachusetts Records.\\n[The length of time above stated which the Rev. Hugh Peters passed in\\nthis country may have been a typographical error, lie was here not quite\\nsi.\\\\ years, having arrived on the (J October, 1(J35, and sailed for England, .i\\nAugust, 1G41.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0065.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "42 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nneck. Men were oblic;cd to cut siioit their hair, that they niighJ\\nnot resemble women. No person not worth two hundred pounds\\nwas allowed to wear gold or silver lace, or silk hoods and scari s.\\nOffences against these laws were presentable by the grand jury j\\nand those who dressed above their rank were to be assessed ac-\\ncordingly. Sumptuary laws might be of use in the beginning of\\na new plantation but diese pious rulers had more in view than\\nthe political good. They were not only concerned for the exter-\\nnal appearance of sobriety and good order, but thought themselves\\nobliged, as far as they were able, to promote real religion and\\nenforce die observance of the divine precepts.\\nAs they were fond of imagining a near resemblance between\\nthe circumstances of their settlement in this country and the re-\\ndemption of Israel from Egypt or Babylon it is not strange that\\nthey should look upon their commonwealth as an institution of\\nGod for the preservation of their churches, and the civil rulers\\nas both members and fathers of them. The famous John\\nCotton, the first minister of Boston, was the chief promoter of\\nthis sentiment. When he arrived in 1633, he found the people\\ndivided in their opinions. Some had been admitted to the privi-\\nleges of freemen at the first general court, wlio were not in com-\\nmunion whh the churches. After this, an order was passed, that\\nnone but members of the churches should be admitted freemen\\nwhereby all other persons were excluded from every office or\\nprivilege civil or military. This great man by his eloquence\\nconfirmed those who had embraced this opinion, and earnestly\\npleaded that the government might be considered as a theocracy,\\nwherein the Lord was judge, lawgiver and king that the laws\\nwhich he gave Israel might be adopted, so far as they were of\\nmoral and perpetual equity that the people might be consid-\\nered as God s people In covenant with him that none but per-\\nsons of approved piety and eminent gifts should be chosen\\nrulers that the ministers should be consulted in all matters of\\nreligion and that the magistrate should have a superintending\\nand coercive power over the churches. At the desire of\\n(1) Increase Mather s Life, p. 57. (2) Mather s Magnalia, lib. 8, p. 20.\\n[There is a very scarce work which was published in ]r)G3, at Cambridge,\\nby Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson, entitled A Discourse about\\nCivil Government in anew Plantation whose Designe is Religion, Written\\nmany years since. By that Reverend and Worthy Minister of the Gospel,\\nJohn Cotton, B. D. and now published by some Undertakers of a new Plan-\\ntation, for General Direction and Information. The object of it seems to be,\\nto prove the e.\\\\|)ediency and necessity of entrusting free Burgesses which\\nare members of churches gathered amongst them according to Christ with the\\npower of choosing among themselves, magistrates, and men to whom the\\nmanaging of all public civil artairs of importance is to be committed and to\\nvindicate the same from an imp\\\\itation of an under-power upon the churches\\nof Christ which hath been cast u])on it through a mistake ol the true state of\\nthe question. The work seems to lie addressed to a brother in the ministr}\\nwho had affirmed, that the limiting of the right and power of choosing civil\\nofficers unto free burgesses that are members of churches, brought that tyran-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0066.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 43\\nthe court, he compiled a system of laws founded chiefly on tlie\\nlaws of Moses, which was considered by the legislative body as\\nthe general standard though they never formally adopted it, and\\nin some instances varied from it.^\\nThese principles were fundamentally the same with those, on\\nwhich were grounded all the persecutions which they had endured\\nin England, and naturally led to the same extremes of conduct\\nwhich they had so bitterly complained of in those civil and eccle-\\nsiastical rulers, from whose tyranny they had fled into this wilder-\\nness. They had already proceeded a step farther than the\\nhierarchy had ever attempted. JVo icsi-latv had as yet taken\\nplace in England but they had at one blow cut of all but those\\nof their own communion, from the privileges of civil offices, how-\\never otherwise qualified. They thought that as they had suffered\\nso much in laying the foundation of a new state, which was sup-\\nposed to be a model of the glorious kingdom of Christ on earth,\\nthey had an exclusive right to all the honors and privileges of it\\nand having the power in their hands, tiiey effectually established\\ntheir pretensions, and made all dissenters and disturbers feel the\\nweight of their indignation.\\nIn consequence of the union thus formed between the church\\nand state on the plan of the Jewish theocracy, the ministers were\\ncalled to sit in council, and give their advice in matters of religion\\nand cases of conscience which came before the court, and with-\\nout them they never proceeded to any act of an ecclesiastical\\nnature. As none were allowed to vote in the election of rulers\\n(1) Hutch. Coll. Papers, p. ICL\\nny intotlie Romish Church, which all the churches of Christ complain of.\\nIn reply to this, the author saj s, it would well have become you to have\\nbetter digested your own thoughts, before such words had passed through\\nyour lips for you will never be able to produce any good author that will con-\\nfirm what you say. Tlie truth is quite contrary; for that I may instance in\\nRome itself: Had Churches been rightly managed when the most consider-\\nable part of that citj embraced the Christian faith, in the ceasing of the Ten\\nPcrsccutin7is. that only such as had been fit for that estate, had been admitted\\nin church-fellowship, and they alone had had power, out of themselves to\\nhave chosen magistrates, such magistrates would not have been chosen, as\\nwould have given their power to the Pope nor would those churches have\\nsuffered their pastors to become worldly princes and rulers, as the Pope and\\nhis Cardinals are nor would they have given up the power of the Church\\nfrom the Church into the officers hands, but would have called upon them to\\nfulfil their mimstrtj which they had received of the Lord and if need were,\\nwould by the power of Christ have compelled them so to do and then where\\nJiad the Pope s supremacy been, which is made up of the spoils of the ecclesi-\\nastical nnd civil state but had by the course which now we plead for, been\\nprevented.\\nI look upon this as a little model of the glorious kingdom of Christ on\\nearth. Christ reigns among us in the commonwealth as well as in the\\nChurch, and hath his glorious interest involved in the good of both societies\\nrespectively. He that shall be treacherous and false to the civil government,\\nis guilty of high treason against the Lord Jesus Christ, and will be proceed-\\ned against as a rebel and traitor (o the King of kings, when he shall hold his\\ngreat assizes at tlie end of the world. President Oakes s Election Ser-\\nmon, 1G73.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0067.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "44 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nbut freemen, and freemen must be church members and as none\\ncould be admitted into the church but by the elders, who first\\nexamined, and then propounded them to the brethren for their\\nvote, the clergy acquired hereby a vast ascendency over both\\nrulers and people, and had in efl ect the keys of the state as well\\nas the church in their hands. The magistrates, on the other\\nhand, regulated the gulhering of churches, interposed in the set-\\ntlemeni and dismission of ministers, arbitrated in ecclesiastical\\ncontroversies and controled synodical assemblies. This coercive\\npower in the magistrate was deemed absolutely necessary to pre-\\nserve the order of the gospel.\\nThe principle on which this power is grounded is expressed hi\\nthe Cambridge Platform in terms as soft as possible. The\\npower and authority of magistrates is not for the restraining of\\nchurches, or any other good works, but for the helping in, and\\nfurthering thereof, and therefore the consent and countenance\\nof magistrates when it may he had, is not to be slighted or\\nlightly esteemed but, on the contrary, it is a part of the honor\\ndue to christian magistrates to desire and crave their consent\\nand approbation therein which being obtained, the churches\\nmay then proceed in their way with much more encouragement\\nand comfort. This article (like divers others in that work) is\\ncuriously and artfully drawn up, so that there is an appearance of\\nliberty and tenderness, but none in reality for although the mag-\\nistrate was not to restrain any good works, yet he was to be the\\njudge of the good or evil of the works to be restrained and what\\nsecurity could churches have that they should not be restrained in\\nthe performance of what they judged to be good works They\\nmight indeed think themselves safe, whilst their rulers were so\\nzealous for the purity of the churches of which themselves were\\nmembers, and whilst their ministers were consulted in all ecclesi-\\nastical affixirs but if the civil powers had acted without such\\nconsultation, or if the ministers had been induced to yield to the\\nopinion of the magistrates, when contrary to the interest of the\\nchurches, what then would have become of religious liberty\\nThe idea of liberty in matters of religion was in that day strange-\\nly understood, and mysteriously expressed. The venerable Hig-\\nginson, of Salem, in his sermon on the day of the election, 1GG3,\\nspeaks thus The gospel of Christ hath a right paramount to\\nall rights in the world it hath a divine and supreme right to be\\nreceived in every nation, and tiie knee of niagistj acy is to bow\\nat the name of Jesus. This right carries liberty along widi it,\\nfor all such as profess the gospel, to walk according to the faith\\nand order of the gospel. That which is contrary to the gospel\\nhath no right, and therefore should have no liberty. Here\\nthe question arises, who is to be the judge of what is agreeable\\nor contrary to the gospel. If the magistrate, then there is only\\n(1) Chap. 17. Sec. 3.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0068.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 45;^\\na liberty to believe and practice what the magistrate thinks right.\\nA similar sentiment occurs in the sermon of the learned President\\nOakes on the same occasion, in 1673: The outcry of some\\nis for liberty of conscience. This is the great Diana of the\\nlibertines of this age. But remember that as long as you have\\nliberty to walk in the faith and order of the gospel, and may\\nlead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty, you\\nhave as much liberty of conscience as Paul desired under any\\ngovernment. Here the question recurs, would Paul have sub-\\nmitted to walk according to the opinion which the magistrate\\nmight entertain of the faith and order of the gospel But this\\nwas all the freedom allowed by the spirit of these times. Liberty\\nof conscience and toleration were offensive terms, and they who\\nused them were supposed to be the enemies of religion and gov-\\nernment. I look upon toleration (says the same author) as the\\nfirst born of all abominations if it should be born and brought\\nforth among us, you may call it Gad, and give the same reason\\nthat Leah did for the name of her son, Behold a troop cometh,\\na troop of all manner of abominations. In another of these\\nelection sermons,* (which may generally be accounted the echo\\nof the public voice, or the political pulse by which the popular\\nopinion may be felt) it is shrewdly intimated that toleration had\\nits origin from the devil, and the speech of the demoniac who\\ncried out, what have we to do with thee, let us alone, thou\\nJesus of Nazareth, is styled Satan s plea for toleration.\\nThe following admonition to posterity, written by the Deputy-\\nGovernor Dudley, is another specimen.\\nLet men of God in courts and churches watch\\nO er such as do a toleration hatch\\nLest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice,\\nTo poison all with heresy and vice.\\nIf men be left and otherwise combine,\\nMy epitaph s, di/d no libertine. 2*\\nThe champion of these sentiments was Cotton, who though\\neminently meek, placid and charitable, yet was strongly tinctured\\nwith the prevailing opinion, that the magistrate had a coercive\\npower against heretics. The banishment of Roger Williams,\\nminister of Salem, occasioned a vehement controversy on this\\npoint. Williams having written in favor of liberty of conscience,\\nand styled the opposite principle the bloody tenet was an-\\nswered by Cotton, who published a treatise, in 1G47, with this\\nstrange title, The bloody tenet washed, and made white in the\\nblood of the Lamb. In this work, he labors to prove the law-\\nfulness of the magistrate s using the civil sword to extirpate her-\\netics, from the commands given to the Jews to put to death blas-\\n(l) Shepard s Election Sermon, 1672. (2) Morton s Memorial, p. 179.\\n[257 of Judge Davis s edition.]\\n[These verses, says Morton, were found in his pocket after his death.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0069.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "4G HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\npheincrs and idolaters. To the objection, that persecution serves\\nto make men hypocrites, he says, better tolerate hypocrites, and\\ntares than briars and thorns. In such cases, the civil sword\\ndoth not so much attend the conversion of seducers, as the pre-\\nventing the seduction of honest minds by their means. He\\nallows indeed, that the magistrate ought not to draw the sword\\nagainst seducers till he have used all good means for their con-\\nviction but if after their continuance in obstinate rebellion\\nagainst the light, he shall still walk toward them in soft and gentle\\ncommiseration, his softness and gentleness is excessive large to\\nfoxes and wolves but his bowels are miserably straitened and\\nhardened against the poor sheep and lambs of Christ. Nor is it\\nfrustrating the end of Christ s coming, which was to save souls,\\nbut a direct advancing it, to destroy, if need be, the bodies of\\nthose wolves, who seek to destroy the souls of those for whom\\nChrist died. In pursuing his argument, he refines so far as to\\ndeny that any man is to be persecuted on account of conscience\\ntill being convinced in his conscience of his wickedness, he do\\nstand out therein, not only against the truth, but against the light\\nof his own conscience, that so it may appear he is not persecuted\\nfor cause of conscience, but punished for sinning against his\\nown conscience. To which he adds, sometimes it may be\\nan aggravation of sin both in judgment and practice that a man\\ncommitteth it in conscience. After having said, that it was\\ntoleration which made the world anti-chrislian, he concludes his\\nbook widi this singular ejaculation, the Lord keep us from being\\nbewitched with the whore s cup, lest while we seem to reject\\nher with open face of profession, we bring her in by a back\\ndoor of toleration and so come to drink deeply of the cup of\\nthe Lord s wrath, and be filled with her plagues.\\nBut the strangest language that ever was used on this, or per-\\nhaps on any other subject, is to be found in a book printed in 1645\\nby the humorous Ward of Ipswich, entitled, The Simple Cob-\\nler of Aggawam. My heart (says he) haUi naturally detested\\nfour things the standing of the Apocrypha in the bible for-\\neigners dwelling in my country, to crowd out native subjects in-\\nto the corners of the earth alchymized coins toleration of\\ndivers religions or of one religion in segregant shapes. He that\\nwillingly assents to the last, if he examines his heart by day-\\nlight, his conscience will tell him, he is either an atheist, or an\\nheretic, or an hypocrite, or at best a captive to some lust. Poly-\\npiety is the greatest impiety in the world. To authorize an un-\\ntruth by toleration of the state, is to build a sconce against the\\nwalls of heaven, to batter God out of his chair. Persecution of\\ntrue religion and toleration of false are the Jannes and Jambres\\nto the kingdom of Christ, whereof the last is by far the worst.\\nHe that is willing to tolerate any unsound opinion, that his\\nown may be tolerated though never so sound, will for a need,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0070.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 47\\nhang God s bible at the devil s girdle. It is said that men ought\\nto have liberty of conscience and that it is persecution to debar\\nthem of it I can rather stand amazed than to reply to this it\\nis an astonishment that the brains of men should be parboiled in\\nsuch impious ignorance.\\nFrom these specimens, (of which the reader will think he has\\nhad enough) it is easy to see how deeply the principle of intoler-\\nancy was rooted in the minds of our forefathers. Had it stood\\nonly in their books as a subject of speculation, it might have been\\nexcused, considering the prejudices of the times but it was drawn\\nout into fatal practice, and caused severe persecutions which can-\\nnot be justified consistently with Christianity or true policy.\\nWhatever may be said in favor of their proceedings against the\\nAntinomians, whose principles had such an efiect on the minds of\\nthe people as materially affected the foundations of government,\\nin the infancy of the plantation yet the Anabaptists and Quakers\\nwere so inconsiderable for numbers, and the colony was then so\\nwell established that no danger could have been rationally appre-\\nhended to the commonwealth from them. Rhode-Island vi^as set-\\ntled by some of the Antinomian exiles on a plan of entire religious\\nliberty men of every denomination being equally protected and\\ncountenanced, and enjoying the honors and offices of government.\\nThe Anabaptists, fined and banished, flocked to that new settle-\\nment, and many of the Quakers also took refuge there so that\\nRhode-Island was in those days looked upon as the drain or sink\\nof New-England and it has been said that if any man had lost\\nhis religion, he might find it there, among such a general mus-\\nter of opinionists. Notwithstanding this invective, it is much\\nto the honor of that government that there never was an instance\\nof persecution for conscience sake countenanced by them.\\nRhode-Island and Pennsylvania afford a strong proof that tolera-\\ntion conduces greatly to the settlement and increase of an infant\\nplantation.\\nThe Quakers at first were banished but this proving insufii-\\ncient, a succession of sanguinary laws were enacted against them,\\nof which imprisonment, whipping, cutting off the ears, boring the\\ntongue with an hot iron, and banishment on pain of death, were\\nthe terrible sanctions. In consequence of these laws, four persons\\nwere put to death at Boston, bearing their punishment with pa-\\ntience and fortitude solemnly protesting that their return Irom\\nbanishment was by divine direction, to warn the magistrates of\\ntheir errors, and inlreat them to repeal their cruel laws denounc-\\ning the judgments of God upon them and foretelling that if they\\nshould put them to death, others would rise up in their room to fill\\ntheir hands with work.* After the execution of the fourth per-\\n(1) Callenders Century Sermon, 17:18. (2)Se\\\\vers History of tlie Qua-\\nkers.\\nThe following passages extracted from William Leddra s letter to his", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0071.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "i(8 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nson, an Order from King Charles the second, procured hy their\\nfriends in England, put a stop to capital executions.*\\nImpartiality will not suffer a veil to be drawn over these dis-\\ngraceful transactions. The utmost that has been pleaded in favor\\nof them, cannot excuse them in the eye of reason and justice.\\nThe Quakers, it is said, were heretics their principles appeared\\nto be subversive of the gospel, and derogatory from the honor of\\nthe Redeemer. Argument and scripture were in this case the\\nproper weapons to combat them with; and if these had failed of\\nsuccess they must have been left to the judgment of an omniscient\\nand merciful God. They were complained of as disturbers of\\nfriends, written tlie day before his execution, Marcli 15, 1 0(10, shew an ele-\\ngance of sentiment and expression, not common in their writings.\\nMost dear and inwardly beloved,\\nThe sweet influence of the morning star, like a flood, distilling into my\\ninnocent habitation hath so filled me with the joy of tlie Lord in the beauty\\nof holiness, that my spirit is as if it did not inhabit a tabernacle of clay, but\\nis wholly swallowed up in the bosom ofeternity from whence it had its being.\\nAlas, alas what can the wrath and spirit of man that lusteth to envy, ag-\\ngravated by the heat and strength of the king of the locusts which came out\\nof the pit, do unto one that is hid in the secret places of the Almighty or\\nto them that are gathered under the healing wings of the Prince of Peace\\nO my beloved, I have waited as the dove at the window of the ark, and have\\nstood still in that watch, which the master did at his coming reward with the\\nfulness of his love; wherein my heart did rejoice that I might speak a few\\nwords to you, sealed with the spirit of promise. As the flowing of the\\nocean doth fill every creek and branch thereof, and then retires again toward\\nits own being and fulness and leaves a savour behind it so doth the life\\nand virtue of God flow into every one of your hearts, whom he hath made\\npartakers of his divine nature aed when it withdraws but a little, it leaves\\na sweet savour behind it, that many can say they are made clean through\\nthe word that he has spoken to them. Therefore, my dear hearts, let the\\nenjoyment of the life alone be your hope, your joy and your consolation.\\nStand in the watch within, in tlie fear of the Lord which is the entrance of\\nwisdom. Confess him before men, yea before his greatest enemies. Fear\\nnot what they can do to you Greater is he that is in you than he that is\\nin the world, for he will clothe you with humility and in the power of his\\nmeekness you shall reign over all the rage of your enemies. Sewel s Hist.\\n.Quakers, p. ^74.\\n[Tlie Mandamus of King Charles is dated at Whitehall, tlie Dtli day of\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0September, Kifil and is directed To our trusty and well-beloved John Eu-\\nv lecott, esquire, and to all and every other the governor or governors of our\\nplantations of New-England, and of all the colonies thereunto belonging, that\\nnow are or hereafter shall be, and to all and every the ministers and olficers\\nof our plantations and colonies whatsoever within the continent of New-Eng-\\niand. There is a copy of it in Hazard s Collections, ii. 595, in Sewel s His-\\ntory of the Quakers, i. 475, and in tiie Journal of George Fox, pp. 3520,327.\\nFox gives the following account of its being presented to the governor. It\\nwas brought over in Ifitil by Samuel Shattock, who had been banished by the\\ngovernment of Massachusetts for being a Quaker. He and Ralph Goldsmith,\\nIhe commander of the ship in whicli they came, went through the town [of\\nBoston] to the governor s, John Endecott s door, and knocked. He sent out\\na man to know tlieir business. They sent him word their business was from\\nvthe king of England, and Ihey would deliver their message to none but the\\ngovernor himself Thereupon they were admitted in, and the governor came\\nto them; and Jiaving received the deputation and tlie Mandamus, he put off\\nhis hat and looked upon them. Then going out, lie bid the friends follow.\\nHe went to the deputy governor, and after a siiort consultation, caine out to\\nthe friends, and said, We shall obey iiis jnajestys commands. George\\niFox, Journal, folio, p. 32G.J", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0072.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 49\\nthe peace, rcvilers of magistracy, malignant and assiduous pro-\\nmoters of doctrines, directly tending to subvert both church and\\nstate and our fathers thought it hard, when they had fled from\\nopposition and persecution in one shape to be again troubled with\\nit in another. But it would have been more to their honor to\\nhave suffered their magistracy and church order to be insulted,\\nthan to have stained their hands with the blood of men who de-\\nserved pity rather than punishment. The Quakers indeed had no\\nright to disturb them j and some of their conduct was to an high\\ndegree indecent and provoking but they were under the influ-\\nence of a spirit which is not easily quelled by opposition. Had\\nnot tlie government appeared to be jealous of their principles, and\\nprohibited the reading of their books before any of them appeared\\nin person, there could not have been so plausible a pretext for\\ntheir reviling government. It was said, that the laws by which\\nthey were condemned, were grounded on the laws in England\\nagainst Jesuits. But the case was by no means parallel, (as\\nthe Quakers pleaded) their principles and practices not being\\nequally detrimental to society.- It was moreover urged in excuse\\nof die severities exercised against the Quakers, that the magis-\\ntrates thought themselves bound in conscience to keep the pas-\\nsage with the point of the sword this (it was said) could do no\\nharm to him that would be warned by it their rushing on it was\\ntheir own act, and they brought the blood on their own heads.\\nHad they promised to depart the jurisdiction and not return with-\\nout leave, the country would have been glad to have rid them-\\nselves of the trouble of executing the laws upon them. It was\\ntheir presumptuous returning after banishment, that caused them\\nto be put to death. 3 This was the plea which the court used in\\ntheir address to the king and in another vindication pubhshed\\nby their order, the unhappy sufferers are styled felones de se,\\nor self-murderers. But this will not justify the putting them to\\ndeath, imless the original crimes for which they uere banished\\nhad deserved it. The pri-anible to the act, by which they were\\ncondemned, charges them with altering the received laudable\\ncustom of giving respect to equals and reverance to superiors\\nthat their actions tend to undermine the civil government and\\ndestroy the order of the churches, by denying all established\\nforms of worship, by withdrawing from orderly church fellowship,\\nallowed and approved by all orthodox professors of the truth,\\nand instead tiiereof, and in opposition thereto, frequently meet-\\ning themselves, insinuating themselves into the minds of the sim-\\nple, whereby divers of our inhabitants have been infected.\\nDid these offences deserve death Had any government a right\\nto terrify with capital laws persons guilty of no other crimes than\\n(1) Tlutcli. Coll. Papers, p. 327. Sewel s History Quakers. (3) Mass.\\nRecords. (4) Sewel, b. G, p. ^72. (5) Ibid. p. 199.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0073.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "50 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\ntliesc, especially, nhon they professed that they were obliged to\\ngo tiie greatest lengths in maintaining those tenets which they\\njudged sacred, and J ollowing the dictates of that spirit which they\\nthought divine Was not tiie mere holding the point of the\\nsword to them, realiy inviting them to rush on it, and seal\\ntheir testimony with their blood and was not this the most likely\\nway to strengthen and increase their party Such punishment\\nfor ollbnccs which proceeded from a misguided zeal, increased\\nand inflamed by opposition, will never rellect any honor on the\\npolicy or moderation of the government and can be accounted\\nfor only by the strong predilection for coercive power in religion,\\nretained by most or all of the reformed churches a prejudice\\nwhich time and experience were necessary to remove.*\\nFrom the following authorities, it will appear that the jrovernnient of New-\\nEngland, however severe and unjustifiable in their jiroceedings against the\\nQuakers, went no fartijer than the most eminent reformers particularly tlm\\nBohemians, the Lutiierans, the celebrated Calvin and the martyr Cranmer.\\nIn tlie war which the Emperor Sigismond excited against the Bohemian\\nreformers, who had tlie famous Zisca for their general The acts of barbarity\\nwliich were conunitted on both sides were shocking and terrible beyond ex-\\n])ression. For nolM ithstanding the irreconcileable opposition between the re-\\nligious sentiments of the contending parties, they botli agreed in this one hor-\\nrible point, that it was innocent and lawful to persecute and extirpate with\\nfire and sword, the enemies of the true religion, and such they reciprocally\\nap])eared to be in eacli others eyes. Mosheim s Eccl. Hist. vol. 3. p. 201.\\nIt were indeed ardently to be wished, that the Lutherans had treated\\nwith more mildness and charity those who differed from them in religious\\nopinions. But they had unhappily imbibed a spirit of persecution in their\\nearly education. This was too jnuch the spirit of the times, and it was even\\na leading maxim with our ancestors (this author was a Lutheran) that it was\\nboth lawful and expedient to use severity and force against those whom they\\nlooked upon as heretics. Tliis maxim was i}crivcil from Rome and even\\nthose who separated from tliat church did not find it easy to throw off all of a\\nsudden that desj)otic and nncjiaritable spirit, that had so long been the main\\nspring of its government and the general characteristic of its members. Nay\\nin their narrow view of things, their very piety seemed to suppress the gen-\\nerous movements of fraternal love and forbearance, and the more they felt\\nthemselves animated with a zeal for the divine glory, the more difficult did\\nthey find it to renounce that ancient and favorite maxim, that whoever is\\nfound to be an enemy to God, ought also to be declared an enemy to liis\\ncountry. Mosheiin, vol. 4, j)age 4H7.\\nMichael Servetus, a Spanish physician, published seven books in which\\nhe attacked the sentiments adopted by far the greatest part of the cliristian\\nchurch, in relation to the divine nature and a trinity of persons in the God-\\nhead. Few innovaters have set out with a better prospect of success But\\nall his views were totally disappointed by the vigilance and severity of Cal-\\nvin, who, when Servetus was ])assing through Switzerland, caused him to be\\napprehended at Geneva in the year 1553, and had an accusation of blasphemy\\nbrought against him before the council. Servetus adhering resolutely to the\\nopinions he had embraced, was declared an obstinate heretic and condemned\\nto the flames. JNIosheim, vol. 4. page 171.\\nDr. Macclaine in liis note on this passage, says, It was a remaining por-\\ntion oi the spirit of popery in the breast of Calvin that kindled his unchristian\\nzeal against the wretched Servetus, whose death will be an indelible re-\\nproach upon the character of tliat great and emiru-nt, reformer.\\nIn the reign of Edward the Sixth of England, anno, 154!), A woman\\ncalled Joan Bocher, or Joan of Kent, was accused of heretical pravity. Her\\ndoctrine was, that Christ was not truly incarnate of the virgin, whose\\nflesli being the outward man was sinfully begotten and born in sin and", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0074.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "FIRST SETTLERS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 51\\nThe mistakes on which their conduct was grounded cannot be\\ndetected in a more masterly manner, than by transcribin the\\nsentiments of Doctor Increase IMadier, who hved in those times,\\nand was a strong advocate for the coercive power of the magis-\\ntrate in matters of religion but afterward changed his opinion on\\nthis point. He became sensible that the example of the Israel-\\nitish reformers inflicting penalueson false worshipjjers would not\\nlegitimate the hke proceedings among christian gentiles for the\\nholy land of old was, by a deed of gift from the glorious God,\\nmiraculously and indisputably granted to the Israelitish nation,\\nand the condition on which they Iwid it was their observance of\\nthe IMosaic institutions. To violate them was high treason\\nagainst the king of the theocracy, an iniquity to be punished by\\nthe judge. At the same time, sojourners in the land were not\\ncompelled to the keeping those rites and laws which J\\\\Ioses had\\ngiven to the people. Nay, the Israelites themselves fell, many\\nof them, into the worst of heresies, yet whilst they kept the\\nlaws and rites of Moses, the magistrate would not meddle with\\nthem. The heresy of the Sadducees in ])articular struck at the\\nfoundation of all religion yet we do not find that our Saviour\\never blamed the Pharisees for not persecuting them. The\\nchristian religion brings us not into a temporal Canaan, it knows\\nno weapons but what are purely spiritual. He saw that until\\npersecution be utterly banished out of the world, and Cain s\\nconsequently lie could take none of it but the word by the consent of the\\ninward man of the virg^in was made flesh. A scholastic nicety, not capa-\\nble of doing much mischief! but there was a necessity for dehvering the wo-\\nman to the flame.s for maintaining it. The young king thoTigh in such ten-\\nder years, had more sense than all his counsellors and preceptors and he\\nlong refused to sign the warrant for her execution. Cra.nmek, with his su-\\nperior learning, was employed to persuade him to compliance, and he said,\\nthat the prince, being God s deputy, ought to repress impieties against God,\\nin like manner as the king s deputies were bound to punish offenders acrainst\\nthe king s person. He also argued from the practice of the Jewish church iii\\nstoning blasphemers. Edward overcome by importunity more than reason\\nat last submitted, and told Cranmer with tears in his eyes, that if any wrong\\nwas done, the guilt should lie entirely on his head. The primate was struck\\nwith surprize but after making a new effort to reclaim the woman and find-\\ning her obstinate, he at last ;ommitted her to the flames. Nor did he ever\\nrenounce his burning principles so long as he continued in power. Hume s\\nHist. Eng. 4to. vol. 3. p. 320. Neal s Hist. Puritans, 4to. vol. 1. p. 41.\\nIt ought also to be remembered, that at the same time that the Quakers\\nsuffered in New-England, ])pnal laws against them were made and rigorously\\nexecuted in England and though none of them suffered capital executions,\\nyet they were thrown into prison and treated with other marks of cruelty,\\nwhich in some instances proved the means of their death. And thomrh the\\nlenity of King Charles the lid. in putting a stop to capital executions here\\nhas been much celebrated, j-et in his letter to the Massachusetts irovernment\\nthe next year, wherein he requires liberty for the ciuirch of England among\\nthem, he adds, Wee cannot be understood hereby to direct, or wish that\\nany indulgence should be graunted to Quakers, whose ])rinciples, being in-\\nconsistent with any kind of government. Wee have found it necessary\\nwith the advise of our parliament here to make a sharp law against them,\\nand are well content you doe, the like there. Records of Deeds, Province\\nMaine, hb. i. fol. 1 2 J.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0075.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "52 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nclub taken out of Abel s hand, tis ini])ossible to rescue the\\nworld from endless confusions. He that has the power of the\\nsword will always be in the right and always assume the power\\nof persecuting. In his latter times, therefore, he looked upon\\nit as one of the most hopeful among the signs of the times, that\\npeople began to be ashamed of a practice which had been a\\nmother of abominations, and he came entirely into that golden\\nmaxim, Errantis poena doceriy\\nDivers others of the principal actors and abettors of this tragedy\\nlived to see the folly and incompetency of such sanguinary laws,\\nto which the sufferings of their brethren, the nonconformists in\\nEngland, did not a little contribute. Under the arbitrary govern-\\nment of King James, the Second, when he, for a shew of liberty\\nand as a leading step to the introduction of popery, issued a proc-\\nlamation of indulgence to tender consciences, the principal men\\nof die country sent him an address of tlianks, for granting to\\nthem what they had formerly denied to others. It is but justice\\nto add, that all those disgraceful laws were renounced and repeal-\\ned, and the people of New-England are now as candidly disposed\\ntoward the Quakers as any other denominations of christians. To\\nkeep alive a spirit of resentniBnt and reproach to the country, on\\naccount of those ancient transactions which are now universally\\ncondemned, would discover a temper not very consistent with\\nthat meekness and forgiveness which ought to be cultivated by all\\nwho profess to be influenced by the gospel.\\nBut though our ancestors are justly censurable for those in-\\nstances of misconduct, yet they are not to be condemned as un-\\nworthy the christian name, since some of the first disciples of our\\nLord, in a zealous imitation of the prophet Elias, would have\\ncalled for fire from Heaven to consume a village of the Samaritans\\nwho refused to receive him. Their zeal was of the same kind\\nand the answer which the benevolent author of our religion gave\\nto his disciples on that occasion, might wiUi equal propriety be\\naddressed to them, and to all persecuting christians, Ye know\\nnot what spirit ye are of, for the Son of man is not come to\\ndestroy men s lives but to save them.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0076.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "1G43.]\\nUNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS.\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nMode of Government under Massachusetts. Mason s efTorts to recover (lie\\nproperty of liis aiice.stor. Transactions of the Kinof s Commissioners. Op-\\nposition to them. Political principles. Internal transactions. Mason\\ndiscouraged.\\nDuring the union of these plantations with IMassachusetts,\\nthey were governed by the general laws of the colony, and the\\nterms of the union were strictly observed.* Exeter and Hamp-\\n[One of the most important events of this period was the confederacy of\\nthe colonies of Massachusetts, (which included New-Hampshire) New-Ply-\\nmouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, which continued nearly f rty years.\\nThis union was proposed hy the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven, as\\nearly as 1638, but was not finally completed until 164:1 Besides its agency\\nin guiding the events of the time, it was the prototype of the confederacy of\\nthe states during the revolution, which was in fact the germ and vivifyino-\\nprinciple of our existence as a nation. The features of this confederacy are\\nthus described by Mr. Pitkin, in his Civil and Political History of the United\\nStates. By the articles of confederation, as they were called, these colo-\\nnies entered into a firm and ])erpetual league ci\u00c2\u00a3 friendship and amitii. for of-\\nfence and defence, mutual advice and succor, upon all just occasion.?, both for\\npreserving and propagating the truth and liberties of the Gospel, and for their\\nown mutual safet} and welfare. Each colony was to retain its own peculiar\\njurisdiction and government, and no other plantation or colony was to be re-\\nceived as a confederate, nor any two of the confederates to be united into one\\njurisdiction, without the consent of the rest. The affairs of the united colo-\\nnies were to be managed by a legislature to consist of two persons, styled\\ncommissioners, chosen from each colony. These commissioners had power\\nto hear, examine, weigh, and determine all affairs of war or peace, leafues\\naids, charges, and number of men for war, division of spoils, and whatsoever\\nis gotten by conquest receiving of more confederates for plantations into\\ncombination with any of the confederates; and all things of a like nature\\nwhich are the proper concomitants and cnnsnrji/rnccs of such a confederation\\nfor amity, oflence, and defence; not intermeddling with the government or\\nany of the jurisdictions, which, by the third article, is preserved entirely to\\nthemselves. The commissioners were to meet annually, in each colony, in\\nsuccession, and when met, to choose a president, and the determination of any\\nsix to be binding on all.\\nThe expenses of nil just wars to be borne by each colony, in proportion to\\nits number of male inhabitants of whatever quality or condition, between the\\nages of sixteen and sixty.\\nIn case any colony should be suddenly invaded, on motion and request of\\nthree magistrates of such colony, the other confederates were immediately to\\nsend aid to the colony invaded in men, Massachusetts one hundred, and the\\nother colonie.s forty-five each, or for a less number, in the same proportion.\\nThe commissioners, however, were very properly directed, afterwards to\\ntake into consideration the cause of such war or invasion, and if it should ap-\\npear that the fault was in the colony invaded, such colony was not only to\\nmake satisflvctlon to the invaders, hut to bear all the expenses of the war.\\nThe commissioners were also authorised to frame and establish aoree-\\nments and orders in general cases of a civil nature, wherein all the planta-\\ntions were interested, for preserving peace amonir themselves, and prevent-\\ning as much as may be all occasions of war, or diflerenee with others, as\\nabout the free and speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdiction, to all the\\nconfederates equally as to tlieir own, receiving those that remove from one\\nplantation to another, without due certificates.\\nIt was also very wisely provided in the articles that runaway servants.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0077.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "54 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1643.\\nifd i wicli, lill the cslablishincnt of a new county wlii(\\ncalled Norfolk, and comprehended Salisbury, Ha\\nton were at first annexed lo the jinlsdiction of the courts at Ips-\\nlich was\\nHaverhill,\\nHampton, Exeter, Portsmouth, and Dover. These towns were\\nthen of such extent as to contain ail the lands between the rivers\\nMerrimack and Pascataqua, The shire town was Salisbury\\nbut Dover and Portsmouth had always a distinct jurisdiction,\\ntiiough they were considered as part of this new county a court\\nbeing held in one or the other, sometimes once and sometimes\\ntwice in the year, consisting of one or more of the magistrates or\\nassistants, and one or more commissioners, chosen by the General\\nCourt out of the principal gentlemen of each town. This was\\ncalled the court of associates and their power extended to\\ncauses of twenty pounds value. From them, there was an ap-\\npeal to the board of Assistants, which being found inconvenient,\\nit was, in 1 G70, ordered to be made to the county court of Nor-\\nfolk.* Causes under twenty shillings in value were settled in\\neach town, by an Inferior Court, consisting of three persons.\\nAfter some time, they had liberty to choose their Associates,\\nwhich was done by the votes of both towns, opened at a\\njoint meeting of their selectmen, though sometimes they\\nrequested the court to appoint them as before. That mutual\\nconfidence between rulers and people, which springs from the\\ngenius of a republican government, is observable in all their\\ntransactions.*\\n(1) Mass. General Court Records. (2) Dover and Porlsmovitli Records.\\nand fugitives from justice, should be returned to the colonies whore thej be-\\nlonged, or from which they had Hed.\\nIf any of the confederates should violate any of the articles, or, in any\\nway injure any one of the other colonies, such breach of agreement, or inju-\\nry, was lobe considered and ordered by the commissioners of the other col-\\nonies. This confederacy, which was (K^clared to be perpetual, continued\\nwithout any essential alteration, until the New-England colonies were de-\\nprived of their ciiarter by the arbitrary proceedings of James II. In the year\\n1(548, some of the inhabitants of Rhode-Island rerpiested to be admitted into\\nthe confederacy, but they were informed that the island was witiiiti the pa-\\ntent granted to New-Plymouth, ami tlierefore their request was denied.\\nPitkin, Hist. U. S.,50, 51.]\\nIn 1()52. the number of people in Dover was increased so that they were\\nallowed by law to send two deputies to the General Court. Hanijjlon con-\\ntinued sending but one till 10(1:), and Portsmouth till IC 72. The names of\\nthe representatives wliich I have been able to recover, are as follows [As\\nthe years for whicii the representatives were chosen, and the names of a\\nnumber of them are onutted by Dr. Belknap, his list is lefl out, and the fol-\\nlowing, which is nearly complete, substituted.\\nDorcr. Portsmouth. Ihimptnn.\\n1C)42 William Hayward\\nir 4H r.dward Starbuck William I-Iayward\\nK)44 William Hilton Stephen Winthrop AVilliam Hayward\\nU;4r) William Heath William Hayward\\nW-lti William W.ildron William English\\nEdward Starbuck", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0078.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "1652.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 55\\nThis extension of the colony s jurisdiction over New-Hamp-\\nshire, could not tail of being noticed by the heirs of Mason but\\nthe distractions caused by the civil wars in England were invinci-\\nble bars to any legal inquiry. The first heir named in Mason s\\nwill dying in infancy, the estate descended after the death of the\\nexecutrix to Robert Tufton, who was not of age till 1G50. j\\nIn two years after this, Joseph jMason came over as agent\\nto the executrix, to look after the interest of her deceased husband.\\nHe found the lands at Newichwannock occupied by Richard\\nDover.\\nPortsmouth.\\nHampton.\\n1647\\nWilliam EiKrlish\\n1648\\n1649\\n1650 John Baker\\nWilliam Estowo\\nWilliam Estowe\\nJeoifry Mingay\\n1651\\nRoger Shaw\\n1652 Valentine Hill\\nRoger Shaw\\n1653 Valentine Hill\\nBryan Pendleton\\nRoger Shaw\\n1654 Richard Waldron\\nBryan Pendleton\\nAnthony Stanyan\\nValentine Hill\\n1655 Valentine Hill\\nHenry Dow\\n1656 Richard Waldron\\nHenry Dow\\n1657 Richard Waldron\\nRoger Page\\n1658 Richard Waldron\\nBryan Pendleton\\nChristopher Hussey\\n165!) Richard Waldron\\nChristopher Hussey\\n1660 Richard Waldron\\nHenry Sherburne.\\nBryan Pendleton (2)\\nChristopher Hussey\\n16GI Richard Waldron\\nBryan Pendleton\\nWilliam Fuller\\n166-2 Ricliard Waldron\\nSamuel Dalton\\n1663 Richard Waldron\\n1 L^n.i\\nBryan Pendleton\\nWilliam Cerrish\\nWilliam Cerrisli\\n1001\\nSamuel Dalton (2)\\n1665 Richard Waldron\\nRicliard Cutt\\nSamuel Dalton\\n1666 Richard Waldron\\nNathaniel Fryer\\nSamuel Dalton\\n1667 Richard Waldron\\nElias Stilenian\\nWilliam Fuller\\n1668 Richard Waldron\\nElias Stilenian\\nRobert Page\\n1669 Richard Waldron\\nRichard Cutt\\nSamuel Dalton\\nJoshua Gilman\\n1670 Richard Waldron\\nRichard Cutt\\nSamuel Dalton\\nRichard Cooke\\n1671 Richard Waldron\\nElias Stilenian\\nSamuel Dalton\\nRichard Cooke\\n1672 Richard Waldron\\nRichard Cutt\\nJoseph Hussey\\nPeter Cothiv\\nRichard Marty n\\n1673 Richard Waldron\\nElias Stileman\\nSamuel Dalton\\nPeter Coffin\\n1674 Richard Waldron\\nRichard Cutt\\nSamuel Dalton\\nAnthony Miller\\nlt;75 Richard Waldron\\nRichard Cutt\\nSamuel Dalton\\nAnthony Miller\\n1676 Anthony Miller\\nRicliard Cutt\\nSamuel Dalton\\n1677 Richard Waldron\\nElias Stileman\\nThomas Marston\\n1678\\n1679 Richard Waldron\\nSamuel Dalton\\nRichard Marty n\\nSamuel Dalton\\nPeter Coffin\\nRichard Waldron was speaker of the house of deputies or representatives\\nin the years lC)6(i. 1667, 1668. 1673, 1674, 1675 and lt;79. A dash under the\\ntown against the year shows that no representative was chosen that year.\\nWhere (2) is annexed, it shows that the person was elected for the 2d session\\nof the court. It does not appear that E.xeter sent any deputies to court du-\\nring this union.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0079.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "56 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1652\\nLeader,* against whom he brought actions in the county court of\\nNorfolk but a dispute arising whether the lands in question\\nwere within the jurisdiction of iMassachusetts, and the court of\\nNorfolk judging the action not to be within their cognizance, re-\\ncourse was had to the general court who, on this occasion, or-\\ndered an accurate survey of the northern bounds of their patent\\nto be made a thing which they had long meditated. A com-\\nmitleef of the general court, attended by Jonadian Ince, and John\\nSherman surveyors, and several Indian guides, went up the river\\nMerrimack to find the most northerly part thereof, which the In-\\ndians told them was at Aquedochtan, the outlet of the lake Win-\\nnipiseogee.J The latitude of this place was observed to be 43\\n(1) Massa. Records.\\n[One of tliis name was agent for the Iron Works at Lynn about this time\\nLeAvis, Hist. Lynn,\\nt [Tlie committee of tlie general court were Capt. Edward Johnson, author\\nof the History of New-Enghmd, and Capt. Simon Willard, afterwards an as-\\nsistant and commander of a portion of the Massacliusetts forces in the Indian\\nwar of tG75. The expedition took up nineteen days in tlie months of July\\nand August, and the wliole expense was not less than \u00c2\u00a384. The report of\\nthe surveyors, written bj a neat chirogvaphist, has been obtained from the\\nMassachusetts colony files, and a copy of it is here added\\nThe Answer of John Sherman, serjt. at Watertown, and Jonathan Ince,\\nstudent at Harvard College, in Cambridge, to Captain Simon Willard and\\nCaptain Edward Johnson, Commissioners of the General Court, held at Bos-\\nton, May 27, l{Jb2, concerning the Latitude of the Northermost pt. of Merri-\\nmack River\\nWhereas wee John Sherman and Jonathan Ince were procured by the\\naforesaid Commissioners to take the latitude of the place abovenamed. Our\\nAnswer is, that at Arjuedalican, the name of the head of Merrimack, wliere it\\nissues out of the l^ake called Wiunapusseakit, upon the first of August, one\\nthousand, six hundred and fifty two, wee observed and by observation found\\nthat the Ijalilude of the i)lace was iburty three degrees, fourty minutes and\\ntwelve seconds, besides those minutes which are to be allowed for the three\\nmiles more North well, run into the Lake. In witnesse whereof, wee have\\nsubscribed our names this nineteenth of October, one thousand, six hundred,\\nfifty two. JOHN SHERMAN,\\nJONATHAN INCE.\\nJur. coram me, JOII. ENDECOTT, Gubr.]\\n[The variations in the orthography of this word, which was probably pro-\\nnounced Win-nc-pis-.sc-ock-cc, are somewhat remarkable. Tlie following have\\n.occurred in the course of my investigations.\\nWinnepisseockegee. Captain Alden s Treaty with Indians, ICJOO. 3 CoH.\\nWinnopisseag. blather, Magnalia, ii. 513. [Mass. Hist. See. i. 112,\\nWenapesioche. Douglass. Summary, i. 420.\\nWinnepasiake. Ibid. i. 423.\\nWinnapissiaukee. Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. i. 358.\\nWinne])issiaukee. Ibid. ii. Mi).\\nWinnepissocay. Peiihallow, in Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 112.\\nWinnepesiaukee. Trumbull, Hist, Connecticut, ii. 78.\\nWinnapuseakit. Sherman and luce s Report, above.\\nWiunipesocket. Bartlett, Narrative of Captivity,\\nWiiinipishoky. Petition in Moore s Annals of Concord.\\nWinnipisioke. MS. Cliarterof Kingswood.\\nWennepisseoka. MS. Letter of Lieut. Gov. Wentworth.\\nWinipisseoca. MS. Records of General Assembly of N. H.\\nWinipisiuket. Douglass, Summary, i. 45G.\\nWinipisiakit. Ibid. i. 31)0.\\nWinipisiackit. Ibid, ii, 34G.\\nWinnipessioke. N. II. Gazette, 18 March, 1789.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0080.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "1C53.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 57\\ndegrees, 40 minutes niid 12 seconds, to which three miles being\\nadded, made the line of the patent, according to their construc-\\ntion, fall within the lake, in the latitude of 43 degrees, 43 minutes\\nand 12 seconds. Two experienced ship-masters, Jonas ^rrcy\\nClarke and Samuel Andrews, were then dispatched to\\nthe eastern shore, who found the same degrees, minutes, and\\nseconds, on the northern point of an island in Casco Bay, called\\nthe Upper Clapboard Island. An east and west line, drawn\\nthrough these points from the Atlantic to the South sea, was\\ntherefore supposed to be the northern boundary of the Massa-\\nchusetts patent, widiin which the whole claim of Mason, and the\\ngreater part of that of Gorges were comprehended. When this grand\\npoint was determined, the court were of opinion, that some\\nlands at Newichwannock, with the river, were by agreement of\\nSir Ferdinand\u00c2\u00a9 Gorges and others, apportioned to Captain Ma-\\nson, and that he also had right by purchase of the Indians, as\\nalso by possession and improvement and they ordered a\\nquantity of land proportionable to his disbursements, wiUi the\\nprivilege of the river, to be laid out to his heirs. The agent\\nmade no attempt to recover any other part of the estate but\\nhaving tarried long enough in the country to observe the temper\\nof the government, and the management used in the determina-\\ntion of his suit, he returned and the estate was given up for lost\\nunless the government of England should interpose.*\\n[The June, 1654, there was a storme of thunder and liaile, such as hath\\nnot been heard of in N. E. since the first planting thereof, which iiaile fell in\\nthe bounds of Hampton betwixt the towne and the mills at ye falles the\\nwhich haile was so violent as that where the strength of the storm went, it\\nshaved the leaves, twigs and fruit from the trees, and beat down the come,\\nboth rye and Indian, and pease and otiier things, so battering and burying the\\nsame as that men had beaten it down with tlirashing instruments the haile\\nbeing to admiration for the multitude thereof, so as tiuit in some places it re-\\nmained after the storm was over. I i inches in thickness above the ground,\\nand was not all dissolved 2 days after the storme in many places, as we are in-\\nformed by many eye witnesses and many of which haile were said to be 3 or\\n4 inches in length. Hampton Town Records, copied by Mr. Joshua Coffin,\\nS. H. S. Mass.\\nKiod. The delusion respecting witclicraft, which extended itself generally\\nthroughout New-England, appeared in a few instances in New-Hampshire,\\nMr. Adams, in his Annals of Portsmouth, gives the following account of one\\ncase which occurred in that town, this year.\\nGoodwife Walford was brought before the court of assistants for this of-\\nfence, upon the complaint of Susannah Trimmings. A recital of the testimo-\\nny will shew how far a disordered imagination contributed to make a person\\nbelieve she was bewitched and what degree of credulity was necessary, to\\nfix the offence upon the person accused. Mrs. Trimmings testified, As I\\nwas going home on Sunday night, the 30th of March, I lieard a rustling in the\\nwoods, whicii I supposed tn be occasioned by swine, and presently there ap-\\npeared a woman, whom 1 a|)|)reiiended to be old Goodwife Walford. She\\nasked me to lend her a pound of cotton I told her I had but two pounds in the\\nliouse, and 1 would not sj)are anj^ to my mother. She said 1 had better have\\ndone it. for I was going a great jouriU v, but should never come there. She\\nthen left me, and I was struck as with a clap of fire on the back and she\\nvanished toward the water side, in my ajiprehension. in the shape of a cat.\\nShe had on her head a white linen hood, tied under her chin, and her waist-\\n10", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0081.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "58 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G5J.\\nDuring the coiiimonwoaltli, and the piotectoiate of Croiinvell,\\nthere could be no hope of relief, as the family liad always been\\nattached to the royal cause, and the colony stood iiigh in the fa-\\nvor of the parliament and of Cromwell. But the restoration of\\nK ms; Charles the second encouraged Tufton, who now took\\nthe surname of JMason, to look up to the throne for favor\\nand assistance. For though the plan of colonization adopted by\\nhis grandfadier was in itself chimerical, and proved fruitless, yet\\nhe had expended a large estate in the prosecution of it, which\\nmust have been wholly lost to his heirs, unless they could recover\\nthe possession of his American territories. Full of this idea, Ma-\\nson petitioned the king setting fordi the encroachment of the\\nMassachusetts colony upon his lands, their making grants and\\ngiving titles to the inhabitants, and thereby disposessing him and\\nkeeping him out of his right. The king referred the petition to\\nto his attorney-general Sir Geoffrey Palmer, who reported that\\ncoat and petticoat were red, with an old green apron, and a black hat upon\\nher head. Oliver Trimmings, her husband, said, m} wife came home in\\na sad condition. She passed bj nie with her child in her arms, laid the child\\non the bed, sat down on the chest, and leaned upon her elbow. Three times I\\nasked her how slie did. She could not speak. I took her in my arms, and\\nheld her up, and repeated the question. She forced breath, and something\\nstopped in lier tliroat, as if it would have stopped her breath. 1 unlaced her\\nclothes, and soon she spake, and said. Lord have mercy upon me, this wicked\\nwoman will kill me. I asked her what woman. She said Goodwife Walford.\\nI tried to persuade her, it was onl} her weakness. She told me no, and rela-\\nted as above, that her back was as a flame of fire, and her lower parts, were,\\nas it were, numb and without feeling. T pinched her, and she felt not. She\\ncontinued th:it niglit,and the day and night following, very ill; and is still baQ\\nof her limbs, and complains still daily of it.\\nNicholas Itowe testified. liiat Jane Walford, shortly after she was accused,\\ncame to the dejionent in bed. in the evening, and put her hand upon his\\nbreast, so that he could not speak, and was in great pain till the next day.\\nRy the li rht of the fire in the next room, it appeared to be Goody Walford,\\nbut she did not speak. She repeated her visit about a week after, and did as\\nbefore but said nothing.\\nI jliza Barton deposed, that she saw Susannah Trimmings at the time she\\nwas ill, and hor face was colored and spotted with several colors. She\\ntold the deponent the story, wlio replied that it was nothing but her tantasy\\nher eyes looked as if they iiad been scalded.\\nJolin Pnddington deposed, that three years since, Goodwife Walford\\ncome to his mother s. She said that her own husband called her an nld witch\\nand wlien slie came to her cattle, her husband w iuld bid her begone, for she\\ndid overlook the cattle, which is as much as to say in our country, bewitching.\\nAgnes Puddington deposes, that on the Itth of April, the wife of W. Ev-\\nans came to her house, and lay there all night and a little after sunset the\\ndeponent saw a yellowisli cat; and Mrs. E, said she was followed by a cat,\\nwherever she went, .tohn came and saw a cat in the garden took down his\\ngun t shoot her the cat got up on a tree, and the gun would not take fire,\\nand afterward the cock would not stand. She afterwards saw three cats.\\nthe yellow one vanished away on the plain ground she could not tell which\\nway they went.\\nOn the 20 October, 1G57, a boat going out of Hampton River, was cast\\naway, and the persons drowned, wiio were eight in number, who all perished\\nin the Sea. Records of Norfolk County. The records give the names of\\nseven who were lost, viz. Em. Hilliar. .lohn Philbrick, Anne Philbrick. his\\nwife, Sarah Philbrick, their daughter, Alice Cox, wife of Moses Cox, John\\nCox, his eon, and Robert Read.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0082.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "1660.1 UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 59\\nRobert Mason, grandson and heir to Captain Joiin Mason, had\\na good and legal title to the province of New-Hanip-\\nshire. Nothing farther was done at this time, nor was\\nthe matter mentioned in the letter which the king soon after sent\\nto the colony, though some oftensive things in their conduct\\nwere therein reprehended, and divers alterations enjoined.\\nBut die direcdons contained in this letter not being strictly attend-\\ned to, and complaints being made to the king, of disputes which\\nhad arisen in divers parts of New-England concerning the limits\\nof jurisdiction, and addresses having been presented by several\\npersons, praying for tiie royal interposition a commission was is-\\nsued under the great seal to Colonel Richard Nicholls, Sir\\nRobert Carr, kniaiht, George Cartwrieht* and Samuel 1064.\\nMaverick, esquires, impowering them to visit the several p\\ncolonies of New-England to examine and determine all com-\\nplaints and appeals in matters civil, military and criminal to\\nprovide for the peace and security of the country, according to\\ntheir good and sound discretion, and to such instructions as Uiey\\nshould receive from the king, and to certify him of their pro-\\nceedings. f\\nThis commission was highly disrelished by the colony, as in-\\nconsistent with the rights and privileges which they enjoyed by\\ntheir charter, and which the king had sacredly promised to con-\\nfirm. It is therefore no wonder that the commissioners were\\ntreated with much coolness at their arrival but they severely re-\\npaid it in their report to the king.\\n(1) Ms. in Sup. Court files. (2) H ulch. Coll. of papers, p. 377. (3) Hutch.\\nHist. Mass. vol. i. p. 53- (4) Hutch. Coll. papers, 417.\\n[This name is Carteret in the former editions, but it should doubtless be\\nCartwright as will appear from 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. viii. 5d-U0.]\\nt [Rev. Timothy Dalton, minister of Hampton, died 28 December, 1661,\\nbeing somewiiat advanced in years. Mr. Savage, in Winthrop, ii. 28, has\\ngiven him descendants, but none are named in a copy of his last will and tes-\\ntament which I have seen. He gave a portion of his properly to Samuel, the\\nson of Pliilemon Dalton, who was probably brollier to tlie minister, and from\\na sermon of Rev. Jonathan French of Nortii-Hampton, 1S20. it appears that\\nthe ministerial fund in that town and Hampton arose from a liberal donation\\nhe made to the last named town. Mrs. Ruth Dalton, his widow, died at\\nHampton, 12 May, Klfid. Johnson (Hist. N. E. 135) has bestowed some verserf\\nupon him, which will conclude this brief note on one of the earliest and most\\nworthy of the ecclesiastical fathers of New-JIam])shire.\\nDouLTON doth teach perspicuously and sound.\\nWith wholesome truths of Christ thy flock doth feed,\\nTliy honour with tiiy labour dotii abound,\\nAge crounes thy head in rigiiteousnesse, proceed.\\nTo hatter doune, root up, and quite destroy\\nAll Heresies and Errors, that drawback\\nUnto perdition, and Christ s folk annoy\\nTo warre for him, thou weapons dost not lack\\nLong dayes to see, that long d-for day to come,\\nOi Babel s fall, and Is/ael s ((uiet peace\\nThou yet maist live of dayes so great a sum\\nTo see this work, let not thy warfare cease.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0083.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "(50 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G65.\\nIn tbcir progress through the country, they came to Pascata-\\nqua, and inquired into tlie bounds of Mason s patent. They heard\\nthe allegation of Wheelwright, who when banished by the\\ncolony, was permitted to reside immediately beyond what\\nwas called the bound-house, three large miles to the northward of\\nthe river Merrimack. They look the ailidavit of Henry Jocelyn\\nconcerning the agreement between Governor Cradock and Cap-\\ntain Mason, that the river should be the boundary of their respec-\\ntive patents. They made no determination of this controversy in\\ntheir report to the king but having called together the inhabi-\\ntants of Portsmoulh, Sir Robert Carr, in the name of the\\nrest, told them that they would release them from the\\ngovernment of Massachusetts, whose jurisdiction should come\\nno farther than the bound-house. They then proceeded to\\nappoint justices of the peace and other officers, with power to act\\naccording to the laws of England, and such laws of their own as\\nwere not repugnant thereto, until the king s pleasure should be\\nfarther known.\\nThere had always been a party here who were disaffected to\\nthe government of IMassachusetts.^ One of the most active among\\nthem was Abraham Corbett, of Portsmouth, who, since the arri-\\nval of the commissioners at Boston, and probably by authority de-\\nrived from them, had taken upon him to issue warrants in the\\nking s name on several occasions, which was construed a high\\nmisdemeanor, as he had never been commissioned by the author-\\nity of the colony.^ Being called to account by the general court,\\nhe was admonished, fined five pounds, and committed till the sen-\\ntence was performed. Irritated by this severity, he was the fitter\\ninstrument for the purpose of the commissioners, who employed\\nhim to frame a petition to the king in the name of the four towns,\\ncomplaining of the usurpation of Massachusetts over them, and\\npraying to be released from their tyranny. Corbett, in a secret\\nmanner, procured several persons both in Portsmouth and Dover\\nto subscribe this petition, but the most of those to whom he offer-\\ned it refused.\\nThe sensible pari of the inhabilanls now saw with much con-\\ncern, that they were in danger of being reduced to the same un-\\nhappy state, which they had^ been in before their union with the\\ncolony. Awed by the supercilious behaviour of the commission-\\ners, they knew not at first how to act for to oppose the king s\\nauthority was construed treason, and it was said that Sir Robert\\nCarr had threatened a poor old man with death for no other crime\\nthan forbidding his grandchild to open a door to them. But when\\nthe rumor was spread that a petition was drawn, and that Corbett\\nwas procuring subscribers, the people, no longer able to bear tlic\\nabuse, earnestly applied to the general court, praying that in\\n(1) Mass. Records. (2) Hutch. Coll. pnpcrB, -Itftf. (3) Mass. Uecord.s.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0084.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "1665.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. fix\\nsome orderly way they might have an opportunity to clear thcm-\\nselves of so great and unjust aspersions, as were by this j)etition,\\ndrawn in their name, cast upon the government under which\\nthey were settled and also to manifest dieir sense of such per-\\nfidious actions, lest by their silence it should be concluded ihey\\nwere of the same mind with those who framed the petition.\\nIn consequence of diis petition, the court commissioned Thomas\\nDanforth, Eleazar Lusher, and JNIajor General Leverett to inquire\\ninto the matter, and settle the peace in these places according to\\ntheir best discretion.\\nThese gentlemen came to Portsmouth, and having assembled\\nthe inhabitants, and published their commission, they told them\\nthat they were informed of a petition subscribed in behalf\\nof that and the neighboring towns, complaining of the\\ngovernment and desired them if they had any just grievances to\\nlet them be known, and report should be immediately made to the\\ngeneral court. The next day, they assembled the people of Do-\\nver and made the same challenge. Both towns respectively pro-\\ntested against the petition, and professed full satisfaction with the\\ngovernment, which they signified in addresses to the court. Dud-\\nley, the minister of Exeter, certified under his hand to the com-\\nmittee, that the people of that town had no concern directly nor\\nindirectly with the obnoxious petition.* They received also full\\nsatisfaction with regard to Hampton a certificate of which might\\nhave been obtained, if they had thought it necessary.\\nThey then proceeded to summon Corbett before them for se-\\nditious behaviour but he eluded the search that was made for him,\\nand they were obliged to leave a warrant with an officer to cite\\nhim to the court at Boston. The commissioners had now gone\\nov er into the province of Maine, from whence Sir Robert Carr in\\ntheir name sent a severe reprimand to this committee, forbidding\\nthem to proceed against such persons as had subscribed the peti-\\ntion, and inclosing a copy of a letter which the said commissioners\\nhad written to the governor and council on the same subject.\\nTlie connnittee returned and reported their proceedings to the\\ncourt, and about the same time, the commissioners came from their\\neastern tour to Boston 5 where the court desired a conference\\nwith them, but received such an answer from Sir Robert Carr as\\ndetermined them not to repeat their request. A warrant was then\\nissued by the secretary, in the name of the whole court, to appre-\\nhend Corbett and bring him before the governor and magistrates,\\n[The certificate of Mr. Dudle}^, in the files of the Massachusetts colony\\nrecords, is as follows This may certify whom it may concern, that con-\\ncerninjr the Question that is in hand, whether the town of Exeter hath sub-\\nscribed to that petition sent to his Majesty for the taking of Portsmouth, Do-\\nver, Hampton and Exeter under his immediate frovernment, I do afiirm to my\\nbest apprehension and that by more than prol):ible conjecture, that the town\\nof Kxeter hath no hand in that petition directly or indirectly. Witness my\\nhand, JO. fc (Jo. Sa.muel Dldlev.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0085.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "%2 HISTORY or NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1666.\\nto answer for his tuinultiioiis and seditious practices against the\\ngovernment. The next spring, he was seized and\\nI606. Ijrought before tlieni and alter a lull hearing was adjudg-\\ned guilty of sedition, and exciting others to discontent\\nwith the government and laws, and of keeping a disorderly house\\nof entertainment, for which crimes he was sentenced to give a bond\\nof one hundred pounds, with security for his peaceable behaviour\\nand obedience to the laws he was prohibited retailing liquors\\ndisabled from bearing any office in the town or commonwealth,\\nduring the pleasure of the court and obliged to pay a fine of\\ntwenty pounds, and five pounds for the costs of his prosecution.\\nThis severity in vindication of their charter-rights, they thought\\nfit to temper with something that had the appearance of submis-\\nsion to the royal commands. The king s pleasure had been sig-\\nnified to the commissioners, that the harbors should be fortified.\\nThis instruction came to hand while they were at Pascataqua, and\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2they immediately issued warrants to the four towns, requiring\\ndiem to meet at a time and place appointed to receive his majes-\\nty s orders. 1 One of these warrants was sent by express to Bos-\\nton, from whence two officers were dispatched by the governor\\nand council to forbid the towns on their peril to meet, or obey the\\ncommands of the commissioners. But by their own authority,\\nthey ordered a committee to look out the most convenient place\\nfor a fortification, upon whose report the neck of land on the\\neastward of the Great Island, where a small fort had been al-\\nready built, was sequestered for the purpose, taking in the Great\\nRock, and from thence all the easterly part of the said island.\\nThe court of associates being impowered to hear and determine\\nthe claims of those who pretended any title to this land a claim\\nwas entered by George Walton,* but rejected and the appropri-\\nation confirmed. The customs and imposts on goods imported\\ninto the harbor were applied to the maintenance of the fort, and\\nthe trained bands of Great-Island and Kittery-Point were dis-\\ncharged from all other duty to attend the service of it, under\\nRichard Cutt, esquire, who was appointed captain.\\nThe people of Massachusetts have, both in former and latter\\nlimes, been charged wiUi disloyalty to the king in their conduct\\ntowards these conmiissioners, and their disregard of authority de-\\nrived from the same source with their charter. To account for\\ntheir conduct on this occasion, we must consider the ideas they\\nhad of dieir political connexion with the parent state. They had\\n(1) Hutch. Coll. papers, 410. (-2) Ma.ss. Records.\\n[George Walton appears to have been of E.xeter in 1030, having pre-\\nviously resided at Pascataqua. He finally settled on Great Island, where he\\ndied in 10^0, aged about 71 years. See Mather, ii. Magnalia, IW3. Adams,\\nAnnals of Portsnioutj}, 44, 8. Coll. N. H. Hist. Sue. i. :\\\\22. It is probabl\u00c2\u00ab\\nthat he was the father of Col. Shadrach Walton, who is several times men-\\ntioned in this history.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0086.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "1G66.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 63\\nbeen forcp l from it by persecution tlicy came at their own charg-\\nes into a wilderness, claimed indeed by the crown of England-;\\nbut really in })osscssion of its native lords from whom they had pnr-\\nchased the soil and sovereignty, which gave them a title, consid-\\nered in a moral view, superior to the grant of any European })rince..\\nFor convenience only, they had sohcited and accepted a patent,\\nfrom the crown, which in their opinion constituted the only bond\\nof union between them and their prince, by which the nature and\\nextent of their allegiance to him was to be determined. This pa-\\ntent they regarded as a solenm compact, by which the king had\\ngranted them undisturbed possession of the soil, and power of\\ngovernment within certain limits 5 on condition that they shonld\\nsettle the country, christianize the natives, yield a fifth of all gold\\nand silver mines to the crown, and make no laws repugnant to\\nthose of England. They had, on their part, sacredly performed\\nthese conditions and therefore concluded that the grant of title,\\nproperty and dominion which the crown had made to them was\\nirrevocable. And although they acknowledged themselves sub-\\njects of the reigning prince, and owned a dependence on the royal\\nauthority yet they understood it to be only through the mediun\\nof their charter.\\nThe appointment of commissioners who were to act within the\\nsame limits, independently of this authority, and to receive ap-\\npeals from it whose rule of conduct was not established law,\\nbut their own good and sound discretion, was regarded as a\\ndangerous stretch of royal power, militating with and superseding\\ntheir charter. If the royal authority was destined to flow through\\nthe patent, it could not regularly be turned into another channel\\nif they were to be governed by laws made and executed by offi-\\ncers of their own choosing, they could not at the same time be\\ngoverned by the discretion of men in whose appointment they\\nhad no voice, and over whom they had no control. Two- ruling\\npowers in the same state Vvas a solecism which they could not di-\\ngest. The patent was neither forfeited nor revoked but the king\\nhad solennily promised to confirm it, and it subsisted in full force.\\nThe commission therefore was deemed an usurpation and infringe-\\nment of those chartered rights, which had been solemnly pledged\\non the one part, dearly purchased and justly paid for on the other.\\nThey regarded a royal donation under the great seal (to use\\ntheir own words) as the greatest security that could be had in hu-\\nman affairs i and they had confidence in the justice of the su-\\npreme ruler, that if they held what they in their consciences\\nthought to be their rights, and performed the engagements by\\nwhich they had acquired them, they should enjoy the protection\\nof his providence,* though they should be obliged to abandon the\\n(1) Ilutcli. Hist. Mass. vol. i. p. 543.\\nKeep to your patent. Your patent was a royal ofrant indeed and it is\\ninstrutnenlally your defence and security. Recede from that, one way or", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0087.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "04 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1666.\\ncountry, whicli I hey had planted with so much labor and expense,\\nand seek a new setllcnieiit in some other part of the globe.\\nThese were the j)rinciplcs which they had imbibed, which they\\nopenly avowed and on u hich they acted. Policy might have dic-\\ntated to them the same llexibilily of conduct, and softness of ex-\\nj)ression, by which the other colonics on this occasion gained the\\nroyal favor. But they had so long held the sole and uninterrupt-\\ned sovereignly, in which they had been indulged by the late pop-\\nular government in England and were so fully convinced it was\\ntheir right that they chose rather to risk the loss of all, than to\\nmake any concessions thereby exposing themselves farther to the\\nmalice of their enemies and the vengeance of power.\\nThe commissioners, having finished their business, were recall-\\nied by the order of the king, who was much displeased with the ill\\ntreatment they had received from the Massachusetts government,\\nwhich was the more heinous, as the colonics of Plymouth, Rhode-\\nIsland and Connecticut had treated the commission with acknowl-\\nedged respect. By a letter to the colony, he commanded\\nthem to send over four or five agents, promising to hear\\nin person, all the allegations, suggestions, and pretences to right\\nor favor, that could be made on behalf the colony, intimating\\nthat he was far from desiring to invade their charter and com-\\nmanding that all things should remain as the commissioners had\\nsettled them until his farther order and that those persons who\\nhad been imprisoned for petitioning or applying to them should be\\nreleased.^ The court, however, continued to exercise jurisdiction,\\n.appoint ofiicers, and execute the laws in these towns as they had\\ndone for twenty-five years, to the general satisfaction of the peo-\\nple who were united widi them in principles and affection.\\nThis affection was demonstrated by their ready concurrence\\nwith the proposal for a general collection, for the purpose of\\nififO erecting a new brick building* at Harvard college, the old\\nwooden one being small and decayed. The town of\\nPortsmouth, which was now become the richest, made a subscrip-\\ntion of sixty pounds per annum for seven years and after five\\nyears, passed a town vote to carry this engagement into effect.\\nDover gave Uiirty-two, and Exeter ten pounds for the same laud-\\nable purpose.-\\nThe people of Portsmouth, having for some time employed\\nj^\u00c2\u00ab, Joshua Moodey as a preacher among them, and erecteil\\na new meeting house, proceeded to settle him in regular\\n(1) Hutch, p. r)47. (2) Harvard College Records.\\nthe other, and you will e.\\\\[)ose yourself to the wrath of God and the rage of\\nman. Fix upon the patent, and stand for tlie lil)erties and iinnninities con-\\nferred upon you therein and you have don and the kinjj witli you. both\\na ;ro()d cause and a f;oo(I interest and may witli oood ciiuscience set your\\nfootaijainsl any footof ])ri(le and violence tjiat shall come against you.\\nPresident Oakes s J\\\\iection Sermon, l(i7;5.\\nThis building was erected in 107 and consumed by fire in 17(\u00c2\u00bb4.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0088.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "1G74.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. C5\\norder. A church consisting of nine brethren* was first p;ather-\\ned then the general court having been duly informed of it, and\\nhaving signified their approbation, according to the established\\npractice, JMoodey was ordained in the presence of Governor Lev-\\nerett and several of the magistrates. f\\nThe whole attention of the government in England being at\\nthis time taken up with things that more immediately con- ir^^A\\ncerned themselves, nothing of moment relating to Ma-\\nson s interest was transacted. He became discouraged, and\\njoined with the heirs of Gorges in proposing an alienation of their\\nrespective rights in the provinces of New-Hampshire and Maine\\nto the crown, to make a government for the duke of Monmouth.\\nThe duke himself was greatly pleased with the scheme, as he\\nhad been told that an annual revenue of five thousand pounds or\\nmore might be collected from these provinces. But by the more\\nfaithful representations of some persons who were well acquainted\\nwith the country, he was induced to lay aside the project. Many\\ncomplaints were made against the government of Massachusetts;\\nand it was thought to be highly expedient that more severe meas-\\nures should be used widi them but the Dutch wars, and other\\nforeign transactions, prevented any determination concerning\\nthem, till the country was involved in all the horrors of a general\\nwar with the natives,-\\nCHAPTER V.\\nRemarkg on the temper and manners of the Indians. The first general war\\nwitli them called Pliilip s war.\\nAt the time of the first discovery of the river Pascataqua by\\nCaptain Smith, it was found that the native inhabitants of these\\nparts differed not in language, manners, nor government, from\\ntheir eastern or western neighbors. Though they were divided\\ninto several tribes, each of which had a distinct sachem, yet they\\nall owned subjection to a sovereign prince, called Bashaba, whose\\nresidence was at Penobscot. It was soon after found that the\\n(I) Portsmouth Chiircii Records. [Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 51 55.\\nwhere is a particular account of the measures preparatory to the ordination of\\nMr. Moodey.] (2) Hutch. Collection of papers, 451, 472.\\nJoshua Moodey, John Cutt, Richard Cutt, Richard Martyn. Elias Slile-\\nraan, Samuel Haynes, James Pendleton, John Fletcher, John Tucker.\\nt [1671. April 1. A great storme of driving snow came out of the N. W.\\nand drove up in drifts about 6 feet deep, as appeared by those that measured\\nthe banks of snow. For the space of 14 days after, it was a sad time of rain,\\nnot one whole fair day, and much damage done to mills and other things by\\nthe flood which followed. Town Records of Hampton. J\\n11", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0089.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "66 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nTarraleens, who lived farther eastward, had invaded his country,\\nsurprised and slain him, and all the people in his neighborhood,\\nand carried oft his women, leaving no traces of his authority.\\nUpon which the subordinate sachems, having no head to unite\\nthem, and each one striving for the pre-eminence, made war among\\nthemselves by which means many of their people, and much of\\ntheir provision were destroyed. When Sir Richard Hawkins\\nvisited the coast in 1615, this war was at its height; and to this\\nsucceeded a pestilence, which carried them off in such nvmibers\\nthat the living were not able to bury the dead but their bones\\nremained at the places of their habitations for several years.\\nDuring this pestilence, Richard Vines and several others, whom\\nSir Ferdinando Gorges had hired, at a great expense, to tarry in\\nthe country through the winter, lived among them and lodged in\\ntheir cabins, without receiving the least injury in their heahh,\\nnot so much as feeling their heads to ache the whole time.\\nBy such singular means did divine providence prepare the way\\nfor the peaceable entrance of the Europeans into this land.\\nWhen the first settlements were made, the remains of two\\ntribes had their habitations on the several branches of the river\\nPascataqua one of their sachems lived at the falls of Squamscot,\\nand the other at those of Newichwannock their head quarters\\nbeing generally seated in places convenient for fishing. Both\\nthese, together with several inland tribes, who resided at Paw-\\ntucket and Winnipiseogee, acknowledged subjection to Passacon-\\naway the great sagamore of Pannukog, or (as it is commonly\\npronounced) Penacook. He excelled the other sachems in sa-\\ngacity, duplicity and moderation but his principal qualification\\nwas his skill in some of the secret operations of nature, which\\ngave him the reputation of a sorcerer, and extended his fame\\nand influence among all the neighboring tribes. They believed\\nthat it was in his power to make water burn, and trees dance, and\\nto metamorphose himself into flame that in winter he could raise\\na green leaf from the ashes of a dry one, and a living serpent\\nfrom the skin of one that was dead.\\nAn English gentleman, who had been much conversant among\\nthe Indians, was invited in 1660, to a great dance and feast on\\nwhich occasion, the elderly men, in songs or speeches recite their\\nhistories, and deliver their sentiments, and advice, to the younger.\\nAt this solemnity, Passaconaway, being grown old, made his\\nfarewell speech to his children and people in which, as a dying\\nman, he warned them to take heed how they quarrelled with their\\nEnglish neighbors for though they might do them some damage,\\nyet it would prove the means of their own destruction. He told\\nthem that he had been a bitter enemy to the English, and by tlie\\n(1) Smith s Voyage. (2) Gorges s Narrative, p. 17, 54. Prince s An-\\nnals. Gorges, page 12. (4) Hutch. Hist. Mass. vol. i. p. 474.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0090.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "UNION WITH MASSACflUSETTS. 67\\narts of sorcery had tried his utmost to hinder their settlement and\\nincrease but could by no means succeed. This caution per-\\nhaps often repeated, had such an effect, that uj)on the breaking\\nout of the Indian war fifteen years afterwards, Wonolanset, his\\nson and successor, withdrew himself and his people into some re-\\nmote place, that they might not be drawn into the quarrel.\\nWhilst the British nations had been distracted with internal\\nconvulsions, and had endured the horrors of a civil war, produced\\nby the same causes which forced the planters of New-England\\nto quit the land of their nativity this wilderness had been to them\\na quiet habitation. They had struggled with many hardships;\\nbut providence had smiled upon their undertaking their settle-\\nments were extended and their churches multiplied. There had\\nbeen no remarkable quarrel with the savages, except the short\\nwar with the Pequods, who dwelt in the south-east part of Con-\\nnecticut. They being totally subdued in 1637, the dread and\\nterror of the English kept the other nations quiet for near forty\\nyears. During which time, the New-England colonies being\\nconfederated for their mutual defence, and for maintaining the\\npublic peace, took great pains to propagate the gospel among the\\nnatives, and bring them to a civilized way of living, which, with\\nrespect to some, proved effectual others refused to receive the\\nmissionaries, and remained obstinately prejudiced against the\\nEnglish. Yet the object of dieir hatred was at the same time the\\nobject of their fear which led them to forbear acts of hostility,\\nand to preserve an outward shew of friendship, to their mutual\\ninterest.\\nOur historians have generally represented the Indians in a most\\nodious light, especially when recounting the effects of their ferocity.\\nDogs, caitiffs, miscreants and hell-hounds, are the politest names\\nwhich have been given them by some writers, who seem to be in\\na passion at the mentioning their cruelties, and at other times speak\\nof them with contempt.- Whatever indulgence may be allowed\\nto those who wrote in times when the mind was vexed with their\\nrecent depredations and inhumanities, it ill becomes us to cherish\\nan inveterate hatred of the unhappy natives. Religion teaches\\nus a better temper, and providence has now put an end to the\\ncontroversy, by their almost total extirpation. We should there-\\nfore proceed with calmness in recollecting their past injuries, and\\nforming our judgment of their character.\\nIt must be acknowledged that human depravity appeared in\\nthese unhappy creatures in a most shocking view. The principles\\nof education and the refinements of civilized life either lay a\\ncheck upon our vicious propensities, or disguise our crimes but\\namong them human wickedness was seen in its naked deformitJ^\\n(1) Hubbnrd s printed Narrative, page 9, 31. (2) Hubbard s Narrative and\\nMather s Magnalia.\\nJ^V,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0091.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "68 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMrSIIIRi:.\\nYet, bad as they were, it will be difficult to find tliem guilty of\\nany crime which cannot he paralleled amonn; civilized nations.\\nThey arc always described as remarkably cruel and it cannot\\nbe denied that this disposition indulged to the greatest excess,\\nstrongly marks their cliarncter. We are struck with horror,\\nwhen we hear of their binding the victim to the stake, biting off\\nhis nails, tearing out his hair by the roots, pulling out his tongue,\\nboring out his eyes, sticking his skin full of lighted pitch-wood,\\nhalf roasting him at the fire, and then making him run for their\\ndiversion, till he faints and dies under the blows which they give\\nhim on every part of his body. But is it not as dreadful to read\\nof an unhappy wretch, sewed up in a sack full of serpents and\\nthrown into the sea, or broiled in a red hot iron chair; or mang-\\nled by lions and tigers, after having spent his strength to combat\\nthem for die diversion of the spectators in an amphitheatre and\\nyet these were punishments among the Romans in the politest\\nages of the empire. What greater cruelty is there in the Ameri-\\ncan tortures, than in confining a man in a trough, and daubing\\nhim with honey that he may be stung to death by wasps and\\nother venomous insects or fleaing him alive and stretching out\\nhis skin before his eyes, which modes of punishment were not\\ninconsistent with the softness and elegance of the ancient court of\\nPersia or, to come down to modern times what greater misery\\ncan there be in the Indian executions, than in racking a prisoner\\non a wheel, and breaking his bones one by one with an iron bar\\nor placing his legs in a boot and driving in wedges one after\\nanother which tortures are still, or have till lately been used in\\nsome European kingdoms I forbear to name the torments of\\nthe inquisition, because they seem to be beyond the stretch of\\nhuman invention. If civilized nations, and those who profess the\\nmost merciful religion that ever blessed the world, have practised\\nthese cruelties, what could be expected of men who were stran-\\ngers to every degree of refinement either civil or mental\\nThe Indians have been represented as revengeful. When any\\nperson was killed, the nearest relative thought himself bound to\\nbe the avenger of blood, and never left seeking, till he found an\\nopportunity to execute his pm-pose. Whether in a state, where\\ngovernment is confessedly so feeble as among them, such a con-\\nduct is not justifiable, and even countenanced by the Jewish law\\nmay deserve our consideration.^\\nThe treachery with which these people are justly charged, is\\nexactly the same disposition which operates in the breach of sol-\\nemn treaties made between nations which call themselves chris-\\ntians. Can it be more criminal in an Indian, than in an Europe-\\nan, not to diink himself bound by promises and oaUis extorted\\nfrom him when under duress\\n(1) Numbers, cli. 35. V. 19. Deuteronoinv, cli. v. 12.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0092.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "1G75.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. g9\\nTheir jealousy and haired of tlieir English neighbors ni;iy\\neasily be accounted for, if we allow them to have thy same; feel-\\nings with ourselves. How natural is it for us to form a disagree-\\nable idea of a whole nation, from (he had conduct of some indi-\\nviduals with whom we are acquainted and though others of\\ntiiem may be of a different character, yet will not that prudence\\nwhich is esteemed a virtue, lead us to suspect the fairest appear-\\nances, as used to cover the most fraudulent designs, especially if\\npains are taken by the most politic among us, to forraent suclv\\njealousies to subserve their own ambitious purposes\\nThough the greater part of the English settlers came hither\\nwith religious views, and fairly purchased their lands of the In-\\ndians, yet it cannot be denied that some, especially in the eastern\\nparts of New-England, had lucrative views only and from the\\nbeginning used fraudulent methods in trade with them. Such\\nthings were indeed disallowed by the government, and would\\nalways have been punished if the Indians had made complaint\\nbut they knew only the law of retaliation, and when an injury was\\nreceived, it was never forgotten till revenged. Encroachments\\nmade on their lands, and fraud committed in trade, afforded suf-\\nficient grounds for a quarrel, though at ever so great a length of\\ntime and kept alive a perpetual jealousy of the like treatment\\nagain.*\\nSuch was the temper of the Indians of New-England when\\nthe first general war began. It was thought by the English\\nin that day, that Philip, sachem of the Wompanoags, a\\ncrafty and aspiring man, partly by intrigue, and partly by example,\\nexcited them to such a general combination. He was the son of\\nMassassoit, the nearest sachem to the colony of Plymouth, with\\nwhom he had concluded a peace, which he maintained more\\nthrough fear than good will, as long as he lived. His son and\\nimmediate successor Alexander, preserved the same external\\nshow of friendship but died with clioler on being detected in a\\nplot against them. Philip, it is said, dissembled his hostile pur-\\nposes he was ready, on every suspicion of his infidelity, to re-\\nnew his submission, and testify it even by the delivery of his arms,\\ntill he had secretly infused a cruel jealousy into many of die\\nneighboring Indians which excited them to attempt the recover-\\ning their country, by extirpating the new possessors. The plot, it\\nis said, was discovered before it was ripe for execution and as\\nhe could no longer promise himself security under the mask of\\nfriendship, he was constrained to shew himself in his true charac-\\nINIons. (lu Pratz gives nearly the same account of the Indians on tlie Miss-\\nissippi. There needs nothino; but prudence and o-ood sense to pursuade\\nthese people to what is reasonable, and to preserve tlieir friendship without\\ninterruption. We may safely affirm, that the differeiirfs we Iiave jiad with\\nthem have been more owinjv to tiie Frencli than to them. When tliey are\\ntreated insolently, or oppressively, they have no less sensibility of injurieti\\nthan others. History of Louisiana, lib. 4, cap. 3.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0093.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "70 HISTORY UF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1675.\\nter, and accordingly began hostilities upon the plantation of\\nSvvanzc) in the colony of Plymouth, in the month of June, 1C75.\\nNotwithstanding this general opinion, it may admit of some\\ndoubt, whether a single sachem, whose authority was limited,\\ncould have such an extensive inlUience over tribes so remote and\\nunconnected with him as the eastern Indians much more im-\\nprobable is it, that those in Virginia should have joined in the con-\\nfederacy, as it hath been intimated. The Indians never travelled\\nto any greater distance than their hunting required and so ig-\\nnorant were they of the geograj)hy of their country, that they\\nimagined New-England to be an island, and could tell the name\\nof an inlet or strait by which they supposed it was separated from\\nthe main land. But what renders it more improbable that Philip\\nwas so active an instrument in exciting this war, is the constant\\ntradition among the posterity of those people who lived near him,\\nand were familiarly conversant with him, and with those of his\\nIndians who survived the war which is, that he was forced on\\nby the fury of his young men, sorely against his own judgment\\nand that of his chief counsellors and that as he foresaw that the\\nEnglish would, in time, establish themselves and extirpate the In-\\ndians, so he thought that the making war upon them would only\\nhasten the destruction of his own people. It was always a very\\ncommon, and sometimes a just excuse with the Indians, when\\ncharged with breach of faith, that the old men were not able to\\nrestrain the younger from signalizing their valor, and gratifying\\ntheir revenge, though they disapproved their rashness. I his\\nwant of restraint was owing to the weakness of their government\\ntheir sachems having but the shadow of magistradcal authority.\\nThe inhabitants of Bristol shew a pardcular spot where Philip\\nreceived the news of the first Englishmen that were killed, with\\nso much sorrow as to cause him to weep a few days before\\nwhich he had rescued one who had been taken by his Indians,\\nand privately sent him home.- Whatever credit may be given to\\nthis account, so different from die current opinion, it must be own-\\ned, that in such a season of general confusion as the first war oc-\\ncasioned, fear and jealousy might create many suspicions, which\\nwould soon be formed into reports of a general confederacy,\\nthrough Philip s contrivance and it is to be noted that die prin-\\ncipal histories of this war, (Increase Mather s and Hubbard s)\\nwere printed in 1G76 and 1677, when the strangest reports were\\neasily credited, and the people were ready to believe every thing\\nthat was bad of so formidable a neighbor as Philip. But as the\\nfact cannot now be precisely ascertained, I shall detain the reader\\n;io longer from the real causes of die war in these eastern parts.\\nThere dwelt near the river Saco, a sachem named Squando,\\n1) Hubbard s Narrative, pjipc 12. Ncal a Hist. N. E. vol. i. p. 21. (2) Cal-\\nlender s Century Sermon, p. 76.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0094.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "1675.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 71\\na noted enthusiast, a leader in the devotions of their religion, and\\none who pretended to a i atniliar intercourse with the invisible\\nworld. These qualifications rendered iiim a person of the high-\\nest dignity, importance and influence among all the eastern Indians.\\nHis squaw passing along the river in a canoe, with her infant\\nchild, was met by some rude sailors, who having heard that the\\nIndian children could swim as naturally as the young of the brutal\\nkind, in a thoughtless and unguarded humor overset the canoe.\\nThe child sunk, and the mother instantly diving fetched it up\\nalive, but the child dying soon after, its death was imputed to die\\ntreatment it had received from the seamen and Squando was so\\nprovoked that he conceived a bitter antipathy to the English, and\\nemployed his great art and influence to excite the Indians against\\nthem.i Some other injuries were alleged as the ground of the\\nquarrel and, considering the interested views and irregular lives\\nof many of the eastern settlers, their distance from the seat of\\ngovernment, and the want of due subordination among them, it is\\nnot improbable that a great part of the blame of the eastern war\\nbelonged to them.\\nThe first alarm of the war in Plymouth colony spread great\\nconsternadon among the distant Indians, and held diem awhile in\\nsuspense what part to act for there had been a long external\\nfriendship subsisting between them and the English, and they\\nwere afraid of provoking so powerful neighbors. But the seeds\\nof jealousy and hatred had been so effectually sown, that the crafty\\nand revengeful, and those who were ambitious of doing some ex-\\nploits, soon found means to urge them on to an open rupture so\\nthat within twenty days after Philip had begun the war at the\\nsouthward, the flame broke out in the most northeasterly part of\\nthe country, at the distance of two hundred miles.\\nThe English inhabitants about the river Kennebeck, hearing of\\nthe insurrection in Plymouth colony, determined to make trial of\\nthe fidelity of their Indian neighbors, by requesting them to deliv-\\ner their arms. They made a show of compliance but in doing\\nit, committed an act of violence on a Frenchman, who lived in an\\nEnglish family which being judged an offence, both by the En-\\nglish and the elder Indians, the ofiender was seized but upon a\\npromise, with security, for his future good behaviour, his life was\\nspared, and some of them consented to remain as hostages; who\\n.soon made dieir escape, and joined with their fellows in robbing\\nthe house of Purchas, an ancient planter at Pegypscot.\\nThe quarrel being thus begun, and their natural hatred of the\\nEnglish, and jealousy of their designs, having risen to a great height\\nunder the malignant influence of Squando and other leading men\\nand being encouraged by the example of the western Indians,\\n(1) Hubbard, [Wars with the Eastern Indians, p. CI.] Magnaiia, lib. 7, p.\\n55. (2) Hubbard, [Indian Wars] page 13.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0095.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "75 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1675.\\nwho were daily making depredations on the colonies of Plymouth,\\nand IMassachiisetts they took every opportunity to rob and mur-\\nder the people in ib-c scattered settlements of the province of\\nMaine and having dispersed themselves into many small parties,\\nthat they might be the more extensively mischievous, in the month\\nof September, they approached the plantations at Pascataqua, and\\nmade their fust onset at Oyster river, then a part of the town of\\nDover, but now Durham. Here, they burned two houses belong-\\ning to two jiersons named Chesley killed two men in a canoe,\\nand carried away two captives both of whom soon after made\\ntheir escape. About the same time, a party of four laid in ambush\\nnear the road between Exeter and Hampton, where they killed\\none,* and took another, who made his escape. Within a few\\ndays an assault was made on the house of one Tozer at Newich-\\nwannock, wherein were fifteen women and children, all of whom,\\nexcept two, were saved by the intrepidity of a girl of eighteen.\\nShe first seeing the Indians as they advanced to the house, shut\\nthe door and stood against it, till the others escaped to the next\\nhouse, which was better secured. The Indians chopped the door\\nto pieces with their hatchets, and then entering, they knocked her\\ndown, and leaving her for dead, went in pursuit of the others, of\\nwhom two children, w ho could not get over the fence, fell into\\ntheii- hands. The adventurous heroine recovered, and was per-\\nlectly healed of her wound.\\nThe two following days, they made several appearances on both\\nsides of the river, using much insolence, and burning two houses\\nand three barns, with a large quantity of grain. Some shot were\\nexchanged without efiect, and a pursuit was made after them into\\nthe woods by eight men, but night obliged them to return without\\nsuccess. Five or six houses were burned at Oyster river, and\\ntwo more men killed. J These daily insults could not be borne\\nwithout indignation and reprisal. About twenty young men,\\nchiefly of Dover, obtained leave of Major Waldron, then com-\\nmander of the militia, to try their skill and courage with the In-\\ndians in their own way. Having scattered themselves in the\\nwoods, a small party of them discovered five Indians in a field\\nnear a deserted house, some of whom were gathering corn, and\\nothers kindling a fire to roast it. The men were at such a dis-\\ntance from their fellows that they could make no signal to them\\nwithout danger of a discovery two of them, dierefore, crept along\\n(1) Hubbard, [Wars with Eastern Indians] p. 19. (2) [Hubbard, Eastern\\nWars; 20.] (a) Hubbard, [Eastern Wars] page 21.\\n[Goodman Robinson, of E.xetcr. who, with his son, was going to Hampton.\\nHe was shot through his back, tlic bullet having pierced througii his body-\\nTh* son escaped by running into a swamp, and reached Hampton about mid-\\nnight. Hubbard, VVars wiln E.istern Indians, 10, 20.]\\n[Charles Uaulet, who escaped by the help of an Indian. Ibid. 20.]\\ni [William Roberts and his son-in-law. Ibid. 21]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0096.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "1675.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. tS\\nsilently, near to the house, from whence they suddenly rushed\\nupon those two Indians, who were busy at the fire, and knocked\\nthem down with the butts of their guns the other three took the\\nalarm and escaped.\\nAll the plantations at Pascataqua, with the whole eastern coun-\\ntry, were now filled with fear and confusion. Business was sus-\\npended, and every man was obliged to provide for his own and\\nhis family s safety. The only way was to desert their habitations,\\nand retire together within the larger and more convenient houses,\\nwhich they fortified with a timber wall and flankarts, placing a\\nsentry-box on the roof. Thus the labor of the field was exchang-\\ned for the duty of the garrison, and they, who had long lived in\\npeace and security, were upon their guard night and day, subject\\nto continual alarms, and the most fearful apprehensions.\\nThe seventh of October was observed as a day of fasting and\\nprayer and on the sixteenth, the enemy made an assault upon\\nthe inhabitants at Salmon-falls, in Berwick. Lieutenant Roger\\nPlaisted, being a man of true courage and of public spirit, imme-\\ndiately sent out a party of seven from his garrison to make dis-\\ncovery. They fell into an ambush three were killed, and the\\nrest retreated. The Lieutenant then despatched an express to\\nMajor Waldron and Lieutenant Coflin at Cochecho, begging most\\nimportunately for help, which they were in no capacity to afford,\\nconsistently with their own safety. The next day, Plaisted ven-\\ntured out with twenty men, and a cart to fetch the dead bodies of\\ntheir friends, and unhappily fell into another ambush. The cattle\\naffrighted ran back, and Plaisted being deserted by his men, and\\ndisdaining either to yield or fly, was killed on the spot, with his\\neldest son and one more his odier son died of his wound in a\\nfew weeks.* Had the heroism of this worthy family been imitated\\nby the rest of the party, and a reinforcement arrived in season,\\nthe enemy might have receiv^ed such a severe check as would\\nhave prevented them from appearing in small parties. The gal-\\nlant behaviour of Plaisted, diough fatal to himself and his sons, had\\nthis good effect, that the enemy retreated to the woods and the\\nnext day. Captain Frost came up with a party from Sturgeon\\ncreek, and peaceably buried the dead. But before the month\\nhad expired a mill was burned there, and an assault made on\\nFrost s garrison, who though he had only three boys with him,\\nkept up a constant fire, and called aloud as if he were command-\\ning a body of men, to march here and fire there the stratagem\\nsucceeded, and the house was saved. The enemy then proceed-\\nIbid. 22.\\n[Soon after this, llipy a.ssaulled a house at Oyster River, which was gar-\\nrisoned. MeetinjT with a good old man without the g-arrison, whose name\\nwas Beard, they killed him upon the place, and in a barbarous manner cut off\\nhis head and set it on a pole in derision. Hubbard, Eastern Wars, 22.]\\n12", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0097.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "74 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [\\\\615,\\ned down the river, killing and plundering as they found people off\\ntheir guard, till they came opposite to Portsmoudi from whence\\nsome cannon being fired they dispersed, and were pursued by\\nthe help of a light snow which fell in the night, and were overta-\\nken by the side of a swamp, into which they threw themselves,\\nleaving their packs and plunder to the pursuers. They soon af-\\nter did more mischief at Dover, Lamprey river* and Exeter\\nand with these small, but irritating assaults and skirmishes, the au-\\ntumn was spent until the end of November when the number of\\npeople killed and taken from Kennebeck to Pascataqua amount-\\ned to upwards of fifty.\\nThe Massachusetts government being fully employed in de-\\nfending die southern and western parts, could not seasonably send\\nsuccors to the eastward. Major General Denison, who comman-\\nded the militia of the colony, had ordered the majors who com-\\nmanded the regiments on this side of die country, to draw out a\\nsufficient number of men to reduce the enemy, by attacking them\\nat their retreat to their head-quarters at Ossipce and Pequawet.f\\nBut the winter setting in early and fiercely, and the men being\\nunprovided wiUi rackets to travel on the snow, which by the tenth\\nof December was four feet deep in the woods, it was impossible\\nto execute the design. This peculiar severity of the season how-\\never proved favorable. The Indians were pinched with famine,\\nand having lost by their own confession about ninety of their\\nnumber, partly by the war, and partly for want of food, they\\nwere reduced to the necessity of suing for peace. With this\\nview, they came to Major Waldron, expressing great sorrow for\\nwhat had been done, and promising to be quiet and submissive.\\nBy his mediation, a peace was concluded with the whole body of\\neastern Indians, which continued till the next August and might\\nhave continued longer, if the inhabitants of die eastern parts had\\nnot been too intent on private gain, and of a disposition too un-\\ngovernable to be a barrier against an enemy so irritable and vin-\\ndictive. The restoraUon of the captives made the peace more\\npleasant. A return from the dead could not be more welcome\\nthan a deliverance from Indian captivity.\\nThe war at the southward, though renewed in the spring, drew\\ntoward a close. Philip s affairs were desj)erate many\\nof his allies and dependents forsook him and in the month\\nof August, he was slain by a party under Captain Church.\\n(1) Hubbard, [Eastern Wars] p. 23, 24, 25. (2) Church s Memoirs, p. 44.\\n[One was killed near this place and between Exeter and Hampton, they\\nkilled one or two men in the woods as they were travelling homewards.\\nHubbard s Eastern Wars, 25.]\\nt [This name was spelled Pi.gwachet in the former editions, but the true\\northography, which conveys the aboriginal pronunciation, is said to be as given\\nabove in the text. It is variously written by the early historians. Winthrop\\nhas it Pefftnnirgetl Hubbard, Pigxcauchct and Sullivan, Pechcalket and\\nPiekicockcL]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0098.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "1676.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 75\\nThose western Indians who had been engaged in the war, now\\nfearing a total extirpation, endeavored to conceal themselves\\namong their brethren of Penacook who had not joined in the war,\\nand with those of Ossipee and Pcquawket, who had made peace.\\nBut they could not so disguise themselves or their behaviour as to\\nescape the discernment of those who had been conversant with\\nIndians. Several of them were taken at different times and de-\\nlivered up to public execution. Three of them, Simon, Andrew\\nand Peter, who had been concerned in killing Thomas Kimball\\nof Bradford, and captivating his family, did, within six weeks,\\nvoluntarily restore the woman and five children. It being doubt-\\ned whether this act of submission was a sufficient atonement for\\nthe murder, they were committed to Dover prison till their case\\ncould be considered. Fearing that this confinement was a pre-\\nlude to fardier punishment, they broke out of prison, and going to\\nthe eastward, joined with the Indians of Kennebeck and Ameris-\\ncoggin in those depredations which they renewed on the inhabit-\\nants of those parts, in August, and were afterward active in dis-\\ntressing the people of Pascataqua.\\nThis renewal of hostilities occasioned the sending of two com-\\npanies to the eastward under Captain Joseph Syll, and Captain\\nWilliam Hathorne. In the course of their march, they came to\\nCochecho, on the sixth of September, where four hundred mix-\\ned Indians were met at the house of Major Waldron, with whom\\nthey had made the peace, and whom the} considered as their\\nfriend and father. The two captains would have fallen upon\\nthem at once, having it in their orders to seize all Indians, who\\nhad been concerned in the war. The major dissuaded them\\nfrom that purpose, and contrived the following stratagem. He\\nproposed to the Indians, to have a training the next day, and a\\nsham fight after the English mode and summoning his own men,\\nwith those under Capt. Frost of Kittery, they, in conjunction with\\nthe two companies, formed one party, and the Indians another.\\nHaving diverted them a while in this manner, and caused the In-\\ndians to fire the first volley by a peculiar dexterity, the whole\\nbody of them (except two or three) were surrounded, before they\\ncould form a suspicion of what was intended. They were imme-\\ndiately seized and disarmed, without the loss of a man on either\\nside. A separation was then made VVonolanset, with the Pen-\\nacook Indians, and others who had joined in making peace the\\nwinter before, were peaceably dismissed but the strange Indians,\\n(as they were called) who had fled from the southward and ta-\\nken refuge among them, were made prisoners, to the number of\\ntwo hundred and being sent to Boston, seven or eight of them,\\nwho were known to have killed any Englishmen, were condemned\\nand hanged the rest were sold into slavery in foreign parts.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0099.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J 6 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1676.\\nThis action was highly applauded by the general voice of the\\ncolony as it gave them opportunity to deal with their enemies\\nin a judicial way, as rebels, and, as they imagined, to extirpate\\nthose troublesome neighbors. The remaining Indians, however,\\nlooked upon the conduct of Major Waldron as a breach of faith\\ninasmuch as they had taken those fugitive Indians under their\\nprotection, and had made peace with him, which had been scrict-\\nly observed with regard to him and his neighbors, though it liad\\nbeen broken elsewhere. The Indians had no idea of the same\\ngovernment being extended very far, and thought they might\\nmake peace in one place, and war in another, without any impu-\\ntation of infidelity but a breach of hospitality and friendship, as\\nthey deemed this to be, merited, according to their principles, a\\nsevere revenge, and was never to be forgotten or forgiven. The\\nmajor s situation on this occasion was indeed extremely critical\\nand he could not have acted either way without blame. It is said\\nthat his own judgment was against any forcible measure, as he\\nknew that many of those Indians were true friends to the colony\\nand that, in case of failure, he should expose the country to their\\nresentment but had he not assisted the forces in the execution\\nof their commission, (which was to seize all Indians who had been\\nconcerned widi Philip in the war) he must have fallen under\\ncensure, and been deemed accessary, by his neglect, to the mis-\\nchiefs which might afterward have been perpetrated by them.\\nIn this dilemma, he finally determined to comply with the orders\\nand expectations of government imagining that he should be\\nable to satisfy those of the Indians whom he intended to dismiss,\\nand that the others would be removed out of the way of doing\\nany further mischief; but he had no suspicion that he was laying\\na snare for his own life. It was unhappy for him, that he was\\nobliged in deference to the laws of his country, and the orders of\\ngovernment, to give offence to a people who, having no public\\njudicatories and penal laws among themselves, were unable to\\ndistinguish between a legal punishment and private malice.*\\nTwo days after this surprisal, the forces proceeded on their\\nroute to the eastward, being joined with some of Waldron s and\\nFrost s men and taking with them Blind Will, a sagamore of the\\nIndians who lived about Cochecho, and eight of his people for\\npilots. The eastern settlements were all either destroyed or de-\\nserted, and no enemy was to be seen so that the expedition\\nproved fruitless, and the companies returned to Pascataqua.\\nIt was then thought advisable, that they should march up to-\\nThe above accovint of the seizure of the Indians is (jiven from the most\\nauthentic and credible tradition that conld be obtained witliin tlie last sixteen\\nyears, from the posterity of those persons who were concerned in the aftair.\\nIt is but just mentioned by Hubbard and Mather, and not in connexion with\\nits consequences. Neal, for want of better information, has given a wrong-\\nturn to the relation, and so has Wynne who copies from him. Hutchinson\\nhas not mentioned it nt all.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0100.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "1C76.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 77\\nward the Ossipee ponds where tlie Indians had a strong fort of\\ntimber fourteen feet high, widi flankarts which they had a few\\nyears belore hired some English carpenters to build for them, as\\na defence against the Mohawks, of whom they were always afraid.\\nIt was thought that if the Indians could be surprised on their first\\nreturn to their head-quarters, at die beginning of winter, some\\nconsiderable advantage might be gained against them or if they\\nhad not arrived there, that the provisions, which they had laid in\\nfor their winter subsistence, might be destroyed. Accordingly,\\nthe companies being well provided for a march at that season, set\\noff on the first of November and after travelling four days through\\na rugged, mountainous wilderness, and crossing several rivers,\\nthey arrived at the spot but found the fort and adjacent places\\nentirely deserted, and saw not an Indian in all die way. Think-\\ning it needless for the whole body to go further, the weather being\\nsevere, and the snow deep, a select party was detached eighteen\\nor twenty miles above w ho discovered nothing but frozen ponds,\\nand snowy mountains and supposing die Indians had taken up\\ntheir winter quarters nearer the sea, they returned to Newich-\\nwannock, within nine days from their first departure.\\nThey had been prompted to undertake this expedidon hy the\\nfalse accounts brought by Mogg, an Indian of Penobscot, W ho had\\ncome in to Pascataqua, with a proposal of peace and had re-\\nported that an hundred Indians were assembled at Ossipee.\\nThis Indian brought with him two men of Portsmouth, Fryer* and\\nKendal, who had been taken on board a vessel at the eastward\\nhe was deputed by the Penobscot tribe to consent to articles of\\npacification and being sent to Boston, a treaty was drawn and\\nsubscribed by the governor and magistrates on the one part, and\\nby Mogg on the other in which it was stipulated, that if the In-\\ndians of the other tribes did not agree to this transaction, and\\ncease hostilides, they should be deemed and treated as enemies\\nby both parties. This treaty was signed on the sixth of Novem-\\nber ]\\\\Iogg pledging his life for the fulfilment of it. Accordingly,\\nvessels being sent to Penobscot, the peace was ratified by Madok-\\nawando the sachem, and two captives were restored. But\\nMogg, being incautiously permitted to go to a neighboring tribe,\\non pretence of pursuading them to deliver their captives, though\\nhe promised to return in three days, was seen no more. It was\\nat first thought that he had been sacrificed by his countrymen, as\\nhe pretended to fear when he left the vessels but a cap- ^_\\ntive who escaped in January, gave a different account of\\nhim that he boasted of having deceived the English, and laughed\\n[James Fryer was the eldest son of Nathaniel Fryer, who was afterwards\\none of the council. He had received a wound in his knee from the Indians\\nat Richmond s island, which proved mortal a few days after his return to liis\\nfather s house, at Great Island. Kendal, whose name accordiu r to liubhard\\nshould be Gendal, was taken prisoner at the same time with Fryer. Hub-\\nbard, Indian Wars from Pascataqua to Peinaquid, 40, 47. J", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0101.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "78 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1677.\\nat their kind enteitaiiimenl of him. There was also a design\\ntalked of among them to hreak the peace in the spring, and join\\nwith the other Indians at the eastward in ruining the fishery.\\nAbout the same time, it was discovered that some of the Narra-\\nganset Indians were scattered in the eastern parts three of them\\nhaving been decoyed by some of the Cochecho Indians into their\\nwigwams, and scalped, were known by the cut of their hair.\\nThis raised a fear in the minds of the people, that more of them\\nmight have found their way to the eastward, and would prosecute\\ntheir revenge against them.\\nFrom these circumstances, it was suspected, that the truce\\nwould be but of short continuance. The treachery of IMogg, who\\nwas surety for the performance of the treaty, was deemed a full\\njustification of the renewal of hostilities; and the state of things\\nwas, by some gendemen of Pascataqua, represented to be so dan-\\ngerous, that the government determined upon a winter expedition.\\nTwo hundred men, including sixty Natick Indians, were enlisted\\nand equipped, and sailed from Boston the first week in February,\\nimder the command of Major Waldron a day of prayer having\\nbeen previously appointed for the success of the enterprise.\\nAt Casco, the major had a fruitless conference, and a slight\\nskirmish with a few Indians, of whom some were killed and\\nwounded. At Kennebcck, he built a fort, and left a garrison of\\nforty men, under the command of Captain Sylvanus Davis.* At\\nPemaquid, he had a conference with a company of Indians, who\\npromised to deliver their captives on the payment of a ransom\\nPart of it being paid, three captives were delivered, and it was\\nagreed that the conference should be renewed in the afternoon,\\nand all arms be laid aside. Some suspicion of their infidelity had\\narisen, and when the major went ashore in the afternoon with\\nfive men, and the remainder of the ransom, he discovered the\\npoint of a lance hid under a board, which he drew out and ad-\\nvanced with it toward them charging them with treachery in\\nconcealing their arms so near. They attempted to take it from\\nhim by force but he threatened them with instant death, and\\nwaved his cap for a signal to the vessels. While the rest were\\ncoming on shore, the major with his five men secured the goods.\\nSome of the Indians snatching up a bundle of guns which they\\nhad hid, ran away. Captain Frost, who was one of the five,\\nseized an Indian, who was well known to be a rogue, and with\\n[Sylvanus Davis resided some time at Sheepscot in Maine. He was an\\nofficer in the war of 1G75, and received a wound from tiie Indians, as related\\nby Hulibard in his Account of ftie Wars witii the Eastern Indians in H u k p.\\n41. Hutchinson (ii. 21) says that lie was the commander of the fort at Cas-\\nco, where he was taken prisoner and carried to Canada. He was nominated\\nby Rev. Increase Mather as one of the counsellors in the charter of William\\nand Mary, granted in 1601, and his name was inserted as one of the twenty-\\neight appointed. There is an account written by him, of the management of\\nthe war against the English in the Eastern parts of New-England by the In-\\ndians, in 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. See. i. 101\u00e2\u0080\u0094112.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0102.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "1G77.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 79\\nLieutenant Nutter, carried liim on board. The major searching\\nabout, found three guns, with which he armed his remaining three\\nmen and the rest being come on shore by this time, they pursued\\nthe Indians, killed several of them before they could recover their\\ncanoes, and after they had pushed off, sunk one with five men,\\nwho were drowned and took four prisoners, with about a thou-\\nsand pounds of dried beef, and some other plunder. The whole\\nnumber of the Indians was twenty-five.\\nWhether the casual discovery of their arms, which they had\\nagreed to lay aside, was sufficient to justify this severity, may be\\ndoubted since, if their intentions had really been hostile, they\\nhad a fine opportunity of ambushing or seizing the major and his\\nfive attendants, who came ashore unarmed and it is not likely\\nthat they would have waited for the rest to come ashore before\\nthey opened the plot. Possibly, this sudden suspicion might be\\ngroundless, and might inflame the prejudice against the major,\\nwhich had already been excited by the seizure of their friends at\\nCochecho some time before.\\nOn the return of the forces, they found some wheat, guns, an-\\nchors and boards at Kennebeck, which they took with them.\\nThey killed two Indians on Arrowsick Island, who, with one of\\nthe prisoners taken at Pemaquid, and shot on board, made the\\nnumber of Indians killed in this expedition thirteen. They re-\\nturned to Boston on the Ilth of March, without the loss of a man,\\nbringing with them the bones of Captain Lake,* which they found\\nentire in the place where he was killed. -j-\\nThere being no prospect of peace at the eastward, it became\\nnecessary to maintain great circumspection and resolution, and ta\\nmake use of every possible advantage against the enemy. A long\\nand inveterate animosity had subsisted between the Mohawks and\\nthe eastern Indians, the original of which is not mentioned, and\\nperhaps was not known by any of our historians nor can the\\noldest men among the Mohawks at this day give any account of\\nit. These Indians were in a state of friendship with their English\\nneighbors and being a fierce and formidable race of men, their\\n[Capt. Thomas Lake was a merchant of good character, and was the joint\\nowner with Major Clarke of Boston of Arrowsick island, in Maine, where h\\nhad a house and occasionally resided. It was while residing here, that he was,\\nkilled by the Indians on the 14 of August, l(57t!. Hubbard, Eastern Wars,\\n41.42. Hutch. Hist. Mass. i. 200. Records of the 2d church in Boston.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nHubliard, page 72, states that the body of Capt. Lake, was preserved entire\\nand whole and free from putrefaction by the coldness of the long winter. By\\nwhat means the body could be so long preserved from decomposition, Captaia\\nLake having been killed in the preceding August, it may be difficult to ex-\\nplain, but we must seek for an additional cause to the one assigned by Hub-\\nbard.]\\nt Here ends Hubbard s printed Narrative. The account of the remainder\\nof this war is taken from his MS. history, from sundry original letters, and\\ncopies of letters, and from a MS. journal found in Prmce s collection, and\\nsupposed to have been written by Capt. Lawrence Hammond of Charlestown.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0103.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "80 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1677.\\nname carried terror wliere ever it was known. It was now tliouglit,\\nthat if they could be induced to prosecute their ancient quarrel\\nwith the eastern Indians, the latter might be awed into peace, or\\nincapacitated for any farther mischief. The propriety of this\\nmeasure became a subject of debate some questioning the law-\\nfulness of making use of their help, as they were heathen\\nbut it was urged in reply, that Abraham had entered into a con-\\nfederacy with the Amorites, among whom he dwelled, and made\\nuse of their assistance in recovering his kinsman Lot from the\\nhands of their common enemy.* With this argument, the object-\\nors were satisfied and two messengers, Major Pynchon of Spring-\\nfield, and Richards of Hartford were dispatched to the country of\\nthe Mohawks who treated them with great civility, expressed\\nthe most bitter hatred against the eastern enemy, and promised to\\npursue the quarrel to the utmost of their power.^\\nAccordingly, some parties of them came down the country a-\\nbout the middle of March, and the first alarm was given at Amus-\\nkeag falls where the son of Wonolanset being hunting, discover-\\ned fifteen Indians on the other side, who called to him in a lan-\\nguage which he did not understand upon which he fled, whilst\\nthey fired near thirty guns at him without effect. Presently after\\nthis, they were discovered in the woods near Cochecho. Major\\nWaldron sent out eight of his Indians, whereof Blind Will was\\none, for farther information. They were all suprised together by\\na company of the Mohawks two or three escaped, the others\\nwere either killed or taken Will was dragged away by his\\nhair and being wounded, perished in the woods, on a neck\\nof land, formed by the confluence of Cochecho and Ising-glass\\nrivers, which still bears the name of Blind Will s Neck. This\\nfellow was judged to be a secret enemy to the English, though\\nhe pretended much friendship and respect so that it was im-\\npossible to have punished him, without provoking the other\\nneighboring Indians, with whom he lived in amity, and of whose\\nfidelity there was no suspicion. It was at first thought a fortunate\\ncircumstance that he was killed in this manner but the conse-\\nquence proved it to be otherwise for two of those who were ta-\\nken with him escaping, reported that the Mohawks threatened de-\\nstruction to all the Indians in these parts without distinction. So\\nthat those who lived in subjection to the English grew jealous of\\ntheir sincerity, and imagined, not without very plausible ground,\\nthat the Mohawks had been persuaded or hired to engage in the\\nwar, on purpose to destroy them since they never actually exer-\\ncised their fiiry upon those Indians who were in hostility with the\\nEnglish, but only upon those who were in friendship with them\\nand this only in such a degree as to irritate, rather than to weaken\\n(1) Genesis, chap. 14. (2) Hwbbard s MS. Jlisl. [p. 620 of printed copy.]\\n(3) MS. Journal. March 30. (4) Hubbard s MS. Hist. [p. 630 of printed\\ncopy.] (f)) MS. Journal.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0104.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "1677.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 81\\nor distress ihem. It cannot therefore be thought strange tliat the\\nfriendly Indians were alienated from their English neighbors, and\\ndisposed to listen to the seducing stratagems of the French who,\\nin a few years after, made use of them in conjuction with others,\\nsorely to scourge these unhappy people. The English, in reality,\\nhad no such design but the event proved, that the scheme of\\nengaging the Mohawks in our quarrel, however lawful in itself,\\nand countenanced by the example of Abraham, was a pernicious\\nsource of innumerable calamities.\\nThe terror which it was thought this incursion of the Mohawks\\nwould strike into the eastern Indians was too small to prevent then-\\nrenewing hostilities very early in the spring. Some of the garri-\\nson who had been left at Kennebeck were surprised by an am-\\nbush, as they were attempting to bury the dead bodies of their\\nfriends, who had been killed the summer before, and had lain un-\\nder the snow all winter. The remainder of that garrison were\\nthen taken off and conveyed to Pascataqua whither a company\\nof fifty men and ten Natick Indians marched, under Captain\\nSvvaine, to succor the inhabitants, who were alarmed by scattered\\nparties of the enemy, killing and taking people, and burning houses\\nin Wells, Kittery, and within the bounds of Portsmouth.* A\\nyoung woman who was taken from Rawling s house, made her\\nescape and came into Cochecho, informing where the enemy lay.\\nThree parties were dispatched to ambush three places, by 09\\none of which they must pass. The enemy appearing at\\none of these places, were seasonably discovered but by the too\\ngreat eagerness of the party to fire on them, they avoided the\\nambush and escaped.\\nSoon after this, the garrisons at Wells and Black Point were\\nbeset, and at the latter place, the enemy lost their leader\\nMogg, who had proved so treacherous a negotiator. Upon\\nhis death they fled in their canoes, some to the eastward and oth-\\ners toward York, where they also did some mischief. On a\\nsabbath morning, a party of twenty, under the guidance of\\nSimon, surprised six of our Indians, who lay drunk in the\\nwoods, at a small distance from Portsmouth. They kept all day\\nhovering about the town, and if they had taken advantage of the\\npeople s absence from home, in attending the public worship, they\\nmight easily have plundered and burned the outmost houses but\\nthey were providentially restrained. At night, they crossed the\\nriver at the Long Reach, killed some sheep at Kittery, and then\\n(1) Hubbard s MS. [p. G30 of printed copy.] (2) MS. Letter of Mr. Moodey.\\nThe following extract from the before mentioned Journal, shews some-\\nthing of the spirit of the times.\\nApril l(i. The house of John Keniston was burnt, and he killed at Green-\\nland. The Indians are Simon, Andrew and Peter, those three we had iu\\nprison, and should have killed. The good Lord pardon us.\\n13", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0105.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "82 HISTORY OF NgW-HAMPSHIRE. [1677.\\nwent toward Wells but, being afraid of the ^Mohawks, let their\\nprisoners go. Four men were soon after killed at North\\nHill, one of whom was Edward Colcord, whose deaUi\\nwas much regretted.\\nMore mischief being expected, and the eastern settlements\\nneeding assistance, the government ordered two hundred Indians\\nof Natick, with forty English soldiers, under Captain Benjamin\\nSwett of Hampton, and Lieutenant Richardson, to march to the\\nfalls of Taconick on Kennebeck river where it was said the In-\\ndians had six forts, well furnished with ammunition. The vessels\\ncame to an anchor off Black Point where the captain being\\ninformed that some Indians had been seen, went on shore\\nvviUi a party and being joined by some of the inhabitants, so as\\nto make about ninety in all, marched to seek the enemy who\\nshewed themselves on a plain in three parties. Swett divided\\nhis men accordingly, and went to meet them. The enemy re-\\ntreated till they had drawn our people two miles from the fort,\\nand then turning suddenly and violently upon them, threw them\\ninto confusion, they being mostly young and inexperienced sol-\\ndiers. Swett, with a iew of the more resolute, fought bravely on\\nthe retreat, till he came near the fort, when he was killed sixty\\nmore were left dead or wounded, and the rest got into the fort.\\nThe victorious savages then surprised about twenty fishing ves-\\nsels, which put into the eastern harbors by night the crews, not\\nbeing apprehensive of danger on the water, fell an easy prey to\\nthem. Thus the summer was spent with terror and perplexity on\\nour part whilst the enemy rioted without control, till they had\\nsatiated their vengeance, and greatly reduced the eastern settle-\\nments.\\nAt length, in the month of August, Major Andros, governor of\\nNew- York, sent a sloop with some forces to take possession of\\nthe land which had been granted to the Duke of York, and build\\nu fort at Pemaquid, to defend die country against the encroach-\\nment of foreigners. Upon their arrival, the Indians appeared\\nfriendly and in evidence of their pacific disposition, restored\\nfifteen prisoners vvidi the fishing vessels. They confinued quiet\\nall the succeeding autumn and winter, and Hved in harmony witli\\nthe new garrison.\\nIn the spring, Blajor Shapleigh of Kittery, Captain Champer-\\n[Hubbard, Hist. N. E. fin:!. The names of the four persons Itilled ac-\\ncordinir to the Town records of Hampton, were Abraham Colcord, jun., Abra-\\nham Perkins, jun., Benjamin Hilliard and Caleb Towle. Edward in the text\\nis doubtless a inistake for Ahraluuu. MS. Letter of Rev. Josiali Webster, of 29\\nJanuary l,b30.] (2) MS. Letter of Mr. Gookin of Hampton. (:i) Hubbard s MS.\\nHist. [p. ti34 of printed copy.]\\n[Capt. Benjamin Swett had formerly been an inhabitant of Newbury,\\nwhere several of his children were born. A record of his death, in the Nor-\\nfolk County records, says, he was slayn att Black point by the barberus In-\\ndians, the 2(Hh of June, 1(177. 1", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0106.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "1678.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 33\\nnoon* and Mr. Fryerf of Portsmouth, were appointed commis-\\nsioners to settle a formal treaty of peace with Squando and ^.g\\nthe other chiefs, which was done at Casco, whither they\\nbrought the remainder of the captives. It was stipulated in the\\ntreaty that the inhabitants should return to their deserted sclde-\\nments, on condition of paying one peck of corn annually for each\\nfamily, by way of acknowledgment to the Indians for the posses-\\nsion of Uieir lands, and one bushel for Major Pendleton, who was\\na great proprietor. J Thus an end was put to a tedious and dis-\\ntressing war, which had subsisted three years. The terms of\\npeace were disgraceful, but not unjust, considering the former\\nirregular conduct of many of the eastern settlers, and the native\\npropriety of the Indians in the soil. Certainly they were now\\nmasters of it and it was entirely at their option, whether the\\nEnglish should return to their habitations or not. It was there-\\nfore thought better to live peaceably, though in a sort of sulijec-\\ntion, dian to leave such commodious settlements and forego the\\nadvantages of trade and fishery, which were very considerable,\\nand by which the inhabitants of that part of the country had\\nchiefly subsisted.\\nIt was a matter of great inquiry and speculation how the In-\\ndians were supplied with arras and ammunition to carry on this\\nwar. The Dutch at New- York w ere too near the Mohawks for\\nthe eastern Indians to adventure thither. The French in Canada\\nwere too feeble, and too much in fear of the English, to do any\\nthing which might disturb the tranquillity and there was peace\\nbetween the two nations. It was therefore supposed that the In-\\ndians had long premeditated the war, and laid in a stock before-\\nhand.- There had formerly been severe penalties exacted by the\\ngovernment, on the selling of arms and ammunition to the Indians\\nbut ever since 1657, licenses had been granted to particular per-\\nsons to supply them occasionally for the purpose of hunting, on\\n(1) MS. Journal, April 12. (2) Hubbard s printed Narrative, page 82.\\n[Francis Cliampernoon, who was in 1G84, appointed a Counsellor. It is\\nsaid that he was a cousin of Ferdinando Gorges. He died about the year\\n1686.]\\n1 [Nathaniel Fryer lived some time at New-Castle. He had been a repre-\\nsentative of Portsmoutii to the General Court in 166G. He was appointed a\\ncounsellor in 1683, and died 13 August, 1705.]\\n[Bryan Pendleton was born about the year 1599, and came early to New-\\nEngland, and fixed his residence at Watertown, in Massachusetts. He was\\nadmitted a freeman in 1634, and was the deputy or representative of Water-\\ntown from 1636 to 1639, ]()47 and 1648. He was a member of the Ancient\\nand Honorable Artillery Comjjany in 164(). and tlie principal military officer\\nin the place. He removed to Portsmouth before 16. 4. and was the deputy\\nof that town to the Court at Boston in 16. j4, 1658, 1()60, 1661 and 1663. In\\n1658, he purchased a neck of land at the mouth of Saco river, and removed\\nthither in 166. but returned to Portsmouth in 1676. He was appointed a\\ncounsellor under President Danfortli in l(i80,in wiiicli, or the following year,\\nhe died, leaving one son, James, and a daughter who married Seth Fletcher,\\nminister of Saco.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0107.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "84 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1678.\\npaying an acknowledgment to the public treasury-^ This indul-\\ngence, having been much abused by some of the eastern traders,\\nwho, far from the seat of government, were impatient of the re-\\nstraint of law, was supposed to be the source of the mischief.\\nBut it was afterward discovered that the Baron de St. Castine, a\\nreduced French olHcer, who had married a daughter of Madok-\\nawando, and kept a trading house at Penobscot, where he con-\\nsidered himself as independent, being out of the limits of any\\nestablished government, was the person from whom they had\\ntheir supplies which needed not to be very great as they always\\nhusbanded their ammunition with much care, and never expended\\nit but when they were certain of doing execution.^\\nThe whole burden and expense of this war, on the part of the\\ncolonies, were borne by themselves. It was indeed thought\\nstrange by their friends in England, and resented by those in\\npower, that they made no application to the king for assistance.\\nIt was intimated to them by Lord Anglesey, that his majesty\\nwas ready to assist them with ships, troops, ammunition or\\nmoney, if they would but ask it and their silence was constru-\\ned to their disadvantage, as if they were proud, and obstinate, and\\ndesired to be considered as an independent state.^ They had\\nindeed no inclination to ask favors from thence being well aware\\nof the consequence of laying themselves under obligations to those\\nwho had been seeking to undermine their establishment and re-\\nmembering how they had been neglected in the late Dutch wars,\\nwhen they stood in much greater need of assistance. The king\\nhad then sent ammunition to New-York, but had sent word to\\nNew-England, that they must shift for themselves and make\\nthe best defence they could. It was therefore highly injurious\\nto blame them for not making application for help. But if they\\nhad not been so ill treated, they could not be charged with disre-\\nspect, since they really did not need foreign assistance. Ships of\\nwar arid regular troops must hav^e been altogether useless and\\nno one who knew tlio nature of an Indian war could be serious\\nin proposing to send them. Ammunition and money were neces-\\nsary^, but as they had long enjoyed a free trade, and had coined\\nthe bullion which they imported, there was no scarcity of money,\\nnor of any stores which money could purchase. The method of\\nfighting with Indians could be learned only from themselves.\\nAfter a little experience, few men in scattered parties were of\\nmore service than the largest and best equipped armies which\\nEurope could have afforded. It ought ever to be remembered\\nfor the honor of New-England, that as their first settlement, so\\ntheir preservation, increase, and defence, even in their weakest\\nRaiulolpli s Narrative in Hutchinson s col. papers, page 492. (2) Ibid,\\np. 502. (3) Hutch. History vol. i. p, 309. (4) Hutch, collection of papers,\\np. 506.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0108.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "1678.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 85\\ninfancy were not owing to any foreign assistance, but luitler God,\\nto their own magnanimity and perseverance.\\nOur gravest historians have recorded many omens, predictions,\\nand other alarming circumstances, during this and the Pecjuod\\nwar, which in a more philosophical and less credulous age would\\nnot be worthy of notice. When men s minds were rendered\\ngloomy by the horrors of a surrounding wilderness, and the con-\\ntinual apprehension of danger from its savage inhabitants when\\nthey were ignorant of the causes of many of the common appear-\\nances in nature, and were disposed to resolve every unusual ap-\\npearance into prodigy and miracle, it is not to be wondered that\\nthey should imagine they heard the noise of drums and guns in\\nthe air, and saw flaming swords and spears in the heavens,* and\\nshould even interpret eclipses as ominous. Some old Indians\\nhad intimated their apprehensions concerning the increase of the\\nEnglish, and the diminution of their own people, which any ra-\\ntional observer in a course of forty or fifty jears might easily have\\nforetold, without the least pretence to a spirit of prophecy yet\\nthese sayings were recollected, and recorded, as so many predic-\\ntions by force of a supernatural impulse on their minds, and many\\npersons of the greatest distinction were disposed to credit them\\nas such. These things would not have been mentioned, but to\\ngive a just idea of the age. If mankind are now better enlight-\\nened, superstition is the less excusable in its remaining votaries.\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nMason s renewed efforts. Randolph s mission and transactiona. Attempts\\nfor the trial of Mason s title. New-Hampshire separated from Massachu-\\nsetts, and made a royal province. Abstract of the commission. Remarks\\non it.\\nWhilst the country was laboring under the perplexity and\\ndistress arising from the war, measures were taking in ,p,-r\\nEngland to increase their difficulties and divide their at-\\ntention. The scheme of selling the provinces of New-Hampshire\\nand Maine to the crown being laid aside. Mason again jietitioned\\nthe king for the restoration of his property and the king refer-\\nred the matter to his attorney general. Sir William .Tones,\\nand his solicitor general. Sir Francis Winnington, who re-\\nported, that John Mason, esq., grandfather to the petitioner,\\nby virtue of several grants from the council of New-England\\nThe rays of the rising or setting sun. illuminating the edge of a cloud,\\nfrequently produce appearances of this kind. Marginal Note ot the Author\\nin the corrected copy.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0109.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "86 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1676.\\nunder their common seal was instated in fee in sundry great\\ntracts of land in New-England, by the name of New-Hampshire\\nand that the petitioner being heir at law to the said John, iiad a\\ngood and legal title to said lands. Whereupon, a letter was\\nfiir dispatched to the Massachusetts colony, requiring them to\\njyj A send over agents within six months, fully empowered to\\nanswer the complaints, which Mason and the heirs of\\nGorges had made, of their usurping jurisdiction over the territo-\\nries claimed by them and to receive the royal determination in\\nthat matter. Copies of the complaints were enclosed and Ed-\\nward Randolph, a kinsman of Mason, a man of great address and\\npenetration, resolute and indefatigable in business, was charged\\nwith the letters, and directed by tiie Lords of Trade to make in-\\nI quiry into the state of die country. When he arrived,\\nhe waited on Governor Leverett, who read the king s let-\\nter, with the petitions of INIason and Gorges, in council, Randolph\\nbeing present, who could obtain no other answer than that they\\nwould consider it.\\nHe tlien came into New-Hampshire, and as he passed along,\\nfreely declared the business on which he was come, and publicly\\nread a letter which Mason had sent to the inhabitants.\\nSome of them he found ready to complain of the govern-\\nment, and desirous of a change but the body of the people were\\nhighly enraged against him and the inhabitants of Dover, in\\npublic towji-meeting, protested against the claim of Mason de-\\ndared Uiat they had honajide purchased their lands of the In-\\ndians recognized their subjection to the government of Massa-\\nchusetts, under whom they had lived long and happily, and by\\nwhom they were now assisted in defending their estates and\\nfamilies against the savage enemy. They appointed Major\\nWaldron to petition the king in their behalf, that he would in-\\nterpose his royal authority and afford them his wonted favor\\nthat they might not be disturbed by Mason, or any other per-\\nson, but continue peaceably in possession of their rights under\\nthe government of Massachusetts. A similar petition was\\nsent by the inhabitants of Portsmouth, who appointed\\nJohn Cutt and Richard Martyn, Esqrs., Captains Daniel\\nand Stileman to draught and forward it.\\nWhen Randolph returned to Boston, he had a severe reproof\\nfrom the governor, for publishing his errand, and endeavoring to\\nraise discontent among the people. To which he made no other\\nanswer than that if he had done amiss, they might complain to\\nthe king.\\nAfter about six weeks stay, he went back to England and re-\\nported to the king, that he had found the whole country com-\\n(1) MS. Copy in Stiperior^Court files. (2) Hutch, col. papers, p. 504.\\n(3) DovtT Records. (1) Portsmouth Records. Hut ;h. col. papers p. 510.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0110.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "1676.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 87\\nplaining of the usurpation of the magistrates of Boston earn-\\nestly hoping and expecting that his majesty would not permit\\nthem any longer to be oppressed but would give them relief\\naccording to llie promises of the commissioners in 1GG5.\\nWith the same bitterness of temper, and in the same strain of\\nmisrepresentation, he inveighed against the government in a long\\nreport to the Lords of Trade which farther inflamed the preju-\\ndice that had long been conceived against the colony, and pre-\\npared the way for the separation which was meditated.\\nAfter his departure, a special council being summoned, at\\nwhich the elders of the churches were present, the question was\\nproposed to them, whether the best way of making answer to\\nthe complaints of Gorges and Mason about the extent of their\\npatent, be by sending agents, or by writing only To which\\nthey answered, That it was most expedient to send agents, to\\nanswer by way of information, provided they were instructed\\nwith much care and caution to negotiate the affair with safety\\nto the country, and loyalty to his majesty, in the preservation\\nof their patent liberties. Accordingly, William Stoughton, af-\\nterward lieutenant-governor, and Peter Bulkley, then speaker of\\nthe house of deputies, were appointed agents and sailed for Eng-\\nland.i\\nAt their arrival, an hearing was ordered before the lords chief\\njustices of the King s bench and common pleas; when ir^j^\\nthe agents in the name of the colony disclaimed all title to\\nthe lands claimed by the petitioner, and to the jurisdiction beyond\\nthree miles northward of the river Merrimack, to follow the course\\nof the river, as far as it extended. The judges reported to the\\nking, that they could give no opinion as to the right of soil, in\\nthe provinces of New-Hampshire and Maine, not having the\\nproper parties before them it appearing that not the Massachu-\\nsetts colony, but the ter-tenants had the right of soil, and whole\\nbenefit thereof, and yet were not summoned to defend their tides.\\nAs to Mason s right of government within the soil he claimed,\\ntheir lordships, and indeed his own counsel, agreed he had none\\nthe great council of Plymouth, under whom he claimed, having\\nno power to transfer government to any. It was determined\\nthat the four towns of Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter and Hampton\\nwere out of the bounds of Massachusetts. This report was ac-\\ncepted and confirmed by the king in council.\\nAfter this, at the request of the agents, Sir William Jones, the\\nattorney general, drew up a complete state of the case to\\nbe transmitted to the colony by which it seems that he _ A:\\n111 IT- -I 1-11 Sept. 18.\\nhad altered his opmion smce the report which he gave to\\nthe king in 1675, concerning the validity of Mason s tide. It was\\n(1) Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 311. (2) Narrative of Allen s Title, p. 5.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n(3) Hutch, vol. i. p. 317. (4) Hutch, vol. i. p. 317.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0111.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "88 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1679.\\nalso admitted that the title could be tried only on the place, there\\nbeing no court in England that had cognizance of it.\\nIt became necessary then to the establishment of Mason s title,\\nthat a new jurisdiction should be erected, in which the king might\\ndirect the njode of trial and appeal at his pleasure. This being\\nresolved upon, the colony of Massachusetts was informed, by a\\nletter from the secretary of state, of the king s intention to\\nseparate New-Hampshire from their government, and re-\\nquired to revoke all commissions which they had granted there,\\nand which were hereby declared to be null and void.^ To prevent\\nany extravagant demand, the king obliged the claimant to declare,\\nunder his hand and seal, that he would require no rents of the\\ninhabitants for the time passed, before the twenty-fourth of\\nJune, 1679, nor molest any in their possessions for the time to\\ncome but would make out titles to them and their heirs forever,\\nprovided they would pay him sixpence in the pound, according\\nto the yearly value of all houses which they had built and lands\\nwhich they had improved.\\nThings being thus prepared, a commission passed the great\\nseal on the eighteenth of September, for the government of New-\\nHampshire which inhibits and restrains the jurisdiction exer-\\ncised by die colony of Massachusetts over the towns of Ports-\\nmouth, Dover, Exeter and Hampton, and all other lands extend-\\ning from three miles to the northward of the river Merrimack\\nand of any and every part thereof, to the province of Maine\\nconstitutes a president and council to govern the province ap-\\npoints John Cutt, esq., president, to continue one year, and till\\nanother be appointed by the same authority Richard Martyn,\\nWilliam Vaughan, and Thomas Daniel of Portsmouth, John Gil-\\nman of Exeter, Christopher Hussey of Hampton and Richard\\nWaldron of Dover, esquires, to be of the council, who were au-\\nthorised to choose three oUier qualified persons out of the sev-\\neral parts of the province to be added to them. The said pres-\\nident and every succeeding one to appoint a deputy to preside\\nin his absence the president or his deputy with any five to be a\\nquorum. They were to meet at Portsmoudi in twenty days af-\\nter the arrival of the commission, and publish it. They were\\nconstituted a court of record for the administration of justice,\\naccording to the laws of England, so far as circumstances would\\npermit reserving a right of appeal to the king in council for\\nactions of fifty pounds value. They were empowered to appoint\\nmilitary officers, and take all needful measures for defence a-\\ngainst enemies. Liberty of conscience was allowed to all pro-\\ntestants, those of the church of England to be particularly en-\\ncouraged. For the support of government, they were to con-\\ntinue the present taxes, till an assembly could be called to\\n(1) H\\\\itch. col. pap. 522.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0112.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "1679.] UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. g^\\nwhich end, they were within three months to issue writs under\\nthe province seal, for calling an assembly, to whom the prenldenl\\nshould recommend the passing such laws as should establish their\\nallegiance, good order and defence, and the raising taxes in l ^ch\\nmanner and proportion as they should see fit. All laws to be\\napproved by the president and council, and then to remain in\\nforce till the king s pleasure should be known, for which purpose,\\nthey should be sent to England by the first ships. In case of\\nthe president s death, his deputy to succeed, and on the death\\nof a counsellor, the remainder to elect another, and send over\\nhis name, with the names of two other meet persons, that the\\nking migiit appoint one of the three. The king engaged for\\nhimself and successors to continue the privilege of an assembly,\\nin the same manner and form, unless by inconvenience arising\\ntherefrom he or his heirs should see cause to alter the same. If\\nany of the inhabitants should refuse to agree with Mason or his\\nagents, on the terms before mentioned, the president and council\\nwere directed to reconcile the difference, or send the case stated\\nin writing with their own opinions, to the king, that he with his\\nprivy council might determine it according to equity.\\nThe form of government described in this commission consid-\\nered abstractedly from the immediate intentions, characters, and\\nconnections of the persons concerned, appears to be of as simple a\\nkind as the nature of a subordinate government and the liberty of the\\nsubject can admit. The people, who are the natural and original\\nsource of power, had a representation in a body chosen by them-\\nselves and the king was represented by a president and council of\\nhis own appointment each had the right of instructing their repre-\\nsentative, and the king had the superior prerogative of disannulling\\nthe acts of the whole at his pleasure. The principal blemish in the\\ncommission was the right claimed by the king of discontinuing the\\nrepresentation of the people, whenever he should find it incon-\\nvenient, after he had solemnly engaged to continue this privilege.\\nThe clause, indeed, is artfully worded, and might be construed to\\nimply more or less at pleasure. Herein, Charles was consistent\\nwith himself, parliaments being his aversion. However, there\\nwas in this plan as much of the spirit of the British constitution\\nas there could be any foundation for in such a colony for here\\nwas no third branch to form a balance between the king or his\\nrepresentatives, and the people. The institution of an house of\\npeers in Britain was the result of the feudal system the barons\\nbeing lords of the soil and enjoying a sovereignty within their own\\nterritories and over their own vassals the constitution was formed\\nby the union of these distinct estates under one common sovereign.\\nBut there was nothing similar to this in New-England. The set-\\ntlements began here by an equal division of property among ind\u00c2\u00a9-\\n(1) Commission.\\n14", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0113.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "90 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1679.\\npendent freemen. Lordship and vassalage were held in abhor-\\nrence. The yeomanry were the proprietors of the soil and the\\nnatural defenders of their own rights and property and they\\nknew no superior but the king. A council, wliether appointed\\nby him or chosen by the people could not form a distinct body,\\nbecause they could not be independent. Had sucii a simple form\\nof colony government been more generally adopted, and perse-\\nveringly adhered to, and administered only by the most delicate\\nhands, it might have served better than any other, to perpetuate\\nthe dependence of the colonies on the British crown.\\nCHAPTER Vn.\\nThe administration of the first council. Opposition to the acts of trade.\\nMason s arrival. Opposition to him. His departure. State of trade and\\nnavigation.\\nThe commission was brought to Portsmouth on the first of\\nJanuary, by Edward Randolph,^ than whom there could not be a\\n1 fiftn i^o *3 unwelcome messenger. It was received with great\\nreluctance by the gentlemen therein named who, though\\nthey were of the first character, interest and influence, and had\\nsustained the principal offices civil and military under the colony\\ngovernment;*- yet easily saw that their appointment was not\\n(1) Council Records. (2) Fitch s MS.\\nThe president John Cutt was a principal merchant, of great probity and\\nesteem in Portsmouth but then aged and infirm.\\nRichard Martyn, was of good character, and great influence. He had been\\nvery active in procuring the settlement of a minister in the town of Ports-\\nmouth.\\nWilliavfi Vaughan was a wealthy merchant, generous and public spirited,\\nand of undaunted resolution. He was of Welch extraction, but was bred in\\nLondon under Sir Josiah Child, who had a gre.at regard for him, and whose\\ninterest he made use of for the good of the province.\\nThomas Daniel, was a person of such note and importance, that when he\\ndied in a time of general sickness and mortality, Mr. Moodey preached his\\nfuneral sermon from 2 Sam.ii. 30. There lacked of David s servants, nine-\\nteen men and Asahel. Fitch s MS.\\nJohn Gibnan, was a principal man in Exeter, as was Christopher Ilussey,\\nin Hampton. [Christoplier Hussey was born in Darking, in Surry, came to\\nNew-England as early as 1G34, in which year he was admitted a freeman by\\nthe Massachusetts colony. He settled at Hampton in 1038, and represented\\nthat town in the General Court in J Gad, 1659 and ItUJO. In KiS he was cast\\naway and lost on the coast of Florida. He had three sons. Stephen, born in\\n1630, who died in Nantucket in 17].^, aged tii John, who removed to New-\\nCastle in Delaware, and Joseph, who remained in Hampton, and was the\\nrepresentative in l(i72. Lewis, Hist. Lynn, 29.]\\nRichard H aldron, was a native of Somersetshire, and one of the first set-\\ntlers in Dover. He was much respected and eminently useful, having sus-\\ntained divers important offices civil and militar^v, and approved his courage\\nand- fidelity in the most hazardous enterprises.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0114.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "IGSO.] PROVINCE. JOHN CUTT. 91\\nfrom any respect to them or favor to the people but merely to\\nobtain a more easy introduction to a new form of government, for\\na particular purpose, which they knew would be a source of per-\\nplexity and distress. They would gladly have declined acting in\\ntheir new capacity but considering the temper of the government\\nin England, the unavoidable necessity of submitting to the change,\\nand the danger (upon their refusal) of others being appointed\\nwho would be inimical to the country, they agreed to qualify\\nthemselves, determining to do what good, and keep off what harm\\nthey were able. They therefore published the commission, and\\ntook the oaths on the twent3^-first day of January, which was the\\nutmost time limited, and published the commission the next day.\\nAgreeably to the royal direction, they chose three other gentlemen\\ninto the council Elias Stileman of Great Island, who had been a\\nclerk in the county courts, whom they now appointed secretary,\\nSamuel Dalton of Hampton, and Job Clements of Dover. The\\npresident nominated Waldron to be his deputy or vice president\\nMartyn was appointed treasurer, and John Roberts, marshal.\\nThis change of government gratified the discontented few, but\\nwas greatly disrelished by the people in general as they saw\\nthemselves deprived of the privilege of choosing their own rulers,\\nwhich was still enjoyed by the other colonies of New-England,\\nand as they expected an invasion of their property soon to follow.\\nWhen writs were issued for calling a general assembly, the\\npersons in each town who were judged qualified to vote were\\nnamed in the writs and the oath of allegiance was administered\\nto each voter. A public fast was observed, to ask the di- p gg\\nvine blessing on the approaching assembly, and the con-\\ntinuance of their precious and pleasant things. The assem-\\nbly! ^6t at Portsmouth on the sixteenth of March, and was open-\\ned with prayer and a sermon by Mr. Moodey.\\nTo express their genuine sentiments of the present change,\\nand invalidate the false reports which had been raised against\\n(1) Council Records.\\nTlie number of qualified voters in each town was,\\nIn Portsmouth 71\\nDover 61\\nHampton 57\\nExeter 20\\n209\\nt The Deputies in this first Assembly were, for\\nPortsmouth. Hampton.\\nRobert Elliot, Anthony Stanyan,\\nPhilip Lewis, Tlionias Marston,\\nJolin Pickering. Edward Gove.\\nDover. Er.etcr.\\nPeter Coffin, Bartholeniew Tippen,\\nAnthony Nutter, Ralph Hall.\\nRichard Waldron, jun.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0115.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "93 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE [1680.\\nthem, as well as to shew their gratitude and respect to their form-\\ner protectors, they wrote to the general court at Boston, ac-\\nknovvledging the kindness of that colony in taking them under\\ntheir protection and ruling them well assuring them, that it\\nwas not any dissatisfaction vvidi their government, but merely\\ntheir submission to divine providence and his majesty s com-\\nmands, without any seeking of their own, which induced them\\nto comply with the present separation, which they should have\\nbeen glad had never taken place signifying their desire that\\na mutual correspondence might be continued for defence against\\nthe common enemy, and offering their service when it should\\nbe necessary, *i\\nTheir next care was to frame a code of laws, of which the\\nfirst, conceived in a style becoming freemen, was that no act,\\nimposition, law or ordinance should be made or imposed upon\\nthem, but such as should be made by the assembly and approved\\nby the president and council. Idolatry, blasphemy, treason,\\nrebellion, wilful murder, manslaughter, poisoning, witchcraft, sod-\\nomy, bestiality, perjury, man-stealing, cursing and rebelling against\\nparents, rape and arson were made capital crimes. The other\\npenal laws were in their main principles the same that are now\\nin force. To prevent contentions that might arise by reason of\\nthe late change of government, all townships and grants of land\\nwere confirmed, and ordered to remain as before and contro-\\nversies about the titles of land were to be determined by juries\\nchosen by the several towns, according to former custom. The\\npresident and council with the assembly were a supreme court of\\nJudicature, with a jury when desired by the parties and three\\ninferior courts were constituted at Dover, Hampton and Ports-\\nmouth.^ The military arrangement was, one foot company in\\neach town, one company of artillery at the fort, and one troop of\\nhorse, all under the command of Major Waldron.\\nDuring this administration, things went on as nearly as possible\\nin the old channel, and with the same spirit, as before the sepa-\\nration. A jealous watch was kept over their rights and privileges,\\nand every encroachment upon them was withstood to the utmost.\\nThe duties and restrictions established by the acts of trade and\\n(1) Council Records. (2) MS. Laws.\\nThis letter fully sliews tlie absurdity of the reason assigned by Douglass\\nin his Summary, vol. ii. page 2 for erecting tliis new government. The\\nproprietors and inhabitants of New-Hampshire not capable of protecting\\nthemselves against the Canada Krencli and their Indians, desired of the\\ncrown to take them under its immediate protection. A random assertion,\\nunsupported by any proof and contrary to plain fact The crown could af-\\nford them no protection against Indians. With tlie French, the crown was in\\nalliance, and the nation was at peace. [Tlie Letter of the General Assembly\\nof N. H., addressed to the honourable Governour and Council of tlie Ma\u00c2\u00ab-\\nBachusetts Colony to be rommunicated to the General Court, is given en-\\ntire by Mr. Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 05 G7.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0116.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "1680.] PROVINCE. JOHN CUTT. jJ3\\nnavigation were universally disgustful, and tiie more so as Ran-\\ndolph was appointed collector, surveyor and searcher of the cus-\\ntoms throughout New-England. In the execution of his com-\\nmission, he seized a ketch belonging to Portsmouth, but bound\\nfrom Maryland to Ireland, which had put into this port for\\na few days. The master, Mark Hunking, brought an ac-\\ntion against him at a special court before the president and coun-\\ncil, and recovered damages and costs to the amount of thirteen\\npounds. Randolph behaved on this occasion with such insolence^\\nthat the council obliged him publicly to acknowledge his offence\\nand ask their pardon. He appealed from their judgment to the\\nking; but what the issue was doth not appear. Having consti-\\ntuted Captain Walter Barefoole his deputy at this port, an adver-\\ntisement was published requiring that all vessels should be entered\\nand cleared with him. Upon which, Barefoote was brought to\\nexamination, and afterward indicted before the president ^j^\u00e2\u0080\u009e\\nand council, for having m an high and presumptuous t^\\nmanner set up his majesty s office of customs without\\nleave from the president and council in contempt of his majesty s\\nauthority in this place for disturbing and obstructing his majes-\\nty s subjects in passing from harbor to harbor, and town to town\\nand for his insolence in making no other answer to any question\\npropounded to him but my name is Walter. He was sen-\\ntenced to pay a fine often pounds, and stand committed till it was\\npaid. But though Randolph s authority was denied, yet they\\nmade an order of their own for the observation of the acts of\\ntrade, and appointed officers of their own to see them executed.\\nThey had been long under the Massachusetts government, and\\nlearned their political principles from them and as they had been\\nused to think that all royal authority flowed in the channel of the\\ncharter, so they now thought that no authority derived from the\\ncrown could be regularly exercised in the province but through\\ntheir commission. In this, they reasoned agreeably not only to\\ntheir former principles, but to their fundamental law, to which they\\nsteadily adhered, though they had no reason to think it would be\\nallowed by the crown and though they knew that a rigid adher-\\nence to rights, however clear and sacred, was not the way to re-\\ncommend themselves to royal favor. But they were not singular\\nin these sentiments, nor in their opposition to the laws of trade.\\nRandolph was equally hated, and his commission neglected at\\nBoston where the notary refused to enter his protest against the\\nproceedings of the court and he was obliged to post it on the\\nexchange.-\\nIn the latter end of the year. Mason arrived from England with\\na mandamus, requiring the council to admit him to a seat p^j. 3Q\\nat the board, which was accordingly done. He soon en- -_\\ntered on the business he came about endeavoring to pcr-\\n(l) Council Records and Files. (2) MSS. in filas.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0117.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "94 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSIIIRK. [1G81.\\nsuade some of the people to take leases of him, threatening others\\nif they did not, forbidding them to cut firewood and timber, as-\\nserting his right to the province and assuming the title of lord-\\nprotector. His agents, or stewards as they were called, had ren-\\ndered themselves obnoxious by demanding rents of several per-\\nsons and threatening- to sell their houses for payment. These\\nproceedings raised a general uneasiness and petitions were sent\\nfrom each town, as well as from divers individuals, to the council\\nfor protection who, taking up the matter judicially, published an\\norder prohibiting Mason or his agents at their peril to repeat such\\nirregular proceedings, and declaring tiieir intention to transmit the\\ngrievances and complaints of the people to the king. Upon this,\\nMason would no longer sit in council, though desired, nor appear\\nwhen sent for when they threatened to deal with him as an of-\\nfender, he threatened to appeal to the king, and published a sum-\\nmons to the president and several members of the council, and\\nothers to appear before his majesty in three months. This was\\ndeemed an usurpation over his majesty s audiority here\\nestablished, and a warrant was issued for apprehending\\nhim hut he got out of their reach and went to England.\\nDuring these transactions, president Cutt died, and Major\\nr Waldron succeeded him, appointing Captain Stileman for\\nhis deputy, who had quitted his place of secretary upon\\nthe appointment of Richard Chamberlain to that office by royal\\nDec. 30. commission. The vacancy made in the council by the\\n1C80. president s death was filled by Richard Waldron, junior.\\nOn the death of Dalton, Anthony Nutter was chosen. Henry\\nDow was appointed marshal in the room of Roberts who re-\\nsigned.\\nDuring the remainder of the council s administration, the com-\\nmon business went on in the usual manner, and nothing remark-\\nable is mentioned, excepting another prosecution of Barefoote,\\nwith his assistants, William Haskinsand Thomas Thurton\\nfor seizing a vessel under pretence of his majesty s name,\\nwithout the knowledge of the authority of the province, and\\nwithout shewing any breach of statute though demanded.\\nBarefoote pleaded his dej)utation from Randolph but he was\\namerced twenty pounds to be respited during his good behaviour,\\nand his two assistants five pounds each the complainant being\\nleft to the law for his damages. This affair was carried by appeal\\nto the king but the issue is not mentioned.\\nIt will be proper to close the account of this administration with\\na view of the state of the province as to its trade, improvements\\nand defence, from a representation thereof made by the council\\nto the lords of trade, pursuant to their order.\\nThe trade of the province, (say they) is in masts, planks,\\nboards and staves and all other lumber, which at present is of\\nlittle value in other plantations, to which they are transported so", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0118.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "1G82.] PROVINCE. RICHARD WALDRON. 95\\nthat we see no other way for the advantage of the trade, unless\\nhis majesty please to make our river a free port.\\nImportation by strangers is of little value ships commonly\\nselling their cargoes in other governments, and if they come here,\\nusually come empty to fill with lumber but if haply they are at\\nany time loaded with fish, it is brought from other ports, there\\nbeing none made in our province, nor likely to be, until his maj-\\nesty please to make the south part of the Isles of Shoals part of\\nthis government, they not being at present under any.*\\nIn reference to the improvement of lands by tillage, our soil\\nis generally so barren, and the winters so extreme cold and long\\nthat there is not provision enough raised to supply the inhabitants,\\nmany of whom were in die late Indian war so impoverished, their\\nhouses and estates being destroyed, and they and others remain-\\ning still so incapacitated for the improvement of the land, (several\\nof the youth being killed also) that they even groan under the tax\\nor rate, assessed for that service, which is, great part of it, unpaid\\nto this day.f\\nThere is at the Great Island in Portsmouth, at the harbor s\\nmouth, a fort well enough situated, but for the present too weak\\nand insufficient for the defence of the place the guns being\\neleven in number are small, none exceeding a sacre (six pound-\\ner) nor above twenty-one hundred weight, and the people too\\npoor to make defence suitable to the occasion that may happen\\nfor the fort.\\nThese guns were bought, and the fortification erected, at the\\nproper charge of the towns of Dover and Portsmouth, at the be-\\nginning of the first Dutch war, about the year 1G65, in obedience\\nto his majesty s command in his letter to the government under\\nwhich this province then was.\\nThere are five guns more lying at the upper part of Ports-\\nmouth, purchased by private persons, for their security and de-\\nWhen these islands were first settled is uncertain, but it must have been\\nvery early, as they are most commodiously situated for the fishery, which was\\na principal object with the first settlers. Wliile New-Hampshire was united\\nto Massachusetts, tliey were under the same jurisdiction, and the town there\\nerected was called Appledore. (Mass. Rec.) They are not named in Cutt s\\nnor Cranfield s commission but under Dudley s presidency, causes were\\nbrought from thence to Portsmouth, which is said to be in the same county.\\nIn Allen s and all succeeding commissions, they are particularly mentioned\\nthe south half of them being in New-Hampshire.\\nTaxes were commonly paid in lumber or provisions at stated prices and\\nwhoever paid them in money was abated one-third part. The prices in lUfciO,\\nwere as follows\\nMerchantable white pine boards per in. 30s.\\nWhite Oak pine staves per ditto \u00c2\u00a33.\\nRed Oak ditto per ditto 3()s.\\nRed Oak Hhd. ditto per ditto 258.\\nIndian Corn per bushel 3s.\\nWheat per ditto r s.\\nMalt per ditto 4s.\\nN. B. Silver was 6s. and 8d. per oz.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0119.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": ")fi HISTORY OF NblW-HAMPSHIRE. [1682.\\nfrnce against ihc Indians in the late war with them, and whereof\\nthe owners may dispose at their pleasure. To supply the fore-\\nsaid defect and weakness of the guns and fort, we humbly suppli-\\ncate his majesty to send us such guns as shall be more serviceable,\\nwith powder and shot.\\nBy an account of the entries in the port annexed to the above,\\nit appears, that from the fifteenth of June 1680, to the twelfth of\\nApril 1681, were entered, twenty-two ships, eighteen ketches,\\ntwo barks, tiiree pinks, one shallop and one fly-boat in all forty-\\nseven.\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\nThe administration of Cranfiold. Violent measures. Insurrection, trial and\\nimprisonment of Gove. Mason s suits. Vauohan s imprisonment. Pros-\\nerution of Moodey and his imprisonment. Arbitrary proceedings. Com-\\nplaints. Tumults. Weare s agency in England. Cranlield s removal.\\nBarefoote s administration.\\nExperience having now convinced Mason, that the govern-\\ninent which he had procured to be erected, was not likely to be\\nadministered in a manner favorable to his views, he made it his\\nbusiness, on his return to England, to solicit a change in conse-\\nquence of which it was determined to commission Edward Cran-\\nfield, Esq., lieutenant-governor and commander in chief of New-\\nHampshire. By a deed enrolled in the court of chancery, Mason\\nsurrendered to the king one fifth part of the quit-rents,\\nwhich had or should become due. These, with the fines\\nand forfeitures which had accrued to the crown since the estab-\\nlishment of the province, and which should afterward arise, were\\nappropriated to the support of the governor. But diis being\\ndeemed too precarious a foundation. Mason by another deed\\nmortgaged the whole province to Cranfield, for twenty -one years,\\nas security for the payment of one hundred and fifty pounds per\\nannum, for the space of seven years.^ On this encouragement,\\nCranfield relinquished a profitable office at home, with the view of\\nbettering his fortune here.*^\\nBy the commission, which bears date the ninUi of May, the\\ngovernor was empowered to call, adjourn, prorogue and dissolve\\ngeneral courts to have a negative voice in all acts of government\\nto suspend any of the council when he should see just cause (and\\nevery counsellor so suspended was declared incapable of being\\nelected into the general assembly to appoint a deputy-governor,\\njudges, justices, and other officers, by his sole authority and to\\n(1) Council Record.s. (2) MSS. in the files. (H) Fitchs MS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0120.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "1682.] PROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. 97\\nexecute the powers of vice-admiral. The case of Mason was\\nrecited nearly in the same words as in the former commission,\\nand the same directions were givento the governor to reconcile dif-\\nferences, or send cases fairly stated to the king in council for his\\ndecision. The counsellors named in this commission were Ma-\\nson, who was styled proprietor, Waldron, Daniel, Vaughan, Mar-\\ntyn, Oilman, Stileman and Clements these were of the former\\ncouncil, I nd to diem were added Walter Barefoote, and Richard\\nChamberlain.\\nCranfield arrived and published his commission on die fourth\\nof October, and within six days, Waldron and Martyn were sus-\\npended from the council, on certain articles exhibited against them\\nby Mason. This early specimen of the exercise of power must\\nhave been intended as a public affront to them, in revenge for\\ntheir former spirited conduct otherwise their names might have\\nbeen left out of the commission when it was drawn.\\nThe people now plainly saw the dangerous designs formed a-\\ngainst them. The negative voice of a governor, his right of sus-\\npending counsellors, and appointing officers, by his own authority,\\nwere wholly unprecedented in New-England and they had the\\nsingular mortification to see the crown not only appointing two\\nbranches of their legislature, but claiming a negative on the elec-\\ntion of their representative, in a particular case, which might\\nsometimes be essentially necessary to their own security. They\\nwell knew that the sole design of these novel and extraordinary\\npowers was to facilitate the entry of the claimant on the lands,\\nwhich some of them held by virtue of grants from the same au-\\nthority, and which had all been fairly purchased of the Indians\\na right which they believed to be of more validity than any other.\\nHaving by their own labor and expense subdued a rough wilder-\\nness, defended their families and estates against the savage enemy,\\nwithout the least assistance from the claimant, and held possession\\nfor above fifty years they now thought it hard and cruel, that\\nwhen they had just recovered from the horrors of a bloody war,\\nthey should have their hberty abridged, and their property de-\\nmanded, to satisfy a claim which was at best disputable, and in\\ntheir opinion groundless. On the other hand, it was deemed un-\\njust, that grants made under the royal authority should be disre-\\ngarded and that so great a sum as had been expended by the\\nancestor of the claimant, to promote the settlement of the country,\\nshould be entirely lost to him especially as he had foregone some\\njust claims on the estate as a condition of inheritance.^ Had the\\ninhabitants by any fraudulent means impeded the designs of the\\noriginal grantee, or embezzled his interest, there might have been\\na just demand for damages but the unsuccessfulness of that ad-\\nventure was to be sought for in its own impracticability or the\\n(1) Council Records. (2) Mason s Will.\\n15", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0121.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "98 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1682.\\nnegligence, inability or inexperience of those into whose hands\\nthe management ot it fell after Captain Mason s death, and dur-\\ning the minority of his successor.\\nAn assembly being summoned, met on the fourteenth of Nov-\\nember with whose concurrence a new body of laws was enacted,\\nin some respects different from the former the fundamental law\\nbeing omitted and an alteration made in the appointment of jurors,\\nwhich was now ordered to be done by the sheriff, after the custom\\nin England.^\\nCranfield, who made no secret of his intention to enrich him-\\nself by accepting the government, on the first day of the assembly\\nrestored Waldron and Martyn to their places in the council hav-\\ning, as he said, examined the allegations against them and found\\nthem insufficient.^ In return for this show of complaisance, and\\ntaking advantage of his needy situation, the assembly having\\nordered an assessment of five hundred pounds, appropriated one\\nhalf of it as a present to the governor hoping tliereby to detach\\nhim from Mason, who they knew could never comply with his\\nengagements to him. Preferring a certainty to an uncertainty, he\\npassed the bill, though it was not presented to him till after\\nhe had given order for adjourning the court, and after\\nMason, Barefoote and Chamberlain were withdrawn from the\\ncouncil.^\\nThis appearance of good humor was but short-lived for at\\nthe next session of the assembly, the governor and council having\\nifiR tendered them a bill for the support of government, which\\nJ n ^0 ^^^^y ^PP^ ove, and they having offered him several\\nbills which he said were contrary to law, he dissolved them\\nhaving previously suspended Stileman from the council and dis-\\nmissed him from the command of the fort, for suffering a vessel\\nunder seizure to go out of the harbor. Barefoote was made cap-\\ntain ot the fort in his room.\\nThe dissolution of the Assembly, a thing before unknown, ag-\\ngravated the popular discontent, and kindled the resentment of\\nsome rash persons in Hampton and Exeter who, headed by\\nEdward Gove, a member of the dissolved assembly, declared by\\nsound of trumpet for liberty and reformation. There had\\nbeen a town meeting at Hampton, when a new clerk was chosen\\nand their records secured. Gove went from town to town pro-\\nclaiming what had been done at Hampton, carrying his arms,\\ndeclaring that the governor was a traitor and had exceeded his\\ncommission, and that he would not lay down his arms, till matters\\nwere set right, and endeavoring to excite the principal men in\\nthe province to join in a confederacy to overturn the government.\\nHis project appeared to them so wild and dangerous, that they not\\n(1) MS. Laws. (2) Vaughan s Journal. Council Records. (3) MSS. in\\nthe files. (4) Council Records.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0122.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "ICSJ.J PROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. 99\\nonly disapproved of it, but informed against him and assisted in\\napprehending him. Hearing of their design, he collected his\\ncompany, and appeared in arms but on the persuasion of some\\nof his friends he surrendered. A special court was immediately\\ncommissioned for his trial, of which Major Waldron sat as judge,\\nwith William Vaughan and Thomas Daniel assistants. The grand\\njury presented a bill, in which Edward Gove, John Gove, his son,\\nand William Hely, of Hampton Joseph, John and Robert\\nWadleigh, three brothers, Thomas Rawlins, ]Mark Baker and\\nJohn Sleeper, of Exeter, were charged with high-treason. Gove,\\nwho behaved with great insolence before the court, and pretended\\nto justify what he had done, was convicted and received sentence\\nof death in the usual hideous form and his estate was p j\\nseized, as forfeited to the crown. The others were con-\\nvicted of being accomplices, and respited.^ The king s pleasure\\nbeing signified to the governor that he should pardon such as he\\njudged objects of mercy they were all set at liberty but Gove,\\nwho was sent to England, and imprisoned in the tower of Lon-\\ndon about three years. On his repeated petitions to the king,\\nand by the interest of Randolph with the Earl of Clarendon, then\\nlord chamberlain, he obtained his pardon and returned home in\\n1686, with an order to the tlien president and council of New-\\nEngland to restore his estate.\\nGove in his petitions to the king pleaded a distemper of mind\\nas the cause of those actions for which he was prosecuted. He\\nalso speaks in some of his private letters of a drinking match at\\nhis house, and that he had not slept for twelve days and nights,\\nabout that time.- When these things are considered, it is not hard\\nto account for his conduct. From a letter which he wrote to tho\\ncourt while in prison, one would suppose him to have been dis-\\nordered in his mind.* His punishment was by much too severe,\\n(1) Records of Special Courts. (2) Gove s papers.\\n[The letter alluded to, addressed to the justices of the court of sessions,\\nand found in the Recorder s office, was copied by Dr. Belknap, for the Ap-\\npendix to the first volume, but it was, with several other papers, excluded for\\nwant of room. It is here added, printed from the copy made by the author.\\nA Letter from Edward Gove in Prison to the Justices of the Court of\\nSessions.\\nFrom the great Island in Portsmouth in New-PIampshire, 29 Jany. 1682-3.\\nTo the much bond. Justices of the Peace as you call yourselfs by your indite-\\nment, in which eleven mens names subscribed namelv Ed. Gove, John Gove,\\nJo. Wadly, John Wadly, Rob. Wadly, Ed. Smith, Will. Ely, Tho. Rawlins,\\nJohn Sleeper, Mark Baker, John Young. Gentlemen excuse me I cannot\\npetision you as persons in authority by the name of Juslises of the peace, for\\nnow 1 am upon a serious account for my Life and the Life of those that are\\nwitli me. Therefore pray consider well and take good advice of persons in\\nGovernment from whence you came. I pray God that made the Heavens,\\nthe Earth, the sease and all that in them is to give you wisdom and corag in\\nyour plases to discharg such duty as God requires of you and 2dly I hartyly\\npray God to direct you to do that which our grasious i ing Charls the 2d. of\\nblessed memory reijuires of you. Gentlemen, it may be I may be upon a", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0123.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "100 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G83.\\nand his trial was hurried on too fast, it being only six days after\\nthe commission of his crime. Had he been indicted only for a\\nriot there would have been no difhcMlty in the proof, nor hardship\\nin inflicting the legal penalty. Waldron, it is said, shed tears\\nwhen jirononncing the sentence of death upon him.\\nOn the fourteenth of February, the governor, by advertisement,\\ncalled upon the inhabitants to take out leases from Mason within\\none month, otherwise he must, pursuant to his instructions, certify\\nthe refusal to the king, that Mason might be discharged of his\\nobligation to grant them. Upon this summons, and within the\\ntime set, Major Waldron, John Wingel* and Thomas Roberts,\\nmistake, but according to what I know and believe I am falsly indited and I\\nam abused nolwitlistanding by another Inditement, by being in lornsbyCap.\\nBarelbot s order whicli [orns are called billbose, exceeding large. Pray con-\\nsider we are men like yourselves made of the same earth and I know who\\nmade the difference.\\nAnd I verily believe tliat the holy righteous just God will have an account\\nof you for your Justis in this matter. I ray consider. When this last change\\nwas I writ to one man in tliis Province, I tould him wee were a hapy people\\nif all was right in the Bottom. Time was that 1 said all was right in the bot-\\ntom. I believed it, but now I see otherwise. Who knows what shall be on the\\nmorrow. Though it bee appointed a solemn day of fasting, I know that when\\nit was .appointed there was not the election of cries and teares that will ap-\\npear when the day comes. If ever New-England had need of a Solomon, or\\nDavid, or Moses, Caleb or Joshua it is now. My tears are in my eyes I can\\nhardly see.\\nYet will I say I do believe how it will com. You and they with siths and\\ngrones must out do the ministry The Ministry must endeavor to out do you,\\nbut if you and they do any thing in hipocrisy, God will find you out and deliv-\\nerance will com som other way.\\nWe have a hard prison, a good keeper, a hard Captain, iorns an inch over,\\nfive foot and several inches long, two men locked together yet I had I thank\\nGod for it a very good nights lodging, beter tlian I had fourteene or fiveteene\\nnio-hts before. I pray God direct you and let me here from you by a messen-\\nger that your honors shall imploy and consider. I am your honors humbel\\nServant in all duty to l)e connnanded. Edward Gove.\\nI know those that will have a blessing from God must endeavor to stand in\\nthe way of a blessing. This Doctrin I heard about 32 yeares ago.\\nEdward Gove.\\nExcuse any thing writ amiss for the Lord s sake. I would you all were as\\nI am and as fitt to recieve reward for innosensy. I humbly beg your Prayers\\nto God in our behalfe. Edward Gove.\\nIf any thing be amiss in what is written, lett the subscriber bear the blame,\\nfor the rest are surprized with feare. Edward Gove.\\nI humbly and hartily desire some of your honors would speak to Mister\\nMody to pray to God in the behalfe of all his pore prisoners the world over\\nand especially for us before named the men of this Province who ly under\\nhevi burdens. Edward Govi:.\\nThe original of this Letter is in ye Recorder s office.\\nIt is now (1830) in the Secretary s office.]\\n[He is the ancestor of the Wingate families in New-Hampshire and Maine.\\nHe w is admitted freeman hy t!u Massachusetts colony in l(il )(i, and died about\\nthe year 1()*^ His children were Ann, born 18 February. ItitiT; John, born\\n13 July, 1(170 Joshua and Caleb. Joshua married and lived in Hampton,\\nwhere hie died at the age of 00 years or upwards. He was at the conquest of\\nLouisburgin 1715, was afterwards a colonel, and a representative from Hamp-\\nton in the General Assembly. He wrote his name as in the text, but it seems\\nto have been altered to Winrratt: hy his sons, two of whom were educated at\\nHarvard College. Rev. Paine Wingate, the eldest, graduated in 1723, and", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0124.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "1683.] TROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. IQI\\nthree of the principal landholders in Dover, waited on the e;ov-\\nernor to know his pleasure, who directed them to agree with Ala-\\nson. They then retired into anotiier room where Mason was\\nand proposed to refer the matter to the governor, that he might\\naccording to his commission, state the matter to the king for his\\ndecision. This proposal, IMason rejected, saying that unless they\\nwould own his title, he would have nothing to do with them.\\nWhilst they were in discourse, the governor came in and desired\\nthem to depart.^\\nThis piece of conduct is difficult to be accounted for, it being\\ndirectly in the face of the commission. Had the method therein\\nprescribed, and by these men proposed, been adopted, it was\\nnatural to expect that the king, who had all along favored Mason s\\npretensions, would have determined the case as much to his wish\\nas upon an appeal from a judicial court besides, he had now\\nthe fairest opportimity to have it decided in the shortest way, to\\nwhich his antagonists must have submitted, it being their own\\nproposal. His refusal to accede to it was a capital mistake, as it\\nleft both him and Cranfield exposed to the charge of disobedience.\\nBut it afforded a powerful plea in behalf of the people whose\\nconfidence in the royal justice would have induced them to com-\\nply with the directions in the commission. It being now impossi-\\nble to have the controversy thus decided they determined to\\nhearken to none of his proposals. As he generally met with op-\\nposition and contradiction, he was induced to utter many rash\\nsayings in all companies. He threatened to seize the principal\\nestates, beggar their owners, and provoke them to rebellion, by\\nbringing a frigate into the harbor, and procuring soldiers to be\\nquartered on the inhabitants.^ These threats were so far from\\nintimidating the people, that they served the more firmly to unite\\nthem in their determination not to submit and each party was\\nnow warm in their opposition and resentment.\\nThe governor on some fresh pretence suspended Waldron,\\nMartyn and Gilman from the council. The deaths of Daniels and\\nClements made two other vacancies. Vaughan held his seat the\\nlongest, but was at length thrust out for his non-compliance with\\nsome arbitrary measures. So that the governor had it in his\\npower to model the council to his mind, which he did by appoint-\\ning at various times Nathaniel Fryer, Robert Elliot, John Hinckes,\\n(1) Weare s MS. (2) Ibid.\\nwas ordained the minister of Amesbury, in Massachusetts, 15 June, 1726, and\\ndied 19 February, 1780, aged 83. John, the youngest, was born at Hampton,\\n4 January, 1725, graduated in 1744, and died 4 September, 1812, aged 88. A\\nson of tlie Rev. Paine Wingate, is the Hon. Paine Wingate of Stratham, who\\nwas born 14 May, 1739, graduated at Harvard college 1759, and is now tiie\\noldest living graduate of that institution. He was one of the first Senators\\nfrom New-Hampsliire under tlie Federal Constitution, and for many years\\nwas Judge of the SupremeCourt of the State.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0125.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "102 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [IG80.\\nJames Sherlock, Francis Champenioon and Edward Randolph,\\nesquires. The judicial courts were also filled with ofiicers proper\\nfor die intended business. 13arefoote, the deputy governor, was\\njudge IMason was chancellor Chamberlain was clerk and pro-\\nihonotary Randolph was attorney general, and Sherlock provost\\nmarshal and sheriff. Some who had always been disaffected to\\nthe country, and others who had been awed by threats or flattered\\nby promises took leases from IMason and these served for under\\nsheriffs, jurors, evidences, and other necessary persons.\\nThings being dius prepared. Mason began his law-suits by a\\nwrit agaiiist Major Waldron, (who had always distinguished him-\\nself in opposition to his claim) for holding lands and felling timber\\nto the amount of four thousand pounds. The major appeared in\\ncourt, and challenged every one of the jury as interested persons,\\nsome of them having taken leases of Mason, and all of them\\nliving upon the lands which he claimed. The judge then caused\\nthe oath of voire dire to be administered to each juror, purport-\\ning that he was not concerned in the lands in question, and that\\nhe should neither gain nor lose by the cause. Upon which\\nthe major said aloud to die people present, that his was a lead-\\ning case, and that if he were cast they must all become tenants\\nto Mason and that all persons in the province being interested,\\nnone of them could legally be of the jury. The cause how-\\never went on but he made no defence, asserted no tide, and\\ngave no evidence on his part. Judgment was given against him\\nand at the next court of sessions he was fined five pounds for\\nmutinous and seditious words.\\nSuits were then instituted against all the principal landholders\\nin the province, who, following Waldron s example, never made\\nany defence. Some, chiefly of Hampton, gave in writing dieir\\nreasons for not joining issue which were, the refusal of jMason to\\ncomply with the directions in the commission the impropriety of\\na jury s determining what the king had expressly reserved to\\nhimself; and Uie incompetency of die jury, they being all inter-\\nested persons, one of whom had said tliat he would spend his\\nestate to make Mason s right good. These reasons were irri-\\ntating radier dian convincing to the court. The jury never hesi-\\ntated in their verdicts. From seven to twelve causes were des-\\npatched in a day, and the costs were multiplied from five to twenty\\npounds. Executions were issued, of which two or three only\\nwere levied but Mason could neither keep possession of the\\npremises nor dispose of them by sale, so that die owners still\\nenjoyed them. Several threatened to appeal to the king, but\\nMajor Vaughan alone made the experiment.^\\nA suit was also commenced against Martyn who had been\\ntreasurer, for the fines and forfeitures received by him, during the\\n(1) Council Records. (2) MS. in files. (3) MS. in files and Weare s MSS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0126.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "]683.] I ROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. IQJ\\nformer administration and judgment was recovered for seventy\\none pounds, with costs. Martyn petitioned Mason as chancellor,\\nsetting forth that he had received and disposed of tlie money ac-\\ncording to the orders of the late jiresident and council, and pray-\\ning that the whole burden might not lie upon him. A decree\\nwas then issued for the other surviving members of the late coun-\\ncil, and the heirs of those who were dead, to bear their propor-\\ntion.^ This decree was afterward reversed by the king in council.\\nCranfield with his council had now assumed the whole legisla-\\ntive power. They prohibited vessels from Massachusetts to enter\\nthe port, because the acts of trade were not observed in that\\ncolony they fixed the dimensions of merchantable lumber alter-\\ned the value of silver money, which had always passed by weight\\nat six shillings and eight pence per ounce and ordered that\\ndollars should be received at six shillings each, which was then a\\ngreat hardship as many of them were greatly deficient in weight.\\nThey also changed the bounds of townships established fees\\nof office made regulations for the package of fish, and ordered\\nthe constables to forbear collecting any town or parish taxes till\\nthe province tax was paid, and the accounts settled with the\\ntreasurer.^\\nThe public grievances having become insupportable, the people\\nwere driven to the necessity of making a vigorous stand for their\\nliberties. The only regular way was by complaint to the king.\\nHaving privately communicated their sentiments to each other,\\nand raised money by subscription, they appointed Nathaniel\\nWeare, esq., of Hampton,* their agent and the four towns having\\ndrawn and subscribed distinct petitions of the same tenor, Weare\\nprivately withdrew to Boston from whence he sailed for England.\\nMajor Vaughan who accompanied him to Boston, and was ap-\\npointed to procure depositions to send after him, was upon his\\nreturn to Portsmouth, brought to an examination, treated with\\ngreat insolence and required to find sureties for his good behav-\\niour which, having broken no law, he refused ;f and was by the\\ngovernor s own warrant immediately committed to prison where\\nhe was kept nine months to the great damage of his health, and\\nof his own as well as the people s interest.\\nAmidst these multiplied oppressions, Cranfield was still disap-\\n(1) MSS. in files. (2) Council Records. (3) MSS. in files.\\n[Nathaniel Weare is supposed to have been son of Peter Weare. He wa\u00c2\u00ab\\nborn about the year 1631, and lived sometime in Newbury, where several of\\nhis children were born. He was admitted freeman in KiOG, at which time he\\nbelonged to Hampton. He was appointed a counsellor of the province in\\n16JI2, and died 13 May, 1718, aged 87. His son Peter, who was born at New-\\nbury, I. November, 1600, was also a counsellor of New-Hampshire, being ap-\\npointed to that office in 1698.]\\nt In this refusal he is countenanced by the example of the great Selden. and\\nother members of parliament who were imprisoned by order of Charles I. in\\n1629. Macaulay s Hist. Eng. 8vo. vol. 2, page 72.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0127.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "104 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1684.\\npointed of the gains he had expected to reap from his office and\\n^fQA found to his \u00c2\u00a7reat mortification, that there was no way of\\nsupplying his wants, but by application to the people,\\nthrough an assembly. He had already abused them so much\\nthat he could hope nothing from their favor and was therefore\\nobliged to have recourse to artifice. On a vague rumor of a\\nforeign war, he pretended much concern for the preservation of\\nthe province from invasion and presuming that they would show\\nthe same concern for themselves, he called an assembly\\nat Great-Island, where he resided, to whom he tendered\\na bill, which in a manner totally unparliamentary, had been drawn\\nand passed by the council, for raising money to defray the ex-\\npense of repairing the fort, and supplying it with ammunition, and\\nfor other necessary charges of government. The house* debated\\na while, and adjourned for the night, and the tide serving, the\\nmembers went up to the town. In die morning, they returned\\nthe bill with their negative at which the governor was highly en-\\nraged, and telling them that they had been to consult with Moodey,\\nand other declared enemies of tlie king and church of England,\\nhe dissolved them and afterward by his influence with the court\\nof sessions, divers of the members were made constables for the\\nfollowing year.i Some of them took the oath, and odiers paid\\nthe fine, whicli was ten pounds. Thus by a mean and execrable\\nrevenge, he taxed those whom he could not persuade to tax their\\nconstituents for his purpose.\\nBut Moodey was marked as an object of peculiar vengeance.\\nHe had for some time rendered himself obnoxious by the freedom\\nand plainness of his pulpit discourses, and his strictness in admin-\\nistering the discipline of the church one instance of which merits\\nparticular notice. Randolph having seized a vessel, she was in\\nthe night carried out of the harbor. The owner, who was a\\nmemberf of the church, swore that he knew nothing of it but\\nupon trial, there appeared strong suspicions that he had perjured\\nhimself. He found means to make up the matter with the gov-\\nernor and collector but Moodey, being concerned for the purity\\n(1) Court Records. Vaughan s Journal.\\nThe Members of this assembly were, for\\nPortsmo II (h Hampton\\nRichard Waldron, jun. speaker, Anthony Stanyan,\\nPhilip Lewis, Joseph Smith,\\nJohn Pickering. John Smith.\\nDover. Exeter.\\nJohn Gerrish, Robert Smart,\\nJohn Woodman, Thomas Wiggin.\\nAnthony Nutter. Court Records.\\nt [From Adams, Annals Portsmouth, p. 78, we learn that the name of thia\\nmember was George Janvrin, but from a letter from Randolph to the Lords of\\nTrade and Plantations, it appears that it was one Jefterys, a Scotchman,\\nunless there were two similar cases. Jefferys was a member of the church.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0128.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "1684.] PROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. 105\\nof his church, requested of the governor copies of the evidence,\\nthat the offender might be called to account in the way of ecclesi-\\nastical discipline. Cranfield sternly refused, saying that he had\\nforgiven him, and that neither the church nor minister should\\nmeddle with him and even threatened Moodey in case he\\nshould. Not intimidated, INIoodey consuhed the church and\\npreached a sermon against false swearing then the offender,\\nbeing called to account, was censured, and at length brought to\\na public confession. 1 This procedure extremely disgusted the\\ngovernor, who had no way then in his power to show his resent-\\nment. But malice, ever fruitful in expedients to attain its ends,\\nsuggested a method, which to the scandal of the English nation,\\nhas been too often practised. The penal laws against noncon-\\nformists were at this time executing with great rigor in England\\nand Cranfield, ambitious to ape his royal master, determined to\\nplay off the ecclesiastical artillery here, the direction of which\\nhe supposed to be deputed to him with his other powers. He had\\nattempted to impose upon the people the observation of the thir-\\ntieth of January as a fast, and to restrain them from manual labor\\nat Christmas but his capital stroke was to issue an order in\\ncouncil that after the first of January, the ministers should ad-\\nmit all persons of suitable years and not vicious, to the Lord s\\nsupper, and their children to baptism and that if any person\\nshould desire baptism or the other sacrament to be administered\\naccording to the liturgy of the church of England, it should be\\ndone in pursuance of the king s command to the colony of\\nMassachusetts and any minister refusing so to do should suf-\\nfer the penalty of the statutes of uniformity.\\nThe same week in which he dissolved the assembly, he signi-\\nfied to Moodey in writing, by the hands of the sheriff, that him-\\nself, with Mason and Hinckes, intended to partake of the Lord s\\nsupper the next Sunday requiring him to administer it to them\\naccording to the Hturgy and, as they justly expected, he at once\\n(1) Portsmouth Church Records.\\nThis command was conceived in the following terms\\nAnd since the principle and foundation of that charter was and is freedom\\nand liberty of conscience Wee do hereby charge and require you that free-\\ndom and liberty be duely admitted and allowed, so that they that desire to use\\nthe booke of common prayer and perform their devotion in that manner that\\nis established here be not denyed the exercise thereof, or undero-oe any preju-\\ndice or disadvantage thereby, they using their liberty peaceably without any\\ndisturbance to others and that all persons of good and honest lives and con-\\nversations be admitted to the sacrament of the Lord s supper according to said\\nbooke of common prayer, and their children to baptism. King Charles s\\nLetter in Hutchinson s coll. pap. p. 378.\\nThis command cannot consistently with the acknowledged principle, and\\nstrict limitation, be construed any other way, than that the use of the liturgy\\nshould be permitted to such ministers and people as desired it. To compel\\nministers to use it, and leave all others at liberty, was a construction that mal\\nic# aJone could suggest.\\n16", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0129.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "F\\n106 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1684.\\ndenied them. The way was now opened for a prosecution and\\nthe attorney general Joseph Rayn, by the governor s order,\\nexhibited an information at the next court of sessions, before\\nWalter Barefoote, judge, Nathaniel Fryer and Henry Greene, as-\\nsistants, Peter Coffin, Thomas Edgerly and Henry Robie, justices,\\nsetting forth, that Joshua Moodey, clerk, being minister of the\\ntown of Portsmouth, within the dominions of King Charles, was\\nby the duty of his place and the laws of the realm, viz. the\\nstatutes of the fifth and sixth of Edward VI, the first of Eliza-\\nbeth, and the thirteenth and fourteenth of Charles II, required\\nto administer the Lord s supper in such form as was set forth\\nin the book of common prayer, and no other. But that the\\nsaid Moodey, in contempt of the laws, had wilfully and obstin-\\nately refused to administer the same to the honorable Edward\\nCranfield, Robert Mason, and John Hinckes, and did obstinate-\\nly use some other form. Moodey in his defence pleaded that\\nhe was not episcopally ordained as the statutes required nor did\\nhe receive his maintenance according to them and therefore\\nwas not obliged to the performance of what had been command-\\ned that the alleged statutes were not intended for these planta-\\ntions, the known and avowed end of their settlement being the\\nenjoyment of freedom from the imposition of those laws which\\nfreedom was allowed and confirmed by the king, in the liberty of\\nconscience granted to all protestants, in the governor s commis-\\nsion.^ Four of the justices, viz. Greene, Robie, Edgerly and\\nFryer were at first for acquitting him but the matter being ad-\\njourned till the next day, Cranfield found means before morning\\nto gain Robie and Greene, who then joined widi Barefoote and\\nCoffin, in sentencing him to six months imprisonment, without\\nbail or mainprize. The other two persisted in their former opin-\\nion, and were soon after removed from all their offices.* Moodey\\n(1) MSS. in files. (2) Portsmouth Chh. Records. (3) Vaughan s Journal.\\n[In tlie Records of the Quarter Sessions, in the hand writing of Richard\\nChamberlain, clerk of the court, I have found the substance of the debate of\\nthe court, which was in private, on the case of Mr. Moodey. It was deba-\\nted among the Justices and Henry Roby, Justice, did declare his opinion,\\nthat he was very clear that the statutes are clear against the said Mr. Moodey,\\nif the commission that gives liberty of conscience doth not take away the\\nforce thereof.\\nJust. Edgerly that since his Majesty has been pleased to grant liberty of\\nconscience to all Protestants here, the said Moodey is not liable to the penalty\\nof the statutes for refusing to administer the sacraments according to the form\\nthereof.\\nHenry Green, Justice, was of opinion, that the said Moodey is guilty of\\nthe breach of the laws, if the clause in the king s commission giving liberty\\nofconscience doth not excuse him.\\nNath. Frier, Justice, did affirm his opinion to be, that whereas his gracious\\nMajesty hath been pleased to grant liberty of conscience to all Protestants in\\nliis royal commission, Mr. Moodey being a Protestant is not liable to the pen-\\nalty of the acts of Parliament of the first of Queen Elizabeth, and the 13th\\nand 14th of K. Charles the Second.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0130.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "1684.J\\nPROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. 107\\nwas immediately ordered into custody, without being permitted\\nfirst to see his family and he remained under confinement, in\\ncompany with Major Vaughan, at the house of Captain Stileman,\\nwith liberty of the yard, for thirteen weeks his benefice be-\\ning declared forfeited to the crown. The next week after JMoo-\\ndy s trial, the governor in a profane bravado sent word to Seaborn\\nCotton, minister of Hampton, that when he had prepared his\\nsoul, he would come and demand die sacrament of him as he\\nhad done at Portsmouth. Upon which Cotton withdrew to\\nBoston.* The minister of Dover, John Pike, was (as far as I\\ncan find) unmolested. f Exeter had then no settled minister.\\n(1) Vaughan s Journal.\\nPeter Coffin, Justice, did hold that the said Joshua Moodey is guilty of tlie\\nbreach of the said statutes.\\nWalter Barefoot, Esquire, was of opinion that the saidJoshua Moodey had\\nbroken the said laws, and is liable to the penalty thereof.\\n[Rev. Seaborn Cotton was son of Rev. John Cotton, minister of the First\\nChurch in Boston, and was born on the Atlantic ocean, while his parents were\\non their voyage to New-England. He was baptized at Boston on the (J of\\nSeptember, 1()33, being the second day after the arrival there of his father.\\nHe graduated at Harvard college in ]651, in the catalogu.^ of which his name\\nis entered Marigena. He succeeded Rev. John Wheelwright as tlie minister\\nof Hampton inlGCO, and sustained the pastoral office until his death, 19 April,\\n168G, in the 53d year of his age. There is scarcely any thing found in con-\\ntemporary historians respecting his talents and character. Mather, indeed,\\nin the biography of his father, speaks of him as being a thorough scholar,\\nand an able preacher, and as condemning the errors of his name-sake Pela-\\ngius, a celebrated heresiarch of the fifth century, whose real name was\\nMorgan.\\nMr. Cotton was twice married. His first wife was a daughter of Gov. Brad-\\nstreet, named Dorothy, whose mother was the lady so highly esteemed for\\nher poetical powers. His second wife was the widow of Dr. Anthony Crosl)y,\\nof Rowley. Besides a number of daughters, who married reputably, Mr.\\nCotton had two sons. John and Roland. John was born 8 May, 1G58, and\\ngraduated at Harvard college in 1678, in the same class with his cousin, the\\ncelebrated Cotton Mather, and with him, was admitted a member of the sec-\\nond church in Boston, then under the care of Rev. Increase Mather, on the 31\\nAugust, 1679. He probably resided some time in Boston, as his name occurs\\nseveral times after this period in early records. He was ordained at Hampton\\nas the successor to his father in 1696, and died 27 March, 1710, aged 52, hav-\\ning had one son and two daughters. Roland, the second son of Rev. Seaborn\\nCotton, graduated at Harvard college in 1696 went to England, and was a\\nphysician in the Isle of Wright.]\\nt [John Pike was the successor of the second John Rayner. He was son\\nof Hon. Robert Pike, many years one of the assistants of the colony of Massa-\\nchusetts, who died 12 December, 1706, at the age of 91. He was born at\\nSahsbury, 15 May, 16.53, and received his education at Harvard colleo-e, where\\nhe graduated in 1675, in the class of which year, his name is placed at the head.\\nHe was ordained the 31 August, 1681, and remained at Dover until the deso-\\nlation occasioned by the Indians in June, 1689, when he removed to Ports-\\nmouth. The next year he went to Hampton, and from thence to Newbury in\\n1691. He returned to Portsmouth, October, 1692, and entered upon their\\nMajesties service for Pemaquid fort, for which place he sailed on the 17 of the\\nsame month, and arrived there on the 26th. He returned to Portsmouth, 13\\nJuly, 1695, and removed with his family to Dover, 11 November, 1698. where\\nhaving remained nearly four years, he removed to his native town, 21 Octo-\\nber, 1702, but again returned to Dover after a year or two, and there closed\\nhis days, 10 March, 1710, in the 57th year of his age. (MS. letter of Mr.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0131.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "108 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G84.\\nDuring Moodey s imprisonment, Cranfield would neither suffer\\nhim to go up to the town to preach, nor the people to assemble\\nat the island to hear, nor the neighboring ministers to supply his\\nplace only the family where he was confined were permitted to\\nbe present with him at sabbath exercises. But whilst the gov-\\nernor was absent on a tour to New- York, Mason gave leave for\\nopening the meeting-house twice, when they obtained a minister\\nto officiate he also allowed both Moodey and Vaughan to make\\na short visit to their families.^ At length, by the interposition of\\nfriends, iNIoodey obtained a release, though under a strict charge\\nto preach no more within the province, on penalty of farther im-\\nprisonment. He then accepted an invitation from the first church\\nin Boston where, being out of the reach of his persecutors, he\\nwas employed as a preacher, and was so highly esteemed, that\\nupon the death of President Rogers, he was invited to take the\\noversight of the college,- vi^hich he modestly declined, and con-\\ntinued his ministrations at Boston, frequently visiting his destitute\\nchurch at Portsmouth, at their prfvate meetings, till 1G92; when,\\nthe government being in other hands, and the eastern country un-\\nder trouble by the Indians, at the earnest request of his people,\\nand by the advice of an ecclesiastical council he returned to his\\ncharge at Portsmouth, and spent the rest of his days there in use-\\nfulness, love and peace.\\nUpon a calm review of this prosecution, one can hardly tell\\nwhich is most detestable, the vindictive temper which gave it birth\\nor, the profaneness and hypocrisy with which it was conducted.\\nThe pretended zeal of the prosecutors was totally inconsistant\\nwith a due regard to those laws, and the principles of that church,\\nfor which they made themselves such contemptible champions.\\nFor it had been long before this time, a received opinion in the\\nchurch of England, that the validity of all the sacramental ad-\\nministrations depends on authority derived from the apostles, by\\nepiscopal ordination, in an uninterrupted succession and one of\\nthe statutes on which the prosecution was grounded enacts, that\\nno person shall presume to consecrate and administer the Lord s\\n(1) Vaughan a Journal. (2) Harvard College Records. (3) Original MSS.\\nJoshua Coffin, 23 April, 1830.) Rev. Jabez Fitch, in his MSS. speaks of Mr.\\nPike as a person of great humility, meekness and patience, much mortified\\nto the world, and without gall or guile. Dr. Belknap, in the church records\\nof Dover, p. IG, says that Mr. Pike was esteemed as an extraordinary preach-\\ner, and a man of true godliness, lie was a grave and venerable person, and\\nfenerally preached witiiout note?. Those who were well acquainted with\\nim have given him the character of a very considerable divine. Mather,\\nin the Magnalia, ii. 511, says he was much beliolden to him for communi-\\ncating many passages wliich occur in his history. Some of liis manuscript\\nsermons were extant when Dr. l?elknap wrote. Mr. Pike married in 1G81,\\nSarah, the second daughter of Rev. Joshua Moodey, of Portsmouth.]\\nHe died at Boston, being there on a visit, July 1, 1G97, aged 65. Dr. Cot-\\nton Mather preached his funeral sermon from Acts vi. 15. They saw his\\nface aa it had been the face of an angel. Magnalia, lib. 4, cap. 7.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0132.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "1684.] PROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. 109\\nsupper, before he be ordained a priest by episcopal ordination,\\non pain of forfeiting for every offence one hundred pounds. Tl)e\\nministers then in the province, being destitute of the grand pre-\\nrequisite, were incapable by the act, of doing what was so per-\\nemptorily required of them and had they complied with the\\ngovernor s order, must have exposed themselves to the penalty,\\nif he had pleased to exact it from them. But the extending these\\npenalties to the king s American subjects, who had fled hither\\nfrom the rod of prelatic tyranny, was a most unwarrantable stretch\\nof power since the last of these acts, and the only one which\\nhad been made since the settlement of the colonies, was express-\\nly restricted in its operation, to the realm of England, dominion\\nof Wales, and town of Berwick upon Tweed.\\nDisappointed in all his schemes for raising money by an assem-\\nbly, Cranfield next ventured on the project of taxing the people\\nwithout their consent. The pretext for this was a clause in the\\ncommission, empowering him, with the council, to continue such\\ntaxes as had been formerly levied, until a general assembly\\ncould be called. This had been done, without offence, at the\\nbeginning both of this and the former administration, when the\\nchange of government rendered it necessary. But the council,\\nthough too much devoted to him, were not easily persuaded into\\nthe measure at this time till fear at length accomplished what\\nreason could not appro\\\\ e for, letters being received from the\\neastward, informing of the discovery of a plot among the Indians,\\nwho were instigated by Castine, the Frenchmen, to renew the war\\nearly in the spring, the council were summoned in haste, p ,4\\nand presently agreed to the governor s proposal, for con-\\ntinuing such taxes as had been formerly laid, which he told them\\nwas necessary for the immediate defence and security of the prov-\\nince. This affair, however, was kept secret for the present and\\nthe people were first to be convinced of the governor s paternal\\ncare and kindness in taking thp necessary precautions for their\\nsafety. It was ordered that the meeting-houses in each\\ntown should be fortified, and by-garrisons were estabhsh-\\ned in convenient places supplies of ammunition were ordered to\\nbe provided circular letters were dispatched to the governors of\\nthe neighboring colonies, informing them of the danger and, to\\ncrown the whole, Cranfield himself, at the request of the council,\\nundertook a tour to New- York to sohcit the governor, Dongan,\\nfor a number of the Mohawks to come down and destroy the\\neastern Indians promising to pay them for their services out of\\nthe money which was thus to be raised.-\\nAt his return from this excursion, he found himself under some\\nembarrassment in his favorite views, from a letter of the lords of\\ntrade, which directed him to make use of an assembly, in raising\\n(1) Stat 13 and 14, Char. II. (2) Council Records. Vaughan s Journal.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0133.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "110 HISTORY OF NEVV-HAMPSJllRE. [1684.\\nmoney on the people. He could not, therefore, avoid calling\\n27 0 6 though he immediately dissolved it, because several\\nof the members were those whom he had formerly order-\\ned to be made constables. At the same time, in his letters to the\\nsecretary of state, he represented the assembly as persons of such\\na mutinous and rebellious disposition, that it was not safe to let\\nthem convene that they had never given any thing toward the\\nsupport of government that he was obliged to raise money with-\\nout them and that it was impossible for him to serve his majes-\\nty s interest without a ship of war to enforce his orders and final-\\nly, he desired leave to go to the West-Indies for the recovery of\\nhis health. When this business was despatched, warrants were\\nissued for collecting the taxes which caused fresh murmurings\\nand discontent among the people.\\nBut however disaffected to the governor and his creatures, they\\nwere always ready to testify their obedience to the royal orders\\nan instance of which occurred at this time. The seas of Ameri-\\nca and the West-Indies being much infested with pirates, the king\\nsent orders to all the governors and colony assemblies, directing\\nacts to made for the suppressing of piracy and robbery on the\\nQQ high seas. Cranfield, having received this order, summon-\\ned an assembly and though it consisted almost entirely\\nof the same persons who were in the last he suffered them to\\npass the act, and then quietly dissolved them this was the last\\nassembly that ever he called.\\nThe tax-bills were first put into the hands of the newly made\\nconstables who soon returned them, informing the governor that\\nthe people were so averse to the method, that it was impossible to\\ncollect the money. The provost, Thomas Thurton, was then\\ncommanded to do it, with the assistance of his deputies and the\\nconstables. The people still refusing compliance, their cattle and\\ngoods were taken by distraint and sold by auction. Those who\\nwould neither pay nor discover their goods to the officers, were\\napprehended and imprisoned and some of the constables, who\\nrefused to assist, suffered the same fate. The more considerate\\nof the people were disposed to bear these grievances, though\\nhighly irritating, till they could know the result of their applica-\\ntions to the king. But in a country where the love of liberty had\\never been the ruling passion, it could not be expected but that\\nsome forward spirits would break the restraints of prudence, and\\ntake a summary method to put a stop to their oppressions. Sev-\\neral persons had declared that they would sooner part with their\\nlives, than suffer distraints and associations were formed for mu-\\n20 tual support. At Exeter, the sheriff was resisted and\\ndriven off with clubs the women having prepared hot\\nspits and scalding water to assist in the opposition, as Thurton lesti-\\n(1) Council Records and files.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0134.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "1684.1 TROVINCE. EDWARD CRANFIELD. m\\nfied in his deposition on the occasion. At Hampton, he was beaten,\\nand his sword was taken from him then he was seated on a\\nhorse, and conveyed out of the province to Salisbury, with\\na rope about his neck and his feet tied under the horse s\\nbelly. Justice Robie attempted to commit some of the rioters\\nbut they were rescued by the way, and both the justice and the\\nsheriff were struck in the execution of their office. The\\ntroop of horse, under Mason s command, was then ordered\\nto turn out completely mounted and armed, to assist in suppress-\\ning the disorders but when the day came, not one trooper ap-\\npeared.^ Cranfield thus finding his efforts ineffectual, and his au-\\nthority contemptible was obliged to desist.\\nThe agent had been a long time in England, waiting for the\\ndepositions, which were to have been transmitted to him, in sup-\\nport of the complaint which he was to exhibit. Cranfield and his\\ncreatures here did all that they could, to retard the business; first\\nby imprisoning Vaughan, and then by refusing to summon and\\nswear witnesses when applied to by others who were obliged to\\ngo into the neighboring governments, to get their depositions au-\\nthenticated and after all, the proof was defective, as they had\\nnot access to the public records. The agent, however,\\nexhibited his complaint against Cranfield in general terms,\\nconsisting of eight articles. That he had engrossed the power\\nof erecting courts, and establishing fees exclusive of the assem-\\nbly That he had not followed the directions in his commission\\nrespecting Mason s controversy but had caused it to be decided\\non the spot by courts of his own constitution, consisting wholly\\nof persons devoted to his interest That exorbitant charges had\\nbeen exacted and some who were unable to satisfy them had\\nbeen imprisoned That others had been obliged to submit, for\\nwant of money to carry on the suits That he had altered the\\nvalue of silver money That he had imprisoned sundry persons\\nwithout just cause That he, with his council, had assumed leg-\\nislative authority, without an assembly and. That he had done\\nhis utmost to prevent the people from laying their complaints\\nbefore the king, and procuring the necessary evidence.\\nThe complaint was, in course, referred to the board of trade\\nwho transmitted copies of it, and of the several proofs, to\\nCranfield, and summoned him to make his defence di-\\nrecting him to deliver to the adverse party, copies of all the affi-\\ndavits which should be taken in his favor to let all persons have\\nfree access to the records and to give all needful assistance to\\nthem in collecting their evidence against him.^\\nWhen he had received this letter, he suspended Mason s suits,\\ntill the question concerning the legality of the courts should be\\ndecided. He also ordered the secretary to give copies to those\\n(1) MSS. in files. (2) Weare s MSS. (3) Ibid.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0135.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "112 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1685.\\nwho should apply for them. At the same time, it was complained\\nthat the people, on their part, had been equally reserved, in se-\\ncreting the records of the several towns so tliat Mason, upon\\ninquiry, could not find where they were deposited and the town\\nclerks, when summoned, had solemnly sworn that they knew\\nneither where the books were concealed, nor who had taken them\\nout of their possession.\\nThe necessary evidence on both sides being procured, a new\\n.^Qc complaint was drawn up, consisting of twelve articles,\\nwhich were, That at the first session of the assembly,\\nCranfield had challenged the power of legislation and settlement\\nof the affairs to himself, against the words of the commission\\nThat he had by purchase or mortgage from Mason, made him-\\nself owner of the province, and so was not likely to act impar-\\ntially between Mason and the inhabitants That he had made\\ncourts, whereof both judges and jurors had agreed with Mason\\nfor their own lands, and some had taken deeds of him for other\\nmen s lands, so that they were engaged by their interest to set\\nup Mason s title That Mason had sued forty persons, and cast\\nall and diat the governor s interposal to state the cases, as by\\nhis commission he was directed, had been refused though de-\\nsired and that the defendants pleas, grounded on the laws of\\nEngland, were rejected That they could not reconcile the ver-\\ndict with the attachment, nor the execution with the verdict, nor\\ntheir practice under color of the execution with either that the\\nverdict found the lands sued for according to the royal commis-\\nsion and instructions, and that commission only gave power to\\nstate the case, if Mason and the people could not agree but\\nthe execution took land and all That the charge of every ac-\\ntion was about six pounds, though nothing was done in court,\\nbut reading the commission and some blank grants without hand\\nor seal and these were not read for one case in ten That\\ncourt charges were exacted in money, which many had not\\nwho though they tendered catde, were committed to prison for\\nnon-payment That ministers, contrary to his majesty s com-\\nmission, which granted liberty of conscience to all protestants,\\nhad their dues withheld from them, even those that were due\\nbefore Cranfield came, and were threatened with six month s\\nimprisonment for not administering the sacrament according to\\nthe liturgy that though the general assembly agreed that Span-\\nish money should pass by weight, the governor and council or-\\ndered pieces of eight to pass for six shillings, though under\\nweight that men were commonly compelled to enter into bonds\\nof great penalty, to appear and answer to what should be ob-\\njected against them, when no crime was alleged that they had\\nfew laws, but those made by the governor and council, when his\\n(1) MSS. in the Rlefl,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0136.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "i686.] PROVINCE, WALTER BAREFOOTE. J 13\\ncommission directed the general assembly to make laws that\\nthe courts were kept in a remote corner of the province and\\nthe sheriff was a stranger and had no visible estate, and so was\\nnot responsible for faihues.\\nUpon this complaint, an hearing was had before the lords of\\ntrade on Tuesday tlie tenth of March and their lordships report-\\ned to the king, on three articles only of the complaint, viz. Ti)at\\nCranfield had not pursued his instructions with regard to Mason s\\ncontroversy but instead thereof, had caused courts to be held\\nand tit!es to be decided, with exorbitant costs and that he\\nhad exceeded his power in regulating the value of coins. This\\nreport was accepted, and the king s pleasure therein was signified\\nto hiui. At the same time, his request for absence being granted,\\nhe, on receipt of the letters, privately embarked on board a vessel\\nfjr Jamaica and from thence went to England, where he obtain-\\ned the collectorship of Barbadoes.- At his departure, I3are-\\nfoote, the deputy-governor, took the chair which he held till he\\nwas superseded by Dudley s commission, as president of Nevv-\\nJBnglaud.\\nCranfield s ill conduct must be ascribed in a great measure to\\nhis disappointment of the gains wiiich he expected to acquire, by\\nthe establishment of M;ison s title which could be his only in-\\nducement to accept of the government. This disappointment in-\\nflaming bis temper, naturally vindictive and imperious, urged him to\\nactions not only illegal, but cruel and unmanly. A ruler never de-\\ngrades his character more than when he perverts public justice to\\ngratify personal resentinent he should punish none but the ene-\\nmies of the laws, and disturbers of the peace of the commimity\\nover which he presides. Had there been the least color, eidier of\\nzeal or policy, for the seveiity exercised in the prosecution of\\nMoodey, candor would oblige us (o make some allowance for\\nhuman frailty. His ordering the members of the assembly to be\\nmade constables, was a mode of revenge disgraceful to the char-\\nacter of the supreme magistrate.-^ From the same base disposition,\\nhe is said to have employed spies and pimps, to find matter of\\naccusation against people in their clubs, and private discourse.\\n(1) Weare s MSS. (2) Neal s Hist, and Fitch s MS. ^3) Neal, vol. 2, p. 39.\\n[The following note, from the Appendix of the second volume of the first\\nedition of this history, may be here introduced. Since writing t le first vol-\\nume, I have met with a gentleman of Jamaica, wiio is a great grandson of\\nLieut. Governor Cranfield. From him, I learned that Mr. Cranfield was of\\nthe family of ^ord ]\\\\Ionteng!e, who was instrumental of discovering the pop-\\nish plot in the reign of James I. Tint after his departure from Ne^w-ttainp-\\nehire, and whilst he resided at Barbadoes, he suggested the expediency of the\\n4 and an half per cent, duty on sugars to the British government which was\\nf ranted by tlie Assemblies of the islands, and has ever since been continued,\\nhat in the reign of King William III., he procured a s .iip of war, at his own\\nexpense, and presented it to the crown. Tliat he died about the beginnino of\\nthe present century, [the eighteenth] and was buried in the Catbedr^ Chiirftix,\\nat Bath, in England.\\n17", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0137.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "114 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE [1685.\\nAnd his deceit was equal to his malice for, being at Boston\\nwhen the charter of that colony was called in question, and the\\npeople were solicitous to ward oft the danger iic advised them\\nto make a private offer of two thousand guineas to the king,\\npromising to represent them in a favorable light j but when they,\\nnot suspecting his intention, followed his advice, and shewed him\\nthe letter which they had wrote to their agents for that purpose,\\nhe treacherously represented them as disloyal rogues; and\\nmade them appear so ridiculous that their agents were ashamed\\nto be seen at court.^ However, when he had quitted the country,\\nand had time for reflection, he grew ashamed of his misconduct,\\nand whilst he was collector at liarbadoes, made a point of treat-\\ning the masters of vessels, and others persons who went thither\\nfrom Pascataqua, with particular respect.\\nAlthough the decision of titles in Cranfield s courts had been\\nrepresented, in the report of the lords, as extrajudicial, and a\\nroyal order had been thereupon issued to suspend any fiirther\\nproceedings in the case of Mason, till the matter should be brought\\nbefore the king in council, pursuant to the directions in ihe com-\\nmission yet Barefoote suffered executions, which had before\\nbeen issued, to be extended, and persons to be imprisoned at\\nMason s suit. This occasioned a fresh complaint and petition to\\nthe king, which was sent by VVeare, who, about this time, made\\na second voyage to England, as agent for the province and attor-\\nney to Vaughan, to manage an appeal from several verdicts,\\njudgments, decrees and fines which had been given against him\\nin the courts here, one of which was on the title to his estate.\\nAn attempt being made to levy one of the executions in Dover, a\\nnumber of persons forcibly resisted the officer, and obliged him to\\nrelinquish his design. Warrants were then issued against the ri-\\noters, and the sherifl with his attendants attempted to seize them,\\nwhilst the people were assembled for divine service. This caused\\nan uproar in the congregation, in which a young heroine distin-\\nguished herself by knocking down one of the officers with her\\nbible. They were all so roughly handled that they were glad to\\nescape with their lives.\\nThat nothing might be wanting to show the enmity of the peo-\\nple to these measures, and their hatred and contempt for the au-\\nthors of them there are still preserved the original depositions on\\noath, of Barefoote and Mason, relating to an assault made on their\\npersons by Thomas Wiggin and Anthony Nutter, .who had been\\nJ. membersof the assembly.-^ These two men came to Bare-\\nfoote s house, where Mason lodged, and entered into dis-\\ncourse with him about his proceedings denying his claim, and\\nusing such language as provoked him to take hold of Wiggin, with\\n(1) Hatch, vol. i. p 337 (2) Fit^h e MS. (3) Weare s MSS. (4) MSS.\\nin files. (5) Ibid.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0138.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "1685.1 PROVINCE. WALTER BAREFOOTE. 115\\nan intention to thrust him out at the door. But Wiggin being a\\nstronger man seized him by his cravat, and threw him into the (ire\\nwhere his clothes and one of his legs ^Yere burned. Barefoote,\\nattempting to help him, met with the same fate, and had two of\\nhis ribs broken and one of his teeth beaten out in the struggle.\\nThe noise alarmed the servants, who at Mason s command brought\\nhis sword, which Nutter took away, making sport of their misery.*\\nNothing else occurred during Barefoote s short administration,\\nexcept a treaty of friendship, between the Indians of Penacook\\nand Saco, on the one part, and the people of New-Hampshire and\\nMaine, on the other. The foundation of this treaty seems to have\\nbeen laid in Cranfield s project of bringing down the Mohawks on\\nthe eastern Indians which had once before proved a pernicious\\nmeasure as they made no distinction between those tribes which\\nwere at peace with the English, and those which were at war.\\nSome of the Penacook Indians who had been at Albany after\\nCranfield s journey to New- York, reported on their return, that\\nthe Mohav/ks threatened destruction to all the eastern Indians,\\nfrom Narraganset to Pegypscot. Hagkins, a chief of the tribe,\\nhad informed Cranfield in the spring of the danger he apprehend-\\ned, and had implored assistance and protection, but had been\\ntreated with neglect. In August, the Penacook and Saco Indians\\ngathered their corn, and removed their families which gave an\\nalarm to their English neighbors, as if they were preparing for\\nwar. Messengers being sent to demand the reason of their\\nmovement, were informed that it was the fear of the JMohawks,\\nwhom they daily expected to destroy them and being asked\\nwhy they did not come in among the English for protection, they\\nanswered lest the Mohawks should hurt tlie English on their ac-\\ncount. Upon this, they were persuaded to enter into an agree-\\nment and accordingly their chiefs being assembled with\\nthe council of New-Hampshire, and a deputation from the\\nprovince of Maine, a treaty was concluded, wherein it was stipu-\\nlated, that all future personal injuries on either side, should, upon\\nA farther specimen of the contempt in which these men were held, even\\nby the lower class of people, expressed in their own genuine language, may\\nbe seen in the followintr affidavit\\nMary Rann, aged thirty years or thereabout, witnesseth, that the 21 day\\nof March, 84. being in company with Seabank Hog,+ I heard her sa} it was\\nvery hard for the governor of this province to strike Sam. Seavy before he\\nspoke the said Hog said also that it was well the said Seavy s mother was\\nnot there for tiie governor, for if she had, there had been bloody work for\\nhim. 1 heard the said Hog say also, tiiat the governor and the rest of the\\ngentlemen were a crew of pitiful curs, and did they want earthly honor if\\ntjiey did, she would pull off her head clothes and come in her hair to them,\\nlike a parcel of pitiful beggarly curs as they were come to undo us both body\\nand soul they could not be contented to take our estates from us, but they\\nhave taken away the gospel also, which the devil would have tiiem for it.\\nSworn in the court of pleas held at Great Island the 7 of Nov. 1C84.\\nR. Cii-v^iBKULAiN, Prothon.\\nt [This name is Ilodg in the records of tlic Quarter Sessions.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0139.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "116 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1680-\\ncomplaint, be immediately redressed that information should be\\ngiven of approaching danger from enemies; that the Indians\\nshonld not remove their families from the neighborhood of the\\nEnglish without giving timely notice, and if they did, that it should\\nbe taken for a declaration of war; and, that whilst these articles\\nwere observed, the English would assist and protect them against\\nthe Mohawks, and all other enemies. The danger was but im-\\naginary, and the peace continued about four years.\\nThough Mason was hitherto disappointed in his views of re-\\ncovering the inhabited part of the province, he endeavored to lay\\na foundation for realizii5g his claim to the waste lands. A pur-\\nchase having been made from the Indians, by Jonathan Tyng and\\nnineteen others.* of a tract of land on both sides the river IVlerri-\\nmaek, six miles in breadth, from Souhegan river to Winnipiseogeo\\nlake Mason by deed confirmed the same, reserving to himself\\nand his heirs the yearly rent of ten shdlings. This was\\ncalled the million acre purchase.^ About the same lime,\\nhe farmed out to Hezekiah Usher and his heirs, the mines, min-\\nerals, and ores within the limits of New-Hampshire, for\\nthe term of one thousand years reserving to himself one\\nquarter part of the royal ores, and one seventeenth of the baser\\nsorts,-^ and having put his afFiirs here in the best order that tho\\ntimes would admit, he sailefl for England, to attend the hearing\\nof Vaughan s appeal to the king.f\\n(1) Original MSS. in files. (2) Douglass, vol. i. p. 419. (3) Rec. of Deeds.\\n[The other purchasers were Joseph Dudley, Charles Lidget, John Usher,\\nEdward Randolph, John Hubbard, Robert Thompson, Samuel Shrimpton,\\nWilliam Stouffhton, Richard Warton, Thomas Hinchman, Thaddens Maccar-\\nty, Edward Thompson, John Blackwell, Peter Bulkley, William Blathwayt,\\nDaniel Cox, and three other persons to be hereafter named and agreed upon.\\nDouglass, i. 420.]\\nI [The town of Dunstable hiving been granted by Massachusetts, and settled\\nfor a number of years, ordained a minister at the close of the year IGdo. The\\nmembers who united in forming tlie church were, Tiiomas Weld, Jonathan\\nTyng, John Blanchard, Cornelius Waldo, Samuel Warner, Obadiah Perry and\\nSamuel French. Rev. Thomas Weld, the first named, graduated at Harvard\\ncollege in 1G7I was ordained 16 December. 1G85, and died June, )702, in\\nthe .50th year of his age. He v/as son of Thomas Weld, of P..o.\\\\-bury, and\\ngrandson of Rev. Thomas Weld, one of the first ministers \u00e2\u0080\u00a2of\\\\that town, who\\nreturned to England, and there died. Mr. Weld was succeeded in the min-\\nistry at Dunstable by Rev, Nathaniel Prentice, who o-raduated at Harvard\\ncollege in 1 71.5. He was ordained in 1718, and died 2o February, 1737. Dun-\\nstable suiYered much from the Indians, as will appear in the course of this\\nhistory. In the time of Philip s war, some of the inhabitants were obliged to\\nleave their settlements and take up their residence in the older town3,\u00c2\u00b0but I\\nhave met with no evidence showing that the town was at any time whollj\\nabandoned Ly the inhabitants. Tiie early settlers of Dunstable were thoso\\nabove named, with Robert Parris, Thomas Cumings, Isaac Cumings, Joseph\\nHassell, Christopher Temple, John Goold, Samuel Goold, Christopher Read,\\nJohn SolJendine, Thomas Lund. Daniel Waldo, Andrew Cook, and Samuel\\nWhiting (son of Rev. Samuel Whiting, of Billerica) who was several years\\nthe town clerk, and who died in Billerica, 14 March, 1715, aged 53. On th\u00c2\u00bb\\nsettlement of the divisionalline between the provinces of New-Hampshir*", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0140.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "1683.] GENERAL GOVERNMENT. J. DUDLEY. 117\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nThe administration of Dudley as President, and Andros as governor of New-\\nEngland. Mason s fartlier attempt. His disappointment and death. Rev-\\nolution. Sale to Allen. Ilia commission for the government.\\nWhen an arbitrary government Is determined to infringe the\\nliberty of the people, it is easy to find pretences to support the\\nmost unrighteous claims. King Charles the Second in the latter\\npart of his reign was making large strides toward despotism.\\nCharters, which obstructed his pernicious views, were by a per-\\nversion of the law decreed forfeited. The city of London, and\\nmost of the corporations in England, either suffered the execution\\nof these sentences, or tamely surrendered their franchises to the\\nall-grasping hand of power. It could not be expected that in\\nthis general wreck of privileges, the colonies of New-England\\ncould escape. The people of Massachusetts had long been view-\\ned with a jealous eye.^ Though tlie king had repeatedly assured\\nthem of his protection, and solemnly confirmed their charter priv-\\nileges yet their spirit and principles were so totally dissonant to\\nthe corrupt views of the court, that intriguing men found easy\\naccess to the royal ear, with complaints against them. Of these,\\nthe most inveterate and indefatigable was Randolph, who made\\nno less than eight voyages in nine years across the Atlantic, on\\nthis mischievous business. They were accused of extending\\ntheir jurisdiction beyond the bounds of their patent of invading\\nthe prerogative by coining money of not allowing appeals to the\\nking from their courts and, of obstructing the execution of the\\nnavigation and trade laws. By the king s command, agents were\\nsent over to answer these complaints. They found the prejudice\\nagainst the colony so strong, that it was in vain to withstand it\\nand solicited instructions whether to submit to the king s pleasure,\\nor to let the proceedings against them be issued in form of law.\\nA solenm consultation being held, at which the clergy assisted, it\\nwas determined to die by the hands of others rather than by\\ntheir own. Upon notice of this, the agents quitted England\\nand Randolph, as the angel of death, soon followed them,\\nbringing a writ of quo warranto from the king s bench ^^83.\\nbut the scire facias which issued from the chancery did\\nnot arrive till the time fixed for their appearance was elapsed.\\n(I) Hutch, col. papers, p. 377. (2) Hutch, vol. i. p. 329.\\nand MTSsachuset s, Dunstable was d vided into two distinct townships, one in\\neach province. Dunstable in New-Hampshire, which included the anc ent\\nsettle nent. and bv fir the largest portion of territorv, was incorporated bj\\ncharter, 1 April, 174G.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0141.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "113 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSPIIRE. [1685.\\nTins however, was deemed too trivial an error to stop the pro-\\nceedings judgment was entered against them, and the charter\\ndeclared forfeited.\\nThe king died before a new form of government was settled j\\nbut there could be no hope of favor from his successor,\\n1685. YY^Q inherited the arbitrary principles of his brother, and\\nwas publicly known to be a bigoted papist.\\nThe intended alteration in the government was introduced in\\nthe same gradual manner as it had been in New-Hampshire. A\\ncommission was issued, in vvliich Joseph Dudley, esquire, was ap-\\npointed president of his majesty s territory and dominion of New-\\nEngland William Stoughton, deputy president Simon Brad-\\nstreet, Robert JMnson, John Fitz Winihrop, John Pynchon, Peter\\nBulkley, Edward Randolpl), Wait Winthrop, Richard Warton,\\nJohn Usher, Nathaniel Saltonstall, Bartholomew Gedney, Jona-\\nthan Tyng, Dudley liradstreet, John llinckes,* and Edward\\nTyng, counsellors. Their jurisdiction extended over Massachu-\\nsetts, New-Hampshire, Maine and the Narraganset, or King s\\nprovince. These gentlemen were mostly natives of the country,\\nsome of them had been magistrates, and one of them, governor\\nunder the charter. No house of deputies was mentioned in the\\ncommission.\\nThe nf-vv form of government took place on ths twenty-fifth\\n-Q- day of May and on the tenth of June, an order of coun-\\ncil was issued for setding the county courts, which con-\\nsisted of such members of the council as resided in each county,\\nand any others of them who might be present with such justices\\nas were commissioned for the purpose. Tliese courts had the\\npower of trying and issuing all civil causes, and all criminal mat-\\nters under life or limb from them an appeal was allowed to a su-\\nperior court, held three times in the year, at Boston, for the whole\\nterritory and from thence, appeals, in certain cases, might be had\\nto the king in council. Juries were pricked by the marshal and\\none justice of each county, in a list given them by the selectmen\\nof the towns. A probate court was held at Boston, by the presi-\\ndent, and in the other provinces and remote counties by a judge\\nand clerk, appointed by die president. The territory was divided\\ninto four counties, viz. Sufl olk, Middlesex, Essex and Hampshire\\nand three provinces, viz. New-Hampshire, Maine, and King s\\nprovince. By another order of the same date, town-taxes could\\nnot be assessed, but by allowance of two justices; and the mem-\\nbers of the council were exempted from paying any part thereof.^\\nThings were conducted with tolerable decency, and the innova-\\n(1) Printed orders in the files.\\n[Hinckes was the only one of these counsellors who belonged to New-\\nHampshire. He had been appointed one of tlie provincial counsellors in\\n1683, and aflerwardfi, in 1687, was one of Sir Edmund Andros s council.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0142.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "1666.] GENERAL GOVERNMENT. E. ANDROS. HQ\\ntions were rendered as litlle grievious as possible tiiat the people\\nmight be induced more readily to submit to the long meditated\\nintroduction of a governor-general.\\nIn December following, Sir Edmund Andros who had been\\ngovernor of New-York, arrived at Boston with a commis-\\nsion, appointing him captain-general and governor in chief\\nof the territory and dominion of New-England, in which the col-\\nony of Plymouth was now included.* By this commission, the\\ngovernor with his council, five of whom were a quorum, were em-\\npowered to make such laws, impose such taxes, and apply them\\nto such purposes as they should think proper. They were also\\nempowered to grant lands on such terms, and subject to such\\nquit-rents, as should be appointed by the king.* Invested with\\nsuch powers, these men were capable of the most extravagant\\nactions. Though Andros, like his master, began his administra-\\ntion with the fairest professions, yet, like him, he soon violated\\nthem, and proved himself a ill instrument for accomplishing the\\nmost execrable designs. Those of his council who were back-\\nward in aiding his rapacious intentions were neglected. Seven\\nbeing sufficient for a full board, he selected such only as were de-\\nvoted to him, and, with their concurrence, did what he pleased.\\nRandolph and Mason were at first among his confidants but af-\\nterward when New-York was annexed to his government, the\\nmembers from that quarter were most in his favor.^\\nTo particularize the many instances of tyranny and oppression\\nwhich the country suffered from these men, is not within the de-\\nsign of this work. Let it suffice to observe, that the ,pQ\u00c2\u00ab\\npress was restrained liberty of conscience infringed ex-\\norbitant fees and taxes demanded, without the voice or consent of\\nthe people, who had no privilege of representation. The charter\\nbeing vacated, it was pretended that all tides to land were annul-\\nled and as to Indian deeds, Andros declared them no better than\\nthe scratch of a bear s paw. Landholders were obliged to\\ntake out patents for their estates which they had possessed forty\\nor fifty years for these patents, extravagant fees were exacted,\\nand those, who would not submit to this imposition, had writs of\\nintrusion brought against them, and their land was patented to oth-\\ners. To hinder the people from consulting about the redress of\\ntheir grievances, town-meetings were prohibited, except one in\\nthe month of May, for the choice of town officers and to pre-\\nvent complaints being carried to England, no person was permit-\\nted to go out of the country without express leave from the gov-\\n(1) MS. Copy of the Commission. (2) Hutch, vol. i. p. 344. Coll. papers,\\np. 564. (3) Revolution in New-England justified, p. 21.\\nThere was a ^eat new seal appointed for New-England under the ad-\\nministration of Andros, which was honored with a remarkable motto Aan-\\nquam W/trias graiior cxtat. Chalmers, 463.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0143.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "120 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1687.\\nernor. But notwithstanding all the vigilance of the governor, his\\nemissaries and his guards, llie resolute and indefatigable hicrease\\nMatlier, minister of the second churcii in Boston, and president\\nof the college, got on board a ship and sailed lor England, with\\ncomplaints in the name of the people against the governor, which\\nhe deliveied with his own liand to the king but finding no hope\\nof redress, lie waited the event of the revolution which was then\\nexpected.*\\nWhen the people groaned under so many real grievances, it ift\\nno wonder that their fears and jealousies suggested some that were\\n^c^oo iuiaginary. They believed Andros to be a papist that\\nhe had hired the Indians, and supplied them witli ammu-\\nnition to destroy their frontier settlements and that he was pre-\\nparing to betray the country into the hands of the French.*- At\\nthe same time, the large strides that King James the Second was\\nmaking toward the establishment of popery and despotism, raised\\nthe most terrible appreliensions so th.at the report of the landing\\nof the Prince of Orange in England was received liere with the\\ngreatest joy. Andros was so alarmed at the news, that he im-\\nprisoned the manf who brought a copy of the prince s declaration,\\nand published a proclamation commanding all persons to be in\\nreadiness to oppose any invasion from Holland, which met\\nwith as much disregard as one he had issued before, appointing\\na day of thanksgiving for the birtli of a Prince of Wales.\\nI he people had now borne these innovations and impositions\\nfor about three years Their patience vias worn out, and their\\n--Q(, native love of freedom kindled at the prospect of deliver-\\nance. The news of a complete revolution in England had\\nnot reached thein yet so sanguine were their expectations, so\\neager were they to prove that they were animated by the same\\nspirit with their brethren at home, that upon the rumor of an in-\\ntended massacre in the town of Boston by the governor s guards,\\ntiiey were wrought up to a degree of fury. On the morning of\\n(1) I. Mather s life, p. 107. (2) Revolution justified, p. 29, 40.\\n[Justice to Sir Edmund Andros requires it to be state J, in reply to these\\nallegations in Revolution in IN. E. justified, tliat he sent a letter to the Jus-\\ntices of the Court of Nevv-Hampsiiire, concerning trading with the Indians,\\nwhereupon it was, probahly in ])ur.suance of the mstructitns contained in it,\\nat a private or special session, liolden on the 26 of January, lOdb-t by his\\nMajesty s Justices, Ordered tiial no person within this Province (of New-\\nHainpsliire) presume to trade witli, furnish or supply any Indian, or Indiana\\n(particularly those of Pennicook) with any ammunition, instruments of war,\\ngoods, provision, or any thing whatsoever. And whosoever can give any in-\\nlormation of any person or persons that have already supplied and furnished\\nthe said Indians with ammunition and instruments of war, they are desired\\nforthwith to give notice thereof to tiie next Justice of the Peace, that tliey\\nmay be secured and proceeded against with all severity. Records of tiie\\nQuarter Sessions.]\\nf [John Winslow, of Boston, who, although he offered \u00c2\u00a32000 security, could\\naot escape imprisoument.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0144.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "1689.] RE-UNION WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 121\\nthe eighteenth of April, the town was in arms, and the country\\nflocking in to their assistance. The governor, and those who had\\nfled with him to the fort, were seized and committed to prison.\\nThe gendemen who had been magistrates under the charter, with\\nBradstreet, the late governor, at their head, assumed the name of\\na council of safety, and kept up a form of government, in the\\nexigency of afiairs, till orders arrived from England when An-\\ndres and his accomplices were sent home as prisoners of state,\\nto be disposed of according to the king s pleasure.\\nThe people of New-Hampshire had their share of sufferings\\nunder this rapacious administration and Mason himself did not\\nescape. Having attended the hearing of Vaughan s appeal to\\nthe king, which was decided in Mason s favor the judg- Nov. G,\\nment obtained here, being aflirmed and having now the 1686.\\nfairest prospect of realizing his claim, he returned hither in the\\nspring of 16S7, but found his views obstructed in a manner which\\nhe litde expected. The government was in the hands of a set\\nof hungry harpies, who looked with envy on the large share of\\nterritory which Mason claimed, and were for parcelling it out\\namong themselves.^ The new judges delayed issuing executions\\non the judgments which he had formerly recovered, and the at-\\ntorney-general, Graham,* would not allow diat he had power to\\ngrant lands by leases. This confirmed the people in their opin-\\nion of the invalidity of his claim, and rendered them (if possible)\\nmore averse to him than ever they had been. At length, how-\\never, he obtained from Dudley, the chief jusdce, a writ of certio-\\nrari, directed to the late judges of New-Hampshire, by which,\\nhis causes were to be removed to the supreme court of July 18,\\nthe whole territory, then held at Boston ;2 but before this it 88.\\ncould be done, death put an end to his hopes and relieved the\\npeople for a time of dieir fears. Being one of Sir Ed- Auo-. or\\nmund s council, and attending him on a journey from New- Sept.\\nYork to Albany; he died at Esopus, in the fifty-ninth\\nyear of his age leaving two sons, John and Robert, the heirs of\\nhis claim and controversy.^\\nThe revolution at Boston, though extremely pleasing to the\\npeople of New-Hampshire, left them in an unsetded state. They\\nwaited the arrival of orders from England but none arriving,\\nand die people s minds being uneasy, it was proposed by some of\\nthe principal gendemen, that a convention of deputies from each\\nof the towns should consider what was best to be done. The\\nconvention-parliament in England was a sufficient precedent to\\n(1) Hutch, collection of papers, p. 564. (2) MS. in Superior Court files.\\n(3) Hutch, vol. i. p. 365. Coll. papers, p. 566.\\n[James Graham was one of the confidants and advisers of Sir Edmund\\nAndros, and his attorney-general. See Revolution in N. E. justified 21, 31.\\nHutchinson, Hist. Mass. i. 345.]\\n18", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0145.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "122 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE [1689.\\nauthorize this proceeding. Deputies were accordingly chosen,*\\nand instructed to resolve upon some method of government. At\\nJan. meeting, they came to no conclusion but after-\\n1690. ai d, they thought it best to return to their ancient union\\nwith Massachusetts. A petitionf for this purpose being\\npresented, they were readily admitted till the king s pleasure should\\njyj -2 be known and members were sent to the general court,\\nwhich met there in this and the two following years. J\\nThe gentlemen who had formerly been in commission for the\\npeace, the militia and the civil ofhccs, were by town votes, ap-\\nproved by the general court, restored to their places, and ancient\\nlaws and customs continued to be observed. |j\\n(1) Mass. Records. Portsmouth, Dover and Exeter Records.\\nThe members of this convention were, for\\nPortsmouth. John Tuttle,\\nMajor William Vaughan, John Roberts,\\nRichard Waldron, Thomas Edgerly,\\nNathaniel fryer, Nicholas Follet.\\nRobert Elliot, Exeter.\\nThomas Cobbet, Robert Wadley,\\nCapt. John Pickering. William Moore,\\nDover. Samuel Leavitt.\\nCapt. John Woodman, Portsmouth, Dover and Exeter\\nCapt. John Gerrish, Records\\nIt does not appear from Hampton records whether tliey joined in this con-\\nvention, or returned immediately to the government of Massachusetts.\\n[From a letter of Nathaniel Weare of Hampton to Major Robert Pike of\\nSalisbury, dated l-^ March, 1690, printed in the Coll. of the N. H. Hist. Soc.\\ni. 136, it appears tJiat Hampton was one of the first towns in choosing persons\\nto meet with commissioners of the other towns, if they should see cause to\\nappoint any, to debate and conclude of what was necessary at this time to be\\ndone in relation to some orderly way of government, and to make their return\\nto the several towns for their approbation or otherwise. Afterwards, wiien\\nthe inhabitants of Portsmouth had met, and made choice of some persons,\\nto meet with the commissioners of the other towns to debate and consider of\\nwhat was to be done in order to the settlement of some government till their\\nMajesties should give order in the matter, the town of Hampton, after\\nseveral meetings and debates, chose six persons as commissioners, with pow-\\ner according to the other towns of Portsmouth, Dover and Exeter. But in\\nthe choice of meet persons for the Convention, it seems that a spirit of\\njealousy arose among the people of Hampton, who, being fearful and sus-\\npicious of their neighbor towns that they did not intend to do as was pre-\\ntended, but to bring them under to their disadvantage, passed a vote that\\nthey would not choose any person according to the direction of the commit-\\ntee met, and so all proved inetfectual.\\nt [The original petition, signed by 372 persons, is among the files in the\\nSecretary s office of Massachusetts, and a copy of it is in the office of Secre-\\ntary of State of New-Hampshire.}\\ni [The representatives, during this period, for Portsmouth, were,\\n1690 Elias Stileman, 1691 Richard Waldron, 1692 Richard Waldron.\\nJohn Foster. John Pickering.\\nWaldron was son of the Major who was killed by the Indians in 1680.]\\nII [The Military and Civil officers as presented to the Governor and Coun-\\ncil, and approved by them and the deputies of Massachusetts, in March, 1690,\\nwere the following.\\nMilitary Officers.\\nWilliam Vaughan, Major.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0146.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "1691.] RE-UNlOiN WITH MASSACHUSETrS. 123\\nHad tlie inclination of the people been consulted, they would\\ngladly have been annexed to that government. This was trQt\\nwell known to Mather and the other agents, who when so-\\nliciting for a new charter, earnestly requested that New-Hamp-\\nshire might be included in it.^ But it was answered, that the\\npeople had expressed an aversion to it, and desired to be under\\na distinct government.^ This could be founded only on the re-\\nports which had been made by the commissioners in 1665, and\\nby Randolph in his narrative. The true reason for deny-\\ning the request was, that Mason s two heirs had sold their\\ntitle to the lands in New-Hampshire to Samuel Allen of London,\\nmerchant, for seven hundred and fifty pounds, the entail having\\nbeen previously docked by a fine and recovery in the court of\\nking s bench and Allen was then soliciting a recognition of his\\ntitle from the crown, and a commission for the government of the\\nprovince.3 When the inhabitants were informed of what was\\ndoing, they again assembled by deputies in convention, and sent\\nover a petition to the king, praying that they might be annexed to\\nMassachusetts. The petition was presented to Sir Henry Ash-\\nurst, and they were amused with some equivocal promises of suc-\\ncess by the earl of Nottingham but Allen s importunity coincid-\\ning with the king s inclination, effectually frustrated their attempt.\\nThe claim which Allen had to the lands from Naumkeag to three\\nmiles northward of Merrimack, was noticed in the Massa- irqcy\\nchusetts charter and he obtained a commission for the\\ngovernment of New-Hampshire, in which his son in law,\\nJohn Usher, then in London, was appointed lieutenant governor,\\nwith power to execute the commission in Allen s absence. The\\ncounsellors named in the governor s instructions, were, John Ush-\\ner, lieutenant governor, John Hinckes, Nathaniel Fryer, Thomas\\nGrafFort, Peter CofBn, Henry Green, Robert Elliot, John Ger-\\n(1) I. Mather s life, page 136. (2) Hutch, vol. i. p. 412. (3) MS. in Supe-\\nrior Court files. (4) Hutch, vol. 2, p. 6.\\nDorcr. Exeter.\\nJohn Gerrish, Captain. William Moore, Captain.\\nJohn Tuttle, Lieutenant. Samuel Leavitt, Lieutenant.\\nWilliam Furber, Ensign. Jonathan Thing, Ensign.\\nOijs/rr River. [Durham.] Grmt-Jsland. [New-Castle.]\\nJohn Woodman, Captain. Nathaniel Fryer, Captain.\\nJames Davis, Lieutenant. Thomas Cobbet, Lieutenfjnt.\\nStephen Jones, Ensign. Shadrach Walton, Ensign.\\nPortsmouth. Hampton.\\nWalter Neale, Captain. Samuel Sherburne, Captain.\\nJohn Pickering, Lieutenant. Edward Gove, Lieutenant.\\nTobias Langdon, Ensign. John Moulton, Ensign.\\nCivil Officers.\\nSamuel Penhallow, Treasurer. John Pickering, Recorder.\\nJustices of the Peace.\\nWilliam Vaughan, Portsmouth. John Gerrish, Dover.\\nRichard Martyn, do. Robert Wadleigh, Exeter 1\\nNathaniel Fryer, do. t, j", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0147.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "124 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1692.\\nrish, John Walford and John Love. The governor was instruct-\\ned to send to the secretary of state, the names of six other per-\\nsons suitable for counsellors. Three were a quorum, but the in-\\nstructions were, that nothing should be done unless five were\\npresent, except in extraordinary emergencies. Major Vaughan,\\nNathaniel Weare and Richard Waldron were afterward added to\\nthe number.^\\nThe council was composed of men, who, in general, had the\\nconfidence of the people but Usher was very disagreeable, not\\nonly as he had an interest in Allen s claim to the lands, but as he\\nhad been one of Sir Edmund Andros s adherents, and an active\\ninstrument in the late oppressive government. He arrived with\\nthe commission, and took upon him the command, on the thirteenth\\nday of August.- The people again submitted, with extreme re-\\nluctance, to the unavoidable necessity of being under a govern-\\nment distinct from Massachusetts.\\nThe year 1G92 was remarkable for a great mortality in Ports-\\nmouth and Greenland by the small pox. The infection was\\nbrought in bags of cotton from the West-Indies, and there being\\nbut few people who were acquainted with it, the patients suffered\\ngreatly, and but iew recovered.^\\nCHAPTER X.\\nThe war with the French and Indians, commonly called King William s war.\\nIt was the misfortune of this country to have enemies of differ-\\nent kinds to contend with at the same time. Whilst the changes\\nabove related were taking place in their government, a fresh war\\nbroke out on their frontiers, which, though ascribed to divers caus-\\nes, was really kindled by the rashness of the same persons who\\nwere making havoc of their liberties.\\nThe lands from Penobscot to Nova-Scotia had been ceded to\\nthe French, by the treaty of Breda, in exchange for the island of\\nSt. Christopher. On these lands, the Baron de St.Castine had for\\nmany years resided, and carried on a large trade with the Indians,\\nwith whom he was intimately connected having several of their\\nwomen, besides a daughter of the sachem Madokawando, for his\\nwives. The lands which had been granted by the crown of Eng-\\nland to die duke of York (now King James the Second) interfered\\nwith Castiue s plantation, as the duke claimed to the river St.\\nCroix. A fort had been built by his order at Pemaquid, and a\\n(1) MS. Copy of Com. c. Council minutes. (2) Council minutes.\\n(3) MS. Letter. (4) Hutch, coll. papers, p. 548.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0148.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "1C88.] REVOLUTION. 125\\ngarrison stationed there to prevent any intrusion on his property.\\nIn 1686, a ship belonging to Pascataqiia landed some wines at\\nPenobscot, supposing it to be within the French territory. Palm-\\ner and West, the duke s agents at Pemaquid, went and seized the\\nwines but by the influence of the French ambassador in Eng-\\nland, an order was obtained for the restoration of them. Here-\\nupon, a new line was run which took Castine s plantation into the\\nduke s territory. In the spring of 1688, Andros went in the Rose\\nfrigate, and plundered Castine s house and fort leaving ./-qo\\nonly the ornaments of his chapel to console him for the\\nloss of his arms and goods. This base action provoked Castine\\nto excite the Indians to a new war, pretences for which were not\\nwanting on their part.^ They complained that the tribute of corn\\nwhich had been promised by the treaty of 1678, had been with-\\nholden that the fishery of the river Saco had been obstructed by\\nseines that their standing corn had been devoured by cattle be-\\nlonging to the English that their lands at Pemaquid had been\\npatented without their consent; and that they had been fraudu-\\nlently dealt with in trade. Some of these complaints were doubt-\\nless well grounded but none of them were ever inquired into or\\nredressed.\\nThey began to make reprisals at North-Yarmouth by killing\\ncattle. Justice Blackman* ordered sixteen of them to be seized\\nand kept under guard at Falmouth but others continued to rob\\nand captivate the inhabitants. Andros, who pretended to treat\\nthe Indians with mildness, commanded those whom Blackman had\\nseized to be set at liberty. But this mildness had not the desired\\neffect the Indians kept their prisoners, and murdered some of\\nthem in their barbarous frolics. Andros then changed his meas-\\nures, and thought to frighten them, with an army of seven hun-\\ndred men, which he led into their country in the month of No-\\nvember. The rigor of the season proved fatal to some of his\\nmen but he never saw an Indian in his whole march. The\\nenemy were quiet during the winter.\\nAfter the revolution, the gentlemen who assumed the govern-\\nment took some precautions to prevent the renewal of hos-\\ntilities. They sent messengers and presents to several\\ntribes of Indians, who answered them with fair promises but\\ntheir prejudice against the English was too inveterate to be allay-\\ned by such means as these.^\\nThirteen years had almost elapsed since the seizure of the four\\nhundred Indians, at Cochecho, by Major Waldron during all\\n(1) Hutch, coll. pap. p. 5G2. (2) Hutchinson, Neal and Mather.\\n[Benjamin Blackman graduated at Harvard College in 1663 was some-\\ntime a preacher at Maiden, which place he left about 1678, and went to Saco.\\nMather, ii. Magnalia, 508. Hutchinson, i. Hist. Mass. 32G. Folsom, MS.\\nHist. Saco.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0149.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "126 HISTORY OF NEW -HAMPSHIRE. [1089.\\nwhicli time, an inextinguishable lliirst of revenge had been cher-\\nished among them, which never till now found opportunity for\\ngratification.* Wonolanset, one of the sachems of Peaacook,\\nwho was dismissed with his people at the time of the seizure, al-\\nways observed his father s dying charge not to quarrel with the\\nEnglish but Hagkins, anotlier sachem, who had been treated\\nwith neglect by Cranfield, was more ready to listen to the seduc-\\ning invitations of Castine s emissaries. Some of those Indians,\\nwho were then seized and sold into slavery abroad, had found\\ntheir way home, and could not rest till they had revenge. f Accor-\\ndingly, a confederacy being formed between the tribes of Penacook\\nand Pcquawket, and the strange Indians (as they were called) who\\nwere incorporated with them, it was determined to surprise the\\nmajor and his neighbors, among whom they had all this time been\\npeaceably conversant.\\nIn that part of the town of Dover, which lies about the first\\nfalls in the river Cochecho, were five garrisoned houses three on\\nthe norUi side, viz. Waldron s, Otis s and Heard s and two on the\\nsouth side, viz. Peter Coffin s and his son s. These houses were\\nsurrounded widi timber-walls, die gates of which, as well as die\\nhouse doors, were secured with bolts and bars. The neighboring\\nfamilies retired to these houses by night but by an unaccounta-\\nble negligence, no watch was kept. The Indians, who were daily\\npassing through the town, visiting and trading widi the inhabitants,\\nas usual in time of peace, viewed their situation with an attentive\\neye. Some hints of a mischievous design had been given out by\\ntheir squaws but in such dark and ambiguous terms, diat no one\\ncould comprehend Uicir meaning. Some of the people were un-\\neasy but Waldron, who, from a long course of experience, was\\nintimately acquainted with die Indians, and on odier occasions had\\nbeen ready enough to suspect them, was now so dioroughly secure,\\n*The inveteracy of their hatred to Major Waldron, on account of that\\ntrans? ;tion, appears from what is related by Mr. Williams in the narrative of\\nhis captivity, which happened in 1704. When he was in Canada, a Jesuit\\ndiscoursing with him on the causes of their wars with New-England, justi-\\nfied the Indians in what they did against us rehearsing some things done\\nby Major Waldron above 30 years ago, and liow justly God retaliated\\nthem. Page 18.\\nt [In the corrected copy of the author, the following note is inserted. A\\nvessel carried away a great number of our surprised Indians in the time of\\nour Wars, to sell them for slaves, but the nations whither lliey went would not\\nbuy them. Finally, tliey were left at Tangier, where they be, so many as\\nlive, or are born tliere. An Englishman, a Mason, came thence to Boston.\\nHe told me they desire that I would use some means for their return home.\\nI know not what to do in it, but now it is in my heart to move your honour,\\nso to mediate, that they may liave leave to get home, either from thence hitJi-\\nor, or from thence to England, and so to get home. Tf the Lord shall please\\nto move your charitable heart therein, I shall be obliged in great thankfulness,\\nand am persuaded that Christ will at the great day reckon it among your\\ndeeds of charity done to them for his name s sake. Letter from Rev. John\\nEliot, of Roxbury to Hon. Robert Boyle, Nov. 27, 1683, in Birch s Life of\\nBojle, p. 440.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0150.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "1689.] REVOLUTION. 127\\nthat when some of the people hinted their fears to hlin, !;e mnri-\\nly bade them to go and plant their pumj)kins, saying that he would\\ntell them when the Indians would break out. The very evening\\nbefore the niisciiief was done, being told by a young man that\\nthe town was full of Indians and the people were much concern-\\ned he answered that he knew the Indians very well and there\\nwas no danger.\\nThe plan which the Indians had preconcerted was, that two\\nsquaws should go to each of the garrisoned houses in the evening,\\nand ask leave to lodge by the fire that in the night when the\\npeople were asleep, they should open the doors and gates, and\\ngive the signal by a whistle upon which, the strange Indians, who\\nwere to be within hearing, should rush in, and take their long\\nmeditated revenge. This plan being ripe for execution, on the\\nevening of Thursday, the twenty-seventh of June, two squaws\\napplied to each of the garrisons for lodging, as they frequently\\ndid in time of peace. They were admitted into all but the young-\\ner Coflin s, and the people, at their request, shewed them how to\\nopen the doors, in case they should have occasion to go out in the\\nnight. Mesandow it, one of their chiefs, went to Waldron s gar-\\nrison, and was kindly entertained, as he had often been before.\\nThe squaws told the major, that a number of Indians were com-\\ning to trade with him the next day, and JMesandowit while at sup-\\nper, with his usual familiarity, said, Brother Waldron, what\\nwould you do if the strange Indians should come .f The major\\ncarelessly answered, that he could assemble an hundred men, by\\nlifting up his finger. In this unsuspecting confidence, the family\\nretired to rest.\\nWhen all was quiet, the gates were opened, and the signal was\\ngiven. The Indians entered, set a guard at the door, and rushed\\ninto the major s apartment, which was an inner room. Awaken-\\ned by the noise, he jumped out of bed, and though now advanced\\nin life to die age of eighty years, he retained so much vigor as to\\ndrive them with his sword, through two or three doors but as he\\nwas returning for his other arms, they came behind him, stunned\\nhim with a hatchet, drew him into his hall, and seating him in an\\nelbow chair, on a long table, insultingly asked him, Who shall\\njudge Indians now They then obliged the people in the\\nhouse to get them some victuals and when they had done eating,\\nthey cut the major across the breast and belly with knives, each\\none with a stroke, saying, I cross out ray account. They then\\ncut off his nose and ears, forcing them into his moudi and when\\nspent with the loss of blood, he was falling down from the table,\\none of them held his own sword under him, which put an end to\\nhis misery. They also killed his son in law Abraham Lee but\\n[Abraham Lee was a chymist and probably the first in New-Hampshire.\\nHe seemed to have made some trial of his skill in 1685, as the records of the", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0151.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "128 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1G89.\\ntook his daughter Lee with several others, and having pillaged the\\nhouse, left it on fire. Otis s garrison, which was next to the\\nmajor s, met with the same fute he was killed, w^ith several others,\\nand his wife and child were ca[)tivated. Heard s was saved hy the\\nharking of a dog just as die Indians were entering Elder Went-\\nworth,f who was awakened hy the noise, pushed them out, and\\nfalling on his hack, set his feet against the gate and held it till he\\nhad alarmed the people two halls were fired through it, but both\\nmissed him. Coffin s house was surprized, hut as the Indians had\\nno particular enmity to him, they spared his life, and the lives of\\nhis family, and contented themselves with pillaging the house.\\nFinding a bag of money, they made him throw it by handfuls on\\nthe floor, whilst they amused themselves in scrambling for it.\\nThey then went to the house of his son who would not admit the\\nsquaws in the evening, and summoned him to surrender, promis-\\ning him quarter. He declined their offer, and determined to de-\\nfend his house, till they brought out his father and threatened to\\nkill him before his eyes. Filial affection then overcame his reso-\\nlution, and he surrendered. They put both families together into\\na deserted house, intending to reserve them for prisoners but\\nwhilst the Indians were busy in plundering, they all escaped.\\nTwenty-three people were killed in this surprisal, and twenty-\\nnine wer^ captivated five or six houses, with the mills, were\\nburned and so expeditious were the Indians in the execution of\\ntheir plot, that before the people could be collected from the other\\nparts of the town to oppose them, they fled with their prisoners\\nand booty. As they passed by Heard s garrison in their retreat,\\nthey fired upon it but the people being prepared and resolved\\nto defend it, and the enemy being in haste, it was preserved. The\\npreservation of its owner was more remarkable.\\nElizabedi Heard, with her dn-ee sons and a daughter, and some\\nothers, were returning in the night from Portsmouth. They pass-\\ned up the river in their boat unperceived by the Indians, who\\nwere then in possession of the houses but suspecting danger by\\nthe noise which they heard, after they had landed they betook\\nthemselves to Waldron s garrison, where they saw lights, which\\nthey imagined were set up for direcdon to those who might be\\nQuarter Sessions show that he was indicted for coining tliat year, but the\\ngrand jury having found upon the bill of indictment, ignoramus, he was\\ndischarged, paying tlie fees. He married Hester Elkins, 21 June, 1680,\\nand she was probably the daugliter of major Waldron named in the text.]\\n[The note on Elder Wentworth is transferred from the Appendix to the\\nfirst volume of the first edition, to this place. William Wentworth was one\\nof the first settlers of Exeter, and after the breaking up of their combination\\nfor government, he removed to Dover, and became a ruling elder in the\\nchurch there. In 1GB9, he was remarkably instrumental of saving Heard s\\ngarrison, as is related in the proper place. After this, he ofiiciated several\\nyears as a preacher at Exeter, and other places, and died at a very advanced\\nage at Dover, in 1G!)7, leaving a numerous posterity. From iiim the several\\ngovernors of that name are descended. He was a very useful and good man.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0152.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "1689.] REVOLUTION. 129\\nseeking a refuge. They knocked and begged earnestly for ad-\\nmission but no answer being given, a young man of the compa-\\nny climbed up the wall, and saw to his inexpressible surprise, an\\nIndian standing in the door of the house, with his gun. The wo-\\nman was so overcome with the fright that she was unable to fly\\nbut begged her children to shift for themselves and they with\\nheavy hearts, left her. When she had a litde recovered, she\\ncrawled into some bushes, and lay there till day-light. She then\\nperceived an Indian coming toward her with a pistol in his hand j\\nne looked at her and went away returning, he looked at her a-\\ngain and she asked him what he would have he made no an-\\nswer, but ran yelling to the house, and she saw him no more.\\nShe kept her place till the house was burned, and the Indians\\nwere gone and then retui-ning home, found her own house safe.\\nHer preservation in these dangerous circumstances was more re-\\nmarkable, if (as it is supposed) it was an instance of justice and\\ngratitude in the Indians. For at the time when the four hun-\\ndred were seized in 1G7G, a young Indian escaped and took\\nrefuge in her house, where she concealed him in return for which\\nkindness he promised her that he would never kill her, nor any of\\nher family in any future war, and that he would use his influence\\nwith the other Indians to the same purpose. This Indian was\\none of the party who surprised the place, and she was well known\\nto the most of them.*\\nThe same day, after the mischief was done, a letter from Sec-\\nretary Addington, written by order of the government, directed\\nto Major Waldron, giving him notice of the intention of the In-\\ndians to surprise him under pretence of trade, fell into the hands\\nof his son. This design was communicated to Governor Brad-\\nstreet by Major Hinchman of Chelmsford, who had learned it\\nof the Indians. f^ The letter was despatched from Boston, the\\nday before, by Mr. Weare but some delay which he met with\\nat Newbury ferry prevented its arrival in season.\\nThe prisoners taken at this time were mostly carried to Cana-\\nda, and sold to the French and these, as far as I can learn,\\nwere the first that ever were carried thither. J The Indians had\\n(1) Mass. Records. Original Letter.\\n[Elizabeth Heard was the widow of John Heard, and, according to Math-\\ner, ii. Magnalia, .512, w^as the daughter of Mr. Hull, a reverend minister,\\nformerly living at Pascataqua. She had five sons, viz. Benjamin, born in\\n1()44; .lolin, born K). Joseph, born IGGl Samuel, born KiOS; Tristram,\\nborn l(j(!7, and five daughters. Tristram was killed by the Indians as will be\\nseen under the year 1723.]\\nt [The letter of Major Hincliman, dated 1}2 June, is published in the Coll.\\nof the N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 222, 22:?.]\\nt One of these prisoners was Sarah Gerrish, a remarkably fine child of sev-\\nen years old, and grand-daughter of Major Waldron, in whose house she\\nlodged that fatal night. Some circumstances attending her captivity are\\ntruly alTccting. Wlien she was awakened by the noise of the Indians in the\\n19", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0153.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "130 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE- [1089.\\nbeen seduced to the French interest by popish emissaries, who\\nhad began to fascinate them with their religious and national prej-\\nudices. They had now learned to call the English heretics, and\\nthat to extirpate them as such was meritorious in the sight of\\nheaven. VVhen their minds were filled with religious phrensy,\\nthey became more bitter and implacable enemies than before\\nand finding the sale of scalps and prisoners turn to good account\\nin Canada, they had still farther incitement to continue their dep-\\nredations, and prosecute their vengeance.\\nThe necessity of vigorous measures was now so pressing, that\\nparties were immediately dispatched, one under Captain Noyes to\\nPenacook, where they destroyed the corn, but the Indians escap-\\ned another from Pascataqua, under Captain Wincol,* to Winni-\\nhouse, she crept into another bed and hid herself under the clothes to escape\\ntheir search. She remained in their hands till the next winter, and was sold\\nfrom one to another for several times. An Indian girl once puslied her into\\na river but, catching by the bushes, she escaped drowning, yet durst not\\ntell how she came to be wet. Once she was so weary with travelling that she\\ndid not awake in the morning till the Indians were gone, and then found her-\\nself alone in the wood.s, covered with snow, and without any food having\\nfound their tracks she went crying after them till they heard her and took her\\nwitli them. At another time they kindled a great fire, .and the young Indians\\ntold her she was to bo roasted. She burst into tears, threw her arms round\\nher master s neck, and begged him to save her, which he promised to do if she\\nwould behave well. Being arrived in Canada, she was bought by the Inten-\\ndant s lady, who treated her courteously, and sent her to a nunnery for edu-\\ncation. But when Sir William Phips was at Quebec she was exchanged, \u00c2\u00a3Lnd\\nreturned to her friends, with whom she lived till she was sixteen years old.\\nThe wife of Richard Otis was taken at the same time, with an infant\\ndaugliter of three months old. The French priests took this child under their\\ncare, baptised her by the name of Christina, and educated her in the Romish\\nrelicrion. Siie passed some time in a nunnery, but declined taking the veil,\\nand was married to a Frenchman, by whom she had two children. But her\\ndesire to see New-England was so stronjv, that upon an exchange of prison-\\ners in 1714, being then a widow, she left both her children, who were not\\npermitted to come with her, and returned home, where she abjured the Rom\\nish faith. M. Siguenot, her former confessor, wrote her a flattering letter,\\nwarnino- her of her danger, inviting her to return to the bosom of the catholic\\nchurc]i,and repeating many gross calumnies which had formerly been vented\\naorainst Luther and the other reformers. This letter being shown to Govern-\\nor Burnet, he wrote her a sensible and masterly answer, refuting the argu-\\nments, and defecting the falsehoods it contained Both these letters were\\nprinted. Slie wiis married afterward to Capt. Thomas Baker, who had been\\ntaken :it IJecrfield in ITOl, and lived in Dover, where she was born, till the\\nyear 1773.\\nMr. John Emerson, by declining to lodge at Major Waldron s on the fataJ\\nnight, though strongly urged, met with an happy escape. He was afterward\\na minister at New-Castle nnd Portsmouth. [The Mr. John Emerson who de-\\nclined to lodge at Major Waldron s on the 27 June, 1(580, according to Mather,\\nii. Magnalia, 511, was a worthy minister at Berwick, and could not have\\nbeen the future minister at New-Castle and Portsmouth, as lie had not at this\\ntime graduated at college. Alden, both in his Collection of Epitaphs and in\\nliis Account of Religious Societies in Portsmouth, has fallen into the same\\nerror in considering the minister of New-Castle and Portsmouth as the one,\\nwho met with an happy escape by declining to lodge at Major Waldron s.\\n*^*Some of the circumstances relating to the destruction of Cochecho are\\ntaken from Mather s Magnalia. The others from the tradition of the suft er-\\nprs and their descendants.\\n[Captain John Wincol belonged to Kittery, whicii he represented in the\\nGeneral Coxirt of Massachusetts six years, the last time in IC/f:", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0154.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "1C89.] REVOLUTION. 131\\npiseogee, whither the Indians had retired, as John Church, who\\nhad been taken at Cochecho and escaped from them, reported\\none or two Indians were killed there, and their corn was cut down.\\nBut these excursions proved of small service, as the Indians had\\nlittle to lose, and could find a home wherever they could find\\ngame and fish.\\nIn the month of August, Major Swaine, with seven or eight\\ncompanies raised by the Massachusetts govcrnmont, marched to\\nthe eastward and Major Church, with another party, consisting\\nof English and Indians, from the colony of Plymouth, soon fol-\\nlowed them. Whilst these forces were on their march, the In-\\ndians, who lay in the woods about Oyster river, observed how\\nmany men belonged to Huckin s garrison and seeing them all go\\nout one morning to work, nimbly ran between them and the house,\\nand killed them all, (being in number eighteen) except one who\\nhad passed the brook. They then attacked the house, in which\\nwere only two boys, (one of whom was lame) with some women\\nand children. The boys kept them off for some time and wound-\\ned several of them. At length, the Indians set the house on fire,\\nand even then the boys would not surrender, till they had promis-\\ned them to spare tlieir lives. They perfidiously murdered three\\nor four of the children one of them was set on a sharp stake, in\\nthe view of its distressed mother, who, with the other women and\\nthe boys, were carried captive. One of the boys escaped the\\nnext day. Captain Garner with his company pursued the enemy,\\nbut did not come up with them.\\nThe Massachusetts and Plymouth companies proceeded to the\\neastward, setded garrisons in convenient places, and had some\\nskirmishes with the enemy at Casco and Blue Point. On their\\nretiu n. Major Swaine sent a party of the Indian auxiliaries under\\nLieutenant Flagg toward VVinnipiseogee, to make discoveries.\\nThese Indians held a consultation in their own language and\\nhaving persuaded their lieutenant with two men to return, nineteen\\nof them tarried out eleven days longer in which time, they found\\nthe enemy, staid with them two nights, and informed them of ev-\\nery thing which they desired to know upon which, the enemy\\nretired to their inaccessible deserts the forces returned without\\nfinding them, and in November, were disbanded.^\\nNothing was more welcome to the distressed inhabitants of the\\nfrontiers than the approach of winter, as they then expected a\\nrespite from their sufferings. The deep snows and cold weather\\nwere commonly a good security against an attack from the Indians;\\nbut when resolutely set on mischief, and instigated by popish en-\\nthusiasm, no obstacles could prevent the execution of their pur-\\nposes.\\nThe Count de Fronlenac, then governor of Canada, was fond\\n(1) Magnalia, lib. T, p. G7.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0155.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "132 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [IGDO.\\nof distinguishing himself hy some enterprises against the Ameri-\\nifQn can subjects of King William, with whom his master was\\nat war in Europe. For this purpose, he detached threo\\nparties of French and Indians from Canada in the winter, who\\nwere to take three diflerent routes into the English territories.\\nOne of these parties marched from Montreal and destroyed Sche-\\nnectady, a Dutch village on the Mohawk river, in the province of\\nNew-York. This action which happened at an unusual time of\\nthe year, in the month of February, alarmed the whole country\\nand the eastern settlements were ordered to be on their guard.\\nOn the eighteenth day of March, another party which came from\\nTrois Rivieres, under the command of the Sieur Hertel, an offi-\\ncer of great repute in Canada, found their way to Salmon-falls, a\\nsettlement on the river which divides New-Hampshire from the\\nprovince of Maine. This party consisted of fifty-two men, of\\nwhom twenty-five were Indians under Hoophood, a noted warrior.\\nThey began the attack at day-break, in three different places.\\nThe people were surprised; but flew to arms and defended them-\\nselves in the garrisoned houses, with a bravery which the enemy\\nthemselves applauded. But as in all such onsets the assailants\\nhave the greatest advantage, so they here proved too strong for\\nthe defendants about thirty of the bravest were killed, and the\\nrest surrendered at discretion, to the number of fifty-four, of whom\\nthe greater part were women and children. After plundering,\\nthe enemy burned the houses, mills and barns, with the cattle*\\nwhich were within doors, and then retreated into the woods,\\nwhither they were pursued by about one hundred and forty men,\\nsuddenly collected from the neighboring towns, who came up with\\nthem in the afternoon at a narrow bridge on Wooster s river, in\\nBerwick. Hertel expecting a pursuit, had posted his men ad-\\nvantageously on the opposite bank. The pursuers advanced with\\ngreat intrepidity, and a warm engagement ensued, which lasted\\ntill night, when they retired with the loss of four or five killed.\\nThe enemy by their own account lost two, one of whom was Her-\\ntel s nephew:^ his son was wounded in the knee. Another\\nFrenchman was tal ;en prisoner, who was so tenderly treated that\\nhe embraced the protestaut faith, and remained in the country.\\nHertel on his way homeward met with a third party who had\\nmarched from Quebec, and joining his company to them attacked\\nand destroyed the fort and setdement at Casco, the next May.\\nThus the three expeditions planned by Count Frontenac proved\\nsuccessful but the glory of them was much tarnished by acts of\\n(1) Charlevoix, lib. 7, p. 74. (2) Mather, Magnalia, lib. 7, p. G8.\\nCliiirlevoix says Ihey burned tweuty-sevi ii houses and two thousand\\nhead of caUle in the barns. Tiie number of buildinj^s, includinj^ mills,\\nbarna and otlier out houses, niij^ht amount to near twenty but the number\\nof cattle as ho gives it, is ineredible.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0156.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "1690.]\\nRE-UNIOiN WITH MASSACHUSETTS. 133\\ncruelty, which christians should be ashamed to countenance,\\nthough perpetrated by savages.*\\nAfter the destruction of Casco, the eastern settlements were all\\ndeserted, and the people retired to the fort at Wells. The In-\\ndians then came up westward, and a party of diem under Hoop-\\nhood, sometime in May, made an assault on Fox Point, in Ncw-\\nington, where they burned several houses, killed about fourteen\\npeople, and carried away six. They were pursued by the Cap-\\ntains Floyd and Greenleaf, who came up with them and recover-\\ned some of the Captives and spoil, after a skirmish in which Hoop-\\nhood was wounded and lost is gun. This fellow was soon after\\nkilled by a party of Canada Indians who mistook him for one of\\nthe Iroquois, with whom they were at war. On the fourth day\\nof July, eight persons were killed as they were mowing in a field\\nnear Lamprey river, and a lad was carried captive. The next\\nday, they attacked Captain Hilton s garrison at Exeter, which\\nwas relieved by Lieutenant Bancroft, with the loss of a few of\\nhis men. One of them, Simon Stone, received nine wounds with\\nshot, and two strokes of a hatchet when his friends came to bu-\\n(1) Mag. lib. 7, p. 73.\\nThe following instances of cruelty exercised towards the prisoners taken\\nat Salmon-falls are mentioned by Dr. [Cotton] Mather.\\nRobert Rogers, a corpulent man, being unable to carry the burden which\\nthe Indians imposed upon him, threw it down in the path and went aside in\\nthe woods to conceal himself. They found him by his track, stripped, beat\\nand pricked him with their swords then tied him to a tree and danced round\\nhim till they had kindled a fire. They gave him time to pray, and take leave\\nof his fellow prisoners who were placed round the fire to see his death. They\\npushed the. fire toward him, and when he was almost stifled, took it away to\\nfive him time to breathe, and thus prolonged his misery they drowned his\\nying groans with their hideous singing and yelling all the while dancing\\nround tlae fire, cutting oiF pieces of his flesh and throwing them in liis face.\\nWhen he was dead they left his body broiling on the coals, in which state it\\nwas found by his friends, and buried.\\nMehetabel Goodwin was taken with her child of five months old. Whei\u00c2\u00bb\\nit cried tliey threatened to kill it, which made the mother go aside and sit for\\nhours together in the snow to lull it to sleep her master seeing that this\\nhindered her from travelling, took the child, struck its head against a tree,\\nand hung it on one of the branches she would have buried it but he would\\nnot let her, telling her that if she came again that way she might have the\\npleasure of seeing it. She was carried to Canada, and after five years return-\\ned home.\\nMary Plaisted was taken out of her bed, having lain in but three weeks.\\nThey made her travel v/ith them through the snow, and to ease her of her\\nburden, as they said, struck the child s head against a tree, and threw it in-\\nto a river.\\nAn anecdote of another kind may relieve the reader after these tragical ac-\\ncounts. Thomas Toogood was pursued by three Indians and overtaken by\\none of them, who having inciuired his name, was preparing strings to bind\\nhim, holding his gun under his arm, which Toogood seized and went back-\\nward, keeping the o;un presented at him, and protesting tliat he would shoot\\nhim if he alarmed the others who had stopped on the opposite side of the hill.\\nBy this dexterity, he escaped and got safe into Cochecho while his adversary\\nhad no recompense in his power but to call after him by tlio name oTA o frood.\\nWhen he returned to his companions without gun or prisoner, their derision\\nmade hiw misadventure the naore grievous.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0157.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "134 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMrSlIIRE. [1690.\\nry him they perceived life in him, and by the application of cor-\\ndials he revived, to the amazement of all.\\nTwo companies under the Captains Floyd and Wiswall were\\nnow scouting, and on the sixth day of July, discovered an Indian\\ntrack, which they pursued till they came up with the enemy at\\nWheelwright s Pond, in Lee, where a bloody engagement ensu-\\ned for some hours in which Wiswall, his lieutenant, Flagg, and\\nsergeant Walker, with twelve more, wero killed, and several\\nwounded. It was not known how many of the enemy fell, as\\nthey always carried ofF their dead. Floyd maintained the fight\\nafter Wiswall s death, till his men, fatigued and wounded, drew\\noff; which obliged him to follow. The enemy retreated at the\\nsame time for when Captain Convers went to look after the\\nwounded, he found seven alive, whom he brought in by sunrise\\nthe next morning, and then returned to bury the dead. The ene-\\nmy then went westward, and in the course of one week killed, be-\\ntween Lamprey river and Amesbury, not less than forty people.\\nThe cruelties exercised upon the captives in this war exceed-\\ned, both in number and degree, any in former times. The most\\nhealthy and vigorous of them were sold in Canada the weaker\\nwere sacrificed, and scalped and for every scalp they had a\\npremium. Two instances only are remembered of their releas-\\ning any without a ransom one was a woman taken from Fox\\nPoint, who obtained her liberty by procuring them some of the\\nnecessaries of life the other was at York where, after they\\nhad taken many of the people, they restored two aged women\\nand five children, in return for a generous action of Major Church,\\nwho had spared the lives of as many women and children when\\nthey fell into his hands at Ameriscoggin.^\\nThe people of New-England, now looked on Canada as the\\nsource of their troubles, and formed a design to reduce it to\\nsubjection to the crown of England. The enterprise was bold\\nand hazardous and had their ability been equal to the ardor\\nof their patriotism, it might probably have been accomplished.\\nStraining every nerve, they equipped an armament in some de-\\ngree equal to the service. What was wanting in military and na-\\nval discipline was made up in resolution and the command was\\ngiven to Sir William Phips, an honest man, and a friend to his\\ncountry but by no means qualified for such an attempt. Una-\\nvoidable accidents retarded the expedition, so that the fleet did\\nnot arrive before Quebec till October when it was more than\\nlime to return. It being impossible to continue there to any pur-\\npose and the troops growing sickly and discouraged, after some\\nineffectual parade, they abandoned the enterprise.*\\n(1) Mag. lib. 7, p. 74. (2) Ibid. p. 73. (:5) MS. Letter.\\n[1600. The ship Faulkland of 54 guns, was built at Portsmoutli. Ad-\\nams, Annals of Puitomouth.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0158.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "1600.] RE-UNION WITH MABSAClIUSETTe. 135\\nThis disappointment was severely felt. The equipment of the\\nfleet and army required a supply of money which could not readi-\\nly be collected, and occasioned a paper currency which has often\\nbeen drawn into precedent on like occasions, and has proved\\na fatal source of the most complicated and extensive mischief.\\nThe people were almost dispirited with the prospect of poverty\\nand ruin. In this melancholy state of the country, it was an hap-\\npy circumstance that the Indians voluntarily came in with a flag of\\ntruce, and desired a cessation of hostilities. A conference\\nbeing held at Sagadahock, they brought in ten captives, and\\nsettled a truce till the first day of May, which they observed till\\nthe ninth of June; when they attacked Storer s garri-\\nson at Wells, but were bravely repulsed. About the same\\ntime, they killed two men at Exeter,^ and on the twenty ninth of\\nSeptember, a party of them came from the eastward in canoes to\\nSandy Beach, (Rye)- where they killed and captivated twenty-\\none persons.* Captain Sherburne of Portsmouth, a worthy offi-\\ncer, was this year killed at Maquoit.^\\nThe next winter, the country being alarmed with the destruc-\\ntion of York, some new regulations were made for the general\\ndefence. Major Elisha Hutchinson was appointed com-\\nmander in chief of the militia by whose prudent conduct j 05\\nthe frontiers were well guarded, and so constant a com-\\nmunication was kept up, by ranging parties, from one post to\\nanother, that it became impossible for the enemy to attack in\\ntheir usual way, by surprise. The good effect of this regulation\\nwas presently seen. A young man being in the woods near Co-\\nchecho, was fired at by some Indians. Lientenant Wilson imme-\\ndiately went out with eighteen men and finding the Indians, kil-\\nled or wounded the whole party, excepting one. This struck a\\nterror, and kept them quiet the remainder of the winter and\\nspring. But on the tenth day of June, an army of French and\\nIndians made a furious attack on Storer s garrison at Wells, where\\nCapt. Convers commanded who after a brave and resolute de-\\nfence, was so happy as to drive them off with great loss.\\nSir William Phips, being now governor of Massachusetts, con-\\ntinued the same method of defence keeping out continual scouts,\\nunder brave and experienced officers. This kept the Indians so\\nquiet that, except one poor family which they took at Oyster riv-\\ner, and some small mischief at Quaboag, there is no mention\\n(1) Mag. 78. (2) MS. Letter of Morrill to Prince, [Magnalia.] (3) Fitch s\\nMS.\\n[In the same month, a party made a descent on Dunstable, where they\\nkilled Joseph Ilassell, sen., his wife Anna, and son Benjamin, Mary Marks,\\ndaughter of Peter Marks, Obadiali Perry, one of the founders of tJie church\\nthere, and Christopher Temple. Perry and Temple were killed in the morn-\\ning of the 28 September the others were killed in the evening of the 2d.\\nMS. Letter of J. B. Hill, Esq.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0159.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "136 HISTORY OF iNEW-IIAMPSHIIlE. [1G93.\\nof any destruction made by them during the year 1693. Their\\n-^Q-j animosity against New-England was not quelled but they\\nneeiieil a si)acc to recruit some of their principal men\\nwere in captivity, and they could not hope to redeem them with-\\nout a peace. To obtain it, they came into the Fort at Pema-\\nquid and there entered into a solemn covenant wherein they\\nacknowledged subjection to the crown of England engaged to\\nabandon the French irtterest promised perpetual peace to for-\\nbear private revenge to restore all captives and even went so\\nfar as to deliver hostages for the due performance of their en-\\ngagements. This peace, or rather truce, gave both sides a res-\\npite, which both earnestly desired.*\\nThe people of New-ilampshire were much reduced their\\nlumber trade and husbandry being greatly impeded by the war.\\nFrequent complaints were made of the burden of the war, the\\nscarcity of provisions, and the displritedness of the people. Once,\\nit is said, in the council minutes, that they were even ready to\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2quit the province. The governor was obliged to impress men to\\nguard the outposts they were sometimes dismissed for want of\\nprovisions, and then the garrison officers were called to account\\nand severely punished Yet all this time, the public debt did\\nnot exceed four hundred pounds. In this situation, they were\\nobliged to apply to their neighbors for assistance but this was\\ngranted with a sparing hand. The people of Massachusetts were\\nmuch divided and at variance among themselves, both on account\\nof the new charter which they had received from King William,\\nand the pretended witchcrafts which have made so loud a noise\\nin the world. Party and passion had usurped the place of patri-\\notism and the defence, not only of their neighbors, but of them-\\nselves was neglected to gratify their malignant humors. Their\\ngovernor too had been affronted in this province, on the following\\noccasion.\\nSir William Phips, having had a quarrel with Capt. Short of\\nthe Nonsuch frigate about the extent of his power as vice admi-\\nral, arrested Short at Boston, and put him on board a merchant\\nship bound for England, commanded by one Tay, with a Vvarrant\\n:to deliver him to the secretary of state. The ship put into Pas-\\ncataqua, and the Nonsuch came in after her. The lieutenant,\\nCarey, sent a letter to Hinckes, president of the council, threat-\\nening to impress seamen, if Short was not released. Gary was\\nArrested and brought before the council, where he received a rep-\\n0) Mag. p. 85.\\n[This Submission and Agreement of the Eastern Indians, at Fort Will-\\niam Henry, in Pemmaquid. the Ulh day of August, in the fifth year of our\\nSovereign Lord and Lady William and Mary, by the grace of God, of Eng-\\nland, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King and Queen, Defender of the Faith,\\n.C. 1G!)3, may be found in Mather, ii. Magnalia, p. 542. It is signed by\\nthirteen Indian Chiefs, four ludians, and three English Interpreters.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0160.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "1G93.] PROVINCE. JOHN USHER. 137\\nrimand for liis insolence. At the same time, Sir William came\\nhither by land, went on board Tay s ship, and sent die cabin boy\\nwith a message to the president to come to him there which\\nHinckes highly resented and refused. Phips then demanded of\\nTay his former warrant, and issued another commanding the re-\\ndelivery of Short to him, broke open Short s chest, and seized liis\\npapers. This action was looked upon by some as an exertion of\\npower to which he had no right, and it was proposed to cite him\\nbefore the council to answer for assuming authority out\\nof his jurisdiction. The president was warm but a\\nmajority of the council, considering Sir William s opinion that his\\nvice admiral s commission extended to this province, (though\\nUsher had one, but was not present) and that no person belong-\\ning to the province had been injured, advised the president to\\ntake no farther notice of the matter.* Soon after this, Sir Wil-\\nliam drew off the men whom he had stationed in this province as\\nsoldiers and the council advised the lieutenant governor to ap-\\nply to the colony of Connecticut for men and provisions but\\nwhether this request was granted does not appear.\\nThe towns of Dover and Exeter being more exposed than\\nPortsmouth or Hampton, suffered the greatest share in the com-\\nmon calamity. Nothing but the hope of better times kept alive\\ntlieir fortitude. When many of the eastern setdements were whol-\\nly broken up, they stood their ground, and thus gained to them-\\nselves a reputation which their posterity boast of to this day.*\\nThe engagements made by the Indians in the treaty of Pema-\\nquid, might have been performed if they had been left to ^.^q^\\ntheir own choice. But the French missionaries had been\\nfor some years very assiduous in propagating their tenets among\\nthem, one of which was that to break faith with heretics was no\\nsin. The Sieur de Villieu, who had disdnguished himself in the\\ndefence of Quebec when Phips was before it, and had contracted a\\nstrong antipathy to the New-Englanders, being then in command\\nat Penobscot, he widi M. Thury, the missionary, diverted Madok-\\n(1) MS. in files.\\n[1603. New-Castle, formerly Great Island, was incorporated. This is\\nnow the smallest town in point of territory in the state of New-Hampshire,\\ncontaining only 458 acres. It originally consisted of Great Island, Little\\nHarbor, and Sandy Beach, (now Rye) all wliich were once comprehended\\nwithin the limits of Portsmouth. Some of the principal merchants of the\\nProvince resided there and the principal seat of business for many years\\nwas at Great Island.\\n1G93. An act passed the General Assembly of New-Hampshire to estab-\\nlish a Post-office in some convenient place within the town of Portsmouth.\\nThe postage on letters from beyond sea was two pence on packets equal to\\nnot less than tliree letters, four j)ence. The postage on letters from Boston\\nwas not to exceed six pence, and double for a packet, and so proportionably\\nfor letters on this side Boston, and for all other letters beyond Boston,\\nshall be paid what is the accustomary allowance in the government from\\nwhence they came.\\n20", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0161.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "138 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1694.\\nawando and the other Sachems from complying with their en-\\ngagements so that pretences were found for detaining the Eng-\\nhsh captives, who were more in number, and of more consequence\\nthan the hostages whom the Indians had given. Influenced by\\nthe same pernicious councils, they kept a watchful eye on the\\nfrontier towns, to see what place was most secure and might be\\nattacked to the greatest advantage. The settlement at Oyster\\nriver, within the town of Dover, was pitched upon as the most\\nlikely place and it is said that the design of surprising it was\\npublicly talked of at Quebec two months before it was put in ex-\\necution. Rumors of Indians lurking in the woods thereabout\\nmade some of the people apprehend danger but no mischief be-\\ning attempted, they imagined them to be hunting parties, and re-\\nturned to their security.^ At length, the necessary preparations\\nbeing made, Villieu, with a body of two hundred and fifty Indi-\\nans, collected from the tribes of St. John, Penobscot and Nor-\\nridgewog, attended by a French Priest, marched for the devoted\\nplace.\\nOyster river is a stream which runs into tiie western branch of\\nPascataqua the setdements were on both sides of it, and the\\nhouses chiefly near the water. Here, were twelve garrisoned\\nhouses sufficient for the defence of the inhabitants, but appre-\\nhending no danger, some families remained at their own untorti-\\nfled houses, and those who were in the garrisons were but indif-\\nferently provided for defence, some being even destitute of pow-\\nder. The enemy approached the place undiscovered, and halt-\\ned near the falls on Tuesday evening, the seventeenth of July-\\nHere they formed two divisions, one of which was to go on each\\nside of the river and plant themselves in ambush, in small parties,\\nnear every house, so as to be ready for the attack at the rising of\\nthe sun and the first gun was to be the signal. John Dean,\\nwhose house stood by the saw-mill at the falls, intending to go\\nfrom home very early, arose before the dawn of day, and was\\nshot as he came out of his door. This firing, in part, disconcert-\\ned their plan several parties who had some distance to go, had\\nnot then arrived at their stations the people in general were im-\\nmediately alarmed, some of them had time to make their escape,\\nand others to prepare for their defence. The signal being given,\\nthe attack began in all parts where the enemy was ready.\\nOf the twelve garrisoned houses five were desU oyed, viz. Ad-\\nams s, Drew s, Edgerly s Medar s and Beard s. They entered\\nAdams s without resistance, where they killed fourteen persons\\none of them, being a woman with child, they ripped open. The\\ngrave is still to be seen in which they were all buried. Drew\\nsurrendered his garrison on the promise of security, but was mur-\\ndered when he fell into their hands. One of his children, a boy\\n(1) Magnalia, lib. 7, p. 86. (2) Charlevoix, lib. 15, p. SIO.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0162.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "1G94.] PROVINCE. JOHN UBHER. 139\\nof nine years old, was made to run through a lane of Indians as a\\nmark for them to throw their hatchets at, till they had dispatched\\nhim. Edgerly s was evacuated. The people took to their hoat,\\nand one of them was mortally wounded before they got out of\\nreach of the enemy s shot. Beard s and Mcdar s were also evac-\\nuated and the people escaped.\\nThe defenceless liouses were nearly all set on fire, the inhabit-\\nants being either killed or taken in them, or else in endeavor-\\ning to fly to the garrisons. Some escaped by hiding in the\\nbushes and other secret places. Thomas Edgerly, by conceal-\\ning himself in his cellar, preserved his house, though twice set on\\nfire. The house of John Buss, the minister, was destroyed,\\nwith a valuable library. He was absent his wife and family fled\\nto the woods and escaped.* The wife of John Dean, at whom\\nthe first gun was fired, was taken with her daughter, and carried\\nabout two miles up the river, where they were left under the care\\nof an old Indian, while the others returned to their bloody work.\\nThe Indian complained of a pain in his head, and asked the wo-\\nman what would be a proper remedy she answered, occapee,\\nwhich is the Indian word for rum, of which she knew he had tak-\\nen a bottle from her house. The remedy being agreeable, he\\ntook a large dose and fell asleep and she took that opportunity\\nto make her escape, with her child, into the woods, and kept her-\\nself concealed till they were gone.\\nThe other seven garrisons, viz. Burnham s, Bickford s, Smith s,\\nBunker s, Davis s, Jones s and Woodman s were resolutely and suc-\\ncessfully defended. At Burnham s, the gate was left open The\\nIndians, ten in number, who were appointed to surprise it, were\\nasleep under the bank of the river, at the time that the alarm was\\ngiven. A man within, who had been kept awake by the tooth-\\nache, hearing the first gun, roused the people and secured the\\ngate, just as the Indians, who were awakened by the same noise,\\nwere entering. Finding themselves disappointed, they ran to\\nPitman s defenceless house, and forced the door at the moment,\\nthat he had burst a way through that end of the house which was\\n[John Buss is mentioned in the 3d volume, p. 250, of tiie first edition, as\\na practitioner of pliysic, and as having died in 1736, at tlie ai^e of 108 years\\nbut Ills age is overstated. It should be DG. In a petition from him to Gov.\\nSlmte and the General Assembly of IMassachusetts, in ITlo, he states tliat he\\nhad labored in the work of the ministry at Oyster-lilver 44 j^ears successive-\\nly; that he was then advanced to 78 years of age that he had kept his sta-\\ntion there, even in the time of the terrible Indian war, when many a score\\nfell by the sword, both on the right hand and on the left, and several others\\nforced to flight for want of bread that he was then unable to perform the\\nusual exercise of the ministry, and tiiat the people liad not only called\\nanother mini. ^ter, but stopped tlieir liands from paying to his subsistence,\\nwhereupon he was greatly reduced, having neither bread to eat, nor sufficient\\nclothing to encounter the approaching winter. The ministers of Durham\\nfrom that time down to our own days have not unfrequently complained that\\nthey prophesied in sackcloth.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0163.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "140 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1694.\\nnext to the garrison, to which he with his family, taking advan-\\ntage of the shade of some trees, it heing moonlight, happily escap-\\ned. Still defeated, they attacked the house of John Davis, which\\nafter some resistance, he surrendered on terms but the terms\\nwere violated, and the whole family was either killed or made\\ncaptives. Thomas Bickford preserved his house in a singular\\nmanner. It was situated near the river, and surrounded with a\\npalisade. Being alarmed before the enemy had reached the\\nhouse, he sent off his family in a boat, and then shutting his gate,\\nbetook himself alone to the defence of his fortress. Despising\\nalike the promises and threats by which the Indians would have\\npersuaded him to surrender, he kept up a constant fire at them,\\nchanging his dress as often as he could, shewing himself with a\\ndifferent cap, hat or coat, and sometimes without either, and giv-\\ning directions aloud as if he had a number of men with him.\\nFinding their attempt vain, the enemy withdrew, and left him sole\\nmaster of the house, which he had defended with such admirable\\naddress. Smith s, Bunker s and Davis s garrisons, being season-\\nably apprised of the danger, were resolutely defended. One\\nIndian was supposed to be killed and another wounded by a shot\\nfrom Davis s. Jones s garrison was beset before day Captain\\nJones hearing his dogs bark, and imagining wolves might be near,\\nwent out to secure some swine and returned unmolested. He\\nthen went up into the flankart- and sat on the wall. Discerning\\nthe flash of a gun, he dropped backward the ball entered the\\nplace from whence he had withdrawn his legs. The enemy from\\nbehind a rock kept firing on the house for some time, and then\\nquitted it. During these transactions, the French priest took pos-\\nsession of the meeting-house, and employed himself in writing on\\nthe pulpit with chalk but the house received no damage.\\nThose parties of the enemy who were on the south side of the\\nriver having completed their destructive work, collected in a field\\nadjoining to Burnham s garrison, where they insultingly showed\\ntheir prisoners, and derided the people, thinking themselves out of\\nreach of their shot. A young man from the sentry-box fired at\\none who was making some indecent signs of defiance, and woun-\\nded him in the heel Him they placed on a liorse and carried\\naway. Both divisions then met at the falls, where they had part-\\ned the evening before, and proceeded together to Capt. Wood-\\nman s garrison. The ground being uneven, they approached\\nwithout danger, and from behind a hill kept up a long and severe\\nfire at the hats and caps which the people within held up on sticks\\nabove the walls, without any other damage than galling the roof of\\nthe house. At length, ai)prehending it was time for the people\\nin the neighboring setdemcnts to be collected in pursuit of them,\\nthey finally withdrew; having killed and captivated between\\nninety and an hundred persons, and burned about twenty houses,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0164.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "1694.] PROVINCE. JOHN USHER. 141\\nof which five were garrisons.* The main body of them retreat-\\ned over AVinnipiseogee lake, where they divided their prisoners,\\nseparating those in particular who were most intimately connected,\\nin which they often took a pleasure suited to their savage nature, f\\nAbout forty of the enemy under Toxus,^1 Norridgewog chief,\\nresolving on farther mischief, went westward and did execution as\\nfar as Groton. A smaller party having crossed the river Pascata-\\nqua, came to a farm where Ursula Cutt, widow of the deceased\\npresident, resided, who imagining the enemy had done what mis-\\nchief they intended for that time, could not be persuaded to remove\\ninto town till her haymaking should be finished. As she was in\\nthe field with her laborers, the enemy fired from an ambush and\\nkilled her, with three others. Colonel Richard Waldron and his\\nwife, with their infant son, (afterward secretary) had almost shared\\nthe same fate. They were taking boat to go and dine with this\\nlady, when they were stopped by the arrival of some friends at\\ntheir house whilst at dinner they were informed of her death.\\nShe lived about two miles above the town of Portsmouth, and had\\nlaid out her farm with much elegance. The scalps taken in this\\nwhole expedition were carried to Canada by Madokawando, and\\npresented to Count Frontenac, from whom he received the re-\\nward of his treacherous adventure.\\nThere is no mention of any more mischief by the Indians with-\\nin this province till the next year, when, in the month ^cQr\\nof July, two men were killed at Exeter. The following\\nyear, on the seventh day of May, John Church, who had been\\ntaken and escaped from them seven years before, was ^cQf\\nkilled and scalped at Cochecho, near his own house. On\\nthe twenty-sixthbf June, an attack was made at Portsmouth plain,\\n(1) Magnalia, lib. 7, page 8G.\\nCharlevoix, with his usual parade, boasts of their having killed two hun-\\ndred and thirty people, and burned fifty or sixty houses. He speaks of only\\ntwo forts, both of which were stormed. [The Rev. Jolm Pike, in his manu-\\nscript Journal, says they killed and carried away 04 persons and burnt 13\\nhouses. As he then lived in Dover and made a record of the event nearthe\\ntime it occurred, we can probably depend upon the accuracy of his statement.]\\nt Among these prisoners, were Thomas Drew and liis wife, who were new-\\nly married. He was carried to Canada, where he continued two years and\\nwas redeemed. She to Norridgewog, and was gone four years, in whicli she\\nendured everything but death. She was delivered of a child in tiie winter\\nin the open air, and in a violent snow storm. Buing unable to suckle her\\nchild, or provide it any food, the Indians killed it. She lived fourteen days\\non a decoction of the bark of trees. Once, they set her to draw a sled up a\\nriver against a piercing north-west wind, and left her. She was so overcome\\nwith the cold that she grew sleepy, laid down and was nearly dead, when\\nthey returned they carried her senseless to a wigwam, and poured warm\\nwater down her throat, which recovered her. After her return to her hus-\\nband, she had fourteen children tliey lived together till he was ninety-three,\\nand she eighty-nine years of age they died within two days of each other,\\nand were buried in one grave.\\nThese particular circumstances of the destruction at Oyster river were\\nat my desire collected from the information of aged people by John Smith,\\nEsq. a descendant of one of the sullering families.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0165.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "(43 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1696.\\nabout Uvo miles from the town. The enemy came from York-\\nnubble to Sandy-beach in canoes, which they hid there among\\nthe bushes near the shore. Some suspicion was formed the day\\nbefore by reason of the cattle running out of the woods at Little-\\nharbor but false alarms were frequent, and this was not much\\nregarded. Early in the morning, the attack was made on five\\nhouses at once. Fourteen persons were killed on the spot one\\nwas scalped and left for dead, but recovered, and four were taken.\\nThe enemy having plundered the houses of what they could carry,\\nset them on fire, and made a precipitate retreat through the great\\nswamp. A company of militia under Captain Shackford* and\\nlieutenant Libbcy pursued, and discovered them cooking their\\nbreakfast, at a place ever since called Breakfast-hill, in Rye.\\nThe Indians were on the fardier side, having placed their captives\\nbetween themselves and the top of the hill, that in case of an at-\\ntack they might first receive the fire. The lieutenant pleaded to\\ngo round the hill, and come upon diem below to cut off their re-\\ntreat but die captain fearing in that case that they would, ac-\\ncording to their custom, kill the prisoners, rushed upon them from\\nthe top of the hill, by which means they retook the captives and\\nplunder, but the Indians, rolling down the hill, escaped into the\\nswamp and got to their canoes. Another party, under another\\ncommander, Gerrish, was then sent out in shallops to intercept\\nthem as they should cross over to the eastward by night. The\\ncaptain ranged his boats in a line, and ordered his men to reserve\\ntheir fire till he gave the watchword. It being a calm night, the\\nIndians were heard as diey advanced but the captain, unhappily\\ngiving the word before they had come within gun-shot, diey tacked\\nabout to the southward, and going round the Isles of Shoals, by\\nthe favor of their light canoes escaped. The watch-word was\\nCrambo, which the captain ever after bore as an appendage to\\nhis tide.^ On the twenty-sixth day of July, the people of Dover\\nwere w^aylaid as they were returning from the public worship,\\nwhen three were killed, three wounded, and dirce carried to\\nPenobscot, from whence they soon found their way home.- f\\nThe next year, on the tenth of June, the town of Exeter was\\nremarkably preserved from destruction. A body of the enemy\\nhad placed themselves near the town, intending to make\\nan assault in the morning of die next day. A number of\\nwomen and children contrary to the advice of their friends went\\n(1) Judge Parker. (2) Magnalia, lib. 7, p. 89.\\n[William Shackford was of Dover, and one of tlio grand jury in 1682.]\\nt [The persons killed were Nicholas Otis, Mary Downs and Mary Jones\\nthose wounded were Richard Otis, Anthony Lowden and E.vperience Heard\\nthose captured were John Tucker, Nicholas Otis, jr., and Judith Ricker. On\\nthe 25th Augu.st following, Lieutenant Lock was slain by the Indians at San-\\ndy Reach, and soon after Arnold Rreck, \u00c2\u00abfcc. was shot at betwixt Hampton\\nand Greenland. Rev. John Pike, MS. Journal.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0166.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "1697.] PROVINCE. JOHN USHER. 143\\ninto the fields, without a guard, to gather strawberries. When\\nthey were gone, some persons, to frighten them, fired an alarm\\nwhich quickly spread through the town, and brought the people\\ntogether in arms. The Indians supposing that they were discov-\\nered, and quickened by fear, after killing one, wounding another,\\nand taking a child, made a hasty retreat and were seen no more\\nthere. But on the fourth day of July, they waylaid and killed\\nthe worthy Major Frost* at Kittery, to whom they had owed re-\\nvenge ever since the seizure of the four hundred at Cochecho,\\nin which he was concerned.*\\nThe same year, an invasion of the country was projected by the\\nFrench. A fleet was to sail from France to Newfoundland, and\\nthence to Penobscot, where being joined by an army from Cana-\\nda, an attempt was to be made on Boston, and the seacoast rav-\\naged from thence to Pascataqua. The plan was too extensive\\nand complicated to be executed in one summer. The fleet came\\nno further than Newfoundland, when the advanced season, and\\nscantiness of provisions obliged them to give over the design.\\nThe people of New-England were apprized of the danger, and\\nmade the best preparations in their power. They strengthened\\ntheir fortifications on the coast, and raised a body of men to de-\\nfend the frontiers against the Indians who were expected to co-\\noperate with the French. Some mischief was done by lurking\\nparties at the eastward but New-Hampshire was unmolested by\\nthem during the reinainder of this, and the whole of the following\\nyear.f\\nAfter the peace of Rysvvick, Count Frontenac informed the\\nIndians that he could not any longer support them in a war ^^o\\nwith the English, with whom his nation was then at peace.\\nHe therefore advised them to bury the hatchet and restore their\\ncaptives. Having suffered much by famine, and being divided\\nin their opinions about prosecuting the war, after a long time they\\nwere brought to a treaty at Casco where they ratified .pnq\\ntheir former engagements; acknowledged subjection to\\ntlie crown of England lamented their former perfidy, and\\n(1) Mag. lib. 7, page 91. MS. Journal.\\n[Ma_jor Charles Frost, was the representative of Kittery in the General\\nCourt ot Massachusetts in the years 1058, IGdO and 1G(!1 and was long an\\nactive and useful officer in the Indian wars. He is named by Hubbard in his\\nWars with the Eastern Indians, p. 28. Under the charter of William and\\nMary, at the first election of counsellors, in 1C93, he was selected for one of\\nthose to be chosen for Maine. He was probably related to the Frosts of New-\\nHampshire, where the name has continued with reputation from an early\\nperiod to the present time.]\\nt [It was in 1(597, on the 15 of March, that the town of Haverhill, in Massa-\\nchusetts, was attacked by the Indians, and some of the prisoners there taken\\nwere brought into New-Hampshire, among whom was the intrepid Hannah\\nDuston, whose story is well known. It was on a small island at tlie mouth\\nof Contoocook river, about six miles above the State House in Concord, that\\nshe destroyed her captors. She and her coadjutors killed two men, two wo-\\nmen, and six others, and having scalped them, carried their scalps to Boston.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0167.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "144 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [16D9.\\nj)roniiscd future peace and good behaviour in such terms as the\\ncommissioners dictated, and with as much sincerity as could be\\nexpected. 1 At the same time, they restored those captives, who\\nwere able to travel from the places of their detention to Casco in\\nthat unfavorable season of the year; giving assurance for the\\nreturn of the others in the spring but many of the younger sort,\\nboth males and females, were detained who, mingling with the\\nIndians, contributed to a succession of enemies in future wars\\nagainst their own country. *2\\n(1) Mag. lib. 7, page 94. (2) Hutch, vol. 2, page 110.\\n[I have endeavored to collect from various authorities, but principally\\nfrom a MS. Journal of the Rev. John Pike, of Dover, a summary account of\\nthe depredations committed by the Indians in the Eastern part of New-Eng-\\nland, during what Cotton Mather calls Decennium Luctuosum, or the long\\nWar with the Indian Salvages, which is presented below in a tabular form,\\nand so far as was practicable, in chronological order. Other depredations\\ndoubtless were committed of which no account is preserved.\\nTime.\\nPlaces attacked. JVo\\nKilled.\\nWounded.\\nCapt d.\\n1G89.\\n28 June,\\nDover,\\n23\\n29\\nAugust,\\nOyster River, (Durham)\\n18\\nAugust,\\nAndovcr, Ms.\\n2(1)\\n1C90.\\n2 February,\\nSchenectady, N. Y.\\n60\\n27\\n18 March,\\nSalmon-Falls,\\n27\\n52\\n22 August,\\nYork, Me.\\n1\\nFox Point, (Newington)\\n14\\nG\\n4 July,\\nLamprey River,\\n8\\n1\\n5 July,\\nExeter,\\n8\\n(i July,\\nWheelwright s pond, (Lee\\n16\\n7 July,\\nAmesbury, Ms.\\n3\\nJuly or Aug\\nMaquoit, Me.\\n1\\n1\\n21 September,\\nMaquoit, (near Casco)\\n8\\n24\\n1G92.\\n25 January,\\nYork, Me.\\n48\\n18 July,\\nLancaster, Ms.\\n6\\n1\\n1 August,\\nBillerica, Ms.\\nG\\n28 September,\\nNewichwannock,(S.Berwick)2\\n2!) September,\\nSandy Beach, (Rye)\\n21(2)\\n1G93.\\n10 May,\\nDover,\\n1(3)\\n1094.\\n18 July,\\nOyster River,\\n94(4)\\n21 July,\\nPortsmouth,\\n4\\n27 July,\\nGroton, Ms.\\n22\\n13\\n20 August,\\nSpruce Creek and York,\\n5\\n24 August,\\nLong Reach, (Kittery)\\n8(5)\\n4 September,\\nPond Plain. Ms. (G)\\n2\\n1695.\\n28 March,\\nSaco Fort. Me.\\n1\\n1\\n6 July,\\nKittery. Me.\\n1\\n7 July,\\nYork, Me.\\n1\\nJuly,\\nExeter,\\n2\\nLancaster, Ms.\\n1\\nHaverhill, Ms.\\n2\\n5 August,\\nBillerica, Ms.\\n10\\n5\\nAugust,\\nSaco Fort, Me.\\n1\\n(1) Four from Andover died the same year in the war at the Eastward.\\nAbbot, Hist. Andover, 43.\\n(2) This number includes those who were killed and carried away. Pike,\\nMS. Journal.\\n(3) This was Tobias Hanson, who is not named by Dr. Belknap.\\n(4) Killed and carried away.\\n(Ty) Killed and captured.\\n(G) Between Amesbury and Haverhill, Ms.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0168.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "PROVINCE. JOHN USHKH.\\n145\\nA general view of an Indian war will give a jusl idea of these\\ndistressing times, and be a proper close to this narration.\\nThe Indians were seldom or never seen before they did exe-\\ncution. They appeared not in the open field, nor gave proofs of\\na truly masculine courage but did their exploits by surprise,\\nchiefly in the morning, keeping themselves hid behind logs and\\nbushes, near the paths in the woods, or the fences contiguous to\\nthe doors of houses and their lurking holes could be known only\\nby the report of their guns, which was indeed but feeble, as they\\nwere sparing of ammunition, and as near as possible to their object\\nbefore diey fired. They rarely assaulted an house unless they\\nknew there would be but little resistance, and it has been after-\\nward known that they have lain in ambush for days together,\\nwatching the motions of the people at their work, without daring\\nto discover themselves. One of their chiefs, who had got a\\nwoman s riding-hood among his plunder, would put it on, in an\\nevening, and walk into the streets of Portsmouth, looking into the\\nwindows of houses, and listening to the conversation of the people.\\nTheir cruelty was chiefly exercised upon children, and such\\naged, infirm, or corpulent persons as could not bear the hardships\\nof a journey through the wilderness. If they took a woman far\\nI69r).\\n1G9G.\\n1C97.\\n1698.\\nTime,.\\n9 September,\\n7 October,\\n7 May,\\n24 June,\\n26 June,\\n26 July,\\n13 August,\\n15 August,\\n25 August,\\n25 August,\\n27 August,\\n13 October,\\n15 March,\\n20 May,\\n10 June,\\n10 June,\\n4 July,\\n29 July,\\n7 August,\\n9 September,\\n11 September,\\n15 November,\\n22 February,\\nFebruary,\\n9 May,\\n9 May,\\nPlaces attacked.\\nPemaquid, Me. 4\\nNewbury, Ms.\\nDover, (or near it) 1\\nYork, Me. 2\\nSagamores Creek, (Ports.) 24\\nKo. Killed. Wounded.\\nDove\\nAndover, Ms.\\nHaverhill, Ms.\\nOxford, Ma.\\nSandy Beach,\\nLubberland.(l)\\nSaco Fort, Me.\\nHaverhill, Ms,\\nYork, Me\\nGroton, Ms.\\nExeter,\\nSalisbury, Ms.\\nKittery, Me.\\nDover,\\nSaco Fort, Me.\\nDamariscotta, Me.\\nLancaster, Ms.\\nJohnson s Creek,\\nAndover, Ms.\\nHaverhill, Ms.\\nSpruce Creek, Me.\\nYork, Me.\\nCap t.\\n9\\n40(2)\\n1\\n1\\n1\\n3\\n3\\n12\\n21\\n1\\n5\\n2\\n1\\n12\\n2\\n(1) This place was in New-Hampshire.\\n(2) This was the number killed and taken. Mr. Saltonstall in hie Hi\u00c2\u00bbl. of\\nHaverhill, p. 8, says that, In 1697, fourteen persons were killed, [in Haver-\\nhill] eight of them children. These he makes in addition to the above 40\\nkilled and taken when Mrs. Dustou was captured, the time of which he er-\\nroneously places under 1698.]\\n21", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0169.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "14G HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nadvanced in pregnancy, tlieir knives were plunged into her bo\\\\v\\nels. An infant, when it became troublesome, had its brains dash-\\ned out against the next tree or stone. Sometimes to torment the\\nwretched mother, they would whip and beat the child till almost\\ndead, or hold it under water till its breath was just gone, and then\\nthrow it to her to comlbrt and quiet it. If the mother could not\\nreadily still its weeping, the hatchet was buried in its skull. A\\ncaptive wearied with a burden laid on his shoulders was often\\nsent to rest the same way. If any one proved refractory, or was\\nknown to have been instrumental of the death of an Indian, or re-\\nlated to one who had been so, he was tortured with a lingering\\npunishment, generally at the stake, whilst the other captives were\\ninsulted with the sight of his miseries. Sometimes a fire would\\nbe kindled and a threatening given out against one or more, though\\nthere was no intention of sacrificing them, only to make sport of\\ntheir terrors. The young Indians often signalized their cruelty\\nin treating captives inhumanly out of sight of the elder, and when\\ninquiry was made into the matter, the insulted captive must either\\nbe silent or put the best face on it, to prevent worse treatment for\\nthe future. If a captive appeared sad and dejected he Mas sure\\nto meet with insult but if he could sing and dance and laugh\\nwith his masters, he was carressed as a brother. They had a\\nstrong aversion to negroes, and generally killed them when they\\nfell into their hands.\\nFamine was a common attendant on these doleful captivities.\\nThe Indians when they cauglit any game devoured it all at one\\nsitting, and then girding themselves round the waist, travelled\\nwithout sustenance till chance threw more in their way. The\\ncaptives, unused to such canine repasts and abstinences, could not\\nsupport the surfeit of the one, nor the craving of the other. A\\nchange of masters, though it sometimes proved a relief from mis-\\nery, yet rendered the prospect of a return to their homes more\\ndistant. If an Indian had lost a relative, a prisoner bought for a\\ngun, a hatchet, or a few skins, must supply the place of the de-\\nceased, and be the father, brother, or son of the purchaser and\\nthose who could accommodate themselves to such barbarous\\nadoption, were treated with the same kindness as the persons in\\nwhose place they were substituted. A sale among the French\\nof Canada was the most happy event to a captive, especially if\\nhe became a servant in the family though sometimes, even there,\\na prison was their lot, till opportunity presented for their redemp-\\ntion whilst the priests employed every seducing art to pervert\\nthem to the popish religion, and induce them to abandon their\\ncountry. These circumstances, joined with the more obvious\\nhardships of travelling half naked and barefoot through pathless\\ndeserts, over craggy mountains and deep swamps, through frost,\\nrain and snow, exposed by day and night to the inclemency of", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0170.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "PROVINCE. JOHN USHER. 147\\nihc weather, and in summer to the venomous stings of those num-\\nberless insects with which the woods abound the restless anxiety\\nof mind, the retrospect of past scenes of pleasure, the remem-\\nbrance of distant friends, die bereavements experienced at die\\nbeginning or during the progress of the captivity, and the daily\\napprehension of death either by famine or the savage enemy\\nthese were the horrors of an Indian captivity.\\nOn the other hand, it must be acknowledged that there have\\nbeen instances of justice, generosity and tenderness during these\\nwars which would have done honor to a civilized ])eople. A\\nkindness shewn to an Indian was remembered as long as an in-\\njury and persons have had their lives spared, for acts of human-\\nity done to the ancestors of those Indians, into whose hands they\\nhave fallen.* They would sometimes carry children on their\\narms and shoulders, feed their prisoners with the best of their\\nprovision, and pinch themselves radier than their captives should\\nwant food. When sick or wounded, they would afford them\\nproper means for their recovery, which they were very well able\\nto do by their knowledge of simples. In thus preserving the lives\\nand health of their prisoners, they doubdess had a view of gain.\\nBut the most remarkably favorable circumstance in an Indian\\ncaptivity, was their decent behaviour to women. I have never\\nread, nor heard, nor could find by inquiry, that any woman who\\nfell into their hands was ever treated with the least immodesty\\nbut testimonies to the contrary are very frequent. f Whether\\nthis negative virtue is to be ascribed to a natural frigidity of con-\\nstitution, let philosophers inquire The fact is certain and it\\nwas a most happy circumstance for our female captives, that in\\nSeveral instances to this purpose have been occasionally mentioned in the\\ncourse of this narrative. The following additional one is taken from Capt.\\nHammond s MS. Journal. April 13, 1G77. The Indians Simon. Andrew\\nand Peter burnt the house of Edward Weymouth at Sturgeon creek. They\\nplundered the house of one Crawley but did not kill him, because of soma\\nkindness done to Simon s grandmother.\\nt Mary Rowlaudson who was captured at Lancaster, in 1G7.5, has this pas-\\nsage in her narrative, (p. 55.) I have been in the midst of these roaring\\niions and savage bears, that feared neither God nor man nor the devil, by day\\nand night, alone and in company sleeping all sorts together, and yet not one\\nof them ever oft ered mo the least abuse of unchastity in word or action.\\nElizabeth Hanson who was taken from Dover in 1724, testifies in her nar-\\nrative, (p. 28) that tlie Indians are very civil toward their captive women,\\nnot offering any incivility by any indecent carriage.\\nWilliam Fleming, who was taken in Pennsylvania, in 1755, says the In-\\ndians told him he need not be afraid of their abusing his wife, for they\\nwould not do it, for fear of offending tlieir God (pointing their hands toward\\nheaven) for the man that affronts his God will surely be ^killed when he goes\\nto war. He farther says. th;il one of them gave his wife a shift and petticoat\\nwhich he had among his plunder, and tJiougii he was alone with her, yet he\\nturned his back, and went to some distance whilst she put them on. (p. 10.)\\nCharlevoix in liis accountof the Indians of Canada, says, (letter 7) There\\nis no e.\\\\ample that any have ever taken the least liberty with the Frencli\\nwomen, even when they were thoir prisoners.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0171.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "148 HISTORY OF .NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nthe midst of all their distresses, they had no reason to fear from\\na savage foe, the perpetration of a crime, which has too frequently\\ndisgraced, not only the personal, hut the national character of\\nthose, who make large pretences to civilization and humanity.\\nCHAPTER XI.\\nThe civil affairs of tlie Province during the administrations of UnliPr, Part-\\nridge, Allen, the Earl of Bellomont and Dudley, comprehending tlie wholt*\\ncontrovers} with Allen and his heirs.\\nJohn Usher, Esquire, was a native of Boston, and by profes-\\nsion a stationer. He was possessed of an handsome fortune, and\\nsustained a fair character in trade. He had been employed by\\nthe Massachusetts government, when in England, to negotiate the\\npurchase of the province of Maine, from the heirs of Sir Ferdin-\\nando Gorges, and had tlicreby got a taste for speculating in land-\\ned interest. He was one of the partners in the million purchase,\\nand had sanguine expectations of gain from that quarter. He\\nhad rendered himself unpopular among his countrymen, by ac-\\ncepting the office of treasurer, under Sir Edmund Andros, and\\njoining with apparent zeal in the measures of that administration,\\nand he continued a friendly connexion with that party, after they\\nwere displaced.\\nThough not illnatured, but rather of an open and generous dis-\\nposition, yet he wanted those accomplishments which he might\\nhave acquired by a learned and polite education. He had but\\nlitde of the .statesman, and less of the courtier. Instead of an\\nengaging aftability he affected a severity in his deportment, was\\nloud in conversation, and stern in command. Fond of presiding\\nin government, he frequently journeyed into the province, (though\\nhis residence was at Boston, where he carried on his business as\\nusual,) and often summoned the council, when he had little or\\nnothing to lay before them. He gave orders, and found fault\\nlike one who felt himself independent, and was determined to be\\nobeyed. He had an high idea of his authority and the dignity of\\nhis commission and when opposed and insulted, as he some-\\ntimes was, he treated die offenders with a severity, which he\\nwould not relax, till he had brought them to submission. His\\npublic speeches were always incorrect, and sometimes coarse and\\nreproachful.-\\nHe seems, however, to have taken as much care for the inter-\\nest and preservation of the province as one in his circumstances\\n(l)l^slicr s ]iaprrs. (2) T roviuco files.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0172.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "PIIOVLN CE. JOHN USIIKU. MO\\ncould have done. He began liis administration in the height of\\na war, which greatly distressed and impoverished the country,\\nyet his views from the beginning were lucrative.* The people\\nperceived these views, and were aware of the danger. The\\ntransfer of the title from iNIason to Allen was only a change of\\nnames. They expected a repetition of the same difficulties under\\na new claimant. After the opposition they had hitherto made,\\nit could not be thought strange that men whose pulse heat high\\nfor freedom, should refuse to submit to vassalage nor, whilst\\nthey were on one side defending their possessions against a sav-\\nage enemy, could it be expected, that on the other, they should\\ntamely suffer the intrusion of a landlord. Usher s interest was\\nunited with theirs in jn-oviding for the defence of the country, and\\ncontending with the enemy but when the proprietary of the soil\\nwas in quesdon, they stood on opposite sides and as both these\\ncontroversies were carried on at the same time, the conduct of\\nthe people toward him varied according to the exigency of the\\ncase. They sometimes voted him thanks for his services, and\\nat other times complained of his abusing and oppressing them.\\nSome of them would have been content to have held their es-\\ntates under Allen s title,f but the greater part, including the\\nprincipal men, were resolved to oppose it to the last extremity.\\nThey had an aversion not only to the proprietary claim on their\\nlands, but their separation from the IMassachusetts government,\\nunder which they had formerly enjoyed so much freedom and\\npeace. They had petitioned to be re-annexed to them, at the\\ntime of the rev olution and they were always very fond of ap-\\nplying to them for help in their difficulties, that it might appear\\nhow unable they were to subsist alone. They knew also that the\\nMassachusetts people were as averse as themselves to Allen s\\nclaim, which extended to a great part of their lands, and was\\nparticularly noticed in their new charter.\\nSoon after Usher s arrival, he made inquiry for the papers\\nwhich contained the transactions relative to Mason s suits. Du-\\nring the suspension of government in 1G89, Captain John Picker-\\ning, J a man of a rough and adventurous spirit, and a lawyer, had\\ngone with a company of armed men to the house of Chamberlain,\\nthe late secretary and clerk, and demanded the records and files\\nIn a letter to George Dorrington and John Taylor in London, he writfs\\ntlius Jan. 2fl, 1(592 3. In case yourselves are concerned in the province\\nof New-IIanipshire. with prudent management it may be worth money, the\\npeople only paying 4d and 2d per acre. The reason why the commonalty\\nof the people do not agree is because 3 or 4 of the great landed men dissuade\\nthem from it. The people have petitioned the king to be anne.xed to Bos-\\nton government, but it will not be for the proprietor s interest to admit of\\nthat unless the king sends a general governor over all.\\nt I liave 40 hands in Exeter who desire to take patents for land from you,\\nand many in otlier towns. Usher to Allen. October, 1005.\\n[He often wrote his name PickerinJ", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0173.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "150 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1693.\\nwhich were in his possession. Chamberlain refused to deliver\\nthem without some legal warrant for security but Pickering took\\nthem by force, and conveyed them over the river to Kittery.\\nPickering was summoned before the governor, threatened and im-\\nprisoned, but for some time would neither deliver the books, nor\\ndiscover the place of their concealment, unless by order of the\\nassembly and to some person by them ajipointed to receive them.\\nAt length, however, he was constrained to deliver them, and they\\nwere put into the hands of the secretary, by the lieutenant-gov-\\nernor s order.\\nAnother favorite point with Usher was to have the boundary\\nbetween New-Hampshire and Massachusetts ascertained. There\\nifiQ were reasons which induced some of the people to fall in\\nwith this desire. The general idea was, that New-Hamp-\\nshire began at the end of three miles north of the river Merri-\\nmack which imaginary line was also the boundary of the ad-\\njoining townships on each side. The people who lived, and\\nowned lands near these limits, pretended to belong to either prov-\\nince, as best suited their conveniency which caused a difficulty\\nin the collecting of taxes, and cutting of timber. The town of\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0080\u00a2(^qr Hampton was sensibly affected with these difficulties, and\\nOct 1-2 petitioned the council that the line might be run. The\\ncouncil appointed a committee of Hampton men to do it,\\nand gave notice to Massachusetts of their intention desiring them\\nto join in the affair.^ They disliked it, and declined to act upon\\nwhich, the lieutenant-governor and council of New-Hampshire\\ncaused the boundary line to be run from the sea-shore three\\nmiles northward of Merrimack, and parallel to the river, as far\\nas any settlements had been made, or lands occupied.^\\nThe only attempt made to extend the settlement of the lands\\nduring these times, was, that h\\\\ the spring of the year 1694, whilst\\nthere was a trvice with the Indians, Usher granted a charter for\\nthe township of Kingston, to about twenty petitioners from Hamp-\\nton. They were soon discouraged by the dangers and difficul-\\nties of the succeeding hostilities, and many of them returned\\nhome within two years. After die war, they resumed their en-\\nterprise but it was not till the year 1725, that they were able to\\nobtain the settlement of a minister. No alteradons took place\\nin the old towns, except the separation of Great-Island, Litde-\\n^Cqc Harbor, and Sandy-Beach, from Portsmouth, and their\\nerecdon into a town by the name of New-Casde togeth-\\ner widi the annexation of that part of Squamscot patent which\\nnow bears the name of Stradiam, to Exeter, it having before been\\nconnected with Hampton.\\nThe lieutenant-governor was very forward in these transactions,\\n(1) Prov. files. (2) Brief of thp case ofN. II. and Mass. stated by Strang*\\nand Hollings, 1738, p. 8. (3) Prov. files.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0174.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "1693.] PROVINCE. JOHN USHER. 101\\nthinking them circumstances favoral)lc to his views, and iieing\\nwilling to recommend himself to the people by seconding their\\nwishes as far as was consistent with the interest he moaned to\\nserve. The people, however, regarded the settling and dividing\\nof townships, and the running of lines, only as mailers of general\\nconvenience, and continued to be disgusted with his administra-\\ntion. His repeated calls upon them for money were answered\\nby repeated pleas of poverty, and requests for assistance from the\\nneighboring province. Usher used all his influence with that gov-\\nernment to obtain a supply of men to garrison the frontiers and\\nwhen they wanted provisions for the garrisons, and could not read-\\nily raise the money, he would advance it out of his own purse\\nand wait till the treasury could reimburse it.\\nDuring the two or three first years of his administration the\\npublic charges were provided for as they had been before, by an\\nexcise on wines and other spirituous liquors, and an impost on\\nmerchandize. These duties being laid only from year to year,\\nUsher vehemently urged upon the assembly a renewal of\\nthe act, and an extension of the duty to articles of export\\nand that a part of the money so raised might be applied to\\nthe support of government. The answer he obtained was, that\\nconsidering the exposed state of the province, they were obliged\\nto apply all the money they could raise to their defence and\\ntherefore ihey were not capable of doing any thing for the sup-\\nport of government, though they were sensible his honor had\\nbeen at considerable expense. They begged that he would join\\nwith the council in representing to the king, the poverty and\\ndanger of the province, that such methods might be taken for\\ntheir support and preservation as to the royal wisdom should\\nseem meet. Being further pressed upon the subject, they pass-\\ned a vote to lay the proposed duties for one year, provided he\\nand the council would join with them in petitioning the king to\\nannex them to Massachusetts.\\nHe had the mortification of being disappointed in his expecta-\\ntions of gain, not only from the people, but from his employer.\\nAllen had promised him two hundred and fifty pounds per annum\\nfor executing his commission and when at the end of the third\\nyear, Usher drew on him for the payment of this sum, his bill came\\nback protested.* This was the more mortifying, as he had as-\\nsiduously and faithfully attended to Allen s interest, and acquaint-\\ned him from time to time with the means he had used, the diffi-\\nculties he had encountered, the pleas he had urged, the time he\\nhad spent, and die expense he liad incurred in defence and sup-\\nport of his claim. He now desired him to come over and assume\\nthe government himself, or get a successor to him appointed in\\nIt is probable that Allen was not able to comply witli this demand. The\\npurchase of the province from the Masons had been made with other men s\\nmoney. Letter of lusher to Sir Matthew Dudley. Sept 1718.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0175.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "152 lllxnoin UF EW-I1AMP!SHIHE. [1695.\\nthe ofiice of ricutenaiit-governor. He did not know that the peo-\\nple were hefore liand of him ia this latter request.\\nOn a pretence of disloyalty he had removed Hinckes, Wal-\\ndron and Vaughan from their seats in the council.* The former\\nol these was a man who could change with the times the two\\nlatter were steady opposcrs of the proprietary claim. Their sus-\\npension irritated the people, who, by their inliuence, privately\\nagreed to reconmiend William Partridge, Esq., as a proper person\\nfor their lieutenant-governor in Usher s stead. Partridge was a\\nnative of Portsmouth, a shipwright, of an extraordinary mechan-\\nical genius, of a politic turn of mind, and a popular man. He\\nwas treasurer of the province, and had been ill used by Usher.\\nBeing largely concerned in trade he was well known in England,\\nhaving supplied the navy with masts and timber. His sudden de-\\nparture for England was very surprising to Usher, who could not\\nimagine he had any other business than to settle his accounts.\\nBut the surprise was greatly increased, when he returned\\n1697. ^viti^ a commission appointing him lieutenant-governor and\\ncommander in chief in Allen s absence. It was obtained\\nof the lords justices in the king s absence, by the interest of Sir\\nHenry Ashurst, and was dated June 6, 1696.\\nImmediately on his arrival, his appointment was publicly made\\nknown to the people though, either from the delay of making\\nout his instructions, or for want of the form of an oath necessary to\\nbe taken, the commission was not published in the usual manner.\\nBut the party in opposition to Usher triumphed. The suspended\\ncounsellors resumed their seats, Pickering was made king s attor-\\nne} and Hinkes, as president of the council, opened the\\nassembly with a speech. This assembly ordered the records\\nwhich had been taken from Pickering to be deposited in the hands\\nof Major Vaughan, who was appointed recorder in consequence\\nof which they have been kept in that office ever since.^\\nUsher being at Boston when this alteration took place, wrote to\\nthem, declaring that no commission could supersede his, till duly\\npublished and intimated his intention of coming hither, if he\\ncould be safe with his life. He also despatched his secretary,\\nCharles Story, to England, with an account of this trans-\\naction, which in one of his private letters he styles the\\nPascataqua rebellion adding, that the militia were raised, and\\nforty horse sent to seize him and intimating that the confusion\\nwas so great, that if But three French ships were to appear, he\\n(1) Usher s letter to Allen, July and Oct. 1G95. (2) Ashurst s letters in\\nfiles. (3) MS. Laws.\\n[The alleged cause of the suspension of Waldron and Vaughan was their\\nrefusing to take the oath of allegiance, according to a Law of the Province\\nof July, 16%, requiring all male persons from 16 years old and upwards to\\nUke said oath, and for refusing to sign an association paper according to th\u00c2\u00ab\\nform of the statute in England", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0176.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "1697.] PROVINCE. WILLIAM PARTRIDGE. 153\\nbelieved they would surrender on die first summons. The ex-\\ntreme imprudence of sending such a letter across die Adantic in\\ntime of war, was suU heightened by an apprehension which then\\nprevailed, that the French were preparing an armament to invade\\nthe country, and that they particularly designed for Pascataqua\\nriver\\n552\\nIn answer to his complaint, the lords of trade directed him to\\ncontinue in the place of lieutenant-governor, till Partridge should\\nqualify himself, or till Richard, Earl of Bcllomont, should g\\narrive who was commissioned to the government of New-\\nYork, Massachusetts Bay and New-Hampshire but had not yet\\ndeparted from England. Usher received the letter from the lords\\ntogether with the articles of peace which had been con-\\neluded at Ryswick, and immediately set off for New-\\nHampshire, (where he had not been for a year) proclaimed the\\npeace, and published the orders he had received, and j^^^\\nhaving proceded thus far, thought all well and quiet.\\nBut his opposers having held a consultation at night. Partridge s\\ncommission was the next day published in form he took\\nthe oaths, and entered on the administration of govern-\\nment,^ to die complete vexation and disappointment of Usher, who\\nhad been so elated with the confirmation of his commission, that\\nas he passed through Hampton, he had forbidden the minister of\\nthat place to observe a thanksgiving day, which had been appoint-\\ned by President Hinckes.*\\nAn assembly being called, one of their first acts was to write to\\nthe lords of trade, acknowledging the favor of the king\\nin appointing one of their own inhabitants to the command l^y^*\\nof the province, complaining of Usher, and alleging that\\nthere had been no disturbances but what he himself had made de-\\ndaring that diose counsellors whom he had suspended were loy-\\nal subjects, and capable of serving the king and informing their\\nlordships that Partridge had now qualified himself, and that they\\nwere waiting the arrival of the Earl of Bellomont.\\nThey also deputed Jchabod Plaisted to wait on the Earl at\\nNew-York, and compliment him on his arrival. If he should\\nfind his lordship high, and reserved, and not easy of access, he\\nwas instructed to employ some gentleman who was in his confi-\\ndence to manage the business but if easy and free, he was to\\nwait on him in person to tell him how joyfully they received\\nthe news of his appointment, and that they daily expected Gov-\\nernor Allen, whose commission would be accounted good,\\ntill his lordship s should be published, and to ask his advice,\\nhow they should behave in such a case. The principal design\\nof this message was to make Uieir court to the earl, and get the\\n(1) Usher s Letters. (2) Lt. Gov. Stoughton s letter of Feb. 22, in files.\\n(3) Usher s papers. (4) Council files. (5) Plaisted s instructions, in files.\\n22", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0177.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "154 HISTORY OF iNEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1698.\\nStart of Usher, or any of his friends, who niiglit prepossess him\\nwith an opinion to their disadvantage. But if this should have\\nliappened, Plalsted was directed to observe what reception they\\nmet with. If his lordship was ready to come this way, he was\\nto beg leave to attend him as far as Boston, and then ask his\\npermission to return home and he was furnished with a letter\\nof credit to defray his expenses. This message, which shows\\nthe contrivers to be no mean politicians, had the desired efTect.\\nThe earl continued at New-York for the first year after his ar-\\nrival in America during which time, Governor Allen came over,\\nas it was expected, and his commission being still in force,\\nhe took the oaths and assumed the command. Upon\\nSept. 15. which, Usher again made his appearance in council,\\nNov 29 where he produced the letter from the lords of trade,\\nclaiming his place as lieutenant-governor, and declared\\nthat the suspended counsellors had no right to sit till restored by\\nthe king s order. This brought on an altercation, wherein Elliot\\naffirmed, that Partridge was duly qualified and in office, that\\nWaldron and Vaughan had been suspended without cause, and\\nthat if they were not allowed to sit, the rest were determined to\\nresign. The governor declared Usher to be of the council upon\\nwhich Elliot withdrew.\\nAt the succeeding assembly, two new counsellors appeared\\nJoseph Smith, and Kingsly Hall.* The first day passed quietly.\\nfiQO governor approved Pickering as speaker of the house\\nJa 5 them he had assumed the government, because the\\nEarl of Bellomont had not arrived recommended a con-\\ntinuance of the excise and powder money, and advised them to\\nsend a congratulatory message to the Earl at New- York. The\\nnext day, the house answered, that they had continued\\nthe customs and excise till November, that they had al-\\nready congratulated the earl, and received a kind answer, and\\nwere waiting his arrival ivhen they should enter further on busi-\\nness. They complained that Allen s conduct had been grievous\\nin forbidding the collecting of the last tax, whereby the public\\ndebts were not paid in displacing sundry fit persons, and ap-\\npointing others less fit, and admitting Usher to be of the council,\\nthough superseded by Partridge s commission. These things,\\nthey told him, had obliged some members of the council and as-\\nsembly to apply to his lordship for relief, and, unless he should\\nmanage with a more moderate hand, they threatened him with\\nsecond application.\\nThe same day. Coffin and Weare moved a question in council,\\nwhether Usher was one of that body. He asserted his privilege,\\nand obtained a major vote. They then entered their dissent, and\\n[Joseph Smith was of Hampton. Kingsly Hall was of Exeter. The\\nlast married a daughter of Rev. Samuel Dudley.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0178.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "1G99.] PROVINCE. BELLOMONT. 155\\ndesired a dismission. The a;overnor forbade their departure.\\nWeare answered that he would not, by sitting there, put contempt\\non the king s commission, meaning Partridge s, and withdrew.\\nThe next day, the assembly ordered the money arising from the\\nimpost and excise to be kept in the treasury, till the Earl of Bell-\\nomont s arrival; and the governor dissolved them.\\nThese violences on his part were supposed to originate from\\nUsher s resentment, and his overbearing influence upon Allen,\\nwho is said to have been rather of a pacific and condescending\\ndisposition. The same ill temper continued during the remainder\\nof this short administration. The old counsellors, excepting Fry-\\ner, refused to sit. Sampson Sheafe and Peter Weare made up\\ntiie quorum. Sheafe was also secretary Smith treasurer, and\\nWilliam Ardell sheriff. The constables refused to collect the\\ntaxes of the preceeding year, and the governor was obliged to\\nrevoke his orders, and commission the former constables to do\\nthe duty which he had forbidden.*^\\nIn the spring, the earl of Bellomont set out for his eastern gov-\\nernments. The council voted an address, and sent a committee,\\nof which Usher was one, to present it to him at Boston and\\npreparations were made for his reception in New-Hampshire\\nwhere he, at length, came and published his commission,\\nto the great joy of the people, v.ho now saw at the head\\nof the government, a nobleman of distinguished figure and polite\\nmanners, a firm friend to the revolution, a favorite of King Will-\\niam, and one who had no interest in oppressing them.\\n(1) MS. in the files.\\n[On the 6 January, 1C99, the Eastern Indians renewed their submission\\nto the Crown of England, at Casco Bay, near Mare s point, (Coll. N. H.\\nHist. Soc. ii. 2G5 267) whereupon lieutenant-o;overnor Stoughton issued a\\nproclamation, a copy ofwhich was sent to governor Allen, of New-Hampshire,\\naccompanied with the following letter, latel} discovered among secretary\\nW.ildron s papers.\\nIlonlilc i)ir Upon the late submission made by the Eastern Indians\\nwhicii it s lioped will settle all things in a present quiet, I have thought fit,\\nwith the advice and consent of liis IVIa:t,ys Council liere, to emit a Proclama-\\ntion (copy whereof is enclosed) to promote the regular settlement of the East-\\nern parts of this Province, and for regulating of Trade with tlie Indians, the\\nbetter to secure and preserve his Ma tys Interests and tlie future peace and\\ntranquillity of his subjects, that no just provocation may be given to tiie In-\\ndians, or any abuse or injustice done thena therein the terms wliereof the\\ngovernmt. here expect an exact compliance witli, and conformity unto. And\\njudge it necessary for his Ma tys service that your honour be acquainted\\ntherewith, to the end his Ma tys subjects within your Government may be\\nnotified thereof in such way as you sliall think most adviseable, tliat neither\\nthe good intent of the sd. Proclamation be defeated, nor they suffer any loss\\nor damage by acting any thing contrary tliereunto witliin tlie jiarts of this his\\nMa: tys (Grovernment. Assuring my selfe nothing will be wanting on your\\nhonor s part to prevent the mischief es that may ensue upon neglect of the due\\nobservance thereof, I am with much respect. Sir,\\nYour very humble servant,\\nWm. Stoughtow.\\nBoston, February 16th 1098. (1)\\n(1) That is 1698-9.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0179.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "15(5 HISTORY OP NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1699.\\nDuring the controversy with Allen, Partridge had withdrawn\\nbut upon this change, he look his seat as lieutenant-governor, and\\nthe displaced counsellors were again called to the board. A pe-\\ntition was presented against the judges of the superior court, and\\na proclamation was issued for justices of the peace and constables\\nonly to continue in office, whereby the judges commissions de-\\ntermined. Richard Jose was made sheriff in the room of Ardell,\\nand Charles Story secretary in the room of Sheafe.\\nThe government was now modelled in favor of the peo})le, and\\nthey rejoiced in the change, as they apprehended the way was\\nopened for an effectual settlement of their long continued diffi-\\nculties and disputes. Both parties laid their complaints before\\nthe governor, who wisely avoided censuring either, and advised\\nto a revival of the courts of justice, in which the main controversy\\nmight be legally decided. This was agreed to, and the necessary-\\nacts being passed by an assembly, (who also presented the earl\\nwith five hundred pounds which lie obtained the king s leave to\\naccept) after about eighteen day s stay, he quitted the province,\\nleaving Partridge, now quietly seated in the chair, to appoint the\\njudges of the respective courts. Hinckes was made chief jus-\\ntice of the superior court, with Peter Coffin, John Gerrish and\\nJohn Plaisted for assistants; Waldron chief justice of the inferior\\ncourt, with Henry Dow, Theodore Atkinson and John Woodman\\nfor assistants.^\\nOne principal object of the earl s attention was, to fortify the\\nharbor, and provide for the defence of the country in case of\\nanother war. He had recommended to the assembly, in his\\nspeech, the building of a strong fort on Great Island, and after-\\nward, in his letters, assured them that if they would provide ma-\\nterials, he would endeavor to prevail on the king to be at\\nJune (3 expense of erecting it. Col. Romer, a Dutch En-\\ngineer, having viewed the spot, produced to the assembly\\nan estimate of the cost and transportation of materials, amounting\\nto above six thousand pounds. They were amazed at the pro-\\nposal and retiuMied for answer to the governor, that in their\\ngreatest difficulties, when their lives and estates w^ere in the most\\nimminent hazard, they were never able to raise one thousand\\npounds in a year that they had been exceedingly impoverished\\n(1) Council Records.\\nI have here placed in one view such assessments as I have been able to\\nfind during the preceding war, with tlie proportion of each town, which varied\\naccording to their respective circumstances at different times. MS. Laws.\\nirm.\\n1693.\\nJ6i 4.\\nIG Jj.\\nUncert.\\n1697.\\nPortsmouth,\\n70\\n210\\n167\\n12 .t\\n140 1 6\\nHampton,\\n66 13 4\\n200\\n230\\n172 14 G\\n187 2 4 1-2\\nDover,\\n30\\n110\\nJ)0\\n117 Hi G\\n127 n 71-2\\nExeter,\\n33 6 8\\nbO\\n127\\n106 16\\n115 14\\nNew-Castle,\\n\u00c2\u00a3200\\nJtGOO\\n66\\nX700\\nX400\\n73 7\\n79 12 6\\njEGOO\\n\u00c2\u00a3650", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0180.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "1700.] PROVINCE. BELLOMONT, 157\\nby a long war, and were now struggling under an heavy debt,\\nbesides being engaged in a controversy with a pretended pro-\\nprietor j that they liad expended more blood and money to\\nsecure his majesty s interest and dominion in New-England than\\nthe intrinsic value of their estates, and that the fortifying of the\\nharbor did as much concern Massachusetts as themselves but\\nthey concluded with assuring his lordship, that if he were\\nthoroughly acquainted with their miserable, poor and mean cir-\\ncumstances, they would readily submit to whatever he should\\nthink them capable of doing. They were also required to\\nfurnish their quota of men to join with the other colonies in de-\\nfending the frontiers of New- York in case of an attack.* This,\\nthey thought extremely hard, not only because they had never\\nreceived the least assistance from New-York in the late wars, but\\nbecause an opinion prevailed among them, that their enemies had\\nreceived supplies from the Dutch at Albany, and that the plunder\\ntaken from their desolated towns had been sold in that place.\\nThere was, however, no opportunity for affording this assistance,\\nas the New-Yorkers took care to maintain a good understanding\\nwith the French and Indians, for the benefit of trade.^\\nBut to return to Allen He had as litde prospect of success in\\nthe newly established courts, as the people had, when Mason s\\nsuits were carried on under Cranfield s government.^ On ex-\\namining the records of the superior court, it was found that twen-\\nty-four leaves were missing, in which, it was supposed, the judg-\\nments recovered by Mason were recorded. No evidence appeared\\nof his having obtained possession. The work was to begin anew;\\nand Waldron, being one of the principal landholders and most\\nstrenuous opposers of the claim, was singled out to stand fore-\\nmost in the controversy with Allen, as his faUierhad with Mason.\\nThe cause went through the courts, and was invariably given in\\nfavor of the defendant with costs. Allen s only refuge\\nwas in an appeal to the king, which the court, following\\nthe example of their brethren in the Massachusetts, refused to\\nadmit. He then petitioned the king who, by an order in coun-\\ncil, granted him an appeal, allowing him eight months to prepare\\nfor its prosecution.\\nThe refusal of an appeal could not fail of being highly resented\\nin England. It was severely animadverted on by the -_,p.,\\nlords of trade, who, in a letter to the Earl of Bellomont\\nupon this occasion, say This declining to admit ap-\\n(1) MS. in files. (2) Smith s Hist. New-York, p. 108, 175, 214. Print-\\ned state of Allen s title, p. 9.\\nThe quotas of men to be furnished by each government for the defence of\\nNew- York, if attacked, were as follows, viz.\\nMassachusetts 350 New-York 200 Pennsylvania 80\\nNew-Hampshire 40 East New-Jersey GO Maryland 160\\nRhode-Island 48 West New-Jersey 60 Virginia 240\\nConnecticut 120", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0181.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "158 HISTORY OF NEVV-IIAMPSHIRE. [1701.\\npeals to his Majesty in council, is a matter which you ought\\nvery carefully to watch against in all your governments.\\nIt is an humor that prevails so much in proprieties and\\ncharter colonies, and the Independency they thirst after is now\\nso notorious, that it has been thought fit those considerations,\\ntogether with other objections against those colonies, should be\\nlaid before the parliament and a bill has thereupon been\\nbrought into the house of lords for re-uniting the right of gov-\\nernment in their colonies to the crown.\\nBefore this letter was written, the earl died at New- York, to the\\ngreat regret of the people in his several governments,\\namong whom he had made himself very popular. A copy\\nof the letter was sent to New-York but the bill mentioned in it\\nwas not passed into an act of parliament. For some reasons of\\nstate, it was rejected by the house of lords.\\nThe assembly of New-Hampshire, having now a fair opportu-\\nnity, endeavoured as much as possible lo provide for their own\\nsecurity and passed two acts, the one for confirming the\\ngrants of lands which had been made within their several\\ntownships the other for ascertaining the bounds of them. Part-\\nridge gave his consent to these acts but Allen had the address\\nto get them disallowed and repealed because there was no re-\\nserve made in them of the proprietor s righl.^\\nThe controversy being brought before the king, both sides pre-\\npared to attend the suit. Allen s age, and probably want of cash,\\nprevented his going in person he therefore appointed Usher to\\nact for him, having previously mortgaged one half of the\\nprovince to him, for fifteen hundred pounds. Vaughan\\nwas appointed agent for the province, and attorney to Waldron.\\n_^^ It being a general interest, the assembly bore the expense,\\nMavS!) notwithstanding their pleas of poverty on other occa-\\nsions, provided a fund, on which, the agent might draw in\\ncase of the emergency.\\nIn the mean time. King William died, and Queen Anne ap-\\npointed Joseph Dudley, Esq., formerly president of New-England,\\nto be governor of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire whose\\nJ commission being published at Portsmouth, the assem-\\nbly, by a well timed present, interested him in their\\nfavor, and afterward settled a salary on him during his adminis-\\ntration, agreeably to the queen s instructions, who, about this\\ntime, forbade her governors to receive any but settled salaries.\\nWhen Allen s appeal came before the queen in council, it was\\nfound that his attorney had not brought proof that Mason had ever\\nbeen legally in possession for want of this, the judgment recov-\\nered by Waldron was affirmed but the order of council directed\\nthat the appellant should be at liberty to begin de novo by a writ\\nH) MS. in files. (2) Hutch, vol. 2, p. 131. (3) MS. Laws. (-1) Council\\najid Assembly Records. (5) Printed state of Allen s title, p. 9.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0182.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "1702.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 159\\nof ejectment in the courts of New-Hampsliire, to try lii.s title to\\nthe lands, or to quit rents payable for the same and that if any\\ndoubt in law should arise, the jury should declare what titles each\\nparty did severally make out to tlie lauds in question, and that\\nthe points in law should be referred to the court or if any doubt\\nshould arise concerning the evidence, it should be specially\\nstated in writing, that if either party should appeal to her maj-\\nesty, she might be more fully informed, in order to a final de-\\ntermination.\\nWhile this appeal was depending, a petition was presented to\\nthe queen, praying that Allen might be put in possession of the\\nwaste lands. This petition was referred to Sir Edward Northey.\\nattorney general, who was ordered to report on three questions,\\nviz. Whether Allen had a right to the wastes. 2. What\\nlands ought to be accounted waste. 3. By what method her\\nmajesty might put him into possession. At the same time. Usher\\nwas making interest to be re-appointed lieutenant-governor of the\\nprovince. Upon this, Vaughan entered a complaint to the queen,\\nsetting forth that Allen claimed as waste ground, not only a\\nlarge tract of unoccupied land, but much of that which had been\\nlong enjoyed by the inhabitants, as common pasture, within the\\nbounds of their several townships. That Usher, by his former\\nmanagements and misdemeanors when in office, had forced\\nsome of die principal inhabitants to quit the province, and had\\ngreatly harassed and disgusted all the rest, rendering himself\\nquite unacceptable to them. That he was interested in the suits\\nnow depending, as on Allen s death, he would, in right of his\\nwife, be entitled to part of the estate. Wherefore, it was hum-\\nbly submitted, whether it would be proper to appoint, as lieu-\\ntenant-governor, one whose interest and endeavor it would be\\nto disseize the people of their ancient estates, and render them\\nuneasy and it was prayed that no letters might be wrote to put\\nAllen in possession of the wastes, till the petitioner should be\\nheard by council.\\nUsher s interest however prevailed. The attorney-general\\nreported, that Allen s claim to the wastes was valid that\\nall lands unenclosed and unoccupied were to be reputed j oa\\nwaste; that he might enter into and take possession of\\nthem, and if disturbed, might assert his right and prosecute tres-\\npassers in the courts there but that it would not be proper for\\nher majesty to interpose, unless the question should come be-\\nfore her by appeal from those courts save, that it might be\\nreasonable to direct (if Allen should insist on it at the trials)\\nthat matters of fact be found specially by the juries, and that\\nthese special matters should be made to appear on an appeal.\\n(I) MS. Copy of Lords Trade Report in 1758. Filea of the Superior Court.\\n(2) Usher s papers. (3) Superior Court Files.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0183.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "IGO HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMrSHIRE. [1703.\\nSoon after this, Usher obtained a second commission as lieu-\\ntenant-governor but was expressly restricted from intermedling\\nJ 26 appointment of judges or juries, or otherwise, in\\nmatters relating to the disputes between Allen and the\\ninhabitants. The people did not relish this re-appointment, nor\\ndid his subsequent conduct reconcile them to it. Upon his first\\nappearance in council, Partridge took his seat as counsel-\\nlor but the next day, desired a dismission on account of\\na ship in the river, which demanded his constant attention. This\\nrequest was granted, and he soon after removed to Newbury,\\nwhere he spent the rest of his days in a mercantile department,\\nand in the business of his profession.*\\nIt had always been a favorite point with Usher to get the books\\nand files, which had been taken from Chamberlain, lodged in the\\nsecretary s office. Among these files, were the original minutes\\nof the suits which Mason had carried on, and the verdicts, judg-\\nments and bills of cost he had recovered. As they were commit-\\nted to the care of the recorder, who was appointed by the general\\ncourt and removable only by them, no use could be made of these\\npapers, but by consent of the assembly. When Usher produced\\nto the council an order from Whitehall that these records\\nshould be deposited with the secretary, Penhallow, the\\n1704 I ccorder, who was a member of the council, refused to\\ndeliver them without an act of the general assembly au-\\nthorising him to do so.\\nUsher succeeded but litde better in his applications for money.\\nHe alleged that he had received nothing for his former services,\\nthough they had given hundreds to Partridge and he complained\\nthat no house was provided for him to reside in, which obliged\\nhim to spend most of his time at Boston. The plea of poverty\\nalways at hand w^as not forgotten in answer to these demands.\\nBut at length, upon his repealed importunity and Dudley s earn-\\nest recommendation, after the assembly had refused making any\\nprovision for him, and the governor had expressly directed him\\nto reside at New-Castle, and exercise a regular command,\\nJvilv 7\\nit being a time of war the council were prevailed upon to\\nallow him two rooms in any house he could procure till the next\\nmeeting of die assembly, and to order ihirty-eight shillings to\\nbe given him for the expense of his journey to and from Boston.\\nWhen Dudley acquainted the assembly with the royal deter-\\nmination in Allen s suits, they appeared tolerably satisfied with\\nthe equitable intention discovered therein but begged\\nhim to represent to her majesty that the province was at\\nleast sixty miles long and twenty wide, containing twelve hun-\\nHis son Richard Partridge was an agent for the province in England.\\nOne of his daughters was married to Governor Belcher, and was mother to\\nthe late lieutenant-governor of Nova-Scotia.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0184.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "1704.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. id\\ndred square miles, that the inhabitants claimed only the property\\nof the lands contained vvidiin the bounds of their townships,\\nwhich was less than one third of the province, and had been\\npossessed by them and their ancestors more than sixty years\\nthat they had nothing to offer as a grievance if the other two\\nthirds were adjudged to Allen but should be glad to see the\\nsame planted and setded for the better security and defence of\\nthe whole withal desiring it might be considered how much\\ntime, blood and treasure, had been spent in settling and defend-\\ning this part of her majesty s dominion, and that the cost and\\nlabor bestowed thereon far exceeded the true value of the land,\\nso that they hoped it was not her majesty s intention to deprive\\nthem of all the herbage, timber and fuel, without which they\\ncould not subsist, and that the lands comprehended within the\\nbounds of their townships was little enough to afford these neces-\\nsary articles it not being usual in these plantations to fence in\\nmore of their lands than would serve for tillage, leaving the rest\\nunfenced for the feeding their cattle in common.\\nNotwithstanding this plea, which was often alleged, Allen, by\\nvirtue of the queen s permission, had entered upon and Dec. 22.\\ntaken possession by turf and twig of the common land 1^03.\\nin each township, as well as of that which was without their bounds.\\nHe brought his writ of ejectment de novo against Waldron, and\\nwhen the trial was coming on, informed Governor Dudley of it,\\nthat he might come into court and demand a special verdict\\nagreeably to the queen s instructions.- Dudley, from Boston, in-\\nformed the court of the day when he intended to be at Ports-\\nmouth, and directed the judges to adjourn the court to that day.\\nBefore it came, he heard of a body of Indians above\\nLancaster, which had put the country in alarm, and or- jq*\\ndered the court to be again adjourned. At length, he be-\\ngan his journey but was taken ill at Newbury, with a seasonable\\nfit of the gravel, and proceeded no fardier.^ The jury in the mean\\ntime refused to bring in a special verdict but found for the de-\\nfendant with costs. Allen again appealed from the judgment.\\nPerplexed, however, with these repeated disappointments, and\\nat the same time being low in purse, as well as weakened with\\nage, he sought an accommodation with the people, with whom he\\nwas desirous to spend the remainder of his days in peace. It has\\nbeen said, that he made very advantageous offers to Vaughan\\nand Waldron, if they would purchase his title but that they ut-\\nterly refused it. The people were sensible Uiat a door was still\\nopen for litigation and that after Allen s death, they might, per-\\nhaps, meet with as much or more difficulty from his heirs, among\\nwhom Usher would probably have a great influence. They well\\nRecords of tlie Council and Assembly. 2) Uslier s papers. (3) Print-\\ned state of Allen s title, p. 9.\\n23", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0185.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "163 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1705.\\nknew his indefatigable indusUy in the pursuit of gain that he\\nwas able to harass them in law, and had great interest in Eng-\\nland. They, therefore, thought it best to fall in with Allen s\\n^_,\u00e2\u0080\u009e^ views, and enter into an accommodation with him. A\\nMa 3* general meeting of deputies being held at Portsmouth, the\\nibllowing resolutions and proposals were drawn up, viz\\nThat they had no claim or challenge to any part of the prov-\\nince without the bounds of the four towns of Portsmouth, Dover,\\nHampton and Exeter, with the hamlets of New-Castle and\\nKingston, which were all comprehended within lines already\\nknown and laid out, and which should forthwith be revised but\\nthat Allen and his heirs might peaceably hold and enjoy the said\\ngreat waste, containing forty miles in length and twenty in\\nbreadth, or thereabouts, at the heads of the four towns afore-\\nsaid, if it should so please her majesty and that the inhabitants\\nof the four towns would be so far from interrupting the settle-\\nment thereof, that they desired the said waste to be planted and\\nfilled with inhabitants, to whom they would give all the encour-\\nagement and assistance in their power. That in case Allen\\nwould, for himself and heirs, forever quit-claim, to the present\\ninhabitants and their heirs, all that tract of land comprehended\\nwithin the bounds of the several towns, and warrant and defend\\nthe same against all persons, free of mortgage, entailment and\\nevery other incinnbrance, and that this agreement should be ac-\\ncepted and confirmed by the queen then they would lot and\\nlay out to him and his heirs five hundred acres within the town\\nof Portsmouth and New-Castle, fifteen hundred in Dover, fif-\\nteen hundred in Hampton and Kingston, and fifteen hundred in\\nExeter, out of the commonages of the said towns, in such plac-\\nes, not exceeding three divisions in each town, as should best\\naccommodate him and be least detrimental to them and that\\nthey would pay him or his heirs, two thousand pounds current\\nmoney of New-England at two payments, one within a year after\\nreceiving the royal confirmation of this agreement, and the other\\nwithin a year after the first payment. That all contracts made\\neither by Mason or Allen with any of the inhabitants, or others,\\nfor lands or other privileges in the possession of their tenants in\\ntheir own just right, beside the claim of IVIason and Allen, and\\nno other, should be accounted valid but that if any of the pur-\\nchasers, lessees or tenants should refuse to pay their just part\\nof the sums agreed on, according to the lands they held, their\\nshare should be abated by Allen out of the two thousand pounds\\npavable by this agreement. That upon Allen s acceptance, and\\nunderwriting of these articles, they would give personal security\\nfor the aforesaid payment and that all actions and suits de-\\npending in law concerning the premises should cease till the\\nqueen s pleasure should be known.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0186.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "1705.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 153\\nThese articles were ordered to be presented to Allen for his\\nacceptance But so desirable an issue of the controversy was\\nprevented by his sudden death, which happened on the next day.\\nHe left a son and four daughters, and died intestate.\\nColonel Allen is represented as a gendeman of no remarkable\\nabilities, and of a solitary rather than a social disposition but\\nmild, obliging and charitable. His character, whilst he was a\\nmerchant in London, was fair and upright, and his domestic de-\\nportment amiable and exemplary. He was a member of the\\nchurch of England by profession, but constantly attended divine\\nworship in the congregation at New-Castle, and was a strict ob-\\nserver of the christian Sabbath. He died on the fifth of May,\\n1705, in the seventieth year of his age, and was buried in the\\nfort.2\\nAfter his death, his only son, Thomas Allen, Esq. of London,\\nrenewed the suit, by petitioning the queen, who allowed him to\\nbring a new writ of ejectment, and ordered a revival of\\nthe directions given to the governor in 1703, with respect\\nto the jury s finding a special verdict. Accordingly, Al- ^j^\\nlen, having previously conveyed one half of the lands in\\nNew-Hampshire, by deed of sale, to Sir Charles Hobby, and ap-\\npointed his mother Elizabeth Allen, his attorney, brought on\\nhis writ of ejectment against Waldron in the inferior\\ncourt of common pleas, where he was cast. He then re- _\\nmoved it by appeal to the superior court, where it had\\nbeen tried three years before. As this was the last trial, and as\\nall the strength of both parties was fullly displayed on the occa-\\nsion, it will be proper to give as just a view of the case as can\\nnow be collected from the papers on file in the office of the su-\\nperior court.\\nOn Allen s part, were produced copies of the charter by which\\nKing James I, constituted the council of Plymouth their grants\\nto Mason in 1G29 and 1635 his last will and testament an in-\\nventory of artillery, arms, ammunition, provisions, merchandize\\nand catde left in the care of his agents here at his death depo-\\nsitions of several ancient persons taken in 1685, who remember-\\ned the houses, fields, forts, and odier possessions of Capt. Mason\\nat Portsmouth and Newichwannock, and were acquainted with\\nhis agents, stewards, factors and other servants, who divided the\\ncattle and merchandize among them after his death the opin-\\nions of Sir Geoffrey Palmer, Sir Francis Winnington and Sir Wil-\\nliam Jones in favour of the validity of Mason s title King Charles\\nletter to the president and council of New-Hampshire in 1680;\\nthe paragraph of Cranfield s commission which respects Mason s\\nclaim in 1682; the writ, verdict, judgment and execution against\\n(1) MS. Copy of Report of Lords of Trade, 17.53. (2) Atkinson s Letter,\\nMS. Emerson s funeral sermon and letter to Mr Prince. MS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0187.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "1G4 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [1767.\\nMajor Waldron in 1683 the decision of the king in council\\nagainst Vaughan in 1686 DudJey s writ of certiorari in 1688\\nthe fine and recovery in Westminster-hall whereby the entail was\\ncut off, and the consequent deed of sale to Allen in 1691 Sir\\nEdward Norlhey s report in 1703 and evidence of Allen s tak-\\ning possession of the wastes, and of his inclosing and occupying\\nsome land at Great Island. On this evidence, it was pleaded\\nthat the title derived from Mason, and his possession of the pro-\\nvince, of which the lands in question were part, was legal that\\nthe appellee s possession had been interrupted by the appellant\\nand those from whom he derived his title, more especially by the\\njudgment recovered by Robert Mason against Major VValdron\\nand a special verdict was moved for, agreeably to the royal di-\\nrections. The council on this side were James Meinzies and\\nJohn Valentine.\\nOn Waldron s part, were produced the deed from four Indian\\nsachems to Wheelwright and others in 1629 and depositions\\ntaken from several ancient persons, who testified that they had\\nlived with Major Waldron, when he began his plantation at Co-\\nchecho, about the year 1G40, and assisted him in building his\\nhouses and mills, and that no person had disturbed him in the\\npossession thereof for above fortj years. To invalidate the evi-\\ndence of the title produced on the opposite side, it was pleaded,\\nthat the grant from the council of Plymouth to Mason in 1 629,\\nwas not signed that livery and seizin were not endorsed on it as\\non other of their grants, and as was then the legal form nor was\\nit ever enrolled according to statute That the sale of part of\\nthe same lands in 1628 to the Massachusetts company, by an in-\\nstrument signed and executed according to law, renders this sub-\\nsequent grant suspicious and that his pretending to procure\\nanother grant of part of the same lands in 1635, was an argument\\nthat he himself could not rely on the preceeding one, nor was\\nit credible that the same council should grant the same lands\\ntwice, and to the same person That the grant in 1635 was\\nequally defective and that he must relinquish one or the other,\\nit being contrary to the reason and usage of law to rely on two\\nseveral titles at once. It was urged, that Waldron s possession\\nwas grounded on a deed from the native lords of the soil, with\\nwhom his father had endeavored to cultivate a friendly connex-\\nion that he had taken up his land with their consent, when the\\ncountry was a wilderness had cultivated it, had defended it in\\nwar at a great expense, and at the hazard of his life, which he\\nfinally lost in the attempt that the Indian deed was legally exe-\\ncuted in the presence of the factors and agents of the company of\\nLaconia, of which Mason was one that this was done with the\\ntoleration of the council of Plymouth, and in pursuance of the\\ngreat ends of their incorporation, which were to cultivate tho", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0188.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "1707.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 165\\nlands, to people the country and christianize the natives, for the\\nhonor and interest of the crown and the trade of England, all\\nwhich ends had been pursued and attained by the appellee and\\nhis ancestor. It was also alleged, that the writ against Major\\nWaldron in 1683 was for lands and tenements, of which the\\nquantity, situation and bounds were not described, for want of\\nwhich no legal judgment could be given that no execution had\\never been levied, nor was the possessor ever disturbed or amoved\\nby reason thereof; and that the copies produced were not attest-\\ned, no book of records being to be found. To invalidate the evi-\\ndence of Mason s possession, it was observed, that he himself\\nwas never here in person that all the settlement made by his\\nagents or successors was only a factory for trade with the Indians,\\nand principally for the discovery of a country called Laconia\\nand that this was done in company with several other merchant-\\nadventurers in London, who, for the security of dieir goods erect-\\ned a fort but that this could not amount to a legal possession,\\nnor prove a tide to the country, especially as upon the failure of\\ntrade, the object of their enterprise, they quitted their factory,\\nafter a few years stay in these parts.\\nAs to the motion for a special verdict, it was said that a jury\\ncould not find one, if they had no doubt of the law or fact, for\\nthe reason of a special verdict is a doubt either in point of law\\nor evidence nor was it consistent with the privileges of Eng-\\nlishmen that a jury should be compelled to find specially. In\\naddition to these pleas, it was further alleged, that by the statute\\nlaw, no action of ejectment can be maintained except the plain-\\ntiff, or those under whom he claims, have been in possession with-\\nin twenty years and if they have been out of possession sixty\\nyears, then not only an ejectment, but a writ of right, and all\\nother real actions are barred in respect of a subject, and that in\\nsuch cases the right of the crown is also barred and that by the\\nstatute of 32 Hen. 8. ch. 9., it is enacted, that no person shall\\npurchase any lands or tenements, unless the seller, or they, by\\nwhom he claims, have been in possession of the same or the re-\\nversion or the remainder thereof, or have taken tlie rents or pro-\\nfits thereof by the space of one whole year next before such bar-\\ngain is made and that the appellee and his ancestor, and no\\nother person whatever had been in possession of the premises,\\nnor was it ever pretended by the appellant that the Masons, of\\nwhom the purchase was made, were in possession within one year,\\nor at any time before the alleged purchase that all the mischiefs\\nprovided against by the above statute have been experienced\\nby the people of New-Hampshire from the purchase made by\\nthe appellant s father, of the bare title of the propriety of the\\nprovince. The council on this side were John Pickering and\\nCharles Story.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0189.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "166 H18T6RY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1707.\\nA certificate from the lieutenant-governor respecting the\\nqueen s directions was delivered to the jury who return-\\ned the following verdict In the cause depending be-\\ntween Thomas Allen, Esq., appellant and Richard Waldron,\\nEsq., defendant, the jury finds for the defendant a confirmation\\nof the former judgment and costs of courts. Mark Hunking,\\nforeman.\\nThe court then sent out the jury again, with this charge, Gen-\\nmen, you are further to consider this case and observe her\\nmajesty s directions to find specially and your oaths. They\\nreturned the second time with the same verdict upon which,\\nthe court ordered judgment to be entered, and that the defendant\\nrecover costs of the appellant. The council for the appellant\\nthen moved for an appeal to her majesty in council which was\\nallowed on their giving bond in two hundred pounds to prose-\\ncute it.\\nBut the loyalty of the people, and the distresses under which\\nthey labored by reason of the war, prevailed on the queen s min-\\nistry to suspend a final decision and before the appeal could be\\nheard, Allen s death, which happened in 1715, put an end to the\\nsuit, which his heirs, being minors, did not renew.^\\nCHAPTER XII.\\nThe war with the French and Indians, called Queen Anne s war. Conclu-\\nsion of Dudley s and IJ slier s administration.\\nThe peace which followed the treaty of Ryswick was but of\\nshort duration, for the seeds of war were already sown both in\\nEurope and America. Louis had proclaimed the pretender king\\nof England, and his Governor, Villebon, had orders to extend his\\nprovince of Acadia to the river Kennebeck, though the English\\ncourt understood St. Croix to be the boundary between their ter-\\nritories and those of the French. The fishery was interrupted\\nby French men of war, and by the orders of Villebon, who suffer-\\ned no English vessels to fish on the banks of Nova Scotia. A\\nFrench mission was established, and a chapel erected at Nor-\\nridgevvog, on the upper part of Kennebeck, which served to ex-\\ntend the influence of the French among the Indians. The gov-\\nernor of Canada, assuming the character of their father and pro-\\ntector, instigated them to prevent the settlement of the English to\\nthe east of Kennebeck, and found some among them ready to\\njssten to his advice. The people in those parts were apprehen-\\n(1) Council and Assembly Records. Printed state of Allen s title, p. 10.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0190.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "1703.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. lQ^\\nsive of danger and meditating a removal, and tliose wlio had en-\\ntertained ilioughts of settling tliere were restrained.\\nThings were in this posture, when Dudley entered on his gov-\\nernment. He had particular orders from England to rebuild the\\nfort at Pemaquid but could not prevail on the Massachusetts\\nassembly to bear the expense of it. However, he determined on\\na visit to the eastern country, and having notified his intention to\\nthe Indians, took with him a number of gentlemen of both ^^^c,\\nprovinces,* and held a conference at Casco with delegates junggo*\\nfrom the tribes of Norridgewog, Penobscot, Pequawket,\\nPenacook and Ameriscoggin who assured him that as high as\\nsun was above the earth, so far distant was their design of ma-\\nking the Jeast breach of the peace. They presented him a\\nbelt of wampum in token of their sincerity, and both parties went\\nto two heaps of stones which had formerly been pitched and called\\nthe Tivo Brothers, where the friendship was further ratified by\\nthe addition of other stones. Tliey also declared, that although\\nthe French emissaries among them had been endeavoring to break\\nthe union, yet it was firm as a mountain, and should continue\\nas long as the sun and moon. Notwithstanding these fair ap-\\npearances, it was observed that when the Indians fired a salute\\ntheir guns were charged with shot and it was suspected that they\\nhad then formed a design to seize the governor and his attendants,\\nif a party which they expected from Canada, and which arrived\\ntwo or three days after, had come in proper season to their as-\\nsistance. However this might be, it is certain that in the\\nspace of six weeks, a body of French and Indians, five\\nhundred in number, having divided themselves into several parties,\\nattacked all the setdements from Casco to Wells, and killed and\\ntook one hundred and thirty people, burning and destroying all\\nbefore them.f\\nThe next week, (August 17) a party of thirty Indians under\\nCaptain Tom, killed five people at Hampton village among\\nwhom was a widow Mussey, a noted speaker among the Friends,\\nand much lamented by them. They also plundered two houses;\\nbut the people being alarmed, and pursuing them, they fled. J\\nThe country was now in terror and confusion. The women\\nand children retired to the garrisons. The men went armed to\\ntheir work and posted sentinels in the fields. Troops of horse\\nMr. Hutchinson has misplaced this transaction by a year. [In the third\\nedition of Hutchinson s History, printed in 1795, this transaction is assigned\\nto the year 1703.]\\nt Mr. Hutchinson takes no notice of this remarkable devastation, which is\\nparticularly related by Mr. Penhallow in his Wars of New-England, p. 5.\\n[See Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 23.]\\nt [The five who were killed were Jonathan Green, Nicholas Bond, Thomas\\nLancaster, Widow Mussey, and a little boy of Will. Hinckley. Lancaster\\nand the Widow Mussey were Quakers. Town Records of Hampton.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0191.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "1(33 HISTORY OF JJtEW-HAMPSHlRE. [1703\\nwere quartcrccl at Porlsmoiilli and in the province of Maine. A\\nscout of tliree hundred and sixty men marclied toward Pequawk-\\net, and another to the Ossipee ponds, but made no discoveries.\\nAlarms were frequent, and the whole frontier country from Deer-\\nfield on the west, to Casco on the east, was kept in continual ter-\\nror by small parties of the enemy.\\nIn the fall, Col. March, of Casco, made a visit to Pequawket,\\nwhere he killed six of the enemy and took six more. This en-\\ncouraged the government to offer a bounty of forty pounds for\\nscalps.\\nAs the winter came on, the frontier towns were ordered to pro-\\nvide a large number of snow-shoes and an expeduion was plan-\\nned in New-Hampshire, against the head-quarters of the Indians.\\nMajor Winthrop Hilton, and Captain John Oilman of Exeter,\\nCaptain Chesley and Captain Davis of Oyster river, marched\\nwith their companies on snow-shoes into the woods but return-\\ned without success. This is called in the council books an\\nhonorable service. Hilton received a gratuity of twelve, and\\neach of the captains, five pounds.\\nWith the return of spring, there was a return of hostilities for\\nnotwithstanding the posting a k\\\\v southern Indians in the garrisons\\nat Berwick, the enemy appeared at Oyster river, and shot\\nA r 25 Nathaniel Medar,* near his own field, and the next day,\\nkilled Edward Taylor, near Lamprey river, and captiva-\\nted his wife and son. These instances of mischief gave color to\\na false alarm at Cochecho, where it was said, they lay in wait for\\nCol. Waldron a whole day, but missing him by reason of his ab-\\nsence from home, took his servant maid as she went to a spring\\nfor water and having examined her as to the state of the garri-\\nson, stunned her with an hatchet, but did not scalp her. (The\\ngirl invented this story to palliate her too long absence. )f\\nIn May, Col. Church, by Governor Dudley s order, having\\nplanned an expedition to the eastern shore, sailed from Boston\\nwith a number of transports, furnished with whaleboats for going\\nup rivers. In his way, he stopt at Pascataqua, where he was\\njoined by a body of men under Major Hilton, who was of emi-\\nnent service to him in this expedition,! which lasted the whole\\n[He was the son of John Medar, and was born at Durliam, 14 June, 1671.\\nDescendants of the family still remain in New-Hampshire.]\\nt [This sentence is added by the author in the corrected copy. Rev. Mr.\\nPike in his MS. Journal thus notices this affair Ap. 28. Thamsin Me-\\nsarvey, Mr. Waldron s maid servant was taken by four Indians, betwixt sun-\\nset and dark, at a spring in the major s pasture, between his house formerly\\nburnt, and barn, and after examination was knockt down and left for dead,\\nbut recovered again the enemy flying away hastily at the outcry of the\\nwatch, by which means Mr. Waldron escaped that was then coming over the\\nBoom.\\nt This is called in the council books an expedition to Port-Royal, and\\nthis was the ostensible object. But Church in liis memoirs says that Dud-\\nley would not permit him to go there. Church, p. 101. Hutch, ii. 140.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0192.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "1704.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 169\\nsummer, and in which they destroyed the towns of INIinas and\\nChignecto, and did considerable damage to the French and In-\\ndians at Penobscot and Passamaquoddy, and even insulted Port\\nRoyal. While they were at Mount Desert, Church learned from\\nnine of his prisoners, that a body of six hundred Indians* were\\npreparing for an attack on Casco, and the head of Pascataqua\\nriver and sent an express to Portsmouth which obliged the peo-\\nple to be vigilant. No such great force as this appeared but\\nsmall parties kept hovering on the outskirts. At Oyster river,\\nthey wounded William Tasker ;f and at Dover, they laid in am-\\nbush for the people on their return from public worship, but hap-\\npily missed their aim. They afterward mortally wound-\\ned lyiark Giles at that place, and soon after, killed several\\npeople in a field at Oyster river, whose names are not men-\\ntioned. J\\nIn ihs former wars, New-Hampshire had received much assist-\\nance fromtheir brethren of Massachusetts but these now re-\\nmonstrated to the governor that his other province did not bear\\ntheir proportion of the charge for the common defence. The\\nrepresentatives of New-Hampshire urged, in reply, the different\\ncircumstances of the two provinces most of the towns in\\nIMassachu setts being out of the reach of the enemy, and no oth-\\nerwise affected by the war than in the payment of their part of\\nthe expense, whilst this province was wholly a frontier by sea and\\nland, and in equal danger with the county of York, in which four\\ncompanies were stationed, and the inhabitants were abated their\\nproportion of the public charges. They begged that twenty of\\nthe friendly Indians might be sent to scout on their borders, which\\nrequest the governor complied with.^\\nIn the winter. Col. Hilton with two hundred and seventy men,\\nincluding the twenty Indians, were sent to Norridgewog x^nr\\non snow shoes. They had a favourable season for\\n(1) Council Records.\\nI suppose this is tlie party whom Penhallow mentions, p. 23, who quarrel-\\nled on their march about dividing the plunder which they might take, and of\\nwhom two hundred returned while the rest pur.?ued their march, and did dam-\\nage at Lancaster and Groton.\\nt [This name is Tasket in the records of tlie court of Quarter Sessions.\\nHe had been in ItiSti, several times summoned to attend tnis court, or some\\njustice of the peace, upon complaint made against him for cruelty to his ap-\\nprentice, Joseph Pitman, who was, in l(38G,by the court, discliarged from the\\nservice of the said Tasket.]\\n[From tlie MS. Journal of the Rev. John Pike, it appears that on the 10\\nof August, Joseph Pitman was slain by the Lidians, as he was guarding some\\nmowers, not far from Oyster River Meeting house. It is also stated that John\\nGiles, the son of Mark Giles, was killed at the same time with liis father.\\nThe party of Indians who attacked tliem was seven or eight. Mr. Pike, in\\nhis Journal, has no notice of IVUliaiti Tasker, but he recQrds the death\\nof Samuel Tasker, who was killed oh the first day of June, at Oyster\\nRiver.]\\n24", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0193.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "170 HISTORY OF NEW-llAMPSHlRE. [1705.\\ntheir march, the snow being four feet deep. When they arrived\\nthere, finding no enemy to contend vvitii, they burnt the deserted\\nwigwams, and the chapeh The officers who went on this expe-\\ndition complained that they liad only the pay of private sol-\\ndiers.*\\nThe late repairs of fort William and Mary at New-Castle were\\nalways complained of as burdensome to the people, and a repre-\\nsentation thereof had been made to the queen, who instructed\\nDudley to press the assembly of Massachusetts to contribute to the\\nexpense as the river belonged equally to both provinces. They\\nurged in excuse that the fort was built at first at the sole charge\\nof New-Hampshire, to whom it properly belonged that the\\nwhole expense of the repairs did not amount to what several of\\ntheir towns singly paid toward the support of the war for one\\nyear that all the trade and navigation of the river, on both sides,\\npaid a duty toward maintaining that fortress and that they had\\nbeen at great expense in protecting the frontiers of New-Hamp-\\nshire, and the parties who were employed in getting timber and\\nmasts for her majesty s service while New-Hampshire had nev-\\ner contributed any thing to the support of the garrisons, forces\\nand guards by sea, which were of equal benefit to them as to\\nMassachusetts. One thing which made New-Hampshire more\\nin favor with the queen was, that they had settled a salary on her\\ngovernor, which the others never could be persuaded to do. The\\nrepairs of the fort, however, went on without their assistance, un-\\nder the direction of Col. Romer and when they were complet-\\ned, a petition was sent home for a supply of cannon, ammunition\\nand stores.\\nThe next summer was chiefly spent in negotiating an exchange\\nof prisoners and Dudley had the address to protract the ne-\\ngotiation, under pretence of consulting with the other governments\\nabout a neutrality proposed by the governor of Canada, by which\\nmeans the frontiers in general were kept tolerably quiet, although\\nthe enemy appeared once or twice in the town of Kittery. The\\nline of picketsf which enclosed the town of Portsmouth was re-\\npaired, and a nightly patrole established on the sea shore, from\\nRendezvous Point to the bounds of Hampton, to prevent any\\n[It was on tlie 21 January, this year, that tlie Englisli settlements at\\nNewfoundland were attacked b} the French and Indians under M. de Suber-\\ncase. Rev. John Pike, in his MS. Journal, says that the attack was made by\\na strong party of French and Indians (Penhallow says 550 Charlevoix, 450)\\non Sabbath night, and that they destroyed all excepting the forts. They\\ncut off about seventy families, sparing none save a few young men, that\\nwere fit for service. They afterwards besieged the fort at St. John s for di-\\nvers weeks but could not lake it. Pike, MS. Journal. Penhallow, in Coll.\\nN. H. Hist. Soc. i. 44, 45. Holmes, Annals of America, i. 41)2, who quotes\\nCharlevoix, Nouv. France, ii. 2 J8, 2:)9.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Univ. Hist. 1.55.]\\nt This line extended from the mill-pond on the south, to the creek on the\\nnorth side of the town. It crossed the main street a few rods westward of the\\nspot wljere the State House [in Portsmouth] now stands.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0194.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "1705.]\\nPROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. m\\nsurprise by sea the coast being at this time infested by the ene-\\nmy s privateers.\\nDuring this truce, the inhabitants of Kingston who had left the\\nplace, were encouraged to petition for leave to return to their\\nlands vvhich the court granted on condition that they should\\nbuild a fort in the centre of the town, lay out a parsonage and\\nsettle a minister, within three years. This last condition was\\nrendered impracticable by the renewal of hostilities.*\\nThe governor of Canada had encouraged the Indians who in-\\nhabited the borders of New-England to remove to Canada, where\\nbeing incorporated with the tribe of St. Francis, they have ever\\nsince remained. By this policy, they became more firmly at-\\ntached to the interest of the French, and were more easily des-\\npatched on their bloody business to the frontiers of New-England,\\nwith which they were well acquainted. Dudley, who was general-\\nly apprized of their movements, and kept a vigilant eye upon them,\\napprehended a rupture in the winter and gave orders for a cir-\\ncular scouting march, once a month, round the heads of die towns\\nfrom Kingston to Salmon falls but the enemy did not appear till\\nApril when a small party of them attacked the house of\\nJohn Drew at Oyster river, where they killed eight and\\nwounded two. The garrison was near, but not a man in it the\\nwomen, however, seeing nothing but death before them, fired an\\nalarm, and then putting on hats, and loosening their hair that they\\nmight appear like men, they fired so briskly that the enemy, ap-\\nprehending the people were alarmed, fled without burning or even\\nplundering the house which they had attacked. John Wheeler,\\nmeeting this party and mistaking them for friendly Indians, un-\\nhappily fell into their hands and was killed, with his wife and two\\nchildren. Four of his sons took refuge in a cave by the bank of\\nthe Little Bay, and though pursued by the Indians, escaped un-\\nhurt, f\\nIn July, Colonel Schuyler, from Albany, gave notice to Dudley\\n[Kingston had been incorporated in 1G94. The charter, granted by Lieut.\\nGov. Usher, is dated C of August. The first inhabitants were Ebenezer Web-\\nster, ancestor of Hon. Daniel Webster, Moses Elkins, Jonathan Sanborn,\\nIchabod Robie, who died 15 May, 1757, aged 02, Aaron Sleeper, Thomas\\nWebster, Thomas Philbrick, and Jabez Colman, who was killed by the In-\\ndians, as will be seen, under 1724. Benjamin, son of Thomas and Sarah\\nWebster, born in ]701, is said to have been the first child born in the place.\\nKingston in 1725, contained 81 families. In 1732, it had 1(31 ratable inhab-\\nitants and 115 dwelling houses, of which G4 were two stories higli. In 1707,\\nit numbered 90!) inhabitants, but before this time, East-King.ston, Sandown\\nand Hawke had been detached from it. The first having built a meeting\\nhouse as early as 17:58, was that year incorporated as a parish. Sandown\\nwas incorporated in 1756 and Hawke in 1700.]\\nt [This outrnge occurred on the 27 of April. On the fourth of June fol-\\nlowing, George Ricker and Maturin Ricker, of Cocliecho, were slain by the\\nIndians. George was killed while running up the lane, near the garrison.\\nMaturin was killed in liis field, and his son, a boy, was taken captive. Pike s\\nMS. Journal.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0195.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "172 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [170G.\\nthat two hundred and seventy of the enemy were on their march\\ntoward Pascataqiia, of which he immediately informed the peo-\\nple, and ordered them to close garrison, and one half of the mil-\\nitia to he ready at a minute s warning. The first appearance of\\nthis body of the enemy was at Dinistable whence they proceed-\\ned to Amesbury and Kingston, where they killed some cattle.\\nHilton, with sixty four men, marched from Exeter; but was o-\\nbligcd to return without meeting the enemy. The reason he gave\\nto the council for returning so soon was the want of provision,\\nthere being none in readiness at the garrisons, notwithstanding a\\nlaw lately enacted, enjoining it on every town to have stores ready\\nand deposited in the hands of their captains. For the same rea-\\nson, he had been obliged to discontinue a small scout, which he\\nhad for some time kept up. Hilton was so brave and active an\\nofficer that the enemy had marked him for destruction and for\\nthis purpose a party of them kept lurking about his house, where\\nthey observed ten men to go out one morning with their scythes,\\nand lay aside their arms to mow they then crept between the\\nmen and their guns, and suddenly rushed on them, killed four,\\nwounded one, and took three. Two only of the whole number es-\\ncaped. f They missed the major for this time, and two of their\\nprisoners escaped but suffered much in their return, having\\nnothing to subsist on for three weeks, but lily roots and the rinds\\ny of trees. After this, they killed William Pearl, J and\\nug ^3 took Nathaniel Tcbbets at Dover. It was observed dur-\\ning this war, that the enemy did more damage in small bodies\\nthan in larger, and by scattering along the frontiers, kept the peo-\\nple in continual apprehension and alarm and so very few of them\\nfell into our hands, that in computing the expense of the war it\\nwas judged that every Indian killed or taken, cost the country a\\nthousand pounds.\\n(I) Penhallow, p. 40.\\n[Joseph Kilburn and Jeremiah Nelson of Rowley were killed by the In-\\ndians at Dunstable, 10 July 706, and John Pickard was mortally wounded,\\nand died at Billerica, on the 5 August following. MS. Letter of J. Coffin,\\ns. U.S.]\\nI [Rev. Mr. Pike says that three escaped, viz. Joseph Hall, John Taylor,\\nwho was sorely wounded, but recovered, and one other. Those captured\\nwere Edward Hall, Samuel Mighill and a mulatto. The four persons killed\\nwere Richard Mattoon, Hubertas Mattoon, son of Richard, Robert Barber and\\nSamuel Pease. The number of the enemy was about twenty, who attacked\\nthe Eno-lish as they were mowing in a field, between Exeter and Lamprey\\nRiver. Rev. Mr. Pike.]\\nt [Rev. Mr. Pike says A icholas Pcarh. He was slain by the Indians in\\nthe day time in his cave, some miles above^ Oyster river, -where he dwelt night\\nand day, winter and summer, from the last breaking out of the war, precisely\\nthree yearn, though twas in the very wake and way where the enemy used\\nto pass. He was a man of strange confidence an.l would not be persuaded to\\nleave his place. Rev. John Pike, MS. Journal.]\\nII Benjamin Fifield, aged about GO years, was barbarously killed (in his", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0196.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "1707.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 173\\nIn the following winter, Hilton made another excursion to the\\neastward, and a shallop was sent to Casco with stores and\\nprovisions for his party, consisting of two hundred and\\ntwenty men. The winter being mild, and the weather unsettled,\\nprevented their marching so fiir as they intended cold dry weath-\\ner and deep snow being most favorable to winter expeditions.\\nHowever, they came on an Indian track, near Black Point, and\\npursuing it, killed four, and took a squaw who conducted\\nthem to a party of eighteen, whom they surprised as they\\nlay asleep on a neck of land at break of day, and of whom they\\nkilled seventeen, and took the other. This was matter of triumph\\nconsidering the difficulty of finding their haunts. It was remark-\\ned that on the very morning that this affair happened, it was re-\\nported, with but little variation from the truth, at Portsmouth,\\nthough at the distance of sixty miles.\\nWhen Church went to Nova-Scotia, he very earnestly solicited\\nleave to make an attempt on Port Royal but Dudley would not\\nconsent, and the reason he gave was, that he had written to the\\nministry in England, and expected orders and naval help to re-\\nduce the place. His enemies however assigned another reason\\nfor his refusal which was, that a clandestine trade was carried\\non by his connivance, and to his emolument, with the French\\nthere. This report gained credit and occasioned a loud call for\\njustice. Those w^ho were directly concerned in the illegal traffic,\\nwere prosecuted and fined and the governor suffered much in\\nhis reputation. 1 To wipe off these aspersions, he now determined\\nto make an attack in earnest on Port Royal, even though no assis-\\ntance shouW come from England. It was intended that an arma-\\nment should be sent to America, and the commander was ap-\\npointed but the state of affairs in Europe prevented their com-\\ning.*\\n(1) Hutch. Hist. Mass. vol. 2, p. 154.\\nSasture not far from his house) by the Indians, August 1, 170C. Town\\nLecords of Hampton.\\nOn the 8 of July, the same year, Nathaniel Blanchard, Lydia Blanchard,\\nhis wife, Susan Blanchard, their daughter, Mrs. Hannah Blanchard. Mrs.\\nCummings, the wife of John Cummings, and Rachel Galusha, were killed by\\nthe Indians at Dunstable, llecords of Dunstable.\\nIt appears from Penhallow, (Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 48) that the Indians\\nfell on a garrison in Dunstable, that had twenty troopers posted in it, who\\nby their negligence and folly, keeping no watch, suffered them to enter,\\nwhich tended to the destruction of one half of their number. After that, a\\nsmall party attacked Jacob Galusha s house, who held them in play for some\\ntime, till the old man s courage failed, and he surrendered himself. -About\\nthe same time, says Penhallow, Joseph English, who was a friendly In-\\ndian, going from Dunstable to Chelmsford, with a man and his wife on horse-\\nback, was shot dead, the woman taken, but the man made his escape. See a\\nmore particular account of the attack on Dunstable, on the 3 July, 1706, in\\nColl. of N.H. Hist. Soc. i, 133, and in Pike s MS. Journal.]\\n[1707. On the 23 June, this year, a petition, alleging various instances\\nof misconduct in Governor Dudley was presented to Queen Ann at Windsor.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0197.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "174 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1707.\\nEarly in the spring, the governor applied to the assemblies of\\nboth his provinces, and to the colonies of Rhode Island and Con-\\nnecticut, requesting them to raise one thousand men for the ex-\\npedition. Connecticut declined but the otiier three raised the\\nwhole number, who were disposed into two regiments, of which\\nColonel Wainwright commanded the one, and Colonel Hilton the\\nQ odier. They embarked at Nantaskei in twenty three\\ntransports furnished with whaleboats, under convoy of the\\nDeptford man of war, Captain Stuckley, and the province galley,\\nCaptain Southack. The chief command was given to Colonel\\nMarch, who had beliaved well in several scouts and rencounters\\nwith the Indians, but had never been tried in such service as this.\\nThey arrived before Port Royal in a {ew days, and after\\nburning some houses, killing some catde round the fort,\\nand making some ineffectual attempts to bombard it, a jealousy\\nand disagreement among the officers, and a misapprehension of\\nof the state of the fort and garrison, caused the army to break up\\nand reirabark in a disorderly manner. Some of the of-\\nfleers w ent to Boston for orders some of the transports\\nput in at Casco a sloop with Captain Chesley s company of six-\\nty men arrived at Portsmouth Chesley suffered his men to dis-\\nj perse, but ordered them to return at the beat of the\\ndrum Being called to account for this conduct, he plead-\\ned that general orders were given at Port Royal for every man\\nto make the best of his way home. The governor, highly\\nchagrined and very angry, sent orders from Boston that if any\\nmore vessels should arrive, the men should not be permitted to\\ncome on shore on pain of death. After a while, he ordered\\nChesley s company to be collected and reimbarked, offering a\\npardon to those who might voluntarily return, die rest to be se-\\nverely punished. By the latter end of July, they went on board,\\nand with the rest of the army, returned to the pFace of action.\\nAt the landing, an ambuscade of Indians from among the sedge\\non the top of a sea-wall, greatly annoyed the troops. Major\\nWalton* and Captain Chesley, being then on shore with the\\nNew-Hampshire companies, pushed their men up the beach,\\nflanked the enemy, and after an obstinate struggle put them to\\n(1) Council Records.\\nThe same petition was read before the general assembly of New-Hampshire,\\nwhen the council and representatives in full assembly, nemine contradicente,\\nvoted that some of the charges were scandalous, unheard of, and false re-\\nproaches, and drew up an address to the queen in which they acquit and\\njustify his administration from all those calumnies and pray her majesty^s fa-\\nvor to him. Dudley s Defence and Apology in MS. dated 10 Nov. 1707.]\\n[Shadrach Walton, son of George Walton (see note to page 04) was born\\nin IG and was often engaged in public life. He was appointed by manda-\\nmus, one of the counsellors of Uie province in 171(5, and died 3 October, 1J41,\\naged 83 years. Benjamin Walton, who graduated at Harvard college in 1720,\\nis said by Mr. Winthrop to have been a son of Colonel Walton.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0198.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "1707.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 175\\nflight. The command was now given to Wainwi iglit, and the ar-\\nmy put under the direction of three supervisors but no means\\ncould inspire that union, firmness and skill which were necessary.\\nBy the last of August, the whole afiair was at an end, and the\\narmy returned sickly, fatigued, disheartened, and ashamed but\\nwith no greater loss than sixteen killed and as many wounded.\\nWhile this unfortunate expedition was in hand, the frontiers\\nwere kept in continual alarm. Two men were taken\\nfrom Oyster river, and two more killed* as they were j^^\\ndriving a team between that place and Dover. Captain\\nSumersby pursued with his troop and recovered the contents of\\nthe cart. Stephen and Jacob Oilman, brodiers, were ambushed\\nbetween Exeter and Kingston their horses were killed, but both of\\nthem escaped to the garrison.^ Kingston, being a new plantation,\\nwas much exposed, and was this summer weakened by the de-\\nsertion of eiglit men. The remaining inhabitants complained to\\nthe government, who ordered the captains of Exeter and Hamp-\\nton to take them up as deserters, and oblige them to return to the\\ndefence of their settlements, or do duty at the fort during the\\ngovernor s pleasure.- They were afterwards bound ov^er to the\\nsessions for contempt of orders. The state of the country\\nat this time was truly distressed a large quota of their best\\nmen were abroad, the rest harassed by the enemy at home,\\nobliged to continual duty in garrisons and in scouts, and subject\\nto severe discipline for neglects. They earned their bread at the\\ncontinual hazard of their lives, never daring to stir abroad unarm-\\ned. They could till no lands but what were within call of the\\ngarrisoned houses, into which their families were crowded their\\nhusbandry, lumber trade and fishery were declining, their taxes\\nincreasing, their apprehensions both from the force of the enemy\\nand the failure of the Port Royal expedition, were exceedingly\\ndismal, and there was no prospect of an end to the war, in which\\nthey were now advanced to the fifth summer. Yet under all\\nthese distresses and discouragements, they resolutely kept their\\nground and maintained their garrisons, not one of which was cut\\noff during the whole of this war, within the limits of New-Hamp-\\nshire.\\nIn September, one man was killed at Exeter, and two Sept. 15.\\ndays after, Henry Elkins at Kingston. But the severest Sept. 17.\\nblow on the frontiers happened at Oyster river, a place which\\nsuffered more than all the rest. A party of French Mohawks\\npainted red, attacked with an hideous yell a company who were\\nin the woods, some hewing timber and others driving a team, un-\\n(1) Penhallow,p. 45. (2) Council Records.\\n[John Bunker and Ichabod Rawlins, both of Dover. The enemy were\\nsupposed to be from 20 to 30. They slaughtered many cattle at the same\\ntime. Rev. John Pike, MS. Journal.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0199.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "176 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [K07.\\nder the direction of Ca|)taiii Chcsley, who was just returned the\\nsecond time from Port Royal. At the first fire, they killed seven\\nand mortally wounded another. Chesley, with the lew who \\\\iere\\nleft fired on the enemy with great vigor, and for some time check-\\ned their ardor; hut being overpowered, he at length fell. He\\nwas much lamented, being a brave officer. Three of the scalps\\ntaken at this time were soon after recovered at 13erwick.\\nThe next year, a large army from Canada was destined against\\nthe frontiers of New-England. Dudley received information of\\n^^o it in the usual route from Albany, and immediately or-\\ndered guards in the most exposed places of both his prov-\\ninces. A troop under Captain Robert Coffin patroled from Kings-\\nton to Cochecho, and scouts were kept out continually. Spy-\\nboats were also kept out at sea between Pascataqua and Winter\\nharbors. Four hundred Massachusetts soldiers were posted in\\nthis province. The towns were ordered to provide ammunition,\\nand all things were in as good a state of preparation as could be\\nexpected. At length, the storm fell on Haverhill; but the\\nenemy s force having been diminished by various acci-\\ndents, they proceeded no farther, and every part of New-Hamp-\\nshire was quiet. Hilton made another winter march to Pequaw-\\nket with one hundred and seventy men, but made no discovery.^\\nThe next spring, William JMoody,* Samuel Stevens, and tw^o\\nsons of Jeremiah Oilman were taken at Pickpocket-mill in\\n1709. Exeter, and soon after, Bartholomew Stevenson was kill-\\n^^^y ed at Oyster river. Colonel Hilton and Captain DavHsf\\nperformed their usual tour of duty in scouting, and the people this\\nsummer kept close in garrison, on a report that two hundred\\nIndians had marched against them from Montreal. But\\nthe principal object now in view was a desire of wiping off the\\ndisgrace of a former year by an attempt, not on Port Royal, but\\non Canada itself. For this purpose, solicitations had been made\\nin England by Francis Nicholson, Esq., who had been lieutenant-\\nPenhallow, 45, 48.\\n[He was retaken within a month afterwards by some Deerfield men, who,\\nin their course up French river, met with a body of the enemy in canoes, on\\nwhom they fired, and overset, killing and wounding several of them. In one\\nof their canoes was William Moody with only one Indian with him. The\\nEnglish persuaded him to make his escape by killing his adversary. This\\nhe attempted to do, but overset the canoe in the struggle, and then swam to-\\nwards the shore, and was met on the bank of the river, by several English\\nwho came to his rescue. In the mean time, a number of the enemy arrived at\\nthe bank, re-captured Moody, who was most inhumanly tortured by being\\nfastened to a stake and roasted alive. His flesh was afterward devoured by\\nthe savages. Penhallow in Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. i. GO, 61. Pike, MS.\\nJournal.]\\nt [James Davis was the son of John Davis of Dover, and was born 23 May,\\n1662. He was an active and useful officer, and after this period became a\\ncolonel of the militia. He died in 1740, aged t7. He had nine children,\\nwhose ages avernged 87 years each.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0200.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "1709.1 PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. I77\\ngovernor of Virginia, and Captain Samuel Vetcli, a trader to No-\\nva-Scotia, who was well acquainted with the French settlements\\nthere, and made a fulj rejjresentation of the state of things in A-\\nmerica to the British ministry. An expedition heing determined\\nupon, they came over early in the spring with the queen s com-\\nmand to the governors of the several provinces, to raise men for\\nthe service. Vetch was appointed a colonel, and Nicholson, by\\nnomination of the governor^ of New-York, and consent of the\\nother governments, w^^s made commander iii chief. The people\\nof New-Hampshire were so much exhausted, and their men had\\nbeen so ill paid before, that it was with great difficulty, and not\\nwithout the dissolution of one assembly and the calling of another,\\nthat they could raise money to levy one -hundred men and procure\\ntAVO transports for conveying them. After the utmost exertions\\nhad been made by the several governments, and Nicholson with\\npart of the troops had marched to Wood-creek, and the rest with\\nthe transports had lain at Nantasket three months waiting for a\\nfleet, news arrived that the armament promised from England was\\ndiverted to another quarter. Upon which, the commander of the\\nfrigates on the Boston station refused to convey the troops, the\\nwhole army was disbanded, and the expense the colonies had\\nbeen at was fruitless. A congress of governors and delegates\\nfrom the assemblies met in the fall at Rhode-Island, who recom-\\nmended the sending of agents td\u00c2\u00bb assist Colonel Nicholson in rep-\\nresenting the state of the pountry, and soliciting an expedition\\nagainst Canada the next spring. The ministry at first seemed to\\nlisten to this proposal, but afterward changed their minds, i^i/x\\nand resolved only on the reduction of Port Royal. For\\nthis purpose, Nicholson came over in July with five frigates and a\\nbomb ketch the colonies then had to raise their quotas\\nthe New-Hampshire assembly ordered one hundred men,\\nwho were got ready as soon as possible, and put under the com-\\nmand of Colonel Shadrach Walton. The whole armament sailed\\nfrom Boston the eighteenth of September, and on the twenty-\\nfourth, arrived at the place. The force now being equal to its\\nreduction, Subcrease, the governor, waited only the compliment\\nof a few shot and shells as a decent pretence for a surrender\\nwhich was completed on the fifth of October, and Vetch was ap-\\npointed governor of the place which in honor of the queen was\\ncalled Annapolis.^\\nWhilst this expedition was in hand, and before the appointment\\nof the commanders, New-Hampshire sustained an heavy loss in\\nthe death of Colonel Winthrop Hilton. This worthy offi-\\ncer being concerned in the masting business, and having\\nseveral large trees felled about fourteen miles from home, went out\\n(1) Hutchinson and Penhallow. [The latter spells the name of the French\\ngovernor Supercass, while the former has it Subercase.]\\n25", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0201.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "j78 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1710.\\nwith a parly to peel the hark that the wood might not he injured\\nhy worms. While engaged in this business, they were ambushed\\nby a party of Indians, who, at the first fire, killed Hilton with two\\nmore, and took two the rest being terrified, and their guns being\\nwet, made no opposition, but escaped. The next day, one hun-\\ndred men marched in pursuit, but discovered only the mangled\\nbodies of the dead. The enemy in their barbarous triumph had\\nstruck their hatchets into d)e colonel s brains, and left a lance in\\nhis heart. He was a gendeman of good temper, courage and\\nconduct, respected and lamented by all that knew him, and\\nwas buried with the honors due to his rank and character.^\\nFlushed with this success, they insolently appeared in the open\\nroad at Exeter, and took four children who were at their play.\\nThey also took John Wedgwood, and killed John Magoon near\\nhis brother s barn, a place which for three days, he had visited\\nwith a melancholy apprehension arising from a dream that he\\nshould there be murdered.\\nThe same day that Hilton was killed, a company of Indians\\nwho had pretended friendship, who the year before had been\\npeaceably conversant with the inhabitants of Kingston, and seem-\\ned to be thirsting after the blood of the enemy, came into the\\ntown, and ambushing the road, killed Samuel Winslow and Sam-\\nuel Huntoon. They also took Philip Huntoon and Jacob Gil-\\nman, and carried them to Canada where, after some time, they\\n(1) Penhallow, p. 58.\\n[Colonel Hilton was about 39 yeara of age. He was descended from two\\no\u00c2\u00a3 the most distinguished fathers of JVcio-Eiigland. His father Edward Hil-\\nton, who was son of Edward Hilton, the first settler at Dover, married Ann\\nDudley, born 1(5 October, 1G41, who was daughter of Rev. Samuel Dudlej\\nand Mary Winthrop, the son and daughter of governors Thomas Dudley and\\nJohn Winthrop. Col. Hilton married Ann Wilson, of Exeter, who, after his\\ndeath, married Capt. Jonathan Wadleigh, and died 8 March, 1744. The chil-\\ndren of Colonel Hilton were five daughters and one son, Winthrop, who was\\nborn 21 Dec. 1710, five months after his father s death. He married widow\\nWiggin, originally Martha Weeks, of Greenland. Their children were, 1.\\nWinthrop, of Newmarket, who was killed by the fall of a tree in January,\\n1775, (N.H. Gazette) leaving children, Andrew, Winthrop, Sarah and Ich.abod\\n2. Ichabod, who died in March, 1822, aged 82, and whose children were\\nWinthrop, of Newmarket, Susanna and Ann. There is a valuable memoir of\\nCol. Hilton in the Collections of Farmer and Moore, for 1822, vol. i. 241\\n251. At the close of it, it is said, the colonel, respected and lamented by all\\nwho knew him, was buried witli the honors due to his rank and character, in\\nhis own field on the west bank of Lamprey river by the side of his Ameri-\\ncan ancestors, where several of his descendants of four generations have\\nsince been gathered around him. A cluster of wild rose bushes grows rank\\nover his grave, and the inscription on his moss-covered monument shows\\nwhen a brave and a good man died, and where the remains of him who sincere-\\nly loved and faithfully served both God and his country, have long since\\nmouldered into dust. Dudley Hilton, a brotlier of the colonel, was of the\\nparty, and was never iieard of at ter the attack.\\nAn elegant silver headed cane which belonged to Colonel Hilton is in pos-\\nsession of John Kelly, Esq., of Northwood, whose children are lineal de-\\nscendants from the colonel.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0202.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "1710.1 PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 179\\npurchased their own redemption by building a saw-mill for tlie\\ngovernor after the English mode.*\\nThe last dmt fell this summer was Jacob Garland, who was\\nkilled at Cochecho, on his return from the public worship. As\\nthe winter approached, Colonel Walton with one hundred and\\nseventy men traversed the eastern shores, which the Indians usually\\nvisited at diis season for die purpose of gathering clams. On an\\nIsland where the party was encamped, several Indians decoyed\\nby their smoke, and mistaking them for some of their own tribe,\\ncame among them and were made prisoners. One of them was\\na sachem of Norridgewog, active, bold and sullen when he found\\nhimself in the hands of enemies, he would answer none of their\\nquestions, and laughed with scorn at their threatening him with\\ndeath. His wife, being an eye witness of the execution of the\\nthreatening, was so intimidated as to make the discoveries which\\nthe captors had in vain desired of the sachem in consequence\\nof which, three were taken at the place of which she informed,\\nand two more at Saco river, where also five were killed. This\\nsuccess, inconsiderable as it may appear, kept up the spirits of\\nthe people, and added to the loss of the enemy, who were daily\\ndiminishing by sickness and famine.\\nIn the spring, they renewed their ravages on the frontiers in\\nsmall parties. Thomas Downs, John Church,* and three\\nmore were killed at Cochecho and on a sabbath day,\\nseveral of the people there fell into an ambush as they were re-\\nturning from public worship. John Horn was wounded, and\\nHumphrey Foss was taken but, by the determined bravery of\\nLieutenant Heard, he was recovered out of the hands of the en-\\nemy. Walton, with two companies, marched to the ponds about\\nthe fishing season but the Indians had withdrawn, and nothing\\nwas to be seen but their deserted wigwams.-\\nAfter the reduction of Port Royal, Nicholson went to England\\nto soHcit an expedition against Canada. The tory ministry of\\nQueen Anne, to the surprise of all the whigs in England and\\nAmerica, fell in with the proposal and on the eighth of June,\\nNicholson came to Boston with orders for the northern colonies\\nto get ready their quotas of men and provision at the arrival of the\\nfleet and army from Europe which happened within sixteen\\ndays; and whilst the several governors were holding a consulta-\\ntion on die subject of their orders. A compliance with them in\\nso short a time was impossible yet every thing that could be\\ndone was done the nature of the service conspiring with the\\nwishes of the people, made the governments exert themselves to\\nthe utmost. New-Hampshire raised one hundred men which\\nwas more dian they could well spare one half of the militia be-\\n(1) MS. Letter of Ward Clark to Prince. (2) Penhallow, p. 60.\\n[He was the son of John Cliurch, who was killed by the Indians, 7 May,\\n1696. He was 43 years of age. .J", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0203.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "180 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1711.\\niiig continually employed in guarding the frontiers. They also\\nvoted them suhsistence for one hinidred and twenty-six days, be-\\nsides providing for them on shore before their embarkation. Two\\ntransports were taken up at eight shillings per month per ton\\nand artillery stores were issued from the i ort. The colony forces\\nformed two regiments under the command of Vetch and Walton.\\nThe army which came from England were seven veteran regi-\\nments of the Duke of Marlborough s army, and a battalion of\\nmarines, under the command of brigadier-general Hill, which,\\njoined with the New-England troops, made a body of about six\\nthousand five hundred men, provided with a fine train of artillery.\\nThe fleet consisted of fifteen ships of war from eighty to thirty-\\nsix guns, with forty transports and six storeships under the com-\\nmand of Admiral Walker. A force fully equal to the reduction\\nof Quebec.\\nThe fleet sailed from Boston on the thirtieth of July and a\\nfast was ordered by Dudley to be kept on the last Thursday of\\nthat, and each succeeding month, till the enterprise should be\\nfinished.^ This was an imitaUon of the conduct of the long par-\\nliament, during the civil wars in the last century. But the san-\\nguine hopes of success which had been entertained by the nation\\nand the colonies were all blasted in one fatal night. For, the\\nfleet having advanced ten leagues into the river St. Lawrence, in\\nthe night of the twenty-third of August, the weather being thick\\nand dark, eight transports were wrecked on Egg-Tsland near the\\nnorth shore, and one thousand people perished among whom\\nthere was but one man who belonged to New-England. The\\nnext day, the fleet put back, and were eight days beating down\\nthe river against an easterly wind which would in two days have\\ncarried them to Quebec. After rendezvousing at Spanish river,\\nin the island of Cape-Breton, and holding a fruifless consultation\\nabout annoying the French at Placentia, the expedition was bro-\\nken up the fleet returned to England, and the New-England\\ntroops to their homes. Loud complaints and heavy charges\\nwere made on this occasion die ignorance of the pilots the\\nobstinacy of the admiral the detention of the fleet at Boston\\nits late arrival there the want of seasonable orders and the\\nsecret intentions of the ministry, were all subjects of bitter alter-\\ncation ;3 but the miscarriage was never regularly enquired into,\\nand the voyage was finally setdcd by the blowing up of the\\nadmiral s ship, with most of his papers, and four hundred\\nseamen, at Spithead.\\nThe failure of this expedition encouraged the Indians to harass\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0ipjin the frontiers as soon as the season would permit. In\\nApril, one Cunningham was killed at Exeter; Ensign\\nTuttle at Dover, and Jeremiah Crommct at Oyster river. On\\n(1) Penhallow, nage 64. Hutch, vol. 2, page 190. (2) Council Records.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n(3) Dummer s defence and letter to a noble lord.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0204.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "1712.] PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. jgj\\none of the upper branches of this stream, the enemy burned a\\nsaw-mill with a large quantity of boards. A scouting party, who\\nwent up the river Merrimack, had the good fortune to surprise\\nand kill eight Indians, and recover a considerable quantity of\\nplunder, without the loss of a man. The frontiers were well\\nguarded. One half of the militia did duty at the garrisons and\\nwere ready to march at a minute s warning a scout of forty men\\nkept ranging on the heads of the towns, and the like care was taken\\nby sea, spy-boats being employed in coasting from Cape Neddock\\nto the Great Boar s head. Notwithstanding this vigilance, small\\nparties of the enemy were frequently seen. Stephen Oilman\\nand Ebenezer Stevens were wounded at Kingston. The\\nformer was taken and put to death. In July, an ambush\\nwas discovered at Dover, but the enemy escaped and while a\\nparty was gone in pursuit of them, two children of John Waldron\\nwere taken, and for want of time to scalp them, their heads were\\ncut off. There being no man at that time in Heard s garrison, a\\nwoman named Esther Jones mounted guard, and with a com-\\nmanding voice called so loudly and resolutely, as made the enemy\\nthink there was help at hand, and prevented farther mischief.\\nIn the autumn, the news of the peace of Utrecht arrived in\\nAmerica and on the 29th of October, the suspension of arms\\nwas proclaimed at Portsmouth. The Indians being informed of\\nthis event, came in with a flag of truce to Captain Moody at Cas-\\nco, and desired a treaty which the governor, with the council of\\neach province, held at Portsmouth, where the chiefs and\\ndeputies of the several belligerent tribes, by a formal wri- j^^j jj\\nting* under hand and seal, acknowledged their perfidy,\\npromised fidelity, renewed their allegiance, submitted to the laws,\\nand begged the queen s pardon for their former miscarriages.\\nThe frequent repetition of such engagements and as frequent\\nviolations of them, had by this time much abated the sense of\\nobligation on the one part, and of confidence on the other. But\\nit being for the interest of both parries to be at peace, the event\\nwas peculiarly welcome-\\nTo preserve the dependence of the Indians, and to prevent all\\noccasions of complaint, private traffic with them was forbidden and\\nIjtruck houses established llf at the public expense and\\nthe next summer, a ship was fitted out by both provinces,\\nand sent to Quebec, where an exchange of prisoners was ef-\\nfected.\\n(l)Penhallow,p.72\u00e2\u0080\u0094 80.\\n[This formal writing or pacification is in Peniiallow, in the Coll. of the\\nN. H. Hist. Soc. i. 82.]\\nt [In the 2d volume p. 39 of the 2d edition, the following note is found\\nThe reader is desired to correct a mistake in the first volume. Instead of\\ntruck houses established, read it waa in contemplation to eatablish truck\\nhouses.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0205.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "1S2 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSIIIRE. [1714.\\nDuring the whole of lliis long war, Usher behaved as a faithful\\nservant of the crown frequently coming into the province by\\nDudley s direction, and sometimes residing in it several months,\\ninquiring into the state of the frontiers and garrisons, visiting them\\nin person, consulting with the ofiicers of militia about the proper\\nmethods of defence and protection, and offering his service on all\\noccasions Yet his austere and ungracious manners, and the in-\\nterest he had in Allen s claim, effectually prevented him from\\nacquiring that popularity which he seems to have deserved. He\\nwas solicitous to support the dignity of his commission but could\\nnever prevail with the assembly to settle a salary upon him. The\\ncouncil generally paid his travelling expenses by a draft on the\\ntreasury, which never amounted to more than five pounds for each\\njourney, until he came from Boston to proclaim the accession of\\nKing George when in a fit of loyalty and good humor, they gave\\nhim ten pounds, w^hich served as a precedent for two or three\\nother grants. He often complained, and sometimes in harsh and\\nreproachful terms of their neglect and once told them, that his\\nnegro servants were much better accommodated in his house\\nthan the queen s governor was in the queen s fort.\\nDudley had the good fortune to be more popular. Beside his\\nattention to the general interest of the province and his care for\\nits defence, he had the particular merit of favoring the views of\\nthose who were most strongly opposed to Allen s claim and they\\nmade him amends, by promoting in the assembly, addresses to\\nthe queen, defending his character, when it was attacked and\\npraying for his continuance in office, when petitions were present-\\ned for his removal. One of these addresses was in one thousand,\\nseven hundred and six, and another in one thousand, seven hun-\\ndred and seven, in both which, they represent him as a prudent,\\ncareful and faithful governor, and say, they are perfectly satis-\\nfied with his disposal of the people, and their arms and the public\\nmoney. Addresses to the crown were very frequent during\\nthis female reign. Scarce a year passed without one or two.\\nThey either congratulated her majesty on her victories in Europe,\\nor petitioned for arms and military stores for their defence, or for\\nships and troops to go against Canada, or represented their own\\npoverty or Dudley s merits, or thanked her majesty for her care\\nand protecfion, and for interposing in the affair of Allen s suit,\\nand not suffering it to be decided against them.- A good harmo-\\nny subsisted between the governor and people, and between the\\ntwo branches of the Legislature, during the whole of this admin-\\nistration.\\nOn the accession of King George, a change was expected in\\nf. the government, and the assembly did what they could to\\nprevent it, by petitioning the king for Dudley s continu-\\n(1) Council Records. (2) Ibid.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0206.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "1715.1 PROVINCE. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 1S3\\nance. But it being now a time of peace, and a number of valu-\\nable officers who had served with reputation in the l;ite wars being\\nout of employment, interest was made for their obtaining places\\nof profit under the crown. Colonel Eliseus Burges, who had\\nserved under General Stanhope, was, by his recommendation,\\ncommissioned governor of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire\\nand by the same interest, George Vaughan, Esq., then in London,\\nwas made lieutenant-governor of the latter province. He arrived\\nand published his commission on the thirteenth of October.\\nUsher had some scruples about the validity of it as he had form-\\nerly had of Partridge s, and wrote on the subject to the assembly,\\nwho assured him that on inspection, they had found Vaughan s\\ncommission strong and authentic; and that his own, was null\\nand void. Upon his dismission from office, he retired to his\\nelegant seat at Medford, where he spent the rest of his days, and\\ndied on the fifth of September, 1726, in the seventy-eighth year\\nof his age.*\\nBurges wrote a letter to the assembly in July, in which he in-\\nformed them of his appointment, and of his intention to sail for\\nAmerica in the following month. But Sir William Ashurst, with\\nJeremy Dummer, the Massachusetts agent, and Jonathan Belcher,\\nthen in London, apprehending that he would not be an acceptable\\nperson to the people of New-England, prevailed with him ibr the\\nconsideration of one thousand pounds sterling, which Dummer\\nand Belcher generously advanced, to resign his commission and\\nColonel Samuel Shute was appointed in his stead to the command\\nof both provinces.- He arrived in New-Hampshire and his com-\\nmission was published the seventeenth of October, 1716. Dudley\\nbeing thus superseded, retired to his family-seat at Roxbury,\\nwhere he died in 1720, in the seventy-third year of his age.\\n(1) Council and Assembly Records. (2) Hutch, vol. 2, p. 215.\\n[John Usher was son of Hezekiah Usher, who came early to New-Eng-\\nland and was admitted freeman in 1638. He settled at Cambridge, from\\nwhence lie removed to Boston, where the lieutenant-governor was born 27\\nApril, 1G48, and was admitted freeman in l(i73. In a MS. catalogue of the\\ngraduates of Harvard college, by the late William Winthrop, Esq., of Cam-\\nbridge, it is said that Rev. John Usher, who graduated at that institution in\\n171D, was a son of lieutenant-governor Usher, and that he was the Episcopal\\nminister of Bristol, R. I., and died 30 April, 1775, aged 76. Rev. John Usher,\\nwho graduated at Harvard college in 1743, is said to have been a son of the\\nRev. Mr. Usher, and his successor at Bristol. He died in July, 1804, aged\\nabout 80 years.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0207.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "184 HISTORY OF iNEW-lIAMPSHIRE. [171\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nTlio administraUon of Governor Shute, and his Lieutenants, Vaughan and\\nWentworth.\\nGeorgk Vaughan, Esquire, was the son of Major William\\nVaughan, who had heen so ill used by former governors, and had\\nsuffered so much in the cause of his country, that the advance-\\nment of his son, to the oftice of lieutenant-governor, was esteem-\\ned a mark of particular favor, from the crown to the province, and\\na singular gratification to the parent, then in the decline of life.\\nThe lieutenant-governor had been employed by the province, as\\ntlieir agent in England, to manage their defence against Allen.\\nThere he was taken notice of, by some persons of quality and\\ninfluence, with whom his father had been connected; and by them,\\nhe was recommended as a candidate for the honor to which he\\nwas now advanced.\\nAfter he had arrived, and opened his commission, Dudley,\\nthough not actually superseded, yet daily expecting Burges\\nto succeed him, did not think it proper to come into the\\nprovince, or perform any acts of government so that, during a\\nyear, Vaughan had the sole command. In this time, he\\ncalled an assembly, who granted him the product of the\\nimpost and excise, for one year, but refused to establish these\\nf. duties for any longer time upon which he dissolved them,\\n21 and called another; to whom he recommended, in a style\\ntoo peremptory, the establishment of a perpetual revenue\\nto the crown a matter in which he had been so much engaged,\\nthat while in England, he presented a memorial to the king and\\nministry, to bring New-England into the land tax of Great Brit-\\nain and proposed that a receiver should be appointed by the\\ncrown. 2 The assembly was of opinion, that the public charges\\nmight be defrayed in the usual manner, by an equal tax on polls\\nand estates and declined laying an impost, or entering on any,\\nbut the common business of the year, till the arrival of a gov\\nernor.*\\nWhen Governor Shute came to the chair, several of the old\\ncounsellors were laid aside, and six new ones appointed,\\nall of whom were inhabitants of Portsmouth. That town,\\n(1) Assembly Records. (3) MS. Letter of Sir. VV. Ashurst to Dr. Increase\\nMather.\\n[171G. Stratham was incorporated. This town was included in the\\nSquamscot patent granted to Edward Hilton. In l(j!l3, it was annexed to\\nExeter, it having before that time been connerled witii Hampton. It waa\\nincorporated by charter, signed by Ijieutenant-Oovernor Vaughan, 20 March,\\n1716. In lG9b, it contained 3o familiea iu 1707, it had 916 inhabitants.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0208.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "1717.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 1Q5\\nat the same time, was luihappily agitated by a controversy, which\\nhad for some years subsisted between the two parishes. This had\\nnot only embittered the minds of the people, but had prejudiced\\nsome of the members of the council and assembly so as to af-\\nfect the proceedings of die legislature, and break the harmony,\\nwhich had been preserved in that body, during the preceding ad-\\nministration. The governor, in his first speech to the as-\\nsembly, took notice of their division, and advised them to j^^^\\nunanimity. They thanked him for his advice, but remon-\\nstrated against the removal of the old counsellors, and the\\nconfining of the new appointments, both in the council and the\\njudicial courts, to residents in one town, as being contrary to\\nformer usage, and giving an advantage, to the trading, above the\\nlanded interest. This, diey said, was the reason that an impost\\ncould not now be obtained, and that the whole burden of taxes\\nwas laid on the husbandman, and the laborer, who had been great-\\nly impoverished by the late war. The governor wisely avoided\\nan answer to this remonstrance, by putting it on the council, who\\nwere a party in the controversy. The council, in their\\nanswer, acknowledged that the jirovince had been much\\ndistressed by the war but had in a great measure recovered\\nthat there would have been no opposiuon to an impost, if the\\nrepresentatives had agreed to an act of export, according to the\\npractice in England that the king had a right to appoint his\\ncounsellors, from any part of the province that it was an affront\\nto the prerogative to find fault with the exercise of this right and\\nthat it was most convenient for the affairs of government, especially\\nupon sudden emergencies, that the council should reside near the\\nseat of government. This answer might have appeared decent\\nenough if they had not added, that they were gentlemen of the\\nbest quality, and greatest ability to serve the government, in that\\nstadon and had as good or better estates in land, and land se-\\ncurities, than any in the house, and not inferior to the gentlemen\\nwho were laid aside.\\nWhile these altercations were in hand, there was a great com-\\nplaint of the scarcity of money, and some expedient was judged\\nnecessary to supply the place of current coin. A proposal was\\nmade to issue ten thousand pounds in bills, on loan, for twenty-\\nthree years, at five per cent, on land security. In diis, both\\nhouses agreed but the next day, the council proposed to\\nenlarge die sum to fifteen thousand pounds, to which the house\\nwould not consent. The governor then ordered the house to at-\\ntend a conference with the council. They desired to know on\\nwhat subject he gave them no answer, but commanded their at-\\ntendance. Having conferred about the proposed loan to no pur-\\npose, the circumstance of asking on what subject they were to\\nconfer was deemed an affront, and served as a pretext for dissolv-\\n26", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0209.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "186 HISTORY or NEW-HAMPSHIRE [1717.\\ning them. The next assembly was more pliant, and issued fifteen\\nthousand pounds, on loan, for eleven years, at ten per cent.*\\nA controversy also arose between the governor and lieutenant-\\ngovernor about the power of the latter, in the absence of the\\nformer. Vaughan contended, that when the governor was pres-\\nent in his other province, he was absent from New-Hampshire,\\nand consequently that the administration devolved on him. The\\nposition was a metaphysical truUi, but the inference was to be\\nmeasured by political rules. Shute alleged that his commissions,\\nbeing published and recorded, in New-Hampshire and Massachu-\\nsetts, he had the power of commander in chief over both provin-\\nces, during his residence in either and thought it an absurdity\\nto suppose, that the king had appointed the governor commander\\nin chief, for five or six weeks only in the year, and the lieutenant-\\ngovernor during the rest of the time and that if the lieutenant-\\ngovernor should happen, in that time, to step over the province\\nline, the senior counsellor must take the chair this he said would\\nmake the province a monster with three heads. The contro-\\nversy was soon brought to an issue for Vaughan received an\\norder from Shute, while at Boston, to appoint a fast, which he did\\nnot obey. He received another to prorogue the assembly, in-\\nstead of which he dissolved them, without the advice of council.\\nHe required the opinion of the council on the extent of his power,\\nbut they declined giving it. Penhallow, the governor s chief\\nfriend, was a warm opposer of Vaughan s pretensions, and incur-\\nred so much of his displeasure, that he publicly charged him with\\nsowing discord in the government, and suspended him\\nfrom his seat in council. On hearing this, Shute hasten-\\ned to Portsmouth, and having summoned the council, ordered\\nthe king s instruction to him for suspending counsellors to be read,\\nand demanded of Vaughan whether he had any instruction which\\nsuperseded it. He answered, No. The governor then asked\\nthe council s advice whether the suspension of Penhallow was\\nlegal they answered in the negative. He then restored him to\\nhis seat, and suspended Vaughan.-\\nThe assembly, which Vaughan had assumed the right to dis-\\nsolve, met again, and approved the proceedings against him, jus-\\ntifying the construction which the governor had put on his com-\\nmission, and his opinion of the extent of the lieutenant-governor s\\npower which was to observe such orders, as he should from\\ntime to time receive from the king or the governor in chief.\\nThe representatives of Hampton presented a remonstrance in\\nwjiich, admitting the lieutenant-governor s opinion, that when the\\ngovernor is out of the province, die lieutenant-governor is im-\\npowered to execute the king s commission, and asserting that\\nthe governor was not in the province when the lieutenant-governor\\n(1) Assembly Records. (2) Council Minutes.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0210.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "1717.1 PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 137\\ndissolved the assembly, they declared diat they could not act with\\nthe house, unless they were re-elected.^ This remonstrance was\\ndeemed a libel, and the governor in council having summoned\\nthem before him, laid diem under bonds of four hundred pounds\\neach, for their good behaviour.- He dien issued a proclamation,\\nasserting his sole power, as commander in chief; and declaring\\nthat the lieutenant-governor had no right to exercise any acts of\\ngovernment without his special order.\\nTo maintain a controversy with a superior oflicer on the extent\\nof power, equally claimed by both, requires a delicacy and an\\naddress which does not fall to the lot of every man. An aspiring\\nand precipitate temper may bring on such a contention, but dis-\\nqualifies the person from managing it with propriety. Had\\nVaughan proposed to submit the question to the king, he would\\nhave acted more in character, and might have preserved his rep-\\nutation, though he had lost his power. But having offended tho\\ngovernor, and disgusted the council and assembly, he could hope\\nfor no favor from the crown. When the report of die proceed-\\nings was sent to England, Sir William Ashurst, who had great in-\\nterest at court, and w^as a friend to New-England, and who greatly\\ndisrelished the memorial which Vaughan had formerly presented\\nto the king, easily found means to displace him and in his\\nroom was appointed John Wentworth, Esquire, whose commission\\nwas published on the seventh of December. The celebrated Mr.\\nAddison, being then secretary of state, this commission is coun-\\ntersigned by a name particularly dear to the friends of liberty and\\nliterature.\\nJohn Wentworth, Esquire, grandson of William Wentworth,\\nformerly mentioned as one of the first settlers of the country, had\\nbeen in the early part of his life, commander of a ship and had\\nacquired a handsome fortune by mercantile industry. Without\\nany superior abilities or learning, by a steady attention to business,\\nand a prudent, obliging deportment, he had recommended him-\\nself to the esteem of die people. Having been five years in the\\ncouncil, before his appointment as lieutenant-governor, he had\\ncarried the same useful qualities into public life, and j)reserved or\\nincreased that respect which he had acquired in a private station.\\nThe rancor of contending parties made moderation a necessary\\ncharacter in a chief magistrate and the circumstances of the\\nprovince, at that time, required a person of experience in trade,\\nat its head.\\nIt being a time of peace, after a long and distressing war, the\\ninqirovement of. which the province was capable, in regard to its\\nnatural productions, lumber and naval stores, rose into view and\\nbecame objects of close attention both here and in England. As\\n(1) Assembly Records. (2) Council Minutes. (3) Pcnliallow s MSS.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n(4) Ashursfs letter, MS. Original MS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0211.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "183 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSIIIRE. [1717.\\nearly as IGG3, the government of Massachusetts, under which the\\nprovince tiien was, had reserved for the pubhc use all white pine\\ntrees of twenty-four inches in diameter, at three feet from the\\nground.^ In King William s reign, a surveyor of the woods was\\nappointed by the crown and an order was sent to the Earl of\\nBellomont, to cause acts to be passed in his several governments\\nfor the preservation of the white pines.^ In 1708, a law made in\\nNew-Hampshire prohibited the cutting of such as were twenty-\\nfour inches in diameter, at twelve inches from the ground, without\\nleave of the surveyor; who was instructed by the queen, to mark\\nwith the broad arrow, those which were or might be fit for the use\\nof the navy, and to keep a register of them.^ Whatever severity\\nmight be used in executing the law, it was no difficult matter for\\nthose who knew the woods and were concerned in lumbering, to\\nevade it though sometimes they were detected and fined. Great\\ncomplaints were frequently made of the destruction of the royal\\nwoods every governor and lieutenant-governor had occasion to\\ndeclaim on the subject, in their speeches and letters it was a\\nfavorite point in England, and recommended them to their supe-\\nriors as careful guardians of the royal interest. On the other\\nhand, the ])eople made as loud complaints against the surveyor,\\nfor prohibiting the cutting of pine trees, and yet neglecting to mark\\nsuch as were fit for masts by which means many trees, which\\nnever could be used as masts, and might be cut into logs for saw-\\ning, were rotting in the woods or the people who got them were\\nexposed to a vexatious prosecution.^ When no surveyor was on\\nthe spot, the governor and council appointed suitable persons to\\ntake care that no waste should be made of the mast trees and these\\nofficers with a very moderate allowance, performed the duty, to\\nmuch better purpose, than those who were sent from England and\\nmaintained at a great expense to the crown.\\nAs those trees which grew within the limits of the townships\\nwere deemed private property, the people were desirous to get other\\nJ Q townships laid out, that the trees might be secured for their\\nown use. This was a difficult point. The assembly in 1704,\\nduring the controversy with Allen, had explicitly disclaimed all\\ntide to the waste lands, by which they understood all those with-\\nout the bounds of their towns. The heirs of Allen kept a jeal-\\nous eye upon them. Usher, who claimed by mortgage from gov-\\nernor Allen, was still living, and was daily inviting purchasers by\\nadvertisements.^ The heir of Sir Charles Hobby, whose claim\\nwas founded on purchase from Thomas Allen, had offered his\\ntitle to the assembly, but they had refused it. The creditors of\\nHobby s estate had aj)plicd for letters of administration and\\n(1) Mass. Rec. (2) Council Minutes. (3) Laws. Cliap. 20. (4) U.slier s\\nMSS. Council and As.spnibly Records. ((5) Penhallow s MSS. (7) As-\\nBcinbly Records. (8) Ne iv-Eiiglaiid Courants.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0212.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "1718.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. ]Q()\\nthough the matter had heen, by the judge of probate, submitted to\\nthe general court, and by their advice suspended, yet the letters\\nhad been granted.^ Allen s other heirs were in a state of minori-\\nty in England but tlieir guardian was attentive to their interest. 2\\nThe controversy had become more complex than before and the\\nclaimants, however multiplied in number and discordant in their\\nviews, yet had an interest separate from that of the public. Tiie\\nroyal determination could not be had, but on an appeal from a\\nverdict at law but no suits were now pending nor could the\\nlands be granted by royal charter, without seeming to intrench on\\nthe property of the claimants. Notwithstanding these difficulties,\\nthe necessity of extending the settlements, and improving the nat-\\nural advantages of the country, was too apparent to be neglected.\\nGreat quantities of iron ore were found in many places and\\nit was in contemplation to erect forges on some of the riv- q\\ners and to introduce foreign artists and laborers to refine\\nit. A law was made laying a penalty of ten pounds per ton on\\nthe transporting of it out of the province but for the further en-\\ncouragement of the manufacturer, it was deemed necessary, that\\nsome land should be appropriated, to the purpose of supplying\\nwith fuel, the iron works which were to be erected, on Lamprey\\nriver, and of settling the people who were to be employed in that\\nservice. On this occasion, it was recollected, that in 1672, while\\nthis province was subject to the Massachusetts government, and\\nafter the town of Portsmouth had made a liberal contribution for\\nthe rebuilding of Harvard College, a promise had been made by\\nthe general court to grant to that town a quantity of land for a\\nvillage, when they should declare to the court the place where\\nthey desired it. Upon this, a petition was presented to the\\ngovernor and council praying for a fulfilment of this promise and\\nafter some hesitation, a grant was made of a slip of land two\\nmiles in breadth above the head line of Dover, for the use of the\\niron works, which was called the renewing a grant formerly\\nmade. This was known by the name of the two mile slip, and\\nit was afterward included in the township of Barrington.\\nIn some parts of the province, were many pitch-pine trees, unfit\\nfor masts, but capable of yielding tar and turpentine. A monop-\\noly of this manufacture had been attempted by a company of\\nmerchants but when many thousand trees were prepared for use,\\nthey were destroyed by unknown hands.^ Afterwards a law was\\nmade providing that tar should be received in lieu of taxes, at\\ntwenty shillings per barrel. This encouraged the making of it\\nfor some time. Another law laid a penalty on the injuring of\\ntrees for drawing turpentine.^ But, private interest was too strong\\n(1) Assembly Records. (2) Printed state of Allen s title. (3) Laws, chap.\\n90. Couacil Minutes. (4) Mass. Rec. (5) Council Minutes. (C) Ibidem.\\n(7) Laws, chap. ID. (8) Chap. 94.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0213.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "190 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1719.\\nto be counteracted by a sense of pnblic utility. Too many in-\\ncisions being made in tlie trees at once, tiiey were soon destroyed\\nand those wliich were near at liand became scarce, the manufac-\\nture was gradually discontinued.\\nHemp was another object. Some had been sown, and from\\nthe specimen of its growth, much advantage was expected. An\\nact was made to encourage it and it was allowed to be received\\nat the treasury, in lieu of money, at one shilling per pound. i But\\nas there was scarcely land enough in cultivation, for the produc-\\ntion of corn, it was vain to think of raising a less necessary com-\\nmodity.\\nThe parliament of England was attentive to the advantages\\nwhich might be derived to the nation from the colonies, to which\\ntliey were particularly incited by the war, which at this time raged\\nbetween Sweden and Russia, the grand marts for naval stores\\nin Europe. A duty which had been paid on lumber imjiorted\\nfrom America, was taken off; and this was esteemed so great fa-\\nvor to New-Hampshire that the assembly thanked Shute for the\\nshare he had in obtaining it.^ About the same time, an act of\\nparliament was made for the preservation of the white pines.\\nPenalties in proportion to the size of tlie trees, were laid on the\\ncutting of those which grew without the bounds of townships\\nand for the greater terror, these penalties were to be recovered by\\nthe oath of one witness, in a court of admiralty where a single\\njudge, appointed by the crown, and removable at pleasure, de-\\ntermined tlie cause without a jury While this bill was pending,\\nHenry Newman, the agent for New-Hampshire, petitioned against\\nthe severity of it, but without effect.\\nGreat inconveniences had arisen for want of a due settlement\\nof the limits of the province. The people who lived near the\\nsupposed line, were sometimes taxed in both provinces, and were\\nliable to arrest by the ofHcers of both and sometimes the officers\\nthemselves were at variance, and imprisoned each other. Several\\nattempts had been made to remove the difficulty, and letters fre-\\nquently passed between the two courts on the subject, in conse-\\nquence of petitions and complaints from the borderers. In 171 G,\\ncommissioners were appointed by both provinces, to settle the\\nline. The New-Hampshire commissioners were furnished by\\nlieutenant-governor Vaughan, with a copy of the report of the\\nlords chief justices in 1 677, and were instructed to follow the\\ncourse of the river 3Ierrimack, at the distance of three miles\\nnordi as far as the river extends. The conuiiissioners on the\\nother side complained that this power was not sufficient if by\\nsufficient it was meant that they had no power to vary from their\\n(1) Laws. chaj). 04. (2) Assembly Records. (^5) Statute of Goorire I.\\nchap 12. (4) MS. Petition (5) Original MS. initruction. MS. Letter of\\nLt. Governor Wentworth.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0214.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "1719.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 191\\ninstructions, the objection was true, but why this should have been\\nobjected it is not easy to account, since the instructions would have\\ngiven Massachusetts all which they could claim by virtue ol their\\nold charter or the judgment upon it, on which they always laid\\nmuch stress. Three years afterward the afl air was agitated again,\\nin obedience to an order from the lords of trade j who directed\\na map to be drawn and sent to them, in which die boundaries of\\nthe province should be dehneated, and the best accounts and\\nvouchers procured to elucidate it.^ Commissioners were again\\nappointed to meet at Newbury and those from New-Hampshire\\nwere instructed by lieutenant-governor Wentworth to confer with\\nthe others and if they could agree, in fixing the place where to\\nbegin the line, they were to report accordingly f but if not, they\\nwere to proceed ex parte, setting their compass on the north side\\nof the mouth of Merrimack river at high water mark, and from\\nthence measuring three miles on a north line, and from the end\\nof the first three miles on a west line into the country, till they\\nshould meet the great river which runs out of Winnipisiogee\\npond. To this idea of a west line, the IMassachusetts commis-\\nsioners objected and desired that the commission of the govern-\\nor of New-Hampshire might be sent to Newbury, which was re-\\nfused, and the conference ended without any agreement. How-\\never, a plan was drawn agreeably to these instructions, and sent\\nto the lords of trade and Newman, the agent was instructed to\\nsolicit for a confirmation of it. In these instructions, the ideas of\\nthe gentlemen in government are more fully^ expressed. The\\ndue west line on the southern side of the province, they supposed,\\nought to extend as far as Massachusetts extended.^ The line on\\nthe northerly side adjoining to the province of Maine, they sup-\\nposed, ought to be drawn up the middle of the river Pascataqua,\\nas far as the tide flows in the Newichwannock branch and\\nthence northwestward, but whether two or more points westward\\nof north was left for further consideration.\\nWhile these things were in agitation, the province unexpected-\\nly received an accession of inhabitants from the north of Ireland.\\nA colony of Scotch presbyterians had been setded in the province\\nof Ulster, in the reign of James I. They had borne a large share\\nin the sufferings, which the protestants in that unhappy country\\nunderwent, in the reign of Charles I. and James II. and had\\nthereby conceived an ardent and inextinguishable diirst for civil\\nand religious liberty. Notwithstanding the peace which Ireland\\nhad enjoyed, since the subjection of the Popish party by King\\nWilliam, some penal laws were still in force which, with the in-\\nconvenience of rents and tidies, made these people wish for a\\nsetdement in America where they might be free from diese\\n(1) Original MS. order. (2) Original MS. instructions. (3) Penhallow s\\nMSS. (4) Hume.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0215.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "192 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1719.\\nburthens and have full scope for their industry. One Holmes, a\\nyoung man, son of a clergyman, had been here and carried home\\na lavorable report of the country,^ which induced his father, with\\nthree other presbyterian ministers, James Macgregore, William\\nCornwell, and William Boyd, and a large number of their con-\\ngregations, to resolve on an emigration. Having converted their\\nsubstance into money, they embarked in five ships, and about one\\nOct. 14. hundred families of them arrived at Boston. Cornwell,\\nI7ld. vvith about twenty families more, arrived at Casco. They\\nimmediately petitioned the assembly of Massachusetts for a tract\\nof land who gave them leave to look out a settlement of six miles\\nsquare, in any of the unappropriated lands at the eastward. After\\na fruitless search along the shore, finding no place that suited\\nthem there sixteen families, hearing of a tract of good land,\\nabove Haverhill, called Nutfield (from the great number of chest-\\nnut and walnut trees there) and being informed that it was not\\nappropriated, determined there to take up their grant the others\\ndispersed themselves into various parts of the country.\\nAs soon as the spring opened, the men went from Haverhill,\\nwhere they left their families, and built some huts near a\\nbrook which falls into Beaver river, and which they named\\nWest-running brook.* The first evening after their arrival, a\\n(1) MS. of John Harvey.\\n[The sixteen families wliich first removed to the place were the following.\\nRandel Alexander, Jolin Barnet, John Mitchell, Thomas Steele,\\nSamuel Allison, Arch. Clendenin, John Morrison, Sterrett,\\nAllen Anderson, James Clark, James McKeen, John Steward,\\nJames Anderson, James Gregg, John Nesmith, Robert Weir.\\nThese were men principally in the middle age of life, robust, persevering,\\nand adventurous sucli as were well suited to encounter the toils, and endure\\ntlie hardships and self denials of conmiencing a new settlement. They were\\nsoon followed bv many of tlieir countrymen, who had emigrated with them to\\nAmerica, so that, before the close of tiie year, the number of families was\\nconsiderably increased. Being industrious and frugal in their habits of life,\\nand highly favored with the institutions of the gospel, they very soon became\\na thriving, wealthy, and respectable settlement. Rev. Edward L. Parker s\\nCentury Sermon, 11, 13.\\nFrom several petitions of the inhabitants of Londonderry, found among the\\nWaldron papers, deposited two or tlu-ee years since in the Secretary s office,\\nI have collected the following list of persons who had settled in Londonderry\\nbefore the year 173y, besides those above named.\\nThe names are given, generally, as found in the petitions, having in many\\ncases the autograpJis of tlie first settlers.\\nJames Adams, John Barr, Ninin Cochran,\\nJohn Adams, Samuel Barr, Peter Cochran, (2)\\nJames Aiken, John Bell, Robert Cochran,\\nNathaniel Aiken, James Blair, William Cochran, (2)\\nWilliam Aiken, John Blair, Tliomas Cochran,\\nJames Alexander, James Caldwell, John Conaghie,\\nJohn Anderson, (2) James Campbell, Hugh Craige,\\nRobert Arbuckel, David Cargin,(2) John Craig,\\nJohn Archbald, Benja. Chamberlain, Jesse Cristi,\\nJohn Barnett, IMatthew Clark, John Cromey,\\nMoses Barnett, Andrew Clendenin, John Dinsmore,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0216.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "1719.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 193\\nsermon was preached to them under a large oak, which, is to this\\nday regarded with a degree of veneration. As soon as they\\ncould collect their families, they called JMacgregore to be their\\nminister, who since his arrival in the country had preached at\\nDracut. At the first sacramental occasion, were present two min-\\nisters and sixty-five communicants. INIacgregore continued with\\nthem till his death;* and his memory is still precious among\\nthem. He was a wise, affectionate and faithful guide to them,\\nboth in civil and religious concerns. These people brought with\\nthem the necessary materials for the manufacture of linen and\\ntheir spinning wheels, turned by the foot, were a novelty in the\\ncountry. They also introduced the culture of potatoes, which\\nwere first planted in the garden of Nathaniel Walker of Andover.\\nThey were an industrious, frugal and consequently thriving\\npeople.\\nThey met with some difl!iculty in obtaining a title to their lands.\\nIf the due west line between the provinces had been established,\\nit would have passed through their settlement and divided it be-\\nPatrick Douglas,\\nWilliam Eayrs,(2)\\nJames Gillmor,\\nRobert Gillmor,\\nJohn Goffe,\\nJohn Goffe, jr.\\nSamuel Graves,\\nJohn Gregg,\\nSamuel Gregg,\\nWilliam Harper,\\nJames Harvey,\\nJo. Harvey,\\nWilliam Hogg,\\nAbraham Holmes,\\nJonathan HoUrae,\\nJohn Hopkins,\\nSolomon Hopkins,\\nTliomas Horner,\\nSamuel Houston,\\nWilliam Humplirey,\\nDavid Hunter,\\nAlexander Kelsey,\\nRobert Kennedy,\\nBenjamin Kidder,\\nJames Leslie,\\nJames Lindsay,\\nEdward Linkiield,\\nDaniel Macduffie,\\nRobert Mcfarlin,\\nNathan Mcfarlin,\\nJames MacGregore,\\nDavid McGregore,\\nRobert McKean,\\nSamuel McKeen,\\nMatthew Reid,\\nAlexander Renkine,\\nSamuel Renkin,\\nJames Rodgers,\\nHugh Rogers,\\nJohn Shields,\\nArchibald Stark,\\nCharles Stewart,\\nThomas Stewart,\\nArchibald Mackmurphy, James Taggart,\\nJohn Macmurphy, John Taggart,\\nAlexander MacNeall, James Thomson,\\nJohn McNeill William Thomson,\\nWilliam Michell, Robert Thompson,\\nHugh Montgomery, Andrew Todd,\\nJolm Moor, Samuel Todd,\\nWilliam Moore, Alexander Walker,\\nJames Morrison, James Walles,\\nRobert Morrison, Archibald Wear,\\nSamuel Morrison, Robert Weir,\\nDavid Morrison, Benjamin Willson,\\nJames Nesmith, James Willson,\\nAlex. Nickels, Hugh Wilson,\\nHugh Ramsey, Thomas Wilson.\\nJames Reid,\\nA few names having become obliterated or not easily decyphered, are\\nomitted. Where (2) is annexed, it shows that there were two persons of the\\nsame name, without the addition of any senior or junior. I have been more\\nparticular in giving the preceding list on account of the large number of em-\\nigrants Londonderry has furnished for several towns in New-Hampshire, and\\nBome in Vermont. Among their descendants might be named those who\\nsustained high military stations in the army of the Revolution those who\\nhave been members of Congress who have presided in our higliest semina-\\nries of learning who have filled seats in our council and senate, and who\\nhave sustained the chief magistracy of the state besides a number of emin-\\nent and distinguished ministers of the gospel.\\nMarch 5, 1729, aged 52.\\n27", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0217.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "194 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1719.\\nIvvccn Massachusetts and Ncw-Ham[isliire but the curve line,\\nfollowing the course of IMerriniack at three miles distance, would\\nleave them unquestionably in New-Hampshire. This was the\\nidea of the general court of Massachusetts, who, upon applica-\\ntion to them for a confirmation of their former grant, declared\\nthem to be out of their jurisdiction. Among the many claimants\\nto these lands, they were informed, that Colonel Wheelwright of\\nWells had the best Indian title, derived from his ancestors. Sup-\\nposing this to be valid in a moral view, they followed the example\\nof the first settlers of New-England, and obtained a deed of ten\\nmiles square, in virtue of the general license granted by the Indian\\nsagamores in 1629. To prevent difficulty from Allen s claim,\\nthey applied for leave of settlement to Colonel Usher, who told\\nthem that tiie land was in dispute, and that he could not give them\\nleave, but that he supposed they might settle on it, if they would\\nhold it either of the king or of Allen s heirs, as the case might be\\ndetermined.^ They also applied to the lieutenant-governor of\\nNew-Hampshire, who declined making them a grant in the king s\\nname but, by adv^ice of council, gave them a protection, and\\nextended the benefit of the law to them appointing James\\nM Keen to be a justice of the peace, and Robert Weir, a deputy\\nsherifF.2\\nSome persons who claimed these lands, by virtue of a deed of\\nabout twenty years date, from John, an Indian sagamore, gave\\n1 720 some disturbance but, having obtained what they\\njudged a superior tide, and enjoying the protection of gov-\\nernment, they went on with their plantation receiving frequent\\nad(litions of their countrymen, as well as others, till in 1722, their\\ntown was incorporated by the name of Londonderry, from a city\\nin the north of Ireland, in and near to which most of them had\\nresided and in which some of them had endured the hardships\\nof a memorable siege.*^\\n(1) Usher s MSS. (2) Council Minutes. (3) Harvey and Macgregore s\\nMSS.\\nJohn Barr, William Caldwell and Abraham Blair, with several others\\nwho had suffered in this siege, and came to America, were by King William s\\nspecial order made free of taxes through all the British dominions.\\nThis, with several other circumstances relating to tliese people, I took from\\na manuscript letter written (1721)) by Mr. John Harvey, school-master in\\nLondonderry, to Mr. Prince. In the same letter was the following brief ac-\\ncount of the siege above mentioned. Londonderry was besieged near half a\\nyear (1G89) by King James s army, when he had all Ireland subdued but\\nDerry and a little place hard by. The besieged defended the city, most of\\nthem being presbyterians, till they were very much pinched by famine, tiuit\\na dog s head was sold cheap enough at half a crown and yet God supported\\nthem until King William sent them relief by two ships with men and pro-\\nvisions from England; at which sight, before the ships got up to the city\\nand landed their men, the besiegers moved their camp and fled to the west\\nof Ireland, where afterwards two bloody battles vveie fought and the papists\\nsubdued.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0218.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "1720.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. I95\\nThe settlement of these emigrants, on the waste lands, opened\\nthe way for other plantations. Those who had borne the burthens\\nand distresses of war, in defending the country, had long been\\ncircumscribed within the limits of the old towns but were now\\nmultiplied, and required room to make settlements for their chil-\\ndren. They thought it hard to be excluded from the privilege of\\ncultivating the lands, which they and their fathers had defended\\nwhile strangers were admitted to sit down peaceably upon them.\\nThese were weighty reasons. At the same time no attempt was\\nmaking, by any of the claimants, to determine the long contested\\npoint of property and in fact, no person could give a clear and\\nundisputed title to any of the unsetded lands.\\nIn these circumstances, a company of about one hundred per-\\nsons, inhabitants of Portsmouth, Exeter and Haverhill, pedtioned\\nfor liberty to begin a plantadon, he northerly part of ^^ry^\\nthe lands called Nutfield. These were soon followed by\\npetitioners from the other towns, for the lands which lay condgu-\\nous to them. The governor and council kept the petitions sus-\\npended for a long dme, giving public notice to all persons con-\\ncerned to make their objections. In this dme, the lands were\\nsurveyed, and die limits of four proposed townships determined\\nand the people were permitted to build and plant upon the lands\\nprovided that they did not infringe on, or interfere with,\\nany former grants, possessions or properties. Some of\\nthese lands were well stocked with pine trees which were felled\\nin great abundance this occasioned a fresh complaint from the\\nking s surveyor.\\nAt length, charters being prepared, were signed by the gov-\\n(1) Council Records.\\nTwo things further, (sa3fs he) I have to relate respecting Derry. J The\\nchurcli of Derry is so strongly built with stone and lime that in the steeple\\nthey had a cannon fixed, which did more hurt to the Irish army than six\\nupon the walls. 2. There was one Col. Murray in the siege. He and a\\nparty were out against the enemy, and having got the advantage in an en-\\ngagement with them a mile from the walls, the enemy s general, who was a\\nFrenchman, and lie, met and having both fired their pistols, drew their\\nswords, and the general having a coat of mail, had the advantage of Murray\\nso that he could not hurt him. At length Murray observing that there was\\nno touching him but through the harness in his face, put his sword in through\\nthe bars of the harness and killed him. They made a great slaughter that\\nday. _\\nNothing was more oflTensive to these emigrants than to be called Irish.\\nMacgregore in a letter to Governor Sluite, (1720) says We are surprised\\nto hear ourselves termed Irish people, when we so frequently ventured our\\nall for the British crown and liberties against the Irish papists and gave\\nall tests of our loyalty, which the government of Ireland required and are\\nalways read}-^ to do the same when demanded.\\nThe people of this country did not understand the distinction nor in fact\\ndid they treat these strangers with common decency on their first arrival.\\nThe grudge subsisted along time, but is now worn out.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0219.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "196 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1722.\\nernor by which four townships, Chester,* Nottingham, Bar-\\n.^^rt ri iiglonf and Rochester were granted and incorporated.\\nMa To grants were made in the name of the king, who was\\nconsidered as the common guardian, both of the people\\n[In October, 1719, about 80 persons, chiefly from Hampton and Ports-\\nmouth, associated for tiie purpose of obtaining a grant of a township m the\\nChestnut country ^placed three men on the land to keep possession, and\\npetitioned for a grant. After some difficulty, they obtained a grant of a tract\\nof land ten miles square, 26 August, 1720. Tlie settlement was immediately\\ncommenced by several persons from Rye and Hampton, of whom Samuel\\nIngalls, Jonathan Goodhue, Jacob Sargent, Ebenezer Dearborn, Robert Smith,\\nB. and Enoch Colby, John and Samuel Robie seem ta have been most active\\nand useful, and by several families from the north of Ireland, of whom John\\nTolford, afterwards a major, and engaged with Col. Lovewell in 1754, in ex-\\nploring the Coos territory, and who died in July, 1791, aged 90, Thomas\\nSmitlit John Carr, James Wilson, who died in 1739, aged 100, (see vol. iii.\\n251) William Wilson, Hugh Wilson and James Whiting, seem to have been\\namong the earliest settlers. From 1722 to 1726, the settlement was retarded\\nby an Indian war. The Indians, however, did no injury, except that they\\ntook Thomas Smith and John Carr, as related under 1724. Several garrison\\nhouses were maintained in this town till after the peace of 1749. In 1726,\\nmany new settlers arrived from Hampton, Rye and Bradford, (Mass.) among\\nwhom were Samuel Emerson, the first justice of the peace in the town, Fran-\\ncis and Antliony Towle, Sampson Underbill, Nathan Webster, Ephraim\\nHazeltine, Sylvanus Smith, Ithamar, Benjamin and John Shackford, and in\\n1728 and 1730, several emigrants from Ireland, among whom were James\\nCampbell, Alexander and Andrew Craige, John Shirela, James Shirela (usu-\\nally written Shirley) who died in 1754, aged 105, John and Robert Mills, John\\nand Charles Mooie, John Dickey, John and Samuel Aiken, Thomas Wason,\\nWilliam Crawford and John Carswell. The first child born in town was a\\ndaughter of Samuel Ingalls. She died a few years since in Candia, over 90\\nyears of age. The first male child born in town was John Sargent, who also\\ndied in Candia, between 70 and 80 years of age. The charter mentioned in\\nthe text included more than 120 square miles of territory. The first meeting\\nunder it was holden, 28 March, 1723. Until 1728, the town meetings were\\nusually holden in one of the old towns in the province, and almost all the town\\nofficers, though proprietors, were not inhabitants of the town. In 1729, the\\ntown voted to build a meeting house, and in 1731, a church was formed, and\\nRev. Moses Hale, H. C. 1722, was ordained. He was dismissed 4 June, 1735.\\nIn 1734, the emigrants from Ireland, who were Presbyterians, formed a soci-\\nety, and settled Rev. John Wilson after the rules of the kirk of Scotland.\\nHe died 1 February, 1779, aged 76. In 1740, the first school house was built.\\nIn 1748, Capt. Abel Morse was chosen the first representative. In 1750, the\\ninhabitants voted that the S. W. part of the town, should be set off with a\\npart of Londonderry and the land next to Amuskeag, into a separate parish,\\nwhich was incorporated 3 September, 1751, by the name of Dc.mjfield, and is\\nnow called Manchester. In 1753, the W. part of the town was set off as a\\ndistinct parish, and has been since known as the Lonor Meadows. In 1762,\\nby the name of Raymond. In 1822, a part of Chester was disannexed with\\nother tracts to form the town o? Ilooksctt. MS. Letter of Samuel D. Bell, Esq.]\\nt [The settlement of Barrington began in 1732. Fourteen of the first plant-\\ners were living in 1785, who were between 80 and 90 years of age. A con-\\nfregational church was organized and Rev. Joseph Prince was ordained 18\\nune, 1755. He was dismissed in 1768. His successors have been Rev. Da-\\nvid Tenney from 1771 to 1778, Rev. Benjamin Balch from 1784 to 1815, and\\nRev. Cephas H. Kent, from October, 1828 to 1830. The township was divided\\nin 1820 into two nearly equal parts, and the western division was incorporated\\ninto a new town by the name of Strafford.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0220.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "1722.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 197\\nand the claimants but with a clause of reservation, as far as in\\nus lies, that there might be no infringement on the claims.\\nThe signing of these grants was the last act of government\\nperformed by Shute in New-Hampshire. A violent party in\\nMassachusetts had made such strenuous opposition to him and\\ncaused him so much vexation, as rendered it eligible for him to\\nask leave to return to England. He is said to have been a man\\nof a humane, obliging and friendly disposition but having been\\nused to military command, could not bear with patience the col-\\nlision of parties, nor keep his temper when provoked. Fond of\\nease, and now in the decline of life, he would gladly have spent\\nhis days in America if he could have avoided controversy. The\\npeople of New-Hampshire were satisfied with his administration,\\nas far as it respected them and though they did not settle a sal-\\nary on him as on his predecessor, yet they made him a grant twice\\nin the year, generally amounting to a hundred pounds, and paid\\nit out of the excise which was voted from year to year.^ This\\nwas more in proportion, than he received from his other govern-\\nment. On his departure for England, which was very ^mncy\\nsudden and unexpected, lieutenant-governor Wentworth, j^^^^^ j*\\ntook the chief command, in a time of distress and perplex-\\nity the country being then involved in another war with the\\nnatives.\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\nThe fourth Indian War, commonly called the three years war, or Lovewell a\\nwar.\\nTo account for the frequent wars with the eastern Indians,\\nusually called by the French, the Abenaquis, and their unsteadi-\\nness both in war and peace we must observe, that they were\\nsituated between the colonies of two European nations, who were\\noften at war with each other, and who pursued very different\\nmeasures with regard to them.\\nAs the lands, on which they liv^ed, were comprehended in the\\npatents granted by the crown of England, the natives were con-\\nsidered by the English, as subjects of that crown. In the treaties\\nand conferences held with them, they were styled the king s sub-\\njects when war was declared against them, they were called\\nrebels; and when they were compelled to make peace, they sub-\\nscribed an acknowledgment of their perfidy, and a declaration of\\ntheir submission to the government, without any just ideas of the\\n(1) Assembly Records.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0221.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "19S HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nmeaning of those terms and it is a difficult point to determine\\nwhat kind of subjects they were.\\nBeside the patents, derived from the crown, the English, in\\ngeneral, were fond of obtaining from the Indians, deeds of sale for\\ntliose lands, on which they were disposed to make settlements.\\nSome of these deeds were executed with legal formality, and a\\nvaluable consideration was paid to the natives for the purchase\\nothers were of obscure and uncertain original but the memory\\nof such transactions was soon lost, among a people who had no\\nwritten records. Lands had been purchased of the Indian chiefs,\\non the rivers Kennebeck and St. George, at an early period but\\nthe succeeding Indians either had no knowledge of the sales made\\nby their ancestors, or had an idea that such bargains were not\\nbinding on posterity who had as much need of the lands, and\\ncould use them to the same purpose as their fathers. At first,\\nthe Indians did not know that the European manner of cultivating\\nlands, and erecting mills and dams, would drive away the game\\nand fish, and thereby deprive them of the means of subsistence\\nafterward, finding by experience that this was the consequence\\nof admitting foreigners to settle among them, they repented of\\ntheir hospitality, and were inclined to dispossess their new neigh-\\nbors, as the only way of restoring the country to its pristine state,\\nand of recovering their usual mode of subsistence.\\nThey were extremely offended by the setdements, which the\\nEnglish, after the peace of Utretcht, made on the lands to the\\neastward, and by their building forts, block houses and mills\\nwhereby their usual mode of passing the rivers and carrying-places\\nwas interrupted and they could not believe, though they were\\ntold with great solemnity, that these fortifications were erected for\\ntheir defence against invasion.^ When conferences were held\\nwith them on this subject, they either denied that the lands had\\nbeen sold, or pretended that the sachems had exceeded their\\npower in making the bargains or had conveyed lands beyond the\\nlimits of their tribe or that the English had taken advantage of\\ntheir drunkenness to make them sign the deeds or that no val-\\nuable consideration had been given for the purchase. No argu-\\nments or evidence which could be adduced would satisfy them,\\nunless the lands were paid for again and had this been done\\nonce, their posterity after a few years would have renewed the\\ndemand.\\nOn the other hand, the French did not in a formal manner de-\\nclare them subjects of the crown of France but every tribe,\\nhowever small, was allowed to preserve its independence.^ Those\\nwho were situated in the heart of Canada kept Uieir lands to dicm-\\nselves, which were never solicited from them those who dwelt\\n(1) Governor Shute s conference, 1717. (2) Waldo s defence of Leveret s\\ntitle. (3) Abbe Raynal.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0222.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "1717.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SIIUTE. jgg\\non the rivers and shores of the Atlantic, though distant from tlie\\nFrench colonies, received annual presents from the king of\\nFrance and solitary traders resided with, or occasionally visited\\nthem but no attempt was made by any company to settle on\\ntheir lands.\\nIt was in the power of the English to supply them with provis-\\nions, arms, ammunition, blankets and other articles which they\\nwanted, cheaper than they could purchase them of the\\nFrench. Gov^ernor Shute had promised that trading houses\\nshould be established among them, and that a smith should be\\nprovided to keep their arms and other instruments in repair but\\nthe unhappy contentions between the governor and assembly of\\nMassachusetts prevented a compliance with this engagement.\\nThe Indians were therefore obliged to submit to the impositions\\nof private traders, or to seek supplies from the French who failed\\nnot to join with them in reproaching the Enghsh for this breach\\nof promise; and for their avidity in getting away the land.\\nThe inhabitants of the eastern parts of New-England were not\\nof the best character for religion, and were ill adapted to engage\\nthe affections of the Indians by their example. The frequent\\nhostilities on this quarter, not only kept alive a spirit of jealousy\\nand z-evenge in individuals, but prevented any endeavors to prop-\\nagate religious knowledge among the Indians by the government\\nthough it was one of the conditions of their charter and though\\nmany good men wished it might be attempted. At length. Gov-\\nernor Shute, in his conference with their sachems at Arrowsick,\\nintroduced this important business by offering them in a formal\\nmanner, an Indian bible, and a protestant missionary; but they\\nrejected bodi, saying God hath given us teaching already, and if\\nwe should go from it, we should displease him. He would\\nhave done much better service, and perhaps prevented a war, if\\nhe had complied with their earnest desire to fix a boundary, be-\\nyond which the English should not extend their settlements.\\nA gentleman, in conversation with one of their sachems, asked\\nhim why they were so strongly attached to the French, from\\nwhom they could not expect to receive so much benefit as from the\\nEnglish the sachem gravely answered, because the French\\nhave taught us to pray to God, which the English never did.\\nIt has been observed in the former part of this work, that the\\nJesuits had planted themselves among these tribes. They had\\none church at Penobscot, and another at Norridgewog, where\\nSebastian Ralle, a French Jesuit, resided. He was a man of\\ngood sense, learning and address, and by a compliance with their\\nmode of life, and a gentle, condescending deportment, had gained\\ntheir affections so as to manage them at his pleasure. Knowing\\ntlie power of superstition over the savage mind, betook advantage\\n(1) Judge Sewal s memorial. (2) Penhallow s MSS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0223.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "200 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1720.\\nof this, and of their prejudice against the English, to promote the\\ncause, and strengthen the interest of the French among them.\\nHe even made the offices of devotion serve as incentives to their\\nferocity, and kept a flag, in which was depicted a cross, surround-\\ned by bows and arrows, which lie used to hoist on a pole, at the\\ndoor of his church, when he gave them absolution, previously to\\ntheir engaging in any warlike enterprise.^\\nWith this Jesuit, the governor of Canada held a close corres-\\npondence and by him was informed of every thing transacted\\namong the Indians. By this means, their discontent with the\\nEnglish, on account of the settlements made at the eastward, was\\nheightened and inflamed and they received every encourage-\\nment, to assert their title to the lands in question, and molest the\\nsettlers, by killing their cattle, burning their stacks of hay, rob-\\nbing and insulting them. These insolencies discouraged the peo-\\nple, and caused many of them to remove. The garrisons were\\nthen reinforced and scouting parties were ordered into the east-\\nern quarter, under the command of Colonel Shadrach Walton.\\nBy this appearance of force, the Indians, who dreaded the power\\nof the English, were restrained from open hostilities. They had\\nfrequent parleys with the commanders of forts, and with commis-\\nsioners who visited them occasionally and though at first they\\nseemed to be resolute in demanding the removal of the English,\\ndeclaring that they had fought for the land three times, and\\nwould fight for it again j yet when they were told that there\\nwas no alternative but perfect peace or open war, and that if they\\nchose peace they must forbear every kind of insult, they seemed\\nto prefer peace and either pretended ignorance of what had\\nbeen done, or promised to make inquiry into it and as an evi-\\ndence of their good intentions, offered a tribute of skins, and de-\\nlivered up four of their young men as hostages.\\nTliis proceeding was highly disrelished by the governor of\\nCanada who renewed his efforts to keep up the quarrel, and\\nsecretly promised to supply the Indians with arms and ammuni-\\ntion though as it was a time of peace between the two crowns,\\nhe could not openly assist them.^\\n(1) New-Enorland Courant, No. IGO. (2) Captain Penhallow s MSS.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n(3) Hutch. Hist. 203.\\n[The writer of a biographical memoir of Ralle, published in the 2 Coll.\\nMass. Hist. Soc. viii. 25U 257, has attempted to vindicate his character from\\nthis charge, and from several aspersions which appear in works of writers\\ncontemporary with the missionary. In relation to tlie statement in the text,\\nderived from the New-England Courant, the writer says, How much reli-\\nance is to be placed upon newspaper paragraphs, written respecting those\\nwith whom hostilities are carried on, the dispassionate will judge. Imputed\\nreasons are not always correct if they were, tlie aborigines might infer tliat\\nthe figure of an Indian, with a drawn sword over his head on the flag of the\\nEnglish inhabitants of Massachusetts, implied that it was borne in menace of\\nan exterminating war against all Indians.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0224.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "1720.] PROVINCE. SAMUEL SHUTE. 201\\nThe New-England governments, though highly incensed, were\\nnot easily persuaded to consent to a war. The dispute was be-\\ntween the Indians and the proprietors of the eastern lands, in\\nwhich the public were not directly interested. No blood had as\\nyet been shed. Canseau had been surprised and plundered, and\\nsome people killed there but that was in the government of Nova-\\nScotia. Ralle was regarded as the principal instigator of the In-\\ndians and it was thought, that if he could be taken off they\\nwould be quiet. It was once proposed to send the sheriff of\\nYork county, with a posse of one hundred and fifty men, to seize\\nand bring him to Boston but this was not agreed to. The i\\nnext summer, Ralle in company with Castine from Penob-\\nscot, and Croisil from Canada, appeared among the Indians, at a\\nconference held on Arrowsick Island, with Captain Penhal-\\nlow, the commander of the garrison, and brought a letter,\\nwritten in the name of the several tribes of Indians, directed to\\nGovernor Shute in which it was declared, that if the English\\ndid not remove in three weeks, they would kill them and their\\ncattle, and burn their houses. An additional guard was sent\\ndown but the government, loath to come to a rupture, and de-\\nsirous if possible to treat with the Indians separately from the\\nFrench emissaries, invited them to another conl erence, which in-\\nvitation they treated with neglect.\\nIn the succeeding winter, a party under Colonel Thomas West-\\nbrooke was ordered to Norridgewog to seize Ralle. They ar-\\nrived at the village undiscovered but before they could surround\\nhis house, he escaped into the woods, leaving his papers in his\\nstrong box, which they brought off without doing any other dam-\\nage. Among these papers were his letters of correspondence\\nwith the governor of Canada, by which it clearly appeared, that\\nhe was deeply engaged in exciting the Indians to a rupture, and\\nhad promised to assist them.\\nThis attempt to seize their spiritual father, could not long be\\nunrevenged. The next summer, they took nine families ,^00\\nfrom Merrymceting bay, and after distnissing some of the jy^eis\\nprisoners, retained enough to secure the redemption of\\ntheir hostages and sent them to Canada.^ About the same time,\\nthey made an attempt on the fort at St. George s but were re-\\npulsed with considerable loss. They also surprised some fishing\\nvessels in the eastern harbors; and at length, made a furious at-\\ntack on the town of Brunswick, which they destroyed.\\nThis action determined the government to issue a declar-\\nation of war against them, which was published in form at Boston\\nand Portsmouth.\\nNew-Hampshire being seated in the bosom of Massachusetts,\\nhad the same interest to serve, and bore a proportionable share\\n(1) Penhallow s Indian wars, p. 85.\\n28", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0225.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "202 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1722.\\nof all these transactions and the expenses attending them. Wal-\\nton, who first commanded the forces sent into the eastern parts,\\nand Westbrooke, who succeeded him, as well as Penhallow, the\\ncommander of the fort at Arrovvsick, were New-Hampshire men.\\nThe two former were of the council. A declaration of war being\\nmade, the enemy were expected on every part of the frontiers\\nand the Assembly were obliged to concert measures for their se-\\ncurity, after an interval of peace for about ten years.\\nThe usual route of the Indians, in their marches to the frontiers\\nof New-Hampshire, was by the way of Winnipiseogee lake.\\nThe distance from Cochecho falls, in the town of Dover, to the\\nsoutheast bay of that lake, is about thirty miles. It was thought\\nthat if a road could be opened to that place, and a fort built there,\\nthe enemy would be prevented from coming that way. Orders\\nwere accordingly issued, and a party of two hundred and fifty\\nmen were employed in cutting down the woods for a road but\\nthe expense so far exceeded the benefit which could be expected\\nfrom a fort at such a distance, in the wilderness, to be supplied\\nwith provisions and ammunition by land carriage, which might\\neasily be interrupted by the enemy, that the design was laid aside,\\nand the old method of defence by scouts and garrisons was adop-\\nted.^ Lieutenant Governor Wentworth, being commander in\\nchief in Shute s absence, was particularly careful to supply the\\ngarrisons with stores, and visit them in person, to see that the duty\\nwas regularly performed for which, and other prudent and\\nfaithful services, he frequently received the acknowledgments of\\nthe Assembly and grants of money, generally amounting to one\\nhundred pounds at every session, and sometimes more. They\\nalso took care to enlist men for two years, and to establish the\\nwages of officers and soldiers at the following rates a captain,\\nat seven pounds per month a lieutenant, four pounds a ser-\\ngeant, fifty-eight shillings a corporal, forty-five shillings, and a\\npriviite, forty shillings. A bounty of one hundred pounds was\\noffered for every Indian scalp. The difference between the cur-\\nrency and sterling, was two and a half for one.*\\n(1) Assembly Records.\\n[1723. On the 24 February, sixty three of the inhabitants living in tliat\\npart of New-Castle, called Little-Harbor and Sandy Beach, and at the east-\\nward of the Little River, so called, at the easterly end of Hampton next to\\nSandy Beach, with sundry persons of Portsmouth living near Sandy Beach,\\nbein T in all sixty families or upwards^ petitioned the governor and council to\\nbe set off as a particular district or precinct for maintaining a minister with\\nthe privileges of carrying on the affairs of a town or parish. The petition-\\ners state that by reason of the great distance they live from any meeting\\nhouse, the greatest part of tlieir families were deprived of the dispensations\\nof the gospel, and that there had been almost a famine of the word and wor-\\nship of God amongst them, there being near four hundred souls, whereof not\\nabove the sixth or seventh part could attend said wor.^hip. IMS. Petition.\\nTheir petition was probably granted, as the next year, tiiey built a meeting\\nhouse, and in 172G, gatliered a church, and settled Rev. Nathaniel Morrill for", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0226.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "1722.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. 203\\nThe first appearance of the enemy in New-Hampshire, was at\\nDover, where they surprised and killed Joseph Ham, and\\ntook three of his children the rest of the family escaped\\nto the garrison. Soon after, they waylaid the road, and\\nkilled Tristram Heard.* Their next onset was at Lamprey Aug. 29.\\nriver, where they killed Aaron Rawlins and one of his children,\\ntaking his wife and three children captive. f\\n(1) Penhallow, page 96.\\ntheir first minister. The early names in Ryo were those of Berry, Seavey,\\nBrackett, Rand, Locke, Wallis and Jenness, most of which are still found\\nthere. It had 72 ratable polls in 1727, and 736 inhabitants in 1767. The\\nsettlement of this town dates back to the year 1631, perhaps somewhat earlier.]\\n[Tristram Heard was son of the widow Elizabeth Heard, who so remark-\\nably escaped in 1680, when Major Waldron and his neighbors were slain.\\nHe was born 4 March, 1667, and was consequently 56 years of age when\\nkilled. His mother, who is said by Rev. John Pike to have been, a grave\\nand pious woman, even the mother of virtue and piety, died 30 November,\\n1706.]\\ni This Aaron Rawlins (whose wife was a daughter of Edward Taylor, who\\nwas killed by the Indians 1704) lived upon the plantation left by Taylor,\\nabout half a mile west from Lamprey river landing, at the lower falls on\\nPiscasick river. The people there at that time, commonly retired, at night,\\nto the garrisoned houses, and returned home in the day time but tiiat\\nnight they neglected to retire as usual. His brother Samuel also lived\\nabout half a mile distant on the same river. It seems the Indian scout con-\\nsisted of eighteen, who probably had been re ionnoitering some time, and in-\\ntended to have destroyed both the families, and for that purpose divided, and\\nnine went to each house but the party that went to Samuel Rawlins s,\\nbeating in the windows, and finding the family gone, immediately joined\\ntheir companions, who were engaged at Aaron s. His wife went out at the\\ndoor, perhaps sooner than they would otherwise have assaulted the house,\\nand was immediately seized, and one or two of her children who followed\\nher. Her husband being alarmed, secured the door before they could enter,\\nand with his eldest daughter, about twelve years old, stood upon his defence,\\nrepeatedly firing wherever they attempted to enter, and at tlie same time\\ncalling earnestly to his neighbors for help but the people in the several\\ngarrisoned houses near, apprehending from the noise and incessant firing,\\nthe number of the enemy to be greater than they were and expecting every\\nmoment to be attacked themselves, did not venture to come to his assistance.\\nHaving for some time bravely withstood such unequal force, he was at last\\nkilled l)y their random shots through the house, wliicli the} then broke open,\\nand killed his daughter. They scalped him, and cut oft his daughter s head,\\neither through haste, or probably being enraged against her, on account of\\nthe assistance she had afforded her father in their defence, which evidently\\nappeared by her hands being soiled with powder. His wife and two chil-\\ndren, a son and a daughter, they carried to Canada The woman was re-\\ndeemed in a few years. The son was adopted hy the Indians, and lived with\\nthem all his days he came into Penacook with the Indians after the peace,\\nand expressed to some people with whom he conversed, much resentment\\nagainst his uncle Samuel Rawlins, on supposing he had detained from his\\nmother some property left by his father, but manifested no desire of return-\\ning to Newmarket again. The daughter married witli a Frenchman, and\\nwhen she was near sixty years old, returned with her husband to her native\\nplace, in expectation of recovering the patrimony she conceived was left at\\nthe death of her father But the estate having been sold by her grand-\\nfather Taylor s administrators, they were disappointed, and after a year or\\ntwo went back to Canada.\\nThis account was collected from some of the surviving sulferers, and other\\naged persons who were witnesses of the scene, by Wentworth Cheswell, Esq.\\nof Newmarket.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0227.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "204 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1724.\\nThe next spring, they killed James Nock,* one of the elders\\nof the church at Oyster river, as he was returning on horeseback\\ng front) setting his beaver traps in the woods. Soon after,\\nthey appeared at Kingston, where they took Peter Col-\\nMay 16. ^^j.j ^1^ J Ephraim Stevens, and two children of Ebenezer\\nStevens.2 They were pursued by scouts from Kingston and\\nLondonderry, but in vain. Colcord made his escape in about six\\nmonths, and received a gratuity of ten pounds from the Assembly,\\nfor his courage and ingenuity, and for the account he gave of the\\nproceedings of the enemy.\\nOn a sabbath day, they ambushed die road at Oyster river, and\\nj^^ 24 1^ lled George Chesley, and mortally wounded Elizabeth\\nBurnham, as they were returning together from public\\nworship. In a few days more, five Indians took Thomas\\nJune 2. gj^jjj^ gj^jj JqJ^j^ q^j-j. g^ Chester and after carrying\\nthem about thirty miles, bound them and lay down to sleep. The\\ncaptives escaped, and in three days arrived safe at a garrison in\\nLondonderry.^\\nThe setdements at Oyster river being very much exposed, a\\ncompany of volunteers under the command of Abraham Benwick,\\nwho went out on the encouragement offered by the government\\nfor scalps, were about marching to make discoveries. It hap-\\npened that Moses Davis,-}- and his son of the same name,\\nbeing at work in their corn field, went to a brook to drink,\\nwhere tliey discovered three Indian packs. They immediately\\ngave notice of this discovery to the volunteer company, and went\\nbefore to guide them to the spot. The Indians had placed them-\\nselves in ambush and the unhappy father and son were both\\nkilled. The company then fired, killed one and wounded two\\nothers, who made their escape, though they were pursued and\\ntracked by their blood to a considerable distance.^ The slain In-\\ndian was a person of distinction, and wore a kind of coronet of\\nscarlet dyed fur, with an appendage of four small bells, by the\\nsound of which the others might follow him through the thickets.\\nHis hair was remarkably soft and fine and he had about him a\\ndevotional book and a muster-roll of one hundred and eighty In-\\ndians from which circumstances it was supposed that he was a\\nnatural son of the Jesuit Ralle, by an Indian woman who had\\nserved him as a laundress. His scalp was presented to the lieu-\\n(1) MS. of Rev. Hiijrh Adams. (2) MS. of Rev. Ward Clark. (3) Assem-\\nbly Records. (4) Penhallow and Hugh Adams. (.5) New-England Courant.\\n(6) Penhallow, p. 101. (7) Hugh Adams s MS.\\n[Penhallow says Sylvanus Nock.]\\nt [Moses Davis was son of John Davis, and brotlier of Captain James Davis,\\nafterwards colonel, who is mentioned under 1701^ and 1700. He was born at\\nDover, .iO December, 1G57, and was in the G7th year of his age at the time he\\nwas killed.]\\nt [The writer before referred to, (2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. viii. 256) remarka\\non tliii statement as follows Now, we learn from Charlevoix, T. II. p", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0228.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "1724.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. 205\\ntenant governor in council, by Robert Burnham, and the promis-\\ned bounty was paid to captain Francis Matthews, in trust lor the\\ncompany.^\\nWithin the town of Dover were many families of Quakers\\nwho scrupling the lawfulness of war, could not be persuaded to\\nuse any means for their defence though equally exposed with\\ntheir neighbors to an enemy who made no distinction between\\nthem. One of these people, Ebenezer Downs, was taken by the\\nIndians, and was grossly insulted and abused by them, because he\\nrefused to dance as the other prisoners did, for the diversion of\\ntheir savage captors. Another of them, John Hanson, who lived\\non the outside of the town, in a remote situation, could not be per-\\nsuaded to remove to a garrison, though he had a a large family\\nof children. A party of thirteen Indians, called French Mo-\\nhawks, had marked his house for their prey and lay several days\\nin ambush, waiting for an opportunity to assault it. While Han-\\nson with his eldest daughter were gone to attend the weekly meet-\\ning of friends, and his two eldest sons were at work in a meadow\\nat some distance the Indians entered the house, killed and scalp-\\ned two small children, and took his wife, with her infant of four-\\nteen days old, her nurse, two daughters and a son, and after\\nrifling the house, carried them off. This was done so suddenly\\nand secretly, that the first person who discovered it was the eldest\\ndaughter at her return from the meeting before her father. See-\\ning the two children dead at the door, she gave a shriek of dis-\\ntress, which was distinctly heard by her mother, then in the hands\\nof the enemy among the bushes, and by her brothers in the\\nmeadow. The people being alarmed, went in pursuit but the\\nIndians cautiously avoiding all paths, went off with dieir captives\\nundiscovered. After this disaster had befallen his family, Han-\\nson removed the remainder of them to the house of his brother\\nwho, though of the same religious persuasion, yet had a number\\nof lusty sons, and always kept his fire-arms in good order, for the\\npurpose of shooting game.*\\n(1) Assembly Records, June 12.\\n107 and 379, that the Sieur de S. Castine had married an Abnaquis that\\nthe children lived with their maternal relations that the eldest son, the Bar-\\non de Castine, considered himself as belonging on his motlier s side to the\\nnation of the Abnaquis, and in 1721, had become acknowledged as their cJiief.\\nFrom which circumstances, it may be supposed 2cith much ffrrater prohahil-\\nity, that the Indian in question was of the ivnaWy oi Castine, and nota natural\\nson of the priest. His muster roll imports his being a chieftain and his cor-\\nonet designates his claim to nobility.\\nThis account is given as collected from the information of the family. A\\nnarrative of their distresses is in print. The woman, though of a tender\\nconstitution, had a firm and vigorous mind, and passed through the various\\nhardships of an Indian captivity, with much resolution and patience. When\\nher milk failed, she supported her infant with water, which she warmed in\\nher mouth, and dropped on her breast, till the squaws taught her to beat the\\nkernel of walnuts and boil it with bruised corn, which proved a nourishing\\nfood for her babe. Tiiey wero all sold to the Freach in Canada. Hanson", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0229.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "206 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1724.\\nThese and other insolcncies of the enemy being daily perpe-\\ntrated on tlie frontiers, caused the governments to resolve on an\\nexpedition to Norridgcwog. The captains Moulton* and Har-\\nman, both of York, each at the head of company of one\\nhundred men, executed their orders with great address.\\nThey conii)letely invested and surprised that village killed the\\nobnoxious Jesuit with about eighty of his Indians recovered\\nthree captives destroyed the chapel, and brought away the plate\\nand furniture of the altar, and the devotional flag, as trophies of\\ntheir victory. f Ralle was then in the sixty-eighth year of his\\nage, and had resided in his mission at Norridgewog twenty-six\\nyears having before spent six years in travelling among the In-\\ndian nations, in the interior parts of America.^ J\\n(1) Hutch. Hist. Mass, ii. 309. New-England Courant. MS. of Hugh\\nAdams.\\nwent the next spring and redeemed his wife, the tliree younger cliildren and\\nthe nurse but he could not obtain the elder daughter of seventeen years old,\\nthough he saw md conversed witli her. He also redeemed Ebenezer Downs.\\nHe made a second attempt in 17^27, but died at Crown-point, on liis way to\\nCanada. The girl was married to a Frenchman, and never returned.\\n[He was afterwards colonel of a regiment of provincials at the seige of\\nLouisburg in 1745. He was also a member of the executive council of Mas-\\nBachusetts, and sustained witli high reputation, the first civil and military of-\\nfices in the county of York. He died in the town of York, 20 July, 1765, aged\\n77. Alden, Coll. of Epitaphs, ii. 118.]\\nt [From the Memoir before quoted, it maybe proper to give an abstract of\\nthe French account of the attack on Narrantsouak or Norridgewog, as given\\nby Father de k Chasse, superior general of the missions to New France. (See\\n2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. viii. 254.)\\nThere were not above fifty fighing men in the village. Tliese took to\\ntheir arms, and ran out in confusion, not with any expectation of defending\\nthe place against an enemy already in possession, but to favor the escape of\\ntheir wives, their old men and children, and to give them time to gain the oth-\\ner side of the river, of wliichthe English had not then possessed themselves.\\nThe noise and tumult gave Fatlier Rasles notice of the danger his con-\\nverts were in. Not intimidated, lie went out to meet the assailants in hopes\\nto draw all liis attention to himself and secure his flock at tlie peril of his own\\nlife. He was not disappointed. As soon as he appeared, the English set up a\\nshout, which was followed by a shower of shot, and he fell near a cross which\\nhe had erected in the middle of the village, and witli him seven Indians, who\\nhad accompanied him to shelter him with their own bodies. Tiie Indians, in\\ntiie greatest consternation at his death, immediately took to flight, and crossed\\nthe river, some by fording, and others swimming. The enemy pursued tliem\\nvmtil they entered far into the woods and tiien returned, and pillaged and\\nl)urnt the church and the wigwams. Notwithstanding so many shot had been\\nfired, only thirty of tiie Indians were slain, and fourteen wounded. After\\nhaving accomplislied tiieir object, the English withdrew with such precipita-\\ntion that it seemed rather a flight than a victory. 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc.\\nviii. 254, 255.]\\nt [Sebastian Rasles. or Ralle, was of a respectable famil}- in Franche-Comie,\\nand was born about the year 1657. Being appointed a missionary from the\\nSociety of Jesuits to the Indinns of Nortli America, he embarked at Roclielle,\\nin France, on the23d of July ]6H! and arrived at Quebec, in October follow-\\ning. He immediately applied liimself to learning tlie language of the Jlhna-\\nkis and went to reside in tlieir village, containing 200 inhabitants and situ-\\nated about three leagues from Que liec, in the midst of a forest. Among the\\nvarious tribes of Indians, he passed the rest of his life, conforming to their\\neustoras. living upon their unpalatable food, in irregular and uncertain Bup-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0230.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "1724.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII. 0^7\\nThe parties of Indians who were abroad, continued to ravage\\nthe frontiers. Two men being missing from Dunstable, a scout\\nof eleven went in quest of them. They were fired upon by thir-\\nty of the enemy, and nine of them were killed. The\\nother two made their escape, though one of them was badly\\nwounded.* Afterward another company fell into dieir ambush\\n(1) New-England Courant.\\nplies taking long journeys through a rugged wilderness, without shelter or\\ncomfortable repose by night, and with incessant fatigue l)y day. He is said\\nto have been a man of superior sense and profound learning and particular-\\nly skilled in Latin, which he wrote with classical purity. SSee Memoir of him\\nin 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. viii. 5 50\u00e2\u0080\u0094 257.]\\n[The persons taken were Nathan Cross and Thomas Blanchard, who Iiad\\nbeen engaged in the manufacture of turpentine on the north side of Nashua\\nriver, near where Nashua village now stands. At that time, there were no\\nhouses or settlements on that side of the river. These men had been in the\\nhabit of returning every night to lodge in a saw mill on the other side. Tliat\\nnight tlie} came not as usual. An alarm was given, as it was feared they had\\nfallen into the hands of the Indians. A party consisting of ten of tlie princi-\\npal inhabitants of the place started in search of them under the direction of\\none French, a sergeat of the militia. In this company was Joseph Farwell,\\nwho was the next year lieutenant under Lovewell. When this party arrived\\nat the spot where these men had been laboring, they found the hoops of the\\nbarrel cut, and the turpentine spread on the ground. From certain marks on\\nthe trees made with coal mi.xed with grease, they understood that the men\\nwere taken and carried oft alive. In the course of the e.xamination, Farwell\\nEerceived the turpentine had not ceased spreading, and called the attention of\\nis comrades to this circumstance. They concluded that the Indians had been\\nfone but a short time, and must be near, and decided upon an instant pursuit,\\narwell advised them to take a circuitous route, to avoid an ambush but un-\\nfortunately, he and French had a short time previous had a misunderstandinor,\\nand were tlien at variance. French imputed this advice to cowardice, and\\ncalled out, I am going to take the direct path if any of you are not .afraid,\\nlet him follow me. French led the way, and tiie whole party followed, Far-\\nwell falling in the rear. Their route was up the Merrimack, towards which\\nthey bent their course to look for their horses upon the interval. At tlie\\nbrook, near Lutwyche s (now Thornton s) ferry, they were way-laid. The\\nIndians fired upon tiiem, and killed the larger part instantly. A few fled, but\\nwere overtaken and destroyed. French was killed about a mile from the\\nplace of action, under an oak tree, lately standing in a field belonging to Mr.\\nLund of Merrimack. Farwell, in the rear, seeing those before him fall,\\nsprung behind a tree, discharged his piece and ran. Two Indians pursued\\nhim the chase was vigorously maintained for some time, without gaining\\nmuch advantage, till Farwell passing through a thicket, the Indians lost sio-ht\\nof him, and probably fearing he might have loaded again, tliey desisted. ?Ie\\nwas the only one of the company that escaped. A company from the neio-h-\\nborhood mustered on the news of this disaster, proceeded to the fatal spot,\\ntook up the bodies of their friends and townsmen, and interred them in the\\nburying ground in Dunstable.\\nMy frieiul J. B. Hill, Esq., of E.xeter, Maine, to whom I am indebted for\\nthe preceding note, communicated in 1823, informs me, that in the old church\\nyard in Dunstable, on the road to Boston, near the south line of the town, is\\na monument with the following inscription, copied verbatim ct literatim.\\nMrmcnf.0 Mori.\\nHere lies the body of Mr. Thomas Lpnd,\\nwho departed this life, Sept. 5th, 1724, in the\\n42d year of his age.\\nThis man with seven more that lies in\\nthis grave was slew all in a day by\\nthe Indiens.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0231.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "208 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMFSHIRE. [1724.\\nand engaged ihem but the enemy being superior in number\\noverpowered them, killed one, and wounded four, the rest\\nretreated. At Kingston, Jabez Colman* and his son Jo-\\nseph, were killed as they were at work in the field. The success\\not the forces at Norridgewog and die large premium offered for\\nscalps, having induced several volunteer companies to go out,\\nthey visited one after another of the Indian villages, but found\\nthem deserted. The fate of Norridgewog had struck such a ter-\\nror into them, that they did not think themselves safe at any of\\ntheir former places of abode, and occupied them, as resting places\\nonly, when they were scouting or hunting.\\nOne of these volunteer companies, under the command of\\ncaptain John Lovewell of Dunstable, was greatly distinguished,\\nfirst by their success and afterwards by their misfortunes. This\\ncompany consisted of thirty. At their first excursion to the\\nnorthward of Winnipiseogee lake, they discovered an In-\\ndian wigwam, in which were a man and a boy.^ They\\nkilled and scalped the man and brought the boy alive to Boston,\\nwhere they received the reward, promised by law, and a hand-\\nsome gratuity besides.\\nBy this success, his company was augmented to seventy. They\\nmarched again, and visiting the place where they had killed the\\nIndian, found his body as they had left it two months before.\\n,^r Their provision falling short, thirty of them were dismissed\\nby lot and returned. The remaining forty continued their\\nmarch till they discovered a track, which they followed till they\\nsaw a smoke just before sunset, by which they judged that\\nthe enemy were encamped for the night. They kept\\nthemselves concealed till after midnight when they silently ad-\\nvanced, and discovered ten Indians asleep, round a fire, by the\\nside of a frozen pond. Lovewell now determined to make sure\\nwork and placing his men conveniently, ordered a part of them\\nto fire, five at once, as quick after each other as possible, and an-\\nother part to reserve their fire he gave the signal, by firing his\\nown gun, which killed two of them the men firing according to\\norder, killed five more on the spot the other three starting up\\n(1) PenluiHow, p. 100. (2) Ibid. p. 107. (3) New-England Courant.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n4)MS. of Hugh Adams.\\nBlanchard and Cross were carried to Canada. After remaining there some\\ntime, tliey succeeded by their own exertions in effecting their redemption,\\nand returned to their native town. The text says tliat tlie party wlio went\\nafter them consisted of eleven Penhallow says fourteen, but the number\\nstated in this note is probably correct, it being derived from the late colonel E.\\nBancroft of Tyngsborough.]\\n[The late venerable Samuel Welch, of Bow, who died 5 April, 1823, in\\nthe 113th year of his age, remembered the death of Colman, as well as the\\ncapture of Colcord and Stevens, mentioned under May, 1724, and related to\\nthe editor some of the circumstances of these attacks of the Indians, less than\\na month before his death. It seemed from liis account that Colman waa shot,\\none ball through his neck and another through his hip.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0232.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "1725.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. 209\\nfrom their sleep, two of them were immediately shot dead by the\\nreserve. The other, though wounded, attempted to escape by\\ncrossing the pond, but was seized by a dog and held fast till they\\nkilled him. Thus in a few minutes the whole company was de-\\nstroyed, and some attempt against the frontiers of Ncw-IIamp-\\nshire prevented for these Indians were marching from Canada,\\nwell furnished with new guns, and plenty of ammunition ihey\\nhad also a number of spare blankets, mockaseens and snow-shoes\\nfor the accommodation of the prisoners whom they expected to\\ntake, and were within two day s march of the frontiers.^ The\\npond where this exploit was performed is at the head of a branch\\nof Salmonfall river, in the township of Wakefield, and has ever\\nsince borne the name of Lovcwell s pond. The action is spoken\\nof by elderly people, at this distance of time, with an air of ex-\\nultation and considering the extreme difficulty of finding and\\nattacking Indians in the woods, and the judicious manner in\\nwhich they were so completely surprised, it was a capital exploit.\\nThe brave company, with the ten scalps stretched on hoops,\\nand elevated on poles, entered Dover in triumph, and pro-\\nneeded thence to Boston where they received the bounty\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2of one hundred pounds for each, out of the public treasury.\\nEncouraged by this success, Lovewell marched a third time\\nintending to attack the villages of Pequawket, on the upper\\npart of the river Saco, which had been the residence of a\\nformidable tribe, and which they still occasionally inhabited. His\\ncompany at this time consisted of forty-six, including a chaplain\\nand surgeon. Two of them proving lame, returned anoti\u00c2\u00bber\\nfalling sick, they halted and bulk a stockade fort on die west side\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0of great Ossipee pond partly for the accommodatioji of the sick\\nman, and partly for a place of retreat in case of any misfortijne.\\nHere the surgeon was left with the sick man, and eight of the\\ncompany for a guard. The number was now reduced to thirty-\\nfour.* Pursuing dieir march to the northward, they came to a\\n(1) Penhallow, p. 110. (2) Symmes s Memoirs.\\n[The names of this brave company deserve to be transmitted to posterity.\\nThey were Capt. John Lovewell, Lieut. Joseph Farwell. Lieut. Jonntliaii Rob-\\nbins, Ensign John Harwood, Sergeant Noah Johnson, Robert Usher and Sam-\\nuel Wiiiting, all of Dunstable Ensign Seth Wj-nian, Corporal Thomas Ricii-\\nardson. Timothy Richardson, Ichalxul Jolnison and Josiah Johnson of Wo-\\nburn Eleazar Davis, Josiah Dnvis, Josiah Jones, David Melvin. Eleazar\\nMelvin, Jacob Farrar and Joseph Farrar of Concord Chaplain Jonathan Frye\\nof Andover Sergeant Jacob Fulham of Weston Corp. Edward Lingfield of\\nNutfield Jonathan Kittredge and SolomVin Keyes of Rillerica John Jefts,\\nDaniel Woods, Thomas Woods, John Chamberlain, Elins Borron, Isaac Lar-\\nkin and Joseph Gilson of Groton Ebenezer Ayer and Abicl Asten of FJaver-\\nliill and one whose name was considered unworthy of being transmitted to\\nposterity. Noah Johnson was the last survivor of this company. He was a\\nnative of Wo])urn, Massachusetts, and one of the first settlers of Pend)roke,\\nthe town granted to the survivors and the heirs of tliose who were killed,\\nwhere he was deacon of the church. He removed to Plymouth in liis old\\nage, and there died 13 August, 17 J8, in the 100th year of his age.J\\n29", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0233.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "310 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1725.\\npond, about twenty-two* miles distant from the fort, and encamped\\nby the side of it. Early the next morning, while at their devo-\\ntions, they heard the report of a gun, and discovered a single\\nIndian, standing on a point of land, which runs into the pond,\\nmore tlian a mile distant. They had been alarmed the preceding\\nni ht by noises round their camp, which they imagined were\\nmade by Indians, and this opinion was now strengthened. They\\nsuspected that the Indian was placed there to decoy them, and\\nthat a body of the enemy was in their front. A consultation be-\\ning held, they determined to march forward, and by encompass-\\nin\u00c2\u00bb- the pond, to gain the place where the Indian stood and that\\nthey mighi be ready for action, they disencumbered themselves\\nof their packs, and left them, without a guard, at the northeast\\nend of the pond, in a pitch-pine plain, where the trees were thin\\nand the brakes, at that time of the year, small. It happened that\\nLovewell s march had crossed a carrying-place, by which two\\nparties of Indians, consisting of forty-one men, commanded by\\nPaugus and Wahwa, who had been scouting down Saco river,\\nwere returning to the lower village of Pequawket, distant about a\\nmile and a half from this pond. Having fallen on his track, they\\nfollowed it till they came to the packs, which they removed and\\ncounting them, found the number of his men to be less than their\\nown. They therefore placed themselves in ambush, to attack\\nthem on their return. The Indian who had stood on the point,\\nand was returning to the village, by another path, met them, and\\nreceived their fne, which he returned, and wounded Lovewell\\nand another with small shot. Lieutenant Wyman firing again,\\nkilled him, and they took iiis scalp. f Seeing no other enemy,\\nthey returned to the place where they had left their packs, and\\nwhile they were looking for them, the Indians rose and ran to-\\nward them with a horrid yelling. A smart firing commenced on\\nboth sides, it being no\\\\i^ about ten of the clock. Captain Love-\\nThe printed accounts 5a.y forty it is probable that the march was circui-\\ntous.\\nThis Indian has been celebrated as a hero, and ranked with the Roman\\nCurtius, wlio devoted himself to death to save his country. (See Hutchin-\\nson s History, vol. ii. page 315.)\\nHaving been on the spot where this celebrated action happened, and having\\nconversed witli persons who were acquainted witii the Indians of Pequawket,\\nbefore and after this battle, I am convinced that tiiere is no foundation for the\\nidea that he was ])laced there as a decoy and that he had no claim to the\\ncharacter of a liero. The point on which he stood is a noted fisliing place\\nthe gun which alarmed Lovewell s company was fired at a flock of ducks\\nand when they met him he was returning home with his game and two fowling\\npieces. Tiie village was situated at the edge of tiie meadow, on Saco river\\nwhich here forms a large bend. The remains of the stockades were found by\\nthe first settlers, forty years afterward. The pond is in the township of Frye-\\nburg, [where, on the 1S May, 1625, was holden the first Centennial Celebra-\\ntion\u00c2\u00b0of Lovewell s Fight, and an Address delivered by Charles S. Daveis,\\nEsquire. The Address, containing 04 pages bvo. was published at Porllqjid\\nthe same year.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0234.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "1725.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. 211\\nwell and eight more were killed on the spot. Lieutenant Farwell\\nand two others were wounded. Several of the Indians fell but,\\nbeing superior in number, they endeavored to surround the party,\\nwho, perceiving their intention, retreated hoping to be sheltered\\nby a point of rocks which ran into the pond, and a few large pine\\ntrees standing on a sandy beach. In diis forlorn place, they took\\ntlieir station. On their right was the mouth of a brook, at that\\ntime unfordable on their left was the rocky point their front\\nwas partly covered by a deep bog and partly uncovered, and the\\npond was in their rear. The enemy galled them in front and\\nflank, and had them so completely in their power, that had they\\nmade a prudent use of their advantage, the whole company must\\neither have been killed, or obliged to surrender at discretion be-\\ning destitute of a mouthful of sustenance, and an escape being\\nimpracticable. Under the conduct of Lieutenant Wyman, they\\nkept up their fire, and shewed a resolute countenance, all the re-\\nmainder of die day during which, their chaplain, Jonathan Frye,*\\nEnsign Robbins, and one more, were mortally wounded. The\\nIndians invited them to surrender, by holding up ropes to them,\\nand endeavored to intimidate them by their hideous yells but\\nihey determined to die rather than yield and by their well di-\\nrected fire, the number of the savages was thinned, and their cries\\nbecame fainter, till, just before night, they quitted their advanta-\\ngeous ground, carrying off their killed and wounded, and leaving\\nthe dead bodies of Love well and his men unscalped. The shat-\\ntered remnant of this brave company, collected themselves to-\\ngether, found three of their number unable to move from the spot,\\neleven w ounded but able to march, and nine who had received no\\nhurt. It was melancholy to leave their dying companions behind,\\nbut there was no possibility of removing them. One of them, en-\\nsign Robbins, desired them to lay his, gun by him charged, that\\nif the Indians should return before his death he might be able to\\nkill one more. After the rising of the moon, diey quitted the fatal\\nspot, and directed their march toward the fort, where the surgeon\\nand guard had been left. To their great surprise, they found it\\ndeserted. In the beginning of the action, one man, (whose name\\nhas not been thought worthy tobe transmitted to posterity) quitted\\nthe field, and fled to the fort where, in the style of Job s messen-\\ngers, he informed them of Lovewell s death, and the defeat of the\\nwhole company upon which they made the best of their way\\nhome leaving a quantity of bread and pork, which was a season-\\nable relief to the retreating survivors. From this place, they en-\\ndeavored to get home. Lieutenant Farwell and the chaplain^\\nwho had the journal of the march in his pocket, and one more,\\n[He was the son of Capt. James Frye of Andover, wliere lie was born.\\nHe graduated at Harvard college in 17:23. The large elm near the house of\\nMr. John Petera in Andover, waa set out by him. Abbot, Hist. Audover,\\n135.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0235.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "212 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1725.\\nperished ia the woods, for want of dressing for their wounds.\\nThe others, after enduring the most severe hardships, came in\\none after another, and were not only received with joy, but were\\nrecompensed for their valor, and sufferings and a generous pro-\\nvision was made for tiie widows and children of the slain.\\nA party from the frontiers of New-Hampshire, were ordered\\nout to bury the dead j but by some mistake, did not reach die\\nplace of action. Colonel Tyng, with a company from Dunstable,\\nwent to the spot, and having found the bodies of twelve, buried\\nthem, and carved their names on the trees whefe the batde was\\nfought. At a litde distance, he found diree Indian graves, which\\nhe opened one of the bodies was known to be dieir warrior\\nPaugns. He also observed tracks of blood, on the ground, to a\\ngreat distance from the scene of action. It was remarked that a\\nweek before this engagement happened, it had been reported in\\nPortsmouth, at the distance of eighty miles, with but litde varia-\\ntion from the truth.- Such incidents were not uncommon, and\\ncould scarcely deserve notice, if diey did not indicate that a taste\\nfor the marvellous was not extinguished in the minds of the most\\nsober and rational.\\nThis was one of the most fierce and obstinate batdes which had\\nbeen fought with the Indians. They had not only the advantage\\nof numbers, but of placing themselves in ambush, and waiting with\\ndeliberation the moment of attack. These circumstances gave\\nthem a degree of ardor and impetuosity. Lovewell and his men,\\nthough disappointed of meeting the enemy in their front, expected\\nand determined to fight. The fall of their commander, and more\\nthan one quarter of their number, in the first onset, was greatly\\ndiscouraging but they knew that the situation to which they were\\nreduced, and their distance from the frontiers, cut off all hope of\\nsafety from flight. In these circumstances, prudence as well as\\nvalor dictated a continuance of the engagement, and a refusal to\\nsurrender until the enemy, awed by their brave resistance, and\\nweakened by their own loss, yielded them the honor of the field.\\nAfter this encounter, the Indians resided no more at Pequawket,\\ntill the peace.*\\nThe conduct of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, governor of Cana-\\nda, was so flagrant a breach of the treaty of peace, subsisting be-\\ntween the crowns of England and France, that it was thought, a\\nspirited remonstrance might make him ashamed, and produce\\nsome beneficial effects. With diis view, the general court of\\n(1) Symmes s Memoirs. (2) Penliallow s Indian wars.\\nThis account of Lovewcll s bntllf is collorled from the autliorities cited,\\nand from tlie verbal informal ion of ajrcd and intelligent persons. The names\\nof the dead, on the trees, and the lioles where balls liad entered and been cut\\nout, were plainly visible, when I was on the spot in 1784. The trees had the\\nappearance of being very old, and one of them was fallen.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0236.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "1725.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII. 213\\nMassachusetts proposed to the colonies of New-York, Connecti-\\ncut, Rhode-Island and New-Hampshire, to join in sending com-\\nmissioners to Canada on this errand. New-Hampshire was the\\nonly one which consented and Theodore Atkinson was appoint-\\ned on their part, to join with William Dudley and Samuel Thax-\\nter on the part of Massachusetts.*\\nThe instructions which they received from the lieutenant-gov-\\nernors, Dummer and Wentworth, by advice of the council and\\nassembly of each province, were nearly similar.^ They were to\\ndemand of the French governor, restitution of the captives who\\nhad been carried into Canada to remonstrate to him on his in-\\njustice and breach of friendship, in countenancing the Indians in\\ntheir hostilities against the people of New-England to insist on\\nbis withdrawing his assistance for the future and to observe la\\nhim, that if in the farther prosecution of the war, our Indian allies,\\nshould in their pursuit of the enemy commit hostilities against the\\nFrench, the blame would be entirely chargeable to himself.^ If\\nthe French governor or the Indians, should make any overtures-\\nfor peace, they were empowered to give them passports, to come-\\neither to Boston or Portsmouth, for that purpose, and to return\\nbut they were not to enter into any treaty with them. The com-\\nmissioners were also furnished with the original letters of Vau-\\ndreuil to the governors of New-England, and to the Jesuit Ralle,\\nand with copies of the several treaties which had been\\nmade with the Indians. The gentlemen went by the way\\nof Albany, and over the lakes, on the ice, to Montreal, jyj^j. 2\\nwhere they arrived after a tedious and dangerous journey.\\nThe Marquis, who happened to be at Montreal, received and\\nentertained them with much politeness. Having delivered their\\nletters, and produced their commissions, they presented their re-\\nmonstrance in writing, and made the several demands agreeably\\nto their instructions using this among other arguments, Those\\nIndians dwell either in the dominions of the king of Great-Brit-\\nain, or in the territories of the French king. If in the French\\nking s dominions, the violation of the peace is very flagrant, they\\nthen being his subjects but if they are subjects of the British.\\ncrown, then much more is it a breach of the peace, to excite a\\nrebellion among the subjects of his majesty of Great-Britain.\\nThe governor gave them no written answer but denied that\\nthe Abenaquis were under his government, and that he had either\\nencouraged or supplied them for the purpose of war. He said\\nthat he considered them as an independent nation, and that the\\nwar was undertaken by them, in defence of their lands, which had\\n(1) Mass. and N. H. Records. (2) [Ibid.] (2) Atkinson s MS. Journal.\\nMr. Hutciliinson in his history, has not said a word respectinsj this em-\\nbassy. [The resolve appointing a commissioner in New-Hampshire passed\\ntlie General Assembly. J2 December, 1724.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0237.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "214 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1725.\\nJbeen invaded by the people of New-England. The commission-\\ners in reply, inlormcd him, ilsat the lands for which the Indians\\nhad quarrelled, were fairly purchased of their ancestors, and had\\nbeen for many years inhabited by the English. They produced\\nliis own letters to the governors of New-England, in which he had\\n(inconsistently, and perhaps inadvertently) styled these Indians\\nsubjects of the king of France. They also alleged the several\\ntreaties held with them as evidence that they had acknowledged\\nthemselves subjects of the British crown and, to his great morti-\\nfication, they also produced his own original letters to the Jesuit\\nRalle, which had been taken at Norridgcwog, in which the evi-\\ndence of his assisting and encouraging them in the war was too\\nflagrant to admit of palliation. Farther to strengthen this part of\\ntheir argument, they presented to the governor, a JMohawk whom\\nthey had met with at JMontreal, who, according to his own volun-\\ntary acknowledgment, had been supplied by the governor with\\narms, ammunition and provision to engage in the war, and had\\nkilled one man, and taken another, whom he had sold in Canada.\\nIn addition to what was urged by the commissioners in general,\\nMr. Atkinson, on the part of New-Hampshire, entered into a\\nparticular remonstrance alleging that the Indians had no cause\\nof controversy with that province, the lands in question being out\\nof their claim. To this, the governor answered, that New-Hamp-\\nshire was a part of the same nation, and the Indians could make\\nno distinction. Atkinson asked him why they did not for the same\\nreason make war on the people of Albany Tlie governor an-\\nswered, The people of Albany have sent a message to pray\\nme to restrain the savages from molesting them in a manner\\nvery different from your demands To which Atkinson with\\nequal spirit replied, Your lordship then is the right person, for\\nour governments to apply to, if the Indians are subject to your\\norders.\\nFinding himself thus closely pressed, he promised to do what\\nJay in his power to bring them to an accommodation, and to restore\\nthose captives who were in the hands of the French, on the pay-\\nment of what they had cost and he engaged to see that no un-\\nreasonable demands should be made by the persons who held\\nthem in servitude. As to those who still remained in the hands\\nof the Indians, he said, he had no power over them, and could\\nnot engage for their redemption. He complained in his turn, of\\nthe governor of New- York, for building a fort on the river Onon-\\ndago, and said, that he should look upon that proceeding as a\\nbreach of the treaty of peace and he boasted that he had the\\nfive nations of the Iroquois so much under his influence, that he\\ncould at any time, cause them to make war upon the subjects of\\nGreat-Britain.\\nThe commissioners employed themselves very diligently in their", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0238.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "1725.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. 210\\ninquiries respecting the captives, and in settling the lernns of their\\nredemption. They succeeded in effecting the ransom of sixteen^\\nand engaging for ten others. The governor obhged the French,\\nwho held them, to abate of their demands but after all, they\\nwere paid for at an exorbitant rate. He was extremely desirous,\\nthat the gentlemen should have an interview with the Indians, who\\nwere at war and for this purpose, sent for a number of them\\nfrom the village of St. Francis, and kept them concealed in Mon-\\ntreal. The commissioners had repeatedly told him, that they had\\nno power to treat with them, and that they would not speak to\\nthem, unless they should desire peace. At his request, the chief\\nof the Nipissins visited the commissioners, and said that they dis-\\napproved the war, which their children the Abenaquis had made,\\nand would persuade them to ask for peace. After a variety of\\nmanoeuvres, the governor at length promised the commissioners,\\nthat if they would consent to meet the Indians at his house, they\\nshould speak first. This assurance produced an interview and\\nthe Indians asked the commissioners whether they would make\\nproposals of peace they answered. No. The Indians then pro-\\nposed, that if the English would demolish all their forts, and re-\\nmove one mile westward of Saco river if they would rebuild\\ntheir church at Norridgewog, and restore to them their priest,\\nthey would be brothers again. The commissioners told them\\nthat they had no warrant to treat with them but if they were\\ndisposed for peace, they should have safe conduct to and from\\nBoston or Portsmouth and the governor promised to send his\\nson with them to see justice done. They answered, that this\\nwas the only place to conclude peace, as the nations were near\\nand could readily attend. The governor would have had them\\nrecede from their proposals, which he said were unreasonable,\\nand make others but father Le Chase, a Jesuit, being present,\\nand acting as interpreter for the Indians, embarrassed the matter\\nso much that nothing more was proposed. It was observed by\\nthe commissioners, that when they conversed with the governor\\nalone, they found him more candid and open to conviction, than\\nwhen Le Chase, or any other Jesuit was present and, through\\nthe whole of their negotiation, it evidently appeared, that the gov-\\nernor himself, as well as the Indians, were subject to the powerful\\ninfluence of these ecclesiastics of whom there was a seminary\\nin Canada, under the direction of the Abbe de Belmont.\\nHaving completed their business, and the rivers and lakes being\\nclear of ice, the commissioners took their leave of the governor,\\nand set out on their return, widi the redeemed captives, and a\\nguard of soldiers, which the governor ordered to attelid diem, as\\nfar as Crown-point. They Avent down the river St. Lawrence to\\nthe moudi of the Sorel, then up that river to Chamblee, and\\nthrough the lakes to fort Nicholson. After a pleasant passage, of\\nseven days, they arrived at Albany, [on the first of IMay.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0239.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "216 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1725.\\nHere tlicy found commissioners of Indian affairs for the prov-\\nince of New- York, to whom ihey comuuinicaled the observations\\nwhich they had made in Canada, and what the Marquis de V au-\\ndreuil* had said respecting the five nations, and the fort at Onon-\\ndago. There being a deputation from these nations at Albany,\\nthey held a conference with them, and gave them belts request-\\ning their assistance in establishing a peace with the Abenaquis.\\nFrom this place, Mr. Atkinson wrote to M. Cavanielle, son of\\nthe Marquis, acknowledging the polite reception the commission-\\ners had met with from the family subjoining a copy of the infor-\\nmation which they had given to the commissioners of New- York\\nand promising, that a due representation should be made, to the\\nkings of England and France, on the subject of dieir negotiation-\\nThe report of the commissioners being laid before the assem-\\nblies of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire, it was determined to\\nprosecute the war with vigor. Orders were issued for the de-\\nfence and supply of the frontiers, and for the encouragement of\\nranging parties, both volunteers and militia. A petition was sent\\nto the king, complaining of the French governor, and desiring\\nthat orders might be given to the other colonies of New-England,\\nand to New-York, to furnish their quotas of assistance, in the fur-\\nther prosecution of the war and letters were written to the gov-\\nernor of New- York, requesting that such of the hostile Indians as\\nshould resort to Albany, might be seized and secured.\\nThe good effects of this mission to Canada were soon visible,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0One of the Indian hostages who had been detained at Boston\\nthrough the whole Avar, together vi ith one who had been taken,\\nwere allowed on their parole, to visit their countrymen and they\\n-returned with a request for peace. Commissioners from both\\nprovinces went to St. George s where a conference was held,\\nwhich ended in a proposal for a farther treaty at Boston. In die\\n-mean time, some of the enemy were disposed for further mischief.\\nThose who had been concerned in taking Hanson s family at Do-\\nver, in a short time after their redemption and return, came down\\nwith a design to take them again, as they had threatened them be-\\nfore they left Canada. Whcnthey had come near the house,\\nthey observed some people at work in a neighboring field, by\\nwhich it was necessary for them to pass, both in going and return-\\ning. This obliged them to alter their purpose, and conceal them-\\nselves in a barn, till they were ready to attack them. Two wo-\\nmen passed by the barn, while they were in it, and had just reach-\\ned the garrison as the guns were fired. They shot Benjamin\\n(1) Assembly Records.\\n[He liad been the governor of Canada through the war with the French\\nand Indians, called Queen Anne s war, and through Lovewells wnr. He\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0died this year (17-25) on the 25 of October. He was distinguislied for bravery,\\nfirmness and vigilance, and gave tiie English incredible trouble by the long\\nwar he maintained against Ihom, by exciting tlie savages to perpetual in-\\nroads on their frontier. Lord, Lejnpriere, ii. 74l", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0240.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "1725.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWOJITH. 217\\nEvans dead on the spot wounded William Evans and cut his\\nthroat. John Evans received a slight wound in the hrcast, which\\nbleeding pentifully, deceived them, and thinking him dead, they\\nstripped and scalped him. He bore the painful operation without\\ndiscovering any signs of life, though all the time in his perfect\\nsenses, and continued in die feigned a])pearance of deadi, till they\\nhad turned him over, and struck him several blows with their\\nguns, and left him for dead. After Uiey were gone off, he rose\\nand walked, naked and bloody, toward the garrison but on meet-\\ning his friends by the way dropped, fainting on the ground, and\\nbeing covered with a blanket was conveyed to the house. He\\nrecovered and lived fifty years. A pursuit was made after the\\nenemy, but they got ofF undiscovered, carrying with them Benja-\\nmin Evans, junior, a lad of thirteen years old, to Canada, whence\\nhe was redeemed as usual by a charitable collection.\\nThis was the last effort of the enemy in New-Hampshire. In\\nthree months, the treaty which they desired was held in Boston,\\nand the next spring ratified at Falmouth.* A peace was\\nconcluded in the usual form which was followed by re-\\nstraining all private traffic with die Indians, and establishing truck-\\nhouses in convenient places, where they were supplied widi the\\nnecessaries of life, on the most advantageous terms. Though\\nthe governments on the whole, were losers by the trade, yet it\\nwas a more honorable way of preserving the peace, than if an\\nacknowledgement had been made to the Indians in any other\\nmanner.\\nNone of the other colonies of New-England bore any share in\\nthe expenses or calamities of this war and New-Hampshire did\\nnot suffer so much as in former wars partly by reason of the\\nmore extended frontier of Massachusetts, both on the eastern and\\nwestern parts, against the former of which the enemy directed their\\ngreatest fury and partly by reason of the success of the ranging par-\\nties, who constantly traversed the woods as far northward as die\\nWhite Mountains. The militia at this time was completely trained\\nfor active service every man of forty years of age having seen more\\nthan twenty years of war. They had been used to handle their\\narms from the age of childhood, and most of them, by long prac-\\ntice, had become excellent marksmen, and good hunters. They\\nwere well acquainted wiUi the lurking places of the enemy and\\npossessed a degree of hardiness and intrepidity, which can be\\nacquired only by the habitude of those scenes of danger and fa-\\n(1) Hutch, ii. 318.\\n[The commi-ssioners sent from New-Hampshire, and who were present at\\nthe formation of this treaty, were from the council. John I Vost and Sliadrach\\nWalton, and from tlie liouse, John Gilman and Theodore Atkinson. Those\\nappointed to attend the ratification of it, were Georjre JailVey, Sliadrach Wal-\\nton and Richard Wibird of tiic council, and Peter VVeare, Theodore Atkinson\\nand John Gilman of tlie liouse.]\\n30", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0241.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "218 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [1725.\\nligue, to which they were daily exposed. They had also imbibed\\nfrom their infancy a strong antipathy to the savage natives which\\nwas strengthened by repeated horrors of blood and desolation, and\\nnot obliterated by the intercourse which they had with them in\\ntime of peace. As the Indians frequently resorted to the frontier\\ntowns in time of scarcity, it was common for them to visit the\\nfamilies whom they had injured in war to recount the circum-\\nstances of death and torture which had been practised on their\\nfriends and when provoked or intoxicated, to threaten a repe-\\ntition of such insults in future wars. To bear such treatment re-\\nquired more than human patience and it is not improbable that\\nsecret murders were sometimes the consequence of these harsh\\nprovocations. Certain it is, that when any person was arrested,\\nfor killing an Indian in time of peace, he was either forcibly res-\\ncued from die hands of justice, or if brought to trial, invariably\\nacquitted it being impossible to impannel a jury, some of whom\\nhad not suffered by tlie Indians, either in their persons or families.\\nCHAPTER XV.\\nWentworth s administration continued. Burnet s short administration. Bel-\\ncher succeeds him. Wentworth s death and character.\\nDuring the war, the lieutenant governor had managed the ex-\\necutive department with much prudence the people were satis-\\nfied with his administration, and entertained an affection for him,\\nwhich was expressed not only by words, but by frequent grants of\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009eP money, in the general assembly. When he returned from\\nJan 5 Boston, where the treaty of peace was concluded, they\\npresented to him an address of congratulation, and told\\nhim that his absence had seemed long but the service he had\\ndone them filled their hearts with satisfaction. This address\\nwas followed by a grant of one hundred pounds. He had, just\\nbefore, consented to an emission of two thousand pounds in bills of\\ncredit, to be paid, one half in the year 1735, and the other half in\\n173G. An excise was laid for three years, and was framed for\\nthree hundred pounds.\\nThe divisional line between the provinces of New-Hampshire\\nand iMassachusetts was yet unsettled, and in addition to the usual\\ndisadvantages occasioned by this long neglect, a new one arose.\\nBy the construction which Massachusetts put on their charter, all\\nthe lands three miles northward of the river ]Merrimack were\\nwithin dieir limits. On this principle, a grant had formerly been\\n(1) General Court Records.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0242.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "1726.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII. 219\\nmade to Governor Endecott, of some lands at Penacook which\\nhad been the seat of a numerous and powerful tribe of Indians.\\nThe quality of the land at that place invited the attention of ad-\\nventurers from Andover, Bradford and Haverhill to whom a\\ngrant was made of a township, seven miles square comprehend-\\ning the lands on both sides of the Merrimack, extending soudi-\\nwardly from the branch called Contoocook.i This grant awak-\\nened the attention of others and a motion was made in\\nthe Massachusetts assembly, for a line of townships, to ex-\\ntend from Dunstable on Merrimack, to Northfield on Connecticut\\nriver; but the motion was not immediately adopted. The assem-\\nbly of New-Hampshire was alarmed. Newman, their agent, had\\nbeen a long time at the British court, soliciting the settlement of\\nthe line, and a supply of military stores for the fort. Fresh in-\\nstructions were sent to him to expedite the business, and to sub-\\nmit the setdement of the line to the king. A committee was ap-\\npointed to go to Penacook, to confer with a committee of Massa-\\nchusetts, then employed in laying out the lands, and to remonstrate\\nagainst their proceeding.^ A survey of other lands near Winni-\\npiseogee lake, was ordered that it might be known, what number\\nof townships could be laid out, independendy of the Massachusetts\\nclaim. On the other hand, the heirs of Allen renewed Uieir\\nendeavors, and one of them, John Hobby, petitioned the assembly\\nto compound with him for his claim to half the province but the\\nonly answer which he could obtain was that the courts of law\\nwere competent to the determination of titles, and his petition\\nwas dismissed.\\nBoth provinces became earnestly engaged. Massachusetts\\nproposed to New-Hampshire the appointment of commissioners,\\nto establish the line. The New-Hampshire assembly refused,\\nbecause they had submitted the case to the king. The JMassa-\\nchusetts people, foreseeing that the result of this application might\\nprove unfavorable to their claim of jurisdiction, were solicitous to\\nsecure to themselves the property of the lands in question. Ac-\\ncordingly, the proposed hne of townships being surveyed, preten-\\nces were encouraged and even sought after, to entide persons to\\nbe grantees. The descendants of the officers and soldiers, who\\nhad been employed in expeditions against the Narraganset Indians,*\\nand against Canada,f in the preceding century, were admitted j\\n(1) Mass. Records. (2) N. II. Records. (3) Hutch, ii. 331.\\n[Seven townships were finally granted to the ofRcers and soldiers living\\nand the heirs of those deceased, who were in the Narraganset warof 1G75 and\\n1C76. Two of tlie townships are witiiin the presentliniits of New-llanipsiiire,\\nviz. Amlierst, which was called Souhejian-West, until incorporated in 17G0,\\nand Merrimack, called Souhegau-East, until 174li.]\\nt Nine townships were granted to the heirs of the militia or soldier.?,\\nwho went against Canada, Anno IG!)0, and were called Canada Townships.\\nDouglass, Summary, i 424. Six of these townships were in New-Hampshire,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0243.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "220 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1726.\\nand the survivors of the late Captain Lovewell s company, with\\nthe heirs of the deceased, had a select tract granted to them at\\nSuncook.i Tliere was an appearance of gratitude in making these\\ngrants, and tiiere would have been policy in it, had the grantees\\nbeen able to com|ily with the conditions. New-Hampshire fol-\\nlowed the example, and made grants of the townships of\\n1727. Epsom, Chichester, Barnstead, Canterbury, Gilmanton\\noq and Bow. All these, excepting the last, were undoubtedly\\nwiiliin their limits but the grant of Bow interfered with\\nthe grants which Massachusetts had made, at Penacook and Sun-\\ncook, and gave rise to a litigation, tedious, expensive, and of forty\\nyears continuance.\\nThese tracts of land granted by both provinces were too nu-\\nmerous and extensive. It was impracticable to fulfil the conditions,\\non which the grants were made. Had the same liberal policy\\nprevailed here as in Pennsylvania, and had the importation of\\nemigrants from abroad been encouraged, the country might have\\nbeen soon filled with inhabitants; but the people of Londonderry\\nwere already looked upon with a jealous eye, and a farther intru-\\nsion of strangers was feared, lest they should prove a burden and\\ncharge to the community. People could not be spared from the\\nold towns. Pcnacook was almost die only settlement which was\\neffected by emigrants from Massachusetts.* A small beginning\\n(1) Mass. Records.\\nviz. 1. Canada to Beverly 2. Canada to Salfim (now Lyjideborough) 3.\\nCanada to fjiswicli, all which were situated on Piscataquog, or its branches\\n4. Canada to Rowley (now Rindge) 5. Canada to Gallop; and (J. Canada\\nto Sylvester.]\\n[Penacook was very early visited by the first emigrants. The first notice\\nwhich I have found of it is in Gov. Winthrop s Hist. N. E. i. 304, from which\\nit aj)pears that so early as ](i3i), the government of Massachusetts sent men to\\ndiscover the Merrimack, who reported tliatthey found some part of it about\\nFenkook to lie more northerly than forty -three and a half. From Felt a\\nAnnals of Salem, p. 358, it appears tiiat the people of Salem had a plantation\\ngranted to them at Penacook in ]()(i3, but that they iiad never made a settle-\\nment there, altliough some of them had as early as 1074, erected a trading\\nhouse there. They jietitioned the General Court in 1714, that the grant\\nmi ht be confirmed to tlieiii, and assigned among other reasons for its con-\\nfirmation, that since the grant was first made, they had been embarrassed by\\nIndian wars. It would seem that tlieir petition was not granted, as seven\\nyears afterwards, several persons of Haverhill explored the lands in the vicin-\\nity, and presented a petition to the General Court of Massachusetts, for a\\ntract of land situated on the river Merrymake, at the lower end of Pena-\\ncook, to contain eight miles square, and in 17::25, obtained the grant of a\\ntownship about seven miles square. The settlement was commenced in 172G,\\nby inhabitants from Haverhill, Andover and Salisbury. In 1733, they were\\nincorporated into a town by Ihe nanift of llumford, having settled a minister\\nin 1730. From 174 J to 17(13, tliere existed a violent and perplexing contro-\\nversy between the proprietors of Bow and the inhabitants of Riunford, which\\nwas finally decided by the King in Council, December, 1702. On the 17\\nJune, 1705, the charter of the town was granted, by which it received the\\nname of CoNconn. A church was gathered and Rev. Timothy Walker, who\\nfraduated at II. C. 1725, was ordained 18 Nov. 1730. He died 2 September,\\n782, aged 77. Hie successors have been Rev. Israel Evans, Rev. Asa M", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0244.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "1727.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH. ^21\\nwas made by the New-Hampshire proprietors, at Bow, on Sun-\\ncook river but the most of the intermediate country remained\\nuncultivated for many years. Schemes of settlement were indeed\\ncontinually forming meetings of proprietors were frequently\\nheld, and an avaricious spirit of speculation in landed property\\nprevailed but the real wealth and improvement of the country\\ninstead of being promoted was retarded.\\nOn the death of King George I., the assembly, which had sub-\\nsisted five years, was of course dissolved and writs for the election\\nof another were issued in the name of George the Second.\\nThe long continuance of this assembly was principally\\nowing to die absence of Governor Shute, in whose administration\\nit commenced and the uncertainty of his return or the appoint-\\nment of a successor. It had been deemed a grievance, and an\\nattempt had been made, in 1724, to limit the duration of assemblies\\nto three years, in conformity to the custom of England. At the\\nmeeting of the new assembly, the first business which they\\ntook up was to move for a triennial act. The lieutenant\\ngovernor was disposed to gradfy them. Both houses agreed in\\nframing an act for a triennial assembly, in which the duration of\\nthe present assembly was hmited to three years, (unless sooner\\ndissolv ed by the commander in chief) writs were to issue fifteen\\ndays at least, before a new election the qualification of a repre-\\nsentative was declared to be a freehold estate of three hundred\\npounds value.- The qualification of an elector was a real estate\\nof fifty pounds, within the town or precinct where the election\\nshould be made but habitancy was not required in either case.\\nThe selectmen of the town, with the moderator of the meeting,\\nwere constituted judges of the quahfications of electors, saving an\\nappeal to the house of representatives. This act having been\\npassed, in due form, received the royal approbation, and was the\\nonly act which could be called a constitution or form of govern-\\nment, established by the people of New-Hampshire all other\\nparts of their government being founded on royal commissions\\nand instructions. But this act was defective, in not determining\\nby whom the writs should be issued, and in not describing the\\nplaces from which representatives should be called, either by name,\\nextent or population. This defect gave birth to a long and bitter\\ncontroversy, as will be seen hereafter.\\nThe triennial act being passed, die house were disposed to make-\\nother alterations in the government. An appeal was allowed in-\\nall civil cases from the inferior to the superior court j if the matter\\n(1) N. II. Records. (2) Edition of Laws in 1771, page 166.\\nFarland, D. D., and Rev. Nathaniel Bouton. A second congregational (uni-\\ntarian) church was organized and Rev. Moses G. Thomas ordained 25 Febru-\\nary, 1829. The .)pulation of Concord in 1767, was 7. )2 in 1775, 1052 in\\n1790, 1747 in 1\u00c2\u00ab00, 2052 in 1810, 2303 and in 1620, 2838.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0245.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "222 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1727.\\nin controversy exceeded one hundred pounds, another appeal was\\nallowed to the governor and council and if it exceeded three\\nhundred pounds, to the king in council. The appeal to the gov-\\nernor in council was first established by Cutt s commission, and\\ncontinued by subsequent commissions and instructions. In Queen\\nAnne s time, it was complained of as a grievance, that the governor\\nand council received appeals and decided causes, without taking\\nan oath to do justice. An oath was then prescribed and taken.\\nThe authority of this court had been recognised by several clauses\\nin the laws but was disrelished by many of the people j partly\\nbecause the judges who had before decided cases, were generally\\nmembers of the council partly because no jury was admitted in\\nthis court of appeal and partly because no such institution was\\nknown in the neighboring province of Massachusetts. The house\\nmoved for a repeal of the several clauses in the laws relative to\\nthis obnoxious court the council non-concurred their vote, and\\nreferred them to the royal instructions. The house persisted in\\ntheir endeavors, and the council in their opposition. Both sides\\ngrew warm, and there was no prospect of an accommodation.\\nThe lieutenant governor put an end to the session, and soon after\\ndissolved the assembly by proclamation.*\\nA new assembly was called the same persons, with but two or\\nthree exceptions, were re-elected, and the same spirit appeared jn\\nf^OQ all their transactions. They chose for their speaker Na-\\nthaniel Weare, who had been speaker of the former as-\\nsembly, and having as usual presented him to the lieutenant gov-\\nernor, he negatived the choice. The house desired to know by\\nwhat authority he produced his commission nothing appeared\\nin that, which satisfied them and they adjourned from day to\\nday without doing any business. After nine days, they chose\\nanother speaker, Andrew VViggin, and sent up the vote, with a\\npreamble, justifying their former choice. The lieutenant govern-\\nor approved the speaker, but disapproved the preamble and thus\\nthe controversy closed, each side retaining their own opinion.\\nThe speeches and messages from the chair, and the answers from\\nthe house, during this session, were filled with reproaches the\\npublic business was conducted with ill humor, and the house car-\\nried their opposition so far as to pass a vote for addressing the king\\nto annex the province to Massachusetts to this vote the council\\nmade no answer. But as a new governor was expected, they\\n[1728. Pembroke, originally Suncook, was granted by Massachusetts to\\n60 persons, of whom 4Gwere the soldiers, or their legal representatives, who\\nwere engaged with Capt. John Lovewell in May, 17 2^y, against the Indiana\\nat Pequawke-t. Tlie settlement began the next year after the grant was made.\\nThe first permanent settlement of Rochester was made 26 December, 1728,\\nby Capt. Timothy Roberts. Rev. Amns Main, H. C. 172!t, the first minister,\\nwas ordained in 1737, at which time the place contained GO families. (MS.\\nPetition.) Farmington, incorporated iu 171)8, and Milton, incorporated in\\n1802, were both taken from Rochester.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0246.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "1728.] PROVINCE. WILLIAM BURNET. 223\\nagreed in appointing a committee of both houses to go to Boston,\\nand compliment him on his arrival.\\nThe expected governor was William Burnet, son of the cele-\\nbrated Bishop of Sarum, whose name was dear to the peo])le of\\nNew-England, as a steady and active friend to civil and religious\\nliberty. Mr. Burnet was a man of good understanding and polite\\nliterature fond of books and of die conversation of literary men\\nbut an enemy to ostentation and parade. He had been governor\\nof New- York and New-Jersey, and quitted those provinces with\\nreluctance, to make way for another person, for whom the British\\nministry had to provide. Whilst at New-York, he was very\\npopular, and his fame having reached New-England, the expect-\\nations of the people were much raised on the news of his appoint-\\nment, to die government of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire.\\nLieutenant Governor Wentworth characterized him in one of his\\nspeeches as a gendeman of known worth, having justly obtained\\na universal regard from all who have had the honor to be under\\nhis government. He was received widi much parade at\\nBoston, whither the lieutenant-governor of New-Hamp-\\nshire, with a committee of the council and assembly, went to\\ncompliment him on his arrival.*\\nMr. Burnet had positive instructions from die crown to insist on\\nthe establishment of a permanent salary in both his provinces.\\nHe began with IMassachusetts, and held a long controversy with\\nthe general court to no purpose. In New-Hampshire, a precedent\\nhad been established in the administration of Dudley, which was\\nfavorable to his views. Though some of the assembly were averse\\nto a permanent salary yet the lieutenant governor had so much\\ninterest with them, by virtue of having made them proprietors in\\nthe lately granted townships, that they were induced to consent\\non condition that he should be allowed one third part of the salary,\\nand they should be discharged from all obligadons to him.^ _\\nThis bargain being concluded, the house passed a vote,\\nwith W hich the council concurred, to pay Governor Bur-\\nnet, for the term of three years, or during his administration, the\\nsum of two hundred pounds sterhng, or six hundred pounds in\\nbills of credit which sum was to be in full of all demands from\\n(1) Belcher s MS. letter.\\nMr. Hutchinson has represented Governor Burnet as a man of humor,\\nand given an anecdote respecting his indifference to the custom ot saying\\ngrace at meals. The following story of the same kind, perliaps will not be\\ndisagreeable to tlie reader.\\nOne of tlie coiinnittee, who went from Boston, to meet him on the borders\\nof Rhode-Island, and conduct him to the seat of government, was the facetious\\nCol. Tailer. Burnet complained of tiie long graces whicli were said by cler-\\ngymen on tlie road, and asked Tailer when they would siiorten. He answer-\\ned, the graces will increase in length, till you come to Boston after that\\nthey will shorten till you come to your government of New-Hampshire,\\nwhere your Excellency will fmd no grace at all.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0247.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "224 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [1729.\\nthis government, for his saLiry and all expenses in coming to,\\ntarrying in, or going from this province and also for any al-\\nlovvance to he made to the lieutenant governor and that the\\nexcise on liquors should be appropriated to that use. To this\\nvote, six of the representatives entered dieir dissent.\\nThe governor came but once into New-England. His\\ndeath, which happened after a few months, was supposed\\nto be occasioned by the ill effect, which his controversy with\\nMassachusetts, and the disappointment which he suiFered, had on\\nhis nerves.*\\nWhen the death of Governor Burnet was known in England,\\nthe resentment against the province of Massachusetts was very\\n\u00c2\u00a3j\u00e2\u0080\u009e high, on account of their determined refusal to fix a salary\\non the king s governor.- It was even proposed, to reduce\\nthem to a more absolute dependence on the crown but a spirit\\nof moderation prevailed and it was thought that Mr. Jonathan\\nBelcher, then in England, being a native of the province, and well\\nacquainted with the temper of his countrymen would have more\\ninfluence than a stranger, to carry the favorite point of a fixed\\nsalary. His appointment, as governor of New-Hampshire, was\\nmerely an appendage to his other commission.\\nBelcher was a merchant of large fortune and unblemished\\nreputation. He had spent six years in Europe had been twice\\nat the court of Hanover, before the protestant succession took\\nplace in the family of Brunswick and had received from the\\nPrincess Sophia, a rich golden medal. He was graceful in his\\nperson, elegant and polite in his manners of a lofty and aspiring\\ndisposition a steady, generous friend a vindictive, but not im-\\nplacable enemy. Frank and sincere, he was extremely liberal\\nin his censures, both in conversation and letters. Having a high\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0sense of the dignity of his commission, he determined to support\\nit, even at the expense of his private fortune the emoluments of\\noffice in both provinces being inadequate to the style in which he\\n\u00c2\u00abhose to live.\\nWhilst he was in England, and it was uncertain whether he\\nwould be appointed, or Shute would return, Wentworlh wrote\\nletters of compliment to both. Belcher knew nothing of the let-\\nter to Shute, till his arrival in America, and after he had made a\\n(1) Journal of tlie House of Representatives. (2) Letters of Francis Wilkes,\\nagent. (3) Belcher s letter to the Bishop of Lincoln, MS.\\n[1720. Litchfield, a small fertile township on Merrimack river, was set-\\ntled by people from Chelmsford. Its Indian name was Natticott, and it was\\ngranted by Massacliusetls as early as l(i.j(i, to a Mr. Brenton, and for many\\nyears was known by the n:uiie of Brcnton s Farm. It was ufterward.s inclu-\\nded ill Dunstable grant, from which it was separated and incorporated by\\nMassachusetts in T7;U. On tlie settlement of the boundary line in ]74], it\\nfell witiiin New-Hampsliiro, and was incorporated Jnne, J741 A church\\nwas organized, and a minister. Rev, Joshua Tufts, H. C. 173G, was ordained\\nas early as 174L]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0248.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "1730.1 PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 225\\nvisit to New-Hampshire, and had been entertained at the house\\nof the lieutenant-governor. He was then informed, that VVent-\\nworth had written a letter to Shute, of the same tenor as that to\\nhimself. This he deemed an act of duplicity. How far it was\\nso, cannot now be determined. The persuasion was so strong in\\nthe mind of Belcher, that on his next visit to Portsmouth, he re-\\nfused an invitation to Wentworth s house. This was not the only-\\nway in which he manifested his displeasure. When the affair of\\nthe salary came before the assembly, he not only refused\\nto make such a compromise as Burnet had done but\\nobliged the lieutenant-governor under his hand, to quit all claim\\nto any part of the salary, and to acknowledge that he had no ex-\\npectation from, or dependence on the assembly, for any allowance,\\nbut that he depended wholly on the governor. The same salary\\nwas then voted, and in nearly the same words, as to his predeces-\\nsor. He allowed the lieutenant-governor, the fees and perquisites\\nonly which arose from registers, certificates, licenses and passes,\\namounting to about fifty pounds sterling. Wentworth and his\\nfriends were disappointed and digusted. He himself did not\\nlong survive being seized with a lethargic disorder, he\\ndied within five months; but his family connections resent- J^ ^q\\ned the affront, and drew a considerable party into their\\nview^s. Benning Wentworth, his son, and Theodore Atkinson,\\nwho had married his daughter, were at the head of the opposition.\\nThe latter was removed from his office of collector of the customs,\\nto make room for Richard Wibird the naval ofiice was taken\\nfrom him and given to Ellis Hnske and the office of high\\nsheriff, which he had held, was divided between him and Eleazar\\nRussell. Other alterations were made, which gieatly offended\\nthe friends of the late lieutenant-governor but Belcher, satisfied\\nthat his conduct was agreeable to his commission and instructions,\\ndisregarded his opponents and apprehended no danger from their\\nresentment. Atkinson was a man of humor, and took occasion to\\nexpress his disgust in a singular manner. The governor, who\\nwas fond of parade, had ordered a troop of horse, to meet him on\\nthe road, and escort him to Portsmouth. The officers of govern-\\nment met him, and joined the cavalcade. Atkinson was tardy;\\nbut when he appeared, having broken the sheriff s wand, he held\\none half in his hand. Being chid by the governor for not appear-\\ning sooner, he begged his excellency to excuse him, because he\\nhad but half a horse to ride.\\nIn addition to what has been observed, respecting Lieutenant\\nGovernor Wentworth, die following portrait of his character, by\\nsome contemporary Iriend, deserves remembrance.\\n[His son Ellis Huske was Postmaster in Boston, and tlie publisher of (he\\nBoston Weekly Post Boy, He was the person, it is said, who recoiiunended\\nto the British government, the Stamp Act of 17G5.]\\n31", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0249.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "226 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1730.\\nHe was born at Portsmouth of worthy parents, from whom\\nhe had a religious eclucalion. His inclination leading him to the\\nsea, he soon became a commander of note, and gave a laudable\\nexample to that order, by his sober behaviour, and his constant\\ncare to uphold the worship of God in his ship. Wherever he\\ncame, by his discreet and obliging deportment, he gained the love\\nand esteem of those with whom he conversed.\\nOn his leaving the sea, he had considerable business as a\\nmerchant, and always had the reputation of a fair and generous\\ndealer.\\nHe has approved himself to the general acceptance of his\\nmajesty s good subjects throughout this province, and under his\\nmild administration, we enjoyed great quietness.\\nHe was a gentleman of good natural abilities, much improved\\nby conversation remarkably civil and kind to strangers re-\\nspectful to the ministers of the gospel a lover of good men of\\nall denominations compassionate and bountiful to the poor\\ncourteous and affable to all having a constant regard to the du-\\nties of divine worship, in private and public, and paying a due\\ndeference to all the sacred institutions of Christ.\\nHe had sixteen children, of whora fourteen yet survive\\nhim. i\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\nDunbar s lieutenancy and enmity to Belcher. Efforts to settle the boundary\\nlines. Divisions. Riot. Trade. Episcopal Churclu Throat distemper.\\nMr. Wentwouth was succeeded in the lieutenancy by David\\nDunbar, Esquire, a native of Ireland, and a reduced colonel in\\nc i the Britisli service; who was also deputed to be surveyor\\nJ e24 king s woods. This appointment was made by the\\nrecommendation of die board of trade of which Colonel\\nBladen was an active member, who bore no good will to Governor\\nBelcher. Dunbar had been commander of a fort at Pcmaquid,\\nwhich it was in contemplation to annex to Nova-Scotia. He had\\ntaken upon him to govern the few scattered people in that district,\\nwith a degree of rigor to which they could not easily submit.\\nThis conduct had already opened a controversy, between him and\\n(1) N. E. Weekly Journal, Dec. 28. (2) Hutch, ii. 224, 37i).\\n[Lieutenant Governor Wentworth was son of Samuel Wentworth, and\\nwas born lli June, ir)72. One of tlie fourteen surviving children was Ren-\\nning Wentworth, the first governor of New-naanpsliire afler the establish-\\nment of the boundary lines.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0250.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "1731.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 227\\nthe province of Massachusetts and it was very unfortunate for\\nBelcher to have such a person connected with both his govern-\\nments. What were the merits, which recommended Dunbar to\\nthese stations, it is not easy at diis time to determine. Tiie only\\nqualifications, which appear to have pleaded in his favor, were\\npoverty and the friendship of men in power. He was an instru-\\nment of intrigue and disaffection and he no sooner made his\\nappearance in New-Hampshire, than he joined the party who\\nwere in opposition to the governor. Belcher perceived die ad-\\nvantage which his enemies would derive from diis alliance, and\\nmade all the efforts in his power to displace him. In his letters\\nto the ministry, to the board of trade, and to his friends in Eng-\\nland, he continually represented him in the worst light, and solicited\\nhis removal. It is not improbable, that his numerous letters of\\nthis kind, written in his usual style, with great freedom and with-\\nout any reserve, might confirm the suspicions, raised by the letters\\nof his adversaries, and induce the ministry to keep Dunbar in\\nplace, as a check upon Belcher, and to preserve the balance of\\nparties.!\\nWithin a few weeks after Dunbar s coming to Portsmouth, a\\ncomplaint was drawn up against Belcher, and signed by\\nfifteen persons alleging that his government was grievous,\\noppressive and arbitrary, and praying the king for his removal.\\nThis roused the governor s friends, at the head of whom was\\nRichard Waldron,* the secretary who drew up a counter address,\\nand procured an hundred names to be subscribed. Both address-\\nes reached England about the same time. Richard Partridge,f\\nMr. Belcher s brother in law, in conjunction with his son Jona-\\nthan Belcher, then a student in the Temple, applied for a copy of\\nthe complaint against him, at the plantation office, and obtained it;\\n(1) Belcher s MS. letters. (2) MS. copies of Addresses.\\n*[He was the son of Colonel Richard Waldron, and grandson of Major Rich-\\nard Waldron, who was killed at Dover in 1( 89. He was born 21 Februarj\\n1G94, and graduated at Harvard college in 1712. He fixed his residence at\\nfirst on his paternal estate at Dover, but removed afterwards to Portsmouth,\\nand lived at the plains. In 1728, he was appointed a counsellor, and soon af-\\nter, secretary of the province. In 1737, he was appointed judge of probate.\\nHe retained these offices as long as Governor Belcher was in office but soon\\nafter Governor Wentworth commenced his administration, he suspended Mr.\\nWaldron as counsellor, removed him from office, and appointed Theodore At-\\nkinson, secretary, and Andrew Wiggin, judge of probate.\\nIn 1749, he was elected a representative of Hampton, and when the assem-\\nbly met, was unanimously chosen speaker. Mr. Waldron was a person of\\ndistinguished talents and literary acquirements. A strong friendship existed\\nbetween him and Governor Belcher, which continued through life. He was a\\nprofessor of religion, and zealously attached to tlie church, of which he was a\\nrespectable member. He died in 1753, aged 59. Thomas Westbrook Wal-\\ndron, who died at Dover, 3 April, 1785, aged 64, washis son. Adams, Annals\\nof Portsmouth, 191, 192.]\\nt [Richard Pnrtridge, as has been already stilted, was son of Lieutenant-Gov-\\nernor William Partridge. He was born 9 December, lfi81, and after being\\nappointed agent, resided in London, where he was living in 1749.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0251.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "228 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1731.\\nbut, could not get sight of the letters which accompanied it, though,\\non the foundation of those letters, a representation had been made\\nby the board of trade, to the king.^\\nTlie only eflect which Dunbar s letters had at that time, was to\\nprocure the appointment of Theodore Atkinson, Benning Went-\\nvvorth and Joshua Peirce, to be counsellors of New-Hampshire\\nand though Belcher remonstrated to the secretary of state against\\nthese appointments, and recommended other persons in their\\nroom, he could not prevail, any farther than to delay the admis-\\nsion of the two former for about two years during which time,\\nthey were elected into the house of representatives, and kept up\\nthe opposition there. The recommendations, which he made of\\nother persons, were duly attended to when vacancies haj)pened\\nand thus the council was composed of his friends, and his ene-\\nmies. The civil officers, whom he appointed, were sometimes\\nsuperseded, by persons recommended and sent from England\\nand in one instance, a commission for the naval office, in favor of\\na Mr. Reynolds, son of the bishop of Lincoln, was filled up in\\nEngland, and sent over with orders for him to sign it which he\\nwas obliged punctually to obey.\\nFrom the confidential letters of the leading men on both sides,\\nwhich have fallen into my hands in the course of my researches,\\nthe views of each party may plainly be seen though they en-\\ndeavored to conceal them from each other. The governor and\\nhis friends had projected an union of New-Hampshire with Mas-\\nsachusetts but were at a loss by what means to bring it into effect.\\nThe most desirable method would iiave been, a unanimity in the\\npeople of New-Hampshire, in petitioning the crown for it; but as\\nthis could not be had, the project was kept out of sight, till some\\nfavorable opportunity should present.\\nThe other party contemplated not only the continuance of a sep-\\narate government, but the appointment of a distinct governor, who\\nshould reside in the province, and have no connection with Massa-\\nchusetts. The greatest obstacle in their way, was the smallness\\nand poverty of the province, which was not able to support a gen-\\ntleman in the character of governor. To remove this obstacle, it\\nwas necessary to have the limits of territory, not only fixed, but\\nenlarged. They were therefore zealous, in their attempts for this\\npurpose and had the address to persuade a majority of the peo-\\nple, that they would be gainers by the establishment of the lines\\nthat the lands would be granted to them and their children and\\nthat the expense of obtaining the settlement would be so trifling,\\nthat each man s share would not exceed the value of a pullet.\\nThe governor s friends were averse to pressing the settlement\\nof the line and their reasons were these. The controversy is\\n(1) Belcher s letters. (2) Belclier s, Waldron s, Atkinson s and Thomlin-\\nson s letters MS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0252.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "1731.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER 229\\neither between the king and the subjects of his charter government\\nof JMassachusetts or else, between the heirs of INIason or Allen\\nand the people of Massachusetts. If the controversy be settled\\neven in favor of New-Hampshire, the lands which fall within the\\nline, will be eidier the king s property, to be granted by his gov-\\nernor and council according to royal instructions or else the\\nproperty of the heirs of Mason or Allen, to be disposed of by\\nthem. On both suppositions, the people of New-Hampshire can\\nhave no property in the lands, and therefore why should they be\\nzealous about the division, or tax themselves to pay the expense\\nof it\\nThe governor, as obliged by his instructions, frequently urged\\nthe setdement of the lines in his speeches, and declared, that the\\nassembly of New-Hampshire had done more towards effecting it,\\nthan that of Massachusetts. A committee from both provinces met\\nat Newbury in the autumn of 1731, on this long contested g^ ^i\\naffair but the influence of that party in Massachusetts, of\\nwhich Elisha Cooke was at the head, prevented an accommoda-\\ntion. Soon after this fruitless conference, the representatives of\\nNew-Hampshire, of whom a majority was in favor of settling the\\nline, determined no longer to treat with Massachusetts but to\\nrepresent the matter to the king, and petition him to decide the con-\\ntroversy. Newman s commission, as agent, having expired,\\nthey chose for this purpose, John Rindge, merchant, of Ports-\\nmouth, then bound on a voyage to London. The appointment of\\nthis gentleman was fortunate for them, not only as he had large\\nconnexions in England but as he was capable of advancing\\nmoney, to carry on the solicitation. The council, a majority of\\nwhich was in the opposite interest, did neither concur in the ap-\\npointment, nor consent to the petition.\\nMr. Rindge, on his arrival in England, petitioned the king in\\nhis own name, and in behalf of the representatives of New-\\nHampshire, to establish the boundaries of the province 1732.\\nbut his private affairs requiring liis return to America, he\\ndid, agreeably to his instructions, leave the business in the liands\\nof Captain John Thomlinson, merchant, of London who was\\nwell known in New-Hampshire, where he had frequently been in\\nquality of a sea commander. He was a gendeman of great pen-\\netration, industry and address and having fully entered into the\\nviews of Belcher s opponents, prosecuted the affair of the line,\\nwiUi ardor and diligence employing for his solicitor, Ferdinan-\\ndo John Parris who being well supplied with money, was inde-\\nfatigable in his attention. The petition was of course referred\\nto the Lords of Trade, and Francis Wilks the agent of Massa-\\nchusetts, was served with a copy to be sent to his constituents.*\\n(1) Assembly Records.\\n[The province of New-Hampshire at this time (1732) contained 25 incor-\\nporated townships and parishes, 2940 ratable inhabitants, 131G two story dwell-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0253.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "230 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1732.\\nWhilst the matter of the line was pending on the other side of\\nthe Atlantic, the parlies in New-Hampshire maintained their op-\\nposition and were on all occasions vilifying and ahusing each\\nother, especially in their letters to their friends in England. On\\nthe one side, Belcher incessantly represented Dunbar, as the fo-\\nmenter of ojiposition as false, perfidious, malicious and re-\\nvengeful that he did no service to the crown, nor to himself\\nbut was a plague to the governor and a deceiver of the peojjle.\\nHe was also very liberal in his reflections, on his other opposers.\\nOn the other side, they represented him as unfriendly to the royal\\ninterest as obstructing the settlement of the lines conniving at\\nthe destruction of the king s limber, and partial to his other gov-\\nernment, where all his interest lay and that he had not even a\\nfreehold in New-Hampshire. As an instance of his partiality, they\\n-\u00e2\u0080\u009ec,^ alleged, that in almost every session of the assembly of\\nMassachusetts, he consented to grants of the disputed\\nlands, to the people of that province by which means, their as-\\nsembly raised money, to enable their agent to protract the con-\\ntroversy, that they might have opportunity to lay out more town-\\nships while at the same time, he rejected a supply bill of the\\nNew-Hampshire assembly, and dissolved them, because that in it,\\nthey had made an appropriation for their agent. The truth was,\\nthat the council did not consent to the bill, because thej^ had no\\nhand in appointing the agent, and the bill never came before the\\ngovernor. The frequent dissolution of assemblies was another\\nsubject of complaint and in fact, this measure never produced\\nthe desired efiect for the same persons were generally re-elected,\\nand no reconciling measures were adopted by either party.*\\ning houses, GOG one story ditto, and 1G,434 acres of improved land. This view\\nof the province embraced the towns of Portsmouth, Greenland, Hampton,\\nHampton-Falls, Dover, Durham, Somerswortli, Exeter, Newmarket, New-\\nCastle, Stratham, Kingston, Newington and Londonderr) The remaining\\nten townships had been granted but a few years and some of them had not\\nbeen settled. We have no data in our records by which the number of polls,\\nhouses, and acres of improved lands in the remaining towns, can be estimated.\\n1732. Durham, formerly called Oyster River, was incorporated 15 May\\nthis year. The act passed the assembly 13 May, and received the signature\\nof Governor Belcher on the 15th.]\\n[17.33. The Plains in the S. W. part of Portsmouth, agreeably to their\\npetition signed by 72 persons, was set off as a parish 9 March, 1733. It then\\ncontained 80 families besides the families of si.x widows, 108 ratable polls and\\n450 souls. They had seven years before erected a meeting house, and from\\nthe month of February, 1725, to March, 1727, had defrayed the charge of con-\\nstant pi^eaching, paying also their full proportion for tlie support of the gospel\\nministry at the Bank at the same time. MS. Petition among the Waldron\\npapers in secretary s office.\\nThe towns of Amherst and Boscawen were granted this year, and settled in\\n1734. The settlement of the first was commenced by Samuel Walton and\\nSamuel Lampson, from Massachusetts. Others followed from the county of\\nEssex, so that in 1741, there were fourteen families settled there. A church\\nwas gathered 22 September. 1741, and on the next day, Rev. Daniel Wilkins\\nwas ordained. He died 11 February, 1784, aged 72. The town was called\\nSov he. (ran- West until it was incorporated by ^1. II., 18 January, 1700. See\\nHist. Sketch of Amherst, 8vo. pp. 35, published in 1820. boscawen was", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0254.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "1733.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BE], CHER 231\\nThe governor frequently complained, in his speeches, ijiat the\\npublic debts were not paid nor the Jbrt, prison, and other public\\nbuildings kept in repair because of their failure in supply-\\ning the treasury. The true reason of their not supplying\\nit was, that they wanted emissions of paper money, to be drawn\\nin, at distant periods. To this, the governor could not consent,\\nbeing restrained by a royal instruction, as well as in principle, op-\\nposed to all such practices. But one emission of paper was made\\nin his administration and for its redemption a fund was establish-\\ned in hemp, iron, and other productions of the country. When\\na number of merchants and otliers had combined to issue notes,\\nto supply the place of a currency, he issued a proclamation against\\nthem and in his next speech to the assembly, condemned them\\nin very severe terms. The assembly endeavored to vindicate the\\ncharacter of the bills but in a few days he dissolved them, with a\\nreprimand charging them with trifling, with injustice and hypoc-\\nrisy. It must be remembered, that his complaints of an empty\\ntreasury were not occasioned by any failure of his own salary,\\nwhich was regularly paid out of the excise.\\nBelcher revived the idea of his predecessor, Shute, which was\\nalso countenanced by his instructions, that he was virtually pres-\\nent in New-Hampshire, when personally absent, and attending his\\nduty, in his other province and therefore, that the lieutenant-\\ngovernor could do nothing but by his orders. Dunbar had no\\nseat in the council, and Shadrach Walton being senior member,\\nby the governor s order, summoned them and presided. He also\\nheld the command of the fort, by the governor s commission,\\ngranted passes for ships, and licenses for marriage and received\\nand executed military orders, as occasion required. The lieu-\\ntenant-governor contested this point but could not prevail and\\nfinding himself reduced to a state of insignificance, he retired in\\ndisgust, to his fort at Pemaquid where he resided almost two\\nyears. The governor s friends gave out that he had absconded\\nfor debt, and affected to triumph ov-er the opposition, as poor and\\nimpotent but their complaints, supported by their agent Thom-\\nlinson, and the influence of Bladen at the board of trade, made\\nan impression there much to the disadvantage of Mr. Belcher\\nthough he had friends among the ministry and nobility the prin-\\ncipal of whom was Lord Townsend, by whose influence he had\\nobtained his commission.\\nAfter Dunbar s return to Portsmouth, the governor thought it\\ngood policy to relax his severity and gave him the command of\\nthe fort, with the ordinary perquisites of office, amounting to about\\njyrantedto 01 proprietors, who gave to it the name of Contoocook, its original\\n(ndian name. Tiie settlement commenced early in the year 1734, by people\\nfrom Newbury and the adjacent towns. It was incorporated by N. II. 22\\nApril, J7G0, when from an English admiral, it received the name ofBo.scawen\\nSee Rev. Mr. Price s History of Boscawen, 8vo. pp. 110, Concord, 1823", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0255.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "232 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1734.\\nfifty pounds sterling. Not content with this, he complained, that\\nthe governor did not allow him one third of his salary. The gov-\\nernor s salary was hut six hundred pounds currency he spent at\\nleast one hundred, in every journey to New-Hampshire, of which\\nhe made two in a year. At the same time, Dunbar had two hun-\\ndred pounds sterling, as surveyor general of the woods which,\\nwith the perquisites, amounting to one hundred more, were\\ndivided between him and his deputies. But it must be re-\\nmembered that he was deeply in debt, both here and in England.\\nThe rigid execution of the office of surveyor general had al-\\nways been attended with difficulty and the violent manner, in\\nwhich Dunbar proceeded with trespassers, raised a spirit of oppo-\\nsition on such occasions. The statutes for the preservation of the\\nwoods empowered the surveyor to seize all logs, cut from white\\npine trees, without license and it rested on the claimant, to prove\\nhis property, in the court of admiralty. Dunbar went to the saw\\nmills where he seized and marked large quantities of lumber\\nand with an air and manner to which he iiad been accustomed in\\nhis military capacity, abused and threatened the people. That\\nclass of men, with whom he was disposed to contend, are not ea-\\nsily intimidated with high words and he was not a match for\\nthem, in that species of controversy, which they have denomina-\\nted sioamp law. An instance of this happened at Dover, whither\\nhe came, with his boat s crew, to remove a parcel of boards, which\\nhe had seized. The owner, Paul Gerrish, warned him of the\\nconsequence Dunbar threatened with death the first man who\\nshould obstruct his intentions the same threat was returned to\\nthe first man who should remove the boards. Dunbar s prudence\\nat this time, got the better of his courage, and he retired.\\nWith the like spirit, an attempt of the same kind was frustrated\\nat Exeter, whither he sent a company in a boat to remove lum-\\nber. Whilst his men were regaling themselves at a public house,\\nin the evening, and boasting of what they intended to do the next\\niay a number of persons, disguised like Indians, attacked and\\nbeat them whilst others cut the rigging and sails of the boat, and\\nmade a hole in her bottom. The party not finding themselves\\nsafe in the house, retreated to the boat, and pushed off; but being\\nthere in danger of sinking, they with difficulty regained the shore,\\nand hid themselves till morning, when they returned on foot to\\nPortsmouth.\\nThis was deemed a flagrant insult. Dunbar summoned the\\ncouncil, and complained to them of the riotous proceedings at\\nr,. Exeter, where there was a conspiracy against his life, by\\nevil minded persons, who had hired Indians to destroy\\nhim. He proposed to the council, the issuing of a proclama-\\ntion, offering a reward to apprehend the rioters. The major part\\nof the council were of opinion, that no proclamation could he is-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0256.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "1734.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 233\\nsued but by the governor.* Information being sent to the gov-\\nernor, he issued a proclamation commanding all magistrates to\\nassist in discovering the rioters.\\nThis transaction afforded matter for complaint, and a memorial\\nwas drawn up by Thomlinson, grounded on letters which he had\\nreceived. It was suggested, that the governor s pretence to favor\\nthe surveyor was deceitful that the rioters at Exeter were his\\ngreatest friends that the council, wholly devoted to him, would\\nnot advise to a proclamation till they had sent to Boston that the\\nproclamation was delayed and when it appeared offered no re-\\nward though Dunbar had proposed to pay the money himself\\nand, that by reason of this delay and omission, the rioters escaped\\nwith impunity. 1\\nIn jusuce to Mr. Belcher, it must by said, that there was no\\ndelay on his part, the proclamation being sent from Boston within\\nsix days. It also appears, from the secret and confidential letters\\nof the governor, that he disapproved the riot, and even called it\\nrebellion that he gave particular orders to the magistrates, to\\nmake inquiry, and take depositions, and do their utmost to discover\\nthe rioters. If he did not advertise a reward, it was because\\nthere was no money in the treasury and if Dunbar had been\\nsincere in his offer to pay it, he might have promised it, by ad-\\nvertisement. The true reason that the rioters were not discovered,\\nwas, that their plan was so artfully conducted, their persons so\\neffectually disguised, and their confidence in each other so well\\nplaced, that no proof could be obtained and the secret remained\\nwith themselves, till the danger was over, and the government had\\npassed into other hands.\\nA law had been made, for holding the inferior court of common\\npleas, alternately in each of the four old tow^ns and the practice\\nhad been conUnued for several years, much to the convenience and\\nsatisfaction of the people j but Dunbar remonstrated against it, to\\nthe board of trade, and moved for a disallowance of the act, be-\\ncause the people who had obstructed him in his office deserved\\nnot so much favor. The act was in consequence disallow-\\ned, and the courts were afterward confined to Portsmouth.\\nThe order for disallowance, came to the hands of Dunbar, who\\ncalled a meeting of the council, that they might advise to its pub-\\nlication. A majority of them would not consent, till the original\\n(1) MS. letters.\\nThis was also the governor s opinion and in his letters he frequently\\nasserts that Dunbar had no command in New-Hampshire wiiilst he was in\\neither of his governments. To be consistent, he should have maintained,\\nthat the lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts had no command whilst he was\\nin New-Hampsiiire hut there occurs an instance of a proclamation issued\\nby Lieutenant Governor Phips, (March 25, 1737) on occasion of a riot at Bos-\\nton, wiiilst the governor was in New-Hampshire and at his return, he issued\\nanother, in which he refers to the former, not only without censuring it, but\\nin terms of approbation.\\n32", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0257.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "234 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPBHIRE. [1735.\\norder was sent to Boston, and Governor Belcher directed the\\npublication of it. This transaction served as matter of\\nfresh complaint, and was alleged as an argument for the\\nappointment of a governor, who should reside constantly in the\\nprovince.\\nTo finish what relates to Dunbar. He was caressed by the\\nparty in opposition to Belcher, under the idea that he had interest\\nenough in England, to obtain a commission for the government of\\nNew-Hampshire. In 1737, he went to England to prosecute his\\ndesign where, by his old creditors, he was arrested and thrown\\ninto prison. Thomlinson found means to liberate him but per-\\nceived that he had neither steadiness nor ability for the station at\\nwhich he aimed, nor interest enough to obtain it though, by his\\npresence in England, he served to keep up the opposition to Bel-\\ncher, and was used as a tool for that purpose, till the object was\\naccomplished. 1 After which, he was (1743) appointed, by the\\nEast India Company, governor of St. Helena.\\nThe trade of the province at this time consisted chiefly in the\\nexportation of lumber and fish to Spain and Portugal, and the\\nCaribbee Islands. The mast trade was wholly confined to Great\\nBritain. In the winter, small vessels went to the southern colo-\\nnies, with English and West-India goods, and returned with corn\\nand pork. The manufacture of iron within the province, which\\nhad been set up by the late Lieutenant Governor Wentworth, and\\nother gentlemen, lay under discouragement, for want of experi-\\nenced and industrious workmen. The woollen manufacture\\nwas diminished, and sheep were scarcer than formerly the com-\\nmon lands on which they used to feed, being fenced in by the\\nproprietors.^ The manufacture of linen was much increased by\\nmeans of the emigrants from Ireland, who were skilled in that\\nbusiness. No improvements were made in agriculture, and the\\nnewly granted townships were not cultivated with spirit or\\nsuccess.\\nThere had not been any settled episcopal church in the prov-\\nince from the beginning, till about the year 1732 when some\\ngentlemen who were fond of the mode of divine worship, in the\\nchurch of England, contributed to the erection of a neat building\\non a commanding eminence, in Portsmouth, which they called\\nthe queen s chapel. Mr. Thomlinson was greatly instrumental of\\nprocuring them assistance in England, toward completing and\\nfurnishing it. It was consecrated in 1734; and in 173(3 they ob-\\ntained Mr. Arthur Brown for their minister, with a salary from the\\nsociety for propagating the gospel in foreign parts.\\nAbout this time, the country was visited with a new epidemic\\ndisease, which has obtained the name of the tlu-oat distemper.\\n(1) Thomlinson s letters, MS. (2) Belcher s letters to the board of trade,\\nMS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0258.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "X735.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 235\\nThe general description of it was a swelled tliroat, widi white or\\nash-colored specks, an efflorescence on the skin, great debility\\nof the whole system, and a strong tendency to putridity. Its first\\nappearance was in May, 1735, at Kingston, in New-Hampshire,\\nan inland town, situate on a low plain. The first person seized,\\nwas a child,* who died in three days. About a week afi,er, in\\nanother family, at the distance of four miles, three children were\\nsuccessively attacked, who also died on the third day. It contin-\\nued spreading gradually, in that township, through the summer,\\nand of the first forty who had it, none recovered. In August,\\nit began to make its appearance at Exeter, six miles north-east-\\nward and in September, at Boston, f fifty miles southward,\\nthough it was October, before it reached Chester, the nearest\\nsetdcment on the west of Kingston. It continued its ravages\\nthrough the succeeding winter and spring, and did not disappear\\ntill the end of the next summer.\\nThe most who died of this pestilence, were children and the\\ndistress, which it occasioned, was lieightened to the most poignant\\ndegree. From three to six children were lost out of some fam-\\nilies. Several buried four in a day, and many lost their all. In\\nsome towns, one in three, and in others one in four of the sick\\nwere carried off. In the parish of Hampton-Falls, it raged most\\nviolently. Twenty families buried all their children. Twenty-\\nseven persons were lost out of five families and more than one\\nsixth part of the inhabitants of that place died within thirteen\\nmonths. In the whole province, not less than one thousand per-\\nsons, of whom above nine hundred were under twenty years of\\nage, fell victims to this raging distemper.\\nSince the settlement of this country, such a mortality had not\\nbeen known. It was observed, that the distemper proved most\\nfatal, wlien plentiful evacuations, particularly bleeding, were used\\na great prostration of strength being an invariable symptom. The\\n(1) Douglass s practical history of a new miliary fever. Fitch s Narrative.\\n[Abigail Gilman, according to the late Mr. Welch, of Bow, who then\\nlived in Kingston.]\\nt On its first appearance in Boston, it was supposed to be nothing more\\nthan a common cold; butwhen the report of the mortality in New-Hampshire\\nwas received, and a young man from Exeter, whose brother had died of it,\\nwas seized (October 17;3.5) the house was shut and guarded, and a general\\nalarm spread tlirough the neighboring towns and colonies. \\\\]\\\\nm Iiis death,\\nno infection was observed in that house or neighboriiood but the distemper\\nappeared in other places, which had no communication witli the sick. The\\nphysicians did not take the infection, nor convey it to their families, nor their\\nother patients. It was therefore concluded, that it was not like tlie small pox,\\nor tlie plague, communicable by infection, from the sick or from clothes and\\ntlie physicians, having by desire of tlie selectmen, held a consultation, pub-\\nlished their opinion that it proceeded entirely from some occult quality in\\nthe air. Weekly News Letter, April 2I 173G.\\nDr. Douglass computes tiie number of persons who had tlie distemper in\\nBoston at lUOO of wliom ]]4 died, wliich is one in 35. Tiie whole number\\nof inhabitants at that time was estimated at 1G,000.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0259.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "236 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE-. [1735.\\nsummer of 1735, when the sickness began, was unusually wet\\nand cold, and the easterly wind greatly prevailed. But it was ac-\\nknowledged to be, not a creature of the seasons as it raged\\nthrough every part of die year. Its extent is said to have been\\nfrom Pemaquid to Carolina but widi what virulence it raged,\\nor in what measure it proved fatal to the southward of New-Eng-\\nland, does not appear.\\nThe same distemper has made its appearance at various times\\nsince. In 1754 and 1755, it produced a great mortality in several\\nparts of New-Hampshire, and the neighboring parts of Massa-\\nchusetts. Since that time it has either put on a milder form, or\\nphysicians have become better acquainted widi it. The last time\\nof its general spreading was in 1784, 5, 6 and 7. It was first\\nseen at Sanford in die county of York and thence diffused it-\\nself, very slowly, through most of the towns of New-England j\\nbut its virulence, and the mortality which it caused, were com-\\nparatively inconsiderable. Its remote, or predisposing cause,\\nis one of those mysteries in nature, which baffle human inqui-\\nry. i\\n(1) Dr. Hall Jackson s observations, 1766.\\nThe following Table, drawn from an account, published by Mr. Fitch,\\nminister of Portsmouth, July 20, 173G, is a Bill of Mortality for 14 months pre-\\ncedinjr.\\nTowns.\\nPortsmouth,\\n81\\n15\\n1\\nDover,\\n77\\n8\\n3\\nHampton,\\nHampton-Falls,\\n37\\n160\\n8\\n40\\n8\\n9\\n1\\n1\\nExeter,\\n105\\n18\\n4\\nNew-Castle,\\n11\\nGosport,\\nRye,\\nGreenland,\\n34\\n34\\n13\\n2\\n10\\n2\\n3\\nNewington,\\n16\\n5\\nNewmarket,\\n20\\n1\\n1\\nStratham,\\n18\\nKingston,\\n96\\n15\\n1\\n1\\nDurham,\\n79\\n15\\n6\\nChester,\\n21\\n99\\n88\\n55\\n210\\n127\\n11\\n37\\n44\\n18\\n21\\n22\\n18\\n113\\n100\\n21\\n802 139 35 4 3 1 984\\nAfter this account was taken, several otlier children died of the throat\\ndistemper. In the town of Hampton, 13 more witiiin the year 1736. So tluit\\nthe whole number must have exceeded a thousand. In the town of Kittery,\\nin the county of York, died 122.\\nIt appears also, from the church records of Hampton, that from January\\nJ 754, to July 1755, fifty-one persons died of the same distemper, in that town.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0260.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 237\\nCHAPTER XVII.\\nState of parties. Controversy about lines. Commissioners appointed. Their\\nsession and result. Appeals. Complaints.\\nWe have now come to that part of the history of New-Hamp-\\nshire, in which may be seen, operating in a smaller sphere, the\\nsame spirit of intrigue which has frequently influenced the conduct\\nof princes, and determined the fate of nations. Whilst on the\\none hand, we see Massachusetts stiffly asserting her chartered\\nclaims and looking with contempt, on the small province of New-\\nHampshire, over which she had formerly exercised jurisdiction\\nwe shall see, on the other hand, New-Hampshire aiming at an\\nequal rank, and contending with her for a large portion of terri-\\ntory not depending solely on argument but seeking her refuge\\nin the royal favor, and making interest with the servants of the\\ncrown. Had the controversy been decided by a court of law,\\nthe claims of Massachusetts would have had as much weight as\\nthose of an individual, in a case of private property but the\\nquestion being concerning a line of jurisdiction, it was natural to\\nexpect a decision, agreeable to the rules of policy and con-\\nvenience J especially where the tribunal itself was a party con-\\ncerned.\\nIt must be observed, that the party in New-Hampshire, who\\nwere so earnestly engaged in the establishment of the boundary\\nlines, had another object in view, to which this was subordinate.\\nTheir avowed intention was to finish a long controversy, which\\nhad proved a source of inconvenience to the people who resided\\non the disputed lands, or those who sought an interest in them\\nbut their secret design was to displace Belcher, and obtain a gov-\\nernor who should have no connexion with Massachusetts. To\\naccomplish the principal, it was necessary that the subordinate ob-\\nject should be vigorously pursued. The government of New-\\nHampshire, with a salary of six hundred pounds, and perquisites\\namounting to two hundred pounds more, equal in the whole to about\\neight hundred dollars per annum, was thought to be not worthy the\\nattention of any gentleman but if the lines could be extended on\\nboth sides, there would be at once an increase of territory, and a\\nprospect of speculating in landed property and in future, there\\nwould be an increase of cultivation, and consequently of ability\\nto support a governor.\\nThe people were told that the lands would be granted to them\\nand by this bait they were induced to favor the plan whilst the\\nministry in England, were flattered widi the idea, of an increase\\nof crown influence in the plantations.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0261.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "238 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.\\nThe leading men in Massachusetts were aware of the views of\\nthose in New-Hampshire, and determined to guard against them.\\nThey presumed, that a line of jurisdiction would not affect prop-\\nerty and therefore endeavored to secure the lands to themselves,\\nby possession and improvement, as far as it was practicable. The\\nsame idea prevailed among the governor s friends in New-Hamp-\\nshire. They perceived, that a tract of wilderness on the north\\neastern side of JMerrimack. river, and the ponds which flow into\\nit, must doubtless fall into New-Hampshire. For these lands\\nthey petitioned the governor, and a charter was prepared, in\\nwhich this whole tract, called King s-Wood, was granted to them.\\nIt contained all the lands not before granted, between the bounds\\nof New-Hampshire on the south-west and north-east which,\\naccording to the ideas of those concerned, would have been sufK-\\ncient for about four large townships.\\nGovernor Belcher had a difficult part to act. He was at the\\nhead of two rival provinces he had friends in both; who were\\nseeking iheir own as well as the public interest He had ene-\\nmies in both, who were watching him, eager to lay hold on the\\nmost trivial mistake, and magnify it to his disadvantage. His own\\ninterest was to preserve his commission, and counteract the mach-\\ninations of his enemies but as the settlement of the line, and the\\nremoving of him from his office, were carried on at the same\\ntime, and by the same persons, it was difficult for him to oppose\\nthe latter, without seeming to oppose the former. Besides, Mr.\\nWilks, the agent of Massachusetts, was well known to be his\\nfriend and when it was found necessary to increase the number,\\none of them was his brother, Mr. Partridge. On the other hand,\\nMr. Rindge and Mr. Thomlinson were his avowed enemies.\\nThere was also a difference in the mode of appointing these agents.\\nThose of Massachusetts were constituted by the council and\\nrepresentatives, with the governor s consent. Those of New-\\nHampshire were chosen by the representatives only, the council\\nnonconcurring in the choice which, of course, could not be\\nsanctioned by the governor s signature, nor by the seal of the\\nprovince.\\nWhen the petition which Rindge presented to the king, had\\nbeen referred to the board of trade, and a copy of it giv^en to\\n17^19 Wilks, to be sent to his constituents, it became necessary\\nthat they should instruct him. Their instructions were\\ndesignedly expressed in such ambiguous terms, that he was left\\nto guess their meaning, and afterward blamed for not observing\\ntheir directions. His embarrassment on this occasion, expressed\\nin his petition and counter petition, to the board of trade, protracted\\nthe business, and gave it a complexion, unfavorable to his constitu-\\nents, but extremely favorable to the design of New-Hampshire.\\n(1) Ilutcli. ii. 385. Wilks petitions and report of board of trade, MS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0262.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "1733.1 PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 239\\nTo bring forward the controversy, Parris, the soHcitor of tlic\\nagents of New-Hampshire, moved a question, From what\\npart of Merrimack river the hne should begin? The\\nboard of trade referred this question, to the attorney and solicitor\\ngeneral, who appointed a day to hear council on both sides.\\nThe council for New-Hampshire insisted, that the line ought to\\nbegin three miles north of the mouth of the Merrimack. The\\ncouncil for Massachusetts declared, that in their opinion, the solu-\\ntion of this question would not determine the controversy, and\\ntherefore declined saying any thing upon it. The attorney\\nand solicitor reported, that whether this were so or not, jyng5*\\nthey could not judge but as die question had been re-\\nferred to them, they were of opinion, that according to the char-\\nter of William and Mary, the dividing line ought to be taken\\nfrom three miles north of the mouth of Merrimack, where it runs\\ninto the sea. Copies of this opinion were given to each ^qr\\nparty and the lords of trade reported, that the king should ju ^g 5*\\nappoint commissioners, from the neighboring provinces, to\\nmark out the dividing line. This report was approved by the\\nlords of council.\\nMuch time was spent in references, messages and pedtions,\\nconcerning the adjustment of various matters; and at ^,^0^\\nlength, the principal heads of the commission were deter- p^j^ q*\\nmined. The first was, that the commissioners should be\\nappointed, from among the counsellors of New-York, New-Jersey,\\nRhode-Island and Nova-Scotia. These were all royal govern-\\nments, except Rhode-Island and with that colony, as well as\\nNew- York, Massachusetts had a controversy, respecting bounda-\\nries. Connecticut, though proposed, was designedly omitted,\\nbecause it was imagined that they would be partial to Massachu-\\nsetts, from the similarity of their habits and interests. The other\\npoints were, that twenty commissioners should be nominated, of\\nwhom five were to be a quorum that they should meet at Hamp-\\nton, in New-Hampshire, on the first of August, 1 737 that each\\nprovince should send to the commissioners, at their first meetingy\\nthe names of two public officers, on whom any notice, summons,\\nor final judgment might be served and at the same time should\\nexhibit, in writing, a plain and full state of their respective claims,\\ncopies of which should be mutually exchanged and that if either\\nprovince should neglect to send in the names of their officers, or\\nthe full state of their demands, at the time appointed, then the\\ncommissioners should proceed ex parte. That when the com-\\nmissioners should have made and signed their final determination,\\nthey should send copies to the public otHcers, of each province j\\nand then should adjourn for six weeks, that cither party might\\nenter their appeal.^\\n(1) Printed brief. MS. report. (2) Printed brief.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0263.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "240 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMrSHIRE. [1737.\\nThese points being determined the board of trade wrote let-\\ntei^ to Belcher, enclosing the heads of the proposed commission,\\nand directing him to recommend to the assemblies of each\\nprovince, to choose their public oflicers, and prepare their\\ndemands, by the lime when the commissioners were to meet.\\nThese were accompanied with letters to the governors of the\\nseveral provinces, from which the commissioners were elected,\\ninforming them of their appointment. The letters were delivered\\nto Parris, and by him to Thomlinson, to be sent by the first ship\\nto America.! Those to Massachusetts and New-Hampshire,\\nwere directed, the one to Mr. Belcher, by name, as governor of\\nMassachusetts the other, to the commander in chief, resident in\\nNew-Hampshire and it was required that the delivery of the\\nletters should be certified by affidavit. The design of this singu-\\nlar injunction was, that Dunbar, if present, should receive the\\nletter, and call the assembly of New-Hampshire immediately and\\nthat if Belcher should forbid or hinder it, the blame of the neglect\\nshould fall on him. At the same time, auother letter, respecting\\na petition of a borderer on the line, and containing a reprimand\\nto Belcher, was sent in the same manner, to be delivered by Dun-\\nbar, into Belcher s hands. These intended afflonts, both failed\\nof their effect Dunbar having, before the arrival of the letters,\\ntaken his passage to England.\\nThe anxiety of Thomlinson, to have the earliest notice possible,\\nof the intended commission sent to New-Hampshire, led him not\\nonly to forward the public letters but to send copies of all the\\ntransactions, to his friends there. In a letter to Wiggin\\nand Rindge, (the committee who corresponded with him)\\nhe advised them, to make the necessary preparations, as soon as\\npossible, to act in conformity to the commission and instructions\\nand even went so far as to nominate the persons, whom they should\\nappoint, to manage their cause before the commissioners.^\\nThese papers were communicated to the assembly, at their\\nsession in March and at the same time the governor laid before\\nthem, a copy of the report of the board of trade, in favor\\nof a commission, which had been made in the preceding\\nDecember. In consequence of which, the assembly appointed a\\ncommittee of eight* who were empowered to prepare\\nwitnesses, pleas and allegations, papers and records, to\\nbe laid before the commissioners to provide for their recepfion\\nand entertainment, and to draw upon the treasurer for such\\nsupplies of money as might be needful. This appointment was\\n(1) Original letters of Parris. (2) Original MS. letter. (3) Assembly\\nRecords and printed brief.\\nOJ the Cmincil. Of the Hovsc.\\nSliadrach Walton, Andrew Wiggin,\\nGeorge .laft rey, John Rindge,\\nJotliain Odiorne, Thomas Packer,\\nTheodore Atkinson. .Tames Jeffrey.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0264.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "1737.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 241\\nmade by the united voice of the council and representatives, and\\nconsented to by the governor and though it was made, three\\nweeks before tlie reception of tiie letters, from the lords of trade;\\ndirecting the appointing of public officers, and preparing a state-\\nment of claims yet it was understood to be a full compliance\\nwith the orders and expectations of the government in England.\\nThe same day on which this order passed, the governor pro-\\nrogued the assembly to the sixth of July and on the twentieth of\\nJune, he prorogued it again, to the fourth of August.\\nThe letters respecting the commission, were delivered to Mr.\\nBelcher, on the twenty-second of April and he acknowledged\\nthe receipt of them, in a letter to the board of trade, on the tenth\\nof May. The commission itself was issued on the ninth of April,\\nand sent to Mr. Rindge who kept it till the meeting of the com-\\nmissioners, and then delivered it to them. The expense of it,\\namounting to one hundred and thirty-five pounds sterling, was\\npaid by the agents of New-Hampshire.\\nAt the spring session of the general court in Massachusetts, the\\ngovernor laid before them the letter from the lords of\\ntrade, inclosing an order from the privy council, and re-\\ncommended to them to stop all processes in law, respecting any\\ndisputes of the borderers, till the boundaries should be determin-\\ned.^ During the same session, he reminded them of the order,\\nand desired them to consider it telling them that he had\\nno advice of the appointment of commissioners. His\\nmeaning was, that the commission itself, in which they were named,\\nhad not been sent to him nor was he actually informed that it\\nwas in America, till after he had prorogued the assemblies of both\\nprovinces to the fourth of August. In obedience to the royal\\norder, the assembly of Massachusetts appointed Josiah r r\\nWillard, secretary, and Edward Winslow, sherifFof Suf-\\nfolk, to be the two public officers on whom, or at whose place of\\nabode, any notice, summons, or other process of the commission-\\ners, might be served.\\nOn the day appointed, eight of the commissioners met at\\nHampton.* They published their commission, opened\\ntheir court, chose William Parker their clerk, and George\\nIMitchel, surveyor. On the same day, the committee of eight,\\nwho had been appointed by the assembly of New-Hampshire, in\\nApril, appeared and delivered a paper to the court, reciting the\\norder of the king, for the appointment of two public officers al-\\n(1) Journal of Assembly.\\nFrom Nova-Scotia. From Rhode-Island.\\nWilliam Skene, President, Samuel Vernon,\\nErasmus James Phillips, John Gardner,\\nOtho Hamilton. John Potter,\\n33\\nEzekiel Warner,\\nGeorge Cornel.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0265.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "242 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [1737.\\nleging that the assembly had not been convened since the arrival\\nof that order but, that there should be no failure for want of such\\nofficers, they appointed Richard Waldron, secretary, and Eleazar\\nRussell, sherifF.i They also delivered the claim and demand of\\nNew-Hampshire, in the following words. That the southern\\nboundary of said province should begin at the end of three miles\\nnorth from the middle of the channel of Merrimack river, where\\nit runs into the Atlantic ocean and from thence should run, on\\na straight line, west, up into the main land (toward the south sea)\\nuntil it meets his majesty s other governments. And that the\\nnorthern boundary of New-Hampshire should begin at the en-\\ntrance of Pascataqua harbor, and so pass up the same, into the\\nriver of Newichwannock, and through the same, into the farthest\\nhead thereof and from thence northwestward, (that is, north,\\nless than a quarter of a point, westwardly) as far as the Brhish\\ndominion extends and also the western half of the Isles of\\nShoals, we say, lies within the province of New-Hampshire.\\nThe same day, Thomas Berry and Benjamin Lynde, counsel-\\nlors of Massachusetts, appeared and delivered the vote of their\\nassembly, appointing two public officers, with a letter from the\\nsecretary, by order of the governor, purporting, that at the last\\nrising of the assembly, there was no account that any commission\\nhad arrived that the assembly stood prorogued to the fourth\\nof August that a committee had been appointed, to draw up a\\nstate of their demands, which would be reported at the next\\nsession, and therefore praying that this short delay might not\\noperate to their disadvantage. Upon this, the committtee of\\nNew-Hampshire drew up and presented another paper,\\ncharging the government of Massachusetts with great\\nbackwardness, and aversion to any measures, which had a ten-\\ndency to the settlement of this long subsisting controversy and\\nalso charging their agent, in England, with having used all im-\\naginable artifices, to delay the issue for which reason, the\\nagent of New-Hampshire had petitioned the king, to give direc-\\ntions, that each party might be fully prepared, to give in a state\\nof their demands, at the first meeting of the commissioners\\nwhich direction they had faithfully observed, to the utmost of\\ntheir power and as the assembly of Massachusetts had made\\nno seasonable preparation, they did, in behalf of New-Hamp-\\nshire, except and protest against any claim or evidence being\\nreceived from them, and pray the court to proceed ex parte\\nagreeably to the commission.\\nIt was alleged in favor of Massachusetts, that by the first meet-\\ning of the commissioners could not be meant the first day, but the\\nfirst session. The court understood the word in this sense, and\\n(1) MS. original Minutes by Mr. Parker. (2) MS. Minutes, and Massa-\\nchusetts Journal, p. 34. (3) MS. Minutes.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0266.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "1737.1 PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 243\\nresolved, that Massachusetts should be allowed time, till the eighth\\nof August, and no longer, to bring in their claims and that if\\nthey should Aiil, the court would proceed ex parte. The court\\nthen adjourned to the eighth day.\\nThe assembly of New-Hampshire met on the fourth and the\\nsecretary, by the governor s order, prorogued them to the\\ntenth, then to meet at Hampton-Falls. On the same day,\\nthe assembly of Massachusetts met at Boston and after they had\\nreceived the report of the committee, who had drawn up their\\nclaim, and despatched expresses to New- York and New-Jersey,\\nto expedite the other commissioners; and appointed a committee\\nto support their claims;* the governor adjourned them, to the\\ntenth day, then to meet at Salisbury. Thus the assemblies of\\nboth provinces were drawn within five miles of each other and\\nthe governor declared, in his speech, that he would act as a\\ncommon father to both.\\nThe claim of Massachusetts being prepared, was delivered to\\nthe court, on the day appointed. After reciting their grant\\nand charters and the judicial determination in 1677, they\\nasserted their claim and demand, still to hold and possess, by a\\nboundary line, on the southerly side of New-Hampshire, begin-\\nning at the sea, three English miles north from the Black Rocks,\\nso called, at the mouth of the river Merrimack, as it emptied\\nitself into the sea sixty years ago thence running parallel with\\nthe river, as far northward as the crotch or parting of the river\\nthence due north, as far as a certain tree, commonly known for\\nmore than seventy years past, by the name of Endecott s tree\\nstanding three miles northward of said crotch or parting of Mer-\\nrimack river and thence, due w^est to the south sea which,\\n(they said) they were able to prove, by ancient and incontestible\\nevidence, were the bounds intended, granted, and adjudged to\\nthem and they insisted on the grant and settlements as above\\nsaid, to be conclusive and irrefragable.^\\nOn the northerly side of New-Hampshire, they claimed a\\nboundary line, beginning at the entrance of Pascataqua harbor\\npassing up the same, to the river Newichwannock through that\\nto the farthest head thereof, and from thence a due north west\\nline, till one hundred and twenty miles from the mouth of Pas-\\ncataqua harbor be finished.\\n(1) Massackusetts Assembly Records. (2) Journal, p. G.\\nThis committee consisted of Edmund Quincy, William Dudley, Samuel\\nWelles, Thomas Berry, and Benjamin Lynde, of the council and Elisha\\nCooke. Thomas Cashing, Job Almj-, Henry Rolfe, and Natlianiel Peaslee, of\\ntlie house. Cooke died while tlie commissioners were sitting. He had been\\nemployed on the same affair at Newbury in 1731 and it was by his means\\nthat tlie business was then obstructed. In reference to tliis, Belcher, in a\\nprivate letter says, Generations to come will rise up and call him nirsc.d.\\nOn account of Cooke s death, and the absence of another member, they ap-\\npointed John Read and Robert Auch muty. August 13.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0267.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "244 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSIIIRE. [1737.\\nThe court ordered copies of the claims of each province, to\\nbe drawn and exchanged and having appointed Benjamin Rolfe\\nof Boston,* an additional clerk, they adjourned to the tenth of\\nthe month.\\nOn that day, both assemblies met at the appointed places. A\\ncavalcade was formed from Boston to Salisbury, and the governor\\nrode in state, attended by a troop of horse. f He was\\nmet at Newbury ferry by another troop who, joined by\\nthree more at the supposed divisional line, conducted him to the\\nGeorge tavern, at Hampton-Falls where he held a council and\\nmade a speech to the assembly of New-Hampshire. Whilst\\nboth assemblies were in session the governor, with a select com-\\npany, made an excursion, of three days, to the falls of Amuskeag\\nan account of which was published in the papers, and concluded\\nin the following manner His excellency was much pleased\\nwith the fine soil of Chester, the extraordinary improvements at\\nDerry, and the mighty falls at Skeag.\\nIn the speech, which the governor made to the assembly of\\nNew-Hampshire, he recommended to them to appoint tw o officers,\\nagreeably to his majesty s commission. The assembly appeared\\nto be much surprised at this speech and in their answer, said,\\nthat the committee before appointed had already given in the\\nnames of two officers, which they approved of for had it not\\nbeen done, at the first meeting of the conmiissioners, they might\\nhave proceeded ex i) arte.\\nConsidering the temper and views of Mr. Belcher s opponents,\\nthis was rather unfortunate for him, so soon after his profession of\\nbeing a common father to both provinces. For if the commit-\\ntee had a right to nominate the two officers, then his recommen-\\ndation was needless if they had not, it might justly be asked,\\n(1) Boston Weekly News Letter, Aug. 25. (2) Assembly Journal and\\nprinted brief.\\n[Benjamin Rolfe was afterwards one of the early settlers of Concord, then\\ncalled Runiford, wliere he died 20 December, 1771. He graduated at Har-\\nv.ard college in 1727, and for some time was the only magistrate in Concord.\\nHe married Sarah, daughter of Rev. Timothy Walker, and she, after the death\\nof Mr. Rolfe, became the wife of Benjamin Thompson, afterward the distin-\\nguished German count, who from his early residence in New-Hampshire, took\\nthe name of Rumford.]\\n1 Tliis procession occasioned the following pasquinade, in an assumed\\nHibernian style.\\nDear Paddy, you ne er did behold such a siglit,\\nAs yesterday morning was seen before nigiit.\\nYou in all your born days saw, nor I didn t neither.\\nSo many fine liorses and men ride together.\\nAttlie head, tlie lower house trotted two in a row,\\nTlien all the liiglier house pranced after tiie low\\nThen the governor s coach gallop d on like the wind,\\nAnd the last tliat came foremost were troopers beiiind\\nBut I fear it means no good, to your neck or mine\\nFor they say tis to fi.\\\\- a riglit place for the line.\\nCollection of Poems, p. 54.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0268.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "1737.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 245\\nwhy did he not call the assembly together, on the sixth of July,\\nto which day they had been prorogued The excuse was, that\\nhe did it, to avoid any objection, which might be made to the re-\\ngularity of their appointment and to give them an opportunity\\nto ratify and confirm it. The truth was, that Mr. Belcher high-\\nly resented the conduct of the committee of New-Hampshire, who\\nconcealed the commission, and never communicated it to him in\\nform. Had he been aware of the use, which his enemies might\\nmake, of his rigid adherence to forms, when he could not but\\nknow the contents of the commission, and the time when it must\\nbe executed, prudence might have dictated a more flexible con-\\nduct. They did not fail, to make the utmost advantage of his\\nmistakes, to serve the main cause which they had in view.\\nThe expresses which were sent by Massachusetts, to call the\\nother commissioners, had no other effect than to add to tlie num-\\nber, Philip Livingston, from New- York who, being senior in\\nnomination, presided in the court.\\nTo prevent the delay, which would unavoidably attend the tak-\\ning of plans from actual surveys; the commissioners recommend-\\ned, to both assemblies, to agree upon a plan, by which the pre-\\ntensions of each province should be understood but as this could\\nnot be done, a plan drawn by Mitchel was accepted, and when\\ntheir result was made, this plan was annexed to it. They then\\nproceeded to hear the answers, which each party made, to the\\ndemands of the other, and to examine witnesses on both sides.\\nNeither party was willing to admit the evidence, produced by the\\nother, and mutual exceptions and protests were entered. The\\npoints in debate were, whether Merrimack river, at that time,\\nemptied itself into the sea, at the same place where it did sixty\\nyears before Whether it bore the same name, from the sea,\\nup to the crotch and whether it were possible to draw a paral-\\nlel line, three miles northward, of every part of a river the\\ncourse of which was, in some places, from north to south\\nWith respect to the boundary line, between New-Hampshiro\\nand Maine, the controverted points were, whether it should run\\nup the middle of the river, or on its north-eastern shore and\\nwhether the line, from the head of the river, should be due north-\\nwest, or only a few degrees westward of north.\\nThe grand point on which the whole controversy respecting\\nthe southern line turned, was, whether the charter of William and\\nMary granted to Massachusetts, all the lands which were granted,\\nby the charter of Charles the First On this question, the com-\\nmissioners did not come to any conclusion. Reasons of policy\\nmight have some weight, to render them indecisive but, whether\\nit were really so or not, they made and pronounced their result in\\nthe following words. In pursuance of his majesty s commission,\\nthe court took under consideration, the evidences, pleas, and\\nallegations offered and made by each party and upon mature", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0269.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "240 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1737.\\nadvisement on the whole, a doubt arose in point of law and\\nihe court thereupon came to the following resolution. That if the\\ncharter of King William and Queen Mary, grants to the province of\\njMassachusetts Bay, all the lands granted by the charter of King\\nCharles the First, lying to the northward of Merrimack river\\nthen the court adjudge and determine, that a line shall run, par-\\nallel with the said river, at the distance of three English miles,\\nnorth from the mouth of the said river, beginning at the south-\\neriy side of the Black Rocks, so called, at low water mark and\\nthence to run to the crotch, where the rivers of Pemigewasset\\nand Winnipiseogee meet and from thence due north three\\nmiles, and from thence due west, toward the south sea, until it\\nmeets with his majesty s other governments which shall be the\\nboundary or dividing line, between the said provinces of Mas-\\nsachusctts and New-Hampshire, on tliat side. But, if other-\\nwise, then the court adjudge and determine, that a line on the\\nsoutherly side of New-Hampshire, beginning at the distance of\\nthree miles north, from the southerly side of the Black Rocks\\naforesaid, at low water mark, and from thence running due west,\\nup into the main land, toward the south sea, until it meets with his\\nmajesty s other governments, shall be the boundary line between\\nthe said provinces, on the side aforesaid Which point in doubt,\\nthe court humbly submit, to the wise consideration of his most\\nsacred majesty, in his privy council j to be determined accord-\\ning to his royal will and pleasure.\\nAs to the northern boundary, between the said provinces, the\\ncourt resolve and determine that the dividing line shall pass\\nthrough the mouth of Pascataqua harbor, and up the middle of\\nthe river of Newichwannock, (part of which is now called Sal-\\nmon-Falls) and through the middle of the same, to the farthest\\nhead thereof, and from thence north, two degrees westerly, un-\\ntil one hundred and twenty miles be finished, from the mouth\\nof Pascataqua harbor, aforesaid or until it meets with his maj-\\nesty s other governments. And, that the dividing line shall part\\nthe Isles of Shoals, and run through the middle of the harbor,\\nbetween the islands, to the sea, on the southerly side and that\\nthe southwesterly part of said islands shall lie in, and be account-\\ned part of, the province of New-Hampshire and that the north-\\neasterly part thereof shall lie in, and be accounted part of, the\\nprovince of IMassachusetts Bay and be held and enjoyed by\\nthe said provinces respectively, in the same manner as they now\\ndo, and have heretofore held and enjoyed the same.\\nAnd the court do further adjudge, that the cost and charge\\narising by taking out the commission, and also of the commis-\\nsioners and their officers, viz. the two clerks, surveyor and wait-\\ncr, for their travelling expenses, and attendance in the execu-\\ntion of the same, be equally borne by the said provinces.\\n(1) MS. Copy Journal of Maasachusetts Assembly, p. 35.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0270.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "1737.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 247\\nThus this long depending question, after all tlie lime, expense\\nand argunncnt, which it has occasioned, remained undecided.\\nWhen this evasive decree was published, the commissioners\\nadjourned, to the fourteenth of October, to receive appeals and\\nthe same day, the governor, at the request of the council onlj\\nadjourned the assembly of New-Hampshire to the tvvslfth of Oc-\\ntober. By this sudden adjournment, it was impossible for them\\nto obtain a copy of the decree, before their dispersion, or to frame\\nan appeal, till two days before the time, when it must have been\\npresented. The assembly of Massachusetts continued their ses-\\nsion, at Salisbury, five days longer. On the fifth of September,\\nthey obtained copies of the royal commission, and the decree of\\nthe commissioners, which they entered on their journal. On the\\nsixth, they agreed upon an appeal and on the seventh, at the\\nunited request of both houses, the governor adjourned them to the\\n12th of October.\\nThe sudden adjournment of the assembly of New-Hampshire,\\nwhen that of Massachusetts continued their session, was unfortu-\\nnate for Governor Belcher and gave his opponents another ad-\\nvantage, to pursue their grand design against him. The reasons\\nassigned for it were, that the report of the commissioners being\\nspecial, the whole matter would of course come before the king,\\nwithout any appeal from either province. For this reason, a\\nmajority of the council were against an appeal. That as the\\ncommittee, appointed in April, had the same pow er to act in the\\nrecess, as in the session of the assembly and, as the council\\nwere against appealing so the appeal could not be made, by the\\nwhole assembly, and therefore the governor thought, that the best\\nservice which he could do to the province, was to adjourn the\\nassembly, and leave the whole business in the hands of the com-\\nmittee. With respect to the short time, between the 12th and\\n14th of October, it was observed, that the claim of New-Hamp-\\nshire was contained in a few lines, and their exceptions to the\\njudgment of the commissioners might be prepared in a quarter of\\nan hour.i\\nBoth assemblies met again, in the same places, at the appointed\\ntime. The representatives of New-Hampshire having, by\\nthe help of their committee, in the recess of the assembly,\\nobtained the papers, framed their exceptions and sent a message,\\nto know if the council were sitting but the council being deter-\\nmined against an appeal, had met and adjourned, without doing\\nany business. The house therefore was reduced to the necessity\\nof desiring the commissioners to receive their appeal, without the\\nconcurrence of the governor and council. The appeal, from the\\nassembly of Massachusetts, was presented in due form, authenti-\\ncated by the speaker, secretary and governor. Their committee\\n(1) Printed brief.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0271.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "248 HieXORY OF NEW-HAMPBHIRE. [1737.\\nentered a protest against the appeal of New-Hampshire, because\\nit was not an act of the whole legislature nevertheless, the com-\\nmissioners received it, and entered it on their minutes. Having\\nreceived these appeals, the commissioners adjourned their court\\nto the first of August, in the next year, but they never met again.\\nThe assembly of Massachusetts appointed Edmund Quincy\\nand Richard Partridge agents, to join with Francis Wilks, their\\nformer agent, in the prosecution of their appeal before the king\\nand raisetl the sum of two thousand pounds sterling, to defray the\\nexpense.*\\nWhen the representatives of New-Hampshire proposed the\\nraising of money, to prosecute their appeal, die council noncon-\\ncurred the vote. Their reasons were, that the appeal was not an\\nact of the council that they had no voice in the appointment of\\nthe agent and, that at the beginning of the affair, the house had\\ndeclared to the council, that the expense of it would be defrayed\\nby private subscription.\\nAt this session of the Massachusetts assembly, Mr. Belcher\\nput them in mind that he had suffered in his interest, by the con-\\ntinually sinking value of their bills of credit, in which his salary\\nwas paid a point which he had, often before, urged them to con-\\nsider. In answer to this message, they made him a grant of\\n\u00c2\u00a3333, G, 8, in bills of the new tenor .3 The same day, they\\nmade a grant of the like sum, to the president of Harvard college.\\nBoth these sums appear to have been justly due and at any\\nother time, no exception could have been made to either. But,\\nbecause the grant to the governor happened to be made, at the\\nsame time with the grant of \u00c2\u00a32000 sterling to the agents, his\\nopponents pretended, that he received it as a bribe, from the as-\\nsembly of Massachusetts, for favoring their cause.\\nThe appeal of New-Hampshire, from the judgment of the\\ncommissioners, was founded on the following reasons. With\\nrespect to the southerly line because it made the Black Rocks,\\nlying in a bay of Merrimack river, the point from which the three\\nmiles were to be measured which point was three quarters of a\\nmile north of the river s mouth and, because a line, parallel with\\nthe river, was not only impracticable, but founded on the old\\ncharter, which had been vacated and, if practicable, yet ought\\nnot to go farther than the river held a westerly course. With\\nrespect to the northern boundary, they objected to that part of the\\njudgment only, which directed the line to run up the middle of\\nthe river alleging that the grant to Gorges was only of land, be-\\ntween that river and Kennebeck and that New-Hampshire had\\nalways been in possession of the whole river, and had maintained\\na fortress which commanded its entrance.\\n(1) Massachusetts Journal of Assembly. (2) Printed brief. (3) Hutch, ii.\\n300. Journal, Oct 19. (4) MSS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0272.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "1737.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 249\\nThe appeal of Massachusetts was grounded on the following\\nreasons. That by the charter of William and ]\\\\Iary, the old\\ncolony of Massachusetts was re-incorporated without any excep-\\ntion that this charter empowered the governor and general as-\\nsembly to grant all lands, comprehended in the old colony that\\nthe committee of New-Hampshire acknowledged, that New-\\nHampshire lay without the late colony of Massachusetts, by de-\\nclaring that it was between that and the province of Maine j that\\nthe west line, claimed by New-Hampshire, would cross Merrimack\\nriver, thirty miles from its mouth, and exclude forty miles of said\\nsaid river out of Massachusetts, though declared, by both charters,\\nto be in it. They objected to extending the line of New-Hamp-\\nshire till it should meet with his majesty s other governments\\nbecause according to Masoii s grant, New-Hampshire could ex-\\ntend no farther than sixty miles from the sea. With respect to\\nthe northern boundary, they objected to a line north, two degrees\\nwestwardly, alleging that it ought to be on the northwest point\\nthey also excepted to the protraction of this line, till it should meet\\nwith his majesty s other governments j alleging that it ought to\\nextend no farther than one hundred and twenty miles, the fixed\\nlimits of the province of Maine.\\nIt was unfortunate for Massachusetts that their committee had\\nbrought Mason s grant, in evidence to the commissioners, and\\nagain recited it in their appeal for a line of sixty miles from the\\nsea would cross Merrimack river, long before the similar curve\\nline, for which they contended, could be completed. Besides,\\nMason s grant extended to Naumkeag which was much further\\nsouthward, than they would have been willing to admit.\\nIt may seem curious and unaccountable to most readers, that\\nthe commissioners should determine the northern, or rather east-\\nern bounds of the northern part of New-Hampshire, to be a line\\ndrawn north, two degrees westerly, from the head of Salmon-fall\\nriver when the express words of Gorges patent are north\\nwestward. The agents for Massachusetts, when this claim was\\nput in by New-Hampshire, could hardly think it was seriously\\nmeant, when it was alleged that by northwestward must be under-\\nstood, north a Utile westward.* The only ostensible reason, given\\nfor this construction was, that if a northwest line had been intended,\\nthen a southeast line, drawn from the mouth of the harbor, would\\nleave all the Isles of Shoals in New-Hampshire; whereas, the\\ndividing line runs between them.^ On the other side, it might\\nhave been said, with equal pro))riety, that a line drawn south, two\\ndegrees east, from the mouth of the harbor, would leave all these\\nislands in Massachusetts. For the point where the islands are divi-\\nded bears south, twenty-nine degrees east, from the middle of the\\nharbor s mouth the variation of the needle being six degrees west.^\\n(1) Hutch, ii. 389. (2) MS. minutes of the commissioners. (3) [As] ob-\\nserved 1781.\\n34", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0273.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "250 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE, [1737.\\nWhen this affair was again agitated in England, the agents of\\nMassachusetts obtained a certificate from the learned Dr. Halley,\\nthat a line northwestward ought to run forty-five degrees westward\\nof the north point. This was demonstratively true but there\\nwere political reasons for dissenting from mathematical demon-\\nstration. One of them is thus expressed, in a private letter, from\\na committee of the assembly, to their agent Thomlinson. We\\nhope that the northern line will be but a few degrees to the west-\\nward of north, that his majesty s province may include the great-\\nest number, and best mast trees for the royal navy. Though\\nthis tiiought might never have occurred to a mathematician, yet\\nsomeof the commissioners were doubtless acquainted with it; and\\nit was too important, not to have been communicated to the king s\\nministers. Anotiier political reason of dissent was, that by en-\\nlarging New-Hampshire, there would be a better prospect of ob-\\ntaining a distinct governor, which was the grand object in view.\\nThe new agent of Massachusetts, Edmund Quincy, died of the\\nsmall pox, soon after his arrival in London. The affair was then\\n,_^Q left in the hands of Wilks and Partridge, neither of whom\\nunderstood so much of the controversy as Thomlinson\\nwho was also far supefior to them in address. In his letters, to\\nhis friends in New-Hampshire, he frequently blames them for\\ntheir negligence, in not sending to him the necessary papers in\\nproper season and when sent, for the want of correctness and\\nregularity in them. But their deficiency was abundantly com-\\npensated by the dexterity of his solicitor, Parris who drew up a\\nlong petition of appeal in which, all the circumstances, attend-\\ning the whole transaction, from the beginning, were recited, and\\ncolored, in such a manner, as to asperse the governor and assembly\\nof the vast, opulent, overgrown province of Massachusetts\\nwhile the poor, little, loyal, distressed province of New-Hamp-\\nshire was represented as ready to be devoured, and the king s\\nown property and possessions swallowed up, by the boundless\\nrapacity of the charter government. Concerning the manner in\\nwhich this masterly philippic was framed, and the principal object\\nat which it was directed, there can be no belter evidence, than\\nthat which is contained in a letter, written by Parris to Thomlin-\\nson, and by him sent to New-Hampshire. Two nights ago, I\\nreceived a heap of papers from you, about the lines\\nand have been four times to the colony office, and board\\nof trade, to discover what I could in this imperfect affair but\\ncannot see the case, till after Tuesday next. Notwithstanding\\nwhich, I have, as well as I can, without proper materials, drawn\\nup a long petition of appeal, to his majesty and as the Massa-\\nchusetts have not yet presented theirs, I send you the draught\\nof it, and hope we shall have our appeal, as well as the petition,\\nfrom the New-Hampshire assembly, in, before the Massachusetts\\nget theirs in. Had your principals considered the great conse-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0274.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "1738.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 251\\nquence of being first, surely, in all this time, they would have\\nsent you a copy of their proceedings, in order to have enabled\\nus to be first but, as it is, 1 am forced to guess at matters, and\\naffirm facts at adventure, or upon dubious passages in letters;\\nwhich is a sad way of proceeding, and I wish we do not mistake\\nsome facts. They oblige us to make bricks widiout straw.\\nAbove all, why did they not send a copy of their own appeal\\nFor want of it, I have been forced to guess what that appeal\\nwas, from loose i)assages in Mr. A. s letters. Beg them, im-\\nmediately to order, an exact copy to be made of all their votes,\\nfrom March to October last. Had these votes come over regu-\\nlarly and authentically, his Excellency would have been shaken\\nquite down, in a iew weeks by them. You ll observe, I have\\nlaid it on him pretty handsomely, in my petition to the king.\\nThus the petition of appeal became a petition of complaint,\\nagainst the governor and assembly of Massachusetts. Copies\\nwere delivered to their agents, and the governor was ordered to\\nmake answer to the allegations against him. At the same time,\\nThomlinson advised his friends in New-Hampshire, to prepare\\ntheir proofs, as silently as possible and by no means to give any\\noffence to the governor assuring them of the favorable disposition\\nof several lords of the privy council, as well as the board of trade,\\ntoward their cause and that they had need to be in no pain,\\nabout the event.^\\nThe death of Mr. Quincy at this critical moment, and the length\\nof time necessary to prepare and send over answers, to the com-\\nplaint which Parris had thus artfully drawn up, obliged the agents\\nof Massachusetts to suspend the presenting of their appeal for\\nseveral months.\\nCHAPTER XVIII.\\nRevival of Mason s claim. Accusations against Belcher, real and forged.\\nRoyal censure. Final establishment of the lines. Hutchinson s agency.\\nSpanisli war. Belcher s zeal and fidelity. His removal. Examination of\\nhis character.\\nThe spirit of intrigue was not confined to New-Hampshire\\nfor the politicians of ^lassachusetts, by bringing into view the long\\ndormant claim of Mason, had another game to play, besides proving\\nthe small extent of New-Hampshire. They perceived that the\\n(1) Thomlinson fl MS. letters.\\n*This petition is printed at large, in the Journal of the Massachusetts as-\\nsembly for 173S. with their vindication annexed, in which they call the peti-\\ntion a chain of blundering, if not malicious falsehood.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0275.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "25:2 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1738.\\nline, whether settled according to their own demand or that of\\nNew-Hampshire, would cut off a considerable part of several of\\ntheir townships; and though they had, by their agent, obtained a\\npromise, that private property should not be affected by the line\\nof jurisdiction, yet they thought it best to have some other se-\\ncurity.\\nFor what reason the government of Massachusetts did not\\npurchase the province of New-Hampshire, from Robert Mason,\\nat the same time (1677) that they purchased the province of\\nMaine, from the heirs of Gorges, we are not now able precisely\\nto determine. It is probable that the purchase might then have\\nbeen easily made, and much controversy prevented. When it\\nwas sold, by John and Robert Mason, to Samuel Allen (1691)\\nthe bargain was made in England and the lands were, by fiction\\nof law, supposed to be there by which means, the process re-\\nspecting the fine and recovery was carried on in the court of king s\\nbench. During the lives of the two Masons, no notice was taken\\nof the supposed flaw; and the sale to Allen was not disputed.\\nThe brothers returned to America. John, the elder, died\\nwithout issue. Robert married in New-England, and had a son\\nwho, after the death of his father, conceived hopes of invalidating\\nAllen s purchase, and regaining his paternal inheritance which\\nit was supposed could not have been transferred by his father and\\nuncle, for any longer term, than their own lives. It was also said\\nthat the fiction, by which the lands were described, to be within\\nthe jurisdiction of the courts of Westminster hall, rendered the\\nproceedings void and therefore that the entail was still good.\\nFilled with these ideas, he made strenuous exertions, to acquire\\nmoney, to assist him in realizing his expectations but died in the\\nmidst of his days, (1718) at the Havana, whither he had made a\\nvoyage with this view. His eldest son, John Tufton,was bred to\\na mechanical employment in Boston and came of age, about the\\ntime in which the controversy between the two provinces was in\\nagitation. He inherited the enterprising spirit of his ancestors,\\nand the public controversy called his attention to his interest. On\\nthis young man, the politicians cast their eyes and having con-\\nsulted counsel on the validity of his claim, and the defect of the\\ntransfer, they encouraged him to hope, that this was the most\\nfavorable time to assert his pretensions. Had they purchased his\\nclaim at once they might doubtless have obtained it for a trifle,\\nand have greatly embarrassed the views of their antagonists. In-\\nstead of such a stroke of hberal policy, they treated with him,\\n(1) MS. copy of Read s and Auchmuty s opinions.\\nIn the process by which the entail was tlien docked, the situation of the\\nland is expressed in these words j tvt\\nIn New-Hampshire, Main. Masonia, Laconia, Mason-hall and Mariana,\\nin New-England, in America, in the parish of Greenwich. MS. in Proprie-\\ntary Office.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0276.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "1738.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 255\\nconcerning the release all of those lands, in Salisbury, Atnesbury,\\nHaverhill, Methuen and Dracul, which the line would cut off;\\nand, for five hundred pounds currency, obtained a quit-claim of\\ntwenty-three thousand six hundred \u00c2\u00abnd seventy-five acres. They\\nalso admitted his memorial to the assembly in which he\\nrepresented to them, that his interest might probably be\\naffected, by the final determination of the line, and praying that\\nthe province would be at the expense of his voyage to England,\\nto take proper measures for securing it.^ To this, they consented,\\non condition that he should prove his descent from Captain John\\nMason, the original patentee.* Depositions were accordingly\\ntaken in both provinces, to which the public seals were affixed\\nand they put him under the direction of their agents, ordering his\\nexpenses to be paid, as long as they should judge his presence in\\nEngland serviceable to their views.\\nThe agents stated his case to their counsel, the king s solicitor\\nand asked his opinion how they should proceed but he advised\\nthem, not to bring him into view, lest the lords should think it an\\nartifice, intended to perplex the main cause. On this considera-\\ntion, they dismissed him from any farther attendance and paid his\\nexpenses, amounting to above ninety pounds sterling.\\n(1) Journal of Assembly. (2) MS. copies in the proprietary office.\\n(3) Agent s letters in Secretary s office of Massachusetts.\\n[His descent from the original proprietor of New-Hampshire will appear\\nfrom the following\\nCapt. John Mason was born at Lynn-;::Anne, his wife, who survived him.\\nRegis, in Norfolk, and died in Nov. I\\n1635. I\\nJane Mason:::Joseph Tufton, (see p. 16.]\\nI\\nI I I\\nJohn Tufton, who took Robert Tufton, who took::: Anne Tufton,\\nwho died 1677,\\nthe name of Mason and the name of Mason and\\ndied sine prole. died in 1688, aged 56\\nsine\\nprole.\\nJohn Tufton Mason, Robert Tufton Mason, who:::CatharineWiggin.\\nwho died in Virgin- lived in Portsmouth, and I\\nia, sine prole. was lost at sea in 1696.\\nJohn Tufton Mason,::: Elizabeth Mason,\\nwho died at Havana,\\nin 1718.\\nand several others.\\nJohn Tufton Mason, mariner of Bos- Thomas Tufton Mason,\\nton, born about 1713, in whom the who was a minor in\\ntitle was revived in 1738. 1738.]\\nt Mr. Hutchinson, in his history of Massachusetts, has passed over this\\nwhole transaction in silence though it is well known that he was one of the\\nmanagers of it. See Journal of Mass. Rep. June 2, 1738, p. 11.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0277.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "254 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1738.\\nSuch a transaction, though conducted as privately as the na-\\nture of the thing would admit, did not escape the vigilance of\\nThomlinson who, on finding Mason detached from the agents\\nof Massachusetts, entered into an agreement with him, for the re-\\nlease of his whole interest, to the assembly of New-Hampshire\\nin consideration of the payment of one thousand pounds, curren-\\ncy of New-England. This manoeuvre served to strengthen the\\ninterest of New-Hampshire, and Thomlinson was much applauded\\nfor his dexterity. He had the strongest inducement, to continue\\nhis efforts in their favor for no less than twelve hundred pounds\\nsterling had been already expended, in prosecuting the affair of\\nthe line which sum had been advanced by himself and Rindge.\\nThere was no prospect of repayment, unless the province could\\nbe put under a separate governor and this point could not be\\nobtained, till the removal of Belcher.\\nThe agents of Massachusetts, after a long delay, presented their\\nappeal and followed it with a petition, for the benefit of their\\nformer protests, against the New-Hampshire appeal objecting\\nalso to its regularity, as it contained matters of personal complaint,\\nagainst the governor which had been no part of the records of\\nthe commissioners.! Thomlinson finding this new petition thrown\\nin his way, applied for its being immediately heard and at the\\nhearing, it was dismissed, but without prejudice to the\\nagents of Massachusetts being permitted, to object against\\nthe regularity of the New-Hampshire appeal, when it should\\ncome to a hearing. Such were the complaints against the gov-\\nernor, and the importunity of his adversaries to prosecute them,\\nthat it was necessary to hear and despatch them, before the ap-\\npeal respecting the lines could be brought forward.\\nIt must be remembered, that Mr. Belcher had enemies, in his\\ngovernment of Massachusetts as well as New-Hampshire, who\\nunited their efforts to obtain his removal from both but as they\\nsupposed him more vulnerable in his capacity of governor of\\nNew-Hampshire, so they joined in strengthening the complaints,\\nfrom that quarter, as a preparatory step, to effect his complete re-\\nmoval. Whilst he was engaged, in preparing for his defence,\\nagainst the charges, in the petition of appeal, other attacks were\\nmeditating, which were conducted with such silence that it was\\nimpossible for him to guard against their efiects. One of\\n1739. these was a letter, purporting to have been written at Ex-\\neter, subscribed by five persons, said to be inhabitants of\\nthat town, and directed to Sir Charles Wager, first lord of the\\nadmiralty. In this letter, it was said, that finding his lordship\\nhad ordered the judge advocate of the court of admiralty to in-\\nquire into the riot, which had been committed there, (1734) and\\n(1) July 18-October 9. Printed brief and MS. letters.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0278.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "1739..]\\nPROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 25\\nthe assault of the surveyor and his officers and fearing to bo\\nbrought into trouble on that account, they would confess the\\nwhole truth. That they had been indulged, by former survey-\\nors, in cutting all sorts of pine trees, till the appointment of\\nColonel Dunbar to that office who had restrained and prose-\\ncuted them but that Governor Belcher had privately given\\nthem encouragement to go on by assuring them that they had\\nthe best right to the trees that the laws were iniquitous, and\\nought not to be regarded that although he must make a shew\\nof assisting that Irish dog of a surveyor yet he would so man-\\nage it with the council and justices, who were under his inllu-\\nence, that they should not suffer and further to encourage\\nthem, he had made several of them justices of the peace, and\\nofficers of militia. That he had also told them not to fear any\\ninquiry into their conduct for that he would write to the board\\nof admiralty, in their favor and boasted that he had such an\\ninfluence over their lordships, that they would believe every\\nthing which he should say. That as they had now confessed\\nthe truth, they hoped to be forgiven, and noi; prosecuted in the\\nadmiralty court and begged that this information might be kept\\nsecret till the governor s removal, which they hoped would soon\\nbe effected. That whatever might have been said to the con-\\ntrary, they could assure him that the province of New-Hamp-\\nshire contained the largest number of pine trees, and of the best\\nquality, in all his majesty s American dominions and, for fur-\\nther information, they referred his lordship to several persons\\nthen in London, particularly to Mr. Wentworth and JVIr. Waldo\\nthe latter of whom, was agent to Mr. Gulston, for procuring\\nmasts for the royal navy. i\\nOn the receipt of this letter, Sir Charles, with the candor of a\\ngentleman, sent a copy of it to IMr. Belt;her who immediately\\nordered an inquiry and it was proved to be an entire forgery\\nfour of the persons whose names were subscribed utterly dis-\\nclaimed it, and the fifth was not to be found no such person be-\\ning known in the town of Exeter. The evidence of this forgery\\nwas transmitted to England, with all possible expedition but not\\ntill it had made an impression, to the disadvantage of the governor.\\nAnother artifice used against him, was a memorial of Gulston,\\nthe navy agent, and others complaining of the defenceless state\\nof the province that the fort lay in ruins, and that the militia\\nwere without discipline notwithstanding the probability of a war.\\nThis memorial was so artfully drawn, as to throw the blame of the\\nneglect on the governor, widiout mentioning his name which\\nwas intended, to prevent his obtaining a copy, and being allowed\\ntime to answer. Another complaint was made in the form of a\\nletter, respecting the grant of the tract called Kingswood in\\n(1) MS. copy of Exeter letter.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0279.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "256 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1739.\\nwhich he was represented, as partial to his friends, in giving them\\nan exclusive right, to the whole of that territory, which they\\ndeemed, the unappropriated lands of the province. Several parts\\nof his administration were also complained of and in particular,\\nthe infrequency of his visits to New-Hampshire. This letter was\\nsigned by six members of the council, and a majority of the rep-\\nresentatives.\\nGulston s memorial was presented to the lords of council and\\nby them referred to the board of trade, accompanied by the let-\\nter and though Mr. Belcher s brother and son applied for copies,\\nand time to answer, the request was evaded and a report was\\nframed, in favor of putting New-Hampshire under a separate gov-\\nernor. When this report came before the privy council. Lord\\nWilmington, the president, ordered it back again that the gov-\\nernor might have that justice which his agents had asked. By\\nthis means, he had opportunity to answer in his defence that\\nwithout money, the fort could not be re|)aired that it was not in\\nhis power to tax the people that he had frequently applied to the\\nassemblies for money, to repair the fort to which they had con-\\nstantly answered, that the people were too poor to be taxed and\\nhad solicited him to break through his instructions, and allow them\\nto issue paper money, without any fund for its redemption that\\nthe militia had always been trained according to law and that he\\nhad constantly visited New-Hampshire, and held an assembly,\\ntwice in the year, unless prevented by sickness for which he\\nappealed to the journals. To corroborate these pleas, the gov-\\nernor s friends procured five petitions, in his favor, and praying\\nfor his continuance, signed by about five hundred people. The\\npetitions, however, did not express the sense of the majority\\nwho had been persuaded into a belief, that they should receive\\nmuch benefit by a separate governor and accordingly, a counter\\npetition being circulated, was signed by about seven hundred of\\nthe inhabitants.*\\nThings being thus prepared, the complaints were brought to a\\nhearing, before the lords of council who reported to the king,\\nthat Governor Belcher had acted with great partiality,\\nby proroguing the assembly of New-Hampshire, from the\\nsixth of July, 1737, to the fourth of August following; in dis-\\nobedience to his majesty s order in council which had been\\ntransmitted to him by the lords of trade, and which was proved\\nto have been delivered to him, in due time and, also by farther\\nproroguing the said assembly, from the second of September,\\n1 737, to the thirteenth of October whereby the province were\\n(1) Belcher s letters, MS.\\n[The whole number was 662. They belonged to the towns of Hampton,\\nHampton-Falls, Kingston, Chester, Stratham, Exeter and Kensington. A\\nlist of their names is in the Secretary s office of New-Hampshire.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0280.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "1739.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 257\\ndeprived of tlie time, intended by his majesty s said order, to be\\nallowed them, to prepare a proper and regular appeal thereby\\nendeavoring to frustrate the intention of liis majesty s commis-\\nsion. i This report was approved by the king and from\\nthis time, it may be concluded, that i\\\\Ir. Belcher s removal\\nfrom the government of New-Hampshire was seriously contem-\\nplated. The grant of Kingswood was also annulled and he was\\nprohibited from making any other grants of land, till the lines\\nshould be determined.\\nThis censure being passed on the governor, and the complaints\\nbeing at an end, the way was prepared for a hearing of the ap-\\npeals, from both provinces, respecting the hnes which j^^q\\nbeing had, the determination of this long controversy was 5\\nmade on a plan entirely new. The special part of the\\ndecree of the commissioners was set aside, and no regard was\\nhad to tlieir doubt, whether the new charter granted all the lands\\ncomprehended in the old. It was said, that when the first grant\\nwas made, the country was not explored. The course of the\\nriver, though unknown, was supposed to be from west to east\\ntherefore it was deemed equitable, that as far as the river flowed\\nin that course, the parallel line at three miles distance should\\nextend. But as on the one hand, if by pursuing the course of\\nthe river, up into the country, it had been found to have a south-\\nern bend, it would ha^^e been inequitable to have contracted the\\nMassachusetts grant so, on the other hand, when it appeared to\\nhave a northern bend, it was equally inequitable to enlarge it.\\nTherefore it was determined, That the northern boundary of\\nthe province of Massachusetts be, a similar curve line, pursuing\\nthe course of Merrimack river, at three miles distance, on the\\nnorth side thereof, beginning at the Atlantic ocean, and ending\\nat a point due norUi of Pawtucket falls and a straight line\\ndrawn from thence due west, till it meets with his majesty s other\\ngovernments. The other parts of the decree of the commis-\\nsioners, respecting thenordiern line, and the payment of expenses,\\nwere alBrmed.\\nThis determination exceeded the utmost expectation of New-\\nHampshire as it gave them a tract of country, fourteen miles in\\nbreadth, and above fifty in length, more than they had ever claim-\\ned. It cut off from Massachusetts, twenty-eight new tov\\\\-nships,\\nbetween IMerrimack and Connecticut rivers besides large tracts\\nof vacant land, which lay intermixed and districts from six of\\ntheir old towns, on the north side of the Merrimack and if, as\\nwas then supposed, the due west line were to extend, to twenty\\nmiles east of Hudson s river, the reputed boundary of New- York\\na vast tract of fertile country, on the western side of Connecticut\\nriver, was annexed to New-Hampshire by which an ample\\n(1) Frinted brief. (2) Council Records,\\n35", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0281.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "268 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1740.\\nscope was given, first for landed speculation, and afterward for\\ncultivation, and wealth.\\nWhen this determination was known, the politicians of Massa-\\nchusetts were chagrined and enraged. They talked loudly of\\ninjustice and some of the more zealous proposed trying the merits\\nof the cause, upon the words of the charter, before the judges in\\nWestminster hall who, it was expected, would upon their oath\\nand honor reverse the judgment, and tell the king that he had\\nmistaken the meaning of the royal charter. This would indeed\\nhave been a bold stroke. But a more moderate and pusillanimous\\nscheme was adopted which was to send over a new agent, to\\npetition the king, that he would re-annex to their government, the\\ntwenty-eight new townships, which had been cut off, and the dis-\\ntricts of the six old towns. It was also thought prudent, that the\\nwhole province should not openly appear, in the affair but that\\npetitions should be drawn, by the inhabitants of these towns, and\\nthat the agent should be chosen by them.^ Accordingly town\\nmeetings were held petitions were prepared and subscribed\\nand Thomas Hutchinson was appointed their agent, and sent over\\nto England where he formed those connexions, which after-\\nwards served to raise him, to the chair of government in his na-\\ntive province.\\nAbout the same time, Governor Belcher procured a petition,\\nfrom his six friends, of the council of New-Hampshire, to the\\nking praying that the ivhole province might be annexed to the\\ngovernment of Massachusetts.^ This matter had been long in\\ncontemplation, with these gentlemen but was now produced at\\nthe most unfortunate time, which could have been chosen. Their\\npetition was at once rejected. But that from the towns was kept\\nin suspense a long time j till Thomlinson was prepared, to answer\\nall the pleas, which Hutchinson could advance, and proved too hard\\nan antagonist for him. It was finally dismissed,* because it was\\nthought that it never could be for his majesty s service, to annex\\nany part of his province of New-Hampshire, as an increase of\\nterritory, to Massachusetts but rather, that it would be for the\\nbenefit of his subjects there, to be under a distinct government.\\nThough Belcher s removal was seriously feared, by his best\\nfriends yet he had so much interest with some of the lords in high\\noffice, that they could not be prevailed with to give him up. The\\nwar, which had commenced between Britain and Spain, afforded\\nhim an opportunity, to signalize his zeal for the king s service\\nand he determined to prove himself, a faithful servant to the\\ncrown, in every instance in hope that a course of time and fidel-\\n(1) Belcher s letters. (2) Thomlinson s observations on Massachusetts pe-\\ntition, MS. (3) Thomlinson s MS. letters. (4) Bow brief.\\nThe ill success of this agency was probably the reason, that Mr. Hutchin\\n8on took no notice of it, in his history of Massachusetts.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0282.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "1740.] PROVINCE. JONATHAN BELCHER. 259\\nity might efiace the impressions, which had been made, to his\\ndisadvantage.\\nIt being resolved by the British court, to undertake an expedi-\\ntion to the island of Cuba, Governor Belcher, agreeably to the\\norders which he had received from the Duke of Newcastle,\\nissued a proclamation, for the encouragement of men who\\nwould enlist in the service that they should be supplied\\nwith arms and clothing be in the king s pay have a share of\\nthe booty which should be taken and be sent home, at the ex-\\npiration of their time of service and that his majesty would\\norder a number of blank commissions, to be filled up by the\\ngovernor, and given to the officers, who should command the\\ntroops, to be raised in the provinces. He afterwards\\npressed this matter, closely, in his speech to the assembly\\nand urged them, to make provision, for one hundred men, and a\\ntransport, to convey them to Virginia where all the colony troops\\nwere to rendezvous and thence to proceed, under the command\\nof Colonel Gooch, to the place of their destination. The assem-\\nbly voted, as much as they judged sufficient for this purpose\\nand the governor appointed a captain, and gave him beating or-\\nders but the commissions and arms not being sent, according to\\nthe royal promise, no men could be enlisted in New-Hampshire.\\nThe governor received commissions and arms for four companies\\nto be raised in Massachusetts where he could easily have enlisted\\nten, had he been furnished according to the engagement.^ To\\nthis failure and not to any want of exertion, on his part, in either\\nof his governments, may be ascribed the paucity of troops raised\\nin them and yet his enemies failed not of blaming him on this\\naccount. The representatives of New-Hampshire took\\nthis occasion to frame a vote, disapproving his administra-\\ntion and upon this vote, their agent founded another battery, to\\nattack his character.^\\nIn conformity to the royal determination of the boundaries,\\norders were given to Belcher, to apply to both his govern-\\nments, to join in appointing surveyors, to run out, and mark\\nthe lines and that if either should refuse, tlie other should pro-\\nceed ex parte. The assembly of Massachusetts delayed giving\\nan answer in season, which was construed a denial. The assem-\\nbly of New- Hampshire appointed three surveyors, to execute the\\nservice, who were commissioned by the governor. They were\\ndirected to allow ten degrees, for the westerly variation of the\\nneedle and the work was performed in the months of February\\nand March. George Mitchell surveyed and marked the similar\\ncurve line, from the ocean, three miles north of Merrimack river, to a\\nstation north of Pawtucket falls, in tlie township of Dracut. Rich-\\nard Hazzen began at that station and marked tlie west line, across\\n(1) Belcher s letters. (2) Thomlinson s letters.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0283.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "260 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1741.\\nConneclicut river, to the supposed boundary line of New-Hamp-\\nshire. Walter Bryenl began the line, from the head of Salmon-\\nfalls river, and marked it about thirty miles but was prevented\\nfrom proceeding farther, partly by the breaking up of the rivers,\\nwhich rendered travelling impracticable and partly by meeting\\na company of Indians who were hunting, and took his men for a\\nscouting party. In their return, they found on one of the trees,\\nwhich they had marked, the figure of a man s hand grasping a\\nsword which they interpreted, as a signal of defiance, from tlie\\nIndians.^\\nThe return of these lines to the board of trade was one of the\\nlast acts of JMr. Belcher s administration. His enemies in both\\ngovernments were indefatigable in their endeavors to remove him\\nand by their incessant applications to the ministry by taking\\nevery advantage of his mistakes by falsehood and misrepresent-\\nation and finally, by the diabolical arts of forgery and perjury,\\nthey accomplished their views.^ He was succeeded in the gov-\\nernment of Massachusetts, by William Shirley and in New-\\nHampshire, by Benning Wentworth.\\nAt this distance of time, when all these parties are extinct, and\\nevery reader may be supposed impartial it may seem rather\\nstrange, that Governor Belcher should meet with such treatment,\\nfrom the British court, in the reign of so mild and just a prince,\\nas George the Second. That Mr. Belcher was imprudent and\\nunguarded, in some instances, cannot be denied. He was indeed\\nzealous to serve his friends, and hearken to their advice but, by\\nthis means, he laid himself open, to the attacks of his enemies to\\nwhom he paid no court, but openly treated them with contempt.\\nHis language to them was severe and reproachful, and he never\\nspared to tell the world, what he thought of them.\\nThis provoked them but they had the art to conceal their re-\\nsentment, and carry on their designs, in silence, till they were ripe\\nfor execution. He had by far too mean an opinion of their abili-\\nties, and the interest which they had at court and when he knew\\nthat they had the ear of the lords of tj-ade, he affected to think\\nthem, not very mighty lords, nor able to administer life and death.\\nHe had a consciousness of the general integrity of his own inten-\\ntions and appears to have been influenced, by motives of honor\\nand justice but he was not aware of the force of his own preju-\\ndices. It may admit of doubt, whether, considering the extreme\\ndelicacy of his situation, it were within die compass of human\\npolicy, to have conducted so as to give offence to neither of his\\nprovinces, in the management of such a controversy but it is\\ncertain, that his antagonists could not fairly fix but one real stigma,\\non his character and that when impartially examined, can\\n(1) MS. returns in the files. Bryent s Journal. (2) Douglass, i. 481.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nHutch, ii. 397.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0284.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "1741 PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 20 1\\namount to no more than an imprudent step, at a critical time,\\ngrounded on an undue resentment of an aftiont for to suppose\\nthat his intention was to frustrate the commission, is inconsistent\\nwidi the whole tenor of his public declarations, and private cor-\\nrespondence. When his enemies met him on fair and open\\nground, he was always prepared to answer but it was impossible\\nto guard against their secret attacks. If the cause which they\\nmeant to serve was a good one, why did they employ the basest\\nmeans to effect it\\nThe cruelty and hardship of his case may appear from the fol-\\nlowing considerations. He had been one of the principal mer-\\nchants of New-England but, on his appointment, to the chair of\\ngovernment, quitted every other kind of business, that he might\\nattend with punctuality, and dignity to the duties of his station.\\nBy the royal instructions, he was restrained from giving his assent,\\nto any grant of money, to himself unless it should be a perman-\\nent salary. What he received from New-Hampshire was fixed,\\nand paid out of the excise but the assembly of Massachusetts\\ncould not be persuaded, to settle any salary upon him. They\\nmade him a grant of three thousand pounds, (worth about seven\\nor eight hundred sterling) generally once in a year, at their ses-\\nsion in IMay. He was then obliged to solicit leave from the king,\\nto accept the grant, and sign the bill and sometimes could not\\nobtain this leave till the end of the year once not till five days\\nbefore the dissolufion of the assembly. In the mean time, he was\\nobliged to subsist on his own estate and had he died within the\\nyear, the grant would have been wholly lost, to his family. He\\nwas earnest to obtain a general permission to sign these grants\\nbut in that case, the clerks of offices, in England, through whose\\nhands the permission must have passed, would have lost their\\nfees. He was now in the sixtieth year of his age he had a\\nfamily of children and grand children, whose sole dependence\\nwas on him and he thought with reason, that if his course of\\nfaithful service, and the unworthy arts of his enemies had been\\nduly considered the censure of his superiors would have been\\nless severe, than to deprive him of his bread and honor.\\nWliilst he entertained the worst opinion possible of the charac-\\nters of his enemies, he had a strong confidence, in the justice of\\nthe government, before which he was accused. In one of his\\nletters to his son, he says, I must expect no favor while Bladen\\nis at the board of trade but where the devil there, I should ex-\\npect justice, under the British constitution, corroborated by the\\nHanover succession. The event proved, that his confidence\\nwas not ill founded. For, on being superseded, he repaired to\\ncourt where, though his presence was unwelcome to some, yet\\nhe had opportunity to bring the most convincing evidence of his\\n(1) Belcher s letter to Doddington, MS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0285.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "2G2 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1741.\\nintegrity, and of the base designs of his enemies. He was so far\\nrestored to the royal favor, that he obtained a promise, of the first\\nvacant government in America, which would be worthy of his ac-\\nceptance. This proved to be the province of New-Jersey\\nwhere he spent the remaining years of his life and where his\\nmemory has been treated with deserved respect.*\\nCHAPTER XIX.\\nThe beginning of Benning Wentworth s administration. War opened in\\nNova Scotia. Expedition to Cape-Breton; its plan, conduct and success,\\nwith a description of the island, and of the city of Louisburg.\\nBenning Wentworth, Esquire, son of the deceased lieuten-\\nant governor, was a merchant of good reputation in Portsmouth,\\nand well beloved by the people. He had represented his native\\ntown in the assembly for several years, where he distinguished\\nhimself in the opposition to Belcher. He afterward obtained a\\nseat in council where, sensible of the popularity of his family,\\nand feeling the pride of elevation, he continued the opposition,\\nand joined in the measures which were pursued for obtaining a\\ndistinct governor, without any apprehension that himself would be\\nthe person till a series of incidents, at first view unfortunate,\\nprepared the way for his advancement to the chair.\\nIn the course of his mercantile dealings, he had entered into a\\ncontract with an agent of the court of Spain, and supplied him\\nwith a large quantity of the best oak timber to procure which,\\nhe borrowed money in London. When he delivered the timber\\nat Cadiz, the agent with whom he had contracted, was out of\\nplace, and the new officer declined payment. In returning to\\nAmerica, the ship foundered, and he was saved with the crew in\\n[Jonathan Belcher died at Elizabeth-Town, 31 August. 1757. In a\\nletter to Secretary Waldron, dated 7 January, 1740, he says, This day en-\\ntered the fifty-ninth year of my age. He was therefore at the time of his\\ndeath in his 7C)th year. His father Andrew Belcher was born at Cambridge,\\n1 January, 1G47, and removed to Boston about 1707. He was one of the\\ncouncil of safety on the deposition of Andros in Kif^O, and a member of the\\ncouncil of the province of Massachusetts, from May, 1702, to the time of his\\ndeath, 31 October, 1717, at the age of 70. The grandfather of Governor Bel-\\ncher was Andrew Belcher, who came from England as early as 1640, and set-\\ntled at Cambridge. He married a sister of Deputy Gov. Thomas Danforth,\\nof Cambridge, and died as early as 1G80. Two sons of Gov. Belcher were\\neducated at Harvard college, viz. Andrew, who graduated in 1724, and died\\nat Milton, Massachusetts, 24 January, 1771, aged Go, and Jonathan, who\\ngraduated in 1728, chief justice and governor of Nova Scotia, and died 20\\nMarch, 1776, aged 65, leaving an only son, Andrew, who resides in England,\\nand one daughter, who lives in Cambridge, Massachuijetta.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0286.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "1741.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 2G3\\na boat. These misfortunes deranged his affairs and reduced him\\nto a state of bankruptcy. Afterward, he went again to Spain,\\nhoping by the interest of Sir Benjamin Keene, the British minis-\\nter, to obtain his due, but his suit was inefFectual. About that time,\\nThondinson, despairing of Dunbar s advancement to the govern-\\nment of New-Hampshire, turned his thoughts toward Wentworth\\nand having procured him a letter of license from his creditors in\\nLondon, invited him thither.^ Wentworth represented his case to\\nthe British court, complained of the injustice of Spain, and peti-\\ntioned for redress. Many British merchants, who had suffered\\nby the insolence of the Spaniards, were, at the same time, clam-\\norous for reparation. The ministry were studious to avoid a war.\\nA negociation was begun, and the court of Spain promised resti-\\ntution but failed in the performance.^ War was then determined\\non, and all negociation ended. Disappointed in his plea for jus-\\ntice, Wentworth made his suit for favor and by the aid of Thom-\\nlinson, who understood the ways of access to the great, he obtained\\na promise from the Duke of Newcasde, that when New-Hamp-\\nshire should be put under a distinct governor, he should have the\\ncommission. The expense of the solicitation and fees, amount-\\ning to three hundred pounds sterling, was advanced by his friends\\nin England, and repaid by his friends in New-Hampshire.^\\nHe was received in Portsmouth after a long absence, with great\\nmarks of popular respect. Among the compliments ._..\\nwhich were paid to him on that occasion, one was, that\\nhe had been instrumental of rescuing New-Hampshire ^^c. 12.\\nfrom contempt and dependence. In his first speech to the as-\\nsembly, he reflected on the conduct of his predecessor, not by\\nname, but by implication for not having taken early measures to\\nraise men for the expedition against the Spanish West-Indies; and\\nintimated his apprehension, that the good intention of the\\nprovince in raising money for that purpose, would be frus-\\ntrated, since the men who were willing to enter into the service had\\nenlisted in the other provinces. He also complimented them, on\\ntheir good faith in regard to the several emissions of paper money\\nall of which were to be called in within the present year. He did not\\nforget to recommend a fixed salary for himself, not subject to depre-\\nciation nor the payment of expenses which had arisen on account\\nof the boundary lines. He informed them of the king s indul-\\ngence, in giving him leave to consent to a farther emission of bills\\nof credit, to enable them to discharge their obligations to the\\ncrown provided that no injury should be done to the trade of the\\nmother country. He also recommended to their attention the\\nfaithful services of their agents, one of whom, Rindge, was dead,\\nand the payment of the debt due to his heirs.\\n(1) Thomlinson s letter, MS. (2) Gentleman s Magazine, for 1739.\\n(3) MS. letteraofThomlinson and Atkinson. (4) Journal Assembly, Jan. 14", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0287.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "264 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1742.\\nThe assembly, in their answer, acknowledged the wisdom and\\njustice of the king in determining the long controversy between\\nthem and Massachusetts but as to payment of the expense, they\\nreminded him that one half ought to be paid by Massachusetts, and\\ndesired him to use his influence for that purpose. With respect\\nto the failure of raising men for the expedition, they set him right\\nby ascribing it to the true cause there being no commissions sent\\nto the province for that service. Concerning the salary, they\\nsaid, that as soon as they could know what number of inhabitants\\nwould be added to them by the settlement of the lines, and how\\nthe money could be raised, they should make as ample provision\\nfor his honorable support as their circumstances would admit.\\nThey acknowledged the fidelity and industry of their agents, and\\nprofessed a good will to reward them but could not then prom-\\nise adequate compensation.\\nThe assembly voted a salary of two hundred and fifty pounds,\\nproclamation money, to the governor, funded as usual on the ex-\\ncise and having obtained the royal hcense for emitting twenty-\\nfive thousand pounds on loan for ten years, they granted the gov-\\nernor two hundred and fifty pounds more, to be paid annually out\\nof the interest of the loan.^ When this fiind failed, they made\\nannual grants for his further and more ample support, and gen-\\nerally added something for house rent. They presented their\\nagent, Thomlinson, one hundred pounds sterling, for his faithful\\nservices but what they did for the heirs of Rindge does not ap-\\npear.\\nAfter Mr. Wentworth was quietly seated in the chair of govern-\\nment, an opportunity presented to advance his interest still farther.\\nFor the sum of two thousand pounds sterling, Dunbar was\\nprevailed on to resign the surveyorship of the woods, and\\nThomlinson negotiated an appointment in favor of Wentworth, with\\na salary of eight hundred pounds sterling, out of which he was to\\nmaintain four deputies. But to obtain this office, he was obliged to\\nrest his claim on the crown of Spain for fifty-six thousand dollars.\\nThese appointments of Mr. Wentworth gave the op-posers of\\nthe former administration great cause of triumph; but the spirit of\\nopposition had only changed sides. It was hoped and expected\\nby some, that Mr Belcher, by going to England, would not only re-\\nmove the ill impressions, which the malice of his enemies had\\nmade, but return to his former station. Others, who had no\\npredilection for Belcher, looked with envy on the good fortune of\\nWentworth, and aimed to undermine him at the same time court-\\ning the friends of the former administration to join in their meas-\\nures. These things were managed with secrecy, and a few hints\\nonly are left as evidence of the existence of designs, which were\\nnever brought to maturity.\\n(1) MS. Acta.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0288.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "1744.1 PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 0(55\\nIt was one of the royal instructions to governors, that in any\\ncases of difficnlty or sutUlen emergency, they should communi-\\ncate with each other. Mr. Wentworth had a high opinion of the\\nabilities of the new governor of Massachusetts, and there being a\\nstrict friendship between them, consulted him on all occasions.\\nShirley was gratified by this deference, and knew how to make\\nhis advantage of it. Thus, though New-Hampshire was under a\\ngovernor distinct from that of Massachusetts, a point which had\\nlong been contended for yet the difference was not so great in\\nreality as in appearance. This was a circumstance not much\\nknown at that time. The advice which Shirley gave him was, in\\ngeneral, salutary and judicious.\\nThe war which had been kindled between Britain and Spain,\\nextended its flames over a great part of Europe and when\\nFrance became involved in it, the American colonies were more\\nnearly interested, because of the proximity of the French, and of\\nthe Indians, who were in their interest. War is so natural to\\nsavages, that they need but little to excite them to it. An Indian\\nwar was a necessary appendage of a war with France. The\\nscene of both was opened in Nova-Scotia.\\nThat province had been alternately claimed and possessed by\\nthe English and French for more than a century. Ever since the\\npeace of Utrecht, it had been subject to the crown of Britain,\\nand the French inhabitants who were under a kind of patriarchal\\ngovernment of their priests, and devoted to the French interest,\\nwere kept in awe, partly by the fear of having their dikes destroy-\\ned, which they had erected to prevent the sea from overflowing\\ntheir fields and partly by a British garrison at Annapolis where a\\ngovernor and council resided. The Indian tribes maintained\\ntheir native independence, though they were attached to the\\nFrench by religious, as well as interested obligations. Canseau,\\nan island on the northeastern part of Nova-Scotia, was in possession\\nof the English. It was resorted to by the fishermen of New-\\nEngland. It was defended by a block-house and garrisoned by\\na detachment of troops from Annapolis. The island of Cape-\\nBreton was possessed by the French, and lay between the English\\nof Canseau and those of Newfoundland. This was too near a\\nneighborhood for enemies, especially when both were pursuing\\none object, the fishery.\\nThe French at Cape-Breton, having received early intelligence\\nof the declaration of war, immediately resolved on the j^\\ndestruction of the English fishery at Canseau. Duques-\\nnel, the governor, sent Duvivier widi a few small armed\\nvessels, and about nine hundred men, who seized and took pos-\\nsession of the island, burned the houses, and made prisoners of\\nthe garrison and inhabitants. This was done, before the news of\\n(1) MS. lettera of Wentworth and Shirley. (2) MS. of Charles Morris.\\n36", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0289.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "2m HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1744.\\nwar had arrived in New-England. It was followed by an atteriipt\\nupon Placentia, in Newfoundland, which miscarried. An attack\\nwas also made upon Annapolis, the garrison of which was rein-\\nforced by several companies of militia and rangers from IMassa-\\nchusetts, and the enemy were obliged to retire. The Indians of\\nNova-Scotia assisted the French in this attack which, with some\\nother insolencies committed by them, occasioned a declar-\\nation of war, by the government of Massachusetts, against\\nthem, with a premium for scalps and prisoners.^\\nThese proceedings of the French were rash and precipitate.\\nThey were not prepared for extensive operations nor had they\\nany orders from their court to undertake them. What they had\\ndone, served to irritate and alarm the neighboring English colo-\\nnies, and shew them their danger in the most conspicuous manner.\\nTheir sea coast, navigation and fishery lay exposed to continual\\ninsults. Their frontier, settlements, on the western side, were\\nbut eighty miles distant from the French fort on Lake Champlain.\\nThe Indians who lay between them, had not yet taken up the\\nhatchet but it was expected that encouragement would be given\\nthem by the governor of Canada, to insult the frontiers. Several\\nnew setdements were wholly broken up and many of the women\\nand children of other frontier places retired to the old towns for\\nsecurity.\\nIn the autumn, Duquesnel the French governor of Cape-Breton,\\ndied, and was succeeded in the command by Duchambon, who\\nhad not so good a military character.^ Duvivier went to France\\nto solicit a force to carry on the war in Nova-Seotia in the ensuing\\nspring. The storeships, expected from France at Cape-Breton,\\ncame on the coast so late in the fall and the winter there set in\\nso early and fierce, as to keep them out of port, and drive them\\noff to the West-Indies. The captive garrison of Canseau, with\\nother prisoners, who had been taken at sea, and carried into\\nLouisburg, were sent to Boston. From them, as well as from\\nother informants, Governor Shirley obtained such intelligence of\\nthe state of that island and fortress, as induced him to form the\\nproject of attacking it. But before we open this romantic and\\nhazardous scene, it is necessary to give some account of the place\\nwhich was to be the theatre of operations.\\nThe island of Cape-Breton, so denominated from one of its\\ncapes, lies between the forty-fifth and forty-seventh degrees of\\nnorth latitude at the distance of fifteen leagues from Cape Ray,\\nthe southwestern extremity of Newfoundland.*^ It is separated\\nfrom the main land of Nova-Scotia by a narrow strait, six leagues\\nin length, the navigation of which is safe for a ship of forty guns.\\nThe greatest length of the island, from north-east to south-west\\nis about fifty leagues and its greatest breadth thirty-three. It is\\n(1) Douglass, i. 318. (2) Prince and Douglas. (3) Charlovoix.\\ni", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0290.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "1744.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 267\\nabout eighty-eight leagues in circuit as seameji estimate distances.\\nIts general form is triangular, but it is indented by many deep\\nbays.\\nThe soil of this island is by no means inviting. It is either\\nrocky and mountainous, or else cold and boggy and much less\\ncapable of improvement than Nova-Scotia. Its only valuable\\nproductions are of the fossil kind, pit-coal and plaster. Its at-\\nmosphere in the spring and summer is an almost continual fog,\\nwhich prevents the rays of the sun from perfecting vegetation.\\nIts winter is severe and of long continuance and as the island\\nforms an eddy to the current which sets through the gulf of St.\\nLawrence, its harbors are filled with large quantities of floating\\nice, with which its shores are invironed till late in the spring.-\\nMuch has been said by French and English writers on the\\ngreat importance and advantage of this island, and some political\\nand temporary purposes were doubtless to be answered by such\\npublications but in fact the only real importance of Cape-Breton\\nwas derived from its central situation, and the convenience of its\\nports. On the north and west sides, it is steep and inaccessible\\nbut the southeastern side is full of fine bays and harbors, capable\\nof receiving and securing ships of any burden and, being situated\\nbetween Canada, France and the West-Indies, it was extremely\\nfavorable to the French commerce. It was not so good a station\\nfor the fishery as several parts of Nova-Scotia and Newfoundland.\\nThe greater part of the French fishery was prosecuted elsewhere\\nand they could buy fish at Canseau, cheaper than they conld\\ncure it at Cape-Breton.\\nWhilst the French held possession of the coasts of Nova-Scotia\\nand Newfoundland, this island was neglected but after they had\\nceded these places to the crown of England, and the crown of\\nEngland had ceded this island to them by the treaty of Utrecht,\\n(1713) they began to see its value. Instead of giving so much\\nattention to the fur trade of Canada, as they had before done,\\nthey contemplated building a fortified town on this island, as a\\nsecurity to their navigation and fishery. For this purpose, they\\nchose a fine harbor on the south-east side of the island, formerly\\ncalled English Harbor where they erected their fortifications,\\nand called the place Louisburg.\\nThe ha rbor of Louisburg lies in latitude 45\u00c2\u00b0 55 Its entrance\\nis about four hundred yards wide. The anchorage is uniformly\\nsafe, and ships may run ashore on a soft muddy bottom. The\\ndepth of water at the entrance is from nine to twelve fathoms.\\nThe harbor lies open to the south-east. Upon a neck of land on\\nthe south side of the harbor was built the town, two miles and a\\nquarter in circumference fortified in every accessible part with\\n(1) MS. of Sir William Pepperell. (2) State of Trade by Otis Little, p. 16,\\n80. (3) Hutchinson. (4) Charlevoix, Douglass, Rolt, Prince.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0291.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "268 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1744.\\na rampart of stone, from thirty to thirty-six feet high, and a ditch\\neighty feet wide. A space of about two hundred yards was left\\nwithout a lampart, on the side next to the sea it was enclosed\\nby a simple dike and a line of pickets.^ The sea was so shallow\\nin this place that it made only a narrow channel, inaccessible from\\nits numerous reefs to any shipping whatever. The side fire from\\nthe bastions secured this spot from an attack. There were six\\nbastions and three batteries, containing embrasures for one hun-\\ndred and forty-eight cannon, of which sixty-five only were mount-\\ned, and sixteen mortars. On an island, at the entrance of the\\nharbor, was planted a battery of thirty cannon, carrying twenty-\\neight pounds shot and at the bottom of the harbor, directly op-\\nposite to the entrance, was the grand or royal battery of twenty-\\neight cannon, forty-two pounders, and two eighteen pounders.\\nOn a high cliff, opposite to the island battery, stood a light-house\\nand within this point, at the norlh-east part of the harbor, was a\\ncareening wharf, secure from all winds, and a magazine of naval\\nstores.\\nThe town was regularly laid out in squares. The streets were\\nbroad the houses mostl} of wood, but some of stone. On the\\nwest side, near the rampart, was a spacious citadel, and a large\\nparade on one side of which were the governor s apartments.\\nUnder the rampart were casements to receive the women and\\nchildren during a siege. The entrance of the town on the land\\nside was at the west gate, over a draw bridge, near to which was\\na circular battery, mounting sixteen guns of twenty-four pounds\\nshot.\\nThese works had been twenty-five years in building and\\nthough not finished, had cost the crown not less than thirty mill-\\nions of livres. The place was so strong as to be called the\\nDunkirk of America. It was, in peace, a safe retreat for the\\nships of France bound homeward from the East and West-Indies\\nand in war, a source of distress to the northern English colonies\\nits situation being extremely favorable for privateers to ruin their,\\nfishery and interrupt their coasting and foreign trade for wh fch\\nreasons, the reduction of it was an object as desirable to them, as\\nthat of Carthage was to the Romans.\\nIn the autumn, Shirley wrote to the British ministry, represent-\\ning the danger of an attack on Nova-Scotia, from the French, in\\nthe ensuing spring and praying for some naval assistance. These\\nletters he sent by Captain Ryal, an officer of the garrison, which\\nhad been taken at Canseau, who, from his particular knowledge\\nof Louisburg, and of the great consequence of the acquisition\\nof Cape-Breton, and the preservation of Nova-Scotia, he hop-\\ned would be of considerable service to the northern colonies,\\nwith the lords of the admiralty. Thus early did Shirley con-\\n(1) Abbe Raynal. (2) Nov. 10\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Shirley s letters to Wentworth, MS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0292.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "1744.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 2G9\\nceive and communicate to Wenlvvorth his great design and the\\nmost prudent step which he took in this whole affair was to solicit\\nhelp from England. His petition, supported by that worthy offi-\\ncer, was so favorably received by the ministry, that as early as the\\nbeginning of January, orders were despatched to Commodore\\nWarren, then in the West-Indies, to proceed to the northward in\\nthe spring, and employ such a force as might be sufficient to pro-\\ntect the northern colonies in their trade and fishery, and distress\\nthe enemy and for this purpose to consult with Governor Shir-\\nley.^ Orders of the same date were written to Shirley, inclosed\\nto Warren, directing him to assist the king s ships with transports,\\nmen and provisions. These orders, though extremely favorable\\nto the design, were totally unknown in New-England, till the mid-\\ndle of April following, before which time the expedition was com-\\npletely formed.\\nIt has been said, that a plan of this famous enterprise, was first\\nsuggested by William Vaughan, a son of Lieutenant Governor\\nVaughan of New-Hampshire.- Sev^eral other persons have\\nclaimed tbe hke merit. How far each one s information or ad-\\nvice, contributed toward forming the design, cannot now be deter-\\nmined. Vaughan was largely concerned in the fishery on the\\neastern coast of Massachusetts. He was a man of good under-\\nstanding, but of a daring, enterprising and tenacious mind, and\\none who thought of no obstacles to the accomplishment of his\\nviews. An instance of his temerity is still remembered. He had\\nequipped, at Portsmouth, a number of boats to carry on his fishery\\nat Montinicus. On the day appointed for sailing, in the month\\nof March, though the wind was so boisterous that experienced\\nmariners deemed it impossible for such vessels to carry sail, he\\nwent on board one, and ordered the others to follow. One was\\nlost at the mouth of the river, the rest arrived with much difficul-\\nty, but in a short time, at the place of their destination. Vaughan\\nhad not been at Louisburg but had learned from fishermen and\\nothers, something of the strength and situation of the place and\\nnothing being in his view impracticable, which he had a mind to\\naccomplish, he conceived a design to take the city by surprise\\nand even proposed going over the walls in the winter on the drifts\\nof snow. This idea of a surprisal forcibly struck the mind of\\nShirley, and prevailed with him to hasten his preparations, before\\nhe could have any answer or orders from England.\\nIn the beginning of January, he requested of the members of\\nthe general court, that they would lay themselves under i^^r\\nan oath of secresy, to receive a proposal from him, of very\\ngreat importance. This was the first request of the kind which\\nhad ever been made to a legislative body in the colonies. They\\n(1) MS. copy of the Duke of Newcastle s letter, Jon. 3. (2) Douglass, Bol-\\nlan, Hutchinson.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0293.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "270 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745.\\nreadily took the oath, and he communicated to them the plan\\nwhich he had formed of attacking Louisburg. The secret was\\nkept for some days till an honest member, who performed the\\nfamily devotion at his lodgings, inadvertently discovered it by\\npraying for a blessing on the attempt. At the first deliberation,\\nthe proj)osal was rejected but by the address of the governor\\nand the invincible perseverance of Vaiighan, a petition from the\\nmerchants concerned in the fishery, was brought into court, which\\nrevived the affair and it was finally carried in the affirmative by\\na majority of one voice, in the absence of several members\\nwho were known to be against it. Circular letters were\\nimmediately despatched to all the colonies, as far as Pennsylvania,\\nrequesting their assistance, and an embargo on their ports.\\nWith one of these letters, Vaughan rode express to Ports-\\nmouth, where the assembly was sitting. Governor Went-\\nworth immediately laid the matter before them, and proposed a\\nconference of the two houses to be held on the next day. The\\nhouse of representatives having caught the enthusiasm of Vaughan,\\nwere impatient of delay, and desired that it might be held imme-\\ndiately. It was accordingly held, and the committee reported in\\nfavor of the expedition estimated the expense at four\\nthousand pounds, and desired the governor to issue a\\nproclamation for enlisting two hundred and fifty men, at twenty-\\nfive shillings per month, one month s pay to be advanced. They\\nalso recommended that military stores and transports should be\\nprovided, and that such preparations should be made as that the\\nwhole might be ready by the beginning of March.* All this was\\ninstantly agreed to, on condition that proper methods could be\\nfound to pay the charges. This could be done in no odier way\\nthan by a new emission of bills of credit, contrary to the letter of\\nroyal instructions. But, by the help of Shirley, a way was found\\nto surmount this difiiculty for on the same day, he wrote to\\nWentVv orth, informing him that he had, in answer to repeated so-\\nlicitations, obtained a relaxation of his instructions relative to bills\\nof credit, so far, as to have leave to consent to such emissions as\\nthe exigencies of war might require and advising him, that con-\\nsidering the occasion, it was probable, his consenting to an emission\\nwould rather be approved than censured by his superiors.^ The\\nnext day, he wrote again, assuring him that he might safely\\ndo it, provided that the sum to be emitted, were solely\\nappropriated to the service of the expedition. He also sent him\\na copy of the instruction, enjoining him to let no person know that\\nhe had sent it. Shirley himself had consented to an emission of\\nfifty thousand pounds, to be drawn in by a tax in the years 1747\\nand 1748.\\nThe house of representatives passed a vote for an emission of\\n(1) Printed Journal of this seseion. (2) Private MS. letters of Shirley.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0294.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "1745.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENT WORTH. 271\\nten thousand pounds toward defraying the charge of the expedition\\nand farther carrying on the war, and the support of government\\nto be drawn in by taxes in ten annual payments, to begin in 1755.\\nThe council objected and said, that the grant should be wholly\\nappropriated to the expedition and the payments should begin in\\n1751. The house adhered to their vote. The governor inter-\\nposed, and an altercation took place, which continued several days.\\nThe governor adjourned the assembly till he could again ask\\nShirley s advice and receive his answer. At length, the house\\naltered their vote, and appointed the year 1751 for drawing in the\\nmoney augmenting the sum to thirteen thousand pounds, and at\\nthe governor s express desire, they publicly assured him, that they\\ncould not find out any other way to carry on the expedition, or\\nin any degree shorten the period for bringing in the money.\\nThis was done to serve as an apology for the governor s consent-\\ning to the bill, notwitstanding he had no liberty to recede p ,o\\nfrom his instructions and thus, the matter being compro-\\nmised, he gave his consent.\\nDuring this tedious interval, a report was spread, that the house\\nhad refused to raise men and money for the expedition and the\\nauthor of the report was sought out and called to account by the\\nhouse for his misbehaviour. The next day, they altered their\\nterms of enlistment, conformably to those offered in Massachusetts,\\nand by the 17th of February, two hundred and fifty men were\\nenlisted for the service.\\nThe person appointed to command the expedition was William\\nPepperrell, Esq., of Kittery, colonel of a regiment of militia a\\nmerchant of unblemished reputation and engaging manners, ex-\\ntensively known both in Massachusetts and New-Hampshire, and\\nvery popular. These qualities were absolutely necessary in the\\ncommander of an army of volunteers, his own countrymen, who\\nwere to quit their domestic connexions and employm.ents, and en-\\ngage in a hazardous enterprise, which none of them, from the high-\\nest to the lowest, knew how to conduct. Professional skill and\\nexperience were entirely out of the question had these qualities\\nbeen necessary, the expedition must have been laid aside for\\nthere was no person in New-England, in these respects qualified\\nfof the command. Fidelity, resolution and popularity must sup-\\nply the place of military talents and Pepperrell was possessed\\nof these. It was necessary that the men should know and love\\ntheir general, or they would not enlist under him.*\\nThe following private note was sent from Boston to Pepperrell, whilst at\\nLouisburg, and found among his papers.\\nYou was made general, being a popular man, most likely to raise soldiers\\nsoonest. The e.xpedition was calculated to cstahlish Sh and make his\\ncreature W. governor of Cape-Breton, which is to be a place of refuge to\\nhim from his creditors. Beware of snakes in the grass, and mark their\\nhissing.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0295.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "272 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745.\\nAfter this appointment was made, and while it was uncertain\\nwhether the assembly of Massachusetts would agree with the gov-\\nernor in raising money for the expedition, Shirley proposed to\\nVVentworth, the raising of men in New-Hampshire, to be in the\\npay of Massachusetts, and in the letter which he wrote on that\\noccasion paid him the following compliment. It would have\\nbeen an infinite satisfaction to me, and done great honor to the\\nexpedition, if your limbs would have permitted you to take the\\nchief command. Wentworth was charmed with the idea, and\\nforgetting his gout, made an offer of his personal service but not\\ntill after the assembly had agreed to his terms and the money bill\\nwas passed. Shirley was then obliged to answer him thus\\nUpon communicating your offer to two or three gentlemen, in\\nwhose prudence and judgment 1 most confide, I found them\\nclearly of opinion, that any alteration of the present command\\nwould be attended with great risk, bodi with respect to the as-\\nsembly and the soldiers being entirely disgusted.\\nBefore Pepperrell accepted the command, he asked the opinion\\nof the famous George Whitefield, who was then itinerating and\\npreaching in New-England. Whitefield told him, that he did not\\nthink the scheme very promising that the eyes of all would be\\non him that if it should not succeed, the widows and orphans of\\nthe slain would reproach him and if it should succeed, many\\nwould regard him with envy, and endeavor to eclipse his glory;\\nthat he ought therefore to go with a single eye, and then he\\nwould find his strength proportioned to his necessity.^ Henry\\nSherburne, the commissary of New-Hampshire, another of White-\\nfield s friends, pressed him to favor the expedition and give a\\nmotto for the (iag to which, after some hestitation, he consented.\\nThe motto was, JVil desperandtim Chrisio duce.^ This gave\\nthe expedition the air of a crusade, and many of his followers en-\\nlisted. One of them, a chaplain, carried on his shoulder a hatchet,\\nwith which he intended to destroy the images in the French\\nchurches.\\nThere are certain latent sparks in human nature, which, by a\\ncollision of causes, are sometimes brought to light; and when\\nonce excited, their operations are not easily coniroled. In un-\\ndertaking any thing hazardous, there is a necessity for extraordin-\\nary vigor of mind, and a degree of confidence and fortitude, which\\nshall raise us above the dread of danger, and dispose us to run a\\nrisk which the cold maxims of prudence would forbid. The\\npeople of New-England have at various times shewn such an en-\\nthusiastic ardor, which has been excited by the example of their\\nancestors and their own exposed situation. It was never more\\napparent, and perhaps never more necessary, than on occasion of\\nthis expedition. Nor ought it to be forgotten, that several cir-\\n(1) Shirley s private letters, MS. (2) Whitefield s letters, No. 572.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0296.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "1745.] TROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 073\\ncuinstances, which did not depend on human foresight, greatly\\nfavored this undertaking.\\nThe winters in this country are often severe, but the winter in\\nwhich this expedition was planned, and particularly the month of\\nFebruary, was very mild. The harbors and rivers were open,\\nand the weather was in general so pleasant, that every kind of la-\\nbor could be done abroad. The fruitfulness of the preceding\\nseason had made provisions plenty. The Indians had not yet\\nmolested the frontiers and though some of them had heard that\\nan expedition against Cape Breton was in hand, and carried the\\nnews of it to Canada, such an attempt was so improbable, that the\\nFrench gave no credit to the report, and those in Nova-Scotia\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2did not receive the least intelligence of the preparations. Douglass\\nobserves, that some guardian angel preserved the troops from\\ntaking the small pox, which appeared in Boston about the time\\nof their embarkation, and was actually imported in one of the\\nships which was taken into the service. A concurrence of happy\\nincidents brought together every British ship of war from the ports\\nof the American continent and islands, till they made a formidable\\nnaval force, consisting of four ships of the line and six frigates,\\nunder the command of an active, judicious and experienced officer.\\nOn the other hand, the garrison of Louisburg was discontented\\nand mutinous they were in want of provisions and stores they\\nhad no knowledge of the design formed against them their shores\\nwere so environed with ice, that no supplies could arrive early\\nfrom France, and those which came afterward, were intercepted\\nand taken by our cruisers. In short, if any one circumstance\\nhad taken a wrong turn on our side, and if any one circumstance\\nhad not taken a wrong turn on the French side, the expedition\\nmust have miscarried.\\nIn the undertaking and prosecuting of an enterprise so novel to\\nthe people of New-England, it is amusing to see how many\\nprojects were invented what a variety of advice was given from\\nall quarters, and what romantic expectations were formed by\\nadvisers and adventurers. During the enlistment, one of the\\nofficers was heard to say with great sobriety, that he intended to\\ncarry with him three shirts, one of which should be ruffled, be-\\ncause he expected that the general would give him the command\\nof the city, when it should be taken. An ingenious and benevo-\\nlent clergyman, presented to the general a plan for the encamp-\\nment of the army, tlie opening of trenches and the placing of\\nbatteries before the city.^ To prevent danger to the troops from\\nsubterraneous mines, he proposed, that two confidential persons,\\nattended by a guard, should, during the night, approach the walls\\nthat one should with a beetle strike die ground, while the other\\nshould lay his ear to it, and observe whether the sound was hollow,\\n(1) Douglass, i. 33G. (2) Private iMS. letters.\\n37", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0297.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "274 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1746.\\nand that a mark should be set on all places suspected. Another\\ngentleman of equal ingenuity, sent the general a model of a flying\\nbridge, to be used in scaling the walls of Louisburg. It was so\\nlight, that twenty men could carry it on their shoulders to the wall,\\nand raise it in a minute. The apparatus for raising it consisted\\nof four blocks, and two hundred fathoms of rope. It was to be\\nfloored with boards, wide enough for eight men to march abreast\\nand to prevent danger from the enemy s fire, it might be covered\\nwith raw hides. This bridge, it was said, might be erected against\\nany part of the wall, even where no breach had been made and\\nit was supposed that a thousand men might pass over it in four\\nminutes.\\nBut the most extraordinary project of all, was Shirley s scheme\\nfor taking the city by surprise, in the first night after the arrival\\nof the troops, and before any British naval force could possibly\\ncome to their assistance. It is thus delineated in a confidential\\nletter which he wrote to VVentworth, when he urged him to send\\nthe New-Hampshire troops to Boston, to proceed thence with\\nthe fleet of transports. The success of our scheme for sur-\\nprising Louisburg will entirely depend on the execution\\nof the first night, after the arrival of our forces. For\\nthis purpose, it is necessary, that the whole fleet should make\\nChappeau-rouge point just at the shutting in of the day, when\\nthey cannot easily be discovered, and from thence push into the\\nbay, so as to have all the men landed before midnight (the\\nlanding of whom, it is computed by captain Durell and Mr. Bas-\\ntide, will take up three hours at least.) After which, the form-\\ning of the four several corps, to be employed in attempting to\\nscale the walls of Louisburg, near the east gate, fronting the\\nsea, and the west gate, fronting the harbor to cover the retreat\\nof the two beforementioned parties in case of a repulse and,\\nto attack the grand battery (which attack must be made at the\\nsame time with the two other attacks) will take up two hours\\nmore at least. After these four bodies are formed, their march\\nto their respective posts from whence they are to make their at-\\ntacks and serve as a cover to the retreat, will take up another\\ntwo hours which, supposing the transports to arrive in Chap-\\npeau-rouge bay at nine o clock in the evening, and not before,\\nas it will be necessary for them to do, in order to land and march\\nunder cover of the night, will bring them to four in the morning,\\nbeing day break, before they begin the attack, which will be full\\nlate for them to begin. Your excellency will from hence per-\\nceive how critical an aflair, the time of the fleet s arrival in\\nChappeau-rouge bay is, and how necessary it is to the success\\nof our principal scheme, that the fleet should arrive there, in a\\nbody, at that precise hour.\\nIt is easy to perceive that this plan was contrived by a person", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0298.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "1745.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 275\\ntotally unskilled in the arts of navigation and of war. The coast of\\nCape-Breton was dangerous and inhospitable the season of the\\nyear rough and tempestuous, and the air a continual fog yet, a\\nfleet of an hundred vessels, after sailing nearly two hundred\\nleagues (for by this plan they were not to stop) must make a cer-\\ntain point of land at a precise hour, and enter an unknown bay,\\nin an evening. The troops were to land in the dark, amidst a vi-\\nolent surf, on a rocky shore to march through a thicket and bog\\nthree miles, to the city, and some of them a mile beyond it to the\\nroyal battery. Men who had never been in action, were to per-\\nform services, which the most experienced veteran would think of\\nwith dread to pull down pickets with grapling irons, and scale\\nthe walls of a regular fortification, with ladders, which were after-\\nward found to be too short by ten feet all in the space of twelve\\nhours from their first making the land, and nine hours from their\\ndebarkation. This part of the plan was prudently concealed\\nfrom the troops.\\nThe forces which New-Hampshire furnished for this expedi-\\ntion, were three hundred and fifty men, including the crew of an\\narmed sloop which conveyed the transports and served as a cruiser.\\nThey were formed into a regiment, consisting of eight companies,\\nand were under the command of colonel Samuel Moore. The\\nsloop was commanded by captain John Fernald her crew con-\\nsisted of thirty men. The regiment, sloop and transports, were,\\nby governor Wentworth s written instructions to the general, put\\nunder his command. Besides these, a body of one hundred and\\nfifty men was enhsted in New-Hampshire and aggregated to the\\nregiment in the pay of Massachusetts. Thus New-Hampshire\\nemployed five hundred men about one eighth part of the whole\\nland force.* In these men, there was such an ardor for action,\\nand such a dread of delay, that it was impracticable to put them\\nso far out of their course, as to join the fleet at Boston.^ Shir-\\nley therefore altered the plan,, and appointed a rendezvous\\nat Canseau where the forces of New^-Hampshire arrived,\\ntwo days before the general and his other troops from Boston.\\nThe instructions which Pepperrell received from Shirley, were\\nconformed to the plan which he had communicated to Wentworth,\\nbut much more particular and circumstantial. He was ordered\\nto proceed to Canseau, there to build a block-house and battery,\\n(1) Wentworth s letters/JVIS.\\nIn tlio introductory part of Dr. Ramsay s elegant history of the American\\nRevolution, (page 34) it is said, that this enterprise was undertaken by the\\nsole authority of the legislature of Massachusetts. Tliis is not sufficiently\\naccurate. It originated in Massachusetts but the colonies of New-Hamp-\\nshire, Rhode-Island and Connecticut, by their legislative authority, furnished\\ntroops and stores. New- York sent a su])ply of artillery, and Pennsylvania of\\nprovisions but the troops from Rhode-Island, and the provisions from Penn-\\nsylvania, did not arrive till after the surrender of the city.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0299.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "27G HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1746.\\nand letive two companies in garrison, and to deposite the stores\\nwhich might not immediately be wanted by the army. Thence\\nhe was to send a detachment to the village of St. Peters, on the\\nisland of Cape-Breton and destroy it; to preueni any intelligence\\nwhich might be carried to Louisburg for which purpose also,\\nthe armed vessels were to cruise before the harbor. The whole\\nfleet was to sail from Canseau, so as to arrive in Chappeau-rouge\\nbay about nine o clock in the evening. The troops were to land\\nin four divisions, and proceed to the assault before morning. If\\nthe plan for the surprisal should fail, he had particular directions\\nwhere and how to land, march, encamp, attack and defend to\\nhold councils and keep records and to send intelligence to Bos-\\nton by certain vessels retained for the purpose, which vessels were\\nto stop at Castle William, and there receive the governor s orders.\\nSeveral other vessels were appointed to cruise between Canseau\\nand the camp, to convey orders, transport stores, and catch fish\\nfor the army. To close these instructions, after the most minute\\ndetail of duty, the general was finally left to act upon unforeseen\\nemergencies according to his discretion which, in the opinion\\nof military gentlemen, is accounted the most rational part of the\\nwhole. Such was the plan, for the reduction of a regularly con-\\nstructed fortress, drawn by a lawyer, to be executed by a mer-\\nchant, at the head of a body of husbandmen and mechanics\\nanimated indeed by ardent patriotism, but destitute of profession-\\nal skill and experience. After they had embarked, the hearts of\\nmany began to fail. Some repented that they had voted for the\\nexpedition, or promoted it; and the most thoughtful were in the\\ngreatest perplexity.-\\nThe troops were detained at Canseau, three weeks, waiting for\\nthe ice which environed the island of Cai)e-Breton,to be dissolved.\\nThey were all this time within view of St. Peters, but were not\\ndiscovered.3 Their provisions became short but they were sup-\\nplied by prizes taken by the cruisers. Among others, the New-\\nHampshire sloop took a ship from Martinico, and retook one of\\nthe transports, which she had taken the day before. At length,\\nto their great joy, commodore Warren, in the Superbc, of\\nsixty guns, with three other ships of forty guns each, ar-\\nrived at Canseau, and having held a consultation, with the general,\\nproceeded to cruise before Louisburg. The general having sent\\nthe New-Hampshire sloop, to cover a detatchment which destroy-\\ned the village of St. Peters, and scattered the inhabitants,\\nP^ sailed with the whole fleet but instead of making Chap-\\npeau-rouge point in the evening, the wind falling short, they made\\nit at the dawn of the next morning and their appearance in the\\nbay, gave the first notice to the French, of a design formed a-\\ngainst them. 3\\n(1) Oriirinal instructions, in MS. (2) Prince s thanksgiving sermon, p. 25.\\n(3) PepperrcH s letters to Shirley.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0300.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "1745.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 077\\nThe intended surprisal being thus hapj)ily frustrated, the\\nnext thing after landing the troops, was to invest the city.\\nVaughan, the adventurer from New-Hampshire, had the rank and\\npay of a heutenant-colonel, but refused to have a regular com-\\nmand. He was apj)ointed one of the council of war, and was\\nready for any service which the general might think suited to his\\ngenius. He conducted the first column through the woods, with-\\nin sight of the city, and saluted it with three cheers. He headed\\na detatchment, consisting chiefly of the New-Hampshire troops,\\nand marched to the northeast part of the harbor, in the night\\nwhere they burned tiie ware-houses, containing the naval\\nstores, and staved a large quantity of wine and brandy.\\nThe smoke of this fire being driven by the wind into the grand\\nbattery, so terrified the French, that they abandoned it and retired\\nto the city, after having spiked the guns and cut the halliards of\\nthe flag-stafF. The next morning as Vaughan was return-\\ning, with thirteen men only, he crept up the hill which\\noverlooked the battery, and observed, that the chimneys of the\\nbarrack were without smoke, and the staff without a flag. With\\na bottle of brandy, which he had in his pocket, (though he never\\ndrank spirituous liquors) he hired one of his party, a Cape Cod\\nIndian, to crawl in at an embrasure and open the gate. He then\\nwrote to the general, these words, May it please your honor, to\\nbe informed, that by the grace of God, and the courage of thir-\\nteen men, I entered the royal battery, about nine o clock, and\\nam waiting for a reinforcement, and a flag. Before either\\ncould arrive, one of the men climbed up the staff, with a red coat\\nin his teeth, which he fastened by a nail to the top. This piece\\nof triumphant vanity alarmed the city, and immediately an hun-\\ndred men were despatched in boats to retake the battery. But\\nVaughan, with his small party, on the naked beach, and in the\\nface of a smart fire from the city and the boats, kept them from\\nlanding, till the reinforcement arrived. In every duty of fatigue\\nor sanguine adventure, he was always ready and the New-\\nHampshire troops, animated by the same enthusiastic ardor, par-\\ntook of all the labors and dangers of the siege. They were em-\\nployed for fourteen nights successively, in drawing cannon horn\\nthe landing place to the camp, through a morass and their lieu-\\ntenant-colonel Meserve, being a ship carpenter, constructed sledg-\\nes, on which the cannon were drawn, when it was found that their\\nwheels were buried in the mire. The men, with straps over their\\nshoulders, and sinking to their knees in mud, performed labor be-\\nyond the power of oxen which labor could be done only in the\\nnight or in a foggy day; the place being within plain view and random\\nshot of the enemy s walls. They were much disappointed and\\nchagrined, when they found that these meritorious services were\\n(1) Original MS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0301.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "278 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745.\\nnot more distinctly acknowledged in the accounts which were sent\\nto England, and afterwards published.^\\nIn the unfortunate attempt on the island battery by four hun-\\ndred volunteers from different regiments, the New-Hampshire\\ntroops were very active. When it was determined to erect\\na battery on the light-house cliff two companies of them\\n(Mason s and Fernald s) were employed in that laborious service,\\nunder cover of their armed sloop and when a proposal was made\\nfor a general assault by sea and land, colonel Moore, who had\\nbeen an experienced sea commander, offered to go on board the\\nVigilant, with his whole regiment, and lead the attack, if in case\\nof success he might be confumed in the command of the ship\\nbut when this was denied, most of the men who were fit for duty,\\nreadily went on board the Princess Mary, to act as marines on\\nthat occasion.\\nIt has been said, that this siege was carried on in a tumultua-\\nry, random manner, resembling a Cambridge commencement.\\nThe remark is in a great measure true. Though the business of\\nthe council of war was conducted with all the formality of a legis-\\nlative assembly though orders were issued by the general, and\\nreturns made by die officers at the several posts yet the want\\nof discipline was too visible in the camp.* Those who were\\non the spot, have frequently in my hearing, laughed at the recital\\nof their own irregularities, and expressed their admiration when\\nthey reflected on the almost miraculous preservation of the army\\nfrom destruction. They indeed presented a formidable front to\\nthe enemy but the rear was a scene of confusion and frolic.\\nWhile some were on duty at the trenches, others were racing,\\nwresding, pitching quoits, firing at marks or at birds, or running\\nafter shot from the enemy s guns, for which they received a\\nbounty, and the shot were sent back to the city. The ground\\nwas so uneven and the people so scattered, that the French could\\nform no estimate of their numbers; nor could they learn it from\\nthe prisoners, taken at the island battery, who on their examina-\\ntion, as if by previous agreement, represented the number to be\\nvastly greater than it was. The garrison of Louisburg had been\\nso mutinous before the siege, Uiat the ofiicers could not trust the\\nmen to make a sortie, lest they should desert had they been\\nunited and acted with vigor, the camp might have been surprised\\nand many of the people destroyed.\\nMuch has been ascribed, and much is justly due to the activity\\nand vigilance of Commodore Warren, and the ships under his\\n(1) Wentworth s letters, MS. (2) Doughiss, i. 352.\\n[There is in the library of the New-Hampshire Historical Society, a man-\\nuscript volume of about 2(30 paires, in folio, which contains a record of the\\nGeneral Courts Martial and Courts of Inquiry, held in the city of Louis-\\nburg, in the island of Cape-Breton, in the years 174(J, 1747 and 1748. It ap-\\npe rs to bo the original.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0302.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "1745.] TROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 279\\ncommand much is also due to the vigor and perseverance of\\nthe land forces, and the success was doubtless owing, under God,\\nto the joint efforts of both. Something of policy, as well as brav-\\nery, is generally necessary in such undertakings and there was\\none piece of management, which, though not mentioned by any\\nhistorian, yet greatly contributed to the surrender of the city.\\nThe capture of the Vigilant, a French sixty-four gun ship,\\ncommanded by the Marquis de la Maison forte, and richly\\nladen with military stores for the relief of the garrison,\\nwas one of the most capital exploits performed by the navy.\\nThis ship had been anxiously expected by the French and it\\nwas thought that the news of her capture, if properly commu-\\nnicated to them, might produce a good effect but how to do it\\nwas the question. At length, the commodore hit on this\\nexpedient, which he proposed to the general, who ap-\\nproved, and put it into execution. In a skirmish on the island,\\nwith a party of French and Indians, some English prisoners had\\nbeen taken by them and used with cruelty. This circumstance\\nwas made known to the marquis, and he was requested to go on\\nboard of all the ships in the bay where French prisoners were\\nconfined, and observe the condition in which they were kept.\\nHe did so, and was well satisfied with their fare and accommoda-\\ntions. He was then desired to write to the governor of the city,\\nand inform him how well the French prisoners wei e treated, and\\nto request the like favor for the English prisoners. The\\nhumane marquis readily consented, and the letter was sent\\nthe next day by a flag, intrusted to the care of Captain Mac-\\ndonald. He was carried before the governor and his chief offi-\\ncers; and by pretending not to understand their language, he had\\nthe advantage of listening to their discourse by which he found,\\nthat they had not before heard of the capture of die Vigilant,\\nand that the news of it, under the hand of her late commander,\\nthrew them into visible perturbation. This event, with the erec-\\ntion of a battery on the high cliff at the light house, under the di-\\nrection of lieutenant colonel Gridley, by which the island battery\\nwas much annoyed, and the preparations which were\\nevidently making for a general assault, determined Du-\\nchambon to surrender and accordingly, in a few days he ca-\\npitulated.\\nUpon entering the fortress and viewing its strength, and the\\nplenty and variety of its means of defence, the stoutest hearts\\nwere appalled, and the impracticability of carrying it by assault,\\nwas fully demonstrated.\\nNo sooner was the city taken, and the army under shelter,\\nthan the weather, which during the siege, excepting eight or nine\\ndays after the first landing, had been remarkably dry for that cli-\\n(1) MS. letters of Warren and Pepperrell.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0303.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "280 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745.\\nmate, changed for the worse and, an incessant rain of ten days\\nsucceeded. 1 Had this happened before the surrender, the troops\\nwho had tlien begun to be sickly, and had none but very thin\\ntents, must have perished in great numbers. Reinforcements of\\nmen, stores and provisions arrived,* and it was determined in a\\ncouncil of war to maintain the place and repair the breaches. A\\ntotal demolition might have been more advantageous to the nation\\nbut in that case, individuals would not have enjoyed the profit of\\ndrawing bills on the navy and ordnance establishments. The\\nFrench flag was kept flying on the ramparts and several rich\\nprizes were decoyed into the harbor. The army supposed that\\nthey had a right to a share of these prizes but means were found\\nto suppress or evade their claim nor did any of the colony cruis-\\ners, (except one) tliough they were retained in the service, under\\nthe direction of the commodore, reap any benefit from the cap-\\ntures.\\nThe news of this important victory filled America with joy, and\\nEurope with astonishment. The enterprising spirit of New-Eng-\\nland gave a serious alarm to those jealous fears, which had long\\npredicted the independence of the colonies. Great pains were\\ntaken in England to ascribe all the glory to the navy, and lessen\\nthe merit of the army. However, Pepperrell received the tide\\nof a baronet, as well as Warren. The latter was promoted to be\\nan admiral the former had a commission as colonel in the BriUsh\\nestablishment, and was empowered to raise a regiment in America,\\nto be in the pay of the crown. The same emolument was given\\nto Shirley, and both he and VVentworth acquired so much repu-\\ntation as to be confirmed in their places. Vaughan went to Eng-\\nland to seek a reward for his services, and there died of the small\\npox.f Solicitations were set on foot for a parliamentary reim-\\nbursement, which, after much difliculty and delay, was obtained\\nand the colonies who had expended their substance were in credit\\n(1) Pepperrell s letters, MS.\\nOf the reinforcements, New-Hampshire sent 115 men. The loss which\\nthe New-Hanipsliire troops suffered was but eleven, of whom five were kill-\\ned and six died of sickness. This was before tlie surrender. More died af-\\nterwards in garrison. Shirley s letter to Wentworth, from Louisburg, Sep-\\ntember 2.\\nt [He died in London about the middle of December 174G. (Inter-\\nleaved iilmanack of Eleazar Russell, Esq.) He was born at Portsmouth, 12\\nSeptember, 1703, and graduated at Harvard college in 1722. For several\\nyears, he was a merchant in his native town but, possessing an enterprising\\ndisposition, accompanied by a few hardy adventurers from the neighboring\\ntowns, ho left Portsmouth, emigrated to the eastern country, and formed a\\nsettlement at a place called Damariscotta, about 13 miles below fort Pema-\\nfluid. He died a disappointed man for while the successful commander of\\ntne expedition was soon after knighted and otherwise distinguished, the in-\\ntrepid Vaughan remained more than a year in England, in the vain expecta-\\ntion of receiving some compensation from the sovereign whom he had so sig-\\nnally served. See the Collections of Farmer and Moore, ii. KJl 165. iii. 35,\\n36.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0304.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "1745.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 281\\nat the British treasury.*! Tiie justice and jjolicy of this measure\\nmust appear to every one, who considers, that excepting the sup-\\npression of a rebellion within the bowels of the kingdom, this\\nconquest was the only action which could be called a victory, on\\nthe part of the British nation, during the whole French war, and\\nafforded them the means of purchasing a peace.\\nCHAPTER XX.\\nProjected Expedition to Canada. Alarm by the French fleet. Slate of the\\nFrontiers. Peace.\\nWhilst the expedition to Cape-Breton was in hand, the active\\nmind of Governor Shirley contemplated nothing less than the con-\\nquest of all the French dominions in America and he consulted\\nwith Governor Wentworth and Mr. Atkinson on the practicability\\nof such a design. After Louisburg was taken, he made a visit\\nthither, and held a consultation with Sir Peter Warren and Sir\\nWilliam Pepperell and from that place wrote pressingly to the\\nBritish ministry on the subject.^ His solicitations, enforced by the\\nbrilliant success at Louisburg, and the apparent danger in which\\nNova-Scotia and the new conquest were involved, had such an\\neffect, that in the spring of the following year, a circular\\nletter was sent from the Duke of Newcastle, secretary of ^pj.jj q\\nstate, to all the governors of the American colonies, as far\\nsouthward as Virginia requiring them to raise as many men as\\nthey could spare, and form them into companies of one hundred j\\nto be ready to unite and act according to the orders which they\\nshould afterwards receive.^ The plan w^as, that a squadron of\\nships of war, and a body of land forces, should be sent from Eng-\\nland against Canada that the troops raised in New-England\\nshould join the British fleet and army at Louisburg, and proceed\\nup the river St. Lawrence that those of New-York and the\\nother provinces at the southward, should be collected at Albany,\\nand march against Crown-Point and Montreal. The manage-\\nment of this expedition was committed to Sir John St. Clair, in\\nconjuction with Sir Peter Warren and governor Shirley. St. Clair\\ndid not come to America. Warren and Shirley gave the orders,\\nwhile Warren was here and afterward commodore Knowles,\\nwho succeeded him, was joined with Shirley but as Knowles\\nwas part of the time at Louisburg, most of the concern devolved\\non Shirley alone.\\n(1) Bollans MS. letters. (2) Shirley s MS. letters. (3) Douglass,!. 315.\\nThe reimbursement to New-Hampshire was sixteen thousand, three hun-\\ndred and fifty-five pounds sterling. Thomlinson s MS. letter.\\n38", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0305.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "282 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRiS. [1746.\\nBeside the danger of losing Nova-Scotia and Cape-Breton,\\nthere were other reasons for undertaking tliis expedition. The\\nIndians, instigated by the governor of Canada, were ravaging the\\nfrontiers, destroying the fields and cattle, burning houses and\\nmills, killing and carrying away the inhabitants.^ Though scouts\\nand garrisons were maintained by the governments yet to act\\naltogether on the defensive, was thought to be not only an ineffec-\\ntual, but a disgraceful mode of cariyingon the war especially after\\nthe success wliich had attended the arms of the colonists in their\\nattempt against Louisburg. The continuance of such a mode of\\ndefence, would neither dispirit the enemy, nor secure the frontiers\\nfrom their depredations.\\nThe design was pleasing, and the colonies readily furnished\\ntheir quotas of men. In New-Hampshire the same difliculty\\noccurred as on occasion of the Louisburg expedition. The\\ngovernor had no authority to consent to the emission of bills\\nof credit, but Shirley removed that obstacle, by suggesting to\\nhim, that as the ministry did not disapprove what he had done\\nbefore, so there was no reason to fear it now and that the im-\\nportance of the service, and the necessity of the case, would jus-\\ntify his conduct. The demand at first, was for levy money and\\nvictualing. The arms and pay of the troops were to be furnish-\\ned by the crown but it was afterward found necessary that the\\nseveral governments should provide clothing, transports and stores,\\nand depend on a reimbursement from the British parliament.^\\nThe assembly was immediately convened, and voted an en-\\ncouragement for enlisting a thousand men, or more, if they\\ncould be raised with a bounty of thirty pounds currency,\\nand a blanket to each man, besides keeping two armed vessels in\\npay. Colonel Atkinson was appointed to the command of the\\ntroops.^ Eight hundred men were inlisted and ready for embark-\\nation by the beginning of July. Transports and provisions were\\nprepared, and the men waited, impatiently, all summer for em-\\nployment. Neither the general nor any orders arrived from Eng-\\nland the fleet, which was said to be destined for the expedition,\\nsailed seven times from Spithead, and as often returned. Two\\nregiments, only, were sent from Gibraltar, to Louisburg, to relieve\\nthe New-England men, who had garrisoned it since the conquest.\\nIt is much easier to write the history of an active campaign, than\\nto trace the causes of inaction and disappointment and it is in\\nvain to supply the place of facts by conjecture.*\\nIn this time of suspense, Sir Peter Warren, and Sir William\\nPepperell, having arrived at Boston, from Louisburg, Shirley had\\n(1) Shirley s speech, June 28. (2) Shirley s MS. letters. (3) Atkinson s\\nMS. letters.\\nThe last war was ruinous in the expense, and unsuccessful in the end,\\nfor want of consideration, and a reasonable plan at the beginning. Dod-\\ndington s Diary, May 27, 1775, page 330.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0306.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "1746.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 283\\nan opportunity of consulting them, and such other gentlemen as\\nhe thought proper, on the afiair of the Canada expedition. The\\nseason was so far advanced, that a fleet could hardly he expected\\nfrom England or if it should arrive, it would be too late to at-\\ntempt the navigation of the river St. Lawrence. But, as a suffi-\\ncient body of the troops might be assembled at Albany, it was\\njudged prudent to employ them in an attempt against the French\\nfort at Crown-Point.^ At the same time, Clinton, governor of\\nNew- York, solicited and obtained the friendly assistance of the Six\\nNations of Indians, on the borders of his province. It was thought,\\nthat if this attempt should be made, the alliance with these In-\\ndians would be strengthened and secured and the frontiers\\nwould be relieved from the horrors of desolation and captivity,\\nto which they were continually exposed. In pursuance of this\\nplan, the forces of New-Hampshire were ordered to hold them-\\nselves in readiness, to march to Albany but, it being discovered\\nthat the small-pox was there, the rendezvous was appointed at\\nSaratoga and the adjacent villages.-\\nNo sooner was this plan resolved on, and preparations made to\\ncarry it into execution, than accounts were received of danger\\nwhich threatened Annapolis, from a body of French and Indians\\nat Minas, and the probable revolt of the Acadians. It was thought\\nthat Nova-Scotia would be lost, if some powerful succor were\\nnot sent thidier.*^ Orders were accordingly issued, for the troops\\nof JMassachusetts, Rhode-Island and New-Hampshire, to embark\\nfor that place, and driv e the enemy out of Nova-Scotia. But,\\nwithin a few days more, the whole country was alarmed, and g\\nthrown into the utmost consternation, by reports of the arrival\\nof a large fleet and army from France, at Nova-Scotia, under the\\ncommand of the Duke D Anville. It was supposed that their ob-\\nject was to recover Louisburg to take Annapolis to break up\\nthe settlements on the eastern coast of Massachusetts and to\\ndistress, if not attempt the conquest of the whole country. of New-\\nEngland. On this occasion, the troops destined for Canada found\\nsufficient employment at home, and the militia was collected to\\njoin them the old forts on the sea coast were repaired, and new\\nones were erected. A new battery, consisting of sixteen guns,\\nof thirty-two and twenty-four pounds shot, was added to fort Will-\\niam and Mary, at the entrance of Pascataqua harbor and an-\\nother, of nine thirty-two pounders, was placed at the point of\\nLittle-Harbor. These works were supposed to be suflicient to\\nprevent a surprisal. Military guards were appointed and in this\\nstate of fear and anxiety, the people were kept for six weeks,\\nwhen some prisoners, who had been released by the\\nFrench, brought the most affecting accounts of the dis-\\n(1) Shirley s and Warren s MS. letters, Aug. 25. (2) MS. letter of Secre-\\ntary Willard, Sept. 1. (3) Shirley s and Warren s MS. letters, Sept. 12.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0307.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "284 niSlX)RY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [174G.\\ntress and confusion on board tlie fleet. It was expected, by the\\npeople in New-England, that an English fleet would have follow-\\ned iheni to America. This expectation was grounded on some\\nletters from England, which Shirley had received and which he\\nforwarded by express to admiral Townsend, at Louisburg. The\\nletters were intercepted by a French cruiser, and carried into\\nChehucto, where the fleet lay. They were opened in a council\\nof war, and caused a division among the oflicers which, added\\nto the sickly condition of the men, and the damage which the\\nfleet had sustained by storms, and their loss by shipwrecks,\\ndejected their commander to that degree, that he put an end to\\nhis life by poison and the second in command fell on his sword.\\nThese melancholy events disconcerted their first plan. They\\nthen resolved to make an attempt on Annapolis but when they\\nhad sailed from Chebucto, ihey were overtaken by a violent tem-\\npest, off Cape Sable and those ships which escaped destruction,\\nreturned singly to France. Never was the hand of divine Prov-\\nidence more visible, than on this occasion. Never was a disap-\\npointment more severe, on the side of the enemy nor a deliv-\\nerance more complete, without human help, in favor of this coun-\\ntry.*\\nNova-Scotia was not out of danger. The French and Indians,\\nwho, during the stay of the fleet at Chebucto, had appeared be-\\nfore Annapolis, but on their departure retired, were still in the\\npeninsula 5 and it was thought necessary to dislodge them. For\\nthis purpose, Shirley sent a body of the Massachusetts forces, and\\npressed the governors of Rhode-island and New-Hamp-\\nshire to send part of theirs. Those from Rhode-Island,\\nand one transport from Boston, were wrecked on the passage.\\nThe armed vessels of New-Hampshire, with two hundred men,\\nwent to Annapolis but the commander of one of them, insteack\\nof landing his men, sailed across the bay of Fundy, into St. John s\\nriver where, meeting with a French snow, and mistaking her for\\none of the Rhode-Island transports, he imprudently sent his boat\\nwith eight men on board, who were made prisoners, and the snow\\nescaped. The sloop, instead of returning to Annapolis, came back\\nto Portsmouth. 1 These misfortunes and disappointments had very\\n_ _ serious ill consequences. The IMassachusetts forces, who\\nJan 31 ^t Nova-Scotia, being inferior in number to the French,\\nand deceived by false intelligence, were surprised in the\\nmidst of a snow storm at Minas and after an obstinate resistance,\\nwere obliged to capitulate. Their commander. Col. Arthur Noble,\\n(1) Dec. 13 Shirley s MS. letters, and aflidavits of the crew.\\n[1746. The towns of Dunstable. Merrimack, HoUis, Nottingham- West,\\n(whose name was altered to Hudson at the session of the legislature in June,\\n1830,) and Pelhani were incorporated by the province of New-Hampshire.\\nMS. volume of charters in Secretary s office.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0308.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "1747.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 285\\nand about sixty men, were killed, and fifty were wounded. The\\nenemy being provided with snow-shoes, made forced marches\\nand ours being destitute of them were unable to escape.\\nWhen the alarm occasioned by the French fleet had subsided,\\nAtkinson s regiment marched into the country to cover the lower\\npart of the frontiers, and encamped near the shore of Winnipisc-\\nogee lake where they passed the winter and built a slight fort.\\nThey were plentifully supplied with provisions, and liad but little\\nexercise or discipline. Courts martial were not instituted, nor\\noffences punished. The ofllcers and men were tired of the ser-\\nvice but were not permitted to enter on any other business, lest\\norders should arrive from England. Some were employed in\\nscouting some in hunting or fishing, and some deserted.\\nShirley was so intent on attacking Crown-Point, that he even\\nproposed to march thither in the winter, and had the address to\\ndraw the assembly of Massachusetts into an approbation of this\\nproject. He enlarged his plan, by proposing that the New-\\nHampshire troops should at the same time go, by the way of\\nConnecticut river, to the Indian village of St. Frances, at the dis-\\ntance of two hundred miles and destroy it while the troops from\\nMassachusetts, Connecticut and New- York, should go by the way\\nof the lakes to Crown-Point. The governor of New- York\\nwould have consented to this wild projection, on account of the\\nIndian allies, who were impatient for war but it was happily\\nfrustrated, by the prudence of the Connecticut assembly who\\ndeemed the Avinter an improper season for so great an undertak-\\ning, and deferred their assistance till the ensuing spring.*^ At the\\nsame time, the small pox prevailed in the setdements above Al-\\nbany, through which the forces must have marched and that\\ndistemper was then an object of much greater dread, than the\\nstorms of winter, or the face of an enemy.\\nTo finish what relates to the Canada forces, it can only be\\nsaid, that excepting some who were employed on the frontiers,\\nthey were kept in a state of military indolence, till the\\nautumn of the ensuing year; when by order from the\\nDuke of Newcastle they were disbanded, and paid at the same\\nrate as the king s troops. The governors drew bills on the Brit-\\nish treasury which were negotiated among the merchants at sev-\\nen and eight hundred per cent, and the parliament granted money,\\nto reimburse the charges of the equipment and subsistence of\\nthese forces.^\\nThe state of the frontiers now demands our attention. By the\\nextension of the boundaries of the province, several settle- _\\nments which had been made by the people of Massachu-\\nsetts, and under the authority of grants from their general court,\\n(1) Boston Evening Post. (2) Atkikson s MS. letters. (3) Shirley s MS.\\nletters. (4) MS. copy of Conn. Resolves\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Jan. 28. (r,) Bollan a MS. letters.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0309.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "286 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745.\\nhad fallen within New-Hampshire. In one of them stood Fort\\nDumrner, on the west side of Connecticut river, and within the\\nlately extended line of New-Hampshire. This fort had been\\nerected and maintained, at the expense of Massachusetts but\\nwhen it was found to be within New-Hampshire, the governor was\\ninstructed by die crown to recommend to the assembly, the future\\nmaintenance of it. In the same assembly, which had so zealously\\nentered upon the expedition against Cape-Breton, this matter was\\nintroduced but a considerable majority of the lower house de-\\nclined making any grant for this purpose, and adduced the follow-\\ning reasons, viz.^ That the fort was fifty miles distant from any\\ntowns which had been setded by the government or people of New-\\nHampshire that the people had no right to the lands which, by the\\ndividing line, had fallen within New-Hampshire notwithstanding\\nthe plausible arguments which had been used to induce them to\\nbear the expense of the line namely, that the land would be given\\nto them or else would be sold to pay that expense that the charge\\nof maintaining that fort, at so great a distance, and to which there\\nwas no communication by roads, would exceed what had been\\nthe whole expense of government before the line was established\\nthat the great load of debt contracted on that account, and the\\nyearly support of government, with the unavoidable expenses of\\nthe war, were as much as the people could bear that if they\\nshould take upon them to maintain this fort, there was another\\nmuch better and more convenient fort at a place called Number-\\nFour, besides several other settlements, which they should also be\\nobliged to defend and finaJly that there was no danger that these\\nforts would want support, since it was the interest of Massachu-\\nsetts, by whom they were erected, to maintain them as a cover to\\ntheir frontier.\\nWhen these reasons were given, the governor dissolved the as-\\nsembly and called another, to whom he recommended the same\\nmeasure in the most pressing terms telling them, that it\\nwas of the last consequence to the present and future\\nprosperity of the government that their refusal would lessen\\nthem in the esteem of the king and his ministers, and strip the\\nchildren yet unborn of their natural right and deprive their\\nbrethren who were then hazarding their lives before the walls\\nof Louisburg of their just expectations, which were to sit down\\non that valuable part of the jirovince. But his eloquence had\\nno effect. They thought it unjust to burden their constituents\\nwith an expense which could yield them no profit, and afford\\nthem no protection.\\nWhen it was determined, that New-Hampshire would make no\\nprovision for Fort-Dummer, the assembly of Massachusetts con-\\ntinued its usual support, and also provided for the other posts on\\n(1) Printed Journal, May 3.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0310.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "1745.1 PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 287\\nConnecticut river and its branches, vvhicli were wiiliin the limits of\\nNew-Hampshire. They afterwards petitioned the king, to de-\\nduct that charge out of the reimbursement, which the parliament\\nhad granted to New-Hampshire, for the Canada expedition but\\nin this, they were defeated, by the vigilance and address of Thom-\\nlinson, the agent of New-Hampshire.\\nMost of the frontier towns of New-Hampshire, at that time,\\nwere distinguished by no other than by Indian or temporary names.\\nIt may be convenient to compare them with their present names.\\nOn Connecticut river, and its eastern branches, were\\nNumber-Four, f Charlestown,\\nGreat-Meadow, Westmoreland,\\nGreat-Fall, Walpole,\\nT-i T-v are now tt- j i\\nI ort-Dummer, called i Huisdale,\\nUpper-Ashuelot j j Keene and\\nLower- Ashuelot, J Swanzey.\\nOn Merrimack river and its branches, were\\nPenacook, f Concord,\\nSuncook, I Pembroke,\\nContoocook, which j Boscawen,\\nNew-Hopkinton, called i Hopkinton,\\nSouhegan-East and Merrimack and\\nSouhegan-West, J Amherst.\\nOn the Pascataqua river, and its branches, were the townships of\\nNotdngham,* Barrington and Rochester.\\nBesides the forts which were maintained at the public expense,\\nthere were private houses enclosed with ramparts, or palisades of\\ntimber to which the people who remained on the frontiers redred\\nthese private garrisoned houses were distinguished by the names\\nof the owners. The danger to which these distressed people\\nwere constantly exposed, did not permit them to cultivate their\\nlands to any advantage. They were frequently alarmed when\\nat labor in their fields, and obliged either to repel an attack, or\\nmake a retreat. Their crops were often injured, and sometimes\\ndestroyed, cither by their cattle getting into the fields where the\\nenemy had broken the fences, or because they were afraid to ven-\\nture out, to collect and secure the harvest. Their cattle and\\nhorses were frequently killed by the enemy who cut the flesh\\nfrom the bones, and took out the tongues, which they preserved\\nfor food, by drying in smoke. Sometimes they were afraid even\\nto milk their cows though they kept them in pastures as near as\\npossible to the forts. When they went abroad, they were always\\narmed but frequently they were shut up for weeks together in a\\nstate of inactivity.\\n[Nottingham was settled about tlie year 1727, by Capt. Joseph Cilley and\\nothers. Rev. Stephen Emery, the first minister, was ordained in 1742; dis-\\nmissed about 1749. The population in 1767, waa 703.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0311.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "2S8 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1745.\\nThe history of a war on the frontiers can be little else than a\\nrecital of the exploits, the sufferings, the escaj)es and deliverances\\nof indiviihials, of single families or small parties. The first\\nappearance of the enemy on the western frontier was at the\\nGreat-^leadow, sixteen miles above Fort-Dumrner. Two Indians\\ntook William Phips, as he was hoeing his corn. When they had\\ncarried him half a mile, one of them went down a steep hill to\\nfetch something which had been left. In his absence, Phips, with\\nhis own hoe, knocked down the Indian who was with him then\\nseizing his gun, shot the other as he ascended the hill.^ Unfor-\\ntunately, meeting with three others of the same party, they\\nkilled him. The Indian whom he knocked down died of\\nhis wound. The same week they killed Josiah Fisher of Upper-\\nAshuelot.\\nNo other damage was done for three months when a party of\\ntwelve Indians approached the fort at Great-Meadow, and\\ntook Nehemiah How, who was at a little distance from the\\nfort, cutting wood. The fort was alarmed, and one Indian was\\nkilled by a shot from the rampart but no attempt was made to\\nrescue the prisoner. As they were leading him away, by the side\\nof the river, they espied a canoe coming down, with two men, at\\nwhom they fired, and killed David Rugg but Robert Baker got\\nto the opposite shore and escaped. Proceeding farther, they met\\nthree other men, who, by skulking under the bank, got safe to the\\nfort. One of them was Caleb How, the prisoner s son. When\\nthey came opposite to Number-Fom-, they made their captive\\nwrite his name on a piece of bark, and left it there. Having\\ntravelled seven days westward, they came to a lake, where they\\nfound five canoes, with corn, pork and tobacco. In these canoes\\nthey embarked and having stuck the scalp of David Rugg on a\\npole, proceeded to the fort at Crown-Point where How received\\nhumane treatment from the French. He was then carried down\\nto Quebec, where he died in prison.- He was a useful man,\\ngreatly lamented by his friends and fellow captives.\\nThe next spring, a party of Indians appeared at Number-Four,\\nI7ar where they took John Spafford, Isaac Parker and Stephen\\nFarnsworth, as they were driving a team.^ Their cattle\\nwere found dead, with their tongues cut out. The men were\\ncarried to Canada, and, after some time, returned to Boston, in a\\nflag of truce.\\nWithin a few dajs, a large party, consisting of fifty, laid a plan\\nto surprise the fort at Upper-Ashuelot. They hid themselves in\\na swamp, in tlie evening intending to wait till the men\\nhad gone out to their work, in the morning, and then rush\\nin. Ephraim Dorman, who was abroad very early, discovered\\n(1) Doolittle s Memoirs, p. 2. (2) How s Narrative. (3) April 19\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Doo-\\nlittle s Memoirs.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0312.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "1746.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 289\\nthem and gave the alarm. He bravely defended himself against\\ntwo Indians, and stripped one of his blanket and gun, which he\\ncarried into the fort. John Bullard, and the wife of Daniel Mc-\\nKenny were killed. Nathan Blake was taken and carried to\\nCanada, where he remained two years. They burned several\\nhouses and barns and from the human bones found among the\\nashes, it was thought that some of the enemy fell and were con-\\ncealed in the flames.\\nAbout the same time, a party came down to New-Hopkinton,\\nwhere they entered a garrisoned house, and found the people\\nasleep the door having been left open by one who had\\nrisen early and gone out to hunt. Eight persons were\\nthus taken Samuel Burbank and his two sons, David Woodwell,\\nhis wife, two sons, and a daughter. Burbank and the wife of\\nWoodwell, died in captivity. Woodwell and three of the chil-\\ndren returned in a flag of truce to Boston.\\nThe enemy were scattered in small parties, on all the frontiers.\\nAt Number-Four, some women went out to milk their cows, with\\nmajor Josiah Willardf and several soldiers, for their guard\\neight Indians who w-ere concealed in a barn, fired on them,\\nand killed Seth Putnam as they w^ere scalping him, Willard and\\ntwo more fired on them, and mortally wounded two, whom their\\ncompanions carried off.^\\nAt Contoocook, five white men and a negro were fired at.\\nElisha Cook and the negro were killed. Thomas Jones was\\ntaken and died in Canada.*\\nAt Lower-Ashuelot, they took Timothy Brown and Robert Mof-\\nfat, who were carried to Canada and returned. At the\\nsame time, a party lay about the fort at Upper-Ashuelot.\\nAs one of them knocked at the gate in the night, the sentinel fired\\nthrough the gate and gave him a mortal wound.^\\n(1) Doolittle s Memoirs, and Sumner s MS. letter. (2) How s Narrative,\\nand Norton s Narrative. Boston Post Boy. [Collections of Farmer and\\nMoore for 1822, vol. i. 284\u00e2\u0080\u0094 2\u00c2\u00ab7.] (3) Doolittle s Narrative. (4) May 4\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nNorton s and How s Narratives. [Price, Plist. Boscawen, 112.] (5) Doolit-\\ntle s Narrative.\\n[The names of these captured were Samuel Burbank, his sons Caleb and\\nJonathan, David Woodwell. his wife, and sons Benjamin and Thomas, and\\ndaughter Mary. Jonathan Burbank, after his redemption, became an officer,\\nand was killed by tiie Indians in the French war, being supposed by them to\\nhave been Major Rogers, tlieir avowed enemy. Mary Woodwell, after a de-\\ntention of six months among the French at Montreal, returned to Albany, and\\nsoon after, to Hopkinton, Mass. her native place. She was twice married,\\nand died a widow, among the Shakers at Canterbury, N. H. in October, 1829,\\nin the 100th j-ear of her age.]\\nt [Of Fort-Dummer, afterwards Colonel Willard. Ho was probably the\\nsame who was one of the first settlers of Winchester, and one to whom the\\ncharter of that town was granted in 1753. He was son or grandson of Capt.\\nSimon Willard of Salem, whose father was the Simon Willard, mentioned\\npage 56.]\\n39", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0313.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "290 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1746.\\nThe danger thus increasing, a reinforcement was sent by the\\n24 Massachusetts assembly, to these distressed towns. Cap-\\ntain Paine, with a troop, came to Number-Four and about\\ntwenty of his men, going to view the place where Putnam was\\nkilled, fell into an ambush. The enemy rose and fired, and then\\nendeavored to cut off their retreat. Captain Phinehas Stevens,\\nwith a party, rushed out to their relief. A skirmish ensued in\\nwhich, five men were killed on each side, and one of ours was\\ntaken.* The Indians left some of their guns and blankets be-\\nhind.\\nIn about a month after this, another engagement happened at\\nthe same place. As Captain Stevens and Captain Brown were\\nJ goii^S into the meadow, to look for their horses, the dogs\\ndiscovered an ambush, which put the men into a posture\\nfor action, and gave them the advantage of the first fire.^ After a\\nsharp encounter, the enemy were driven into a swamp, drawing\\naway several of their dead. In this action, one man only was\\nlost. Several blankets, hatchets, spears, guns and other things,\\nwere left on the ground, which were sold for forty pounds old\\ntenor. This vi as reckoned a great booty from such beggarly\\nenemies.\\nAt Bridgman s fort, near Fort-Dummer, William Robbins and\\nJames Baker were killed in a meadow. Daniel How\\nand John Beaman were taken. How killed one of the\\nIndians before he was taken.\\nWhen the people wanted bread, they were obliged to go to\\nthe mills, with a guard every place being full of danger. A\\nJ parly who went to Hinsdale s mill, with Colonel Willard\\nat their head, in searching round the mill, discovered an\\nambush. The enemy were put to flight with the loss of their\\npacks.\\nAt Number-Four, one Phillips was killed and as some of the\\npeople were bringing him into the fort, they were fired upon but\\nAucr 3 O were hint. Having burned some buildings, and\\nkilled some cattle, the enemy went and ambushed the\\nroad near Winchester, where they killed Joseph Rawson.\\nWhilst the upper settlements were thus suffering, the lower\\ntowns did not escape. A party of Indians came down to Roch-\\nj 27 ester, within twenty miles of Portsmouth. Five men\\nwere at work in a field, having their arms at hand. The\\nIndians concealed themselves. One of them fired, with a view\\nto induce the men to discharge their pieces, which they did. The\\nenemy then rushed upon them before they could load again.\\nThey retreated to a small deserted house and fastened the door.\\n(1) Doolittle a Narrative. Boston Evening Post.\\n[The names of the English killed were Samuel Farnsworth, Joseph Al-\\nlen, Peter Perrin, Aaron Lyon and Joseph Massey.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0314.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "1746.1 PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 291\\nThe Indians tore off the roof, and with their guns and tomahawks\\ndespatched Joseph Heard, Joseph Richards, John Wentworth and\\nGershom Downs. They wounded and took John Richards and\\nthen crossing over to another road, came upon some men who\\nwere at work in a field, all of whom escaped but they took Jon-\\nathan Door, a boy, as he was sitting on a fence. Richards was\\nkindly used, his wounds were healed, and after eighteen months,\\nhe was sent to Boston in a flag of truce. Door lived with the In-\\ndians and acquired their manners and habits but, after the con-\\nquest of Canada, returned to his native place.\\nSoon after this, another man was killed at Rochester.* Two\\nmen were surprised and taken at Contoocook and a large\\nparty of Indians lay in ambush at Penacook, with an in-\\ntention to attack the people, while assembled for public worship\\nbut seeing them go armed to their devotions, they waited till the\\nnext morning, when they killed five and took two.f\\nIn these irritating skirmishes, the summer was spent till a large\\nbody of French and Indians attacked Fort Massachusetts,\\nat Hoosuck.2 This fort was lost for want of ammunition\\nto defend it. After this success, the enemy remained quiet during\\nthe rest of the summer.\\nThe prospect of an expedition to Canada had induced many of\\nthe soldiers who were posted on the fronUers to enlist into the\\nregiments, because they preferred active service to the dull\\nroutine of a garrison. The defence of the western posts was not\\nonly hazardous, but ineffectual and some persons in the north-\\nwestern part of Massachusetts thought it inexpedient, to be at the\\n(1) Haven s MS. letter. (2) Norton s Narrative.\\n[This man was Moses Roberts. He was not killed by the Indians as might\\nbe inferred in the text. He had been stationed as a sentinel, and liaving be-\\ncome alarmed, retreated from his post into the woods, when another sentinel,\\nhearing a noise in the bushes, and seeing them wave, supposed the Indians\\nwere approaching, fired his gun and shot Roberts, who died the next morning,\\nblaming himself and justifying the man who shot him. MS. Communication\\nfrom Rev. Thomas C. Upham.]\\nt [These men were killed and captured on the road leading from Concord\\nto Hopkinton, within about a mile of the seat of Judge Green. There is a\\nfull account of the massacre in Moore s Annals of Concord, 23 25, and in\\nthe Coll. of the N. H. Hist. Soc. i. 171\u00e2\u0080\u0094173. There has been lately erected\\nnear the scene of destruction by a descendant of one of the victims of Indian\\ncruelty, a durable monument, on which is the following inscription This\\nMonument is erected in Memory of Samuel Bradi-ey, Jonatuan Bradley,\\nOBAniAH Peters, John Bean and John Lufkin, who were massacred\\nAugust 11th, 174G, by the Indians near this spot. Erected by Richard\\nBradley, son of the late Hon. John Bradley and grandson of Samuel Bradley.\\nThe names of those who were taken were Alexander Roberts and William\\nStickney. Roberts returned from captivity, but Stickney was drowned when\\nhe was within about one day s journey of the white settlements. The loss\\nsustained by the Indians was four killed and several wounded, and two of\\nthem mortally. On the 10 November following, the Indians killed a Mr.\\nEstabrook on the road between the principal settlement and the place of th\u00c2\u00ab\\nformer massacre.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0315.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "292 HISTORY OF NEW-HAJMPSHIRE. [1746.\\ncharge of defending a territory, which was out of iheir jurisdiction.\\nTheir petitions prevailed with the asscmhly, to withdraw\\ntheiv troops from the western parts of New-Hampshire.\\nThe inhabitants were then obliged to quit their estates. They\\ndeposited in the earth, such furniture and utensils as could be\\nsaved by that means they carried ofF on horseback such as were\\nportable and the remainder, with their buildings, was left as a\\nprey to the enemy, who came and destroyed or carried away what\\nthey pleased. Four families, who remained in Shattack s fort,\\n(Hinsdale) defended it against a party of Indians, who attempted\\nto burn it.^ Six men only were left in the fort at Number-Four,\\nwho, in the following winter deserted it and it was wholly desti-\\ntute for two months. In this time, some gentlemen, who under-\\nstood the true interest of the country, prevailed on the assembly\\nof Massachusetts, to resume the protection of those deserted\\nplaces and to employ a sufficiency of men, not only to garrison\\nthem, but to range the woods and watch the motions of the\\nenemy.\\nIn the latter end of March, Captain Phinehas Stevens, who\\ncommanded a ranging company of thirty men, came to Number-\\nFour; and finding the fort entire, determined to keep\\npossession of it. He had not been there many days, when\\nApril 4. j^g ^^.^g attacked by a very large party of French and In-\\ndians, commanded by M. Debeline. The dogs, by their bark-\\ning, discovered that the enemy were near which caused the gate\\nto be kept shut, beyond the usual time. One man went out to\\nmake discovery and was fired on but returned with a slight\\nWound only. The enemy, finding that they were discovered,\\narose from their concealment and fired at the fort on all sides.\\nThe wind being high, they set fire to the fences and log-houses,\\ntill the fort was surrounded by flames. Capt. Stevens took the\\nmost prudent measures for his security keeping every vessel\\nfull of water and digging trenches under the walls in several plac-\\nes so that a man might creep through, and extinguish any fire,\\nwhich might catch on the outside of the walls. The fire of the\\nfences did not reach the fort nor did the flaming arrow^s which\\nthey incessantly shot against it take effect. Having continued\\nthis mode of attack for two days, accompanied with hideous\\nshouts and yells they prepared a wheel carriage, loaded with\\ndry fagots, to be pushed before them, that they might set fire to\\nthe fort. Before they proceeded to this operation, they demand-\\ned a cessation of arms till the sun-rising, which was granted. In\\nthe morning, Debeline came up with fifty men, and a flag of\\ntruce, which he stuck in die ground. He demanded a parley,\\nwhich was agreed to. A French oCCicev, with a soldier and an\\nIndian, then advanced and proposed that the garrison should\\n(1) Sumner s and Olcott s MS. letters.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0316.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "1747.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 293\\nbind up a quantity of provisions with their blankets, and having\\nlaid down tlieir arms should be conducted prisoners to Montreal.\\nAnother proposal was that the two commanders should meet, and\\nthat an answer should then be given. Stevens met the French\\ncommander, who, without waiting for an answer, began to enforce\\nhis proposal, by threatening to storm the fort, and put every man\\nto death, if they should refuse his terms, and kill one of his men.\\nStevens answered, that he could hearken to no terms till the last\\nextremity that he was intrusted with the defence of the fort, and\\nwas determined to maintain it, till he should be convinced that\\nthe Frenchman could perform what he had threatened. He add-\\ned, that it was jioor encouragement to surrender, if they were all\\nto be put to the sword for killing one jnan, when it was probable\\nthey had already killed more. The Frenchman replied, Go and\\nsee if your men dare to fight any longer, and give me a quick\\nanswer. Stevens returned and asked his men, whether they\\nwould fight or surrender. They unanimously determined to fight.\\nThis was immediately made known to the enemy, who renew-\\ned their shouting and firing all that day and night. On the morn-\\ning of the third day, they requested anothei cessation for two\\nhours. Two Indians came with a flag, and proposed, that if\\nStevens would sell them provisions they would withdraw. He\\nanswered, that to sell them provisions for money was contrary to\\nthe law of nations but that he would pay them five bushels of\\ncorn for every captive, for whom they would give a hostage, till\\nthe captive could be brought from Canada. After this answer, a\\nfew guns were fired, and the enemy were seen no more.^\\nIn this furious attack from a starving enemy, no lives were lost\\nin the fort, and two men only were wounded. No men could\\nhave behaved with more intrepidity in the midst of such threaten-\\ning danger. An express was immediately despatched to Boston,\\nand the news w^as received there with great joy. Commodore\\nSir Charles Knowles was so highly pleased with the conduct of\\nCaptain Stevens, that he presented him with a valuable and ele-\\ngant sword, as a reward for his bravery. From this circum-\\nstance, the township when it was incorporated, took the name of\\nCharlestow^n.*\\nSmall parties of the enemy kept hovering, and sometimes dis-\\ncovered themselves. Sergeant Phelps killed one, near the fort,\\nand escaped unhurt, though fired upon and pursued by two\\nothers.\\nOther parties went farther down the country and at Roches-\\nter, they ambushed a company who were at work in a field. The\\n(1) Stevens 3 letter, in Boston Evening Post, April 27. (2) [Ibid.]\\n[Commodore Knowles was afterwards an admiral in the British Navy,\\nand in 1770, beininr invited by the empress of Russia, went into her service.\\nHutchinson, ii. 31)0. J", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0317.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "294 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1747.\\nambush was discovered by three lads, John and George Place,\\nand Paul Jennens. The Indians fired upon them. John Place\\nreturned the fire and wounded an Indian. Jennens presented\\nhis gun but did not fire this prevented the enemy fi-oni rushing\\nupon them, till the men fi oin the field came to their relief and\\nput the Indians to flight.^\\nAt Penacook, a party of the enemy discovered themselves by\\nfiring at some cattle. They were pursued by fifty men and re-\\ntreated with such precipitation, as to leave their packs and blank-\\nets, with other things behind. One man had his arm broken in\\nthis conflict.- About the sam.e time, a man was killed there, f\\nwho had just returned from Cape-Breton, after an absence of\\ntwo years. Another was killed at Suncook and at Nottingham,\\nRobert Beard, John Folsom and Elizabeth Simpson, suffered the\\nsame fate.^\\nIn the autumn, Major Willard and Captain Alexander, wound-\\ned and took a Frenchman near ^Vinchester, who was conducted\\nto Boston and returned to Canada. Soon after, the enemy burn-\\ned Bridgman s fort (Hinsdale) and killed several persons, and\\ntook others from that place, and from Number-Four, in the ensu-\\ning winter. No pursuit could be made, because the garrison was\\nnot provided with snow-shoes, though many hundreds had been\\npaid for by the government.\\nThe next spring, Captain Stevens was again appointed to com-\\nmand at Number-Four, with a garrison of an hundred men Cap-\\nj_.o tain Humphrey Hobbs being second in command. A\\nscouting party of eighteen, was sent out under Captain\\nMay 4y. j^jgazer Alelvin. They discovered two canoes in Lake\\nChamplain, at which they fired. The fort at Crown-Point was\\nalarmed, and a party came out to intercept them. IMelvin cross-\\ned their track, and came back to West River where, as his\\nmen were diverting themselves by shooting salmon, the Indians\\nsuddenly came upon them and killed six. The others came in at\\ndifferent times to Fort--Dummer.\\nOn a Sabbath morning, at Rochester, the wife of Jonathan\\nHodgdon was taken by the Indians, as she was going to milk her\\ncows. She called aloud to her husband. The Indians\\nwould have kept her quiet, but as she persisted in calling,\\nthey killed her, apparently contrary to their intentions. Her hus-\\nband heard her cries, and came to her assistance, at the instant\\nof her death. His gun missed fire, and he escaped. The alarm,\\noccasioned by this action, prevented greater mischief.\\n(1) June 7\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Haven s MS. letters. (2) July 23\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Boston Evening: Post.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n(3) Upham s MS. letter. (4) Olcott s MS. letter. (5) Doolittle s Narrative.\\n(6) Haven s MS. letter.\\nt [Perhaps a Mr. Estabrook, who was killed at Penacook, on the 10 Nov-\\nember, that year. Moore, Annals of Concord, 25.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0318.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "1748.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 295\\nThe next month, tbey killed three men belonging to Hinsdale s\\nfort, Nathan French, Joseph Richardson and John Frost. Sev-\\nen were taken one of whom, William Bickford, died of his\\nwounds. Captain Hobbs, and forty men, being on a scout\\nnear West River, were surprised by a party of Indians,\\nwith whom they had a smart encounter, of three hours continu-\\nance. Hobbs left the ground, having had three men killed\\nand four wounded. Thesameparty of the enemy killed two\\nmen and took nine, between Fort Hinsdale and Fort-Dummer.\\nThe cessation of arms between the belligerent powers did not\\nwholly put a stop to the incursions of the enemy for af- _\\nter it was known here, and after the garrison of Number- junejy\\nFour was withdrawn, excepting fifteen men, Obadiah Sart-\\nwell was killed, and a son of Captain Stevens was taken and car-\\nried to Canada but he was released and returned.^\\nDuring this affecting scene of devastation and captivity, there\\nwere no instances of deliberate murder nor torture exercised on\\nthose who fell into the hands of the Indians and even the old\\ncustom of making them run the gauntlet, was in most cases omit-\\nted. On the contrary, there is a universal testimony from the\\ncaptives who survived and returned, in favor of the humanity of\\ntheir captors. When feeble, they assisted them in travelling\\nand in cases of distress from want of provision, they shared with\\nthem an equal proportion. A singular instance of moderation de-\\nserves remembrance. An Indian had surprised a man at Ashuelot.\\nThe man asked for quarter, and it was granted. Whilst the In-\\ndian was preparing to bind him, he seized the Indian s gun, and\\nshot him in one arm. The Indian, however, secured him but\\ntook no other revenge than, with a kick, to say, You dog, how\\ncould you treat me so The gentleman from whom this infor-\\nmation came, has frequently heard the story bodi from the cap-\\ntive and the captor. The latter related it as an instance of Eng-\\nlish perfidy the former of Indian lenity\\nThere was a striking difference between the manner in which\\nthis war was managed, on the part of the English and on the part\\nof the French. The latter kept out small parties continually en-\\ngaged in killing, scalping and taking prisoners who were sold in\\nCanada and redeemed by their friends, at a great expense. By\\nthis mode of conduct, the French made their enemies pay the\\nwhole charge of their predatory excursions; besides reaping a\\nhandsome profit to themselves. On the other hand, the English\\nattended only to the defence of the frontiers and that in such a\\nmanner, as to leave them for the most part insecure. No parties\\nwere sent to harass the setdements of the French. If the whole\\ncountry of Canada could not be subdued, nothing less could be\\nattempted. Men were continually kept in pay, and in expecta-\\n(1) Olcott s MS. letters. (2) Ibid.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0319.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "296 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1749.\\ntion of service but spent their time cither in garrisons, or camps,\\nor in guarding provisions when sent to the several forts. Though\\nlarge rewards were promised for scalps and prisoners, scarcely\\nany were obtained unless by accident. A confusion of councils,\\nand a multiplicity of directors, caused frequent changes of meas-\\nures, and delays in the execution of them. The forts were ill\\nsupplied with ammunition, provisions, clothing and snow-shoes.\\nWhen an alarm happened, it was necessary, either to bake\\n1747. bread, or dress meat, or cast bullets, before a pursuit could\\nbe made. The French gave commissions to none but those\\nwho had distinguished themselves by some exploit. Among us,\\npersons frequently obtained preferment, for themselves or their\\nfriends, by making their court to governors, and promoting favor-\\nite measures in town meetings, or general assemblies.\\nA community recovering from a war, like an individual recov-\\nering from sickness, is sometimes in danger of a relapse. This\\nwar was not decisive, and the causes which kindled it were not\\nremoved. One of its effects was, that it produced a class of men,\\nwho, having been for a time released from laborious occupations,\\nand dev^oted to the parade of military life, did not readily listen\\nto the calls of industry. To such men, peace was burdensome,\\nand the more so, because they had not the advantage of half pay.\\nThe interval between this and the succeeding war was not long.\\nThe peace took place in 1749, and in 1754 there was a call to\\nresume the sword.\\nCHAPTER XXI.\\nPurchase of Mason s claim. Controversy about Representation. Plan of\\nextending the settlements. Jealousy and resentment of the savages.\\nWhilst the people were contending with an enemy abroad,\\nan attempt was making at home, to revive the old claim\\nof Mason, which their fathers had widistood, and which for\\nmany years had lain dormant, till recalled to view by the politi-\\ncians of Massachusetts, as already related. After Thomlinson\\nhad engaged with IMason, for the purchase of his title, nothing\\nmore was heard of it, till the controversy respecting the lines was\\nI7d4 finished, and Wentworth was established in the seat of\\ngovernment, and in the oftice of surveyor of the woods.\\nThe agreement which Thomlinson had made, was in behalf of\\n_ the Representatives of New-Hampshire and the instru-\\nment was lodged in the hands of the governor, who sent\\nit to the house for their perusal and consideration. It lay on their", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0320.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "1744.] PROVINCE. BENNING VVENTWORTH. 2^1\\ntable a long time, withoiil any formal notice.^ Quickening mes-\\nsages were sent time after time Init the affairs of the war, and\\nMason s absence at sea, and in the expedition to Louisburg, where\\nhe had a company, together with a disinclination in the house,\\nwhich was of a different complexion from that in 1739, prevented\\nany diing from being done.\\nIn the mean time, IMason suffered a fine and recovery, by\\nwhich the entail was docked, in the courts of New-Hampshire,\\nand he became entided to the privilege of selling his in- -i^^c\\nterest. He also presented a memorial to the assembly, in\\nwhich he told them that he would wait no longer and\\nunless they would come to some resolution, he should take their\\nsilence as a refusal. Intimations were given, that if they would\\nnot ratify the agreement, a sale would be made to other ,7^/-\\npersons, who stood ready to purchase. At length, the\\nhouse came to a resolution, that they would comply with the a-\\ngreement, and pay the price and that the waste lands should\\nbe granted by the general assembly, to the inhabitants, as\\nthey should think proper. A committee was appointed\\nto treat with Mason, about fulfilling his agreement, and to draw\\ndie proper instruments of conveyance but he had on the same\\nday, by deed of sale, for the sum of fifteen hundred\\npounds currency, conveyed his whole interest to twelve\\npersons, in fifteen shares. When the house sent a message to the\\ncouncil to inform them of diis resolution, the council objected to\\nthat clause of the resolve, that the lands be granted by the gen-\\neral assembly, as contrary to the royal commission and instruc-\\ntions but if the house would address the king, for leave to dis-\\npose of the lands, they said that diey were content.\\nThese transactions raised a great ferment among the people.\\nAngry and menacing words were plentifully thrown out against\\nthe purchasers but they had prudently taken care to file in the\\nrecorder s oftice a deed of quit-claim to all the towns which had\\nbeen setUed and granted within the limits of their purchase.*\\n(1) Assembly records.\\nTho purchasers of this claim were,\\nTheodore Atkinson, (three fifteenths) Thomas Packer,\\nM. H. Wentworth, (two fifteenths) Thomas Wallingford,\\nRichard Wibird, Jotham Odiorne,\\nJohn Wentworth, son of the Governor, Joshua Peirce,\\nGeorge JafFrey, Samuel Moore,\\nNathaniel Meserve, John Moffat, (one fifteenth each.)\\nThe towns quitclaimed were,\\nPortsmouth, Londonderry, Bow,\\nDover, Chester, Chichester,\\nExeter, Nottingliam, Epsom,\\nHampton, Barrington, Barnstead,\\nGosport, Rochester, and afterward\\nKingston, Canterbury. Gilraantown.\\n40", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0321.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "29S HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1746.\\nIn ibis quit-claim, they inserted a clause in the following words,\\nexcepting and reserving our respective riglits, titles, inheritance\\nand possessions, which we heretofore had, in common or sever-\\nalty, as inhabitants or proprietors of houses or lands, within any\\nof the towns precincts, districts or villages aforesaid. This\\nprecaution had not at first its effect. A committee of both houses\\nwas appointed to consider the matter, and they reported that for\\nquieting the minds of the people, and to prevent future diffi-\\nculty, it would be best for the province to purchase the claim,\\nfor the use and benefit of the inhabitants provided that the pur-\\nchasers would sell it for the cost and charges. This report\\nwas accepted, concurred and consented to, by every branch of\\nthe leo^islature. A committee was appointed to consult counsel,\\nand agree on proper instruments of conveyance. The\\nsame day, this committee met with the purchasers, and\\nconferred on the question whether they would sell on the terms\\nproposed At the conference, the purchasers appeared to be\\ndivided, and agreed so far only, as to withdraw their deed from\\nAuo- i 5 ^he recorder s office. The committee reported that they\\ncould make no terms with the purchasers in consequence\\nof which, the deed was again lodged in the office and\\nrecorded.\\nMuch blanie was cast on the purchasers, for clandestinely taking\\na bargain out of the hands of the assembly. They said in their\\nvindication, that they saw no prospect of an effectual\\npurchase by the assembly, though those of them who\\nwere members, voted for it, and did what they could to encourage\\nit that they would have gladly given JMason as much money,\\nfor his private quit-claim to their several rights in the townships\\nalready granted and settled that Mason s claim had for many\\nyears hung over the province, and that on every turn, they had\\nbeen threatened with a proprietor; thatAIason s deed to a com-\\nmittee of Massachusetts, in behalf of that province, for a tract of\\nland adjoining the boundary line, had been entered on the records,\\nand a title under it set up, in opposition to grants made by the\\ngovernor and council that it was impossible to say where this\\nevil would stop, and therefore they thought it most prudent to\\nprevent any farther effects of it, by taking up with his offer,\\nespecially as they knew that he might have made a more advan-\\ntageous bargain, with a gentleman of fortune in die neighboring\\nprovince but that they were still willing, to sell their interest to\\nthe assembly, for the cost and charges provided that the land\\nbe granted by the governor and council; and that the agreement\\nbe made within one month from the date of their letter.\\nWithin that month, the alarm caused by the approach of D An-\\n(1) Records of deeds. (2) Assembly records. (3) MS. letter in Propria-\\ntary ofBce.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0322.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "1746.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 299\\nville s fleet, put a stop to the negotiation. After that danger was\\nover, the affair was revived but the grand difficuhy subsisted.\\nThe purchasers would not sell, but on condition that the lands\\nshould be granted, by the governor and council. The assembly\\nthought that they could have no security that the land would be\\ngranted to the people because the governor and council might\\ngrant it to themselves, or to their dependents, or to stran-\\ngers, and the people who had paid for it, might be excluded\\nfrom the benefit which they had purchased. A proposal\\nwas afterward made, that the sale should be to feoffees in trust\\nfor the people and a form of a deed for this purpose was drawn.\\nTo this proposal, the purchasers raised several objections and\\nas the assembly had not voted any money to make the purchase,\\nthey declined signing the deed and no farther efforts being\\nmade by the assembly, the purchase rested in the hands of the\\nproprietors. In 1749, they took a second deed, comprehending\\nall the Masonian grants, from Naumkeag to Pascataqua whereas\\nthe former deed was confined to the lately established boundaries\\nof New-Hampshire. This latter deed was not recorded till\\n1753.1\\nAfter they had taken their first deed, the Masonians began to\\ngrant townships, and continued granting them to petitioners, _\\noften without fees, and always without quit-rents. They\\nquieted the proprietors of the towns, on the western side of the\\nMerrimack, v\u00c2\u00bb?hich had been granted by Massachusetts, before\\nthe establishment of the line so that they went on peaceably\\nwith their settlements. The terms of their grants were, that the\\ngrantees should, within a limited time, erect mills and meeting-\\nhouses, clear out roads and settle ministers. In every township,\\nthey reserved one right for the first settled minister, another for a\\nparsonage, and a third for a school. They also reserved fifteen\\nrights for themselves, and two for their attorneys all of which\\nwere to be free from taxes, till sold or occupied. By virtue of\\nthese grants, many townships were settled, and the interest of the\\npeople became so united with that of the proprietors, that the\\nprejudice against them gradually abated and, at length, even\\nsome who had been the most violent opposers, acquiesced in the\\nsafety and policy of their measures, though they could not concede\\nto the validity of their claim.\\nThe heirs of Allen menaced them by advertisements, and\\nwarned the people against accepting their grants. They depended\\non the recognition of Allen s purchase, in the charter of Massa-\\nchusetts, as an argument in favor of its validity and supposed,\\nthat because the ablest lawyers in the kingdom were consulted,\\nand employed in framing that charter, they must have had evi-\\ndence of the justice of his pretensions, before such a reservation\\n(1) Records of deeds.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0323.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "300 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1748.\\ncould liave been introduced into it. So strong was the impression,\\nwhich this argument had made, on the minds of speculators in\\nEngland, that large sums had been offered, to some of Allen s\\nheirs, in that kingdom and, Thondinson himself, the first mover\\nof the purchase from Mason, in behalf of New-Hampshire, had\\nhis doubts and would have persuaded the associates to join in\\nbuying Allen s title also, even at the price of two thousand pounds\\nsterling, to prevent a more expensive litigation, the issue of which\\nwould be uncertain. 1 But they, being vested with the principal\\noffices of government; being men of large properly, which was\\nalso increased by this purchase and having satisfied themselves,\\nof the validity of their title, by the opinions of some principal\\nlawyers, both here and in England, contented themselves with the\\npurchase which they had made and by maintaining their pos-\\nsession, extended the cultivation of the country within their limits.\\nThe words of the original grants to Mason, describe an extent\\nof sixty miles, from the sea, on each side of the province, and a\\nline to cross over from the end of one line of sixty miles, to the\\nend of the other. The Masonian proprietors pleaded, that this\\ncross line should be a curve, because, no other line would preserve\\nthe distance of sixty miles from the sea, in every part of their\\nwestern boundary. No person had any right to contest this point\\nwith them, but the king. It was not for the interest of his gov-\\nernor and council to object because several of them, and of their\\nconnections, were of the Masonian propriety and no objection\\nwas made by any other persons, in behalf of the crown. Survey-\\nors were employed, at several times, to mark this curve line but\\non running, first from the southern, and then from the eastern\\nboundary, to the river Pemigewassett, they could not make the\\nlines meet. Controversies were thus engendered, between the\\ngrantees of crown lands and those of the Masonians, which\\nsubsisted for many years. In some cases, the disputes were\\ncompromised, and in others, left open for litigation till, by the\\nrevolution, the government fell into other hands.\\nThis was not the only controversy, which, till that period,\\nremained undetermined. When the extension of the boundary\\nlines gave birth to a demand, for the maintenance of Fort-Dummer,\\nthe governor had the address, to call to that assembly, into which\\nhe introduced this demand, six new members; who appeared as\\nrepresentatives for six towns and districts, some of which had been,\\nby the southern line, cut off from Massachusetts.- It was supposed\\nthat his design, in calling these members, was to facilitate the\\nadoption of Fort-Dummer. Odier towns, which ought to have\\nhad the same privilege extended to them, were neglected. When\\nthe new members appeared in the house, the secretary, by the\\ngovernor s order, administered to them the usual oaths; after\\n(1) MS. letters of Thomlinson. (2) rrintedJoiirnal, Jan. 1744.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0324.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "1748.] PROVINCE. BENNING WEiNTWORTII. 30I\\nwhich, they were asked, in the name of the house, by what au-\\nthority they came thither They answered, that they were\\nchosen by virtue of a writ, in the king s name, delivered to their\\nrespective towns and districts, by the sheriff. The house remon-\\nstrated to the governor, that these places had no right, by law,\\nnor by custom, to send persons to represent them, and then de-\\nbarred them from the privilege of voting, in the choice of a speaker\\ntwo only dissenting, out of nineteen. Several sharp messages\\npassed, between tlie governor and the house, on that occasion j\\nbut the pressing exigencies of the war, and the proposed expedi-\\ntion to Cape-Breton, obliged him, for that time, to give way, and\\nsuffer his new members to be excluded, till the king s pleasure\\ncould be known.\\nThe house vindicated their proceedings, by appealing to their\\nrecords; from which it appeared, that all the additions, which had\\nbeen made to the house of representatives, were, in consequence\\nof their own votes, either issuing a precept themselves, or request-\\ning the governor to do it; from which they argued, that no town,\\nor parish, ought to have any writ, for the choice of a representa-\\ntive, but by a vote of the house, or by an act of the assembly.\\nOn the other side, it was alleged, that the right of sending repre-\\nsentatives was originally founded on the royal commission and\\ninstructions, and therefore, that the priv^ilege might, by the same\\nauthority, be lawfully extended to the new towns, as the king, or\\nhis governor, by advice of council, might think proper. The\\nprecedents on both sides were undisputed but neither party\\nwould admit the conclusion drawn by the other. Had this diffi-\\nculty been foreseen, it might have been prevented when the tri-\\nennial act was made in 1727. The defects of that law, began\\nnow to be severely felt but could not be remedied.\\nThe dispute having thus subsided, was not revived during the\\nwar but as soon as the peace was made, and the king had gone\\non a visit to his German dominions, an additional instruction was.\\nsent from the lords justices, who presided in the king s absence,\\ndirecting the governor to dissolve the assembly then subsisting\\nand when another should be called, to issue the kinir s writ t on\\nto the slienrr, commanding Inm to make out precepts to\\nthe towns and districts, whose rcjiresentatives had been before\\nexcluded and that when they should be chosen, the governor\\nshould support their rights.^\\nHad this instruction extended to all the other towns in the\\nprovince, which had not been before represented, it might have\\nbeen deemed equitable but as it respected those only, which had\\nbeen the subject of controversy, it appeared to be grounded on\\npartial information, and intended to strengthen the prerogative of\\nthe crown, without a due regard to the privileges of the people\\nat large.\\n(1) DoujjlasB ii. 35.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0325.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "302 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1749.\\nThe party in opposition to tlie governor became more acrimo-\\nnious than ever. Richard Waldron, the former secretary, and\\nj_.g the confidential friend of Belcher, appeared in the new\\nassembly and was chosen speaker. The governor nega-\\ntived him and ordered the house to admit the new mem-\\nbers, and choose another speaker. Tliey denied his power of\\nnegativing their speaker and of introducing new members. The\\nstyle of his messages was peremptory and severe their answers\\nand remonstrances were calm, but resolute, and in some instances\\nsatirical. Neither party would yield. No business was trans-\\nacted though the assembly met about once in a month, and was\\nkept alive, by adjourimients and prorogations, for three years.\\nHad he dissolved them, before the time for which they were\\nchosen had expired, he knew, that in all probability, the same\\npersons would be re-elected.\\nThe effect of this controversy was injurious to the governor, as\\nwell as to the people. The public bills of credit had depreciated\\nsince this administration began, in the ratio of thirty to fifty-six j\\nand the value of the governor s salary had declined in the same\\nproportion. The excise could neither be farmed nor collected\\nand that part of the governor s salary, which was funded upon it,\\nfailed. The treasurer s accounts were unsettled. The soldiers,\\nwho had guarded the frontiers in the preceding war, were not\\npaid nor were their muster-rolls adjusted. The public records\\nof deeds were shut up; for the recorder s time having expired,\\nand the api)ointment being by law vested in the assembly, no\\nchoice could be made. No authenticated papers could be ob-\\ntained, though the agent was constantly soliciting for those which\\nrelated to the controversy about Fort-Dummer, at that time before\\nthe king and council.\\nWhen the situation of the province was known in England, an\\ni7 S0- l J ^ipi ession to its disadvantage was made on the minds\\nof its best friends and they even imagined that the\\ngovernor s conduct was not blameless. f The language at court\\n[1749. Plaistow, Litchfield, Newtown, and Hampstead were incorporat-\\ned. The settlement of Walpole commenced.\\n1750. Salem and Bedford were incorporated. The last was one of the\\nNarraganset townships. Tlie settlement of it commenced in the winter of\\n1 737, by Robert and James Walker, and in the year following, by John Gotfe,\\nafterwards colonel, Matthew Patten, afterwards judge of probate, and captain\\nSamuel Patten, and soon after by many others. See Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. i.\\n288\u00e2\u0080\u0094296.\\n1751. Derrjfield, now called Manchester, was incorporated.]\\nt August 10, 1749, Mr Thomlinson wrote thus to Mr. Atkinson. I am\\nBorry to find by your letters, and by every body from your country, the con-\\nfusion your Province is in. I wish I could set you right. 1 cannot help\\nthinking that the governor has done some imprudent things but the other\\npart} is fundamentally wrong, and the governor will ahvaj s be supported as\\nlong as he conducts himself by his majesty s instructions, and in his right\\nof negativing a speaker. Notwithstanding this, I am surprised that he, or\\nany other governor, should not think it their interest, to behave so to all\\nsortB of people under their government, as to make all their enemies their\\nfriends, rather than to make their friends their enemies.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0326.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "1750-51.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 303\\nwas totally changed. The people of New-Hampshire wlio had\\nformerly been in favor, as loyal and obedient subjects, were now-\\nsaid to be in rebellion. Their agent was frequently reproached\\nand mortified on their account, and was under great apprehension,,\\nthat they would suffer, not only in their reputation, but in their\\ninterest. The agent of Massachusetts was continually soliciting\\nfor repayment of the charges of maintaining Fort-Dummer, and\\nis was in contemplation, to take off a large district from the west-\\nern part of New-Hampshire, and to annex it to IMassachusetts, to\\nsatisfy them for that expense. Besides this, the paper money of\\nthe colonies was under the consideration of parliament and the\\nprovince of Massachusetts was rising into favor for having abolish-\\ned that system of iniquity. The same justice was expected of\\nNew-Hampshire, since they had the same means in their power\\nby the reimbursement granted to them by parliament for the\\nCape-Breton and Canada expedidons. This money, amounting\\nto about thirty thousand pounds sterling, clear of all fees and com-\\nmissions, had lain long in the treasury and when it was paid to\\nthe agent, he would have placed it in the funds, where it might\\nhave yielded an interest of three per cent but having no direc-\\ntions from the assembly, he locked it up in the bank. This was\\na clear loss to them of nine hundred pounds per annum. Tliere\\nwere some who reflected on the agent, as if he had made an ad-\\nvantage to himself of this money. Had he done it, his own cap-\\nital was sufficient to have answered any of their demands but it\\nwas also sufficient to put him above the necessity of employing\\ntheir money, either in trade or speculadon.\\nIt had also been suggested, that Thomlinson, at the governor s\\nrequest, had solicited and procured the instrucdon, which had\\noccasioned this unhappy stagnaUon of business. When this sug-\\ngestion came to his knowledge, he exculpated himself from the\\ncharge, in a letter which he wrote to a leading member of the\\nassembly and gave a full account of the matter as far as it had\\ncome to his knowledge. He said, that the governor himself had\\nstated the facts in his letters to the ministry concerning his call-\\ning of the new members, in 1745, and their exclusion from the\\nassembly, with the reasons given for it; and had desired to know\\n(1) Thomlinson s MS. letters.\\nOctober 19, 1749, Mr. Atkinson wrote thus in answer. I am supposed\\nby many people to be privy to ail the governor s transactions here, which is\\ntotally without foundation. I never saw a letter which he wrote home, nor\\nany he received, only, when any of them were communicated to the counciJ\\nor assembly; nor any of his speeclies or messages. So that, really I cannot\\nbe said to advise. Neitlier do I see what reason the people have to complain.\\nHis greatest enemies are now of the assembly, and in all tiie controversy,\\nnot one particular instance of injustice or oppression hath been mentioned\\nby them and when you read over their several messages, and votes, yon\\nwill not discover any inclination to conceal the leaat failing h\u00c2\u00ab had been th\u00c2\u00bb\\nauthor of.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0327.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "304 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1750-51.\\nthe king^s pleasure, and to have direclions how to act.^ That the\\nministry, without any exception or hesitation, had pronounced his\\nconduct conformable to his duty. That nevertheless, the board\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0of trade had solemnly considered the matter, and consulted coun-\\n:sel, and had summoned him, as agent of the province, to attend\\ntheir deliberation. Their result was, that as the crown had an\\nindisputable riglit to incorporate any town in England, and qualify\\n.it to send members to parliament, so the same right and power\\n.had been legally given to all the governors in America by means\\nof which, all the assemblies in the king s governments, had in-\\n:creased in number, as the colonies had increased in settlements.\\nTliat any other usage in calling representatives was wrong al-\\nthough it might have been indulged, when the province was under\\nthe same governor with Massachusetts. This was all which pass-\\ned before the additional instruction came out, which was sent\\nthrough the hands of the agent. As it was founded on a question\\nconcerning the rights and prerogatives of the crown he argued\\nthe absurdity of supposing, either that it had been solicited, or that\\nany attempt to have it withdrawn could be effectual. His advice\\nwas, that they should submit to it because, that under it, they\\nwould enjoy the same rights and privileges with their fellow sub-\\njects in England, and in the other colonies assuring them, that\\nthe then reigning prince had never discovered the least inclination\\nto infringe the constitutional rights of any of his subjects.\\nThis advice, however salutary, had not the intended effect.\\nInstead of submitting, the party in opposition to the governor,\\nframed a complaint against him, and sent it to London, to be\\npresented to the king. If they could have prevailed, their next\\nmeasure would have been, to recommend a gentleman, Sir William\\nPepperrell, of Massachusetts, for his successor. This manoeuvre\\ncame to the ears of Thomlinson j but he was under no necessity\\nto exert himself on this occasion: for the person to whose care\\nthe address was intrusted, considering the absurdity of complaining\\nto the king, against his governor, for acting agreeably to his in-\\nstructions, was advised not to present it.^ This disappointment\\nvexed the opposition to such a degree, that they would have gladly\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0dissolved the government, and put themselves under the jurisdic-\\ntion of Massachusetts, had it been in their power. But, finding\\nall their efforts ineffectual, either to have the instruction with-\\ndrawn, or the governor removed, they consoled themselves with\\nthis thought, that it was better to have tv^^o privileges taken from\\nthem, than voluntarily to give up one.\\n(1) MS. letter of Thomlinson to H. Sherburne, Nov. 13, 1749. (2) MS.\\nletters of Thomlinson.\\n[1750. A singular and splendid appearance in tlie heavens was noticed\\nin the eastern part of New-Hampshire, of whicli I find the following account\\nin an interleaved almanack, kept by a gentleman of Portsmouth.\\n30 August. This evening I was suddenly surprised b} an explosion in", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0328.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "1752.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 305\\nThe time for which the assembly was elected having expired,\\na new one was called in the same manner. They came ,,^rc}\\ntogether with a spirit of moderation, and a disposition to\\ntransact the long neglected business. The members, from\\nthe new towns, quietly took their seats. An unexceptionable\\nspeaker, jMeshech Weare, was elected. A recorder was ap-\\npointed. A committee was chosen to setde the treasurer s ac-\\ncounts, and a vote was passed for putting the reimbursement\\nmoney into the public funds in England.^ The governor s salary\\nwas augmented, and all things went on smoothly. The party\\nwhich had been opposed to the governor, declined, in number and\\nin virulence. Some had been removed by death others were\\nsoftened and relaxed. A liberal distribution of commissions, civil\\nand military, was made, and an era of domestic reconciliation\\ncommenced.\\nThe controversy respecting Fort-Dummer, and the fear of\\nlosing a district in that neighborhood, quickened die governor to\\nmake grants of several townships in that quarter, on both sides of\\nConnecticut river chiefly to those persons who claimed the\\nsame lands, under the Massachusetts title. The war being over,\\ndie old inhabitants returned to their plantations, and were strength-\\nened by additions to their number. It was in contemplation, to\\nextend the settlements, farther up Connecticut river, to die rich\\nmeadows of Cohos. The plan was, to cut a road to that place;\\nto lay out two townships, one on each side of the river, and oppo-\\nsite to each other; to erect stockades, with lodgments for two\\nhundred men, in each township, enclosing a space of fifteen acres\\nin the centre of which was to be a citadel, containing the public\\nbuildings and granaries, which were to be large enough to receive\\nall the inhabitants, and their moveable effects, in case of necessity.\\nAs an inducement to people to remove to this new plantation they\\nwere to have courts of judicature, and other civil privileges among\\nthemselves, and were to be under strict military discipline. A\\nlarge number of persons engaged in this enterprise and they\\nwere the rather stimulated to undertake it, because it was feared,\\nthat the French, who had already begun to encroach on the ter-\\nritory claimed by the }3ritish crown, would take possession of this\\nvaluable tract, if it should be left unoccupied.\\nIn pursuance of this plan, a party was sent up in the spring of\\n1752, to view the meadows of Cohos, and lay out the proposed\\ntownships.*^ The Indians observed them, and suspected their\\n(1) Records of assembly. Atkinson s MS. letters. (2) Atkinson s MS.\\nletters. (3) MS. letters of Col. Israel Williams.\\nthe air. It was a quarter after nine, and the sky as free from clouds and\\nthick of stars as 1 ever saw it. It appeared as if the sky opened in the South\\nabout half way from the horizon, as large as the broad side of a house, and\\nthe flame as deep a color as any fire I ever saw. It closed up gradually, and\\nwas near two minutes before it disappeared.\\n41", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0329.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "306 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1752.\\nintentions. The land .vas theirs, and they knew its value. A\\nparty of the Aresaguntacook, or St. Francis tribe was deputed,\\nto remonstrate against this proceeding. They came to the Ibrt\\nat Number-Four, with a flag of truce pretending that they had\\nnot heard of the treaty of peace, which liad been made with the\\nseveral Indian tribes. They complained to Captain Stevens, of\\nthe encroachment which was meditating on their land; and said,\\nthat they could not allow the English to settle at Cohos, when they\\nowned more land already than they could improve and, that if\\nthis settlement were pursued, they should think the English had a\\nmind for war, and would resist them. This threatening being\\ncommunicated to the governor of Massachusetts, and by him to\\nthe governor of New-Hampshire, threw such discouragement on\\nthe project that it was laid aside.\\nThe Indians did not content themselves with remonstrating and\\nthreatening. Two of the same tribe named Sabatis and Chrisii,\\ncame to Canterbury where they were entertained in a\\nfriendly manner for more than a month. At their departure,\\ntliey forced away two negroes one of whom escaped and return-\\ned and the other was carried to Crown-Point and sold to a\\nFrench officer. A party of ten or twelve of the same tribe,\\ncommanded by Captain Moses, met with four young men\\nwho were hunting on Baker s river. One of these was John\\nStark.- When he found himself surprised and fallen into their\\nhands, he called to his brother William Stark, who being in a\\ncanoe, gained the opposite shore, and escaped. They fired at\\nthe canoe, and killed a young man who was in it. John received\\na severe beating from the Indians for alarming his brother. They\\ncarried him and his companion, Eastman, up Connecticut river,\\nthrough several carrying places, and down the lake JMemphrema-\\ngog to the head quarters of their tribe. There they dressed him\\nin their finest robes and adopted him as a son. This early captiv-\\nity, from which he was redeemed, qualified him to be an expert\\npartisan, in the succeeding war from which station, he afterward\\nrose to the rank of brigadier-general in the armies of the United\\nStates.*\\nThe next year, Sabatis, with another Indian named Plausawa,\\ncame to Canterbury where, being reproached with the niiscon-\\n^^fj duct respecting the negroes, he and his companion behaved\\nin an insolent manner. Several persons treated them very\\nfreely with strong liquor. One followed them into the\\nwoods, and killed them, and by the help of another, buried them\\nbut so shallow, that their bodies were devoured by beasts of prey,\\n(1) MS. depositions. (2) Shirley s printed conference, 1754. (3) Inform-\\nation of W. Stark. (4) MS. depositions.\\n[1752. The towns of Chesterfield, Westmoreland, Walpole and Rich-\\nmond we re incorporated.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0330.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "1752.] rROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTFI. 307\\nand their bones lay on the ground.* By the treaties of peace,\\nit had been stipulated, on the one part, that if any of the Indians\\nshould commit an act of hostility against the English, their young\\nmen should join with the English in reducing such Indians to sub-\\nmission anil on the other hand, that if an Englishman should\\ninjure any of them, no private revenge should be taken but ap-\\nplication should be made to the government for justice. In the\\nautumn of the same year, a conference being held, with the east-\\nern Indians, by the government of Massachusetts, a present was\\nmade to the Aresaguntacook tribe, expressive of an intention to\\nwipe away the blood. They accepted the present, and ratified\\nthe peace which had been made in 1749.^ f\\n(1) Printed conference, 1753.\\n[Tlie names of the persons concerned in the death of these Indians, it\\nappears from the Rev. Mr Price s History of Boscawen, p. 44, were Bowen\\nand Morril. The circumstances of their death are particularly narrated in an\\narticle entitled Indian Bridge, in the Coll. of Farmer and Moore, iii. 27\u00e2\u0080\u0094 2{).\\nIt appears from ihai account, that the person who killed them was Peter Bow-\\nen, to whose house in Contoocook, (Boscawen) he invited them to stay dur-\\ning the nijrht. They had heen in a surly mood and had used some threats\\nto two perlions who offered to trade with them that day, but became in better\\nhumor on being freely treated with rum by their host. The night was spent\\nin a drunken^lndian frolic, for which Bowen had as good a relish as his\\nguests. As they became intoxicated, he fearing that they might do mischief,\\ntook the precaution to make his wife engage their attention, wliile he drew\\nthe charges from tlieir guns. The next morning, they asked Bowen to go\\nwith his horse, and carry their baggage to the place where their canoe was left\\nthe evening before. He went and carried their packs on his horse. As they\\nwent, Sabatis proposed to run a race with the horse. Bowen suspecting mis-\\nchief was^intended, declined the race, but finally consented to run. He how-\\never, took care to let tiie Indian outrun the horse. Sabatis lauglied heartily\\nat Bowen, because his horse could run no faster. They then proceeded ap-\\nparently in good humour. After a while, Sabatis said to Bowen Bowen\\nwalk woods, meaning go v/ith me as a prisoner. Bowen said, No walk\\nwoods, all one brothers. \u00c2\u00b0They went on until they were near the canoe,\\nwhen Sabatis proposed a second race, and lliat the horse should be unloaded\\nof the baggage and should start a little before hiin. Bowen refused to start\\nso, but consented to start together. They ran, and as soon as the horse had\\ngot a little before the Indian, Bowen heard a gun snap. Looking round, he\\nsaw the smoke of powder, and the gun aimed at him. He turned and struck\\nhis tomahawk in the Indian s head. He went back to meet Plausawa, who\\nseeing the fate of Sabatis, took aim with his gun at Bowen. The gun flash-\\ned. Plausawa fell on his knees and begged for his life. He pleaded his in-\\nnocence, and former friendship for the English; but all in vain. Bowen\\nknew there would be no safety for him while the companion and friend of\\nSabatis was living. To secure himself, he buried the same tomahawk in the\\nskull of Plausawa. Tliis was done in the road on the bank of Merrimack riv-\\ner, near the northerly line of Boscawen. Bowen hid the dead bodies under\\na small bridge in Salisbury. The next spring the bodies were discovered and\\nburied.\\nt[]75n. Keene, Charlestown. Swanrey, Winchester and Hinsdale were\\nincorporated. Swanzey was first granted by Massachusetts in 1734, to 64\\nproprietors, whose first meeting was hojilen at Concord. Mass., 27 .Tune, that\\nyear. Until its incorporation by New-Hampshire, it was called Lou-cr-Ashne-\\nlot, from the Indian name of the river, which was originally Ashaelock. From\\n1741 to 1747, this town suffered much from Indian depredations. Several of\\nthe inhabitants were killed and some were made prisoners. The province of\\nMassachusetts, under whose jurisdiction this town had remained thirteen", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0331.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "308 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1754,\\nThe two men who killed Sabatis and Plausawa, were appre-\\nhended and brought to Portsmouth. A bill was found against\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2r^e.A them by the grand jury, and they were confined in irons.\\nIn the niglit, before the day appointed for their trial, an\\narmed mob from the country, with axes and crows, forced the\\n])rison, and carried them off in triumph. A proclamation was\\nissued, and a reward oflered by the governor for apprehending\\nthe rioters but no discovery was made, and the action was even\\ndeemed meritorious.^ The next summer, another conference\\nwas held at Falmouth, at which commissioners from New-Hamp-\\nshire assisted. The Aresaguntacooks did not attend but sent a\\nmessage purporting that the blood was not wiped away. The\\ncommissioners from New-Mampshire made a handsome present,\\nto all the Indians, who appeared at this conference which ended\\nas usual, in the promise of peace and friendship.^\\nCHAPTI]R XXII.\\nThe last French and Indian war, whicli terminal, d in the conquest of Canada-\\nControversy concerning the lands westward Connecticut river.\\nBy the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, in 1 748, it was stipulated,\\nthat all tilings should be restored, on the footing they were\\nbefore the war. The island of Cape-Breton was accordingly\\nrestored to France but the limits of the French and English\\nterritories on the continent, were undetermined and it was the\\npolicy of both nations to gain possession of important passes,\\nand to which each had some pretensions, to hold them,\\ntill the limits should be settled by commissioners mutually\\nchosen. These commissioners met at Paris but came to no\\ndecision. By the construction of charters and grants from\\nthe crown of England, her colonies extended indefinitely west-\\nward. The French had setdements in Canada and Louisiana,\\nand they meditated to join these distant colonies, by a chain of\\nforts and posts, from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi and to\\nextend the limits of Canada, as far eastward, as to command uav-\\n(1) MS. letters of Governor Wentworth. (2) Printed conference.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n(3) Printed treaty.\\nyears, having withdrawn her protection, and left the people in a defenceless\\nslate, and exposed to the fury of the savages, tlie settlers abandoned the place,\\nand nianv of them returned to their former ])laces of residence in Massachu-\\nsetts. The Indians very soon set fire to their forts, which, with every house\\nexcept one, tiiey reduced to ashes. They returned about three years after-\\nwards, when nothing but desolation and ruin was to be seen about their form-\\ner habitations. They recommenced their settlements, and were not after-\\nwards molested by the Indians. N. H. Gazetteer, 248.\\n1755. Madbury was incorporated. 175(). Sandown was incorporated.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0332.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "1754.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 399\\nigatioii in the winter, when the great river St. Lawrence is impas-\\nsable. These claims of territory, extending on the one part from\\neast to west, and on the other from north to south, necessarily in-\\nterfered. The colonies of Nova-Scotia, New- York and Virginia,\\nwere principally affected by this interference and the encroach-\\nments made on them by the French, were a subject of complaint,\\nboth here and in Europe.\\nIt was foreseen that this controversy could not be decided but\\nby the sword and the English determined to be early in ^r-r^\\ntheir preparations. The Earl of Holderness, secretary\\nof state, wrote to the governors of the American colonies, recom-\\nmending union for their mutual protection and defence. A\\nmeeting of commissioners from the colonies, at Albany, having\\nbeen appointed, for the purpose of holding a conference with the\\nSix Nations, on the subject of French encroachments, within their\\ncountry; it was proposed, by Governor Shirley, to the several\\ngovernors, that the delegates should be instructed on the subject\\nof union.*\\nAt the place appointed, the congress was held consisting of\\ndelegates from Massachusetts, New-Hampshire, Rhode- j^^^^\\nIsland, Connecticut, Pennsylvania and Maryland with\\nthe lieutenant-governor and council of New-York. They took\\ntheir rank in geographical order, beginning at the north. One\\nmember from each colony was appointed to draw a plan of union\\nHutchinson of ]\\\\Iassachusetts, Atkinson of New-Hampshire, Hop-\\nkins of Rhode-Island, Pitkin of Connecticut, Smith of New-York,\\nFranklin of Pennsylvania, and Tasker of Maryland.- The sub-\\nstance of the plan was, that application be made, for an act of\\nparliament, to form a grand council, consisting of delegates from\\nthe several legislative assemblies, subject to the control of a presi-\\ndent-general, to be appointed by the crown, with a negative voice.\\nThat this council should enact general laws apjiortion the quotas\\nof men and money, to be raised by each colony determine the\\nbuilding of forts regulate the operations of armies and concert\\nall measures for the common protection and safety. The dele-\\ngates of Connecticut alone, entered their dissent to the plan, be-\\ncause of the negative voice of the president-general. It is worthy\\nof remark, that this plan, for the union of the colonies, was agreed\\nto, on the fourth day of July exactly twenty-two years before\\nthe declaration of American Independence, and that the name of\\nFranklin appears in both.*f\\n(1) Shirley s letters and speeches. (2) Atkinson s MS. Journal.\\n[The plan of a proposed union of tlie several colonies of Massachusetts-\\nBay, New-Hampshire, Connecticut. Rhode-Island, New-York, New-Jersey,\\nPennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, and South-Carolina, for\\ntheir mutual defence and security, and for extendinpj the British settlements\\nin North-America, with the reasons and motives for each article of the plan,\\n(as far as could be remembered) is given entire in the Works of Franklin,\\nPhiladelphia edition, 1600, vol. iv.p.5 38.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0333.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "310 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1754.\\nWith the j)laii of union, a representation was made to the king,\\nof the danger in which the colonies were involved. Copies of\\nboth were laid before the several assemblies. They were fully\\nsensible of their danger from the French but they ap])rehended\\ngreater danger from the plan of union. Its fate was singular. It\\nwas rejected in America, because it was supposed to put too much\\n))ower into the hands of the king and it was rejected in England,\\nbecause it was supposed to give too much power to the assemblies\\nof the colonies. The ministry made another proposal that the\\ngovernor, v ith one or two membersof the council, of each colony,\\nshould assemble, aid consult for the common defence, and draw\\non the British treasury for the sums expended which should be\\nraised by a general tax, laid by parliament, on the colonies.\\nBut this was not a time to push such an alarming innovation and\\nwhen it was found impracticable, the ministry determined to em-\\nploy their own troops, to fight their battles in America, rather than\\nto let the colonists ieel dieirown strength, and be directed by their\\nown counsels.\\nTo draw some aid however from the colonies was necessary.\\nTheir militia might serve as guards, or rangers, or laborers, or do\\ngarrison duly, or be employed in other inferior offices but Brit-\\nish troops, commanded by British ofllcers, must have the honor\\nof reducing the French dominions in North America.\\nThe savage nations in the French interest were always ready,\\non the first appearance of a rupture, to take up the hatchet. It\\nwas the policy of the French government, to encourage their\\ndepredations, on the frontiers of the English colonies, to which\\nthey had a native antipathy. By this means, the PVcnch could\\nmake their enemies pay the whole expense of a war for all the\\nsupplies, which they afforded to the Indians, were amj)ly compen-\\nsated, by the ransom of captives. In these later wars, therefore,\\nwe find the savages more dextrous in taking captives, and more\\ntender of them when taken, than in former wars which were\\ncarried on with circumstances of greater cruelty.\\nNo sooner had the alarm of hostilities, which commenced be-\\ntween the English and French, in the western part of Virginia,\\nspread through the continent; than the Indians renewed their\\nattacks on the frontiers of New-Hampshire.* A party of them\\n(1) Franklin s Examination, l/fiG.\\nt At tliis congress, a present from the crown was distributed to the Indians.\\nThe commissioners of New-Hampshire. Atkinson, Wil)ird, Sherburne and\\nWeare, by direction of the assembly, made them a separate present. It is a\\ncustom among the Si.\\\\ Nations to give a /irtmr to tlieir benefactors on such oc-\\ncasions. The name which they gave to tlie province of New-Hampshire was\\nSo-sairtiax-ovmnc. I have inquired of the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, the meaning of\\nthis name: He informed me that 6 o signifies, again; saguar, a. visn and\\noiranf, large.\\n[On the Ifi May. Nathaniel Meloon, who had recently removed his fam-\\nily from the fort in Contoocook to Stovens-town, now the west part of Salis-\\nbury, waa captured by the Indians, together witli his wife and four children,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0334.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "1754.]\\nPROVINCE. BENNING VVENTWORTH. 3J|\\nmade an assault, on a f\\\\iniily at Baker s-town, on Peinigewasset\\nriver where tliey killed a woman, and took several cap-\\ntives.* Within three days, they killed a man and woman\\nat Steven s-town in the same neighborhood; upon which\\nthe settlements were broken up, and the people retired to tho\\nlower towns lor safety, and the government was obliged to post\\nsoldiers in the deserted places.* After a few days more, a on\\nthey broke into the house of James Johnson, at Number-\\nFour, early in the morning, before any of the family were awake\\nand took him, with his wife and three children, her sister jNlifiani\\nWillard, and two men, Peter Laboree and Ebenezer Farnsworih.\\nThe surprisal was complete and bloodless, and they carried them\\noft undisturbed. The next day, Johnson s wife was delivered of\\na daughter, who from the circumstance of its birth was named\\nCaptive. The Indians halted one day, on the woman s account,\\nand the next day resumed their march carrying her on a litter,\\nwhich they made for the purpose, and afterwards put her on\\nhorse-back. On their march, they were distressed for provision\\nand killed the horse for food. The infant was nourished, by\\nsucking pieces of its flesh. When they arrived at Montreal,\\nJohnson obtained a parole, of two months, to return and solicit the\\n(1) Council minutes.\\nviz. Rachel, John, Daniel and Sarah. Nathaniel his eldest son escaped.\\nTliey were carried to Canada, and upon their arrival there, the children were\\nseparated, and sold to the P^rencli. Mr. Meloon and wife were permitted to\\nlive together, and their son Joseph, lately living in Salisbury, in this state,\\nwas born in their captivity in 175-5. After a servitude of more than three\\nyears in Canada, the parents, with their three sons, were shipped for France\\nbut on tiieir voyage, near the Grand Banks, were taken by tire British, and\\nsafely landed at Portland, in Maine, from whence they travelled by land, and\\nreturned home after an absence of four years, of tedious captivity. Their\\ndaughter Rachel, who was nine years when taken, returned after nine year;*,\\nthough much against her inclination. She had become much attached to the\\nIndians, had learned their language and could sing their songs, and ever after\\nretained a partialit} for their manners and habits. Sarah the youngest child\\nis supposed to have died soon after their arrival in Canada. Rachel the\\nmother was the second woman who moved into the town of Salisbury. Sho\\nlived until 1S04, wlien she died at the age of 94. Price, Hist, of Boscawen,\\n113.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Coll. of N. PI. Hist. Soc. i i. 2G.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Coll. of Farmer and Moore, ii. 37G.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nGazetteer of N. H. by do. 233. Hough s Concord Courier, lJ;04. MS. letter\\nMoses Eastman, Esq.]\\n[Tlie woman killed was the wife of Philip Call. Timothy Cook, son of\\nElisha Cook who was killed in 174G (see page 289.) was killed at the same\\ntime. The captives were Samuel Scribner and Robert Barber of Salisbury,\\nwliow ere both sold to the French, and Enos Bishop of Boscawen, wlio arrive(i\\nin thirteen days at St. Francois, and within eight weeks, was sold to a Frencii\\ngentleman at Montreal for 300 livres. On the 26 September, the next year,\\nhe, with two others escaped from Montreal, and after travelling twenty-si.x:\\ndays, eighteen of which were without any food other than what the wilder-\\nness afforded them, he arrived at Charlestown, and from tlience returned to\\ntheir friends. A sum of money had been raised for his ransom, but the per-\\nson by whom it was sent, converted it to his own use. After liis return, Bish-\\nop represented his sufferings to the general court, and received jG50 from tlie\\npublic treasury. Price, Hist. Boscawen, 113, 114. Farmer and Moore, Hist.\\nColl. i. 02, 63.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gazetteer of N. H. 233.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Papers in Secretary s office.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0335.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "31-2 HISTORY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. [1754.\\nmeans of rcilemplionJ He ap{)lied to the assembly of Nevv-\\nJ,. Hampshire, and after some delay obtained one luiiidred\\nand fifiy pounds sterling.- But the season was so far ad-\\nvanced, and the winter proved so severe, that he did not reach\\nCanada till the spring. He was then charged with breaking his\\nparole a great part of his money was taken I rom him by violence\\nand, he was shut up with his family in prison where they took\\nthe small pox, which they happily survived. After eighteen\\nmonths, the woman, with her sister, and two daughters, were sent\\nin a cartel ship to England and thence returned to Boston.\\nJohnson was kept in prison three years and then, with his son,\\nreturned and met his wife in Boston where he had the singular\\nill fortune, to be suspected of designs unfriendly to his country,\\naad was again imprisoned but no evidence being produced\\nagainst him, he was liberated. His eldest daughter was retained\\nin a Canadian nunnery.\\nThe fort and settlement at Nimiber-Four, being in an exposed\\nsituation, required assistance and support. It had been built by\\nMassachusetts when it was supposed to be within its limits. It\\nwas projected by Colonel Stoddard of Northampton, and was well\\nsituated, in connection with the other forts, on tlic western frontier,\\nto command all the paths by w^hich the Indians travelled from\\nCanada to New-England. It was now evidently in New-Hamp-\\nshire and Shirley, by advice of his council, applied to Went-\\nworth, recommending the future maintenance of tliat post, to the\\ncare of his assembly; but they did not think themselves interested\\nin its preservation, and refused to make any provision for it.\\nThe inhabitants made several applications for the same purpose\\nbut were uniformly disappointed. They then made pressing re-\\nmonstrances to the assembly of IMassachusetts, who sent soldiers\\nfor the defence of that post, and of Fort-Dummer, till 1757; -5\\nwhen they supposed that the commander in cbief of the king s\\nforces would take them under his care, as royal garrisons. It\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2was also recommended to the assembly of New-Hampshire to\\n;huild a fort at Cohos; but this proposal met the same fate.\\nThe next spring, three expeditions were undertaken against\\nthe French forts. One against Fort du Quesne, on the Ohio,\\n-,^1-r was conducted by General Braddock who was defeated\\nand slain. Another against Niagara, by Governor Shirley,\\nwhich miscarried and a third against Crown-Point, by General\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Johnson. For this last expedition, New-Hampshire raised five\\nhundred men, and put them under the command of Colonel Jo-\\nseph Blanchard.* The governor ordered them to Connecticut\\n(1) Olcott s MS. letter. (2) Assembly records. (3) [Narrative of the cap-\\ntivity of Mrs. Jolinson, in the. Collections of Farmer and Moore for 1822, vol.\\ni. 17 7\u00e2\u0080\u0094 239.] (4) Shirley s MS. letters. (5) Massachusetts Records.\\n[Colonel Blanchard was of Dunstable, where he was born 11 February,\\n1 705. He was appointed by mandamus, one of the counsellore of New-Hamp-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0336.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "1754.} PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWOllTII. 3] 3\\nriver, to build a fort at Cohos, siipposins; it to be in their way to\\nCrown-Point. Tiicy first rnarclied to leaker s town, where they\\nbegan to build balteaux, and consumed their time and provisions\\nto no purpose. By Shirley s advice, they quitted that iutile em-\\nployment, and made a fiitiguing march through the woods, by the\\nway of Number- Four, to Albany. Whilst Johnson lay encamped\\nat Lake George, with his other forces, he posted the New-Hamp-\\nshire regiment at Fort Edward. On the eighth of September, he\\nwas attacked in his camp, by Baron Dieskau, commanding a body\\nof French regular troops, Canadians and savages. On the morn-\\nmg of that day, a scouting party from Fort Edward discovered\\nwagons burning in the road upon which Captain Nathaniel Fol-\\nsom was ordered out, with eiglity of the New-Hampshire regiment,\\nand forty of New-York under Captain McGennis. When they\\ncame to the place, they found the wagoners and the cattle dead\\nbut no enemy was there. Hearing the report of guns, toward the\\nlake, they hasted thither; and having approached within (wo miles,\\nfound the baggage of the French army, under the care of a guard,\\nwhom they attacked and dispersed. When the retreating army\\nof Dieskau appeared, about four of the clock in the afternoon,\\nFolsom posted his men among the trees, and kept up a well di-\\nrected fire, till night the enemy retired, with great loss, and he\\nmade his way to the camp, carrying his own wounded, and several\\nFrench prisoners, with many of the enemy s packs.^ This well-\\ntimed engagement, in which but six men on our side were lost,\\ndeprived the French army of their ammunition and baggage\\nthe remains of which were brought into camp the next day.\\nAfter this, the regiment of New-Hampshire joined the army.\\nThe men were employed in scouting, which service they perform-\\ned in a manner so acceptable, that no other duty was required of\\nthem. Pardes of them frequently went within view of the French\\nfort at Crown-Point and at one time they brought off the scalp\\nof a French soldier, whom they killed near the gate.^\\nAfter the engagement on the 8th of September, when it was\\nfound necessary to reinforce the army, a second regiment, of three\\nhundred men, was raised in New-Hampshire, and put under the\\ncommand of Colonel Peter Oilman. These men were as alert,\\nand indefatigable as their brethren, though they had not opportu-\\nnity to give such convincing evidence of it. The expedition was\\nno farther pursued and late in autumn the forces were disbanded\\nand returned home.\\n(1) Folsom s information. (2) Johnson s printed letter. (3) Atkinson s\\nMS. letters.\\nshire in 1740, and sustained the office until his death, 7 April, 1758. He was\\ndistinguished as a land surveyor, and in conjunction with Rev. Samuel Lang-\\ndon, prepared a map of New-H.ampshire, which was published in 17CI, bein^\\ninscribed to the Hon. Charleg Townsend, his majestys secretary at war, and\\nona of the privy council.]\\n42", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0337.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "314 HISTORY OF NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. [1755.\\nThe exertions made for tlic reduction of Crown-Point, not\\nonly failed of their object, but provoked the Indians, to execute\\ntheir mischievous designs, against the frontiers of New-Hamp-\\nshire which were wholly uncovered, and exposed to their full\\nforce. Between the rivers Connecticut and St. Francis, there is\\na safe and easy communication by short carrying-places, with\\nwhich they were perfectly acquainted. The Indians of that river,\\ntherefore, made frequent incursions, and returned unmolested\\nwith their prisoners and booty.\\nAt New-Hopkinton, they took a man and a boy but perceiv-\\ning the approach of a scouting party, they fled and left their cap-\\ntives. At Keene, they took Benjamin Twitchel, and at Walpole\\nthey killed Daniel Twitchel, and a man named Flint. At the\\nsame place. Colonel Bellows, at the head of twenty men met\\nwith a party of fifty Indians and having exchanged some shot,\\nand killed several of the enemy, he broke through them and got\\ninto the fort not one man of his company being killed or wound-\\ned. f After a few days, these Indians, being joined by others to\\nthe number of one hundred and seventy, assaulted the garrison of\\nJohn Kilburn, in which were himself, John Peak, two boys and\\nseveral u-omen who bravely defended the house and obliged the\\nenemy to retire, with considerable loss. Peak was mortally\\nwounded. 2 J Some of these Indians joined Dieskau s army, and\\n(1) Sumner s MS. letter. (2) Fessenden s MS. letter.\\n[They had gone back to the hills, about a mile east from tlie settlement,\\nto procure some timber for oars. One of them was scalped tlie other they\\ncut open and took out his heart, cut it in pieces and laid them on his breast.\\nTheir bodies were buried near where tliey were found and a ridge of land,\\nthe west side of the road, about two miles nortli of Walpole village, towards\\nDrewsville, points out the spot hallowed by the remains of tiie first victims of\\nIndian massacre in the town of Walpole. Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc. ii. 51, 52.}\\ni [It appears that Colonel Bellows and his men were returning home, each\\nhaviiig a bag of meal on his back. From the motions of the dogs, they sus-\\nj)ected the near approach of the enemy. The colonel ordered all his men to\\nthrow oft the meal, advance to an eminence before them, carefully crawl up\\nthe bank, spring upon their feet, give one wlioop, and then drop into the\\nsweet fern. This manoeuvre had the desired effect; for as soon as tlie whoop\\nwas (riven, the Indians all arose from their ambush in a semicircle around the\\npath Bellows was to follow. His men immediately fired which so disconcert-\\ned the plans and expectations of the Indians, that they darted away into the\\nbushes witliout fa-ing a gun. Finding their number too great for his, tlie col-\\nonel ordered his men to file off to the south and make for the fort. Ibid. ii.\\n55, 50.]\\nt [The defence of Kilbnrn s garrison, of which a particular account is given\\nin the Coll. N. II. Hist. Soc. ii. 55 57, was one of tlie most heroic and suc-\\ncessful efforts of personal courage and valor recorded in tlie annals of Indian\\nwarfare. The number of Indians was about 200, some accounts say 400,\\nagainst whom, John Kilburn, his son John, in his If^th year, John Peak (whose\\nname was erroneously ])rinted Pike in tlie former editions) and his son, and\\nthe wife and daughter of Kilburn, were obliged to contend for their lives.\\nThe leader of the Indians, named Philip, was well acquainted with Kilburn,\\nand having approached near the gnrrison and secured iiimself behind a tree,\\ncalled out to those in the house to surrender. Old John, young John, eaid\\nhe, I know you, come out here We give you good quarter. Quarter,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0338.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "1755.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 315\\nwere in the battle at Lake George. At Number-Four, they killed\\na large number of cattle, and cut off the flesh. At Hinsdale,\\nthey attacked a party, who were at work in the woods killed\\nJohn Hardiclay and John Alexander, and took Jonathan Colby.\\nThe others escaped to the fort. Within a few days afterward,\\nthey ambushed Caleb Howe, Hilkiah Grout, and Benja-\\nmin GafTield, as they were returning from their labor in\\nthe field. Howe was killed GafBeld was drowned in attempting\\nto cross the river and Grout made his escape. The Indians\\nwent directly to Bridgman s fort, where the families of these un-\\nfortunate men resided. They had heard the report of the guns,\\nand were impatient to learn the cause. ]3y the sound of feet\\nwithout, it being in the dusk of the evening, they concluded that\\ntheir friends had returned, and too hastily opened the gate to re-\\nceive them when to their inexpressible surprise, they admitted\\nthe savages, and the three families, consisting of fourteen persons,\\nwere made captives.*^\\nAfter the defeat and death of Braddock, the chief connnand\\nof the operations against the enemy fell into the hands of Shirley\\n(1) Gay s MS. letter.\\nvociferated Kilburn, with a voice of thunder, you black rascals, begone, or\\nwe ll quarter you. The Indians soon rushed forward to the attack, but were\\nrepulsed by Kilburn and his men, who were aided by the females in running-\\nbullets and in loadins: their guns, of which they had several in the house.\\nAll the afternoon, one incessant firing was kept up till near sundown, when\\nthe Indians began to disappear and as the sun sunk behind the western hills,\\nthe sound of the guns, and the cry of the war whoop died away in silence.\\nPeak, by an imprudent exposure before the port hole, received a ball in his\\nhip, which, for want of surgical aid, proved fatal on the 5th day. Kilburn\\nlived to see the town of Walpole populous and flourishing, and his fourth\\ngeneration on the stage. On a plain unpolished stone in Walpole burying\\nground is the following inscription\\nIn Memory\\nof\\nJOHN KILBURN,\\nwho departed this life for a better, April 8th, 1789,\\nin his 85th year of his age. He was the first\\nsettler of this town in 1749.\\nHis son John spent the last years of his life in the town of Shrewsbury,\\nVermont, and died in 1822, at the same age of his father. Ibid. ii. 55 58.\\nRev. Mr. Fessenden in the letter referred to, says, but four families settled\\nin town until after the reduction of Canada.\\nOne of these, the wife of Caleb Howe, was thofair cajjtire, of whom such\\na brilliant account is given in the life of General Putnam, jtublislied by Col-\\nonel Humphreys. She is still living at Hinsdale, and has obliged the author\\nwith a particular narrative of her sufferings and deliverance. This account,\\ndrawn up by the Rev. Mr. Gay. is too long to be here inserted, and too enter-\\ntaining to be abridged but will probably be published at some future time.\\n[It appeared in the appendix to the iii. volume.] As to that part of the story,\\nthat tlie people of Hinsdale chose her to go to Europe, as theiragentin aca.se\\nof disputed lands; it was never known or thought of by them till the life of\\nPutnam appeared in jjrint. Gay s MS. letter. [Eunice, the wife of Benja-\\nmin Gaflield, after having been carried to Canada and sold tothe French, was\\nsent to France, from th mce to Englnnd, and froui FiUgland to Boston. (News-\\npaper.) She afterwards married a Mr. Pratt, and lived until the present year\\n(1830) when she died at Dana, in Maaeachusetts, at tiie age of 97.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0339.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "31 G HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1756.\\nwho called another congress, at New- York, and planned another\\nexpedition against Crown-Point lor which j)nrpose, he called on\\nthe several governments to raise men and provide stores. A regi-\\nment was raised in New-Hampshire, the command of which was\\ngiven to Colonel Nathaniel Meserve.* They also appointed two\\ncommissioners, Peter Oilman and Thomas VVestbrooke Waldron,\\nwho resided at Albany, to take care of die stores, whilst the regi-\\nment, with the other troops, assisted in building forts and batteaux.\\nIn the midst of this campaign, Shirley was superseded by the\\nEarl of London but the summer passed away in fruitless labor j\\nwhilst the French, by their superior alertness, besieged and took\\ntiie English fort at Oswego and the regiments of Shirley and\\nPeppercll, who garrisoned it, were sent prisoners to France.\\nDuring this summer, the Indians killed Lieutenant Moses Willard,\\nand wounded his son at Number-Four and took Josiah Foster,\\nwith his wife and two children, from Winchester. They also\\nwounded Zebulon Stebbins, of Hinsdale, who, with Reuben\\nWright, discovered an ambush, and prevented the captivity of\\nseveral persons for whom the Indians were lying in wait.^\\nThe soldiers of New-Hampshire were so expert, in every ser-\\nvice which required agility, and so habituated to fatigue and dan-\\nger that, by the express desire of Lord Loudon, three ranging\\ncompanies were formed of themj who continued in service during\\nthe winter as well as the summer. The command of these com-\\npanies was given to Robert Rogers, John Stark, and William\\nStark. They were eminently useful in scouring the woods, pro-\\ncuring intelligence, and skirmishing with detached parlies of the\\nenemy. These companies were kept during the war, in the pay\\nof the crown and after the peace, the officers were allowed half\\npay on the British establishment.*\\n(1) Sliirley s letters. (2) July 25\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Loudon s MS. letters. (3) Gay, Sum-\\nner and Olcott s MS. letters. (4) Lord Loudon s MS. letters.\\n[175(). From this period is to be dated the firstintroductionof printing in\\nthe province of New-Hampshire. A printing press was set up at Portsnioutli in\\nAugust, this j ear. by Daniel Fowle, from Boston, and the New-Hanijishire\\nGazette vfa.s issued by him on the seventh of October following. Dr. Tiiom-\\nasin his History of Printing, vol. ii. p. 260, thus speaks of the establishment\\nof the Gazette. A Press having been established at Portsmouth, by Dan-\\niel Fowle, from Boston, he, in August, IT-jG, began the publication of a pub-\\nlic journal, entitled tlie New-Hampshire Gazette. Froni the circumstance\\nthat the head of the iirst number of the Gazette, with the date, (August) is\\ngiven by Dr. Tliomas, it might be supposed he had seen that number, or that\\nsome one who had seen it, had copied the head of it for him, with the true\\ndate. But the time given by him is evidently wrong, as will appear from the\\nfollowing printed note from Ames s Almanack for 1757, which was issued\\nfrom tlie same press the same year the Gazette commenced. The first\\nPiiiNTi.vr. Press set up in Poktsmouth, New-Hampsiiire, was on Anirust\\n175G The G.xzettk puhiishcd the Itk October and this Ai.ma.nack A ovanbcr\\nfolloirimr. This pajier is still continued and is the oldest in New-England.\\nThe nmnber for 12 October, 1830, is marked Vol. LXXV. No. 48. About\\neighty diflerent newspapers have been publis ied in New-Hampshire. Some\\nofthcm have had a very brief existence, while others have attained a respect-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0340.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "1757.] PROVINCE. BENNING AVENTWORTH. 317\\nThe next year, another Crown-Point expedition was projected\\nby Lord Loudon. The crown was at the expense of stores\\nand provisions, and required of the colonies, to raise, arm, |\u00c2\u00abC7\\nclothe, and pay their quotas of men. Another regiment\\nwas raised in New-Hampshire, of which Meserve was command-\\ner who went to Halifax with part of his regiment, a body of one\\nhundred carpenters, and three companies of rangers, to serve un-\\nder Lord Loudon, whilst the other part of the regiment under\\nLieutenant-Colonel GofTe, was ordered by General Webb, who\\ncommanded at the westward, in the absence of the Earl of Lou-\\ndon, to rendezvous at Number-Four. Before their arrival, a\\nlarge party of French and Indians attacked the mills in that place,\\nand took Sampson Colefax, David Farnsworth and Thomas Ad-\\nams.^ The inhabitants, hearing the guns, advanced to the mills\\nbut finding the enemy in force, prudently retreated. The enemy-\\nburned the mills and in their retreat, took two other men, who\\nwere coming in from hunting, viz. Thomas Robbins and Asa Spaf-\\nford. Farnsworth and Robbins returned the others died in\\nCanada.\\nGofl e with his men marched through Number-Four and joined\\nGeneral Webb at Albany who posted them at Fort William Hen-\\nry, near Lake George, under the command of Colonel Munroe,\\nof the thirty-fifth British regiment. The French General Mont-\\ncalm, at the head of a large body of Canadians and Indians, with\\na train of artillery, invested this fort and in six days, the\\ngarrison, after having expended all their ammunition, ca-\\npitulated on condition that they should not serve against the\\nFrench for eighteen months. They were allowed the\\nhonors of war, and were to be escorted by the French\\ntroops to Fort Edward, with their private baggage. The Indians,\\nwho served in this expedition, on (he promise of plunder, were\\nenraged at the terms granted to the garrison and, as they march-\\ned out unarmed, fell upon them, stripped them naked, and mur-\\ndered all who m.adc any resistance. The New-Hampshire regi-\\nment happening to be in the rear, felt the chief fury of the ene-\\nmy. Out of two hundred, eighty were killed and taken.^\\n(1) Olcott s MS. letters. (2) New-Hampshire Gazette, No. 49.\\nable age. The tliree oldest, next to the Gazette, now published, are the\\nPortsmouth Journal, marked on the 3 July, 1830, No. 27, Vol. XLI tiie J\\\\c?c-\\nHnmpshire Sentinel, printed at Keene, which commenced in Marcli, 17t)t);\\nand the Farmer s Cahinet. publislied at Amherst, which conimonccd 1 1 Nov-\\nember, 1802. The number of newspapers now (1830) printed in the state\\namounts to nineteen.\\n175G. Ezekiel Flanders and Edward Emery were killed by the Indians,\\nwhen huntiiiir beaver by New-found pond, between Bristol and Hebron, in\\ntlie county of Grafton. The Indians afterwards informed, that one of them\\nwas shot when skinning a beaver in a camp, and the otJier shot at the same\\ntime, in sight of tlie camp, bringing in a beaveron liis bark. The next ear,\\nMoses Jackman, of Boscnwen, who it \\\\s believed is still living, was taken\\ncaptive while on a visit at Mr. Cloughs in Canterbury. He returned after a\\ncaptivity of four years. Price, Hist, of Boscawen, 114, 115.J", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0341.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "3 IS HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSIIIRE. [1757.\\nThis melancholy event threw the whole country into the deep-\\nest consternation. Webb, who remained at Fort Edward, ex-\\npecting to be there attacked, sent expresses to all the provinces\\nlor reinforcements. The French, however, did not pursue their\\nadvantage, but returned to Canada. A reinforcement of two\\nhundred and fifty men was raised in New-Hampshire, under the\\nconmiand of I\\\\Iajor Thomas Tasli which, by the orders of\\nGeneral Webb; was stationed at Number-Four. This was the\\nfirst time that the troops of New-Hampshire occupied that im-\\nportant post.\\nHitherto the war had been, on our part, unsuccessful. The\\ngreat expense, the frequent disappointments, the loss of men, of\\nforts, and of stores, were very discouraging. The enemy s coun-\\ntry was filled with prisoners, and scalps, private plunder, and pub-\\nlic stores and provisions, which our people, as beasts of burden,\\nhad conveyed to them. These reflections were the dismal enter-\\ntainment of the winter. The next spring called lor fi esh exer-\\ntions and happily for America, the British ministry had been\\nchanged, and the direction of the war, in answer to the united\\nvoice of the people of England, was put into the hands of that\\ndecisive statesman, William Pitt.\\nIn his circular letter to the American governors, he assured\\nthem that to repair the losses and disappointments of the last\\n-.f^ro inactive campaign, it was determined to send a formidable\\nforce, to operate by sea and land, against the French in\\nAmerica and he called upon them to raise as large bodies of\\nmen, within their respective governments, as the number of in-\\nhabitants might allow leaving it to them, to form the regiments\\nand to appoint ofticers at their discretion.- He informed them\\nthat arms, ammunition, tents, provisions, and boats would be fur-\\nnished by the crown and he required the colonies to levy, clothe\\nand pay their men assuring them that recommendations would\\nbe made to parliament to grant them a compensation.\\nNotwithstanding their former losses and disappointments, the\\nassembly of New-Hampshire, on receiving diis requisition, cheer-\\nfully voted eight hundred men for the service of the year.^ The\\nregiment commanded by Colonel John Hart, marched to the west-\\nward, and served under General Abercrombie. A body of one hun-\\ndred and eight carpenters, under the conduct of Colonel Meserve,\\nenibarked for Louisburg, to serve at the second siege of that for-\\ntress, under General Amherst. Unhappily the small pox broke\\nout among them, which disabled them from service all but six-\\n(1) MS. letters of Governor Wentworth. (2) Original MS. (3) Govern-\\nor s proclamation, April 1.\\n[Major Thomas Tash was horn in Durham in 172 2. He was a brave otri-\\ncer in both the Freimh and Revolutionary wars. At the close of the latter,\\nhe removed to New-Durham, where he died at the age of 87. Gazetteer of\\nA ew-Ilampshire, 105.]\\ni", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0342.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "1758.] PROVfiNCE. BENNIiNG WK.NTWORTIf. 319\\nteen were seized at once, and these attended the sick.i Mcserve*\\nand his eldest son died of this fatal disorder. This year was re-\\nmarkable for the second surrender of Louisburg the unfortunate\\nattack on the lines of Ticonderoga, where Lord Howe was killed\\nthe taking of Fort Frontenac by Colonel Bradstreet, and the de-\\nstruction of Fort du Quesne on the Ohio, the contention for\\nwhich, began the war.f\\nIn the course of this year, the Indians continued to infest the\\nfrontiers. At Hinsdale, they killed Captain Moore, and his son\\ntook his family and burned his house. At Number-Four, they\\nkilled Asahcl Stebbins, and took his wife, with Isaac Parker and\\na soldier. The cattle of this exposed settlement, which fed\\nchiefly in the woods, at a distance from the fort, often served the\\nenemy for provisions.\\nThe next year, a similar requisition being made by Secretary\\nPitt, New-Hampshire raised a thousand men for the ser- ^ijrn\\nvice, who were regimented under the command of Colon-\\nel Zaccheus Lovewell, son of the famous parUsan, who lost his\\nlife at Pequawket.J This regiment joined the army at the west-\\nward, and served under General Amherst in the actual reduction\\nof Ticonderoga and Crown-Point, and in building a new fortress\\nat the last place. The success of this summer was brilliant, be-\\nyond former example. The French fort at Niagara surrendered\\nto General Johnson and the strong city of Quebec was taken by\\nthe British troops under General Wolfe, who, with the French\\nGeneral Montcalm, was slain in the decisive battle.\\nWhen the British arms had obtained a decided superiority over\\nthe French, it was determined to chastise the Indians who had\\ncommitted so many devastations on the frontiers of New-\\nEngland. Major Robert Rogers S, was despatched from\\n(1) Amherst s printed journal, June 28. (2) Gay s and Olcott s MS. letters.\\nColonel Meserve, was a gentleman of a fine meclianical genius. Being a.\\nshipwright by profession, he attained to eminence in his business, and acquired\\na handsome fortune. His moral and social character was unblemished, and\\nin the military line, he was highly respected. The Earl of Loudon had such\\na sense of his merit, as to present him a piece of plate, with an inscription,\\nacknowledging his capacity, fidelity, and ready disposition, in the service of\\nhis country New-Hampshire Gazette, No. 97.\\n[Tiiis important fortress was taken b} the English on the 2-^ November,\\nand in compliment to the popular minister of England at that time, was called\\nPittsburg.]\\nt [Colonel Zaccheus Lovewell was a hrnf her o{ Captn.in John Lovewell, the\\nhero of Pequawket. See Collections of Farmer and Moore, ii. C4.]\\n[Major Rogers afler the pence went to England, and published his jour-\\nnals of this war, in London in ITGG. He also published a Concise Account\\nof North America in 8vo. London 17G5. In the Revolution he espoused thft\\nside of the British, and was included in the act passed by the General Court\\nof New-Hampshire, 1!) November, 1778, to prevent the return to this State\\nof certain persons therein named, and of others who have left, or shall leave\\nthis State, or either of the United States of America, and have joined, or shall\\njoin the enemies thereof", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0343.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "320 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1759.\\nCrown-Point by Gen. Amherst, with nbouttwo hundred rangers, to\\ndestroy the Indian village of St. Francis. After a fatiguing\\nmarch of twenty-one days, he came within sight of the place,\\nwhich he discorsred from the top of a tree, and iialied his\\nmen at the distance of three miles. In the evening, he\\nentered the village in disguise vvith two of his officers. The In-\\ndians were engaged in a grand dance, and he passed through\\nthem undiscovered. Having formed his men into parties, and\\nposted them to advantage he made a general assault, just before\\nday, whilst the Indians were asleep. They were so completely\\nsurprised that little resistance could be made. Some were killed\\nin their houses and of diose who attempted to flee, many were\\nshot or tomahawked by parties placed at the avenues. The dawn\\nof day disclosed a horrid scene and an edge was given to the\\nfury of the assailants by the sight of several hundred scalps of\\ntheir countrymen, elevated on poles, and waving in the air.\\nThis village had been enriched with the plunder of the frontiers\\nand the sale of captives. The houses were well furnished, and\\nthe church was adorned with plate. The suddenness of the at-\\ntack, and the fear of a pursuit, did not allow much time for pil-\\nlage but the rangers brought off such things as were most con-\\nvenient for transportation among which were about two hundred\\nguineas in money, a silver image weighing ten pounds, a large\\nquantity of wampum and clothing. Having set fire to the village,\\nRogers made his retreat up the river St. Francis, intending that\\nhis men should rendezvous at the upper Cohos, on Connecticut\\nriver. They took with them five English prisoners, whom they\\nfound at St. Francis, and about twenty Indians but these last\\nthey dismissed. Of the rangers, one man only was killed and\\nsix or seven were wounded. In their retreat, they were pursued,\\nand lost seven men. They kept in a body for about ten days,\\npassing on the eastern side of lake Memphremagog, and then scat-\\ntered. Some found their way to Number-Four, after having suf-\\nfered much by hunger and fatigue. Others perished in the\\nwoods, and their bones were found near Connecticut river, by die\\npeople, who after several years began plantations at the upper\\nCohos.\\nAfter the taking of Quebec, the remainder of the season was\\ntoo short to complete the reduction of Canada. The next sum-\\nmer. General Amherst made preparations to approach\\n1700. 7\\\\Jontreal, by three different routes; intending, with equal\\nprudence and humanity, to finish the conquest, without the effu-\\nsion of blood. For the service of this year, eight hundred men\\nwere raised in New-Hampshire, and put under the command of\\nColonel John Goffe. They marched, as usual, to Number-\\nFour but instead of taking the old route, to Albany, they cut a\\n(1) New-Hampshire Gazette, No. 1 5.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0344.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "1760.1 PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 321\\nroad* through the woods, directly toward Crown-Poiiit. In this\\nwork, they made such despalcli, as to join that part of the\\narmy which Amherst had left at Crown-Point, twelve\\ndays hefore their embarkation. They proceeded down Uie lake,\\nunder the command of Colonel Haviland. The enemy made\\nsome resistance at Isle au Noix, which stopped their pro-\\ngross for some days, and a few men were lost on both\\nsides. But this post being deserted, the forts of St. John and\\nChamblee became an easy conquest, and finally Montre-\\nal capitulated. This event finished the campaign, and\\ncrowned Amherst with deserved laurels. f\\nWhilst the New-Hampshire regiment was employed in cutting\\nthe new road, signs of hovering Indians were frequently discover-\\ned, though none were actually seen. But they took the family of\\nJoseph Willard, from Number-Four, and carried them into I\\\\ion-\\ntreal just before it was invested by the British army.^\\nThe conquest of Canada, gave peace to the frontiers of New-\\nHampshire, after a turbulent scene of fifteen years in which,\\nwith very little intermission, they had been distressed by the ene-\\nmy. Many captives returned to their homes and friends who\\nhad long been separated, embraced eacli other in peace. The\\njoy was heightened by this consideration, that the country of Can-\\nada, being subdued, could no longer be a source of terror and\\ndistress.\\nThe expense of this war, was paid by a paper currency.\\nThough an act of parliament was passed in 175 J, prohibiting the\\ngovernors, from giving their assent to acts of assembly, made for\\nsuch a purpose yet by a proviso, e;itraordinary emergencies\\nwere excepted. Governor Wentworth was slow to take advan-\\ntage of this proviso, and construed the act in a more rigid sense\\nthan others but his friend Shirley helped him out of his difficul-\\nties. In 1755, paper bills were issued under the denomination\\nof new tenor of which, fifteen shillings were equal in value to\\none dollar. Of this currency, the soldiers v:ere promised thirteen\\npounds ten shillings per month but it depreciated so much in the\\ncourse of the year, that in the muster rolls, their pay was made\\n(1) Macclintock s MS. journal. (2) Olcott s MS. letter.\\nThis new road began at AVentworth s ferry, two miles above the fort at\\nNo. 4, and was cut 2() miles at the end of which, they found a f)ath. made\\nthe year before in which they passed over the mountains, to Otter-Creek\\nwhere they found a good road, which led to Crown-Point. Their stores were\\nbrought in wagons, as for as the 2(5 miles extended and tJien transported on\\nhorses over the mountains. A drove of cattle for the supply of the array\\nwent from No. 4, by this route, to Crown-Point.\\nt [1760. The towns of Amherst, Peterborough, Plawke, Boscawen, and\\nBath were incorporated. Peterborough had been settled as early as 1739, by\\na small number of Scotch Presbyterians. See nn account of this town in\\nFarmer and Moore s Collections, i. 129 140. Amherst, Peterborough nnd\\nBoscawen had many years before been granted by Massachusetts.]\\n43", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0345.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "322 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1760.\\nup at fifteen pounds. In 1756, there was another emission from\\nthe same plates, and their pay was eighteen pounds. In 1757, it\\nwas twenty-five pounds. In 1758, they had twenty-seven shill-\\nings sterling. In die three succeeding years, they had thirty\\nshillings sterling, hesides a hounty at the time of their enlistment,\\nequal to one month s pay.^ At length, sterling money hecame\\nthe standard of all contracts and though the paper continued\\npassing as a currency, its value was regulated by the price of\\nsilver, and the course of exchange.\\nIt ought to be remembered as a signal favor of divine provi-\\ndence, that during this war, the seasons were fruitful, and the\\ncolonies were able to supply their own troops with provisions, and\\nthe British fleets and armies with refreshments of every kind\\n-_^. which they needed. No sooner were the operations of\\nthe war in the northern colonies closed, than two years of\\nscarcity succeeded; (1761 and 1762) in which the drought of\\nsummer was so severe, as to cut short the crops, and render\\nsupplies from abroad absolutely necessary. Had this calamity\\nattended any of the preceding years of the war, the distress must\\nhave been extreme, both at home and in the camp. During the\\ndrought of 1761, a fire raged in the woods, in the towns of Ear-\\nrington and Rochester, and passed over into the county of York,\\nburning with irresistible fury for several weeks, and was not ex-\\ntinguished till a plentiful rain fell, in August. An immense quan-\\ntity of the best timber was destroyed by this conflagration.*\\nFor the succeeding part of the war, a smaller body of men was\\nrequired to garrison the new conquests whilst the British troops\\n_Po were employed in the West India islands. The success\\nwhich attended their operations in that quarter, brought\\nthe war to a conclusion and by the treaty of peace, though\\nmany of the conquered places were restored, yet, the whole con-\\ntinent of INorth-America remained to the British crown, and the\\ncolonies received a reimbursement of their expenses.\\nThe war being closed, a large and valuable tract of country,\\nsituated between New-England, New-York and Canada, was\\nsecured to the British dominions and it became the interest of\\nthe governors of both the royal provinces of New-Hampshire and\\nNew- York, to vie with each other, in granting diis territory and\\nreceiving the emoluments arising from this lucrative branch of\\ntheir respective oflices. The seeds of a controversy on this\\nsubject hud been already sown. During the short peace which\\n(1) Atkinson s MS. letters.\\n[1701 The towns of Campton, Canaan, Dorchester, Enfield, Goffstown,\\nGrantham, Groton, Hanover, Holderness, Lebanon, Lenipster, Lyman,\\nJjjme, Marlow, Newport, Orford, Plainfield and lliimney were incorporated\\nby separate charters.\\n17G2. Wilton, New-Ipswich and New-Durham were incorporated.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0346.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "1762.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 323\\nfollowed the preceding war, Governor Wentworth wrote to Gov-\\nernor Clinton, that he had it in command from the king, _\\nto grant the unimproved lands within his government;\\nthat the war had prevented that progress, which he had\\nhoped for in this business but that the peace had induced many\\npeople, to apply for grants in the western parts of New-Hamp-\\nshire, which might fall in the neighborhood of New-York.^ He\\ncommunicated to him a paragraph of his commission, describing\\nthe bounds of New-Hampshire, and requested of him a description\\nof the bounds of Nevv-York.~ Before lie received any answer to\\nthis letter, Wentworth, presuming that New-Hampshire ought to\\nextend as far westward as Massachusetts that is, to the distance\\nof twenty miles east from Hudson s river, granted a township, six\\nmiles square, called Bennington situate twenty-four miles -^o\\neast of Hudson s river, and six miles north of die line of\\nMassachusetts. Clinton having laid Wentworth s letter before the\\ncouncil of New-York; by their advice answered him, that the\\nprovince of New- York was bounded easterly by Connecticut\\nriver. This claim was founded on a grant of King Charles the\\nSecond in which, all the land from the west side of Connecti-\\ncut river, to the east side of Delaware bay, was conveyed to his\\nbrother James, duke of York by whose elevation to the throne,\\nthe same tract merged in the crown of England, and descended\\nat the revolution to King William and his successors. The prov-\\nince of New- York had formerly urged this claim against the colony\\nof Connecticut; but for prudential reasons had conceded that the\\nbounds of that colony should extend, as far as a line drawn twenty\\nmiles east of Hudson s river. The like extent was demanded\\nby Massachusetts and, though New- York affected to call this\\ndemand an intrusion, and strenuously urged their right to extend\\neastward to Connecticut river yet the original grant of Massa-\\nchusetts, being prior to that of the duke of York, was a barrier\\nwhich could not easily be broken. These reasons, however, it\\nwas said, could be of no avail to the cause of New-Hampshire,\\nwhose first limits, as described in IMason s patent, did not reach\\nto Connecticut river and whose late extent, by the settlement of\\nthe lines in 1741, was no farther westward than till it meets with\\nthe king s other governments. Though it was agreed, between\\nthe two governors, to submit the point in controversy to the king\\nyet the governor of New-Hampshire, continued to make grants,\\non the western side of Connecticut river, till 1754; when ^,-rA\\nthe renewal of hostilities not only put a stop to applications\\nbut prevented any determination of die controversy by the crown.\\nDuring the war, the continual passing of troops through those\\nlands, caused the value of them to be more generally known\\n(1) Council Minutes. (2) New-York printed Narrative. Appendix, No. 3.\\n(3) New- Hampshire book of Charters.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0347.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "324 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1754.\\nand when liy the conquest of Canada, tranquillity was restored,\\nthey were eagerly sought hy adventurers and speculators. Went-\\nworth availed himself ot this golden opi)ortunity, and by advice of\\nhis council, ordered a survey to be made of Connecticut river for\\nsixty miles, and three lines of townships on each side, to be laid\\n,_^. out. As applications increased, the surveys were extend-\\ned. Townships of six miles square were granted to va-\\nrious petitioners and so rapidly did this work go on, that\\nduring the year 1761, not less than sixty townships were granted\\non the west, and eighteen on the east side of the river. Besides\\nthe foes and presents for these grants, which were undefined, a\\nreservation was made for the governor, of five hundred acres in\\neach township and of lots for public purposes.* These reser-\\nvations were clear of all fees and charges. The whole number\\n.\u00c2\u00ab^o of grants on the western side of the river, amounted to one\\nhundred and thirty-eight and the extent was from Con-\\nnecticut river to twenty miles east of Hudson, as far as that river\\nextended northerly and after that, westward to lake Champlain.\\nThe rapid progress of these grants filled the coffers of the governor.\\nThose who had obtained the grants were seeking purchasers in\\nall the neighboring colonies whilst the original inhabitants of\\nNev/-Hampshire, to whom these lands had formerly been prom-\\nised, as a reward for their merit in defending the country, were\\n(1) Atkinson s MS.\\n[In most of the townships there was a reservation of a glebe of 350 acres,\\nalthough tliere were but few EpiKCopalians in the province. P roin a letter of\\nRev. itanna Cossit, written about the year 1773, some opinion may Ije formed\\nrespecting the condition of the Episcopal church in the western ])artof New-\\nHampshire at that period. He says there were cliurch people settled scat-\\nterin ibr above 150 miles on Connecticut river. The nearest of these to any\\nclergyman is more than 130 miles. There are four towns in whicli the church\\npeople have met together the summer past, and read prayers and the best\\nprinted sermons they could get. The first of these towns is Jllstcad, where\\nI assisted them two Sundays. They vvero very poorly furnished with prayer\\nbooks and all others, and begged me to ask the society to give them some\\nthey being newly settled, were unable to buy. The next is Clarcinont, about\\n30 miles above, where Esq. [Samuel] Cole, the society s schoolmaster hath\\ninstructed so well in the church service, and likewise in singing, that I must\\nsay I never was at any place, where I thought divine service was performed\\nwith greater decency and sincerity. Seven miles west of this is S/jringjicId,\\nin New-York government, where sundry families of the establishment meet\\nand read prayers, but are very poorly furnished with books. Twenty-four\\nmiles above, Dr. Wheelock hatli a college, and informs the church people\\nthat he will supply them with ministers. There is a considerable number of\\nchurch people opposite ]3r. Wheelock on N. York side of the river, and some\\non the same side with him, who constantly meet and read prayers among\\nthemselves. Forty miles above this is Harcr/iHI, where the summer past\\nthey read prayers, and liere. Gov. Wontworth intended I should make my\\nhead ((Uarters, if it lileasifd the society to nial;e me their missionary in those\\nparts. I lore tiiej are poorly furnished with books and desired me to beg the\\nsociety to give them some. Mr. Cossit sailed for England for holy orders\\nin December, 1772, and was ordained the next year by Uie bishop of London.\\nHe settled at Claremont as the first Episcopal minister of that place, from\\nwhence ho was recalled by the bishop to the island of Cape-Breton in 1785.\\nHe died at Yarmouth in Nova-Scotia in 18f5, aged 75.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0348.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "1763.1 PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 325\\noverlooked in the distribution unless they were disposed to apply\\nin the same manner, as persons from abroad or unless they\\nhappened to be in favor. When remonstrances were njade to the\\ngovernor on this subject, his answer was, that the people of the\\nold towns had been formerly complimented with grants in Chi-\\nchester, Barnstead and Gilmanton,* which they had neglected to\\nimprove and that the new grantees were better husbandmen and\\nwould promote the cultivation of the province.\\nThe passion for occupying new lands rose to a great height.\\nThese tracts were filled with emigrants from Massachusetts and\\nConnecticut. Population and cultivation began to increase with\\na rapidity hitherto unknown and from this time may be dated\\nthe flourishing state of New-Hampshire which before had been\\ncircumscribed and stinted in its growth, by the continual danger\\nof a savage enemy. f\\nThe grants on the western side of Connecticut river, alarmed\\nthe government of New- York who, by their agent, made appli-\\ncation to the crown, representing that it would be greatly to the\\nadvantage of tlie people setded on those lands, to be annexed to\\nNew- York; and submitting the cause to the royal decision.\\nIn the mean time, a proclamation was issued by Lieuten- j^^^ gg\\nant-Governor Colden, reciting the grant of King Charles\\nto the duke of York asserUng the jurisdiction of New- York as\\nfar eastward as Connecticut river and enjoining the sheriff of\\nthe county of Albany, to return the names of all persons, who,\\nunder color of the New-Hampshire grants, held possession of\\nlands westward of that river. This was answered by a i^-g^\\nproclamation of Governor Wentworth, declaring the grant j^j^^. jg\\nto the duke of York to be obsolete, and that the western\\nbounds of New-Hampshire were co-extensive with those of Mas-\\nsachusetts and Connecticut; encouraging the grantees to maintain\\ntheir possessions, and cultivate their lands; and commanding civil\\nofficers to execute the laws ancljounish disturbers of the peace.\\nThe application from New-York was referred to the board of\\ntrade and upon their representation, seconded by a report of a\\ncommittee of the privy council, an order was passed, by jyj oq\\nthe king in council declaring the western banks of Con-\\nnecticut river, from where it enters the province of JMassachu-\\nsetts-Bay, as far north as the forty-fifth degree of latitude, to be\\nInformation of the late P. Oilman and M. Weare. (2) Ethan Allen s\\nNarrative, 1774, p. 1.\\n[This town was granted in 1727 to 24 persons of the name of Gilman and\\n152 others. Its permanent settlement did not commence until 27 December,\\n1701. See Coll. of Farmer and Moore, i. 72 79.]\\nt [I7(j3. The towns of New-Boston, Haverhill, Croydon, Cornish, Thorn-\\nton, Warren, Plymouth, Lancaster, Alstead, Peeling, Sandwich, Candia, Gil-\\nsum and Wentworth were incorporated.\\n17G4. Clax-emont, Unity, Lincoln, Coventry, Franconia, Poplin, Lynde-\\nborough, Weare, Piermont and Newington were incorporated.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0349.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "32G HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1764.\\nthe boumlary line, between the two provinces of New-Hamp-\\nshire and New-York.\\nThis decree, like many other judicial determinations, while it\\nclosed one controversy, opened another. The jurisdiction of the\\ngovernor of New-Hampshire, and his power of granting land,\\nwere circumscribed by the western bank of Connecticut river\\nbut the grantees of the soil, Ibund themselves involved in a dispute\\nwidi the government of New-York. From die words to be, in\\nthe royal declaration, two very opposite conclusions were drawn.\\nThe government supposed them to refer to the time past, and\\nconstrued Uiem as a declaration that the river always had been\\nthe eastern limits of New- York consequently, that the grants\\nmade by the governor of New-Hampshire, were invalid, and that\\nthe lands might be granted again. The grantees understood the\\nwords in the future tense, as declaring Connecticut river from that\\ntime to he the line of jurisdiction only, between the two provinces;\\nconsequently that their grants, being derived from the crown,\\nthrough the medium of one of its governors, were valid. To the\\njurisdiction, they would have quietly submitted, had no attempt\\nbeen made to wrest from them their possessions. These oppo-\\nsite opinions, proved a source of litigation foi ten succeeding\\nyears but, as this controversy belongs to the history of New-\\nYork, it is dismissed, with one remark only. That though it was\\ncarried on with a degree of virulence, unfriendly to the i)rogress\\nof civilization and humanity, within the disputed territory; yet it\\ncalled into action, a spirit of vigorous self-defence, and hardy en-\\nterprise, which prepared the nerves of that people for encounter-\\ning the dangers of a revolution, more extensive and beneficial.\\nCHAPTER XXUI.\\nBeginning of tlie controversy with Great-Britain. Stamp act. Resignation\\nof Benning Wentwortli.\\nFrom the earliest establishment of the American colonies, a\\njealousy of their independence had existed among the people of\\nGreat-Britain. At first, this apprehension was perhaps no more\\nthan a conjectin-e founded on the vicissitude of human affairs, or\\non their knowledge of those emigrants who came away from\\nEngland, disgusted with die abusive treatment which they had\\nendured at home. But from whatever cause it arose, it was\\nstrengthened by age and the conduct of the British government\\n(1) Original MS.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0350.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "1760.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 227\\ntoward America, was frequently influenced by it. ]n the roisn\\nof James tlie First, speculative reasoners raised objections to\\nthe planting of these colonies; and foi etold, that after draining\\nthe mother country of inhabitants, they would shake off her yoke\\nand erect an independent government. Some traces ol this\\njealousy appeared in every succeeding reign, not excepting that\\nof William, whom America, as well as Britain, was proud to style\\nour great deliverer. But it became moit evident, and began\\nto produce its most pernicious effects, at a time when there was\\nthe least reason for indulging the idea.\\nDuring the administration of Pitt, a liberal kind of policy had\\nbeen adopted toward the colonies which being crowned with\\nsuccess, had attached us* more firmly than ever, to the kingdom\\nof Britain. We were proud of our connexion with a nation\\nwhose flag was triumphant in every quarter of the globe and by\\nwhose assistance we had been delivered from the danger of our\\nmost formidable enemies, the French in Canada. The\\naccession of George the Third, at this critical and impor-\\ntant era, was celebrated here, with as true a zeal and loyalty, as\\nin any part of his dominions. W^e were fond of repeating every\\nplau(ht, which the ardent afi^ection of the British nation bestowed\\non a young monarch, rising to the throne of his ancestors, and\\nprofessing to glory in the name of Briton. At such a time,\\nnothing could have been more easy, than by pursuing the system\\nof commercial regulation, already estal)lisl)ed, and continuing tho\\nindulgencies which had been allowed, to have drawn the whole\\nprofit of our labor and trade, into the hands of British merchants\\nand manufacturers. This would have prevented a spirit of enter-\\nprise in the colonies, and kept us in as complete subjection and\\ndependence, as the most sanguine friend of the British nation\\ncould have wished.\\nWe had, among ourselves, a set of men, who, ambitious of\\nperpetuating the rank of their families, were privately seek- _^o\\ning the establishment of an American JVohility out of\\nwhich, an intermediate branch of legisladon, between the royal and\\ndemocratic powers, should be appointed. Plans were drawn, and\\npresented to the British ministry, for new modeling our governments\\nand reducing their powers whilst the authority of parliament should\\nbe rendered absolute and imperial. The military gentlemen of\\nBritain, who had served here in the war, and on whom, a pro-\\nfusion of grateful attention had been bestowed, carried home re-\\nports of our wealth; whilst the sons of our merchants and plant-\\n(1) Hume. (2) Bernard s select letters. Oliver s letters.\\nThough it may be accounted a deviation from the proper style of history,\\nfor the author to speak in the first person yet he hopes to be excused in ex-\\npressing the feelings of an American, whilst he relates the Jiistory of Ids own\\ntime, and his own country.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0351.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "328 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSrilRE. [1763.\\nors, who wont to England for their education, exhibited specimens\\nof piodii;a]ity which confii nicd the idea. During the war, there\\nhad been a great influx of money and at the conckision of it,\\nBritish goods were largely imported by which means, the cash\\nwent back again with a rapid circulation.\\nIn no age, perha[)s, excepting that in which Rome lost her lib-\\nerty, was the spirit of venality and corruj)tion so prevalent as at\\nthis time, in Britain. Exhausted by a long war, and disgraced\\nby a peace v;hich deprived her of her most valuable conquests,\\nthe national supplies were inadequate to the continual drain of\\nthe exchequer.^ A new ministry, raised on the ruin of that by\\nwhich America was conquered and secured, looked to this coun-\\ntry as a source of revenue. But, neglecting the principles of\\nlaw and polity, which had been early suggested to them by an\\noflicious correspondent; and by which they might have gradually\\nand silently extended their system of corruption into America\\nthey planned measures by which they supposed an addition to the\\nrevenues of Britain might be drawn from America and the\\npretence was, to defray the expenses of protecting, defending\\nand securing it. The fallacy of this pretence was easily seen.\\nIf we had not done our part toward the protection and defence of\\nour country, why were our expenditures reimbursed by parlia-\\nment The truth is, that during the whole war, we had exerted\\nourselves beyond our ability relying on a promise from a secre-\\ntary of state, that it should be recommended to parliament to\\nmake us compensation. It was recommended the compensation\\nwas honorably granted, and gratefully received. The idea of\\ndrawing that money from us again by taxes to repay the charges\\nof our former defence, was unjust and inconsistent. If the new\\nconquests needed protection or defence, those who reaped the\\ngain of their commerce, or enjoyed the benefit of grants and ofli-\\nces within those territories, might be required to contribute their\\naid. Notwithstanding this pretext, it was our opinion, that the\\ngrand object was to provide for dependents, and to extend the\\ncorrupt and venal principle of crown influence, through every part\\nof the British dominions. However artfully it was thrown out,\\nthat the revenue to be drawn from us would ease the taxes of our\\nbrethren in Britain, or diminish the load of national debt it was\\nnot easy for us to believe that the ministry had either of these\\nobjects sincerely in contemplation. But if it had been ever so\\nequitable that we should contribute to discharge the debt of the\\nnation, incurred by the preceding war we supposed that the\\nmonopoly and control of our commerce, which Britain enjoyed,\\nwas a full equivalent for all the advantages, which we reaped\\nfrom our political connexion with her.\\n1) History of the minority, 17G5, page 28G. (2) Bernard s select letters.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0352.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "I7G3.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 339\\nThe same gazette, which contained the definitive treaty of\\npeace, announced the intentions of die British ministry to quarter\\ntroops in America, and support them at our expense. Tl\\nmoney was to be raised by a duty on foreign sugar and molasses,,\\nand by stamps on all papers legal and mercantile. These inten-\\ntions were at first thrown out in the form of resolves, and aftei\\nward digested into acts of parliament. The first of these t^^^\\nacts, restricting the intcicourse which the American colo-\\nnies had enjoyed with the West-India islands, caused a general\\nuneasiness and suspicion, but was viewed as a regulation of trade,\\nand was submitted to, though with reluctance. The eflect of thi:j\\nact was to call forth a spirit of frugality, particularly in the intro-\\nduction of a less expensive mode of conducting funerals. Peti-\\ntions and remonstrances were sent to England by some of the\\ncolonies; but instead of any redress, a new act of parliament was\\nmade for raising a revenue by a general stamp duty tiu ough all\\nthe American colonies. The true friends of constitutional liberty\\nnow saw their dearest interests in danger from an assumption\\nof power in the parent state to give and grant the property of the\\ncolonists at dieir pleasure. Even those who had been seeking\\nalterations in the colonial governments, and an establishment of\\nhereditary honors, plainly saw that the ministry were desirous of\\nplucking the fruit, before they had grafted the stock on which it\\nmust grow.^ To render the new act less odious to us, some of\\nour fellow citizens were appointed to distribute the stamped paper,\\nwhich was prepared in England and brought over in bales. The\\nframers of the act boasted that it was so contrived as to execute\\nitself; because no writing could be deemed legal without the\\nstamp and all controversies which might arise, were to be de-\\ntermined in the courts of admiralty, by a single judge, entirely\\ndependant on the crown.\\nThis direct and violent attack on our dearest privileges at first\\nthrew us into a silent gloom and we were at a loss how to pro-\\nceed. To submit, was to rivet the shackles of slavery on ourselves\\nand our posterity. To revolt, was to rend asunder the most\\nendearing connexion, and hazard the resentment of a powerful\\nnation. In this dilemma, the house of burgesses in Vir-\\nginia, passed some spirited resolves, asserting the rights of jyj 23\\ntheir country, and denyine; the claim of parliamentary tax-\\nrtM 1 1 i- AT 1 J June 6.\\nation. 1 he assembly oi Massachusetts proposed a con-\\ngress of deputies from each colony, to consult upon our common\\ninterest, as had frequently been practised in times of common\\ndanger. Several speeches made in parliament by opposers of\\nthe stamp-act were reprinted here in one of which the Ameri-\\ncans were styled sons of liberty, and the speaker^ ventured,\\n(1) New-Hampshirp Gazette, May 27. (2) Bernard s select letters.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n(3) Colonel Baxre.\\n44", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0353.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "330 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1766.\\niom his personal knowledge of this country, to foretel our oppo-\\nsition to the act.\\nThe spirit of the Virginian resolves, like an electric spark,\\ndiffused itself instantly and universally j and the cautious proposal\\nof Massachusetts was generally approved. The anxious mind,\\nresting on the bold assertion of constitutional rights, looked forward\\nwith pleasure, to the time when an American congress would\\nunite in a successful defence of them. The title sons of liberty,\\nwas eagerly adopted by associations in every colony determining\\nto carry into execution the prediction of him, who with such noble\\nenergy, had espoused the cause of our freedom. They began the\\nopposition at Boston by publicly exhibiting effigies of the enemies\\nof America, and obliging the stamp-officer to resign his employ-\\nment. The popular commotions in that town were afterward\\ncarried to an unjustifiable excess but the spirit of opposition\\nanimated the body of the people in every colony.\\nThe person appointed distributor of stamps for New-Hamp-\\nshire, was George Meserve, son of the late colonel, who died at\\nLouisburg. He received his appointment in England, and soon\\nafter embarked for America, and arrived at Boston. Before he\\nlanded, he was informed of the opposition which was\\nmaking to the act and that it would be acceptable to the\\npeople if he would resign, which he readily did, and they wel-\\ng JO comed him on siiore. An exhibition of effigies at Ports-\\nmouth had prepared the minds of the people there for his\\n^^P* reception and at his coming to town, he made a second\\nresignation, on the parade, before he went to his own house.\\n_^ This was accepted with the usual salutation and every\\none appeared to be satisfied with the success of the popu-\\nlar measures. Soon after, the stamped paper destined for New-\\nHampshire arrived at Boston in the same vessel with that intended\\nfor Massachusetts but there being no person in either province\\nwho had any concern w-ith it, it was, by the order of Governor\\nBernard, lodged in tlie castle.\\nThe stamp-act was to commence its operation on the first day\\nof November previously to which, the appointed congress was\\nformed at New- York, consisting of delegates from the assemblies\\nof Massachusetts, Kliode-Island, Connecticut, New- York, New-\\nJersey, Pennsylvania, the Delaware counties, Maryland and\\nSouth-Carolina. Having, like the congress at Albany in 1754,\\nformed themselves in geographical order they framed a bill of\\nrights, for the colonies in which the sole power of taxation was\\ndeclared to be in their own assemblies. They prepared three\\ndistinct addresses to the king, lords and commons, stating their\\ngrievances, and asking for redress. These were subscribed by\\nthe delegates of six colonies the others who were present were\\nnot empowered to sign but reported their proceeding to their", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0354.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "17G5.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTII. 331\\nconstituents, who approved them in assembly, and forwarded their\\npetitions. No delegates went from New-Hampshire to this Con-\\ngress but the assembly at their next meeting adopted the same\\nmeasures, and sent similar petitions to England, which they com-\\nmitted to Barlow Trecothick, their agent, and John Wentworth,\\na young gentleman of Portsmouth, wlio was then in England, to\\nbe by them presented to the king and parliament.^ These meas-\\nures were the most respectful and prudent which could be devised\\nand were attended with some prospect of success from a change\\nwhich had been made in the British ministry.\\nIn the mean time, the newspapers were filled with essays, in\\nwhich every plea for and against the new duties was amply dis-\\ncussed. These vehicles of intelligence were doomed to be load-\\ned w ith a stamp and the piinters felt themselves interested in\\nthe opposition. On the last day of October, the New-Hampshire\\nGazette appeared with a mourning border. A body of people\\nfrom the country approached the town of Portsmouth, under an\\napprehension that the stamps would be distributed but being\\nmet, by a number from the town, and assured that no such thing\\nwas intended, they quietly returned. The next day, the bells\\ntolled, and a funeral procession w^asmade for the Goddess j\\nof Liberty but on depositing her in the grave, some signs\\nof life were supposed to be discovered, and she was carried off in\\ntriumph. By such exhibitions, the spirit of the populace was\\nkept up though the minds of the most thoughtful persons were\\nfilled with anxiety.\\nIt was doubtful, whether the courts of law could proceed with-\\nout stamps; and it was certain that none could be procured.\\nSome licentious persons began to think that debts could not be\\nrecovered, and that they might insult their creditors with impunity.\\nOn the first appearance of this disorderly spirit, associations were\\nformed at Portsmouth, Exeter and other places, to support the\\nmagistrates and preserve the peace. The fifth of November had\\nalways been observed as a day of hilarity, in remembrance of the\\npowder-plot. On the following night, a strong guard was kept in\\nPortsmouth. By these precautions, the tendency to riot was\\nseasonably checked, and no waste of property or personal insult\\nwas committed though some obnoxious characters began to\\ntremble for their safety.*\\nWhen Meserve arrived, the people supposed that he had brought\\nhis commission with him, and were content that it should remain\\niu his own hands, being rendered void by his resignation. But,\\n(1) Assembly Records.\\n[17Go. Raymond, Conway, Concord, the seat of government, and form-\\nerly Pcnacook, Dunbarton and Hopkinton were incorporated.\\n1766. Deerfield, Burton, Eaton, Lee, Tamworth and Acworth were incor-\\nporated.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0355.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "332 HISTORY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. [1765.\\nin fact, he did not receive it till after the time fixed for the ope-\\nration of the act. Having shown his instructions to the governor,\\nand some other puhlic officers, it was suspected that he intended\\nto commence the execution of his office. The sons of hberty\\n,^c.r were alarmed they assembled by beat of drum, and\\nobliged him publicly to deliver up his commission and in-\\nstructions which they mounted on the point of a sword,\\nand carried in triumph through the town. An oath was admin-\\nistered to him by Justice Clagett,* purporting that he would\\nneither directly nor indirectly attempt to execute his office. The\\nmaster of a shij), then ready to sail for England, was also sworn\\nto deliver the packet containing the commission and instructions,\\nas it was directed. It was first addressed to the commissioners\\nof the stamp-office in London but afterward it was enclosed in\\na letter to the agents of the province, referring the disposal of it\\nto their discretion. It happened to arrive, when great exertions\\nwere making, and a strong probability existed, of the repeal of the\\nstamp-act. The agents therefore concealed the packet, and liad\\nthe good fortune to suppress the intelligence of all these proceed-\\nings that no irritation might ensue to prevent the expected repeal.\\nDuring all these commotions. Governor Wentworth was silent.\\nThe ministry, either by accident or design, had neglected to send\\nauthentic copies of the stamp-act, to some of the American gov-\\nernors, and to him among others. There had been no tumults,\\nwhich rendered his interposition necessary. He was in the de-\\ncline of life, and his health was much impaired. His fortune was\\nmade, and it lay chiefly in his native country. One of the reasons\\ngiven, for the removal of his predecessor, was, that he had en-\\njoyed his office ten years. Mr. Wentwordi had been twenty-five\\nyears in the chair, and expected soon to be superseded. It was\\ntherefore his interest, not to put himself forward in support of un-\\npopular measures. His example was followed by most of the\\ngentlemen in the province, who held offices under the crown. If\\nany of them were secretly in favor of the act, they were restrained\\nby fear, from contradicting openly the voice of the people.\\nThe popular spirit was sufficiently roused to join in any meas-\\nures which might be necessary for the defence of liberty. All\\nfear of the consequence of proceeding in die public business with-\\nout stamps, was gradually laid aside. The courts of law, and\\ncustom houses were kept open. Newspapers circulated, and\\n[Wyseinan Clagett, who then resided at Portsmouth. He was born and\\neducated in England, and admitted a barrister at law in the court of the king s\\nbench. Ho came soon after to this country was admitted to the bar of th\u00c2\u00ab\\npuperior court of New-Hampshire, and was some time tlie king s attorney\\ngeneral was one of tlie council in the time of the revolution, and a represen-\\ntative in the general court from Litchfield, where he died 4 December, 1784,\\naged 63 years and 4 montlis. A valuable memoir of this gentleman, written\\nby the Hon. Charles H. Atherton, of Amherst, is amonj the files of the N. H.\\nHist. Society.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0356.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "176G.] PROVINCE. BENxNING WENTWORTH. 933\\nlicenses for marriage, without stamps, were publicly advertised.\\nAs it was uncertain, what might be the event of the petitions to\\nthe king and parliament, it was thought best, to awaken the atten-\\ntion of the merchants and manufacturers of England, by an agree-\\nment to import no goods, until the stamp-act should be repealed.\\nTo provide for the worst, an association was formed by the sons\\nof liberty in all the nordiern colonies, to stand by each other, and\\nunite their whole force, for the protection and relief of any who\\nmight be in danger, from the operation of this, or any other op-\\npressive act. The letters which passed between them, on this\\noccasion, are replete with expressions of loyalty and aftection to\\nthe king, his person, family and authority. Had there been any\\ndisafiectioii to the royal government, or desire to shake off our\\nallegiance, where would the evidence of it be more likely to be\\nfound, than in letters which passed between bodies of men, who\\nwere avowedly endeavoring, to form a union, to resist the usurped\\nauthority of the British lords and commons\\nThe idea which we entertained of our political connexion with\\nthe British empire, was, that the king was its supreme head that\\nevery branch of it was a perfect state, competent to its own inter-\\nnal legislation, but subject to the control and negative of the sove-\\nreign that taxation and representation were correlative, and\\ntherefore, that no part of the empire could be taxed, but by its\\nown representatives in assembly. From a regard to the general\\ninterest, it was conceded, that the parliament of Great-Britain,\\nrepresenting the first and most powerful branch of the empire,\\nmight regulate the exterior commerce of die whole. In Britain,\\nthe American governments were considered as corporations, ex-\\nisting by the pleasure of the king and parliament, who had a right\\nto alter or dissolve them. Our laws were deemed by-laws and\\nwe were supposed to be, in all cases of legislation and taxation,\\nsubject to the supreme, undefined power of the Briush parliament.\\nBetween claims so widely different, there was no arbitrator to\\ndecide. Temporary expedients, if wisely applied, might have\\npreserved peace but the most delicate and judicious manage-\\nment was necessary, to prevent irritation.\\nWhen the commotions which had happened in America, were\\nknown in England, a circular letter was written to the several\\ngovernors, by Secretary Conway,- in which it was hoped that\\nthe resistance to the authority of the mother country, had only\\n(1) MS. letters of the sons of liberty. (2) October 24, 1765.\\nFrom an intimate acquaintance witii many persons, of all ranks, who were\\ninstrumental of coiiductiiijv tin; American revolution, throufrh all its stages\\nand from a perusal of many of their confidential letters the author of thesei\\nsheets is fully satisfied, that the public professions of loyalty, made by his\\ncountrymen, were sincere and that the most determined opposers of the\\nclaims of parliament, were very far from desiring a disunion cf the British\\nempire, till they wera driven to it by necessity.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0357.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "334 H16TORY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. [1766.\\nfound place among tlic lower and more ignorant of the people.\\nTo the constiliUional authority (as we understood it) of the king\\nand parliament, there had been no resistance but to the assumed\\nauthority, of our fellow subjects in Britain, over our property, the\\nresistance began, and was supported by^ the representatives of the\\npeople, in their assemblies. Those who appeared under the\\nname of the sons of liberty were chiefly tradesmen of reputa-\\ntion, who were occasionally assisted by lawyers, clergymen, and\\nother persons of literary abilities. The writings of Sidney and\\nLocke were produced, in evidence of the justice of our claims\\nand the arguments which had forraerh^been used in England,\\nagainst the usurpations of the liouse of Stuart, were adopted and\\nrepeated by us, in favor of our rights and liberties. Political\\ninquiries were encouraged, and the eyes of the people were open-\\ned. Never was a sentiment more generally adopted, on the full-\\nest conviction, than that we could be constitutionally taxed by\\nnone but our own representatives and that all assumption of this\\npower, by any other body of men, was usurpation which might be\\nlawfully resisted.\\nThe petitions of the American assemblies, enforced by the\\nagreement for non-importation, and aided by the exertions of the\\nBritish merchants and manufacturers, induced the new ministry\\nto recommend to parliament, a repeal of the odious stamp-act.\\nMar 18 accordingly repealed not on the true principle of\\nits repugnancy to the rights of America but on that of\\npolitical expediency. Even on this principle, the repeal could be\\nobtained by no other means than by passing, at the same time,\\na declaratory act, asserting the right and power, of the British\\nparliament, to hind America, in all cases whatsoever, and an-\\nnulling all the resolutions of our assemblies, in which diey had\\nclaimed the right of exemption from parliamentary taxation.\\nThe rejoicings which were occasioned by the repeal of the\\nstamp-act, in this country, were extravagantly disproportioned to\\nthe object. We felt a transient relief from an intolerable burden;\\nbut the claim of sovereign power, in our fellow subjects, to take\\nour property, and abridge our liberty at their pleasure, was es-\\ntablished by law. Our only hope was, that they would profit by\\ntheir recent experience and whilst they enjoyed the pride of\\nseeing their claim exist on paper, would suspend the exercise of\\nit in future.\\nWith the repealing and declaratory acts, a circular letter came\\nfrom Secretary Conway in which, the lenity and tenderness,\\nthe moderation and forbearance of the parliament toward the\\ncolonies were celebrated in the language of panegyric, and we\\nwere called upon, to show our respectful gratitude and cheerful\\nobedieuce, in return for such a signal display of indulgence and", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0358.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "1766.] PROVINCE. BENNING WENTWORTH. 335\\naffection. This letter enclosed a resolution of parliament, that\\nthose persons who had suffered any injury or damage, in con-\\nsequence of their assisting to execute the late act, ought to be\\ncompensated by the colonies, in which such injuries were sus-\\ntained.\\nWhen Governor Wentworth laid this letter before the assembly,\\nhe told them with pleasure and satisfaction, that he had j \u00e2\u0080\u009e_\\nI 1 1 1 5 Tif 1 June 25.\\nno requisition ot this kind to make. JMeserve, however,\\napplied to the assembly to grant him a compensation for the in-\\njuries which he said he had suffered. A committee, being ap-\\npointed to inquire into the ground of his petition, reported, that\\nhe had suffered no real damage either in person or property\\nbut that when any danger had been expected, guards had been\\nappointed to protect him. Upon this report, his petition was\\ndismissed. He afterwards went to England and obtained the of-\\nfice of collector of the customs.\\nAt this session the assembly prepared a respectful address to\\nthe king and both houses of parliament, on account of the repeal\\nwhich was sent to England, at the same time that the stamped\\npaper and parchment, which had been deposited at the castle in\\nBoston, w^ere returned.\\nComplaints had been made in England against some of the\\nAmerican governors, and other pubhc officers, that exorbitant\\nfees had been taken for the passing of patents for land and a\\nproclamation had been issued by the crown and published in the\\ncolonies, threatening such persons with a removal from office. 1\\nGovernor Wentworth was involved in this charge. He had also\\nbeen accused of negligence in corresponding with the king s\\nministers of informality and want of accuracy in his grants of\\nland; and of passing acts of assembly respecting private proper-\\nty, without a suspending clause till his majesty s pleasure could\\nbe known. In his office of surveyor-general, he had been\\ncharged with neglect of duty, and with indulging his deputies in\\nselling and wasting the king s timber. By whom these complaints\\nwere made, and by what evidence they were supported, 1 have\\nnot been able to discover. Certain it is, that such an impression\\nwas made on the minds of the ministry, that a resolution was\\ntaken to remove him but the difficulties attending die stamp-act,\\ncaused a delay in the appointment of a successor. When the\\nferment had subsided, the attention of the ministry was turned to\\nthis object. John Wentworth, son of Mark Hunking Wentworth,\\nand nephew of the governor, was then in England. He had ap-\\npeared at court, as a joint agent with Mr. Trecothick in present-\\ning the petition of the province against the stamp-act. He had\\nbecome acquainted with several families of high rank and of his\\nown name in Yorkshire, and in particular, with the marquis of\\n(1) New-Hampehire Gazette, Aug. 20, 1764.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0359.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "336 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [17C0.\\nRockingham, then at tlie head of the ministry. By his indul-\\ngence, Mr. Wentworth prevailed to soften the rigor of government\\nagainst his uncle. Instead of being censured and removed from\\noffice, he was allowed opportunity to resign, and the appearance\\nof resigning in favor of his nephew, who was destined by the mar-\\nquis, to be his successor. Having received his commissions,\\nas governor of New-Hampshire, and surveyor of the king s\\nwoods in North-America, Mr. Wentworth sailed from\\nEngland, and arrived at Charlestown, in South-Carolina.\\nMarch. j^j^Qp^.g jjg travelled through the continent, registering his\\ncommission of surveyor in each of the colonies, and was received\\nT 10 at Portsmouth, with every mark of respect and affection.\\nJune 13. I\\nIhis appointment, made by a popular ministry, was pe-\\nculiarly grateful to the people of New-Hampshire, by whom Mr.\\nWentworth was well known and much esteemed.\\nIn addition to what has been said, of the superseded governor,\\nit may be observed that his natural abilities were neither brilliant\\nnor contemptible. As a private genUeinan, he was obliging, and\\nas a merchant, honorable. He was generous and hospitable to\\nhis friends but his passions were strong and his resentments\\nlasting. He was subject to frequent and long continued visits of\\nthe gout; a distemper rather unfriendly to the virtue of patience.\\nIn his deportment, there was an appearance of haughtiness, con-\\ntracted by his residence in Spain, where he learned the manners\\nof the people of rank as well as the maxims of their government.\\nHe thought it best that the highest offices, should be filled with\\nmen of property and though in some instances he deviated from\\nthis principle, yet, in others, he adhered to it so closely, as to\\ndisregard more necessary qualifications.\\nIn the former part of his achuinistration, he was scrupulous in\\nobeying his instructions, and inflexible in maintaining the prerog-\\native. In conducting the operations of two successive wars, his\\nattention to the service was very conspicuous and he frequently\\nreceived letters of thanks, from the generals, and other officers of\\nthe British troops employed in America.\\n[Mr. Adams in his Annals of Portsmoutli, p. 230, says, It has been ob-\\njected against him.tliatall the important offices in the government, were fill-\\ned liy his particular friends. A scrap found among Secretary Waldron s pa-\\npers, headed Famitij Government, seems to establish the fact, although the\\ncause of it is not particularly assigned. TJie following is a copy of it\\nGcorfrr Jaffrc.ij, brother-in-law, president of the council, treasurer, chief\\njustice and justice of the admiralty. Jotliam Odiorne. brother married his\\ngrand daughter, second judge and justice, llrnrij Slierhurnc, cousin, c.\\ncounsellor, c. Theodore Jitlchisnn. brother-in-law, secretary, chief justice\\nof inferior court, c. Kirhard Wibird, governor s brother married his sister,\\na counsellor. Ellis Hiiske, wife s brother married governor s sister, a coun-\\nsellor. !Samucl Sollcij, who married Georfre Jaffrey s daughter, a counsellor.\\nThomas Packer, a brother-in-law, high sheriff. John Doicning and Savuiel\\nSmith, counsellors, related by their cash. Friends, Wiggin, justice and\\njndge of probate, Clarksnn, Gage.. WaJlivgford, Giim/tn, Palmer, Hoby, Jtn-\\nn\u00c2\u00bbss, Odiorne, Walton and Stevens, justices, j", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0360.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "1767.]\\nPROVINCE. BENNING WENTWOIITII. 337\\nHe was closely attached to the interest of the church of Eng-\\nland and in his grants of townships, reserved a right for the\\nsociety for propagating the gospel of which he was a niemher. A\\nproject was formed during his administration, to establish a college\\nin New-Hampshire. When he was applied to for a charter, he\\ndeclined giving it, unless the college were put under the direction\\nof the bishop of London. But, when a grant was made by the\\nassembly, of three hundred pounds sterling, to Harvard college,\\nwhere he had received his education, to repair the destruction\\nwhich it had suffered by fire he consented to the vote, and his\\nname is inscribed on an alcove of the library, as a benefactor, in\\nconjunction with the name of the province.\\nIn his appointment of civil and military officers, he was fre-\\nquently governed by motives of favor, or prejudice to particular\\npersons. When he came to the chair, he found but twenty-five\\njustices of the peace in the whole province but in the first com-\\nmission which he issued, he nominated as many in the town of\\nPortsmouth only. In the latter part of his time, appointments of\\nthis kind became so numerous, and were so easily procured, that\\nthe office was rendered contemptible.*\\nThe following pasquinade was published in the Portsmouth Mercury of\\nOctober 7, 17t)5. It was supposed to have been written by tlie late Judge\\nPaj:ker,t and was entitled\\nTUE SILVER AGE.\\nIn days of yore, and pious times,\\nGreat care was had to punish crimes\\nWhen conservators pads sought\\nTo keep good order as tliey ought.\\nThis office then, was no great booty,\\nSmall were the fees, though great the duty.\\nBut when a law, the old restriction\\nDock d and enlarg d the jurisdiction\\nHis worship had a right to hold.\\nIn civil plea, a pound twice told.\\nThe post was then tliought worth possessing,\\nFor twas attended with a blessing.\\nBut still, in after times it grew\\nMuch better, as our tale will shew\\nt [Judge William Parker was a native of Portsmouth, and was born\\nDecember, 1703. His father was ^Villiam Parker, whose wife was Zerviah\\nStanley, daughter, as the late Nathaniel Adams, Esquire, of Portsmouth, in-\\nformed me, of the Earl of Derby. The judge had not a liberal education, but\\nreceived in 17(J3 the honorary degree of Master of Arts, pro meritis suis.\\nIn his diploma, it is expressed, licet non Academiea instructum, Generosum,\\nnihil ominus in rebus literariis scil Classicis Philosophicis, \u00c2\u00abStC. egregie eru-\\nditum. He pursued the study of law, and was admitted to tiie b ir in 1732.\\nHe was esteemed as a well read and accurate lawyer. In August, 1771, he\\nwas appointed one of tlie justices of llie superior court, which office he held\\nuntil the revolution commenced. He died 21) April, 1781, aged 77. Adams,\\nAnnals Portsmouth, 272 274. Judge Parker left four sons, W dUavi of Exe-\\nter, who graduated at H. C. 1751, was a judge of the C. C. P. and register of\\nprobate, and died in 1811 John, sheriff of the province and marshal of the\\ndistrict of N. II. fiamvcl, who graduated nt H. C. in 1764, was bishop of the\\nEpiscopal church and D. D., and died at Boston, December, 1804, in hi.s\\nWth year and Matthew Stanley, who settled in Wolfeborough.]\\n45", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0361.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "396 HISTORY OF WEW-liAMPSHlft\u00c2\u00a3. [1767.\\nNotwithstanding some instances, in which a want of magnanim-\\nity was too conspicuous, his administration was, in other respects,\\nbeneficial. Though he was highly censured, for granting the\\nbest lands of the province to the people of Massachusetts and\\nConnecticut, with views of pecuniary reward yet, the true in-\\nterest of the country was certainly promoted because the gran-\\ntees in general, were better husbandmen than the people of New-\\nHampshire.\\nIn those cases, where dissatisfaction appeared, it was chiefly\\nowing to the nature of a royal government, in which the aristo-\\ncratic feature was prominent, and the democratic too much de-\\npressed. The people of New-Hampshire, though increasing in\\nnumbers, had not the privilege of an equal representation. Tho\\naim of most of those gentlemen, who received their appointments\\nfrom abroad, was rather to please their masters, and secure tho\\nemoluments of their offices, than to extend benefits to the people,\\nor condescend to their prejudices. They did not feel their depend-\\nence on them, as the source of power nor their responsibility to\\nthem for its exercise. And, the people themselves had not that\\njust idea of their own weight and importance, which they acquired,\\nwhen the controversy with the British government called up their\\nattention to their native rights.*\\nWhen, as it goes by common fame,\\nTwo pounds and forty were the same. [By depreciation.}\\nThen civil suits began to thrive,\\nAnd claims grown obsolete revive.\\nBut when tlieir worships, manifold,\\nLike men divinely bless cl of old,\\nWere bid t increase and multiply,\\nObsequious rose a num rous fry,\\nWho, ever prompt, and nigh at hand,\\nCould scatter justice through the land.\\nThen, with important air and look,\\nThe sons of Littleton and Coke\\nSwarming appear d, to mind the Squires\\nWhat honors such a post requires\\nThese skilful clerks, always attending,\\nIlelp d to despatch all matters pending\\nTook care that judgment (as it should)\\nWas render d for the man that sued\\nAided their honors to indite,\\nJInd sign d for those who could not write.\\nWho but must think these, happy timcB,\\nWhen men, adroit to punish crimes\\nWere close at hand and what is better,\\nMade every little tardy debtor\\nFulfil his contract, and to boot,\\nPjiy twice his debt in costs of suit.\\nThis was the happy silver age\\nWhen nia fi3trates, profoundly sage,\\nO erepreaJ the land and made, it seemR,\\nJustice run down the streets in streomi.\\n[17G7. Chatham was incorporated.\\n17Q8. Seabrook, MereUitli, Ileuniker, Salisbury, Mason and Rindge were\\nincorporated.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0362.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "1767.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII, 2d. 339\\nCHAPTER XXIV.\\nAdministration of John Wentworth the socond. New atteraixt to force a\\nrevenuo from America. Establishment of Dartmouth college. Division\\nof the province into counties. DeathofBenning Wentworth. Complaint\\nof Peter Livius against the governor. Its issue. Progress of the contro-\\nversy with Great Brittiin. Wer. Dissolution of British government in\\nNew-Hampshire.\\nThe genius, as well as the interest of tlio new governor, led\\nhim to cultivate the good will of the people. He was j-^g^\\ngrandson, by his modier, to the late agent John Rindge,\\nwho had been instrumental of establishing the boundaries of tho\\n])rovincc, and had advanced a large sum for that purpose. His\\nfamily, who had long complained of ingratitude and neglect, were\\nnow amply gratified, not only by the advancement of the new\\ngovernor, but by his recommending several other gentlemen, who\\nwere connected with it, to fill vacant seats at the council board,\\nand other offices of government. Several gentlemen of other\\nrespectable families, who had been treated with neglect, in the\\npreceding administration, were also taken into favor and a spirit\\nof conciliation, among those who had formerly been at variance,\\nseemed to mai k the beginning of this administration with fair\\nomens of peace and success.\\nBeing in the prime of life, active and enterprising in his dispo-\\nsition, polite and easy in his address, and placed in the chair by\\nthe same minister who had procured the repeal of the stamp-act,\\nto which event his own agency had contributed Mr. Wentworth\\nenjoyed a great share of popular favor which was much height-\\nened when his conduct w^as viewed in contrast with that of some\\nother governors in the neighboring provinces. Though bred a\\nmerchant, he had a taste for agriculture, and entered vigorously\\ninto the spirit of cultivation. He frequently traversed the forests\\nexplored the ground for new roads and began a plantation for\\nhimself in the township of Wolfeborough, on which he expended\\nlarge sums, and built an elegant house. His example was influ-\\nential on other landholders, who also applied themselves in earnest\\nto cultivate the wilderness.\\nThe improvement of the country at this time occupied the\\nminds of the people of New-Hampshire, and took off their atten-\\ntion, in a great measure, from the view of those political difficul-\\nties, which were occasioned by a new act of parliament, laying\\nduties on paper, glass, painters colors, aad tea and the estab-\\nlishment of a board of commissioners for collecting the American\\nrevenue. In the other colonies, particularly in Massachusetts,\\nthese duties had become a subject of altercation and serious alarm,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0363.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "340 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [17C7.\\nbeing grounded on the right which the pailiament had assumed\\nof binding America in all cases whatsoever. The only remedy\\nwas to be found in frugality, non-importation, and domestic\\nmanufactures. These things were recommended, and, in some\\nmeasure, complied with and by means of these exertions, the\\nrevenue fell short of the sanguine expectations which its advocates\\nhad formed.\\nThe popularity of the governor of New-Hampshire, and the\\ninfluence of his numerous friends and connexions, who were of\\nthe principal families and the richest merchants in the province,\\nprevented the adoption of a non-importation agreement in Ports-\\nmouth,* till the merchants in some of the other colonics threatened\\nto withhold any mercantile intercourse with diem. A plan of the\\nsame kind was then (1770) formed; and the union of so many\\ncolonies, in this measure, caused the manufacturers in Great-\\nBritain to experience distresses of the same nature with those\\noccasioned by the stamp-act and to exert their influence for a\\nrepeal of the new revenue law, which was in part efiected. All\\nthe duties, excepting that on tea, were taken off. This relaxation,\\non the odier side of the Atlantic, produced a relaxation here.\\nThe ministry in Great-Britain was frequently changed and no\\nuniform system either of coercion or lenity was adopted. The\\nopposition on this side languished for want of unanimity. Tho\\nmore candid among us were willing to suppose that Britain would\\nnever lay any more duties and there was some foundation for\\nthis supj)osition, as far as letters from ministers of state, and\\nspeeches from provincial governors might be depended on. The\\ntax on tea was reserved as a latent spark to rekindle the contro-\\nversy.\\nWhen the governor, at his first meeting the assembly, accord-\\ning to d)c custom on such occasions, recommended to them the\\nestablishment of an adequate, honorable and permanent salary,\\nthey made some hesitation, on account of a report, that the sala-\\nries of the American governors were to be paid out of the revenue.\\nOn being assured, that if such a general establishment should\\ntake place, it would be so guarded as to prevent his receiving any\\ns 10 O the assembly they framed a vote, granting\\nseven hundred pounds per annum during his administra-\\ntion (dollars being then fixed at six shillings.) The fund appro-\\npriated to the salary was the excise, and in case of its insufficiency,\\nother provision was made. But the vote was limited with an\\nexception, unless provision shall be made by parliament.\\nWe cannot depend on the conntenance of many persons of the first nink\\nhere for royal commissions and family connexions influence the ]irincipal\\ngentlemen among us, at least o ktip silence in tliese evil times. The press\\nhere has never been openly attacked but the printer remembers what he\\nonce suffered, at Boston and is easily kept in awe by more private rebukes.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094MS. letter of the Bona of liberty, in Portsmouth, to those in Boston.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0364.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "17G7.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII, 9il. 341\\nWhen the question was put, the house was equally divided, and\\nthe speaker, Peter Gilman, turned it against a permanent salary.\\nIt was therefore voted from year to year, and generally amounted\\nto seven hundred pounds besides which an allowance was made\\nfor house-rent, from sixty or seventy to one hundred pounds.^\\nAmong the improvements, which during this administration,\\nwere made in the province, one of the most conspicuous, -i^rq\\nwas the establishment of a seminary of literature. It was\\nfounded on a projection of Doctor Eleazar Wheelock, of Lebanon,\\nin Connecticut, for the removal of his Indian charity school.\\nThe first design of a school of this kind was conceived by Mr.\\nJohn Sergeant, missionary to the Indians, at Stockbridge. A\\nrambling mode of life, and a total want of letters, were ever un-\\nfriendly to the propagation of religious knowledge among the\\nsavages of America. That worthy missionar}^, intent on the\\nbusiness of his profession, and having observed the progress made\\nby some of the younger Indians, who resided in the English fam-\\nilies, in reading and other improvements, conceived the benevolent\\nidea of changing their whole habit of thinking and acting and\\nraising them from their native indolence to a state of civilization\\nand at the same time, by introducing the English language, instead\\nof their own barren dialect, to instil into tlieir minds the principles\\nof morality and religion.\\nTo accomplish this design, he procured benefactions from\\nmany well disposed persons both here and in England and began\\na school at Stockbridge where the Indian youth were to be\\nmaintained, under the instruction of two masters one to oversee\\ntheir studies, and the other their field labor whilst a matron\\nshould direct the female children in acquiring the arts of domestic\\nlife. Death put an end to the labors of this excellent man (1749)\\nbefore his plan could be accomplished.\\nThis design was revived by Wheelock. Having made some\\nexperiments, he was encouraged to proceed, (1754) by the\\ntractable disposition of the Indian youths, and their proficiency in\\nlearning but especially, by the numerous benefactions, which ho\\nreceived from the friends of religion and humanity. Among\\nwhich, a donation of Joshua Moor, of Mansfield, being the largest,\\nin the infancy of the institution, determined its name Moor s,\\nschool.\\nTo increase the means of improvement, charitable contributions\\nwere solicited in different parts of America, in England, and in\\nScodand. The money collected in England, was put into the\\n(1) Journal of Assembly. (2) Hopkins memoire of the Housatoonock In-\\ndians, 1736. (3) Wheelock s printed narrative.\\n[17C9. llaby, now Brookline, Temple, Surry and Concord, now Lisbon,\\nwero incorporated. Sanbornton and Wolfeborough were incorporated tlie\\nneit year.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0365.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "342 lIierORY OF NEW-ilAMPBIIIRE. [1709.\\nhands of a board of trustees, of whom the Earl of Dartinoulh was\\nat the head and that collected in Scotland was committed to the\\nsociety for promoting christian knowledge.\\nAs an improvement on the original design, a number of Eng-\\nlish youths were educated with the Indians, both in literary and\\nagricultural exercises that their example might invite the Indians\\nto the love of those employments, and abate the prejudice which\\nthey have universally imbibed, that it is beneath the dignity of\\nman to delve in the earth.\\nAs the number of scholars increased, it became necessary to\\nerect buildings, and extend cultivation. That part of the country\\nin which the school was first placed, being filled v/ith inhabitants,\\nn removal was contemplated. When this intention was publicly\\nknown, offers were made by private and public persons in several\\nof the neighboring colonies. The wary foresight of the founder,\\naided by the advice of the board of trustees, in England, led him\\nto accept an invitation made by the governor, and other gentlemen\\nof New-Hampshire. The township of Hanover, on the eastern\\nbank of Connecticut river, was finally determined on, as the most\\nconvenient situation for the school to which the governor annexed\\n-g a charter of incorporation for a university, which took the\\nname of Dartmouth College, from its benefactor, the Earl\\nof Dartmouth. Of this university. Doctor Wheelock was declared\\nthe founder and the president with power to nominate his suc-\\ncessor, in his last will. A board of twelve trustees was constituted,\\nwith perpetual succession and the college was endowed with a\\nlarge landed estate, consisting of one whole township (Landaff)\\nbesides many other tracts of land in different situations, amounting\\nin the whole, to forty-four thousand acres. One valuable lot, of\\nfive hundred acres, in the township of Hanover, given by the late\\ngovernor, Benning Wentworth, was fixed upon as the site of the\\nschool and college. Besides these donations of land, the amount\\nof three hundred and forty pounds sterling, was subscribed, to be\\npaid in labor, provisions, and materials for building. With these\\nadvantages, and the prospect of a rapidly increasing neighborhood,\\nin a fertile soil, on botli sides of Connecticut river. Doctor Wheel-\\n-_^Q ock removed his family and school into the wilderness.\\nAt first, their accommodations were similar to those of\\nother settlers, on new lands. They built huts of green\\nlogs, and lived in them, till a proper edifice could be erected.\\nThe number of scholars, at this time, was twenty-four j of which\\neighteen were white, and the rest Indians.\\nExperience had taught Doctor Wheelock, that his Indian youths,\\nhowever well educated, were not to be depended on for instruct-\\nors of their countrymen. Of forty, who had been under his care,\\ntwenty had returned to the vices of savage hfe and some, whom\\nhe esteemed subjects of divine grace, had not kept their garments", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0366.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "1770.]\\nPftOVlNCE. JOHN WENTWORTII, M. S43\\nunspotted. It was, therefore, in his view, necessary that ;i\\ngreater proportion of English youths should be educated, to serve\\nas missionaries, and oversee the conduct of the Indian teachers.\\nThis was given as the grand reason, for uniting the college with the\\nIndian school, and placing it under the same government though\\nthe appropriations were distinctly preserved. That the general\\nconcerns of the institution might be better regulated, and tho\\nintrusion of vicious persons within the purlieus of the college pre-\\nvented a district of three miles square was put under its juris-\\ndiction, and the president was invested with the office of a magis-\\ntrate. In 1771, a commencement was held, and the first degrees\\nwere conferred, on four students one of whom was John\\nWheelock, the son and successor of the founder.\\nAnother improvement was made about the same time, by\\ndividing the province into counties. This had been long sought,\\nbut could not be obtained. The inconvenience to which the\\npeople in the western parts of the province were subject, by\\nreason of their distance from Portsmouth, where all the courts\\nwere held, was extremely burdensome whilst the convenience\\nand emoluments of office were enjoyed by gentlemen in that\\nvicinity. Some attemps to divide the province had been made\\nin the former administration but without efTect. The rapid in-\\ncrease of inhabitants for several years, made a division so neces-\\nsary, that it had become one of the principal subjects of debate,\\nin the assembly, from the time of the governor s arrival. Several\\nsessions passed before all points could be adjusted. The number\\nof counties, and the lines of division, were not easily agreed to,\\nand a punctilio of prerogative about the erecting of courts, made\\nsome difficulty but it v^as finally determined, that the number of\\ncounties should be five and the courts were established by an\\nact of the whole legislature. It was passed with a clause, sus-\\npending its operation, till the king s pleasure should be known.\\nThe royal approbation being obtained, it took effect in 1771.\\nThe five counties were named by the governor, after some of his\\nfriends in England, Rockingham, Strafford, Hillsborough, Cheshire\\n(1) Narrative No. 5, p. 20,21.\\n[These Ptudents were Levi Frishic, afterwards minister of Ipswich, who\\ndied 25 February, 160C, aged 58 Smmicl Cray, a native and resident of\\nWindham, Connecticut, the only survivor of the class; Sylvanus Ripley, a,f-\\nterwards professor of divinity at tho college, who died in July, 1787 and\\nJohn WhceJoch, the president of the college from 1779 to 181. S, who died 4\\nApril, 1817, aged 03. The number of graduates since the foundation of the\\ninstitution is 1()37. The presidents who have successively presided over it\\nhave been Eleazar Wheelock, D. D., who died 24 April, 1770, lEit. 68 John\\nWheelock, LL. D., from 1779 to 1815, died 4 April, 1817. iEt. G3 Francis\\nBrown, D. D., from 1815 to his death, 27 July, 1820, ^t. 3G Daniel Dana,\\nD. D., part of tho years 1820 and 1821 Bennet Tyler, D. D., from 1822 to\\n1828; and Nathan Lord, D.D., who was inducted into oiEce, 28 October,\\n1826.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0367.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "344 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1771.\\nand Grafton. The counties of StrafFord and Grafton being much\\nless populous, than the others, were to remain annexed to the\\ncounty of Rockingham, till the governor, by advice of council,\\nshould declare them competent to the exercise of their respective\\njurisdictions; which was done in 1773.*\\nThe year 177] was also distinguished by the abolition of pa-\\nper currency. Silver and gold had been gradually introduced,\\nand the paj)cr had for several years been called in by taxes.\\nThe time limited for its existence being now come, it totally dis-\\nappeared, f\\nThe death of the late governor^ produced consequences which\\nmaterially affected his successor. This family had been for\\nmany years of the first rank in the province, and some of its\\nmembers and connexions had held the principal offices. In such\\na case, domestic union may be considered as necessary to preserve\\npublic honor. The late governor, though superseded, had been\\ntreated with every mark of respect and having no children, it\\nwas expected his successor would be his principal heir. A later\\nwill, made in favor of his young widow, and unknown till after his\\ndeath, caused a sudden disappointment; which, if it had evapo-\\nrated in private reflections only, might have passed among the\\ninfirmities incident to humanity, and with them might have been\\nconsigned to oblivion for it is beneath the dignity of history, to\\nrecord the altercations of families, unless they are connected with\\npublic transactions, or events.\\nAntiquated claims upon the late governor s estate were revived\\nand law-suit3 were commenced, which probably would not have\\nbeen agitated, if the expected disposition had been made. But\\nthe most alarming effect of this unhappy disappointment was a\\nquestion, which the governor moved in council, whether the\\nreservation of five hundred acres, in the several townships, made\\nby the late governor, Benning Wentworth, in the charter grants,\\nconveyed the title to him The council determined this ques-\\ntion in the negative. The governor then asked, whether they\\nwould advise him to grant the said tracts, to such of his majesty s\\nsubjects, as should settle and cultivate the same To this they\\ngave their assent.^ Seven of the counsellors present on this oc-\\ncasion were the governor s relations. The eighth was Peter\\nLivius, a gentleman of foreign extraction, who entered his dissent.\\n(1) Oct. 14, 1770, iEtat. 75. (2) March 19\u00e2\u0080\u0094 MS. deposition of seven of the\\ncouncil.\\n[Three other counties have since been incorporated, viz. Cohos, formed\\nof the north part of Grafton, 24 December, 1803 Merrimack, t;Ucen from the\\ncounties of Rockingham and Hillsborough, 3 July, 1823 and Sullivan, be-\\ning the nortli division of Cheshire, 5 July, 1827.]\\nt [1771. The towns of Wakefield, Dublin, Maynesborough and Taulshurg\\nwere granted by charter. Paulsburg was incorporated by the name of Milan,\\n16 December, 1824, and Maynesborough by the name of I5erlin, 1 July, 1820.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0368.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "1772.1 PROVINCE. JOPIN WENTWORTII, yd. i5 J5\\nHe had for several years served as a justice of tlie common pleas\\nbut on the division of the province into counties, it was necessary\\nto issue new commissions. Finding himself overlooked j^^^\\nin the appointment of officers, and his private affairs call-\\ning him abroad, he sailed for England, and there exhibit-\\ned to the lords of trade, articles of complaint against the governor\\nand his council.\\nThe first was, that the governor and council, without any legal\\nprocess, or the intervention of a jury, had deprived the grantees\\nunder the crown of their lands, on suggestion only that the con-\\nditions had not been fulfilled.^\\nThe second was, that the duty paid by foreign shipping, com-\\nmonly called powder money, had not been accounted for, since\\nthe year 1741 and that the council had refused to join with the\\nrepresentatives in an inquiry into this matter in the year 1768.\\nThe third was, that the governor had moved in council, that\\nthe lands reserved to the late governor, in the charters of town-\\nships, should be regranted to himself, through the medium of\\nanother person and that the protest of the complainant, against\\nthe legality of this proceeding, was rejected.\\nThe fourth was, that ia consequence of the opposition, which\\nhe was in duty bound thus to make, he had been injuriously\\ntreated, and had received personal abuse from the governor.\\nThe fifth was, that pending an action in the common pleas,\\nbrought by the governor, though in other names, the judges had\\nseveral times been changed, till a question on a point of law was\\ndetermined in favor of the governor.\\nThe sixth article stated, that the complainant had expected to\\nprove several of the above facts, by referring to copies of the\\ncouncil records in their lordship s office but was surprised to\\nfind that the governor had disobeyed his instructions in not\\nsending them.\\nThe memorial concluded with a general charge of partiality\\narising from the family connexions of the governor and council.\\nCopies of this memorial were sent to the governor and council,\\nwho separately prepared and returned distinct ansvv^ers to the\\nseveral articles of complaint.-\\nTo the first, it was said, that the resumption of grants forfeited\\nby non-compliance with the conditions of settlement was support-\\ned by the opinion of the attorney and solicitor general, given in\\n1752 that the invariable usage in these cases, had been to issue\\nnotice to delinquent proprietors, that they should appear on a set\\nday, and shew cause why their shares should not be forfeited and\\nregranted that their allegations had been always treated with\\nproper respect, and that no complaint of injustice had been made\\nby any persons whose grants had been thus resumed.\\n(1) Printed complaint. (2) MS. copies.\\n46", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0369.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "346 HISTORY OF NEW-HAx\\\\lP6HlRE [1772.\\nTo the second, it was answered, that the amount of powder-\\nmoney, during the former administration, though long neglected\\nhad been lately recovered; and that since 17GS, it had been\\nregularly accounted for. The reason for the non-concurrence of\\nthe council, with the vote for inquiring into this matter, was their\\nrespect to the royal prerogative, conceiving that the house had no\\nconcern with the matter.\\nTo the third article, it was said, that the late governor, con-\\nscious of the insufficiency of his title, had solicited his successor\\nfor grants of these reservations, which he had declined giving,\\nunless a inandamus from the king could be procured that this\\nuncertainty had prevented his alienating them that in consequence,\\nthey were uncultivated and forfeited that some of these lands had\\nbeen rcgrantcd to other persons but that the present governor\\nhad no interest directly or indirectly in them. The council deni-\\ned, that the governor had ever proposed the granting of these\\nlands to himself, through another person. They also denied that\\nthe dissent of the memorialist had been refused.\\nThe charge of personal abuse, in the fourth article, was contra-\\ndicted and retorted but it was conceded, that the governor had\\ntold him that his reasons of dissent were not founded in truth.\\nIn answer to the fifth article, it was acknowledged, that the\\naction was brought for the governor s benefit but that any unfair\\nmeans were used to influence the court was denied. This denial\\nwas corroborated by the depositions of the judges themselves, and\\nof the attorneys who were concerned in the suit. It was also\\nproved that the judgment of the court on the question of law, was\\nof no moment, being reversed by the superior court, before which\\nthe cause was carried by appeal.\\nTo the sixth article, it was answered, that the governor had\\ndirected the secretary to furnish him with copies of all the public\\ntransactions which had usually been sent to England, and that he\\nhad regularly transmitted then). But it appeared from the affi-\\ndavit of the secretary, that in June 17G0, the late governor had\\nordered him not to transcribe the minutes of the council, when\\nsitting without the assembly, unless specially directed and since\\nthat time it had been usual to send the journal of the council\\nwhen sitting as a house of assembly, and not as a council of\\nstate.\\nIn fine, the council denied that they had ever acted in their\\npublic capacity, from any private or family interest; but asserted,\\nthat they had frequently given their judgment directly against it\\nand they concluded with very severe reflections on the com-\\nplainant.*\\n[1772. Franconia, Hillsborougli and Bretton-Woods were incorporated.\\n1773. Northwood, Loudon, Fitzwilliam, Jaffrey, Cambridge, Dummer,\\nShelburno, Stratford and Success were incorporated.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0370.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "1773.1 PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH, 2d 347\\nWith tliese answers, were transmitted a great nuniber of depo-\\nsitions, from persons of all ranks and professions, testilying\\nin favor of the governor.^ These being laid before the\\nlords of trade, and the memorialist being heard in reply,\\nthe board represented to the king, that the complaint against the\\ngovernor had been fully verified. At the same time, they\\nthought it their duty to represent, that the reports which they\\nhad received, through different channels, of the siii\u00c2\u00bbation of af-\\nfairs within New-Hampshire, did all concur in representing the\\ncolony to have been, since Mr. Wentworth s appointment, in a\\nstate of peace and prosperity that its commerce had been ex-\\ntended, and the number of its inhabitants increased and that\\nevery attempt made to excite the people to disorder and disobe-\\ndience, had been, by the firm and temperate conduct ot Mr.\\nWentworth, suppressed and restrained.\\nWhen the cause was reheard before a committee of the privy\\ncouncil, it was observed by the governor s advocate, that j^^j^ 29.\\npeace, prosperity and obedience, were not compatible\\nwith oppression and injustice and that however the lords of trade\\nhad in the beginning of their report condemned the governor,\\nthey had, by the praise bestowed upon him, in the end contra-\\ndieted themselves.\\nThe lords of the committee reported to the king in council,\\ntheir judgment upon several articles of the complaint, in substance\\nas follows.^\\nThat by the law of England, when lands were granted, upon\\ncondition, the breach of that condition must be found by a jmy\\nunder a commission from the court of chancery but that no such\\ncourt existed in New-Hampshire and though the general rule\\nwas, that the law of England extended to the colonies, yet it must\\nbe understood to mean, such part of the law as is adapted to the\\nstate and constitution of them. That though the governor had\\nresumed and regranted lands, yet there was no evidence that such\\nresumptions had been made without proof or public notoriety, that\\nthe conditions of former grants had not been complied with and\\nthat no complaint had been made by any person supposed to be\\ninjured. That it had not been proved that resumptions had been\\nmade without notice to the proprietors and it had not even been\\nsuggested, in cases where time had been allowed, that grants\\nwere resumed before the expiration of it. That the lands granted\\nto the late governor were granted In the name of the klng, ^which\\nwas sufliclent to convey a title and that the council was mistaken\\nin thinking otherwise. That the governor, by their advice, did\\nresume and regrant several tracts of land which had been granted\\nto the late governor but it had not been proved that the said lands\\nwere regranted in trust for himself j and in many instances such\\n(1) MS. copies. (2) Printed representation. (3) Aug. 26 Printed report.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0371.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "348 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMl^SHIRE. [1773.\\nlands were regranted to different inhabitants for their own use\\nand benefit and that the late governor s widow had not com-\\nplained of any injury, by sucii resumption. That it appeared to\\nhave been the constant practice when any standing justice of a\\ncourt was interested in a suit, for a special justice to be appointed\\nthat other causes were depending at tiie same inferior court of\\ncommon pleas, in which the standing justices were interested, and\\nthere was ffCf proof that special justices were appointed on account\\nof that particular cause in which the governor was concerned\\nbut that the commission was solicited in the common form and\\nthat the defendant himself had testified that he had no objection\\nto the commission or to the special justices. Widi respect to the\\ntransmission of the records of council, it was their opinion that it\\nmight be proper to revive that practice, as it had been conducted\\npreviously to the year 17G0. But upon the whole, they submitted\\ntheir judgment that there was no foundation for any censure\\nu{)on the said governor, for any of the charges contained in the\\ncomplaint, and that the general conduct of his administration had\\ntended greatly to the peace and prosperity of the said province.\\nThis report was approved by the king in council, and the com-\\nplaint was dismissed. But the governor was strictly en-\\njoined to transmit to the lords of trade, authentic copies of\\nthe journals of the council, as a council of state.\\nIn this controversy, Mr. Livius met with great support, from\\nthe interest of those who wished to displace the governor and\\nthey became so deeply engaged to him, as to procure for him an\\nappointment to be the chief justice of New-Hampshire but,\\nupon more mature consideration, this was thought too likely to\\nproduce discord and confusion, and he obtained an appointment\\nto a more lucrative office in the province of Quebec.\\nWhen the final issue of the complaint was known in New-\\nHampshire, a general satisfaction appeared among the people.\\nAt the next session of the assembly, the house of representatives\\npresented to the governor, an address of congratulation, in the\\nname of their constituents and the citizens of Portsmouth gave\\na splendid ball, to which the governor and bodi houses of assembly\\nwere invited.\\nHitherto the governor had preserved his popularity and the\\npeople, in general, were satisfied with his administration. But,\\nthe obligation which lay on him to support the claims of Britain,\\nand aid the plans of her ministry, rendered his situadon extremely\\ndelicate, and his popularity very precarious. The controversy\\nbetween Britain and the colonies was drawing to a crisis. By\\nthe reservation of the duty on tea, the parliament insisted on it as\\ntheir right, to tax their American brethren without their consent;\\nand the Americans, by withholding the importation of tea from\\nBritain, made use of the only peaceable mode, in their power,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0372.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "1773.1 PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTII, 2d. 349\\neffectually to oppose that claim. The revenue failed, and the\\nwarehouses of the East India company were filled with an un-\\nsaleable commodity. The ministry and the company, thus severe-\\nly disappointed, formed a plan, by which it was expected, that\\nthe one would enforce their claim, and the other secure their\\ntraffic.\\nIt was therefore enacted in parliament, that the duty on the\\nexportation of tea, from Britain, should be taken off; and the\\nEast India company be enabled to send tea, on their own account,\\nto America, subject to a duty only of three pence on the pound\\nby which means it would come to us, cheaper than before, or than\\nit could be procured by illicit trade.\\nThis measure caused a general alarm, through the colonies\\nand united the interest of the merchants, with the views of the\\npoliticians, and the general sense of liberty in the people. The\\ntrading towns set the example, which the others followed, of\\npassing resolves, not to permit tea, freighted by the East India\\ncompany, to be landed or sold. These resolutions were effectual.\\nIn some places, the consignees were obliged to relinquish their\\nappointments, and the tea was returned unladen. In other places,\\nit was deposited in stores, till it could be reshipped. In Boston,\\nwhere the obstinacy of Governor Hutchinson drove the people to\\ndesperation, it was destroyed. In New-Hampshire, the prudence\\nof Governor Wentvvorth, the vigilance of the magistrates and the\\nfirmness of the people were combined, and the hateful commodity\\nwas sent away without any damage, aud with but little tumult.\\nThe first cargo of tea, consisting of twenty-seven chests,\\nwas landed and stored at the custom house, before any\\npeople could assemble to obstruct it. A town meeting\\nwas called, and a proposal was made to Mr. Parry, the consignee,\\nto reship it. To this, he consented. A guard was appointed\\nby order of the town, to watch the custom house. The tea hav-\\ning been entered, it was necessary that the duty should be paid\\nwhich was done openly, by the consignee. The governor con-\\nvened the council, and kept the magistrates and peace officers in\\nreadiness to suppress any riotous appearances but there was no\\nneed of their exertion. The tea was peaceably reshipped and\\nsent to Halifax.\\nA second cargo of thirty chests, which came consigned to the\\nsame person, raised a small ferment and the windows of g\\nhis lodgings were broken. He applied to the governor\\nfor protection. The governor, as before, summoned the council\\nand magistrates. The town, by their committee, prevailed on\\nthe consignee to send the tea to Halifax, after having paid the\\nduty, without which the ship could not legally be cleared at the\\ncustom house.\\nA general detestation of the measures, pursued by the British\\nministry, to rivet the chains on Amei ica, universally prevailed.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0373.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "350 HIBTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1774.\\nTho towns had severally passed resolves, asserting their right of\\nexeni|nion from all taxation by parliament; condemning the im-\\nportation and use of tea and appointing committees of inspection\\nto carry their resolutions into eifect. The committees were vigi-\\nlant; and being aided by the general sentiment of the people,\\ntheir exertions were successful.\\nThe controversy had now advanced, to a stage, which excited\\nthe most serious apprehensions. The parliament had assumed\\njudicial, as well as legislative powers and directed dieir ven-\\ngeance against Boston. Its port was shut, and guarded by ships\\nof war its commerce was interdicted its tradesmen were with-\\nout employment and its poor without bread. A military gov-\\nernor presided there, and was drawing together all the British\\nti oops from every part of America that he might be prepared,\\nto make any sanguinary experiment, which, in the ministerial plan\\nof coercion, might be judged necessary.\\nThe sympathy of their American brethren, raised contributions,\\nfor the relief of the numerous poor in Boston, who were regarded\\nas suffering in the common cause. But, to guard ourselves ef-\\nfectually against the gathering storm, a union of the colonies was\\nthought absolutely necessary; and recourse was had to the same\\nmeasure wiiich had formerly been tried in cases of common dan-\\nger, to hold a Congress of delegates from each colony.\\nThe enemies of America have uniformly censured this meas-\\nure as unprecedented, illegal and dangerous. That it was dan-\\ngerous to the designs of the British administration, is adinitted\\nbut for that reason, it was to us the means of safety. Though it\\nwas not supported by any written law, yet it was evidendy foun-\\nded on self preservation, die fnst law of nature. But that it was\\nunprecedented, is a very great mistake. From the middle of the\\npreceding century, the united colonies of New-England, held\\nannual, or semiannual meetings of commissioners, on their com-\\nmon concerns, for above forty years. From the reign of Queen\\nAnne, to that of George the Second, governors, and delegates\\nfrom councils and assemblies, occasionally met in central places,\\nto hold conferences relative to the operations of war, or treaties\\nwith the Indian tribes.* These meetings, usually called by the\\nname of Congresses, though unknown, or disregarded in Britain,\\nivere familiar to the people of America and what could be a\\nmore natural or obvious step, in a time of common danger, than\\nto assemble by deputies, and confer on the means of salety\\nPrecedents were numerous, tliat governors and delegates had\\nMay n, 1754. A question \\\\va.s moved in council by tiie governor,\\nWhether it be not an infringement of the prerogative for the house to join\\nwitli the council, in appointing delegates to the congress at Albany To\\nwhich tho council answered that the house had no inherent right but\\nit had hern lovg the cvstom, at such interviews, for the lower house to nom-\\ninate, j)erson3, to be joined with such as the council should appoint. Coun-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2il Minutes.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0374.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "1774.] PROVINCE JOHN WENTWORTIJ, l;d. 35 j\\nheld these assemblies, when their interests were united what\\nthen should hinder the people from following the example, when\\ntheir interest required them to meet, without their governors, who\\nwere endeavoring to maintain a separate interest\\nAt the meeting of the assembly of New-Hampshire, in the\\nspring, the house of representatives, conformably to the\\nproceedings of the assemblies in the other colonics, ap-\\npointed a committee of correspondence. The governor, w ho had\\nin vain labored to prevent this measure, adjourned the as- j o\\nsembly, and after a few days, dissolved it; hoping, by\\nthis means, to dissolve the committee also. But they were not\\nrestricted by forms. On a summons issued by the committee,\\nthe representatives met again, in their own chamber. The\\ngovernor, attended by the sherili of the county, went\\namong them. They rose at his entrance. He declared their\\nmeeting illegal, and directed the sheriff to make open proclama\\ntion, for all persons to disperse, and keep the king s peace. When\\nhe had retired, they resumed their seats but, on furdier consid-\\neration, adjourned to another house and after some conversa-\\ntion, wrote letters to all the towns in the province requesting\\nthem to send deputies, to hold a convention at Exeter, who\\nshould choose delegates for a general congress and to pay their\\nrespective quotas of two hundred pounds, agreeably to the last\\nproportion of the provincial tax. They also recommended a day\\nof fasdng and prayer, to be observed by die several congregadons,\\non account of the gloomy appearance of public affairs. The day\\nwas observed, with religious solemnity. The money was collec-\\nted. Eighty-five depudes were chosen and met at Exe- juiyi4\\nter, where they delegated Nathaniel Folsom and John\\nSullivan, Esquires, to attend the proposed congress, at\\nPhiladelphia, in September, and delivered to them the money\\nwhich had been collected, to defray their expenses. They also\\nrecommended the distressed state of Boston, to the commisera-\\ntion of their brethren in New-Hampshire and contributions\\nwere raised in many of the towns for their relief.\\nThe governor was now convinced, and in his letters to the\\nministry acknowledged, that the union of the colonies would not\\nbe lost in New-Hampshire. At the same dme, he did the\\npeople the justice to say, that they had abstained from violence\\nand outrage, and that the laws had their course. In his letters,\\nwhich were published by the ministry, there appears a spirit of\\ncandor toward the people, as well as a desire to recommend\\nhimself to the approbation of his superiors. Though be saw\\nanother authority rising in the province, founded on the broad\\nbasis of public opinion, and unrestrained representation, an au-\\nthority over which he had no influence or control yet he en-\\n(1) Parliamentary register, 1775, vol. i. p. 61, c.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0375.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "352 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1774.\\ndeavorcd to preserve the shadow of the royal government, and\\nkeep up its forms as long as possible.\\nBut it was impracticable for a person, circumstanced as he\\nwas, to withstand the spirit of the people.* That his wish was\\nto prevent a rupture, there is sufficient evidence, for candor to\\nbelieve. But it cannot be thought strange, that in his endeavors\\nto comply with the expectations of the ministry, and their instru-\\nments, which he conceived to be his duty, he should fall into such\\na snare, as to lose tlie affections of the people for it was impos-\\nsible to please both.\\nThe troops in Boston wanted barracks, to secure them against\\nthe approaching winter. The artificers of die town, were, by the\\npopular voice, restrained from working in the service of govern-\\nment. General Gage was therefore obliged to send for assistance\\nto the neighboring governors, and, among others, to Governor\\nWentworlh. Instead of convening his council for their advice,\\nor issuing a proclamation, inviting help and promising a reward,\\nhe privately employed a person to hire carpenters to go to Boston.\\nIt was impossible that the secret should be kept, and when it was\\nknown, his best friends reprobated his conduct. The committee\\nof Portsmouth, at the head of which, was his uncle, Hunking\\nWentworth, bore theii public testimony against it and censured\\nhim, not by name, but by implication, as an enemy to the com-\\nmunity, and the men whom he had employed, as unworthy of\\nsociety. The agent in this secret business, was brought on his\\nknees before the committee of Rochester, and made an humble\\nacknowledgment. This prudent step of the committee, disarmed\\nthe popular rage, and prevented any injury to his person or\\nproperty.\\nThe transactions of the congress which met at Philadelphia,\\nwere universally approved. The spirit of them was firm, but\\npacific. The mode of opposition, to the arbitrary claims\\nof Britain, which they recommended, was non-importation\\nand non-consumption. But in die close of their address, to their\\nconstituents, diey advised them to extend their views to the most\\nunhappy events, and to be in all respects prepared for every\\ncontingency. Not long after this advice was made public, a\\ncontingency presented itself, in which the people of New-Hamp-\\nshire gave an example of that spirit, by which the whole country\\nwas animated.\\nAn order having been passed by the king in council, prohibiting\\nthe exportation of gunpowder and other military stores, to Ameri-\\nThe following paragraph, of one of his private letters, written at that\\ntime, to a confidential friend, deserves to be remembered.\\nOur hemisphere threatens a hurricane. I have in vain strove, almost to\\ndeath, to prevent it. If I can, at last, bring out of it, safety to my country,\\nand honor to our sovereign, my labors will be joyful. My heart is devoted\\nto it, and you know its sincerity. MS. letter to T. W. W.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0376.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "1774.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH, 2d. 353\\nca a copy of it was brought by express to Portsmouth, at a time,\\nwhen a ship of war was daily expected from Boston, with j^\\na party of troops, to take possession of Fort William\\nand Mary, at the entrance of the harbor. The committee of the\\ntown, with all possible secrecy and despatch, collected a company,\\nfrom that and some of the neighboring towns and before the\\ngovernor had any suspicion of their intentions, they proceeded to\\nNewcasde, and assaulted the fort. The captain and his five\\nmen (which was the whole garrison) were confined, and one hun-\\ndred barrels of powder were carried oft The next day, another\\ncompany went and removed fifteen of the lightest cannon, and all\\nthe small arms, with some other warlike stores which they dis-\\ntributed in the several towns, under the care of the committees.\\nMajor John Sullivan, and Captain John Langdon, distinguished\\nthemselves, as leaders in this affair. It was transacted with great\\nexpedition and alacrity, and in the most fortunate point of time\\njust before the arrival of the Scarborough frigate, and Canseau\\nsloop, with several companies of soldiers who took possession of\\nthe; fort, and of the heavy cannon which had not been removed.\\nThe governor put the five men, who belonged to the fort, on\\nboard the ships of war, to be reserved as evidences in case of a\\nprosecution of the offenders for high treason and having con-\\nsulted counsel in this and the neighboring province, thought it his\\nduty that he might prevent any charge of misprision of treason\\nagainst himself; to dismiss from public trust, all those persons\\nconcerned in the assault of the fort, who had held any office un-\\nder the government, and concerning whose proceedings he had\\nauthentic testimony. He also issued a proclamation,* command-\\n[The following is a copy of the proclamation\\nProvince of New-Hajipshirk. Ji Proclamatitm hy the Governor.\\nWhereas, several bodies of men did, in the day time of the 14th, and in the\\nnight of the 15tli of this instant December, in the most daring and rebellious\\nmanner invest, attack, and forcibl} enter into his majesty s castle William\\nand Mary in tiiis province, and overpowering and confining the captain and\\ngarrison, did, besides committing many treasonable insults and outrages,\\nbreak open the magazine of said castle and plund \u00c2\u00bbr it of above one hun-\\ndred barrels of gunpowder, with upwards of sixty stand of small arms, and\\ndid also force from the ramparts of said castle and carry off sixteen pieces\\nof cannon, and other military stores, in open hostility and direct oppugna-\\ntion of his majesty s government, and in the most atrocious contempt of\\nhis crown and dignity\\nI DO, by advice and consent of his majesty s council, issue this proclama-\\ntion, ordering and requiring, in his majesty s name, all magistrates and other\\nofficers, wliether civil or military, as they regard their duty to the king and\\ns\\\\\\\\\\\\ tenor of the oatlis thej^ have solenmly taken and subscribed, to eiert\\nthemsj^lves in detecting and securing in some of his majesty s goals in this\\nprovince tlic said offenders, in order to their being brought to condign pun-\\nishment And from motives of duty to the king and regard to the welfare of\\nthe good people of this province I do in the most earnest and solemn man-\\nner, exhort and injoin you, his majesty s liege subjects of this government, to\\nbeware of suffering yourselves to be seduced by the false arts or menaces of\\nabandoned men, to abet, protect, or screen from justice any of the said high\\nbanded offenders, or to withhold or secrete his majesty s munition forcibly t\u00c2\u00ab-\\n47", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0377.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "354 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1774.\\ning all officers, civil and military, to assist in detecting and secur-\\ning the offenders and exhorting all people to beware of being\\nseduced, by the false arts and menaces of abandoned men.*\\nIt was thought proper by the governor and some of his friends,\\nto form an association, for the support of the royal government,\\nand for their mutual defence. They boasted, that an hundred\\nmen could be procured, from the ships, at a minute s warning.\\n-___ This transaction exposed the weakness of the cause, which\\nthey meant to support for what could an hundred men\\ndo against the whole country\\nA second convention of deputies met at Exeter, to consult on\\nthe state of affairs, and appoint delegates for the next general\\n2_ congress, to be holden on the tenth of May, at Philadel-\\nphia. Major Sullivan and Captain Langdon were chosen\\nand the sum of two hundred and fifty pounds, were ordered to\\ndefray their expenses. This convention issued an address to the\\npeople, warning them of their danger exhorting them to union,\\npeace and harmony, frugality, industry, manufactures, and learn-\\ning the military art that they might be able, if necessary, to de-\\nfend the country against invasion. They appointed a committee\\nof correspondence, with power to call another convention, when\\nthey should judge it necessary.\\nThe winter passed away in gloomy apprehension and anxiety.\\nMen of consideration saw that a wide breach was made, and that\\nit could not easily be closed. Some happy genius was wanting\\nto plan, and wisdom on both sides to adopt, a constitution for\\nBritain and America. Royal charters and instructions, acts of\\nparliament and precedents of all kinds, were at best but a rotten\\nken from his castle but that each and every of you will use your utmost\\nendeavors to detect and discover the perpetrators of these crimes to the civil\\nmagistrate, and assist in securing and bringing them to justice, and in recov-\\nering the king s munition This injunction it is my bounded duty to lay\\nBtrictly upon you, and to require your obedience thereto, as you value indi-\\nvidually your faith and allegiance to his majesty, as you wish to preserve that\\nreputation to the province in general and as you would avert the dreadful\\nbut most certain consequences of a contrary conduct to yourselves and pos-\\nterity.\\nGiven at the council-chamber in Portsmouth, the 26th day of December, in\\ntiie 15th year of the reign of our sovereign lord George the Third, by the\\ngrace of God, of Great-Britain, France and Ireland, king, defender of\\nthe faith, c. and in the year of our Lord Christ, 1774.\\nJ. WENTWORTH.\\nBy his excellency s command,\\nwith advice of council,\\nTheodore Atkinson, Sec ry.\\nGod save the King.]\\n[1774. Warner, Deering, Nelson, Stoddard, Erroll, Kilkenny, Mills-\\nfield, Piercy and Whitefield were granted or incorporated. During the rev-\\nolutionary war, the following towns were incorporated viz. in 177(5, Wash-\\nington and Marlborough 1777, Antrim, Moultonborough and New-Hampton\\n1778, Fishersfield and New-Chester; 177i\u00c2\u00bb, Andover, Hancock, New-London\\nand Northumberland; 1780, Orange and Northfield 1781, Thornton; and\\n1782, Pittsfield.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0378.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "1774.] PROVINCE. JOHN WENTWORTH, 2d. 355\\nfoundation. The store of temporary expedients was exhausted.\\nIt was doubtful whether force could generate submission, or\\nwhether resistance could enervate force. Neither country was\\nsensible of the strength and resources of the other. The press\\nteemed with arguments on botii sides but no plan of conciliation\\nwas adopted. A fair and candid representation of our grievances\\ncould not be received, in the court of Britain. Each side was\\ntenacious of its claims, and there appeared no disposition to relax.\\nWhen two independent nations are in such a state, they generally\\nfind among their friends and allies, some mediating power, to bring\\nthem to terms and prevent a rupture. Between Britain and\\nAmerica, no mediator could be found. The controversy could\\nbe decided only by the supreme arbiter of nations.\\nThe first ships, which arrived in the spring, brought us news\\nthat the petition of congress was graciously received by the king\\nand that the merchants of England were petitioning in our favor.\\nThis revived our hopes. Soon after, we were informed, that the\\nparliament had voted the existence of a rebellion in Massachu-\\nsetts and that the other colonies were aiding and assisting\\nThat the lords and commons had addressed the king, to enforce\\nthe revenue-acts, and had assured him, that they would stand by\\nhim, with their lives and fortunes That the king had demanded\\nan augmentation of his forces, by sea and land That the com-\\nmerce of the New-England colonies was to be restrained, and\\ntheir fishery prohibited and that an additional number of troops,\\nhorse and foot, were ordered to America. These tidings threw\\nus into distress. A war seemed inevitable and a gloom over-\\nspread the whole country. The people of Boston began to re-\\nmove from the town and those, who could not remove, were\\nsolicitous to secure their most valuable effects. In the midst of\\nthis distress, a frigate arrived express from England with\\nan account of a proposal made and voted in parliament,\\nwhich was called Lord North s conciliatory proposition. It was\\nthis that when any colony by their governor, council and as-\\nsembly, shall engage to make provision, for the support of civil\\ngovernment, and administration of justice, in such colony it\\nwill be proper, if such proposal be approved by the king and\\nparliament, for so long lime as such provision shall be made, to\\nforbear to levy any duties or taxes in such colony, except for\\nthe regulation of commerce the neat proceeds of which shall\\nbe carried to the account of such colony respectively. The\\ntroops, however, were to remain and the refractory colonies were\\nto be punished. This proposition was said to be founded on some\\nadvice, received from New-York, that if concessions were made\\nby parliament, they would censure the proceedings of congress,\\nand break the union of the colonies. The proposal was evidently\\na bait thrown out to divide us, and tempt us to desert the colony", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0379.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "356 HISTORY OF JNEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1776.\\nof Massachusetts who could not comply, without submitting to\\nthe alteration, lately made by parliament in their charter.\\nWhat might have been the effect of this proposition in the other\\ncolonies, if it had been allowed time to operate, is uncertain.\\nTiie conduct of General Gage, on receiving this news, was in the\\nhighest degree absurd and inconsistent. He had been blamed in\\nparliament for his inactivity. He \\\\md friends in Boston, who con-\\nstandy assured him, that the people in die country would not dare\\nto face his troops. He had been informed of a magazine of pro-\\nvisions and stores, at Concord, laid up by the provincial congress,\\nin case of extremity. With the news of the conciliatory propo-\\nsition, he received orders to make an experiment of its success.\\nOn the eighteenth day of April, he issued writs for calling a gen-\\neral assembly, to comply with the proposed terms of reconcilia-\\ntion and in the night following, he privately despatched a body\\nof his troops, to destroy the magazine at Concord and to seize\\nsome of the leaders of opposition, who had retired from the town.\\nHe was induced to believe, that if between the issuing of his writs,\\nand the meeting of the assenibly, he could strike a bold stroke\\nit would so intimidate the people, and unfit them for defence, that\\nthey would easily comply with the terms proposed. But he to-\\ntally mistook the genius of the people of New-England. Nor\\nwere his designs carried on so secretly as he imagined. The\\npopular leaders were seasonably apprised of their danger, and\\nkept themselves out of his reach. The country was alarmed, by\\nexpresses sent off in the night, before he had taken the precaution\\nto shut die avenues of die town. A company of armed citizens\\nkept guard at Lexington, on the road to Concord. The British\\ntroops, when they appeared in the morning, having ordered them\\nto disperse, fired upon them, as they were retiring, and killed\\nseveral on the spot. They then proceeded to Concord,\\nand destroyed such of the stores as had not been removed\\nand having accomplished their object, as far as they were able,\\nthey retreated dirough showers of musquetry from the people,\\nwho suddenly collected from all quarters to oppose them.\\nOn the alarm of this act of hosdlity, the people of New-Hamp-\\nshire, and of the other colonies, took arms, and flew to the assist-\\nance of their brethren.\\nNotwithstanding this ill-advised and unsuccessful attempt of\\nGage, Governor Wentworth had very sanguine hopes of die good\\neffect of the conciliatory proposition and determined, as he\\nsaid, to plant the root of peace in New-Hampshire. He sum-\\nmoned a new assembly and in his speech, entreated them, as\\nthe only legal and constitutional representatives of the\\npeople, to direct their counsels to such measures, as\\nmight tend to secure their peace and safety and effectually\\nlead to a restoration of the public tranquillity and an affection-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0380.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "1775.] PROVINCE. JOHH WENTWORTH, 2d. 357\\nate reconciliation with the mother country. The house desired\\na short recess, that they might advise with their constituents on\\nso momentous a question and the governor reluctantly consent-\\ned to adjourn them to the twelftli day of June.\\nIn the mean time, the officers and men of the Scarhorough\\nbegan to dismantle the fort they also stopped two vessels laden\\nwith provisions, which were coming into the harbor and not-\\nwithstanding the most pressing remonstrances of the inhabitants,\\nand solicitation of the governor, refused to release them. Upon\\nthis, a body of armed men, went to a battery on Jerry s on\\npoint, at Great-Island, and took away eight cannon of\\ntwenty-four and thirty-two pound shot, which they brought up to\\nPortsmouth and whilst they were engaged in this work, the\\nCanseau sloop convoyed the two provision vessels to Boston, for\\nthe supply of the fleet and army.\\nA new convention was at this time sitting at Exeter in which\\nthe province was more fully and equally represented, than it ever\\nhad been before. They passed votes of thanks to those who had\\ntaken the powder and guns from the fort, in the preceding winter,\\nand to those who had removed the cannon from the battery.\\nThey also instructed the representatives, how to act at the next\\nmeeting of the assembly and the voice of the convention was\\nregarded by the house, as the voice of their constituents.\\nAt the adjournment, the governor again recommended the\\nconciliatory proposition. The first step which the house j\\ntook, was in obedience to the voice of the convention, to\\nexpel three members whom the governor had called by the king s\\nwrit, from three new townships whilst many other towns, of\\nmuch older standing, and more populous, were neglected, and\\nnever enjoyed the privilege of representation, but in the newly\\nestablished conventions. The governor then adjourned the as-\\nsembly to the eleventh of July. One of the expelled members,\\nhaving spoken his mind freely without doors, was ussaulted by\\nthe populace, and took shelter in the governor s house. The\\npeople demanded him, and brought a gun, mounted on a carriage,\\nto the door upon which the offender was delivered up, and\\nconveyed to Exeter. The governor, conceiving himself insulted,\\nretired to the fort; and his house became a scene of pillage.\\nWhen the assembly met again, he sent a message from the\\nfort, and adjourned them to the twenty-eighth of Septera- j\\nber;butthey never met any more. He continued under the\\nprotection of the Scarborough, and another ship of war, till all the\\nremaining cannon of the fort were taken on board, and then\\nsailed for Boston. In September, he came to the Isles of\\nShoals, and there issued a proclamation, adjourning the assembly\\nto the next April. This was the last act of his administration, and\\nthe last time that he set his foot in the province. Thus an end", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0381.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "35S HISTORY OF NKW-HAMPSHIRE. [1775.\\nwas put to the British government in New-Hampshire, when it\\nhad subsisted ninety-five years.\\nFrom tliis view of the administration of Governor Wentworth,\\nit is easy to conchide, that his intentions were pacific and whilst\\nthe temper of the times allowed him to act agreeably to his own\\nprinciples, his government was acceptable and beneficial but\\nwhen matters had come to the worst, his faults were as few, and\\nhis conduct as temperate, as could be expected from a servant of\\nthe crown. If a comparison be drawn, between him and most of\\nthe other governors on this continent, at the beginning of the rev-\\nolution, he must appear to advantage. Instead of widening the\\nbreach, he endeavored to close it and when his efforts failed, he\\nretired from a situation, where he could no longer exercise the\\noffice of a governor leaving his estate and many of his friends\\nand preserving only his commission, as surveyor of the king s\\nwoods the limits of which were much contracted by the suc-\\nceeding revolution.\\nCHAPTER XXV.\\nWar with Britain. Change of government. Temporary constitution. In-\\ndependence. Military exertions. Stark s expedition. Employment of\\ntroops during the war.\\nWhen the controversy with Britain shewed symptoms of hos-\\ntility, and the design of the ministry and parliament to provoke\\n-_^c us to arms became apparent, the people of New-Hamp-\\nshire began seriously to meditate the defence of their\\ncountry. It was uncertain in what manner the scene would open\\nfor this and other reasons no regular plan of operations could be\\nformed. By the old militia law, every male inhabitant, from\\nsixteen years old to sixty, was obliged to be provided with a mus-\\n[John Wentworth, was son of Mark Hunking Wentworth, and was the\\nfifth in descent from elder William Wentworth, mentioned under the year\\n1689. He was born about 1730, and graduated at Harvard college in 1755,\\nand his name stands as the fifth in the class, being preceded by the names of\\nGushing, Appleton, Brown and Livingston. He received the appointment of\\ngovernor when he was but 31 years of age, being advanced to that station at\\nan earlier age than any of his predecessors, or any who has succeeded him.\\nAfter leaving New-Hampshire in 1775, he was appointed governor of Nova-\\nScotia, and resided at Halifax, where he diad 8 April, 1820, aged 84. He re-\\nceived the title of baronet from George HI., and was honored by the univer-\\nsities of Oxford, in England, and Aberdeen, in Scotland, with the decree of\\nDoctor of Laws. He received a similar honor from Dartmouth college.\\nThe late Dr. Dwight in speaking of his character, describes him as a man\\nof sound understanding, refined taste, enlarged views, and a dignified spirit\\nand as retiring from the chair with a higher reputation tJian any other niaa\\nwho held th\u00c2\u00ab same office he did in the country.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0382.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "1775.]\\nSTATE. MESIIECII WEARE. 35C^\\nket and bayonet, knapsack, cartritlge-box, one pound of powder,\\ntwenty bullets and twelve flints. Every town was obliged to\\nkeep in readiness one barrel of powder, two hundred pounds of\\nlead and three hundred flints, for every sixty men besides a\\nquantity of arms and annnunition for the supply of such as were\\nnot able to provide themselves with the necessary articles. Even\\nthose persons who were exempted from appearing at the common\\nmilitary trainings, were obliged to keep the same arms and am-\\nmunition. In a time of peace, these requisitions were neglected,\\nand the people in general were not completely furnished, nor the\\ntowns supplied according to law. The care which the governor\\nhad taken to appoint officers of militia and review the regi-\\nments, for some years before, had awakened their attention to the\\nduties of the parade which were performed with renewed ardor,\\nafter the provincial convendon had recommended the learning of\\nmilitary exercises and manoeuvres. Voluntary associations were\\nformed for this purpose, and the most experienced persons were\\nchosen to command on these occasions. To prevent false rumors\\nand confusion, the committees of inspecdon in each town were\\nalso committees of correspondence, by whom all intelligence con-\\ncerning the motions of the British, were to be comnjunicated\\nand proper persons were retained to carry expresses when there\\nshould be occasion.\\nIn this state of anxiety and expectadon when an early spring\\nhad invited the husbandman to the labor of the field General\\nGage thought it proper to open the drama of war. The\\nalarm was immediately communicated from town to town\\nthrough the whole country, and volunteers flocked from all parts\\ntill a body of ten thousand men assembled in the neighborhood of\\nBoston, completely invested it on the land side, and cut of all\\ncommunication with the country.\\nOn the first alarm, about twelve hundred men marched from\\nthe nearest parts of New-Hampshire, to join their brethren, who\\nhad assembled in arms about Boston. Of these, some returned\\nothers formed themselves into two regiments, under the authority\\nof the Massachusetts convendon. As soon as the provin-\\ncial congress of New-Hampshire met, they voted to raise\\ntwo thousand men, to be formed into three regiments those\\nwhich were already there to be accounted as two, and another to\\nbe enlisted immediately. These men engaged to serve till the\\nlast day of December, unless sooner discharged. The command\\nof these regiments was given to the Colonels John Stark, James\\nReed and Enoch Poor. The two former were present in the\\nmemorable batde on the heights of Charlestown, being\\nposted on the left wing, behind a fence from which they\\nsorely galled the British as they advanced to the attack, and cut\\nthem down by whole ranks at once. In their retreat, they lost", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0383.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "5jfjO HiSTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1775.\\nseveral men, and among others, the brave Major Andrew IMcCla-\\nry, who was killed by a cannon shot after he had passed the isth-\\nmus of Charkstown.* On the alarm occasioned by this battle, die\\nJ q\u00e2\u0080\u009e third regiment collected and marched to the camp and with\\nthe other New-Hampshire troops, was posted on the left\\nwing of the army at Winter-Hill, under the immediate command of\\nBrigadier-General Sullivan, who with the other general officers,\\nreceived his appointment from congress.\\nIt had been a common sentiment among the British troops, that\\nthe Americans would not dare to fight with them. This battle\\neffectually convinced them of their mistake. They found that\\nfighting with us was a serious thing and the loss which they sus-\\ntained in this battle, evidently had an influence on their subse-\\nquent operations.\\nWhilst die Scarborough frigate remained in the harbor of Pas-\\ncataqua, frequent bickerings happened between her crew and the\\ninhabitants. Captain Berkeley seized all inward bound ves-\\nsels, and sent them to Boston. He also prevented the boats be-\\nlonging to the river from going out to catch fish. This conduct\\nwas conformable to die orders which he had received to execute\\nthe restraining act. In return, his boats were not permitted to\\nfetch provisions from the town and one of them was fired upon\\nin the night, by some of the guards stationed on the shore. A\\ncompromise, at length, was made between him and the committee\\nof the town open boats were permitted to pass, to catch fish for\\nthe inhabitants and his boats were allowed to take fresh provis-\\nions for the use of the ship. This agreement subsisted but a short\\ntime, and finally all intercourse was cut off.\\nAfter the departure of the ship, the people went in volunteer\\nparties, under the direction of Major Ezekicl Worthen, whom the\\nconv^ention appointed engineer, and built forts on the points\\nof two islands, which form a narrow channel,, about a mile\\nbelow the town of Portsmouth. One of these was called Fort\\nWashington, and the other Fort Sullivan. The cannon which\\nhad been saved from the old fort and battery were mounted here,\\nand die town was thought to be secure from being surprised by\\nships of war.\\nThe tenth of September was the last day of exportation\\nfixed by the general congress. Most of the vessels which sailed\\n[Andrew McCi.art wag son of Andrew McClary of Epsom, who with\\nhiB brother Jolin were early inhabitants of that town. The male line of the\\nfamily name lias become extinct. Major McClary was an active and efficient\\nofficer. Swett, Hist, of Bunker Hill Battle, 2d edit. p. 48.\\nIn a letter from Colonel Stark to Matthew Thornton, written two days af-\\nter the battle of Bunker Hill, (see Coll. ofN. H. Hist. Soc. ii. 14o) it appears\\nthat the number lost from Stark s regiment, was 15 killed and missing, and\\n60 wounded the number from Colonel Reed s regiment was 3 killed, 1 miss-\\ning and 29 wounded. The number in Swett s History, where the names of\\nthe killed are given, is ditferent from the account given in Uiis letter.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0384.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "i775.J STATK. MESHECH WEARE. 30 1\\nout of the harbor were seized by the British cruisers, and carried\\ninto Boston. One was retaken by a privateer of Beverly, and\\ncarried into Cape-Anne.\\nIn the following month, sev-eral British armed vessels were sent\\nto burn the town of Falmouth which was in part effect- q -.o\\ned, by throwing carcases and sending a party on shore,\\nunder cover of their guns. It was suspected that they had the\\nsame design against Portsmouth. General Washington despatch-\\ned Brigadier-General Sullivan from the camp at Cambridge, with\\norders to take the command of the militia and defend the harbor\\nof Pascataqua. On this occasion, the works on the islands were\\nstrengthened a boom, constructed with masts and chains, was\\nthrown across the Narrows, which was several times broken by\\nthe rapidity of the current, until it was impossible to secure the\\npassage by such means an old ship was scuttled and sunk in the\\nnorthern channel of the river a company of rifle-men, from the\\neamp, was posted on Great-Island and fire-rafts were construct-\\ned to burn die enemy s shi|)ping. These preparations served to\\nkeep up the spirits of the people but many families, not thinking\\nthemselves safe in Portsmouth, removed into the country, and\\nthere remained till the next spring.\\nA spirit of violent resentment was excited against all who were\\nsuspected of a disposition inimical to the American cause. Some\\npersons were taken up on suspicion and imprisoned some fled\\nto Nova-Scotia, or to England, or joined the British army in\\nBoston. Others were restricted to certain limits and their mo-\\ntions continually watched. The passions of jealousy, hatred and\\nrevenge were freely indulged, and the tongue of slander was un-\\nder no restraint. Wise and good men secretly lamented these\\nexcesses; biit no efiectual remedy could be administered. All\\ncommissions under the former authority being annulled, the courts\\nof justice were shut, and the sword of magistracy was sheathed.\\nThe provincial convention directed the general affairs of the war\\nand town committees had a discretionary, but undefined power to\\npreserve domestic peace. Habits of decency, family government,\\nand the good examples of influential pei-sons, contributed more\\nto maintain order than any other authority. The value of these\\nsecret bonds of society was now more than ever conspicuous.\\nIn the convention which met at Exeter, in May, and continued\\nsitting with but little interruption till November, one hundred and\\ntwo towns were represented, by one hundred and thirty-three\\nmembers.^ Their first care was to establish post offices to ap-\\npoint a committee of supplies for the army, and a committee of\\nsafety. To this last committee, the general instruction was sim-\\nilar to that, given by the Romans, to their dictators, to take un-\\nder consideration, all matters in which the welfare of the prov-\\n(1) MS. Records of Convention.\\n4S", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0385.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "362 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1775.\\nince, in the security of their rights, is concerned and to lake\\nthe utmost care, that the puhlic sustain no damage. Particu-\\nar instructions were given to thern, from time to time, as occa-\\nsion required. They were considered as the supreme executive\\nand during the recess of the convention, their orders and recom-\\nmendations had the same effect as the acts and resolves of that\\nwhole body.\\nBy an order of the convention, the former secretary, Theodore\\nAtkinson, Esquire, delivered up the province records, to a com-\\nmittee which was sent to receive them, and Ebenezer Thompson,\\nEsquire, was appointed in his place. The records of deeds, and\\nof the probate office, for the county of Rockingham, were also\\nremoved to Exeter, as a [)lace of greater safety than Portsmouth.\\nThe former treasurer, George Jaffrey, Esquire, was applied to\\nfor the public money in his hands, wliich, to the amount of one\\nthousand five hundred and sixteen pounds, four shillings and eight\\npence, he delivered and Nicholas Gilman, Esquire, was ap-\\npointed treasurer in his room.f\\nDuring this year, three emissions of paper bills were made.\\nThe first, of ten thousand and fifty pounds the second, of ten\\nthousand pounds and the third, of twenty thousand pounds.\\nFor the amount of those sums, the treasurer gave his obligation\\nin small notes, which passed for a time, as current money, equal\\nin value to silver and gold. But as emissions were multiplied, as\\nthe redemption of the bills was put off to distant periods, and the\\nbills themselves were counterfeited, it was impossible for them\\nlong to hold their value.\\nBeside the three regiments which made part of the American\\narmy at Cambridge, a company of artillery was raised to do duty\\nat die forts. A company of rangers was posted on Connecticut\\nriver and two companies more were appointed, to be ready to\\nmarch wherever the committee of safety should direct. The\\nwhole militia was divided into twelve regiments the field officers\\nwere appointed by the convention^ and the inferior officers were\\nchosen by the companies. Out of the militia were inlisted four\\nregiments of minute-men, so called, because they were to be\\nready at a minute s warning. They were constantly trained to\\nmilitary duty, and when called to service were allowed the same\\nNe quid detrimenti respublica capiat.\\nt [Nicholas Gilman was son of Daniel Gilman, of Exeter, a grandson of\\nthe Hon. John Gilman, one of tlie first council under President Cutt, in 1680.\\n(See page 90.) lie was born 31 October, 1731, and received a common\\nschool education. He was elected a counsellor under the temporary consti-\\ntution of New-Hampshire in 1777, and, by annual elections, continued in of-\\nfice until liis death, 7 April, 17^3. Three of his sons enjoyed some of the\\nfirst offices in tiie state. Nicholas, the eldest, died while a senator in con-\\ngress, in 1814. John Taylor, after liaving been governor of the state fourteen\\nyears, died 31 August, 162S, x. 75. Nathaniel, now living, has been senator\\nin the state legislature and state treasurer.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0386.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "1775.] STATE. MESIIECH WE ARE. 363\\npay as the regiments in the continental army. In the succeeding\\nwinter, uhen the Connecticut forces had withdrawn from die camp,\\nbecause their time of service was expired, sixteen companies of\\nthe New-Hampshire mihtia, of sixty-one men each, supplied dieir\\nplace, till the British troops evacuated Boston.\\nThe convention having been appointed for six months only\\nbefore die expiration of that time, applied to the general congress\\nfor their advice, respecting some mode of government for the\\nfuture. In answer to which, the congress recommended j^\\nto them, to call a full and free representation of the\\npeople that these representatives, if they should think it neces-\\nsary, might establish such a form of government, as, in their\\njudgment, would best conduce to the happiness of the people,\\nand most effectually tend to secure peace and good order in the\\nprovince, during the continuance of the dispute between Great-\\nBritain and the colonies. On receiving this advice, the con-\\nvention took into their consideration the mode in which a\\nfull and free representation should be called and finally\\nagreed, that each elector should possess a real estate of twenty\\npounds value, and every candidate for election, one of three hun-\\ndred pounds; that every town, consisting of one hundred families,\\nshould send one representative and one more for every hundred\\nfamilies and that those towns which contained a less number than\\none hundred should be classed. They had before ordered a sur-\\nvey to be made of the number of people in the several coundes\\nand having obtained it, they determined, that the number of rep-\\nresentativ^es to the next convention, should bear the following pro-\\nportion to the number of people, viz.\\nRockingham, 37S50 people 38 representatives.\\nStrafford, 12713 13\\nHillsborough, 16447 17\\nCheshire, 11089 15\\nGrafton, 4101 6\\nIn all, 82200 89\\nThese representatives were to be empowered, by their constit-\\nuents, to assume government as recommended by the general\\ncongress, and to condnue for one whole year from the time of such\\nassumption. The wages of the members were to be paid by\\nthe several towns, and their travelling expenses out of the\\npublic treasury. Having formed this plan, and sent cop-\\nies of it to the several towns, the convention dissolved.\\nThis convention was composed chiefly of men w ho knew noth-\\ning of die dieory of government, and had never before been con-\\ncerned in public business. In the short term of six months, they\\nacquired so much knowledge by experience, as to be convinced,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0387.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "364 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [177(\\nlliat it was improper for a legislative assembly to consist of one\\nhouse only. As soon as the new convention came together, they\\nDec 21 P temporary form of government and, agree-\\nably to the trust reposed in them by their constituents,\\nhaving assumed the name and authority of the house of\\nJan. 5. representatives, they proceeded to choose twelve persons,\\nto be a distinct branch of the legislature, by the name of a coun-\\ncil. Of these, five were chosen from the county of Rockingham,\\ntwo from Strafford, two from Hillsboro-vgh, two from Cheshire\\nand one from Grafton. These were empowered to elect their\\nown [iresident, and any seven of them were to be a quorum. It\\nwas ordained, that no act or resolve should be valid, unless pass-\\ned by both branches of the legislature that all money bills should\\noriginate in the house of representatives that neither house should\\nadjourn for more than two days, without the consent of the other\\nthat a secretary, and all other public officers of the colony, and of\\neach county, for the current year, all general and field officers\\nof militia, and all officers of the marching regiments, should be\\nappointed by the two houses all subordinate militia officers by\\ntheir respective companies; that the present assembly should\\nsubsist one year, and if the dispute with Britain should continue\\nlonger, and the general congress should give no directions to the\\ncontrary, that precepts should be issued annually to the several\\ntowns on or before the first day of November, for the choice of\\ncounsellors and representatives, to be returned by the third\\nWednesday in December.\\nIn this hasty production, there were some material defects.\\nOne was the want of an executive branch of government. To\\nremedy this, the two houses, during their session, performed ex-\\necutive as well as legislative duty and at every adjournment\\nappointed a committee of safety, to sit in the recess, with the same\\npowers, as had been given in the preceding year, by the conven-\\ntion. The number of this committee varied from six to sixteen.\\nThe president of the council was also president of this executive\\ncommittee. The person chosen to fill this chair was an old, tried,\\nfaithful servant of the public, the honorable IVIeshech Weare,\\nEsquire, who was also appointed chief justice of the superior court.\\nSo great was the confidence of the people in this gentleman, that\\nthey scrupled not to invest him, at the same time, with the highest\\noffices, legislative, executive, and judicial; in which he was con-\\ntinued by annual elections during the whole war.*\\n[Of a character so beloved and esteemed as President Weare, a note more\\nextended tlian this, should bo given, but the want of suitable materials, will\\npermit only the following notice.\\nThe family of IVeurrs was an early one in New-England, although not\\nnmongthe earliest. Peter Weare, probably the first ancestor of the President\\nwho came hither, died 12 October, 1653, at Newbury, Massachusetts, in\\nwhich place he had resided some time. His son, Nathaniel Weare, resided in", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0388.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "1776.]\\nSTATE. MESHECH WEARE. 565\\nThis constitution was prefaced with several reasons for ado|)ting\\ngovernment, viz. That the British i)arliament liad, by many\\ngrievous and oppressive acts, deprived us of our native rights\\nto enforce obedience to wliich acts, the ministry of tliat kingdom\\nhad sent a powerful fleet and army into this country, and had\\nwantonly and cruelly abused their power, in destroying our lives\\nand property that the sudden and abrupt departure of our late\\ngovernor, had left us destitute of legislation that no judicial courts\\nwere open to punish ofTenders and that the continental congress\\nhad recommended the adoption of a form of government. Upon\\nthese grounds, the convention made a declaration in these words,\\nWe conceive ourselves reduced to the necessity of establishing a\\nform of government, to continue during the present unhappy\\nand unnatural contest with Great-Britain protesting and de-\\ndaring, that we never sought to throw oft our dependence on\\nGreat-Britain but felt ourselves happy under her protection,\\nwhilst we could enjoy our constitutional rights and privileges\\nand that v.e shall rejoice, if such a reconciliation between us and\\nour parent state can be efTected, as shall be approved by the\\nthat place several years, and afterwards removed to Hampton, as intimated in\\na note, p. 103. Peter Weare, the son of Nathaniel, was born at Newbury, 15\\nNov. 16G0, and was appointed a counsellor of N. H. in ItiDb. The father of\\nthe President was Nathaniel Weare, who was probably son of Peter Weare,\\nthe counsellor. He had four sons and eight daughters. Me-shecii Weare\\nwas the youngest of the sons, and was born at what was then Hampton, in\\n1714. He graduated at Harvard college, then under President Wadsworth,\\nin the year 1735, and devoted some time to theological studies, which he re-\\nlinquished for the calls of civil and political life. He was chosen speaker of\\nthe house of representatives in 1752 and in 1754, was appointed a commis-\\nsioner to the congress at Albany, and was afterwards one of the justices of\\nthe superior court of New-Hampshire. In 177G, he was chosen president of\\nthe state under the new constitution, adopted that year to continue durinff\\nthe war, and was annually elected to the same office during the contest with\\nGreat-Britain. He was also apjjointed to the office of chief justice in 1777,\\nwhich he held at the same time he sustained the office of chief magistrate.\\nIn 1784, he was elected the first president under the constitution which was\\nadopted in 17H3, and which went into operation the following year but on\\naccount of his declining health, he resigned his office before the expiration of\\nthe political year. He enjoyed not only civil lienors, but was complimented\\nwith those of a literary kind. In 1782, he was elected a fellow of the Amer-\\nican academy of arts and sciences, which two years before had gone into ope-\\nration in Massachusetts, under very favorable auspices. His election was\\nannounced to him by tiie corresponding secretary, Rev. Joseph Willard, the\\npresident of Harvard college.\\nBeing worn out with public service and the infirmities of age. President\\nWeare departed this life at ids residence at Hampton-Falls, on the twenty-\\nfifth of January, 1786, having entered on the 73d year of liis age.\\nIn speaking of iiis character. Dr. Belknap, who personally knew him, says,\\nhe was not a person of an original inventive genius, but liad a clear discern-\\nment, e.xtensive knowledge, accurate judgment, calm temper, a modest de-\\nportment, an upright and benevolent heart, and a habit of prudence and dili-\\ngence in discharging the various duties of public and private liie. He did\\nnot enrich himself by his public employment, but was one of those good men,\\nwho dare to love tiieir country and be poor.\\nThe two last parag^raphs have been transferred from a note in the Appendix\\nto the 2d vol. of the former editions, to this place.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0389.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "3G6 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1776.\\ncontinental congress, in whose prudence and wisdom we con-\\nfide.\\nSuch was the language, and such were the sentiments of the\\npeople at that time and had the British government, on the re-\\nmoval of their troops from Boston, treated with us, in answer to\\nour last petition, upon the principle of reconciliation and restored\\nus to the state in which we were hefore the stamp-act was made,\\nthey might even then, have preserved their connexion with us.\\nBut in the course of a lew months, we not only found our petitions\\ndisregarded, and our professions of attachment to the parent state\\ntreated as hypocritical but their hostile intentions became so ap-\\nparent, and our situation was so singular, that there could be no\\nhope of safety for us, without dissolving our connexion with them,\\nand assuming that equal rank among the powers of the earth for\\nwhich nature had destined us, and to which the voice of reason\\nand providence loudly called us. Britain had engaged foreign\\nmercenaries to assist in subjugating us justice required that we\\nshould in our turn court foreign aid but this could not be had,\\nwhilst we acknowledged ourselves subjects of the crown against\\nwhose power we were struggling. The exertions which we had\\nmade, and the blood which we had shed, were deemed too great\\na price for reconciliation to a power which still claimed the right\\nto bind us in all cases whatsoever, and which held out to us un-\\nconditional submission, as the only terms on which we were to\\nexpect even a pardon. Subjection to a prince who had thrown\\nus out of his protection who had ruined our commerce, destroy-\\ned our cities and spilled our blood and who would not govern\\nus at all, without the interposition of a legislative body, in whose\\nelection we had no voice, was an idea too absurd to be any longer\\nentertained. These sentiments, being set in their just light by va-\\nrious publications and addresses, had such force as to produce a\\ntotal change of the public opinion. Independence became the\\ngeneral voice of the same people, who but a few months before\\nhad petitioned for reconciliation. When this could not be had,\\nbut on terms disgraceful to the cause which we had undertaken\\nto support, we were driven to that as our only refuge. The\\nminds of the people at large in most of the colonies being thus in-\\n[This was the first constitution, it has been said, which was adopted by\\nany of the colonies, after the revolution commenced. It met with a small\\nopposition from some of the delegates, and from the inhabitants of Portsmouth.\\nTwelve of the former entered their protest against it, and the following among\\nother reasons are given for their dissent. Because the colonies of New-\\nYork and Virginia, which are in similar circumstances with us, are much\\nlarger and more opulent, and, we presume, much wiser, (to whom we would\\npay all due deference) have not attempted any thing of this kind, nor, as we\\ncan learn, ever desired it. The ninth reason was Because it appears to\\n\u00c2\u00abs too much like setting up an Indkpendency of the Mother Country.\\nPortsmouth sent in a remonstrance 12 January, 1776, but the new govern-\\njTient went into operation with much energy, and but little complaint was\\n;nade by the people after the first year.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0390.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "1776.]\\nSTATE. MESllECH WEARE. 20\\nfluenced, they called upon their delegates in congress to execute\\ntlie act which should sever us from foreign dominion, and put us\\ninto a situation to govern ourselves.*\\nIt ought ever to be remembered, that the declaration of our in-\\ndependence was made, at a point of tin)e, when no royal j^j\\ngovernor had even the shadow of authority in any of the\\ncolonies and when no British troops had any footing on this con-\\ntinent. The country was then absolutely our own. A formidable\\nOn the lltli of June, 177G, a committee was chosen by the assembly of\\nNew-Hampshire to make a draught of a declaration of tlie general assembly\\nlor the Lnjjkpk.nde.nck of tlie united colonies on Great Britain, to be trans-\\nmitted to our delegates in congress. [The proceedings of the assembly,\\nand the declaration are here introduced, copied from the records in the secre-\\ntary s oflice.\\nDkclaration of Independence by New-Hampshire in 1776.\\nIn the FIovsc of Representatives, June 11, 177G.\\nFof\u00c2\u00ab/, That Samuel Cutts, Timothy Walker and John Dudley, Esquires,\\nbe a committee of this house to join a committee of tlie honorable board, to\\nmake a draft of a declaration of this general assembly for Independence of\\nthe united colonies, on Great-Britain.\\nJune 15, 1776.\\nThe committee of both houses, appointed to prepare a draft setting forth\\nthe sentiments and opinion of the council and assembly of this colony relative\\nto the united colonies setting up an independent state, make report as on file\\nwhich report being read and considered, Voted vnanimmisUjfTh.^tXhe re-\\nport of said committee be received and accepted, and that the draft by them\\nbrought in be sent to our delegates at the continental congress forthwitli aa\\nthe sense of the house.\\nThe draft made by the committee of both houses, relating to independen-\\ncy, and voted as the sense of this house, is as follows, viz.\\nWhereas it now appears an undoubted fact, that notwithstanding all the-\\ndutiful petitions and decent remonstrances from the American colonies, and\\nthe utmost exertions of their best friends in England on their behalf, the Brit-\\nish ministry, arbitrary and vindictive, are yet determined to reduce by fire\\nand sword our bleeding country, to their absolute obedience and for this pur-\\npose, in addition to their own forces, have engaged great numbers of foreign\\nmercenaries, who may now be on their passage here, accompanied by a for-\\nmidable fleet to ravish and plunder the sea-coast; from all which we may\\nreasonably expect the most dismal scenes of distress the ensuing year, unless\\nwe exert ourselves by every means and precaution possible and whereas we\\nof this colony of New-Hampshire have the example of several of the most re-\\nspectable of our sister colonies before us for entering upon that most import-\\nant step of disunion from Great-Britain, and declaring ourselves FREE and\\nINDEPENDENT of the crown thereof, being impelled thereto by the most\\nviolent and injurious treatment and it appearing absolutely necessary in this\\nmost critical juncture of our public affairs, that the honorable the continental\\ncongress, who have this important object under immediate consideration,,\\nshould be also informed of our resolutions thereon without loss of time, we\\ndo hereby declare that it is the opinion of this assembly that our delegates at\\nthe continental congress should be instructed, and they are hereby instruct-\\ned, to join with the other colonies in declaring the thirteen united colonies a\\nfree and independent state solemnly pledging our faith and honor, tiiat we\\nwill on our parts support the measure with our lives and fortunes and that\\nin consequence thereof they, the continental congress, on whose wisdom, fi-\\ndelity and integrity we rely, may enter into and form such alliances as they\\nmay judge most conducive to the present safety and future advantage of these\\nAmerican colonies Provided, the regulation of our own internal police be\\nunder the direction of our own assembly.\\nEntered according to the original,\\nAttest, NOAH EMERY, Clr. D. Reps.}", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0391.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "3^8 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1776,\\nforce was fndecil collected on our coasts, ready to invade us and\\nin the face of that armament, this decisive step was taken. The\\ndeclaration was received with joy by the American army then\\nassembled at New-York. Within fourteen days, it was jiublished\\nJ J jcj by beat of drum in all the shire towns of New-Hampshire.\\nIt relieved us from a state of embarrassment. We then\\nknew the ground on which we stood, and from that time, every\\nthing assumed a new appearance. The jargon of distinctions\\nbetween die limits of authority on the one side, pnd of liberty on\\nthe other, was done away. The single question was, whether\\nwe should be conquered provinces, or free and independent states.\\nOn this question, every person was able to form his own judgment\\nand it was of such magnitude that no man could be at a loss to\\nstake his life on its decision.\\nIt is amusing to recollect, at this distance of time, that one ef-\\nfect of independence was an aversion to every thing which bore\\nthe name and marks of royalty. Sign boards on which were\\npainted the king s arms, or the crown and sceptre, or the portraits\\nof any branches of the royal family, were pulled down or defaced.\\nPictures and escutcheons of the same kind in private houses\\nwere inverted or concealed. The names of streets, which had\\nbeen called after a king or queen were altered j and the half-\\npence, which bore the name of George 111., were either refused\\nin payment, or degraded to farthings. These last have not yet\\nrecovered their value.\\nThe new assembly began their administration by establishing\\njudicial courts, on the same system as before, excepting that the\\ncourt of appeals, which had long been esteemed a grievance, was\\nabolished, and all appeals to Great-Britain were prohibited. Ap-\\npeals from the probate courts, which formerly came before the\\ngovernor and council, were transferred to the superior court,\\nwhose judgment was now made final. Encouragement was given\\nto fit out armed vessels, and a maritime court was established for\\nthe trial of captures by sea. A law was made to punish the coun-\\nterfeiting of the paper bills of this and of the United States and\\nto make them a tender for any money due by deed or simple\\ncontract. After the declaration of independence the style of\\n(1) Observations on the American Revolution, p. 57, 58.\\n[The delegates from New-Hampsliire in cong-ress, who signed the declara-\\ntion of independence, were Josiaii Bartlftt, William Whipplk and Mat-\\nthew Thornton, of eacii of wliom a memoir is given in tlie national work,\\nBiography of the Siirners of the Declaration of Indrprndrnrc. As the editor of\\nthis work furnisliea the biographer of these men call the facts and materials in\\nhis possession, he can add notliing new to their liistory, but refers the reader\\nto the work mentioned. The most important information contained in this\\nwork has been condensed by N. Dwightof the city of New- York, and publish-\\ned in a duodecimo volume.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0392.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "1776,] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 3C9\\nColony was changed for that of the State of New-Hampshire.\\nA new law was enacted to regulate the militia. More paper bills\\nwere issued to pay the expenses of the war and provision was\\nmade for drawing in some of the bills by taxes. Doubts had\\narisen, whether the former laws were in force a special act was\\ntherefore passed, reviving and re-enacting all the laws which\\nwere in force, at the time when government was assumed as far\\nas they were not repugnant to the new form, or to the indepen-\\ndence of the colonies, or not actually repealed.*\\nThe congress having ordered several frigates to be built in dif-\\nferent places one of thirty-two guns, called the Raleigh,\\nwas launched at Portsmouth, in sixty days from the time\\nwhen her keel was laid but for want of guns and ammunition, and\\nother necessaries, it was a long time before she was completely\\nfitted for the sea. The making of salt-petre was encouraged by\\na bounty and many trials were made before it was produced in\\npurity. Powder mills were erected, and the mai iifacture of gun-\\npowder was, after some time, established but notwithstanding all\\nour cxeitions, foreign supplies wore necessary.\\nFor the service of this year, two thousand men were raised,\\nand formed into three regiments, under the same commanders as\\nin the former year. Three hundred men w-ere posted at the forts\\nin the harbor. Supplies of fire arms and ammunition were sent\\nto die western parts of the state, and a regiment was raised in\\nthat quarter, under the command of Colonel Timothy Bedel, to\\nbe ready to march into Canada.\\nThe three regiments went with the army under General Wash-\\nington to New- York and thence were ordered up the Hudson,\\nand down the lakes into Canada, under the immediate command\\nof Brigadier-General Sullivan. The design of this movement\\nwas to succor and reinforce the army, which had been sent, the\\npreceding year, against Quebec and which was now retreating\\nbefore a superior force, which had arrived from Britain, as early\\nas the navigation of the St. liawrence was opened. Our troops\\nhaving met the retreating army at the mouth of the Sorel, threw\\nup some slight works round their camp. General Thomas, who\\nhad commanded the army after the fall of the brave Montgomery,\\nwas dead of the small-pox. f Arnold was engaged in stripping\\n[1776. The towns of Washington, formerly Camhdcn, and Marlborough,\\nformerly Kcto-MarJhorough, were incorporated on the 13 December, this year.\\nActs and Laws of the state of New-Hampshire, folio 57, 58.]\\nt [General John Thomas was from Massachusetts, and was descended from\\none of the most ancient and respectable families in the county of Plymouth.\\nHis death was deplored as a great public calamity. He was distinguished by\\ngreat prudence and judgment, as well tas resolution and intrepidity. He was\\nappointed a major-general on the continental establishment in March, 177(5\\nbut had been second in command in the provincial army in the summer of\\n1775, till General Wasliington arrived at Cambridge. Ho had also served\\nwith reputation ns a field officer in the war of 1756, between England and\\n40", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0393.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "370 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1776.\\nthe merchants of Montreal, under pretence of supplying the army\\nand Thompson was taken prisoner in an unsuccessful attack on\\nthe village of Trois Rivieres. The command therefore devolved\\non Sullivan, who, finding a retreat necessary, conducted it with\\ngreat prudence. At this time, the American troops, and in par-\\nticular the regiments of New-Hampshire, had taken the infection\\nof the small-pox. The sick were placed in batteaux, and with the\\ncannon and stores, were drawn against the rapid current, by the\\nstrength of men on shore, or wading in the water and so close\\nwas the pursuit of the enenjy, that they could scarcely find time\\nto kindle a fire to ilress their victuals, or dry their clothes. At\\nSt. John s, the pursuit ceased. On the arrival of our army at\\nJ J Ticonderoga, Sullivan, being superseded by Gates, re-\\nturned to the main army at New-York. The troops in\\nthe northern department being reinforced by the militia of the\\nneighboring states, fortified the posts of Ticonderoga and JMount\\nIndependence. Besides the small pox, a dysentery and putrid\\nfever raged among them and it was computed, that of the New-\\nHampshire regiments, nearly one third part died this year by sick-\\nness.\\nWhen the danger of an attack on Ticonderoga for that season,\\nwas passed, the remaining part of the New-Hampshire troops\\nmarched by the way of the Minisinks, into Pennsylvania. There\\nthey joined General Washington, and assisted in the glorious\\ncapture of the Hessians at Trenton, and afterward in the battle of\\nPrinceton. Though worn down with fatigue, and almost destitute\\nof clothing, in that inclement season, (December and January,)\\nthey continued in the service six weeks after the term of their\\nenlistment had expired and two regiments of the militia which\\nwere sent to reinforce the army remained till March.\\nBy this time, the inconvenience of maintaining an army, by an-\\nnual enlistments and temporary levies, was severely felt, and gen-\\nerally reprobated and the congress, though slow in listen-\\ning to remonstrances on this head, were obliged to adopt\\na more permanent establishnicnt. In recruiting the army for the\\nnext year, the officers were appointed by congress, during the\\nwar; and the men enlisted either for that term, or for three\\nyears. The commanders of the three regiments of New-Hamp-\\nshire, were the Colonels Joseph Cilley,* Nathan Hale and Alex-\\nFrance. Bradford, Hist, of Mass. ii. 104. He died at Chamblee. It has been\\nsaid that from some scrujjles, lie refused to be inoculated for the small-pox\\nhimself, and would not sufl er his troops to receive inoculation.]\\n[Joseph Cii.i.ey wa.s of Nottingham, where his father was one of the\\nearly settlers. He was distinguished for his bravery and patriotism during\\nthe whole revolutionary contest. After the liberties of the country were se-\\ncured, he was several times elected a representative to the legislature of New-\\nHampshire, and in 1797 and 171)8, was chosen one of the executive council.\\nHe was appointed major-general of the militia, 22 June, 1786, in which office\\nhe remained a number of yeftrs. He died at Nottingham in August, 1799,\\naged ri. j", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0394.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "1777.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 371\\nander Scammell. These regiments were supplied with new\\nFrench arms and their rendezvous was at Ticonderoga, under\\nthe immediate command of Brigadier-General Poor. There they\\nremained, till the approach of the British army under j^, g\\nGeneral Burgoyne, rendered it eligible to abandon that\\npost. On the retreat, Colonel Hale s battalion was ordered to\\ncover the rear of the invalids, by which means, he was seven miles\\nbehind the main body. The next morning, he was attacked, by\\nan advanced party of the enemy at Hubberton.* In this engage-\\nment, Major Titcomb of the New-Hampshire troops, was wound-\\ned. Colonel Hale, Captains Robertson, Carr, and Norris, Ad-\\njutant Elliot, and two other officers were taken prisoners, with\\nabout one hundred men. The main body of the army continued\\ntheir retreat to Saratoga. On their way, they had a skirmish\\nwith the enemy at Fort Anne, in which Captain Weare, son of\\nthe president, was mortally wounded, and died at Albany.\\nImmediately after the evacuation of Ticonderoga, the commit-\\ntee of the New-Hampshire grants (who had now formed themselves\\ninto a new state) wrote in the most pressing terms, to the j^j g\\ncommittee of safety at Exeter for assistance, and said that\\nif none should be afforded to them, they should be obliged to re-\\ntreat to the New-England states for safety. When the news of\\nthis affair reached New-Hampshire, the assembly had finished\\ntheir spring session and returned home. A summons from j ,_\\nthe committee brought them together again and in a short\\nsession of three days only, they took the most effectual and deci-\\nsive steps for the defence of the country. They formed the\\nwhole militia of the state into two brigades of the first, they gave\\nthe command to William Vv hippie, f and of the second, to John\\nStark. They ordered one fourth part of Stark s brigade, and one\\nfourth of three regiments of the other brigade, to march immedi-\\nately under his command, to stop the progress of die enemy on\\nour western frontiers. They ordered the militia officers, to take\\n(1) Original letters in files.\\n[In the county of Rutland in Vermont. It is often written Hubbardton,\\nwhich is probably the correct orthography.]\\nt [William Whipple was a native of Kittery, in Maine, where he was\\nborn in 17IW. Before he was 21 years of age, he obtained the command of a\\nvessel, and performed a number of voyages to the West Indies, and to Eu-\\nrope. In IT. Si), he abandoned the sea, and went into business at Portsmouth\\nwas a delegate from that town to the convention at Exeter, in 1775 was one\\nof the first council of New-Hampsliire after the war with Great-Britain com-\\nmenced was a delegate to the general congress at Philadelpliia, and one of\\nthe signers of the decharation of independence. In 1777, he changed his po-\\nlitical for a military character, and received the appointment above named.\\nHis services to the American cause were important. After the war closed,\\nhe was appointed judge of the superior court of judicature, in wliich office he\\nremained about three 3 ears. He died at Portsmouth, 10 November, 1785,\\naged 54. Adams, Annals of Portsmouth. 281 234. Biography of the Sign-\\ners of the Declai-ation of Independence, V. 73 98.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0395.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "373 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHiRE [1777.\\naway arms, from all persons, who scrupled or refused to assist, in\\ndefending the country and appointed a day of fasting and prayer,\\nwhich was ohserved with great solemnity.\\nThe appointment of Stark, to this command, with the same pay\\nas a brigadier in the continental service, was peculiarly grateful\\nto the people, as well as to himself. In an arrangement of gen-\\neral officers, in the preceding year, Poor, a junior officer, had\\nbeen promoted whilst he was neglected. He had written on this\\nsubject to congress, and his letters were laid on the table. He\\ntherefore quilted the army, and retired to his own state.* He\\nwas now by the unanimous voice of his fellow citizens, invested\\nwith a separate command, and received orders to repair to\\nCharlcstovvn on Connecticut river there to consult with a com-\\nmittee of New-Hampshire grants, respecting his future opera-\\ntions and the supply of his men with provisions to take the\\ncommand of the militia and march into die grants to act in con-\\njunction with the troops of that new state, or any other of the\\nstates, or of the United States, or separately, as it should appear\\nexpedient to him for the protection of the people and the an-\\nnoyance of the enemy.\\nIn a few days, he proceeded to Charlestown, and as fast as his\\nmen arrived, he sent them forward, to join the forces of the new\\nstate, under Colonel Warner, who had taken post at Manchester,\\ntwenty miles northward of Bennington.^ Here, Stark joined him,\\nand met w?ith General Lincoln, who had been sent from Stillwa-\\nter, by General Schuyler, commander of the northern depart-\\nment, to conduct the militia to the west side of Hudson s river.\\nStark informed him of his orders, and of the danger which the\\ninhabitants of the grants apprehended from the enemy, and from\\ntheir disaffected neighbors that he had consulted with the com-\\nmittee, and that it was the determination of the people, in case\\nhe should join the continental army and leave them exposed, that\\nthey would retire to the east of Connecticut river in which case\\nNew-Hampshire would be a frontier. He therefore determined\\nto remain on the flank of the enemy, and to watch their motions.\\nFor this purpose, he collected his force at Bennington, and left\\nWarner with his regiment at Manchester. A report of\\nthis determination was transmitted to congress, and the\\n(1) MS. copy of orders on file. (2) Aug. 17 MS. copy of Lincoln s letter.\\n[Upon his resignation, the council and liouse of delegates of New-Hamp-\\nshire, on the 21 ^farch, 1777, passed the following vote Voted that the\\ntlianksof bothliouses in convention be given to Colonel Stark, for his good\\nBcrvices in tlie present war, and tliat from his early and steadfast attachments\\nto the cause of liis country, they malic not the least doubt that his future con-\\nduct in whatever state of life providence may i)lace him, will manifest the\\naainc noble disposition of mind. Whereujjon tiie thanks of both liouses\\nwere presented to Colonel Stark by tho honorable the president. Records of\\nthe House of Ropp vol. ii. 12().]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0396.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "1777.1 STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 373\\norders on which it was founded were by them disapproved but\\nthe propriety of it was evinced by the subsequent facts.\\nGeneral Burgoyne, with the main body of the British arnny lay\\nat fort Edward. Thence he detached Lieutenant Colonel Baurn,\\nwith about fifteen hundred of his German troops, and one hun-\\ndred Indians, to pervade the grants as far as Connecticut river,\\nwith a view to collect horses to mount the dragoons, and cattle,\\nboth for labor and provisions and to return to the army with his\\nbooty. He was to persuade the people among whom he should\\npass, that his detachment was the advanced guard of the British\\narmy, which was marching to Boston. He was accompanied by\\nColonel Skeene, who was well acquainted with the country and\\nhe was ordered to secure his camp by night.*\\nThe Indians who proceeded this detachment, being discovered\\nabout twelve miles from Bennington Stark detached Colonel\\nGregg,* with two hundred men, to stop their march. In the eve-\\nning of the same day, he was informed that a body of regular\\ntroops, with a train of artillery, was in full march for Bennington.\\nThe next morning, he marched with his whole brigade,\\nand some of the militia of the grants, to support Gregg,\\nwho found himself unable to withstand the superior number of the\\nenemy. Having proceeded about four miles, he met Gregg re-\\ntreating, and the main body of the enemy pursuing, within half a\\nmile of his rear. When they discovered Stark s column, they\\nhalted in an advantageous position and he drew up his men on an\\neminence in open view but could not bring them to an engage-\\nment. He then marched back, about a mile, and encamped\\nleaving a few men to skirmish with them who killed thirty of the\\nenemy and two of the Indian chiefs. The next day was\\nrainy. Stark kept his position, and sent out parties to\\nharass the enemy. Many of the Indians took this opportunity to\\ndesert because, as they said, the woods were full of yankees.\\nOn the following morning, Stark was joined by a com-\\npany of militia from the grants, and another from the conn-\\nty of Berkshire, in Massachusetts. His whole force amounted to\\nabout sixteen hundred. He sent Colonel Nichols,f with two\\n(1) MS. copy of Burgoyne s orders. (2) Aug. 13\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Stark s MS. letters in\\nfiles.\\n[Col. William Gregg was born at Londonderry, 21 October, 1730. He\\nwas son of Cnpt. .John Gregg, and grandson of Capt. James Gregg, wlio was\\none of the first sixteen who settled that town, as mentioned page 1!)2. There\\nis a short memoir of Colonel Gregg s revolutionary services in the Coll. of\\nFarmer and Moore, iii. p. 311. At the close of tha war, he retired to his farm,\\nand employed himself in the pursuits of husbandry till within a few years of\\nhis death. He died at Londonderry on the 16 September, 1824, having al-\\nmost completed his 04th year.]\\nt [Col. Moses Nichols was of Amherst, where he died 23d May, 1790, aged\\n50 years. He was appointed a colonel of the 6th regiment of N. H. militia, C\\nDec. 177C; was a delegate to the convention, whicTi met in 1778 to form a", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0397.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "4J74 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1777.\\nhundred and fifty men, to the rear of the enemy s left wing; and\\nColonel Hendrick, with three hundred, to the rear of their right.\\nHe placed three hundred to oppose their front and draw their at-\\ntention. Then sending Colonels Hubbard and Stickney,* with\\ntwo hundred to attack the right wing, and one hundred more to\\nreinforce Nichols in the rear of their left, the attack began in that\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2quarter precisely at three of the clock in the afternoon. It was\\nimmediately seconded by the other detachments; and at the same\\ntime, Stark himself advanced with the main body. The engage-\\nment lasted two hours at the end of which he forced their breast-\\nworks, took two pieces of brass cannon and a number of prisoners\\nthe rest retreated.\\nJust at this instant, he received intelligence that another body\\nof the enemy was within two miles of him. This was a reinforce-\\nment for which Baum had sent, when he first knew the force\\nwhich he was to oppose. It was commanded by Colonel Brey-\\nman. Happily Warner s regiment from Manchester came up\\nwith them and stopped them. Stark rallied his men and renew-\\ned the action it was warm and desperate he used, with success,\\nthe cannon which he had taken and at sunset obliged the enemy\\nto retreat. He pursued them till night, and then halted, to pre-\\nvent his own men from killing each other, in the dark. He took\\nfrom the enemy two other pieces of cannon, with all their baggage,\\nwagons and horses. Two hundred and twenty-six men were\\nfound dead on the field. Their commander, Baum, was taken\\nand died of his wounds beside whom, thirty-three officers, and\\nabove seven hundred privates, were made prisoners. Of Stark s\\nbrigade, four officers and ten privates were killed and forty-two\\nwere wounded.\\nIn the account of this batde, which Stark sent to the committee\\nof New-Hampshire, he said, our people behaved with the great-\\n,g est spirit and bravery imaginable. Had every man been\\nan Alexander, or a Charles of Sweden, they could not\\nhave behaved better. He was sensible of the advantage of\\nkeeping on the flank of the enemy s main body and therefore\\nsent for one thousand men to replace those whose time had ex-\\npired but intimated to the committee that he himself should re-\\nnew constitution, and a representative from Amherst in 1781 and 1789, and\\nsubsequently a l)rigadier-general. He was register of deeds of Hillsborough\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2county from 177(1 to liis death. He was bred a physician and practised with\\nmuch success. He left several sons, (lie eldest of whom was Moses Nichols,\\nEsq. a physician, who resided in Thornton, in Canada, in Amherst, and after-\\nwards again in Canada, to which place he removed in 1811, and where he\\nlately sustained the office of judge of some court.]\\n[Col. Thomas SricKNEy, son of Lieut. Jeremiah Stickney, was a native\\nof Bradford, Massachusetts, but spent nearl} his wiiole life in Concord, in this\\nstate, wJiere his father removed about the 3 ear 1731, and where the colonel\\nflied 2C) .January, 1809, in the 80th year of his age. Moore, Annals of Con-\\neord, 03.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0398.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "1777.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 375\\nturn with the brigade. They cordially thanked him for the very\\nessential service which he had done to the country, but earnest-\\nly pressed liim to continue in the command and sent him a re-\\ninforcement, assuring the men that they were to serve under\\nGeneral Stark. This argument prevailed with the men to\\nmarch, and with Stark to remain.\\nThe prisoners taken in this battle were sent to Boston. The\\ntrophies were divided between New-Hampshire and Massachu-\\nsetts. But congress heard of this victory by accident. Having\\nwaited some time in expectation of letters, and none arriving in-\\nquir}^ was made why Stark had not written to congress f Ho\\nanswered, that his correspondence with them was closed, as they\\nhad not attended to his last letters. They took the hint and\\nthough they had but a few days before resolved, that the instruc-\\ntions which he had received were destructive of military subor-\\ndination, and prejudicial to the common cause yet they present-\\ned their thanks to him, and to the officers and troops under his\\ncommand, and promoted him to the rank of a brigadier-general,\\nin the army of the United States.*\\nThis victory gave a severe check to the hopes of the enemy,\\nand raised the spirits of the people after long depression. It\\nwholly changed the face of affiiirs in the northern department.\\nInstead of disappointment and retreat, and the loss of men by\\nhard labor and sickness we now were convinced, not only that\\nour militia could fight without being covered by intrenchments\\nbut that they were able, even without artillery, to cope with regu-\\nlar troops in their intrenchments. The success thus gained was\\nregarded as a good omen of farther advantages. Let us get\\nthem into the woods, was the language of the whole country.\\nBurgoyne was daily putting his army into a more hazardous situ-\\nation and we determined that no exeruon should be wanting on\\nour part to complete the ruin of his boasted enterprise. The\\nnorthern army was reinforced by the militia of all the neighboring\\nstates. Brigadier Whipple marched with a great part of his brig-\\nade besides which, volunteers in abundance from ev^ery part of\\nNew-Hampshire flew to the northern army now commanded by\\nGeneral Gates. Two desperate battles were fought, the one at Still-\\nwater, and the other at Saratoga in both of which, the troops of\\nNew-Hampshire had a large share of the honor due to theAmer-\\n[General John Stark was a native of Londonderry, and died at Man-\\nchester, (formerly Derryfield) 8 May, 1822, having nearly completed his 94th\\nyear. Excepting Gen. Sumpter of South-Carolina, he was the last surviving\\ngeneral who had a command in the war of the American revolution. It is\\nonly necessary to refer the reader for a biography of him to the Coll. of Far-\\nmer and Moore, i. 02 110, and the sketch of his life published in the Boston\\nStatesman, in 182 and copied into various papers the same j ear. In the\\n392d number of Sir Richard Phillips s London Magazine, there is an account\\nof him which is very erroneous and ridiculous. The editor of that workhow-\\nevM afterwards received more correct information respecting General Stark.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0399.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "376 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1777.\\nican army. Iq the former action, two lieutenant-colonels, Adams\\nand Colburn,* and Lieutenant Thomas, were slain in the field and\\nseveral other brave oflicers were wounded, one of whom. Captain\\nBell, died in the hospital. In the latter, Lieutenant-Colonel Con-\\nner and Lieutenant McClary were killed, with a great number of\\ntheir men and Colonel Scammell was wounded. The conse-\\nquence of these battles was the surrender of Burgoyne s army.\\nThis grand object being attained, the New-Hampshire regiments\\nperformed a march of forty miles, and forded the Mohawk river,\\nbelow the falls, in the space of fourteen hours. The design of\\nthis rapid movement was to check the progress of a detachment,\\ncommanded by the British general, Clinton who threatened Al-\\nbany with the same destruction which he had spread in the country\\nbelow but on hearing the fate of Burgoyne, he returned quietly\\nto New-York. The regiments then marched into Pennsylvania\\nand passed the winter in huts at Valley-Forge. Besides those\\nofilccrs slain at the northward, we sustained a loss in the death of\\nMajor Edward Sherburne, aid de camp to General Sullivan, who\\nwas dllcd in a bold, but unsuccessful action at Gcrinantowu.f\\nAfter the capture of Burgoyne s army, all danger of invasion\\nfrom Canada ceased and the theatre of the war was removed to\\nthe southward. The troops of New-Hampshire, being formed\\ninto a distinct brigade, partook of all the services and sufferings,\\nto which their brethren were exposed. In the battle of IMonmouth,\\na part of them were closely engaged, under the conduct of Colonel\\nCilley and Lieutenant-Colonel Dearborn and behaved\\nwith such bravery as to merit the particular ai)probation of\\ntheir illustrious general. They continued with the main body, all\\nthat campaign, and were hutted, in the following winter, at Read-\\ning.\\nIn die summer of 1776, when a French fleet appeared on our\\ncoast, to aid us in the contest with Britain an invasion of Rhode-\\nIsland, then possessed by the British, was projected, and General\\nSullivan had the command. Detachments of militia and volun-\\nteers, from Massachusetts and New-Hampshire, formed a part of\\nhis troops. But a violent storm having j)revented the co-operation\\nof the French fleet and driven them to sea the army, after a\\nfew skirmishes, was under the disagreeable necessity of quitting\\nthe island and the retreat was conducted by Sullivan with the\\ngreatest caution and prudence. J\\n[Liout. Colonel ANniiF.w Colkurn belonjjod to Marlborough, and re-\\nceived tlic appointment, of lieutenant-colonel of the third battalion, raised in\\nNovv-IIampshire in 177(). He was a bravo meritorious officer.]\\nt [1777. Antrim, being part of a place called Society-Lands, was incorpo-\\nrated ^2 March. Acts and Laws of the state of New-Hampshire, folio.^p. 7(3.\\nTlie towns of Moultonborough and New-Hampton were incorporated 27 Nov-\\nember. Ibid. !ty, 04.]\\nX [1778. The towns of Grafton, New-Chester and Fishersfield were incor-\\nporated on the 11, 20 and 27 of November respectively. Acts and Laws of\\nthe state of Now-Hampshirc, folio 127, 131, 137.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0400.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "1779.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 377\\nWhen an expedition into the Indian country was determined\\non, General Sullivan was appointed to the command, and the New-\\nHampshire brigade made a part of his force. His route t---Q\\nwas up the river Susquehanna into the country of the Sen-\\necas; a tract imperfectly known, and into which no troops had\\never penetrated. The order of his march was planned with\\ngreat judgment, and executed with much regularity and perse-\\nverance. In several engagements with the savages, the troops of\\nNew-Hampshire behaved witli their usual intrepidity. Captain\\nCloyes and Lieutenant jMcAulay were killed, and Major Titcomb\\nwas again badly woimded. The provisions of the army falling\\nshort, before the object of the expedition was completed, the troops\\ngenerously agreed to subsist on such as could be found in the In-\\ndian country. After their return, they rejoined the main army,\\nand passed a third winter in huts, at Newtown in Connecticut.\\nIn the latter end of this year, Sullivan resigned his command and\\nretired.*\\nIn the following year, the New-Hampshire regiments did duty\\nat the important post of West-Point, and afterward march- ^op\\ned into New-Jersey, where General Poor died.f Tin-ee\\nregiments of militia were employed in the service of this year.\\nThe fourth winter was passed in a hutted cantonment, at a place\\ncalled Soldier s Fortune, near Hudson s river. In the close of\\nthis year, the three regiments were reduced to two, which were\\ncommanded by the colonels, Scammell and George Reid.J\\nThe next year, a part of them remained in the state of New-\\nYork, and another part marched to Virginia, and were .\u00e2\u0080\u009ep-\\npresent at the capture of the second British army, under\\nEarl Cornwallis. Here the brave and active Colonel Scammell\\nwas killed. In the winter, the first regiment, conunanded by\\n[1770. The towns of Andover, formerly Kcic-Bretton. New-London, for-\\nmerly .^fW/ io?io/^2/f.ra;u//7V/, Hancock, formerly part of the Society-Land,\\nNorthumberland, and Stratford were incorporated. Acts and Laws of the\\nstate of New-Hampshire, folio, 15G, 157, 1G3, 165, IGG.]\\nt [Enoch Poor was son of Thomas Poor, of Andover, Massachusetts. He\\nreceived his appointment as colonel of one of the New-Hampshire regiments\\nin 1775. In 1779, he accompanied General Sullivan in the wilderness as far\\nas the Gennesee, and defeated tlie savao-e enemy. In 1780, he commanded\\na brigade under Major General La Fayette. He died in New-Jersey, 8 Sep-\\ntember, 1780, aged 43. See Rev. Israel Evans s oration, at his interment, at\\nHackinsack, N. J. Abbot, Hist, of Andover, 2C, 27.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Coll. of Farmer and\\nMoore, ii. 1G5, IGG.]\\n[Gkorge Rkid was of Londonderry. lie was appointed a brigadier-gen-\\neral of the militia of N. H. 10 August, 1785, and received the appointment of\\nsheriff of the county of Rockingham, 22 October, 1791. lie died in October,\\n1815, aged 81 .J\\n[Alexander Scajimei.l was born in that part of Mendon, now Milford,\\nin the county of Worcester, Massachusetts. He graduated at Harvard col-\\nlege in 170!), and aftor having been engaged in instructing a school at Kings-\\nton, Massachusetts in the study of law under General Sullivan in assisting\\nCaptain Holland in making surveys for his map of New-Hampshire, and in\\n50", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0401.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "378 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRK. [1782.\\nLieutenant-Colonel Dearborn,* was quartered at Saratoga, and\\nthe second on Mohawk river in which places they were station-\\ned, till the close of the following year when the approach of\\npeace relaxed the operations of war. In a few months, the ne-\\ngotiations were so far advanced, that a treaty was made and the\\nsame royal lips, which from the throne had pronounced us re-\\nvolted subjects, now acknowledged us as free and indbpen-\\nUENT STATES.\\nCHAPTER XXVI.\\nPaper money. Confiscations. State constitution. Controversy with Ver-\\nmont.\\nThe war in which we became involved with Britain, found us\\nnot destitute of resources, hut unskilled in the art of finance.\\nFormer wars had been maintained by a paper currency which,\\nthough it depreciated in some measure, yet was finally redeemed\\nby the reimbursements which we received from the British treas-\\nury. We had been also used to issue bills on loan, and receive\\nlanded property as security for its redemption. To the same\\nmode we had recourse on this occasion, without either of the\\nfoundations on which our former currencies had been supported.\\nBills of credit were emitted with no other fund for their redemp-\\ntion than taxation, and that deferred to distant periods. It was\\nimagined that the justice of our cause, and the united ardor and\\npatriotism of the people, would preserve the value of these bills\\nexercising the office of surveyor of the royal forests of New-Hampshire and\\nMaine, was, in 1775, appointed brigade major, and in 1776, received the ap-\\npointment of colonel of the tliird battalion of continental troops i-aised in this\\nstate. In 1777, he commanded the third regiment from New-Hampshire, and\\nwas wounded in the desperate battle of Saratoga, as stated under tiie year\\n1777. In 1780, the levy of this state being reduced to two regiments, he\\ncommanded tlie first. He was afterwards appointed adjutant general of the\\nAmerican armies, in which office he was deservedly popular, and secured the\\nesteem of the officers of the army generally. On the 30 September, 1781, at\\nthe memorable and successful siege at Yorktown, he was the officer of the\\nday and while recoiinoitering tlie situation of tlie enemy, was surprised by\\na partyof their horse and after being taken prisoner, was iniiumanly wound-\\ned by them. He was conveyed to the city of Williamsburg, Virginia, where\\nhe died on the of October, and where there is a monumental tablet to his\\nmemory. 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 17G. iv. 90, Jo. Coll. of Farmer and\\nMoore, i. 125. ii. IGC, 170, 222. iii. 253,285\u00e2\u0080\u0094280,383.]\\n[Afterwards, secretary of war during President Jefferson s administration,\\nand in the second war between Great Britain and tiie United States, the se-\\nnior major general in the U. S. service. He was born at Nortli-Hauipton in\\nthis state, 12 February, 1751, and died at Roxl)ury, Massacliusetts, 7 June,\\n1829, aged 78. A biographical memoir of him was published in the Boston\\nPatriot and other papers of the day.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0402.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "1776.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 379\\nduring the contest which we were very sanguine would be short\\nand in fact the circulation of them for the first year was .\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00abg\\nsupported by no otiier means. But being counterfeited,\\nthey began to depreciate, and then it was thought necessary to\\nenact a law against forging them, and to make them a legal j^,\\ntender in all payments. In some of the states, these bills\\nwere made a tender for the interest, but not for the principal of\\nformer debts but in New-Hampshire, if the creditor should re-\\nfuse them when offered in payment, the whole debt was cancelled.\\nHad this law regarded future contracts only, every man would\\nhave known on what terms to make his engagements but to de-\\nclare it legal to pay debts, already contracted, with money of an\\ninferior value, was altogether unjust. It was not in human pow-\\ner to prevent a depreciation of the bills and the enforcing of\\ntheir currency accelerated the destruction of their value. The\\nfraudulent debtor took advantage of this law to cheat his creditor,\\nunder color of justice whilst the creditor had no other refuge,\\nthan in some cases privately to transfer the written obligation and\\nin other cases to refuse the tender, at the risk indeed of losing\\nthe debt but in hope that justice would at some future time have\\nits course. Husbandmen, who lived remote from the scene of\\nhostilities, and who had the produce of the earth at their com-\\nmand, were able to keep their property good. Hawkers and\\nmonopolizers, who crept from obscurity and assumed the name\\nof merchants, could even increase their substance in these perilous\\ntimes. But those persons whose property was in other men s\\nhands or whose living depended on stated salaries or whose\\nhonest minds could not descend to practise knavery, though es-\\ntablished by law, were doomed to suffer.\\nTo palliate these evils, at one time, a law w as enacted against\\nmonopoly and extortion and when found impracticable,\\nit was repealed. At other times, the prices of different\\narticles were stated under severe penalties but ways were soon\\nfound to evade these establishments and when found ineffectual,\\nthe laws were repealed. It is not consistent with the nature of\\ncommerce to bear such restrictions and the laws increased the\\nevils which they pretended to cure. At another time, public\\nsales by auction were prohibited, because it was said that they\\nwere the means of depreciating the currency but in fact they\\nserved only to demonstrate its real value. There was a disposi-\\ntion in the governing part of the people to keep out of sight the\\ntrue cause of this growing mischief. Even the general congress,\\nin a public address which they ordered to be read in the congre-\\ngations, assembled for religious worship, after saying much in praise\\nof paper money, told us, that it was the ojily kind of money\\nwhich could not make to itself wings and fly away. Had this\\n(1) Circular letter of Sept. 13, 1779.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0403.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "380 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHlRt:. [1777.\\nbeen intended as the language of burlesque, it might have been\\nreceived with a smile in any other sense, it was an insult to the\\nfeelings of honest men.\\nIn the midst of these distresses, frequent meetings of different\\nbodies of men were held, to consult on some practicahle modes of\\nrelief. Committees of counties, and of different states, at various\\nlimes, formed projects, and issued public addresses but pallia-\\ntives in this, as in all other cases, soon lost their efficacy. From\\none of these conventions, holdcn at Springfield, and composed of\\ndelegates from the New-England states and New-York a letter\\nwas addressed to the general congress, which put them on devis-\\ning means to surmount the existing difficulties.* Among other ex-\\npedients they recommended effectual taxation, the opening of\\nloan-offices, and that the states individually should emit no more\\nbills of credit. These were salutary proposals; but the most no-\\ntable effect of this letter was a recommendation from congress to\\nthe several states to confiscate and make sale of nil the real and\\npersonal estates of such of their inhabitants and other persons as\\nhad forfeited the same, and the right to the protection of their\\nrespective states and to invest the money arising from the sales\\nin continental loan certificates, to be appropriated as the respec-\\ntive states should direct.\\nThis was a delicate point, and required the most critical dis-\\ncussion. It involved a question of national law; and some per-\\nsons who were acquainted with the subject, thought such a step\\nnot only illegal, but impolitic and dangerous. In cases of war be-\\ntween independent nations, acknowledging no common superior,\\nthe acquisition of immovable property is not complete till confirm-\\ned by a treaty of peace. 2 The war between America and Britain\\nwas so far a war between two independent nations, that the com-\\nmon laws of war ought to have been observed. Had the estates\\nof absentees been taken into possession, and the income arising\\nfrom them been applied to the supj)oi t of the war and had the\\nquestion of property remained undecided till the conclusion of a\\npeace, there is no doubt that the state would have been a gainer\\nboth in reputation and interest but when we were daily cheating\\nand deceiving ourselves vvilh a fraudulent paper medium, it is not\\nstrange that the voice of justice toward those whom we deemed\\nour enemies could not be heard.\\nThe first step toward executing this reconmiendation of con-\\ngress, was an act |)roscribing certain persons, to the num-\\nber of seventy-six, who had at various times, and for vari-\\nous reasons, quitted this stale.* These were forbidden to return\\n(1) July and August MS. niinutps of ronvention. i) Journal of con-\\ngresP, Nov. 27. (3) Valtel.\\n[The names of these proscribed personp -were John Wnitirnrth, Peter Liv-\\niuB, John Fisher, Geo. Mescrvc, Robert Trail, George Boyd. John Fenton.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0404.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "1778.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 331\\nwithout leave, under the penalty of transportation and in case of\\na second return, they were to suffer death.\\nThe next step, was to confiscate ihe whole estate, real and per-\\nsonal, of twenty-eight of the proscrihed of whom it was declared\\nthat they had justly forfeited all right to protection from the\\nstate and also their right to any farther enjoyment of their in-\\nterest and property within it.\\nIn these acts, no distinction was made between those persons\\nwho had withdrawn themselves from the state, by a sense of their\\nduty those Vv ho were in fact British subjects, but occasionally\\nresident here those who had absconded through timidity and\\nthose who had conniiitted crimes against express law, and had\\nfled from justice. No conditional offer of pardon was made no\\nlime was allowed for any to return and enter into the service of the\\ncountry but the whole were put indiscriminately into one black\\nlist, and stigmatised as having basely deserted the cause of lib-\\nerty, and manifested a disposition inimical to the state, and a\\ndesign to aid its enemies in their wicked purposes.\\nSome persons who had legal demands on these estates, had for\\nthe security of their debts laid attachments on them but by\\nanother act, all attachments which had been made since the com-\\nmencement of hostilities, were declared null and void, and the\\ncourts were required to dismiss them.\\nTiustees were appointed in each county to take possession of\\nall these estates, real and personal and to sell the personal im-\\nmediately at public auction with a discretionary power to leave\\nout of the sale such articles as they should deem necessary to\\nthe support of the families of the proscribed. To preserve some\\nfarther appearance of justice, the creditors of these estates,\\nthough they were not allowed to bid at the auctions without pay-\\nment, were ordered to exhibit their claims to the trustees, and in\\nJohn Cochran, Samuel Hale, jr., Edward Parry, Thomas McDonovgh, Esquires,\\nMaj. Robert Rogers, Andrew P. Sparhawk, Patrick Burn, John Smith, Will-\\niam Johnson Riisaiii, Steplien Little, Tliomas and Arcliibald Achincloss, Rob-\\nert Robinson, Hugh Handerson, Gillam Buller, James McMaslers, John Mc-\\nMasters, George Craige, James Bigby, William Poavey, Benjamin Heart,\\nBartholomew Stavers, Philip Bayley, Samuel Holland, Esq., Bcnnin r Went-\\niporth, Jude Kennison, Jonathan Dix, Rolicrt Lnist Fotolc, Benjamin Thomp-\\nson, Esq., Jacob Brown, George Bell, Stephen Holland, Esq., Richard Holland,\\nJohn Davidson, James Fulton, Thomas Smith, DennisO Hala, Edicard Gold-\\nstone Lulwychc. Esq., Samuel Ciimmintrs, Esq., Thomas Cummings, Benjamin\\nWhitinfT, Esq., William Stark. Esq., JolinSlark, John Sli?ison, John Stinson,jr.,\\nSamuel Stinson, Jeremiah Bowen, Zareheus Cutler, John Holland, Daniel\\nFarnsmorth John Quiirlcij, John Morrison, Josia/i Pomroif, Elijah Willams,\\nEsq.. Tiioma.s Cutler. Eleazar Sanger, Robert Gilniore, Breed Batchclder, Si-\\nmon Baxter, William Baxter, Solomon Willard, Jesse Rice, Enos Stevens, Phin-\\nehas Stevens, Solomon Stephens, Tjcvi Willard, John Brooks, Josiah Jones,\\nand Simeon Jones. Those in italics, by the sub. ;eqnent act had their estates\\nconfiscated. Acts and Laws of the state of New-Hampshire, folio, 128. l- iP,\\nwhere the residence and profession of each are mentioned. Their residence\\nmay be also found in the index to this work.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0405.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^S2 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1778.\\ncases of insolvency, all claims were to be settled by the judges\\nof probate.\\nWhilst the settlement of these estates was going on, the money\\nwas rapidly depreciating. After the year 1777, the slate issued\\n110 more bills, and the former were called in and exchanged for\\ntreasurer s notes on interest, of a value not less than five pounds.\\nThe continental bills continued passing and depreciating till the\\nspring of 1781, when suddenly, and by general consent, they\\nwent out of circulation, and solid coin succeeded in their place.\\nTlien a scale of depreciation for the preceding years of the war\\nwas framed, and all past payments were regulated by it. The\\ntreaty of peace obliged us to proceed no farther in the matter of\\nconfiscations. By a subsequent act,* the judges of probate were\\nempowered to liquidate by the scale of depreciation, the sums\\npaid into the treasury by the trustees to receive claims against\\nthe estates, and to adjust and certify the same to the president,\\nwho was authorised to order the treasurer, to issue notes, bearing\\ninterest from the time when the said sums were paid into the\\ntreasury which notes the creditors were to receive in payment\\nbut if any of the estates should prove insolvent, then the credi-\\ntors were to receive their average. In this manner, some of these\\nestates have been settled and the creditors paid others remain\\nunsettled. Some of them barely paid the expenses of their man-\\nagement others were rendered insolvent. The estate of the\\nlate governor paid all the demands upon it excepting that of his\\nfather who generously withdrew his claim that the other credi-\\ntors might be paid in full.f The clear profit to the state from\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2March 1, 1783.\\nt The following papers are taken fro;u the registry of probate for the coun-\\nty of Rockingham.\\nRochinithum, ss. Feb. IG, 178(5. hereby certify, that the sums against\\neach person s name herein set down, were respectively due to them the last\\nday of July, 1782, from the estate of the late governor, John Wentworth,\\nEsq. at which time it appears there had been received into the treasury, a\\nsufficiency to pay all the demands, exliibited against him, except his father s\\nwho has withdrawn his, that the others might be paid in full.\\nP. White, Judge of Probate.\\nPortsmouth, Feb. 0, 1781). Sir, After considering the great delays in\\nsettling the demands against the estate of my son, Governor Wentworth,\\nand the probabilit} from tiie ill management thereof, before it fell under\\nyour directio-n, that it will be greatly insolvent; and feeling for the distress\\nof many of the creditors, and wishing that all may have their just demands\\npaid. I have determined to remove their embarrassment as far as 1 can, by\\nwithdrawing my account and claim, until tlieirs be fully adjusted and dis-\\ncharged, by you or other proper ofiicers. Reserving to myself still the right\\nof claiming, if there should be found a surplus or balance in his fiivor. For\\nas proved by my account and authentic vouchers ready to be produced, that,\\nexclusive of my account before, I have paid off several creditors to a con-\\nsiderable amount, since he left this government; and had also greatly aug-\\nmented the value of his estate at Wolfel)orough, by my advances and care\\nthereof, all to the benefit of his present creditors. I shall therefore be great-\\nly obliged, by your directing that my account be sent me and 1 shall hope", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0406.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "1778.] STATE. MESIIECII WE ARE. 333\\nall these confiscations, as far as it had been ascertained, is Incon-\\nsiderable.\\nPower when delegated without restrictions, and for the abuse\\nof which the delegate is not held accountable, has a strong ten-\\ndency toward despotism. The temporary constitution which we\\nhad adopted at the beginning of the war, was found, by experi-\\nence, to have many imperfections and the necessity of checks\\nand exclusions became every day more evident. Other states\\nwere forming constitutions on certain established principles, and\\ndefining their rights as a preliminary to the delegation of power.\\nAn attempt of the like kind was made in IVew-Hamp- -.r-i-Q\\nshire. A convention of delegates, chosen for the pur-\\npose, drew up and sent abroad a system of government but so\\ndeficient was it in its principles, and so inadequate in its provis-\\nions, that being proposed to the people, in their town-meetings, it\\nwas rejected. Another convention was appointed, which had\\nmore advantage than the former, the neighbouring state of Massa-\\nchusetts having digested and adopted a constitution, which was\\nsupposed to be an improvement on all v.hich had been framed in\\nAmerica. This convention had no less than nine sessions, and\\ncontinued for more than two years.* In the first plan of govern-\\nment which they composed, they distinctly stated the alienable\\nand unalienable rights of the people. They divided the govern-\\nment into three branches, legislative, executive and judicial, and\\ndefined the limits of each. The legislative branch was compos-\\ned of a senate and house of representatives. The senate was to\\nconsist of twelve persons, five for tlie county of Rocking-\\nham, two for Strafford, two for Hillsborough, two for\\nCheshire and one for Grafton. These were to be voted for in\\ntown-meetings, and the votes sealed and returned to the secreta-\\nry s office. The number of representafives was limited to fifty,\\nand apportioned among the counties, thus twenty for Rocking-\\nfor your future friendly interposition, if it should be found necessary; be-\\ning, with the highest esteem and respect, your most humble servant,\\nMark H. WEXTwoRTH.t\\nPhillips White, Esq.\\nA general statement of the claims against the confiscated estate of the late\\nGovernor John Wentwortli, and the neat proceeds from the sale of it; the\\naccount being not yet settled. April, 1791.\\nDr. The claim of M. H. Wentworth, proved by\\nauthentic vouchers, \u00c2\u00a313080 10 11\\nAmount of other claims proved as above, 3877 15 35\\nPaid to the several other creditors, since the gov-\\nernor s absence, by M. II. Wentworth, 819 11 6\\n\u00c2\u00a318377 17 85\\nCr. Paid into the treasury by the trustee for said estate, 10435 8 G\\nt [He was appointed by mandamus one of the counsellors of the province\\nin 1759. lie died 19 December, 1785. Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 285.]\\nFrom June, 1781 to October, 1763.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0407.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "384 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1781.\\nham eight for Straftbid ten for Hillsborough eight for Chesh-\\nire and four for Grafton. These were to be elected by the\\ncounty conventions, consisting of one delegate for every fifty rate-\\nable polls. This mode was recommended, to prevent those in-\\nterested views and that party spirit, which too often api:)ear in\\nsingle towns in the election of representatives. The executive\\npower was vested in a governor, whom the convention, in their\\naddress to tiie people, described in the following terms They\\nhave arrayed liim with honors, they have armed him with pow-\\ner and set him on high 5 but still he is only the right hand of\\nyour power, and the mirror of your mnjesty. But though arm-\\ned with power and liable to be impeached for misconduct, he\\nwas shrouded from responsibility, by a council, witliout whose\\nadvice he could not take one step of any importance. The judi-\\ncial department was to be appointed by the executive and sup-\\nported by the legislative but the judges were removable for mis-\\nconduct, by the governor and council, on the address of both\\nhouses of the legislature. Justices of the peace were to hold\\ntheir commissions five years only. Provision was made for the\\nexclusion of persons from holding several offices at the same\\ntime; the reason of which was thus expressed. Besides the\\ninterference of several offices held by the same person in point\\nof time, which we have seen, and the difficulty of one man s\\ngiving his attention to many matters sufficiently to understand\\nthem all, which we have too often felt there is a still stronger\\nreason, which is, the difficulty of a man s preserving his integ-\\nrity in discharging the duties of each. The encouragement\\nof literature was also recommended as essential to the preserva-\\ntion of a free government, and it was declared to be the duty of\\nlegislators to cherish its interests.\\nThis plan was printed and sent to every town. The inhabit-\\nants were requested to state their objections distinctly to\\nany particular part, and return them at a fixed time.\\nThe objections were so many and so various, that it became ne-\\ncessary to alter the form and send it out a second time. The\\nname of governor, and most of his powers, were still retained\\n1709 but the mode of representation was altered. Instead of\\nbeing elected, by county conventions, the representatives\\nwere to be chosen immediately by the towns every in-\\ncorporatcd township containing one hundred and fifty\\nratable polls, having the ])rivilege of choosing one and everyone\\ncontaining four hundred and fifty, of choosing Iwo. Particular\\nattention was given to the mode of appointing officers of militia.\\nInstead of superior officers being chosen by their inferiors, and\\ninferior officers by the privates, as had been practised since the\\nbeginning of die war, the order of appointment was reversed, and\\nthe privates had no power of choice at all. This was said to", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0408.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "1782.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 385\\nbe necessary to the preservation of harmony, subordination and dis-\\ncipline. The second plan being sent out was generally approved\\nbut it was not completed at the time when the news of peace \u00c2\u00aboo\\narrived. The old form having expired vvitii the war, it was, jyi^rch*\\nby the votes of the people in their town-meetings, revived April,\\nand continued for one year longer. In the following autumn,\\nthe new form was finished and the name of governor being\\nchanged to president, it was a third time printed and declared to\\nbe the civil constitution for the state of New-Hampshire. It\\ntook place on the second day of the following June, and i,~qa\\nwas introduced at Concord by a religious solemnity,\\nwhich has since been repeated at every annual election.\\nTo the convention which formed this constitution, several towns\\nin the western part of the state did not send delegates. The cause\\nof this omission, and of some other eccentricities in the conduct ol\\nthe people in that quarter must now be explained.\\nThe inhabitants of the district on the western side of Connecti-\\ncut river, which was severed from New-Hampshire in 1764, had\\nbeen engaged in a long and bitter controversy with the govern-\\nment of New-York. They had even been obliged to have recourse\\nto arms in defence of their estates and frequent acts of violence\\nhad been committed. There was among them a set of intrepid\\nmen, ready to encounter dangers, and trained to hardy enterprise.\\nAt the commencement of hostilities, by the advice of some prin-\\ncipal opposers of the British government, in the other colonies, a\\ncompany of those people styling themselves Green Mountain Boys,\\nmarched to Ticonderoga, and wrested that fortress, to- -.^mr\\ngether with Crown-Point, out of the hands of the British\\ngarrisons. A regiment of them was embodied by order and in\\nthe pay of the general congress. Their exertions in the common\\ncause were meritorious and their services were acceptable.\\nSoon after the declaration of independence, the inhabitants of\\nthat territory assembled in convention to consider their\\npeculiar situation and concert measures for their safety.\\nThe opportunity which then presented for a change in their po-\\nlitical connexions, was too precious to be lost. By the dissolu-\\ntion of the bonds which had held iVmerica in subjection to the\\ncrown of Britain, they conceived themselves free from the gov-\\nernment of New- York, to which the most of them had never\\nvoluntarily submitted and, being as they said, reduced to a\\nstate of nature, they thought that they had a right to form such\\nconnexions as were agreeable to themselves. Accordingly, they\\nmade and published a declaration that they would at\\nall times consider themselves as a free and independent\\nstate capable of regulating their own internal police\\nthat they had the sole exclusive right of governing themselves,\\nin sucii manner as they should choose, not repugnant to the re-\\n51", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0409.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "386 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1778.\\nsolves of congress and that they were ready to contribute their\\nproportion to the common defence. Under the influence of\\nthese principles, they formed a plan of governnjent and a code of\\nlaws, and jjetitioned congress to receive them into the union.\\nThe inhabilauts on the eastern side of Connecticut river were\\nvery conveniently situated to unite with those on the western\\nside, and many of them had the same principles and views.\\nThey argued that the original grant of New-Hampshire to Mason\\nwas circumscribed by a line drawn at the distance of sixty miles\\nfrom the sea that all the lands westward of that line, being royal\\ngrants, had been held in subjection to the government of New-\\nHampshire by force of the royal commissions, which were vacated\\nby the assumed independence ol the American colonies and\\ntherefore thai the inhabitants of all those lands had reverted to a\\nstate of nature. By this expression, however, they did not\\nmean that each individual was reduced to such a state but that\\neach town retained its corporate unity, unconnected with any\\nsuperior jurisdiction. They distinguished between commissions\\nderived liom the king, which were revocable at his pleasure, and\\nincorporations held on certain conditions, which being performed,\\nthe powers and privileges granted by the incorporations were per-\\npetual. They asserted, that jurisdictions, established by royal\\ncommissions, could bind a people together no longer than the\\nforce which first compelled continues to operate but when the\\ncoercive power of the king was rejected, ;uul its operation had\\nceased, the peoi)le had a right to make a stand at the first legal\\nstage, viz. their town incorporations.- These, by oniversal con-\\nsent, were held sacred hence they concluded that the major\\npart of each one of those towns had a right to control liie minor\\npart and they considered themselves as so many distinct corpo-\\nrations, until they should agree to unite in one aggregate body.\\nIn these sentiments, the people were not all united. The ma-\\njority of some towns was in favor of their former connexion, and\\nCl) Observations en the right of jurisdiction over N. H. Grants. Printed\\n1778. (2) Public defence of the right of N. H. Grants, c. Printed 177!).\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n[There were several publications relative to the New-Hampshire Grants, of\\nwhich I have seen 1. A Defence of the New-Hampshire Grants, c.\\n(title page missing) printed probably in 1778 or 177! in small 12 mo. contain-\\ning 5( pages, to v. hich are added, Resolves of a Convention held on the\\nN. Hampshire Grants, 4 pages; 2. Observations on the Right of Jurisdic-\\ntion claimed by the States ot Now- York and New-Hampshire over the New-\\nHainpshire Grants (so called) lying on both sides of Connecticut river. In\\na Letter to the Inlial)ilants on said Grants. 12 mo. pp. 15. Uanvers, 1778\\n3. A Vindication of the Conduct of the General Assembly of the State of\\nVermont, held at Windsor in October 1778, against Allegations and Remark\\nof the Protesting Members with Observations on their Proceedings at a\\nConvention held at Cornish, on the Dth of Day of December, 1778. By Ira\\nAllen. Arlington, Dth Jan. 1779. 12 mo. pp. 48. Dresden, printed by Al-\\nden Spooner, 177!). A Concise Refutation of the Claims of New-Hamp-\\nBhire and Massachusetts-Bay, to the Territory of Vermont Avith occasional\\nRemarks on the long disputed claim of New-York to the same. Written by\\nEthan Allen and Jonas Fay, Esqrs. 12 mo. pp, 29. Hartford, 1780.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0410.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "1778.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 387\\nin those towns where the majority inclined the other way, the\\nminority claimed protection of the government.\\nThey supposed that the existence of their town incorporations,\\nand of the privileges annexed to them, depended on their union\\nto New-Hampshire and that their acceptance of the grants was\\nin effect an acknowledgment of the jurisdiction, and a suhmission\\nto the laws of the state from which they could not fairly be dis-\\nengaged without its consent as the state had never injured or\\noppressed them.\\nMuch pains were taken by the other f irty, to disseminate the\\nnew ideas. Conventions were held, pamphlets were printed, and\\nat length, a petition was drawn in the name of sixteen towns* on\\nthe eastern side of Connecticut river, requesting the new state,\\nwhich had assumed the name of Vermont, to receive them into\\nits union, alleging, that they were not connected with any state,\\nwith respect to their internal police. i The assembly at first ap-\\npeared to be against receiving them but the members from those\\ntowns which were situated near the river on the west side, de-\\nclared that they would withdraw and join with the people^^on the\\neast side, in forming a new state. The question was then refer-\\nred to the people at large, and means were used to influ- j j^\\nence a majority of the towns to vote in favor of the union,\\nwhich the assembly could not but confirm. The sixteen towns\\nwere accordingly received and the Vermont assembly resolved,\\nthat any other towns on the eastern side of the river might be ad-\\nmitted on producing a vote of a majority of the|inhabitants, or on\\nthe appointment of a representative. Being thus admitted into\\nthe state of Vermont, they gave notice to the government j go\\nof New-Hampshire, of the separation which they had\\nmade, and expressed their wish for an amicable settlement of a\\njurisdictional line, and a friendly correspondence.\\nThe president of New-Hampshire, in the^jUame of the assem-\\nbly, wrote to the government of Vermont, claiming the\\nsixteen towns as part of the state, the limits of which had\\nbeen determined prior to the revolution ;/reminding .Uiim that\\nthose towns had sent delegates to the convention in 1775 that\\nthey had applied to the assembly for armsand ammunition, which\\nhad been sent to them that their military officers had accepted\\n(1) MSS. in New-HampshircTJes.\\n1 Cornish, 8 Bath,\\n2 Lebanon, Lyman,\\na name given to tho C now divided into Lit-\\n3 Drcsdm V^ strict belonging to ^^,T^ tleton and Dalton.\\nJ Dartmouth College 11 Enfield,\\nbut now disused. 12 Canaan.\\n4 liime, 13 Cardigan, now Orange,\\n5 Orford, 14 Landaft\\nG Pierniont, 15 GuiUhwaitc, now New-Concord,\\n7 Haverhill, 16 Morris-town, now Franconia.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0411.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "388 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHlRJi. [1778.\\ncommissions and obeyed orders from the government that the\\nminority of those towns was averse to a disunion, and had claim-\\ned protection of the state, which the assembly thought themselves\\nbound to aflbrd and beseeching him to use his influence with the\\nassembly of Vermont to dissolve the newly formed connexion.\\nAt the same time, the president wrote to the delegates of the\\nstate in congress; desiring them to take advice and endeavor to\\nAufT If) interposition of that body intimating his ap-\\nprehension, that without it, the controversy must be deci-\\nded by the sword, as every condescending measure iiad been used\\nfrom the beginning and rejected.\\nTlie governor and council of Vermont sent a messenger to\\ncongress to see in what light the new state was viewed by them.\\nOn his return, he reported, that the congress was unanimously\\nopposed to the union of the sixteen towns with Vermont other-\\nwise they (excepting the delegates of New-York) had no objec-\\ntion to the independence of the new state.\\nAt the next session of the Vermont assembly at Windsor,\\nwhen the representatives of the sixteen towns had taken their\\nQ seats, a debate arose on a question, whether they should\\nbe erected into a new county, which passed in the nega-\\ntive. Conceiving that they were not admitted to equal privileges\\nwith their brethren, the members from those towns withdrew\\nand were followed by several others belonging to the towns ad-\\njoining the river on the west side. They formed themselves into\\na convention, and invited all the towns on both sides of the river\\nto unite, and set up another state by the name of New-Connecti-\\ncut. This secession had nearly proved fatal to the state of Ver-\\nmont. A ridge of mountains which extends from soutii to north\\nthrough that territory, seemed to form not only a natural, but a\\npolitical line of division. A more cordial union subsisted between\\nthe people on the eastern side of the Green Mountains, aud the\\neastern side of Connecticut river, than between the latter and\\nthose on the western side of the mountains but these alone were\\ninsufficient, without the others, to make a state. The governor,\\nand other leading men of Vermont, who resided on the west side\\nof the mountains, wrote letters to the assembly of New-Hamp-\\nshire, informing them of the separation, and expressing their dis-\\napprobation of a connexion with the sixteen towns. The assem-\\nbly regarded these letters as ambiguous, and as not expressing a\\ndisinclination to any future connexion with them. Jealousy is\\nsaid to be a republican virtue it operated on this occasion, and\\nthe event proved that it was not without foundation.\\nA convention of delegates from several towns on both sides of\\njj g the river assembled at Cornish and agreed to unite, with-\\nout any regard to the limits established by the king in\\n1764 and to make the following proposals to New-Hampshire,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0412.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "1778.] STATE. MESIIECH WEARE. 389\\nviz. either to agree with them on a dividing line, or to submit the\\ndispute to congress, or to arbitrators mutually chosen. If neither\\nof these proposals were accepted, then, in case they could agree\\nwith New-Hampshire on a form of government, they would con-\\nsent that the whole of the grants on both sides of the river\\nshould connect themselves with New-Hampshire, and become\\none entire state, as before the royal determination in 17G4.\\nTill one or other of these proposals should be complied with, they\\ndetermine to trust in providence and defend themselves.\\nAn atten)pt was made in the following year to form a a consti-\\ntution for New-Hampshire, in which the limits of the state ,^^q\\nwere said to be the same as under the royal government\\nreserving nevertheless our claim to the New-Hampshire Grants,\\nwest of Connecticut river. Though this form of government\\nwas rejected by a majority of the people yet there was a dis-\\nposition in a great part of the assembly to retain their claim to\\nthe whole of the grants westward of the river. At the same\\ntime, the state of New- York set np a claim to the same lands,\\nand it was suspected, perhaps not without reason, that intrigues\\nwere forming to divide Vermont between New-Hampshire and\\nNew-York, by the ridge of mountains which runs through the\\nterritory. Certain it is, that the Vermonters were alarmed and,\\nthat they might have the same advantage of their adversaries,\\nthey extended their claim westward into New- York, and eastward\\ninto New-Hampshire and thus not only the sixteen towns, but\\nseveral other towns in the counties of Cheshire and Grafton, be-\\ncame incorporated with Vermont by articles of union and con-\\nfederation.\\nIt is not easy to develope the intrigues of the several parties,\\nor to clear their transactions from the obscurity which surrounds\\nthem.* He who looks for consistency in the proceedings of the\\nconventions and assemblies which were involved in this controver-\\nsy, will be disappointed. Several interfering interests conspired\\nto perplex the subject. The people on the western side of the\\nGreen Mountains, wished to have the seat of government among\\nthem. Those adjoining Connecticut river, on both sides, were\\ndesirous of bringing the centre of jurisdiction to the verge of the\\nriver. The leading men in the eastern part of New-Hampshire,\\nwere averse to a removal of the government from its old seat\\nVermont had assumed independence, but its limits were not de-\\nfined. New- York had a claim on that territory as far as Con-\\nnecticut river, from which there was no disposition to recede.\\nThat state had been always opposed to the independence of\\nThe author has spared no pains to gain as perfect a knowledge of these\\nthings as the nature of them will admit. If lie has not succeeded in ohtain-\\ning materials, for a just and full account, it is his request that those who are\\nbetter acquainted with the subject would oblige the public with more accu-\\nrate information.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0413.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "390 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1779.\\nVermont. New-Hampshire at first seemed to acquiesce in it\\nand some letters which the President wrote to the Governor of\\nVermont, when threatened with invasion in 1777, were understood\\nas an acknowledgment of it. Had diere been no attempt to\\nunite with the towns on the eastern side of the river, New-Hamp-\\nshire would perlia|)s never have opposed the independence of\\nVermont. But the Assembly was afterward induced to claim all\\nthat territory, which before the year 17G4, had been supposed to\\nbe within the limits of the state. This interfered with the claim\\nof New- York and at the same time, Massachusetts put in a claim\\nto a part of Verniont. The controversy had become so intricate,\\nthat it was thought necessary to be decided by congress and\\nSe t 24 application being made to that body, they recommended\\nto the three States of New- York, Massachusetts and\\nNew-Hampshire, to pass acts which should authorise congress to\\ndetermine their boundaries and at the same time, they advised\\nthe people of Vermont to relinquish jurisdiction over all persons\\non the west or east sides of Connecticut river, who had not denied\\nthe authority of New- York and New-Hampshire and to abstain\\nfrom granting lands, or confiscating estates, within their assumed\\nlimits, till the matter should be decided. The states of New-\\nYork and New-Hampshire passed these acts but Massachusetts\\ndid not. The Vermont assembly proceeded in granting lands and\\nconfiscating estates and congress could only resolve that their\\nproceedings were unwarrantable.\\nIt was necessary that nine states should be present in congress,\\nbeside those whose claims were to be heard. A cleficiency in\\nthe representation caused a long delay but after the expiration\\nof another year, the question was brought on. The claims of\\njon New- York and New-Hampshire were put in and both\\npleaded tliat Vermont had no right to independence.\\nSept. 20. rpj^g agents of the New-State assorted their right, and\\noffered to become part of the Union intimating, that if they could\\nnot be admitted, they should be reduced to the necessity of mak-\\ning die best terms which the British government.*\\nHow far intritjues of this kind were carried on, it may be difficult to as-\\ncertain but that the British government had some dependence on the defec-\\ntion of Vermont appears froui tiie following paragraph of an intercepted let-\\nter from Lord George Germaine, to Sir Henry Clinton, dated Whitehall,\\nFeb. 7, 1781.\\nThe return of the people of Vermont to their allegiance, is an event of\\nthe utmost importance to the King s affairs and at this time, if the French\\nand Washington really meditate an irruption into Canada, may be consider-\\ned as opposing an insurmountable bar to the attempt. General Haldiman,\\nwho had the same instructions with you to draw over those people, and\\ngive them support, will, I doubt not, pusii up a body of troops, to act in con-\\njunction with them, to secure all tlie avenues, through their country into\\nCanada and v/hen the season admits, take possession of the upper parts of\\nthe Hudson s and Connecticut rivers, and cut off the communication between\\nAlbany and the Mohawk country. How far they may be able to extend\\nthemselves soutliward and eastward, must depend on their numbers, and the\\ndisposition of the inhabitants. Pennsylvania Packet, Aug. 4, 17dl.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0414.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "1781.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 39 1\\nThe cause was further perijleried by a constiuuional question,\\nwhether congress had any power to Ibrni a new Slate\\nwithin the limits of the union The decision was defer-\\nred and after eleven months, congress had proceeded\\nno farther, than to lay it down as an indispensable preliminary, to\\nthe recognition of Vermont, as a member of the union tliat they\\nshould explicitly relinquish all demands of land and juristliction\\non the east side of Connecticut river, and on the west side of a\\nline drawn twenty miles eastward of Hudson s river to Lake\\nChamplain.\\nWhen this resolution was laid before the assembly of Vermont,\\nwhich met at Charlestown, ihey determined to remain q jg\\nfirm in the principles on which they first assumed govern-\\nment, and to hold the articles of union inviolate, that they would\\nnot submit the question of their independence to the arbitrament\\nof any power whatever but they were willing at present to\\nrefer the question of their jurisdictional boundary to commission-\\ners mutually chosen, and when Uiey should be admitted into the\\nAmerican union, they would submit any such disputes to con-\\ngress. i\\nThe state of society within the seceding towns, at this time,\\nwas very unhappy. The majorities attempted to control the mi-\\nnorities and these were disposed not to submit, but to seek pro-\\ntection of the government with which they had been connected.\\nAt the same time, and in the same place, justices, sheriffs and\\nconstables, appointed by the authority of both states, were exer-\\ncising jurisdiction over the same persons. Party rage, high words\\nand deep resentment, were the effect of these clashing interests.\\nAn affray which began in the town of Chesterfield, threatened a\\nscene of open hostilty, between the states of New-Hampshire and\\nVermont.\\nA constable, appointed by the authority of Vermont, had a\\nwrit, in an action of debt against a man who was in the interest of\\nNew-Hampshire. He found the man in company with a number\\nof people of his own i)arty, and attempted to arrest him.\\nThe owner of the house interposed. The constable\\nproduced a book, which he said contained the laws of Vermont,\\nand began to read. The owner of the hout.e forbade him.\\nThreatening words were used and the officer was compelled to\\nretreat. By a warrant from a Vermont justice, the householder,\\nand another of the company, were committed to |)rIson, in Charles-\\ntown. They sent a petition to the assembly of New-Hampshire\\nfor relief. The assembly empowered the committee of safety to\\ndirect the sheriff of Cheshire to release the prisoners; pj^\\nthey farther empowered the committee to cause to be\\napprehended and committed to prison, in any of the counties, all\\n(1) MS. copy of Vermont resolves in New-Hampshire files. (2) MS. depo\\nsitions and letters in the files.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0415.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "392 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1781.\\npersons acting under the pretended authority of the state of Ver-\\nmont, to be tried by the courts of those counties where they might\\nbe confined and for this j)urpose, the sheriffs were empowered\\nto raise the posse Comitntiis.\\nIn attempting; to release the two prisoners from Charlestown\\ngoal, the sheritr liimself was imprisoned by the Vermont slierifF,\\nunder the authority of a warrant from three Justices. The im-\\nprisoned shcriil applied to a brigadier-general of New-Hamp-\\nshire, to raise tlie militia for his liberation. This alarmed the\\n17R7 Vermonters and orders were issued by the governor for\\ntheir militia to oppose force with force. A committee of\\nJan. 12. Vermont was sent to Exeter, to agree on measures to\\nprevent hostilities. One of this committee was the Vermont\\nsheriff; he was immediately arrested and thrown into prison at\\nExeter, and there held as a hostage for the release of the sheriff\\nof Cheshire. Tlie assembly issued a proclamation, allowing forty\\ndays for the people in the revolted towais to repair to some magis-\\ntrate of New-Hampshire, and subscribe a declaration, that they\\nacknowledged the extent of New-Hampshire to Connecticut river;\\nand that they would demean themselves peaceably as good citi-\\nzens of the State. They also ordered the militia of all the coun-\\nties to hold themselves in readiness to march against the revolters.\\nWhile affairs wore such a threatening aspect between the two\\nStates, means were used at congress to take up the controversy on\\nmore general ground. A committee, who had under considera-\\ntion the affair of admitting Vermont into the union and determin-\\ning its boundaries, prevailed on General Washington, then at\\nPhiladelphia, to write to the governor of Vermont, advising to a\\nrelinquishment of their late extension, as an indispensable\\npreliminary, to their admission into the union intimating\\nalso, that upon their non-compliance, they must be considered as\\nhaving a hostile disposition toward the United States, in which\\ncase cocmon on the part of congress, however disagreeable, would\\nbe necessary.*\\nThe following is tiie letter from Washington alluded to.\\nPhiladelphia, 1st January, 1782.\\nSir, T received your favor of the 14th of November, by Mr. Brownson.\\nYou cannot be at a loss to know why I have not heretofore, and why 1 can-\\nnot now, address you in your public character or answer you in mine But\\nthe confidence which you have been pleased to repose in me, gives me an\\nopportunity of offering you my sentiments, as an individual, wishing most\\nardently to see the peace and union of his country, preserved, and the just\\nrights of the people of every part of it fully and firmly established.\\nIt is not iny business, neitiier do I think it necessary now, to discuss the\\norigin of the right of a number of inhabitants to that tract of country formerly\\ndistinguished by the name of the New-Hampshire Grants, and now known\\nby that of Vermont. 1 will take it for granted that their right was good, be-\\ncause congress, by their re.solve of the 7th of August, imply it; and by that\\nof the 21st, are willing fully to confirm it, provided the new state is confined\\nto certain descritjed bounds It appears, therefore, to me, that the dispute of", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0416.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "1782.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 393\\nThis letter had the desired effect. The assembly of Vermont,\\ntaking advantage of the absence of the members from the p oo\\neastern side of the river, obtained a majority for comply-\\ning with the preliminary, and resolved, that the western bank of\\nConnecticnt river on the one part, and a line drawn from the\\nnorth-west corner of iNIassachusetts, north -ward, to Lake Cham-\\nplain on the other part, be the eastern and western boundaries\\nof the state of Vermont, and that tiiey relinquished all claim of\\njurisdiction without those limits. VVMien the members from the\\neastern side of Connecticut river arrived, they found themselves\\nexcluded from a seat in the assembly, and took their leave with\\nsome expressions of bitterness.\\nAfter this compliance, it was expected that Vermont would be\\nadmitted into the union, and the question was solemnly put in\\ncongress but a majority decided against it, to the no\\nsmall disappointment of many persons, beside the inhabi-\\ntants of the disputed territory. The pretence for this decision\\nwas, that they had exceeded the limited time but they had com-\\nplied with the indispensable preliminary and the order of\\ncongress, requiring it, stood unrepealed.\\nThough cut off from their connexion with Vermont, the re-\\nvolted towns did not at once return to a state of peace but the\\ndivisions and animosities which had so long subsisted, continued\\nboundary is tlie only one tluit exists, and that that beino^ removed, all further\\ndiiKculties would be removed also, and the matter terminated to the satisfac-\\ntion of all parties. Nc v I would ask j ou candidl} whether the claim of\\nthe people of Vermont, was not, for a long time, confined solely, or very\\nnearly, to that tract of country which is described in the resolve of conoress\\nof the 21st of August last and whether, agreeable to the tenor of your^own\\nletter to me, the late extension of j-our claim upon New-Hampshire and New-\\nYork, was not more a political manoeuvre, than one in which 3-ou conceived\\nyourselves justifiable. If my first question be answered in the atfirmative, it\\ncertainly bars your new claim. And if my second be well founded, your end\\nis answered, and you have nothing to do but withdraw your jurisdiction to\\nthe confines of your old limits, and obtain an acknowledgment of indepen-\\ndence and sovereignty, under the resolve of the 21st of August, for so much\\nterritory as does not interfere with the ancient established bounds of New-\\nYork, New-Hampshire and Massachusetts. I persuade myself you will see\\nand acquiesce in the reason, the justice, and indeed the necessity of such a\\ndecision.\\nYou must consider, sir, that the point now in dispute is of the utmost po-\\nlitical importance to the future union and peace of this great country. The\\nstate of Vermont, if acknowledged, will be the first new one admitted into\\nthe confederacy; and if sufl^ered to encroach upon the ancient established\\nboundaries of the adjacent ones, will serve as a precedent for others, which it\\nmay hereafter be expedient to set off, to make the same unjustifiable demands.\\nThus, in my private opinion, while it behoves the delegates of the states now\\nconfederated, to do ample justice to a body of people suflicientiv respectable\\nby their numbers, and entitled by other claims to be admitted into that con-\\nfederation, it becomes them also to attend to the interests of their constitu-\\nents, and see, that under the appearance of justice to one, tiiev do not mate-\\nrially injure the rights of others. I am apt to think this is the prevailing\\nopinion of congress, and that )-our late extension of claim has, upon the prin-\\nciple I have above mentioned, rather diminished than increased your friends\\nand that, ifsuch extension should be persisted in, it will be made a common\\n52", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0417.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "394 HISTORY OF iNEW-HAMPSIIIRE. [1782.\\nto produce disagreeable effects. The judicial courts of New-\\nHampshire had sat without mucii interruption, in the county of\\nCheshire and Grafton, whilst the oflicers of Vermont held juris-\\ndiction also but when the latter were excluded by the act of the\\nVermont assembly, a spirit of opposition began to arise against the\\nsitting of the former.\\nWhen the inferior court was holdcn at Keene, a number of\\npersons appeared, to oj)pose its proceedings, and effected their\\npurpose so far as to make an adjournment necessary but\\nthree of the leaders of the opposition w-ere arrested and bound\\nover to the superior court. In the mean time, efforts were made to\\nraise a party who should oppose the superior court and it was re-\\nported that two hundred men had associated and armed themselves\\nfor that purpose. On the morning before the court was\\nopened, several of the leaders came to the judges cham-\\nbers and presented a petition, praying, that the court might\\nbe adjourned, and that no judicial proceedings might be had,\\nwhilst the troubles in which the country had been involved still\\nsubsisted. They were told that the judges could come to no\\ndetermination on the subject but in open court. When the court\\nwas opened, their petition was publicly read and the considera-\\nopened, their petition was publicly read i\\nof it was postponed to the next day. The\\ntion of it was postponed to the next day. The court then pro-\\ncause and not considered as only affecting the rights of those states imme-\\ndiately interested in the loss of territory a loss of too serious a nature not to\\nclaim the attention of any people. There is no calamity within the compass\\nof my foresight; which is more to be dreaded than a necessity of coercion on\\nthe part of congress and consequently every endeavor should be used to\\nprevent the execution of so disagreeable a measure. It must involve the ru-\\nin of that state against which the resentment of the others is pointed.\\nI will only add a few words upon the subject of the negotiations, which\\nhave been carried on l)etween you and tiie enemy in Canada and in New-York.\\n1 will take it for granted, as you assert it, that they were so far innocent, that\\nthere never was any serious intention of joining Great-Britain in their at-\\ntempts to subjugate your country but it lias had this certain bad tendency,\\nit has served to give some ground to tliat delusive opinion of the enemy, and\\nupon which they, in a great measure, found their liopes of success that they\\nhave numerous friends among us, who only want a prf)per opportunity to\\nshew thenaselves openly and that internal disputes and feuds will soon\\nbreak us in pieces. At the same time, the seeds of distrust and jealousy are\\nscattered among ourselves by a conduct of this kind. If you are serious in\\nyour professions, these will be additional motives for accepting tlie terms\\nwliich luave been offered, (and which appear to me equitable) and thereby\\nconvincing the common enemy, tiiat all their expectations of disunion are\\nvain, and tiiat they have been worsted at their own weapon deception.\\nAs you unbosom yourself to me, I thought I had the greater right of speak-\\ning my sentiments openly and candidly to you. I have done so, and if they\\nshould produce the effect which I most sincerely wish, that of an Iionorable\\nand amicable adjustment of a matter, which, if carried to hostile lengths, may\\ndestroy the future happiness of my country, I shall have attained my end,\\nwhile the enemy will be defeated of theirs.\\nBelieve me to be, with great respect,\\nSir,\\nYour most-obedient servant,\\nGEORGE WASHINGTON.\\nThomas Chittenden, Esquire.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0418.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "1782.] STATE. MESHECH WEARE. 395\\nceeded to its common business. The grand jury being impan-\\nnelled, the doors of the house where they met were kept open,\\nwhilst the attorney general laid before them the case of the riot-\\ners at the inferior court. A bill was found against them. They\\nwere arraigned, they pleaded guilty, and cast themselves on the\\nmercy of the court. The court remitted their punishment on\\ncondition of their future peaceable behaviour. This well judged\\ncombination of firmness and lenity disarmed the insurgents; and\\nthey quietly dispersed. From that time, the spirit of opposition\\nto government in that quarter gradually abated and the people\\nreturned to their connexion with Ncvz-Hampshire.\\nCHAPTER XXVII.\\nPopular discontent. Efforts for paper currency. Tender acts. Insurrection.\\nDignity and lenity of government. Federal constitution.\\nThe American revolution had been crowned with success, as\\nfar as it respected our emancipation from foreign jurisdiction,\\nthe establishment of forms of government among ourselves, and\\nour deliverance from war. It remained, to accommodate the\\nminds and manners of the people under the new administration,\\nto a regular course of justice, both public and private to perfect\\nthe union of the states and to establish a system of finance.\\nThese things were necessary to make the revolution complete.\\nThe extremes of despotism on the one hand, and of li-\\ncentiousness on the other, are equally to be avoided. In a\\njust medium between these, a government well balanced and\\nexecuted with vigor, is capable of producing the most val-\\nuable benefits. To this point it was necessary to conduct our\\nrevolution. But it was equally necessary, that it should proceed\\nby slow degrees that errors in principle should be gradually re-\\nformed and that men should be taught by their own experience,\\nthe folly of relying on any system of politics, which however sup-\\nported by popularity, is not founded in rectitude.\\nA large debt accumulated by the war, remained to be discharg-\\ned. For this purpose, requisitions were made by congress, as\\nwell as by the state governments. Silver and gold, which had\\ncirculated largely in the latter years of the war, were returning,\\nby the usual course of trade, to those countries, whence large\\nquantities of necessary and unnecessary commodities had been\\nimported. Had any general system of impost been adopted,\\nsome part of this money might have been retained, and some part", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0419.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "396 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1785.\\nof the public debt discharged but the power of congress did not\\nextend to this object and the states were not united in the ex-\\npediency of delegating new and sufiicient powers to that body.\\nThe partial imposts, laid by some of the states, were inefiiictual,\\nso long as others found their interest in omitting them. Recourse\\ntherelbre, was had to the usual mode of taxation on polls and es-\\ntates by which means, a heavy burden was laid on the husband-\\nman and the laborer. Those who were punctual in their pay-\\nments, saw no probable end of their exertions, whilst the negli-\\ngence of others occasioned repeated demands. Private creditors,\\nwho had suiFered by long forbearance, were importunate for their\\ndues and the courts of law were full of suits.\\nThe people who felt themselves distressed, held conferences\\nwith a view to devise means of redress. The remedy which ap-\\npeared to many of them most easy, was a new emission of paper\\nbills, funded on real estate, and loaned on interest. To effect\\n^pyor ^l^ ^j i)etitions were addressed to the legislature and to\\nremedy the grievance, as far as it was occasioned by a\\ndebt of the state, an act was passed, to draw into the\\ntreasury all notes issued by the state, and give certificates for the\\ninterest, and for fifteen per cent, of the principal, annually; which\\ncertificates were to be received by the treasurer for taxes, in\\nlieu of, and equal to silver and gold. By this means, it was\\nexpected that the debt would gradually be extinguished and\\nthat the people would easily be enabled to pay atTeastone species\\nof their taxes.\\nThis was far from satisfying the complainants. The public\\nsecurities, they said, were engrossed by rich speculators, and the\\npoor were distressed for the means of paying their taxes and their\\nprivate debts. The cry for paper money was incessant and the\\npeople were called upon in the public papers, to assert their own\\nmajesty, as the origin of power, and to make their governors\\nknow, tliat they are but the executors of the public will.\\nTo this clamor, the voice of reason and justice calmly answer-\\ned that it was not in the power of the legislature to establish any\\nfund, whicli should secure paper money from depreciation that\\nthere was so much paper then in circulation, and the time of its\\nredemption was so distant, that the notes passed at a discount of\\nsixty, and the certificates of twenty per cent that if the quantity\\nwere increased, the depreciation would increase in proportion\\nthat if bills were issued and made a tender in all payments, it\\nwould never be in the power of government to redeem them by\\nsilver and gold, because none could be collected and in that\\ncase, no part of the continental or foreign debt could be discharg-\\ned that if bills were loaned on land security, it would be in the\\npower of the public debtor to purchase the bills at a reduced val-\\nue, and with them to make his payment at the treasury, in which", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0420.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "1-^85.1 ^TATE. JOHN LANGDON. 397\\ncase, though the public chest might be filled with paper, yet the\\ngovernment would suffer all the embarrassment of poverty. It\\nwas added, that the legislature were by the constitution expressly\\nforbidden to make retrospective laws, and had no right to alter\\nthe nature of private contracts and that should the majority of\\nthe people petition the government to make paper a lawful tender,\\nit would be their duty to reject the petition as unconstitutional.\\nWhen it was proposed, that the paper should not be a tender for\\npast but only for future contracts it was answered, that this would\\nnotreheve the debtor, who was suffering for his past engagements,\\nand the difficukies which it pretended to cure would still exist.\\nIn vain were agriculture and manufactures, industry and fru-\\ngality recommended as the only adequate sources of relief; the\\ncomplainants had no disposition to apply a remedy so slow in its\\noperation 5 and indeed it was doubtful whether the utmost exer-\\ntions in that way would have been sufficient, completely to extri-\\ncate us out of these difficulties, without some alteration in our\\nconfederated government.\\nSimilar difficulties, at the same time, existed in the neighboring\\nstate of Massachusetts to remedy which, among other paUiatives,\\na law was passed called a tender-act, by which it was provided\\nthat executions issued for private demands, might be satisfied by\\ncattle and other enumerated articles, at an appraisement of im-\\npartial men under oath. For such a law, the discontented\\nparty in New-Hampshire petitioned and to gratify them, the leg-\\nislature enacted, that when any debtor shall tender to his g\\ncreditor, in satisfaction of an execution for debt, either\\nreal or personal estate sufficient, the body of the debtor shall be\\nexempt from imprisonment, and the debt shall carry an interest\\nof six per cent the creditor being at liberty either to receive\\nthe estate, so tendered, at a value estimated by three appraisers,\\nor to keep alive the demand by taking out an alias, within one\\nyear after the return of any former execution, and levying it on\\nany estate of the debtor which he can find. At the same time,\\nan act was made, enlarging the power of justices of the peace, to\\ntry and determine actions of debt and trespass to the value of ten\\npounds. These laws were complained of as unconstitutional\\nthe former as being retrospective, and changing the nature of con-\\ntracts the latter as depriving the creditor, in certain cases, of a\\nright to trial by jury. But so strong was the clamor for redress\\nof grievances and so influential was the example of the neigh-\\nboring state, that some of the best men in the legislature found it\\nnecessary to comply whilst another part were secretly in favor\\nof worse measures.\\nThe tender-act, at first, was made for two years only before\\nthe expiration of which it was revived, with some alterations, and\\n(1) Minot s History of the Insunections, p. 15.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0421.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "398 inSTORY OF NEW-llAMPSHlRE. [1785.\\ncontinued for three years longer. The effect of this law, in cases\\nwhere an attempt was made to execute it, was, that the most val-\\nuable kinds of property were eitlier concealed or made over to a\\nthird person and when Uie sherill came with an execution, it was\\nlevied on such articles as were of little use to the creditor. But\\nthe most general effect of the law was to prevent any demand on\\nthe part of the creditor, and to encourage the debtor in neglect-\\ning payment.\\nThe scarcity of money was still a grievance which the laws had\\nnot remedied, but rather had a tendency to increase. To en-\\n^^of courage its importation into the country, the legislature\\nexempted from all port duties, except light-money, every\\nvessel which should bring gold and silver only and from one\\nhalf of the duties, if a sum of money equal to one half of the car-\\ngo should be imported. But it was to no pur))ose to import mon-\\ney, unless encouragement were given for its circulation, which\\ncould not be expected whilst the tender-act was in force for\\nevery man who owned money thought it more secure in his own\\nhands, than in the hands of others.\\nThe clamor for paper currency increased, and, like a raging\\nfever, approached toward a crisis. In every town, there was a\\nparty in favor of it, and the public papers were continually filled\\nwith declamations on the suliject. It was said that an emission of\\nbills of credit would give a spring to commerce and encourage\\nagriculture that the poor would be able to pay their debts and\\ntaxes that all the arguments against issuing paper were framed\\nby speculators, and were intended to serve the wealthy part of the\\ncommunity, who had monopolized the public securities, that they\\nmight raise their value and get all the good bargains into their\\nown hands that other states in the union had issued paper bills,\\nand were rejoicing in the happy effects of their currency, without\\nany depreciation that the people had a right to call upon their\\nrepresentatives to stamp a value on paper, or leather, or any\\nother substance capable of receiving an impression and that to\\nprevent its depreciation, a law should be enacted to punish with\\nbanishment and outlawry, every person who should attempt by\\nany means to lessen its value.*\\nThe same party who were so zealous in favor of paper cur-\\nA specimen of the language used on this occasion is as follows: Seven\\nstates are now blessed with harmony, plenty and happiness. Worthy, in-\\ndustrious men can go to market with a penny in their pockets; their benev-\\nolent friends, tiie farmers, meet them half way witli cheerfulness, and are\\nas read} to receive as tliey to offer now one greets the other with social\\nbenedictions, trade flourishes, agriculture increases, mutual confidence is\\nrestored, and harmony reigns triumpliant. Elysian fields these when con-\\ntrasted witli tiie bondage of the inhabitants of New- Hampshire for in the\\nmidst of life, tiiey are in death. death of the worst kind, penury and want of\\nthe common blessings of providence. How long, freemen of New-Hamp-\\nshire, can ye bear the yoke of oppression I New-Hampshire Gazette, July\\n20, 17rtC.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0422.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "1780.] STATE. JOHN SULLIVAN. 399\\nrency, and against laws which obliged them to pay their debts,\\nproceeded to inveigh against courts and lawyers. The inferior\\ncourts were represented as sinecures for judges and clerks the\\ndefaulting, appealing, demurring, abatements, fees and bills of\\ncost, without any decision, were complained of as burdens, and\\nan abolition of these courts became a part of the popular cry.\\nBut the party did not content themselves with writing in the pub-\\nlic papers. An attempt was made to call a convention, at Con-\\ncord, whilst the assembly were sitting there, who should petition\\nthe legislature in favor of the plan and it Vv as thought, that the\\npresence of such a body of men, convened at the same time and\\nplace, would have great weight. The attempt was defeated in a\\nmanner singular and humorous.\\nAt the first sitting of the assembly, when five only of the mem-\\nbers of the proposed convention were in town, some wags, j\\namong whom were several young lawyers, pretended to have\\nbeen chosen by the towns in wiiich they lived for the same pur-\\npose. In conference with the five, they penetrated their views,\\nand persuaded them to post an advertisement, for all the mem-\\nbers who were in town to assemble immediately it being of the\\nutmost importance to present their petition as early in the session\\nas possible. By this means,, sixteen pretended members, with\\nthe five real ones, formed themselves into a convention, choosing\\none of the five their president, and one of the sixteen their clerk.\\nThey carried on their debates and passed votes with much ap-\\nparent solemnity. Having framed a petition, complaining in the\\nmost extravagant terms of their grievances praying for a loan of\\nthree millions of dollars, funded on real estate for the abolition\\nof inferior courts, and a reduction of the number of lawyers, to\\ntwo only in a county and for a free trade with all the world\\nthey went in procession to the assembly, (some of whom had\\nbeen previously let into the secret) and with great formality pre-\\nsented their petition, which was suffered to lie on the table, and\\nwas afterwards withdrawn. The convention then dissolved and\\nwhen others who had been really chosen by the towns arrived,\\nthey were exceedingly mortified on finding their views for that\\ntime so completely frustrated.\\nThe next effort of the party was to call county conventions.\\nOf what class of people these were composed, some idea may be\\nformed from this circumstance. An innholder, at whose house\\none of these conventions first met, refused to take their promise\\nfor lumber to pay the expense of their meeting; upon which they\\nadjourned to a ware-house, belonging to one of the party, and\\nwere treated with liquor, gratis.\\nFrom two of these conventions, and from several towns in dif-\\nferent parts of the state, petitions were presented to the ,0\\n1-1 1 T-i C-A 1 1 Ti Sept. 13.\\nlegislature, at their session m Exeter. On calm delib-\\neration, these petitions appeared to be inconsistent with each other,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0423.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "400 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1786.\\nwith the constitution, with justice and public faith. But to still\\nthe clamor and collect the real sense of the people on the subject\\nof paper currency the assembly formed a plan for the emission\\nof fifty thousand pounds, to be let at four per cent, on land secu-\\nrity to be a tender in payment of state taxes, and for the\\nfees and salaries of public onicers. This plan was immediately\\nprinted, and sent to the several towns and the people were de-\\nsired to give their opinions in town meetings for and against it, and\\nto make return of their votes to the assembly at their next session.\\nThis way of proceeding did not coincide with the views of the\\nparty the principal directors of which endeavored to conceal\\nthemselves, whilst they persuaded a considerable number of per-\\nsons of various characters, to appear openly in support of the pe-\\ntitions. They took pains to spread false reports through the coun-\\ntry and among other things, it was said that the assembly had\\npassed an act, to refund the value of the confiscated estates,\\nwhich was to be immediately assessed on the people.\\nIt must be observed, that at this time, causes of a similar na-\\nture had excited numbers of people in some counties of Massa-\\nchusetts, to assemble in arms and prevent the judicial courts from\\nsitting.* This example, aided by false reports, and a sense of\\ngrievances, partly real and partly imaginary, operated so power-\\nfully on the minds of a number of people, in the western part of\\nthe county of Rockingham that on the morning of the twentieth\\nof September, about two hundred men assembled at Kingston,\\nsix miles from Exeter, where they chose leaders and procured a\\ndrum. By the help of some militia oflicers, they formed them-\\nselves into military order, and in the afternoon, marched to Exe-\\nter about one third of them being armed with muskets, and the\\nothers with swords and clubs. Having entered the confines of\\nthe town, they halted and sent a paper to the assembly, signed\\nby one of them who styled himself moderator, demanding an an-\\nswer to their former petition immediately. They then marched\\nthrough the town, and paraded before the meeting-house, where\\nboth houses of assembly were holding a conference. The doors\\nwere open, and as many of them as were disposed, entered.\\nThe president, in a cool and deliberate speech, explained the\\n[The insurrection in Massaclinsotts nssuined sucli a threatening aspect,\\nthat the governor of that, state wrote to President Sullivan, requesting him\\nto offer a reward for apprehending any of the rebels who should flee to thia\\nstate, and to take measures for preventing their receiving any supplies.\\nThe government of New-Hampshire, pursued every measure, which it was\\nthougiit the powers vested in the president and council would authorize.\\nThey did not think proper, to admit armed parties from another state into\\nthat; but the existing laws permitted civil officers of other states, to pur-\\nsue offenders there, and by application to a magistrate to have them appre-\\nhended and sent into the state having jurisdiction of the offence. They,\\ntherefore directed a major-general, to secure all armed parties, who might\\ncome into their state and a proclamation was is-ued by their president,\\nagreeably to the request of the governor of the commonwealth. Minot,\\nHist, of the Insurrection in iVIa,ss. 1;7 4.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0424.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "I78C.J STATE. JOHN SULLIVAN. 401\\nreasons on which the assembly had proceeded in rejecting the\\npetitions exposed the weakness, inconsistency and injustice of\\ntheir request; and said, that if it were ever so just and proper in\\nitself, and if the whole body of the people were in favor of it, yet\\nthe legislature ought not to comply with it, while surrounded by an\\narmed force. To do this, would be, to betray the rights of the\\npeople, which they had all solemnly sworn to support. He con-\\ncluded by declaring, that no consideration of personal danger\\nwould ever compel them to violate the rights of their constituents.\\nThis speech being ended, the drum beat to arms; as many as\\nhad guns were ordered to load them with balls sentries were\\nplaced at the doors, and the whole legislature were held prison-\\ners the mob threatening death to any person who should attempt\\nto escape, till their demands were granted. The assembly went\\non with their business, taking no farther notice of the rioters, till\\nthe approach of evening when the president attempted to go out,\\nbut was stopped by an impenetrable column. He then reasoned\\nwith them, and warned them of the fatal tendency of their con-\\nduct, assuring them, that the force of the country would support\\nthe government. Their answers to him were insolent and re-\\nproachful. They raised a cry for paper money, an equal distri-\\nbution of property, and a release from debts. The inhabitants of\\nExeter had all this time beheld with silence the insult offered to\\nthe legislature. Having no orders to take arms, they restrained\\ntheir indignation, till the dusk of the evening; when some of\\nthem beat a drum at a distance, and others cried, Huzza for\\ngovernment Bring up the artillery At the sound of these\\nwords, the mob were struck with a panic, and began to disperse,\\nTheir moderator ordered them to meet again, at nine of the\\nclock the next morning, and they scattered in every direction.*\\n[The president of New-FIampshire at this time was John Sullivan, of\\nwhom through the kindness of the Hon. William Plumer, I am enabled to\\nadd the following note,\\nJohn Sullivan was the son of John Sullivan, and was born in Berwick,\\nMaine. Without an academic education, he commenced the practice of law\\nat Durham, in this state, where he lived till his death. He was in the times\\nin which he lived, considered a distinguished lawyer. In 1772, he was ap-\\npointed a major in the militia. In 1774, he was appointed a delegate to the\\ngeneral congress; and in December, he, with others, seized the Britisji fort\\nWilliam and Mary, at New-Castle, and took more than a hundred barrels of\\ngunpowder from thence, and removed it into the country. In 1775, he waa\\nre-appointed delegate to congress and by that body on the 22 June, was ap-\\npointed brigadier-general in the revolutionary army. He commanded the\\ntroops stationed on Winter Hill, in the vicinity of Boston.\\nHe received from congress the appointment of major-general, 29 July,\\n1776. The 2Gth August, he was taken prisoner on Long-Island, New-York,\\nand in October, was exchanged sent to the army in Canada, where after the\\ndeath of General Thomas, he commanded; but was soon superseded, and re-\\nturned to the main army. In 1777, he was distinguished for his bravery and\\ngood conduct in the battles of Brandy wine and Germantown. In August,\\n1778, he commanded the army at Newport, Rhode-Island, but was obliged to\\nretreat, on which occasion his conduct met the approbation of congress. In\\n1779, he commanded an expedition against the Indians, where he euiierotl\\n53", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0425.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "402 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [1780.\\nThe assembly being ilius at litierly, requested the president to\\ncall out the force ol ilie sialc to iiuc-ll thtJ insurreclion. jn the\\nevening, he issued his orders, and belbrc mofning companies of\\nmilitia, well armed, began to come in liom ilie neighboring tfuvns.\\no ni l^y ten of ihe clock in ilie morning, a siifhcienl body of\\nhorse and loot, wiili lieltl-pieces and mnitary Jiuisic, hav-\\ning arrived j the president put ihem in motion against t!;e insur-\\ngents, who were then parading, about a mile distant. Having by\\ntheir spies obtained intelligence of the motion of the miliiio, the\\nunarmed part of the insuigents retreated to a hill beyond the riv-\\ner the others kept their ground till a pariy ot light-liorse appear-\\ned in view, and then tl)e whole body retired. Some of ihern\\nwere taken by the pursuers others recovered the bridge at\\nKing s fall, and being met by those who had first retreated, made\\nan appearance as if they would dispute the passage. Orders\\nwere given by one of their leaders to lire but the iorce of the\\ngovernment appeared so ibrmidable that iliey dared not to obey.\\nThe officers of the militia rusl)ed in among them, seized their\\nmoderator and others, to the number of forty. The rest fled\\nwith precipitation, and no farilier pursuit was made. Tlie pris-\\noners were disarmed and conducted to the town where they\\nwere brought to an examination belbre the president and council.\\nHad these men been engaged in a good cause, and commanded\\nby projier officei-s, they would have mainiained the honor of their\\ncountry, and fought her battles with ardor and peisevcrance\\nbut, conscious of their inconsistency in opposing a government of\\ntheir own establishing, their native fortitude foisook them and\\nthey gave an example of the most humiliating submission. IMcst\\nof tljem professed to be asliamed of their conduct, and their sliamc\\nappeared to be sincere.\\nThe dignity of g(;vernment being thus vindicated, its lenity\\ngreat fatigue, but destroyed many Indians, and laid their country waste. On\\nthe SCtli November, congress accepted his resignation, which he had previous-\\nly requested.\\nIn February, 1780, the legislature of the state appointed him an agent to\\nsettle the line between New-Hampshire and New-VTork and June ^ist, a\\ndelegate to the congress of the United States, and on the 19 January foUovv-\\nincf, re-appointed him to that office. In January, 17ciJ, the legislature ap-\\npomted him commander of their troops to Vermont, and en the !il June, at-\\ntorney general of i\\\\e\\\\v-Hampsh!r\\nAfter the establisliment of the state constitution, he was re-appointed at-\\ntorney general, 25 December, 17-4, and UInj^r-general cf the militia, l)ot!i of\\nwhich he held till 2ii Ftbruiry, 17dt). when he resigned themb(.th. in 17c5,\\nhe was member and speaker of t!ie h.use of representatives aiid counsellor.\\nIn 17dr) and 17o7, he was elected president cf the state. In 17cd, he was a\\nmember and speaker of tlie hou30 of representitives member anJ president\\nof the convention which ratified the c-nstitution t f the United States.\\nIn 17ci! he was an eKctor of president and vice president of the United\\nStates, and in March, was elected preiideutof the state for the third time.\\nIn September, the same year, the president and senate of the U. S. pp^intcd\\nhim judge of the district court ol New-Hampsliire, wliich olGcc lie lield as\\nloag 03 he lived, lie died 2 i January, 171.5, a^ed 51 years.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0426.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "nSO.J STATE. JOHN SULLIVAN. 403\\nwas equally conspicuous. Six only of the prisoners were de-\\ntained, nnd a parly of liglit-lioise was sent to apprehend two\\nothers of the most culpable. They were taken out of tlieir beds\\nand brought to Exeter. This mar.CEuvrc had an excellent effect,\\nfor some, who knew themselves equally guiliy, were afraid lo\\nsleep in their own houses. The superior court beinsihen e, \u00c2\u00ab_\\nr Sept. 25.\\nm session at L.xe(er, these eight prisoners were arraigned\\non an indictment for treason. One dropping on his knees, plead-\\ned guilty. Others hesitated when they pronounced the words\\nnot guilty. They were ordered to recognize for their appear-\\nance at the next superior court, when their bonds were discharged.\\nSome of them, who belonged to the preshyterian churches, were\\ncited before the ecclesiastical session, and there censured, as op-\\nposers ofjust government. Others, being military officers, were\\ntried by a general court martial of these, some were cashiered,\\nbut not incn])nci(a:od for future service some were reprimanded,\\nand others were acquitted. The whole opposition was complete-\\nly subdued wavering minds became settled converts were\\nmade to the side of government and the system of knavery re-\\nceived a deep wound, from which it has not since recovered.\\nThe plan which had been issued by the assembly, for emitting\\npaper money, was in course referred to the people, in .^(,_\\ntheir town meetings and at the next session, the returns\\nwere made, when a majority appeared against it. To\\nCuisi) the whole matter, two questions were put in the assembly.\\nThe first was whether the legislature can, consistently with the\\nconstitution, and their oaths, pass an act making paper bills of\\ncredit, a tender to discharge private contracts, made prior to the\\npassing such act P Tiie other was, whether paper money be\\nemitted on any plan which has been proposed Both these\\nquestions were determined in the negative.\\nTo observe the progress of wisdom and virtue, and the obsta-\\ncles which are laid in the way of vice, is a most pleasing enter-\\ntainment to the philanthropist and it is but just, in such a con-\\ntemplation, to acknowledge that superintending influence, which\\nbrings good out of evil. It was feared by many, that the Amer-\\nican revolution would not produce that sum of political happiness\\nwhich its warmest advocates had fondly predicted. The efforts\\nof faction in several of the states were very alarming. In New-\\nHampshire, the assault being made directly at the supreme head\\nof the government, the force of the state immediately rose and\\ncrushed it. In iMassachusettr, the attacks were made on the ju-\\ndicial courts, which of themselves had no ))ower effectually to\\noppose them. The disaffection there rose to a higher degree it\\nwas more extensively diffused, and with more difticulty quelled.\\nBut at length, the constitutional powers of government being ex-\\nerted with vigor, the spirit of anarchy was suppressed. la anolh-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0427.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "404 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [HSti\\ner neighboring state, the same spirit reigned triumphant. A de-\\npreciating currency was established by law, aud pertinaciously\\nadhered to by the government.\\nThe imbecility of the confederation by which the states were\\nunited, had long been felt, and some attempts had been making\\nto strengthen it but the view of our situation at this time demon-\\nstrated the total inefficacy of that constitution, to bind together\\nthirteen distinct sovereignties, over which no coercive power was\\nestablished, which could prevent or cure such evils as threatened\\nthe destruction of all public and private credit. Happily for the\\nAmerican union, the remedy existed within itself. The good\\nsense and public virtue of the great body of our citizens readily\\nadopted the idea of a Convention of the States. The first\\nproposal came from Virginia, where American hberty was first\\npublicly asserted, when it was flagrantly violated by the stamp act.\\nThe name of Patrick Henry will ever be illustrious in the Amer-\\nican annals for moving the resolves of 17G5 and the name of\\nJames Madison will be equally distinguished for proposing the\\nconvention of 1787.\\nTo this convention, which was hnlden at Philadelphia, all the\\nstates, except one, sent their delegates. After a close and par-\\nticular investigation, they produced a new federal constituUon\\ncontaining adequate remedies for those political disorders, which\\nhad threatened with extinction, the liberty and independence of\\nthe American states.\\nAmong other wise provisions, to establish justice and secure the\\nblessings of liberty, those which respect public and private credit\\nare not the least conspicuous. To support the former, the con-\\ngress has a power which, by the first confederation, was not dele-\\ngated, to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to\\npay the debts and provido for the common defence and general\\nwelfare of the United States. For the latter, it is declared, that\\nno state shall coin money, emit bills of credit, make any thing\\nbut gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts, pass any\\nbill of attainder or expost facto law, or any law impairing the\\nobligation of contracts.\\nWhen this new constitution was proposed to the people, con-\\nventions were called in each state to consider it. In these bodies^\\ncomposed of persons who represented impartially every class and\\ndescription of the people, and who were themselves equally vari-\\nous in thoir principles, habits and views, the constitution under-\\nwent the most critical and severe discussion. Whilst it was in\\ndebate, die anxiety of all parties was extended to the utmost de-\\ngree, and the efforts of its friends and its opposcrs were unre-\\nmitted.\\nAfter the constitution had been, with the help of some propos-\\ned amendments, adopted by Massachusetts, a convention was", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0428.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "i788.] STATE. JOHN LANGDON. 405\\ncalled at Exeter in New-Hampshire. At its first meeting, a de-\\nbate which continued ten days ended in an adjournment _\u00e2\u0080\u009eo\\nfor four months at the expiration of which term, in a jg\\nshort session of three days only at Concord, the question\\nfor adopting and ratifying the constitution, was, with the\\nsame help as in Massachusetts, carried in the affirmative, by a\\nmajority of eleven the whole number present being one hundred\\nand three. This was the ninth state in the union which accepted\\nthe constitution and thus the number was completed which was\\nnecessary to put in motion the political machine.* In about a\\n[1788. John Langdon was elected presidentof New-Hampshire for the\\nsecond time. A note, detailing the services of this early patriot of the revo-\\nlution, will conclude the editor s annotations on this part of the labors of the\\nhistorian of New-Hampshire. John Langdon was a native of Portsmouth,\\nand w as born in 1740. His father, of the same name, was the sixth son of\\nTobias Langdon, and lived at Sagamore s creek in Portsmouth, where his\\nhouse was burned, about the year 1740. Tobias is supposed to have been\\nson of Tobias Langdon, who lived in New-Hampshire in 1C62.\\nHe received his education at the public grammar school, under the tuition\\nof Samuel Hale. From school, he went into the counting house of the hon-\\noiable Daniel Rindge, where he became well acquainted with mercantile\\ntransactions. At the close of his apprenticeship, he entered upon a seafaring\\nlife, which business he continued to follow, until the troubles between the\\ncountry and Great-Britain commenced. He took-an early and active part in\\ntlie opposition to the British government, and was one of the leaders of that\\nparty, which removed the powder and military stores from the fort at New-\\ncastle, in December, 1774. In 1775, he was appointed a delegate to the gen-\\neral congress, and in January, 1776, was re-appointed to the same office.\\nSoon afteu the beginning of the revolutionary war, he had the command of\\nan independent company of cadets, and at the time of the surrender of the\\nBritish army under BurgOyne, went to Bennington as a volunteer. He was\\nlikewise at Rhode-Island with a detachment of his company, at the time the\\nBriiish troops were in possession of the island, and when General Sullivan\\nbrought off the American troops.\\nHe was representative and speaker of the house of representatives in this\\nstate in 1776 and 1777, and in the former year, judge of the court of common\\npleas, which office he resigned in April, 1777. In 1778, he had the agency\\nunder congress of building several public ships of war, and was appointed\\ncontinental agent in New-Hampshire. In 1779, he was a member and presi-\\ndent of the New-Hampshire convention for regulating the currency and\\nfrom 1777 to 1782 memberandspeaker of the house of representatives of New-\\nHampshire. In 1780, he was a commissioner to raise men and procure pro-\\nvisions for the army and on the 13 June, 1783, was appointed delegate to the\\ncongress of the United States.\\nIn 1784 and 1785, he was elected a member of the New-Hampshire senate,\\nand the latter year, president of the state, being the successor of Meshech\\nWeare. In 1788, he was a delegate to the convention which formed the\\nconstitution of the United States. In March, the same year, was elected rep-\\nresentative of the legislature, and speaker of the house in June, when on\\ncounting the votes for president, he was found to be elected. In November,\\nthe legislature elected liini senator to the congress of the United States, and\\nwas there elected the first president /^ro tern, of that body, the} ever appoint-\\ned. In 1794, he was re-elected for another term of six years.\\nFrom 1801 to 1805, inclusive, he was representative in the N. H. legisla-\\nture, and in 1804 and 1805, was elected speaker of the house. From 1805 to\\n1808, and in 1810 and 1811, he was elected governor of the state. In 1805,\\nthe government of Dartmouth college conferred on him the degree of Doctor\\nof Laws. Governor Langdon died at Portsmouth, 18 September, 1819, aged\\n79. Adams, Annals of Portsmouth, 370\u00e2\u0080\u0094373. MS. Amer. Biography by\\nHon. W. Plumer.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gazetteer of N. Hamp. 222.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0429.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "40C HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. [178D.\\nmonth, two more states were added. Then a congress was form-\\n17C0 ilhistrioiis Washington, by the unanimous\\nsuffriis;e of the people, was phiced in the first seat of gov-\\nernment. Three other stiiies, of which one is Vermont, have\\nsince been admitted into the union and tliere is now in opera-\\n70n general system of energetic government, which\\npervades every part of the United Stales, and has ah-eady\\nproduced a surjirising alteration for the better. By the funding\\nof the continental debt, and the assumption of the debts of the in-\\ndividual states, into one general niass, a foundation is laid for the\\nsupport of public credit by which means, the American revolu-\\ntion appears to be completed. Let it be the sincere prayer and\\nendeavor of every thoughtful citizen, that such harmony may pre-\\nvail between the general government, and the jtwisdiction of each\\nstate, as the peculiar delicacy of their connexion requires and\\nthat the blessings of peace, liberty and safet} so dearly obtain-\\ned, may descend inviolate to our posterity.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0430.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\nTABLES.\\nChief Magistrates of New-Hampshire and Rlassachusetts from 1C41 to 1830\\nwith the Kings of England from the first settlement of N. H. in MJ 22, until\\nthe separation of this country from Great-Britain, and the Pres -dents of the\\nUnited States from the adoption of tlie Federal Constitution.\\nCOLONIAL GOVERNMENT.\\nI\\nGovi rnorsot New-Hanipjiiae\\nA.D.\\nKings of England.\\nand Massachusetts, while\\nunited.\\n1623\\nJames 1.\\n1625\\nCharles I.\\n1641\\nRichard Bellingham.\\n1642\\ncc\\nJohn Wiiithrop.\\n1644\\nJohn Endecott.\\n1645\\nc\\nThomas Diidlej\\n1646\\n(C\\nJohn VVinthrop.\\n1649\\nThe Commonwealth.\\nJohn Endecott.\\n1650\\nC(\\nThomas Dudley.\\n1651\\n(C\\nJohn Endecott.\\n1654\\nRichard Bellingham.\\n1655\\na\\nJohn Endecott.\\n1660\\nCharles II.\\n1665\\nRichard Bellingham.\\n1673\\nJohn Leverelt.\\n1679\\nc\\nSimon Bradstrcet.\\nPROVLXCIAL GOVERNMENT.\\n1\\nCliier Magistrates of\\nChief Magistrates ot\\nA.D.I\\nKin Ts of England.\\nNew-Hain p\u00c2\u00ab!liire.\\nMa^snchnseHs.*\\n16HC\\nCharljs il.\\nJohn Ciitt\\nSimon Bradstreet\\n1681\\na\\nRichard Waldron\\n1682\\nEdward Cranlield\\nu\\n1685\\nJames II.\\nWalter Barefoote\\n1686\\na\\nJoseph Dudley\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Foseph Dudley\\n1687\\nli\\nEdmund Andros\\nKdmund Andios\\n1689\\nWilliam Til.\\nSimon Bradstreet\\nSimon Bradstreet\\nMassachusetts did not become o. Province until the charter of WiUiam\\n\u00c2\u00abad Mary was granted ia 1601.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0431.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "408\\nAPPENDIX.\\n1692\\nWilliam Hi.\\nJohn Usher\\nWilliam Phips 1\\n1697\\nu\\nWilliam Partridge\\n1698\\nSamuel Allen\\nu\\n1699\\nEarl of Bellomont\\nEarl of Bellomont\\n1702\\nAnne.\\nJoseph Dudley\\nJoseph Dudley\\n1714\\nGeorge I.\\nU\\n1716\\nSamuel Shute\\nSamuel Shute\\n1727\\nGeorfije II.\\nu\\nu\\n1 72S\\nit\\nWilliam Burnet\\nWilliam Burnet\\n1730\\nJonathan Belcher\\nJonathan Belcher\\n1741\\nu\\nBenning Wentworth\\nWilliam Shirlev\\n1757\\nu\\nThomas Pownal\\n1760\\nGeorge III.\\n(C\\nFrancis Bernard\\n1767\\nJohn Wentworth\\nu\\n1770\\nu\\nu\\nTho. Hutchinson\\n1774\\nn\\nIC\\nThomas Gage\\n1775\\nThe British government terminated.\\nREPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT.\\nA.D. 1\\nUnited States.\\nPies. Gov s. N.H.\\nGovernors of Mass.\\n1776\\nMeshech Weare\\n1780\\na\\nJohn Hancock\\n1785\\nContinental\\nJohn Langdon\\nJames Bowdoin\\n1786\\nCongress.\\nJohn Sullivan\\n11\\n1787\\nu\\nJohn Hancock\\n1788\\nPresidents U. S.\\nJohn Langdon\\nC(\\n1789\\nG. Washington\\nJohn Sullivan\\n1790\\nJosiah Bartlett*\\n(C\\n1794\\na\\nJohn T. Gilman\\nSamuel Adams\\n1797\\nJohn Adams.\\nIncrease Sumner\\n1800\\nC(\\nu\\nCaleb Strong\\n1801\\nTho. Jcflferson\\nu\\n(C\\n1805\\nli\\nJohn Langdon\\na\\n1807\\na\\nJames Sullivan\\n1809\\nJames Madison\\nJeremiah Smith\\nChristopher Gore\\n1810\\ncc\\nJohn Langdon\\nElbridge Gerry\\n1812\\nC(\\nWilliam Plumer\\nCaleb Strong\\n1813\\nC(\\nJohn T. Gilman\\nu\\n1816\\na\\nWilliam Plumer\\nJohn Brooks\\n1817\\nJames Monroe\\na\\n1819\\na\\nSamuel Bell\\nu\\n1823\\nLevi Woodbury\\nWilliam Eustis\\n1824\\nDavid L. Morril\\n1825\\nJohn Q. Adams\\nli\\nLevi Lincoln\\n1827\\nBenjamin Pierce\\n1828\\nu\\nJohn Bell\\n1829\\nA. Jackson\\nBenjamin Pierce\\niC\\n1830\\nMatthew Harvey\\nC(\\nFrom 1793, the chief magistrate of N. H. has been stjled Goventor.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0432.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n409\\nDEATH AND AGES OF THE PRECEDING.\\nKINGS OF ENGLAND.\\nJames I.\\n8 April,\\n1625,\\n58.\\nCharles i.\\n30 January,\\n1648,\\n47.\\nCharles II.\\n6 Feb.\\n1685,\\n54.\\nJames II.\\n16 Sept.\\n1701,\\n68.\\nWilliam III.\\n16 March,\\n1702,\\n52.\\nAnne\\n1 August,\\n1714,\\n50.\\nGeorge I.\\n11 June,\\n1727,\\n67.\\nGeorge II.\\n25 October,\\n1760,\\n77.\\nGeorge III.\\n29 January,\\n1820,\\n81.\\nGOVERNORS,\\nWHILE MASSACHUSETTS AND NEW-HAMPSHIRE WERE UNITED.\\nRichard Bellingham,\\nJohn Winthrop,\\nJohn Endecott,\\nThomas Dudley,\\nJohn Leverett,\\nSimon Bradstreet,\\n7 December,\\n1672,\\n80.\\n26 March,\\n1649,\\n61.\\n15 March,\\n1665,\\n76.\\n31 July,\\n1653,\\n77.\\n16 March,\\n1679.\\n27 March,\\n1697,\\n94.\\nCHIEF MAGISTRATES,\\nWHILE NEW-HAMPSHIRE WAS A SEPARATE PROVINCE.\\nJohn Cutt,\\nRichard Waldron,\\nEdward Cranfield,\\nWalter Barefoote,\\nJoseph Dudley,\\nEdmund Andros,\\nJohn Usher,\\nWilliam Partridge,\\nSamuel Allen,\\n27 March,\\n1681.\\n27 June,\\n1689,\\n80.\\nabout\\n1700.\\nabout\\n1688,\\n53.\\n2 April,\\n1720,\\n72,\\nFebruary,\\n1714.\\n6 September,\\n,1726,\\n78,\\n3 January,\\n1729,\\n74,\\n4 May,\\n1705,\\n69.\\nGOVERNORS OF MASSACHUSETTS AND NEW-HAMPSHIRE,\\nUNTIL THE REVOLUTION.\\nWilliam Phips,\\nEarl of Bellomout,\\nSamuel Shute,\\nWilliam Burnet,\\nJonathan Belcher,\\nWilliam Shirley,\\nBenning Wentvvorth,\\nThomas Povvnall,\\nFrancis Bernard,\\nJohn Wentworth,\\nThomas Hutchinson,\\nThomas Gage,\\n54\\n18 February,\\n1695,\\n44.\\n5 March,\\n1701.\\n15 April,\\n1742,\\n80.\\n7 September,\\n1729,\\n41.\\n31 August,\\n1757,\\n75.\\n24 March,\\n1771.\\n14 October,\\n1770,\\n75.\\n25 February,\\n1805,\\n83.\\nJune,\\n1779.\\n8 April,\\n1820,\\n84.\\n3 June,\\n1780,\\n69.\\nApril,\\n1787.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0433.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "410\\nAFPEMDIX.\\nGOVERNORS OF MASSACHUSETTS AND NEW-HAMPSHIRE,\\nSINCE THE REVOLUTION, WHO HAVE DECEASED.\\nMesliech Weare,\\n15 January,\\n1786,\\n73\\nJohn Hancock,\\n8 October,\\n1793,\\n56\\nJohn Langdon,\\n18 September\\n,1819,\\n79\\nJohn Sullivan,\\nz8 January,\\n1795,\\n64\\nJames Bowdoin,\\n6 November,\\n1790,\\n64\\nJosiah Bartlett,\\n19 May,\\n1795,\\n65\\nJohn T. Oilman,\\n31 August,\\n1828,\\n75\\nSamuel Adams,\\n2 October,\\n1803,\\n81\\nIncrease Sumner,\\n7 June,\\n1799,\\n52\\nCaleb Strong-,\\n7 November,\\n1820,\\n75\\nJames Sullivan,\\n8 December,\\n1808,\\n64\\nChristopher Gore,\\n1 March,\\n1827,\\n69\\nElbridge Gerry,\\n23 November,\\n1814,\\n70\\nJohn Brooks,\\n1 March,\\n1825,\\n73\\nWilliam Eustis,\\n6 February,\\n1825,\\n76\\nPRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nWHO HAVE DECEASED.\\nGeorge Washington,\\nJohn Adams,\\nThomas Jefferson,\\n14 December, 1799, 67.\\n4 July, 1826, 91.\\n4 July, 1826, 83.\\nA CATALOGUE OF THE COUNSELLORS OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,\\nFROM 1680 TO 1830.\\nUNDER THE ROYAL GOVERNMENT.\\n[The ages of those with this mark t are conjectured. Where a dash precedea\\na name, the time of appointment is uncertain.]\\nApp. I Counsellors.\\nResidence.\\nDied.\\nlAgel\\n1680\\nJohn Cutt\\nPortsmouth\\n27 March,\\n1681\\n1\\nRichard Martyn\\nPortsmouth\\n1693\\nll\\nWilliam Yaughan\\nPortsmouth\\n1719\\nThomas Daniel\\nPortsmouth\\n1683\\nJohn Gilnian\\nExeter\\n24 July,\\n1708\\n84t\\nChristopher Hussey\\nHampton\\n1685\\n75t\\nRichard Waldron\\nDover\\n27 June,\\n1689\\n80t\\nElias Stileman\\nNew-Castle\\n19 Dec.\\n1695\\n78t\\nSamuel Dalton\\nHampton\\n22 August,\\n1681\\n1681\\nJob Clements\\nDover\\n1717\\nRobert Mason^\\nNew-Castle\\n1688\\n58\\nRichard Waldron\\nPortsmouth\\n30 Nov.\\n1730\\n80\\nAnthony Nutter\\nDover\\n19 Feb.\\n1686\\n(1) These four would probably average 70 years each. (2) He died at Eio-\\nptiB,in New- York.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0434.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n411\\nApp. I\\nCounsellors.\\nI Residence.\\nDied.\\nlAge\\n1683\\n1684\\n1685\\n1692\\n1697\\n1698\\n1702\\n1710\\n1712\\n1715\\n1716\\n1682 Walter Barefoote\\nRicliard Chamberlain\\nNathaniel Fryer\\nRobert EUiotl\\nJohn Hinkes2\\nEdward Randolph^\\nJames Sherlock\\nFrancis Champernoou\\nRobert Wadleigh\\nHenry Greene\\nJohn Usher\\nThomas Graffort^\\nJohn Walford\\nJohn Love\\nPeter CoffinS\\nJohn Gerrish\\nNathaniel ^Veare\\nWilliam Partridge\\nJoseph Smith\\nKingsley Hall\\nSampson Sheafe^\\nPeter Weare\\nSamuel Penhallow\\nJohn Plaisted\\nHenry Dow\\nGeorge Jaftrey^\\nMark Hunking\\nJohn Wentworth\\nGeorge Vaughan\\nRichard Gerrish\\nTheodore Atkinson\\nShadrach Walton\\nGeorge Jaffrey\\nRichard Wibird\\nThomas Westbrook\\n1719 Thomas Packer\\n1722 Archibald Macpheadris\\n1724 John Ffrost\\nNew-Castle\\nNew-Castle\\nNew-Castle\\nNew-Castle\\nPortsmouth\\nExeter\\nHampton\\nBoston\\nPortsmouth\\nPortsmouth\\nDover\\nDover\\nIffimpton\\nPortsmouth\\nHampton\\nExeter\\nNew-Castle\\nHamp. -Falls\\nPortsmouth\\nPortsmouth\\nHampton\\nNew-Castle\\nPortsmouth\\nPortsmouth\\nPortsmouth\\nDover\\nNew-Castle\\nNew-Castle\\nNew-Castle\\nPortsmouth\\nPortsmouth\\nPortsmouth\\nPortsmouth\\nNew-Castle\\n1688 or 1689 53\\n13 August, 1705\\nret. to England.\\nabout 1686\\n5 August, 1700\\n5 Sept. 1726\\n6 August, 1697\\nMay,\\nJan.\\nNov.\\nabout\\nDec.\\nabout\\nMay,\\nFeb.\\nDec.\\nDec.\\nMay,\\nOct.\\nMay,\\nOct.\\n1714 68\\n1718 87\\n1729 74\\n1717 64\\n1736\\n1724\\n1726\\n1707\\n1707\\n1707\\n25 Dec.\\n1730\\n1725\\n1717\\n1719 50\\n1741\\n1749\\n1732\\n1736\\n1723\\n1728\\n1732 51\\n(1) Living in 1745. (2) Living in 1707, and probably in 1722, when there\\nis a deed from John Hinkes on record in Rockingham county.\\n(3) Randolph returned to England. (4) Chanipernoon was cousin to Sir\\nFerdinando Gorges. He lived sometime in York, Maine.\\n(5) GrafFortand Sheafe removed to Boston and died there.\\n(G) Living inl714 at theage of 83. (7) Died at Col. Appleton s in Ipswich.\\n(8) He was son of Major Ciiarles Ffrost, who is noticed page 143. It\\nmight have been there stated tiiat the major was born 20 July, 1( 31, the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0on of Nicholas Ffrost of Kittery, who was born at Tiverton, in Eno-land,\\nin 1580, came very early to New-England, and died 20 .Tuly,1663, aged\\n74. John, the grandson above mentioned, was born 1 March, 1682.\\nHis wife was Marj sister of Sir William Pepperell. Afler his death, she\\nmarried sticcessively Rev. Benjamin Colman, D. D., of Boston, and Rev.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0435.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "412\\nAPPENDIX.\\nApp. 1 Counsellors.\\nResidence. Diet\\n\\\\A^^\\n172^\\n.Jothain Odioine\\nNew-Castle\\n16 Aug.\\n1748 7o\\ni72s\\nHenry Sherburne\\nPortsmouth\\n29 Dec.\\n1757 83\\n1732\\nRichard Waldron\\nPortsmouth\\n23 Aug.\\n1753 60\\nJoshua Pcircel\\nPortsmouth\\n7 Feb.\\n1743\\n12\\nlienning Wcntworth^\\nPortsmouth\\n14 Oct.\\n1770\\n75\\nBenjarani Gamling\\nPortsmouth\\n1737\\n57\\nKphraim Dennet\\nPortsmouth\\ni heouore Atkiusou 2\\nNew-Castle\\n22 Sept.\\n1779\\nHI\\njl733\\nEllis Huske\\nPortsmouth\\n1755\\nI\\nJoseph Sherburne\\nPortsmouth\\n3 Dec.\\n1744\\n64\\n1739\\nRichard VVibird\\nPortsmouth\\n25 Sept.\\n1765\\n63\\n,1740\\nJohn Riudge\\nPortsmouth\\n6 Nov.\\n1740\\ni5\\ni\\n-John Dowiiino\\n16 Sept.\\n2 May,\\n174^\\n^5\\n74\\nSaaiuel Smith\\n176U\\nJoseph Blanchard\\nSampson Sheafe\\nSamuel Solley\\nDaniel Warner\\nDunstable\\nNew-Castle\\nPortsmouth\\nPortsmouth\\n7 April,\\n1 75.\\n53\\n1772\\n01\\nt7 i\\n175:5\\n177b\\n1754\\nJoseph Nevvmarch\\nPortsmouth\\n1766\\n1759\\nMark H. Wentworth\\nPortsmouth\\n19 Dec.\\n1785\\nJames Nevin\\nPortsmouth\\n6 Feb.\\n1769\\n60\\n1761\\n!;*hn Nelson^\\nPortsmouth\\n1787\\n1762\\nWilliam Temple\\nPortsmouth\\n178S\\nTheodore Atkinson\\n28 Oct.-\\n17G9\\n33\\nNathaniel Barrell\\nPortsmouth\\n1765\\nPeter Livios l\\nPortsmouth\\n1795\\nest\\n1766\\nJonathan Warner\\nPortsmouth\\n15 May,\\n1814\\n87\\nDaniel Rindge\\nPortsmouth\\n12 Jan\\n1799\\n68\\nDaniel Peirce\\nPortsmouth\\n4 Dec.\\n1773\\nDaniel Rogers\\nPortsmouth\\nGeorge Jaftrey\\nPortsmouth\\n25 Dec.\\n1802\\n86\\nHenry Sherburne\\nPortsmouth\\n30 March,\\n1767\\n58\\nPaul Wentworth\\nSomerswo th\\n1772\\nPeter Oilman\\nExeter\\n1 Dec.\\n1788\\n84\\nThomas W. Waldron\\nPortsmouth\\n3 April,\\n1785\\n63\\n1774\\nJohn Sherburne\\nPortsmouth\\n10 March,\\n1797\\n76\\nJohn Phillips\\nExeter\\nApril,\\n1795\\n76\\n1775\\nGeorge Boyd-\\nPortsmouth 1\\n1787\\nBenjamin Prescott, of Danvers, Mass. She died in ]7(I{). Mr. Ffrost had\\nseventeen children. George, the lltli child and the sixth son, was a coun-\\nsellor three years in the time of the Revolution, and a delegate to the old\\nCongress. To his son George Ffrost, Esq., of Durham, the editor is indebted\\nyears\\nTo his\\nfor tlie facts contained in this note.\\n(1) Sworn into office 18 January, 1733.\\n(2) Not sworn into office until 12 Oct. 1734. Gov. Belcher, in a letter, da-\\nted 15 Ann-, 1734, speaking of the expense of their mandamuses, says, I\\nam told W. and A. s mandamuses have already cost them about 100 guineas\\napiece.\\n(3) He went to Grenada, where it is believed he died about 1795.\\n(4) Died in England. W. Winthrop.\\n(5) lie left the state, and was included in the act proscribing 7G persons,\\npassed in 1778, and died on his return from England to this country.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0436.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n413\\nUNDER THE REVOLUTIONART GOVERNMENT.\\nApp.\\nCounsellors.\\n1778 xMeshech Weare\\niVIattliew Thornton\\nWilliam Whipple\\nJosiah Baitlt tt\\nNathaniel Folsom\\nJohn Wentuorth\\nEbenezt-r Thompson\\nWyseman Clagett\\nJonathan Rlanchard\\nSarauel Ashley\\nBenjamin Giles\\nJohn Huid\\n1777 Nicholas Oilman\\nGeorge Atkinson2\\nTimothy Walker\\n[Matthew Patten\\njBenjarain Bellows\\n17791 Moses Nichols\\nJacob Abbot-^\\n1780 George Atkinson\\nJohn ^M Clary\\nTimothy Farrar\\nSamuel Hnnt\\nEnoch Hale\\nCharles Johnston\\n178l Woodbury Langdon\\nGeorge FtVost\\nJohn Hale\\nWyseman Clagett\\nBenjamin Bellows\\n|Francis Worcester\\n|1782 Timothy Farrar\\nJacob Abbot\\nThomas Sparhawk\\nCharles Johnston\\n1783|Francis Worcester\\nResidence iInoH ice.l Di -d\\nHamp.-Falir^l5 Jan.\\n8 19\\n|l 26\\n1810\\n15 15\\n|l: 4\\n3 16\\ni4 18\\n111 9\\n:7 7\\n;3 M3\\ni3 5\\nLondonderry\\nPortsmouth\\nKing^ton\\nE?t:eter\\nDover\\nDurham\\nLitchlield\\nDunstable\\nWinchesterl\\nNewport\\nHaverhill\\nlExeter\\n^Portsmouth\\nConcord\\nBedford\\nWalpole\\nlAmherst\\nI Wilton\\nPortsmouth\\nEpsom\\nNew-Ipswich ij\\nCharlestown 1124\\nWalpole\\nHaverhill\\njPortsmouth\\n[Durham\\nHollis\\nLitchfield\\nWalpole\\nPlymouth\\nSee 1780\\nWilton\\njWalpole\\niHaverhi .l\\nSee 1781.\\n1 24 June,\\n1 10 Nov.\\nMay,\\nMay,\\nJan.\\nAug.\\nDec.\\nJuiv,\\nFeb.\\n1 A(je.\\n1786172\\n1803|r- 9\\n17 .J54\\n179;;]G5\\n1790154\\n1787-^0\\n1 \u00c2\u00ab02l65\\n63\\n50\\nDec.\\n1784\\n1788\\n1792 71\\n1787 70\\nApril,\\nJan.\\nMay,\\nAug.\\nJune,\\nMay,\\nMarch,\\nSee 1777.\\n16 June,\\n1782\\n1806\\n1822\\n1795\\n1802\\n52\\n66\\n85\\n76\\n62\\n1790 50\\n182074\\n1801182\\nAugust, 1799 66\\n5 March,\\n13 Jan.\\n21 June,\\nSee 1776\\nSee 1777\\nSee 1779\\n31 Oct.\\nSee 1780\\n1813176\\n180566\\n1796 76\\n1791 60\\n1802\\n64\\nUNDER THE CONSTITUTION.\\n1784 John M Clary\\nJoseph Badger\\nFrancis Blood\\nMoses Chase\\nNathaniel Peabody\\n1785 John Sullivan\\nMatthew Thornton\\nAmos Shepard\\nEpsom\\nGilmanton\\nTemple\\nCornish\\n\\\\tkinson\\nDurham\\nMerrimack\\nAlstead\\n11116 June,\\nI 14 Jan.\\n1 Nov.\\n|i|l8 Oct.\\nII 29 June,\\n1 23 Jan.\\n1 See 1776\\n2 1 Jan.\\n1812\\nTTrTnerwardsofClaremont. where he du-d. H.s n,u..e\\nGe^lrgfS. (-3) Died at Bransw.ck, Mame.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0437.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "414\\nAPPENDIX.\\nApp. 1 Counsellors.\\nResidence. In otHce. Di\\n!(1. |Age.\\n1785\\nMoses Dow\\nHaverhill\\n2\\n31 March,\\n181164\\n1786\\nChristopher Toppan\\nHampton\\n28 Feb.\\n1818\\n83\\nJoshua Weiitwortb\\nPortsmouth\\n19 Oct.\\n1809\\n67\\nRobert Means\\nAmherst\\n24 Jan.\\n1823\\n80\\n1787\\nJoseph Oilman\\nExeter\\n1806\\n68\\nEbenezer Thompson\\nDurham\\nSee 1776\\nDaniel Emerson\\nHollis\\n4 Oct.\\n1821\\n75\\nMuses Chase\\nCornish\\nSee 1784\\nJohn Pickering\\nPortsmouth\\n11 April,\\n1805\\n67\\n1788\\nPeter Green\\nEbenezer Smith\\nConcord\\nDurham\\n27 March,\\n1798\\n52\\nRobert Wallace\\nHenniker\\nJan.\\n1815\\n66\\nJosiah Richardson\\nKeene\\n125 Feb.\\n1820\\n74\\nWilliam Simpson\\nOrford\\n1823\\n81\\n1789\\nJohn Pickering\\nPortsmouth\\n1 See 1787\\nIchabod Rollins\\nSomersworth\\n131 Jan.\\n1800\\nCharles Barrett\\nNew-Ipswich\\n121 Sept.\\n180S\\n63\\nSandl ord Kingsbury\\nClaremont\\nl\\\\\\nJonathan Freeman\\nHanover\\n8*20 August\\n1808\\n63\\n1790\\nChristopher Toppan\\nHampton\\nl|See 1786\\nJoseph Badger\\nGilmanton\\n3 See 1784\\nRobert Wallace\\nHeniiiker\\n13,See 1788\\nLemuel Holmes\\nSurry\\n4\\ndied in Vermont\\n1791\\nNathaniel Rogers\\nExeter\\n1\\nMay,\\n1829\\n83\\n1792\\nPhillips White\\nS. Hampton\\n2 24 June,\\n1811\\n82\\n1793\\nEbenezer Smith\\nSee 1788\\n3\\n1794\\nChristopher Toppan\\nHampton\\n3 See 1786\\nThomas Bellows\\nWalpole\\n5\\n1795\\nJoseph Badger\\nGilmanton\\n2 See 1784\\n1797\\nJoseph Cilley\\nNottingham\\n2\\nAug.\\n1799\\n65\\nAaron Wingate\\nFarmington\\n6\\n24 Feb.\\n1822\\n78\\nRussell Freemanl\\nHanover\\n5\\n27 Dec.\\n1805\\n67\\n1799\\nJames Sheafe\\nPortsmouth\\n1\\n6 Dec.\\n1829\\n74\\nSamuel Stevens\\nCharlestown\\n6\\n17 Nov.\\n1823\\n88\\n1800\\nJoseph B Ian chard\\nChester\\n2\\n1802\\nLevi Bartlett\\nDavid Hough\\nKingston\\nLebanon\\n6\\n1\\n30 Jan.\\n1828\\n64\\n1803\\nWilliam Hale\\nBenjamin Pierce\\nDaniel Blaisdell\\nDover\\nHillsborough\\nCanaan\\n2\\n6\\n5\\n1805\\nJoseph Badger\\nNahum Parker\\nGilmanton\\nFitzwilliam\\n4\\n2\\nSee 1784\\n1807\\nAmasa Allen\\nDaniel Gookin\\nWalpole\\nN. Hampton\\n2\\n1\\n1 July,\\n1821\\n69\\nWilliam Tarleton\\nPiermont\\n2\\n26 March,\\n1819\\n68\\n1809\\nElijah Hall\\nPortsmouth\\n8\\n22 June,\\n1830\\n87\\nRichard Dame\\nRochester\\n2\\n19 Sept.\\n1828\\n72\\nSamuel Bell\\nAmherst\\n1\\n(1) Murdered by Josiah Burnham.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0438.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n415\\nApp. 1 Counsellors\\nResidence. In\\noffice. 1 Died lAtre.\\n1809\\nCaleb Ellis\\nClareraont\\n2 9 Miiv, 1816 49\\nBenjamin J. Gilbert\\nHanover\\n2\\n1810\\nJediVliah K. Smith\\nAmherst\\n4 17 Dec. 182858\\n1811\\nNathaniel Upham\\nRochester\\n2 10 July, 1829.56\\nIthamar Chase\\nCornish\\n5 August, 1817 55\\nJonathan Franklin\\nLyme\\n2\\n1813\\nNathan Taylor\\nSanbornton\\n1\\nEnoch Colby\\nThornton\\n5\\n1814\\nSamuel Quarles\\nOssipee\\n3:\\nBenjamin Pierce\\nSee 1S03\\n2!\\n1816\\nLevi Jackson\\nChesterfield\\n2 30 August, 1821\\n49\\n1817\\nJohn M. Page\\nTamworth\\n3! May, 1826\\n48\\nJohn Bell, jr.\\nChester\\n5i\\n1818\\nRichard H. Ayer\\nHooksett\\n5\\nSamuel Grant\\nWalpole\\n1\\nJeduthun Wilcox\\nOrford\\n2\\n1819\\nAaron Matson\\nStoddard\\n2\\nJohn French\\nLandati\\n3\\n1820\\nRichard Odell\\nConway\\n3\\n1821\\nSamuel Dinsmoor\\nKeene\\n1\\n1822\\nHunking Penhallow\\nPortsmouth\\n2 24 Sept. 1826\\n60\\nElijah Belding\\nSwanzey\\n2\\nEzra Bartlett\\nHaverhill\\n3\\n1823\\nDaniel C. Atkinson\\nSanbornton\\n2\\nJonathan Harvey\\nSutton\\n2\\n1824\\nThomas C. Drew\\nWalpole\\n2\\nDaniel Hoit\\nSandwich\\n2\\n1825\\nLangley Boardman\\nPortsmouth\\n2\\nJohn Wallace\\nMilford\\n3\\nCaleb Keith\\nWentworth\\n4\\n1826\\nJotham Lord\\nWestmorela d\\n3\\n1827\\nFrancis N. Fisk\\nConcord\\n1\\nAndrew Peirce\\nDover\\n2\\n1828\\nLangley Boardman\\nSee 1825\\n1\\nMatthew Harvey\\nHopkinton\\n2\\n1829\\nFrancis N. Fisk\\nSee 1827\\nBenning M. Bean\\nMoultonboro\\n1\\nJoseph Healey\\nWashington\\nStephen P. Webster\\nHaverhill\\n1830\\nThomas E. Sawyer\\nJesse Bowers\\nDover\\nDunstable", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0439.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "416\\nAPPENDIX.\\nSECRETARIES OF STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,\\nFROM 1080 TO 1830.\\n[Tills list may not be complete, as the Council Records are missing for a\\nnumber of years from the Secretary s office.]\\nAi-i..\\nNames.\\nDiscunt d\\nDied. 1\\nAge.\\n168(J\\nElias Stileman\\n1695\\n1682\\nRichard Chamberlain\\nir,92\\nThomas Davis\\n1696\\nHenry Penny\\n1709\\n1699\\nSampson Slieafe\\n1724\\n76\\n1669\\nCharles Story\\n1714\\nSamuel Penhallow\\n1726\\n61\\nRichard Waldron\\n1753\\n60\\nTheodore Atkinson\\n1779\\n81\\nTheodore Atkinson, jr.\\nTheodore Atkinson\\n1769\\n33\\nas above\\n1775\\nEbenezer Thompson\\n1802\\n68\\n1786\\nJoseph Pearson\\n1805\\n1822\\n85\\n1805\\nPhilip Carrigain\\n1809\\n1809\\nNathaniel Parker\\n1810\\n1810\\n1810\\nSamuel Sparhawk\\n1814\\n1814\\nAlbe Cady\\n1816\\n1816\\nSamuel Sparhawk\\n1825\\n1825\\nRichard Bartlett\\n1829\\n1829\\nDudley S. Palmer\\nTREASURERS OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,\\nSINCE THE REVOLUTION.\\nApp.\\nNames.\\nResidence.\\n1 Dis.\\n1775\\nNicholas Gilman\\nExeter\\n1783\\n1783\\nJohn Taylor Gilman\\nExeter\\n1794\\n1794\\nOliver Peabody\\nExeter\\n1805\\n1805\\nNathaniel Gilman\\nExeter\\n1813\\n1813\\nWilliam Austin Kent\\nConcord\\n1816\\n1816\\nWilliam Pickering\\nGreenland\\n1829\\n1828\\nSamuel Morril\\nConcord\\n1829\\n1829\\nWilliam Pickering\\nConcord\\n1830\\n1830\\nAbuer Bayley Kelly\\nWarner\\nDELEGATES TO CONGRESS,\\nDURING THE CONFEDERATION OF THE STATES.\\nName.\\nResidence.\\nDeath.\\n1 Age.|\\nJohn Sullivan\\nDurham\\n22 Jan.\\n1795\\n54\\nNathaniel Folsom\\nExeter\\n1789\\nJosiah Bartlett\\nKingston\\n19 May,\\n1795\\n65\\nJohn Langdon\\nPortsmouth\\n18 Sept.\\n1819\\n79\\nSome of the followinc; were elected a second and third time. There-\\ncords show that severtal others were elected, who declined the appointment.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0440.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n417\\nName.\\nllesidence.\\nDeath\\nlA :-e.|\\nWilliam Whipple\\nPortsmouth\\n28 Nov.\\n1785\\n54\\nMatthe^v Thornton\\nLondonderry\\n24 June,\\n1803\\n89\\nGeorge Ffrost\\nDurham\\n21 June,\\n1796\\n76\\nNathaniel Peabody\\nAtkinson\\n29 June,\\n1823\\n81\\nWoodbury Langdon\\nPortsmouth\\n13 Jan.\\n1805\\n66\\nPaine Wingate\\nStrathani\\nSamuel Livermore\\nPortsmouth\\nMay,\\n1803\\n71\\nAbiel Fosttjr\\nCanterbury.\\nFeb.\\n1806\\n71\\nNicholas Oilman\\nExeter\\n7 April,\\n1782\\n52\\nJohn Wentworth\\n10 Jan.\\n1787\\n42\\nPhillips White\\nS. Hampton\\n24 June,\\n1811\\n82\\nJohn Taylor Oilman\\nExeter\\n31 Aug.\\n1828\\n75\\nJonathan Blanchard\\nDunstable\\n16 July,\\n1788\\n50\\nPeirce Long\\nPortsmouth\\n31 March\\n,1789\\nDELEGATES TO THE CONVENTION OF THE UNITED STATES,\\nIN 1787.\\nJohn Langdon,\\nNicholas Oilman,\\nPortsmouth.\\nExeter.\\nSENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS\\nUNDER THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.\\nSENATORS.\\nCommenced.\\n1789\\n1789\\n1793\\n1801\\n1801\\n1802\\n1805\\n1807\\n1810\\nJohn Langdon\\nPaine Wingate\\nSamuel Livermore\\nSimeon Olcott\\nJames Sheafe\\nWilliam Plumer\\nNicholas Oilman\\nNahum Parker\\nCharles Cutts\\nIn office.\\n12\\nCommenced.\\n1813\\n1814\\n1817\\n1817\\n1819\\n1823\\n1825\\n1831\\nJeremiah Mason\\nTho. W Thompson\\nClement Storer\\nDavid L. Morril\\nJohn F. Parrott\\nSamuel Bell\\nLevi Woodbury\\nIsaac Hill\\nIn office.\\n4\\n3\\n2\\n6\\n6\\n55", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0441.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "143\\nAPPENDIX.\\nREPRESENTATIVES.\\nCommenced.\\nIn othce. Commenced.\\n1789\\n1789\\n1789\\n1791\\n1793\\n1793\\n1795\\n1797\\n1797\\n1797\\n1800\\n1800\\n1801\\n1801\\n1802\\n1803\\n1803\\n1803\\n1805\\n1805\\n1807\\n1807\\n1807\\n1807\\n1807\\n1809\\n1809\\n1809\\n1809\\n1809\\n1811\\n1811\\nSamuel Livermore\\nAbit l Foster\\nNicholas Gilman\\nJereraiaJi Smith*\\nJohn S. Sherburne\\nPaine Wiugate\\nAbiei Foster\\nJonathan Freeman\\nWilliam Gordon\\nPeleg Sprague\\nJames Sheai ef\\nSamuel Tenney\\nGeorge B. Upham\\nJoseph Pierce\\nSamuel Hunt\\nSilas Betton\\nDavid Hough\\nClifton Clagett\\nThomas W Thompson\\nCaleb Ellis\\nDaniel M. Durell\\nClement Storer\\nJedidiah K. Smith\\nFrancis Gardner\\nPeter Carleton\\nWilliam Hale\\nNathaniel A. Haven\\nJames Wilson\\nJohn C. Chamberlain\\nDaniel Blais.dell\\nJosiah Bartlett\\nGeorge Sullivan\\n1 Sir John A. Harper\\nl8ll!Samuel Dinsmoor\\n1811 Obed Hall\\niSlS^Sarauel Smith|\\nISrSDaniel Webster\\n1813 Bradbury Cilley\\n1813j William Hale\\n1813|Roger Vose\\n1813 Jeduthun Wilcox\\n1815 Charles H. Atherton\\n18l7!john F. Parrott\\n18l7,Salma Hale\\n1817jCli(ton Clagett\\n18l7jArthur Livermore\\n1817 Josiah Butler\\n18l7|Nathaniel Upham\\n1819 Joseph Buflum, jr.\\nI8l9 William Pluraer, jr,\\n1821 xMatthew Harvey\\n182 1 Aaron Matson\\nI82I Thomas Whipple\\n1823 Arthur Livermore\u00c2\u00a7\\n1823 Ichabod Bartlett\\n1823 Titus Broun\\n1823 Joseph Healey\\n1823 Jonathan Harvey\\n1827 David Barker, jr.\\n1829 John Brodbead\\n1829 Joseph Haramons\\n1829 Thomas Chandler\\n1^29 Henry Hubbard\\n1829 John W. Weeks\\nIn oHice.\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n1\\n4\\n4\\n4\\n4\\n4\\n2\\n2\\n2\\n4\\n4\\n6\\n6\\n2\\n6\\n4\\n4\\n8\\n2\\n6\\n4\\n4\\nMr. Smith resigned his seat after attending the May session of 1797 and\\nMr. Sprague was elected tp supply the acancy,\\nt Mr. Sljeafe was elected in the place of Mr. Sprague, resigned, and took\\nhis seat in January, 1800.\\nt Mr. Smith resigned in 1814, and the vacancy was not filled.\\nMr. Livermore was chosen in March, 1830.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0442.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "AT PENDIX.\\n419\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a22^ S\\n9i g^\\nCO a\\n511\\ncq\\nS\\nb\\nJ3 *I\\nm\\n2 o\\nif\\n5\\nto\\nc\\nrt m\\na, s r\\n-ni\\n6\\nj2\\ns\\naj\\nc\\nv ci X:\\n0) QJ\\ncd\\na\\n^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a s\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05.2-S\\nn\\n01\\n\u00c2\u00ab2\\n5s t\\ni\\n^\u00e2\u0096\u00ba5 o\\n=a\\nC5\\nfflSu\\nM s\\ncc SW\\ne\\ng\\nS\\n4;\\no ri\\ns\\n3 E\\nrt c \u00c2\u00abi\\nC3 O r;\\n5 2\\nm u\\nJ) te HI\\nf=\\nC re u\\nS\\ns 5 S\\nii c\\na; S rt\\nC rt e\\nrt S j;\\nc a.\\n23 1\\nl/ a:\\nHi\\ntit\\n2\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a\\nai\\nt\u00c2\u00ab\\n3\\nto B\\n1 1\\nm to\\n5 e\\nc c\\nrt\\n1; c\\na. c\\na E\\n3 E\\n3 C\\nc c\\n!r\\na; t\\na, c-\\nCO IT.\\n?H\\nrt\\n\u00c2\u00ab4\\nqTS\\ni\\na c\\n5 F\\nsS\\noi\\nc P-\\noj\\nai\\nd\\nOJ\\no fcr\\n3\\nc\\nc\\n-c\\n7 c\\nC o\\nc\\nc\\nC\\n_c\\n_^M\\nrt\\nJ j3\\ntj.\\n-3\\nS\\n3 w\\n5-1 5.\\nrt\\nc\\ne-.\\nC\\n5^5\\no a;\\n71\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0J\\n2\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05 c\\n01\\na;\\nS\\nbpt\\nbJD\\nIJ\\nc\\nt4_\\n1^\\nu\\n3\\n71\\nIs\\na.\\nP\\ns\\na) v\\n1)\\n3\\n1-3\\nrt\\ns\\nS-.\\n5-H\\nl,_\\n:q\\nrA .3\\n=Q W\\nca _\\nC2\\nea\\n1 fl)\\nr 1-5 o S o\\nts -a\\nc!\\n-3 C\\nn\\nSi:\\nc\\n01\\nto\\nH\\nPi\\nO\\nH\\nw\\nis\\no\\n5 \u00c2\u00ab.S s\\nPh k\\nr t^ rt q u,\\no^ c E\\no\\nc\\no\\nU\\n3\\nc\\nC\\n-2 s\\ns\\np\\nv t\\nc\\n111\\n;r: re\\n1\\n5 0 t.\\nF hi f\\nS. 3\\nc S\\n2\\n-3\\nSi\\na\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^.H\\nB\\no\\nc\\nir rt\\nOoo-\\nu\\n^:s\\nS^S\\n3\\nt~i IM\\ni^\\n4o\\nto\\nT3\\n|.g|\\no\\nt- 3\\nCm\\n:^s\\n(-1\\n,fcj V*\\n9) .i;\\nQJB-I\\n01\\na\\n1- O\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0B\\n-3\\no\\nC5\\no\\nO\\n3", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0443.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "420\\nAPPENDIX.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0444.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n421\\n5\\n2\\na\\n.S a)\\na\\no\\nB\\n3\\nV\\n3i\\nV,\\n0/\\n3\\n71\\n3\\nto\\nI-I\\n3\\nd\\nu\\na\\nto\\nd\\n-3\\nbr\\n3\\n5\\na\\n3\\n-3\\n3\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0g ai\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a23\\n3\\n3\\nd\\n50 per annum.\\n20 per annum.\\n20 per annum.\\n20 per annum.\\n20 per annum.\\nho\\n_C\\nm\\nd\\nC\\n3 2\\na\\na\\na\\nt? 3\\nm m\\n3 O^\\n3 2\\n5 4J 3 Si\\n3\\niaf)\\nlO\\nM\\n-3\\n3\\naT\\n1\\na\\nto\\nd\\nv\\nbj)\\n3\\nc\\n3\\n3\\n5\\nbrj\\n;h\\nD\\nCO\\n3\\n3\\n5\\n3\\nL.I\\nin\\nu\\n3\\ns\\na)\\n-a\\n5\\nd\\n3.\\n?j\\nbo\\n3\\n0)\\ns\\n3\\nfcl?\\nX\\nJO\\n3\\n3\\n5\\na\\na.\\n3\\nto\\n3\\n3\\n3\\nd\\nu\\na;\\na)\\n.V\\nC\\n5\\n3\\n3\\naj\\na\\n-5\\nbo\\n3\\n2;\\nm\\n_2\\n3\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6J to\\no\\n50\\n_o\\n3\\n-3\\nJ\\nD\\nU\\nj\\n71\\na\\no o o o\\ny 13 -a -a\\nO\\ns\\ngo\\n3\\n3\\n3\\n2\\n3\\ne\\nc\\nc\\n6\\nP5\\n6\\nC\\n6\\n-3\\n3\\nd\\n3 aJ\\nai\\nC d\\nS.2\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05\\n2\\nc\\na\\n3\\nc.\\naj\\n3\\n5\\ncq\\na,\\n1\\n3\\na) -2\\nJ- 0)\\n3\\n^6\\n3 t.-,\\na;\\n0)\\ne\\na) .ti\\nRockingham, Peter Gilnian.\\nStrafford, Thomas W. Waldron.\\nHillsborough, Samuel Hobart.\\nClieshire, Daniel Jones.\\nGrafton, John Hurd.\\nmo;!\\nI* 3 S\\ns s\\n3 1\\nill!\\n3\\n3\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0B\\n-a\\n1)\\nfcr.\\nUl\\n1)\\n3\\n3\\n72\\n_aj\\na)\\nb\u00c2\u00a3\\nu\\n-3\\n3\\n0\\n\u00c2\u00ab-5\\nto\\nV\\nu\\n..C\\n^d\\no\\na\\na)\\nm\\na)\\n03\\nbfl\\nS-t\\nV\\n3\\na)\\no\\na\\nId\\nc\\n1-^\\na;\\n3\\nd\\nd\\na;\\n3\\naj\\nbe\\nd\\n3\\nto\\nS\\naj 3\\nCounty Treasurers.\\n1\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a03 d\\n-3\\nli 7i ci\\nC\\no\\nV\\n01\\n1-4\\na;\\nu\\n3\\na)\\n01\\nto\\n-3\\n3\\n3\\nC5\\n3\\na2_\\nto\\n3\\n3J\\n5\\n0\\nbi\\no\\na)\\nc\\nu\\na;\\n-3\\nt-i\\na;\\naj\\n0)\\nd\\nV\\n0\\ntn\\nd\\nto\\n3\\no\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0/I\\n3\\no\\nJ)\\nv\\nd\\nd\\nP5\\nto\\nd\\n3\\no\\nd\\n_:\\nd 3\\nSO\\nO.i\\n1,1\\nd", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0445.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "422 APPENDIX.\\nOKIGINAL. PAPERS,\\nAND COPIES OF PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.\\n[This portion of the Appendix, excepting tlie articles numbered 14,15,25,\\n33, 54, 55 and \u00e2\u0082\u00aci 2, is printed from the original manusfript cupy of Dr. Bel-\\nknap, from which the first edition of the first volume was printed at Phil-\\nadelphia in the year 1764. It was preserved by the late Ebkni:zer Haz-\\nAnn, Esquire, wlio superintended that volume while in the press, and was\\ntransmitted b} liim to tlie author or his family at Boston. It will be seen\\nthat sixteen ofthc articles, viz. Nos. 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19,20, 21, 26, 30,\\n33, 34, 50, 51 and 53, have never before appeared in the work. Those\\nthree numbered 14, 15 and 33, have been added by the editor. The others\\nwere prepared for the history by the author, but they were not published\\nfor want of room. The Wiieelwright Indian deed ol 1020, as it is indis-\\nputably a forgery, is omitted, althougli the number and title of it are given\\nto preserve tlie numerical arrangement of the papers. Excepting the\\nnumbers from No. 2 to No. 11, inclusive, the ancient spelling, being ex-\\nceedingly variable, and in many instances uncouth, has not been followed.\\nAs some doubts have rested on the genuineness of some of the early pa-\\npers, the former orthography has been retained in the numbers just men-\\ntioned. It has also been retained in Nos. 55 and 59 merely as a curiosity.]\\nNo. 1. Copy of a Deed from four Indian Sagamores to John Wheel-\\nwright and others. 17 May 1629.\\nNo. 2. An original letter from Thomas Eyre, one of the adventurers\\nor company of Laconia, to Mr. Gibbins, their factor.\\nLondon, the last of ISIay, 1631.\\nMr. Gibbins,\u00e2\u0080\u0094Yoms of the 8th April, 1630, from Plymouth I\\nreceived and thereby took notice of your entertaining Roger\\nKnight and here I present his wife 20s. pr. quarter at your de-\\nsire and 3/. per quarter to yours. I hope by this they are both\\nAvith you according to your desire. I wish all your w ives with you,\\nand that so many of you as desire wives had such as they desire\\nfor the adventurers desire not to be troubled with quarterly pay-\\nments.\\nYour next to me is dated the 21st of July last at Pascataquacke,\\nI take notice of your complaints for want of the trade goods, and\\nso much as lieth in me it shall be otherwise, especially if you\\nsend us returnes, doubt you not but that you shall be supplied from\\ntime to time unto your owne contents.\\nYour 3d Ire to me is dated the l4th of August, by which I per-\\nceive divers of the commodities and provisions which you carried\\nwith you in the barke Warwicke, were not to your liking for which\\nI am sorry. You know the trouble w^e had. I could not looke\\nto Mr. Olden s and all besides. I hope by the Pide-Cowe you", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0446.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 423\\nfind it otherwise. I pray write me how you like the hatchetts\\nsent you by that ship and how all goeth.\\nI like it well that your governor will have a stocke of boards at\\nall times readie. I hope you will find soraelhing to reiade both\\nthe Pide-Cowe and the Warwicke. I will now put on the send-\\ning of you the moddell of a saw-mill that you may have one going.\\nYour wife and children, Roger Knight s wife and one wife more\\nwe have already sent you, and more you shall have as you write\\nfor them.\\nAnother Ire I have from you of the 14th August, in which you\\nwrite for another Mason. Wee have had enough to doe to goe so\\nfarre forwards as we have, as Capt. Keyes can tell you, yet now we\\nbegine to take hearte agayne, but the sight of returnes will be that\\nwhich will indeede put life into us.\\nAmong my New-England records I find your Ire unto Capt.\\nMason of the 14th August last, wherein you give a good account\\nof your times spent from the first of June until then, as also of the\\nmanner of your trade which was to Capt. Mason s liking. We\\nhope you will find out some good mines^ which will he welcome newes\\nunto us.\\nBy Mr. Glover we reed. Ires from Capt. Neale, written as we\\nthink about the end of March last, write me I pray, what winter\\nyou had, and how you had your healthes and why Capt. Neale\\nwent not in Septem. last to discover the lakes, as he wrote he\\nwould, and why you did not write by that conveyance.\\nBy the barke Warwicke we send you a factor to take charge of\\nthe trade goods also a soldier for discovrie c.\\nThus I commend you, and your wife, who by this I hope is\\nwith you to the protection of the almightie.\\nYour loving friend,\\nTHO. EYRE.\\nKept untili the 7th of June.\\nNo. 3. An original letter from the company to Ambrose Gibbins.\\nLondon, 5th Decemb. 1632.\\nMr. Ambrose Gibbins, Your sundrie letters we have received.\\nWee doe take notice of your care and paines in our plantation and\\ndoe wish that others had bine that way the same that you are and\\nwill wee hope soe continew. The adventures here have bine soe\\ndiscouraged by reason of John Gibbes ill dealing in his fishing\\nvoiage, as alsoe by the small retuAes sent hither by Capt. Neal,\\nMr. Herbert or any of their factors as that they have noe desire to\\nproceed any farther, until Capt. Neale come hither to confer with\\nthem, that by conferrence with him they may settle things in a\\nbetter order. Wee have written unto Capt. Neale to dismise the\\nhousehold, onlie such as will or canne live of themselves may stay\\nupon our plantation in such convenient places as Capt. Neale, Mr.\\nGodfrie and you shall think fitt j and after conferrence had with\\nCapt. Neale they shall have a reasonable quantity of land granted\\nunto them by deed.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0447.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "424 APPENDIX.\\nWee prait you to take care of our house at Ncwicliwannick and\\nto lookc wdl to our vines, also you may take some of our swine and\\ngoates, which wee pray you to preserve. Wee have committed\\nthe chcife care of our house at Pascattaway to Mr. Godfrie and\\nwritten unto Mr. Warjierton to take care of our house at Straw-\\nberry-bancke. Our desire is that Mr. Godfrie, Mr. Warnertou\\nand you should joyne loveinglie together in all things for our good,\\nand to advise us what our best course will be to doe another yeare.\\nYou desire to settle yourself upon Sanders Point. The adven-\\nturers are willing to pleasure you not only in this, in regard of the\\ngood report they have heard of you from tyme to tyme, but alsoe\\nafter they have conferred with Capt. Neale, they determyne some\\nfurther good towards you for your further incouridgment.\\nWee desire to have our fishermen increased, whereof we have\\nwritten unto Mr. Godfrye. Wee thank you for assisting John\\nRaymond, wee pray you still to be helpful to him that so he may\\ndispatch and come to us with such returne as he hath, and if he\\nhath any of his trade goods remayning unsold wee have willed\\nhim to leave them with you and wee doe hereby pray you to re-\\nceive them into your custody and to put them off with what cou-\\nveuiency you canne, and to send us the retourues by the first shipp\\nthat comes. Thus we commend you and your wife to the protec-\\ntion of the almightye.\\nYour loving friends,\\nJohn Mason, Tho. Warnerton,\\nHenry Gardiner, Tho. Eyre, for my\\nGeo. Griffith, children.\\nNo. 4. Copy of a letter from Ambrose Gibbi7is to the company.\\nAfter my umble duty remembred unto your worships, I pray for\\nyour good health and prosperity. These are certifying your wor-\\nship for the goods I have received from you. I have delivered\\nunto Mr. John Raymon 76lb and 4 ounses of beaver, 10 otters, 6\\nmusquashes and on martin more, that Captain Neale had 3581b\\nand ii ounses of beaver and otter, 17 martins, on black fox skin,\\non other fox skin, 3 racoon skins, 14 musquashes two of them\\nwith stones. Mr Raymon s present departing and the intermixing\\nof all the trade goods in my care until Mr. Vaughan com I cannot\\ngive you any satisfaction\u00e2\u0080\u0094 for the account of trade. I did advise\\nMr. Raymon to returne with all speede unto you. Your letters I\\nreceived the 7th of June. At larg I will write if God wil by the\\nnext. Thus taking my leave I comit your worship to Almighty\\nGod. Your worship s at command,\\nAMBROSE GIBBINS.\\nFrom Newichwanicke,\\nthis 24th of June, 1633.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0448.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 425\\nNo. 5. Copy of another from Gibbins to the compaiu^\\nNewichwanicke, July 13, 1633.\\nRight honourable, right worshippful and the rest, my humble\\nservis rembred. Your letter^ dated the 6th of December and Mr.\\nAres letter third of April I received the seventh of .Tune. The\\ndetaining of the former letter hath put you to a great charge in the\\nplantation. For my care and paiues I have not thought it much\\nalthough I have had very little encouradgement from you and here.\\nI do not doubt of your good will unto mce. For your fishing, you\\ncomplain of Mr. Gibbes A Londoner is not for fishing, neither\\nis there any amity betwixt the West countrimen and them. Bristo\\nor Barnstable is very convenient for your fishing shipes. It is not\\nenough to fit our shipes to fish but they must be sure (God will) to\\nbe at their fishing place the beginning of February and not to\\ncome to the land when other men have half their viage.\\nJNIr. Warnerton hath the charge of the house at Pascatawa and\\nhath with him William Cooper, Rafe Gee,* Roger Knight, and his\\nwife, William Dermit and on boy. For your house at Newich-\\nwannicke, I seeing the necessity will doe the best I can there and\\nelsewhere for you until I hear from you againe. Advise I have\\n?ent but not knowing your intentes I cannot wel enlarge but I re-\\nfer you to Mr. Herbert and Mr. Vaughan. For my settlement at\\nSanders-Point and the further good you intend me I humbly thank\\nyou I shall do the best I can to be grateful. I have taken into\\nmy handes all the trade goods that remains of John Raymon s and\\nMr. Vaughan s and will with what convenience I may put them\\nof. You complain of your returnes you take the coorse to have lit-\\ntle a plantation must be furnished ivith cattle and good hir^d hands^\\nand necessaries for them and not thinke the great lookes of men and\\nmany tcords loill he a meanes to raise a plantation. Those that have\\nbeen here this three year some of them have neither meat, money\\nnor clothes, a great disparagement. I shall not need to speak of\\nthis, you shall hear of it by others. For myself, ray wife and child\\nand four men we have but half a barrel of corne beefe and porke\\nI have not had but on peese this three months, nor beare this four\\nmonths for I have for two and twenty months had but two bar^\\nrels of beare and two barrels and four booshel of malt, our number\\ncommonly hath bin ten. I nor the servantes have neither money\\nnor clothes, I have been as sparing as I could, but it will not doe.\\nThese four men with me is Charles Knell, Thomas Clarke, Steven\\nKidder, and Thomas Crockitt, three of them is to have for their\\nwages until the first of March four pounds per peese and the oth-\\ner for the year six pounds which in your behalf I have promised\\nto satisfy in money or beaver at ten shillings per pound. If there\\nwere necessarys for them for clothing there would not bee much\\nfor them to receive. You may perhaps think that fewer men\\nw^ould serve me but I have sometimes on C \\\\^one hundred] or more\\nIndians and far from neybors These that I have I can set to pale\\n[Probably the same as Ralph Goe, mentioned in Adams Annals, p. 18, aa\\nof Pascataqua in 1631.]\\n56", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0449.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "426 APPENDIX.\\nin ground for come or garden. I have digged a wel within the\\npalizado, ^vherl; is good water, I have that to close with timber.\\nMore men I could have and more employ, but I rest thus until I\\nhear from you. The. vines that loere planted will come to little^ they\\nprosper not in the ground they icerc set, them that groo natural are\\nveri good of divers sorts. I have sent you a note of the beaver\\ntaken by me at Newichwaniclc, and how it hath gon from me,\\nGeorge Vaughan hath a note of all the trade goodes in my custody\\nof the old store John Ramon s and George Vanghan s accomtes, but\\nthe beaver beingc disposed of before I could make the divident I\\ncannot see but it must be all onpackt and be divided by you. The\\no-overnor departed from the plantation the lifteenth of July in the\\nmorning. So for this time I end, committing you to the protectiou\\nof the Almighty and ever rest your loving servant,\\nAMBROSE GIBBINS.\\nNo. C. Copy of a letter from Walter Neal and Thomas Wigghij\\nto the Company, relating to a division of the lands of Pascataqua,\\n1633.\\n[Tlie following is the letter supposed to be spurious. See note on it, pages\\nV2 and 13 of this volume.]\\nMnch honoured, In obediance to your commands have survaied\\nthe river from the mouth of the harbor to Squamscutt falls, and li-\\nquise from the harbor s mouth by the sea side to the Massachusetts\\nbounds, and find that the bounds of your pattents will not aford\\nmore than for two towns in the river of Piscataway and the re-\\nmainder will make another good towne having much salt marsh\\nin it. And because you would have foure townes named as you\\ndesired wee have treated with a gentleman who has purchased a\\ntrackt of land of the Indyans at Squamscutt falls, and your land\\nrunning up to the said falls on one side of the river from the falls\\nabout a mile doAvnw^ard, said gentlemen having a mind to said\\nland on your side to a certain crike and one mile backward from\\nthe river which we agreed on and the crike is called Weelewright s,\\nthe gentleman s name being Weelewright and he was to name said\\nplantation (when settled) Exeter. And the other two towns in\\nthe river, the one North-ham and Portsmouth the other. Bounded\\nas followeth, viz. Portsmouth runes from the harbor s mouth by\\nthe sea aide to the entrance of a little river between two bed lands\\nwhich we have given the names of Little Bore s-hed, and the\\nGrate Bore s-hed, and from the mouth of that little river to go on\\na strait line to the aforesaid creeke which we have named Weele-\\nright s creeke and from thens down the river to the harbor s mouth\\nwhere it began. And North-ham is the bounds of all the land of\\nHilton s Point side. And tlie other land from the little river be-\\ntween the two Boores-Heds to run by the sea till it meets with the\\nline between the Massachusetts and you, and so to run from the\\nsea by said Massathusetts line into the woods eight miles and\\nfrom thence atwart the woods to meet with Portsmouth line neere", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0450.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "Ain^ENDIX. 427\\nVVheleriglit s creek and that tracte of laud to be called Jlamptoiu\\nSo that their is foure towns named as you desired but Exeter is\\nnot within the bounds of your pattents. But the grctc dificulty is\\nthe agreement about the dividing line between the pattent of the\\ntwenty thousand acres belonging to the company of Laconyah and\\nthe pattent of Bluddy poyut the river running so intrycate, and\\nBluddy poynt patent bounds from thence to Squamscutt falls to run\\nthree miles into the woods from the water side. But for your\\nbetter understanding thereof wee have sent you a draft of it ac-\\ncording to our best skill of what we know of it at present, and\\nhave drawn a dividing line between the two pattents, so that\\nPortsmouth is part of both pattents and Hampton we apprehend\\nwill be holly in the twenty thousand acres pattent, and North-ham\\nis the bounds of Hilton s point pattent. If what we have don\\nbe to your likinge wee shall think our time well spent and what\\nfurther commands you w ill please to lay on us Ave shall readily\\nobeye to the utmost of our power. Wee humbly take leve and\\nsubscribe ourselves, Your devoted and most humble servants,\\nNorth-ham on Piscataway river, in WALTER NELE,\\nNew-England, 13 Augst 1633. 5 THOMAS WIGGIN.\\nSuperscribed, To John Mason Esq. governor of Portsmouth to be\\ncommunicated to the pattentes of Lacouiah and Hilton s point,\\nhumbly present in London.\\nWee under written being of the government of the province of\\nMaine doe affirm that the above letter written and sent by Walter\\nNele and Thomas Wiggln and directed to John Mason Esq. gov-\\nernor of Portsmouth to be communicated to the pattentes of La-\\nconiah and Hilton s point, is a trew cojua compared with the orig-\\ninall. And further wee doe affirm that there was foure grete guncs\\nbrought to Piscataqua which w-are given by a marchant of London\\nfor the defence of the river, and at the same time the Eajle of\\nWarwicke, Sr Ferdenando Gorges, Capt. John Mason and the rest\\nof the pattentees sent an order to Capt. Walter Nele and Captn.\\nThomas Wiggin ther agents and governor at Piscataway to make\\nchoise of the most convenient place in the said river to make a\\nfortefecatyon for the defence thereof, and to mount those foure\\ngunes giveen to the place, which accordingly was done by Capt.\\nWalter Nele and Capt. Thomas Wiggin and the pattentes servants,\\nand a draft was sent of the place that they had made choice of to\\nthe said Earle and company, and the draft did containe all the\\nnecke of land in the north este side of the grete island that makes\\nthe grete harbor, and they gave it the name of Fort-poyut, and al-\\nloted it so far backe into the island about a bow-shoat to a grete\\nhigh rocke whereon was intended in time to set the principall forte.\\nThat the above is all truth wee affirme, and by the desire of\\nCapt. Walter Nele and Capt. Thos. Wiggen wee have ordered\\nthis wrighting to ly in our tiles of records of their doings therein.\\nIn witness whereof wee have hereunto sett our hands and seles\\nat Gorgeana, in the province of Maine, in New-England, 20th\\nAugust 1633.\\nRICH. VINES, (Seal.)\\nHENRY JOCELYN, (Seal.)", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0451.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "428 APPENDIX.\\nNo. 7. An original letter from Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt.\\nJohn Mason to Messrs. Wannerton and Gibbins.\\nMr. Vr annerton and Mr. Gibbins^ These are lo let you know\\nthat wee with the consent of the rest of our partners have made a\\ndivision of all our land lying on the north east side of the harbor,\\nand river of Pascataway of the quantities of which lands and\\nbounds agreed upon for every man s part we send you a coppie of\\nthe draft, desiring your furtherance with the advice of Capt. Nor-\\nton and Mr Godfrey to set out the lynes of division betwixt our\\nlands and the lands of our partners next adjoining, because we\\nhave not onlie each of us shipped people present taplant upon our\\nowne landeo at our own charge, but have given direction to invite\\nand aulhoritie to receive such others as may be had to be tenants^\\nto plant and live there for the more speedie peopling of the coun-\\ntrie. And whereas there is belonging unto me Sri Ferdnando\\nGorges, and unto Capt. Mason for himself and for Mr. John Cot-\\nton and his deceased brother Mr. William Cotton, both whose in-\\nterests Capt. Mason hath bought, the one halfe of all matters men-\\ntioned in the inventorie of houshold stufi e and implements left in\\ntrust with you by Capt. Neale, whereunto you have subscribed\\nyour names and whereof a coppie is herewith sent, we desire you\\nto cause an equal division as neere as possible may to be made of\\nall the saied matters menconed in the inventorie inkinde, or if\\nsome of them cannot be so divided then the on halfe to be made\\nequall to the other in valew of all the saied matters, except the\\ncattell and suites of apparell and such other things as belong pcr-\\nticularly to Capt. Mason, and to deliver the said one halfe of all\\nthe saied matters soe to be divided, unto Mr Henry Jocelyn for\\nthe use of our plantations, taking an inventory thereof under his\\nhand of all you shall soe deliver hime, and making certificate to\\nus thereof. And for your soe doeing this shall be you suffitient\\nwarrant and discharge. And so wee rest,\\nYour verie lovinge friends,\\nPortsmouth, Maye 6, FERDIN. GORGE,\\n1634. JOHN MASON,\\nNo. 8. An original letter from Capt. John Mason to Ambrose\\nGibbins.\\nMr. Gibbins, These people and provisions which I have now\\nsent with Mr. Jocelyne are to sett upp two mills upon my own di-\\nvision of lands lately agreed upon betwixt our adventurers but I\\nihinke not any of them will adventure this yeare to the plantation\\nbesides Sr Ferdinando Gorges and myself, for which I am sorrye\\nin that so good a business (albeit hitherto it hath bene unprofita-\\nble) should be subject to fall to the ground. Therefore I have\\nstrayned myself to doe this at this present, and could have wished\\nthat the rest would have joyned to have sent you some provisions\\nfor trade and support of the place, but that failicing I have direct-\\ned to you as a token from mySelfe one hogshead of mault to make", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0452.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 42^\\nyou some beare. The servants with you and such others as re-\\ninaine upon the companies chardge are to be discharged and pay-\\ned their wages out of the stocke of beaver in your hands at the\\nrate of r2s. the pound, whereof I thinke the company will write\\nyou more at large. And wee have agreed to ^evide all our mova-\\nbles mentioned in the inventory that Capt. Neale brought home,\\nwhich were left in trust with you and Mr Wannerton. I bought\\nMr. Cotton s and his brother s parte of all their adventures so\\nthat the halfe of all belongs to Sr Ferdinando Gorges and mysclfe,\\nand of that halfe three quarters will be due to me and one quarter\\nto Sr Ferdinando. These things being equally divided they are\\nto be delivered to Mr. Jocelyne, my three partes of the halfe, and\\nthe other fourth to w^hom Sr Ferdinando shall appointe. And you\\nmust afford my people some house roome in Newichewannocke\\nhouse, and the cowes and goates which are all mine, and 14 swine\\nwith their increase, some ground to be upon till we have some\\nplace provided upon new divided land, or that you receive my\\nfurther order. A copie of the division of the lands is herewith\\nsent unto you.\\nThe stockinges and the mault and the suites of cloathes and\\nsuggar and raysinges and wine that was delivered by Mr. Bright\\nand Mr. Lewes I have not received any satisfaction for, Avherein I\\nmust crave your helpe and such satisfaction as may be sent by this\\nshipp.\\nThe christall stoanes you sent are of Utile or no valew unless they\\nwere so great as to make drinking ciippes or some other workes, as pil-\\nlers for fair c lookeinge glasses or for garnishinge of rich cabinets.\\nGood iron or lead oare I shoidd like better of if it could be found.\\nI have disbursed a great deal of money in your plantation and\\nnever received one penny, but hope if there ivere once a discoverie\\nof the lakes that I should in some reasonable time be reimbursed again.\\nI pray you helpe the rar. what you can to some of the best iron\\nstoane for ballast, and in case he want other ladeinge to fill the\\nshipp upp with stockes of cypress wood and cedar. Let me hear\\nfrom you of all matters necessary, and wherein I may doe you\\nany pleasure I shall be reddie, and so with my heartie commen-\\ndations, I rest your verie loveing friend,\\nPortsmouth, May 5th, 1634. JOHN MASON.\\n(Received lOth July, 1634.)\\nNo. 9, Answer to the foregoing.\\nSir, Your worship have done well in setting forward your\\nplantacon, and for your milles they will prove beneficial unto you\\nby God s assistance. I would you had taken this coorse sooner,\\nfor the marchants I shall be very cautyouse how I deale witli any\\nof them while I live. But God s will be done. I and the world\\ndoth judge that I could not in these my days hav e spent my time\\nfor noethinge. For their sending trade and support I desire it\\nnot. I have supported but now souke under my burthen, the\\nmore I thinke on this, the more is my griefe.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0453.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "430 APPENDIX.\\nI have received the hog;sd. of raault thj^ you sent ine, giveiug\\nyou humble thanks for the same. The sei\\\\aiits that were with\\nme are discharged aud payed their wages for the yeare past and I\\nhave delivered unto Mr. VVannerton 43lb. of beaver to pay those\\nthat were witli liiru lor the year past. For the paying of the ser-\\nvants there old wages or the dividing of the goods I expect a gen-\\neral letter, if not then to heare further from your worshippe.\\nYour carpenters are with me and I will further them the best 1\\ncan. Capt. Neale appoynted me two of your goats to keepe, at\\nhis departinge, I praise God they are 4. Of the goods that Mr.\\nBright left 1 only reed, of Capt. Neale 4 bushells of mault and at\\nseveral times 8 gallons of sacke, and from Mr. Wannerton 7 bush-\\nels and 1 peck of mault, 5 lb. and halfe of sugar and pr of chil-\\ndren stockings and 97 lb. of bcefe which was of an old cow that\\nMr. Wannerton killed, being doubtful that she would not live over\\nthe winter. For these I will pay Mr. Jocelyn for you.\\nperceive you have a great mynd to the lalceSj and I as jreat a\\nwill to a^ sist you. If I had 2 horses and 3 men tvith vie I would by\\nGod s helpe soon resolve you of the situation of it^ but not to live there\\nmyselfe.\\nThe Pide-Cow arrived the Sth Julie, the 13th day she cast an-\\nchor some halfe a mile from the fall, the 18th day the shippee\\nunladen, the 19th feU down the river, the 22d day the carpenters\\nbegan about the mill, the Sth of August the iron stoane taken in\\nthe shipe. There is of 3 sorts, on sorte that the myne doth cast\\nfourth as the tree doth gum, which is sent iu a rundit. On of the\\nother sortes we take to be very rich, there is great store of it. For\\nthe other I know not but may it please you to take notice of the\\nwaight and measure of every sort, before it goeth into the furnace\\nand what the stone of such waight and measure will yeeld in Iron.\\nThis that e take to be the best stone is one mile to the south-\\nward of the great house* it is some 200 rodd iu length, G foote\\nwide, the depth we know not, for want of tooles for that purpose\\nwe tooke onely the surface of the mine.\\nI have paled in a piece of ground and planted it. If it please\\nGod to send us a drie time, I hope there will be 8 or 10 quart-\\ners of corne. You have heare at the great house 9 cowes, 1 Bull,\\n4 Calves of the last yeare, and 9 of this yeare they prove very\\nwell, farre better than ever was expected, they are as good as your\\nordinary cattle in England and the goates prove some of them ve-\\nry well both for milk and breed. If you did send a shippe for the\\nwesterne Islands of 6 score tunne or thereabouts for cowes and\\ngoates it would be profitable for you. A stocke of iron worke to\\nbe put away with your boardes from the mill will be good, nayles,\\nspikes, lockes, hinges, iron workes for boats and pin aces, twine,\\ncauvis, needles and cordage, pitch and tarr, graplcs, ankers, and\\nnecessarys for that purpose.\\nSr I have written unto Mr. John Round to repaire unto your\\nworsliip, he is a silver smith by his trade but hath spent much\\ntime and means about iron, may it please you to send fo;- him, he\\nThe groat house stood opposite to tlie house of Mr. Temple Knight.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0454.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 431\\ndwelleth in Mogull street, if you are acquainted with any finer or\\nmettle man enquire of him and as you see cause send for him, he\\nis well scene in all myneralls if you deale with him he will give\\nyou a good light for your proceedings.\\nThe 6th of August, the shippe ready to set sayle for Saco to\\nload cloave boardes and pipe staves. A good husband with his\\nwife to tend the cattle and to make butter and cheese will be pro-\\nfitable for maides they are soon gone in this country. For the\\nrest I hope Mr. Jocelyn for your own particulars will satisfie you\\nfor I have not power to examen it. This with my humble ser-\\nvice to your worship, I rest your ever lovinge servant,\\nAMBROSE GIBBINS.\\nNewichwaunock,\\nthe 6th of August 1634.\\nNo 10. An original Letter from George Vmighan to Mr. Ambrose\\nGibbins.\\nBoston, August 20, 1634.\\nMr. Gibbins, We only waite for a faire wind. I shall acquaint\\nMr. Mason and the rest of the owners fully of what you and I\\nhave formerly discourst and if they give me incouradgment hope\\nshall see you againe the next yere. Lookeing over my papers\\nfound the inclosed, it being the division of the Townes and the\\ncopia of what Capt. Nele and Capt. Wiggins wroate hoomc to the\\nPatentees of Laconiah and Hilton s poynt. It may be of som use\\nto you hereafter, therefore sent it you, leste Capt. Wiggins should\\nmake another Bluster. Which with my kind Love to you your\\nspouse and little Beck, I am your assured frend,\\nGEORGE VAUGHAN.\\nNo. 11. Another from the same.\\nLondon, lOth April, 1636.\\nLoping frend Gibbens, Wee put into Ireland goinge home, and\\nthere was taken sike and lefte behind, and laye so long before I\\ngot well that it was the latter end of December laste before I got to\\nLondon, and 3Ir. Mason was ded. But I spoke with Sr Ferdinan-r\\ndo Gorges and the other owners, but they gave me no incouradg-:\\nment for New-England. I acquainted them fully of what you and\\nI discoursed, but they were quite could in that matter, Mr. Mason\\nbeing ded and Sr Ferdinando minding only his one divityon.\\nHe teles me he is geting a pattente for it from the king from Pis-\\ncataqua to Sagadehocke, and that betwene Meremacke and Pis-\\ncataqua he left for Mr. Mason, loho if hee had lived ivoidd a tooke a\\npattentfor that also, and so I suppose the affairs of Laconia is ded al-\\nso. I intend to goe for the Este Indyes, a frend of mine have made\\nmee a very good proffer and I thinke to take up with it. Which\\nis what offers at present. Thus with my kind love to you and\\nyour wife and daughter, I am your loving friend,\\nGEORGE VAUGHAN.\\n(Tlie ten preceding papers are in the Recorder s office for Rockingham\\ncounty.)", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0455.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "432\\nAPPENDIX\\nNo. 12. Combination for government at Exeter^ with the fomis of\\noaths for rulers and people.\\n[Not inserted in the former editions.]\\nWhereas it hath pleased the Lord to move the heart of our dread\\nsovereign Charles, by the grace of God, King, c. to grant license\\nand liberty to sundry of his subjects to plant themselves in the\\nwestern parts of America We his loyal subjects, brethren of the\\nchurch in Exeter, situate and lying upon the river Pascataqua, with\\nother inhabitants there, considering with ourselves the holy will\\nof God and our own necessity, that we should not live without\\nwholesome laws and civil government among us, of which we are\\naltogether destitute, do in the name of Christ and in the sight of\\nGod combine ourselves together to erect and set up among us such\\ngovernment as shall be to our best discerning agreeable to the will\\nof God, professing ourselves subjects of our Sovereign Lord King\\nCharles, according to the liberties of our English colony of Massa-\\nchusetts, and binding of ourselves solemnly by the grace and help\\nof Christ, and in his name and fear, to submit ourselves to such\\ngodly and christian laws as are established in the lealra of England\\nto our best knowledge, and to all other such laws which shall upon\\ngood grounds be made and enacted among us according to God,\\nthat we may live quietly a peaceably together in all godliness and\\nhonesty. Mo. 8. D. 4. 1639.\\nDarby Field,\\nRobert Read,\\nEdward Rishworth,\\nFrancis Matthews,\\nGodfrey Dearborne,\\nWilliam Wardhall,\\nRobert Smith,\\nRalph Hall,\\nRobert Seward,\\nRichard Bulgar,\\nJohn Wheelwright,\\nAugustine Storer,\\nThomas Wright,\\nWilliam Wentworth\\nHenry Elkins,\\nGeorge Walton,\\nSamuel Walker,\\nThomas Petit,\\nHenry Roby,\\nWilliam Winborne,\\nThomas Crawley,\\nChristopher Helme,\\nRichard Morris,\\nNicholas Needham,\\nThomas Wilson,\\nGeorge Rawboue,\\nWilliam Cole,\\nJames Wall,\\nThomas Leavit,\\nEdmund Littlefield,\\nJohn Cramrae,\\nPhilemon Purmot,\\nChristopher Lawson, Thomas Wardhall.\\nGeorge Barlow,\\nThe Elder^s or Ruler s Oath.\\nYou shall swear by the great and dreadful name of the high\\nGod, maker and governor of heaven and earth, and by the Lord Je-\\nsus Christ, the prince of the kings and rulers of the earth, that in\\nhis name and fear you will rule and govern his people according\\nto the righteous will of God, ministering justice and judgment on\\nthe workers of iniquity, and ministering due encouragement and\\ncountenance to well doers, protecting of the people so far as in you\\nlieth, by the help of God from foreign annoyance and inward dis-\\nturbance, that they may live a quiet and peaceable life in all godli-\\nness and honesty. So God be helpful and gracious to you and\\nyours in Christ Jesus.\\nThia name is erroneously Bicllycr in Hazard s Collections and in Coll\\nN. H. Hist. Soc. i. 329.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0456.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 433\\nThe Oath of the People.\\nWe do here swear by the great and dreadful name of the high\\nGod, maker aud governor of heaven and eaith, and by the Lord Je-\\nsus Christ, the king and saviour of his people, that in his name and\\nfear, we will submit ourselves to be ruled and governed according\\nto the will and word of God, and such wholesome laws and ordi-\\nnances as shall be desired therefrom by our honored rulers, and\\nthe lawful assistants, with the consent of the people, and that we\\nwill be ready to assist them by the help of God, iu the administra-\\ntion of justice and preservation of the peace, with our bodies and\\ngoods and best endeavors according to God. So God piotect aud\\nsave us and ours in Jesus Christ.\\n(Taken from tlie Town Records of Exeter.)\\nNo. 13. The Combination for Government at Dover.\\nWhereas sundry mischiefs and inconveniences have befallen us,\\nand more and greater may, in regard of want of civil government,\\nhis most gracious Majesty having settled no order for us to our\\nknowledge We, whose names are underwritten, being inhabitants\\nupon the river Pascataqua, have voluntarily agreed to combine our-\\nselves into a body politic, that we may the more comfortably enjoy\\nthe benefit of his Majesty s laws, together with all such laws as\\nshall be concluded by a major part of the freemen of our society,\\nin case they be not repugnant to the laws of England and adminis-\\ntered in behalf of his Majesty. And this we have mutually prom-\\nised and engaged to do, and so to continue till his excellent Majes-\\nty shall give other orders concerning us. In witness whereof, we\\nhave hereunto set our hands, October 22, [1640] in the 16th year\\nof the reign of our Sovereign Lord Charles, by the grace of God,\\nKing of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith,\\nc\\nTHOMAS LARKHAM,\\nRICHARD WALDRON,\\nWILLIAM WALDRON,*\\nwith 38 more.f\\n(From Hubbard s History of New-England:)\\nNo. 14. Petition of the Inhabitants of Portsmouth.\\nTo the honored General Court, assembled at Boston this present\\nmonth of May, 1653.\\nThe humble petition of the iu.habitauts of the town at present\\ncalled Strawberry-Bank^ sheweth\\nThat whereas your petitioners petitioned to the last General\\nWilliam Waldron was their recorder. He afterward removed to SacB\\nand was drowned in Kennebunk river, in September, 1046. [Hubbard.]\\nEdward Colcot was sometime governor of this plantation. Ibid.\\nt [The names of these 38 cannot be found.]\\n57", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0457.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "434. APPENDIX.\\nCourt to grant unto the said inhabitants a competent portion of\\nland to naake us a township, whereby we may be enabled to sub-\\nsist and be useful to the church and commonwealth, our desire is,\\nthat tills honored court will be pleased to shew their favor and\\ngooj will towards us and willingness to accommodate us to the\\nuttermost. And for that purpose, hath desired the honored Captain\\nWiggin to bring his patent to this present court.\\nNow may it please this honored court to take our case into con-\\nsideration and consider of our extreme necessities: First, in re-\\nspect of the number of families which are between 50 and GO, of\\nwhich some are constrained to move for want of land to accom-\\nmodate them with their stock Secondly, the quality of the land\\nwe live on is so bad, it s incredible to believe, except those which\\nhave seen it Thirdly, the place being settled a plantation the\\nfirst of any in these parts, and our willingness in submitting to\\nyour government Fourthly, that all the neighboring plantations\\nabout us which were settled since we, have their townships settled\\nand bounded only we as yet have none Fifthly, that whereas there\\nis much benetrt by saw jr.ills in other towns in this river and adja-\\ncent towns, there is none in this town, but only one which was\\nnever perfected, nor like to be.\\nWe humbly entreat this honored court to take into their view\\nthis neck of land which we live upon, which nature itself hath\\nbounded with the Maine sea and river, as may be seen by the draft\\nof the river, which was presented to the last General Court and\\nnow presented again by our deputy, which neck of land Is far less\\nthan any neighboring town about us.\\nThe desire of your humble petitioners is, that this honored court\\nwould grant us the neck of land, beginning in the great bay at a\\nplace called Cotterill s Delight, and running to the sea according\\nto our former petition presented to the last General Court.\\nAnd whereas the name of this plantation at present being\\nStrabery banke, accidentally so called by reason of a bank\\nwhere strawberries loas found in this place. Now your petition-\\ners humbly desire to have it called Portsmouth^ being a name most\\nsuitable for this place, it being the river mouth and good harbor as\\nany in this land And your petitioners shall humblv pray.\\nBRIAN PENDLETON,\\nRENALD FERNALD,\\nRICHARD CUTT,\\nSAMUEL HAINES,\\nJOHN SHERBURNE.\\nIn behalf ol the rest.\\nOn this petition, it was first proposed to postpone, because of\\nMr. Mason s claim to the land j afterwards granted 28 May,\\n1653, and allowed to be called Portsmouth, and the line of\\nthe township of Portsmouth to reach from the sea, by Hampton\\nline to Winnicovvett river leaving the proprietors to their just\\nrights.\\n(Frora the MasBachuselts Colony Files.)", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0458.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 435\\nNo. 15. Declaration of John Allen, Nicholas Shapleigh and Thom-\\nas Lake respecting the Dover and Swampscot Patents.\\nThe General Court ordering that the petitioners, John Allen,\\nNicholas Shapleigh and Thomas Lake, might make a brief decla-\\nration of their right in the two patents, Swampscot and Dover,\\n(November, 1654.)\\nVVe humbly present to this honored court as foUoweth\\n1. That Mr. Edward Hilton was possessed of this land about\\nthe year 1628, which is about 26 years ago.\\n2. Mr. Hilton sold the said land to some merchants of Bristol,\\nwho had it in possession for about 2 years.\\n3. The Lord Say, the Lord Brook, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Sir\\nArthur Haslerigg,^Mr. Bosville, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Whiting, Mr.\\nHewett and others bought the said land ol Bristol merchants and\\nthey have paid \u00c2\u00a32150. They being writ unto by the governor\\nand magistrates of the Massachusetts, who encouraged tlumi to\\npurchase the said lands of the Bristol men, in respect they feared\\nsome ill neighborhood from them, as some in this honored court\\nmay please to lemember.\\n4. The lords and gentlemen engaged the said land (so purchas-\\ned) aboiit 9 years, and placed more inhabitants at Dover, some of\\nwhich came over at their cost and charges, and had their several\\nletters set forth unto them.\\n5. The 14th of ye 4 mo. 1641, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Saltonstall, Mr.\\nHolyoke, and Mr. ^Makepeace, for themselves and partners, put the\\nsaid patent under the government of the Massachusetts, reserving\\n1-3 of Dover patent, and the whole of the south part of the river,\\nto the lords and gentlemen, and the said court confirmed the\\nlands on them, their heiis and assigns forever, as by the said con-\\ntract fully appears, the l4th 4th mo. 1641, and the 2-3 of Dover\\npatent should remain to the inhabitants of Dover.\\n6. The 7 mo. 1642, Mr. Samuel Dudley and others were ap-\\npointed by the court to lay out the limits of Dover according to the\\nagreement with Mr. Whiting and company, and that nothing be\\ndone to the prejudice of Mr. Whiting and company appears per\\nthe court record 7 mo. 1642.\\n7. The 7 rao. 1643, the marsh and meadows in the great bay\\nand 400 acres of upland was granted to Dover, reserving the right\\nto the proprietors.\\nNow we humbly pray this honored court to take into considera-\\ntion that, this conditional grant to Dover was 2 years and 3 months\\nafter your contract with Mr. Whiting and company, and 15 years\\nafter the owners had purchased and possessed it, during which\\ntime, the whole patent was twice sold and several parts also, and\\nalso it was enjoyed by the owners 13 years before the honored\\ncourt challenged any interest in the said land by the extent of your\\npatent. And that this honored court will be pleased to grant a di-\\nvision of the said lands according as you have formerly ordered.\\n[Copied from the Massachusetts files and communicated to the editor bj\\nMr. Joshua Coffin]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0459.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "436 APPENDIX.\\nNo. 16. Copy of a report uj a Coinmiltee of Refarence on the peti-\\nlioa of Robert Mason., Edward Godfrey, and others to the king,\\n(ill 1661.)\\nTo the King s most excellent Majesty,\\nAccording to your majesty s reference upon the petition of Rob-\\nert IMason, Edward Godfrey, and others, hereunto annexed, bear-\\ning date at Whitehall, the seventeenth of November, 1660, we\\nhave heard the claims and complaints of the petitioners, and also\\nsummoned by process publicly executed at the exchange on the\\n21st dav of January last against all persons interested in that bu-\\nsiness, but Dune appeared but Capt. John Leverett, who acknowl-\\nedged that formerly ha was commissionated as an agent of the\\ncorporation of Boston in New-Eugianu, but that now he had no\\nauthority to appear or act on their behalf.\\nUpon producing of divers letters patents and examination of\\nwitnesses, we find. That Capt. John Mason, grandfather to Robert\\nMason, one of the petitioners, and Edward Godfrey, another of\\ntlie petitioners, by virtue of several letters j)atents under the great\\nseal of England granted unto them and others by your majesty s\\nlate royal i ather,by themselves and their assigns have been in ac-\\ntual and quiet possession of several tracts, parcels and divisions of\\nlaud in New-England, as in and by the said letters patents is par-\\nticuhirly expressed, and that the said Capt. John Masou and the\\nsaid Edward Godfrey did expend and lay out considerable sums of\\nmoney in settling plantations and colonies there That the said\\nEdward Godfrey has lived there for live and twenty years, having\\nunderiione and discharged the office of governor of the province\\nof Maine with much reputation of integrity and justice, endeavor-\\ning the regulation and government of those parts, where he lives\\naccording to the knovrn and settled laws of this kingdom That\\nnotwithstanding, the said Edward Godfrey has not only been turn-\\ned out of his said place of governor, but has been utterly outed\\nand dispossessed of his lands and estate in that country, which the\\ninhabitants of the Massachusetts have forcibly seized and still do\\ndetain the same from him That it appears as well by testimony\\nof witnesses as by a copy of the letters patents that they were not\\nto act any thing repugnant to the laws of England, nor to extend\\ntheir bounds and limits of the said corporation farther than three\\nmiles northv. ard of Merrimack river, and as a memorial and evi-\\ndence thereof, the governor of the Massachusetts did set up a house\\nabout thirty years since, which is called the bound house, and is\\nknown by that name to this day, and with this division and as-\\nsignment or lot of land the inhabitants and patentees of the said\\ncorporation of the Massachusetts rested content for the space of\\nsixteen years together, until about the year 1652, they did enlarge\\nand stretch their line about threescore miles beyond their known\\nand settled bounds aforesaid and havo thereby not only invaded\\nand encroached upon the plantations and inheritances of the peti-\\ntioners and other your majesty s subjects, but by menaces and arm-\\ned forces compelled them to submit to their usurped and arbi-\\nrary government, which they have declared to be independent of", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0460.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 437\\nthis your majesty s crown of Englaud, and not subordinate there-\\nunto.\\nIt appears further by the witnesses, that the colony of Massachu-\\nsetts has for these many years past endeavored to model and con-\\ntrive themselves into a free state or commonwealth without any\\nrelation to the crovv u of England, assuming on themselves the\\nname, and style of a commonwealth, issuing of writs in their own\\nname, imposing of oaths to be true unio theraselvea contrary to\\nthat of allegiance, coining of money with their own stamps and\\nsignatures, exercising an arbitrary power over the estates and per-\\nsons of all such as submit not unto their government, allowing\\nthem no appeals to England, and some have been so bold as\\npublicly to alfirm, that if his majesty should send them a governor,\\nthat the several towns and churches throughout the whole country\\nunder their government did resolve to oppose him, and others\\nhave said that before they of New-England would or should sub-\\nmit to any appeal to England, they would sell that country or\\nplantation to the king of Spain.*\\nThat by reason of the premises the said Robert Mason and Eld-\\nward Godfrey liave been damnified in their plantations and estates\\nto the value of five thousand pounds, according to the judgment\\nand estimation of several witnesses, examined in that behalf. But\\nby what pretciice of right or authority the Massachusetts have\\ntaken upon them to proceed and act in such manner doth jiot ap-\\npear to us.\\nAll which we most humbly represent to your majesty in duty\\nand obedience to your commands, not presuming to oli er any opin-\\nion in a business of so high importance, wherein the public inter-\\nest and government of your majesty appears so much intermixt and\\nconcerned with the private interest of the petitioners.\\nRoBT. Mason, G. Sweit,\\nJa. Bunce, Richard Foxe,\\nTh. Exton, Jo. Mtlles,\\nTrio. PovEY.\\n[Without date] in tlie recorder s otiice for Rocliinghain county.)\\nNo. 17. Copy of a Commission granted by the Massachusetts Gen-\\neral Court in 1665, for sellUi.g the eastern paiis^ lohen disturbed\\nby the King^s Commissioners.\\n[Not inserted in the foruier editions.]\\nThe General Court of the Massachusetts Jurisdiction in New-\\nEngland,\\nTo Thomas Dauforth, Eleazar Lusher\\nand John Leverett, Esquires,\\nYou or any two of you are hereby fully authorized and impowered\\nto repair in person to the counties of Norfolk, Pascataqua and Isle of\\nShoals and Fork, and to call before you any or every person or per-\\nsons that have or shall act in the disturbance or reviling of the\\nVide Hntcliinsoii s collection pa-pera. piige 339.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0461.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "438 APPENDIX.\\ngovernment there settled according to his nnajesty s royal charter\\nto this colony under the broad seal of England and to proceed against\\nihem according to their demerits and the laws here established,\\nand to do any act for the settling the peace of the said places by\\ndeclaration or otherwise according to your good and sound discre-\\ntion, appointing of constables and associates for the courts, and\\nkeeping of the same, according to the articles of agreement made\\nwith said people of said counties respectively. And for the better\\nenabling you herein, all officers military and civil and all others\\nthe inhabitants of this jurisdiction are required to be aiding and\\nassistiiig to you for the ends aforesaid, as you shall see meet to re-\\nquire and in case you shall find it more expedient you may send\\nfor any delinquents as abovesaid, by warrant, directed to any of the\\nofficers of this jurisdiction, or such other as you shall appoint for\\nthe apprehending of their persons and causing them to appear be-\\nfore you in such places as you shall appoint, where after examina-\\ntion you shall further proceed as the matter shall require, and what\\nyou shall do herein to make return to the next General Court, ,c.\\nNo. 18. Copy of an address of the toion of Dover to the Gener-\\nal Court of Massachusetts.\\n[Not inserted in the former editions.]\\nTo the honored General Court of the Massachusetts in Boston,\\nthese presents shew this 9th day ol October, 1665,\\nMay it please the honored Court,\\nWhereas we the inhabitants of Dover have received credible\\ninformation that the inhabitants of the towns bordcsiug upon the\\nriver of Pajcataqua have petitioned his majesty, our dread sove-\\nreign with respect to wrongs and usurpations they sustain in the\\npresent government, under which they reside, for an alienation to\\nbe made among them in the government as his majesty shall please\\nto order the same. We thought it necessary, being orderly assem-\\nbled in a town meeting, to clear ourselves for our ov/n part by these\\npresents, from having any hand in any such petition or remon-\\nstrance and in case any such act hath passed, we look at it as an\\nunworthy misrepresentation of us the inhabitants of Dover to his\\nmajesty, as being done ^vithout any either consent or meeting or\\ncognizance of the town or the major part thereof. Furthermore,\\nas it is our boundeu duty, so upon this occasion we, profess the same\\nthat God assisting, we shall continue in our faith and allegiance to\\nhis majesty by adhering to the present government, established by\\nhis royal charter in the colony of the Massachusetts, being well\\ncontented with the privileges thereof, and willing to perform what\\nis required of us therein according to the articles of agreement.\\nWe beseech the Lord for his presence in the midst of you, and\\nhis blessing upon all your public and weighty occasions, and hum-\\nbly take leave.\\nIt was voted in a public town meeting, October 10, 1665, that\\nthe contents thereof be presented to the General Court as the", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0462.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 439\\ntown s act, and that it be presented to all the rest of our neiii;hbor.s\\nto subscribe their hands as they are willing. This is a true copy\\ntaken from the original, per me.\\nWM. POMFRKT, Town Clerk.\\nRich t) Walduon,\\nWm. Wentw orth, I\\n[Subscribed also John Roberts,\\nby 25 others.] John Davis, j\\nNo. 19. Copy of a similar address from Portsmouth.\\n[Not inserted in the former editions.]\\nTo the honored General Court of the Massachusetts.\\nMay it please you,\\nThat whereas there was a bruit or fame of a petition drawn up\\nby us the inhabitants of Portsmouth and sent to his majesty the\\ncontents of which is to charge the government of the Massachu-\\nsetts with usurpation upon us, and to supplicate an alteration of\\ngovernors and government that his majesty hath at present estab-\\nlished among us, We, the selectmen for the prudential affairs of\\nthe said town, and sundry other inhabitants, do certify the honored\\ncourt that we are innocent and clear of any such act, and do dis-\\nclaim the same as any of our town act, and do account ourselves\\nabused by any that have fathered such a thing upon us.\\nIn testimony whereof, we subscribe our names the 9th day of\\nOctober, 1665.\\nRichard Cutt, l\\nJohn Cutt, 1 o\\nTV 5 T-i f- Selectmen.\\nNath l Fryer,\\n[Subscribed by 16 others.] Euas Stileman, j\\nNo. 20. Copy of a certificate of the same mutter from Rev. Samuel\\nDudley, minister of Exeter.\\n[This certificate is inserted as a note to page 61 of this volume.]\\nNo. 21. Copy of an address of the town of Portsmouth relating to\\nthe College.\\n[This address was not inserted in the former editions.]\\nTo the much honored the General Court of the Massachusetts\\nColony assembled at Boston the 20th of May, 1669.\\nThe humble address of the inhabitants of the town of Portsmouth,\\nhumbly sheweth,\\nThat seeing by your means under God, we enjoy much peace\\nand quietness, and very worthy deeds are done to us by the favora-\\nble aspect of the government of this colony upon us, we accept it\\nalways and in all places with thankfulness. And though we have\\narticled with yourselves for exemption from public charges, yet we", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0463.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "440 APPENDIX.\\nnever articled with God and our own consciences for exemption\\nfrom gratitude, whicli to demonstrate while we were studying the\\nloud groans of the sinking college in its present low estate came\\nto our eais, the relieving of which we account a good work for the\\nhouse of our God, and needful for the perpetuating of knowledge\\nboth religious and civil among us and our posterity after us, and\\ntherefore grateful to yourselves whose care and study is to seek\\nthe welfare of our Israel.\\nThe premises considered, we have made a collection in our town of\\nsixty pounds per annum, (and hope to make it more) which said sum\\nis to be paid annually for these seven years ensuing, to be improved\\nat the discretion of the honored overseers of the college for the be-\\nhoof of the same, and the advancement of good literature there\\nhoping withal that the example of ourselves (which have been\\naccounted no people) will provoke the rest of the country to jeal-\\nousy we mean an holy emulation to appear in so good a .vork, and\\nthat this honored court will in their wisdom see meet vigorously to act\\nfor the diverting the sad omen to poor New-England. If a college\\nbe J-un and comfortably upheld while we were little should sink now\\nwe are grown great, especially after so large and profitable an har-\\nvest that this country and other places have reaped from the same.\\nYour acceptance of our good meaning herein will further oblige\\nus to endeavor the approving ourselves to be your thankful and\\nhua^ble servants.\\nJohn Cutt, In the name and behalf of the rest\\nRich d Cutt, of the subscribers in the town\\nJoshua Moody, of Portsmouth.\\nThe address from the inhabitants of the town of Portsmouth\\nwas presented by Mr. Richard Cult and Mr. Joshua Moodey, 20th\\nMay, 1669, and gratefully accepted and the Governor, in the\\nnaine of the whole court, met together, returned them the thanks\\nof this court for their pious and liberal gift to the college herein\\nmentioned.\\nAttest,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary,\\n(The four preceding papers are taken from the Mass. Records.)\\nNo. 22. Copy of Robert Mason s Petition to the King.\\nTo the King s most excellent majesty The humble petition of\\nRobert Mason, proprietor of the province of New-Hampshire, in\\nNew-England, sheweth,\\nThat your majesty s royal grandfather king James, of ever bless-\\ned memory, did by his highness letters patents under the great\\nseal of England, bearing date at Westminister, the third day of\\nNovember, in the eighteenth year of his reign, give, grant and\\nconfirm unto several of the principal nobility and gentry of this\\nkingdom by the name of the council of New-England, their\\nsuccessors and assigns forever, all the land in America lying be-\\ntween the degrees of 40 and 48 north latitude, by the name of\\nNew-England, to be held in fee, with many royal privileges and", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0464.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 441\\nimmunities, only paying to his majesty, his heirs and successors,\\none fifth part of all the ore of gold and silver that should at any\\ntime be found upon the said lands, as by the said letters patents\\ndoth at large appear.\\nThat John Mason, Esq., your petitioner s grandfather, by virtue\\nof several grants from the said council of New-England, under\\ntheir common seal, bearing date the 9th of March, 1621, the 10th\\nof August, 1622, the 7th of November, 1629, and the 22d of April,\\n1635, was instated in fee in a great tract of land in New-England,\\nby the name of New-Hampshire, lying upon the sea-coast be-\\ntween the rivers of Naumkeak and Pascataqua, and running up\\ninto the land westward threescore miles, with all the islands lying\\nwithin five leagues distance of any part thereof, and also the south\\nhalf of the Isles of Shoals and also the said John Mason, to-\\ngether with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, knt. was enfeolled by the a-\\nifbresaid council of New-England in other lands by the name of\\nLaconia, by their deed bearing date the 27th day of November,\\n1629, the said lands lying and bordering upon the great lakes and\\nrivers of the Iroquois and other nations adjoining. All which\\nsaid lands to be held as fully, freely, in as large, ample and bene-\\nficial manner and form to all intents and purposes whatsoever as\\nthe said council of New-England by virtue of his majesty s said\\nletters patents might or ought to hold and enjoy the same, as by\\nthe said several grants appears.\\nWhereupon your petitioner s said grandfather did expend up-\\nwards of twenty-two thousand pounds in transporting people,\\nbuilding houses, forts, and magazines, furnishing them with great\\nstore of arms of all sorts, with artillery great and small, for de-\\nfence and protection of his servants and tenants, with all other\\nnecessary commodities and materials for establishing a settled\\nplantation.\\nThat in the year 1628, in the fourth year of the reign of your\\nmajesty s royal father, some persons did surreptitiously and un-\\nknawn to the said council, get the seal of the said council affixed\\nto a grant of a certain lands, whereof the greatest part were sol-\\nemnly past unto your petitioner s grandfather and others long be-\\nfore, and soon after did the same persons by their subfile practices\\nget a confirmation of the said grant under the great seal of Eng-\\nland, as a corporation by the name of THE CORPORATION\\nOF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY IN NEW-ENGLAND,\\nyour majesty s royal father being umcitting thereof, and having thus\\nby fraud obtained a grant and confirmation, they compelled the\\nrightful inhabitants to desert their plantations, and by many out-\\nrageous actions they became possessed of that part of the country,\\ndeclaring themselves to be a free people, framing to themselves\\nnew laws, with new methods in religion absolutely contrary to the\\nlaws and customs of this your majesty s realm of England, punish-\\ning divers that would not approve thereof, some by whipping,\\nothers by burning their houses, and some by banishing, and the\\nlike.\\nAt last the complaints of the oppressed subjects reaching the", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0465.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "442 APPENDIX.\\nears of your royal father, his majesty caused the whole matter to\\nbe examined before his most honorable privy council aud all being\\nfully proved, his majesty did comniand the council of New-Eng-\\nland to give an account, by what authority, or by whose procure-\\nment those people of the Massachusetts Bay were sent over, his\\nmajesty conceiving the said council to be guilty thereof.\\nBut the said council of New-England made it plainly to appear\\nto his majesty that they were ignorant of the whole matter aud\\nthat they had no share in the evils committed and wholly disclaim\\nthe same, and the said council finding they had not suriicient means\\nto give redress and rectify what was brought to ruin, they humbly\\nreferred it to his majesty to do therein as he pleased, and thereupon\\nthe said council of Nevi -Eugland resolved to resign, and did\\nactually resign, the great charter of New-England into his\\nmajesty s royal hands, seeing there was an absolute necessity\\nfor his majesty to take the management of that country to him-\\nself, it being become a business of high consequence and only\\nto be remedied by his sovereign power, all which appears by\\nthe declaration of the council of New-England dated the 25th of\\nApril, 1635, together with the act of surrender of the great charter\\nof New-England dated the 7th day of June, the same year.\\nThat immediately thereupon, his majesty in trinity term, 1655,\\ncaused a quo warranto to be brought up by Sir Joim Banks, his\\nmajesty s then attorney general, against the goveriior, deputy gov-\\nernor, and every of the assistants of the said corporation of Massa-\\nchusetts in New-England severally, according to their names men-\\ntioned in the said patents of incorporation, being twenty-six per-\\nsons, whereof two being dead, of the remaining twenty-four per-\\nsons, there did fourteen at several times appear at the king s bench\\nbar and there disclaimed the charter, the remaining ten persons\\nwere outlawed, and thereupon judguicnt given for the king, that\\nthe liberties and franchises of the said corporation of Massachu-\\nsetts Bay should be seized iuto the king s hands and the body of\\nthe governor to be taken into custody for usurping the said liber-\\nties, all which appears by the rolls in the crown office, and office\\nof cujtos breviutn for the king s bench of the proceedings iu the\\nseveral terms from the year 1635 to 1637.\\nThat thereupon his said royal majesty on the 3d day of May,\\n1637, did order in council that the attorney general be required\\nto call for the said patent and present the same to the board, and\\nhis majesty by his declaration of the 23d of July, 1637, in the 13th\\nyear of his reign declared his royal pleasure for establishing a gen-\\neral government in his territory of New-England for the preven-\\ntion of the evils that otherwise might ensue for default thereof,\\nthereby declaring Sir Ferdinando Gorges to be governor general\\nof the whole country and requiring all persons to give their obe-\\ndience accordingly.\\nThat the wars and troubles immediately ensuing in Scotland\\nand presently after here in England, did hinder his said majesty\\nfrom settling that country or prosecuting the right which he intend-\\ned his subjects, however the proceediugs of his majesty caused", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0466.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 443\\nsome restraint to tlie further violences and oppressions of the said\\nMassachusetts, and they contained tlieniselves for a time within\\ntheir pretended bounds, but no sooner was that king of blessed\\nmemory, your royal father, become a sacrifice, but they renewed\\ntheir former violences by oppressing all the other colonies and\\ndesigning by encouragemenl from some in England to erect them-\\nselves into a commonwealth, and in order to lay a foundation for\\nthispowerand dominion which they now aspired unto, they thought\\nit necessary to extend their bounds and spread into a larger terri-\\ntory than as yet they had usurped, and that this work might not be\\ndone without a mask or color of riglit, they do in an assembly held\\nat Boston, the 19th of October, 1652, seriously peruse the grant\\n(which had been procured as aforesaid) and therein weighing the\\nwords, and trying what new seu^ they might bear more suitable\\nto their increase of power, they thought fit at length to decla e\\nthemselves mistaken in what they had done in the year 1631,\\nwhen they erected bound-houses and had for so many years con-\\nfined themselves thereunto, whereas now bj the help of an imag-\\ninary line, or rather by a new reason of state, there is a sense im-\\nposed by themselves upon their own icords, and they stretch their\\nrights to near two hundred miles of land northward and as much\\nsouthward more than they were satisfied withal before, swallow-\\ning up your majesty s petitioner as well as others, whose properties\\nwere established long before the said people had any being. And\\nthat they might give execution to this righteous sentence they\\npresently invade and bif jorce of arms seize upon the province of\\nNew-Hampshire, and other lands of right belonging to your peti-\\ntioner, besides what the) did to others, compelling the inhabit-\\nants to swear to be true to them and to cast off their lawful lords,\\nand such as refused were either ruined, banished or imprisoned,\\nand any appeals to England utterly denied unto them, then they\\nproceed to coining of money with their owhi impress, raising the\\ncoin of England, and acting in all matters in a most absolute and\\narbitrary w^ay. And although your petitioner by his agent Joseph\\nMason did demand redress of the general court of Massachusetts\\nsetting at Boston in 1652, offering to make out the right and title\\nof your petitioner to the province of New-Hampshire and other\\nlands against all persons whatsoever, yet no restitution could be\\nobtained without a submission to their authority, and to hold the\\nlands from them which the petitioner then did refuse and hath al-\\nways refused, choosing rather to wait for more happy times where-\\nin to expect relief than by a legal resignation of his rights to those\\nwho had none at all divest himself of what his ancestors had pur-\\nchased at so dear a rate Your petitioner having as equal a\\nright to the government in the said province as he hath to the land\\nitself, all which appears by a report made to your majesty the 15th\\nof February, 1661, when your petitioner first exposed to your\\nmajesty the oppressions under which he had so long groaned, in\\nthe evil times, and which grieves him now much more to bear\\n\\\\Thile he has the protection of so just and gracious a sovereign to\\nresort to.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0467.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "444 APPENDIX.\\nWherefore your petitioner most humbly implores your majesty\\nto take notice, that (by a plain discovery of what fraud in the be-\\nginning and the length of troubled times has helped to conceal)\\nthe Bostoners have no patent of incorporation at all, that yet they\\nhave under color of right and authority from the crown devoured\\nyour petitioner aud other proprietors whose titles are by your n\u00c2\u00bbaj-\\nesty s learned council allowed as strong as the law can make them.\\nThat all ways have been tried and methods used to obtain jus-\\ntice from the Bostoners, but all have proved ineffectual, that your\\npetitioner s losses have been so many and great, and his sufferings\\nso continued, that he cannot any longer support the burthen of\\nthem. And when your majesty will but consider how small the\\nrespect has been wherewith those people have treated your majes-\\nty since your happy restoration, and what daily breaches are by\\nthem made upon your majesty s acts of navigation, which turns so\\ngreatly to the detriment of this kingdom in general, these losses\\nand sufferings of a particular subject cannot much be questioned,\\nso that your petitioner humbly hopes that your majesty will think\\nit high lime to stretch forth your royal hand of justice to assist\\nyour petitioner, that he may have the quiet possession of his prov-\\nince, and reparation made him for the losses sustained, in such\\nways and methods as the importance of the case requires, and your\\nmajesty in your royal wisdom shall think most fit.\\nAnd your petitioner shall ever pray.\\nROBT. MASON.\\n(From a copy in the possession of the ALasonian proprietors.)\\nNo. 23. Copy oj the answer of Massachusetts to Mason s and Gor-\\nges^ complaints.\\nA brief declaration of the riglit and claim of the governor and com-\\npany of the Massachusetts Ray in New-England, to the lands\\nnow in their possession, but pretended to by Gorges and Mr.\\nMason, together with an answer to their several pleas and com-\\nplaints in their petitions exhibited Humbly presented and\\n;ubraitted by the said governor and company to the king s most\\nexcellent majesty, as their defence.\\nIn the year of our Lord 1628, in the third year of his late maj-\\nesty Charles the First, of happy memory, several loyal and pioui^ly\\ndisposed gentlemen obtained of the great council of New-England,\\na grant of a certain tract ef land lying in New-England, described\\nand bounded as therein expressed which was in all respects fair-\\nly and openly procured and with so good an intent of propagating\\nthe gospel among the natives, and to advance the honor and dig-\\nnity of his late majesty, of happy memory, that they were bold to\\nsupplicate his said majesty to superadd his royal confirmation\\nthereto, which accordingly in an ample royal charter was passed\\nand remains under the broad seal of England, March the 4th, 1629,\\nin the fourth year of his majesty s reign, with further additions and\\nenlargements well becoming so royal a majesty, and suitable for", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0468.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 445\\nthe encouragement of so hazardous and chargeable an adventure.\\nIn pursuance whereof many of the said patentees and other ad-\\nventurers transported themselves and estates, and settled in the\\nmost known and acconunodable parts of those lands contained in\\nthe said charter, neither time, estate, nor power suflering them spee-\\ndily to survey the just extent of their limits. Not many years dif-\\nferent in time, several others also of his majesty s subjects obtained\\nother grants, and made several settlements in the more northern\\nand eastern parts of the country, with whom for several years we\\nhad neighborly correspondence, being as they supposed without\\nthe limits of our patent, amongst whom the present claimers and\\npetitioners were. These grants partly by reason of the smallness\\nof some of them, and partly by reason of dark involved and dubious\\nexpression of their limits, brought the inhabitants under many en-\\ntanglements and dissatisfactions among themselves, which there\\nbeing no settled authority to be applied to, being deserted and for-\\nsaken of all such as by virtue of said grants did claim jurisdiction\\nover them and had made a successless essay for the settlement of\\ngovernment among them proved of some continuance, unto the\\ngreat disquiet and disturbance of those his majesty s subjects that\\nwere peaceable and well disposed amongst them; to remedy which\\ninconvenience they betook themselves to the Avay of combinations\\nfor government, but by experience found it ineffectual. In this\\ntime ignorance of the northerly running of Merrimack river, hin-\\ndered our actual claim and extention of government, yet at length\\nbeing more fully settled, and having obtained further acquaintance\\nand correspondency with the Indians possessing the uppermost\\nparts of that river, encouraging an adventure, as also frequent solic-\\nitations from the most considerable inhabitants of those eastern\\nparts, earnestly desiring us to make proof of, and ascertain our in-\\nterest, we employed the most approved artists that could be obtain-\\ned, who upon their solemn oaths made returns, that upon their\\ncertain observation our northern patent line did extend so far north\\nas to take in all those towns and places which we now possess\\nwhich when the inhabitants as well as ourselves w^ere satisfied in,\\n(urged also with the necessity of government amongst them) they\\npeaceably and voluntarily submitted to the government of the Mas-\\nsachusetts, (viz.) Dover, Squamscot and Portsmouth, anno 1641,\\nKittery, York and Wells, anno 1652 and 1653, from which times\\nuntil the year 1662, when there was a small interruption by a let-\\nter of Mr. Gorges, and afterwards in the year 1665, (when his\\nmajesty s commissioners. Colonel Nicolls and others, came over)\\nthe inhabitants of those parts lived well satisfied and uninterrup-\\nted under the Massachusetts government. But when the said\\ncommissioners neither regarding the Massachusetts just right nor\\nthe claims of Mr. Gorges and Mr. Mason, settled a new form of\\ngovernment there, but this hardly outlived their departure, the\\npeople impatient of innovations, and well experienced and satisfi-\\ned in their former settlement, quickly and quietly returned to order\\nagain and so continue unto this time. This is in a few words the\\ntrue state of the matter; for the further illustration whereof and", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0469.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "446 APPENDIX.\\njustilication of our proceedings therein, and rindication of ourselves\\nfrom the repn^achfnl imputation of usurping authority over his\\nmajesty s subjects in the astern parts pretended to, with other\\nscandals cast upon us by the petitioners, we humbly present the\\nfollowing pleas l\\\\v way of demonstration, and argue that our ex-\\nteiision of go\\\\orn nent to those eastern parts claimed is agreeable\\nto our indubitable patent right; our patent according to the ex-\\npress term therein contained without any ambiguity or color of\\nother interpretation, lies between two east mid west parallel lines\\ndrawn from the most southerly part of Charles river and the most\\nnoriherli/ part of Merrimack, with three miles advantage upon each,\\nwhich upon th*^ observation of men of approved and undoubted\\ntruth upon oath, are found distant one degree and forty-nine min-\\nutes north latitude, being to extend in full latitude and breadth\\nfrom sea to sea (ut in termiuis) and therefore cannot be bounded\\nby many hundreds or infinite numbers of lines, as the river Merri-\\nmack maketh bends or angles in two hundred miles passage from\\nWinnipiseogee lake to the mouth thereof, which to imagine, as it\\nis irrational, so would it involve us and any borderer into so many\\ninextricable disputes as are by no ways to be admitted by a prince\\nseeking bis subjects peace. Besides were such a construction\\nallowable, (which with uttermost straining is) yet all favorable in-\\nterpretation is to be oflfered the patentees by the gracious expres-\\nsion of the charter. Now according to the aforementioned obser-\\nvation, (so confirmed) all those eastern plantations challenged by\\nour opponents (ut supra) are comprehended within our northerly\\nline. We deny not but the artists of theirselves, and if any ques-\\ntion thence arise, we fear not to submit to trial to the most exact\\nand rigorous test that may be. The invincible strength of this\\nour first plea, may further appear by the consideration of the friv-\\nolous and insignificant allegations of the petitioners in opposition\\nthereunto, viz. 1st. The nonextension of our line or assertion of\\nour right to those eastern parts for some years, ignorance, as our\\ncase was circumstanced, debarring no mail of his just riglit, neither\\ncan it reasonably be supposed that the exact survey of so large a\\ngrant, in so hideous a wilderness, possessed by an enemy, would\\nbe the work of a few years, our own poverty not affording means,\\nand our weakness (allowing no deep adventure into the country)\\npermitting us not to view the favorable running of the river, which\\nnone can imagine altered its course by our delay we may as well\\nbe deprived of far more than we possess or ever saw on our west-\\nern parts to the south sea (which none will deny) because we\\nhave not surveyed it or are soon like to be able, as be taken from\\nour northern right so obvious to the meanest artist.\\n2dly. The possession-house in Hampton of so little signification\\nand so long since disused, that Mr. Mason hath forgot the name\\nthereof and calleth it Bound -house, erected to give the world to\\nknow that we claimed considerably to the northw^ard of our then\\nhabitations upon the bay, though we did not know the utmost ex-\\ntent of our right, our fathers not being so ignorant of the law of\\nthe realm to which they did appertain as to suppose the taking", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0470.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 417\\npossession of part did debar them of the remainder but the con-\\ntrary and we challenge Mr. Mason or any on liis bLhalf, promis-\\ning our records shall be open to the most scrutinous search to\\nprove it, either called or intended according to his abuse thereof.\\n3dly. That notorious falsehood of stretching our right to near\\nfour hundred miies north and south more than iuiuu^rly we were\\nsatisfied with, our whole breadlii being l)ut one hundred and nine\\nmiles which is not much more than a quarter part of what he\\nwould have the world believe our new claim and (as he would\\ninsinuate) usurped territory doth contain, arising (we would char-\\nitably belie\\\\ e) partly from ignorance of the coa^sling of the coun-\\ntry, Mr. Mason accounting by the sea-side, and we suppose coast-\\ning in the measure of every harbour and cove to make up that cal-\\nculation, which lies much of it due east and not to the north,\\nbut we fear malevolently suggested (as many other things as of\\nlittle credit) to introduce into his majesty s royal breast a belief that\\nwe are unreasonable in our pretensions, and so unworthy of his maj-\\nesty s favor, which we hope such unlawful endeavours will never\\nbe so prosperous as to obtain. What may be further added to\\nthis our first plea, may be supplied from the reasons formerly pre-\\nsented. We urge secondly, I he invalidity of those grants pre-\\ntended to by the petitioners, which are of two sorts 1st. Such\\nas bear date after ours, which we see no reason to fear any inter-\\nruption from. Secondly, Such as are pretended to bear date be-\\nfore ours, against which we object that they are not authentic,\\nwanting a sufiicient number of grantors to make them so, none of\\nthem as we presume will appear upon trial having above six hands\\nand seals annexed to them, the said council of JNew-England con-\\nsisting of forty, and his majesty s grant to them expressly requir-\\ning (as we are informed) seven at the least to sign to make any\\nvalid act and indeed JNIr. Mason s own often unwearied renewal\\nof his grants in 1621, sixteen hundred twenty-two, sixteen hun-\\ndred twenty-nine and 1635, (as he saith) tacitly confesseth the\\nsame invalidity, in the former putting him to charge for the latter,\\ntill at last he fell into such a trade of obtaining grants that his last\\nand most considerable was six years after the grant of our charter\\nfrom his majesty, and but three days before the said council s\\ndeclaration of their absolute resolution to resign, and but a few\\ndays before their actual surrender, as he asserts which of what\\nvalue and consideration it is from the said council s circumstanced\\nunder a necessity of resignation of their great charter, procured\\nrather by the clamor of such ill aifected persons us the present\\ncomplaint than by any true account of dissettlement or ill man-\\nagement here, is not difficult to judge. Hence it appears, first,\\nhow little reason Mr. Mason hath to brand us with fraud or sur-\\nreptitiousness in obtaining our charter; which hath most show of\\nfraud and surreptitious procuration, a sufficient number of those\\nhonorable persons subscribing ours and fewer his pretended anteda-\\nted grants, is easy to determine. In which assertion is to be ob-\\nserved the high reflection cast upon the members of his late ma-\\njesty and ministers of state, groundlessly rendering the council s", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0471.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "448 APPEiNDlX.\\nseal, yea the great seal of England, exposed to fraud and deceit-\\nful clandestine practices; yea upon his present majesty, insinuat-\\ning himself better acquainted with matters of state than he who\\nallows and co .ifirms our grant as authentic by his gracious letter\\nof sixteen hundred sixty-two, which intolerable boldness how\\nunbeconiing (not to say more) in a subject, it is not easy for us\\nto say. To all wdiich we uiay add Sir Ferdinando Gorges appli-\\ncation to the authority here to interpose in his aliair, which he,\\nbeing oue of the great council, would have been far from ac-\\nknowledging, had Mr. Mason s allegations been founded upon\\ntruth.\\nSecondly, That articles of charge depending upon such illegal\\nand post-dated grants cannot take place against us were their dis-\\nburse as great as it is affirmed, which by eye witnesses upon the\\nplace and still living are proved comparatively very inconsiderable.\\n3dly. We affirm that the whole management of the aliair re-\\nspecting our government of those eastern parts was in an orderly\\nand peaceable way, and not without the leiterated and earnest so-\\nlicitation of most of the people there inhabiting, sufficiently ap-\\npearing by their several petitions and we challenge Mr. Gorges\\nand Mr. Mason by any living evidence or record to shew^ any sign\\nof a forcible entrance Some magistrates upon the clearing of our\\nright to them and acceptance of the tender of themselves to us,\\nbeing sent thither without any other force than each of them a ser-\\nvant to attend them. Indeed some years after Capt. Bonythou for\\nmutinous carriage was seized and brought to justice concerning\\nwhich and many other cases many inhabitants yet living and eye\\nwitnesses cau give the most impartial evidence.\\n4thly. We offer to consideration that the deserted and ungov-\\nerned state of the people of those places had we not had that pa-\\ntent right so clearly evinced, might warrant our actions especial-\\nly considering the obligation upon us to secure his majesty s hon-\\nour and maintain the public peace, so hazarded by the total want\\nof government amongst them. Our first exercise of jurisdiction\\nbeing in the year 1641, eight years after Capt. Neal, agent for\\nMr. Mason, had wholly deserted the improvement of land and\\nthe government of the country, which indeed he never used but\\none year, for in the year 1630 he first came over, and in the year\\n1634 he quitted the place and in the interim, neglected the same\\nin making a voyage for England, the short time of his tarriance\\nnot admitting of settlement of government or improvement. We\\nmay hereto subjoin that Mr. Joseph Mason, agent for Mrs. Anne\\nMason, when here and all things were fresh in memory, made no\\ndemand contrary to what is affirmed, but petitioned our justice\\nagainst his debtors there and elsewhere, and that Sir Ferdinando\\nGorges his grant being so mean and uncertainly bounded that he\\nknew not well how to find, much less to improve, to considerable\\nadvantage, by his letter bearing date doth devolve the\\nwhole charge and care of his pretended provnice upon the authori-\\nty here estal)lished. Lastly, Tliat the exercise of jurisdiction in\\nthose eastern parts hath been and is his majesty s honour, the peo-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0472.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 449\\npie s great benefit, and our charge witlioiit profit, which had it not\\nbeen, the ruin of those parts would have unavoidably ensued in\\nthe want of all government, and their seizure by the French, who\\never waited a lit opportunity for the same. They have part of\\nthem lor thirty-live years and others twenty years (some small\\ninterruption intervening producing the stronger inclination and re-\\nsolution in them to be constant to his majesty s authority here, liv-\\ned ujider the government of the Massachusetts a quiet, well ord-\\nered and thriviiig people. And as for any complaint from ill af-\\nfected persons, it is well known that the best and wisest govern-\\nment is not without disquiet from some such and no wonder if\\nsilly people are soon affected with such lair glossing promises as\\nMr. Mason hath made and published, as it were determining the\\ncase before trial by his late letters to the inhabitants in those parts,\\nand that our government in those places have been no gain, is so\\nunquestionable a truth, that never was any levy laid upon them for\\nthe supply of the public treasury, though much bath been and is\\nfurther like to be expended for their security, who otherwise will\\ninevitably become an easy prey to the heathen, now in hostility\\nwith us, and at this present time raging in those parts.\\nThe before written, is a true copy transcribed from the records\\nof the general court of the laie colony of the Massachusetts\\nBay, held by the governor and company of the said colony, at\\nBoston, the 6th of September, 1676.\\nExamd. per ISA. ADDINGTON, Se.- y.\\nNo. 24. Copy oj the Report of the Lords Chief Justices^ and the\\nKing^s confirmation thereof\\nAt the Court at Whitehall, July 20, 1677.\\n(L. S.) Present the King s most excellent majesty.\\nLord Chancellor, Earl of Craven,\\nLord Treasurer, Lord Bishop of London,\\nLord Privy Seal, Lord Maynard,\\nDuke of Ormond, Lord Berkley,\\nMarquis of Worcester, Mr. Vice Chamberlain,\\nLord Chamberlain, Mr. Secretary Coventry,\\nEarl of Northampton, Mr. Secretary Williamson,\\nEarl of Peterborough, Mr. Chancellor of the Excbe-\\nEarl of Stratford, quer,\\nEarl of Sunderland, Master of Ordnance,\\nEarl of Bath, Mr. Speaker.\\nWhereas the right honorable the lords of the committee for trade\\nand plantations, did, in pursuance of an order of the 7th of Febru-\\nary last, make report to the board, of the matters in controversy,\\nbetween the corporation of the Massachusetts Bay, in New-Eng-\\nland, and Mr. Mason and Mr. Gorges, touching the right of the\\nsoil and government, claimed by the said parties in certain lands\\nthere, by virtue of several grants from his majesty s royal father and\\ngrandfather, as foHoweth, in these words,\\n59", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0473.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "4Q0 APPENDIX.\\nMay it please your majesty, Having received your majesty s\\norder in council, of the 7th of February last past, whereby we are\\ndirected to enter into the examination of the bounds and limits,\\nwhich the corporation of the Massachusetts Bay, in New-England,\\non the one hand, and Mr. Mason and Mr. Gorges on the other, do\\npretend by their several grants and patents to have been assigned\\nunto them, as also to examine the patents and charters which are\\ninsisted on by either side, in order to find out and settle how far\\nthe rights of soil and government do belong unto any of them. In\\nconsideration whereof, the lords chief justices of your majesty s\\ncourls of Icing s bench and common pleas, were appointed to give\\nus their assistance, we did, on the 5th of April last, together with\\nthe said lords chief justices, meet in obedience to your majesty s\\ncommands, and having heard both parties by their counsel, learned\\nin the law, we did recommend unto their lordships to receive a\\nstate of the claims made by both parties, and to return their opin-\\nions upon the whole matter unto us, which their lordships have\\naccordingly performed, in the words following\\nIn obedience to your lordships order, we appointed a day for the\\nhearing ef all parties, and considering the matters referred, having\\nreceived from them such papers of their cases as they were pleas-\\ned to deliver ?.t which time ail parties appearing, the respondents\\ndid disclaim title to the lands claimed by the petitioners, and it\\nappeared to us that the said lands are in the possession of several\\nother persons, not before us, whereupon we thought not fit to ex-\\namine any claims to the said lands, it being (in our opinion) im-\\nproper to judge of any title of land, without hearing of the ter ten-\\nants, or some other persons on their behalf; and if there be any\\ncourse of justice upon the place, having jurisdiction, we esteem it\\nmost proper to direct the parties to have recourse thither, for the\\ndecision of any question of property, until it shall appear that there\\nis just cause of complaint, against the courts of justice there, for\\ninjustice or grievance.\\nWe did, in the presence of said parties, examine their several\\nclaims to the government, and the petitioners having waived the\\npretence of a grant of government from the council of Plymouth,\\nwherein ihey were convinced, by their own counsel, that no such\\npower or jurisdiction could be transferred or assigned by any color\\nof law the question was reduced to the province of Maine, where-\\nto the petitioner. Gorges, made his title, by a grant from king\\nCharles the First, in the 15th year of his reign, made to Sir Fer-\\ndinando Gorges, and his heirs, of the province of Maine and the\\ngovernment thereof. In answer to this, the respondents alleged,\\nthat long before, viz. in quarto Caroli primi, the government was\\ngranted to them, and produced copies of letters patents, wherein\\nit is recited, that the council of Plymouth, having granted to cer-\\ntain persons a territory thus described, viz. all that part of New-\\nEngland in America, which lies and extends between a great\\nriver that is commonly called Monomack alias Merrimack, and a\\ncertain other river there, called Charles river, being in the bot-\\ntorn of a certain bay there, called the Massachusetts bay, and", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0474.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 451\\nalso all and singular the lands and hereditaments whatsoever,\\nlying and beinp; within the space of three English miles on the\\nsouth part of the said Charles river, or any or every part thereof;\\nand also all and singular the lauds and hereditaments whatsoev-\\nor, lying and being ^vithin the space of three English miles to\\nthe southermost part of the said bay, called Massachusetts bay\\nand all tliose lands and hereditaments whatsoever, which [lie]\\nwithin the space of three English miles to the northward of the\\nsaid river, called Monomaek alias Merrimack, or the northward\\nof any and every part thereof, and all lands and hereditaments\\nwhatsoever, lying withiji the limits aforesaid, north and south in\\nlatitude and breadth, and in length and longitude of and within\\nall the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main lands there, from\\nthe Atlantic and western sea and ocean on the east part, to the\\nsouth sea on the west. By the said letters patents, the king\\ncontirmed that grant, made them a corporation, and gave them\\npower to make laws for the governing of the lands and the people\\ntherein. To which it was replied, tijat the patent of 4 Caroli. l\\nis invalid. 1. Because there was a precedent grant ISo Jacobi, of\\nthe same thing, then in being, which patent was surrendered af-\\nterwards, and before the date of the other 15o Car. 1\u00e2\u0084\u00a2 2. The\\ngrant of the government can extend no farther than the ownership\\nof the soil, the boundaries of which, as recited in that patent, whol-\\nly excludes the province of Maine, which lies northward more\\nthan three miles beyond the river Merrimack.\\nWe having considered these matters, do humbly conceive as to\\nthe first matter, that the patent of 4 Caroli 1 is good, notwith-\\nstanding the grant made in the IS Jac for it appeared to us bj\\nthe recital in the patent 4 Caroli 1 thai the council of PIvmouth\\nhad granted away all their interest in the lands the year before,\\nand it must be presumed they then deserted the government\\nwhereupon it was kwful and necessary for the king to establish\\na suitable frame of government, according to his royal wisdom,\\nwhich was done by that patent, 4 Caroli 1 making the adventur-\\ners a corporation upon the place. As to the second matter it\\nseems to us to be very clear that the grant of the government\\n4 Caroli l i extends no farther than the boundaries expressed in\\nthe patent, and those boundaries cannot be construed to extend\\nfurther northwards along the river Merrimack than three English\\nmiles, for the north and south bounds of the lands granted so far\\nas the river extends, are to follow the course of the ri^ er, which\\nmake the breadth of the grant, the words describing the length to\\ncomprehend all the lands from the Atlantic ocean, to the South\\nsea, of, and in all the breadth aforesaid, do not w arrant the over\\nreaching those bounds by imaginary lines or bounds, other expo-\\nsition, would (in our humble opinion) be unreasonable and against\\nthe interest of the grant. The words of, and in all the breadth\\naforesaid, shew, that the breadth was not intended an imaginary\\nline of breadth, laid u])on the broadest part, but the breadth re-\\nspecting the continuance of the boundaries by the river, as far as\\nthe rivers go, but when the known boundary oif breadth determines", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0475.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "452 APPENDIX.\\nit must be carried on by ioiaginary lines to the South sea. Aud\\nif the province of iMaino, lies more northerly than three English\\nmiles from the river Merrimack, the patent of 4 Caroli 1 gives\\nno rigiit to govern there, and thereupon the patent of the same\\n15 Car. 1 to the petitioner Gorges, will be valid. So that upon\\nthe whole matter, we are humbly of opinion, as to the power of\\ngovernment, that the respondents, the Massachusetts aud their\\nsuccessors, by their patent of 4 martis 4 Caroli l have such\\nright of government as is granted them by the same patent vyithiu\\nthe boundaries of their land expressed therein, according to such\\ndescription and exposition, as we have thereof made as aforesaid,\\nand the petitioner, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, his heirs and assigns, by\\nthe patent 3d April, have such right of government, as is granted\\nthem by the same patent, within [the territory) called the province\\nof Maine, according to the boundaries of the same expressed in\\nthe same patent. RI. RAINSFORD,\\nFRA. NORTH.\\nAll which being the opinion of the lords chief justices, and fully\\nagreeing with what we have to report unto your majesty upon the\\nwhole matter referred unto us by the said order, we humbly sub-\\nmit the determination thereof unto your majesty.\\nAnglesey, Craven, J. Williamson,\\nOrmond, H. London, Tho. Chickley,\\nBath, G. Carteret, Edw. Seymour.\\nWhich having been read at the board the 18th instant, it was\\nthen ordered that the said Mr. Mason und Mr. Gorges, as a!so that\\nthe iigents of the corporation of the Massachusetts Bay, should\\nbe this day heard upon the said report, if they iiad any objections\\nto malce thereunto. In pursuance whereof, all parties attending\\nwith their counsel, who not alleging any thing so material as to\\nprevail with his majesty and the board to difter in judgment from\\nthe said report his majesty was thereupon pleased to approve of\\nand confirm the same, and did order that all parties do acquiesce\\ntherein, and contribute what lies in them to the punctual and due\\nperformance of the said report, as there shall be occasion.\\nJOHN x\\\\ICHOLAS.\\n(The above paper, of which the copy is attested bj Edward Rawson, secre-\\ntary of Massachusetts, and John Penliallow, clerk of the superior court of\\nNew-Hanipsliire, is in the files of the snid superior court, and in the Masoa-\\nian proprietary office.)\\nNo. 25. Copy of that part of President Ciitt^s commission^ in which\\nthe claim of Robert Mason is recited.\\nAnd whereas the inhabitants of said province of New-Hamp-\\nshire, have many of them been lo;ig in possession of several quan-\\ntities of lands, and are said to have made considerable improve-\\nments thereupon, having no other title for the same than what has\\nbeen derived from the government of the Massaclmsetts Bay,\\nvirtue of their imaginary line which title, as it bath by the o-\\npinion of our judges in England been altogether set aside, so the", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0476.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 453\\nageuts from the eaiJ colony have consequently disowned any right,\\neither in the soil or government tiiereof, from tiie three mile line\\naforesaid and it appearing to us, that the ancestors of Robert\\nMason, Esq. obtained grants from our great council of Plymouth,\\nfor the tract of land aforesaid, and were at very great expense\\nupon the same, until molested and finally driven out, which hath\\noccasioned a lasting complaint for justice, by the said Robert Ma-\\nson, ever since our restoration. However, to prevent in this case\\nany unreasonable demands which might be made by the said Rob-\\nert Mason, for the right he c .aimeth in the said soil, we have obliged\\nthe said Robert Mason under his hand and seal, to declare that he\\nwill demand nothing for the time past, until the 24th of June last\\npast, nor molest any in their possession for the time to come, but\\nwill make out titles to them anr* their heirs forever, provided they\\nwill pay to him upon a fair agreement in lieu of all other rents,\\nsixpence in the pound, according to the just and true yearly value\\nof all houses built by them, and of all lands, whether gardens, or-\\nchards, arable, or pasture, which have been improved by thera,\\nwhich he will agree shall be bounded out unto every of the parties\\nconcerned, and that the residue may remain unto himself to be dis-\\nposed of, for his best advantage.\\nBut if, notwithstanding this overture from the said Robert\\nMason, which seemeth to be fair unto ns, any of the inhabitants\\nof the said province of New-Hampshire, shall refiise to agree\\nwith the agents of said Robert Mason upon the terms aforesaid,\\nour will and pleasure is, that the president and council of New-\\nHampshire aforesaid, for the time being shall have power, and are\\nhereby iropowered to interpose and reconcile all dift erency, if they\\ncan, that shall or may arise between the said Robert Mason and\\nthe said inhabitants, but if they cannot, then we do hereby com-\\nmand and require the said president and council to send into Eng-\\nland such cases, fairly and impartially stated, together with their\\nown opinions upon such cases, that we, our heirs and successors,\\nby and with the advice of our and their privy council, may deter-\\nmine therein according to equity.\\n(The same mutatis mutandis is inserted in Cranfield s commission.)\\nNo. 26. The General Laws and Liberties of the Pro^nnce of New-\\nHampshire.\\n[Not inserted in the former editions.]\\nThe general laws and liberties of the province of New-Hamp-\\nshire, made by the General Assembly, in Portsmouth, the 16th of\\nMarch, 1679-80, and approved by the President and Council.\\nForasmuch as it hath pleased our sovereign lord, the king, out\\nof his princely grace and favor to take us, the inhabitants of New-\\nHampshire, into his immediate government and protection, the\\nwhich, as we are ever bound to acknowledge with great thankful-\\nness, so we have great reason to hope and believe that his majesty\\nwill still continue to countenance aud encourage us with the enjoy-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0477.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "454 APPEiNDIX.\\nmeut of such liberties, immunities and pp tics [properties] as be-\\nloii;T to free bom i ]ii;^ lis(iinen.\\nAnd whereas, his inajesty hath been pleased by his letters pa-\\ntents, sent to us to confer such power upon the General Assembly\\nas to make such laws and ordinances as may best suit with the\\ngood government and quiet settlement of his majesty s subjects\\nwithin this province\\nIt is therefore ordered and enacted, by this General Assembly\\nand the authority thereof, That no act, imposition, law, or ordin-\\nance be made or imposed upon us, but such as shall be made by the\\nsaid assembly, and approved by the president and council from\\ntime to time and, that justice and right be equally and impartial-\\nly administered unto all, not sold, denied or causelessly deterred\\nunto any.\\n9 Hen. 3. Ch. 29.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Stat. 2. Edw d 3. Ch. 8.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Stat. 5. Edw d\\n3\u00e2\u0080\u0094 9.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Stat. 14. Edw d 28.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Edw d 3, 3.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Stat. 11. R. 2\u00e2\u0080\u009410.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n17 Caro. 1\u00e2\u0080\u009410.\\nCAPITAL LAWS.\\n1. It is enacted by tliis assembly and the authority thereof.\\nThat if any person having had the knowledge of the true God,\\nopenly and manifestly have or worship any other God but the\\nLord God, he shall be put to death. Ex. 22. 20. Deut. 13. 6 and 10.\\n2. If any person within this province, professing the true God,\\nshall wittingly and willingly presume to blaspheme the holy name\\nof God, Father, Son or Holy Ghost, with direct, express, presump-\\ntuous or high-handed blasj)hemy, either by wilful or (\u00c2\u00bbbstinate, de-\\nnying the true God, or his creation or government of the world, or\\nshall curse God, Father, Son or Holy Ghost such person shall be\\nput to death. Levit. 24. 15, 16.\\n3. Treason against the person of our sovereign, the King, the\\nstate and commonwealth of England, shall be punished with death.\\n4. If any man conspire and attempt any invasion or insurrec-\\ntion, or public rebellion against this his majesty s proving,or shall\\nendeavor to surprise any town or tou ns, fort or forts therein, or\\nshall treacherously or pertidionsly attempt the alteration or subver-\\nsion of the fundamental frame of this government according to his\\nmajesty s constitution by his letters patents, every such person\\nshall be put to death or otherwise grievously punished.\\n5. If any person shall commit wilful murder by killing any\\nman, woman or child, upon premeditated malice, hatred or cruelty,\\nnot in a way of necessary and just defence, nor by casualty against\\nhis will, he shall be put to death.\\n6. If any person slayeth another person suddenly iu his anger\\nand cruelty of passion, he shall be put to death.\\n7. If any person shall slay another through guile either by\\npoisoning or other such devilish practice, he shall be put to death.\\n8. If any christian, so called, be a witch, that is, hath or cou-\\nsulteth with a familiar spirit, he or they shall be put to death.\\n9 If any person lie with a beast or brute creature by carnal\\ncopulation, they shall surely be put to death, and the beast shall\\nbe slain and buried, and not eaten.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0478.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 45-\\n10. If any inan licth with mankiiifl as ho lieth with a woman,\\nboth of the .ii hath committed abomination, thcv both shall sureiy\\nbe put to death, unless the one party were forced or be under four-\\nteen years of acfe, and all other Sodomitical filtliiuess shall be se-\\nverely punished according to the nature of it.\\n11. If any person rise up by false witness wittingly and of pur-\\npose; to take away a man s life, he shall be put to death.\\n12. If any man stealeth mankind, he shall be put to death or\\notherwise fjrievously punished.\\n13. If any child or children, above sixteen years old and of\\ncompetent understanding;, shall curse or smite their natural futlier\\nor mother, he or they shall be put to death, unless it can be sufli-\\nciently testiiied, that the parents have been very unchristiauly neg-\\nligent in the education of such cliildren, or so provoked them by\\nextreme and cruel correction, that they have been forced thereiui-\\nto to preserve themselves (roai death or maiming.\\n14. If a man have a rebellious or stubborn son, of sufiicient\\nyears and understanding, viz. sixteen years of age or upward,\\nwhich shall not obey the voice of his father or the voice of his\\nmothei, that when they have chastened him will not hearken unto\\nthem, then shall his father and mother, being his natural parents,,\\nbring him before the magistrates assembled in court, and testify\\nunto them, that their son is rebellious and stubborn, and will not\\nobey their voice and chastisement, but lives in sundry notorious\\ncrimes, such a son shall be put to death or otherwise severely pun-\\nished.\\n15. If any man shall ravish a maid or women, by committing\\ncarnal copulation with her that is above ten years of age, or if she\\nwere under ten years of age, though her will was gained by him,\\nhe shall be punished with death or some other grievous punish-\\nment, as the fact may be circumstanced.\\n16. Whosoever shall wilfully, or on purpose, burn any house,\\nship or barque, or any other vessel of considerable value, sueh\\nperson shall be put to death or otherwise grievously punished, as\\nthe case may be circunastanced.\\n(The two preceding papers are in tlie first book of MS. Laws of New-\\nHampshire.)\\nNo. 27. Address of the General Court of New-Hampshire to the\\nKing.\\nTo his most excellent majesty, Charles the 2d, by the grace of\\nGod, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, king, defender\\nof the faith, c.\\nThe humble address and petition of the President and Council of\\nhis majesty s province of New-Hampshire, in New-England,\\nhumbly sheweth,\\nThat, it having pleased your most excellent majesty to separate\\nus, the inhabitants of this province, from that shadow of your maj-\\nesty s authority and government under which we had long found", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0479.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "466 APPENDIX.\\nprotection, especially in the late war with the barbarous natives,\\nwho (this divine proteciiou) proved a heavy scourge to us, and\\nhad certainly been the ruin of these poor weak plantations, (beinj^;\\nfew in iuind)er, and otherwise under great disadvantaj;es,) if our\\nbrethren and neif)hbors had not, out of pity and compassion, stretch-\\ned forth their helping hand, and with their blood and treasure de-\\nfended us, our lives and estates nevertheless, upon the receipt of\\nyour majesty s pleasure, deliverec by Edward Randolph, Esquire,\\nupon the first of January last, directing unto and commanding the\\nerecting of a new government in and over these four towns, (the\\ngovernment of the Massachusetts yielding readier obedience to\\nyour majesty s commands wiih reference to our relation formerly\\nto them,) although deeply seuiiible of the disadvantages likely to\\naccrue to vour majesty s provinces and ourselves, more especially\\nby the multiplying of small and weak governments, unlit either for\\noffence or defence, (the union of these neighbor colonies hav-\\ning been more than a little instrumental in our preservation.)\\nWe have taken the oaths prescribed us by your aiajesty, and ad-\\nministered to your subjects of these lour towns the oath of alle-\\ngiance, and convened a general assembly for regulating the com-\\nmon affairs of the people and making of such laws as may be of\\nmore peculiar use to ourselves, having special regard to the acts\\nfor trade and navigation set forth in the book of rates commonly\\nprinted and sold, and if some obstruction occasioned by such as make\\ngreater pretences of your majesty^ favour and authority had not hin-\\ndered we might have brought matters to a greater maturity, jet\\nhope to perfect something by the lirst opportunity of shipping\\nfrom hence, but feared it might be too long to defer our humble\\nacknowledgment of your majesty s grace and favor, in committing\\nthe power into such hands as it i .eased your majesty to nominate,\\nnot imposing strangers upon us, and it much comforts us against\\nany pretended claimers to our soil, or any malevolent spirits^ which\\nmay misrepresent us (as they have done others) unto your majes-\\nty or honorable council, while, beside the known laws of the\\nrealm, and the undoubted right of English men, we have the fa-\\nvor of a gracious prince to fly to. We do therefore most hum-\\nbly beg the continuance of your majesty s royai favor and protec-\\ntion, without which, we are daily liable to disturbance if not ruin.\\nAnd, as in duty bound, we shall humbly pray, c.\\nMarch 29, 1680.\\nNo. 28. Address of the same to the same.\\nTo the king s most excellent majesty,\\nWe, the president and council of your province of New-Harap-\\nfihire, having (according to the royal pleasure) given an account\\nof our allegiance and observance of your commission, by Mr.\\nJowles, in March last, and therefore shall not give you the trouble\\nof repetition. According to your majesty s command, we have\\nwith our general assembly, been considering of such laws and or-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0480.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 457\\nders, as do by divine favor, preserve the peace, and are to the sat-\\nisfaction of your majesty s good subjects here, in all which, we\\nhave had a special regard to the statute book your majesty was\\npleased to honor us with, for which, together with the seal of your\\nprovince, we return most bumble and hearty thanks but such\\nhas been the hurry of our necessary occasions, and such is the\\nshortness of the summer, (the only season to prepare for a long\\nivinter,) that we have not been capable of sitting so long, as to\\nframe and finish aught that we judge worthy to be presented to\\nyour royal view, but shall, as in duty bound, give as speedy a de-\\nspatch to the affair as we may. In the mean time, your subjects\\nare at quiet under the shadow of your gracious protectiou, fearing\\nno disturbance^ unless by some pretended claimers to our soil, whom\\nwe trust your majesty s clemency and equity will guard us from\\ninjury by and, considering the purchase of our lands from the hea-\\nthen, the natural proprietors thereof, and our long quiet possession,\\nnot interrupted by any legal claim, our defence of it against the bar-\\nbarous adversary, by our lives and estates, we are encouraged, that we\\nshall be maintained i7i our free enjoyment of the same, without being\\ntenants to those who can show no such title thereunto. Further, we do\\ngratefully acknowledge the mark of your princely favor in sending\\nus your royal effigies and imperial arms, and lament, when we\\nthink that they are, through the loss of the ship, miscarried by\\nthe way. And, seeing your majesty is graciously pleased to li-\\ncense us to crave what may conduce to the better promoting of our\\nweal and your majesty s authority, we would humbly suggest,\\nwhether the allowance of appeals, mentioned in the commission, may\\nnot prove a great occasion, by means of malig-iiunt spirits, for the ob-\\nstructing of justice among us. There are also sundry other things\\nthat a little time and experience may more evidently discover a great\\nconvenience in, which, upon the continuance of the same liberty\\nfrom your majesty, we shall itli like humility present. Thus\\ncraving a favorable construction of what is above suggested, and\\npraying for your majesty s long and prosperous reign, begging also\\nthe continuance of your majesty s favor, out of which, if any of\\nour adversaries, under a pretence of loyalty or zeal for your majes-\\nty s interest, should endeavor to eject us, we hope, upon liberty\\ngranted us, to speak for ourselves, we shall abundantly demon-\\nstrate that we do truly and sincerely subscribe,\\nYour majesty s most loyal and dutiful subjects.\\nJOHN CUTt, President,\\nwith the consent of the council,\\nPortsmouth, in the Province of\\nNew-Hampshire, June 11, 1680.\\nNo. 29. Copy of the Mandamus by lohich Robert Mason, Esq., was\\nadmitted to a seat in the council, December 30, 1680.\\nTrusty and well beloved, we greet you well.\\nWhereas, we have thought it fit to take into our special care and\\nprotection our province of New-Hampshire, and provide for its\\n60", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0481.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "458 APPENDIX.\\nprosperity and good government, and the settlement of the estates\\nand possessions of our good subjects there And lh?it for ihe avoid-\\ning any suits or couteviiovs in matters of title, and the determining\\nany demands, which might be made by our well beloved subject,\\nRobert Mason, Esq., as proprietor under us, of that province, by\\nvirtue of a grant deri\\\\ed from our royal grandfather, king James,\\nunder the great seal of England We have so composed all mat-\\nters with him, that for the time past, until the 24th day of June,\\n1679, he shall not claim or demand any rent, dues, or arrears,\\nwhatsoever And for the future, he, his heirs or assigns, shall re-\\nceive only six pence in t}ie pound yeorly of every tenant, by way\\nof quit rent, according to the true and just yearly value of what is\\nimproved by any of the inhabitants as is more fully expressed in\\nour commission under our great seal, bearing date, the-LSth day of\\nSeptember, in the 31st year of our reign. And v.hereas, the said\\nRobert Mason hath humbly siguilied to us, that he is preparing to\\ntransport himself, for the taking care of his affairs and interest in\\nthe said province, and for the giving a secure and legal confirma-\\ntion of the estates of such persons as are now in possession, but\\nwithout any right or legal title to the same. And he being a person\\nwhom we have esteemed useful to our service, as he is chiefly\\nconcerned in the w elfare of that our province we have further\\nthought fit to constitute and appoint him to be one of our council\\ntherein, and we do hereby order and require you, our president\\nand council, that immediately after his arrival, you do admit him\\none of our council of our province of New-Hampshire, he first\\ntaking the oaths mentioned in our said commission. And we do\\nfurther require you and him, that you do betake yourselves to such\\ndiscreet and equitable ways and methods in your proceedings,\\nagreements and settlements for the future, that there may be no\\noccasion of complaint to our royal person and authority here. We\\nbeing resolved to discountenance all such as shall wilfully or un-\\nnecessarily avoid or delay your submitting to those determinations\\nwhich may be reasonably decreed according to justice and good\\nonscience. Which yon are to signify to all our good subjects\\nwithin our said province, that they may govern themselves accord-\\ningly. And so we bid you heartily farewell. Given at our court,\\nat New-Market, the first day of October, 1680, in the two and\\nthirtieth year of our reign. By his majesty s command,\\nSUNDERLAND.\\nTo our trusty and well beloved, the president and council\\nof our province of New-Hampshire, in New-England. J\\nNo. 30. The order of the Council and General Assembly, for a Fast,\\nmade in March, 16S1, and published under the seal of the Prov-\\nince.\\n[Not inserted in the former editions.]\\nUpon serious consideration of the manifold sinful provocations\\nwnoDg us, as of the sundry tokens of divine displeasure evident to\\nThis must mean the charter to the council of Plymouth.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0482.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 459\\nUS, both in the present dangerous sickness of the honorable presi-\\ndent of the council for New-Hampshire, in the coiilinuanoe of\\nwhose life is wrapt up much blessing, whose deatii may occasion\\nmuch trouble; as also in respect of that awful portentous blazing\\nstar, usually foreboding sore calamity to the beholders thereof;\\nand in regard of the great need that we have o( viore than ordinary\\npresence of Almighty God with us, in our necessary applications to\\nhis royal majesty, our sovereign lord the king as also having a\\nreal sympathy with tlie great ihoughts of heart in our brethren and\\nneighbors, as they are circumstanced ever seriously and loyally\\nimploring the divine favor for the continuance of his majesty s life\\nand prosperous reign, as the protection of God s cause and church\\nagainst the popish party throughout the world; humbly craving\\ncovenant mercy to be continued to us, and ours after us in their\\ngenerations, as also God s crowning the several seasons of the year\\nwith suitable goodness The council and general assembly for\\nthe province of New-Hampshire, have appointed the next Thurs-\\nday, being the 17th day of this instant March, a day of public fast-\\ning and prayer, to be solemnly kept by all the inhabitants thereof,\\nhereby strictly inhibiting all servile labor thereon. Commending\\nthe same to all elders, churches, ministers, and people, that they\\nfervently wrestle with the Lord, that he may turn from the fierce-\\nness of his anger, and cause his face to shine upon us in all our\\nconcerns.\\n(The four preceding papers are in the Council Minutes, first book.)\\n[The Council Minutes from 1680 to 1698, are not to be found in the Sec-\\nretary s office.]\\nNo. 31. Atiswer to the claim made by Mr. Mason to the house and\\nlands of New- Hampshire.\\n(In Mr. Weare s hand writing, but without date or signature.)\\nIt does not legally appear, that Mr. Mason can lay any just\\nclaim to any of the lauds in New-Hampshire, for what right he\\npretends, is either derived from Capt. John Mason, (whom he\\nsays was his grandfather) or from his majesty s commission but\\npresume from neither ef these has he any right. Not from Capt.\\nJohn Mason; for 1. It does not legally appear that ever he had\\nany right to the province of New-Hampshire. It is true there is\\na copy of a patent or deed from the council of Plymouth, which\\nhe brings over without attestation of public notary, or any other\\nauthority. Besides, in said copy there is not the least intimation\\nof any hand or seal to the original, and there is two men that\\nswear this is a true copy of the original, which plainly demon-\\nstrates that the original is but a blank the truth whereof we are\\nthe more confirmed in, because it is not rational to imagine, that\\nMr. Mason would come from England to prosecute a right, and\\nnot bring with him what he had to make good his claim, but hav-\\ning nothing but blank copies, he could bring no better than he\\nhad, which cannot be looked upon as authentic, in any court.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0483.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "460 APPENDIX.\\n2. If it should be supposed that ever Capt. John Mason had a\\nright by patent, yet it does not appear liow Robert Tufton Mason\\n(as the plaintiff calls himself) derives a title frora hira, either as\\nhis heir, executor, or administrator, or by deed of gift all that\\nwe can hear in court is, that the plaintiff calls himself Capt. Ma-\\nson s heir.\\n3. If the plaintiff, or his ancestors, ever had a title to the lands\\nhe claims, by patent from the council of Plymouth, yet they have\\nlost it by non-use, for they never attended the ends of granting pa-\\ntents, by king James, of blessed memory, in his highness patent to\\nthe great council of Plymouth, which was the peopling of the\\nland, enlarging the king s dominions, propagating the gospel, con-\\nversion of the heathen the native proprietors, c. Now, the\\nplaiiitilf, nor ancestors, never planted this province, nor expended\\nany thing upon it, to the upholding of it, in peace nor war, but the\\npresent inhabitants did, either by themselves or predecessors, pur-\\nchase their possessions from the natives, and by their permission\\ndid sit down upon the land, and manured, to the vast expence of\\nabove 50 years time, in hard labor, and expending upon it their\\nAvhole estate. And iu the late Indian war, did defend it against\\nthe enemy, to the loss of many of their lives, and considerable\\npart of their estates, without any assistance frora Mr. Mason, who\\nnow claims not only what poor people have purchased and labor-\\ned hard upon, but also conquered or relieved from cruel attempts\\nof the barbarous heathen, and we conceive we were under no ob-\\nligation to run such adventures to make ourselves slaves to Mr.\\nMason.\\n4. It does not appear that there was a quorum of the great coun-\\ncil of Plymouth, to the making of Capt. Mason s deed, according\\nto the patent granted to the great council of Plymouth, which ren-\\nders his claim unvalid, if ever any thing iu that kind was done,\\nwhich we question.\\nFrom what is said, we humbly conceive Mr. Mason has no right\\nfrom Capt. John Mason.\\nAnd that his majesty s commission does neither give nor confirm\\nany title to the lands claimed, we prove\\n(1 We humbly conceive that his royal majesty, who is so pru-\\ndent a prince, and so solicitous for the peace of his subjects, would\\nnot have left that matter doubtful, to his subjects of this province,\\nbut rather have told us, that he had given all the lands to Mr. Ma-\\nson, but there is nothing of gift, to him, in the commission, and if\\nhis majesty had, (which we cannot believe he would) we should\\ncrave the benefit of the statue in the 17 of Charles the first,\\nwhich says. No king and council can alienate lands but by due\\ncourse of law. But we were never yet heard, and when it comes\\nto legal trial, we presume the law of possessions will confirm our\\nlands to us, seeing we have had peaceable possession 50 years.\\n(2) If his majesty had given the lands iu the province to Mr.\\nMason, what can be understood by that clause in the commission,\\nThat in case the inhabitants shall refuse to agree with Mr. Ma-\\nson, then the governor shall interpose and reconcile all differences.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0484.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 461\\nif he can, but if he cannot, then to send the case, fairly stated to\\nEnj:; land, that his majesty and privy counsel, miglit deteimine ac-\\ncordinjr to right which we humbly conceive puts a bar to any\\nlegal proceedings, \\\\intil his majesty s mind be further known there-\\nin. The inhabitants have offered their reasons to the governor\\naccording to commission, which he will not admit of, only did take\\nof one, viz. Capt. Stilemap, and promised to send them to Eng-\\nland, but we can hear of no answer, and much fear his neglect.\\n(3) His majesty in his commission, says, To prevent unrea-\\nsonable demands, that may be made by Mr. Mason, for the right\\nhe claims, which claim may prove good or bad, when it comes\\nto trial. We understand, to claim and to have, are different things.\\n(4) His majesty intimates in his royal commission, by what ti-\\ntle Mr. Mason does claim, viz. by a grant to his ancestors, who\\nimproved and possessed the province with great expence, until\\nmolested and finally driven out but this province cannot be con-\\ncluded to be the place he claims, until he make these circumstan-\\nces appear, which we are sure he never can do.\\nNow, Mr. Mason, not producing any original deed for any of\\nthe lands of this province, nor authentic copies, the inhabitants\\ncannot make any compliance with him, both, because we see no\\nright he ever had, or believing if ever any was, he hath mort-\\ngaged it already in England, and so alienated what right he had.\\nAlthough upon the former grounds, we have good plea a-\\ngainst Mr. Mason s claim, yet we did not see cause to join issue,\\nnot only because judges and jurors were not qualified according to\\nlaw, all of them being picked for espousing Mr. Mason s interest,\\nby the governor s order, who has a mortgage for 21 years from\\nMr. Mason, for all the lands in the province but also because\\nwe were willing to attend the methods, prescribed by his majesty,^\\nin his royal commission.\\nNo. 32. The Answer of Elias Stileman to Mason ^s Claim.\\nThe answer of Elias Stileman, to the summons from the Hon.\\nEdward Cranfield, Esquire, governor of his majesty s province\\nof New-Hampshire, in N. E. in pursuance of the method which\\nhis majesty hath been gratiously pleased to prescribe in his\\ncommission.\\nPortsmouth, the 15th of November, 1682.\\nMay it please your Honor, In obedience to your command,\\nthat I should render a reason why I refuse to pay quit-rent unto\\nRobert Mason, Esq., (as he titles himself) for my house and lands,\\nand take deeds from him for the confirming of the same, I answer\\nas followeth\\nIstly. Because my said land I bought and paid for. The title\\nunto which is successively derived unto me from those that have\\npossessed it, without any claim for at least these 50 years, upon\\nwhich I have built at my own charge without any interruption,\\nand am in the possession thereof, as my own. As to what is said", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0485.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "462 APPENDIX.\\nin the commission, concerning Mr. Mason s proprietors, with all\\ndue submission to his inajesty, I conceive it implies rather his claim\\nthan a positive determination of his title.\\n2dl}^ I humbly conceive, that, being in possession of what I\\nhave bought and built upon, it rests upon the claimer to make out\\nhi; title, (if he have any by law) begging the favor of an English\\nsubject therein, that it may be i lvat tried upon the place, accord-\\ning to the stat Jie law, and the opinion of his majesty s judges in\\nEngland, and this before I am liable to pay quit-rent, and take\\ndeeds of confirmation from him.\\n3dly. Should Mr. Mason obtain his demands, myself and the\\nrest of the inhabitants would be undone forever, for then all his,\\ngranted to him, which he calls commons, being out of fence,\\nwhich yet hath been bounded out by the several towns, and possessed\\nby them for these 50 years, and improved for the maintenance of\\ntheir cattle both winter and summer, and for timber and fire wood,\\nwithout which there is no living for us, it being impossible for ns\\nto subsist upon that, which, in the commission is called gardens,\\norchards, if he may have the disposal of the rest.\\n4thly. The said Mason speaks of many thousands of pounds\\nexpended upon the place, which with submission cannot be made\\nout, and if it could, what then have Ihe poor planters expended in\\nso many years labour since their first sitting down upon it, when\\nthey found it an howling wilderness and vacuum domicilium, be-\\nsides a great expence of biood and estate, to defend it in the late In-\\ndian war, nor can they to this day, make both ends meet, by all\\ntheir labour and frugality, and therefore must needs sink under\\nthe exaction of such a proprietor.\\n5thly. The land which Mr. Mason claims as proprietor, is the\\nland on which such vast expense hath been laid out by his grand-\\nfather Capt. John Mason, for the peopling of it, and the land\\nfrom whence his said grandfather s servants were violently driven\\nout, or expelled by the inhabitants of the Massachusetts, but upon\\nthis land there was no such expence laid out by his grandfather.\\nCaptain John Mason, for the end aforesaid, nor is this the land\\nfrom Vv hence any servants of his said grandfather were so expelled,\\nand therefore, we, that are possessed of this land, are not con-\\ncerned in his claim, he hath mistaken his province, and may en-\\ndeavour to find it some other where, for here is no such place.\\netlily. If Mr. Mason had a patent here, why did he not take\\npossession in the day thereof If he were in possession, why\\ndid he not keep it still None ever drove him out as he informs\\nhad he been once settled, he might to this day have kept it, as the\\nrest of the inhabitants have done, without the least molestation,\\nbut I am humbly of opinion, that if he, the said Mason, or any of\\nhis heirs came hither, they only came as many ships did to New-\\nfoundland and to this country, to make a fishing voyage or beaver\\ntrade, and that being at an end, departed, and left their room to\\nthe next taker.\\nThis is the sum of what I have at present to answer, humbly\\nrequesting of your honor, the stating of the case, with your opin-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0486.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 463\\nion thereupon, to his majesty as the commission direfts; and when\\nhis majesty shall, in his wisdom and justice, set- mi-et to order an\\nhearing of the matter in his r.ourts of judicature, upon the place,\\nbefore a jury of uninterested and indilierent persons, which may\\nbe had out of the neighborino; province, (and possibly Mr. Masou\\nmay think not attainable in this province, w herei!i all persons are\\nconcerned,) as he hath been pleased to do by that part of Mr.\\nMason s claim, which lies under his majesty s government of Mas-\\nsachusetts, I hope to be able upon these and other grounds so far\\nto make out my title as to be held unblamable, before God and\\nman, for not complying with his dernands. Or, if I should see\\ncause to appeal to his majesty and honorable council, that I shall\\nbe put beyond all need of paying quit rent to the pretended pro-\\nprietor.\\nThus begging your honor s favor, I subscribe,\\nSir, your humble servant,\\nE. S.\\n(The two preceding papers are in the hands of the Hon. President Weare.)\\nNo. 33. Edmund JRaridolph^s Letter to the Lords of Trade and Plan-\\ntationsj giving an account of the Rebellion in New-Hampshire^\\n1683.\\nTo the right honorable the lords of his majesty s hiost honorable\\nprivy council, appointed a committee for trade and plantations\\nA short narrative of the late transactions and rebellion in the\\nprovince of New-Hampshire, in N. E., humbly presented by Ed-\\n^vard Randolph, collector of his majesty s customs there\\nHis majesty having thought lit to establish his royal authority\\nmore immediately in New-England, was pleased, by his commis-\\nsion under the great seal, to appoint Edward Cranfield, Esq., to be\\ngovernor of that province, who arrived in New-England upon one\\nof his majesty s frigates, about the beginning of October, 1682\\nThe countenance, with his indulgence to the people, obtained his\\neasy admission into the government, in which he was very obli-\\nging to all, but especially to the late ruling paity but, wiihal,\\nmade it his business to put the fort, which commandeth the mouth\\nof the harbor, and militia, into safe hands, and put good men into\\nplaces of civil administration and likewise, provided as well as\\nhe could, during the short time the frigate lay there, for the future\\nquiet and settlement of that government. Upon the 14th of Nov-\\nember following, a general assembly of the province was called,\\nwherein, after several warm debates, some laws were made and\\npassed by the governor, and adjourned that assembly till the 9th\\nof January following, being at that time unwilling to break with\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2them, in hopes they would better understand, for the future.\\nSome time in D-ecember following, the governor, with Major\\nWaldron, late president of the province, Mr. Moodey, minister,\\nand other chief men amongst them, go to Boston, where he is civ^\\nilly entertained. But bis main design in that journey was, to feel", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0487.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "4G4 APPENDIX.\\nthe temper of that c;overnment, and the rather, bef*ause he found\\nthey had sucli an influence upon the people of this province, that\\nthey advised and adhered to them, in the conduct of all their p lb-\\nlic and private affairs, whicli in a little time began to discover it-\\nself, for no sooner had Governor Crantield openly discoursed with\\nme, in Boston, about my prosecuting a seizure made by me, at\\nPortsmouth, in October last, of a Scotch vessel, belonging to one\\nJeffreys, a Scotchman, a clmrch member and inhabitant of that\\nprovince, but it discomposed the whole party, and it was contrived\\nin their return home, that I might have no better success in his\\nmajesty s immediate government, than in my former trials at Bos-\\nton, to which end Mr. Hammond, candidate for a magistrate the\\nensuing year in that colony, and brother-in-law to Mr. Moodey,\\ncomes in the extremity of bad weather, upon the 19th December,\\nto Portsmouth, (although two or three days before he had declared\\nhe would not go thither till spring.) Governor Cranfield being\\nreturned from Boston, appoints a special court for a trial of the\\nScotch vessel, and I went to Portsmouth to attend it but the\\nparty, believing the governor to be wholly their own, and one of\\nthe chief of them openly saying, whatever came out of the ketch\\nshould never come into my hands, so continued the matter, that\\nshe was carried by the fort out of the river at Pascataqua in the\\nday time although Major Stileman, one of the committee, was\\ncommander of the fort, had express orders from the governor to\\nstop her; v. hereupou the governor put him out of all office, and\\nmade Captain Barefoote, one of the present council, captain of the\\nfort, and of the foot company, belonging to the great Island upon\\nwhich, the fort is built. Now the better to color this matter, it\\nwas presently given out, and by many believed, that the master\\nand sailors aboard, without consent or knowledge of the owner,\\nhad run away with the ketch, as Jeffreys upon his oath voluntari-\\nly did avouch, taken before the governor. The party hoping by\\nthis means, to persuade the governor to take no further notice of\\nit, the rather because the frigate was then gone out of the river.\\nBut I had certain advice that one of Jeffreys servants was pri-\\nvately sent out of the way, harbored in a very obscure place in\\nthe province of Maine upon which, Mr. Martin, by his letter,\\ndesired the ju Jtices of the peace there, to send their constables\\nwith a warrant, to bring Jeffreys servant before the governor to\\nbe examined, what they knew concerning away the\\nScotch ketch, they conferred and deposed that Mr. Jeffreys, the\\nowner, employed them, and being upon the place, stood by, gave\\norders and directions, when and how the ketch should be carried\\naway, so that the governor, by this means, finding it out to be a\\nmere continuance, advised me to continue my prosecution on his\\nmajesty s behalf, against the ketch, and all persons concerned in\\nher escape. The party now find no way to avoid the trial, how-\\never, it is so ordered that the jury, on which were four leading\\nmen, church members, are prevailed upon, that against clear proof\\nof the breach of the acts of trade, they find against his majesty s\\nintended to admit them upon the statute made in the 23 of Henry", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0488.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 4(3o\\nVIII for preventing perjuries and false verdicts, uhich so startled\\nthem all, that some of the council intercede on their behalf, and\\nprayed iiberty to amend their verdicts, which beinp; by the ctnirt\\nagreed to, they found for his majesty, and the ketch was condem-\\nned. January the 9th. The assembly being adjourned to that\\nday, meet; the governor recommended to them several good bills,\\nthat had passed the council, but instead of their concurrence, they\\neither rejected or put them into such a disguise, as rendered them\\naltogether useless, and afterwards would uot take notice of any\\nbills, which did not arise from themselves. 1 hey likewise pe-\\nremptorily insisted to have the nomination of judges and the ap-\\npointing courts of judicature, powers solely invested in the gov-\\nernor by commission from his majesty and lastly, they had pre-\\npared bills repugnant to the laws of England upon which the\\ngovernor, finding them to act without any regard to his majesty s\\nservice, or beneiit of tlie province, after he had passed some bills,\\nnot knowing where these matters would end, dissolved the as-\\nsembly. In a short time after, one Edward Gove, who served for\\nthe town of Hampton, a leading man, and a great stickler in the\\nlate proceedings of the assembly, made it his business to stir the\\npeople up to rebellion, by giving out that the governor, as vice ad-\\nmiral, acted by his royai highness commission, who was a papist,\\nand would bring popery in amongst them, that the governor was a\\npretended governor and his commission was signed in Scotland.\\nHe endeavored with a great deal of pains, to make a party, and\\nsolicited many of the considerable persons in each town to join\\nwith him, to recover their liberties, infringed by his majesty s pla-\\ncing a governor over them, further adding that his sword was\\ndrawn, and he W Ould not lay it down till he knew who should\\nhold the government. This he discoursed at Portsmouth, to Mr.\\nMartyn, treasurer, and soon after to Capt. Hull, at Dover, which\\nthey discovered to the governor, who immediately despatched *way\\nmessengers v/ith warrants to the constables of Hampton and Exe-\\nter, to apprehend Gove and fearing he might get a party too\\nstrong for the civil power, (as indeed it proved, for Justice VVeare\\nand a marshal vcere repulsed) the governor (although much dis-\\nsuaded) forthwith ordered the militia of the whole province to be\\nin arms, and understanding by the marshal that Gove could not be\\napprehended at Hampton, by himself, and a constable, but was\\ngone to his party at Exeter, from whence he suddenly returned\\nwith 12 men, belonging to that town, mounted and armed with\\nswords, pistols and guns, a trumpet sounding, and Gove with his\\nsword drawn, riding in Hampton at the head of them was taking\\nhorse, and with apart of the troop intended to take Gove and his\\ncompany, but the governor was prevented by a messenger from\\nHampton, who brought word that they were met withal and ta-\\nken by the m.ilitia of that town, and secured with a guard the\\ntrumpeter forcing his way, escaped, after whom a hue and cry was\\nsent to all parts, but as yet he is not taken. This rising was un-\\nexpectedly to the party made up on the 21st day of January last.\\nIt is generally believed, many considerable persons, at whose\\n61", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0489.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "460 APPENDIX.\\nhouses Gove theu either sent or called, to come out and staud up\\nfor their liberties, would have joined with him, had he not discov-\\nered his designs, or appeared in arms at that time. For upon the\\n30th day of January, being appointed by the governor a day of\\npublic humiliation, they designed to cut olf the governor, M;-. Ma-\\nson, and some others whom they aflected not. The governor sent\\na strong party of horse to guard the prisoner, then iu irons, from\\nHampton to Portsmouth. They were brought and examined be-\\nfore the governor and council, where Gove behaved himself very\\ninsolently they were all committed to custody, and Capt. Bare-\\nfoote, having the trained band of Great Island then in arms, was\\nordered to take care of the prisoners and keep a strict watch upon\\nthem, in regard the prison was out of repair. All this while the\\ngovernor was at great charge and expense in suppressing this re-\\nbellion, and keeping up guards, to secure the peace of the province.\\nWe therefore, judged it necessary to bring them to a speedy trial,\\nand to tliat end directs a commission of oyer and terminer to\\nRichard Vv^ildron, Thomas Daniel and William Vaughan, Esq rs,\\nfor their trial, to be had upon the first day of February next, at\\nW hich time Gove and the other prisoners were brought to the\\ncourt, then holden at Portsmouth, in the said province, the grand\\njury found the bill, the next day they were all arraigned and in-\\ndicted upon the 13th of the king, for levying war against his maj-\\nesty. Gove pleaded to the indictment, not guilty then Mr. Mar-\\ntyn, treasurer of the province, and Capt. Hull, both of Portsmouth,\\nwith two justices of the peace and a lieutenant of the foot compa-\\nny at Hampton, who was at the taking of them, were all sworn in\\ncourt then Gove owned the matter of fact, and to justify his ta-\\nking up of arms, pleaded against the governor s power, that he\\nwas only a pretended governor, by reason his commission, as he\\nsaid, was sealed iu Scotland, likewise that the governor had by\\nhis pfoclamation, appointed the 30lh January to be annually ob-\\nserved and kept a day of humiliation, and obliged the ministers to\\npreach that day that the governor had at his house discoursed to\\nGove and shewed him out of the 10 chapter of St. Mark, the ne-\\ncessity of children s baptism this he urged to be a great imposing\\nupon the ministry. The other prisoners pleaded not guilty but\\nhad little to say in defence for themselves, further than they were\\ndrawn in by Gove. The jury, after long consideration, found\\nGove guilty of high treason upon the indictment, and all the rest\\nin arms upon which the court proceeded to give judgment, and\\npassed the sentence of condemnation upon Gove, but in regard the\\nother prisoners were specially found, the governor ordered the\\ncourt to respite their judgment till his majesty s pleasure should\\nbe known therein most of them being young men and altogether\\nunaccpiainted with the laws of England. Herewith I humbly pre-\\nsent your lordships a particular account of their trial, signed by\\nRichard VValdron, Esq. judge o^that court and passed under the\\nseal ot the province.\\n(The foregoiniT, copied from the Massachusetts colony files, was commu-\\nnicated to the editor by Mr. Joshua Cofiin, S. H. S. Mass.)", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0490.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 467\\nNo. 34. Copy of a letter from Edward Gove, of Hampton, to the\\nCourt of Sessions, January, 1683.\\n[This letter may be found in a Note, pages 09 and 100, of this volume.]\\nNo. 35. Copy of CranfieUVs order for the administration of the sa-\\ncraments, accmdinrj to the mode of the church of England.\\nAt a council, held at Great Island, December 10, 1683.\\nBy the governor and council.\\nNew-Hampshire,\\nIt is hereby required and commanded, that all and singular, the\\nrespective ministers within this province, for the time being, do,\\nfrom and after the first day of January next, ensuing, admit all\\npersons that are of suitable years, and not vicious and scandalous\\nin their lives, unto the blessed sacrament of the Lord s supper, and\\ntheir children unto baptism. And if any persons shall desire to\\nreceive the sacrament of the Lord s supper, or their children to be\\nbaptized according to the liturgy of the church of England, that it\\nbe done accordin-gly, in pursuance of the laws of the realm of\\nEngland, and his majesty s command to the Massachusetts gov-\\nernment. And if any minister shall refuse so to do, being thereunto\\nduly required, he shall incur the penalty of the statutes, in that\\ncase made and provided, and the inhabitants are freed from paying\\nany duties to the said minister.\\nThe aforesaid order was publislied,\\nR. CHAMBERLAIN, Clerk Council.\\n(This paper is in the council minutes, second book.)\\nNo. 36. Copy of the information against Rev. Joshua Moodey, 1683.\\nNew-Hampshire, in New-England.\\nTo Waller Barefoote, Esq., judge of the court of pleas of the\\ncrovv n, c., now sitting at Great Island and to Nathaniel Fryer\\nand Henry Green, Esquires, assistants.\\nThe information of Joseph Rayn, his majesty s attorney gen-\\neral for the said province of New-Hampshire, against .loshua\\nMoodey, of Portsmouth, in the said province, clerk, in his said\\nmajesty s behalf.\\nThe said Joseph Rayn informeth, that the abovesaid Joshua\\nMoodey, being the present minister of the town of Portsmouth,\\naforesaid, within the dominions of our sovereign lord, Charles the\\nsecond, king of England, is by the duty of his place, and the laws\\nand statutes of the realm of England, (viz., the statutes made in\\nthe fifth and sixth of king Edward the sixth, and the statute of the\\nfirst year of the reign of the late queen Elizabeth, which is con-\\nfirmed by the statute made in the thirteenth and fourteenth year\\nof the reign of our sovereign lord, king Charles the second,) re-\\nquired and commanded to administer the sacrament of the Lord s\\nsupper, in such manner and form as is set forth in the book of", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0491.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "468 APPENDIX.\\ncommon prayer and administration of the sacraments, and other\\nrites and ceremonies of the cliurch of England, and shall use no\\nother manner or form than is mentioned and set forth iu the said\\nbook. Nevertheless, the said Joshua Moodey, in contempt of the\\nsaid laws and statutes, hath wilfully and obstinately refused to ad-\\nmii .ister the sacrament of the Lord s supper, according to the man-\\nner and form set forth in the said book of common prayer, unto\\nthe honorable Edward Cranfield, Esq., governor of his majesty s\\nsaid province of New-Hampshire, Robert Mason, Esq., proprietor,\\nand John Hinks, Esq., of the said province; and doth obstinately\\nand wilfully use some other form than is by the said statutes or-\\ndained, contrary to the form thereqf Therefore, the said Joseph\\nRayu, in behalf of our sovereign lord, the king, doth pray, That\\nthe said Joshua Moodey, being thereof convicted according to\\nlaw, may sutler such penalties, as by the said statute are made and\\nprovided in that case.\\nNo. 37. Copy of a second information against the same.\\nNew-Hampshire, in New-England.\\nTo the honorable Walter Barefoote, Esq., judge of the court of\\npicas of the crown, and other civil pleas, held at Great Island,\\nand now sitting, this 6th February, 1683-4, c.\\nThe inlorraaiion of Joseph Rayn, his majesty s attorney gen-\\neral for the said province, in his majesty s behalf, against Joshua\\nMoodey, of Portsmouth, clerk.\\nWhereas, the said Joshua Moodey hath, in open court of the\\nquarter sessions of the peace, held at Great Island, aforesaid, upon\\nrecord, confessed and owned before the justices, that he hath ad-\\nministered the sacraments contrary to the rites and ceremonies of\\nthe church of England, and the form prescribed and enjoined by\\nthe statute made in the first year of the late queen Elizabeth, and\\nso stands convicted of the said offence before the justices at the\\nsaid sessions Joseph Rayn, his majesty s attorney general for the\\nsaid province, who prosecutes for our sovereign lord, the king,\\ndoth, (according to the ancient law^ of the statute made in the for-\\nty-second year of the reign of king Edward the 3d, now in force,)\\nin his majesty s behalf, exhibit his information to this honorable\\ncourt against the said Joshua Moodey, for that he having for many\\nyears had the appearance and repululion of a minister of God s\\nword in the said province, being within the king s dominions, and\\nhaving wilfully and obstinately refused to administer the sacra-\\nments according to the rites of the church of England, hath ad-\\nministered the sacraments of baptism and the Lord s supper in oth-\\ner manner and form than is appointed and commanded by the stat-\\nute of the first of queen Elizabeth and other statutes, contrary to\\nthe form thereof, and in contempt of his majesty s laws and doth\\npray the court s judgment, and that the said Joshua Moodey may\\nsuiler the penalties by the said statute in this case made and pro-\\nvided.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0492.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 460\\nNo. 38. Warrant and Mittimus against the Same.\\nNew-Harapshire in New-England.\\nTo James Sherlock, gent., prov. nnarshal and sherilF of the said\\nprovince, or his deputy.\\nIn his majesty s name, you are hereby required forthwith, to\\ntake and apprehend the body and person of Joshua Moodey, of\\nPortsmouth, in the said province, clerk, and carry him to the pris-\\non of Great Island, in the said province and the prison-keeper,\\nRichard Abbot, is hereby required to receive him, the said Joshua\\nMoodey, and keep him in safe custody, in the said prison, he hav-\\ning been convicted of administering the sacraments contrary to the laics\\nand statutes of England, and refusing to administer the sacraments\\naccording to the rites and ceremonies of the church of England, and\\nthe form enjoined in the said statutes. There to rerr:.ain for the space\\nof six months next ensuing, without bail or mainprize. Fail not.\\nDat. the 6th of Feb. 1683-4.\\nWALT. BAREFOOT, (Seal.)\\nPETER COFFIN, (Seal.)\\nHEN. GREEN, (Seal.)\\nHEX. ROBY, (Seal.)\\nVera copia.\\nTeste, Richard Chamberlais, Giro. P.\\n(The thiee preceding papers, are in the Recorder s office.)\\nNo. 39. Copy of Cranfield^s order, for raising money without an\\nassembly.\\nNew-Hampshire.\\nAt a council held at Great-Island, Feb. 14, 1683-4.\\nBy the Governor and Council.\\nWhereas we have lately had intelligence by a letter from Capt.\\nHook to Capt. Barefoot one of the council of this his majesty s\\nprovince, that he had advice from the captain of the Fort at Casco\\nof a sudden rising and onset intended by the Indians upon the En-\\nglish at the eastward And whereas the assembly have been\\nlately tendered a bill for raising a revenue for the fortifying and\\ndefending ourselves against his majesty s enemies, did absolutely\\nrefuse and reject the same without giving any reason for so doing,\\nor preparing any other for defraying the charge of the public ser-\\nvice. We his majesty s governor and council finding the public\\ntreasury so empty and bare that there is not so much money as to\\npay a single messenger and those persons that are the support of\\nthe province have not estates to support themselves in the war (if\\nany should happen) without due payment for their service, in con-\\nsideration of the premises, by virtue of his majesty s royal com-\\nmission bearing date the ninth of May, 1682, and also of his maj-\\nesty s royal instructions to the governor bearing date the 29th of\\nApril, 1682, have, for the raising a revenue for fortifying and de-\\nfraying the necessary charges of the government, that there may\\nbe a magazine of ammunition and provision, and of money to pay", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0493.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "the\\n470 APPENDIX.\\nindigent soldiers, as also for such emergencies as a war will neces-\\nsarily produce, thought fit to continue, and do hereby continue all\\nsuch taxes and impositions as have been formerly laid upon the\\ninhabitants (excepting only the rate of the penny in the pound\\nraised in time of usurpation without a general assembly) com-\\nmanding and requiring all and singular the constables and collec-\\ntors forthwith to perform their duty in levying and collecting the\\nsame, and paying it into the treasurer.\\nNo. 40. Copy of a letter from the Council to Governor Dongan.\\nProvince of New-Hampshire, March 21, 1683-4.\\nSir,\\nBy several advices we have received of a sudden rising intend\\ncd by the Indians in these eastern parts to fall upon the English\\nwe judged it absolutely necessary without delay to provide for tli\\nsafety and preservation of his majesty s subjects inhabiting th\\nprovince, and to give relief (if need be) to our neighboring col-\\nonies. Wc have therefore upon consideration of the best means\\nfor the securing of these provinces concluded it very necessary to\\nentertain a number of southern Indians for soldiers, who are best\\nacquainted with the manner of these Indians skulking fight and\\nthis being atoork of piety and charity for preventing the effusion of\\nchristian blood And knowing that your honor has an influence\\nupon the southern Indians our honorable governor was willing\\nto take the trouble upon himself of a journey to New-York to\\ntreat with your honor for sending of such a number of Mahiquas,\\nor other Indians, as may be convenient to assist in this service,\\nand to make such capitulations and agreement as to his honor\\nshall seem reasonable. We doubt not your honor s readiness in\\nany thing that may tend to his majesty s service and the safety of\\nhis subjects, having often heard a noble character of your honor\\nfrom our governor, whom we have intreated to present our letter\\nwith our most humble service. We have committed all matters\\nto his honor s prudence and management and what his honor\\nshall judge fit to be done we shall see performed. So praying for\\nyour honor s health and prosperity, we subscribe ourselves, (being\\nhis majesty s council of New-Hampshire.)\\nMay it please your honor, your most humble servants,\\nROBT. MASON,\\nWALTER BAREFOOT,\\nR. CHAMBERLAIN,\\nTo the Hon. Col. Tho. Dongan,\\ngovernor of his royal highness\\nhis colony of New-York, and\\nthe territories thereto belong- j ROBT. ELLIOT\\ning, humbly present. J JOHN HINKS.\\n/The two preceding papers are in the Council s Minutes, second book.)", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0494.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. .171\\nNo. 41. Address and Pelilion of the hhahitants of Exeter, Hamp-\\nton, Portsmouth and Dover, against Cnuijicld.\\nTo the King s Most Excellent Majesty.\\nThe humble address and petition of sundry of your majesty s loyaJ\\nsubjects the freeholdeis and inhabitants of your majesty s pro-\\nvince of New-Hampshire in New-Eni^land,\\nMost humbly sheweth, [From the .own of Exeter.\\nThat your petitioners predecessors having under the encourage-\\nment of your majesty s royal ancestors by their letters patents to\\nthe great council of Plymouth, removed themselves and some of us\\ninto this remote and howling wilderness in pursuance of the glo-\\nrious ends proposed, viz. The glory of God, the enlarging his\\nmajesty s dominions, and spreading the gospel among the heath-\\nen And in order thereunto either found the lands we now pos-\\nsess vacuum doviicUluin, or purchased them of tlie heathen the na-\\ntive proprietors of the same, or at least by their allowance, ap-\\nprobation or consent, have sat down in the peaceable possession\\nof the same for the space of above fifty years hoping that as we\\nhad attended the ends, so we should have shared in the privileges\\nof those royal letters patents above mentioned, and thereupon\\ndid the more patiently bear and cheerfully grapple with those in-\\nnumerable evils and difficulties that must necessarily accompany\\nthe settlers of new plantations, especially in such climates as tiiese\\nbesides the calamities of the late Indian war to the loss of many\\nof our lives, and the great impoverishment of the survivors. We\\nwere also further encouraged from your majesty s princely care in\\ntaking us by your late commission under your majesty s immedi-\\nate government, and appointing some among ourselves to govern\\nus according to those methods there prescribed, being particularly\\nbound to discountenance vice and promote virtue and all good liv-\\ning, and to keep us in a due obedience to your majesty s authority\\nand continuance of our just liberties and properties, together with\\nliberty of conscience in matters of worship, and all in order to our\\nliving in all godliness and honesty, fearing God and honoring the\\nking, which we profess to be our desire to do.\\nBut contrariwise partly by the unreasonable demands of our pre-\\ntended proprietor, Robert Mason, Esq., and partly from sundry\\nother reasons, that are either eflects or concomitants thereof, we\\nare in a far worse condition than any other j our majestv s planta-\\ntions, and reduced to such confusions and extremities, that neces-\\nsitate our humble application to your majesty, upon whose clemen-\\ncy and justice only, under God, we depend for our relief.\\nYour poor, distressed and oppressed petitioners, do therefore,\\nmost humbly supplicate your most gracious majesty, that you will\\nvouchsafe to give leave unto one of ourselves, Mr. Nathaniel\\nWeare, whom we have sent for that end, to spread before your\\nsacred majesty, and your most honorable privy council, our de-\\nplorable estate, the beholding of which we doubt not, will move\\ncompassion towards us, and your majesty s propensity to justice,\\nwill incline to the using such means as to your wisdom shall seem\\nbest, that the oppressed may be relieved, wronged ones righted,", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0495.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "472\\nAPPENDIX.\\nand we, your majesty s almost midojie subjects, now prostrate at\\nvour feet, may upon the tasting of your equity and goodness, be\\nraised, and further engaged, in all humility and thankfulness, as in\\nduty bound evermore heartily to pray, .c.\\n[Tlie following names having been derived from copies, not originals, there\\noccurred a number of mistakes in tiie former editions, wliich I have endeav-\\nored to correct.]\\nAndrew Wiggin,\\nThomas Wiggin, senior,\\nThomas Wiggin, junior,\\nRobert Smart, senior,\\nJohn Young,\\nJohn Foulsham,\\nEdward Smith,\\nPeter Fo\\\\dsliam,\\nTheophilus Durdly,!\\nRichard Morgan,\\nSamuel Leavitt,\\nJohn Cotton, junior,\\nJohn Oilman, senior,\\nEdward Gilman,\\nMoses Leavitt,\\nJonathan Robinson,\\nThomas Rawlins,\\nDavid Robinson,\\nKinsley Hall,\\nBily Dudley,\\nJ. .mes Sinkler,\\nChristian DolhoiT,\\nPhilip Charte,\\nJeremiah Low,\\nRalph Hall,\\nSamuel Hall,\\nJohn Sinkler,\\nJohn Wadleigh,\\nSamuel Foulsham,2\\nEleazar Elkins,\\nEphraim Foulsham,\\nHumphrey Wilson,\\nNathaniel Foulsham,\\nJonathan Thing.\\nThe like petition from the town of Hampton, iu said proviace,\\nsigned by,\\nJohn Tucke,\\nJohn Smith,\\nThomas Page,\\nNathaniel Bachiler,3\\nJohn Marston,\\nJames Philbrick,\\nJacob Bro.vne,\\nThomas Browne,\\nHenry Lamper,\\nJonathan Wedgwood,\\nHenry Moulton,\\nJohn Moulton,\\nJoseph Snjith,\\nDavid Wedgwood,\\nJames Cheuse,\\nJames Perkins,\\nMorris Hobbs, senior,\\nJoseph Moulton,\\nBenjamin Moulton,\\nThomas Leavitt,\\nThomas Dearborns,\\nJohn Leavitt,\\nHenry Dearborne,\\nAratus Leavitt,\\nChristopher Hussey,\\nPhilip Tovvle,\\nJosiah Sanbourne,\\nWilliam Sanbourne, senior,\\nRuth Johnson, widow,\\nRichard Sanbourne,\\nThomas Walker,\\nIsaac Godfrey,\\nHumphrey Perkins,\\nDavid Lamprey,\\nBenjamin Lauyre,4\\nWilliam Fuller,\\nJohn Sanbourne,\\nHesron Leavitt,\\nSamuel Sherborne,\\nFrancis Page,\\nPeter Weare,\\nBenjamin Browne,\\nThomas Philbrick,\\nTimothy Blake,\\n(1) Probably Tlieophilus Dudley, son of Rev. Samuel Dudley.\\n(2) This name is now written Folsom.\\n(3) Son of Rev. Stephen Bachiler, and died 2 Januwy, 1710, aged 80.\\n(4) Perhaps Benjamin Lavers.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0496.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "APPKNDIX.\\n473\\nJacob Perkins,\\nJonathan Philbrick,\\nEbenezer Perkins,\\nCaleb Perkins,\\nJoseph Perkins,\\nJoseph Dow,\\nJohn Clifford, senior,\\nSamuel Philbrick,\\nJoseph Shaw,\\nJohn Clifford,\\nBenjamin Shaw,\\nSamuel Cogg,\\nThe like petition from\\nGeorge Hunt,\\nPeter Ball,\\nJohn Sherburne, senior,\\nSamuel Wentvvorth,\\nSplan Lovell,\\nRichard Webber,\\nRichard Waterhouse,\\nWilliam Davell,\\nJohn Cotton,\\nColomart Mashawes,!\\nJohn Barsham,\\nJohn Shipway,\\nJohn Johnson,\\nJohn Sherburne, junior,\\nThomas Pickering,\\nThomas Wacombe,\\nObadiah Mors,\\nNicholas Morrell,\\nSamuel Keais,\\nJohn Dennett,\\nJohn Tooke,\\nEdward Melcher,\\nGeorge Lavers,\\nJacob Lavers,\\nJohn Brackett,\\nMatthius Haines,\\nSamuel Haines,\\nSamuel Haines, junior,\\nWilliam Fifield, senior,\\nWalter Neal,\\nTimothy Hilliard,\\nAnthony Stanyan,\\nJohn Stanyan,\\nJoseph Saubourne,\\nIsaac Perkins,\\nMoses Swett,\\nJoseph Swett,\\nJoseph Cass,\\nDuel Clemens,\\nSamuel Cass,\\nJohn Sanbourue, senior.\\nPortsmouth, in said province, signed by,\\nJohn Light,\\nWilliam Pitman,\\nJames Jones,\\nWilliam Cotton,\\nJames Levitt,\\nJethro Furber,\\nEdward Ball,\\nThomas Cotton,\\nDaniel Duggen,\\nFrancis Jones,\\nJohn Pattridge,\\nRobert Purinton,\\nNehemiah Partridge,^\\nJotham Lewis,\\nAnthony Brackett,\\nLeonard Weeks,\\nNathaniel Drake,\\nJohn Hunking,\\nRichard Jose,\\nJane Jose,\\nJohn Fletcher,\\nRichard Martyn,\\nPh. Suret,\\nRichard Waldron,\\nBen. Hull,3\\nJohn Cutt,\\nWilliam Vaughan,\\nGeorge Jaffrey,\\nJohn Pickering,\\nJohn Bruster.\\n[(1) Probably Matthews.\\n(2) Yartridge in the former editions.\\n(3) This name appears to be Reuben in contemporary records]\\n62", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0497.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "474\\nAPPENDIX.\\nThe like petition from th\\nJob Clements,\\nThomas Roberts,\\nEdward Allen,\\nWilliam Fmber, senior,\\nHenry Senter,\\nRifhard Howes,\\nAnthony Nutter,\\nJohn Dam, I\\nWilliam Furber, junior,\\nJoliu Dam, junior,\\nJohn Nutter,\\nThomas Row,\\nEdward Row,\\nJohn Meadow,2\\nPhilip Chesley,\\nJoseph Stevenson,\\nThomas Chesley,\\nJoseph Kinnt der,3\\nStephen Jones,\\nEdward Small,\\nNathaniel [Lomax ?]4\\nJames Huckins,\\nGathaiias Jerlld,\\nEzekiei Wentworth,\\nPaul Wentworth,\\nGerard Gyner,\\nJenkins Jones,\\nJoseph Canne,\\nRichard Waldron,\\n(From a copy in the hands of\\n(1830) in the hands of J. B. Moor\\ne town of Dover, signed by,\\nJohn Winget,\\nJohn Gerrish,\\nWilliam Wentworth,\\nJohn Heard,\\nJohn Roberts,\\nJohn Hall, junior,\\nRobert Burnham,\\nSamuel Burnham,\\nJeremiah Burnham,\\nSamnel Hill,\\nRalph Wormley,\\nWilliam Horn,\\nPeter Mason,\\nJohn Woodman, senior,\\nJohn Woodman, junior,\\nJonathan Woodman,\\nJohn Davis, senior,\\nJohn Davis, junior,\\nJ seph Fields,\\nJohn Bickford,\\nThomas Bickford,\\nThomas Edgerly,\\nJohn Hill,\\nCharles Adams,\\nSamuel Adams,\\nWilliam Parkinson,\\nJoseph Hill,\\nNathaniel Hill,\\nJohn Roberts.\\nthe Honorable President Weare, and now\\ne, Esq.)\\nNo. 42. The deposifio 7 of Peter CoJJin relating to CranfichPs can-*\\nduct toxvards William Vaughan.\\nThe deposition of Peter Coffin, Esq., one of his majesty s justices\\nof the peace for New-Hampshire, b^^iiig sworn, saith,\\nThat sometime in the beginning of February, A. D. 1C83-4, I\\nthe deponent, was present at the house of Mr. John Hincks, in\\ncompany with the Hon. Edward Cranfield, Esq. governor of this\\nprovinc where I heard the said governor send for Mr. William\\nVaughan, and when the said Vau^ban came, the governor inquir-\\ned of him what affidavits tho e were he had that day desired to be\\ntaken. The said Vaughan answered, those that concerned his\\ncause against Mr. Mason. The governor asked him who they\\n[(1) Now spelled Dnn.i\\n(2) Probably John Meader, who was of Dover.\\n(3) Perhaps Joseph Kennedy.\\n(4) A NatJianiel Lomax or tiummus, from Ipswich, was of Dover about\\nthis time.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0498.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 475\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0were, he answered, if he might have summons he would bring\\nthem before his honor to be sworn; iind then the governor brake\\nout into a passion, and told him, the said VaUy^han, that he was a\\nmutinous fellow, and asked him what he went lately to Boston for\\nthe said Vaughan answered he went about his business. Then\\nthe governor said, he w ent to carry a mutinous petition, to be sent\\nto England by VVeare, and asked him what vessel VVeare went in\\n]\\\\lr. Vaughan answered, that he left VVeare in Boston. Then the\\ngovernor said, that by the next ships after Weare was got to Eng-\\nland, and had presented his petition, he should have an account\\nof the persoiis names that subscribed it, returned to him, and that\\nit would be the best haul he ever had, for it would be worth 100\\na man. The governor further said, that the said Vaughan was a\\nmutinous fellow, and required of him bonds to the good behaviour;\\nMr. Vaughan answered, he knew none of the king s laws he had\\nbroken, but if he could be informed of his crime, he was ready to\\ngive bonds. Aiid that in the whole discourse, Mr. Vaughan de-\\nmeaned himself with a great deal of moderation and submission.\\nNotwithstanding which, the governor commanded a mittimus to\\nbe writ, and signed the same with his own hand, whereupon the\\nBaid Vaughan was forthwith committed to prison.\\nPETER COFFIN.\\nPeter Coffin, Esq., the above named deponent, appearing in the\\ntown of Kittery, in the province of Maine, this 27(h of Janua-\\nry, 1684-5, made oath to the above written, before me,\\nCHARLES FROST, Just, of Peace.\\nNo. 43. The warrant and mittimus whereby miliam Vaughan, Esq.\\nwas committed to prison.\\nNew-Hampshire.\\nTo James Sherlock, gent, sheriff and provost marshal of the said\\nprovince, or his deputy.\\nIn his majesty s name you are hereby required to take and ap-\\nprehend the body of VVilliam Vaughan, o^ Portsmouth, Esq. and\\ncarry him to the prison of Great Island and Richard Abbot, the\\nprison keeper thereof, is hereby required to receive the said\\nVaughan into said prison, and there keep him in safe custody, till\\nhe shall give good security to our sovereign lord the king, his heirs\\nand successors, for his, the said Vaughan s, good behaviour towards\\nthe same, our sovereign lord the king, he having refused to find se-\\ncurity for his said good behaviour the sixth day of February, 1683.\\nGiven under my hand and seal the said sixth day of February^\\n1683-4.\\nEDWARD CRANFIELD, (L. S.)\\n(The two preceding papers are in the Recorder s office.)", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0499.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "476 APPENDIX.\\nNo. 44. Ji letter from William Vaughan^ Esg.^ containing a journal\\nof transactions during his i/uprisonment, ;c. to Nathaniel Weare,\\nEsq., agent in London.\\nPortsmouth, 4th Feb. 1683-4.\\nMr. Nathaniel Weare,\\nSir, These serve to give covert to the enclosed, which were\\nunhappily mislaid, and so brought to Portsmouth, instead of being\\ncarried by you to London, though on the other hand you carried\\nmany papers fer London, which ought to have been at Portsmouth.\\nThere were several papers in the bundle which were very imper-\\ntinent unto your business, and the transporting of them very pre-\\njudicial to soiue here your especial care about them is expected,\\nyet may be safely returned with you, if not transmitted by you\\nbefore your return. We are now a doing about getting evidences\\nsworn, which you shall have a further account by the first, though\\nretarded much by having no copies of them as we expected.\\nSince your departure, much ado has been made; many executions\\nextended, viz. upon Messrs. Cutts, Daniel, myself, Mr. Fletcher,\\nMoodey, Hunking, Ear!, Pickering, Booth, c. I went to pris-\\non, but was redeemed with money; several doors were broken open\\nby JMatthews, the marshal s deputy, chests also and trunks, and\\ncarried out of the houses till redeemed with money. John Par-\\ntridge and William Cotton are in prison, and have been sundry\\ndays. No pay (as fish, sheep, horses, ,c.) would be taken for\\ntheir executions, so their bodies were levied upon, and there they\\nlie. Our minister, for refusing to administer the sacrament to the\\ngovernor, is bound over to the quarter sessions, to sit to-morrow,\\nthe issue we know not, but six months imprisonment threatened.\\nYour wife and family well. Great bluster at Hampton about the\\npetition some weaklings were wheedled into a confession and\\nthey discovered the persons that carried the petition, who were\\nby justices G. and R. bound over to the quarter sessions but last\\nSaturday night (on what ground know not) Mr. Green burnt their\\nbonds, and only told them they must appear when called for.\\nCharles Hilton is lately dead as other news arrives shall hand it\\nto you by all occasions, and do you the like by us.\\n5th. Quarter sessions are come, and there Capt. Barefoote, Messrs.\\nFryer, Coffin, Greene, Roby, Edgerly, were justices, Raines was\\nattorni y. It was brought in as a pleaof the crown. Mr. Moodey\\npleaded his not being ordained, having no maintenance according\\nto statute, and therefore not obliged to that work which the stat-\\nute required. Besides, these statutes were not made for these\\nplaces, the known end of their removal hither being that they\\nmight enjoy liberty in these foreign plantations, which they could\\nnot have by virtue of the statutes at home, and were allowed to\\nhave here, especially our commission granting liberty of con-\\nscience. These things were pleaded, but to no purpose. After a\\nshort pleading, and that not without many interrupiious and smiles\\nby the pragmatic, busy, impertinent attorney, he was committed\\nto the marshal, (viz. Long Matthews) and held in custody that\\nnight, though permitted to lodge at Capt. Stileman s. The jutices", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0500.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 477\\ndebated a little four oif them entered their dissent, viz. Messrs.\\nFryer, Green, Roby, Edgerly, but Capt. Baiefoote and Coffin were\\nfor his condemnation. Judgment of the case, every man s was\\nentered by the secretary over night, but being deferred till next\\nmorning, information was given to somebody, who came in and\\nthreatened and hectored after such a rate, that Green and Roby al-\\nso consented, as you see by the enclosed, and he was committed to\\nprison. Petition was by him made to the court, and afterwards to\\nthegovernor, that he might step up at night to bis family and settle\\nmatters there, and that he might not go into the dismal place the com-\\nmon prison. The court could not. the governor would not, of first,\\nthough in line gave leave to the marshal to drop him at Capt.\\nStileman s, where he is confined to his chamber, though ifot with-\\nout leave to go down stairs, or into the backside, and this was\\ndone 6th instant. At night, I having moved for the taking of evi-\\ndences, which was in words owned, went to the secretary for\\nsummonses, intending to begin with Lieut. Hall and Thomas\\nWiggin, he refused to give summonses, but first (I suppose) must\\ninform somebody, I was sent for by the marshal, buffed and hec-\\ntored strangely, threatened, c. in fine, must give bonds to the\\ngood behaviour. I refused; thereupon he made and signed my\\nmittimus to the prison, though by the way, I know not how, was\\nalso dropped at and confined to Mr. Moodey s chamber, where we\\nhave been these two nights, very cheerful together.\\nPoor Wadleigh, who was left to the governor s mercy, is come\\nout upon security for forty pounds money, and your Gove for a\\nlike sum, only William Partridge is to do it in work, building and\\nfencing, :c. The actions go on, and are turned oil hand apace,\\ntwelve at a clap^ after the old manner. Roby, though a justice, is\\nstill of the jury. A new trick is on foot. Several of us that were\\nexecuted upon, and paid our money the first suit, are sued again\\nfor illegal withholding possession, though the marshal (who was\\nby execution required to give possession, never came to demand\\nit;) the issue of which we know not, matters being yet depending.\\n9th. The prisoners Vaughan and Mr. Moodey were fetched\\nout of prison to plead their cases at the court. Messrs. Cutt, Daniel,\\nJohn Partridge and myself and Mr. Moodey were sued, and all\\ncast, but the last, who had something particularly to say, and so\\nhe cast Mr. Mason, though we thought we all said enough to cast\\nhim, viz. that he had an execution for the land sued for, and\\nwhen he levied his execution might have taken the land also,\\nwith many other things, (enough of, we thought,) to have turned\\nthe case against him, before any indifferent judges and jurors, but\\nthus we are treated.\\nBut above all, our minister lies in prison, and a famine of the\\nword of God coming upon us. No public worship, no preaching\\nof the word, what ignorance profanes, and misery must needs en-\\nsue By the premises, you see wliat need there is you should be\\nvigorous and speedy as you may, about your business, to do what\\nmay be to the preventing of utter ruin.\\nMy imprisonment is a present stop to the getting what evidences", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0501.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "478 APPE.NDIX.\\nis needful, and it is like we shall not make any further attempt\\nhere, but v\\\\ iih wljal couveuieiit expedition, \\\\vili be done what is\\nneedful and necessary. iMr. Martin was sued at the court in two\\nactions, one by Mr. Mason, lor lines and forfeitures, collected and\\nreceived by him as treasurer, from seventy-nine to eighty-two,\\nand another action, by the governor, for fines, ice, from April,\\neighty-two. He is cast in both actions, to the value of about\\nseventy pounds, although he pleaded, that what he received was\\ndisposed by order of the authority which made him treasurer, and\\nhad as good commission from his majesty, as that was in being\\nneither did it legally appear, that either Mr. Mason or the govern-\\nor have any right to lines and forfeilures, the king aj)pointing all\\npublic money to be disposed or improved for the support of the\\ngovernment however it is but ask and have their demands in\\nany case have the force of an execution.\\n10th. The sabbath is come, but no preaching at the Bank, nor\\nany allowed to come to us, we had none but the family with us,\\nthe poor people wanting for lack of bread. Motions have been made,\\nthat Mr. Moodey may go up and preach on the Lord s day, though he\\ncome down to prison at night, or that neighbor ministers might be\\npermitted to come and preach, or that the people might come down to\\nihe prison and hear, as many as could, but nothing will do; an unpar-\\nalleled examj)le auiongst christians to have a minister put out and no\\nother ay found to supply his place by one means or other. Mr. Fry-\\ner was severely threatened for refusing to subscribe Mr. Moodey s\\ncommitment, but hath obtained fairly a dismission from all public\\noffices. Justice Edgerly also cashiered, and bound over to the\\nQuarter Sessions.* It is said that Justice Green is much afflicted\\nfor what he has done, but Roby not. Peter Coffin can scarce\\nshow his head in any company.\\nI4th. News came from the iort at Casco, that there was great\\ndanger of the Indians rising, which hath occasioned a meeting of\\nthe council and some discourse, but hear no more since, and hope\\nit may vanish.\\n15th. Good Mrs. Martin was buried, being not able to live\\nabove one sabbath after the shutting up the doors of the sanctua-\\nry. Somebody has said that the imprisoning of the minister is\\nnone of his work, he did but constitute the court, they did it them-\\nselves, though also hath said he would have done it himself if\\nthey had not.\\n[Tho. Edgerly was, by the governor s order of the sessions, discharged\\nfrom being justlct! of the peace, and of being in any other public employment.\\nRecords of Court ofQ. S.]\\nt Mr. Moodey, in the church records, remarks thus on his judges. Not\\nlong after, Green repented, and made his acknowledgment to the pastor, who\\nirankly forgave him. Robie was excomnmnicated out of Hampton ciiurch,\\nfor a comnK)n drunkard, and died excommunicate, and was by his friends\\nthrown into a hole near his house for fear of an arrest of his carcase. Bare-\\nfoote fell into a languishinuf distemper, whereof he died. Coliin was taken\\nby the Indians, (at Cochecho, l(i8i his house and mill burnt, himself not be-\\nin? slain but dismissed; the Lord give him repentence, though nouigni* of it\\nhave yet appeared.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0502.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 479\\n17th. Another sad Sabbath.\\n18th. Came JNIefisis. Mason, Barefoot and secretary, with Thur-\\nton who swore against me a false oath, of which I have enclosed\\na copy. Thurton ssid he was sent for on purpose to give in his\\ntestimony against me they went away, and soon after came the\\nencbsen mittimus directed to Mr. Raines, who is sheritV and mar-\\nshal ii\\\\ Mr. Sherlock s room, that have been out of favor of late,\\nthough now it is said in favor, but not in place again. Mr. Est-\\nwicke is also put out of all office. Note, that when I went to\\nhim for taking oaths, he said all oaths should be taken before the\\ngovernor and council, hut now could send to justices to do it. We\\nhad for some nights our key taken away from the chamber door\\nabout 8 or 9 at night, but have since left ofi^ that trade. Sewall of\\nExeter is dead.* Several overtures were made this week to John\\nPartridge and William Gotten by Raines to come out of prison he\\ngiving them 3 months time to provide money or any other current\\npay, though they tendered fish, plank, c. before they were put\\nin, they refused to accept.\\n24th. This sabbath our wives, children and servants came\\ndown and spent the day with us in our chamber, and we yet hear\\nnothing said against it.\\n25th. The marshal goes and levies upon John the Grcek sf sheep\\nand cattle for the execution, for which he had lain about three\\nweeks in prison, and then came and ordered him to go about his\\nbusiness, 15 sheep, sundry lambs, and two heifers seized for six\\npounds odd money. This day also Mr. Jaffery having had sundry\\nwarnings the week before to clear liis house because Mr. Mason\\nwould come and take possession of it, went nevertheless to the\\nBank upon business meanwhile came Mr. Mason with the mar-\\nshal and turned all his servants out of doors, set another lock on\\nthe door, and at night when his servants came home wet they\\nwould not suffer them to come in, but there lodged Mathews and\\nThurton all night. Mr. Mason said, while about this work, that he\\nwas sorry VVeare had no more of this news to carry home with him.\\nThe governor having sent to Mr. Cotton,;|; that when he had\\nErepared his soul, he would come and demand the sacrament of\\nira, as he had done at Portsmouth, already. Mr. Cotton, the\\nlatter end of the week before last, went to Boston, and has been\\nout two Lord s days, already all is well with yours there, so far\\nas I can learn, I cannot go to see, else, might have given them a\\nvisit.\\nOne word more about my business. I am under imprisonment,\\nabout Thiirton s business, being seized by the marshal, and com-\\nmitted, when in prison before, for not giving bond for the good\\nbehaviour, thous,h nothing charged upon me, any more than before,\\nwhich you well know. I know nothing, but tliey intend to keep\\nme here endlessly. It is said, I must pay one hundred pounds, for\\n[Probably Edward Sewall, who died in 1G84.]\\nt [Tbia person is called in the Records of the Court of Quarter Sessions,\\nJohn Greek, alias Amazeen.]\\nt [Rev. Seaborn Cotton, of Hampton.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0503.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "480 APPENDIX.\\nstriking one of the king s officers, and must have ray name re-\\nturned into the exchequer, and must lie in prison, till the money\\nbe paid, and I am discharged from the exchequer. The design\\nyou may easily see, is to niin me, and how vain my pleas will be,\\nyou may easily guess. Though I have many things to say, viz.\\nthat Thurton was either no officer, or at least, not known to be so,\\nhowever not sworn, nor did I strike him in the high-way, as he\\nswears, nor is tliere any proof, but his own single testimony, which\\nhow far it avails in such a case, would be considered it is also\\nworthy of inquiry, whether ever that law was intended for us,\\nhere being no customs to be gathered, no exchequer to be applied\\nto, and therefore, how these methods can be observed, is not in-\\ntelligible. You may easily imagine how things will be if I am\\nforced to comply with their humors. Pray consult, consider, and\\nsee if something may not be done to put a stop to such arbitrary\\nproceedings, a trial on the place, by indifferent, unconcerned\\njudges and jurors, if, at least, there can any such be found, who\\nwill not be forced into what some will have done, but I shall not\\nneed to instruct you. There you have better, counsel, then 1 can\\ngive you, and of your fidelity to inquire and remit by the first,\\nwhat is needful on this account I doubt not.\\nI have given you but a taste, we that see it, know more than\\ncan possibly be understood by those, that only hear, in a word\\nsuch is the height of their heat and rage, that there is no living for us\\nlong in this condition. But we hope God will be seen in the\\nMount.\\nI should have inserted what fell out after the dissolving of the\\nrebelious assembly, there was discourse of constables, and instead\\nof the freemen choosing as formerly, they took a short and cheaper\\ncourse, and at the Quarter Sessiou, constables where chosen, and\\nto begin with Mr. Speaker,* he has the Honor to be constable for\\nPortsmouth, Capt. Gerrish, Lt. Anthony Nutter and John Wood-\\nman, for Dover, John Smitht the cooper, for Hampton, John Foul-\\nsom, at Exeter. Whether Mr. Speaker shall sew or fine, is not\\nyet determined. And now I am speaking of the General Assem-\\nbly, must hint what w^as formerly forgotten, viz. that they con-\\nvened on the Monday, and the choice of the speaker (their old\\none) in words highly approved, and he complimented alamode.\\nThen a bill was sent them down, (of which if I can get it, being\\nnow in prison, shall inclose a copy) which they talked a little of,\\nand then brake up for the night and went up to the Bank to lodge,\\n(the tide serving very well to go and come) the report of which\\nhighly disgusted, and the next morning the answer to the bill ve-\\nhemently urged, which was in fine a negative. Hereupon, in a\\ngreat rage, telling them they had been up to consult with Moodey,\\nan utter enemy to chiirch and common wealth, with much of like\\nnature, he dissolved them, which was done on the Tuesday, after\\n[Richard Waldron, who, it appears from the Records of the Court of\\nQuarter Sessions, was appointed constable for Portsmouth, 5 February, 1683\\n-4, but refused to serve.]\\nt [John Smith, of Hampton. Records of C. Q. Sessions.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0504.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 481\\nwhich hft came up to the Bank and gave order for a satramont on\\nthe next Lord s day, as you have heard, and since the assembly\\nmen pricked for constables.\\nBy the premises, you will see how (he governor is making good\\nhis word. He came for moneys and money he will get^ and if he\\nget it, you know who must lose it, and how miserable must our\\ncondition quickly be, if there be no remedy quickly provided.\\nHe contrives and cuts out work, and fiudsevil instruments to make\\nit up, and these some among ourselves. Thus we are cloven by\\nour own limbs.\\n28th. Since Mr. Jaffrey was dispossessed, Raines offered him\\nfor five shillings per annum quit-rent to Mr. Mason, he should\\nhave his house again, provided he would own him proprietor, but\\nhe refusing, it is said he shall never have it again. The talk\\nis, that his house must be court-house and prison both, and standing\\nso near the governor, it is judged suitable for both those ends,\\nthat he may have the shorter journey to court, and the prisoners\\nmay be always under his eye.\\n29th. John the Greek haxang lain some weeks in prison upon\\nexecution, his goods having been levied upon, (as above) was by\\nRaines locked out of the prison, and bidden to be gone, but he\\nwould not, keeps his quarters still with the other two. This day\\nhis goods were sold by the marshal, and bought by Thurton.\\nMr. Cotton* is come home from Boston. Great offence taken\\nhere at a sermon he preached in Boston, on Acts xii. v. though\\npleasing to the hearers.\\nMarch 2d. This day Mr. Jaffrey s goods n-ere all turned out\\nof doors by the sheriff, c. his man received and disposed of them.\\nAgainst Jaffrey there are two oaths taken, single oaths, but being\\nfor the king, will pass, and orders are given for warrants to ap-\\nprehend him, he appears not.\\nMarch 5. It is said that they are going this day to Major Wal-\\ndron s, to serve him as they have done Mr. Jaffrey, and it is given\\nout that the rest will be treated in like manner the court was ad-\\njourned yesterday to the next month, probably that they might\\nlevy the executions that are in bank before they cut out any more\\nwork. Justice Green seems something troubled for sending the\\nminister to prison, and saith he will never do such a thing again,\\nbut Peter Coffin saith it is a nine days wonder, and will soon be\\nforgotten, but others think otherwise. If they go on thus, we\\nare utterly ruined, must go away or starve, if at least we be not so\\nconfined that we cannot go away neither. I question Vi^hether\\nany age can parallel such actions.\\nIn my last I sent you a letter to Sir Josiuh Child, my master, of\\nwhich also you have another copy herewith. My design is, that\\nyou carry the letter yourself, wait on him while he reads it, and if\\nhe will please to hear you, (as I hope he may) that you amplify\\nmatters, inform him what further intelligence you have, and attend\\nLis direction, if God move his heart to do ought for us. This day,\\n[Rev. Seaborn Cotton, of Hampton. See page 107 .J\\n63", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0505.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "482 APPENDIX.\\nthe governor sent us word by the marshal that we must remove to\\nMr. Jaffrey s house to-morrow, which house is made the prison.\\nWe hope the news of the rising of the Indians will fall to nothing.\\nDitto 5th. Thus far was sent you by way of Barbadoes.\\nIt follows. The governor did say to a Salem man, that Moodey\\nmight go out of the prison, if he would go out of the province, but\\nwe hear no more since.\\nJamps Robinson under great wrath and in much danger only for\\nspeaking something to Thurton (of his being a pitiful fellow, c.)\\nwhile said Thurton was active in turning out Mr. Jaffrey s goods.\\n6th. Matthews and Thurton hunted for Mr, Jaff^rey, searched\\nin Mrs. Cult s house, Avent into every room above and below stairs,\\nsearched under her bed where she lay sick in it, but found him\\nnot. They carried it very rudely and basely in their work. Mat-\\nthews said he would catch him, or have his heart s blood, but he\\nwas not there. Mr. Jaftrey s goods were carried to the other side\\nby night.\\nIt is said that our imprisonment has much [alarmed] the whole\\ncountry, and made them more fond of their liberties. This night,\\nMatthews was beaten at Mercer s,* (some fuddling about it, it is\\nlike) but it is made a mighty thing on, said to be a deep plot,\\ndeeper than Gove s, managed by strong heads, and abundance of\\nthat nature, and because the persons concerned were under the\\ninfluence of Vaughan and Moodey, they should suffer for it, for\\nnot teaching them better. Though we know no more of it than\\nyou, nor is there ought in it worth notice, but thus we are treat-\\ned. The governor went up to the Bank and made great inquiries\\nabout it. Capt, Pickering and others that were in the fray, are\\nbound over,\\nTth. They had six pounds, five shillings, of Obadiah Morse, by\\nway of execution. Raines was discarded, being put out of being\\nsheriff, c. though he had his commission under the seal but the\\nother day. Matthews is made provost marshal (at least) in his\\nroom, and Thurton, marshal s deputy. Good birds for such offi-\\nces. Lord have mercy upon us. They had also eighteen shill-\\nings from Samuel Case,| the rest is deferred, and he has put away\\nhis goods and intends to remove or go to prison, and so we must\\nall.\\n11th. The Indian news occasioned an order to the trustees to\\nget ammunition, they came down and pleaded their time was up\\nit was said, you shall keep in during my pleasure. They said they\\nhad no money of the towns in their hands, nor could any be rais-\\ned without a general assembly. Then lay out your o;vn money,\\nor else wo to you and this they are fain to comply with.\\nHe said and swore that if Mason would not acknowledge a\\njudgment next court, of six hundred pounds, he would take all his\\nbusiness from him, and sue in his own name. He swore he would\\nturn out that rogue Ellet, who is as bad as any other.\\nMr. Waldron being sent for by warrant to come before the jus-\\n[Francis Mercer, who was an alehouse keeper.]\\nt [Probably Cass.]", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0506.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 483\\ntlces to take the constable s oath, appeared before Mr. Mason and\\nCapt. Bareloote, but excusing it, and giving good reason, was dis-\\nmissed upon paying live pounds but poor Capt. Barefoote was\\nmost fearfully rated at for his labor, many oaths sworn that Wal-\\ndron should either take the oath or either take up with a goal.\\nThe next day, (though the justices, whose business it is, had fair-\\nly dismissed him) he was convented again, the oath tendered, he\\nthreatened with a prison immediately, but told them he knew the\\nlaw better than so, then they took his own bond to answer it at\\nquarter sessions, and so far of that matter as yet. Another consta-\\nble is ch6sen, viz. Capt. Pickering, though he has as yet waived\\nthe oath, having lately served in tliat place, and pleading his be-\\ning boond to good behaviour for that last fray. He talks much of\\nfrigates to scare the poor people.\\n14th. Council sat, and could not agree about raising money,\\nwhich highly provoked somebody. They said the general as-\\nsembly only could raise money.\\nThe governor told Mr. Jaflrey s negro he might go from his\\nmaster he would clear him under hand and seal so the fellow\\nno more attends his master s concerns.\\n15th. This day the secretary was in a great rage turned out of\\nall his offices, except secretary to the council, (an empty name,\\nlittle profit) and the books sent for out of his hands. He is much\\nconcerned and dejected.\\nI am credibly informed, and you may believe it, that the gov-\\nernor did in the open council yesterday, say and swear dreadfully,\\nthat he would put the province into the greatest confusion and\\ndistraction he could possibly, and then go away and leave them so,\\nand then the devil take them all. He also then said, that Mr. Qla-\\nson said he would drive them into a second rebellion, but himself\\nwould do it before; and I wonder he has not; such actings are\\nthe ready way, but God hath kept us hitherto, and I hope he\\nwill do so still. He also said and swore that any person that\\nshould have any manner of converse with us, or any of our mind,\\nhe would count them his utter enemies and carry toward them as\\nsuch.\\n17th. The governor having formerly prohibited the prisoners\\nfrom making shingles, went himself this day to the prison, and\\nprohibited John Partridge from making shoes bade the marshal\\nthrow them into the sea.\\nThis day Raines being not willing to give up a warrant that he\\nhad executed, during the short time of being sheriff, was sent for\\nby the governor, and not appearing, the governor came to his\\nchamber, and did beat him dreadfully, and bade the marshal carry\\nthe rogue to jail. He remains out of favor still. The governor\\nalso went over to Capt. Hooke s, and got him to give warrants to\\nthe constables on the other side, to search all houses for Mr. Jaf-\\nfrey, and bring him over, but they found him not, nor is he yet\\nfound, though proclamation was made at Wells court, for his sei-\\nzure, though not yet done.\\nMarch 18. This morning came Matthews to our chamber, and", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0507.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "484 APPENDIX.\\nsaid the governor sent him to carry me to the prison, where I am,\\nwhere I still lit- buing put in only for Thiirlon s action, and kept\\nin, though I oilered securny to respond it. I think they have let\\nfall the other about the good behaviour, seeing they can make\\nualhiug of it, and before my coming in, John the Greek s bed, c.\\nwas turned out of prison, and he forced away, who would not de-\\npa it before.\\n21st. Mr. Martyn came to discourse about the money he was\\ncast for, which they have not yet levied upon him, but intend to\\nlay it upon all tlie old council equally, that each may bear bia\\nshare. At same time, the governor told Mr. Martyn that he would\\nsend his execution. Said Mr. Martyn, you know it is not my due\\nto pay the money. No matter, (said he) want monej^ and will\\nhave it. But have none^ said he then will take your house.\\nHe added also, to Mr. Martyn, that he was a church member, and\\nhe would v.atch him and all such, and be sure to pay them off if\\nhe could catch them.\\n22d. The sorest storm and the.highest tide that ever was known.\\nMany thousands of pounds damage in Boston, and much here.\\nThe bridge to the Great Island broken olf in the middle, to the\\ngreat joy of many.\\n24th. The governor went to Boston in Fox s sloop, intending\\nthence to New- York, pretending to discourse Colonel Dungan, and\\nbring down two hundred Mohawks to kill the eastward Indians.\\nWhat is at the bottom, or will be the issue, God knows. He had\\na cold treat at Boston, staid not a night in town. Since his go-\\ning, we have had little news worthy of your notice, but all things\\nhave been very quiet hitherto.\\nI have not enlarged upon these particulars to my master Child,\\nbut if he will take any notice of the thing and be concerned about\\nit, he will then give you opportunity of discoursing him, and you\\nmay inform v\u00c2\u00bb hat is further needful.\\n31st. This month passed out and the other came in, without\\nany noise, unless the great joy that was at the Bauk, by Mr. Moo-\\ndey s going up thither, and my going once or twice after, with\\nour keepers, by Mr. Mason s permission, who presides in the gov-\\nernor s absence but we soon returned to the place from whence\\nwe came.\\nApril 8. Nathaniel Fox, who married Mrs. Stileman s daugh-\\nter, sent Matthews to arrest Capt. Stileman for his wife s portion,\\n(though it w. i. often tendered feim in such pay as the court order-\\ned it, but he would have it in money.) Capt. Stileman gave his\\nown house and all that was in it, for security to answer the action,\\nbut Matthews bringing Thurton with him at his instigation, who\\nwas terribly insolent, they arrtsted the womaUy Mrs. IStileman, and\\ncarried her to prison loith much violence and coarse usage^ though her\\nhusband had give.i security. She was carried in the evening. Capt.\\nStileman wrote to Mr. Mason he protested against it, and wrote\\nto the marshal, it would not do. He went again, and Mr. Masou\\nwrote again, but to no purpose they kept her there till the next\\nmorning a thing not to be paralleled in the English oatiua", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0508.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 485\\nComplaint hath been made, but no remedy. Abbot being up at\\nthe Bank witU me, Thurtou took the key of the prison, and when\\nAbbot came, would not permit him to go in, but turned him away.\\nBrave doings No tongue can tell the horrible impcriousness\\nand domineering carriage of that wretch. The next morning,\\nMr. Mason (much ado) got Mrs. Stilemau out, and the jailor into\\nhis place again.\\nMr. Mason gave leave for any minister to come and preach at\\nthe Bank, so that we got Mr. Phillips* for two Lord s days, viz.\\n13 and 20th, having been nine Lord s days without a sermon.\\nApril 14th. Came H. Greene to Mr. Moodey s chamber, and\\nmade a confession of his fault, and begged his pardon for putting\\nhim in prison, and said he would get him out quarter sessions, c.\\nGood words, but Capt. Barefoote went to the prison, and\\ntold John Partridge that if he would give an order to allow so\\nmuch as his charges came to, out of what the provinces owed him\\nabout Gove, for the soldiers, c. he should come out of prison,\\nand they would pay him the remainder, the whole being about\\nthirty pounds, but he was not forward lest he should in so doing\\nquit them of false imprisoning him but if they would do it them-\\nselves, stop so they might. Nothing is done in it.\\n15th. Matthews and Thurton were sent to Hampton to levy\\nexecutions and serve attachments, and warn jurymen for the court\\nin jMay.\\nThey arrested seven, among which Captain Sherburne one,\\nwarned the old jurymen, executed upon William Sanborn, took\\nfour oxen which were redeemed by money, drove away seven\\ncows from Nathaniel Bachiler, went to your house, met your son\\nPeter going with his four oxen into the woods, commanded hira\\nto turn the oxen home, he would not they cursed, swore, drew\\nupon him, threatened to run him through, beat him, but he did\\nnot strike again. They carae to your house, were shut out, your\\nwife fearfully scared for fear of her son who was out with them.\\nAt length she let them in, laid three pounds on the table, which\\nthey took, and then levied on several young c ittle, but released\\nand left them. Your son came hither to advise, but complaining\\nis bootless, such a dismal case are we in. They took away two\\nbeds from old Perkins, but his son ofi ered his person, and they\\ntook it, and quitted the other what more they did there we as\\nyet hear not.\\nCapt. Gerrish, John Woodman, Lieut. Nutter and Nathaniel\\nBachiler are sworn constables.\\n17th. I went to Mr. Mason at Capt. Barefoote s house and had\\nseveral witnesses with me, and desired hira to take depositions\\nthat I might send them home, about my case and the rest of the\\ncases, but he refused. The governor had put me in prison when I\\nasked him, and now in his absence, the deputy governor denies to\\ngrant them. I hope this will be matter of just complaint, that we\\nshould be hindered from applying to his majesty for relief under\\n[Rev. Samuel PJiillipfl, of iiowley.j", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0509.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "486 APPENDIX.\\nour oppressions. You will have evidence of his denial sent home,\\nsworn before some of the Bay magistrates. We can do no more\\nunless the Bay should assist us, which they are loath to do, and\\nwe are loiith to put them upon, as matters are circumstanced with\\nIhem but we think it should be taken very heuiously by all that\\nlove justice and willing to administer it, that his majesty s subjects\\nshould be thus treated. Surely they are afraid or ashamed of their\\nactions, (and they may be both) else they would not be so shy of\\nhaving them known.\\nThis is what oifers here what more needful, cousin Waldron\\nwill advise from Boston.\\nWith due respects remain.\\nYour assured friend and servant.\\nFor Mr. Nathaniel Weare, in London.\\nA discourse with the governor about mij imprisonment j May, 1684.\\n[Subjoined to the foregoinir letter.]\\nAt a sessions held the 6th May, 1684, I was denied counsel,\\nand to have witnesses sworn. Mr. Waldron, Captain Stileman\\nand Captain Frost were presented.\\n10th. The governor was with me in prison. Mr. Chamberlain,\\nMr. Hinkes and Mr. Sherlock with him.\\nThe governor proffered me, (that whereas, 1 was fined by the\\njustices in Thurtou s case, that I might think they had not done\\nme right,) that if I would prosecute it (giving security so to do,) in\\nthe king s bench, at Westminster, the exchequer, or before king\\nand council, I should though by his commission he could not do\\nit. My answer was, unless I could have security given me, that in\\ncase I should recover, I might have my charge and damage made\\nme good it would be of no benefit to me. He said there was\\nno reason for that, because it was for the king though it was his,\\nbecause Mr. Mason had resigned up to the king all fines and for-\\nfeitures, and the king had given it to him. But he said, if I would\\ndeposit a valuable sum he would do the like, and would give bond,\\nand have it tried as abovesaid. My answer was, I thought the\\nforty pounds was enough, and that I expected execution would\\ncome out at the time, and should endeavor by the time, to provide\\nenough for it, but withal, told the governor it Avas at his liberty to\\njemit it, if he pleased, by virtue of his commission.\\nAlso, for my being in prison for not giving bond for my good be-\\nliaviour, when the sessions came I was not brought to my trial for\\nthat, but remanded to prison again.\\nAt ditto, time the governor told me he had put me in prison on\\nthat account, and he would abide by it, till I would give two hun-\\ndred pounds bo))d. My answer was, I had rather lay in prison,\\nthan give bond to tempt such a fellow as Thurton, (or such others)\\nthat had sworn against me already, and falsely, and judged it might\\nbe no scruple to him to do the like again. And withal, told him,\\nthat if his honor pleased to let me out of prison, I would engage\\nmyself, by bond, to live out of the province, though that would be\\nvery detrimental to ray concerns, and by that, I hoped he would", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0510.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 487\\nhave no thoughts of ray misbehaving myself, that would be detri-\\nmental to the king s government here, or himself. Not that I\\nscrupled giving bond for my good behaviour, though not accused\\nfor any thing, but for laying a temptation to some base minded\\nperson or persons to forswear themselves, as one had done before,\\nin another case relating to me.\\nMay 12. Was informed, that whereas, Thurton had a commis-\\nsion to be prison keeper, (and withal, had vapored, and said the\\nprison was too good for Vaughan, and the room that he had fitted\\nup, did intend to keep it himself, and that Vaughan should take\\nhis quarters v/here he would assign it, and that the prisoners should\\nnot be waited on as Abbot had done, for he would keep them\\nlocked up, only come morning and evening,) lost his pocket book,\\nwherein was his commission and sundry papers of concernment.\\n(The original of this letter and journal is in the hands of the Honorable\\nPresident Weaie.)\\nNo. 45. Copy of a letter from the governor and council to the lords\\nof trade.\\nProvince of New-Hampshire, May 23, 1684.\\nMay it please your lordships,\\nSince Robert Wadleigh is returned from England, having lately\\nhad an appeal dismissed by the council-board, by taking advantage\\nof Mr. Randolph s absence, who was attorney for the parties, he\\nhath put the people of this province into such a ferment and disor-\\nder, that it is not possible to put his mfijesty s commands in execu-\\ntion, or any ways govern them. And, though notwithstanding, in\\nobedience to your lordships commands, we liave called an assem-\\nbly, (a copy of the proclamation for that purpose being herein in-\\nclosed,) we cannot think it prudent or safe to let them sit they\\nbeing of the same ill humor, or worse, as when Gove went into\\narms, his design being hatched at the time the assembly sat. And\\nit looks more like a design, they having those four constables into\\nthe assembly, that the king s peace may not be preserved, (the\\nwhole number of the assembly being eleven This Wadleigh\\nbeing formerly an assembly man, and hath three sons condemned\\nin Gove s rebellion, (and himself now chosen again the oldest\\nof them I have pardoned, one of them is dead, and the other I\\nkeep in prison till I receive your lordships further order. All the\\nother ofi enders being pardoned. Major Waldron sson is constant-\\nly of the assembly and speaker, (this being the third that hath\\nbeen called.) I wish his majesty s clemency do not cause some\\ngreat mischief to be done here. They have never given two\\nPENCE* to the support of the government, and that very rate that\\nwas made in the time of presidents Cutt and Waldron, we have\\naccording to his majesty s royal commission continued but do not\\nthink it safe to publish it, unless we had strength to countenance\\n*The first assembly voted two hundred pounds to tlie governor, but it isi\\nnot certain that he accepted it though he consented to the act.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0511.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "488 APPENDIX.\\nour proceedings. This we conceived it our duty to inform your\\nlordships, and are,\\nMay it please your lordships,\\nYour most humble and most ohedient servants,\\nThe appellants claim by grant from\\nMr. Mason and as for Wadleigh,\\nhe hath been these sixteen days\\nin the country, and though I have\\nheard much of him, I have not\\nyet seen him.\\nEDVV. CRANFIELD,\\nKOBT. MASON,\\nWALT. BAREFOOT,\\nR. CHAMBERLAIN,\\nJOHN HINKS,\\nJAMES SHERLOCK.\\nTo the right honorable, the lords of the committee\\nof trade and plantation, at Whitehall, 5\\n(From tlie Council Uecords.)\\nNo. 46. Copy of a letter from Cranfield to Sir Leoline Jenkms,\\nof the same date.\\nMay it please your honor,\\nWe humbly beg, after your honor hath perused this letter to the\\nlords of the council, you would be pleased to lay it before their\\nlordships, and desire their lordships to come to some speedy reso-\\nlution for it is no longer in my power to promote the honor and\\ninterest of his majesty here, without a small frigate to second his\\nmajesty s broad seal and other his royal commands. As to the pi-\\nrates, your honor may be assured, that myself and the council will\\npunish them according to their demerits, if they shall at any time\\nhappen to come within this jurisdiction and carefully obey all\\nother commands which shall be sent unto,\\nMay it please your honor,\\nYour honor s most humble and most obedient servant,\\nEDW. CRANFIELD.\\nI most humbly beseech your honor by the first opportunity, to\\nsend the king s letter to give me liberty to go ofl to Jamaica or\\nBarbadoes for my health finding so great a weakness in my legs,\\nwhich indisposition hath been contracted by the severity of the\\ncold.\\nTo the Right Honorable Sir Leoline Jenkins, one of his\\nmajesty s principal secretaries of state at Whitehall.\\n(Tlie two preceding papers are in tlie council minutes, second book.)\\nNo. 47. Copy of NathH Wearers first complaint against Cranfield.\\nTo the king s most excellent majesty, and the lords of his mosthon-\\norable privy council,\\nThe humble representation of Nathaniel Weare, inhabitant and\\nplanter in your majesty s province of New-Hampshire, in New-\\nEngland, in America, on behalf of himself and other your majes-\\nty s loyal subjects, inhabitants and planters there, whose names\\nare subscribed to the four annexed petitions, as follows", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0512.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 489\\n1. That the honorable Edward Cianfield, Esq., your n;ajesty s\\ngovernor of the said province, upon his lirst entraiice on that gov-\\nernment, in order to the enlargement of his power as governor\\nthere, beyond the just bounds and limits your majesty v/as by\\nyour royal commission pleased to set him, and to engross the whole\\npow er of erecting courts, with all necessary fees, powers and au-\\nthorities thereto, into his own hands, exclusive of the general as-\\nsembly there. The said Mr. Cranfield, at the first general as-\\nsembly there, when the words of his commission ran, And we\\ndo hereby give and grant unto you full power and authority to\\nerect, or constitute and establish, such and so many couits oi ju-\\ndicaluie and public justice within the said province and planta-\\ntion, within your government, as you and they s^hnW think fit and\\nnecessary for the hearing and determining of all causes, as well\\ncriminal as civil, according to law and equity, and for awarding\\nexecution thereupon, with all reasonable and necessary powers,\\nauthorities, fees and privileges belonging unto them, caused his\\ncommission to be entered in the council books there, and deliver-\\ned a copy thereof to the general assen\\\\biy w ithout the words [and\\nthey,] athrming those words to have been put in by mistake of\\nthe clerk, in engrossing the commission whereby the said Mr.\\nCranfield has enhanced the fees upon trials there, to his own ad-\\nvantage, as Avill appear in one of the articles following.\\n2. Although your majesty has been graciously pleased by your\\nsaid commission to interpose betw een the inhabitants of the said\\ncolony and Mr. Robert Mason, ;3/e c/((^crf proprietor thereof, and to\\ndirect\\nThat on non-agreement between those inhabitants and Mr.\\nMason, the said Mr. Cranfield should interpose, w ho if he could\\nnot end the dilferences between, was by the said commission di-\\nrected to transmit to England such cases impartially stated, with\\nhis opinion and reasons on the same, that your majesty with advice\\nof your privy council, might hear and determine the same. That\\nnevertheless, the said Mr. Cranfield, instead of keeping liimself\\nindifterent between the contending parties, Mr. Mason and the\\nsaid inhabitants, hath by purchase or mortgage from Mr. Mason,\\nmade himself owner of the province And the better to come by\\nwhat he hath so purchased, he hath under color of the authority of\\nyour majesty s commission, made courts, whereof both judges and\\njurors have agreed \\\\vith JNIason for their own lands, and some of\\nthem have taken grants from I\\\\Iason of other men s lands. That\\nnevertheless tliis jury is continued from mouth to month, and kept\\nfor this service.\\nThat Mr. JNIason has cast forty persons on suit by that jury, the\\ncourt rejecting all pleas, and though the verdict be given for Mr.\\nMason according to your majesty s royal commission, (which di-\\nrects as before) and the judgment entered accordingly, yet, upon\\nthe execution the inhabitants are turned out of their lands and\\nhouses, as it hath fared with Wm. Vaughan and others, and de-\\nprived of all subsistance.\\n3. That the charge of every action is raised from 20s. to 6/.,\\n64", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0513.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "490 APPENDIX.\\nwhich is exacted in money, and though goods tendered, (as usual)\\nthe persons are imprisoned lor want ot money in kind, and Mr.\\nCranlield himself, takes of the 6/.\\n4. Tiuit the said Mr. Cranlield, under color of trying actions,\\nhas, by setting the fees so extraordinary, forced several to quit\\ntheir claims, for want of money to carry on the suit.\\n5. That the said governor taking upon himself the power of\\npriceing money not entrusted with him by his commission, hath,\\nagainst the agreement of the general assembly, by advice of his\\ncouncil, ordered pieces of eight, however wanting in their weight,\\nto pass for 6 shillings.\\n6. That the said governor, without good and lawful cause, hath\\ntaken upon him to commit several men to prison, particularly \\\\Vm.\\nVaughan, until bonds given for their appearances and good beha-\\nviour, when nothing further objected to them.\\n7. That the sold governor and his council, took upon them to\\nmake laws and put them in execution, without the general\\nassembly.\\n8. That to prove the articles above, against Mr. Cranlield, the\\ncomplainants have successlessly endeavored to procure warrants\\nor summons from the secretary, to summon their witnesses to be\\nsworn, (which cannot otherwise be so) the seeking of such sum-\\nmons has occasioned being bound to the good behaviour, so as\\nthe complaining of a wrong done one, does, under Mr. Crantield s\\nmanagement, but draw a new punishment on the afflicted, but no\\nmanner of redress.\\nAil which, the said Nalh. Weare, humbly lays at your majesty s\\nfeet, imploring your majesty s present hearing what your petitioner\\nis able to make out of the premises, and ordering some commis-\\nsion to examine the truth of the residue of the said allegations\\n(since your majesty s governor on the place will not admit of such\\nevidence.) That on the return thereof, your majesty s subjects in\\nthat province, may find such relief as to your princely wisdom\\nshall seem meet.\\nAnd that, in the mean time, Mr. Cranlield, be admonished not\\nto exceed the bounds of his commission.\\nAnd your petitioner shall ever pray, Sac,\\nNo. 48. Reference of the same, to the Lords of Trade.\\nAt the court at Hampton court, this 11th day of July, 1684.\\nBy the king s most excellent majesty, and the lords of his majes-\\nty s most honorable privy council.\\nUpon reading this day at the board, the petition and complaint\\nof Nathanial Weare, inhabitant and planter in his majesty s prov-\\nince of New-Hampshire, in New-England, in America, in behalf\\nof himself and others, his majesty s loyal subjects and inhabitants\\nand planters there, whose names are subscribed to the four peti-\\ntions thereto annexed against Edward Cranlield, Esq., his majesty s\\ngovernor thereof\\nHis majesty was pleased to order, that the said petition and", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0514.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 491\\ncomplaint be, and they are hereby referred to the ri^ht honorable,\\nthe lords committees of this board for trade and foreis^n planta-\\ntions, who are to consider thereof, and to report to his majesty at\\nthis board their opinion thereupon, and then his majesty will de-\\nclare his further pleasure.\\nPHILIP LLOYD.\\nA true copy.\\n(The two preceding papers, are in hands of the Hon. President Weare.)\\nNo. 49. Letter from the Lords of trade to Edward Cranfield\\nAfter our hearty commendations to you. His majesty having\\nreceived the petitions and cflnr,plaints of divers of his subjects,\\ninhabitants and planters of New-Hamp;;hire, against you for cer-\\ntain irregular proceedings alleged by them to be had by yoii, in\\nthe execution of your commission and administration of justice\\nand it being ordered in council, that the said petitions and com-\\nplaints be examined and considered by us, that we may report to\\nhis majesty our opinions, to the end his majesty s further pleasure,\\nmay be signified thereupon. We have, therefore, herewith sent\\ntinto you copies of the said petitions and representations, that y^ou\\nmay return your particular answer thereunto with all speed, and\\nthat we may the better distinguish the truth of v/hat is alleged or\\ncomplained of, and of such defence as you shall be able to make.\\nWe do think tit, that all persons whatsoever, have free liberty to\\ndepose upon oath what they know, and to take copies of all re-\\ncords, in these or any other cases relating to yourself, or the said\\nprovince, and that the said depositions be taken in writing by any\\nmember of the council or justice of the peace in that colony,\\nwhom you are duly to authorize thereunto, and as we cannot be-\\nlieve that you will put any restriction or discouragement whatsoev-\\ner, upon the taking and transmitting of all necessary proofs and\\nrecords, attested by the proper officers, for the clearing of truth in\\nthe matters complained of, so we think it requisite, that copies of\\nall affidavits be interchangeably delivered, to each party concerned\\nas soon as they shall be taken, and so not doubting of your com-\\npliance herein, we bid you heartily farewell.\\nFrom the council chamber in Whitehall, this 23d day of July, 1684.\\nYour very loving friends,\\nRadnor. Guilford, C S. Halifax, C. P. S.\\nCraven. Rochester. Ernie. Godolphin.\\nL. Jenkins.\\nTo our very loving friend, Edward Cranfield, Esq., Lieutenant\\nGovernor and commander in chief of his majesty s province of\\nNew-Hampshire, in New-England.\\nA true copv,\\nWILLIAM BLATHWAYT.\\n(This paper is in the council minutes 2d book.)", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0515.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "493 APPENDIX.\\nNo. 50. A Briejj conlainivg the substance of the affidavits, objec-\\ntions and replies at the hearing before the Lords Committee of the\\nCouncil for Trade and Plantations, lOth of March, 1684-5.\\n[Not inserted in the former editions.]\\nTo the first article of the complaint, Anthony Nutter and John\\nWoodiuiin, depose\\nThat Mv. Cranfield declared in the assembly, that the words\\n[and they] were inserted in his commission by mistake, and\\ndd. a copy without those words. That Mr. Cranfield accord-\\ningly made Capt. Barefoote a judge of the pleas and chief justice\\nof the province, without the council s advice, and appointed a\\ncourt once in every month. That the fees for trying all actions\\nwere first set at 2()s. A former bill of costs in the like case but\\nIs. Another but \u00c2\u00a3l 10s. But now there is added to that\\n20s. by the said judge, \u00c2\u00a35 Is. 2d. in Mr. Mason s case.\\nNote. The costs are signed by the judge and not by the gov-\\nernor.\\nNote. The witnesses in Mason s cases were always some of\\ntilt; jury.\\n1st Objection. That the assembly were of opinion, that the gov-\\nernor alone had the power of erecting courts of judicature.\\nAnswer. That in November, 1682, the assembly then dispu-\\nted this matter, and the orner produced has no date. Besides,\\nTipping signs the assembly s acts, and this is only signed by\\nChamberlain.\\n2d Objection. Mason swears that the governor gave copies of\\nhis commission, with the words [and they] inserted. Mr. Elliot\\nswears the same. And that the council set the fees, which the\\ngovernor afterw ard allowed.\\nAnswer. The couucil were at the governor s pleasure.\\n3d Objection. Walter Barefoote, the judge, swears that the\\nlate president and council took 20s. for every action, before it\\nshould be called, and there is now no more taken. And the\\nplaintiffs or defendant s costs or charge, were, as now, taxed by\\nthe court, and are very reasonable. That Waldron, when judge,\\nmade Randolph pay \u00c2\u00a38 2s. 6d. costs, in a trial for the king, be-\\nsides damages.\\nAnswer. 1. That the feet is otherwise, as will appear, costs\\nbeing now altered, \u00c2\u00a33 to Mr. Mason, in every action, and 12 of\\nthem in a day tried. 2. That Randolph s costs were for a special\\ncourt for that one trial.\\nTo the second.\\nNote. That at first, Mr. Cranfield gave public notice that all\\npersons might come in, and agree with Mr. Mason. But, John\\nWinget, Thomas Rogers, and Elias Stileman, deponents, came\\nin, and the governor would not intermeddle.\\nReuben Hull, deposes,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 That Mr. Cranfield owned he had\\nbought the province of Mason.\\nWilliam Vaughan and Richard Waldron,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 That he shewed hi.s\\ndeeds from Mason, of purchase of that province, to the deponents.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0516.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 493\\nNathaniel Foulsham proves possession given Mason of Capt.\\nGilman s lio\\\\ise and hinds.\\nBenjamin Moullon and William Fifield The like of San-\\nburn s house and lands, and the imprisoning of Sanburn.\\nNo more turned out of possession, but executions granted\\nagainst several.\\nTo the third.\\nThe raising of the costs from 20s. to \u00c2\u00a36, is proved in the Qrst.\\nNathaniel Weare. To prove that costs were, before, always\\ntaken in goods, and not in ready money, and that where goods to\\nbe had, the persons never taken.\\nJohn Pickering and William Cotton. That for Cotton s costs\\nto Mason, plank or other goods would not be taken, but for want\\nof money Cotton was imprisoned.\\nChristopher Noble. The same fully.\\nH. Axwell, .John Partridge, William Cotton and Richard Nich-\\nolas. That Partridge s costs, goods tendered as before, but re-\\nfused, and Partridge imprisoned that he was forbid to work in\\nprison, and forced to live upon his friends charity.\\nJohn Geare and Walter Windsor. The same to Thomas Pick-\\nering.\\nJohn Smith. The same to Christopher Hussey.\\nIVTr. Weare knows him to be 86 years old.\\nTo the fourth.\\nJacob Perkins and Timothy Hilliard. That seeing how others\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0were dealt with, by Mr. Mason, by imprisonment for want of mon-\\ney to pay court charges, they were forced to yield to Mr. Mason s\\ndemands.\\nTo the fifth.\\n14 Nov. 1682. The general assembly ordered pieces of 8,\\nrials and dollars, to pass at 6s. 8d. per ounce, troy weight.\\n4 Oct. 1683. Mr. Cranfield and his council reciting an act of\\nJanuary then last, but must intend that above, of November, order\\nthose pieces should go at 6s. apiece, without respect to the weight,\\nso that some dollars not worth 3s. by weight, pass at 6s.\\nWilliam Saubnrn, swears, he lost 16s. in receiving \u00c2\u00a35, Spanish\\nmoney, by reason of the order above.\\nJacob Browne. That he lost a 6th part of \u00c2\u00a35, Spanish money,\\nby reason as before.\\nObjection. Mason swears, that he first proposed to the govern-\\nor and council, putting a value on Spanish money, as it is, at Lon-\\ndon his majesty s mint. That the council agreed thereto, and the\\ngovernor approved it.\\nWalter Barefoote and Robert Elliot swear the same.\\nAnswer. 1. It is pretty bold swearing he first proposed it.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\n2. His proposing it, does not make it lawful for the governor and\\ncouncil to do it without the assembly.\\nTo the sixth.\\nThe mittimus for sending Mr. Vaughan to prison, until \u00c2\u00a3500\\nbail to the peace. Oct. 22, 1683. No crime alleged, nor partic-\\nular breach of the peace.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0517.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "494 APPENDIX.\\nUpon this cnmmitniPTit, the jailor took Mr. Elliot and Mr. Dan-\\niel s bond for his appearance.\\nThe same day Mr. Vaughan was discharged from being of the\\ncouncil.\\nThe next day, the governor, by a new warrant, taking notice of\\nthe bond taken by the jailor, and that the taking such was an es-\\ncape in the jailor, orders his commitment anew, until he give\\n\u00c2\u00a3500 security for the peace and good behaviour.\\n25 Oct. 1683. Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Daniel gave the govern-\\nor a recognizance of ii 500, conditioned for Vaughan s being of\\ngood behaviour and keeping the peace, and should appear at the\\nnext quarter sessions, to anstver what should be objected against\\nhim.\\n6 Nov. 16S3. At the next quarter sessions, jMr. Vaughan ap-\\npeared, but there being no prosecution he and his bail were dis-\\ncharged.\\nObjection. 24 Oct. 16S4. Thurton swears, that in Septem-\\nber, 1683, he desired Mr. Cranfield to bind Mr. Vaughan to his\\ngood behaviour, for beating him, so as he durst not execute his\\noffice.\\nAnswer. That this was not thought of at the time of his com-\\nmitment, for if it had, Mr. Cranfield must have bound him to good\\nbehaviour expressly to said Thurton, which he did not.\\nFebruary, 1683. One Joseph Dow, and other jurymen, pass-\\ning by the governor s house, were invited in, and friendly receiv-\\ned. But on asking the question, whether they might not, when\\nthey were sworn (as before they had done) hold up their hands,\\ninstead of kissing the book, the governor fell into a rage, and ask-\\ned them how they came there. To whom Dow replied, at\\nyour honor s invitation. That Mr. Cranfield complaining of this\\nmatter to the next court, as a riot, Dow was forced to give 100\\nbond, for his appearance next sessions. When Dow appeared,\\nnothing being alleged against him, he was discharged and his arms\\nrestored. But at a another session after, Dow was called again,\\non the same bond, and the penalty was estreated against him, and\\nhe forced to fly out of the province, with his wife and nine chil-\\ndren, leaving his house and grounds, with the corn in the ground,\\nto the governor. This, Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Weare can also\\nprove.\\nFebruary 6, 1683-4. The governor again committed Mr.\\nVaughan, for want of security for his good behaviour. Upon\\nwhich Mr. Vaughan lay in prison nine months.\\nPeter Coffin swears, Februarj 1683, That Vaughan demeaned\\nhimself civilly to the governor, and oflfered to give security to the\\npeace, if the governor could give one instance wherein he had\\nbroken the law. But the governor, in great heat, charged him\\nwith having gone to Boston, with a mutinous petition to his maj-\\nesty, and said he would make a good haul of it, and get 100 of\\nevery man that had signed that petition, and then ordered his com-\\nmitment, as above.\\nAugust 6, 1684. Mr. Vaughan petitioned the president Bare-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0518.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 495\\nfoote, and the rest of the justices, at the then quarter sessions, that\\nhe might be brought, by habeas corpus, to answer to what ihouid be\\nobjected, and so be either acquitted or condemned.\\nAugust 5, 1684. Mr. Cranfield writes to that court, and in-\\nstances many ciimes, in general, against Mr. Vaughan, as promot-\\ning tumultuous petitions, ;c., and then requires their binding\\nhim over to the next sessions and then concludes, not doubting\\nof their care, that he \\\\vholly left the determination of it to them,\\nurging, that, if he denied the matter, he had evidence to prove it.\\nThe same day, the court continued him in custody accordingly.\\nSeptember 16, 1684. Mr. Barefoote and the other justices, w hen\\nthe governor was present, committed Vaughan to Hampton prison,\\nuntil he gave good security for his good behaviour, and for his ap-\\npearance next sessions, to answer misdemeanors to be objected\\nagaiijsthim, on his majesty s behalf.\\nOctober 18, 16S4. After two quarter sessions past, and noth-\\ning objected against Mr. Vaughan, when his majesty s letter came\\nover on Mr. Weare s complaint, Mr. Vaughan was released by the\\ngovernor s warrant, but to return to prison in two mouths.\\nSeptember 12. 35 Car. 2. Mr. Joshua Moodey being to take a\\njourney out of the province, was forced to give a recognizance of\\nJS200 to return in three weeks, if alive and well.\\nTo the seventh.\\nDecember 22, 1683. The governor and council order sale of\\ngoods, taken on execution, to be sold by outcry, in 14 days.\\nThat they impose taxes on the inhabitants, to \u00c2\u00a3500, without the\\ngeneral assembly.\\nThat the justices empowered the marshals, by warrant, to levy\\nthe same, on the constables refusing.\\nThat the justices fined the constables for not collecting the rates\\nand that the marshals levied these taxes.\\nOctober 22, 1683. The governor and comp. order, no vessels\\nor sloops should come from any other colonies, unless licensed by\\nhim, which is, in effect, setting up a license office, whereby the\\ngovernor got as follows\\n7 November, 1684. Daniel Gent, master of a sloop of Boston,\\nswears, that he paid 2d per M., for 100,000 feet boards, landed at\\nBroad Island, in governor Craufield s time, and never any thing\\nbefore.\\n8 November, 16S4. John Usher proves the same, paid for the\\nlike, though Mr. Cranfield had, by letter, promised ihey should go\\nfree.\\n6 November, 1684. William Ardel proves the same, for the\\nlike.\\nTo the eighth.\\nWilliam Vaughan and John Pickering. Prove that, in Februa-\\nry, 1683, the secretary denied to swear their witnesses, or to at-\\ntend the governor therein, or grant any summons for witnesses,\\nto prove that the governor s secretary would not grant summons,\\nto bring in witnesses, to be sworn, to make out Mr. Weare s com-\\nplaint, nor swear any that came in without summons, unless hi^", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0519.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "496 APPENDIX.\\nsecretary might have the modelling of their evidence as he pleas-\\ned though his majesty had commanded aliidavits should be taken\\niudiftereutly.\\n6 November, 1684. Tiionias Wiggin and Thomas GraflTort.\\nProve the denial of swearing twenty-eight persons, in the matters\\nin question.\\nAnd Mr. Vaughan was committed the same day, as appears by\\ncommitment before, for desiring the same.\\n11 December, 1684. John Foulsham and Nathaniel Bachiler.\\nSwear that, in July last, the governor said he would line all the\\npetitioners 100 each, and that it should be the best toll that ever\\ncame to his mill.\\n1 1 December, 1684. John Partridge and Nehemiah Partridge.\\nSwear that the secretary denied them copies of several records,\\nthe governor, in March, 1682-3, having ordered the contrary.\\nObjection. James Sherlock, swears that, the 16th October,\\n1684, Mr. Crantiold oftered Major Waldron to call a council and\\nswear his evidences, before Weare went to England.\\nWalter Barefoote, the same, and that the governor offered him\\nwhat copies of records he desired.\\nAnswer. This is true, in fact, the offer was made, but when\\nit was desired, Vaughan was committed.\\n(Found among Weare s MSS.)\\nJJ^o. 61. A brief of CranfieWs commission, and of the evidence^ in\\nsupport of the complaint, and against it.\\n[Not inserted in the former editions\\nNew-Hampshiie, in New-England.\\n1. IX no. Maii, XXXIIIIto. Car. 2di. The king by letters\\npatent, under the great seal of England, constitutes Edward Crau-\\nfield. Esquire, lieutenant-governor and commander in chief of all\\nthat part of New-Hampshire province, in New-Englaud, extend-\\ning from three miles norihwaid of all or any part of Merrimack\\nriver, unto the province of Maine.\\nTo execute all things belonging to his commission, as per in-\\nstructions therewith, or such further powers and instructions as,\\nunder his majesty s sign manual, shall be sent, and according to the\\nreasonable laws in being there, and such other as shall be made\\nand agreed on by him, with the advice and consent of the council\\nnd assembly there, as hereafter.\\n2. Robert Mason, Richard Waldron, Thomas Daniel, William\\nVaughan, Richard Martyn, John Giliuan, Elias Stileman, Job\\nClements, Walter Barefoote, and Richard Chamberlain, Esquires,\\nto be of his majesty s council there, and to assist in the govern-\\nment.\\nCranfield to take an oath for due execution of his office and\\ntrust, to be administered by any live of the said council and he\\nto give the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and the test in the\\nact for the prevention of dangers from popish recusants, and the\\noath for due execution of their places and trusts.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0520.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 497\\n3. Power of suspending members in just cause, five to be a\\nquorum.\\nTo certify vacancies by death, departure or suspension, that new\\nmay be appointed under his majesty s sign manual.\\nPower to Cranfield, out of the principal free householders, to fill\\nup the council, when less than seven on the place, and not more,\\ntill they confirmed, or others made under the sign manual.\\nSuspended or displaced members, not to be of the general assemlly.\\n4. Power to call assemblies of freeholders, with consent of the\\ncouncil, till further pleasure signified, which assemblies are to take\\nthe oaths of allegiance and supremacy, or be incapacitated.\\nAnd the governor and assembly to make laws agreeable, as near\\nas may be, to those of England, to be allowed or disallowed by\\nliis majesty, under his sign manual.\\n5. Governor to have a negative voice in mnking laws, with\\npower to dissolve and prorogue general assemblies at pleasure to\\nuse the public seal.\\nPower to give the oath of allegiance by himself, or others, to\\nwhom he pleases.\\nPower to himself to erect what courts he thinks necessary for\\nlaw and equity in matters both civil and criminal. To make judg-\\nes, justices of the peace, sherifls, and other necessary officers, and\\nto administer necessary oaths to them.\\nPower to pardon criminals, (except in treason and wilful mur-\\nder,) and to reprieve therein also, until his majesty s pleasure be\\nknown and to remit fines, c.\\n6. Appeals to the king and his council, in all actions real and per-\\nsonal, of above \u00c2\u00a350 value, and not under, the appellant giving good\\nbail, to answer costs and charges, which shall be awarded by his\\nmajesty here, and execution not to be suspended by the appeal.\\nIn cases of life or limb (wilful murder excepted) the party con-\\nvict to be either sent to England or his case and execution res-\\npited until orders therein returned by the king or his council.\\nPower to levy men and transfer them from one plact to another\\nin America.\\n7. To execute the office of captain general, and martial law in\\ntime of war. The governor, with consent of the council, to erect\\nforts, platforms, castles, cities, boroughs, towns, and fortifications,\\nnecessary, and the same to fortify or dismantle. Invasion to be\\nrepelled by force of arms.\\nTo discourage vice and encourage virtue.\\nLiberty of conscience to all protestants, and those of the church\\nof England to be principally encouraged.\\n8. The present taxes to be continued until the general assembly\\nfix others. Public money to be issued by the governor s warrant,\\nwith consent of the council, and to be used for support of the gov-\\nernment, and not otherwise.\\nThe governor to be vice-admiral of all the seas and coasts be-\\nlonging to his government, and to receive instructions therein from\\nthe D. of Y. lord high admiral there.\\nG,5", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0521.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "498 APPENDIX.\\nPower to appoint fairs, marts, and markets, with advice of the\\ncouncil.\\nThe like for ports, harbors, havens, c. for shipping, c. and\\ncustom houses and officers for the same, and those to alter and\\ndiplace, following the rules of the acts of trade and navigation.\\n9. All officers and inhabitants to be aiding to the governor in\\nexecution of the said powers.\\nPower to appoint and displace a deputy governor who is to be\\nof the council.\\nThe council to govern on the death of the governor, and in his\\nabsence when no deputy appointed.\\n10. Recites that tlie land in New-Hampshire wns held and im-\\nproved by several, under title from the Massachusetts, since\\nevicted.\\nAnd Mr. Robert Mason s claim thereto for prevention of whose\\nbeing unreasonable in his demands, his majesty had obliged him\\nunder hand and seal, to demand nothing for the time past, until\\nthe 24th June, 1679, nor molest any for the time to come, but\\nmake them titles forever, paying 6d. per for the true yearly\\nvalue of all houses built, and of all lands, whether gardens, orch-\\nards, herbal or pasture, improved by them, which shall be bound-\\ned to them, provided Mason have the residue to make the best of,\\n11. On non-agreement between the inhabitants and Mason, the\\ngovernor to interpose, who, if he cannot end the differences be-\\ntween them, is to transmit to England such cases, impartially sta-\\nted, vv ilh his opinion and reasons on the same, that his majesty,\\nhis heirs and successors, with advice of the privy council, may\\nhear and determine the same.\\nThe governor to hold his office and said powers, during his\\nmajesty s pleasure. The commission of 18 September, 1679, to\\nbe void,\\nWilliam Vaughan will depose, that at a court on Great-Island,\\n6 Nov. 1683, Walter Barefoote, deputy-governor, Nathaniel Fry-\\ner and H. Greene, judges, Robert Mason, plaintiff, W. Vaughan,\\nR. Waidron, N. VVeare, and Eleanor Cutt, widow, defendants,\\nconcerning title of lands, judgment was given for the plaintiff,\\nfrom which defendants appealed, and their appeals were admitted.\\nAnd the 16lh following, Mr. Mason promised to attend at Mr.\\nVauohan s house, to take the security, where the appellants and\\nsecurity attended, but no Mr. Mason nor secretary. But appel-\\nlants and security went and found out the secretary, to whom they\\ntendered security, who said he had no orders t( take it, and re-\\nfused taking it, whereby the seizin and appeal lost.\\nThat in order for the trials for Mr. Mason s land 1. There is\\na standing jury kept from month to month. 2. That by report,\\nthose jurymen have agreed with JMason for their lands. 3. That\\nseveral pleas have been refused, and the defendants told p.\\njudges, they would not make record for them by entering their\\npleas. 4. That the courts refused reading the stat. 27 Eliz. c. 6,\\n\u00c2\u00abect. 2. Coke s Inst. lib. 2, cap. 12, p. 1.56, and other statutes.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0522.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 493\\n17th Feb. 1682. The governor, Mr. Cranfield, by note affixt\\non the church doors, gave notice, that if the inhabitants of that\\nprovince came not in within a month, to take leases from Mr.\\nMason, pursuant to his majesty s commission, he would certify\\nthe refusal to his majesty, that Mr. Mason might be discharged\\nfrom his obligation to grant such.\\nSigned, ED. CRANFIELD.\\n4th Jan. 1683. Joshua Moodey will depose, that Gov. Cran-\\nfield, about December, 1682, shewed the deponent writings, under\\nthe hand and seal of Robert Mason, conveying his right to New-\\nHampshire Province to Mr. Cranfield.\\n4th Jan. 1683. William Vaughan and Richard Waldron, jr.\\nwill depose the same.\\n4th Jan. 1683. Reuben Hull will depose, that in December\\nlast, Mr. Cranfield said Mason had given him deeds for his prov-\\nince, which he had shewn to Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Waldron, and\\nintended suing Mason at the next court for the same.\\nWilliam Fifield, jr., Richard Sanbourn, and Nathaniel San-\\nbourn, will depose, that in October, 1683, being at J. Sanbourn,\\nsenior s, house, when Robert Mason, Sherlock, the marshal, and\\nJames Leach, came to give Mason possession when Sanbourn\\nnot opening the door. Leach, per marshal s order, broke it open\\nand gave Mason possession, and Sherlock took Sanbourn prisoner.\\nWhen Mason openly told the people, this is what you shall all\\ncome to.\\nThomas Wiggin swears, 13 April, 1683, that in iMarch last, he\\nand Robert Mason and Robert Hall, being at Deputy-Governor\\nBarefoote s house. Mason said he would seize Major Wahlron s,\\nJoshua Moodey s, John Partridge s and Capt. Tippeu s lands, who\\nshould not have one foot iu the province, and that he wonld live\\nin Andrew Wiggin s farm, being a good one. That the people\\nhad been in one rebellion, and he would force them into a second,\\nand then hang them. That shortly there would be a frigate there\\nwith soldiers, whom he would quarter in the province, at the peo-\\nple s cost, and that then they v/ould rebel. That let Wadleigh go\\nfor England if he would, New-England had now no friend in the\\ncouncil or committee, but formerly they had the lord privy seal.\\nThat he and his two sons would fight any six there, for the prov-\\nince, at sharps. Sworn before\\nWM. VAUGHAN, Just. Peace.\\nIS April, 1683. Lieut. Robert Hall, justice of peace there,\\nswears the same, before Justice Vaughan.\\n14 April, 1683. Shadrach Walton swears, that about three\\nweeks before, he heard Mason say, that he looked for a frigate\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0with soldiers, and would quarter ten at each liouse, till they eat\\nup all the people s cattle and sheep, and beggar them, and that\\nthen he should see what they would do and upon inquiry of the\\nreason why, said it was because they would not comply with him\\naccording to his majesty s order. Said he would speedily seize\\nMajor Waldron s, IVIr. Moodey s and J. Partridge s estates, and\\nbade deponent tell Lieut. Nutter his estate was going after the\\nrest Sworn before W. VAUGHAN.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0523.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "500 API^ENDIX.\\nAgaiust U8.\\n27 Sept. 1683. R. Mason, R. Chamberlain, and Joseph Rayne\\nswear, that 25 Sept. 1683, in a trial between Mason and R. Wal-\\ndron, the defendant excepted agaiust the whole jury, and openly\\ntold the people they were all concerned, that his would be a lead-\\ning case, and that they must all be Mason s tenants, and that they\\nbeing all parties, could not be of the jury. That Barefoote being\\nthe judge there, would have committed him tor the words as mu-\\ntinous. That the said Waldrou, in March, 1680, said they were\\nnot the more bound to believe the king s letter, because the king\\nhad writ it.\\nThomas Phiibrick speaks of some discourse between him and\\nHenry Greene, Esq. about Henry Roby and Nathaniel Boulter,\\ntwo standing jurymen s having had land from Mason, which was\\nworth 100, above the 2d. per acre to be paid. Note. H.\\nGreene is one of the judges.\\nHenry Dow can testify, that the 11th October, 1683, Henry\\nRoby had land measured out to him of 100 acres upland and\\nmarsh, appointed him by Mason. And Nathaniel Boulter, senior,\\nand his sons, had 20 acres, which he said was too little, in that\\nMason had promised him 30. And Robert Smith had a piece of\\nmarsh land, he claiming the same from Mason. That these\\ngrounds were part of the unfenced pasture, where the milch cows\\nof Hampton inhabitants used to feed, the loss whereof is of great\\nprejudice to the town.\\nEphraim Marston says the same.\\n17 July, 1683. R. \\\\Valdron, John Windiat and Thomas Rob-\\nerts, certify, that upon the governor s summons of the 17th Feb.\\n1682, above, within the time set, attended the governor, to know\\nhis pleasure therein, who bade them agree with Mason on dis-\\ncourse with whom, in another room, the governor overhearing,\\ncame in, and told Col. Waldron that they should not hector so in\\nhis house, and bade them begone, that they propounded to Mason\\nto refer the matter to the governor, or otherwise, that the govern-\\nor should state the case to his majesty, according to the commis-\\nsion which Mason refused, saying that unless they owned his ti-\\ntle, he would have nothing to do with them.\\nRichard Waldron, senior, fined \u00c2\u00a35, for mutinous words spoke\\nat a trial, between him and Mason. And fined \u00c2\u00a310, for words\\nspoken to the dishonor and contempt of his majesty, from which\\nsentences he desired leave to appeal.\\nCert. p. RICH D CHAMBERLAIN, Prothon.\\n11 Sept. 1683. Warrant to James Sherlock, marshal, or depu-\\nty, to attach the goods, or for want thereof, the body of R. Wal-\\ndron, and take bond, with sureties of \u00c2\u00a34000, for his appearance,\\nin trespass for lands held and woods felled to \u00c2\u00a34000 value ad. s.\\nR. Mason. Sept. 19, 1683. The warrant served on part of the\\ndefendant s goods, in the name of the whole. 6th Nov. 1683.\\nJudgment for the plaintiil 10s. damages, and \u00c2\u00a35 8s. costs. The\\ndefendant appeals, which allowed, on \u00c2\u00a3200 security before the\\n16th, to pay the cost of the appeal, awd to prosecute it in six\\nmonthg. 23 Nov. 1683. Warrant for costs.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0524.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 501\\n10 Dec. 1683. The governor and council commanded the min-\\nisters there, to admit all persons, not scandalous, to the sacrament,\\nand their children to baptism. That if any desire the sacramaut\\nor bi^ptisra, according to the liturgy of England,- that it be done,\\npursuant to the laws of England and his majesty s command to the\\nMassachusetts. Ministers refusing, being duly required, to incur\\nthe penalty of the state, and the inhabitants freed from paying\\ntithes or other duties to such minister. And the governor ordered\\nJoshua Moodey, minister of Portsmouth, personally to read that\\norder at his meeting-house, the next Lord s day.\\n4 Dec. 1683. The governor and council ordered all the minis-\\nters in New-Hampshire, to attend the Monday following, to give\\ntheir reasons why they did not administer the sacraments accord-\\ning to his majesty s letters sent the Massachusetts, and the statute\\nin that case.\\n15 Jan. 1683-4. James Sherlock gives Moodey notice, in wri-\\nting, that Cranfield, Barefoote, Chamberlain and Hincks, would\\nreceive the sacrament, according to the liturgy of the church of\\nEngland, the next Sunday.\\nApril, 33tio. car. 2di. 1681. By indenture between Robert Mason\\nand Richard Rich, Mason, in consideration of 20s. bargains, sells,\\nenfeoffs, c. to Rich and his heirs, an house and orchard at Do-\\nver, a field of 8 acres, 2 acres on the common, another field of 3\\nacres and a half, and 6 acres. Land at Hilton s point of 20 acres,\\n3 acres marsh land, 10 acres upland, leaving high\\\\vays, with lib-\\nerty of feeding cattle and cutting necessary woods, excepting mines\\nand minerals, and pine trees of 24 inches and more diameter.\\nHabend. to Rich and his heirs as parcel of Dover manor, reddend\\n25s. per annum, with a clause of distress. C(\u00c2\u00bbvenant for the gran-\\ntees building two houses, in two years, at Hilton s point and to\\npa) 2s. per annum rent, for each, to Mason and his heirs. Cove-\\nnant for quiet enjoyment under the said rents, and against incum-\\nbrances. Covenant for the grantees payment of said rents, and\\npreservation of the boundaries. The grantee, c. at every ten\\nyears to deliver engrost terrars of the premises.\\nROB T MASON.\\n24 May, 1681. Robert Mason, by writing, made Nicholas\\nShapleigh his attorney, with power to make deeds to the inhabit-\\nants for the lands they now possess, and what other they had oc-\\ncasion for, which he obliged himself and heirs to ratify. Gave\\nnotice he would return from England the next spring, and by his\\nmajesty s grace ease them of the beavv taxes then imposed.\\nROB T MASON.\\n7 Jan. 1683-4. Richard Waldron, William Furber, senior,-\\nand Henry Langstaif,* offer to depose, that the 20 acres on Hil--\\n[In Rev. Mr. Pike s MS. Journal, I find the following note on this per-\\nson, who was at Pascataqua as early as 1631. July 18, 1705. Mr. Henry\\nLan^star, of Blood3 -point, deceased, after ten days sickness, occasioned by a\\nfall into his Leanto, four stairs hijrh, whereby bein-j greviously bruised, it\\nbrought an inflammation upon him. He was above 100 years old, hale,\\nstrong, hearty man, and might have lived many years longer, if, \u00c2\u00bbi.c. J", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0525.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "502 APPENDIX.\\nton s point, granted by deed above, of the 29 April, 1681, with\\nsome other lands therein, were feneed in for pasture 50 years ago,\\naud so held by the people of Dover ever since.\\n(Found among VVeare s MSS.)\\nNo. 52. Report of the Lords of Trade against Craiifield, and the\\nKingh order.\\nAt the court at Whitehall, the 8th of April, 1C85,\\nBy the king s most excellent majesty, and the lords of his majes-\\nty s most honorable privy council.\\nUpon reading a report from the right honorable the lords of the\\ncommittee of trade and plantations, iu the words following\\nMay it please your majesty,\\nHaving received an order in council, dated the 11th day of July\\nlast, upon the petition and complaint of Nathaniel Weare, inhabitant\\nof your majesty s province of New-Hampshire, in New-England, in\\nthe behalf of himself and others, your majesty s subjects and plan-\\nters there, against Edward Cranfield, ICstj., your majesty s govern-\\nor of that province, whereby we were directed to report our opin-\\nions upon the said complaint. We did accordingly transmit a\\ncopy thereof to the said Edward Cranfield, aud upon receiving his\\nanswer, and hearing what the complainants could allege and\\nmake out against him, We find that the said Edward Cranfield\\nhas not pursued his instructions, in reference to the propriety of\\nsoil which Robert Mason, Esq., claims in that province, inasmuch\\nas the said Edward Cranfield, by his instructions, is directed, that\\nin case the inhabitants of New-Hampshire should refuse to agree\\nwith the said Mason, he should interpose aud endeavor to recon-\\ncile all difl erences, which, if he could not bring to effect, he was\\nthen to send into England such cases, fairly and impartially stated,\\ntogether with his opinion, for your majesty s determination\\nwhereas, instead thereof, he has caused courts to be held in New-\\nHampshire, and permitted titles of land to be decided there, and\\nunreasonable costs to be allowed, without first representing the\\nparticular cases to your majesty. As to the complaint of his hav-\\ning raised the value of coins, against the laws of the assembly\\nthere, we are most humbly of opinion, that although it be your\\nmajesty s undoubted prerogative to set and determine the price\\nand value of coins, within your dominions, yet your majesty s gov-\\nernor ought not to have made any alterations therein, without\\nhaving received your majesty s special directions all which we\\nhumbly propose may be signified to him, by your majesty s order,\\nand that the differences depending between the said Robert Mason\\nand planters, in that part of New-Hampshire, may be at length de-\\ncided. We further offer, that William Vaughan, one of the com-\\nplainants attending this board, may have opportunity allowed him\\nof appealing to your majesty, within a fortnight, from all verdicts\\nand judgments given in New-Hampshire, in his private case, upon", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0526.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 503\\nhearing whereof, and by the relation it has with others, your maj-\\nesty will be best able to judge of the right and title of the said\\nRobert Mason, to that part of the province of New-Hampshire\\naforesaid, and npon bringing the said appeal, that alt proceedings\\nat law, relating to the said title, may forthwith cease, until your\\nmajesty s further pleasure be known.\\nAll which is nevertheless most humbly submitted.\\nKochester, Arlington,\\nHalifax, P. Oxford,\\nClarendon, C. P. S. Chesterfield.\\nBeaufort,\\nCouncil chamber, 27 March, 1685.\\nHis majesty in council was graciously pleased to approve of the\\nsaid report, and to order that his majesty s pleasure therein be sig-\\nnified to Mr. Cranfield accordingly. It was also ordered, that Mr.\\nWilliam Vaughan be allowed to appeal to his majesty, within a\\nfortnight, from all verdicts and judgments given in his private\\ncase, in New-Hampshire, according to the said report.\\nA true copy, Wm. Bridgeman.\\nNo. 53. The King^s Order for hearing Vanghan s Appeal.\\n[Not inserted in the former editions.]\\nAt the court at Whitehall, the 29th of April, 1685. Present the\\nking s most excellent majesty in council.\\nUpon the petition of William Vaughan and Nathaniel Weare,\\nof New-Hampshire, in New-England, setting forth among other\\nthings, that in obedience to a late order of council, the petitioner,\\nWilliam Vaughan, hath appealed against several verdicts and\\njudgments, one fine and one decree, given, entered up, imposed\\nand ordered against him, in New-Hampshire, as in the petition is\\nat large set forth, it is this day ordered, that copies of the said pe-\\ntition and appeal be sent to the right honorable the lords of the\\ncommittee for trade and plantations, who are to examine the alle-\\ngations thereof, and to report to this board how they find the same,\\ntogether with their lordship s opinion thereupon.\\nPHIL. MUSGRAVE.\\n(The two preceding papers, are in the hands of the Hon. President Weare.)\\nNo. 54. Letter from the Lords of Trade to Cranfield.\\nAfter our hearty commendations unto you, we have, in obedience\\nto his majesty s commands, received and examined your answer to\\nthe complaint of Nathaniel Weare, inhabitant of his said province\\nof New-Hampshire, in behalf of himself, and others of his majes-\\nty s subjects and planters there, and having likewise heard what\\nthe said Weare could bring in evidence of the said complaints,\\nand thereupon reported our opinions to his majesty, we are com-\\nmanded hereby to signify unto you, that you have not pursued your", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0527.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "504 APPENDIX.\\ninstructions in reference to the propriety of the soil which Robert\\nMason, Esquire, claims in the province of New-Harapshire, inas-\\nmuch as you were directed, that, in case the inhabitants of New-\\nHampshire should refuse to agree with the said Mason, you should\\ninterpose, and endeavor to reconcile all differences, which, if you\\ncould not bring to effect, you were then to send to his majesty such\\ncases, fairly and impartially stated, together with your opinion for\\nhis majesty s determination instead whereof, you have caused\\ncourts to be held in New-Hampshire, and permitted titles of land\\nto be decided there, and unreasonable costs to be allowed, without\\nfirst representing the particular cases to his majesty. And yet,\\nalthough it be his majesty s undoubted prerogative, to set and de-\\ntermine the price and value of coin, within his majesty s dominions,\\nyou have not done well in directing any alterations therein, without\\nhis majesty s special order. In both which, you have been want-\\ning in your duty to his majesty. But, that the chief occasion of\\ndispute in that province may be removed, we are farther directed\\nto acquaint you, that, as to the differences depending between the\\nsaid Robert Mason and the planters, his majesty hath been\\ngraciously pleased, by his order in council, dated the 8th of this\\ninstant, April, to permit William Vaughan, one of the complain-\\nants, attending this board, to appeal to his majesty within a fort-\\nnight from the date of the said order, from all the verdicts and\\njudgments given in New-Hampshire, in his private case, upon\\nhearing whereof, and by the relation it has with others, his maj-\\nesty will be best able to judge of the right and title of the said\\nRobert Mason, to that part of the province of New-Hampshire.\\nAnd his majesty doth likewise think fit, that, upon bringing the\\nsaid appeal, by the said William Vaughan, all proceedings at law,\\nrelating to the said title, do forthwith cease, until his majesty s\\npleasure be known. Whereof you are to take notice, and to govern\\nyourself accordingly. And so we bid you very heartily farewell.\\nJ rom the council chamber, at Whitehall, the 29th day of Apiil, 1685.\\nYour loving friends,\\n(Signed) W. Cant. Bridgwater,\\nGuilford, C. S. Chesterfield,\\nRochester, Sunderland,\\nHalifax, P. Craven,\\nClarendon, C P. S. Alesbury,\\nBeaufort, Middleton,\\nLindshy, Godolphin,\\nArlington, J. Ernie,\\nHunington, Geo. Jaffrey.\\n:Directed to our loving friend, Edw. Cranfield, Esq.,\\nlieutenant-governor and commander in chief of\\nbis majesty s province of New-Hampshire, in\\nNew-England.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0528.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 506\\nNo. 55. Letter fiom the same to the same, respecting Vaughan^a\\nAppeal.\\nAfter our hearty commendation His majesty hath received\\nthe petition and appeal of William Vaughau, inhabitant of New-\\nHampshire, from several verdicts and judgments given against him\\nin that province, which being referred to us by his majesty s order\\nin council of the 29lh of April last, that we should examine the\\nallegations thereof, and make report of the same, with our opinion\\nthereupon, we have accordingly appointed to hear all parties con-\\ncerned in the several cases therein contained, on the first Tuesday,\\nafter midsummer day, which shall be in the year 1686. To which\\nend, we herewith send you a copy of the said petition and appeal,\\nwhich you are to communicate unto Robert Mason, Esq., and to\\nall others whom it may concern, who are to take notice thereof,\\nand to give their attendance at that time either by themselves or\\nby their agents sufliciently empowered by them, to answer the\\nsaid appeal, and to submit to such judgment hereupon as bis maj-\\nesty in council shall be thought fit. And you are likewise to perr\\nmit all persons to have free access to, and take copies of all re-\\ncords within that province relating to the matters in dispute, and\\nto depose upon oath what they know concerning the same, which\\ndepositions are to be taken in writing by any of the members of\\nthe council or justices of the peace in that province, without any\\nhindrance or discouragement whatsoever, in order to be transmit-\\nted unto us, for the clearing of truth in that appeal. And so we\\nbid you heartily farewell. From the council chamber in Whiter\\nhall, the 22d day of May 1685. Your loving friends,\\nGuilford, C. S. Rochester,\\nHalifax, Pr. Clarendon, C. P. S.\\nOrmoud, Sunderland.\\nLieut. Governor of New-Hampshire, or\\nCommander in Chief for the time being.\\n(The two preceding papers are in the possession of John Penhallow, Esq.)\\nNo. 56. Copy oj the Petition of the Inhabitants against Masot.\\nTo the king s most excellent majesty.\\nThe humble petition and address of your majesty s dutiful and\\nloyal subjects, inhabiting in the province of New-Hampshire,\\nin New-England. [1685.]\\nMost humbly sheweth,\\nThat your majesty s loyal subjects of this province, had for more\\nthan fifty years been peaceably possessed of the lands lately chal-\\nlenged by Mr. Mason, and having found the same an utter desert\\nand forest land, with excessive cost and hard labor, reduced the\\nsame to a tolerable support of ourselves and families, and lately\\nmaintained the same, with a vast expense of our estates and lives,\\nagainst the incursions of a barbarous enemy, who had otherwise\\nreduced the same to utter confusion,\\n66", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0529.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "50G APPEiNDIX.\\nThat upon his late majesty s declaration and order for the set-\\ntlement and government of this province, we accounted ourselves\\nhappy for that therein we were by his said majesty s princely\\ngrace and favor, saved from the unreasonable demands which Mr.\\nMason might have made upon us, by the limitations in the\\ncommission for government, wherein it was provided that the said\\npresident or governor, for the time being, should use all methods\\nby his good advice, to settle and quiet the people, in the matter of\\nMr. Mason s title, or otherwise impartially to state the case, and\\nreport tlie same to his majesty, that a final determination might\\nthereupon have been made, by his majesty in council, which if it\\nhad been duly attended, had, we doubt not, long since, by your\\nmajesty s justice and favor, put us into a happy estate of quiet and\\nrepose.\\nThat, notwithstanding his said majesty s command and limita-\\ntion, the said Mr. Mason hath been allowed to pursue many of\\nthe inhabitants, in several suits and actions, wherein the govern-\\nment have taken to themselves power of an absolute judgment,\\nwithout any regard had to the said commands and limitations, and\\nwith that excess and rigor as to assign the said Mr. jMason some-\\ntimes ten pounds, other times twenty pounds costs, when damages\\nhave been sometimes not above two .shillings, veiy seldom ten,\\naccording to the orders and limitations abovesaid.\\nThat the said Mr. Mason, beyond and beside the said quit rents,\\nand directly against his majesty s order in the said commission,\\nwherein the tenure of improved lands isassured to the ter-tenanls,\\nupon payment of the said quit rent, or otherwise, as his majesty\\nin council should determine, hath disposed or given away the fee,\\nto several persons, of several lands, which were, long before his\\nchallenge, fenced and improved by others, to the great damage and\\ninjury of his majesty s good subjects, beside many other irregular-\\nities in the management of the government, to the great oppression\\nand destruction of trade within your majesty s province, and the\\nutter impoverishing thereof.\\nThat for the last two years and up\u00c2\u00bbvard, during the whole man-\\nagement of Mr. Mason s suits at law, against your majesty s sub-\\njects, there hath been generally one jury returned to serve all the\\nsaid issues, with little alterations, and almost constantly one fore-\\nman, (who for that end we are apt to fear) was early complied\\nwith by Mr. Mason for all the lands in his own possession former-\\nly, with addition of several other lands to his own profit.\\nThat notwithstanding your majesty s late gracious order, and in-\\nhibiting of any further procedure in the case of Mr. Mason s title,\\nuntil the cause were brought before your majesty in council, Mr.\\nWalter Barefoote, who was left deputy governor, hath since the\\narrival of your majesty s commands, permitted executions to be\\nextended, and persons thereupon imprisoned, in causes concern-\\ning the said Mason s title, with excessive and unreasonable costs\\nand damages.\\nAnd lastly, whereas your majesty hath, upon complaint made\\nagainst the irregular proceedings done and suffered, been gracious-", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0530.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 507\\nly pleased to permit Mr. William Vaughan, one of the principal\\ninhabitants and merchants in this province, to take his appeal to\\nyour majesty in council for relief, against several oppressive judg-\\nments, one whereof refers to the title of his lands within this\\nprovince, holdeu in the same form with the rest of his majesty s\\ngood subjects here, we do, with all humble gratitude, acknowl-\\nedge your majesty s justice and favor herein, and for that the pur-\\nsuance and issue of the said appeal, will therefore necessarily af-\\nfect the whole province and be introductory to the determination\\nof all Mr. Mason s challenge, we have judged it our duty in most\\nhumble manner, to prostrate ourselves at your majesty s feet, and\\nhave therefore betrusted and fully inipowered Mr. Nathaniel Weare,\\none of the inhabitants of this your majesty s province, our agent,\\nto lay before your majesty and most honorable privy council, the\\ncommon case and condition of your majesty s poor and distressed\\nsubjects in this province, who is fully instructed humbly to repre-\\nsent the same, and the arbitrary and severe oppressions we have\\nlabored under, from which we are w-el! assured of relief by your\\nmajesty s most just and gracious determination, and to make an\\nhumble and entire submission of ourselves, unto your majesty s\\npleasure, most humbly beseeching, that we may henceforward\\nhave our perfect and immediate dependence upon your majesty and\\nthe crown of England, as w^ell in the tenure of our lands as in the\\naffairs of government, which gracious influence of your majesty is\\nonly able to revive and restore this province to its former flourish-\\ning estate and growth, whereby we may at length be made service-\\nable to your most sacred majesty and the crown, which we are\\ndevoted to serve, resolving therein to be exemplary to all other\\nyour majesty s subjects in the territory of New-England, and for\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which we shall every pray, c.\\n(This paper is in the hands of tlie Hon. President Weare.)\\nNo. 57. Copij of the Decision of King James II. against William\\nVaughan.\\nAt the court at Whitehall, the 19th of November, 1686.\\n(L. S.) Present The king s most excellent majesty.\\nLord Chancellor, Earl of Plymouth,\\nLord Treasurer, Earl of Morray,\\nLord President, Earl of Middleton,\\nDuke of Ormond, Earl of Melford,\\nDuke of Albemarle, Earl of Tyrconnel,\\nDuke of Beaufort, Viscount Stauronberg,\\nLord Chamberlain, Viscount Preston,\\nEarl of Oxford, Lord Bishop of Durham,\\nEarl of Huntington, Lord Arundel of Wardour,\\nEarl of Peterborough, Lord Dartmouth,\\nEarl of Craven, Lord Dover,\\nEarl of Powis, Mr.Chancellorofthc excheq r,\\nEarl of Nottingham, Mr. Chancellor of the Dutchy.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0531.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "508 APPENDIX.\\nUpon reading this day at the board, a report from the honorable\\nthe lords of the committee of conncil for trade and foreign planta-\\ntions, bearing date the 6th day of November instant, setting forth,\\nthat in obedience tn his majesty s orders in council, of the 25th of\\nApril, 16S5, and the 3d of July last, they have examined the ap-\\npeal of William Vaughan, from a verdict and judgment given\\nagainst him, on the 6th day of November, 1683, in his majesty s\\ncourts in New-Hampshire, in New-England, at the suit of Robert\\nMason, Esq., as proprietor of that province, for certain lands and\\ntenements in Portsmouth, in the said province, and that they hav-\\ning heard the said Robert Mason, and Nathaniel Weare, attorney\\nfor the appellant, and liis counsel learned in the law, are humbly\\nof opinion tliat his majesty be pleased to ratify and affirm the ver-\\ndict and judgment aforesaid.\\nHis majesty in council was pleased to approve of their lorships\\nsaid opinion and report, and to order the said verdict and judgment\\ngiven against the said William Vaughan, on the sixth day of Nov-\\nember, 1683, in his majesty s courts in New-Hampshire, in New-\\nEngland, at the suit of Robert Mason, Esq. as proprietor of that\\nprovince, for certain lands and tenements, in Portsmouth, in said\\nprovince, be ratified and affirmed, and thav are hereby ratified and\\naffirmed accordingly. WM. BRIDGEMAN.\\nVera copia, per RICHARD PARTRIDGE, Clerk.\\nCopy as on file in the case, Allen vs. Waldron,\\nExam, per GEO. JAFFREY, CI.\\nNo. 58. Four letters or petitiovs from John Hogkins, commonly\\ncalled HawkinSj one of the sachems oj the Penaccok Indians.\\nMay 15th, 1685.\\nHonor governor my friend, You my friend I desire your wor-\\nship and your power, because I hope you can do som great mat-\\nters this one. I am poor and naked and I have no men at my\\nplace because I afraid allwayes Mohogs he will kill me every day\\nand night. If your worship when please pray help me you no let\\nMohogs kill me at my place at Malamake river called Panukkog\\nand Nattukkog, I will submit your worship and your power.\\nAnd now I want pouder and such alminishon, shaft and guns, be-\\ncause I have forth at my horn and I plant theare.\\nThis all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your\\nhumble servant, JOHN HOGKLNS.\\nSimon Detogkom, Peter 3 Robin,\\nJoseph X Traske, Mr. Jorge xRodunnonukgus,\\nKing j; Hary, Mr. Hope h Floth,\\nSam Linis, John x Toneh,\\nWapeguanatj^Saguachuwashat, John a Cauowa,\\nOld Robin John x Owamosimmin,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Mamanosgues g Andra, Natonill t Indian.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0532.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "APl ENDlJt. 509\\nAnother from the same*\\nMay 15, 16S5.\\nHonor Mr. Governor, Now tliis day I com your house, I\\nwant se you, and I bring ray hand at before yovi I want sljake\\nhand to you if your worship when please then you receive my\\nhand then shal^e your hand and my hand. You my friend be-\\ncause I remember at old time when live my grant father and grant\\nmother then Englishmen com this country, then my grant father\\nand Englishmen they make a good govenant, they friend allvvayes,\\nmy grant father leving at place called Malamake rever, other name\\nchef Natukkog and Panukkog, that one rcver great many names,\\nand I bring yon this few skins at this first time I will give you my\\nfriend. This all Indian hand.\\n[The rest as before.] JOHN x: HAWKINS, Sagamor.\\nAnother from the same.\\nPlease your worship, I will intreat you matther you my friend,\\nnow this if my Indian he do you long jiray you no put your law\\nbecause som my Indians fooll, som men much love drunk then\\nhe no know what he do, may be he do mischlf when he drunk if\\nso pray you must let me know what he done because I will ponis\\nhim what he have done, you, you my friend if you desire my\\nbusiness, then sent me I will help you if I can.\\nMr. JOHN HOGKINS.\\nAnother from the same.\\nMr. Mason, Pray I want speake you a few words if your wor-\\nship when please, because I com parfas [on purpose] I will speake\\nthis governor b\\\\it he go av.ay so he say at last night, and so far I\\nunderstand this governor his power that your power now, so he\\nspeake his own mouth. Pray if you take what I want pray com\\nto me because I want go horn at this day.\\nYour humble servant.\\nMay 16, 1685. JOHN HOGKINS, Indian sogmou.\\n(From the originals ia the Recorder s office.)\\nNo. 59. Letter frovi Capt. Francis Hooke, advising of danger from\\nthe Indians.\\nCapt. Barefoot, Sir,\\nThis is to informe you that just now there cam to me a post,\\nwherein I am fully informed that there is just ground to feare that\\nthe heathen have a souden desyne against us they havinge lately\\nabout Sacoe afTronted our English inhabitants thereby threatening\\nof them, as alsoe by killinge theyre doggs but more pertickular-\\nly in that on Friday, Saturday, and Lord s day last they have\\ngathered all theyre corne, and are removed both pack and pack-\\nidge. A vvord to the wise is enough. The old proverb is, fore-\\nwarned, forearmed. Myself and rest in commission with us are\\nfourthwith settinge ourselves in a posture, and tomorrow our\\ncounsell meet for to consider vhat is needful to be done. Not\\nels, beinge in groat hast, butt remayn. Sir, your obliged servant,\\nKittery, 13 Aug. 1686. FRANCIS HOOKE.", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0533.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "510 APPENDIX.\\nNo. GO. Rej)0)i of persons sent to inquire into the above matter.\\n[No date or signature.]\\nTo the Honoriible Walter Barefoote, Esq. and the couucil of\\nGreat-Island.\\nGentlemen, According to your command and order to me,\\nhearing date the ??d instant, I have to the utmost of my power ob-\\nserved every particular. Upon our arrival there, on Friday night,\\nthey were all very courteous to us, and in the morning my orders\\nwere read, which was very kindly received by them, and the\\nreasons why they deserted the places Avhere they usually abode\\namong the English was\\n1. That four Indians came from fort Albany to the fort at Pen-\\nacook, and informed them that all the Mohawks did declare they\\nwould kill all Indians from Uncas at mount Hope to the eastward\\nas far as Pegypscot.\\n2. The reason of Natombamat, sagamore of Saco, departed his\\nplace was, because the same news was brought there, as himself\\ndeclared, upoi; reading my orders at Penacook.\\n3. Natombamat, sagamore of Saco, is gone to carry the Indians\\ndown to the same place, where they were before departed from\\nus, on Sunday morning, and desired Capt. Hooke to meet him at\\nSaco five days after.\\n4. Both sagamores of Penacook, viz. Wonalauset and Mesan-\\ndowit, the latter of which is come down, did then declare they\\nhad no intention of war, neither indeed are they in any posture\\nfor w ar, being about 24 men, besides squaws and papooses.\\n5. Asking the reason why they did not come among the En-\\nglish as formerly, they answered they thought if the Mohawks\\ncame and fought them, and they should fly for succor to the Eng-\\nlish, that then the Mohawks would kill all the English for har-\\nboring them.\\nNo. 61. Articles of Peace with the Indians inhabiting New-Hamp-\\nshire and Maine.\\nArticles of peace agreed upon the eighth day of September, in the\\nyear of our Lord, 1685, between the subjects of his majesty,\\nking James the second, inhabiting the provinces of New-Hamp-\\nshire and Maine, and the Indians inhabiting the said provinces.\\nIt is agreed there shall be for the future, a lasting peace, friend-\\nship and kindness, between the English and the Indians, and that\\nno injury shall be oftered by the one to the other.\\nThat if any Englishman doth any injury to an Indian, upon\\ncomplaint made to any justice of peace, the Englishman shall\\nbe punished, and the Indian shall have present satisfaction made\\nhim. And if any Indian doth an injury to the English, or threat-\\nen to do any injury, the sagamore to whom that Indian doth be-\\nlong, shall punish him in presence of one of the king s justices of\\nthe peace.\\nThat if any other Indian shall design any mischief or harm to", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0534.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 511\\nthe English, the Indians inhahitin i; the aforesaid provinces shall\\ngive present notice thereof to the English, and shall assist the\\nEnglish.\\nThat so long as the aforesaid Indians shall continue in friend-\\nship with the English, they shall be protected against the Mo-\\nhawks, or any others, and may freely and peaceably set down by\\nthe English near any their plantations.\\nRobert Mason, Walter Barefoote,\\nRobert Elliot, Henry Green,\\nJohn Davis, Francis Hooke.\\nThe mark of f Mesandowit.\\nThe mai k k of Wahowah, alias Hopehood.\\nThe mark td of Tecamorisick, alias Josias.\\nThe mark co of John Nomony, alias Upsawah.\\nThe mark VV of Umbesnowah, alias Robin.\\nWe whose names are hereunto w-ritten, do freely consent and\\nengage to comply and perform tlie within written articles, as our\\nneighbors have done, and do further engage as followeth\\nLastly, That the Indians shall not at any time hereafter remove\\nfrom any of the English plantations, with their wives and chil-\\ndren, before they have given fair and timely notice thereof, unto\\nthe English, from whence they do so remove and in case the\\nsaid Indians shall remove with their wives and children, vfithout\\nsuch fair and timely notice given to the English, that then it shall\\nbe taken pro confesso that the Indians do intend and design war\\nwith the English, and do thereby declare that the peace is broken\\nand it shall and may be lawful to and for the English, or any on\\ntheir behalfs, to apprehend the said Indians, with their wives and\\nchildren, and to use acts of hostility against them, until the saga-\\nmores shall make full satisfaction for all charge and damage that\\nmay arise thereby. John Davis,\\nFrancis Hooke.\\nThe mark of Netambomet, sagam. of Saco.\\nThe mark x of Wahowah, alias Hopehood.\\nThe mark of Ned Higgon.\\nThe mark Q of Newcome.\\nKancamagus, alias John Hawkins, sagamore, signed this\\ninstrument, 19 7ber, 1685, his G mark.\\nBagesson, alias Joseph Traske, his mark.\\nAnd agreed to all within written.\\nTestis, JOSEPH RAYN.\\nNo. 62. Petition of William Houchins for aid to obtain a cure of the\\nKingh Evil.\\nPortsmouth, the 7th of Sept. 1687.\\nTo the much houred cort now sitting in said Portsmouth, for the\\nprouince of Newhampshir,\\nThe humbel petishon of William Houchins, on of his magesty\\nsubgicts belonging to said prouinc, humbly seweth for aduie,\\nade and releff in his deplorabell estat and condition.\\nThat whereas it has plesed God to lay his hand uppon him, and", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0535.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "51:2 APPENDIX.\\nthat liee is in snch a coiulition not being abell to help him Belli as\\nto the geting a lining or proquering help or remedy lor my distem-\\nper, being low in the world, and hauing useed all the mones and\\naduic posabell for neie line years past hauing bin iulormed by\\nsom that it is a distemper caled the Idng s eucll,* so can not be\\nqurced but by his magesty. Hauing littell or nothing in this\\nworld, if my lift should go for it am not abell to trancsport my seliF\\nfor England to his magesty for releff; tharefi or humbly and hartly\\nbeg the help, ade and asistanc of this honred cort, that thay would\\nso far commiserat my deploraboU condition as order som way eth-\\ner by breff or any other way that youer honors shall think most\\nmeet to moue the harts of all cristen people with compation tobe-\\nsto somthing uppon mee, to trancsport mee for England, whar,\\nGod willing, I intend forth with to goo iff posabell, but M ithout\\nhelp not posabell. This humbly leuing my sellf in the sad condi-\\ntion I am in, trusting in God and youer honors for help and aduice,\\nsubscrib youer por deplorabell saruant,\\nWILLEAM IIOUCHINS.\\nNo. 63. A letter from Secretary Addington to Major Waldronj ap-\\njirizlng him of his danger from the Indians.\\nBoston, 27 June, 1689.\\nHonorable Sir, The governor and council having this day re-\\nceived a letter from Major Hinchman, of Chelmsford, that some\\nIndians are come into them, who report that there is a gathering\\nof some Indians in or about Penacook, with design of mischief to\\nthe English. Among the said Indians, one Hawkins rs said to be\\na piincipal designer, and that they have a particular design against\\nyourself and Mr. Peter Coflin, which the council thought it neces-\\nsary presently to despatch advice thereof to give you notice, that\\nyou take care of your own safeguard, they intending to endeavor\\nto betray you on a pretension of trade.\\nPlease forthwith to signify the import hereof to INIr. Coffin and\\nothers, as you shall think necessary, and advise of what informa-\\ntions you may at any time receive of the Indians motions.\\nBy order in council, ISA. ADDINGTON, Seo y\\nFor Major Richard Waldrcn and Mr. Peter Coffin, or either of\\nthem, at Cocheco; these with all possible speed.\\nThis petition is inserted merely as a curiosity. It was a received opin-\\nion in that day that the distemper called the king s evil could be cured only\\nby tlie royal toucli. The following advertisement taken from an old London\\nGazette, is of the same nature.\\nThese are to give notice, that the weather growing warme, his majesty\\nwill not touch anj more for the evil till towards Michaelmass. And his\\nmajesty s chirurgeons desire, to prevent liis majesty being defrauded, that\\ngreater care be talten for tlie future in registring certificates given to si^ch as\\npome to be touched. London Gazette, Alay 2!), IGS 2.\\nEND OF THE FIRST VOLUME.\\nV;", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0536.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0537.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0538.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0539.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3463", "width": "1832", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhampshire00lcbelk_0540.jp2"}}