{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Class\\nBook^\\nCOPYRIGHT DEPOSIT", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "HISTORY\\nOF\\nNEW HAMPSHIRE,\\nFROM ITS FIRST DISCOVERY\\nTHE YEAR 1830;\\nDISSERTATIONS UPON THE RISE OF OPINIONS AND INSTITUTIONS,\\nTHE GROWTH OF AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES,\\nAND THE INFLUENCE OF LEADING FAMILIES\\nAND DISTINGUISHED MEN,\\nTO THE YEAR 1874;\\nEDWIN D. SANBORN, LL. D,\\nProfessor in Dartmouth College.\\nMANCHESTER, N. H.\\nJOHN B. CLARKE.\\n1875.\\nSB^^^", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "Entered according to act of Congress in the year 1875, by\\nJOHN B. CLARKE,\\nin the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C.\\nMtrror OmcB: JOHN B. CLARKE,\\nMANCHESTER, N. H.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nThe best historian is he who represents with the greatest fidelity the life\\nand spirit of the age he describes. It is not sufficient that what he records\\nshould be true for substance it should be relatively as well as absolutely\\ntrue. History, says Cicero, is the light of truth. As truth is immuta-\\nble, we should naturally infer that an impartial historian, like Thucydides,\\nmight write for eternity; but, while the facts of the past remain un-\\nchanged, the opinions of succeeding generations concerning them are modi-\\nfied by the progress of knowledge. Hence all history needs frequent revis-\\nion. The oldest records receive the severest criticism. The study of the\\nSanscrit language has shed a flood of light on the affinities and migrations o\u00c2\u00a3\\nearly nations. The mythologies and traditions which connect the Orient\\nwith the Occident have fallen before the victorious march of comparative\\nphilology. The interpretation of the Rosetta stone, the Ninevite slabs and\\nthe Babylonian cylinders has restored the lost records of Egypt and Mesopo-\\ntamia. The labors of Crtampollion, Lepsius, Layard, Rawlinson, Smith and\\nCesnola have made monumental records more valuable than existing history.\\nEvery generation receives a new version of old traditions respecting classic\\nlands. Greece and Rome often appear in a new dress, and the public ap-\\nproves of these antiquarian researches; IVIodern history is subjected to the\\nsame searching analysis. Readers of the present day are not satisfied with\\nthe estimate which historians have placed upon the English, French and\\nAmerican Revolutions. The motives of men are now deemed better indices\\nof character than their actions. The progress of nations depends more upon\\nopinions and institutions than upon sieges and battles. The camp and the\\ncourt yield to the imperial sway of new ideas. The rise of Puritanism, in\\nthe age of Elizabeth, left a deeper impression upon English history than the\\ndispersion of the Spanish Annada. The rise of Methodism better deserved\\nthe notice of the annalist than the battles of Marlborouirh. All writers of", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "history must, therefore, look for the origin of great events in the current\\nopinions of the age when they occurred. Impressed with these convictions,\\nthe writer of the following pages has attempted to reproduce the history of\\nfcw Hampshire and trace its institutions, social, political and religious, to\\ntheir true origin. The influence of illustrious men, of distinguished families,\\nof dominant parties, of prevailing creeds, has been carefully investigated and\\nbriefly portrayed. The progress of the state in arts, arms and learning has\\nnot been overlooked.\\nPublic opinion seems to call for a new history of the state, i. Because\\nall the histories previously written are out of print. 2. Because no ex-\\nisting history covers the entire ground. 3. Because the progress of events\\nhas thrown new light upon the past. 4. Because the history of New Hamp-\\nshire is rich in deeds of daring, suffering and heroism surpassing fable.\\n5. Because the men of every age require the records of the past to be re-\\nvised for their use.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nChapter I. Characteristics and Symbols of Different Epochs of Civil-\\nization, 9\\nChapter II. Causes of European Enterprise in the Fifteenth and Six-\\nteenth Centuries, ii\\nChapter III. The Agents of Modern Enterprise, 13\\nChapter IV. The Results of Modern Enterprise, 14\\nChapter V. Aborigines of America 17\\nChapter VI. Title to the Soil, 22\\nChapter VII. English Chartered Companies 24\\nChapter VIII. Colonies Ancient and Modern 25\\nChapter IX. Early Explorers of the New England Coast, .27\\nChapter X. Proprietors of New Hampshire, 29\\nChapter XI. First Settlers of New Hampshire, 32\\nChapter XII. Political and Pecuniary Condition of the Plantations /(J Q\\nfrom 1631 to 1641, 40\\nChapter XIII. Social Condition of the Early Colonists, -47\\nChapter XIV. Early Laws of Massachusetts, 49\\nChapter XV. Early Laws of New Hampshire 51\\nChapter XVI. Early Churches of New Hampshire 53\\nChapter XVII. Elements Af Popular Liberty, 55\\nChapter XVIII. Condition of New Hampshire after its Union with\\nMassachusetts, 58\\nChapter XIX. Moral Epidemics, 60\\nChapter XX. Philip s Indian War, 65\\nChapter XXI. Revival of Mason s Claim .74\\nChapter XXII. Organization of the New Government, -76\\nChapter XXIII. Administration of Justice in the Early History of\\nNew Hampshire, .81\\nChapter XXIV. Administration of Cranfield, S3\\nChapter XXV. Government under Dudley and Andros, .87\\nChapter XXVI. King William s War 89\\nChapter XXVII. Civil Policy of New Hampshire during King Wil-\\nliam s War, 94\\nChapter XXVIH. Queen Anne s War, 97\\nChapter XXIX. Administration of Governor Shute, loi", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "vi CONTENTS.\\nChapter XXX. Emigrants from Ireland, 103\\nChapter XXXI. Origin of the Militia System in\\nChapter XXXII. Lieutenant-Governor Wentworth s Administration, 118\\nChapter XXXIII. New Hampshire an Independent Royal Province, 118\\nChapter XXXIV. King George s War, 119\\nChapter XXXV. Revival o\u00c2\u00a3 Mason s Claim 128\\nChapter XXXVI. The Representatives of New Towns, 129\\nChapter XXXVII. The Last French War 130\\nChapter XXXVIII. Close of the War and Return of Peace, 141\\nChapter XXXIX. Controversy about the Western_Boundary, 143\\nChapter XL. Origin of the Revchrrttmafy^VVar, 144\\nChapter XLI. Officers and Ministers in New Hampshire in 176S, 151\\nChapter XLII. Origin of Dartmouth College, 152\\nChapter XLIII. Early Settlements in Cohos 156\\nChapter XLIV. The Wentworths in New Hampshire, 160\\nChapter XLV. Commencement of Hostilities with England, 165\\nChapter XLVr. The Baltle of Bunker Hiil, 167\\nChapter XLVII. Formation of a New Government, 169\\nChapter XLVIII. Movements of the Arniv under Washington, dur-\\ning the year 1776, 172\\nChapter XLIX. Secession in New Hampshire during the last Century, 174\\nChapter L. Military Oper.itions in 1777: Battle of Bennington, 1S2\\nChapter LI. Capture of Burgoyne, 1S6\\nChapter LII. Employment of Savages by the English, .188\\nChapter LIII. Congregationalism in New Hampshire, 191\\nChapter LIV. Rise of Different Denominations 196\\nChapter LV. Insufficiency of the State and General Governments pre-\\nvious to the Adoption of the New Constitutions, 198\\nChapter LVI. Treatment of Loyalists 200\\nChapter LVH. Heavy Burdens Imposed on the People by the War,\\nand the Consequent Discontent, 203\\nChapter LVIII. Captain John Paul Jones 206\\nChapter LIX. General John Sullivan, 207\\nChapter LX. The New Constitution and the Parties Formed at its\\nRatification, 209\\nChapter LXI. Condition of New Hampshire after the Adoption of\\nthe New Constitution, 213\\nChapter LXII. Lands Held by Free and Common Soccage. 217\\nChapter LXHI. Internal Improvements 218\\n.Chapter LXIV. Administration of President Bartlett, 224\\n^Chapter LXV. Corn-Mills and Saw-Mills 225\\nChapter LXVI. Administration of John Taylor Gilman, 228\\nChapter LXVII. The Early Farm-House with its Furniture and Sur-\\nroundings, 235\\nChapter LXVIII. Development of Political Parties 234\\nChapter LXIX. Political Influence of the Clergy of New Hampshire, 238", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. VU\\nChapter LXX. Puritan Influence in New Hampshire, 245\\nChapter LXXI. Internal Condition of New Hampshire from 1805 to\\n1S15, 247\\nChapter LXXII. Causes of the Second War with England, 249\\nChapter LXXIII. Record of New Hampshire during the War for\\nSailors Rights, 252\\nChapter LXXIV. The Hartford Convention, 25S\\nChapter LXXV. Domestic Affairs in New Hampshire Preceding and\\nDuring the War for Sailors Rights, 259\\nChapter LXXVI. Restoration of Peace, 263\\nChapter LXXVII. Dartmouth College Controversy 26S\\nChapter LXXVIII. The Caucus System, 2S6\\nChapter LXX IX. The Toleration Act 2S7\\nChapter LXXX. Decline of The Era of Good Feelings, 2S9\\nChapter LXXXI. Local Matters in New Hampshire during the Ad-\\nministration of Monroe and Adams, 292\\nChapter LXXXII. Character of Hon. Benjamin Pierce, 300\\nChapter LXXXIII. Population of New Hampshire at Different Pe-\\nriods, 302\\nChapter LXXXIV. Money Coined and Printed 303\\nChapter LXXXV. Discovery and Settlement of the White Mountain\\nRegions, 307\\nChapter LXXXVI. The Rivers of New Hampshire, .311\\nChapter LXXXVII. Climate and Scenery of New Hampshire, 317\\nChapter LXXXVIII. The Isles of Shoals, 323\\nChapter LXXXIX. Influence of Distinguished Families in New\\nHampshire 326\\nChapter XC. The Livermore Familj 328\\nChapter XCI. the Pickering F.imily 329\\nChapter XCII. The Wj;ave Family 331\\nChapter XCIII. The Bartlett Family 334\\nChapter XCIV. The Webster Family, 335\\nChapter XCV. The Bar of New Hampshire, 33S\\nChapter XCVI. Jeremiah Smith 339\\nChapter XCVII. Ezekiel Webster 340\\nChapter XCVIII. Daniel Webster, 34J\\nChapter XCIX. Ichabod Bartlett, 343\\nChapter C. Levi Woodbury 345\\nChapter CI. Common School Instruction 346\\nChapter CII. Academies, 352\\nChapter CIII. Agriculture 35-\\nChapter CIV. Commerce of New Hampshire,\\nChapter CV. The Press,\\nChapter CVI. Banks 300\\nChapter CVII. Manufactures 372", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "Chapter CVIII. Railroads, .-g\\nChapter CIX. Geology of New Hampshire, 395\\nChapter CX. The Flora and Fauna of New Hampshire, 404\\nChapter CXI. Undecided Questions in New England History, 405\\nChapter CXII. Proper Names in New Hampshire, 410", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER I.\\nCHARACTERISTICS AND SYMBOLS OF DIFFERENT EPOCHS OF CIV-\\nILIZATION.\\nThe temple and the palace are the true symbols of the earliest\\ncivilization known to history. The king and priest occupy the\\nforeground of every old historic picture. The king holds the\\nkey of power the priest the key of knowledge and the com-\\nmon people are their slaves. The sculptured temples of Elora,\\nthe buried palaces of Nineveh and Babylon, the magnificent\\nruins of Karnac and the pyramids of Egypt are all monuments\\nof royal and sacerdotal oppression. Fear and force then ruled\\nthe world. The Greeks are the only people of all antiquity that\\nmade reason supreme in government and religion, ancl thus\\nraised the masses of their population from bondage to free-\\ndom. They worshiped beauty in the works of nature and in\\nthe creations of the imagination, and embodied their loftj ideals\\nin sculpture, painting, architecture, poetry, oratory and philoso-\\nphy. For a time their bema and theatre became the represen-\\ntatives of human progress. Their culture was the inheritance\\nof the race for they liave been the teachers of all succeeding\\ngenerations. The light of their civilization shone on Rome.\\nReason once more triumphed over brute force. Horace says\\nWhen conquered Greece brought in her captive arts,\\nshe triumphed o er her savage conquerors hearts;\\nTaught our rough verse in numbers to refine.\\nAnd our rude style with elegance to shine.\\nRome absorbed the blood and treasure of the nations and\\nmade herself, through war and law, the mistress of the world.\\nFor twelve hundred years, the camp and forum were the sym-\\nbols of her civilization. In the days of her decline Christi-\\nanity became a ruling power in the earth and during the dark\\nages the monasteiy and castle embodied the power and wisdom\\nof Christendom. The histor)- of the monk and the baron is the\\nreal history of Europe for a thousand years. In England, be-\\ntiveen the conquest, A. D. 1066, and the reign of King John,\\nduring a period of one hundred and fifty years, five hundred and", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "lO HISTORY OF\\nfifty-seven religious houses, of all kinds, were established. Hen-\\nry VIII. confiscated three thousand religious houses that yielded\\nrevenue and the castles in his reign were probably as numer-\\nous, for eleven hundred and fifteen were built in the brief reign\\nof Stephen. The population of England was then about tsvo\\nand a half millions. The religious houses were all richly en-\\ndowed. They owned large landed estates, commodious and im-\\nposing buildings, with respectable libraries, when a manuscript\\nwas worth more than a small farm. A single monastery has\\nbeen known to feed five hundred paupers daily for years. At\\nthat time there was no other provision for the poor. The cas-\\ntles of the nobles were impregnable fortresses, surrounded by\\nwalls and moats, and defended by squadrons of mailed war-\\nriors. The feudal system regulated the tenure of land. The\\nking and his liege lords owned the entire territory of the king-\\ndom hence the large landed estates of the English nobility,\\nwhich are often equal, in extent and population, to one of our\\ncounties. The conquering Normans ruled with an iron sway,\\nin church and state and the conquered Saxon served with\\nabject humility, in war and peace. When the monastery and\\ncastle lost their imperial power cannot now be accurately de-\\ntermined. It is remarkable, says Macaulay, that the two\\ngreatest and most salutary social revolutions which have taken\\nplace in England, that revolution which, in the thirteenth century,\\nput an end to the tyranny of nation over nation, and that revolu-\\ntion which, a few generations later, put an end to the property of\\nman in man, were silently and imperceptibly effected. They\\nstruck contemporary observers with no surprise and have received\\nfrom historians a very scanty measure of attention. They were\\nbrought about neither by legislative regulation nor by physical\\nforce. Moral causes noiselessly effaced, first the distinction be-\\ntween Norman and Saxon, and then the distinction between\\nmaster and slave. None can venture to fix the precise moment\\nat which either distinction ceased. The gentle influences of\\nthe gospel proved to be more potent agents of reform than mailed\\nbarons with their retainers, or Cromwell with his ironsides.\\n.Soon after the union of the Norman and Saxon and the abolition\\nof serfdom, the popular mind in Europe was stimulated to in-\\ntense activity, by the invention of printing and the mariner s\\ncompass, by the revival of classical learning and the formation\\nof the modern languages. Erom these causes arose the refor-\\nmation which gave birth to the Puritans, who founded in the\\nwilderness a church without a bishop and a state without a king\\nand, from that hour, made the school-house and meeting-house\\nthe symbols of modern civilization. Before these modest rep-\\nresentatives of American progress the temple and palace, the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\ncamp and forum, the monastery and castle, all bow down, like\\nthe sheaves in Joseph s dream, and make obeisance.\\nCHAPTER II.\\nCAtJSES OF EUROPEAN ENTERPRISE IN THE FIFTEENTH AND\\nSIXTEENTH CENTURIES.\\nEurope owes her love of liberty to the Greeks, her obedience\\nto law to the Romans. On the shores of the /Egean Oriental\\ndespotism first met, upon the battle-field, European indepen-\\ndence. The right triumphed and Marathon is dear to us to-\\nday, because there the cause of humanity was vindicated. Had\\nthe setting sun, on that memorable day, gilded the victorious\\nbanners of Persia, Grecian art, literature, oratory and liberty had\\nnever existed and, for the next two thousand years, Zoroaster\\nand the Magi, instead of Socrates and the philosophers, might\\nhave been the educators of our race. The history of Marathon\\nand Yorktown will never lose their interest, down\\nTo the last syllable o\u00c2\u00a3 recorded time;\\nbecause a contrary result, in either case, would have changed\\nthe destinies of the world. They were decisive battles in the\\nhistory of freedom. The same is true of the battle of Zama,\\nwhere Roman civilization won the victory for the advancing ages,\\nand made Rome the world s lawgiver. All ancient history ter-\\nminates in the eternal city and from it all modern history\\ntakes its departure. Rome has conquered the world three\\ntimes by her army by her literature and by her jurisprudence.\\nHer last victory was the chief of the three. Roman literature\\nhas developed modern mind Roman law has governed it. For\\nnearly a thousand years after the irruption of the Northern bar-\\nbarians, Grecian literature was but little studied in Western\\nEurope. Constantinople was its home. After the fall of that\\ncity in 1453, her scholars were exiled and learning followed the\\ncourse of the sun. The seer of that day might have used, by\\nprolepsis, the words of Berkeley\\nWestward the course of empire takes its way.\\nThe revival of learning awoke the European mind to intense ac-\\ntivity. The noble ideas of Grecian liberty and Roman law took\\nroot in a virgin soil and brought forth abundant fruit. With this", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "12 HISTORY OF\\nnew-born zeal for study came additional means of gratifying it.\\nAn obscure German, by the invention of movable types and the\\npress, rendered the universal diffusion of knowledge possible.\\nNext to the invention of letters stands that of printing. It has\\nenlarged indefinitely the bounds of knowledge and given a new\\nimpulse to everything great and good in modern civilization.\\nIf the invention of ships, says Lord Bacon, was thought so\\nnoble, which carrieth riches and commerce from place to place,\\nliow much more are letters to be magnified, which, as ships, pass\\nthrough the vast seas of time and make ages so distant to par-\\nticipate of the wisdom, illuminations and inventions, the one of\\nthe other. Prior to the use of t\\\\ pes, it required nearly a year s\\nlabor to copy a bible and the price of such a manuscript varied\\nfrom two hundred to one thousand dollars of our money and\\nthat, too, when its value was ten or twenty times as much as it\\nnow is. Some German mechanics and a wealthy goldsmith nam-\\ned John Faust, of the city of Mentz, in quest of gain, invented\\nand executed this great work of human progress. The Bible was\\nthe first book printed. It was offered for sale, by Faust, in Paris.\\nSo astonished were the Parisians to find numerous copies of the\\nbible, exactly alike, that they accused the seller of employing\\nmagic in their multiplication. He was supposed to be in league\\nwith the Devil Strange that the loyal subjects of the Prince\\nof darkness should have so mistaken their master s character.\\nFaust was imprisoned, as a magician, and was only released on\\nconfession of his valuable secret. This is supposed to be the\\norigin of the popular legend, entitled: The Devil and Dr.\\nFaustus or, as he is called by the illiterate, Dr. Foster. It\\nwas a copy of this bible which kindled Luther s zeal for reform\\nin the church. He first saw it, in the monastery of Erfurt, where\\nhe was in training for a monk. Dr. Staupitz, a man of rank in\\nthe church, happened to be there inspecting the convent and, ob-\\nserving Luther s admiration of the discovered bible, ga\\\\ e him\\nthe copy for his private study. He read it twice in course of\\nevery year. He wrote thus of it It is a great and powerful\\ntree, each word of which is a mighty branch each of these\\nbranches have I shaken, so desirous was I to learn what fruit\\nthey every one of them bore, and what they would give me.\\nThis was one of Gutenberg s private copies of the Latin Vulgate.\\nIt could be read only by scholars. It was printed about 1450,\\nwith metal tj pes, every one cut separately, with the imperfect\\ntools then in use. It was a folio of six hundred and forty-one\\nleaves. Schoeffer, the associate of Gutenberg, introduced cast\\ntypes and thus perfected the art of printing. The study of the\\nbible made Luther the champion of the reformation. He em-\\nbodied his new opinions in ninetj -five theses, which he nailed to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 13\\nthe door of the church of Wittenburg and some one has said,\\nvery justly, that the blows of his hammer shook all Christendom.\\nThus, an Augustine monk, denouncing the corruptions of Ca-\\ntholicism, introduced a schism in religion and changed the entire\\nfoundations of human government. Civil liberty was born of\\nreligious liberty.\\nNearly contemporary with the publication of the bible was\\nthe practical use of the mariner s compass. That property of\\nthe magnet which gives polarity to the needle was known sev-\\neral centuries before the discovery of America. But navigators\\nwere slow to employ this unerring guide in traversing the seas.\\nThe French and Italians both claim the invention of the com-\\npass, which opened to man the dominion of the sea. The\\ncommon opinion, says Hallam, which ascribes the discoveiy\\n[of the polarity of the magnet] to a citizen of Amalfi, in the\\nfourteenth century, is undoubtedly erroneous. It was, with-\\nout dispute, in general use during the fifteenth centurj by the\\nGenoese, Spaniards and Portuguese. Soon after the discovery\\nof America, Vasco de Gama sailed round the Stormy Cape,\\nopened a new passage to India and changed the whole commerce\\nof the world. The story of his perilous voyage, married to\\nimmortal verse, still lives in the Epic of the Portuguese Cam-\\noens. These potent causes, the revival of classical learning, the\\ninvention of printing and the compass, and the reformation in\\nthe church, all contributed to awaken the common mind in Europe,\\nto give new force and intensity to public opinion, and to impart\\nincreased energy to national enterprise.\\nCHAPTER III.\\nTHE AGENTS OF MODERN ENTERPRISE.\\nMen of action and men of thought have existed in all ages.\\nIn the oriental world, the men of action became warriors the\\nmen of thought, priests. The sculptured slabs that lined the\\nwalls of the temples and palaces of buried Nineveh and Baby-\\nIon show us nothing of Asiatic life but sieges and battles, pomps\\nand sacrifices. The blood of men Hows upon the field, the blood\\nof beasts upon the altar enslaved people come before their rul-\\ners laden with tribute and offerings. In Greece, the cradle of\\nliberty, and in Rome, the birth-place of law, men of affairs and", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "14 HISTORY OF\\nmen of reflection appeared as statesmen and philosophers, con-\\nsuls and jurisconsults. In the dark ages, the baron and monk\\ncontrolled the people in body, mind and estate. After the\\ndecline of feudalism, the abolition of serfdom and the rise of\\nfree cities, political power was centralized and hereditary mon-\\narchs became its representatives. With the emancipation of\\nmind, by the revival of learning and religion, came improved agri-\\nculture, enlarged commerce and multiplied manufactures. Then,\\nmonarchs, merchants and mechanics became the originators of\\ngreat enterprises and the heralds of material progress. Mon-\\narchs lent their names, merchants their funds and mechanics\\ntheir hands to the discovery and settlement of a new world.\\nMechanics built and manned the ships, merchants furnished\\nsupplies and wages, and monarchs gave charters and patents to\\nthe explorers and colonists. These royal parchments were about\\nas useful to the navigators and pilgrims as were the gilded figure-\\nheads that adorned the prows of their ships. Yet, as society\\nwas then constituted, they were as necessary to successful enter-\\nprise as the cunning hand and cultured brain of the artisan,\\nor the gathered treasures of merchant princes. Kings furnished\\nneither men nor means, yet they claimed the lion s share of the\\nprofits. Isabella is a noble exception to the parsimonious and\\nmercenary character of European rulers. Her wise and gen-\\nerous patronage of Columbus shines out, amid that night of\\nignorance, like a solitary star through the rent clouds of a mid-\\nnight storm.\\n-O-\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nTHE RESULTS OF MODERN ENTERPRISE.\\nIn the infancy of science, as in that of the church, not many\\nwise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, were\\ncalled. The inventors, discoverers and explorers of the world\\nhave been found oftener among artisans and sailors than among\\nscientists and philosophers. Such were Watt and Arkwright,\\nFulton and Stevenson, Franklin and Morse. Columbus, poor\\nand friendless, leading his little boy through the streets of Mad-\\nrid, beseeching one monarch after another to become god-\\nfather to the progeny of his teeming brain, and linally receiv-\\ning, from the generous queen, a suit of clothes to render his", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "NEV/ HAMPSHIRE.\\n\u00c2\u00bbs\\npreseiit.ition at court possiDle, shows, very plainly, that the\\nkingdom of science, Hlce the kingdom of Heaven, cometh\\nnot with observation. Genius finds or makes a way. The\\neloquence of the veteran sailor won the ear of royalty, and a\\nwoman became the sole patroness of the most memorable mari-\\ntime enterprise in the history of the world. A continent was\\ndiscovered. But the main land was not first reached by Col-\\numbus. The American continent was discovered by English\\nmerchants. The parsimonious Henr) VII. gave a patent to\\nJohn Cabot, a Venetian merchant living at Bristol, empower-\\ning him and his three sons to sail into the Eastern, Western or\\nNorthern sea, with five ships, at their own expense, to search for\\nnew lands and undiscovered treasures. The avaricious king,\\nwho contributed nothing but his sign manual to their commis-\\nsion, required these private adventurers to pay into his exchequer\\none fifth of all their profits. Such kings deserve to be remem-\\nbered as examples of unmitigated selfishness. The Cabots\\nreached the continent nearly fourteen months before Columbus\\non his third voyage touched upon the main land. A new patent\\nwas issued, in 1498, to John Cabot, less favorable to the explorer\\nthan the former; and the frugal king was himself a partner in\\nthe enterprise. Sebastian Cabot, one of the bravest, noblest\\nand purest of England s sons, explored the whole northern coast\\nof America from Albemarle Sound to Hudson s Bay, in latitude\\n67\u00c2\u00b0 30 north. The ocean was his home. He followed the seas\\nfor half a century, and in extreme old age was so fond of his\\nprofession that his last wandering thoughts and words revealed\\nhis ruling passion. The fame of these first explorers of the New\\nWorld kindled a love of adventure in all the states of Western\\nEurope. The great Viionarchs of that age suspended, for a time,\\ntheir thoughts of war and indulged in dreams of avarice. They\\nwere eager to occupy the lands, to work the mines and appropri-\\nate the fruits of a continent which private enterprise had revealed.\\nThey issued patents, commissioned captains and furnished ships\\nfor new discoveries. Italians, Portuguese, Spaniards, French\\nand English swarmed in all the waters that wash the eastern\\ncoast of North America. Like insects in the summer s sun,\\na thousand ways\\nUpward and downward, thwarting and convolv d,\\nThe quiv ring nations sport.\\nFor a time, the fame of Columbus was eclipsed. Slanderous\\ntongues defamed his character, envious rivals wore his laurels,\\ncruel hands manacled his limbs, ungrateful sovereigns withheld\\nhis reward, and an Italian adventin-er gave his own name to the\\nnew continent. Scarcely one of earth s great benefactors has\\nbeen more unkindly treated than Columbus. Death, which usu-\\nally extinguishes envy, did not wholly silence rival ~lainis. OH", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "1 6 HISTORY OK\\ntraditions have been revived to rob him of the originality of con-\\nceiving as well as executing this great plan of discovery. From\\nvery remote times there existed rumors of an unexplored land\\nbeyond the pillars of Hercules. Greek and Roman writers made\\nfrequent allusion to it. Plato, 400 B. c, speaks of an island\\nlarger than Lybia and Asia, called Atlantis, far off in the ocean,\\nwhich was suddenly submerged by an earthquake. The Car-\\nthaginians and their ancestors, the Phoenicians, were the most\\ndistinguished navigators of all antiquity. There can scarcely be\\na doubt that the Phoenicians sailed round the Cape of Good\\nHope but that abates not one tittle of the glory of Vasco de\\nGama, who performed the same exploit more than two thousand\\nyears later. Tradition also reports that Hanno, the Cartha-\\nnian, sailed westward from the Pillars of Hercules for thirty\\ndays in succession but, unfortunately, there is no existing record\\nof his voyage. The historian ^^lian, 200 B. c, contains an\\nextract from Theopompus, a writer in the time of Alexander the\\nGreat, in which he alludes to a continent in the West, densely\\npopulated and exceedingly fertile, with gold and silver in unlimi-\\nted abundance. In a work ascribed to Aristotle similar allus-\\nions are found. Seneca, the Roman philosopher, uttered a kind\\nof prophecy of its future discoveiy. He wrote The time will\\ncome, in future ages, when the Ocean will loosen the chains of\\nnature and a mighty continent will be discovered. A new Tiphys\\n[or pilot] will reveal new worlds and Thule shall no longer be\\nthe remotest of lands. This was a happy conjecture which\\ntime has confirmed.\\nThe earlier traditions were chiefly composed of such stuff as\\ndreams are made of, and belong rather to the realms of imagin-\\nation than history. The Northern nations of Europe, in the\\ndark ages, can furnish better claims to priority of discovery.\\nThe .Scandinavians, from their earliest histor)^ w^ere all seamen.\\nThe Northmen were the terror of all Europe long before they\\nbecame its conquerors. The Saxons, Jutes and Angles, in their\\nnative homes, were pirates. They came in ships to England in\\nthe fifth century. Invited by the Celts as allies, they remained\\nas rulers. The Danes, some centuries later, imitated their ex-\\namples, and for a time governed the island. Some eight or\\nnine hundred years ago, the Nor\\\\vegians repeatedly visited\\nthe American continent. This assertion, like every thing old,\\nis questioned yet the preponderance of evidence seems to con-\\nfirm it. These old sea-kings visited and explored all the north-\\nern shores, from Greenland to Rhode Island, and possibly still\\nfarther south. They wintered, repeatedly, in a land which they\\nnamed Vinland, or wine land, from the abundance of grapes that\\ngrew there. These were brave old vikings, who deserve a bet-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. I7\\nter name than that of pirates. That word, however, from its\\netymology, may yet raise them to the rank of explorers. Ban-\\ncroft rather discredits the Icelandic historian who claims this\\ndiscoveiy for his ancestors. He says The nation of intrepid\\nmariners, whose voyages extended beyond Iceland and beyond\\nSicily, could easily have sailed from Greenland to Labrador no\\nclear historic evidence establishes the probability that they accom-\\nplished the passage. Imagination had conceived the idea that\\nvast uninhabited regions lay unexplored in the West and poets\\nhad declared that empires beyond the ocean would one day be\\nrevealed to the daring navigator. But Columbus deserves the\\nundivided gloiy of having realized that belief.\\nCHAPTER V.\\nTHE ABORIGINES OF AMERICA.\\nThe origin of the primitive inhabitants of the new world is\\nstill an unsolved problem. No subject of human research has\\nbeen more fruitful in theories none less satisfactory in results.\\nOf all the divisions of our race, according to color, the red men\\nmay claim a very early origin and a widely extended dominion.\\nThey have flourished in Mongolia, Madagascar, China, Hindoo-\\nstan, Egypt, Etruria and Palestine and with the inhabitants of\\nall these countries, the Indians, in their arts, customs and com-\\nparative anatomy, present stronger analogies than with the white\\nor black races. But with no one of them can they be identified.\\nSays Dr. Palfrey The symmetrical frame, the cinnamon color\\nof the skin, the long, black, coarse hair, the scant beard, the\\nhigh cheek bones, the depressed and square forehead set upon a\\ntriangular conformation of the lower features, the small, deep-\\nset, shining, snaky eyes, the protuberant lips, the broad nose, the\\nsmall skull, with its feeble frontal development, make a combina-\\ntion which the scientific observer of some of these marks in the\\nskeleton, and the unlearned eye turned upon the living subject,\\nequally recognize as unlike what is seen in other regions of the\\nglobe. Every science that throws light upon the origin and\\naffinities of races has been questioned, but the oracles are\\ndumb, or palter with us in a double sense. We, to-day, know\\nno better whence they came than did the first explorers who\\npronounced the natives to be of tall stature, comely pro-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "l8 HISTORY OF\\nportion, strong, active, and, as it should seem, very healthful.\\nTo them the Indians looked like earth-born aborigines, retaining\\nthe solid structure and firmness of their kindred hills. There was\\nno sick, decrepit nor feeble person among them. Their war-\\nriors were brave, cunning and apparently invincible.\\nTheir strength, beauty and valor were greatly exaggerated.\\nUpon further inquir) it was found that none but the most robust\\nconstitutions could survive the hardships to which their infancy\\nwas exposed that a majority of every tribe died 3-oung that\\nthe number of births among them hardly equaled that of the\\ndeaths and that only the finest and healthiest specimens of the\\nrace were preserved. The reason of the absence of diseased and\\ndeformed persons arose from the fact that such were either borne\\ndown by the hardships of savage life or left to die, unpitied and\\nalone. The same is true of those decrepit by age. They were\\noften exposed by their children and left to perish by starvation.\\nOf the sick, it has been aptly said Death was their doctor,\\nand the grave their hospital. Privation, imprudence and the\\npestilence have often swept away whole tribes. More of the\\naborigines of North America have probably fallen by disease\\nthan by war. On the first arrival of the Pilgrims at Plymouth\\nthe adjacent territory was literally desolated by an epidemic.\\nIn profound peace they have often suffered most. Their indo-\\nlent and filthy habits induced disease. Their remedies were, for\\nthe most part, mere charms and incantations and consequently\\nthey died like sheep. The Indians of our day know almost\\nnothing of vegetable remedies. They make use of amulets and\\nconsecrated medicine-bags as curative agents and yet, civilized\\nmen often have recourse to these savages to learn the healing\\nart and, in their simplicity, acquire a knowledge of simples.\\nSometimes a veritable Indian doctor appears among us, with\\nmore brass than copper in his face, and, by his gravity and so-\\nlemnity in consulting the astronomical signs, in watching the\\nstellar influences, and in gathering herbs and balsams by\\nmoonlight, imposes upon the unwar} and relieves his patients,\\nnot of their diseases, but of their money. Their skill, speed,\\nstrength, valor, wisdom and eloquence have all been greatly\\nover-estimated. The American Indians are capable of great ef-\\nforts, when strongly excited, and sometimes show respectable\\nreasoning powers but they are neither able to endure sustained\\nand continued labor of mind nor body. Their physical and\\nmental powers are undeveloped and weak. They are more re-\\nmarkable for agility than strength. They are fleet of foot for\\nlimited journeys, and possess almost a canine sagacity of pursu-\\ning game. When reduced to slaveiy, they droop and die. As\\ntrained soldiers they are always inferior to the whites. They", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. I9\\nsucceed better in ambuscades and sudden onsets than in\\npitched battles.\\nThe aborigines, in their untutored state, possessed neither sci-\\nence nor culture. In writing they never advanced beyond rude\\npictorial inscriptions and hieroglyphics. Their implements were\\nmade of stone their vessels of clay. Their languages abound\\nin metaphors and symbols. They multiply compounds and ex-\\npress a whole sentence in one long word hence, philologists de-\\nnominate their languages agglutinative or holophrastic. As in-\\nstruments of thought, they are worthless. The Indians are nat-\\nurally stolid and taciturn, not eloquent. Lofty oratory is as rare\\namong them as e.xalted genius. Some of their speeches have\\nbeen preserved. They were mostly made at treaties, where the\\nred man, with subdued pride, yielded to the claims of the impe-\\nrious white man. Consequently they breathe a sorrowful spirit.\\nThey are usually pathetic and touching, sometimes lofty and dig-\\nnified, often bold and magnanimous. They seldom discourse,\\nexcept on grave and momentous occasions, and then with evi-\\ndent preparation.\\nTheir religion is peculiar. The tribes of North America liave\\nno public worship. In this respect they differ from the Aztecs\\nof Mexico and Central America. They held common assemblies\\nand reared public altars where their horrid rites were celebrated.\\nThe religion of the northern tribes is chiefly private and particu-\\nlar each man entertaining his own superstitious notions respect-\\ning his relations to his Deities. The Indian god, says Mr.\\nSchoolcraft, exists in a dualistic form there is a malign and a\\nbenign type of him and there is a continual strife, in every pos-\\nsible form, between these two antagonistical powers, for the mas-\\ntery over the mind. Legions of subordinate spirits attend both.\\nNature is replete with them. \\\\A hen the eye fails to recognize\\nthem in material forms, they are revealed in dreams. Necro-\\nmancy and witchcraft are two of their ordinarj powers. The\\nGreat and Good Spirit, so much talked of by Indian admirers, as\\ncorresponding to Jehovah of the Jews, seems to receive far less\\nnotice from them than liis malignant antagonist. The great ob-\\nject of their worship is to propitiate or avert evil demons. They\\nliterally pay divine honors to devils. All diseases are the work\\nof evil spirits hence incantations and exorcisms are among their\\nmost potent remedies. They are fatalists with regard to their\\nown destiny. Evei-y event is unalterably determined by fixed\\nlaws hence they never blame their medicine men for failing to\\nmake good their splendid promises. They believe in the im-\\nmortality of the soul. Departed spirits go to the islands of the\\nblest to be compensated for the evils suffered in this world.\\nTheir mytliology is a chaos of wild and incoherent fancies.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "20 HISTORY OF\\nSome portions of it have been gracefully illustrated by Mr. Long-\\nfellow, in that unique poem entitled Hiawatha.\\nTheir manners and customs have been graphically portrayed\\nby Mr. Cooper in The Last of the Mohicans. Their virtues\\nhave been eulogized by Mr. Catlin, who visited forty-five tribes\\nfor the purpose of painting the portraits of their chiefs. He\\nsays In all these little communities, strange as it may seem,\\nin the absence of all jurisprudence, I have often beheld peace,\\nhappiness and quietness reigning supreme, for which even kings\\nand emperors might envy them. I have seen rights and virtues\\nprotected and wrongs redressed. I have seen conjugal, filial\\nand paternal affection, in the simplicity and contentedness of\\nnature. His picture is painted in bright and glowing colors.\\nWhile reading his honest praise, we for the moment feel inclined\\nto adopt the reasoning of Rousseau and denounce civilized life\\nas a state of degradation and long for the return of that age of\\nprimeval innocence when\\nWild in the woods, the nol.le savage ran.\\nCatlin s climax of Indian woes is thus stated: White men,\\nwhiskey, tomahawks, scalping knives, guns, powder and ball,\\nsmall-po.x, debauchery, extermination. There is a dark side to\\nthis picture, which the early settlers of New England saw to\\ntheir sorrow. They tried to live peaceably with the Indians and\\ncould not. The apostle anciently prayed to be delivered from\\nunreasonable and wicked men. Such were the savages of\\nNew England, when the Puritans first set foot upon its shores.\\nThe Indians of our day have, undoubtedly, been cheated by pol-\\niticians, robbed by speculators and demoralized by adventurers.\\nThe strong have deceived and oppressed the weak the craft}\\nhave cheated the simple the Christian has corrupted the sav-\\nage and the words in which Bryant has expressed the lament\\nof an Indian chief are fearfully true\\nThey waste us ay like April snow.\\nIn the warm noon, we shrink away;\\nAnd fast they follow, as we go\\nTowards the settiiy; day.\\nTill they shall fill the land and__we\\nAre driven to\\nBut there is no propriety in imputing modern vices and crimes\\nto our ancestors. The Massachusetts colonists sincerely sought\\nto civilize and christianize the red man. In a few years more\\nthan four thousand praying Indians were gathered into churches\\nby Eliot and Mahew but, true to their natural instincts, when\\nwar came they joined the enemies of the colonists and were ex-\\nterminated. When, therefore, the Indian eulogist points to the\\ndecaying and retreating tribes of the South and West and tri-\\numphantly asks Where are the Indians of New England I", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 21\\nanswer, with all confidence, Extinct by the Providence of God\\nthrough improvidence and crime their own executioners\\nNew Hampshire, during colonial times, was possessed by as\\nmany as twelve different tribes of Indians, taking their names\\nfrom some local peculiarity of the lands or streams where they\\nhad their homes. Many of these names remain to this day, like\\nthe old Celtic names in England, and mark the abodes of the\\nprimitive inhabitants, while not a solitary descendant of theirs\\nlives within the limits of the state. Nashua, Souhegan, Amos-\\nkeak, Swamscott, Merrimack, Winnipiseogee and Ossipee are of\\nIndian origin. The meaning of these names has been variously\\ngiven by different philologists. Such etymologies can rarely be\\ntrusted. When foreigners first began to write Indian words as\\nthey heard them from the savages, it was difficult to determine\\ntheir true sounds. It was rare for two authors to represent the\\nsame name by the same letters. Winnipiseogee, it is said, has\\nbeen spelled in forty different ways. A few Indian names of\\nrivers and mountains have, probably, been rightly interpreted.\\nThese enduring names are the only memorials the red men have\\nleft upon the physical features of the state.\\nMr. Hubert Hare Bancroft, of San Francisco, is preparing an\\nelaborate work on The native Races of the Pacific States of\\nNorth America. The first volume, an octavo of 797 pages,\\ntreats of the wild Indians alone. Of these he enumerates six\\ngreat families and more than seven hundred tribes, living in pre-\\nhistoric times, west of the Rocky Mountains. His purpose is\\nto delineate the character of the various races of aborigines\\nfrom the Arctic ocean to the Caribbean sea. His library of In-\\ndian lore amounts to about eighteen thousand volumes. As\\nthese books all belong to modern times, it is doubtful whether\\nthe collation of them will satisfactorily answer these great ques-\\ntions Are the natives of America of one race Are they a\\ndegraded people, or do they occupy now their highest plane of\\ndevelopment Did they build those mighty structures whose\\nruins exist to-day in Central America and Mexico If the red\\nmen of the North were a distinct race, did they belong to the\\nstone or bronze age Mr. Bancroft, will, undoubtedly, throw\\ngreat light upon the habits, customs and mythology of the abor-\\nigines of our country but no research of his, no critical sagac-\\nity, can tell us whence they came or what was their primitive\\ncondition. He evidently joins the ranks of Indian advocates.\\nHe says Left alone, the natives of America might have un-\\nfolded into as bright a civilization as that of Europe. All his-\\ntory teaches a different lesson. Savages do not rise by their\\nunaided efforts. Mr. Parkman, commenting upon Mr. Bancroft s\\nconclusions respecting the proper mode of dealing with our", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "22 HISTORY OF\\nIndian tribes, who now number about three hundred thousand\\nsouls, says\\nA word touching our recent Indian policy. To suppose that presents,\\nblandishments and kind treatment, even when not counteracted b} the fraud\\nand lawlessness of white men, can restrain these banditti from molesting\\ntravelers and settlers is a mistake. Robbery and murder have become to\\nthem a second nature, and, as just stated, a means of living. The chief ene-\\nmies of peace in the Indian country are the philanthropist, the politician and\\nthe border ruffian; that is to say, the combination of soft words with rascal-\\nity and violence. An Apache, a Comanche, or an Arapahoe neither respects\\nnor comprehends assurances of fraternal love. In most cases he takes them\\nas evidence of fear. The Government whose emissaries caress him and\\npreach to him, whose officials cheat him, and whose subjects murder him, is\\nnot likely to soothe him into ways of peace. The man best fitted to deal\\nwith Indians of hostile dispositions is an honest, judicious and determined\\nsoldier. To protect them from ruffians worse than themselves, strictly to ob-\\nserve every engagement, to avoid verbiage, and speak on occasion with a de-\\ncisive clearness, absolutely free from sentimentality, to leave no promise and\\nno threat unfulfilled, to visit every breach of peace with a punishment as\\nprompt as circumstances will permit, to dispense witli courts and juries and\\nsubstitute a summary justice, and to keep speculators and adventurers from\\nabusing them such means as these on the one hand, or extermination on the\\nother, will alone keep such tribes as the Apaches quiet. They need an officer\\nequally just and vigorous; and our regular army can furnish such. They\\nneed an army more numerous than we have at present and as its business\\nwould be to restrain white men no less than Indians, they need in the execu-\\ntive a courage to which democracy and the newspaper sensation-monger are\\nwofuUy averse. Firmness, consistency and justice are indispensable in deal-\\ning with dangerous Indians, and so far as we fail to supply them we shall fail\\nof success. Attempts at conciliation will be worse than useless, unless there\\nis proof, manifest to their savage understandmg, that such attempts do not\\nproceed from weakness or fear.\\n-O-\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nTITLE TO THE SOIL.\\nThe right of property, in a new country, is based on discov-\\nery, conquest or occupation. If occupation gives the best title,\\nthe Indians certainly owned this continent for they possessed\\nit, from the frozen north to Patagonia. In a countiy previously\\nunexplored, cultivation would seem to be good evidence of own-\\nership. It is a dictate of justice that any man may appropriate\\nand till so much of nature s wilderness as is necessary for his\\nsupport. Moreover, the profit of the earth is for all the king\\nhimself is ser\\\\ ed by the field, says the wise man. The Indians\\npossessed, by metes and bounds, only a few acres of the entire", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 2$\\ncontinent. It would not seem reasonable that God designed\\nthat one half the earth should remain a wilderness and that\\nevery roving hunter should hold a park of his own, and retain\\nit for his sole use, when the rest of the world was crowded with\\ninhabitants. Is it in accordance with natural justice, that a sin-\\ngle lordly savage should roam over thousands of acres, while\\nhundreds of other men, better than himself, were suffering for\\nfood Were the wild beasts his as well as their lairs and feed-\\ning grounds Had no stranger a right of warren in these pri-\\nmeval forests Was the red man the sole proprietor of the soil\\nand of the game that fed upon it He was fust there, and ac-\\ncording to the law of nations owned it by discovery. He had\\nthe best title to that portion of the territory which he had culti-\\nvated that political philosophy ever devised. Possibly, if the\\nhistory of the aborigines could be recovered, he owned it by\\nconquest, for the mounds and remains of art testify to an earlier\\noccupation of the country than that of the red men. Accord-\\ning to that body of rules made by the strong for the weak, called\\nInternational Law, the Indian was the rightful owner of the soil\\nbut his title, being only vague and presumptive when tested by\\nnatural justice, could be easily vacated by purchase or conquest.\\nThe New England colonists did generally purchase their lands\\nfrom the Indians. They paid but small sums and in articles of\\nlittle value to themselves, yet the Indians prized them highly\\nand they alone had a right to judge of the worth of their terri-\\ntory and of the price of the goods given in exchange for it.\\nThey sold willingly and received the pay with joy. The settlers\\nof New Hampshire were perhaps less careful than others to ex-\\ntinguish the Indian claim, because chartered companies and\\nroyal proprietors assumed the ownership of the soil. And here\\nwe may ask, what right had European monarchs to grant lands\\nmore extensive than their own kingdoms King James I. of\\nEngland gave away territories ten times larger than his own lit-\\ntle realm, on the plea that English navigators had visited the\\nshores of the new world and thus acquired, by discovery, a title,\\nnot only to all the coast but to all the land that lay behind it,\\neven to the Pacific Ocean. His charters extended from sea to\\nsea and from the river to the ends of the earth. Human gov-\\nernments are said to be of divine origin, because justice, reason,\\nconscience and inspiration all unite to enforce obedience to\\nthem but neither justice vindicates, nor reason demonstrates,\\nnor conscience approves, nor scripture confirms a title to new\\nterritory- because it has fallen under the eye of an exploring nav-\\nigator or been marked by the foot-prints of an invading army.\\nBut the public good seemed to require some rules called laws,\\nexpressly or tacitly approved by the nations of Christendom, to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "24 HISTORY OF\\nregulate the conduct of explorers and this international code\\nwas usually dictated by the strongest. So the world has ever\\nbeen governed for there is not a kingdom or state on earth that\\nis not based on conquest not a rood of land occupied by man\\nthat was not wrested from previous owners by force. I have\\nobserved, said the infidel Frederick the Great, that Provi-\\ndence always favors the strong battalions.\\n-O-\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nENGLISH CHARTERED COMPANIES.\\nA belt of twelve degrees on the American coast, embracing\\nthe soil from Cape Fear to Halifax, except perhaps a little spot\\nthen actually possessed by the French called Acadia, was set\\napart by James I. in 1606, to be colonized by two rival compa-\\nnies. He divided this territory into two nearly equal parts\\nthe one, called North Virginia, extending from the forty-first to\\nthe forty-fifth degree of north latitude the other, named South\\nVirginia, from the thirty-fourth to the thirty-eighth degree. The\\ndistrict lying between these limits was open to both companies\\nbut neither was allowed to make settlements within one hundred\\nmiles of the other. The northern portion was granted to a\\ncompany of knights, gentlemen and merchants from the west\\nof England called the Plymouth Company; the southern half\\nto a company of noblemen, gentlemen and merchants, mostly\\nresiding in the Capital and called the London Company.\\nThe king was the sole governor of these immense territories,\\nbecause he retained in his own hands the appointment of all\\nofficers both at home and abroad. He also, like a feudal lord,\\nexacted homage and rent. One-fifth of all the precious metals\\nand one-fifteenth of copper were to be returned to the royal\\ntreasury. So this English Solomon, who was called by Sully\\nthe wisest fool in Christendom, granted lands to which he had\\nno title and exacted rents to which he had no claim. Not an\\nelement of popular liberty was introduced into these charters\\nthe colonists were not recognized at all as a source of political\\npower they were at the mercy of a double-headed tyranny com-\\nposed of the king and his advisers, the Council and their agents.\\nBut liberty, like hope in Pandora s box, lay at the bottom. The\\nCouncil of Plymouth received a new charter dated November 3,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 2$\\n1620, granting all the lands between the fortieth and forty-eighth\\ndegree of North latitude, and from sea to sea. This territory\\nwas called New England in America. The Council held this\\nimmense area as absolute property, with unlimited jurisdiction\\nand tlie sole power of legislation.\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\nCOLONIES ANCIENT AND MODERN.\\nIt was a beautiful custom of the Greeks to send from home\\ntheir young adventurers, with a public consecration, under the\\nguardianship of their tutelary divinities. The colonists departed\\nas the childi-en, not as the subjects, of the state. Their political\\nrelations at home were exchanged for those of filial affection\\nand religious reverence abroad. They owed to their native land\\nnothing but patriotism and allegiance. In their new homes they\\nbuilt temples and dedicated them to the gods their fathers wor-\\nshiped, and honored them with ancestral rights. Priests from\\nthe metropolis ministered at the new altars. The sacred fire,\\nthat was kept constantly burning on the sacred hearth of the\\ncolony, was taken from the altar of Vesta in the Council Hall of\\ntheir old home. The colonies often surpassed the parent state\\nin wealth and commerce and thus the mother recei\\\\-ed both\\nhonor and profit frojn the child. The colonial system of the\\nGreek republics was, in every instance, a sort of family com-\\npact, limited in its scope and national in its purpose. Their\\nmotives were too low, their views too contracted, for the promo-\\ntion of universal civilization. They did not emigrate, like our\\nancestors, to secure civil liberty or to enjoy religious freedom.\\nThere was nothing in the religion or culture of that age to in-\\nspire high purposes or to create the energy necessary for their\\nexecution.\\nThe colonies of Rome were purely military. Their sole ob-\\njects were power and dominion. Emigrants from Rome, se-\\nlected by the government and forced from home, settled in the\\nconquered provinces and governed them by force, exacting men\\nfor Roman armies and tribute for the Roman treasury. Extor-\\ntion and rapacity followed in the train of conquering armies, and\\nthe provinces were often depleted and exhausted by Republican\\nand Imperial indictions. Taxation and slavery rained the coun-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "26 HISTORY OF\\ntry and the heart of the metropolis beat more faintly as the\\nextremities grew weaker. The colonies lived with the mother,\\nflourished and fell with her. They were mere instruments of\\npower, not agents of progress.\\nThe dark ages had no colonies. It was the business of the\\nlord to fight, of the serf to toil. There was no surplus popula-\\ntion. War devoured the people and their substance, and there\\nwas no cogent reason for emigration. All known countries were\\nalike and, until free cities arose, liberty had no home in Eu-\\nrope. After those causes which have already been enumerated\\nhad operated to awaken the public mind and stimulate enter-\\nprise, modern colonies began to be formed. The Spaniards took\\nthe lead in the planting of colonies upon the newly discovered\\ncontinent and islands. The West India settlements were made\\nby them, for the investment of capital in large estates, to be cul-\\ntivated by slaves. The owners seldom occupied the soil they\\ncultivated and they did not feel at home on their own planta-\\ntions. Like the Irish absentee land-owners, they lived in luxury\\nat the capital or in foreign lands, and extorted the means of\\ntheir enjoyment from their poor dependants by means of mid-\\ndle-men or overseers. This fact accounts even for the present\\ndepressed condition of the West Indies. In Mexico and South\\nAmerica, they sought chiefly for the precious metals, and when\\nmining became unprofitable their colonies declined.\\nThe French colonies on this continent have never been very\\nflourishing. They have increased in numbers and remained sta-\\ntionaiy in culture. This is due partly to the influence of race,\\nbut still more to that of religion. The French population con-\\nstitutes to-day the majority in Lower Canada. They are an ig-\\nnorant, bigoted and priest-ridden people, opposed to progress,\\nmaterial, moral and intellectual. They are averse to change in\\nlaws, customs and the processes of labor, even when it would be\\nmanifestly for their good. Their chief interest is in the church\\nand education and legislation must yield to its dictation. This\\nprinciple is the corner-stone of the papacy. Pius IX., the so-\\ncalled Vicar of Christ upon earth, in his recent Encyclical letter,\\nwrites\\nNeither must we neglect to teach that royal power is given to some men\\nnot only for the government of the world, but, above all, for the protection\\nof the church and that nothing can be more advantageous or more glorious\\nfor kings and governors than to conform themselves to the words which our\\nmost wise and courageous predecessor, Saint Felix, wrote to the Emperor\\nZeno, to leave the church to govern herself with her own laws, and to allow\\nno one to put any obstacle in the w.ay of her liberty 1 In fact, it is certain\\nthat it is for their interest, whenever they are concerned with matters relat-\\ning to God, scrupulously to follow the order which he has prescribed, and\\nnot to prefer but to subordinate the royal will to that of the priests of\\nChrist.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 2J\\nThe New England colonies differed, in origin, purpose and re-\\nsults, from those of all other nations ancient and modern. The\\nPilgrims came to this countiy to make a permanent home. The\\nmotives that prompted their emigration were religious rather\\nthan secular. Not gain but godliness drove them into the wil-\\nderness. In the words of the noblest orator among their de-\\nscendants, A new existence awaited them here and when they\\nsaw these shores, rough, cold, barbarous and barren, as they then\\nwere, they beheld their country. That mixed and strong feeling\\nwhich we call love of country, and which is in general never ex-\\ntinguished in the heart of man, grasped and embraced its proper\\nobject here. Whatever constitutes country, except the earth and\\nthe sun, all the moral causes of affection and attachment which\\noperate upon the heart, they brought with them to their new\\nalDode.\\nThe New England colonies were chiefly devoted to the culti-\\nvation of the soil. This is the true secret of their unparalleled\\nsuccess for agriculture is the oldest of all arts, the parent of\\nall civilization and the support of all permanent prosperity.\\nThe Creator ordained it in the beginning as the chief occupa-\\ntion of man. Commerce and manufactures are its legitimate\\noffspring. These elements of national greatness are the natural\\nfruits of colonial industry. They have made the American peo-\\nple invincible for a threefold cord is not easily broken.\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nEARLY EXPLORERS OF THE NEW ENGLAND COAST.\\nAfter the voyages of the Cabots, above described, the Por-\\ntuguese Caspar Cortereal, a. d. 1500, and the Florentine Ver-\\nrazzano, A. d. 1524, in the employment of the French visited the\\nsame coasts. Thus was laid the foundation of a future quarrel\\nrespecting the title to these territories. In 1602, Bartholomew\\nGosnold, a bold adventurer from England, who had previously\\nbeen a companion of Sir Walter Raleigh in his attempts to col-\\nonize Virginia, sailed across the Atlantic in a small bark, and\\nin seven weeks reached the continent near Nahant. He dis-\\ncovered Cape Cod and, with four men, landed upon it. This\\nCape was the first land in New England ever trod by the feet of\\nmen from old England. Gosnold planned a colony, but it failed.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "28 HISTORY OF\\nThe French now became dangerous rivals of the English in ex-\\nploring these territories consequently a new love of adventure\\nsprung up in our fatherland. Merchants of Bristol raised one\\nthousand pounds and sent out tv/o small vessels under the com-\\nmand of Martin Pring, or Prynne, in April, 1603. Pring visited\\nthe coast of Maine and examined the mouths of the Saco, Ken-\\nnebunk and York rivers. He also visited the Piscataqua, being\\nthe first navigator who approached the territory of New Hamp-\\nshire. He saw goodly groves and woods and sundry sorts of\\nbeasts, but no people. In his first voyage he commanded the\\nSpeedwell, a ship of fifty tons and thirty men, and the Discoverer,\\na bark of twenty-six tons and thirteen men. This visit was in\\nJune, and the wilderness was robed in its best attire. They\\nexplored the Piscataqua for twelve miles but concluded to pierce\\nnot far into the land. Pring made a second voyage, and explor-\\ned more accurately the coast of Maine.\\nIn 1605, some English noblemen sent out George Weymouth\\non an expedition of discovery. He visited the coast of Maine\\nalso, and decoyed on board five of the natives, whom he carried\\nto England. Three of these Indians he gave to Sir Ferdinando\\nGorges, then governor of Plymouth. Gorges took them to his\\nhouse and educated them, for three full years, that he might\\nlearn from them the history of their native land. Sir John Pop-\\nham, Chief Justice of the King s Bench, united with Gorges\\nin fitting out a new expedition. In May, 1607, two ships sailed\\nfrom Plymouth, with two of these Indians on board as guides and\\ninterpreters. They planted a colony whose brief history is more\\nfully set forth in the next chapter. They named their first fort\\nSt. George. The celebrated French explorer, Champlain, is said\\nto have visited the harbor of Piscataqua in July, 1605, and to\\nhave discovered the Isles of Shoals. He landed upon the shores\\nof the river, probably at Odiorne s Point, which he called Cape\\nof Islands, and made presents to some savages whom he found\\nthere. If this report be authentic, he probably was the first\\nwhite man who set foot upon the soil of New Hampshire for we\\nhave no evidence that Pring, in 1603, left his ship for the land.\\nThe next adventurer that appears in the field of historical vis-\\nion, on the shores of New Englana, is the famous John Smith,\\nwhose whole biography surpasses the creations of the imagina-\\ntion. He wa*s from 1606 to 1615 the most illustrious of Ameri-\\ncan explorers. He claims, justly perhaps, to have brought\\nNew England to the subjection of Great Britain. In 1614 he\\nexamined the coast from Penobscot to Cape Cod and made a\\nmap of the adjacent countiy, which he presented to Prince\\nCharles, who adopted the name which Smith had given to it,\\nand it was called New England. On this voyage he visited", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 29\\nthe mouth of the Piscataqua and described it as a safe harbor\\nand a rocky shore. Pring, as above related, entered the same\\nriver in 1603 but the greater fame of Smith gave more im-\\nportance to his description and excited new interest in the lands\\nhe visited. Several years, however, elapsed before other e.xplor-\\ners turned their prows to the same shores and entered the deep\\nwaters of the Piscataqua. Smith also discovered the Isles of\\nShoals and named them Smith s Isles. This name ought to\\nhave been retained. The substitution of another robs the dis-\\ncoverer of his true glory and, as in the case of Columbus, gives\\nto a subaltern the honor of the leader.\\nCapt. John Smith, himself the noblest of adventurers, says\\nin his description of New England\\nWho would live at home idly, or think in himself any worth only to eat,\\ndrink and sleep, and so die or by consuming that carelessly his friends got\\nworthily or by using that miserably that maintained virtue honestly or, for\\nbeing descended nobly, pine with the vain vaunt of great kindred, in penury?\\nor (to maintain a silly show of bravery) toil out thy heart, soul and time\\nbasely, by shifts, tricks, cards and dice or by relating news of others actions\\nshark here and there for a dinner or a supper, deceive thy friends by fair\\npromises and dissimulation in borrowing where thou never intendest to pay,\\noffend the laws, surfeit with excess, burden thy country, abuse thyself, despair\\nin want and then cozen thy kindred, yea, even thine own brother, and wish thy\\nparents death I will not say damnation) to have their estates though thou\\nseest what honors and rewards the world yet hath for those who will seek\\nt^hem and worthily deserve them.\\nCHAPTER X.\\nPROPRIETORS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nIn every nation, community and tribe are found men of action\\nand men of reflection, adventurers and quiet stayers-at-home.\\nThose who emigrate explore new countries and subdue them,\\nfound new states and govern them. Such men are usually pro-\\ngressive. Among them have been found the heroes, law-givers,\\ninventors and discoverers of the world. The passive members of\\nthe household or state, who prefer to abide by the stuff, repair\\nand adorn the old homesteads, till their natal soil and live on\\nits fruits, promote the arts of peace and accumulate wealth. Both\\nclasses are necessary to the highest civilization. The discovery\\nof a new continent stirred the ocean of life, through all Christen-\\ndom, to its vei7 depths. All classes were seized with the ac-\\ncursed hunger of gold. Kings and nobles were moved by", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "30 HISTORY OF\\nambition as well as avarice. In England, merchants, traders,\\nfactors and adventurers sought to found families and acquire\\nlanded estates. Even the pauper and criminal classes were\\nswept into the great western tide. Like David of old, each\\nleader had his retainers. Eveiy one that was in distress,\\nand every one that was in debt, and every one that was discon-\\ntented, gathered themselves unto him, and he became captain\\nover them.\\nSir Humphrey Gilbert first attempted the colonization of Amer-\\nica, but failed to make a permanent settlement. Sir Walter l^a-\\nleigh and Sir Richard Grenville were likewise unsuccessail. Sir\\nFerdinaudo Gorges is by many regarded as the Fathei of\\nEnglish Colonization in America. The voyages of Gosnold in\\n1602, of Pring in 1603, and of Weymouth in 1605, were under\\nthe guidance and patronage of Gorges. As early as 1606,\\nthrough his influence a charter was obtained of King James,\\nunder whose authority he planted a colony at the mouth of the\\nSagadahoc, now Kennebec, of which George Popham, brother\\nof the Chief Justice of England, was president. It was named\\nPopham in honor of the chief justice, who with Gorges was\\ngreatly instrumental in procuring the charter, though their own\\nnames did not appear in it. Two ships and one hundred and\\ntwenty men sailed from Old Plymouth, England, May 31, 1607,\\nO. S., to plant a colony on the coast of Maine. The charter\\nunder which these planters acted gave to them the continent\\nof North America, from the thirty-fourth to the forty-fifth degree\\nof north latitude, extending one hundred miles into the main\\nland, and including all islands of the sea within one hundred\\nmiles of the shore.\\nGorges and the Earl of South Hampton petitioned for th^\\ncharter. It was granted to the Council of Virginia. No copy\\nremains. This charter took precedence of all others. This col-\\nony failed, the governor died within a year of his landing, and\\nthe colonists returned to England in 1608, in a ship of their own\\nbuilding, the first ship built on this continent. This colony, so\\nbrief in duration, was of great importance to England, because\\nit gave to the government the plea of title by occupancy prior\\nto the French. Gorges says The planting of colonies in\\nAmerica was undertaken for the advancement of religion, the\\nenlargement of the bounds of our nation and the employment\\nof many thousands of all sorts of people. It is doubted to\\nthis day, whether profit or piety, gain or godliness, was the\\nstronger motive in Gorges. Mr. Poor, his eulogist, gives him the\\ncredit of planting Plym Uth. He obtained a charter for the\\nPilgrims November 3, 1620. They sailed under the Virginia\\ncharter, and Gorges sent the new one to them. Ferdinando", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 31\\nGorges and John Mason were active members of the Council of\\nPlymouth. Gorges was a man of superior intellect and daunt-\\nless courage. During the reign of Elizabeth he was associated\\nwith Raleigh, the scholar, statesman, warrior and flower of\\ncourtesy, in his attempts at colonizing Virginia. He was also\\nthe friend of Essex, who was first the object of the queen s\\nlove, then the victim of her rage. Gorges was involved in some\\nof the illegal plots of Essex and, like Bacon, whom Pope calls\\nThe wisest, brightest, meanest of mankind,\\nbecame the accuser of his benefactor and thus lost favor with the\\npeople. In 1604 he was made Governor of Pl3anouth, in Eng-\\nland. Here his restless spirit chafed in confinement. He had\\nhis eye constantly fixed on the New World. Through his agency\\nJohn Smith was employed, by the Council of Plymouth, to ex-\\nplore New England. Gorges also fitted out an expedition of\\nhis own, under color of fishing and trade, commanded by\\nRichard Vines, in 1616, to gain more accurate knowledge of the\\ncountry and its inhabitants. This course, says Gorges, I\\nheld some years together, but nothing to my private profit for\\nwhat I got in one way I spent in another, so that I began to\\ngrow weary of that business, as not for my turn till better times.\\nInto these few lines is crowded the history of many noble\\nenterprises, planned by wise heads and executed by brave\\nhearts, which yielded no profit to the originators but greatly en-\\nriched posterity.\\nWhile Gorges was becoming despondent, under repeated\\nlosses, he became acquainted with Captain John Mason, who\\nhad been Governor of Newfoundland, who v. as also a man\\nof action and a kindred spirit. The union of these leaders\\nkindled new enthusiasm. They immediately sought and obtained\\na grant of land in New England, to be the basis of their pro-\\nspective nobility. Copies of several charters still exist, differ-\\ning in dates and origin, both from the king and Council of Ply-\\nmouth, covering territoiy which included a large portion of New\\nHampshire as it is now bounded. Dr. Belknap quotes one\\nwhich granted all the land from the river Naumkeag, now\\nSalem, round Cape Ann, to the ri-\\\\-er Merrimack and up each\\nof those rivers to the farthest head thereof then to cross over\\nfrom the head of the one to the head of the other, with all the\\nislands lying within three miles of the coast. This grant shows\\nthe profound ignorance of the geography of the countr} both of\\ngrantors and grantees. They doubtless thought that the Naum-\\nkeag had its origin far in the interior of the country, and that\\nthe Merrimack through its whole course flowed eastward. The\\nterritor} thus granted was called Mariana, probably meaning\\nthe sea-board. The usual mode of describing territory in those", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "32 HISTORY OF\\ncharters was to make the coast between the mouths of two riv-\\ners the southern boundery, then follow up those rivers sixfy\\nmiles for the eastern and western boundaries, then unite these\\ntwo points in the rivers by a straight line to complete the de-\\nscription. So the Province of Maine was granted by King\\nJames to Gorges and Mason, on the tenth of August, 1622,\\nbounded by the rivers Sagadahoc, now Kennebec, and the\\nMerrimack. A patent from the Council of Plymouth, of the same\\ndate, covering the same territory, is said to be in existence. Ijiii:\\nPalfrey says In the same year [1622] the Council granted to\\nGorges and Mason the country bounded by the Merrimack, the\\nKennebec, the ocean and the river of Canada, and this territory\\nwas called Laconia. It was so named from the /a/ies lying\\nwithin these boundaries. By other historians it is said to extend\\nback to the great lakes and the river of Canada. What lakes\\nare meant by this vague description it is imposible to say nor\\ncan the limits of that grant be determined. The Council gave\\nwhat they never owned, set bounds which had never been seen,\\nfixed lines that had never been surveyed and laid the foundation\\nfor countless quarrels in future years. Under such auspices the\\ncolonization of New Hampshire commenced.\\nCHAPTER XI.\\nFIRST SETTLERS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nSoon after the grant of Laconia was made to Mason and\\nGorges, they united with themselves merchants from six of the\\nprincipal cities of England and formed the Company of La-\\nconia. They resolved to plant a colony on the Piscataqua river\\nto mine, trade and fish there. In the Spring of 1623 they sent\\nover several persons, with provisions and tools of every descrip-\\ntion necessary to make a permanent home. The exact date of\\ntheir arrival can not be ascertained. No glories blaze round\\nthe bark of the earliest dwellers at Piscataquack. Even the\\nname of the captain of that nameless bark is lost. The\\nState of New Hampshire lives to prove his existence. Among\\nthe first immigrants were David Thompson, a Scotchman, and\\nEdward and William Hilton, who had been fishmongers of Lon-\\ndon. This company of settlers formed two divisions. Thomp-\\nson and his men made their home near the mouth of the westerly", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 33\\nbranch of the Piscataqua, where Little Harbor opens into\\nthe great and wide sea.\\nOn Odiorne s Point, near Little Harbor, the first framed\\nhouse erected in the state was built. The first settlers were\\nsent by the Laconia Company, to found a plantation on Pis-\\ncataqua river, to cultivate the vine, discover mines, carry on the\\nfisheries, and trade with the natives. The house first built, un-\\nder the direction of David Thompson, was called The Manor\\nHouse afterward, Mason Hall The cellar and well still\\nexist, to tell their own storj At the second Portsmouth cen-\\ntennial, in 1823, Mr. Haven said:\\nTwo hundred years ago, the place on which we stand was an uncultivated\\nforest. The rough and vigorous soil was still covered with stately trees,\\nwhich had been for ages intermingling their branches and deepening their\\nshade. The river, which now bears on its bright and pure waters the treas-\\nures of distant climates, and whose rapid current is stemmed and vexed by\\nthe arts and enterprise of man, then only rippled against the rocks and re-\\nflected back the wild and grotesque thickets which overhung its banks. The\\nmountain, which now swells on our left and raises its verdant sides shade\\nabove shade, was then almost concealed by the lofty growth which covered\\nthe intervening plains. Behind us, a deep morass, extending across the\\nnorthern creek, almost enclosed the little Bank which is now the seat of so\\nmuch life and industry.\\nFrom a beautiful poetic apostrophe to this ancient stream, I\\nwill quote a single stanza\\nThrough how many rolling ages\\nHave thy waters, broad and tree,\\nIn their grandeur and their beauty,\\nSwept their current to the sea!\\nThou hast seen the tangled wildwood,\\nWhere the lonely wigwam rose\\nThou hast echoed the wi!d war-whoop\\nWhen red men met their foes!\\nThese noble words, with the voice of the sounding sea,\\nwhich now rolls sucfi as creation saw her, (for\\nTime writes no wrinkles on her azure brow,\\ncarry us back, not merely to the infancy of our republic, but to\\nthe first upheaval of our continent. It is enough, however, to\\nstand where our ancestors first landed, and commenced the im-\\nproving labors of ages yet to come and generations yet unborn.\\nIn 1631, the Great House was built by Humphrey Chad-\\nbourne, about three miles up the Piscataqua from Mason\\nHall. The ground was then covered with strawberries, which\\ncircumstance, for thirty years, caused that territory on which the\\ncompact part of the city is now built to be called Strawberry\\nBank. This house was also the property of John Mason. In\\n1646 it passed into the hands of Richard Cutt; and at his de-\\ncease, in 1676, it becaine the property of his brother. President\\nJohn Cutt, who, in 1680, bequeathed it to his son .Samuel. In\\n1685 it was in ruins. So fell the Great House.\\n3", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "34 HISTORY OF\\nOn the north side of Little Harbor still stands the house of\\nBenning Wentworth, who was for twenty-five years Governor of\\nthe Royal Province of New Hampshire. It is a very irregular\\nold pile, apparently built in several parts, rising one above an-\\nother, or attached as L s to the original structure. There are in\\nthe house several very valuable pictures, handed down as heir-\\nlooms to the decendants of the first owner. There is a good\\nportrait of the Earl of Strafford, who was beheaded in the time\\nof Charles I. It is copied from an original painting by Van-\\ndyck. The face is a very striking one, sliowing the energy, de-\\ncision and severity characteristic of the man. He was one of\\nthe great men of that century, though, unfortunately, the sup-\\nporter of an imbecile and treacherous king. There is also a\\nfull-length likeness of Richard Waldron, jr., the son of that\\nbrave old man who at Dover was hacked to pieces by the In-\\ndians. Mrs. Hancock, likewise, graces those old and crumbling\\nwalls, with a face and figure as beautiful and graceful as Hebe.\\nMr. Brewster, in his Rambles about Portsmouth, has given\\nus the best description extant of the early settlement of that\\ncity. He writes as follows\\nA few rods southwest of the fort, at Odiorne s Point, they erected their\\nfish flakes, which gave the name of Flake Hill to the knoll. During the first\\nfew years of the existence of the colony, the people suffered every hardship\\nand, not being acclimated, many of them were carried off by disease. The\\ngraves of such are still to be seen, a few rods north of the site of the fort\\nand it is worthy of remark that the moss-covered cobble-stones at the head\\nand foot of the graves still remain as placed by mourners two hundred and\\nfifty years ago, while a walnut and a pear tree, each of immense size, and\\npossibly of equal age with our state, stand like sturdy sentinels, extending\\ntheir ancient arras over the sleepers below.\\nOdiorne s Point, where Thompson and his party settled, is a\\npeninsula, in the town of Rye. It is at all times nearly sur-\\nrounded by water, and in the highest tides actually becomes an\\nisland. Here the colonists reared the first house and other\\nstmctures necessary for labor and defence. They manufactured\\nsalt for the curing of fish, cultivated the land and traded with\\nthe natives.\\nThe Hiltons went up the Piscataqua eight miles, to a place\\nwhich they called the Neck, a point of land formed by a\\ntributary entering the principal river. The land was then cov-\\nered, to the water s edge, with dense forests, beneath whose\\nshades wild beasts had their lairs. The rivers abounded with\\nfish and fowls. Here the brothers resolved to make their home.\\nThe place was called, successively, Hilton s Point, Cocheco,\\nNortham and Dover.\\nThompson, the overseer of the settlement at I/ittle Harbor,\\nbecame discontented and, in the Spring of 1624, removed to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 35\\nan island in Massachusetts Bay, wliich lias ever since borne\\nhis name.\\nThese two plantations owe their existence to ardent enthu-\\nsiasm, extravagant expectations, and liberal contributions of\\nGorges and Mason. For several years they made little pro-\\ngress and the expense of maintaining them far exceeded the\\nincome they yielded to the proprietors.\\nThe new movement that was made in 1631, in the settlement\\nof Strawberry Bank, advanced slowly; and, after the lapse of\\nthirty years from the arrival of the first settlers in the Piscataqua,\\nPortsmouth contained only fifty or sixty families. The Indians\\nin the vicinity remained at peace for several years, and quietly\\nhunted the wild beasts of the woods, whose skins they bartered\\nwith the settlers for such goods as they needed. In 1628 the\\ncolonists were alarmed at meeting the natives, in the forest near\\nDover, hunting with fire-arms. Upon inquiry, they learned that\\nthey had been sold by Thomas Morton, who had gathered\\naround him a dissolute company of disorderly persons and out-\\nlaws, at a place since called Braintree, but named by him Merry\\nMount. Morton was seized by the magistrates of Plymouth,\\nand sent a prisoner to England. Future generations were made\\nbitterly to rue the day when this heedlfss wretch first put fire-\\narms into the hands of the savages. It does not appear that\\nMason and Gorges made any effort to extinguish the title of the\\nnatives to the lands they occupied. These roaming red men\\nwere not supposed by them to have any rights which white men\\nwere bound to respect. Those who actually occupied the soil\\nthought differently. Hon. Charles Bell, in his semi-centennial\\ndiscourse before the New Hampshire Historical Society, says\\nThere is abundant ^-idence still surviving to show that every\\nrood of land occupied by the white men, for a century after they\\nsat down at Piscataquack, was fairly purchased from the Indian\\nproprietors and honestly paid for.\\nIn 1638, a settlement was begun on Swamscot river, by a small\\ncompany of emmigrants from Massachusetts, who had been ban-\\nished on account of heresy. Religious opinions then controlled\\npolitics and legislation. The questions of creeds were then\\nmore prominent than those of rights. It was oftener asked. What\\nshall I believe than. What shall I do\\nThe leader of these Massachusetts exiles, John Wheelwright,\\nwas a man of superior endowments and high culture. He was\\neducated for the ministr) but adopted Puritan opinions hence\\nhe emigrated to Boston, in 1636, three years after the learned,\\nmild and catholic Cotton, who immediately became, according\\nto Puritan usage, a teacher in the church of which Mr. \\\\Mlson\\nwas pastor. Mr. Wheehvright was at once made a freeman in", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "36 HISTORY OF\\nthe State, and a member of that Boston church which was styled\\nthe most glorious church in the world, both for their faith and\\norder and their eminent gifts of utterance and knowledge. It\\nwas agreed that the occupants of Mount Wallaston, now Quincy,\\nwhich was deemed an appendage of Boston, should constitute\\na separate church, and that Mr. Wheelwright should become\\ntheir pastor.\\nA new actor now appears upon the stage. In 1634, Mrs. Anne\\nHutchinson, wife of William Hutchinson, came to Massachusetts\\nfrom Alford, near Boston, England. She was a woman of su-\\nperior endowments and held peculiar religious views. She says\\nAfter our teacher, Mr. Cotton, and my brother, Mr. Wheelwright,\\nwere put down, there was none in England that I durst hear.\\nShe therefore followed Mr. Cotton to America. Mr. Wheel-\\nwright soon followed her and became her disciple. Mrs. Hutch-\\ninson came in the very vessel which bore a copy of the royal\\ncommission for calling in the charters of the colonies. At such\\na time local divisions, for any cause, were dangerous. Win-\\nthrop thus alludes to her, in his history One, Mrs. Hutch-\\ninson, a member of the church of Boston, a woman of ready wit\\nand bold spirit, brought over with her two dangerous errors ist,\\nthat the person of the Holy Ghost dwells in a justilied person\\n2d, that no sanctification can help to evidence to us our justifi-\\ncation. From these errors grew many branches as first, our\\nunion with the Holy Ghost, so as a Christian remains dead to\\nevery spiritual action, and hath no gifts nor graces, other than\\nsuch as are in hypocrites nor any other sanctification than the\\nHoly Ghost himself. This belief was called Antinomianism.\\nMrs. Hutchinson soon formed a powerful party, who favored her\\nviews. She became a bold and caustic critic of the clergy who\\nopposed her views, and denounced them as under a covenant\\nof works. She held assemblies twice a week, for a time, for\\nthose of her own sex, at which nearly a hundred hearers were in\\nattendance. Governor Vane adopted her views. All the mem-\\nbers of the Boston church, except five, became her followers.\\nAmong these five were Mr. Wilson, the pastor, and Winthrop,\\nlate governor of the colony. The countrj- towns opposed her.\\nThe controversy became fierce friends were estranged and the\\npublic peace endangered. When Wilson, the pastor, rose to\\nspeak, Mrs. Hutchinson and her partisans rose and walked out.\\nMr. Cotton was the colleague of Wilson, and was the favorite of\\nthe new zealots. An Indian war was impending; and when a\\nforce was ordered to take the field for the salvation of the settle-\\nments, the Boston men refused to be mustered, because they\\nsuspected the chaplain, who had been designated by lot to ac-\\ncompany the expedition, of being under a covenant of works.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 37\\nThe colony was reduced to a state bordering on anarchy, by\\nthe eloquence and zeal of one factious woman. Eveiy church,\\nin every town of Massachusetts, and the Great and General\\nCourt were divided and distracted by the abstract questions\\nthat grew out of this discussion.\\nOn the occasion of these dissentions in the churches, the\\nGeneral Court proclaimed a fast. Mr. Wheelwright was ap-\\npointed to preach the sermon. The excitement was increased.\\nThe contending factions became more violent. Mr. Wheelwright\\nwas charged by his opponents with the heresy of antinomiaiiism.\\nA majority of the church were his partisans it would not, there-\\nfore, be for the public good that they should ivy the offender.\\nThe elders and civil magistrates succeeding in bringing the ac-\\ncused before the General Court, it was decided that in case of\\nmanifest heresy, dangerous to the state, the Court could pro-\\nceed without the previous action of the church. Mr. Wheel-\\nwright was arraigned, heard and adjudged guilty of sedition and\\ncontempt. The Boston church petitioned, and this act was re-\\ngarded as an insolent contempt of court, to be punished by dis-\\nfranchisement and banishment. Ne.xt a synod of all the churches\\nwas called to settle differences. They sat and condemned eighty-\\ntwo errors of opinion. How marvelous must have been the sub-\\ntlety of those divines to detect so many heresies in the most\\nglorious church in the world. The Court felt obliged, on ac-\\ncount of the public welfare, to disfranchise and banish Mr.\\nWheelwright. Many of his friends shared his fate. Some re-\\nmoved to Rhode Island others followed their leader to Exeter.\\nMrs. Hutchinson, the prime mover of this constructive trea-\\nson, of course was involved in the general condemnation of her\\ntenets. She is called by one historian the master-piece of\\nwoman s wit; by another, a woman of a bold and masculine\\nspirit; by another, the American Jezebel.\\nIt is not probable that, in a heated controversy like this,\\nthe blame was entirely on one side. Gov. Winthrop and the\\nother fathers in church and state pleaded that unity of feeling\\nwas at that time essential to their very existence. The king\\nstood ready to seize their charter, and no plea at court was\\nstronger than the existence of dissensions on matters of relig-\\nion. The savages were conspiring for their destniction, and\\ndivided counsels and divided forces would ensure their ruin.\\nMr. Palfrey, himself a Unitarian clerg} man and an eminent\\npolitician, vindicates the conduct of the Puritans, on the ground\\nthat the right of self-defence, in a government, is paramount to\\nall others and when the State is imperiled, the rights of indiv-\\niduals must be sacrificed. Mr. Bancroft leaves the reader to in-\\nfer that he disapproves of the measures of the Puritans with", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "38 HISTORY OF\\nreference to Mrs. Hutchinson. He shows that her principles,\\nadopted in Rhode Island, there yielded the peaceable fruits of\\nrighteousness. She, in her new home, so won the hearts of the\\nyoung men to her views, and by her eloquence and pretended\\ninspiration so moulded the social and political life of the new\\nplantation, that, to the leaders in Massachusetts, it gave cause\\nof suspicion of witchcraft. It may be doubted whether a more\\neloquent, persistent and influential woman ever lived. On a\\nwider theatre she would have produced greater results in these\\nlittle colonies she was stronger than the clergy and came near\\ndefeating the magistrates.\\nMr. Wheelwright and his exiled friends came to Exeter in\\nJuly, 1638. They determined to make a permanent settlement\\non the banks of the Swamscot accordingly they purchased the\\nland they wished to occupy of the Indian sagamores who then\\npossessed it. For two centuries there has been much discus-\\nsion about an earlier deed given to Mr. Wheelwright, dated May\\n17, 1629, by four Indian chiefs, then residents within the terri-\\ntory of the Laconia Company. Mr. James Savage, the best\\nauthority in early American history that New England has pro-\\nduced, in his appendix to the first volume of Winthrop s Histoiy\\nof New England, has presented unanswerable arguments against\\nthe genuineness and authenticity of the Wheelwright deed of\\n1629. Recently, Rev. Dr. Bouton, the State Historian of New\\nHamjDshire, has proved beyond a doubt that deed to be a for-\\ngery. In his view, there is not one particle of evidence that Mr.\\nWheelwright was then, or for several years after, either a visitor\\nor resident in this country. When Mr. Wheelwright came to\\nthe Swamscot, in 1636, the Indians seemed to be the only per-\\nsons in the territory who could give any valid title to the soil.\\nOther eminent writers have presented very able arguments in de-\\nfence of the deed. Cotton Mather, writing to George Vaughan,\\nEsq., in 1708, respecting the Indian deed to Wheelwright, says:\\nAll the wit of man cannot perceive the least symptom of a modern fraud\\nin your instrument. The gentleman whot litt upon it is as honest, upright\\nand pious a man as any in the world and would not do an ill thing to gain\\na world. But the circumstances of the instrument itself, also, are such Uiat\\nit could not be lately counterfeited. If it were a forgery, Mr. Wheelwright\\nhimself must have been privy to it but he was a gentleman of the most un-\\nspotted morals imaginable; a man of most unblemished reputation. He\\nwould sooner have undergone martyrdom than have given the least conniv-\\nance to any forgery.\\nThe fraud must have occurred after his death if at all. This\\nwill relieve Mr. Wheelwright of all complicity with it.\\nThere was then no representative of the grantor or grantee\\nupon the continent. The Council of Plymouth was dissolved\\nMason, to whom they granted the territory, was dead, and his", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 39\\nheirs, being minors, did not for the next thirty years after his de-\\ncease renew tlieir claim. Tlie crown had no representative in\\nNew England. Had this little handful of men been dropped\\nfrom the clouds, like rain, upon this wilderness, they could\\nscarcely have been more independent. They had no govern-\\nment. For one year they were governed by a sense of natural\\njustice. If any form existed, it was a mere verbal agreement.\\nAt the close of one year, on the 4th of July, 1639, ^^^y solemnly\\nsubscribed a written instrument, which they called a combina-\\ntion. This infant constitution is deeply imbued with Puritan-\\nism. It shows religion still in the ascendency. As this agree-\\nment of the settlers of E.xeter was the first written constitution\\nin New Hampshire, it deserves to be copied entire. It is as\\nfollows\\nWhereas it hath pleased the Lord to move the heart of our dread sov-\\nereign Charles, by the grace of God king, c., to grant licence libertye to\\nsundry of his subjects to plant themselves in the westerne parts of America,\\nWe, his loyal subjects, brethren of the church in Exeter, situate and lying\\nupon the river Piscataqua, with other inhabitants there, considering with\\nourselves the holy will of God and our necessity, that we should not live\\nwithout wholesom lawes and civil government among us, of which wc are\\naltogether destitute; do, in the name of Christ and the sight of God, com-\\nbine ourselves together to erect and set up among us, such government\\nas shall be, to our best discerning, agreeable to the will of God, professing\\nourselves subjects to our sovereign lord King Charles, according to the lib-\\nertyes of our English colony of Massachusetts, and binding ourselves sol-\\nemnly by the grace and help of Christ, and in his name and fear, to submit\\nourselves to such godly and christian lawes as are established in the realm\\nof England, to our best knowledge, and to all other such laws which shall,\\nupon good grounds, be made and enacted among us, according to God, that\\nwe may live quietly and peaceably together, in all godliness and honesty.\\nMo. S. D. 4. 1639.\\nUnder this organic law both rulers and subjects were bound\\nby the most solemn c5aths which the English language could ex-\\npress, to discharge their respective duties with justice and fidel-\\nity, in the fear of God. The very next year, Dover and Ports-\\nmouth made similar covenants and thus, within two years, three\\nconstitutional governments were formed in the infant Republic\\nof New Hampsliire.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "40 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER XII.\\nPOLITICAL AND PECUNIARY CONDITION OF THE PLANTATION FROM\\n163I TO 164I.\\nIn 1629 Captain Mason procured a new patent from the\\nCouncil of Plymouth, including the large part of the territory\\ncalled Laconia, previously granted jointly to Mason and Gorges.\\nIt is described as extending from the middle of the Piscataqua\\nup the same to the farthest head thereof, and from thence\\nnorthwestward until s xty miles from the mouth of the harbor\\nwere finished also, through Merrimack river to the farthest\\nhead thereof, and so forward up into the land westward until\\nsixty miles were finished and from thence to cross over land\\nto the end of sixty miles accounted from Piscataqua river, to-\\ngether with all islands within five leagues of the coast. It is\\nimpossible to understand why this grant was made, nor to fol-\\nlow, intelligibly, the metes and bounds affixed to it. It covers\\nless area than the preceding grant and gives no new privileges\\nto the grantee. Mason and Gorges are said to have divided\\ntheir former grant between themselves; Gorges taking the un-\\noccupied lands east of the Piscataqua, which he called Maine,\\nand Mason holding, under his new patent, the territory recently\\ngranted, which he named New Hampshire, in honor of Hamp-\\nshire or Hants in England, which had been his old home. The\\nsettlers within the limits of Mason s patent also divided into\\nUpper and Lower Plantations and procured of the Council pa-\\ntents for their respective territories. To the west-country ad-\\nventurers was assigned all that part of the river Piscataqua\\ncalled or known by the name of Hilton s Point, with the south\\nside of said river up to the falls of Swamscot and three miles\\ninto the main land for breadth.\\nThis grant was made to Edward Hilton. It included, within\\nits limits, Dover, Durham, Stratham and a part of Newington and\\nGreenland. The London adventurers, with similar prudence, se-\\ncured from the Council a grant of that part of Laconia on\\nwhich the buildings and salt-works were erected, situated on\\nboth sides of the river and harbor of Piscataqua, to the extent\\nof five miles westward by the sea-coast, then to cross over to-\\nwards the other plantation in the hands of Edward Hilton.\\nThis vague description included Kittery, in Maine, and the\\ntowns of Portsmouth, Newcastle, Rye, with a part of Newing-\\nton and Greenland. I Captain Thomas Wiggin was appointed\\nagent of the Upper Plantation, and Captain Walter Neal agent", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 41\\nof the Lower Plantation. About the same time, Humphrey\\nChadbourne built the Great House, as it was called, on the\\nbank of the main river, about three miles from its mouthn This\\nplantation had a saw-mill at Newichewannoc falls (now Ber-\\nwick) which Chadbourne, at a later period, managed for them.\\nThe English proprietors of these lands sent over several cannon,\\nfor the common defence, which their agents planted on Great\\nIsland at the mouth of the harbor, on a high rock, about a bow-\\nshot from the shore. Here it was intended to build a fort. It\\nwas presumed that the redoubling noise of these great guns,\\nrolling in the rocks, would cause the Indians to betake them-\\nselves to flight. But they soon learned to distinguish between\\nthe harmless roar and\\nthe terms of weight\\nOf hard contents, and full of force in-g d home.\\nThe planters came near to open war on account of the occu-\\npation of a point of land in Newington by Captain Wiggin,\\nwhich was equally convenient for the Upper Plantation. Cap-\\ntain Neal threatened, Captain Wiggin persisted, and an appeal to\\narms was imminent, when mutual friends interposed and ad-\\njusted he dispute. No blood was shed and yet, by a negative\\nprocess adopted by some etymologists, it was called Bloody\\nPoint.\\nUpon the cessation of hostilities by land, a new foe ap-\\nproached their shores by sea. A famous pirate, named Dixy\\nBull, rifled the fort at Pemaquid and captured several boats\\nalong the shore, thus greatly alarming the settlers on the Piscata-\\nqua. The two plantations united in fitting out four pinnaces and\\nshallops, with forty men, to chase and conquer the pirates. Be-\\ning joined by a bark, with twenty men, from Boston, they went\\nto Pemaquid in pursuit of the enemy. A storm arose, which\\nscattered Neal s little fleet, like that of ^neas of old, and drove\\nthe pirate eastward beyond their pursuit. This Lilliputian navy\\nreturned in a shattered condition to the deep waters of the\\nPiscataqua. The peril of such an enterprise was greater than\\nthat of Minos or Pompey in chasing, in different ages, pirates\\nfrom the Mediterranean Sea. The next year, 1633, the proprie-\\ntors of the Upper and Lower Plantations adjusted their bound-\\nary lines, and made compromises where they encroached upon\\none another. They also laid out the town of Hampton, though\\nno settlement was made there for several years. The company\\nof Laconia ordered these surveys and gave names to the towns,\\nagreeing with Wheelwright that his plantation upon the Swam-\\nscot should be called Exeter. When the agents of these planta-\\ntions were appointed, it was agreed that their several busi-\\nnesses should be trading, fishing, tillage, building and the mak-\\ning of salt. These ordinary pursuits did not satisfy Mason", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "42 HISTORY OF\\nand Gorges. Their whole fortunes were embarked in these en-\\nterprises and, hitherto, they had received no adequate returns.\\nThe colonies were not self-supporting. The proprietors paid\\ntheir laborers wages, supplied them with provisions, clothes,\\nutensils, medicines, articles of trade, tools for building, hus-\\nbandry and fishing, and stocked their farms with domestic ani-\\nmals of all kinds. Meal was imported from England grain\\nfrom Virginia, which was sent to Boston to be ground. The\\nlands were but slightly improved the lakes were unexplored\\nno mines were discovered but those of iron, and that was not\\nwrought. Vines were planted but yielded no fruit. The inter-\\nests of the colonies were declining. The planters sold their\\nbetterments to the proprietors, who in the midst of all these\\ndiscouragements did not\\nbate one jot\\nOf heart or hope but still bore up and steer d\\nRight onward.\\nMason, with a merchant s hopefulness, made new investments,\\nexpecting rich returns in some remote future. Gorges, with a\\nstatesman s ambition, saw with his mind s eye, in the long vista\\nof coming years, principalities, dominions, and possibly thrones,\\nfor himself and his heirs. Both these worthy gentlemen ex-\\npected rich treasures from the mountains. The Spaniards had\\nbeen enriched by the mountains of Mexico and Peru why\\nshould not the mountains of New Hampshire prove equally rich\\nin the precious metals The most romantic tales had been cir-\\nculated respecting the natural beauty, fertility and resources of\\nthe North Countrie. There were lovely lakes, noble rivers,\\ngoodlie forests and faire vallies, and plaines fruitfull in corn,\\nvines, chesnuts, wallnuts, and infinite sorts of other fruits. In\\nfact, the country abounded in everything that could delight the\\neye or please the taste. Gorges himself penned a glowing de-\\nscription of the natural scenery the wild beasts that invited\\nthe hunter, and the divers kinds of wholesome fish that\\nwould tempt old Izaak Walton to leave the Elysian fields, if he\\ncould drop a line to these finny tribes.\\nIn June, 1642, Darby Field, with two Indian guides, first as-\\ncended the White Mountains. In August of the same year\\nanother party, led by Thomas Gorges and Richard Vines from\\nMaine, set out, on foot, to explore the delectable mountains.\\nThey penetrated the desert wilderness and climbed the rugged\\nsides of the White Hills from the East. They gave a very\\nextravagant and incoherent description of what they saw. Their\\nimaginations ran riot in marvelous inventions. They described\\nthem as extending a hundred leagues, on which snow lieth all\\nthe year. On one of these mountains they found a plain of a\\nday s journey (it must have been a Sabbath day s journey).", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 43\\nwhereon nothing grew but moss and, at the further end of\\nthis plain, a rude heap of mossy stones, piled up on one another,\\na mile high, on which one might ascend from stone to stone, like\\na pair of winding stairs, to the top, where was another level of\\nabout an acre with a pond of clear water. The country beyond\\nwas said to be daunting terrible. They named those moun-\\ntains the Chrystal Hills. Their provisions failed them be-\\nfore the beautiful lake was reached and, though they were\\nwithin one day s journey of it, they were obliged to return home.\\nSo the men of that age died without the sight. It is passing\\nstrange that men, reputed honest, could make such a wild re-\\nport of regions that required no inventions to make them at-\\ntractive and wonderful. No gold was discovered, though the\\nproprietors confidently e.xpected to find it. Even the colonists\\nwere smitten with the accursed hunger. They neglected agri-\\nculture, the only true source of national wealth, and sought for\\nriches in the sea, the forests and the mountains. The line and\\nthe musket were more used than the plow and hoe. During ten\\nyears of toil and privation they had hardly encroached at all\\nupon the wilderness.\\nIn 1634 the proprietors appointed Francis Williams governor.\\nHe was a discreet, sensible man, accomplished in his manners,\\nand was very acceptable to the people. Laborers and materials\\nfor building, ammunition, military stores, tools of every descrip-\\ntion and all necessary supplies were again forwarded from Eng-\\nland. The first neat cattle imported into the colonies were from\\nDenmark, large in size, yellow in color. Shortly after the ap-\\npointment of the new governor, the Pl} mouth Council was re-\\nquired to surrender its charter to the king. The members of\\nthe Council in England, nobles and merchant princes, had grown\\nindifferent to its welfare Mason and Gorges hoped for greater\\nfavors from the king than from the Council of Plymouth. Mason\\nwas the open enemy of the charter Gorges feebly defended it\\nbut both these proprietors were willing to take their chance in a\\nlottery for the distribution of the territory of New England.\\nThe different provinces, from the Penobscot to the Hudson, were\\naccordingly assigned, by lot, to the twelve living members of the\\nCorporation, and the colonists were left without house or home\\non the soil they had subdued and cultivated. Enemies and fa-\\nnatics at home traduced them the corporators abroad deserted\\nthem the royal party oppressed them. Englishmen above the\\nrank of servants were forbidden to go to New England ships\\nbound thither were detained in the Thames, because of the de-\\nparture of so many of the best, such numbers of faitMul, free-\\nborn Englishmen and good Christians. A squadron of eight\\nships was detained by the Privy Council in May, 1638. It is", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "44 HISTORY OF\\nsaid that Hampden and Cromwell were on board this fleet. Thus\\nthe foolish king detained at home the axe that was prepared for\\nhis own neck. A special commission was appointed by the Crown\\nto govern the New England colonies. The hand of Laud, the\\nAhithophel of Charles, was in all this, who hoped that by agents\\nof his own nomination he could dictate laws and regulate the\\nchurch of this new world. The Massachusetts colonists pre-\\npared for the worst. They were determined to fight for their\\nhearths and homes in the wilderness. We ought, said min-\\nisters and people, to defend our lawful possessions, if we are\\nable if not, to avoid and protract.\\nThe charter was annulled in 1635. By this act the English-\\nmen of Massachusetts, and those colonies of New Hampshire\\ntliat held land by their grants, had no rights and no property\\nthere. Massachusetts and New Hampshire belonged, by lot, to\\nGorges, Mason and the Marquis of Hamilton. The colonists,\\nof course, were greatly alarmed, but not injured. The royal\\npower was waning; the king could not execute his own decrees\\nthe church could not inflict its own penalties. The rack, the\\ndungeon and the scaffold, those bloody steps that lead up to the\\ntemple of liberty, were fast going into desuetude. Their work\\nwas done. The colonies lived on, under their own charter, which\\nwas a royal grant, distinct from that of the Council of Plymouth,\\nas though the great swelling words of vanity uttered in West-\\nminster Hall were but the lying oracles of a worthless idol.\\nThe Lord frustrated the design of their enemies. Mason\\nwas the chief instigator of these assaults of state and church\\nupon Massachusetts. His sudden death near the close of this\\nyear of trials weakened the power of the accusers. Gorges\\ncared not to aid them. Mason, some time before his death, be-\\nsides retaining, as he supposed, all his former grants, purchased\\nof Gorges a portion of Maine. It lay, three miles in breadth,\\non the northeast side of the Piscataqua, from its mouth to its\\nfarthest head, including the saw-mill at Newichewannoc falls.\\nGorges and Mason had expended their whole fortunes on these\\nplantations. Gorges thus enumerates some of his trials and losses\\nI began when there was no hopes, for the present, but of losse in that\\nI was yet to find a place, and, being found, it was itselfe, in a manner, dread-\\nful! to behoulders; for it seemed but as a desart Wildernesse, replete oncly\\nwith a kind of savage People and overgrowne trees. So as I found it no\\nmean matter to procure any to go thither, much Icsse to reside there and\\nthose I sent knew not how to subsist, but on the provisions I furnished them\\nwithall. I was forced to hire men to stay there the winter quarter at ex-\\ntream rates.\\nThis was certainly a hard case for one who hoped to become\\nlord of the manor in this new world, and to have a multitude\\nof serfs to do his bidding. Mason fared no better. His im-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 45\\nmense estate was swallowed up in outlays, supplies and wages\\nand at his death his New Hampshire claim was valued at ten\\nthousand pounds. By will he devised his manor of Mason Hall\\nto his grandson, Robert Tufton, and the residue of New Hamp-\\nshire to his grandson John Tufton, requiring each to take the\\nname of Mason. His widow could not continue the supplies to\\nagents and factors which her husband had furnished, and they\\ndivided the goods and cattle among themselves, the agents tak-\\ning the lion s share. Many of the settlers departed, and those\\nwho remained kept possession of the lands and buildings and\\nclaimed them for their own.\\nMason and Gorges established no government over their col-\\nonies. They had ruled them precisely as a company of laborers\\nis directed, by agents and superintendents. Civil wrongs had\\nno redress but public opinion. The two plantations, for the\\npresent being thrown upon their own resources, proceeded to\\nform a constitution for themselves. The inhabitants of Dover,\\nby a written instrument signed by forty-one persons, the exact\\nnumber that signed the first written organic law known to his-\\ntory, in the Mayflower, agreed to submit to the laws of England,\\nand such others as should be enacted by a majority of their num-\\nber, until the royal pleasure should be known. The date of the\\nPortsmouth combination is uncertain. Some time in 1640\\nthe inhabitants of that plantation entered into a political coven-\\nant and chose Francis Williams, who had been sent over by the\\nproprietors for that purpose, governor, and Ambrose Gibbins\\nand Thomas Warnerton assistants.\\nThe first settlements at Hampton were made under the aus-\\npices of the Massachusetts colony. The place was called by the\\nIndians Winnicunnat. The extensive salt-marsh in the vicinity\\nfirst attracted the attention of stock raisers. On the third of\\nMarch 1635 6, the General Court of Massachusetts ordered\\nthe settlement of a plantation at Winnicunnet, and authorized\\nMr. Dumer and Mr. John Spencer to presse men to build a\\nhowse, which was soon after built, and called the Bound\\nHowse, probably to fix the northern boundary of that state.\\nThe site of the house is now in Seabrook, nearly half a mile\\nnorth of the present line of Massachusetts. The expense of\\nbuilding was to be paid from the treasury of the colony or by\\nthose that come to inhabit there. The architect of the famous\\nhouse was Nicholas Easton. It was finished in 1636. In 1638,\\nemigrants from Norfolk, England, were permitted by the General\\nCourt to settle there, and at this date the plantation contained\\nfifty-six inhabitants.\\nin 1641, four distinct settlements had been made within the\\npresent limits of New Hampshire Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "46 HISTORY OF\\nand Hampton. These were little democracies governed by the\\npeople living within the respective limits of each. Hampton\\nwas, by its origin, attached to Massachusetts. Portsmouth and\\nDover were not sufficiently strong to maintain independent gov-\\nernments. They naturally gravitated to the older colony on the\\nBay. For about one year the proposed union was discussed by\\nthe people and finally, on the fourteenth of April, 1641, it was\\nconsummated by a legal instrument signed by commissioners\\nin presence of the only legislative body on the continent having\\neven a show of authority for such an act. The new citizens were\\nreceived with extraordinary favor. The test of church member-\\nship, as a qualification for the freeman s franchise, was dispensed\\nwith in respect to the New Hampshire voters. Her citizens were\\npermitted to vote and hold office without regard to religious quali-\\nfications. They were admitted, also, to equal rights and priv-\\nileges, political and judicial, with the freemen of Massachusetts.!\\nThey were exempted from all public charges, except such as\\nshould arise among themselves or for their own peculiar benefit.\\nThey enjoyed their former liberties of fishing, planting and sell-\\ning timber. They were allowed tosend two deputies to the Gen-\\neral Court and officers were named in the instrument of union,\\nwho were authorized to appoint magistrates in the New Hamp-\\nshire towns. After the lapse of a year Exeter joined the new\\nunion. This act was probably delayed on account of the sen-\\ntence of banishment which still hung over the head of their re-\\nvered pastor, Mr. Wheelwright. He immediately withdrew from\\nthe newly acquired sovereignty of Massachusetts and retired,\\nwith a few faithful followers, to Wells, Maine, and there gathered\\na new church. The government of Massachusetts became at\\nonce supreme in New Hampshire and continued in force thirty-\\neight years. The government of England was too much dis-\\ntracted, at that time, to give any attention to her colonies. The\\nthrone was tottering the church was rent into sects and civil\\nwar was about to drench the whole land in fraternal blood.\\nMassachusetts had obstinately refused to surrender her charter,\\nthough often required to do so. Under the royal seal she had\\nclaims to vast territories yet unoccupied. She the more willingly,\\ntherefore, encouraged the union with New Hampshire, because\\nof her constructive title to the soil. One clause in the royal\\ncharter bounded her territory by a line drawn from east to west,\\nthree miles to the northward of Merrimack river or of any and\\nevery part thereof. This was sufficiently indefinite to make\\nthem owners of all the land that joined them, in all the patents\\nof Mason- and Gorges. The political marriage of these sister\\nrepublics was consummated without opposition, for there was no\\none to forbid the bans.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 47\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nSOCIAL CONDITION OF THE EARLY COLONISTS.\\nIn most of the early settlements in New England families\\nwere the basis of the state. Husbands, wives and children emi-\\ngrated from fatherland together. So the Pilgrims founded New\\nPlymouth. We find but few allusions to the presence of women\\nin the plantations of Cocheco and Strawberiy Bank. Mr. Quint\\nsays the only settlers at Cocheco, in the spring of 1623,\\nwere Edward Hilton, William Hilton and Thomas Roberts and\\ntheir families. Mr. Farmer, in his Memoir of Winthrop Hil-\\nton, says Whether Edward Hilton, at the time of his arrival,\\nwas married or single does not appear. It is not probable\\nthat many of these colonists brought their wives and children\\nwith them. It appears from existing correspondence between\\nthem and Capt. Mason, that the proprietors contributed quar-\\nterly to the support of their wives at home. In a letter of\\nThomas Eyre to Mr. Gibbins, dated May, 163 1, this paragraph\\noccurs Your wife, Roger Knight s wife, and one wife more,\\nwe have already sent you, and more you shall have as you write\\nfor them. In a schedule of goods sent to the colonists in 1632,\\nwe find 24 children s coates, showing the need of such gar-\\nments in the infant state. Among the emigrants sent in 1634\\nthere were twenty-two women. In a letter of Ambrose Gibbins\\nto Capt. Mason, dafed .-lugust 6, 1634, we find the following\\nsentences A good husband with his wife to tend cattle and to\\nmake butter and cheese will be profitable for maids, they are\\nsoone gonne in this countrie. These allusions show that do-\\nmestic life was pretty thoroughly established within ten years\\nafter the first company came. All the ages repeat the history of\\nthe first It is not good for man to be alone.\\nThe earth was sad, the garden was a wild\\nAnd man the hermit sighed, till woman smiled.\\nIt is hardly credible that these little communities lived for ten\\nyears without some form of worship, still the records of that\\ntime make no mention of it. Among the articles sent over in\\n1633 we find one communion cup and cover of silver, and one\\nsmaH communion table cloth. In another inventory, near the\\nsame date, we find two service books and a psalter.\\nThese entries show that divine service and the Holy Com-\\nmunion were deemed essential to their welfare.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "48 HISTORY OF\\nThe same agent, Mr. Gibbins, writes to Capt. Mason under\\ndate of July 13, 1633, that some of his laborers had neither\\nmeat, money nor clothes. For himself, wife, child and four\\nmen, he had but half a barrel of corn, and only one piece of\\nmeat for three months. The men were working for four and\\nsix pounds a year. The money for wages was also wanting, yet\\nthe proprietors were constantly writing that they were incurring\\ngreat debts and large risks and receiving absolutely nothing in\\nreturn. It was a hard case both for the proprietors and for the\\nsettlers.\\nPoverty and hardship, however, did not curb the passions\\nof the people. Crimes of the darkest dye were not uncom-\\nmon. Officers, both in church and state, were the slaves of\\nlust and avarice. George Burdet, after holding the position\\nboth of governor and minister at Cocheco, was convicted of\\nadultery at Agamenticus Capt. John Underhill, governor of\\nthat plantation, confessed the same crime. Hanserd Knollys,\\nor Knowles, is called by some historians an Anabaptist and an\\nAntinomian. Winthrop also calls him an unclean person.\\nIn England he was persecuted for non-conformity. In this\\ncountry he was a zealous Puritan. Thomas Larkham, a church-\\nman, came to Dover in 1640. He admitted to the church all\\nthat offered, though never so notoriously immoral or ignorant, if\\nthey promised amendment. He assumed to rule both church\\nand state. Parties were formed by the friends of the two con-\\ntending clerg} men. They resorted at first to spiritual, finally\\nto carnal, weapons. A civil war was prevented by the interposi-\\ntion of magistrates from Portsmouth. The two leaders, Knol-\\nlys and Larkham, left the scene of action about the same time.\\nKnollys, in 1640, went into voluntary exile, and his name\\npassed into history with some charges of heresy attached to it.\\nHe has found an able vindicator in Rev. Alonzo Quint, who\\nfearlessly maintains that he was neither a Baptist nor an Anti-\\nnomian. Mr. Larkham privately took ship for England, in\\n1641, to avoid the shame of a scandalous crime which he had\\ncommitted. Rev. Stephen Bachiler, the founder of Hampton,\\nwas accused of bigamy by his third wife whom he left behind\\nhim, when in his old age he went to England and took a fourth\\nwife. Thomas Warnerton, who was associated with Gibbins in\\nthe government of Strawberry Bank, was guilt) of almost every\\ncrime possible to a man in his condition. He was killed in a\\nlawless foray upon the Port of Penobscot in Maine, in 1644. At\\nthe house of a friend he is said to have drunk a pint of kill-\\ndevil, alias Rhum, at a draught. If the proprietors had sent\\nover less aqua vita; rum, beer and tobacco, the standard of\\nmorals, doubtless, would have been higher in the plantations.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 49\\nAfter the death of Capt. Mason, his property was stolen by\\nhis agents. About one hundred head of great cattle, valued\\nat t\\\\venty-five pounds each, were driven to Boston and sold by\\nCapt. Norton who was a thief and a robber. These cattle were\\nvery large beasts of a yellowish color and said to be brought\\nby Capt. Mason from Denmark. After the desertion of the\\nplantation by Capt. Norton, the rest of the stock, goods and\\nimplements belonging to Capt. Mason were made away with by\\nthe servants and others.\\nThe worst passions of men often rage in times of the greatest\\ncalamities. History teaches us that in times of pestilence,\\nearthquakes and conflagrations, the living rob and plunder the\\ndead and dying When penalties are removed, violence and\\ntheft prevail. Lawless men always follow the train of civil-\\nization as it moves forward into the wilderness. Such has been\\nthe fact from the first to the last new settlement in America.\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\nEARLY LAWS OF MASSACHUSETTS.\\nHistorians, jurists and critics of high authority have main-\\ntained that the colony charter of Massachusetts constituted the\\nfirst settlers a corporation and gave them no higher powers than\\nare usually granted tc^such bodies. They had no authority to\\ninflict capital punishment, to establish courts of probate and ad-\\nmiralty, to create a house of representatives, to levy taxes, nor to\\nincorporate towns, colleges, parishes and other like organiza-\\ntions. No political government can exist without these rights\\nconsequently, from the natural law of self-preservation, they af-\\nfirm that the colonists from the beginning assumed these powers\\nand continually exercised them, till their charter was recalled by\\nCharles II., in 1684. It was, say they, a bold step in the Pil-\\ngrims to transport their charter across the ocean it was a still\\nbolder step to usurp powers which were never delegated to them.\\nOther authors equally able, possibly superior, vindicate the Puri-\\ntans from all these charges and show conclusively, from the\\ncharter itself, that they were guilty of no usurpation in establish-\\ning a firm government beneath the fegis of the royal charter.\\nProf. Joel Parker, the successor of Story in the Cambridge Law\\nSchool and, by general consent, the ablest jurist New Hampshire", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "50 HISTORY OF\\nhas produced, lays down and proves, by very cogent logic, the\\nfollowing proposition\\n1. The charter is not and was not intended to be an act for the incor-\\nporation of a trading or merchants company merely. But it was a grant\\nwhich contemplated the settlement of a colony, with power in the incor-\\nporated company to govern that colony.\\n2. The charter authorized the establishment of the government of the\\ncolony, within the limits of the territory to be governed, as was done by vote\\nto transfer the charter and government.\\n3. The charter gave ample power of legislation and of government for\\nthe plantation or colony, including power to legislate on religious subjects,\\nin the manner in which the grantees and their associates claimed and exer-\\ncised the legislative power.\\nArmed with such plenary powers by their charter, they pro-\\nceeded to exercise them, according to their best judgment, in pro-\\nviding for the political safety and religious welfare of themselves\\nand their posterity.\\nBy the charter, the supreme authority was vested in a gover-\\nnor, a deputy-governor and eighteen assistants, to be chosen by\\nthe freemen from their own number, who constituted the Court\\nof Assistants. The freemen at first constituted the General\\nCourt. At their first meeting, in 1630, they voted to delegate the\\nlegislative and executive powers to the Court of Assistants. Iii\\n1634, in consequence of the great increase of immigrants, the\\nfreemen revolutionized their infant democracy and ordered two\\ndeputies from each town to represent them in the General Court.\\nThese deputies were required to be of the orthodox religion.\\nNone but church members could be Freemen. So the church\\ncontrolled the state. The congregational form of church gov-\\nernment was established by law. The militia system was among\\nthe earliest institutions of the colony. Every male, above six-\\nteen years of age, was required to appear in arms once every\\nmonth at a later date this drill was limited to six days. The\\ninhabited territory was divided into towns, whose magistrates\\nwere denominated Select Men. These miniature states devel-\\noped a spirit of republican independence and educated the peo-\\nple to self-government.\\nThe administration of justice was exceedingly simple, direct\\nand efficient. The court of assistants was at first the chief\\njudicial bench. With the rise of counties came county courts,\\nheld by magistrates nominated by the freemen and confirmed\\nby the General Court. The assistants exercised the powers of\\njustices of the peace. The jurors were chosen by the freemen.\\nThe legal processes were simple and intelligible to all. The\\npractice of holding up the right hand, instead of kissing the\\nbible, was introduced by the Puritans. Slavery was recognized\\nby law. Captives in war, and even insolvent debtors, were sold\\ninto servitude. The stocks, pillory and whipping-post were trans-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 51\\nferred from their native land and even torture was allowed,\\nprovided it was not barbarous and inhuman. Here is a dis-\\ntinction witliout a difference\\nHeresy was punished by excommunication, disfranchisement,\\nbanishment and death the reviling of magistrates and elders,\\nby fines and whipping. The aristocracy, in church and state,\\nwas very sacred. Sumptuary laws were enacted against excesses\\nof every kind in food, drink and dress. As early as 1630, the\\ngovernor discouraged the drinking of toasts. Laws were made\\nagainst tobacco, immodest fashions, costly apparel and exorbi-\\ntant prices of goods but all these rules failed to secure the re-\\nsults sought by the legislators. The morals of the age were\\nrelatively high but not absolutely pure. The Roman poet said\\nrightly You may expel nature by violence but she will return\\nand reign victorious over artificial restraints.\\nCHAPTER XV.\\nEARLY LAWS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nAfter the union of New Hampshire with Massachusetts, the\\nlaws, customs and religion of the larger and older became those\\nof the weaker and younger colony. Dr. Belknap has given an\\nexcellent summary of the laws adopted by Massachusetts. John\\nCotton, one of the first ministers of Boston, an eminent divine\\nwho came to the colony in 1633, left the impress of his mind\\nand creed upon the entire system of laws first adopted by the\\ncolony. They were founded, chiefly, on the laws of Moses.\\nHe maintained that the government might be considered as a\\ntheocracy, wherein the Lord was judge, lawgiver and king that\\nthe laws which He gave Israel might be adopted, so far as they\\nwere of moral and perpetual equity that the people might be\\nconsidered as God s people, in covenant with him that none\\nbut persons of approved piety and eminent gifts should be\\nchosen rulers that the ministers should be consulted in all mat-\\nters of religion and that the magistrate should have a super-\\nintending and coercive power over the churches. By these\\nprinciples human opinions were subjected to the civil ruler,\\nand the church and state were indissolubly united. The only\\nsafeguard against the worst religious despotism known to his-\\ntory was, that these laws must be adoptecl by a majority of the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "52 HISTORY OF\\nfreemen. The clergy, of course, had a commanding influence\\nin the state, because none were voters but church members\\nnone were church members but those who had been elected by\\na majority of the church none were propounded but those ex-\\namined and approved by the elders and none were examined\\nbut those who were recommended by the pastors and teachers.\\nHere was a hierarchy of unlimited power but the theatre of\\nits action was small and the props that supported it very weak.\\nSlavery, according to the old Roman law, was pronounced con-\\ntrary to nature, except when the result of capture, in war or\\nfor crime. Its alleviations were then those of the Mosaic code.\\nBlasphemy, idolatry, witchcraft, adultery, unnatural lusts, mur-\\nder, man-stealing, false witness, rebellion against parents and\\nconspiracy against the commonwealth were made capital crimes.\\nThe drinking of healths and the use of tobacco were forbidden.\\nThe intercourse of the sexes was regulated by strict laws. The\\nceremony of betrothing preceded marriage. Sumptuary laws\\nregulated dress, equipage and expenditures. Women were ex-\\npressly forbidden to wear short-sleeved and low-necked gowns\\nand men were obliged to cut their hair short, that they might not\\nresemble women. This was an old custom of the Puritans, who,\\nfrom their close-cropped hair, contrary to the custom of the cav-\\naliers, who wore long, flowing locks, were called \u00e2\u0096\u00a0round-heads.\\nThis sobriquet is said to have originated with the queen of\\nCharles I., who, on seeing Mr. Pym, the leader of the Long Par-\\nliament, passing the palace, said to the king, who is that\\nround-headed man in the street below No person not\\nworth two hundred pounds was allowed to wear gold or silver\\nlace, or silk hood and scarfs. Offences against any of these\\nlaws were presentable by the grand jury, and, when not capital\\nin their nature, were punished by fines, imprisonment, the stocks\\nand whipping. In brief, these judicial Solomons undertook to\\nregulate the thoughts, words, deeds, dress and food of every\\nman, woman and child in the colony. The law was designed to\\nbe omnipresent. The population of the four settlements in New\\nHampshire at the period of the union was about one thousand;\\nthat of all New England twenty thousand.\\nNote. Occasionally we read of some of the customs of the days of the Puritans, which\\nare veir interesting. At Dunstable, Mass., in 1651, dancing at weddings was forbidden in\\n1660, William Walker was imprisoned a month for courting a maid without the leave of her\\nparents; in 1675, because there is manifest pnde appealing in our streets the wearing of\\nlong hair or periwigs and superstitious ribbons was forbidden: also, men were forbidden\\nto keep Christmas, as it was a Popish custom. In 1677, a cige was erected near the\\nmeeting-house for the confinement^ of Sabbath breakers, and John Atherton, a soldier, was\\nfined forty shillings for wetting a piece of an old hat to put into his shoes, which chafed his\\nfeet while inarching.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. S3\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\nEARLY CHURCHES OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nThe energetic proprietors of New Hampsliire and Maine were\\nnot moved to plant colonies in the wilderness to extend the area\\nof freedom or promote the interests of religion, but to aggran-\\ndize their houses and increase their private fortunes. Mason\\nand Gorges were not democrats but royalists not Puritans but\\nCavaliers not Independents but Episcopalians. The men they\\nhired to fell the trees, till the soil, fish, hunt and mine, in the\\nnew world, were not exiles for conscience sake, but from love\\nof gain. No provision was made by masters or servants for the\\npreaching of the gospel. No man cared for their souls. The\\nfirst churches were formed at Hampton and Exeter. Hampton\\nclaims precedence in time for, when the place was incorporated\\nas a plantation, in 1635, some of the grantees were already\\nunited together by church government. The original mem-\\nbers of the church and the first settlers of the town, generally,\\nwere Puritans many of them were from the county of Norfolk,\\nEngland, where christians of this class were very numerous.\\nThey brought a pastor with them. They soon erected a church\\nof logs, where, literally shrouded in a dim religious light, they\\npaid their vows to the Most High. The first pastor of this first\\nborn church of a new state, and the father of the town, was\\nRev. Stephen Bachilpr, an ancestor, on the mother s side, of\\nDaniel Webster. The settlement at E.xeter, the same year, be-\\ngan its existence by the organizing of a church and the found-\\ning of a state. Eight members of the church of Boston fol-\\nlowed Rev. John Wheelwright in his compulsory exile, and at\\nonce formed themselves into the first church of Exeter. These\\nwere all Calvinists of the straitest sect. Thus the leaven of\\nPuritanism was hidden in two of the four rising towns of New\\nHampshire and in process of time, through the influence of\\nMassachusetts, the whole lump was leavened. The History of\\nthe New Hampshire Churches, by Rev. R. F. Lawrence, gives a\\ngraphic account of the origin of the first church in Portsmouth.\\nI will quote a passage: Therefore, Honorable and worthy\\ncountr\\\\ men, said Captain Smith to the New Hampshire colo-\\nnists, let not the meanness of the word fish distaste you, for it\\nwill afford you as good gold as the mines of Potosi, with less\\nhazard and charge, and more certainty and facility. This", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "54 HISTORY OF\\ndiscloses, in the briefest manner, the origin of Portsmouth, for\\nthat lofty and self-forgetting devotion to great principles which\\nbaptized many of the early settlements lining the New England\\ncoast never set its seal on the brow of Strawberry Bank. The\\nfirst colonists, fishmongers of London, more intent on trade than\\nreligion, arrived three years after the Pilgrims at Plymouth.\\nThey first settled at Little Harbor, nor was it until seven years\\nthat houses began to dot the ridge which ran along from Pitts\\nstreet to Chapel Hill, then called the Bank. Here the church,\\nwith its wholesome discipline and heavenly comforts, found no\\nearly home. Though a chapel and parsonage seem to have been\\nbuilt, no regular provision was made for a settled ministry until\\n1640, when twenty of the inhabitants deeded to some church\\nwardens fifty acres for a glebe. The first preacher was Rich-\\nard Gibson. He was wholly addicted to the hierarchy and\\ndiscipline of England, and exercised his ministerial function ac-\\ncording to the ritual. He remained in office but a short time,\\nand was succeeded by several temporaiy preachers till the people\\nbuilt a new meeting-house and, in 1658, called and settled Rev.\\nJoshua Moodey from Massachusetts. He was a devout, earnest\\nand impressive preacher yet the original tendencies of the col-\\nonists were so strong that it required thirteen years of assiduous\\nlabor for him to gather a church. Finally, in 1661, the civil\\nauthorities invited several churches to assist in the formation of\\nthe first church in Portsmouth, and in the ordination of offi-\\ncers therein.\\nDover was settled in 1623 after the lapse of seven years only\\nthree houses had been erected. Its progress vifas very slow for\\nten years, and, during all that time, there was no public religious\\ninstruction. After the territory passed into the hands of Puritan\\nowners, they sent out from the west of England some colonists\\nof good estate and of some account for religion, and with them\\na minister of their own faith. William Leveridge, an O.xford\\ngraduate, an able and worthy Puritan minister, came to Dover\\nin 1633, and remained about two years then, for want of ade-\\nquate support, removed to Boston. He was succeeded by George\\nBurdett, a churchman, politician and an intriguing demagogue.\\nHis popular talents made him governor, and, in that capacity,\\nhe opened a correspondence with Archbishop Laud, the bitter\\nenemy of the Puritans. He not only deceived the people over\\nwhom he ruled, but violated the laws he had sworn to execute.\\nHe committed a heinous crime, in consequence of which he left\\nthe Plantation and went to Agamenticus, in Maine. In ]u\\\\y,\\n1638, Hanserd KnoUys, a graduate of Cambridge, came to Bos-\\nton. He had received episcopal ordination, but had joined the\\nPuritan party. At the invitation of some of the more re-_", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 55\\nligious, he came to Dover. Dr. Quint thus states the con-\\ndition of affairs when he arrived\\nWhen KnoUys came to Dover, in 163S, hefound a settlement originated\\nunder Episcopal auspices, tiiougli enlarged under other influences a people\\nmixed in their character, none of them emigrants for conscience sake, and\\nnone of them Puritans of the Bay type the settlement a refuge for men\\nwho could not endure the Massachusetts rigor no church organized after\\nfifteen years of colonial life, and a minister who, in spirit a churchman, was\\ncorresponding with Archbishop Laud, and who was supported by a portion\\nof the people. Of some of the best minded Knollys gathered a church.\\nBut it was in the midst of a people who had generally no love for Puritan-\\nism. Burdett left the town, but another churchman, Larkham, came in,\\nand by appealing to the looser elements succeeded in superseding Knollys.\\nSuch was the origin of the first four churches of New Hampshire.\\nCHAPTER XVII.\\nELEMENTS OF POPULAR LIBERTY.\\nIn England, cities, boroughs and parishes have e.xisted from\\ntime immemorial but no such political organizations as towns.\\nThe Pilgrim fathers found Holland divided into townships, which\\nregulated their own internal affairs through municipal officers of\\ntheir own selection. Of Holland Motley says It was a land\\nwhere every child went to school where almost every individual\\ninhabitant could read and write where even the middle classes\\nwere proficient in mathematics and the classics, and could speak\\ntwo or more moderrf languages. Their industry and economy\\nare noticed with high commendation. The Pilgrims probably\\ngained from the Hollanders some of their excellent notions res-\\npecting local legislation and public schools.\\nTown organizations in New England are the purest democ-\\nracies the world has ever known. They constitute the chief\\nsafeguard to our national liberties. The militia, the town, the\\nschool and the church are the corner stones of the temple of\\nliberty. Through their agency, we obtain free men, free thought,\\nfree opinions and free speech. The town organizations in New\\nHampshire grew naturally out of the plantations. The limited\\nnumber of settlers in each locality produced mutual dependence,\\na community of interests and frequent deliberations upon the\\ncommon welfare. Each of the first four plantations became a\\ntown when they made their combinations for the purposes of\\nlocal government and mutual safety. The town-meeting which", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "56 HISTORY OF\\ngrew out of these infant states was as purely democratic as the\\necclesia in ancient Athens. Here the whole body of freemen\\nmet in deliberation and as there then existed no religious or\\nproperty qualifications for suffrage in New Hampshire, nearly\\nevery adult man was a voter, and every such voter was person-\\nally interested in the decrees of this popular assembly. After the\\nunion with Massachusetts, these town-meetings assumed new\\nimportance. In them the local power was delegated to a board\\nof selectmen, and the legislative power was conferred on depu-\\nties who were to represent the towns in the General Court at\\niJoston. This delegation of power to representatives laid the\\nfoundation of the state and national republics. But the town\\nmeeting was the freeman s school. There he learned to delib-\\nerate and to discuss and decide questions of public interest.\\nTown-meetings, says De Tocqueville, are to liberty what\\nprimary schools are to science they bring it within the people s\\nreach; they teach men how to use and how to enjoy it. In\\nthese democratic assemblies, the planters resolved to defend their\\nhomes against the incursions of savages, the aggressions of pro-\\nprietors and the prerogatives of monarchs. This element of\\npopular liberty was so important through the whole colonial his-\\ntory of New England, that it has been affirmed with great truth,\\nthat the American Revolution had its birth in the town meetings\\nand school-houses of the scattered colonists. The king s com-\\nmissioners of the revenue, writing from Boston in 1768, com-\\nplained of New England town-meetings, in which they said\\nThe lowest mechanics disscussed the most important points of\\ngovernment, with the utmost freedom. The cry of the Court\\nparty was Send over an army and a fleet to reduce the dogs\\nto reason.\\nIn 1647, Massachusetts established a system of free schools.\\nScotland had some years earlier set up a system of parochial\\nschools under the control of the Presbyterian church, which in that\\ncountry was united with the state. These schools were designed\\nto educate all the children of each parish. The New England sys-\\ntem was more liberal than the Scotch and was under the super-\\nvision of the government and not of the church. It is the first\\nestablishment of schools without tuition, open to all and free to\\nall, known to history. The formation of districts in each town\\nfor the purposes of general education, near the beginning of\\nthe present century, furnished another occasion for the local ad-\\nministration of these schools by all the freemen residing in each\\ndistrict. The school-house became a Hall of Legislation for the\\nlittle community that built and owned it and here taxes were\\nimposed, rules adopted and committees chosen for the govern-\\nment and maintenance of the school.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 57\\nThe church, like the school and town, became a seminary of\\nliberty. Most of the early churches were congregational in\\ngovernment and discipline. All questions of interest in the\\nchurch were decided by major vote and the congregation gave\\ntheir voice in the same way when a pastor was called and set-\\ntled. Most of the early ministers were settled by the towns\\nwhere they officiated of course the entire body of the freemen\\nwas called upon to vote for or against the candidate.\\nThus all local affairs pertaining to law, learning and religion\\nwere debated and decided by the votes of the towns in purely\\ndemocratic assemblies. The power of the press was soon ad-\\nded to these other educational forces. The first newspaper in\\nNew Hampshire was issued on the seventh of October, 1756, at\\nPortsmouth. It was called the New Hampshire Gazette and\\nHistorical Chronicle. It was owned and published by Daniel\\nFowle, till the year 1784. Other editors succeeded him, who\\nhave continued the paper to the present day. Other journals\\nof a similar character were soon published, till in process of time\\nthe press became the most potent political educator in the state.\\nTrained in a similar school, the town-meeting of Providence,\\nR. I., thus addressed their friend. Sir Henry Vane, who is styled,\\nunder God, the sheet anchor of Rhode Island We have\\nlong been free from the yoke of wolvish bishops we have sit-\\nten dry from the streams of blood spilt by the wars of our na-\\ntive countiy. We have not known what an excise\\nmeans we have almost forgotten what titles are. We have long\\ndrunk of the cup of as great liberties as any people that we\\ncan hear of under the whole heaven.\\nNote.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Colonel Charles H. Bell, President of the New Hampshire Historical Society, has\\n:i well-preserved copy of the first book printed and published in the state. It is entitled\\nGood News from a Far Country, in Seven Discourses; Delivered in the Presbyterian\\nChurch in Newbury, by Jonathan Pannv, A. M., and Minister of the Gcsple there, and now\\nPublished at the desire of Many of the Hearers and Others. Printed in Portsmouth by\\nDaniel Fowle, 1756. The book, with a modern binding, is in excellent condition, and 19\\nprinted upon clear type and good paper and is easily read.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "S8 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER XVIII.\\nCONDITION OF NEW HAMPSHIRE AFTER ITS UNION WITH\\nMASSACHUSETTS.\\nThe growth of New Hampshire was not very rapid for many\\nyears after its political union with an older and more prosperous\\nstate. The four original plantations continued to be the centres\\nof population and influence. From them went forth small col-\\nonies and began settlements in the adjacent territories, which in\\nprocess of time became independent, so that nearly twenty sep-\\narate towns have been incorporated from the territory first in-\\ncluded within the bounds of Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter and\\nHampton. The laws, customs and religion of Massachusetts\\nimmediately took root in the soil of New Hampshire. Exeter\\nand Hampton were at first annexed to the jurisdiction of the\\ncourts of Ipswich, till the establishment of a new country called\\nNorfolk, which embraced the four settlements of New Hamp-\\nshire, with Salisbury and Haverhill in Massachusetts. This\\ncounty then included all the territory between the Merrimack\\nand Piscataqua. Salisbury was the shire town though Dover\\nand Portsmouth each had separate courts in which magistrates\\nof their own presided. An inferior court, consisting of three\\njustices, was established in each town, with jurisdiction in all\\ncases under twenty shillings. Here were the germs of the Su-\\npreme Court and Court of Common Pleas. For a few years the\\nassociate magistrates were appointed by the General Court. In\\n1647, the towns of Dover and Portsmouth were allowed in joint\\nmeeting to choose the associates so that a democratic element\\nwas early introduced into the New Hampshire courts. In 1649,\\nthe assembled wisdom of the two colonies condemned as sin-\\nful the wearing of long hair, and the magistrates declared their\\ndetestation and dislike of the practice as a thing uncivil and\\nunmanly, whereby men do deform themselves, and offend sober\\nand honest men and do corrupt good manners.\\nThe heirs of Capt. Mason now began to assert their claims\\n10 the territory of New Hampshire. The eldest grandson of\\nMason died in infancy. His brother Robert Tufton became\\nof age in 1650. After the lapse of two years, Mrs. Mason\\nsent over an agent named Joseph Mason to regain possession of\\nher husband s estate. He found Richard Leader occupying\\nlands at Newichewannoc and brought a suit against him in the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 59\\ncourt of Norfolk. A question arose whether the land in dis-\\npute were not within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. An\\nappeal was made to the General Court, who ordered a survey of\\nthe northern boundary of their patent to be made. Two com-\\npetent surveyors, with Indian guides, proceeded up the Merri-\\nmack to find its most northerly head. The Indians affirmed\\nthat it was at Aquedoctan, the outlet of the Winnipiseogee lake.*\\nThe latitude of this place was found to be forty-three degrees,\\nforty-three minutes and tvvelve seconds. Experienced seamen\\nwere then sent to the eastern coast who found a point of an\\nisland in Casco Bay to be in the same latitude. A line was\\nthen drawn through these two points, from the Atlantic to the\\nPacific ocean, which was declared to be the northern boundary\\nof Massachusetts, within which the whole claim of Mason was\\nincluded. After thus throwing the asgis of their protection over\\nthis immense territory, with a show of generosity they granted\\nto the heirs of Mason a quantity of land proportionable to his\\ndisbursements, with the privilege of the river. The agent made\\nno further effort to recover Mrs. Mason s estate, but returned\\nhome, hoping that the government of England would interpose.\\nAs the Mason family had always belonged to the royalist party,\\nthey expected no relief during the commonwealth and the pro-\\ntectorate of Cromwell. After the restoration of Charles II.,\\nRobert Tufton, who now took the sirname of Mason, petitioned\\nthe king for redress. The attorney-general reported that Rob-\\nert Mason, grandson and heir of Capt. John Mason, had a good\\nand legal title to the province of New Hampshire. This decis-\\nion was made in 1662. The king did not act decisively in the\\nmatter till 1664, when he appointed commissioners to visit the\\nseveral colonies of New England, to examine and determine all\\ncomplaints and appeals in matters civil, military and criminal.\\nImperial power was here delegated. The commissioners were\\nauthorized to decide matters of the highest moment according\\nto their good and sound discretion. Of course such dictation\\nwas offensive, in the highest degree, to the colonists. The com-\\nmissioners were treated with great coolness. No public honors\\nawaited their arrival in any town. They passed through New\\nHampshire, taking affidavits and listening to the complaints of\\ndisaffected persons. Among these was one Abraham Corbett,\\nof Portsmouth, who had been censured by the general court for\\nthe assumption of power under the king, which they thought\\nwas inconsistent with their chartered rights. Corbett drew up a\\n*NoTE. It is said that there are more than forty different modes of spelling the name of\\nthis lake. There is no uniformity of the orthography of Indian names among early writers.\\nEach person endeavored to represent in letters the sounds which his ear caught from native\\nlips; hence it is extremely difficult to trace the etymology of Intiian names. The name of the\\nlake is now often written and pronounced Winnipesaukee.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "6o HISTORY OF\\npetition, praying for a separate government for New Hampshire.\\nA few seditious persons signed it tlie majority opposed it. The\\ncommissioners were haughty and supercilious. They threatened\\nheavy penalties for disobediance to the king s mandates. The\\npeople were alarmed. They appealed to the General Court for\\nan opportunity to exculpate themselves from all participation in\\nthe sentiments expressed in the petition. Commissioners from\\nMassachusetts visited Dover and Portsmouth and from the as-\\nsembled people received assurances of their entire satisfaction\\nwith the present government. Exeter did the same through their\\nminister Rev. Mr. Dudley. Corbett was arrested and brought\\nbefore the governor and magistrates of Massachusetts, to answer\\nfor his tumultuous and seditious practices against the govern-\\nment, and was fined and disfranchised. Lest this bold vindi-\\ncation of their rights should seem disloyal to the king, they pro-\\nceeded at once to obey his order respecting the fortification of\\nthe harbors. Every male inhabitant of Portsmouth was required\\nto work one week, between June and October, on the fortifica-\\ntions on Great Island. In other respects the decrees of the\\nroyal commissioners were little heeded. After their business was\\ncompleted they were recalled by the king, who was greatly dis-\\npleased at the treatment they had received, and, by letter, com-\\nmanded the colony to send agents to England, promising to hear\\nin person all allegations, suggestions, and pretences to right oi\\nfavor on behalf of the colony. Here was, undoubtedly, a con-\\nflict of authority. They were disobedient to the king because, as\\nthey maintained, his commission invaded their chartered rights.\\nThey pleaded a royal donation, under the great seal, as the\\ngreatest security that could be had in human affairs. We can\\neasily forgive them for that particular act of disloyalty.\\nCHAPTER XIX.\\nMORAL EPIDEMICS.\\nCicero remarks There is no opinion so absurd that it may\\nnot be found in some one of the philosophers. Culture is no\\nsafeguard against errors of opinion. The most learned are often\\nthe most erratic. Astrology and alchemy originated with schol-\\nars and men of science. In past ages, both the wise and igno-\\nrant have been disposed to ascribe whatever was mysterious or", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 6l\\ninexplicable to spiritual agents. Hence, evil demons and those\\nwho pretended to deal with familiar spirits have held an impor-\\ntant place in the popular creeds of all nations. Magicians, wiz-\\nards and sorcerers have addressed themselves with immense\\nadvantage to the love of the marvelous in men and thus impos-\\nture has been enriched at the expense of popular credulity.\\nThe mind has its diseases as well as the body and, like\\nthe thousand natural shocks\\nThat flesh is heir to,\\nthey are contagious. They spread by involuntary sympathy.\\nWe, from our exalted throne of Sadduceeism, wonder at the su-\\nperstition and credulity of our fathers. Many volumes have\\nbeen written upon the Salem witchcraft. The ink is now hardly\\ndry, that has recorded the pious horror of pantheists, positivists\\nand liberal christians, concerning this sad delusion.\\nTis true tis pity,\\nAnd pity tis tis true,\\nthat such abominations should be committed anywhere under\\nthe light of day, or in the gloom of night and, it is especially\\ngrievous that religious men should perpetuate them. But it is\\nnothing strange that the Pilgrims and their children believed in\\nwitchcraft, when it was the transmitted creed of all the preced-\\ning ages. The Bible taught it the Church preached it the\\nlaw punished it, and the people feared it. The ignorant are\\nusually the greatest dupes of such delusions. On this point I\\nwill quote the words of the late President Felton\\nOur fathers knew this better perhaps than we. Their earliest care was to\\nsecure the benefits of learning to their posterity. The measures they took to\\ncarry into practical effect this illustrious purpose were suggested partly by a\\nlove of solid scholarship as warm as ever animated the heart of students\\nsince their day, and partly by their firm belief that learning was to be the\\ngreat arm of their warfaVe against the Adversary of mankind.\\nMilton, in describing the conflict of Michael with the Prince of Darkness,\\nsays\\nThe griding sword, with discontinuous wound\\nPassed through him but the ethereal substance closed\\nNot long divisible.\\nFor spirits, he afterwards adds,\\nCannot but by annihilating die.\\nEarlier than our fathers engaged in the struggle, Luther drove out the\\nFoul Fiend who haunted his cell and broke in upon his pious labors, by\\nhurling an inkstand at his Mephistophclian head. The battle was not fin-\\nished by the learned weapons our fathers forged and wielded. The same\\nAncient Adversary, cloven down by .Michael, battered and bespattered by\\nLuther s inkstand, has stood the tug of war with modern science and educa-\\ntion. Hut he has been driven from the open field; he has been humbled into\\na fantastic Duke of dark corners; and finally, in our own day, he has lost\\nall the glory of the archangel ruined; he has dropped even the Mediaeval\\nterrors of tail, hoof and horn; he has become a mean, contemptible and\\nsneaking Devil. His greatest exploits are to rap under tables for silly women\\nand sillier men to spell out painfully, by the help of whispers and winks", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "62 HISTORY OF\\nand explanations of self-deluded bystanders, and with many an orthographic\\nblunder (for he has not learned pJwnography yet) a name or two in as many\\nhours to construct awkward and unmeaning messages, and convey them\\nfrom the spirit-world to gaping fools around, by joggling tables legs. Re-\\nduced to this most shabby and pitiable condition of Devilhood, I think the\\narmory of learning our fathers left us, if we burnish it up and use it aright,\\nwill soon dislodge him from his crazy quarters, and disarm, if not annibi^iate\\nhim.\\nThe first victim of the law against witches in New England\\nwas Margaret Jones of Charlestown. She was executed in 1648.\\nThe charges against her were that her touch was malignant, pro-\\nducing vomitings, pain, and violent sickness that the medicines\\nwhich she administered, as a doctress, though harmless in their\\nnature, produced great distress that her ill will towards those\\nwho rejected her medicine prevented the healing of their mala-\\ndies that some of her prophecies proved true and that she\\nnourished one of those little imps of Satan called incubi. The\\npersons accused at first were old, wrinkled and decrepit women.\\nThe witnesses were mischievous children and malignant fanatics.\\nSpectral evidence, ocular fascination, apparitions, and other un-\\nreal creations of a diseased imagination were adduced as proofs\\nof guilt. A callous spot was the mark of the Devil did age\\nor amazement refuse to shed tears, were threats after a quarrel\\nfollowed by death of cattle or other harm, did an error occur in\\nrepeating the Lord s prayer, were deeds of great physical\\nstrength performed, these all were signs of witchcraft. In\\n1656, Goodwife Walford was arraigned before the court of as-\\nsistants at Portsmouth, on complaint of Susanna Trimmings.\\nThe complainant testified that on her return to her home, on the\\nthirtieth of March, she heard a noise in the woods like the rust-\\nling of swine. Soon Goodwife Walford appeared and asked a\\nfavor. On being refused, Mrs. Trimmings adds I was struck\\nas with a clap of fire on the back, and she vanished toward the\\nwater side, in my apprehension in the shape of a cat. Other\\ntestimony of a similar nature was produced, but it does not ap-\\npear that the accused was convicted. The complaint was prob-\\nably dropped at the next session of the court. The next trial\\nfor witchcraft was at Hampton, September, 1680. A jury of\\ntwelve men, on examination of the corpse of the child of John\\nGodfre, found, under oath, grounds of suspicion that the child\\nwas murdered by witchcraft. Rachel Fuller, wife of John Ful-\\nler, was arraigned and tried for the supposed crime and as no\\nrecord is found of the verdict, it is presumed that she was ac-\\nquitted. This subject seems to have slept in New Hampshire\\ntill the great excitement in Salem in 1692 and 1693. IBut as\\nthere were no newspapers to publish the doings of Satan either\\nin pandemonium or in Massachusetts, New Hampshire was but", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. S^\\nlittle disturbed by the unjust accusations and judicial murders of\\nanother state.\\nUnice Cole of Hampton was reputed to be a witch. Her\\nname has been married to immortal verse in Whittier s Tent\\non the Beach. It appears from the records of Hampton that\\neight persons were drowned in sailing from that town to Boston,\\non the eighth of August, 1657. Their fate was supposed to be\\nconnected, in some way, with the mysterious words of Unice\\nCole as the vessel rounded the point where her cottage stood.\\nA few stanzas from the poet illustrates her supposed agency in an\\nevent which the recorder denominates the sad hand of God.\\nThis very phrase reveals the pendulous motion of the human\\nmind from faith to superstition. The poet thus writes\\nOnce, in the old colonial days,\\nTwo hundred years ago and more,\\nA boat sailed down through the winding ways\\nOf Hampton river lo that low shorei\\nFull o\u00c2\u00a3 a goodly company\\nSailing out on the summer sea.\\nVeering to catch the land breeze light,\\nWith the Boar to left and the Rocks to right\\n*Fie on the witch! cried a merry girl,\\nAs they rounded the point where Goody Cole\\nSat by her door with her wheel atwirl,\\nA bent and blear-eyed, poor old soul.\\n*Oho! she muttered, Ye re brave to-day!\\nBut I hear the little waves laugh and say,\\nThe broth will be cold that waits at home;\\nFor it s one to go, but another to come!\\nShe s curs d, said the skipper speak to her fair;\\nI m scary always to see her shake\\nHer wicked head, with its wild gray hair\\nAnd nose like a hawk and eyes like a snake.\\nBut merrily still with laugh and shout.\\nFrom Hampton river the boat sailed out.\\nTill the huts and the flakes on Star seemed nigh\\nAnd they lost the scent of the pines of Rye.\\nGoody Cole looked out from her door:\\nThe Isles of Shoals were drowned and gone.\\nScarcely she saw the Head of the Boar\\nToss the foam from tusks of stone.\\nShe clasped her hands with a grip of pain,\\nThe tear on her cheek was not of rain\\nThey are lost she muttered, boat and crew\\nLord, forgive me, my words were true\\nThe first enactment by Massachusetts against Quakers, who\\nare denominated a cursed sect of heretics, was made in Octo-\\nber, 1656. The penalties, from time to time, were increased\\nfrom banishment to scourging, imprisonment and death. All\\nthese penalties were inflicted upon the Quakers for several years\\nin succession. The law-makers of Massachusetts regarded tol-\\neration as the first born of abominations they also imagined\\nthat their political safety was endangered by a diversity of reli-\\ngious opinions in the state. New Hampshire, influenced by the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "64 HISTORY OF\\nopinions and laws of the elder colony, subjected Quakers to ar-\\nrest and punishment by whipping. In the winter of 1662, three\\nQuaker women were sentenced to be whipped through eleven\\ntowns, with ten stripes apiece in each town. In answer to a\\npetition of the inhabitants of Dover, the General Court of Massa-\\nchusetts commissioned Richard Waldron (then spelled Wal-\\ndern) to act in execution of the laws against Quakers in that\\ntown. Accordingly, under date of December 22, 1662, that\\nmagistrate issued his warrant as follows\\nTo the Constables of Dover, Hampton, Salisburj-, Newburv, Rowley,\\nIpswich, Windham, Lynn, Boston, Roxbury, Dedham, and until these vaga-\\nbond Quakers are out of this jurisdiction You are hereby required in the\\nKing s Majesty s name, to take these vagabond Quakers, Anna Colman, Mary\\nTompkins and Alice Ambrose, and make them fast to the cart s tail, and\\ndrawing the cart through your several towns, to whip them upon their naked\\nbacks not exceeding ten stripes apiece, on each of them in each town, and so\\nconvey them from Constable to Constable till they are out of this jurisdic-\\ntion, as you will answer it, at your peril, and this shall be your warrant.\\nRichard Waldron.\\nIn the first three towns above named this cruel decree was\\nliterally executed. The victims of persecution were then res-\\ncued by Walter Barefoot, under pretence of delivering them to\\nthe constables of Newbury but in reality for the purpose of\\nsending them out of the province. When we see the name of\\nthe patriot and hero, Richard Waldron, appended to such a\\nbarbarous mandate, we blush for the imperfections of man in\\nhis best estate and cry out with Madame Roland, Oh, Liberty\\nwhat crimes are committed in thy name. The interposition of\\nsuch an unprincipled intriguer as Walter Barefoot, to rescue\\nthese victims of popular hate and legal vengeance, shows what\\nstrange contradictions are found in human nature. This kind\\nact is said to have been almost the only redeeming trait in the\\ncharacter of Barefoot", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 6$\\nCHAPTER XX.\\nPHILIP S INDIAN WAR.\\nWhen the Pequots were exterminated in 1637, by Massachu-\\nsetts, the settlements of New Hampshire were too remote to feel\\nthe shock of arms. From that time the people of New England\\nlived in peace with the Indians for thirty-eiglit years. It might\\nbe expected that old feuds would have been forgotten in that\\nlapse of time. It is supposed that the native population of New\\nEngland in 1620 was about fifty thousand. Of these four or\\nfive thousand resided in New Hampshire. They generally dwelt\\nin the valleys of the rivers, and at such points as presented the\\nbest opportunities for fishing. Civil war and pestilence had\\ngreatly reduced the number of the aborigines on all the Atlantic\\ncoast. The tribes were numerous, but the men were few in each.\\nThere were as many as four sachems residing in the eastern and\\nsouthern parts of the state, who acknowledged a qualified alle-\\ngiance to Passaconaway, the great sagamore of the Penacooks.\\nHis home was near the present capital of the state. Concord\\nat its first settlement was named Penacook. Passaconaway was\\nrenowned for his sagacity, duplicity and moderation. He was\\nalso a famous magician. The neighboring tribes believed that\\nhe could make water burn, trees dance, and turn himself into a\\nflame. He was always jealous of the whites, but was restrained\\nfrom attacking them by fear. At a great Indian festival held in\\ni56o, this aged sagamore made his farewell speech to his as-\\nsembled subjects. He prophesied a general war, but entreated\\nthem to remain neutral. Hearken, said he, to the last words\\nof your father and friend. The white men are sons of the morn-\\ning. The Great Spirit is their father. His sun shines bright\\nabout them. Sure as you light the fires, the breath of heaven\\nwill turn the flames upon you and destroy you. Listen to my\\nadvice. It is the last I shall be allowed to give you. Remem-\\nber it and live. This certainly was excellent advice. It is\\nprobably embellished a little in the translation by some one who\\ngreatly admired Indian eloquence. Several versions of this\\nspeech are extant, all differing in quantity and quality. All we\\ncan say respecting it is, that it is true for substance. He told\\nthem, furthermore, that he had been the bitter enemy of the\\nEnglish, and, by his arts of sorcery, had tried his utmost to pre-\\nvent their settlement and increase, but could by no means suc-\\nS", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "66 HISTORY OF\\nceed. In the war which soon followed, the Penacooks were the\\nonly Indians in New Hampshire who remained quiet. Wono-\\nlanset, the son and successor of Passaconaway, resisted the soli-\\ncitations of Philip to avenge his own wrongs and those of his\\nrace. He even withdrew, with his people, from their homes, that\\nhe might not be drawn into the quarrel.\\nThere exists among historians a great diversity of opinion\\nrespecting the character and conduct of Philip, the author of a\\nwidespread and desolating war in New England. Some writers\\nclass him and some other Indian chiefs, such as Pontiac, Te-\\ncumseh and Black Hawk among the truly great heroes of earth.\\nThey regard him as the victim of fortune and not the dupe of\\nfolly. By such critics he is regarded as the projector of a vast\\nand comprehensive plan of exterminating the English and ele-\\nvating the Indians. His liberal policy embraced the entire In-\\ndian race. By his eloquence and perseverance he aroused most\\nof the neighboring tribes to a sense of their oppression and en-\\nenlisted them in freedom s holy war. The contest with them\\nwas for liberty or death. All men admire patriotism we may\\nnot justly withhold it from one who attempted the liberation of\\nhis race. He was defeated. He fell from great undertakings,\\nnot like Phaeton for want of skill, but like Cato for want of\\nmeans. Such are the conclusions of the Indian eulogists. They\\nare sentimentalists, who, like Rousseau, prefer savage to civil-\\nized life, and deem the native wilds and noisy falls preferable to\\ncities and factories or they are authors or artists, who, like\\nSchoolcraft and Catlin, share the home of the Indians that they\\nmay find materials to exalt the race by history and painting.\\nSuch benefactors, of course, were loved and honored by the na-\\ntives. The history of Massasoit, the father of Philip, shows\\nthat it was easy and useful to the natives to maintain peace with\\nthe English. For forty years that chief faithfully kept the treaty\\nmade with the Plymouth colonists a few months after their ar-\\nrival. Philip was of a jealous, restless, ambitious and treacher-\\nous temper. Mr. Palfrey denies that his views were wise, saga-\\ncious, patriotic, or comprehensive. He concludes his estimate\\nof his character, as follows\\nAnd the title of King, which it has been customary to attach to his name,\\ndisguises and transfigures to the view the form of a squalid savage, whose\\npalace was a sty whose royal robe was a bear skin, or a coarse blanket, alive\\nwith vermin who hardly knew the luxury of an ablution who was often\\nglad to appease appetite with food such as men who are not starving loathe\\nand whose nature possessed just the capacity for reflection and the degree of\\nrefinement which might be expected to be developed from the constitution of\\nhis race, by such a condition and such habits of life. The Indian\\nKing Philip is a mythical character.\\nIt is probable that Philip came to the resolution to engage in", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 67\\nwar with some reluctance. It is said that he wept at what he\\nregarded as the fatal alternative, and that his young braves ex-\\nceeded their leader in their love of vengeance and eagerness for\\nthe fight. This wily chief soon found many of the adjacent\\ntribes rallying to his standard. He put himself at their head\\nand engaged in open war. Hostilities commenced in Swansey,\\nMassachusetts, in June 1675. Just before this attack, the Ind-\\nians of Maine, called the Tarrateens, were e.xcited to violence by\\nthe reckless and foolish conduct of some American sailors, who\\naccidentally met the wife of Squando, sachem of the Pequawketts,\\ncrossing the Saco with her little child in her arms. They had\\nheard that Indian children could swim as naturally as the young\\nof brutes, and determined to try the experiment. They wan-\\ntonly upset the canoe. The child sank the mother immediately\\ndived and recovered it, but the child soon died. The Indians\\nwere justly enraged, and ascribed the death of the young child\\nto this brutal treatment. Squando, the father, became the in-\\nveterate foe of all the whites and eagerly sought revenge.\\nHis fame was great as a magician, and this gave him a powerful\\ninfluence over the tribes of Maine and New Hampshire. Other\\nwrongs done to the Indians by the scattered settlers in Maine\\nwere alleged as the cause of active hostilities in that state.\\nWithin twenty days after Philip made his first attack, the whole\\ncountry for two hundred miles in extent was in a blaze of war.\\nThe greatest terror everywhere prevailed. The Indians, dis-\\npersed in small parties, robbed and murdered the unprotected\\nsettlers in Maine. They approached New Hampshire in Sep-\\ntember, 1675, and made their first onset on Oyster River, now\\nDurham. Here they burned two houses, killed two men in a\\ncanoe, and took two aaptive. These soon made their escape.\\nAnother party lay in ambush, on the road frbm Exeter to Hamp-\\nton, where one man was killed and another captured. They con-\\ntinued their march eastward and attacked a house in Berwick,\\nwhere fifteen women and children were collected. All were\\nsaved but two small children who could not climb the fence near\\nthe house. They owed their escape to the intrepidity of a girl of\\neighteen. As the Indians came up, she shut the door and held\\nit while the others fled. The Indians chopped down the door\\nwith their hatchets, and entering knocked down the brave girl,\\nwhom they left as dead, and pursued the fugitives. The heroine\\nrecovered of her wounds yet no historian has recorded her\\nname. All the towns on the Piscataqua, ^nd the settlements in\\nMaine, were in the utmost distress and confusion. Business\\nwas suspended. Every man was obliged to provide for his own\\nsafety and that of his family. The only method of protection\\nwas to desert their homes and retire to garrisoned houses, and", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "68 HISTORY OF\\nfrom convenient places of observation watch for the lurking foe.\\nThus they were on their guard night and day, subject to the most\\nfearful alarms, and every moment expecting assaults. From a\\nwork entitled Old Homes of New England, we extract the\\nfollowing description of a house still standing in Durham, built\\nby Capt. John Woodman for a garrison, its present occupants\\nbeing the sixth or seventh generation of the same name dwell-\\ning in it.\\nIt was the citadel of the early settlement. Round about it, from ten to\\nthirty rods distant, may yet be distinguished the cellars of houses which\\nmouldered at periods beyond the memory of any man living, clustering near\\nby that the occupants might speedily take refuge within its defences when\\nmenaced by Indian raids. It stands on rising ground, three quarters of a\\nmile from Oyster River, commanding a view of the valley of that branch, by\\nwhich goods were brought from Portsmouth. It is constructed of solid white\\npine logs a foot thick, some of them two feet in depth as high up as a few\\nfeet above the second floor, thus forming a parapet to serve as a breastwork,\\nthe roof being of moderate pitch, for use in some exigencies of Indian war-\\nfare, this mode of construction having been adopted in similar strongholds\\nin other places. On this upper tier of logs now rests a frame building, fin-\\nishing out the second story and attic. It has in front the projection common\\nto such houses, to beat off assailants and prevent thcni from setting fire\\nfrom below. Its small windows and various port-holes and look-outs were\\nprovided with heavy blocks of wood to protect the iiimates from the enemies\\nbullets. It has all been changed now, covered with clapboards and other-\\nwise modernized. It is commodious and sufficiently elegant for present needs\\nbut as originally constructed it must have proved a formidable defense\\nagainst the weapons and methods of Indian warfare.\\nAs the fisheries in the neighborhood were the best along the coast for sal-\\nmon, shad, and whatever products of the sea Indians chiefly delighted in, it\\nwas natural that their temper should have been stirred to the quick, exasper-\\nated by the indifference manifested by the settlers to their earlier claims. If\\nthey wreaked resentment by frequent massacre and cruelties peculiarly sav-\\nage, their sense of wrong was aggravated by their want of power to drive off\\nthe intruders or compel redress. Recent events of greater immediate inter-\\nest have blotted out the memory of these baptisms of blood, and the legends\\nthat have floated down to us are too horrible for relief. Certainly no part of\\nthe country was more constantly harassed, nowhere were more needed for-\\ntresses of strength. The Indians own castles were girded about by thick-set\\npalisades, and this outer defense was likewise adopted by the settlers for\\ntheir garrison-houses. They well answered their purpose, and Belknap men-\\ntions an instance when upon alarm the inhabitants of Durham took refuge in\\ntheir fort. The Indians, some hundreds in ntmiber, invested it, but unable to\\nmake any impression upon its solid walls, and themselves exposed to a gal-\\nling fire from tjie port holes and roof, which rapidly reduced their force, were\\nobliged to retreat.\\nIn October, 1675, the Indians made a second assault on Ber-\\nwick. Lieutenant Roger Plaisted sent out from his garrison\\nseven men, to make discoveries. They fell into an ambush\\nand three of the number were slain. The next day Plaisted,\\nwith twenty men, went out to recover the dead bodies. They\\nwere again surprised most of the men fled. Plaisted and two\\nof his sons, with one faithful friend, disdained to fly and were", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 69\\nkilled. Here was displayed heroism far above that which wins\\nhonors upon the tented field. The next day Captain Frost came\\nfrom .Sturgeon Creek and buried the dead. Before the close of\\nthe month the mill of Capt. Frost was burned and an assault\\nmade upon his garrison. He had only three boys with him\\nbut by keeping up a constant fire and running hither and thither,\\ngiving loud commands, as to a multitude, he saved his house and\\nthe murderous savages retired. They then moved down the\\nriver, plundering, burning and killing as they found people un-\\nguarded, till they reached Portsmouth. There they were terri-\\nfied by the firing of cannon, and fled. They soon after appeared\\nat Dover, Lamprey River and Exeter, committing outrages and\\nfilling the inhabitants with constant alarm. At the end of No-\\nvember it was ascertained that more than fifty persons had been\\nkilled between the Kennebec and Piscataqua. This was a large\\nnumber, when we reflect that a town then rarely contained more\\nthan twenty or thirty men. The Indians had lost ninety of\\ntheir men.\\nThe winter was severe the snow was four feet deep in De-\\ncember. The Indians were suffering from famine and sued for\\npeace. They came to Major Waldron and expressed sorrow for\\ntheir cruelties and promised to be quiet and peaceable in future.\\nBy his mediation a peace was made with the whole body of\\neastern Indians, which continued till the next August, and prob-\\nably would have continued longer had the eastern settlers been\\nmore thoughtful and conciliatory toward this irritable and capri-\\ncious race. But, during these seven months of quiet, captives\\nwere restored and general joy pervaded every heart in the east-\\nern colonies.\\nMeantime Massachusetts was suffering terrible desolation from\\nthe ravages of Philip s subjects and allies. The towns of Brook-\\nfield, Deerfield, Mendon, Groton, Rehoboth, Providence and War-\\nwick were burned in rapid succession. Lancaster was laid in\\nruins and Mrs. Rowlandson carried away captive. At Northfield\\nCaptain Beers was defeated and twenty of his men slain. At\\nMuddy Brook, in Deerfield, Captain Lothrop and more than\\nseventy young men, the pride of Essex County, were surprised\\nand murdered. Other similar disasters occurred in other towns.\\nThe whole land was shrouded in gloom and every heart was\\npierced with sorrow. Philip withdrew to a great swamp in\\nRhode Island, apparently satiated with blood. There he con-\\nstructed a rude fortification, enclosing six hundred wigwams.\\nHe had large supplies and deemed himself impregnable. But\\nthe troops of Massachusetts forced an entrance, burned the wig-\\nwams and slew a thousand of his braves. This was the ruin of\\nthe savage warrior. His men that escaped the sword in the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2JO HISTORY OF\\nswamp were hunted like wild beasts in the woods. Their vic-\\ntories were everywhere turned into defeat. Soon Philip himself,\\nthe cause of all these disasters, was captured and slain. With\\nhis death the hopes of the allies went out like a candle, and the\\nland, for a time, enjoyed repose. Many of the followers of\\nPhilip fled for protection to the tribes of New Hampshire.\\nThey tried to identify themselves with the Penacooks, Ossipees\\nand Pequawketts who had agreed upon terms of peace. But\\nthey could not remain concealed. Some of them were arrested\\nand punished.\\nIn August, 1676, hostilities were renewed, through the agency\\nof these strange Indians. Massachusetts sent two companies\\nunder Captain Joseph Syll and Captain Hawthorne, to aid the\\npeople of New Hampshire. At Cocheco, on the sixth of Sep-\\ntember, they found about four hundred mixed Indians at the\\nhouse of Major Waldron, with whom they had made peace and\\nwhom they regarded as a friend and father. The two captains,\\nrecognizing among them many of the murderers of their breth-\\nren, desired to seize them and hold them as prisoners for pun-\\nishment. The Major dissuaded violence and had recourse to\\nstratagem. He proposed a sham fight, in the English style, the\\nnext day. They consented and after first discharging their\\nmuskets, they were quietly surrounded and disarmed. A sepa-\\nration was then made of friends and foes. VVonolanset and the\\nPenacooks, with other friendly Indians, were dismissed in peace.\\nThe strange Indians, who were fugitives from justice, were sent\\nas prisoners to Boston, where seven or eight of them were hung,\\nand the rest, to the number of about two hundred, were sold\\ninto slavery in foreign lands.\\nMany regard the conduct of Major Waldron as an act of\\ntreacher} The Indians certainly looked upon it as a breach of\\nfaith which they never forgave. For fifteen long years they\\nnursed their vengeance and finally wiped out their scores in the\\nblood of the brave old councilor. The condition of Major\\nWaldron was one of fearful responsibility. The government\\nunder which he lived demanded of him the sacrifice he made.\\nThe strange Indians really had no claim on him for mercy.\\nThey were disguised criminals mingling with innocent peace-\\nmakers. Their hands were reeking with the blood of women\\nand children and although for the moment he consented to in-\\nclude them in the treaty with his friends, still the law lequired\\nthat they should be separated. He was overruled by the repre-\\nsentatives of the government and surrendered to their power\\nthose whom he had previously consented to protect. Major\\nWaldron undoubtedly desired to treat these oudaws according to\\nthe rules of war. He wished to withdraw them from the enemy", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 7 1\\nand to save them alive but while his treaty was yet incomplete,\\nthe agents of the government under which he was acting came\\nand refused to confirm wliat he had promised. They were or-\\ndered to seize all who had been concerned with Philip in the\\nwar. Here was a sad dilemma for the peacemaker. He could\\nnot act on either side without giving offence. If he surrendered\\nthe Indians, he must incur their perpetual displeasure if he\\ndid not surrender them, he exposed himself to the charge of\\ntreason to his own government. He decided to obey his superi-\\nors. Most men, even those who condemn him, would have pur-\\nsued a similar course. His case was not unlike that of General\\nSherman, when he made terms of surrender for the rebel army.\\nThe government was dissatisfied with the conditions he pro-\\nposed and the enemy accepted, and required the stipulations\\nto be changed. The General hesitated not to obey the new\\nand more stringent requisitions. Let him who is disposed to\\ncensure one of the greatest and best men of our early history\\nput to himself this question How should I have acted in like\\ncircumstances\\nAfter the surrender of these fugitive Indians, the Massachu-\\nsetts companies, with some of Waldron s and Frost s men and\\neight Indian guides from Cocheco, marched eastward in quest of\\nthe enemy. The eastern settlements had been destroyed or\\nabandoned no enemy was found, and the expedition proved\\nfruitless. Rumor had published a report of the assembling\\nof a large body of Indians near the Ossipee ponds, where\\nthey had intrenched themselves in a strong fort which a few\\nyears before they had hired English carpenters to build for them\\nas a defence against the Mohawks. The companies set out on\\nthe first of November, 1676, furnished with abundant supplies.\\nThey traveled four days through the wilderness and met no liv-\\ning man. They found the fort, but it was deserted. A scouting\\nparty was sent about eighteen miles above, but the enemy was\\nnowhere found. The companies returned to Berwick after nine\\ndays of profitless labor. A Penobscot Indian named Mogg put\\nthem on this false scent. He came to Boston under pretence of\\nmaking peace for his tribe. In that capacity he was trusted, but\\nhe proved a traitor to the English, and boasted of his success in\\ndeceiving them into a covenant of peace. When the treachery\\nof Mogg was discovered, hostilities were again renewed. A\\nwinter expedition was fitted out. Two hundred men, including\\nsixty Natick Indians, sailed from Boston on the first week of\\nFebruar) under the command of Major Waldron. At Kenne-\\nbec he built a fort and left it under the command of Captain\\nDavis. At Pemaquid he held a conference with the Indians\\nrespecting the delivery of prisoners for a ransom, and came", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "72 HISTORY OF\\nnear being surprised by the treacherous savages while conferring\\nwith them. Their fraud was discovered and summarily pun-\\nished. They returned to Boston on the eleventh of March, hav-\\ning killed thirteen Indians and taken some valuable property\\nwithout loss to themselves.\\nAs there seemed to be no immediate prospect of peace, the\\ngovernment resolved to employ in their service the Mohawks\\nwho had long been the inveterate enemies of the eastern tribes.\\nThey hesitated for a time respecting the propriety and rectitude\\nof this act. The Mohawks were heathen, but the example of\\nAbraham in forming a confederacy with the heathen Amonites,\\nin recovering his kinsman Lot from the hands of their common\\nenemy, confirmed them in their purpose. Their doubts were al-\\nlayed by the Scripture precedent messengers were dispatched\\nto the Mohawks and they were eager and ready for a fight with\\ntheir ancient adversaries. This alliance with savages proved a\\nmisfortune to the English, for they murdered, indiscriminately,\\nthose who were friendly and those that were hostile to the whites,\\nand their conduct, it is thought, diverted, in later years, the\\nfriendly Indians to the side of the French. The eastern Indians\\nwere excited to new ferocity by the incursions of the Mohawks.\\nScattered parties were robbing, plundering, burning and murder-\\ning in the vicinity of Wells and Kittery, and even within the\\nbounds of Portsmouth. These outrages continued for nearly a\\nyear. Repeated expeditions were sent against them. The Ind-\\nians were often superior in the fight. In one instance, in a bat-\\ntle at the mouth of the Kennebec, Capt. Sweet and sixty of liis\\nmen were left dead or wounded on the field. The summer of\\n1677 was passed in constant alarms and fights. During the au-\\ntumn and winter following the Indians remained inactive, though\\nthey were masters of the situation.\\nIn the spring of 1678 commissioners were appointed to make\\na formal treaty of peace with Squando and other eastern chiefs.\\nThey met at Casco, now Portland. It was stipulated in the\\ntreaty that the inhabitants should return to their native homes\\non condition of paying one peck of corn, for each family, annu-\\nally, to the Indians, and one bushel to Major Pendleton who was\\na great proprietor. The Indian title to the lands of Maine was\\nthus recognized, and the settlers were humiliated by the pay-\\nment of tribute to their savage foes. It was the best treaty that\\ncould then be made. The war had lasted three years and while\\nPhilip had been slain and his allies dispersed, the eastern Ind-\\nians had become formidable. Famine was staring the colonists\\nin the face their foes were too remote and too much scattered\\nto allow of systematic warfare therefore, they cheerfully sub-\\nmitted to these degrading conditions. In Maine they virtually", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 73\\nacknowledged the supremacy of the aborigines. New Hamp-\\nshire retained its independence, though gjeatly crippled in\\nwealth and men.\\nThe whole burden of the war fell upon the colonists. They\\nwere too proud or too wary to ask aid of England, lest by so\\ndoing they should encourage royal encroachments. Massachu-\\nsetts had long been accused of aiming at independence of the\\ncrown, and New Hampshire was in full sympathy with her sister\\nrepublic.\\nDuring all this period of sorrow and distress the air and the\\nearth were full of signs, omens, portents and wonders. Modern\\nscience had not yet banished superstition. People were too\\nmuch occupied to study nature s laws. They had not leisure to\\nbecome wise and they were too much distracted to be rational.\\nA majority of the men at that age believed the atmosphere to be\\npeopled with spirits who brought with them\\nAirs from heaven or blasts from hell.\\nOur fathers could, conscientiously, say with Alonzo, in the play\\nMethought the biltows spoke, and told me of it\\nThe winds did sing it to me, and the thunder,\\nThat deep and dreadful organ-pipe, pronounced\\nthe coming woe.\\nPhilip s war commenced in June, 1675, and lasted three years.\\nSix hundred of the inhabitants of New England were cut off,\\ntwelve or thirteen towns utterly destroyed, and six hundred build-\\nings consumed by fire. It is computed that about one man in\\neleven, out of all capable of bearing arms, was killed, and ever)\\neleventh family burnt out that one eleventh of the whole militia\\nand of all the buildings of the United Colony were swept off by\\nthis war.\\nAn extract from a letter of Major Waldron, dated April 18,\\n1677, reveals the distress occasioned by Indian depredations in\\nNew Hampshire and Maine\\nnth instant, 2 men more kill d at Wells. 12th, 2 men, one woman\\nand 4 children killed at York 2 houses burnt. 13th, a house burnt at Kit-\\ntery and 2 old people taken captive by Simon and 3 more, but they gave ym\\ntheir liberty again without any damage to their psons. 14th, a house sur-\\nprised on south side Piscatay and 2 young women carried away thence. i6th,\\na man killed at Greenland and his house burnt, another sett on fire, but ye\\nEnemy was beaten off ye fire put out by soine of our men who then recov-\\ned, also, one of the young women taken 2 days before who sts there was but\\n4 Indians they run skulking about in small p ties like wolves. We have\\nhad p t s of men after them in all quarters w ch have sometimes recovered\\nsomething they have stolen, but can t certainly say they have killed any of\\nym; Capt ffrost is after them in Yorkshire.\\nIt would require the most exalted christian excellence to love\\nsuch enemies, or spare them when once captured.\\nNote.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Major Waldron was one of the great men in the early history of New Hampshire.\\nHe held, at different times, every important ofBce in the Province. He acted in every public", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "74 HISTORY OF\\nstation with great fidelity, sometimes with unpardonable severity. He was at first commander\\nof the militia, then speaker of the assembly, councilor, acting governor, and the only chief\\njustice of New Hampshire who ever sentenced a citizen for high treason. Edward Gove, of\\nHampton, was tried by him for rebellion. His sentence was drawn up in the barbarous lan-\\nguage of the old Encilish law. He was ordered to be carried back to the p ace from whence\\nhe came, and from tnence to be drawn to the place of execution and there hanged by the\\nneck, and cut down alive; and it was further ordered that liis entrails be taken out and\\nburnt before his face, and his head cut off, and lus body divided into four quarters, and his head\\nand guarters disposed of at the King s pleasure. This horrible decree was commuted to\\nimpnsonment, and the zealous opponent of a tyrannical governor was finally pardoned and\\nhis property restored.\\nCHAPTER XXI.\\nRENEWAL OF MASON S CLAIM.\\nWe, who live in ceiled houses, with better furniture than\\nkings could command three hundred years ago, can scarcely\\nconceive of the hardships endured by our ancestors in New\\nHampshire during the first century after its settlement. From\\nthe day when Philip first lighted the torch of war, in 1675, there\\nwere continued hostilities, with brief intervals of peace, for fifty\\nyears and the citizen who had lived through that period had\\nendured hardness as a good soldier longer than the Roman\\nveteran when he was released from active service. But our\\nfathers found no discharge in that war. They were compelled\\nto fight on for their hearths and altars for their children and\\ncountry. There fell upon them, at once, a storm of woes such\\nas can scarcely be paralleled in history. Indians lay in wait for\\ntheir blood proprietors sought to rob them of their property\\nmonarchs usurped their government pestilence thinned their\\nranks famine wasted their strength, and Frenchmen sent sav-\\nages to murder their families. This combination of destructive\\nagents might be very aptly symbolized by the flying and creep-\\ning things that devoured the land of ancient Israel, when the\\nprophet exclaimed That which the palmer-worm hath left\\nhath the locust eaten and that which the locust hath left hath\\nthe canker-worm eaten and that which the canker-worm hath\\nleft hath the caterpillar eaten. Still, they gained skill, energy\\nand courage from these very disasters. Like the oak upon\\nMount Algidus, to which the poet compares ancient Rome, they\\nderived strength from the veiy axe that pnmed their branches.\\nWhile the Indian war was raging with its utmost fury, in 1675,\\nRobert Mason again renewed his claim to New Hampshire and", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 75\\npetitioned the king for redress. The question was submitted to\\nthe king s legal advisers, one of whom was the learned Sir\\nWilliam Jones and they reported that John Mason, Esquire,\\ngrandfather to the petitioner, by virtue of several gi-ants from\\nthe Council of New England, under their common seal, was in-\\nstated in fee in sundry great tracts of land in New England, by\\nthe name of New Hampshire, and that the petitioner, being heir-\\nat-law to the said John, had a good and legal title to said land.\\nThe colony of Massachusetts was immediately summoned to\\nanswer, before the king, to the charge of usurping jurisdiction\\nover territory owned and claimed by the heirs of Mason and\\nGorges. Edward Randolph, the kinsman of Mason, a man of\\ngreat energy and ability, was the bearer of the king s letter. On\\nhis arrival in Boston, he made known his mission to Governor\\nLeverett, who read the king s letter to the Council, and they\\nresponded, in brief, that they would consider it. Randolph\\nthen passed through New Hampshire, informing the people of\\nhis business. Occasionally a disaffected person was ready to\\ncomplain of the government of Massachusetts, as in all well\\nregulated communities and families there is usually some one\\nwho is ready to be the accuser of his brethren. The great\\nmajority of the people, however, were highly incensed against\\nthe royal messenger. The inhabitants of Dover, in town-meet-\\ning, protested against the claim of Mason, declaring that they\\nhad, bona fide, purchased their lands of the Indians, recognized\\ntheir subjection to the government of Massachusetts under\\nwhom they had lived long and happily, and by whom they were\\nnow assisted in defending their estates and families against the\\nsavage enemy. How much is revealed by this pathetic protest\\nHad Mason then been put in possession of the entire state of\\nNew Hampshire, it would not have sold at auction for a sum\\nsufficient to defray the expenses of that single Indian war, then\\nraging. Major Waldron was appointed to petition the king in\\ntheir behalf. The people of Portsmouth, likewise, appointed\\nfour of their citizens to draft a similar petition for them.\\nThe governor of Massachusetts reproved Randolph for en-\\ndeavoring to excite discontent among the people. He replied,\\nif he had done amiss, they might complain to the king.\\nAfter a brief stay of six weeks he returned to England, charg-\\ning the magistrates of Boston with oppression, and calling on\\nthe king to free the people of New Hampshire from their gal-\\nling yoke. After his departure the Council of Massachusetts,\\nwith the advice of the elders of the church, sent agents to Eng-\\nland to answer, in person, to such allegations as might be made\\nagainst them. On their arrival a hearing was ordered before\\nthe chief justices of the king s bench and common pleas. The", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J 6 HISTORY OF\\nagents disclaimed all tide to the land claimed by Mason, and\\nasserted the right of jurisdiction only over that portion of\\nthe territory within the limits of the charter of Massachusetts.\\nThe judges declined to determine the ownership of the soil but\\ndecided that neither the proprietor nor Massachusetts had the\\nright of jurisdiction over New Hampshire. It was accordingly\\ndecreed that the four towns of Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter and\\nHampton were beyond the bounds of Massachusetts. This\\nopened the way for the establishment of a separate government\\nfor New Hampshire. The secretary of state therefore informed\\nthe colony of Massachusetts that it was the king s pleasure that\\nthe two colonies should be separated and that all commissions\\nissued by Massachusetts within the limits of New Hampshire\\nshould be null and void. The claimant, however, was obliged\\nto declare, under his hand and seal, that he would demand no\\nback rents due prior to the separation and that he would con-\\nfirm to all settlers their title to their lands and houses on con-\\ndition of their payment to him of sixpence in the pound of the\\nentire value of their property. On these terms a commission\\nwas issued on the eighteenth of September, 1679, under the royal\\nseal, for the government of New Hampshire as a royal province.\\nThe union with Massachusetts, which had existed for thirty-eight\\nyears, was arbitrarily dissolved, contrary to the expressed wishes\\nof all the parties interested. This union had been pleasant and\\nprofitable to both colonies, and was sundered with the special\\nregret of the citizens of New Hampshire. It was the more un-\\nwelcome to them because it was planned to favor the claim of\\nMason, and thus deprive them of their property and their gov-\\nernment.\\nCHAPTER XXII.\\nORGANIZATION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT.\\nThe Stormiest period of our colonial history was during the\\nreign of the Stuarts, the most impracticable and unfortunate of\\nroyal families. Every one of them was innocent of any design\\nto promote the independence of the colonies their blunders\\nhelped them their ruin saved them. Charles the First attempt-\\ned to patch up for himself a madman s robe of power, but utterly\\nfailed; so that it was truthfully said of him, nothing so be-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 77\\ncame him in his life as the leaving of it. Charles the Second,\\nthe meanest and most profligate of all the English monarchs, val-\\nued power and wealth only as they contributed to his pleasures.\\nHe lived in wantonness, a pensioner of the hereditary foe of the\\nEnglish church and English liberty, and died in the Catholic\\ncommunion, showing that his whole life was a practical lie.\\nThis man,\\nWhose promise none relied on,\\ninstituted for New Hampshire a new form of government. The\\nroyal commission was brought to Portsmouth on the first day of\\nJanuary, 1680. It ordained a president and council, with very\\nliberal powers, to represent the king and constitute the executive\\nbranch of the government. John Cutts (often written Cutt) was\\nappointed president, and Richard Martyn, William Vaughan and\\nThomas Daniel of Portsmouth, John Oilman of Exeter, Chris-\\ntopher Hussey of Hampton and Richard VValdron of Dover\\ncouncilors, with permission to choose three other qualified per-\\nsons out of the several parts of the province, to be added to\\nthem. The president was to nominate a deputy who was to\\npreside in his absence. The council was authorized to admin-\\nister justice, with the right of appeal to the king when the sum\\nin dispute exceeded fifty pounds. They also regulated the\\nmilitia and appointed officers. They were required to issue writs\\nfor the calling of a popular assembly to establish their allegiance,\\nassess taxes and provide for the public defence. The king, how-\\never, retained the right to annul all laws that he did not ap-\\nprove. He could also discontinue the representation of the peo-\\nple at his pleasure. The whole constitution was artfully con-\\ntrived to give a show of great popular liberty and at the same\\ntime leave the king the supreme ruler of the land. Charles\\nhated parliaments as did his martyred father he therefore\\nprovided for the suspension of the representative branch of the\\nprovincial government, in case they should beome insubordinate.\\nLiberty of conscience was allowed to all Protestants but special\\nfavor was shown to the church of England.\\nThis commission was brought to Portsmouth by the same\\nEdward Randolph who had made himself so offensive to the\\npeople on a former mission in behalf of the heirs of Mason. A\\nmore unwelcome messenger could not have been found. The\\npeople were dissatisfied with the change and the officers named\\nin the commission received with manifest reluctance the honors\\nconferred upon them. These men were all artfully selected to\\nmake the government acceptable to the people. They were the\\nmost trusted and honored men of the province. They had serv-\\ned the people faithfully, in war and peace, during their connec-\\ntion with Massachusetts, and enjoyed the confidence and respect", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "78 HISTORY OF\\nof all the freemen. The number of voters in Portsmouth was\\nseventy-one in Dover sixty-one, in Hampton fifty-seven and in\\nExeter only twenty. On the twenty-second day of January, the\\ncouncilors took the oaths of office. They chose three other per-\\nsons to fill the places designated in the commission. The coun-\\ncil was organized by appointing Martyn treasurer and Roberts\\nmarshal. The president nominated Waldron as his deputy.\\nA few disaffected persons only approved of the new order of\\nthings the mass of the people looked upon themselves as en-\\nsnared by the royal charter. They were deprived of the priv-\\nilege of electing their rulers, which the other colonies of New\\nEngland still enjoyed, and they expected their titles to their prop-\\nerty soon to be called in question. A general assembly was sum-\\nmoned. The persons who were judged qualified to ^^ote were\\nnamed in the writs and the oath of allegiance was adminis-\\ntered to every voter. A fast was proclaimed to ask the divine\\nblessing on the approaching assembly and the continuance of\\ntheir precious and pleasant things. The first meeting of the\\nassembly was held at Portsmouth on the sixteenth of March.\\nPrayer was offered and a sermon preached by Rev. Joshua\\nMoody. This custom of listening to an election sermon became\\nan established custom in New Hampshire in the next century.\\nAmong the first acts of this new legislature was the preparation\\nof a letter to the general court at Boston, expressing in the most\\nample terms their gratitude for their kind protection and ex-\\ncellent government. This was accompanied with the assurance\\nt iiat the separation was compulsory and was by them submitted\\nto with reluctance. The hope was expressecl that they might\\nstill be united for the common defence against a common enemy.\\nThe world s history furnishes few examples of a union so har-\\nmonious and mutually acceptable to both parties as that between\\nthese infant states. The assembly then proceeded to frame a\\ncode of laws. The following preamble, full of the spirit of in-\\ndependence, was first enacted: That no act, imposition, law or\\nordinance should be made or imposed upon them, but such as\\nshould be made by the assembly and approved by the assembly\\nand council. They then proceeded to enumerate fifteen crimes\\npunishable with death. Idolatry and witchcraft were among\\nthem. They in fact merely re-enacted the laws of Massachusetts,\\nunder which they had been living for so many years. The spirit\\nof these was derived from the Mosaic code. The other penal\\nlaws were such as have, in the main, been continued to this day.\\nTo prevent future controversies, the boundaries of towns and\\ngrants of land were to remain unaltered. Juries were to decide\\ndisputed claims. The president and council constituted the su-\\npreme court, with a jury when the parties so elected and three", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 79\\ninferior courts were constituted at Portsmouth, Dover and Hamp-\\nton. One company of infantry was enrolled in each town, one\\ncompany of artillery at the fort, and one company of cavalry,\\nall under the command of the veteran Major Waldron. So the\\nnew administration was opened under the same laws which pre-\\nvailed during the recent union with Massachusetts. There were\\nbut slight changes in any of the departments of the government.\\nSoon, however, the royal arm was stretched out, not for pro-\\ntection but for robbery. The people were very jealous of the\\nleast infringement of their rights. The king s tirst aggressive\\nact was in the imposition and collection of duties on trade. Ed-\\nward Randolph had been appointed the royal surveyor of ports\\nand collector of revenue throughout New England. He made\\nproclamation that .all vessels should be entered and cleared by\\nhim. In the execution of his commisssion he seized a vessel\\nbelonging to Portsmouth. The master complained of this act\\nto the council. Randolph was summoned to answer to the com-\\nplaint, but assumed an air of insolence toward the court. He\\nwas, however, fined and compelled to ask pardon, publicly, for\\nthe insult offered to the council. He appealed to the king.\\nHis deputy Walter Barefoot, having published a decree that all\\nvessels should be entered and cleared by him, was also indicted\\nand fined. The king s officers were decidedly unpopular and\\nthe king s income from the commerce of the colony was a minus\\nquantity. Randolph met with no better success in Boston. His\\nname and office were everywhere odious. In December, 1681,\\nMason arrived from England, with a mandamus from the king to\\nadmit him to a seat in the council. He was accordingly allowed\\nto sit. He soon revealed the object of his mission. He wished\\nto constrain the peop^le to take leases of him. He assumed all\\nthe powers of a proprietor, forbidding the cutting of wood and\\ntimber and threatening to sell their houses for rents due. The\\ncitizens petitioned for protection and the council forbade Mason\\nand his agents to act independently of the laws. Mason re-\\nfused to sit longer in the council and when they threatened to\\ndeal with him as an offender, he published a summons to the\\npresident and several members of the council to appear before\\nhis majesty in three months. This was deemed a usurpation\\nand he escaped arrest by fleeing to England.\\nWhile these events were in progress the President Cutts died,\\nand Major Waldron, his deputy, succeeded him. The first presi-\\ndent was universally beloved by the people. He was a man of\\nintegrity and patriotism, and his memory is still cherished in\\nthe towns where he lived. The place where his ashes repose\\nis still pointed out in the populous part of the city, where was\\nonce the orchard of the opulent merchant. The death of the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "8o HISTORY OF\\npresident produced some changes in the council Richard Wald-\\nron, jr., was elected to fill his father s place Anthony Nutter\\nwas chosen in the place of Mr. Dalton deceased. Henry Dow\\nwas made marshal instead of Roberts who resigned. During\\nthe brief period remaining of this administration nothing worthy\\nof special notice occurred, except a second seizure of a vessel\\nby deputy-surveyor Barefoot and a second fine of twenty pounds\\nimposed upon him by the council.\\nAt this date there was little to encourage immigration and,\\nif possible, less to cheer the hearts of the permanent residents.\\nThe exports of the province, consisting chiefly of lumber, were\\nin little demand in the other plantations. Importations were\\nsmall, as the ships that entered the harbor at Portsmouth\\nusually sold their cargoes elsewhere and came there empty to be\\nfilled with lumber. The fisheries had declined and none were\\nthen cured in New Hampshire. One passage from a communi-\\ncation made to the Lords of Trade in England, by the coun-\\ncil, deserves especial notice. It is to us truly touching in its\\ntone\\nIn reference to the improvement of land by tillage, our soil is generally\\nso barren and the winters so extreme cold and long, that there is not pro-\\nvision enough raised to supply the inhabitants, many of whom were in the\\nlate Indian war so impoverished, their houses and estates being destroyed\\nand they and others remaining still so incapacitated for the improvement of\\nthe land (several of the youth being killed also), that they even groan under\\nthe tax or rate assessed for that service, which is, a great part of it, unpaid\\nto this day.\\nThey speak in this letter of the insufficiency of the armament\\nof the fort on Great Island. It consisted of eleven small guns.\\nThese were bought and the fort erected at the proper charge of\\nthe towns of Dover and Portsmouth at the beginning of the\\nfirst Dutch war, about the year 1665, in obedience to his maj-\\nesty s command, in his letter to the government under which the\\nprovince then was. His majesty s foreign wars taxed heavily\\nthese poor colonists but his majesty s exchequer paid none of\\ntheir bills. It was a glorious privilege to live under a king.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 8l\\nCHAPTER XXIII.\\nADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF NEW\\nHAMPSHIRE.\\nIn the infancy of a state the laws are few, the processes of\\njustice simple and the bench is guided in its decisions by equity\\nand common sense, rather than by precedents. Until 1641 the\\nseveral plantations of New Hampshire, being voluntary associa-\\ntions and with but small populations, secured substantial justice\\nby agents and officers appointed by the several companies. After\\nthe union with Massachusetts in 1641, regular courts were organ-\\nized which continued till 1680, when the colony was made a sep-\\narate government and a new code of laws and new courts were\\nordained by an assembly chosen by the people. A superior\\ncourt was established and three inferior courts to be holden at\\nDover, Hampton and Portsmouth. The president of the prov-\\nince, the council, consisting of ten members, and the assem-\\nbly constituted the supreme court. This was evidently mod-\\neled after the English parliamentary court organized for the\\ntrial of offences against the peace and dignity of the state.\\nA jury was allowed, if the parties desired it. Either party, if\\ndissatisfied, could appeal to the king in council, if the amount\\nin dispute exceeded fifty pounds. During the administrations of\\nthe royal governors, the courts were often modified by such ar-\\nbitrary rulers as Cranfield, Barefoot and Andres. In some\\ninstances, law and justice were synonymous with a dictator s de-\\ncrees. Councilors and judges were removed, with cause or\\nwithout, as the governor s prejudices determined. A new organi-\\nzation of the courts was made by the legislative assembly in\\n1699, which continued in vogue without material change till\\n177 1. Justices of the peace in their respective towns were au-\\nthorized by this enactment to hear and try all actions of debt\\nand trespass, where title to real estate was not involved, if the\\nmatter in issue did not exceed forty shillings. Either party was\\nallowed to appeal to a higher court when dissatisfied. After\\nthe temporary constitution was formed, in Januar) 1776, judges\\nwere appointed on the 27th day of the same month by the leg-\\nislature for the courts of the several counties, and of the supe-\\nrior court of judicature. It would appear that the jurisdiction\\nof the courts was not changed beyond a few technicalities, so as\\nto conform more correctly to the new formed and independent\\ngovernment and so remained during the war with England.\\n6", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "82 HISTORY OF\\nAn act was passed January 5, 1776, in reference to the several\\ncourts, which reads thus All which courts shall respectively\\nhold and exercise like jurisdiction and authority within their\\nrespective counties, in all matters and causes arising within such\\ncounties as the Superior Court of Judicature, Inferior Court of\\nCommon Pleas, and Court of GeneraJ Sessions of the Peace,\\nheretofore respectively held and exercised within this colony, or\\nby law ought to hold and exercise. In March, 1791, the state\\nwas divided into five counties, and the courts were modified to\\nsuit this new division.\\nThe lirst settlers of Strawberry Bank and Hilton s Point were\\nbold, hardy and independent adventurers. They sought the wil-\\nderness from motives of gain rather than of godliness. Profit,\\nnot, piety prompted them to roam. They sought to live by trade\\nrather than by toil. When they bade their native land good\\nnirilit, they left behind them the restraints of society, education\\nand religion. For the first ten years of their residence in their\\nnew homes, no records of the administration of justice exist.\\nIt is probable that the local governors, who represented the pro-\\nprietors and the property of the plantations, were somewhat ar-\\nbitrary in their treatment of offenders. Doubtless crimes were\\nperpetrated and punished for in the smallest communities bad\\nmen are always found. I have chosen you twelve, said our\\nSavior, and one of you is a devil. This is a pretty fair ratio\\nof knaves and cheats to the good and true men of every age.\\nWe expect about one in twelve to betray his trusts and de-\\nfraud his creditors and a progressive people increases rather\\nthan diminishes this average. Only ten years after the first set-\\ntlement at Little Harbor, crimes of such enormity were com-\\nmitted that the local governor dared not punish them. In Octo-\\nber, 1633, Capt. Wiggen wrote to the governor of Massachu-\\nsetts requesting him to arraign and try a notorious criminal\\nThe governor intimated that he would do so if Pascataquack\\nlay within their limits, as was supposed. This is said to be the\\nfirst official intimation that Massachusetts claimed to own New\\nHampshire. Other petitions of the same kind followed and\\nNew Hampshire criminals were tried and sentenced by Massa-\\nchusetts courts. Sometimes a prisoner escaped to his own col-\\nony, and men of the baser sort there protected him against the\\nofficers of the law. After the union of the two colonies in 1641,\\nthe courts of Massachusetts, superior and inferior, were estab-\\nlished in New Hampshire. Substantial justice was administered\\nand the land had rest. No period of our colonial history was\\nso free from harassing litigations, civil and criminal, as that\\npassed under the jurisdiction of the Bay State. After the ad-\\nvent of royal governors, controversies were multiplied, violence", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 83\\nusurped the place of law and, as in the iron age of the old\\npoets, Justice, last of the celestials, left the land. Law-suits\\nrespecting land titles, royal tribute and the king s pines pro-\\nvoked the hostility of the people, and mobs prevented the exe-\\ncution of the decrees of royal courts. The Revolution put an\\neffectual estoppel to such suits. Under the new government\\nthe people created their own courts and compelled suitors to\\nobey their mandates. It deserves notice, however, that under\\nthe various governments of the colony and state, for two hun-\\ndred years, very few of the justices were eminent for their knowl-\\nedge of law. Under the colonial government, says Hon.\\nWilliam Plumer, causes of importance were carried up, for de-\\ncision in the last resort, to the governor and council, with the\\nright in certain cases a right seldom claimed of appeal to\\nthe king in council. As the executive functionaries were not\\ngenerally lawyers, and the titular judges were often from other\\nprofessions than the legal, they were not much influenced in\\ntheir decisions by any known principles of established law. So\\nmuch, indeed, was the result supposed to depend on the favor\\nor aversion of the court, that presents from the suitors to the\\njudges were not uncommon, nor perhaps unexpected. Possi-\\nbly the learned Chancellor of King James I. was not, after all,\\nthe meanest of mankind.\\nCHAPTER XXIV.\\nADMINISTRATION OF CRANFIELD.\\nMason had now learned from experience that the people, if\\ngoverned by officers of their own choice, would never admit his\\ntitle to their lands. He therefore besought the king to appoint\\na new president who would favor his claims. Mason, by sur-\\nrendering one-fifth of the quit-rents to the king for the support\\nof a royal governor, procured the appointment of Edward Cran-\\nfield as lieutenant-governor and commander-in-chief of New\\nHampshire. Avarice was Cranfield s ruling passion and the\\nproprietor approached him through that avenue by mortgaging\\nto him the whole province for twenty-one years as security for\\nthe payment of one hundred and fifty pounds per annum to the\\nnew governor. Thus Cranfield became personally interested in\\nMason s claim. His commission was dated May g, 1682. It", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "84 HISTORY OF\\ngranted almost unlimited powers. The members of the old\\ncouncil were retained and three new members were nominated,\\nincluding Mason. Very soon after entering upon his office,\\nCranfield suspended from the council the popular leaders, Wal-\\ndron and Martyn. The people soon learned that Cranfield was\\nclothed with extraordinary powers and that both their liberty\\nand property were in peril. He could veto all acts of the legis-\\nlature and dissolve them at his pleasure. The judges also were\\nappointed by him. At the first session of the assembly, which\\nhe called in November, he with royal condescension restored\\nWaklron and Martyn to the council acting arbitrarily, both in\\ntheir suspension and restoration. The assembly generously\\nvoted two hundred and fifty pounds for his support. This sop,\\nfor the hour, filled the gaping jaws of this greedy Cerberus but\\nthe ne.xt session, a few months later, he summarily dissolved, be-\\ncause they refused to raise further sums for the support of the\\ngovernment. This act created at once popular discontent. A\\nmob collected in Exeter and Hampton, headed by Edward Gove,\\na member of the dissolved assembly, and with noise and confu-\\nsion declared for liberty and reformation. Gove passed from\\ntown to town, calling on the people to rise but the majority\\nwere not ready for revolt. Gove, finding his cause unsupported,\\nsurrendered himself to the officers of the government, was tried\\nfor treason and condemned to death. His rash followers were\\npardoned. He was not executed, but was sent to London and\\nimprisoned in the tower.\\nOn the fourteenth of February, 1683, the governor called on\\nthe inhabitants of New Hampshire to take their leases from\\nMason within one month, with threats of confiscation in case\\nof neglect to do so. Very few persons complied with this requi-\\nsition. The courts were then arranged so as to secure a verdict\\nin every case for Mason. The notorious Barefoot was made\\njudge the council was filled with the creatures of the governor;\\nthe juries were selected from those who had taken leases of the\\nproprietor. With matters thus arranged, Mason commenced\\nactions of ejection against the principal inhabitants of the sev-\\neral towns. No defence was made. The verdict in every case\\nwas for the plaintiff, and he was legally put in possession of the\\nforfeited estates but, so strong was the popular hatred against\\nhim, he could neither keep nor sell them. The government\\nbecame a mere instrument of oppression. The citizens were\\nharassed beyond endurance. The people, as a forlorn hope, re-\\nsolved to petition the king for protection. This was done in se-\\ncret. Nathaniel Weare of Hampton was appointed their agent\\nto present their petition to his majesty. The remainder of this\\nturbulent administration was a series of collisions with the assem-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 85\\nbly, the people and the pulpit. Cranfield was a perverse, arrogant,\\nimpracticable schemer and repeated failures in his high-handeel\\nmeasures made him desperate. He undertook to rule without\\nthe assembly, and thus involved himself in difficulty with the\\nhome government. While he remained in office he succeeded\\nin making everybody unhappy and uncomfortable. He owed\\nthe Rev. Joshua Moody a special spite. He determined to\\nbring this sturdy independent to terms. Accordingly he issued\\nan order in council, requiring ministers to admit all persons of\\nsuitable years and not vicious to the Lord s supper and their\\nchildren to baptism and that if any person desired baptism or\\nthe sacrament of the Lord s supper to be administered accord-\\ning to the liturgy of the church of England, it should be done.\\nThe train was now laid for an explosion, and this Guy Fawkes\\nheld the matches. The governor himself, with Mason and\\nHinckes, appeared in Mr. Moody s church the next Sabbath, de-\\nsiring to partake of the Lord s supper, and requiring him to\\nadminister it according to the liturgy. He at once declined to\\ndo so. Moody was arraigned for disobedience to the king s\\ncommand. He made a suitable defence, pleading that he was\\nnot episcopally ordained and therefore not legally qualified for\\nthe service demanded. The governor gained over several re-\\nluctant judges and Moody was sentenced to six months im-\\nprisonment, without bail or mainprise. Mr. Moody was imme-\\ndiately taken into custod) without taking leave of his family,\\nand held in durance for thirteen weeks. He was released then,\\nby the interposition of friends, under charge from the governor to\\npreach no more in the province. He was therefore invited to take\\n,-charge of a church in Boston, where he remained till 1692, when\\nhis persecutors had* been removed. Mr. Moody was far in ad-\\nvance of his age in toleration. He did not believe in hanging\\nQuakers or witches but chose rather to rescue them from their\\npersecutors. For these reasons, the memorj of that good man\\nis still cherished in all the churches where he was known.\\nMr. Brewster, in his Rambles about Portsmouth, says In\\nthirty years, Mr Moody wrote four thousand and seven hundred\\nsermons or two and one-half each week. In those days ser-\\nmons generally occupied one hour. The people had not then\\napproached that limit of brevity in pulpit performances pre-\\nscribed by an eminent English judge his rule for the length of\\na sermon was, twenty minutes, with a leaning to mercy.\\nThe governor, being foiled in all his plans, proceeded to levy\\nand collect taxes without the sanction of the assembly. His\\nofficers were resisted they were assailed with clubs in the street\\nand scalded with boiling water in the houses. In process of time\\nthe agent of the colony was heard in England, and the lords of", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "86 HISTORY OF\\ntrade decided that Cranfield had exceeded his instructions and\\nthe king granted him leave of absence, rewarding his loyaUy with\\nan office in Barbadoes. So the colony was relieved of one tyrant\\nto give place to another for Walter Barefoot, his deputy, reign-\\ned in his stead. Cranfield seems not to have possessed one\\nelement of nobility of character or generosity. He was deceitful\\nand treacherous, as well as vindictive and malicious. His suc-\\ncessor, during his short administration, walked in his steps. He\\ncontinued the prosecutions instituted by Mason, and allowed\\npersons to be imprisoned on executions which the lords of trade\\nhad pronounced illegal. The ser\\\\-ice.of these writs was attended\\nwith peril to the officials. In Dover, the rioters who resisted the\\nsheriffs were seized during divine worship in the church. The\\nofficers were again roughly handled, and one young lady knock-\\ned down one of them with her bible. Both Barefoot and Mason\\nreceived personal injuries, at the house of the former, from two\\nmembers of the assembly who went thither to converse about\\nthese suits. Mason was thrown upon the fire and badly burned;\\nand Barefoot, attempting to aid him, had two of his ribs broken.\\nMason commenced the assault. It was an unseemly quarrel for\\na prospective baron and an actual governor. During the year\\n1655 a treaty was made with the eastern Indians which was\\nobserved by them for about four years. In 1686, Mason, having\\nhitherto been defeated in his attempts to recover the cultivated\\nlands of the state, turned his attention to the unoccupied por-\\ntions. He disposed of a large tract of a million acres, on both\\nsides of the Merrimack, to Jonathan Tyng and nineteen others,\\nfor a yearly rent of ten shillings. The purchasers had previously\\nextinguished the Indian title. He also leased for a thousand\\nyears, to Hezekiah Usher and his heirs, the mines, minerals\\nand ores within the limits of New Hampshire, reserving to\\nhimself one-fourth of the royal ores and one-seventeenth\\nof the baser sort.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 87\\nCHAPTER XXV.\\nGOVERNMENT UNDER DUDLEY AND ANDROS.\\nKings and royal governors seem to have been ordained of\\nGod to set up, maintain and perpetuate a scliool of affliction\\nfor the New England colonists, who certainly were meet for the\\nkingdom of heaven, if much tribulation could fit them for it.\\nCharles II., in the latter part of his reign, grew more rapacious\\nhe could scarcely become more wicked. He seized every char-\\nter, at home and abroad, which impeded his despotic march.\\nThe royal charter of Massachusetts had for nearly a century\\nshielded her against the assaults of savages, corporations and\\nmonarchs, a clima.x of human ills such as few rising states are\\never called to endure. Their anointed king, as they defer-\\nentially called him, resolved to take that province under his own\\nprotection. Randolph was the malicious accuser of his breth-\\nren, who stimulated the avaricious monarch to lie in wait for\\nthe innocent. He traversed the ocean like a shuttle, eight times\\nin nine years, to effect a consummation so devoutly to be wish-\\ned. He succeeded and the charter was declared forfeited. It\\nwas never surrendered. The people resolved to die by the hands\\nof others rather than their own. New England was henceforth\\nto be under one president. This was in one respect favorable\\nfor there would be fewer wolves to cover and devour the flock.\\nThe king died before his arbitrary plans were consummated.\\nHis brother, James II., was more bigoted and cruel than his\\npredecessor. No agent of his has a single bright page in history.\\nHis officials were all men after his own heart and no Judas\\nor Nero ever possessed less of the milk of human kindness.\\nIt is not strange that the reputation of William Penn has suf-\\nfered at the hands of Macaulay, for being known as the friend\\nof such a monster. He appointed Joseph Dudley president of\\nNew England in May, 1685 and, about one year and a half\\nlater, the infamous Andros, whose reputation for meanness is\\nonly eclipsed by that of his contemporary, Judge Jeffreys. He\\nwas styled Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief of the Ter-\\nritory and Dominion of New England. These men were both\\narmed with frightfully inquisitorial powers. No right, privilege\\nor franchise was safe from their grasp. They were virtually em-\\npowered to make laws and e.xecute them to assess ta.xes and\\ncollect them. Where popular assemblies were ordained, they", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "88 HISTORY OK\\ncould easily evade their use or decrees. The provinces were\\nnow in the hands of tyrants, whose only object was to enrich\\nthemselves and increase their power. The press was restrained,\\nliberty of conscience invaded, excessive taxes levied and landed\\ntitles annulled. Sir Edmund Andros began, with fair professions\\nand conciliatoiy measures, to lure the unwary into his snares.\\nHis true character was soon revealed and he became an object\\nof popular aversion. Mason had obtained a decision in the\\nking s court against Vaughan, who had appealed from the judg-\\nment rendered against him in New Hampshire. This armed the\\nproprietor with new powers, and he proceeded to vindicate his\\nclaim to the soil with new energy. But in the midst of his pros-\\necutions Mason was arrested by death, in the fifty-ninth 3 ear of\\nhis age. He left two sons, John and Robert, as heirs of all his\\nquarrels. His life was full of trouble and destitute of honor\\nor profit.\\nWhile the political heavens were shrouded in deepest gloom,\\nas the people gazed upon the storm in an agony of despair, they\\nsuddenly beheld\\na sable cloud\\nTurn forth her silver lining on the night.\\nThe despotism of James H. had gone beyond the people s en-\\ndurance. They had arisen in their might and driven the perjured\\ntyrant from his throne and realm. The arrival of this intelli-\\ngence filled the people with joy. Andros imprisoned the man\\nwho brought the news. The people of Boston rose in arms,\\narrested the governor, Andros, and his principal adherents, and\\nsent them as state prisoners to England, to await the decision of\\nthe new government. The people of New Hampshire were for\\na time left without a responsible government. A convention\\nwas called, composed of deputies from all the towns, to deliber-\\nate upon their exigencies. At their meeting in January, 1690,\\nafter some unsatisfactory discussion of other plans, they resolved\\non a second union with Massachusetts. A petition to this effect\\nwas readily granted by their old ally, till the king s pleasure\\nshould be known. The old laws and former officials for a time\\nresumed their sway but this union was brief. The king was, for\\nsome reasons, averse to the people s wish. Their old adversaries,\\nthe heirs of Mason, were again in the field. They had sold their\\nclaim to Samuel Allen of London for seven hundred and fifty\\npounds. Through his influence the petition was not granted\\nand the same Allen was made governor and his son-in-law, John\\nUsher, lieutenant-governor. Thus the people of New Hamp-\\nshire were again furnished with a governor, a creature whom\\nthey little needed and greatly hated. Again war, pestilence and\\nfamine were at their doors. The Indians were upon the war", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 89\\npath the governor was exercising the vocation of a civil rob-\\nber, and the small-pox was raging in the land with fearful deso-\\nlation. The times were dark their souls were tried their hearts\\nwere sad but their trust was in God.\\nCHAPTER XXVI.\\nKING WILLIAM S WAR.\\nWhen James II. was expelled from England he fled to France,\\nand the king of that country espoused his cause. This led to a\\nwar between England and France which lasted from i68g to the\\npeace of Ryswick, in 1697. It was called King William s War.\\nThe English colonies were all involved in it. The English king\\nnot only brought woes upon them by his accession to power, but\\nentailed them by his abdication of it. It is difficult to see why\\nsuch scourges of mankind are permitted to live. The patriarch\\nso felt when he exclaimed, Wherefore do the wicked live, be-\\ncome old, yea, are mighty in power The philosophic poet\\nanswers the question by another equally puzzling\\nIf storms and earthquakes break nnt heaven s design,\\nwhy then a Borgia or a Catiline?\\nThe Indians had, for some time previous to the English Rev-\\nolution, shown signs of hostility. Some of those Indians who\\nbad been seized, contrary to treaty stipulations, thirteen years\\nbefore, by Major VV^aldron and others, had returned from slav-\\nery. They did not appeal in vain to the love of vengeance so\\ncharacteristic of the red men. A confederacy was formed be-\\ntween the tribes of Penacook and Pigwackett [or Pequavvkett].\\nThey determined to surprise the Major and his neighbors, with\\nwhom they professed to live on terms of friendship. They were\\nalso excited to war by the emissaries of the Baron de Castine, a\\nFrench nobleman who had settled as an Indian trader on lands\\nbetween the Penobscot and Nova Scotia to which both the French\\nand English laid claim. This representative of an ancient noble\\nhouse had made his home with savages, and established in his\\nhouse a harem of Indian women. He furnished the Indians\\nwith muskets and thus stimulated them to fight. Under pretence\\nof punishing some violation of the laws of neutrality, Andros\\nvisited the house of the baron and plundered it, in the spring\\nof 1688. Castine, of course, was exasperated at this act of folly", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "90 HISTORY OF\\nand roused the Indians, who were his devoted friends, to avenge\\nhis wrongs. Otlier causes were alleged for the rising of the In-\\ndians. Some, doubtless, were just for the early settlers of\\nMaine were not very punctilious in keeping their treaties with\\nthe natives. The Indians, with cause or without it, were deter-\\nmined to shed blood. On the evening of the twenty-seventh of\\nJune, 1689, two squaws entered the house of Major Waldron,\\nthen eighty years of age, and asked permission to lodge by the\\nfire. This hospitality was granted. In the night they rose, un-\\nbarred the gates and gave a signal for the conspirators to enter.\\nThe brave old man, roused by the entrance of the crowd, seized\\nhis sword, and for some time defended himself. He was finally\\nstunned by a blow upon the head. They then cut off his nose\\nand ears, placed him in a chair on a table in his own hall and\\nmocked him, shouting, Judge Indians again Making sport,\\ntoo, of their debts to him for goods he had sold them, they\\ngashed his aged breast with their hatchets, and each fiend cried\\nout, Thus I cross out my accounts At length, the venerable\\nold councilor, whose natural force was not abated by age,\\nreeled and fell from the loss of blood, and died amid the exulta-\\ntions of his torturers. The assassins burned his house and\\nthose of his neighbors and, after butchering twenty-three inno-\\ncent citizens, stole away to the wilderness. Such is Indian war-\\nfare. It has less nobility and magnanimity in it than the assaults\\nof a beast of prey.\\nSome historians affirm that every act of treachery and cruelty\\nrecorded against the red man has its parallel in the history of\\ncivilized warfare. This may be true, but these acts of white\\nmen are the exceptions not the rule. If modern nations always\\nviolated treaties whenever a powerful ally could be secured if\\nit were their habit to begin hostilities without previous notice,\\nto fight from coverts and ambuscades, to fall upon their ene-\\nmies by stealth when alone and unarmed, to scalp and torture\\ntheir captives, to dash infants against trees and rocks and com-\\npel women to wade, for hundreds of miles, through deep snows,\\nbarefoot and half clad, then, and then only, would the cases be\\nparallel and the character of the red men would be fairly vindi-\\ncated. The defence set up for the barbarities of that night of\\nhorror in Dover is that Major Waldron had, many years before,\\nbroken his pledge of peace wiih some of these Indians. Sup-\\npose the charge to be true, in all its length and breadth, how-\\ndoes that excuse the wanton cruelties inflicted on his neighbors,\\non innocent women and helpless children The recital of the\\nhorrors of that fearful visitation even now fills the mind with\\nterror. We shudder at the picture which the imagination pre-\\nsents of that dreadful scene. The captives, men, women and", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\n91\\nchildren, with the scalps of the dead, were carried to Canada\\nand sold to the French. The history of some of those captives\\nsurpasses fable. Sarah Gerrish, the granddaughter of RIajor\\nVValdron, was taken with the rest. In the journey, on foot, her\\nescape from perils of flood, fire and starvation was almost a\\nmiracle. She was purchased by a lady in Canada, who treated\\nher kindly and educated her in a nunnery. A single act of\\ngratitude is recorded on that eventful night. The life of a wo-\\nman was spared through the intervention of an Indian whom she\\nhad protected when the strange Indians were seized thirteen\\nyears before.\\nCompanies of armed men were immediately sent out in search\\nof the invaders. Captain Noyes was sent to Penacook and\\nCaptain Wincal to Winnipiseogee, but they could do little more\\nthan destroy the standing corn of the Indians who had fled.\\nMassachusetts sent men in large numbers to the eastward, but\\nlittle was accomplished by them. While these forces were on\\ntheir march, the Indians, lurking in the woods about Oyster River,\\nsurprised eighteen men at work and killed seventeen of them.\\nThey also attacked and burned a house heroically defended by two\\nboys, who refused to surrender till a promise was made to spare\\nthe lives of the family. They perfidiously murdered three or\\nfour of the children, impaling one upon a sharp stake before the\\neyes of his mother.\\nIn the beginning of the year 1690, Count de Frontenac, gov-\\nernor of Canada, eager to annoy the English and gain renown\\nwith his sovereign, Louis XIV., sent three parties of French and\\nIndians into the American settlements. These murderous bands\\ncarried death and desolation along their whole march. One\\ncompany, numbering fifty-two men, came to Salmon Falls in the\\nmonth of March. Here they succeeded in surprising the vil-\\nlage. Thirty-four of the bravest were killed and the remainder,\\nnumbering fifty-four, mostly women and children, were taken\\nprisoners. The houses, barns and cattle were burned. The\\ncaptives suffered untold miseries in their dreary march to Can-\\nada. One man was roasted alive and while the fires were\\nkindling around him, pieces of his own flesh were hewn from his\\nbody and hurled in his face. Children were dashed against trees\\nbecause their mothers could not quiet them. These marauders\\nwere pursued by one hundred and forty men, who were hastily\\ngathered from the neighboring tovvns, and a drawn battle was\\nfought in the woods. Only two Indians were killed and the rest\\nescaped. In the following May, the Indians attacked Newing-\\nton, burning the houses, kilting fourteen people, and capturing\\nsix. In July, they attacked and killed eight men while mowing\\nin a field near Lamprey River. They also attempted to take a", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "ga HISTORY OF\\ngarrison at Exeter, but were repulsed. A bloody battle was\\nfought on the sixth of July in Lee, in which fifteen brave men\\nwere killed and several wounded. In the march of the enemy\\nwestward, from Lamprey River to Amesbury, they killed forty\\npeople. Life and property were everywhere insecure. No one\\nknew an hour beforehand where the blow would next strike.\\nNo person could enjoy a quiet meal or an hour s rest. The air\\nwas full of groans and the ground was strown with the dead.\\nThe advent of these savage bands from Canada turned the\\neyes of the colonists to that country as the source of their ca-\\nlamities. They resolved to invade that country. Every nerve\\nwas strained to fit out a suitable fleet. The command was given\\nto Sir William Phipps, a patriot and an honest man, but incompe-\\ntent to such hazardous service. Two thousand men were placed\\non board. They did not reach Quebec till October. .Sickness\\ninvaded the troops they became discouraged and the enterprise\\nwas given up. The New England ships were scattered on their\\nreturn, by storms one was wrecked. The remnant of the\\ntroops, with the governor, returned in May. For some time after\\nthis repulse the colonies aimed only to protect their frontiers.\\nFor a season hostilities in Maine were suspended by a treaty\\nwith the Abenaquis. They brought in ten captives and settled\\na truce till May i, 1691. In June, they assaulted a garrison at\\nWells, and were repulsed. They then began to commit murders\\nat Exeter, Rye and Portsmouth. They continued these desul-\\ntory attacks for many months, till the commencement of the\\nyear 1693, when they became comparatively quiet. Their means\\nwere spent, not their rage. Their diminished resources, not their\\nextinguished hate, arrested them. Their braves were in captiv-\\nity and they could only recover them by treaty. Accordingly they\\ncame to Pemaquid and entered into a solemn covenant to aban-\\ndon the French and become subjects of England to perpetuate\\npeace and refrain from private revenge to restore captives and\\nto give hostages for the due performance of their engagements.\\nThis truce was hailed with joy by the people of New Hampshire.\\nTheir trade had been nearly ruined their harvests had been de-\\nstroyed their homes burned their friends tortured and slain\\nand at one time they were so despondent as to contemplate the\\ndesertion of the province. There were neither men, money nor\\nprovisions for the garrisons. The province owed four hundred\\npounds but had nothing with which to pay the debt. Massachu-\\nsetts aided them but little, because of their domestic feuds in\\npolitics and the general devotion of the people to the prosecu-\\ntion of witches.\\nThe peace with the Indians was of short duration. In less\\nthan a year, solely through the influence of the French Jesuits,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 93\\nthey were again on the war path. New Hampshire, then the\\nNiobe of our infant republics, was once more called to weep for\\nher slaughtered children. Oyster River was again the object of\\nIndian fury. Ninetj -four persons were killed and carried away.\\nTwenty houses were burned, five of which were garrisoned.\\nThe atrocities of this campaign, if possible, exceeded those of\\nformer years. The young wife of Thomas Drew was taken to\\nNorridgewock there, in winter, in the open air, in a storm of\\nsnow she brought forth her first born son, whom the Indians\\nimmediately destroyed. The sufferings she afterwards endured\\nin captivity are almost incredible. She was at length restored\\nto her husband, and lived to the age of eight} -nine years. The\\nJesuit historian of France relates, with exultation, that these\\natrocious deeds had their origin with the French missionaries.\\nHe also lauds the heroic daring of Taxus, the bravest of the\\nAbenaquis, in executing these fearful massacres. The scalps\\ntaken in this whole foray were sold in Canada to Count Fron-\\ntenac. During the year 1695 there was little movement among\\nthe Indians. In 1696, they again resumed hostilities and visited\\nthe towns of New Hampshire. On the twenty-sixth of June\\nthey made an attack on Portsmouth Plain and took nineteen\\nprisoners. Captain Shackford, with a company of militia, im-\\nmediately went in pursuit of them and overtook them between\\nGreenland and Rve, while they were taking their morning meal.\\nHe recovered all the prisoners. The place has ever since borne\\nthe name of Breakfast Hill. Other towns suffered from In-\\ndian invasions during this and the following year. After the\\npeace of Ryswick, in 1698, Count Frontenac informed the In-\\ndians that he could no longer support them in a war against the\\nEnglish, with whom his, nation had made peace. He therefore\\nadvised them to bury the hatchet and restore their captives.\\nThey soon assembled at Casco and entered again into solemn\\ncovenant to observe and do all that they had promised in pre-\\nvious treaties. This treaty they kept till the French needed\\ntheir services again. This fact shows what stimulated the In-\\ndians to their deeds of blood and violence.\\nThe French have often been commended for their kind treat-\\nment of the red men. Their conduct has been contrasted with\\nthat of the English. They always live in peace with the Indians\\nthe English generally oppress them. There is some truth in\\nthe charge. The French easily assimilate with the Indians.\\nThey descend to their level. They often intermarry with them,\\nand their offspring usually inherits all the vices and none of the\\nvirtues of the parents. The half-breeds are the worst speci-\\nmens of humanity extant. Amalgamation always degrades the\\nsuperior race never elevates the inferior. The French are aiso", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "94\\nHISTORY OF\\npraised for their missionary labors. Many of their priests have\\nbeen self-denying and devoted servants of Christ among the In-\\ndians, but during the French and Indian wars they inspired\\nthe red man with ferocity rather than forgiveness they made\\nhim hate rather than love his enemy they taught him to keep\\nno peace with heretics and made him, with his savage nature,\\ntwo-fold more the child of hell than themselves. The chief\\ncause of the hostility of the Indians to the English settlers was\\nthe destruction of the game and fish by the building of mills\\nand the planting of colonies. In Canada the progress of civil-\\nization has been so slow, that the forests still rise and the rivers\\nstill flow in the solitude of primeval nature. The Indians, there-\\nfore, have never removed.\\nCHAPTER XXVII.\\nCIVIL POLICY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE DURING KING WILLIAM S WAR.\\nThe assault of foes without usually arrests the feuds of fac-\\ntions within a state. It was not so with New Hampshire during\\nKing William s war. The governor was hostile to the interests\\nof the people. James Usher, Esquire, though an American by\\nbirth, had little sympathy with the province he was called to\\ngovern. He had been a friend of Andros and was personally\\ninterested in Mason s claim. The transfer from Mason to Allen\\nwas only a change of name. The claim was just as odious as\\never. Usher lacked tact, skill and common sense. He was\\nconceited, imperious and insolent. Those qualities, in such a\\ncrisis, were peculiarly ill-timed and offensive. He was illiter-\\nate his speeches were coarse and reproachful as well as incor-\\nrect. He was zealous in the enforcement of Allen s title, which\\nthe people were resolved to resist even unto death. He also\\nbusied himself in determining the boundaries of the state and\\nof the separate towns. In 1694, he granted a charter to twenty\\npetitioners from Hampton for the town of Kingston. During\\nhis administration Newcastle was separated from Portsmouth,\\nand Stratham united with E.xeter. To his repeated calls for\\nmoney, the plea of poverty was rendered. To his urgent de-\\nmand for the renewal of the duties on wines and spirituous liq-\\nuors, they replied that the exposed state of the countr} required\\nall their available resources. His employer, Allen, failed to pay", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 95\\nhis salary as he promised. His aggressive policy upon the peo-\\nple moved them to petition King William to supersede him by\\nthe appointment of William Partridge of Portsmouth lieutenant-\\ngovernor. This change was made in January, 1697, much to\\nthe mortification and chagrin of Usher. He submitted to the\\nchange with an ill grace. He and Allen, who had come to Amer-\\nica to assume the reins of power, labored to break up the gov-\\nernment by the change of councilors. These controversies\\ncontinued till the Earl of Bellomont became governor of New\\nEngland. He was a nobleman of liberal culture, enlarged views\\nand pleasing manners. He was a friend of the people, a rare\\nbird among royal governors in these gloomy times. Governor\\nBellomont came to New Hampshire on the last day of July, 1699.\\nIt was his only visit to the state. His speech to the Council\\nand Assembly of the Province of New Hampshire reveals the\\npolitical and social relation of the people at that time. He\\nsays\\nI am ver) sensible of the great sufferings you have sustained all this\\nlast war, by this province being frontier towards the Eastern Indians a\\ncruel and perfidious enemy in their own nature, but taught and encouraged\\nto be more so by the Jesuits and other Popish missionaries from France,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0who were not more industrious, during the war, to instigate their disciples\\nand proselytes to kill your people treacherously, than they have been since\\nthe peace to debauch those Indians from former subjection to the crown of\\nEngland: insomuch as at the present they seem to have departed from their\\nallegiance to the Crown and revolted to the French. I have taken such\\nmeasures as quickly to find out whether these Indians will return to their\\nobedience to the Crown or not. Upon report of his Majesty s engin-\\neer, whom I sent to view the fort on Great Island and the harbor of this\\nown, I find the situation is naturally well disposed but the fort so very\\nweak and unable, that it requireth the building a new and substantial one to\\nsecure you in time of war. You will do well to take this matter into consid-\\neration as soon as may be, This Province is well situated for trade and\\nyour harbor here on the Piscataqua river so very good that a fort to secure\\nit would invite people to come and settle among you and as you grow in\\nnumber, so will your trade advance and flourish and you will be useful to\\nEngland, which you ought to covet, above all things, not only as it is your\\nduty, but as it will also be for your glory and interest.\\nThis last sentence is very significant. It reveals the entire\\npolicy of the mother country toward her colonies. To promote\\nEnglish interests was both their duty and their glory. It was\\nhonor enough for these poor New England planters to toil and\\ndie to aggrandize the power that drove them from home.\\nAllen s commission continued in force till Bellomont arrived.\\nH( ruled but one year, and Partridge, who had been removed to\\nmake room for hiin, was restored as lieutenant-governor and the\\ncouncilors who had refused to sit with Usher and Allen resum-\\ned their places. From the date of Bellomont s administration,\\nfor forty-two years, New Hampshire and Massachusetts Vv-ere", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "g6 HISTORY OF\\nruled by the same royal governors. The other departments of\\nthe government were distinct, each having its own courts, coun-\\ncils and legislatures. The administration of the accomplished\\nand popular favorite Bellomont was very brief. He died at New\\nYork in March, 1701, universally lamented. The people could\\nheartily say what the courtly Roman poet addressed to the ab-\\nsent Augustus\\nReturu, oh gentle prince, for, thou away.\\nNor lustre has the sun, nor joy the day.\\nBefore the Earl s death, Allen began to agitate his claims to\\nthe soil. The people, weary of strife, were inclined to compro-\\nmise. The settlement of this apparently interminable dispute\\nwas near its conclusion when Allen died. His son and heir\\nrevived the controversy. King William died in 1702. Queen\\nAnne ascended the English throne. A change of rulers in the\\nold country usually produced a modification of government in\\nthe new. Joseph Dudlej-, who had formerly been president of\\nNew England, was appointed governor of Massachusetts and\\nNew Hampshire. The assembly of the latter state conciliated\\nhim with a gift, and afterwards voted him a fi.xed salarj^, as the\\nqueen required. The suits which Allen originated had not yet\\nbeen settled. His appeals to the English crown were still unde-\\ncided. After Allen s death in 1705, his son Thomas renewed\\nthe suit, and on petition to the queen he was allowed to bring a\\nwrit of ejectment in the New Hampshire court. The entire his-\\ntoiy of the controversy was reviewed, but the verdict was for the\\ndefendants. An appeal to the queen s counsel was taken, but\\nbefore a hearing was had Allen died. His death ended the suit,\\nand his heirs did not renew it during the lifetime of that genera-\\ntion. There is probably no controversy on record that involved\\nso many parties, continued so many years and created so many\\nlaw-suits as Mason s claim to New Hampshire. Kings and\\nqueens, nobles and plebeians, proprietors and councilors, courts\\nand legislatures, for nearly a century, were constantly agitating\\nthe question of the right of soil of this wild, rough and rocky\\nstate. Generation after generation of claimants died, but still\\nthe controversy lived. Judges of the king s bench and of the\\nstate courts again and again decided cases at issue, but still the\\nspirits which avarice had conjured up would not down at their\\nbidding. The people outlived their prosecutors, and the fire\\nwent out for want of fuel.\\nIn 1730 certain queries were addressed by the Lords of Trade\\nand Plantations in London to the Legislature of New Hamp-\\nshire. From the answers officially made to those queries, we\\nglean the following facts The number of inhabitants was about", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 97\\nten thousand whites and two hundred blacks. The militia con-\\nsisted of eighteen hundred men, in two regiments of foot and one\\ncompany of horse in each. The trade of the province was lum-\\nber and fish. Five vessels .belonged to the province, of about\\none hundred tons each. The ships from other provinces and\\ncountries visiting New Hampshire averaged about four hundred\\ntons burden. Only about forty of the provincials were sailors.\\nBritish goods via Boston to the amount of five thousand pounds\\nsterling were annually imported. A considerable trade was kept\\nup with the West Indies, whence rum, sugar, cotton and molasses\\nwere brought. The revenues of the province were three hundred\\nand ninety-six pounds, by excise. The other expenses of govern-\\nment, amounting in all in times of peace to fifteen hundred\\npounds, were raised by direct taxes.\\nDr. Dwight, in 1796, thus records his impressions of the early\\nplanters in New Hampshire\\nTheir land was granted over and over again, in successive patents; and,\\nwitli tlie different patentees, they had many perplexing disputes. Their cli-\\nmate was more severe and their soil less fruitful than that of Massachusetts\\nand Connecticut. They were more divided in their principles and less har-\\nmonious in their measures than the people of those colonies. At the same\\ntime they had no stable government of sufficient rigor to discourage dissen-\\nsions. They were not a little perplexed by loose ministers and magistrates\\nsuch as always withdraw from regular, well-principled society to indulge their\\nmischievous dispositions in rude, imperfect communities. The Indians in\\ntheir neighborhood at the same time were formidable, while the settlers were\\nfew, feeble and incompetent for their own defence. The government of\\nGreat Britain paid them, for many years, very little attention.\\nCHAPTER XXVHI.\\nQUEEN ANNE S WAR.\\nWilliam HI., during the last year of his life, resolved on a war\\nwith France and Spain for the balance of power in Europe. By\\nthe will of Charles II. of Spain, the crown of that country fell\\nto Philip of Anjou, nephew of Louis XIV. The acquisition of\\nsuch a kingdom, with its numerous dependencies, would render\\nthe French monarch, then the head of the Bourbon family, a\\ndangerous neighbor. The Emperor of Germany, the king of\\nEngland and the Netherlands formed a grand alliance to\\narrest such a perilous growth of power. When Queen Anne\\ncame to the throne, she adopted the policy of her predecessor,\\n7", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "98 HISTORY OF\\nand declared war in May, 1702, against France. It was called\\nthe war of the Spanish Succession. This war cost England an\\nimmense sacrifice of life, with sixty-nine millions of pounds\\nand yet it was continued so long ttiat the parties in the quarrel\\nhad changed places, and when peace was concluded the Bour-\\nbon was allowed to sit on the throne of Spain. Louis abandoned\\nthe Pretender and yielded to England Newfoundland, Hudson s\\nBay and St. Christopher s. Spain gave up to her Gibraltar and\\nMinorca.\\nYet reason frowns on war s unequal game,\\nWhere wasted nations raise a single name\\nAnd mortgaged states their grandsires wreaths regret,\\nFrom age to age in everlasting debt.\\nThe English colonies were involved in this accursed strife. The\\nscattered inhabitants in the wilds of New Hampshire were com-\\npelled to fight for their life and liberty, to prevent a miserable,\\nimbecile Bourbon from sitting on the Spanish throne The In-\\ndians fought for the French. A congress of chiefs met Governor\\nDudley at Casco, in June, 1703, and in lofty language pledged\\ntheir fidelity to the colonists. The sun, said they, is not more\\ndistant from the earth than our thoughts from war. Yet within\\nsix weeks the whole eastern frontier was in a blaze Not a house\\nfrom Casco to Wells was passed by. Neither the milk-white\\nbrows of the ancient nor the mournful cries of tender infants\\nwere pitied. Cruelty became an art. The prowling Indian\\nlurked near every dwelling. The farmer at his toil, the wor-\\nshiper at the altar, the mother beside her cradle and the in-\\nfant slumbering in it were the victims of the merciless savage\\nand all this to determine who should be king of Spain Again\\nand again was every town in New Hampshire visited and the\\nshocking atrocities of former years repeated. The men culti-\\nvated their fields with arms at their sides or within their reach\\nthe women and children shut themselves up in garrisoned houses,\\nand sometimes, when their husbands and sons had been mur-\\ndered, heroically defended themselves. No night passed without\\nposting sentinels no day without careful search for concealed\\nfoes. Not a meal was taken with quiet repose. It was impossi-\\nble to enjoy the meagre comforts which fire, famine and slaugh-\\nter had spared. Their very dreams were terrific because, in\\nthem, the scalping-knife seemed to flash before their eyes and\\nthe war-whoop to resound in their ears. To most men a prema-\\nture death would be preferred to such a life. It was one long\\nprotracted agony of apprehension, alarm, terror and suffering\\nThe French missionaries were regarded as the authors of all\\nthese outrages hence our fathers naturally hated them. They\\nalso became willing to exterminate the natives, as this seemed\\nthe only means of preserving themselves. The Indians disap-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\n99\\npeared as soon as their homes were invaded they could not en-\\ndure regular warfare. Hence a bounty was offered for Indian\\nscalps ten pounds to regidar soldiers twice that sum to volun-\\nteers and to hunting parties, who scoured the woods as for\\nwild beasts, the encouragement of fifty pounds per scalp was\\noffered. This lesson was taught by the French. They rewarded\\nthe Indians for the scalps of white men. Companies were often\\nsent from New Hampshire in pursuit of the Indians but they\\nseldom met with success. It was easy for the natives to hide in\\nthe boundless forests of Maine and New Hampshire. The brave\\nCol. Hilton, in 1705, with two hundred and seventy men, went on\\nsnow-shoes to Norridgewock, on the Kennebec, to attack the\\nenemy in their winter quarters but the expedition proved un-\\nsuccessful. In 1707 the colonists resolved to attack Port Royal\\nin Acadia. The conquest of this stronghold seemed essential\\nto the security of their trade and fishery. New Hampshire fur-\\nnished her quota of troops but the expedition was a failure,\\nowing to a quarrel between the military and naval officers. Such\\na defeat dislieartened the people.\\nMeantime the Indians were constantly making inroads upon\\nthe settlements. Every town lost valuable citizens who were cut\\noff by the prowling savages. Durham and Dover lay in the track\\nof the Indians from east to west and they were oftener assailed\\nthan other towns. Exeter, says Judge Smith, escaped hostil-\\nities till i6go. I have drawn a circle, round our village as a\\ncentre, twent\\\\ -five miles in diameter. The number of killed and\\ncaptives within this circle, during a period of forty years, ex-\\nceeded seven hundred. In 1710 the brave Winthrop Hilton\\nfell, while at work in his own woods. He was among the most\\nfearless of the brave, the most adventurous of the daring. His\\nsharp black eye and his long bright gim struck terror into the\\nhearts of the savages. They thirsted for his blood. He and\\nhis men were armed but their guns were wet, and no defence\\ncould be made. Col. Hilton was the grandson of Edward Hil-\\nton, who is, by manj^, regarded as the founder of New Hampshire.\\nHe settled at Dover in 1623, where he resided for fifteen or\\ntwenty years, and then removed to Exeter. His grandson was a\\nman who served faithfully his God and his country. The\\npeople of the whole province mourned for him, as for a father.\\nDuring the same year, 17 10, the English nation resolved to aid\\nthe colonies in the conquest of Acadia, a name that had almost\\npassed from the memories of men till Longfellow gave it im-\\nmortality in his story of Evangeline. It was called, by the\\nFrench,- Acadie. The English furnished six ships of war, the\\nNew Englanders thirty, with four regiments of soldiers. In six\\ndays they reached Port Royal, vifhich immediately surrendered", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "100 HISTORY OF\\nand the place was called Annapolis in honor of the queen. This\\nsuccess encouraged the English and their colonies to attempt the\\nconquest of Quebec. Magnificent preparations were made for a\\nsiege. The English sent fifteen ships of war and fifty-six trans-\\nports. The veteran troops of Marlborough were selected for the\\nenterprise. When joined by the New England conscripts, the\\narmy numbered, according to Dr. Belknap, si.\\\\ thousand and five\\nhundred men but from an estimate of the commander, quoted\\nbelow, there were about twelve thousand men. A fleet so nu-\\nmerous, so well equipped and so well manned had never sailed\\nfrom Boston harbor. Sir Hoveden Walker was appointed ad-\\nmiral. By his obstinacy or ignorance, in countermanding the\\norders of the pilots, the expedition failed. In a dark and stormy\\nnight in August eight ships were wrecked and eight hundred and\\neighty-four men were drowned. The admiral thought this disas-\\nter providential otherwise, says he, had they reached Quebec,\\nten or twelve thousand men must have been left to perish of\\ncold and hunger by the loss of a part, Providence saved all the\\nrest. This is turning one s stupidity to good account. This\\nfailure excited the Indians to renewed effort. Exeter, Durham\\nand Dover again suffered from the sleepless vengeance of the\\nskulking foe. But the time of deliverance was at hand. The\\npeace of Utrecht, concluded in April, 17 13, suspended for a\\nseason the use of the hatchet, scalping-knife and fire-brand.\\nAs soon as the French ceased to aid the Indians, their chiefs\\nwere prompt to make peace. Immediately after the proclama-\\ntion of peace, a vessel was sent to Quebec to bring home the\\ncaptives. When she returned with her precious freight, multi-\\ntudes thronged the beach, to witness the landing of long lost rel-\\natives. Mothers peered with anxious gaze into the crowd to de-\\ntect the lineaments of their children. Long absence and strange\\ncostumes had so changed the forms and faces of loved ones\\nthat they could not be recognized. When they became known,\\nparents and children, husbands and wives, welcomed one another\\nwith warm embraces and gushing tears. The captives had for-\\ngotten their native tongue so that they were compelled to gaze\\nupon faces once familiar in mute ecstasy. Some of the cap-\\ntives failed to return. They had intermarried with the Indians\\nand had become attached to their wild and careless mode of life.\\nThey preferred the wigwam in Canada to the cot where they\\nwere born. Such are the vicissitudes of war and such are the\\nchanges, wrought by habit, on plastic natures.\\nDuring the continuance of the war, the civil government pur-\\nsued the even tenor of its course, with general satisfaction to all\\nparties. Its chief business was to assess taxes and collect them\\nto raise men and money, which was no easy task in a country", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. lOI\\nlong wasted by war. Governor Dudley showed untarnished loy-\\nalty to the crown and commendable moderation toward the peo-\\nple. The assembly represented him to the home government\\nas a prudent, careful and faithful governor. He was more\\nacceptable to the people because he was opposed to the claims\\nof Allen. Usher, the lieutenant-governor, grew more patriotic\\nduring the war, but not more popular. The assembly could\\nnever be persuaded to vote him a salar} While on duty, he\\ncomplained of insufficient accommodations. He declared that\\nnegro servants were much better accommodated in his house\\nthan the queen s governor was in the fort. Usher was avari-\\ncious, but that was the common attribute of all royal governors\\nhe was fond of power, yet no patriotic Brutus slew him be-\\ncause he was ambitious. During this war, paper money, the\\ncheap defence of nations in distress, came into general use.\\nThe first newspaper in the colonies was established in Boston,\\nin 1704, by Samuel Green, and called the Boston News-Letter.\\nIn 1720 the Boston Gazette was issued in 172 1 the New\\nEngland Courant.\\nCHAPTER XXIX.\\nTHE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR SHUTE.\\nIn October, 1715, Eliseus Burgess was appointed Governor of\\nMassachusetts and Kew Hampshire. He remained in England,\\nand the executive power in the province devolved on the lieu-\\ntenant-governor, George Vaughan. He was a native of the\\nstate, the son of Major William Vaughan who acted a very\\nprominent part in resisting the claims of Mason and Allen.\\nHis son had been the agent of the province in England, and\\nhad thus become known to some of the ministers of the crown.\\nHis appointment was deemed a compliment to the state, because\\nhe was a son of one of her popular leaders. He was, unfortu-\\nnately, but ill fitted for his responsible station. His first official\\nact rendered him unpopular. The general court, when sum-\\nmoned by him, refused to raise money by impost and excise for\\na longer time than one year therefore he dissolved them. At\\nthe next session he recommended the establishment of a per-\\nmanent revenue to the king; but the people preferred the old\\ncustom of raising taxes. New Hampshire at this time was well", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "102 HISTORY OF\\nprovided with governors. Dudley had retired, without resigning,\\nexpecting to be superseded. Burgess did not condescend to\\nvisit the state and Samuel Shute was appointed Governor-Gen-\\neral of New Hampshire. Shute entered upon his duties in Oc-\\ntober, 1716. He abandoned the policy of Vaughan, but intro-\\nduced another element of discord by dismissing six of the old\\ncouncilors and appointing six in their places, all from Portsmouth.\\nThe fanners were jealous of these commercial rulers and peti-\\ntioned for a more equal distribution of the public honors. There\\nwas also in Portsmouth a local quarrel respecting the erection of\\na new parish and the parochial difficulty was carried into the\\ncouncil. Money was very scarce. A proposition was made to\\nissue ten thousand pounds in bills on loan after some disagree-\\nment of the two houses, the ne.xt assembly issued fifteen thousand\\npounds, on loan, for eleven years, at ten per cent. contro-\\nversy also arose between the two highest officials. The lieuten-\\nant-governor claimed that he was the true and sole e.xecutive\\nwhen the governor was absent from the state. He therefore\\ndeclined to obey his superior when the mandate came from his\\nhome in Massachusetts. The town of Hampton adopted the\\nviews of Vaughan, which subjected the town to a summons from\\nthe governor to answer for a libel. They gave bonds for their\\nfuture loyalty. The offending subaltern was removed and John\\nWentworth, Esq., was appointed in his place. He was the grand-\\nson of Elder William VVentworth, who came to E.xeter in 1639,\\nand was the founder of a very distinguished family, who for sev-\\neral generations exercised a controlling influence in the govern-\\nment of the state. This aged servant of God, then over eighty,\\nwas sleeping in a garrisoned house in Dover when the Indians\\nattacked that town, in 1689. The barking of a dog awoke him\\njust as the Indians were opening the door. He threw his body\\nagainst the door and expelled the intruders then, lying upon\\nhis back, held the door with his feet rill his cry alarmed the peo-\\nple. The balls that were aimed at him passed through the door,\\nbut above his body. Thus was the good man saved. His\\ngrandson was commissioned by George I., Mr. Addison then\\nbeing secretary of state. Mr. Wentworth had long been engaged\\nin mercantile pursuits and, by his practical skill and natural\\ngood sense, was eminently fitted for the responsible station he\\nwas called to fill. After an interval of peace, the state was\\nrecovering its prosperity. Her resources began to be developed.\\nHer forests, iron mines and fisheries were attracting the atten-\\ntion of capitalists and corporations. The white pines of New\\nHampshire were in demand for the masts of ships in England,\\nand were allowed to enter her ports free of duty. Numerous\\nlaws had been made to protect such trees. A law of 1708 pro-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. I03\\nhibited the cutting of pines that were twenty-four inches in\\ndiameter. The royal navy needed them and ought not the\\nforests of New Hampshire to yield a revenue to the king\\nIt was difficult at this date to determine who owned the uncul-\\ntivated lands. The assigns of Allen still claimed them, and the\\ncolonists had, many years before, admitted that claim. Within\\nthe boundaries of the towns the citizens owned the timber.\\nHence the people were desirous of establishing new townships.\\nThe manufacture of tar and turpentine became a source of profit\\nbut a few merchants monopolized the business, and at one time\\nthree thousand trees, prepared for use, were destroyed in the\\nnight. This source of income was soon e.xhausted by the rapid\\ndestruction of the trees. The culture of hemp was also intro-\\nduced but it failed to be profitable or was soon abandoned for\\nthe raising of crops for food. The manufacture of iron received\\nlegislative encouragement, and a strip of land two miles in width,\\nnorth of Dover, was given for iron works. It was forbidden to\\nbe carried out of the province, under penalty of a heavy fine.\\nDuring the year 17 18 the Indians began to make attacks upon\\nthe settlements in Maine, under pretence of seeking redress\\nfor the wrongs inflicted on them by the whites. They com-\\nplained that continual encroachments were made upon their\\nhunting grounds by settlers, which drove off the game that\\nthe building of mills and dams on the rivers destroyed their\\nfisheries. Governor Shute had held a conference with them the\\npreceding year, and had promised that trading-houses should be\\nestablished among them, and that a smith should be sent to them\\nto keep their guns in repair. The unhappy contentions at home\\nprevented the fulfillment of this promise and this failure was\\nimputed to treachery. The Indians kept no records and of\\ncourse deeds which t^iey had given for parcels of land could not\\nbe certified to their minds. They denied their solemn covenants\\nor charged that the instruments were signed when they were\\ndrunk, or that no equivalent was given. Thus a new purchase\\nmust be made every few years, or they would complain that they\\nhad been wronged. When they consented to the settlements of\\nthe whites, and to the erection of mills, they knew not that their\\ngame and fish would be driven away. After learning this they\\nhated the whites and sought to kill them. The French in their\\nneighborhood ever encouraged this hostility and supplied them\\nwith arms. They were charmed, too, with the labors of French\\nmissionaries. They loved the pomp and ceremonies of the\\nCatholic worship, which required no self-denial. With all the\\ne.xtravagant eulogies which have been heaped upon Jesuit mis-\\nsionaries in America, it may be doubted whether the natives\\nhave been made wiser or better by their conversion to Roman-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "I04 HISTORY OF\\nism. The Indians of Central America and Mexico are all nom-\\ninal Christians and more degraded specimens of our race can\\nscarcely be found on earth. They walk in the Catholic proces-\\nsions and worship images, paying devout reverence to a doll\\nlifted on high to represent the Virgin Mary but they have no\\nknowledge of duty or virtue. The English, from the first land-\\ning on the continent, regarded the soil as theirs by jdiscovery\\nand the inhabitants as subjects of their king. In war they treat-\\ned them as rebels, in peace as dependents. They were required\\nto acknowledge their allegiance to the British crown. The\\nFrench treated them as allies and equals. The Jesuits lived\\namong them as friends and spiritual guides. One of their\\nsachems, being asked why they so loved the French, replied,\\nBecause the French have taught us to pray to God, which the\\nEnglish never did. The French did more they cherished their\\nhatred of the English they stimulated their love of vengeance\\nthey used them as their own favored allies in war. The Jesuits\\nearly established a mission among the Abenaquis. Sabastian\\nRasle, a man of culture, refinement and benevolence, left all the\\ncomforts of civilized life for a home in the Indian village of\\nNorridgewock, on the Kennebec. Here he built a church and\\nadorned it with costly decorations. A bell was bought, from\\nCanada, to call the Indian hunters and warriors to matins and\\nvespers. The most glowing accounts have been given of the\\nsuccess of Father Rasle in christianizing these rude savages.\\nThe innocence, confidence and devotion of Eden returned again\\nto bless these wigwams in the primeval forests. By his charming\\nconversation, rapt devotion and unselfish beneficence, he won the\\nhearts of the natives and swayed them at his will. Dr. Belknap\\ngives us the other side of this beautiful moral picture. He says\\nof Father Rasle\\nHe even made the offices of devotion serve as incentives to their feroc-\\nity, With this Jesuit the Governor of Canada lield a close corres-\\npondence and by him was informed of everything transacted among the\\nIndians. By this means their discontent witli the English, on accoimt of\\ntheir settlements made at the eastward, was heightened and inflamed and\\nthey received every encouragement to assert their title to the lands in ques-\\ntion and molest the settlers by killing their cattle, burning their hay, robbing\\nand insulting them.\\nThe wrongs done to the Indian by those eastern settlers were\\nchiefly imaginary in a great measure the creation of the French\\nJesuit. In the winterof 1 721 Colonel Westbrooke was sent to Nor-\\nridgewock to seize Rasle. He escaped but they took his strong\\nbox in which were found letters confirming all their suspicions\\nof his hostility to the English. The Governor of Canada was\\ndeeply implicated in exciting these Indians to acts of violence.\\nThe Indians were greatly exasperated at the attempt to seize", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. I05\\ntheir spiritual guide. The next summer they resumed their old\\npractices of waylaying and murdering men, women and children\\nin all the towns they had been wont to visit. In Dover, in June,\\n1724, they entered the house of Mr. Hanson, a non-resistant\\nQuaker, killed and scalped two little children and took his wife,\\nwith her infant, her nurse, two daughters and a son, and carried\\nthem off. These prisoners were all sold to the French as slaves,\\nin Canada. The sad father converted all his property into gold\\nand went through the wilderness to ransom his wife and chil-\\ndren. He obtained all but his eldest daughter, and returned.\\nBut the loss of this child wrung his heart with anguish. He\\nreturned to Canada again but fatigue and sorrow wasted his\\nstrength, and he lay down and died in a strange land. These\\noutrages being repeated for two years, the colonists resolved to\\ndestroy Norridgewock. Captains Moulton and Haimon, both\\nof York, with one hundred men surprised the village, killed the\\nJesuit and eighty Indians, and brought away the spoils.\\nThe success of the expedition to Norridgewock and a pre-\\nmium of one hundred pounds offered for scalps called out sev-\\neral volunteer companies to visit Indian villages. One company,\\ncommanded by Captain John Lovewell of Dunstable, became\\nfamous in New Hampshire history, both for its success and de-\\nfeat. It consisted at first of thirty men, afterwards of seventy.\\nIt made three expeditions into the eastern part of the state.\\nTwo were successful the last disastrous. On the second foray\\nthey killed ten Indians encamped for the night in the town of\\nWakefield, near a pond since called Lovewell s pond. On\\ntheir return to Dover they enjoyed a triumph such as no Ro-\\nman consul ever received. It was a cordial, sincere and grate-\\nfiil outpouring of the people s gratitude. In Boston they re-\\nceived the bounty whith had been promised. Thus encouraged,\\nLovewell and his brave men marched the third time into the\\nwilderness. He had forty-six men. They went to Ossipee pond,\\nand on its west shore built a fort. Here the surgeon, one sick\\nman and eight guards were left. The remaining thirty-four\\nmarched northward twenty-two miles, to another pond, where\\nthey encamped. In their explorations they were discovered by\\ntwo parties of Indians, numbering forty-one men, under the com-\\nmand of the sachem Paugus, who had been scouting on the\\nSaco and were returning to the lower village of Pequawkett,\\nabout a mile and one half from the pond. Lovewell and his\\nmen, before their march round the pond, had left their packs\\nwithout guard, on a plain at the southeast end of the pond.\\nFollowing their trail, the Indians found those packs and thus\\nlearned their weakness. They lay in ambush to surprise them\\non their return. Captain Lovewell and eight of his men fell at", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "Io6 HISTORY OF\\nthe first fire of the Indians. The survivors retreated a little and\\nrenewed the fight. They had no food nor drink. At noon their\\nsavage foes, by signs and infernal yells, indicated an order for\\ntheir surrender. They declined their request and fought on till\\nthe going down of the sun. The war-whoop grew fainter, the as-\\nsaults less vigorous the Indians were greatly weakened Pau-\\ngus was slain. They retired at the coming on of evening, car-\\nrying with them their dead and wounded, leaving the whites\\nmasters of the field. Only nine of Lovewell s men were free\\nfrom wounds. Of the injured, eleven were able to walk. It\\nwas the hardest problem of the entire struggle to dispose of\\nthose who could not move. It would be certain death to re-\\nmain with them and they had no power to remove them. They\\nwere compelled to leave their disabled and dying companions to\\nfall into the hands of their merciless foes. Ensign Robinson\\nrequested them to lay his loaded gun by his side, that he might\\nkill one more Indian. After the moon arose they returned to\\ntheir fort. It was deserted. A fugitive from the batrie had re-\\nported to the guard the probable defeat of their friends. They\\ntherefore abandoned the fort and went home. They left some\\nprovisions there, which greatly relieved the distressed soldiers.\\nLieutenant Farwell, the chaplain, who had in his pocket the\\nrecord of their march, and one other person perished in the\\nwoods from loss of blood and privation. The others, after se-\\nvere suffering, came in one by one to their old homes and were\\nkindly cared for by friends and the public. Colonel Tyng of\\nDunstable, with a company of men, went to the scene of action\\nand buried the dead. This was one of the fiercest and bloodiest\\nbattles ever fought with the Indians. They had the advantage\\nof numbers and of an ambuscade. Some writers estimate their\\nnumber as high as eighty. Hence they fought with uncommon\\nbravery and fury.\\n[From the Boston Centinel.]\\nLOVELL S POND.\\nThe sc .ne of 1725 of a desperate etuounier with the savages.\\nAh 1 where are the soldiers that fought here of yore\\nThe sod is upon them, they ll struggle no more,\\nThe hatchet is fallen, the redman is low\\nBut near him reposes the arm of his foe.\\nThe bugle is silent, the war-whoop is dead\\nThere s a murmur of waters and woods in their stead;\\nAnd the raven and owl chant a symphony drear,\\nFrom the dark-waving pines o er the combatants bier.\\nThere is a tradition tliat John Chamberlain, one of the sharp-shooters of the age, shot\\nPaugus. For some time they attempted to shoot one another from their coverts but their\\nguns were foul and only flashed in the pans. Being known to one another, they agreed to go\\ndown to the water, cleanse their guns and renew the fight. _ Finding that Paugus was too\\nexpeditious for him Chamberlain did not wait to withdraw his ramrod, nor to prime his gun,\\n(for the well worn piece would prime itself, by the aid of a sharp blow of the tiand,) but fired\\nand drove both the rod and the ball through the heart of his foe.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. I07\\nThe light of the sun has just sunk in the wave,\\nAnd a long time ago sat the sun of the brave.\\nThe waters complain, as they roll o er the stones,\\nAnd the rank grass encircles a few scattered bones.\\nThe names of the fallen the traveler leaves\\nCut out with his knife in the bark of the trees.\\nBut little avail his affectionate arts,\\nFor the names of the fallen are graved in our hearts.\\nThe voice of the hunter is loud on the breeze,\\nThere s a dashing of waters, a rustling of trees,\\nBut the jangling of armour hath all passed away,\\nNo gushing of life-blood is here seen to-day.\\nThe eye that was sparkling no longer is bright\\nThe arm of the mighty, death conquered its might\\nThe bosoms that once for their country beat high,\\nTo those bosoms the sods of the valley are nigh.\\nSleep, soldiers of merit, sleep, gallant of yore.\\nThe hatchet is fallen, the struggle is o er.\\nWhile the tir-tree is green and the wind rolls a wave\\nThe tear-drop shall brighten the turf of the brave.\\nMassachusetts and New Hampshire united, other colonies re-\\nfusing to act, in sending commissioners to the governor of Can-\\nada to remonstrate with him for his conduct in e-xciting the Ind-\\nians t(5 war. Theodore Atkinson was sent on the part of New\\nHampshire. On their arrival they recited the complaints of the\\ncolonists to the Marquis de Vaudreuil. He, at first, denied the\\nallegations and assumed an air of offended dignity. Mr. Atkin-\\nson then produced his letters to Father Rasle confirming all his\\ncharges. His tone was then softened and he consented to the\\nredemption of prisoners, si.xteen of whom were ransomed at an\\nexorbitant price, and terms were agreed upon for the recover) of\\nten more. The governor requested the commissioners to hold\\ninterview with the Indians. A delegation came but could not\\nbe persuaded to propwse reasonable terms of peace, because\\nFather LeChase, a Jesuit, controlled them. The commissioners\\nthen returned with the ransomed captives.\\nThe Indians made one more attack upon citizens in Dover.\\nTheir purpose was to recover the family of the Quaker Hanson,\\nwho had been redeemed by the father. They killed one man and\\nshot another named John Evans, stripped, scalped and beat him\\nwith their guns, till he was thought to be dead. But after this\\ninhuman torture he recovered and lived fifty years. A peace\\nwas finally concluded with the Indians in December, 1725,\\nMassachusetts and New Hampshire bore the entire e,\\\\pense\\nof this war. It must be remembered that, if we admit all the\\ncharges of the Indians against the eastern settlers. New Hamp-\\nshire never wronged them in any particular. No charge was\\nbrought against their citizens e.xcept that they belonged to a\\nhated race. Bradford in his History of Massachusetts says:", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "Io8 HISTORY OF\\nThere are no proofs that the people of Maine committed acts\\nof injustice or aggression on the natives and there was no\\nother cause to be assigned for their work of destruction than\\nthat false statements were made to them of the views and de-\\nsigns of the English.\\nCHAPTER XXX.\\nEMIGRANTS FROM IRELAND.\\nIreland was subjected to the arms of Henry II., in 117 1-2.\\nHe left the Irish princes in possession of their territories, and\\nbestowed some land on English adventurers, appointing Earl\\nRichard de Clare, surnamed Strongbow, seneschal of the\\nkingdom. This division of imperial power disturbed the peace\\nof the island and led to repeated rebellions. In the reign of\\nJames I. the Earl of Tyrone raised the standard of insurrection\\nand, after being once pardoned, renewed the conflict, was de-\\nfeated and fled to Spain. A large tract of land in the province\\nof Ulster was confiscated and offered on liberal terms to new\\nsettlers. James, being by birth a Scotchman, induced a colony of\\nhis countrymen from Argyleshire to settle in Ulster, in 1612.\\nThey were Scotch Presbyterians. During the next twenty years\\nmany clergymen of that denomination, with their flocks, emi-\\ngrated to Ireland and added strength and prosperity to the col-\\nony. They of course became objects of intense hate to their\\nIrish neighbors, who only waited a convenient opportunity to\\nrise and avenge their wrongs. In 1641, they attempted to ex-\\nterminate the entire Protestant population of Ireland and so\\nfar succeeded that forty thousand of them were suddenly mas-\\nsacred in different parts of the island. Some authorities place\\nthe number as high as two hundred thousand. No age, no sex,\\nno condition, was spared. But death was the slightest punish-\\nment inflicted by the rebels all the tortures which wanton\\ncruelty could devise, all the lingering pains of body, the anguish\\nof mind, the agonies of despair, could not satiate the revenge of\\nthe Irish. This rebellion\\ndragged its slow length along\\ntill, in 1649, the sword of Cromwell avenged the blood of slaugh-\\ntered saints, and, by making a solitude, conquered peace. After", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 109\\nthe restoration in 1660, James, tlie brother of Charles, a bigoted\\nCatholic, was appointed Viceroy of Scotland. The Scotch Pres-\\nbyterians were the objects of his hatred and persecution. He\\nlet loose upon them the dogs of war, and among them such\\nmonsters of cruelty as James Graham of Claverhouse. The\\nchief of this Tophet upon earth, a soldier of distinguished cour-\\nage and professional skill, but rapacious and profane, of violent\\ntemper and obdurate heart, has left a name, wherever the Scot-\\ntish race is settled on the face of the globe, which is mentioned\\nwith a peculiar energy of hatred. This persecution drove\\nmultitudes into exile. Large numbers fled to Ireland to join\\nthe remnant of their brethren whom the knives of Catholic\\nassassins had spared. Among these were many of the immediate\\nancestors of the Scotch Irish who came to this country in\\n1718 and settled, the next year, in Londonderry. One century\\nlater an unknown poet thus commemorates their arrival at\\nPortland.\\nIn the summer one thousand seven hundred eighteen,\\nOur pious ancestors embark d on the Ocean\\nOppressM by the minions and dupes of their king,\\nThey quitted sweet Erin with painful emotion.\\nOn the wide swelling wave,\\nAll dangers they brave.\\nWhile fleeing from shackles prepar d for the slave,\\nIn quest of a region where genius might roam,\\nAnd yield an asylum as dear as their home.\\n**Undaunted they press d to their prime destination,\\nAllur d by the prospects that Freedom display d,\\nAnd such was the warmth of their fond expectation,\\nThat dangers unnumber d ne er made them afraid.\\nHow seiene was the day,\\nAnd how cheerful and gay,\\nWere those pilgrims when anchored in old Casco bay\\nTheir prayers, like incense, ascended on high,\\n4 And fond acclamations then burst to the sky.\\nOne hundred and, twenty families constituted this band of\\nexiles. They suffered terribly from the cold and famine during\\nthe first winter. They were relieved by supplies from Boston.\\nEarly in the spring of 1719, sixteen families of this company,\\nwith Rev. James McGregore as their pastor, selected a tract of\\nland above Haverhill, then called Nutfield, and immediately be-\\ngan a settlement. It was afterwards named Londonderry from\\ntheir old home in Ireland. These people were industrious, eco-\\nnomical, thrifty and virtuous. They had sufficient property to\\nenable them to build comfortable houses and provide for the\\nprofitable culture of the soil. They introduced the Irish potato\\nand the manufacture of linen into New Hampshire. In every\\nhouse was heard the hum of the little wheel, turned by the\\nfoot of the spinner. Great profits accrued from this branch of\\ndomestic industry, and it was soon introduced into other towns\\nand states. Their numbers increased so rapidly that in four\\nyears after the formation of their church it numbered two hun-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "no HISTORY OF\\ndred and thirty members. Their pastor, Rev. James McGregore,\\nwas a wise and good man. He died in 1729, aged seventy-two.\\nHis name is still held in affectionate remembrance by the de-\\nscendants of those early settlers of Derry. This Scotch-Irish\\npopulation, which contributed greatly to the good order, good\\nlaws, good habits and good works of the state, flowed into adja-\\ncent towns and into other states. Chester, Harrytown, after-\\nwards called Derryfield and now Manchester, were partially\\nsettled by them. The number of their descendants in 1842\\nwas estimated at twenty thousand.\\nThe first settlers of Londonderry found great difficulty in\\nsecuring an act of incorporation. They first petitioned Gover-\\nnor Shute for a grant and failed, because their true character\\nwas not understood. They then applied to Massachusetts and\\nto the agent of Allen for a title but were told that the lands\\nwere in controversy and their request was denied. They then\\nobtained a deed of their territory from the grandson of Rev.\\nJohn Wheelwright who purchased of the Indians. Finally, in\\n1722, New Hampshire, having learned the worth of these new\\ncitizens, gave them a grant of a township ten miles square.\\nThe lines were so vaguely described that the claims of other\\ntowns and other owners have not been entirely adjusted to\\nthis day.\\nThe grantees of Londonderry were actual settlers, farmers\\nwho came to live on the soil and improve it. Chester was set-\\ntled about the same time, but the owners were non-residents.\\nThey sold shares in the town as the shares of a railroad are\\nsold. The settlers paid rent for their lands. Some grew weary\\nof the annual payments and abandoned their claims others\\nsold their right for a small price. The inhabitants were not\\nhomogeneous. Some of the Londonderry people came there\\nand settled. They differed in religion and habits from those of\\nEnglish origin. They had different modes of living. The\\nIrish ate potatoes the English did not. The Irish put barley in\\ntheir pot liquor and made barley broth the English put beans\\nin theirs and had bean porridge. Intermarriages were consid-\\nered improper. In process of time they became assimilated.\\nProfessor Park, in his obituary of Dr. S. H. Taylor, thus al-\\nludes to the eminent men who have descended from the Scotch\\nemigrants of 17 19, and in subsequent years\\nAmong teachers are McKeen of Bowdoin and Aiken of Union College;\\nProfessors Jarvis Gregg, W. A. Packard, Joseph McKeen, Rev. James\\nMeans and Dr. S. H. Taylor. Among clergymen are Rev. David McGregor,\\nson of the first pastor of Londonderry, ancestor of a large and distinguished\\nfamily; Rev. Samuel T.aggart of Colerian, Mass. Rev. James Miltimore of\\nNewburyport Rev. Rufus Anderson of Wenham, who, at the close of his\\nlife, was preparing a historical work on Modern Missions to the Heathen,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. Ill\\nand whose son, Dr. Rufus Anderson of Boston, is the historian of Missions\\nunder the care of the American Board; Rev. Silas McKeen of Bradford,\\nVt.; Rev. Dr. Morrison and Rev. James T. McCqllom. Among the jurists\\nand statesmen are John Bell, member of the Provincial Congress; John and\\nSamuel Bell, both Governors of New Hampshire, and Judge Jeremiah Smith.\\nAmong the military men are General George Reid and General John\\nStark. Of those who have become eminent in New Hampshire, si,\\\\ have\\nbeen Governors of the state nine have been members of Congress five,\\nJudges of the Supreme Court two, members of the Provincial Congress\\nand one of these was a signer of the Declaration of Independence.\\n-O\\nCHAPTER XXXI.\\nORIGIN OF THE MILITIA SYSTEM.\\nDuring the first years of the existence of the Upper and\\nLower Plantations, the agents appointed by the proprietors\\nunited in themselves both civil and military power. They had\\narms for offence and defence but were not called upon to use\\nthem till 1631, when they called out the militia to settle the title\\nto a point of land in Newington, claimed by both agents, which\\nwas afterwards called Bloody Point, although no blood was\\nshed. In 1632, Capt. Walter Neal, with forty armed men, un-\\nder the lead of the Massachusetts colony, pursued, with four\\npinnaces and shallops, the famous pirate Dixy Bull. No sold-\\nier by profession joined the colony till 1631. Then one soldier\\nfor discovery was sent over by the company. For several years\\nafter this unsuccessful naval expedition there was little call\\nfor arms and munitions of war; still, as early as 1635 nearly\\nhalf the invoice of imported goods consisted of weapons of war.\\nIn 1640, when the Dover factions, following the rival clergj men\\nLarkham and Knollys, were raising tumults and threatening\\nbloodshed, Francis Williams, governor of the Lower Plantation,\\nbeing appealed to, sent a company of the militia to the Neck\\nand quelled the riot. After the union of New Hampshire\\nwith Massachusetts, in 1641, the laws of the elder colony con-\\ntrolled the military organizations of the younger ally. During\\nthe wars that followed with tlie Indians and French, every man\\nbecame a soldier and every house was made a garrison. The\\nfacts are related in another portion of this work. When New\\nHampshire became a royal province, in 1679, the militia was\\norganized and was made to consist of one company of foot in", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "112 HISTORY OF\\neach of the four towns of Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter and Hamp-\\nton, one company of artillery at the fort, and one troop of\\nhorse. Richard Waldron of Dover was appointed to the com-\\nmand of these troops with the rank of major. The fort then\\ncontained eleven guns of small weight and power, purchased at\\nthe expense of Portsmouth and Dover. Until 1718, the organ-\\nization of the militia was left to the governor and council. In\\nthe French and Indian wars, most of the troops were volunteers.\\nSome were impressed according to old English custom. The\\nfirst militia law, in 17 18, required all persons from sixteen to\\nsixty years of age, except negroes and Indians, to perform mili-\\ntary service. Each captain must call out and drill his company\\nfour times each year. The arms of the soldiers and penalties\\nfor neglect of duty or disobedience to orders were minutely\\nspecified. This law was amended in 17 19, so that a warrant or\\nwarning under the hand and seal of the commanding officer\\nwas a sufficient impress to render the delinquent liable to a\\nheavy fine in case of disobedience. The common punishments\\nfor minor offences were, at the discretion of the commander,\\nthe bilboes, laying neck and heels, riding the wooden horse or\\nrunning the gauntlet. The number of men in active service\\nwas constantly increasing as the perils of the country multiplied.\\nIn 1679 six companies were deemed sufficient for the defence of\\nthe province in 1773 twelve regiments were enrolled and ready\\nfor duty when called. In 1775, when the government assumed\\na new form, the militia laws were subjected to revision. In\\n1776 a new act was passed, providing for two classes of soldiers\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094a Training Band and an Alarm Band. The first band con-\\ntained all the able-bodied men in the province, except persons\\nin official station, negroes, mulattoes and Indians, from the age\\nof sixteen to fifty. The alarm band included men from sixteen\\nto sixty-five not assigned to the other division. These were to\\nbe called out, on sudden emergencies, by drum-beats and beacon\\nlights. When soldiers were needed, if volunteers failed to en\\nlist the quotas were filled by draft from those enrolled. This\\nlaw mentioned every article of the soldier s equipment. It re-\\nmained in force during the Revolutionary war.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. II3\\nCHAPTER XXXII.\\nLIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR WENTWORTH S ADMINISTRATION.\\nGovernor Shute left the province in 1723, and the duties of\\nthe executive devolved on Mr. Wentworth. During the war with\\nthe Indians he managed the affairs of the state with great pru-\\ndence and discretion and the people showed their respect for\\nhim by frequent grants of money. He conducted the treaty with\\nthe Indians in person, at Boston. On his return, the assembly\\nin their address of congratulation said that his absence seemed\\nlong but the service he had done them filled their hearts with\\nsatisfaction. As soon as peace returned the next great topic\\nof public interest was the boundary line between Massachusetts\\nand New Hampshire. If New Hampshire had been a Paradise,\\nits possession could not have been more eagerly sought by nu-\\nmerous suitors. The Indians claimed it the assigns of Mason\\nclaimed it Massachusetts claimed it and the actual settlers\\nclaimed it. Everybody wished to own the state few cared to\\naid it. When money was to be made, all were active when\\nmoney was to be paid, all were passive. Massachusetts claimed,\\naccording to the terms of her original charter, all the lands from\\nthree miles northward of the Merrimack at its mouth to its\\nsource, including a large part of the entire state. There had\\nbeen a controversy about this line for many long years but\\nwhen war was at thej^r doors it slept. Both provinces were now\\nanxious to get possession of the soil. New Hampshire was\\nalarmed she was about to be absorbed by her more powerful\\nneighbor. She numbered only ten thousand inhabitants Massa-\\nchusetts had one hundred and twenty thousand. The contend-\\ning states proceeded to lay out towns. Massachusetts, under\\npretence of rewarding the brave soldiers who survived Love-\\nwell s fight, assigned them large tracts of land within the territory\\nclaimed by New Hampshire. Nine townships were thus laid out\\non the banks of the Merrimack. The smaller state was equally\\nbusy. Epsom, Chichester, Gilmanton and Bow were granted.\\nThe last named town was partially within the tract claimed by\\nMassachusetts. So many grants were made that settlers could\\nnot be found to occupy them. The chief result of this legisla-\\ntion was an expensive and tedious litigation, which lasted\\nmany years.\\nOn the twenty-ninth of October, 1727, a violent earthquakeoc-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "ri4 HISTORY OF\\ncurred. Flashes of light were observed to accompany a heavy\\nroar resembJinp; distant thunder which announced the shock.\\nThe sea was in deep commotion. The earth shook and trembled.\\nChimneys were cleft asunder, and the pewter on dressers rat-\\ntled, and in some instances was thrown down. .Several lighter\\nshocks were felt during the following night. During this }-ear\\nGeorge I. died and the assembly, which had continued its own\\nexistence five years, was according to custom dissolved. A new\\nassembly was summoned by writs issued in the name of George\\nII. The people disliked long terms of office and, as early as\\n1724, had attempted to limit the sessions of the assembly to\\nthree years. In 1727 the triennial act was passed and received\\nthe governor s sanction. The freehold estate of a representa-\\ntive was fixed at fifteen hundred pounds that of an elector at\\nfifty pounds. This was the first organic law enacted by the peo-\\nple independent of commissioners and royal orders. But there\\nwere defects in the provisions of this law which led to much\\ncontroversy in future. The house then proceeded to reform the\\ncourts the council were opposed and the governor dissolved\\nthe assembly. The same persons, for the most part, were re-\\nelected the same speaker was chosen, whose election the gov-\\nernor vetoed and under the new speaker a stormy session was\\nheld. Crimination and recrimination passed between the speaker\\nand the house till, finally, in a fit of indignation, the house re-\\nsolved to petition the king to annex them to Massachusetts. The\\ncoming of a new governor for a time arrested these unhappy feuds.\\nWilliam Burnet, son of the Bishop of Sarum, so well known as\\nan author and the intimate friend of William III., had been ap-\\npointed Governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. He\\nwas a highly accomplished scholar and statesman. He had been\\ngovernor of New York and New Jersey where his administration\\nrendered him the favorite of the people. It was the policy of\\nthe English cabinet to secure permanent salaries for their pro-\\nvincial governors. Massachusetts long refused to comply with\\nthis reasonable requisition. New Hampshire voted t\\\\vo hun-\\ndred pounds sterling for the annual salary of the governor, and\\nthe allowance made from it by him to the lieutenant-governor.\\nBurnet visited New Hampshire but once before his death. He\\nwas succeeded by Jonathan Belcher. He was a native of Bos-\\nton, eminent as a merchant and possessed of a large fortune.\\nHe was courteous to strangers, faithful to friends and severe to\\nenemies. The appointment was generally popular, but proved to\\nbe fruitful in controversies. His first quarrel was with Went-\\nworth, whom he accused of duplicity because he wrote a compli-\\nmentary letter to himself and Shute at the same time, not know-\\ning which would be his superior in office. Belcher limited his", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRK.\\n115\\nperquisites, crippled his influence and removed his son-in-law,\\nTheodore Atkinson, from oiBce. This hostility to Wentworth led\\nto the formation of a party hostile to the governor. But Went-\\nworth was removed by death, December twelfth, 1730. By his\\nexcellent character and judicious administration of public af-\\nfairs, in war and peace, he won the confidence of the people,\\nand left an untarnished reputation as the best possible legacy\\nto his fourteen surviving children. Two had died before him.\\nHe was succeeded by David Dunbar, an Irishman by birth,\\nand a bankrupt colonel of the British army. He was needy,\\ngreedy and arrogant. He possessed no qualifications that fitted\\nhim for his new position. He immediately joined the oppo-\\nsition to Belcher and thus lent his influence to secure a sepa-\\nrate government for New Hampshire. She was in danger of be-\\ning made an appendage of a sister state. Belcher and his\\nfriends favored the union with Massachusetts the people op-\\nposed it. The objections urged to an independent existence\\nwere its poverty, sparse population and limited resources. There\\nwere less than two thousand houses in the whole state. Lumber\\nand fish constituted their principal exports. The entire revenue\\nof the state, from duties and excise, was only four hundred\\npounds, while the government expenses were fifteen hundred.\\nStill the idea of political sovereignty delighted the people. The\\nopposition, therefore, saw the necessity of enlarging the state\\nand increasing her income. They sought, first of all, to deter-\\nmine her boundaries. Every inch of the soil of New Hamp-\\nshire was covered by conflicting claims. Massachusetts claimed\\nthe largest and best part of it. Her claim was founded on her\\ncharter given by William and Mary, which substantially covered\\nthe same territory which was granted by the first charter of\\nJames I. New Hampshire, like the horse in the fable, invited a\\nroyal rider to aid in the expulsion of her foe from her domains.\\nAfter the failure of a joint committee from both provinces, who\\nmet at Newbury in 1731 to settle the long and complicated dis-\\npute, New Hampshire petitioned the king to decide the contro-\\nversy. John Rindge, a merchant of Portsmouth, was appointed\\ntheir agent in London. Being obliged to return home in 1732,\\nhe left the business with John Tomlinson, who proved to be a\\nzealous, persistent and efficient agent of the state. He fur-\\nnished twelve hundred pounds from his private purse to defray\\nthe necessary expenses of the agency. After this he was, if\\npossible, twelve hundred-fold more earnest in securing a victory\\nfor the state otherwise he had no responsible debtor. The posi-\\ntion of Governor Belcher was a delicate one. He was the chief\\nmagistrate of both provinces he must offend one of them. He\\nfavored Massachusetts. He probably acted honestly, but gained", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "Il6 HISTORY OF\\nthe good will of neither party. He was the target for the mis-\\nsiles of archers on everjr side. He was persecuted by slanders,\\nforgeries and perjuries, at home and abroad. Every species of\\nintrigue was adopted by the contending parties to gain their ob-\\nject. Speculators, projectors, adventurers, courtiers, officials,\\nproprietors, politicians and some honest men were parties to the\\nquarrel. Usually self-interest was the source of the water that\\ndrove the mill. Arguments and sophistries were used, which\\nif successful would greatly have injured those who advanced\\nthem. Even the claims of Mason and Allen were revived by\\nboth parties. This was simply suicidal, not patriotic\\nBut as some muskets so contrive it,\\nAs oft to miss the mark thev drive at,\\nAnd though well aimed at duck or plover,\\nBear wide and kick their owners over.\\nIn England the controversy was referred to the Lords of\\nTrade. They recommended a board of twenty commissioners,\\nfive of whom should be a quorum, selected from the neighboring\\nroyal provinces, to sit at Hampton on the first of August, 1737.\\nAccording to the royal decree, they met at the time appointed.\\nThe assemblies of the two states convened at the same time, that\\nof Massachusetts at .Salisbury, that of New Hampshire at Hamp-\\nton Falls. With the utmost vigilance and jealousy they watched\\none another. Skillful advocates acted for the states. The alle-\\ngations were patiently heard and considered, and a verdict ren-\\ndered which decided nothing. It was only hypothetical, based\\non the question whether the hew charter of Massachusetts con-\\nveyed the same territory as the old if so, Massachusetts was\\nthe victor if not. New Hampshire. So the controversy was no\\nless, but the costs were much greater. After long and angry\\naltercations both parties, being weary of fighting and paying for\\nit, agreed to make the king their umpire and the stupid Guelph,\\nwho hated boetry and books, became something more than a\\nfigure-head to the ship of state. His decision took everybody\\nby surprise. He pleased New Hampshire and offended Massa-\\nchusetts. George II. assumed that when the first charter was\\ngiven neither grantor nor grantees knew the northern course of\\nthe Merrimack. Where it was known on the south its origin\\nseemed to be in the west, and not in the north therefore he\\ndecided that the northern boundary of Massachusetts should be\\na curved line, following the course of the river at three miles\\ndistance on the north side, beginning at the Atlantic ocean and\\nending at a point due north of Pawtucket Falls, now Dracut,\\nthence due west to his majesty s other governments. As the\\neastern line of his other governments was not then establish-\\ned, this little clause in due time yielded new disputes. By this\\ndecision New Hampshire gained a large accession of territory", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 1 17\\nbeyond all she had sought. It cut off from Massachusetts\\ntwenty-eight townships between the Merrimack and Connecticut\\nrivers, besides large tracts of vacant land which lay intermixed,\\nand districts from si.x of their old towns which lay north of the\\nMerrimack river, besides lands west of the Connecticut which\\nwere then of doubtful ownership.\\nWhile the states were contending about the lines which sepa-\\nrated them they became widely separated in feeling, and the\\nharmony of those good old times when they fought together\\nagainst kings, Indians and proprietors was for a time interrupt-\\ned. The governor and his deputy still pursued one another v;ith\\nunrelenting hate. They fought on no common theatre. States\\nand cabinet ministers were their allies. Dunbar, as surveyor-\\ngeneral of the woods, was so vigilant in arresting wood-cutters\\nand confiscating boards that had been sawed from royal pines,\\nthat he was personally assailed by the irritated owners. He was\\nmobbed at Exeter, and he accused, unjustly, the governor of\\nconnivance at the escape of the rioters. His letters and those\\nof other personal enemies had weight at court, for the king was\\nas fond of the royal pines as Charles II. was of the royal oak.\\nPossibly he saw them in his mind s eye when he gave the\\nterritory on which they grew to New Hampshire. Dunbar re-\\nturned to England where he was imprisoned for debt, but he was\\nstill a favorite of the court and escaped this durance vile for\\nanother office more profitable than that he had abandoned.\\nThe enemies of Belcher succeeded in persuading the king first\\nto censure, then to remove him from office. On his return to\\nEngland he was able to justify himself and regain the royal favor.\\nIn 1732, the first Episcopal church was erected in Portsmouth,\\ncalled Queen s ChapeU It was consecrated in 1734, and Rev.\\nArthur Brown became rector of the society. In 1735 a fearful\\nepidemic raged in New England, called the throat distemper.\\nIt resembled the modern diphtheria. It raged for more than a\\nyear. Children, for the most part, were its victims. At Hamp-\\nton Falls it was very fatal. Twenty families lost all their chil-\\ndren. In the whole province one thousand persons, most of\\nwhom were under twenty years of age, died of this terrible dis-\\nease. It extended from Maine to Carolina, and was not modi-\\nfied by seasons. It has appeared in the state not less than six\\ntime since, but never with such general mortality. Its true cause\\nis still unknown.\\nIt deserves special notice that no public execution occurred in\\nNew Hampshire during the first one hundred and sixteen years\\nof its existence. Many of the great criminals in early times\\nescaped by flight. Some were pardoned, others had their sen-\\ntences commuted. For smaller offences, whipping, the pillory,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "Il8 HISTORY OF\\nfines and imprisonment were deemed sufficient. On the twenty-\\nseventli of December, 1739, two women, Sarah Simpson and\\nPenelope Kenny, were hung in Portsmouth for the murder of an\\ninfant. This event constituted an era in the judicial history of\\nthe state.\\nCHAPTER XXXIII.\\nNEW HAMPSHIRE AN INDEPENDENT ROYAL PROVINCE.\\nAfter George II. had settled the boundaries of his two royal\\nprovinces, he determined to set up a new political boundary and\\nmake New Hampshire independent of Massachusetts and only\\ndependent on himself. Accordingly, in 1741, he appointed a\\ngovernor who was to be solely enjoyed by New Hampshire. He\\nnominated Penning Wentworth, Esq., son of the late lieutenant-\\ngovernor, who so long and successfully administered the afTairs\\nof the province. Penning Wentworth was a merchant of good\\nrepute, but bankrupt by reason of the failure of the Spanish\\ngovernment to pay him, as she agreed, for a large consignment\\nof timber for the royal navy. The refusal of Spain to do justice\\nin the premises was one cause of the war between that kingdom\\nand England. Mr. Wentworth thereby became a national man\\nand through the influence of the zealous and efficient agent of\\nNew Hampshire, Mr. Tomlinson, he obtained this new position.\\nThe assembly voted him, at first, a salary of two hundred and\\nfifty pounds and afterwards doubled it, when a state loan of\\ntwenty-five thousand pounds had been issued, by royal license,\\nfor ten years.\\nThe year 1743 was distinguished by the visit of the great\\nEnglish preacher Whitefield. He preached at Portsmouth dur-\\ning his stay there of three weeks, with marked success. In 1744\\nhe again labored in the same city with great zeal and earnest-\\nness, in spite of a severe illness but, as he himself expressed\\nit, he felt a divine life, distinct from his animal life, which\\nmade him laugh at his pains. The great revival of religion at-\\ntending and following the steps of this remarkable man aroused\\nnew interest in the cause of education. From it, remotely,\\nsprang Dartmouth College. The converted Indians supplied the\\nschool of Eleazar Wheelock at Lebanon with pupils in 1762, and\\nin 1766 one of them, Samson Occum, then a preacher, visited", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 1 19\\nEngland to obtain funds for the permanent establishment of\\nMoor s Charity School. He succeeded in raising a large\\namount through the influence of VVhitefield, received the pat-\\nronage of the queen, and the noble institution thus endowed\\nwas removed in 1769 to Hanover, N. H.\\nO-\\nCHAPTER XXXIV.\\nKING GEORGE S WAR.\\nEver since the conquest, in 1066, for more than eight centuries,\\nEngland and France have been political rivals. For more than\\none third of that long period they have waged open war against\\none another. The chief causes of hostility have been avarice,\\nambition and the balance of power. The people who fought\\ntheir bloody battles and paid the debts that were rolled up in\\nprosecuting them had very little interest in the causes or results\\nof these national contests. The colonists of both countries\\nfought for the supremacy of fatherland, and gained as their re-\\nward taxation and tyranny. In 1744, after about thirty years of\\narmed truce (it could hardly be called peace), open war again\\nraged between France and England. It was waged to deter-\\nmine what one of several claimants should sit upon the throne\\nof Austria. In such a worthy cause the people of New England\\nengaged heart and soul. It has been the custom of all nations,\\nsince lawless piracy passed into legitimate commerce, to secure,\\nin various waters, harbors, islands and strongholds for the pro-\\ntection of their ships. This has been the special policy of those\\nnations who have aimed at supremacy upon the seas. So Eng-\\nland to-day has naval defences in all parts of the world. She\\ncontrols Hong Kong, Bombay, St. Helena, Gibraltar, Jamaica,\\nthe Musketo Coast and Vancouver s Island. A neutral ship\\ncan scarcely sail in any waters without passing under the\\nguns of England. Webster, in language never surpassed in\\nbeauty and force, speaks of her as a power which has dotted\\nover the surface of the whole globe with her possessions and\\nmilitary posts whose morning drum-beat, following the sun and\\nkeeping company with the hours, circles the earth daily with\\none continuous and unbroken strain of the martial airs of\\nEngland.\\nLiy the treaty of Utrecht, in 17 13, England received from", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "I20 HISTORY OF\\nFrance Nova Scotia and Ne^vfoundland and ceded to her the\\nlittle barren island of Cape Breton, which is separated from\\nNova Scotia by the narrow channel of Canso. This place\\nhas fewer attractions than almost any other portion of the habit-\\nable globe. Its winters are so long and cold that no vegetation\\ncomes to maturity. Storms and tempests assail it, icebergs float\\naround it, and perpetual fogs rest upon it. As early as 1501\\nFrench mariners from Brittany gave name to this desert island,\\nfrom their remembrance of home. Its fine harbors and its\\nfacilities for defence constituted its only value to a commercial\\nnation. )n the southeast side of this island, commanding an\\nexcellent harbor, with deep waters nearly six miles in length, the\\nFrench had built the city of Louisburg. This had been fortified\\nby twenty-five years of toil, at an immense expense ($5,250,000).\\nThe city had all the defences of an ancient capital, high walls,\\nmoat and draw-bridge, flanked with towers and bastions, and\\ndefended by heavy batteries. It seemed impregnable. This\\ncity England and her colonies resolved to capture. The enter-\\nprise, resting, as it did, mainly on New England, seemed per-\\nfectly Quixotic. William Vaughan, son of Lieutenant-Governor\\nVaughan of Portsmouth, claimed the merit of suggesting it. He\\ncertainly bore a conspicuous part in the capture of the city. At\\nthe eastern extremity of Nova Scotia, England owned a small\\nisland called Canso. The French from Cape Breton took\\nthis by surprise, before the news of war had reached New Eng-\\nland. They destroyed the fort and buildings on the island and\\ncarried eighty men prisoners to Louisburg. These men, after a\\nfew months, were dismissed on parole and sent to Boston. They\\nbrought to Governor Shirley an accurate account of the city and\\nits defences. He solicited aid from England to conquer it. The\\ntowns of Massachusetts were eager for the tight. Her legisla-\\nture, by a majority of only one vote, determined to undertake\\nthe e.xpedition. William Vaughan was in Boston when the de-\\ncision was made and, full of enthusiasm, expressed in person\\nthe plan of Governor Shirley to the legislature of New Hamp-\\nshire, then in session at Portsmouth. J hey at once approved\\nthe enterprise, and New Hampshire furnished three hundred\\nand four men, to whom the celebrated Mr. Whitefield gave as a\\nmotto Nothing is to be despaired of, with Christ for a leader.\\nOther colonies assisted, but New England alone furnished men.\\nWilliam Pepperell of Kittery commanded these volunteers. Their\\nrendezvous was at Canso. Through fogs and storms they\\nreached their destination in safety but were compelled to re-\\nmain there some time, on account of the fields of ice that were\\nfloating southward. Here Commodore Warren s squadron met\\nthem. He had been ordered to that point by the English govern-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 121\\nment. The united forces waited three weeks for the ice to disap-\\npear and yet were not discovered by the enemy so near them.\\nVarious ingenious plans were proposed for tlie capture of the\\ncity but finally they resolved to attempt it in the ordinary way.\\nOn the last day of April, 1745, one hundred vessels, bearing only\\neighteen guns and three mortars, and carrying the New England\\ntroops, sailed into the bay of Chapeau-Rouge in sight of the\\nfrowning battlements of Louisburg. Her walls were defended\\nby one hundred and eighty-three pieces of heavy ordnance and\\nsi.xteen hundred men. One-fifth of this number were deemed\\nsuflicient to repel any attacking force. The besiegers were not\\ntacticians, but farmers, fishermen, mechanics and lumbermen.\\nBut they had been inured to toil and privation in the Indian\\nwars. They could do and dare all that might become men.\\nBesides the guns in the city, the harbor was defended by two\\nbatteries, containing in both sixty heavy cannon. Yet the New\\nEngland troops landed at once, and flew to the shore like\\neagles to the quarry. The French wiio came down to repel them\\nwere driven into the woods. On the next day William Vaughan\\nof New Hampshire led four hundred volunteers, chiefly from his\\nown state, by the city, which he greeted on passing with three\\ncheers, and took his stand near the northeast harbor. Here\\nhe set fire to some French warehouses. The smoke, driven by\\nthe wind into the royal battery, so annoyed the gunners that\\nthey spiked their cannon and retired to the city. Vaughan hired\\nan Indian to creep through an embrasure and open the gate.\\nHe then entered and wrote to the Generalissimo as follows\\nMay it please your honor to be informed that, by the grace of\\nGod and the courage of thirteen men, I entered the royal bat-\\ntery about nine o clock, and am waiting for a reinforcement and\\na flag. Vaughan hfeld the fort against those who came, to the\\nnumber of one hundred, to retake it.\\nThe preparations for the siege continued fourteen days. Dur-\\ning all the nights the troops were employed in dragging the\\nheavy guns, on hastily formed sledges, across a deep morass.\\nThough wading in deep mud, they brought them all safely within\\ncannon-shot of the city. Several unsuccessful attacks were\\nmade upon the defences of the city finally it was resolved to\\nbreach or scale the walls. These were so strong that there was\\nalmost no probability of success. At length, on the fifteenth of\\nJune, it was announced in the city that a French ship-of-war of\\nsixty-four guns, laden with supplies, had been decoyed into the\\nmidst of the English fleet and captured. This discouraged the\\ngarrison. They could not long hold out with their present sup-\\nplies. The governor, Duchambon, a weak and irresolute officer,\\nsent a flag of truce and terms of capitulation were agreed upon", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "122 HISTORY OF\\nand the city was surrendered. Probably an enterprise was never\\nundertaken whicli promised so little and yielded so much. The\\nmen, on entering the city, were astonished at their own temerity\\nin the attempt. They could impute their success only to a divine\\ninterposition. They never could have taken the city by assault\\nand it is probable that the siege would have soon been raised by\\nthe arrival of fresh supplies. They had been favored by the\\nweather during their whole stay on the island which, soon after\\nthe surrender of the city, became so severe as to peril life in the\\nmorass where they had been at work.\\nThe news of this victory was received with universal joy\\nthroughout the colonies, and with unfeigned surprise in Europe.\\nPepperell and Warren were made baronets, and parliament reim-\\nbursed to the colonies the expenses of the expedition. New\\nHampshire received, for her share, sixteen thousand three hun-\\ndred and fifty-five pounds sterling. Vaughan, the most noble\\nhero of the siege, obtained no recognition from the Court, and\\ndied in obscurity, while attempting to press his claims upon the\\nroyal notice in London. Warren, the English Admiral, claimed\\nthe honor of this victory and, under oath in the admiralty court,\\ntestified that himself did subdue the whole island of Cape\\nBreton. Still it is quite manifest to the candid reader of the\\nhistory of that expedition, that probably it never would have\\nbeen undertaken, and certainly never would have been success-\\nful, but for the skill, energy and heroic daring of New Hampshire\\nmen and of the New England volunteers, William Vaughan,\\nnot William Pepperell, was the soul of the whole enterprise\\nThe conquest of Louisburg led to more enlarged plans of in-\\nvasion. Shirley, full of enthusiasm and prompted by patriotism,\\nconceived the plan of wresting from the French their entire pos-\\nsessions on this continent. He met Warren and Pepperell at\\nLouisburg after their victory, and consulted them concerning\\nthe feasibility of his plan. He then wrote to the British minis-\\ntry urging it upon their notice. His proposition seemed wise\\nthe British secretary of state, the Duke of Newcastle, in April,\\n1746, sent a circular letter to all the governors of the colonies,\\nas far south as Virginia, to raise as many men as they could\\nspare and form them into companies of one hundred each and\\nhold them ready for action. It was his purpose that the New\\nEngland troops should meet the British fleet and army at Louis-\\nburg, and thence proceed up the St. Lawrence to Quebec. The\\nsoldiers from New York and the southern provinces were ordered\\nto meet in Albany, to march thence to Crown Point and Mon-\\ntreal. The colonies were to meet all the necessary expenses and\\ndepend on England for a reimbursement. In New Hampshire\\nthere was some delay, because the governor had no authority", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\n123\\nwithout the royal consent to issue bills of credit to meet the de-\\nmands of the army. Shirley, the moving spirit of the whole en-\\nterprise, persuaded Wentworth to rely on the English honor to\\npay the bills, as they had done in case of Louisburg, and issue\\nthe sum required. It was thought by some persons that, although\\nNew Hampshire and Massachusetts had their own governors,\\none mind controlled both. Hew Hampshire voted to raise and\\nsupport one thousand men and two ships of war. Col. Atkinson\\nwas appointed commander. The New Hampshire troops were\\nordered to march to Albany but the small-pox prevailing there,\\nthey diverted their course to Saratoga. It was feared that Nova\\nScotia and Cape Breton would be captured by the French. Or-\\nders were therefore issued for the troops from New Hampshire,\\nMassachusetts and Rhode Island to sail for that region and\\ndrive the enemy out of Nova Scotia. But before this decree\\ncould be executed, a report come that a large fleet from France\\nhad arrived at Nova Scotia under the command of Duke D An-\\nville. The people of New England now began to fear a war on\\ntheir own shores and possibly the conquest of all their territory.\\nHence every hand was employed in self-defence. Old forts\\nwere repaired new ones were built and all the strongholds\\nwere strengthened. A new battery of sixteen heavy guns was\\nadded to the fort at the entrance of Piscataqua harbor and\\nanother of nine thirty-two pounders placed at the extremity of\\nLittle Harbor. While these works were in progress, news was\\nbrought by some prisoners released from the French, that great\\ndistress and confusion prevailed on board their fleet. The of-\\nficers were divided in council. English letters which had been\\nintercepted by a French cruiser were brought to Chebucto, a\\nbay near Halifax, wl;^ere the fleet lay. An English fleet was ex-\\npected to follow the F rench to America. So these letters in-\\nformed them. This news created dissension among the officers.\\nThe men were wasted by pestilence eleven hundred were buried\\nat Halifax and hundreds more in the sea the fleet was crip-\\npled by storms and under such circumstances they could do\\nnothing. The commander, utterly dispirited, committed suicide\\nand the second in command, in a fit of insanity fell on his own\\nsword. They resolved, however, to attack Annapolis, but as they\\nsailed from Chebucto they were overtaken by a storm some of\\ntheir ships were wrecked and the rest returned home. So ended\\nthis magnificent plan of conquest. The result only finds a par-\\nallel in the dispersion of the Spanish Armada in the reign of\\nElizabeth.\\nDuring all this time the English had been unaccountably re-\\nmiss in action. Seven times the fleet sailed from Spithead, and\\nseven times returned. Only two English regiments ever reached", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "124 HISTORY OF\\nLouisburg. The whole summer was wasted and nothing accom-\\nplished. The colonies were in an agony of suspense, and were\\nsending their forces to different points, where the danger seemed\\nimminent, without advantage to any one. After the cloud of\\nperil from France was dissolved, Colonel Atkinson marched\\nwith his regiment to the shores of lake Winnipiseogee. There\\nthey passed a winter in plenty, with no foe near them. They\\nwere without discipline, without employment, and. soon without\\nmorals. They spent their time in sporting, hunting and fishing.\\nSome deserted all became weary of this listless mode of life.\\nThe following summer was spent in idleness and disorder till\\nthey were finally disbanded. But, during all this period of inac-\\ntion, the frontiers of New England were harassed beyond en-\\ndurance by the French and Indians. Before the adjustment of\\nthe boundary between the two states, many townships had been\\ngranted, both by Massachusetts and New Hampshire, within the\\nlimits of the latter state as fixed by George II. The valleys of\\nthe Merrimack, Ashuelot and Connecticut rivers had been ex-\\ntensively explored and settled. As late as 1745 many of these\\ntowns were known only by their numbers, by Indian names, or\\nby local peculiarities. For example, Charlestown was called\\nNumber-Four Westmoreland, Great Meadow Walpole, Great\\nFall Hinsdale, Fort Dummner Keene, Upper Ashuelot and\\nSwansey, Lower Ashuelot. On the Merrimack, Concord was\\nknown as Penacook Pembroke, Suncook Boscawen, Contoo-\\ncook Hopkinton, New Hopkinton Merrimack, Souhegan-East\\nand Amherst, Souhegan-West. On the Piscataqua and its\\nbranches were the towns of Nottingham, Barrington and Roch-\\nester. All these settlements* were on the frontiers of the state\\nas it was then occupied and were peculiarly exposed to hostile\\nattacks from the savages, both Indian and French, for they dif-\\nfered but little in their mode of warfare. The French had more\\nknowledge and of course were more criminal. They were ever\\nready to\\nCry HavoCt and let slip the dogs of war,\\nand the innocent were torn and mangled without pity. The\\npeople of New Hampshire were willing to receive all the new\\nterritory which the king decided to give them but they were not\\nwilling to defend it. They maintained that the towns granted\\nand the forts built by Massachusetts ought to be protected by\\nher. The defence of her own frontiers required this. On the\\nwest side of Connecticut river stood Fort Dummer. Hinsdale,\\nA line drawn from Rochester to Boscawen, Concord, Hopkinton, Hillsborough, Keene\\nand Westmoreland constituted the frontier of the New Hampshire selllemenls. These towns\\nwere the points of attack by the Indians in **King George s War. In these and adjacent\\ntowns about one hundred persons were killed, wounded or captured during the war from July\\n5i 1745. 10 Ju ie Zi 749-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 125\\non the east side, had in common the same name. Massachusetts\\nhad erected and maintained this border defence till the royal de-\\ncision gave it to New Hampshire. The assembly declined to pro-\\ntect this post, because of its remoteness and the expense. It was\\nalso without access by regular roads. The governor dissolved\\nthe assembly that refused this reasonable expense and called\\nanother, whom he eloquently besought to assume the burden.\\nThey also refused and Massachusetts undertook the defence\\nof this and other posts established above it on the Connecticut.\\nAll the horrors and atrocities of former Indian wars were re-\\nnewed. There was no safety for private houses. Every oc-\\ncupied house must be turned into a garrison. No field labor\\ncould be performed with safety. Harvests were destroyed,\\nhouses burned, cattle killed and men, women and children in-\\nhumanly massacred or dragged into slavery. No man walked\\nabroad unarmed. It was unsafe to step out of the stockade to\\nmilk a cow or feed an animal. The lurking foe seemed omni-\\npresent. They were scattered in small parties along the whole\\nfrontier. When people wanted bread, they were obliged to visit\\nthe mills with an armed guard. Indians often lay in ambush\\nabout the mills. The upper towns on the Connecticut and Mer-\\nrimack were all visited. Some of them were decimated others\\nlost only one or two inhabitants.\\nThe year 1746 was memorable in the history of Concord, then\\ncalled Rumford. This region, in early times, had been the home\\nof the far-famed Passaconaway the great sachem of Penacook.\\nIt was therefore a favorite resort of the Indians, both in peace\\nand war. From an address delivered by Mr. Asa McFarland, on\\nthe occasion of the erection of the Bradley monument, the fol-\\nlowing description of Concord, as it then was, is copied\\nWhere pleasant villages have grown up, north of us, set a few houses\\nand give a garrison to each of these outposts. Immediately west o\u00c2\u00a3 this\\nmonument let there be a few lots reserved from barrenness, and a guard-house\\nthere also. Over our broad intervals, let a few acres be under culture and\\njust as well tilled as would naturally be the case in a new and terror-stricken\\nfrontier town. Let thick forests clothe most of the soil, and animals dwell\\ntherein which make night hideous. Let bears rustle in the farmer s corn-\\nfield, and wolves howl around his sheep-folds let moose and deer go down\\nat noon to drink at a stream, from the far distant sources of which the species\\nnow tlee before the huntsman.\\nSuch was the settlement which hostile Indians approached, ou\\nSunday, August 10, 1746. Capt. Ladd, from Exeter, had come\\nwith his company to Rumford to protect the citizens. The Con-\\ncord and Exeter soldiers united numbered about seventy. The\\nmen, not excepting the clergyman, worshiped with arms at\\nhand and sentinels stationed without. The Indians dared not\\nmake their attack on the Sabbath. The next day eight of the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "126 HISTORY OF\\ncompany were sent out on the Hopkinton road to perform some\\nspecial service. About three-fourtlis of a mile from the settle-\\nment they fell into an ambuscade, and five of their number\\nwere killed and hewn to pieces by the Indians. On the twenty-\\nsecond of August, 1837, Richard Bradley, a descendant of\\nSamuel Bradley the leader of that heroic band of martyrs,\\nerected a fitting monument to their memoiy on the spot where\\nthey fell. This is a noble granite shaft which, being cut from\\nthe everlasting hills, will, without doubt, transmit the history\\nof their patriotism to the latest posterity.\\nIt was a favorite practice of the Indians to carrv their prison-\\ners away to Canada. They received a reward from their sale\\nand the French, by the exorbitant prices demanded for their\\nredemption, paid the expenses of the war. The prospect of an\\nexpedition to Canada, in 1746, induced many soldiers who were\\non duty on the frontiers to enlist in the army of invasion. The\\nprotection of those exposed towns being withdrawn, the inhabi-\\ntants were obliged to leave their farms to be pillaged, their houses\\nto be burnt. They buried some articles of property and carried\\nothers with them but the most of their goods were left to be\\nappropriated or destroyed by the enemy. In the spring of 1747\\nMassachusetts resumed her protection of these deserted forts\\nand towns. In March of that year, Capt. Phineas Stevens, who\\ncommanded a company of rangers, numbering thirty men, came\\nto Number- Four and took possession of it. It was a common\\nstockade fort made of the trunks of trees about fourteen feet in\\nlength, set in the ground. It covered about three-fourths of an\\nacre. Within ten days after the arrival of Capt. Stevens, this\\nfort was surrounded by a mi.xed army of French and Indians,\\nnumbering from four to seven hundred men. A simultaneous\\nattack was made on all sides, under the command of an experi-\\nenced leader. Gen. Debcline. When the ordinary modes of as-\\nsault failed, they attempted to burn it. Says Capt. Stevens in\\nhis report\\nThe wind being very hi;;h, and everything exceedingly dry, they set fire\\nto all the old fences, and also to the log house about forty rods froin the fort,\\nto the windward, so that in a few minutes we were entirely surrounded by\\nfire, all which was performed with the most hideous shouting from all quar-\\nters, which they continued in the most terrible manner till the next day at\\nten o clock at night, without intermission; .and during that time we had im\\nopportunity to eat or sleep.\\nAmong other modes of assault, they loaded a carriage with\\ncombustibles, rolled it up to the paling, and thus set the fort on\\nfire. But even this failed to do its work. The French officer\\nthen demanded a surrender through a flag of truce accompanied\\nby fifty men. The men within unanimously resolved to fight.\\nFinding the fort impregnable, the enemy left it. Only two of its", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 1 27\\nbrave defenders were wounded. This was the most gallant\\nachievement of the whole war. Commodore Sir Charles Knowles\\nwas so highly pleased with the conduct of Capt. Stevens, that he\\npresented him with an elegant and costly sword as a reward of\\nhis bravery. The township, when incorporated, took the name\\nof Charlestown in commemoration of this act of justice from\\nSir Charles.\\nThe lower towns did not escape attacks. Hopkinton, Con-\\ncord, Suncook, Rochester, Nottingham, Winchester and Hins-\\ndale all lost some of their valued citizens. The war was carried\\non with great want of skill and energy, if not with positive in-\\ndifference, by the English. After the failure of Shirley s pro-\\nposed invasion of Canada, they made no aggressive movements.\\nIt was suspected, by some persons, that England allowed this\\ndangerous enemy to harass the colonies, that they might feel\\nmore keenly their dependence on the mother country. This was\\nthe expressed opinion of Peter Kalm, a Swedish traveler. They\\nwere already enforcing that restrictive policy in trade which, in\\nafter years, led to the Revolution. The colonies were required\\nto buy and sell only in English ports. If they discovered any\\nsilver or gold, it was the perquisite of the king. In fact, they\\nwere making their children perfect through sufferings and bit-\\nterly did they rue their neglect of them in after years.\\nThe Indians killed fewer of their captives than in former\\nyears. They valued their redemption money too highly. They\\nalso discontinued some of their former modes of torture, such\\nas roasting their prisoners by a slow fire, cutting out their tongues,\\ncutting off their noses, and carving away morsels of their flesh\\nto be thrown in their faces. They compelled none to run the\\ngauntlet they even showed pity to the sick and feeble. This\\ndoes not indicate th^ existence of compassion, but a develop-\\nment of avarice. They wished to save their captives that they\\nmight sell them for money.\\nNear the close of 1748, a treaty of peace was concluded be-\\ntween England and France, at Aix la Chapelle. Humanity\\nhad suffered without a purpose, and without a result. No ques-\\ntion in dispute had been settled. Neither party had made any\\nacquisition of wealth or territory. England yielded up Cape\\nBreton, whose conquest had shed such glory on the colonial\\narms, and received in return Madras. The spirit of war slum-\\nbered only a few years, and all the old questions in dispute\\nwere again revived in the subsequent French and Indian war.\\nThe fruit of King George s war, to the colonists, was debt, dis-\\ngrace and degradation. The soldiers, accustomed to camp-life,\\ncarried its loose morality into rural life and society lost its purity,\\nindustry and economy.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "128 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER XXXV.\\nREVIVAL OF mason s CLAIM.\\nWhile the controversy was pending respecting the boundaries\\nof New Hampshire before the king, in 1738, the wise politicians\\nof Massachusetts found a lineal descendant of Capt. Mason,\\nwho bore the name of John Tufton Mason. A claim was set up\\nfor him to the lands originally granted to his ancestor, on a plea\\nof a defect in the sale made by John and Robert Mason, in\\n1691, to Samuel Allen. The purchaser then thought that he\\nwas dealing with honest men and securing a valid title to the\\npremises deeded to him. But in that conveyance, by a fiction\\nof law, the lands were supposed to be in England instead of\\nNew Hampshire, so that they might be under the control of the\\nking s court. Possibly Mr. Allen chose tliat it should be so.\\nThis fiction, however, was the means of vacating the title, and\\nthe estate reverted to the heirs of Mason. In the excitement\\nof parties, intriguing politicians resolved to gain by purchase\\nwhat they feared they should lose by litigation. They first pur-\\nchased that portion of Mason s grant that lay within the juris-\\ndiction of Massachusetts for five hundred pounds. Tomlin-\\nson, the vigilant agent of New Hampshire, hearing of this ne-\\ngotiation, approached Mr. Mason, who had been sent to London\\nto promote the interests of Massachusetts, and proposed to buy\\nhis claim on New Hampshire. He offered to sell it to the\\nassembly of the state for one thousand pounds in New England\\ncurrency. The bargain was not immediately closed but left for\\nfuture controversy. After the final adjustment of the lines, in\\n1741, Mason returned to America, but did not urge the sale of\\nhis claim for several years. In 1744 it was brought belore the\\nassembly by Gov. Wentworth, but the intense excitement about\\nthe Louisburg expedition prevented definite action upon it.\\nMason himself joined the expedition. On his return, in 1746,\\nhe notified the assembly that he should sell to others if they\\nfailed to close the bargain immediately. After discussion, they\\naccepted his terms but it was too late. On the very day of\\ntheir acceptance he conveyed the property, by deed, to twelve of\\nthe leading men of Portsmouth, for fifteen hundred pounds.\\nThis deed led to long and angry disputes between the pur-\\nchasers and the assembly. They at one time agreed to sur-\\nrender their claim to the assembly, provided the land should be", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 1 29\\ngranted by the governor and council. The assembly were\\njealous of these officials and would not accept the offer. The\\npeople murmured, and the legislators threatened but the new\\nproprietors stood firm. They proceeded to grant new townships\\non the most liberal terms, asking no reward for the land occupied\\nby actual settlers, only insisting on immediate improvements in\\nroads, mills and churches. They reserved in eveiy town one right\\nfor a settled minister, one for a parsonage and one for a school,\\nand fifteen rights for themselves. This generous conduct gained\\nthem friends and they soon became popular with all parties.\\nThe heirs of Allen threatened loudly to vindicate their claim,\\nbut never actually commenced a suit. So the matter ran on,\\nunder this new proprietorship, till the Revolution, like a flood,\\nswept away all these rotten defences and gave to actual settlers\\na title, in fee simple, to their farms.\\nCHAPTER XXXVI.\\nTHE REPRESENTATIVES OF NEW TOWNS.\\nWhen war was at their doors, and the scalping-knife gleamed\\nabove their heads, the people gave no heed to domestic quarrels\\nor private griefs. They fought till the foe disappeared, then\\npublic war was exchanged for political contests. The governor\\nand the legislature were seldom in harmony. The chief magis-\\ntrate was the representative of the king, the assembly of the peo-\\nple hence mutual jealousies and mutual hostility sprang up.\\nGovernor Wentworth had resolved to protect those towns and\\nforts that had been acquired from Massachusetts by the new\\nboundary line. He introduced into the legislature of 1748 six\\nnew members, from towns that had been cut off from Massachu-\\nsetts. The house refused them seats. Here was open war be-\\ntween the executive and the legislative branch of the govern-\\nment. Precedents were cited to sustain both parties. The tri-\\nennial act of 1727 was deficient, because it did not decide who\\nshould issue the writs that were necessary to the election of new\\nmembers. The house claimed that they alone should determine\\nwho should sit with them in making laws. The governor main-\\ntained that the right to send representatives was founded on\\nroyal commissions and instructions and that he, acting under\\nthe king s direction, alone held the right of issuing writs for new", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "130 HISTORY OF\\nelections. The controversy was suspended during the war. At\\nits close, in 1749, it assumed new importance.\\nFor three years the governor and council waged incessant\\nwar with the assembly. The public interests were neglected.\\nThe treasurer s accounts were not audited the recorder s office\\nwas closed and the soldiers, who had so heroically defended\\nthe frontiers of the state, were unpaid. The public bills of\\ncredit depreciated from fifty-six to thirty per cent; and the gov-\\nernor s salary declined in the same ratio. The excise could\\nneither be farmed nor collected. No authenticated documents\\ncould be obtained in a word, no public business could be trans-\\nacted. The people were suffering a sort of papal interdict, un-\\nder a royal governor and a democratic legislature. An attempt\\nwas made to remove the governor but he had the ear of the\\nEnglish minister and the papers were not presented. The peo-\\nple again agitated the project of annexation to Massachusetts\\nbut all desperate remedies failed, and in due time the parties\\nbecame weary of the fight. In 1752 a new assembly was called.\\nThey met in better temper. Moderate councils prevailed a\\npopular speaker was elected. Meshech Weare, a man of rising\\nmerit, in favor with both parties, occupied the chair. A re-\\ncorder was chosen, who entered at once upon his duties the\\ntreasurer s accounts were settled the governor s salary was in-\\ncreased and an era of good feelings commenced. Thus the\\nnew representatives gained their seats, and tlie public business\\nagain commanded the attention of the assembly.\\nCHAPTER XXXVII.\\nTHE LAST FRENCH WAR, CALLED THE SEVEN YEARS* WAR.\\nOR the FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR.\\nIf any thing could show the folly of war for the adjustment\\nof national boundaries, or for the balance of power, it would be\\nthat absurd clause of the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, which de-\\nclares that all things should be restored on the footing they\\nwere before the war. Cape Breton, won by Americans, was\\ngiven up by England. The conquest of Louisburg was ascribed\\nto divine interposition what, then, was the restoration of it to\\nFrance The glory of a great victory was forever eclipsed by\\nan inglorious surrender of the prize. The peace, however, was", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. I3I\\nonly nominal. The fires of war for a season slumbered, only to\\nblaze with intenser heat on a wider theatre. The contest in pre-\\nvious wars had been for the Atlantic coast, for barren islands and\\nunproductive promontories that might serve as safeguards of com-\\nmerce. Now, the destiny of a continent hung in the scale. The\\npolicy of France was grand and comprehensive. She already\\npossessed the St. Lawrence, the lakes and the adjacent territo-\\nries. She looked with anxious solicitude toward the great valley\\nof the Mississippi. By planting her colonies in the rear of the\\nEnglish and com.manding the great water communications of the\\nnorth and west, she confidently expected to be mistress of the\\ncontinent. The French already had settlements in Canada and\\nLouisiana. By establishing a chain of forts from the St. Law-\\nrence to the mouth of the Mississippi, they could then extend\\ntheir power both east and west.\\nThe colonies of England received grants of territory from sea\\nto sea. The honor of the mother country and the interests of\\nher colonies were at stake. The Earl of Holderness, secretary\\nof state, wrote to the governors of the American colonies re-\\ncommending union for their mutual defence. Accordingly seven\\ncolonies sent delegates to Albany, to consult for the common\\nwelfare and to secure the friendship of the Six Nations. The\\ncommissioners from New Hampshire were Atkinson, Wibird,\\nSherburne and Weare. The Six Nations were represented at\\nthe conference and received presents from the convention and\\nprivate donations from the New Hampshire delegates. A plan\\nof union was adopted, on the fourth of July, 1754, just twenty-\\ntwo years before the Declaration of Independence. The name\\nof Franklin appears in both. He drew up the plan of union,\\nbut it failed. It was ^ejected in America because it yielded too\\nmuch power to the king in England, because it gave too much\\nto the people The English ministry, fearing to allow the colo-\\nnists to control so great a war, resolved to conduct it with their\\nown armies, making the colonial militia their allies.\\nNew England was again called upon to resist the depreda-\\ntions of Indians. They appeared in August, 1754, at Baker s\\ntown on the Pemigewasset, and killed a woman and took several\\ncaptives. They committed similar outrages at Stevens town and\\nat Number- Four. From this town eight persons were carried into\\ncaptivity; Mr. James Johnson, his wife and three children were\\namong them. Mrs. Johnson was delivered of an infant the next\\nday, whom she named Captive. Tlie fate of Johnson was ex-\\nceedingly distressing. He was paroled at Montreal, to secure\\nmoney for the redemption of his family. The severity of winter\\nprevented his return within the limits of his parole. On his ar-\\nrival he and his family were imprisoned, his money confiscated", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "1^2 HISTORY OF\\nand, in addition to these calamities, all the family were attacked\\nby the small-pox. His wife and children were released after\\neighteen months of suffering. Mr. Johnson was held in prison\\nthree years and, strange to say, on his return to Boston was im-\\nprisoned there under suspicion of being a spy\\nNumber-Four and Fort Dummer again petitioned New Hamp-\\nshire for protection and were refused. They then applied to\\nMassachusetts and received aid. In the spring of 1755, the\\nEnglish planned three expeditions one against Fort DuQuesne,\\nanother against Niagara, and a third against Crown Point. For\\nthe last expedition New Hampshire raised five hundred men,\\nunder command of Colonel Joseph Blanchard.\\nHere it becomes necessary to recite the historj of- some of\\nthe prominent actors in those stirring scenes that followed. No\\nhistory of New Hampshire would be complete without a bio-\\ngraphical sketch of General John Stark. His life is identified with\\nthe most remarkable events of its records in the eighteenth cen-\\ntury. Fie was of Scotch descent. His father, Archibald Stark,\\ncame to Nutfield (now Londonderry) in 1721. He, about fif-\\nteen years later, having lost his house by fire, removed to a\\nplace then called Harrytown, and settled upon a lot a short\\ndistance above the Falls of Amoskeag. He had four sons, Wil-\\nliam, John, Samuel and Archibald, all of whom were officers in\\nthe seven years war. John Stark was born at Londonderry,\\nin 1728. At the age of twenty-four, in company with his brother\\nWilliam, David Stinson and Amos Eastman, he went on a hunt-\\ning expedition to Baker s river, in the town since called Rum-\\nney. Baker s river flows into the Pemigewasset. It was so\\nnamed from Capt. Thomas Baker, who in 1720 led a scouting\\nparty into that region and destroyed a company of Indians.\\nTheir chief, Wattanummon, fell by Baker s own hand.* Game was\\nabundant in this region, consisting of beavers, bears, catamounts,\\nwolves and wildcats. In about six weeks of forest life this\\nparty had collected furs valued at five hundred and sixty pounds\\nsterling. On the twenty-eighth day of April, 1752, John Stark,\\nwhile collecting his traps, was surprised by ten Indians. His\\nbrother William and Stinson were in a canoe upon the river.\\nThe Indians fired upon them and killed Stinson. William Stark\\nescaped, possibly by his brother s hardihood in striking up the\\nguns of the Indians as they fired. For this act of daring they\\n*The following account of that battle is taken from a published letter of M. B. Goodwin,\\nEsq., dated Plymouth, May 3, 1875:\\nFrom the cupola of this hotel you look down upon the junction of Baker^s river with the\\nPemigewasset, which was the scene of a bloody drama in the early history of this state, the\\ndestruction of an I ndian village which was planted there one hundred and sixty-three years a^o.\\nThe first-pale faces of whom history preserves any account, who visited this place, was the\\ncompany of Marching Troops against the Enemy at Cohos under Captain Thomas Ba-\\nker. They left Northampton in the early summer of 1712, struck up the Connecticut to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 133\\nbeat him severely. He and Eastman were taken to lake Mem-\\nphremagog, the headquarters of the St. Francis tribe. There\\nthey were compelled to run the gauntlet. The young braves\\nstood in two lines armed with clubs or sticks, with which they\\nbeat the captive as he passed, who carried in his hands a pole\\nsix or eight feet long, surmounted with the skin of an animal.\\nEastman, in his transit, was nearly beaten to death. Stark used\\nhis pole with such vigor, swinging it right and left, that he es-\\ncaped with slight injury. This feat pleased the old Indians who,\\nas spectators, enjoyed the sport at the expense of their young\\nwarriors. They then directed Stark to hoe their corn. He at\\nfirst carefully hoed the weeds and cut up the corn by the roots\\nfinally he threw his hoe into the river, saying, it was the busi-\\nness of squaws, and not of warriors, to hoe corn.* This gave\\nthe Indians still greater pleasure and they adopted him by the\\ntitle of Young Chief. Afterwards he was a favorite, and in\\nhis old age still testified to the uniform kindness of his captors.\\nHe was shortly redeemed by Capt. Stevens, who was sent to re-\\ncover Massachusetts prisoners. His ransom was fixed at one\\nhundred and three dollars j that of his friend Eastman at sixty.\\nThe state never repaid either sum.\\nLower Cohos now Haverhill, thence over the height of lands to the source of what from\\nthis expedition took the name of Baker s river, and so down the stream to its junction with\\nthe west branch of the Merrimack as the Massachusetts records has it now the Pemige-\\nwasset river. At the confluence of these two streams, in the Crotch, they found the\\nEnemy the terrible tawnies, as old Cotton Mather called the original proprietors.\\nOn detecting traces of the savages. Baker sent forward scouts who, on getting ^near the\\njunction, discovered a sequestered Indian village with their clusters of wigwams in circles\\nupon the interval, the corn of their scanty husbandry freshly springing from the surrounding\\nfields. The budding and blossoming spring was distilling its iragrance, the rule being to put\\nin the crops when the oak leaf became as large as a mouse s ear. The squaws were busy\\nat their work and the little ones were gamboling like lambs along the banks. But a few war-\\nriors were at home, the most of them being in pursuit of game. The reconnoitering party\\ncame back and reported what tfcey had seen.\\nCaptain Baker at once put his company in motion, silently crept upon the unsuspecting vil-\\nlage, and poured upon them their deadly musketry some fell, the rest fied into the forests.\\nTheir wigwams were set on fire, their rich furs, stored in holes like the nests of bank swallows\\nalong the shores, were destroyed, and crossing hastily to the southerly shore of Baker s river\\nthey pushed with the utmost speed down the Pemigewasset, with the yells of the maddened\\nwarriors ringing from the hills behind them. They had destroyed the headquarters of the\\nPemigewas^ets, the royal residence of Walternumus their sachem, situated on what is the\\nupper outskirts of Plymouth village. The spot now answers well to the description yvhich\\nhistory and tr-adition give and the multitude of Indian relics which have been found in the\\nlocality makes it certain. The town has a pleasant name, but Pemigewasset would have\\nbeen better.\\nWhen Baker had retreated some six miles down the road, the infuriated savages led by Wal-\\nternumus were upon them, and they were compelled to give battle in a dense forest at a pop-\\nlar plain in what is now Bridgewater. In the heat of the battle the sachem and Baker were\\nconirontetl. They both fired at the same instant the sachem leaped into the air with a yell,\\nfalling dead with a ball through his heart, and Baker s eyebrow being grazed by the sachem s\\nball. In the dismay and momentary retreat of the Indians at the loss of their chief^ Baker\\npushed down the river with the utmost speed, and the Indians were soon upon their heels.\\nWhep amved at the brook now known as the outlet of Webster Lake, in Franklin Village,\\nthe company, utterly exhausted with hunger and fatigue, came to a halt in despair. A friendly\\nIndian belonging to tlie company saved them. He directed each man to build a fire, cut a\\nnumber of sticks, bum the ends as though used for roasting meat, leave them by the fires and\\nhasten forward. Their pursuers were immediately upon the scene, and counting each stick\\nas representing a man they followed no more, concluding the pale-faces loo strong for them.\\nPerhaps the original name of Baker s Town, which Salisbury bore, arose from this event", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "134 HISTORY OF\\nIn March, 1753, Mr. Stark became the guide of an exploring\\nparty to the Coos territoi-y. In 1754 he again guided Capt.\\nPowers with thirty men, sent by governor Wentworth, to the Up-\\nper Coos, to remonstrate with the French who were said to be\\nerecting a fort there. They found no French but visited the\\nbeautiful intervals where Newbury and Haverhill are now sit-\\nuated. They were the first English explorers of this region.\\nUpon the breaking out of the seven years war, Stark was\\nmade second lieutenant in Rogers Rangers attached to Blan-\\nchard s regiment. These men were rugged foresters, every man\\nof whom, as a hunter, could hit the size of a dollar at the dis-\\ntance of a hundred yards. They were inured to cold, hunger\\nand peril. They often marched without food, and slept in winter\\nwithout shelter. They knew the Indians thoroughly. They\\nwere principally recruited in the vicinify of Amoskeag Falls.\\nTheir early habits had accustomed them to face wild beasts,\\nsavage men and fierce storms. In the summer of 1755, Rogers\\nand his men were ordered to visit Coos and erect a fort. A sub-\\nsequent order directed them to Fort Edward, on the east of the\\nHudson, about forty-five miles north of Albany. They arrived\\nthere in August, a short time before the attack made by Baron\\nDieskau on Johnson s provincial army at the south end of lake\\nGeorge. The French were defeated with the loss of their leader.\\nThe camp of Johnson was attacked on the eighth of Septem-\\nber. A party from Fort Edward discovered some wagons burn-\\ning in the road. Capt. Nathaniel Folsom, with eighty New\\nHampshire men and forty from New York, went out to recon-\\nnoitre the place. They found the wagoners and cattle dead\\nbut no enemy was near. Hearing the report of guns toward\\nthe lake, they hastened to the scene of action. On their march\\nthey found the baggage of the French under a guard, whom they\\ndispersed. Soon the retreating army of Dieskau appeared in\\nsight, and Folsom, posting his men behind trees, kept up a well\\ndirected fire till night. The enemy retired with great loss. Only\\nsix of the New Hampshire troops were killed. The French lost\\ntheir ammunition and baggage, with a large number of men. This\\nregiment then joined the regular army, and its men were em-\\nployed as scouts.\\nAnother regiment was raised in New Hampshire, commanded\\nby Col. Peter Oilman. These were also employed in the same\\nservice. Their familiarity with savage warfare, their skill in the\\nuse of arms, their courage and enterprise, rendered them the\\nmost efficient soldiers in the army. In autumn these regiments\\nwere disbanded and returned home. The three expeditions\\nplanned this year all signally failed.\\nBy the operations near Crown Point, which alone could claim", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 135\\none successful battle, the Indians were roused to greater violence.\\nThe whole frontier was undefended. As early as 1752 it was in\\ncontemplation to extend the settlements of New Hampshire up\\nthe Connecticut river to the rich meadows of Cohos, as the\\nregion was then called. A party was sent, in the spring of 1750,\\nto explore this region. The Indians watched their movements\\nand suspected their purpose. A delegation of the St. Francis\\ntribe was sent to remonstrate against this proposed occupation\\nof their best lands. They came to Number-Four and complained\\nto Capt. Stevens of this new encroachment. He informed the\\ngovernors of Massachusetts and New Hampshire of their mis-\\nsion, and they discouraged the new enterprise. It was then\\nlaid aside. Two other Indians also came to Canterbury, where\\nthey were entertained more than a month. They carried off two\\nnegroes, one of whom escaped. This fact revealed their treach-\\nery. The next year, 1753, Sabatis, one of the two who captured\\nthe negroes, with a companion came again to Canterbury, and\\nbeing reproved for his former treachery he and his friend became\\ninsolent and threatened violence. They were treated to strong\\ndrink till they became nearly helpless, then were decoyed into\\nthe woods and slain. The murderers were arrested and carried\\nin irons to Portsmouth, but were rescued by a mob. This un-\\npunished murder of the two Indians was never forgiven. No\\ntreaties, conferences or presents could induce them to say, the\\nblood was wiped away.\\nThis fresh incentive, added to their natural ferocity, prompted\\nthem to renew their old depredations, robberies, burnings and\\nmurders in Hopkinton, Keene, Walpole, Hinsdale and other\\nfrontier towns. At Bridgman s fort they surprised three families,\\nfourteen in all, and carried them to Canada. One of them, the\\nwife of Caleb Howe* by her sufferings and intrepidity gave rise\\nto a narrative called The Fair Captive. After the failure of\\nthe campaigns of 1755, and the death of Braddock, Governor\\nShirley was raised to the chief command. He planned another\\nexpedition to Crown Point. Another regiment was called for\\nfrom New Hampshire. Nathaniel Meserve was appointed Col-\\nonel. But before .Shirley s plan was executed, he was super-\\nseded by Lord Loudon. He was characterized by a masterly\\ninactivity. Franklin said of him He was entirely made up\\nof indecision. He was like St. George on the signs, always on\\nhorseback, but never rode on. The plan of the campaign\\nfor 1756 was nearly the same as that of the preceding year.\\nCrown Point, Niagara and Fort du Quesne were the posts to be\\nwon. Though the two nations had been fighting for a year,\\nwar was not declared against France till May 17, 1756. The\\ndilatory motives of Lord Loudon strongly contrasted with the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "136 HISTORY OF\\nactivity of Montcalm. In the winter of 1756, Rogers was again\\ncalled upon to enlist and command a corps of rangers. John\\nStark was appointed one of his lieutenants. No great military\\nenterprise was undertaken this year. The rangers were con-\\nstantly on foot, watching the motions of the enemy, cutting off\\ntheir supplies and capturing sentinels at their posts. They some-\\ntimes used the scalping-knife, in retaliation for the cruelties of\\nthe French and their savage allies. In Januar) 1757, a detach-\\nment of the rangers marched from Fort William Henry to in-\\ntercept supplies of the enemy. They were partially successful\\nbut, on their return, about three miles from Ticonderoga, they\\nwere attacked from an ambush, by a force double their own.\\nThen followed one of the most desperate and bloody battles of\\nthe entire war. Rogers was twice wounded Captain Spikeman\\nwas killed and Lieutenant Stark, being then senior commander,\\nby his almost incredible efforts saved the crippled company\\nfrom annihilation. In the reorganization of the corps, he was\\nappointed captain of one company. Once, by his vigilance and\\nforesight. Stark saved Fort William Henry from capture. It was\\non the seventeenth of March, 1757. A French army of twenty-\\nfive hundred men advanced upon that post, presuming that the\\nIrish troops would be celebratuig St. Patrick s day, as they were,\\nbut the rest of the army under Stark s command were ready for\\naction and the enemy was repulsed with great loss. In the fol-\\nlowing August the same fort was surrendered to the Marquis de\\nMontcalm, under express stipulations that the garrison should be\\nallowed the honers of war and be safely escorted to Fort Ed-\\nward. The Indians were dissatisfied with the terms of surrender.\\nThey hung upon the rear of the retiring army, which amounted\\nto about three thousand. They at first began to plunder soon\\nthey raised the war-whoop and rushed like fiends upon the un-\\narmed troops. They butchered and scalped their helpless vic-\\ntims, mingling their inhuman yells with the groans of the dying.\\nOf the New Hampshire regiment, eighty fell in this inglorious\\nmassacre. Montcalm made no effort to stay the slaughter. It\\nis difficult to account for his indifference to honor, fame and\\ntreaty covenants. His memory can never be relieved from the\\nweight of condemnation which all good men of all time will\\nheap upon it. The very shores of that Holy Lake echo to-\\nday with curses upon his inhumanity. Montcalm, in his letter\\nto the minister, as quoted by Mr. Bancroft, did attempt the res-\\ncue of the English, crying out to the Indians, Kill me, using\\nprayers and menaces and promises, but spare the English who\\nare under my protection. He also urged the troops to defend\\nthemselves, escorted more than four hundred who remained of\\nthe captives on their way, and ransomed those whom tlie Ind-\\nians had carried off.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 137\\nThus ended the magnificent preparations of this year. Losses\\nand defeats stained the entire records of the English and colo-\\nnial history for three years. The home government was regen-\\nerated by the elevation of the great Commoner, William Pitt,\\nto the premiership of England. He said, with conscious power,\\nI can save this country and nobody else can. His presence\\nwas inspiration he himself was greater than his speeches.\\nHe gave to the colonies equality of military rank in offices be-\\nlow that of colonel, and cheered them with the prospect of a\\nreimbursement of their expenses. Near the close of the year\\n1757 two hundred and fifty recruits were raised in New Hamp-\\nshire, placed under Major Thomas Tash, and stationed at Num-\\nber-Four. Thus, for the first time, this post was occupied by\\nNew Hampshire troops. The state was then in a condition of\\nextreme despondency. Great losses of men, stores and forts\\ndiscouraged the people. The provisions they had gathered with\\nsevere toil, and borne like beasts of burden to their military\\nposts, were possessed by the enemy, who in plenty danced\\naround the scalps of their murdered brethren. But the spirit of\\nPitt awoke them from their midnight dream of desolation. He\\ncalled on them for men, as many as their numbers would allow\\nthem to raise, promising arms, ammunition, tents, provisions\\nand boats from England, and assuring them that he would earn-\\nestly recommend the parliament to grant them a compensa-\\ntion for other expenses. Thereupon the assembly of New\\nHampshire cheerfully voted to raise eight hundred men for the\\nyear. The regiment of Colonel John Hart served at the west,\\nunder Abercrombie. Colonel Meserve with one hundred and\\neight carpenters embarked for Louisburg to recapture a city dis-\\ngracefully given up in 1748. At this place General Amherst\\ncommanded. This body of mechanics were seized with the\\nsmall-pox, which was the common scourge of armies in those\\ndays. All but sixteen were rendered unfit for service by it.\\nColonel Meserve and his eldest son died of this disease. Me-\\nserve was a shipwright by profession, a skillful, energetic and\\nexcellent citizen and officer. Lord Loudon presented him a\\npiece of plate while he served in his army, acknowledging\\nhis capacity, fidelity, and ready disposition in the service of\\nhis country.\\nLouisburg was again taken, but the attack on Ticonderoga was\\nunsuccessful. It was one of the saddest defeats of the war.\\nThe plan, at the outset, promised success. On the morning of\\nJuly fifth, 1758, the whole army of sixteen thousand men em-\\nbarked in bateaux upon Lake George for Ticonderoga, a place\\nsituated on the western shore of Lake Champlain about eighty\\nmiles north of Albany. The order of march presented a", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "138 HISTORY OF\\nsplendid military show. The regular troops formed the centre\\nthe provincials the wings. Rogers Rangers played a very im-\\nportant part in the siege. The attack continued for three days\\nbut resulted in the final defeat of the English, with the loss of\\nLord Howe and nearly two thousand soldiers killed, wounded\\nand prisoners. England mourned the loss of her brave com-\\nmander and her gallant soldiers the colonies wept for sons,\\nbrothers and fathers. It was their own soil that drank the blood\\nof their kindred.\\nBut better days were in the future. The sun yet rode in\\nbrightness behind the clouds. The next year s labors were\\ncrowned with glorious success. The English army felt the stim-\\nulus of young blood in her commander. They had been re-\\nlieved by Pitt of a long and melancholy list of lieutenant-gen-\\nerals and major-generals, whose dilatory habits of routine\\nrested like an incubus upon the army. The premier now re-\\nsolved on vigorous action. Niagara, Ticonderoga and Quebec\\nwere the points of assault. The campaigns were all successful.\\nOn the Plains of Abraham, the battle-field of empire, was\\nfought the battle which decided the destiny of this continent.\\nIt was then and there determined whether despotism or democ-\\nracy, Catholicism or protestantism should govern the souls and\\nbodies of men in America. The brave Wolfe and the gallant\\nMontcalm were the representatives of these opposing elements\\nof civilization. They both fell lamented by many brave men\\nbut progress was decreed for this continent in the eternal pur-\\nposes, and God employed that nation to promote it which time\\nand history have proved to have been best fitted for the work.\\nThis was one of the decisive battles of the world. A contrary\\nresult would have changed the whole current of human civiliza-\\ntion. Here was a conflict of ideas, and not the mere encounter\\nof brute forces. Pitt himself recognized the divine interposition\\nin his triumph. The more a man is versed in business, said\\nhe, Jhe more he finds the hand of Providence everywhere.\\nAmerica rung with exultation the towns were bright with illu-\\nmination, the hills with bonfires legislatures, the pulpit, the\\npress, echoed the general joy; provinces and families gave\\nthanks to God.\\nBut the war, for New Hampshire, was not ended. The St.\\nFrancis Indians remained to be chastised. They were the sav-\\nage .rangers of the old French wars with England. They had\\nbuilt a village of forty wigwams at the confluence of the St. Law-\\nrence and St. Francis rivers. To this place they had brought\\nthe plunder obtained by numerous savage forays into New\\nHampshire. A Catholic church had been erected there by French\\nJesuits. A bell brought from France called the dusky worship-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 139\\ners to matin and vesper services. Wax candles shed a dim\\nreligious light on the altar, on crosses, pictures and a silver\\nimage of the Virgin Mary. A small organ aided the rude\\nchoir in their devotions. A Catholic friar of good Jesuitical\\nqualities regulated both church and state in this little republic\\nof freebooters and assassins. The last act of these savages that\\nprovoked General Amherst to order an attack upon them was\\nthe detention of Captain Kennedy as a prisoner, whom he had\\nsent with a flag of truce to negotiate a peace. On the thirteenth\\nof September, 1769, Captain Rogers received the following\\norders\\nYou are this night to join the detachment of two hundred men who\\nwere yesterday ordered out, and proceed to Missisquoi Bay, from which you\\nwill proceed to attack the enemy s settlement on the south side of the St.\\nLawrence, in such a manner as shall most effectually disgrace and injure the\\nenemy and redound to honor and success of his Majesty s arms. Remem-\\nber the barbarities committed by the enemy s Indian scoundrels on every oc-\\ncasion where they have had opportunities of showing their infamous cruel-\\nties towards his Majesty s subjects. Take your revenge but remember that\\nalthough the villains have promiscuously murdered women and children, of\\nall ages, it is my order that no women or children should be killed or hurt.\\nWhen you have performed this service you will again join the army wherev-\\ner it may be.\\nThis was one of the most difficult and perilous enterprises\\never undertaken by mortal man. The march lay for hundreds\\nof miles through an unbroken wilderness. The enemy was\\nbefore and behind them but Rogers and his Rangers never\\nquailed before dangers. The company immediately left Crown\\nPoint, embarked in bateaux and rowed north on Lake Cham-\\nplain to Missisquoi Bay. Here they left their boats and provis-\\nions with a trusty guard and entered the lonely wilderness.\\nAfter two days march they were overtaken by the guard they\\nhad left at the bay with the intelligence that four hundred French\\nand Indians had seized their boats and provisions, and that two\\nhundred of them were now on the trail of the explorers. They\\nstill pressed on, and on the twenty-second day after leaving\\nCrown Point the Indian village was discovered from the top\\nof a tall tree, about three miles distant In the evening Major\\nRngers and two of his men, disguised like Indians, passed\\nthrough the village. They found the Indians in the greatest\\nglee, celebrating a wedding. Rogers wrote in his journal I\\nsaw them execute several dances with the greatest spirit. The\\nRangers, by various calamities, had been reduced to one hun-\\ndred and forty-two men. These, being divided into three sections,\\nadvanced against the slumbering Indians at three o clock in the\\nmorning. The Rangers marched up to the very doors of the\\nwigwams unobserved, and several squads made choice of the\\nwigwams they would attack. There was little use of the mus-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "140 HISTORY OF\\nket the Rangers leaped into the dwellings and made sure work\\nwith the hatchet and knife. Never was surprise more complete.\\nAfter destroying the foe they set fire to the houses. They burn-\\ned all but three, which they reserved for their own use. The\\nlurid glare from these smoking huts revealed a horrid spectacle.\\nIt showed more than six hundred scalps of white men elevated\\non poles and fluttering in the wind to grace the infernal orgies\\nof the preceding day. Many women and children probably per-\\nished in the flames only twenty were taken, and none were\\nintentionally killed. Two hundred Indian warriors were slain.\\nThis was accomplished with the loss of one private, a Stock-\\nbridge Indian, and the wounding of one officer and six Rangers.\\nThe village abounded in wealth, the accumulation of years of\\nrobbery. The Rangers took with them such treasures as they\\ncould conveniently carry. Among them were two hundred guin-\\neas in gold and a silver image of the Virgin weighing ten pounds.\\nWhen this work of vengeance was complete the greatest perils\\nof the war awaited them. Three hundred French and Indians\\nwere upon their trail. The enemy were well supplied with pro-\\nvisions the victorious Rangers were dying of hunger. Rogers,\\nlearning that his path was ambushed, resolved to return by way\\nof the Connecticut river. General Amherst had ordered sup-\\nplies to be forwarded for their use to the mouth of the Ammon-\\noosuc river. For eight days they marched in a body towards\\nthe sources of the Connecticut. At length they reached Lake\\nMemphremagog, where their provisions were utterly exhausted.\\nThey then divided into three parties, under skillful leaders, in-\\ntending to rendezvous at the mouth of the Ammonoosuc. One\\ncompany was overtaken by the enemy. Some were killed seven\\nwere captured but two of these escaped. On their arrival at\\nthe place of rendezvous they found no provisions. Lieutenant\\nStevens, who had been sent with succor, waited two days for the\\nRangers, then departed leaving no food. Major Rogers, with\\nCaptain Ogden and an Indian boy, embarked on a raft of dry\\npine trees to float down the Connecticut to Number-Four. He\\nthus describes his perilous voyage\\nThe current carried us down the stream, in the middle of the river, where\\nwe kept our miserable vessel with such paddles as could be split and hewn\\nwith small hatchets. The second day we reached White River falls, and\\nvery narrowly escaped running over them. The raft went over and was lost\\nbut our remaining strength enabled us to land and march by the falls. At\\nthe foot of them Capt. Ogdcn and the Ranger killed some red squirrels and\\na partridge, while I constructed another raft. Not being able to cut the\\ntrees I burnt them down, and burnt them at proper lengths. This was our\\nthird day s work after leaving our companions. The next day we floated\\ndown to Watoquichie falls, which are about fifty yards in length. Here we\\nlanded and Captain Ogden held the raft by a withe of hazel bushes, while\\nwe went below the falls to swim in, board and paddle it ashore this being", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 141\\nour only hope of life, as we had not strength to make a new raft. I suc-\\nceeded m securing it; and the next morning we floated down within a short\\ndistance of Number-Four. Here we found several men cutting timber, who\\nrelieved and assisted us to the fort. A canoe was immediately dispatched\\nup the river with provisions, which reached them in Cobs four days after,\\nwhich, according to my agreement, was the tenth after I left them. Two days\\nafter I went up the river with two other canoes, to relieve others of my party\\nwho might be coming this way.\\nThe several parties in moving westward toward the place of\\ndestination suffered untold horrors from cold and hunger. Win-\\nter was approaching. Rogers reached the Ammonoosuc on the\\nfifth of November. Other parties came in later. They sub-\\nsisted on roots, nuts, birch bark and such small animals as they\\ncould kill. They devoured their leather straps, their cartouch\\nboxes, their moccasins and even their powder-horns after they\\nhad been sodden in boiling water. The weak in mind went mad\\nthe weak in body died. They even ate the bodies of their mur-\\ndered comrades To such fearful sufferings were those heroic\\nRangers subjected to free the people of New Hampshire from\\ntheir relentless foes who had, from the first history of the state,\\nhung like a dark cloud upon its northern horizon.\\nCHAPTER XXXVHI.\\nCLOSE OF THE WAR AND THE RETURN OF PEACE.\\nAfter the capture pf Quebec, the rest of Canada fell an easy\\nprey to the invading army. That city was the key to all the\\nFrench possessions and by its fall the English became masters\\nof all the northern portion of the continent. For the service of\\nthe war in 1760, New Hampshire raised eight hundred men, who\\nwere commanded by Colonel John Goffe. Their place of ren-\\ndezvous was at Number- Four thence they opened a road\\nthrough the wilderness directly to Crown Point. They then pro-\\nceeded with the English army down the lake, and captured with\\nlittle opposition the forts of St. John and Chainblee. Montreal\\nwas surrendered without fighting. This event completed the\\ncampaign. After fifteen years of an.xiety, toil and privation,\\npeace returned to New Hampshire. Captives were restored and\\nthe joy was heightened by the subjection of the Indians and\\ntheir treacherous allies to the power of England. The e.xpenses\\nof the war had been paid in paper money, the last resort of a\\npeople in distress, a substitute for the precious metals easy to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "142 HISTORY OF\\nmake but hard to pay. It always depends for its value on pub-\\nlic opinion and always becomes depreciated as the national en-\\nthusiasm declines. Paper money had been issued several times\\nbefore, in periods of great distress but it never commanded\\nthe confidence of the people. In 1755, paper bills were issued\\nunder the denomination of new tenor of which fifteen shil-\\nlings were equal to one dollar. The same expedient was adopted\\nin the two following years but a rapid depreciation of these\\nbills followed, and they continued to decline till silver became\\nthe standard of value, in 1760. During the continuance of ac-\\ntive operations in war the harvests were bountiful, and there\\nwas little suffering for food at home or in the army but during\\nthe years 1761 and 1762, there was a severe drought and the\\ncrops were cut off so that it became necessary to import corn.\\nAt the time of this drought, in the summer, a fire raged in the\\nwoods of Barrington and Rochester with intense fury for weeks,\\ndestroying a large amount of the best timber. It was only ar-\\nrested by the rains of August. Pitt, the greatest premier in\\nEnglish history, showed himself honorable in practice as well\\nas in title. As he promised before the war, he recommended a\\nreimbursement of the expenses of the colonies and by his per-\\nsonal influence obtained it. His administration gave to Eng-\\nland new life to her colonies new hope. Both countries for a\\ntime enjoyed unparalleled prosperity. Pitt was popular at\\nhome and abroad, except with the narrow-minded, wrong-headed\\nGuelph who wore the crown. George III. hated the minister\\nwho had added to his dominions nearly a third part of the hab-\\nitable globe. The monarch stood in awe of his subject. His\\nrush-light policy became invisible amid the solar blaze of Pitt s\\nimperial genius. The king removed him from office, attempted\\nto silence him with a peerage and a pension; and, when the\\nspirit he had evoked would not down at his bidding, longed\\nfor the hour when decrepitude or age should put an end to\\nhim as the trumpet of sedition. Thus the Commons lost their\\nwisest counselor the colonies their staunchest supporter.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 143\\nCHAPTER XXXIX.\\nCONTROVERSY ABOUT THE WESTERN BOUNDARY.\\nIt was a favorite theory of the Philosopher of Malmesbury,\\nthat war is the natural state of mankind. If we class the feuds,\\nfactions and contentions of political parties under the head of\\nwar, history abundantly confirms his theory for when public\\nwarfare ceases, domestic strife begins. It would seem that con-\\ntroversy, about men or measures, creeds or policies, is a neces-\\nsary concomitant of political existence. When the seven years\\nwar ended by the definitive treaty of peace at Paris, in 1763, a\\nquarrel sprung up at once between New Hampshire and New\\nYork respecting the ownership of Vermont. Both states claimed\\nit by royal grants. Charles JI. conveyed to his brother James\\nall the land from the west side of Connecticut river to the\\neast side of Delaware bay. New York claimed Vermont under\\nthis grant. George II., in deciding the boundaries of New\\nHampshire, allows her line to extend westward till it meets\\nwith tlie king s other governments. New York, in her contro-\\nversies with Connecticut, had tacitly permitted the boundaries\\nof that colony to extend to a line drawn twenty miles east of\\nHudson s river. Massachusetts had claimed the same bound-\\nary, though denounced by New York as an intruder. On this\\ndisputed territory the governor of New Hampshire proceeded\\nto lay out towns and receive large fees and presents from grant-\\nees for his official sfervices. Thus his coffers were replenished\\nand his private estate largely increased. He preferred men\\nfrom other states to those of his own, because they were\\nbetter husbandmen and more liberal donors. During the\\nyear 1761, sixty townships, six miles square, were granted on the\\nwest, and eighteen on the east side of the river. The governor,\\nwith a wise regard to his descendants, reserved grants to himself\\nand heirs of five hundred acres in each township, freed perpet-\\nually from taxation. The whole number of grants made on the\\nwest side of the river within four years amounted to one hun-\\ndred and thirty-eight. The land fever rose to a fearful height.\\nSpeculators swarmed on every hand. The governor, proprietors\\nand middle men became rich, while the settlers were fleeced,\\nand received for their money imperfect titles and a legacy of\\nlawsuits. New York resisted these grants and oppressed the\\nsettlers who received them. They appealed to the king to set-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "144 HISTORY OF\\ntie the question. He in the plenitude of his wisdom, with ad-\\nvice of council, declared the western banks of Connecticut\\nriver, where it enters the province of Massachusetts Bay, as far\\nnortii as the forty-fifth degree of latitude, TO BE the boundary\\nline between the two provinces of New Hampshire and New\\nYork. One controversy was closed by this decree, and another\\nwas opened. The western bank of the river was declared to be\\nthe boundary between the states. The actual settlers on the\\ndisputed territory claimed that the operation of this decision\\nwas future the government of New York assumed that it was\\nretrospective and applied to the past. This led to litigations as\\nlong continued as the war of Troy. The arm of power, as usual,\\ntriumphed, and the innocent tillers of the soil paid the penalty\\nof defeat.\\n-O-\\nCHAPTER XL.\\nORIGIN OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR.\\nWant is a universal stimulant. AH animated nature moves in\\nobedience to it. Artificial wants give birth to civilization. Where\\nmen are satisfied with mere existence, without comforts or lux-\\nuries, there is no progress. Tacitus tells us of a race of men\\nthat subsisted by the chase and, to escape at night the teeth\\nand claws of the creatures they hunted by day, swung them-\\nselves to sleep in cradles made by interlacing the branches of\\ntall trees and they asked no favors of gods or men. They dis-\\nappeared when a better race occupied the soil. Necessity creates\\nwants and constrains men to supply them. Climate determines\\nthe kind of shelter, the amount of clothing and the quality of\\nfood which men need for the protection of life. By a natural\\nlaw, therefore, the northern man in the temperate zone is made\\nvigorous, industrious and progressive the tropical man in the\\ntorrid zone is made effeminate, indolent and stationar) But\\nwith accumulated wealth comes luxury. The rich and powerful\\nsupply their pleasures at the expense of the poor and industrious.\\nThis fact is beautifully illustrated by Archdeacon Palcy If\\nyou should see a ilock of pigeons in a field of corn and if (in-\\nstead of each picking where and what it liked, taking just as\\nmuch as it wanted and no more) you should see ninety-nine of", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 145\\nthem gathering all they got into a heap, reserving nothing for\\nthemselves but the chaff and the refuse keeping this heap for\\none, and that the weakest, perhaps worst, of all the flock sitting\\nround and looking on, all the winter, whilst this one was devour-\\ning, throwing aboutand wasting it and, if a pigeon more hardy\\nand hungry than the rest touched a grain of the hoard, all the\\nothers instantly flying upon it and tearing it to pieces if you\\nshould see this, you would see nothing more than what is every\\nday practised and established among men. So by the accident\\nof birth, the feeblest and worst person in the nation, often a\\nchild, an idiot, a madman or a fool, is set on high to rule over\\nothers, to live on their earnings and to own them, body, mind\\nand estate. Kings never have enough. They are always in want\\nthey want sailors and soldiers to fill their armies and man their\\nships they want money to pay their expenses and gratify their\\ntastes. To us who have learned that the people alone own their\\nestates and tax them as they choose, it seems absurd even to\\nread of the claims of a hereditary dunce like George III., in-\\nsane half his life and unreasonable the other half, upon the ter-\\nritory, productions and inhabitants of half a continent. We\\nread with astonishment that the tall pines of the unexplored\\nforests were called the king s timber and the unsunned mines\\nin the recesses of the earth, the king s treasure and the ex-\\ncise and imposts raised from the productive industry of the peo-\\nple, the king s revenue. Kings have brought nothing to\\nAmerica but wars and taxes. All that the English kings did for\\ntheir colonies is expressed in three sentences in Colonel Barre s\\nindignant reply to Minister Grenville They planted by your\\ncare No your oppression planted them in America.\\nThey nourished by your indulgence They grew by your neg-\\nlect. They protected by your arms They have\\nnobly taken up arms in your defence. The whole speech de-\\nserves to be inscribed in letters of gold upon the walls of every\\nlegislative hall in the country.\\nWhen England no longer needed the arms of Americans to\\nsubdue her enemies, she began to seize their wealth to replenish\\nher treasury. For more than a quarter of a century previous to\\nthe peace of Paris, England, under the specious plea of regu-\\nlating commerce, had been indirectly taxing her colonies. As\\nsoon as they had any trade worthy of the name, it was burdened\\nwith duties. The mother country required all their exports to be\\ncarried to her markets and if they sought to import goods from\\nother nations, they were at once burdened with duties so hea\\\\ y\\nas to become prohibitory. The restriction laid upon manufact-\\nures were so minute and oppressive as to savor of feudalism.\\nAs Pitt said, the colonies were not allowed to manufacture a", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "146 HISTORY OF\\nhob-nail. In 1750, parliament positively forbade the manu-\\nfacture of steel and the erection of certain iron works. These\\nregulations of trade, restrictions on commerce and prohibitions\\nof art created discontent but no rebellion. But, in 1764, the\\nking began to feel the want of more money. The expenses of\\nthe seven years war had added to the national debt more than\\nthree hundred millions of dollars. The colonies had been bene-\\nfited by the conquest of Canada and the subjugation of the Ind-\\nians. Therefore they must pay for the expenses of those bat-\\ntles which they had fought and the victories which they had won.\\nThe pretence for taxing America was to defray the expenses of\\nprotecting, defending and securing it. Another motive lay\\nbeneath this cloak. England had become jealous of the rising\\nindependence of her colonies. It was feared that they might\\nshake off their allegiance to their dear mother. They must\\ntherefore be taught to know their place. This could be clone\\nin no better way than by taxing them without their consent.\\nResolutions passed both houses of parliament to quarter troops\\nin America and support them at the expense of those who were\\nto be overawed by them also, to raise money by a duty on for-\\neign sugar and molasses and by stamps on all papers legal and\\nmercantile. The stamp act was introduced in 1764. The fram-\\ners of it boasted that it would execute itself, because all un-\\nstamped papers would be illegal and all controversies respect-\\ning such papers would be decided by a single judge, who was\\na crown officer, in the admiralty courts. But,\\nThe best laid schemes o mice and men\\nGang aft a-gley.\\nNeither the law nor its executive officers could accomplish the\\nwork. The heavy duties previously imposed on imported goods\\nled, first, to a contraband trade secondly, to the disuse of all ar-\\nticles so taxed. English cloths were no longer worn domestic\\nmanufactures supplied their place. The rich gave up their lux-\\nuries the poor their comforts. Patriotism supplanted all other\\npassions, affections and appetites. Life, domestic and public,\\nseemed to be regulated with sole reference to the defeat of Brit-\\nish legislation. This interruption of trade proved very injuri-\\nous to England and stimulated her legislators to severer meas-\\nures. Then came the stamp act, which it was thought could be\\nevaded by no domestic pledges or political unions. The an-\\nnouncement of this law led to more decided opposition. Asso-\\nciations were formed to resist it, called Sons of Liberty. They\\nadopted the words of Pitt as their motto Taxation and repre-\\nsentation are inseparable. The final passage of the bill was\\non the eighth of March, 1765. It was soon after approved by\\nthe king. On the night of its passage, Franklin, then in Lon-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. I47\\ndon, wrote to Charles Thompson The sun of liberty- is set\\nthe Americans must light the lamps of industry and economy.\\nHis correspondent replied Be assured we shall light torches\\nof quite another sort. The spirit of this remark breathed from\\nall lips. The people were roused to determined resistance.\\nThey resolved that the stamps should neither be distributed nor\\nused. George Meserve, Esq., son of Colonel Meserve who\\ndied at Louisburg, a native of Portsmouth, was appointed stamp-\\ndistributor for New Hampshire. He was in England at the time\\nof his appointment. He soon returned. On his arrival in Bos-\\nton, he found the very air filled with curses against the law and\\nimprecations upon its agents. Upon the recommendation of\\nhis friends, he resigned his office. The people of Portsmouth,\\nhearing of his arrival, hung his effigy in hay-market. It was ac-\\ncompanied by those of Lord Bute and the Devil. These images\\nhung through the day and at night were carried with great\\ntumult through the town and burned. When Mr. Meserve\\nreached his native town, he was immediately surrounded by a\\ncrowd, and compelled publicly to resign his office so odious to\\nhis townsmen.\\nThe stamped paper intended for use in New Hampshire\\nreached Boston on the thirtieth of September. As there was no\\none present authorized to receive it, Governor Barnard placed\\nit in the Castle. The law was to go into operation on the first\\nof November. That inauspicious day was regarded as an occa-\\nsion of mourning. The New Hampshire Gazette was lined with\\nblack. The bells tolled the colors on the ships were at half-\\nmast the people from the neighboring towns flocked to Ports-\\nmouth and in the afternoon a funeral procession was formed,\\nand a coffin inscribed Liberty aged 145, stampt, was carried\\nthrough the streets, Vith all the parade of a military funeral\\nbut, under pretence of remaining life, it was not interred, but\\nbrought back in triumph, with a new motto, Liberty revived.\\nAfter this manifestation of disorder, associations were formed\\nin all the leading towns to aid the magistrates in preserving the\\npeace. The governor and the crown officers remained quiet.\\nThey dared not meet the popular storm. All the business of\\nthe state was transacted as though no stamps were required to\\nmake it legal.\\nPetitions, numerously signed, were sent to England for the re-\\npeal of the act. There had ever been a formidable opposition\\nto the measure in parliament. The ablest men of the country\\nwere the friends of America. Hence it was not ver} difficult\\nto procure the repeal of the offensive law. Pitt, the greatest\\nstatesman of his age, said My position is this I will main-\\ntain it to my last hour, taxation and representation are insepar-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "148 HISTORY OF\\nable. This position is founded on the laws of nature it is\\nmore it is in itself an eternal law of nature for whatever is\\na man s own is absolutely his own no man has a right to take\\nit from him without his consent whoever attempts to do it at-\\ntempts an injui-y whoever does it commits a robbery. I am of\\nopinion that the stamp act ought to be repealed, totally, abso-\\nlutely and immediately. It was repealed on the eighteenth day\\nof March, 1766; and the American people for a time mani-\\nfested a joy extravagantly disproportioncd to the occasion. Only\\none tooth of the British lion had been extracted. His jaws were\\nyet strong to mangle his victim. England still claimed the\\nright to bind America in all cases whatsoever. She had only\\nlifted her hand to gain strength for a firmer and deadlier grasp.\\nThe new governor of New Hampshire, John Wentworth, ar-\\nrived at Charleston, South Carolina, in March, 1767, and jour-\\nneyed thence by land to Portsmouth. He was received with\\nunbounded demonstrations of joy and respect by the citizens\\nand magistrates. The general court met in September, and\\nvoted a salary of seven hundred pounds with an allowance for\\nhouse rent. His salary as surveyor of the woods was also\\nseven hundred pounds. Governor Wentworth came into power\\nat the most critical period in the history of our country. There\\nwas a temporary lull in the storm of opposition, at his arrival\\nbut a sense of wrong still rankled in the hearts of the people.\\nThe law requiring the colonies to maintain the troops quartered\\namong them still remained in force. The changes of ministers\\nwere frequent during these troublous times. A new administra-\\ntion was formed, in July, 1766, with William Pitt, the friend of\\nAmerica, at its head. He was now the Earl of Chatham. He\\nsat with the lords and not with the commons. The voice that\\nhad rung across seas and continents, in defence of freedom, had\\nbecome weak the eagle eye, which could gaze unblenched upon\\nthe very sun of power, had lost its lustre that manly form,\\nwhose presence could awe the most august legislative assembly\\non earth, was bowed with age and disease. Pitt was no longer\\nmaster of the occasion. He was too ill to attend the sessions\\nof parliament too irresolute to enforce his opinions upon the\\nking. In his absence his colleague, Mr. Townsend, introduced\\nanother bill for the taxing of glass, paper, painters colors and\\ntea. It was readily passed and received the king s approval.\\nThis was met with the most determined opposition in America,\\nby assemblies, associations and individuals. In Boston, mobs\\nwere frequent the governor and other magistrates were assaulted\\nand fled to the castle for safety. The arrival of seven hundred\\nBritish troops, from Halifax, was a new cause of tumult, disor-\\nder and violence. Collisions took place between the citizens", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 149\\nand soldiers and even between the boys and the soldiers. Though\\nthe British parliament censured, with great severity, the rebel-\\nlious spirit of the legislatures and people of the colonies, still\\nthey deemed some concessions necessary. Accordingly, on the\\nfifth of March, 1770, the very day of the murder of four citizens\\nin Boston by the British soldiers, Lord North proposed the re-\\npeal of all duties imposed by the act of 1767 except that on tea.\\nThis measure was carried against a violent opposition. By the\\nreservation of tea, the English government determined to adhere\\nto the right to tax her colonies. In Boston, the tea when im-\\nported was destroyed in New Hampshire, it was, by the advice\\nof the governor and magistrates, reshipped, without disorder,\\nand sent to Halifax. This act was repeated and the second\\ncargo, like the first, left the port but not till the consignee s\\nhouse was assaulted and he had appealed to the governor for\\nprotection. The citizens, in town meeting assembled, interposed\\ntheir vote to secure its reshipment. The colonies were a unit in\\ntheir resistance to taxation without representation. The adher-\\nents of the government were a small minority in every state.\\nThe crisis was approaching, and the people seemed resolved\\nto meet it. The colonial assemblies had appointed committees\\nof correspondence and proposed a continental congress. The\\nassembly of New Hampshire, in May, 1774, appointed a similar\\ncommittee. The governor, who was anxious to defeat that meas-\\nure, dissolved it. He appeared in person and ordered the sheriff\\nto bid all persons to disperse and keep the king s peace.\\nThey heard hirn respectfully and, after lie retired, adjourned to\\nanother house, where they wrote letters to all the towns to send\\ndeputies and money for their fees, to Exeter, for the purpose of\\nchoosing delegates to Jhe general congress. They also appoint-\\ned a day of fasting and prayer, to be observed in all the churches,\\non account of the gloomy state of public affairs. The day was\\ndevoutly observed and the other requests were complied with.\\nThe money was conscientiously raised and eighty-five delegates\\nwere sent to Exeter, where they chose Nathaniel Folsom and\\nJohn Sullivan, Esquires, to represent New Hampshire in the\\nproposed congress, which met at Philadelphia in the September\\nfollowing. Contributions were also raised for the relief of the\\ncitizens of Boston who were suffering from the suspension of\\nbusiness in consequence of the Boston Port Bill. The gover-\\nnor s influence was gone. He attempted secretly to aid Governor\\nGage in building barracks for his soldiers in Boston, by sending\\ncarpenters from New Hampshire but even his own relatives\\ndenounced him as an enemy to the community. At this\\ndark hour of his official life, he wrote to a friend Our atmos-\\nphere threatens a hurricane. I have strove in vain, almost to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "15\u00c2\u00b0\\nHISTORY OF\\ndeath, to prevent it. If I can at last bring out of it safety to\\nmy country and honor to our sovereign, my labors will be joy-\\nful. Alas! Othello s occupation was gone. Royal gover-\\nnors were no longer reeded in America. The people had re-\\nsolved to govern themselves. They had ceased to plan and had\\nbegun to act.\\nAn order had been raised by the king in council, prohibiting\\nthe e.xportation of gunpowder to America. A British ship of\\nwar was also ordered to I^ortsmouth to take possession of Fort\\nWilliam and Mary. The people anticipated its arrival and, un-\\nder the leadership of Major John Sullivan and John Langdon,\\non the fifteenth of December, 1774, proceeded to Newcastle,\\nentered the fort, took the captain and his five soldiers pris-\\noners and carried away one hundred barrels of gunpowder.\\nThe ne.xt day another company removed fifteen cannon, with\\nthe small arms and stores from the fort. The gims, powder\\nand military stores were secreted in the adjacent towns, and\\nafterwards were used in defence of the country. At a sec-\\nond convention of deputies held at Exeter, in January, 1775, the\\nheroic leaders of this attack on the fort, Major Sullivan and\\nCaptain Langdon, were chosen delegates to the next general\\ncongress to be holden at Philadelphia in May following. Mr.\\nBrewster, in his Rambles about Portsmouth, gives a detailed\\naccount of the capture of the fort and the removal of the pow-\\nder and guns. He makes Captain Thomas Pickering the chief\\nactor in this bold enterprise. He first suggested it to Major\\nLangdon. He was the leader of the boats crews that seized\\nthe fort. He first waded ashore, from his own boat, about mid-\\nnight. The rest of the company landed unperceived by any\\none, when Pickering, in advance of the main body, scaled the\\nramparts of the fort and seized the sentinel with his muscular\\narm, took his gun and threatened death if he made the least\\nalarm. Signals of success were given to the company, which\\nsoon had charge of the sentinel, while Captain Pickering entered\\nthe quarters of Captain Cochran and before he was fairly\\nawake, announced to him that the fort was captured and he was a\\nprisoner. This narrative is based on traditions current among\\nthe descendants of Captain Pickering. It shows, if true, that Ma-\\njors Sullivan and Langdon were not the leaders, but associates,\\nin one of the most daring achievements of the Revolution.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 151\\nCHAPTER XLI.\\nOFFICERS AND MINISTERS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN 1768.\\nAccording to a Register of New Hampshire published for\\n1768, we find the following account of its civilians and clergy-\\nmen.\\nJohn Wentworth, Esq., Governor.\\nJohn Temple, Esq., Lieutenant-Governor.\\nHon. Theodore Atkinson, Daniel Warner, M. H. Wentworth,\\nJames Nevin, Theodore Atkinson, jr., Nathaniel Barrell, Peter\\nLivius, Jonathan Warner, Daniel Rindge, Diniel Pierce, and G.\\nJaffrey, Esquires, Councilors.\\nHon. Theodore Jaffrey, Esq., Secretary.\\nHon. George Jaffrey, Esq., Treasurer.\\nHon. Peter Gilman, Esq., Speaker of the House.\\nThe House consisted of thirty-one members, representing\\nthirty-two towns. Portsmouth sent three representatives Do-\\nver, Hampton and E.xeter, two each.\\nSuperior Court of Judicature Justices Hon. Theodore At-\\nkinson, Chief Justice Thomas Wallingford, Meshech Weare and\\nLeverett Hubbard, Esquires, Associates Wyseman Claggett,\\nEsq., Attorney-General Mr. George King, Clerk Thomas\\nPecker, Sheriff.\\nInferior Court of Common Pleas Hon. Daniel Warner, John\\nWentworth, Clement March and Peter Livius, Esquires, Justices;\\nHunking Wentworth Clerk.\\nJohn Wentworth, Esq., Judge of Probate William Parker,\\nEsq., Register.\\nDaniel Pierce, Esq., Register of Deeds.\\nMr. Eleazer Russell, Postmaster for Portsmouth.\\nWyseman Claggett, Esq., Notary Public.\\nHon. William Parker, Deputy Judge of Admiralty.\\nMr. John Sherburne, Register.\\nHon. James Nevin, Collector of Customs.\\nRobert Trail, Comptroller.\\nLeverett Hubbard, Surveyor and Searcher.\\nJohn Tucker, Naval Officer Eleazer Russell, Deputy.\\nEight practising attorneys are mentioned. Si.\\\\ty-eight minis-\\nters of the gospel are registered. Eight regiments of militia\\nwere then in existence. Eighty justices of the peace are enu-\\nmerated, including all the state officials above named. In 1800", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "7 52 HISTORY OK\\nthe number was 472; in 1815 about one thousand had been\\ncommissioned. It deserves notice, that in 1768 the principal\\noffices were confined to a few families and frequently one man\\nserved his state in several important capacities.\\nCHAPTER XLII.\\nORIGIN OF DARTMOUTH COLLEGE.\\nBY PROF. H. E. PARKER.\\nDartmouth College grew out of the Christian enterprise and\\nmissionary spirit of the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock. A pastor\\ngreatly beloved, a preacher of rare gifts, possessor of a hand-\\nsome competency by patrimony and marriage, his influence, tal-\\nents and means he devoted with ardor to Christian and philan-\\nthropic ends. Settled over a Congregational society, at Leba-\\nnon, Conn., but not receiving a full support from the society, he\\nthought it right to employ a portion of his time in other than\\nparish labors and like Eliot and Brainerd, animated with a deep\\ndesire for the christianization and civilization of the Indians, he\\nopened a school, about the year 1740, in his own house, for the\\neducation of Indian youth, receiving also English youth, whom\\nhe hoped would become missionaries among the Indians. His\\nwork soon attracted the attention of the philanthropic and be-\\nnevolent. Mr. Joshua Moor, of Mansfield, who owned a house\\nand two acres of land adjoining Mr. Wheelock s residence, pre-\\nsented them to the latter for the occupancy of his school, to\\nwhich, in commemoration of the donor, he gave the name of\\nMoor s Indian Charity School.\\nOther benefactors, in the colonies (one of the largest of whom\\nwas Sir William Johnson) and in the mother country, gave con-\\ntributions to further the objects of the school. A board of gen-\\ntlemen of the highest character was formed in England to re-\\nceive the contributions made in Great Britain for the object, e.\\\\-\\nIt is an interesting f.ict that the celebrated Mohawk chief, Joseph Brant (Thayendane-\\ngea), was, with Samson Occiini, among the first of Dr. Wheelock s pupils. The correspon-\\ndence between Dr. Wheelock and Sir William Johnson was quite active upon the subject of\\nthe school, and Joseph was himself employed as an agent to procure recruits for it. _Thus\\nin a letter from Sir William to the Doctor dated Nov. 17, 1761, he says I have given in\\ncharge to Joseph to speak in irvy name to any gqpd boys Indian) he may see, and encourage\\nthem to accept the generous offers now made to them, which he promised to do, and return\\nas soon as possible, and that without horses. Stone s Life 0/ Branty vol. 1st, page 21.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 1 53\\ncept those made in the northern part of the realm, for which the\\nScottish Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge\\nacted as almoners. At the head of the English board was the\\neminent and excellent William, Earl of Dartmouth, secretary for\\nthe colonies, himself a liberal donor, and using his influence to\\nsecure gifts from other quarters, the king himself cheerfully and\\ngenerously responding. At about the same time, and significant\\nof the esteem entertained towards him abroad, Mr. Wheelock\\nreceived from the University of Edinburgh the title of Doctor\\nof Divinity.\\nWith that prudential wisdom always a characteristic of his\\nmovements. Dr. Wheelock secured increasing public confidence\\nin his undertaking by inviting a few gentlemen of the highest\\nstanding in Connecticut to act as a Board of Trust, supervising\\nhis management of the school and its funds. In carrying out\\nthe objects he had in view, particularly in preparing missionaries\\nfor the Indians, the need was soon felt of a more extended course\\nof education, and Dr. Wheelock, with the approval of the board\\nof trust in Connecticut, and also of friends in Great Britain,\\nengrafted a college course of instruction upon that already estab-\\nlished in the school. This led to the contemplation of a change\\nof locality, for Yale being already established it did not seem\\nbest to have another college within the bounds of the Connecti-\\ncut colony. As soon as the proposed change became known\\nseveral places sought for the institution. Liberal offers came\\nfrom more than one town in Western Massachusetts. The city\\nof Albany made generous offers. One liberal proposal was made\\nfor its transfer to the banks of the Mississippi. But none, on\\nthe whole, were so inviting as those from the province of New\\nHampshire, seconded by the excellent, large-hearted colonial\\ngovernor of New Hampshire, John Wentworth. After a care-\\nful inspection by Dr. Wheelock, in company with one or two of\\nhis trustees, of many different localities in the province, the town\\nof Hanover, about midway in the valley of the Connecticut\\nbetween the northern and southern boundaries of New Hamp-\\nshire, was selected as the site for the new college, and the name\\nof Dartmouth was given to it in honor of the pious and illustrious\\nEnglish earl who had been so serviceable a patron of the\\nIndian school, the germ, of which the college was the flower.\\nThrough the services of Sir William Johnson and Governor\\nWentworth a royal charter was obtained for the college in 1769,\\nfrom George the Third.\\nIn the latter part of the summer of the following year the\\ntransfer of the institution was made. The long and tedious\\njourney, as roads were then, of a couple of hundred miles, was\\nmade by a part of Dr. Wheelock s family in a coach which had", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "154 HISTORY OF\\nbeen presented to him but by the rest, with all the students, on\\nfoot the company, numbering some seventy in all, wending\\ntheir way along the streams and through the forests, driving a\\nfew swine before them, the meat most easily raised in the new\\nsettlements. So they moved on that novel spectacle of a col-\\nlege turned emigrant-pioneer settler up into the then northern\\nwilderness, for Hanover had barely been entered by settlers\\nnot a half dozen years had elapsed since the first family had\\nlocated within its limits, and the primeval forest had to be felled\\nwhere Dr. Wheelock erected the first log structures.\\nOne reason which had led to the selection of the new site was\\nits nearer proximity to the Indian tribes Dr. Wheelock hoped to\\nbenefit. Neither previously nor subsequently, however, did the\\nresults of his efforts in behalf of tlie Indians realize his hopes,\\nalthough it is difficult to conceive how those efforts could have\\nbeen more wisely or energetically conducted. Apart from other\\ncauses, the French and Indian war proved very unpropitious in\\nits influence in keeping pupils away from the school before its\\nremoval from Connecticut and afterwards the Revolutionary\\nWar, in which the Indians were again arrayed against the colo-\\nnists, was similar in its effects. Still, with all that was untoward\\nand disappointing. Dr. Wheelock s efforts for the Indians did\\naccomplish much good nor is its amount to be measured alto-\\ngether by the one hundred and fifty or more Indian youth who\\nwere under his instruction although such instances as the cele-\\nbrated Colonel Brant and the eloquent preacher Joseph Occum,\\nboth of whom, as mentioned on the preceding page, were among\\nhis Indian pupils, sufficiently attest the value of his educational\\nefforts for the Indian. He originated a large amount of mis-\\nsionary labor, reaching in its influence the Mohawks, Delawares,\\nMohegans, Narragansetts, Oneidas, Senecas, and others, besides\\nthe varied good which resulted in his awakening and giving form\\nto benevolent interest and sympathy, both in this country and\\nabroad, towards our Indian tribes.\\nDr. Wheelock lived only nine years after the founding of the\\ncollege, and was succeeded in the presidency by his son, who\\ncontinued in office tliirty-six years.\\nThere have been, including its present energetic head, seven\\npresidents of the college, all with but a single exception clergy-\\nmen, and, as a body, conspicuous for their pulpit and administra-\\ntive abilities alike eminent as preachers and divines, and suc-\\ncessful as executive officers.\\nNear the close of the last century a Medical Department be-\\ncame connected with the college, which, from the first, has been\\ndistinguished by having among its lecturers some of the most\\nhonored names of the medical profession in our Northern States.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\n^55\\nA Scientific Department has been in successful operation for\\ntwenty-one years. In accordance with an act of tlie legislature, in\\n1866, establishing The New Hampshire College of Agriculture\\nand the Mechanic Arts, and authorizing its location at Hanover,\\nin connection with Dartmouth College, this new department has\\nbeen organized and put in operation. Two magnificent edifices,\\nespecially for this department, have already been erected, and a\\nvaluable farm, contiguous to the college grounds, is also in the\\npossession of the department and available for its purposes.\\nThrough the liberality of General Sylvanus Thayer the means\\nhave been furnished for establishing in the college an especial\\nSchool of Civil Engineering, designed mainlv as a supplemen-\\ntary post-graduate course. The valuable Astronomical and Me-\\nteorological Observatory was established mainly through the lib-\\nerality of the late George C. Shattuck, LL.D., of Boston. The\\nlibraries of the institution contain about fifty thousand volumes.\\nFifty-seven permanent scholarships, besides other funds, are avail-\\nable for the gratuitous assistance of students.\\nThe college may be said to have been fortunate in the class of\\nstudents frequenting its halls, since they have not been so much\\nthose soit to college as those who have sought college advantages.\\nHence, perhaps, is the explanation why its graduates have to so\\ngreat an extent been efficient workers in after life. Says one\\nlong familiar with the operations and influence of the institution,\\nthough himself a graduate of Yale\\nThe whole country is indebted to Dartmouth College, as may be seen from\\nits Triennial Catalogue, and facts known to all. It has sent forth more than\\nnine hundred able ministers of the gospel, who have done good service to the\\nchurches in all parts of the land, and many of our best foreign missionaries,\\nlike Goodell, Temple, Poor, Spaulding and Wright. It has furnished thir-\\nteen governors of statjs, thirty-one judges of courts, and several of these\\nchief-justices of states, and one chief-justice of the United States; four cab-\\ninet otiicers, five diplomatic agents abroad, that have done honor to their\\ncountry; more than fifty members of Congress, eighteen United States Sen-\\nators, eighty-nine college professors, and thirty-one presidents of colleges.\\nIt has filled seventeen theological chairs and thirteen medical chairs with its\\ngraduates, to say nothing of more than one thousand medical gentlemen of\\nskill, and distinguished men in all the walks of life.\\nA hundred years have passed since the founding of the col-\\nlege its friends may appeal to its history thus far as giving in-\\ncreasing illustration and emphasis to the words of Mr. Webster,\\nin his celebrated plea for his Alma Mater before the supreme\\ncourt of the United States\\nDartmouth College was established under a charter granted by the prov-\\nincial government but a better constitution, or one more adapted to the con-\\ndition of things under the present government, in all material respects, could\\nnot now be found. Nothing in it was found to need alteration at the Revo-\\nlution. The wise men of that day saw in it one of the best hopes of future\\ntimes, and commended it, as it was, with parental care to the protection and\\nguardianship of the government of the state.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "IS6 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER XLIII.\\nEARLY SETTLEMENTS IN COHOS.\\nAll the northern portion of the state, which, in 1773, received\\nthe name of Grafton county, was originally called Cohos or Ca-\\nwass. As late as 1760, there was no settlement by white men\\nin the Connecticut valley above Charlestown, and only three\\ntowns were settled south of this point. Hinsdale was settled in\\n1683, Westmoreland in 1741 and Walpole in 1752. These towns,\\nexcept Walpole, were settled by emigrants from Massachusetts\\nfor until 1741 the north line of that province was supposed to\\ninclude these towns. Hinsdale (Fort Dummer) and Charles-\\ntown (Number- Four) were military posts maintained most of the\\ntime by the province of Massachusetts, to guard the frontiers\\nagainst the Indians. In 1754, Captain Peter Powers of Hollis,\\nN. H., was appointed by the government of that province to\\nlead an exploring party into the Cohos region. They left Rum-\\nford (now Concord) on the fifteenth of June. 1754, and pene-\\ntrated through the wilderness as far north as Northumberland,\\nthen returned and encamped on what is now the Common, at\\nHaverhill Corner, on the sixth of July, 1754. During the seven\\nyears war, no further attempt was made to explore or settle\\nthe Cohos country. In 1761, when the colonies no longer feared\\nthe forays of the French and Indians, the spirit of emigration re-\\nvived in the older towns, and some brave men and braver wo-\\nmen ventured into these unoccupied regions of the north. War\\nhad revealed to them the Cohos Meadows. The Little Ox\\nBow on the east of the Connecticut, and the Great Ox Bow\\non the west side, were then cleared interval. The Indians\\nhad cultivated them in their imperfect way, for the raising of\\ncorn. They still occupied these meadows, but were now friendly\\nto the whites. They had formerly resisted the encroachments\\nof the English upon these rich lands. The country abounded\\nwith game, bear, deer, moose and fowls. The streams yielded\\nthe best of fish, salmon and trout. The soil was fertile and\\neasily tilled. While the Indians were strong and were backed\\nby the French, they allowed no pale-f.aces to make even a tem-\\nporary stand in this region. Major Rogers and his rangers had\\nhumbled them the last war had made them English subjects,\\nand they with silence and sorrow permitted new comers to live\\namong them. Haverhill and Newbury derived their names from", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 1 57\\nColonel James Bailey of Newbury, Mass., and Captain John\\nHazen of Haverhill, Mass., who first planned the settlement of\\nthese towns. The work was begun in 1761. For the next ten\\nyears, settlements advanced into the interior and northern por-\\ntions of the state quite rapidly.\\nMr. Webster, in his autobiography, says Previous to the\\nyear 1763, the settlements of New Hampshire had little or no\\nprogress into the country for sixty or seventy ears, owing to\\nthe hostility of the French in Canada and the neighboring In-\\ndians, who were under the influence of the French. Salisbury-\\nwas one of those towns granted by Benning Wentworth, and was\\nat first called Stevenstown, from one of the proprietors. Set-\\ntlements were made in it as early as 1750. It was incorporated\\nin 1768. Among the early settlers was Ebenezer Webster, the\\nfather of Daniel and Ezekiel Webster. He, with his wife, trav-\\neled out of the road or path, for it was no better, and they were\\nobliged to make their way, not finding one, to their destined\\nplace of habitation. My father, adds Mr. Webster, lapped\\non a little beyond any other comer, and when he had built his\\nlog cabin and lighted his fire, his smoke ascended nearer to\\nthe North Star than that of any other of his majesty s New\\nEngland subjects. His nearest civilized neighbor, on the north,\\nwas at Montreal.\\nCoos is an Indian name signifying crooked, and is said to\\nhave been given originally to a bend in the Connecticut river\\nand the territory on either side of it, including in New Hamp-\\nshire the towns of Lancaster, Northumberland and Stratford\\nand in Vermont, Lunenburg, Guildhall and Maidstone. Lan-\\ncaster was granted and incorporated in 1763, by Benning Went-\\nworth. The proprietors were David Page and sixty-nine others.\\nBesides these seventy shares, six others were reserved for the\\ngovernor and for public uses. The settlers came into this un-\\nbroken wilderness in 1764. There was then no mill for the\\ngrinding of corn nearer than Charlestown, a distance of one\\nhundred and ten miles. About thirty years after the first settle-\\nment, a Congregational church was formed and Rev. Joseph\\nWillard installed as pastor. His salary was eighty pounds per\\nannum.\\nAll the towns founded in the wilderness, in our countr\\\\ have\\na common history. The description of one is almost identically\\nthe description of all. The later settlements escaped the Indian\\nwars, but in other respects the toils and triumphs, the joys and\\nsorrows, the sufferings and successes, were nearly identical.\\nHere is the picture of a new settlement drawn by a master s\\nhand:\\nSoon the ax gives its clear, metallic ring through these valleys. The", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "158 HISTORY OF\\ngiant Anaks of the forest creak, groan, stagger and come thundering to\\nthe ground. Fires roar and rush through the dry fallow. In the dim night,\\nflames gleam from either side across the creek. .Smoke obscures the sun,\\ngiving the day the mystic hue of Indian summer. The sprouting hay grows\\nrank among the stumps. The reapers sing as they bind the tall and golden\\nsheaves.\\nRude but pleasant homes rise along these hill-sides. The buzz of the\\nwheel, the stroke of the loom, tell of domestic industry, of the discreet and\\nbeautiful women, once so aptly described by a king s mother. Hearts are\\nknit for life, while fingers are busy in knitting the woolen or flaxen fibre.\\nNuptials are celebrated in homespun. Little children look out the windows\\nand run ^mong the trees. The town-meeting is called. The school-house\\ngoes up. The master is abroad. Mutual necessities and hardships among\\nneighbors awaken mutual interest and hospitalities. Each has a helping\\nhand to rear up a house for the new comer, to sow and harvest the fields of\\na sick brother. The funeral, as it files through the woods to the final rest-\\ning place, calls out a long and sympathetic procession. It does not cost the\\nliving the last pittance to bury their dead. Those scant in pocket can afford\\nto die. Poor laws are superseded by the laws of kindness and reciprocity.\\nGone is that Arcadian age I Gone the men, famous for lifting up a.xes\\nagainst the thick trees I\\nThe (brave) forefathe\\nFrom Charlestown to Haverhill, more than seventy miles,\\nthere was no road, only a bridle path, indicated by marked trees-\\nThis was often hedged up by fallen trees or made impassable by\\nfreshets. Mr. Mann, one of the first settlers of Orford, trav-\\neled over this path in 1765. At Charlestown he purchased\\na bushel of oats for his horse and some bread and cheese for\\nhimself and wife and set forward, Mann on foot wife, oats,\\nbread and cheese and some clothing on horseback. Clare-\\nmont then contained two families Cornish, one Plainfield,\\none Lebanon, three Hanover, one and Lyme, three. Think\\nof the loneliness, the privation, the hardships of these first oc-\\ncupants of the wilderness. No sounds broke the silence of the\\nprimitive forests but the howling of the winds, the crash of fall-\\ning trees or the growl of beasts of prey. A rude cabin was\\ntheir only shelter game or fish, for a time, their principal food,\\nand water from the spring their only beverage. The wife lived\\nalone while the husband was abroad felling trees or securing\\nfood. Comfort was unknown. Consider, also, the royal con-\\ndescension that inserted in the charters of these new towns such\\nprovisions as these As soon as there shall be fifty families\\nresident and settled, they shall have the liberty of holding two\\nfairs annually also, a market may be opened and kept one or\\nmore days in each week as may be thought most advantageous\\nto the inhabitants.\\nTwo classes of persons, with very distinctly marked charac-\\nters, penetrated these northern wilds. The leaders were men of\\nintelligence, energy- and property. They had two objects in view", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. Ijg\\nto furnish permanent homes for themselves and their posterity\\nand to acquire wealth by the rise of their lands. They in a few\\nyears had comfortable houses with good furniture for that day.\\nThey were men of strong religious principle and early made\\nprovision for the preaching of the gospel. They brought with\\nthem some domestic animals, such as cows, swine and sheep\\nand were soon able to supply their tables with meat. There\\nwas another class, so poor as to need help to reach their new\\nhomes. They came on foot bearing all their property upon their\\nshoulders. Such persons needed guides and overseers and\\nhad not men of more enterprise furnished them shelter, food and\\nwork, they must have perished. The fare of all classes, at first,\\nwas scanty. Their buildings were made of logs. When food\\nbecame more plenty, they ate meat once in a day. Porridge of\\nbeans, pease or milk furnished their other meals. Bowls, dishes\\nand plates were usually of wood. The more wealthy used pew-\\nter and tin.\\nIn the summer of 1770 the Connecticut valley, from North-*\\nfield, Mass., to Lancaster, N. H., was visited by a species of\\narmy worm which devoured most of the standing crops and re-\\nduced the people nearly to starvation. In their maturity, the\\nworms were as long as a man s finger and as large in circumfer-\\nence. The body was brown, with a velvet stripe upon the back\\nand a yellow stripe on each side. They marched from the north\\nor northwest and passed to the east and south. They were the\\nmost loathsome and greedy invaders that ever polluted the earth.\\nThey covered the entire ground, so that not a finger s breadth\\nwas left between them. In their march, they crawled over houses\\nand barns, covering every inch of the boards and shingles.\\nEvery stalk of corji and wheat was doomed by them. The in-\\nhabitants dug trenches but they soon filled them to the surface\\nand the remaining army marched over their prostrate compan-\\nions. They continued their devastations more than a month\\nthen suddenly disappeared, no one knows how or where. Eleven\\nyears later a second visitation of the same worm was made,\\nbut they were then few in number. Potatoes and vines were\\nnot eaten by them. Pumpkins were abundant and were very use-\\nful in sustaining the lives of men and animals during the autumn.\\nThe atmosphere was also black with flocks of pigeons, which\\nwere caught in immense numbers, and their meat dried for\\nwinter use. The feathers were used for bedding. Before this\\ntime, only straw or the bare floor had formed the couches of the\\npoorer classes.\\nIn 1 77 1 a great freshet occurred in the Coos countiy. The\\nrich meadows of Newbury and Haverhill were not only sub-\\nmerged by water, but, in some places, buried two or three feet", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "l6o HISTORY OF\\nin sand. Thus they lost their crops for that year, and the use\\nof their fertile lands for several years to come. Cattle, sheep,\\nswine and horses were swept away and, in some instances, fam-\\nilies were caught in the dwellings by the tide, and were saved\\nwith great difficulty by boats. Severe suffering followed this\\nsudden flood, the greatest, perhaps, known on the Connecticut\\nriver.\\nCHAPTER XLIV.\\nTHE WENTWORTHS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nWentworth is a name of distinction in English history. The\\nancient and honorable family of Wentworths, says Thoresby,\\nin his history of Leeds, which for six hundred years hath borne\\nthe honor of knighthood, was seated four years before that in\\nthe county of York. The ancient and chief seat of this princi-\\npal branch of this noble family hath been for many ages at\\nWentworth Woodhouse, in the wapentake of Strafford, whence\\nthey spread into other parts. Thomas Wentworth, the Earl of\\nStrafford, who, next to Cromwell, was the greatest man of the\\nEnglish Revolution, belonged to this family. He was beheaded\\non the twelfth of May, 1641. The great ancestor of the Went-\\nworths of New Hampshire was VViUiam Wentworth, who, ac-\\ncording to Burke s Peerage and Baronetage, emigrated from\\nthe county of York, the ancient home of the race, to Boston in\\n1628 (it should be 1638), and removed subsequently to New\\nHampshire in 1639. He became a preacher of the gospel, and\\nis known in history as Elder Wentworth. He first preached at\\nExeter. He also lived and preached at Dover. When the Ind-\\nians attacked that town in i68g, Elder Wentworth, then over\\neighty years of age, was sleeping in Heard s garrison. He was\\nawaked by the barking of a dog, just as the Indians were enter-\\ning. He sprang to the door, forced out the savages, and falling\\non his back placed his feet against the door, and thus prevented\\ntheir entrance till his call for help alarmed the people who were\\nnear. The balls shot at tiie door passed through it and above\\nhis body, leaving the heroic veteran unharmed. This bold\\nact, says Judge Smith, will embalm the name and memory of\\nthis brave old man and sincere Christian as long as our records", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. l6l\\nshall endure and will give him a renown greater, far greater,\\nand more widely spread, than the good fortune of having so\\nmany governors among his descendants. His was true glory.\\nThe good fortune may happen to any man. He died at Do-\\nver, at the age of ninety. John Wentworth, his second son, was\\nlieutenant-governor of New Hampshire from 1717 to 1729.\\nThe character of Lieutenant-Governor John Wentwortth is thus\\ndrawn by Rev. John M. Whiton\\nFrom his father, Elder Wentworth, he received a christian education,\\nwhich exerted much influence on his subsequent life. P or a time he fol-\\nlowed the seas and commanded a ship, in which he carefully maintained the\\nmorning and evening worship of God. As a merchant, his integrity, benev-\\nolence and public spirit procured him general esteem. He was charitable to\\nthe poor, courteous and affable to all, and attentive to the institutions of re-\\nligion. For the most part of a period of thirteen years, some of them\\nmarked with the perplexities of an Indian war and a high degree of party\\nexcitement, he conducted the affairs of the province with singular wisdom\\nand moderation and with the exception of a controversv between him and\\nthe Assemblv, near the close of his administration, to the satisfaction of the\\npeople. He possessed their confidence and affection while living, and car-\\nried with him their respect when he descended to the grave.\\nHis family consisted of si.xteen children. One of his sons,\\nBenning Wentworth, was governor of New Hampshire from 1741\\nto 1766. For twenty-five years, in stormy times and during two\\nbloody wars, he sat at the helm of state, and perhaps adminis-\\ntered her affairs as well as most men could or would have done\\nin the same circumstances. He succeeded in pleasing neither\\nking nor people. He was virtually superseded, though time\\nwas courteously given him for resignation. He was succeeded\\nby his nephew John Wentworth, who had appeared at court to\\npresent the petition of the province against the stamp act. He\\nthus became acquainted with men in power, and by his courtly\\nmanners won their ftivor. His intercession prevented the cen-\\nsure and removal of his uncle and secured for him the oppor-\\ntunity of retiring with credit. Mohn Wentworth was commis-\\nsioned as Governor of New Hampshire and Surveyor of the\\nKing s Woods in North America. The king had a great fond-\\nness for timber. His father, Mark Hunking Wentworth, was a\\nmerchant who amassed a large fortune by foreign trade. He\\nwas also a member of the council and one of the Masonian\\nproprietors who purchased Mason s claim to the unoccupied\\nlands of New Hampshire^ His son John was the last, and\\nperhaps the most illustrious, of the royal governors. He was a\\ngraduate of Harvard, and was distinguished for his love of\\nlearning. After his flight from the country, his estate was con-\\nfiscated except what was required to pay his debts. His father,\\nfearing that the estate would prove insolvent, with great gen-\\nerosity relinquished his claims to his son s property, that other", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "l62 HISTORY OF\\ncreditors might not be losers by him. He was the largest cred-\\nitor of all.\\nJohn Wentworth had been trained to mercantile pursuits in\\nearly life. The distinguished family to which he belonged were\\ndevoted to merchandise. This was the most direct road to\\nwealth and power. The people of Portsmouth received and\\nhandled all the exports and imports of the province, hence\\nmany of them became rich. It was the scat of the legislature\\nand of the courts, till in 1770 the province was divided into\\nfive counties by the legislature. Several sessions passed before\\nthe points of difficulty respecting boundaries and privileges\\ncould be adjusted. In 1771, the king gave his approbation of\\nthe division, and separate courts were established in Rocking-\\nham, Hillsborough and Cheshire. The counties of Strafford\\nand Grafton, being sparsely settled, were attached in the judi-\\ncial circuit to Rockingham, till the governor and council should\\ndeem them competent to exercise separate jurisdictions. This\\nwas so ordered in 1773. The counties, except Cheshire, were\\nnamed by the governor in honor of English noblemen who\\nwere his personal friends.\\nIn 177 1, paper currency, which had been from its origin a\\nperpetual nuisance, was abolished and silver and gold became\\nthe legal tender in all business transactions. The predecessor\\nof John Wentworth, the Hon. Benning Wentworth, had amassed\\na large fortune a portion of it by questionable means. He\\nvirtually sold grants of townships to scheming proprietors and\\nreserved in each five hundred acres to himself. After his death\\nthe title to much of his estate began to be disputed. The gov-\\nernor himself proposed in council the question, Whether the\\nreservation of five hundred acres in several townships, by the\\nlate governor, Benning Wentworth, in the charter grants, con-\\nveyed the title to him Seven of the eight councilors an-\\nswered the question in the negative, and the reserved lands were\\noffered to private settlers.\\nThe dissenting councilor, Peter Livius, being dissatisfied be-\\ncause, in the reappointment of justices of the common pleas for\\nthe new counties he had been omitted by the governor, resolved\\nto procure his removal. He proceeded to England, with six\\nspecific charges of maladministration, and presented them to\\nthe lords of trade. A long and tedious examination followed,\\nrecords and witnesses were examined, and the governor was, af-\\nter an appeal, triumphantly acquitted on every charge. But the\\ncase was carried from the lords of trade, who were inclined to\\nreport the charges verified, to a committee of the privy council,\\nand before this high tribunal the governor was justified. That\\nthe decision was righteous appears from the general approbation", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 163\\nof it by the people and the Icjis ^-turc at home. Till this period\\nthe governor s fame had suffered no eclipse. This was in 1773.\\nHe had uniformly endeavored to promote the public welfare by\\nencouraging commerce, constructing highv/ays, establishing courts\\nand fostering learning. He signed the charter of Dartmouth\\nCollege, contributed liberally to its funds, attended its first com-\\nmencement, and took a deep interest in its welfare.\\nIt is to be regretted that a man so noble in character, so gen-\\nerous in action, so pacific in temper, should have fallen on evil\\ntimes but he did not appreciate the character of the people he\\nruled. He hoped for reconciliation and labored to promote it\\nbut he could no more resist the on-rush of the revolution, than\\nthe Danish Canute could stay the tide of old ocean.\\nDoctor Dwight in his travels, says of him Governor Went-\\nworth was the greatest benefactor of the Province of New\\nHampshire, mentioned in its history. He was a man of sound\\nimderstanding, refined taste, enlarged views and a dignified\\nspirit. His manners, also, were elegant and his disposition en-\\nterprising. Agriculture, in this province, owed more to him\\nthan to any other man. He originated the formation of new\\nroads and the improvement of old ones. All these circum-\\nstances rendered him very popular, and he would probably\\nhave continued to increase his reputation, had he not been pre-\\nvented by the controversy between Great Britain and her colo-\\nnies. As the case was he retired from the chair with an unim-\\npeachable character, and with higher reputation than any other\\nman who, at that time, held the same office in the country.\\nJohn Wentworth performed his last official act on the Isles of\\nShoals, in September, 1775. He had previously retired to the\\nfort and put himself^ under the protection of the Scarborough, a\\nBritish ship of war, where he remained till the fort was dis-\\nmantled. He then went to Boston. From that city he came as\\nnear to Portsmouth as he could with safety, to adjourn the re-\\nbellious assembl} His house had been pillaged after he re-\\ntired to the fort. Wentworth was the last, and probably the\\nbest, of the royal governors. He aimed to be loyal to the king\\nand true to the people. But the two things were incompatible.\\nHe possessed business tact, executive energy, a pacific temper,\\nand a cultivated taste. In ordinar} times he would have made\\na popular and successful governor but, at the perilous crisis of\\nhis administration, no man could serve two masters. If he was\\ntrue to the king, he was false to the people. Still, during a\\nconsiderable portion of his official life, he was highly acceptable\\nto his fellow-citizens. He went to England soon after leaving\\nthe province, and was there created a baronet and appointed\\nlieutenant-governor of New Brunswick.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "1G4 HISTORY OF\\nJohn Wentworth of Somersworth, a contemporary of the gov-\\nernor, was in public Hfe more than thirty years. He was dis-\\ntinguished as an officer in the militia, a legislator and a judge.\\nJohn Wentworth, jr., his son, was also one of the staunchest whigs\\nof the Revolution. No man of that troublous period has a\\npurer and nobler official record. He died in 1787, aged 42.\\nAfter the flight of Governor Wentworth, the people of New\\nHampshire were without a responsible government. They ac-\\ncordingly proceeded, in January, 1776, to form a constitution to\\nremain in force during the unhappy and unnatural contest with\\nGreat Britain. In the following June, on the fifteenth day of\\nthat month, they made and published the following Declaration\\nof Independence\\nWhereas it now appears an undoubted fact, that notwith-\\nstanding all the dutiful petitions and decent remonstrances from\\nthe American colonies, and the utmost exertions of their best\\nfriends in England on their behalf, the British Ministry, arbi-\\ntrary and vindictive, are yet determined to reduce by fire and\\nsword our bleeding country to their absolute obedience and\\nfor this purpose, in addition to their own forces, have engaged\\ngreat numbers of foreign mercenaries, who may now be on their\\npassage here accompanied by a formidable fleet to ravish and\\nplunder the sea-coast from all which we may reasonably ex-\\npect the most dismal scenes of distress the ensuing year, unless\\nwe exert ourselves by every means and precaution possible and\\nwhereas we of this colony of New Hampshire have the example\\nof several of the most respectable of our sister colonies before\\nus for entering upon that most important step of disunion from\\nGreat Britain, and declaring ourselves FREE and INDEPEND-\\nENT of the crown thereof, being impelled thereto by the most\\nviolent and injurious treatment and it appearing absolutely\\nnecessary in this most critical juncture of our public affairs,\\nthat the honorable the Continental Congress, who have this im-\\nportant object under immediate consideration, should be also in-\\nfo- med of our resolutions thereon without loss of time. We do\\nhereby declare that it is the opinion of this assembly that our\\ndelegates at the continental congress should be instructed, and\\nthey are hereby instructed, to join with the other colonies in de-\\nclaring the thirteen united colonies a free and independent\\nstate solemnly pledging our faith and honor, that we will on\\nour parts support the measure with our lives and fortunes, and\\nthat in consequence thereof, they, the continental congress, on\\nwhose wisdom, fidelity and integrity we rely, may enter into and\\nform such alliances as they may judge most conducive to the\\npresent safety and future advantage of these American colo-\\nnies Provided, the regulation of our internal police be under\\nthe direction of our own Assembly.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 165\\nCHAPTER XLV.\\nCOMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH ENGLAND.\\nThe colonial legislatures claimed entire and exclusive author-\\nity in all matters relating to their own domestic and internal\\naffairs. They denied the right of any power on earth to tax\\nthem but themselves. The British government maintained that\\nthe King of England, with advice of parliament, had, hath\\nand of right ought to have, full power and authority to make\\nlaws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the\\ncolonies and people of America in all cases whatsoever. On\\nthis principle, mother and daughter separated. The mother\\nmade concessions, adopted measures of conciliation, and re-\\nduced the duties to a mere nominal sum still, so long as the\\nprinciple was asserted, the rebellious daughter remained obsti-\\nnate. Had the tax levied been but one penny per annum for\\neach colony, the resistance would have been equally determined.\\nIndeed, there can scarcely be a doubt that seven years of pa-\\ntience, instead of seven years of fighting, with the ablest states-\\nmen and orators of England as friends of America, might have\\nsecured to the colonies absolute equality of political rights. Had\\nthe patriots of that age so waited and so acted, we their descend-\\nants might to-day have been the subjects of a hereditary mon-\\narch. Our counties might have been the property of counts,\\nand our independent yeomen who own their farms and till them,\\nwho choose their p/istors and support them, who make their\\nlaws and obey them, might have been the dependents of some\\nborn gentleman, like the Duke of Sutherland, who with great\\ncondescension visits his peasants twice a year and gives them\\nadvice, builds roads and allows them to walk in them, founds\\nchurches and sends them rectors, provides cottages and requires\\nof the tenants a rent which abridges the commonest comforts of\\nlife. The colonies were determined to be free. They deemed\\nall concessions a snare, and experience has proved that they\\njudged wisely. The English government, finding that the colo-\\nnies would not submit, resolved to subdue them.\\nIn April, 1775, there were three thousand royal troops in\\nBoston, under General Gage. The business of that city had\\nbeen ruined by adverse legislation. Traders had no business,\\ncitizens no bread. An exceeding great and bitter cry went\\nup through the land. The adjacent towns not only sent food to\\nBoston, but collected stores for the coming war. A magazine", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "1 66 HISTORY OF\\nof provisions and ammunition had been established at Concord,\\nMass. General Gage, on ihe nineteenth of April, sent troops\\nto destroy it. A company of provincial militia had assembled\\nat Lexington to resist the British troops. Major Pitcairn, on\\nseeing them, rode forward in front of his columns and cried,\\nDisperse, ye rebels lay down your arms and retire. As the\\nmen whom he called rebels did not obey, he gave orders to fire,\\nand seven Americans fell and nine were wounded. The rest re-\\ntired pursued by the British. This was the first bloody act of\\nthat great drama which was destined to free a continent. The\\nBritish regulars succeeded in destroying or removing most of\\nthe stores, but they paid dearly for this trilling result. They\\nlost, before their return, two hundred and seventy-three men,\\nkilled, wounded and missing, while the provincials lost only\\neighty-eight 1 The last tie to the mother country wars broken.\\nReconciliation was now impossible. The news of the first\\nbloodshed was borne on the v/ings of the wind to every hamlet,\\nto every dweller within the limits of the thirteen colonies. Men\\nsprang to arms as though moved by a single impulse. They\\nmade solemn pledges with one another to do or die, to be\\nready for the extreme event. Almost with one voice, they\\nechoed the burning words of Henry Give me libert) or give\\nme death I\\nThe people of New Hampshire were so inured to war, that\\nthey never could be wholly unprepared for it. An old law re-\\nquired every male inhabitant, from si.\\\\teen to sixty years of age,\\nto own a musket, bayonet, knapsack, cartridge-box, one pound\\nof powder, twenty bullets and twelve flints. Every town was re-\\nquired to keep, in readiness for use, one barrel of powder, two\\nhundred pounds of lead and three hundred flints, besides spare\\narms and ammunition for those who were too poor to own them.\\nEven exempts, as old as the discharged Roman veterans, were\\nobliged to retain their arms. The militia was regarded as the\\nright arm of the public defence. It was organized into com-\\npanies and regiments and subjected to frequent drills under their\\nofficers. In most of the townships laid out by proprietors or\\nroyal governors, a training ground was as commonly reserved\\nas a parsonage. Like the Jews of old in restoring and guarding\\ntheir broken walls, they made their prayer and set their\\nwatch. Volunteer companies also enlisted for the defence of\\nthe country. After the first blood was shed, every means that\\ncould convey the intelligence to the eye or ear was used to spread\\nthe alarm. Beacons were lighted, drums beaten, guns fired, and\\nIbels rung to warn the people of their danger.\\nThen there was hun-ying to and frc in hot haste\\nmen made ready their armor, women prepared their clothes and\\nbuckled on their harness.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 167\\nCHAPTER XLVI.\\nTHE BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL.\\nThe first Continental Congress met in Philadelphia, on the\\nfifth day of September, 1774. All the colonies were represented.\\nFifty-five members attended, each colony having sent as many\\nas it pleased. In this congress there was no distinction be-\\ntween*the large and small colonies each had one vote, because,\\nas General Sullivan said, a little colony has its all at stake as\\nwell as a great one. This congress published a bill of rights,\\nwhich was equivalent to bringing against Great Britain a bill\\nof wrongs. A great gulf was thus fixed between the two coun-\\ntries. The second congress assembled in the same city, on the\\ntenth of May, 1775, after the first blood had been shed at Lex-\\nington, and continued in session until the close of the Revolu-\\ntionary war and the adoption of a definite form of government.\\nBy this congress, Washington was chosen generalissimo of the\\nAmerican troops, on the fifteenth of June, 1775, and the Dec-\\nlaration of Independence passed July fourth, 1776; and they\\nassumed the name and title of The United States of America.\\nThe same congress appointed three major-generals, Artemas\\nard, Charles Lee, and Philip Schuyler one adjutant-general,\\nHoratio Gates and eight brigadier-generals, of whom John Sul-\\nlivan of New Hampshire was one. The people of the New\\nEngland states did not wait to be summoned to the defence of\\ntheir country. When they heard of her peril, they snatched their\\nfirelocks from the smoke-stained walls, and hastened to the\\ncamp of liberty.\\nThe veteran Stark, after the French and Indian war, settled\\nin Starktown, afterwards called Dunbarton, and there culti-\\nvated his farm and cared for his mills. The news of the battle\\nof Lexington reached him in his saw-mill. He immediately went\\nto his house, changed his dress, mounted his horse and hastened\\nto the theatre of war. On the road, he called his patriotic\\ncountrymen to arms. He was known to many of them, and his\\nname was a tower of strength. Medford was named as a place\\nof rendezvous. There in the hall of a tavern, afterwards called\\nNew Hampshire Hall, he was chosen, by hand vote, colonel\\nof the assembled militia. A regiment containing thirteen com-\\npanies was soon formed and reduced to tolerable discipline by\\ntheir commander. On the twenty-third of April, only four days", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "1 68 HISTORY OF\\nafter the battle of Lexington, two thousand men, from almost\\nevei^ t(iwn in New Hampshire, had reported themselves at head-\\nquarters for duty, and were desirous not to return till the\\nwork was done. Some of these, however, returned others were\\nformed into two regiments under the authority of Massachusetts.\\nIn May, on the meeting of the Provincial Congress of New\\nHampshire, they voted to raise two thousand men to be formed\\ninto three regiments. The commanders of these were John\\n.Stark, James Reed and Enoch Poor. These were the first col-\\nonial regiments, out of Massachusetts, that were placed under\\nthe command of General Ward, v. ho had been recently ap-\\npointed commander-in-chief of the forces of that colony. Gen-\\neral Putnam held a subordinate command.\\nColonel Prescott, who, like Marshal Ney, deserves to be styled\\nthe bravest of the brave, was detailed with one thousand\\nmen to throw up a breastwork of earth on Breed s Hill, on the\\nnight of the si-xteenth of June. Bunker Hill had been proposed\\nby the committee of safety, but Prescott received orders to\\nmarch to Breed s Hill. On the morning of the seventeenth of\\nJune, Stark s regiment, then at Medford, and Reed s, near\\nCharlestown neck, were ordered by Ward to march to Colonel\\nPrescott s aid. In marching over Charlestown neck, where the\\nsoldiers were exposed to the constant fire of an English man-of-\\nwar and two floating batteries. Captain Henry Dearborn, walk-\\ning by the side of Stark, suggested the propriety of a more rapid\\nmarch to escape the balls of the enemy. Stark replied C3ne\\nfresh man in action is worth ten tired ones, and continued to\\nmove with the same measured step, through the shower of iron\\nhail that was constantly falling around them. Ne.xt to Prescott,\\nStark brought the largest number of men into the field. The\\nposition of the New Hampshire troops was at a rail fence, about\\nforty yards in the rear of the redoubt, toward the Mystic river.\\nNewly mown hay, that lay upon the ground, was stuffed between\\nthe rails to form a very imperfect breastwork. A regiment of\\nWelsh fusileers was opposed to Stark s troops. They marched\\nup the hill with se\\\\ en hundred men. The next day only eighty-\\nthree appeared on parade. The destructive fire of Stark s men\\nhad nearly annihilated a regiment that had gained renown at the\\nbattle of Minden. When the redoubt was abandoned by Col-\\nonel Prescott, because his men had neither bayonets nor ammu-\\nnition with which to contniue its defence. Stark drew off his\\nforces in good order, without pursuit by the enemy. On the\\nground where the mowers had swung their scythes in peace\\nthe day before, the dead, relates Stark, lay as thick as sheep\\nin a fold. The New Hampshire troops during the action twice\\ndrove back the foe in their front, and held them in check while", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. l6g\\nthe little band were retreating from the breastwork, before they\\nleft the exposed position they had so nobly defended. Of\\nthe Americans in that memorable battle, one hundred and forty-\\nfive were killed and missing, and three hundred and four wound-\\ned, from about fifteen hundred in all. Stark s regiment lost fif-\\nteen killed and missing and si.xty were wounded. Of Reed s\\nregiment, three were killed, one missing, and twenty-nine wound-\\ned. General Gage reported the killed and wounded of his own\\narmy at one thousand and fifty-four. The number engaged was\\ndouble that of the Americans.\\nDr. Warren, the Hampden of the American Revolution, though\\nholding a high commission in the Massachusetts army, fought as\\na volunteer and, after passing through the blood and smoke of\\nthe fight at the redoubt, was killed during the retreat by a\\nBritish officer, who borrowed the gun of a private to do this deed\\nof blood. Major Andrew McClary, one of the bravest of New\\nHampshire s sons, fell by a chance shot of a cannon, as the re-\\ntiring army was marching over Charlestown neck.\\nThe battle of Quebec, says Mr. Bancroft, which won half\\na continent, did not cost the lives of so many officers as the\\nbattte-Tjf-fiunker Hill which gained nothing but a place of en-\\ncampment. If there be trutli in history, the moral effect of\\nthat day is due quite as much to the bravery of the New Hamp-\\nshire troops as to that of the Spartan band from Massachu-\\nsetts, under the command of Colonel Prescott, of whom it is\\nsaid, his bravery could never be enough acknowledged or ap-\\nplauded. This battle taught the British to respect American\\ncharacter and to fear American valor. A yankee rabble had\\nbecome an invincible army.\\nCHAPTER XLVn.\\nTHE FORMATION OF A NEW GOVERNMENT.\\nAfter the flight of John VVentworth and the dissolution of the\\nroyal government. New Hampshire for a time was without any\\nregularly constituted rulers. The convention that met at Exeter\\nin May, 1775, was the spontaneous creation of the towns, acting\\nupon their own authority. This convention, in which one hun-\\ndred and two towns were represented by one hundred and thirty-\\nthree members, established post-offices and appointed commit-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "170 HISTORY OF\\ntees of supplies and of safety. The general direction given to\\nthese committees was like that given to the Roman consuls in\\ntimes of peril That they should take care that the republic\\nreceived no detriment. In fact, these extemporized officers\\nwere supreme in power as they were supposed to be unerring in\\nwisdom. Their instructions, however, were renewed from time\\nto lime till the six months for which the assembly was elected\\nexpired. The provincial records were seized by authority of this\\nassembly. Three different issues of bills were made during this\\nyear, amounting in all to forty thousand pounds. These bills,\\nsigned by the treasurer were for a time received at their full\\nvalue. I3esides the three regiments at Cambridge, a company\\nof artillery was raised to man the forts, and a company of ran-\\ngers who were stationed on the Connecticut river. Two other\\ncompanies were held in readiness to march whenever they should\\nbe needed. The whole militia constituted twelve regiments.\\nThe field officers were appointed by the convention the inferior\\nofficers were chosen by the companies. Four regiments were\\ndenominated minute men, because they were required to go\\nat a minute s warning to the field of danger. During the follow-\\ning winter, sixteen companies of New Hampshire militia, of\\nsixty-one men each, supplied at headquarters the place of the\\nConnecticut forces whose time had expired. They served till\\nBoston was evacuated.\\nWhen the time came for the convention to be dissolved by\\nlimitation, they asked direction of the continental congress then\\nin session, with respect to their duty. They were advised to call\\na new convention for the purpose of establishing a permanent\\ngovernment for the province. They finally ordered every town\\nof one hundred families to send one representative, and one\\nadditional representative for every additional hundred families.\\nThey also decreed that each elector should possess real estate\\nvalued at twenty pounds, and each candidate for election one\\nof three hundred pounds. A census had been previously order-\\ned which showed the entire population of the province to be\\neighty-two thousand two hundred souls, and the number of rep-\\nresentatives eighty-nine. The representatives were to be paid\\nby their respective towns and to continue in office one year.\\nThey met at Exeter on the twenty-first of December, 1775, and\\nassumed the name of the House of Representatives of New\\nHampshire. The men who composed this body were not states-\\nmen nor lawyers, only citizens of large round-about common\\nsense. They of course made some mistakes in framing or-\\nganic laws for a sovereign state. They selected a council of\\ntwelve to constitute an upper house. These elected their own\\npresident. No act could be valid till it had passed both houses,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 17I\\nand all money bills must originate with the house of represen-\\ntatives. They omitted to establish an executive branch of the\\nnew government. Hence the two houses while in session were\\nobliged to provide for this service, and during adjournments to\\ndelegate it to committees of safety numbering from six to six-\\nteen. Meshech VVeare, an old, tried and faithful public ser-\\nvant, was chosen president of the council, also president of\\nthe executive committee of safety, and in 1776 was appointed\\nchief justice of the supreme court. All these offices he held\\nduring the war.\\nSuch an accumulation of high and responsible trusts has rarely\\nrested upon one man by a popular election. The highest\\nconfidence was reposed in his integrity and patriotism. The\\nhatred of royalty was so intense that every trace of it was swept\\naway. The sign-boards that bore the royal face were torn\\ndown pictures and coats-of-arms in private houses were re-\\nmoved or reversed the names of streets that bore the words\\nking or queen were changed, and even the half-pence that\\nbore the image of George III. were refused in payment of dues.\\nThis assembly established, anew, the courts, made paper\\nmoney a legal tender, passed a law against counterfeiters, and\\nchanged the name of the colony or province to that of\\nthe State of New Hampshire. They also built a ship of war\\nfor the infant navy of the country at Portsmouth. It was com-\\npleted in sixty days after the keel was laid, bore thirty-two guns\\nand was called the Raleigh.\\nI quote the fqllowing facts from the pen of Hon. G. W.\\nNesmith\\nThe Convention of 177S made the office of councilor elective by the\\npeople Rockingham county choosing five of the number, Strafford two,\\nHillsborough two, Cheshire two, and Grafton one.\\nThere was another convention called to revise the state constitution, in\\n1781. It had nine sessions, continuing its own existence for the term of two\\nyears. Its president was George Atkinson. General Sullivan was its secre-\\ntary. We have the address of this convention before us, issued in May,\\n1783, from which it appears that the convention had twice recommended,\\namong other things, to give the executive arm of the government more\\npower and efficiency, by creating the office of governor.\\nThis amendment was twice submitted to the people, and as often rejected\\nby them. The convention, however, recommended that the president\\nshould be elected by the people. This amendment was adopted, and for the\\nfirst time, in 17S4, Meshech Weare was elected by the people to the office\\nof president of the State but on account of bad health he resigned this\\noffice before the expiration of the political year. John Langdon, General\\nSullivan and Josiah Bartlett severally afterwards were elected president,\\nuntil March, 1793, when our present constitution went into force, and Josiah\\nBartlett was chosen goz ernor.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "172 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER XLVIII.\\nMOVEMENTS OF THE ARMY UNDER WASHINGTON, DURING THE\\nYEAR 1776.\\nThe year in which the independence of the colonies was de-\\nclared was a period of great calamities. The United States\\nbegan their political existence without resources to sustain it\\nwithout men, food, clothes or tents for their armies, or money\\nfor their wages. Boston was evacuated on the seventeenth of\\nMarch, 1746, and the British army, consisting of about seven\\nthousand men, accompanied by some fifteen hundred families of\\nloyalists, sailed immediately for Halifax. On the nineteenth of\\nthe same month, Washington sent five regiments, under General\\nHeath, to New York and having fortified Boston, soon fol-\\nlowed his advance guard and made New York his headquarters.\\nIn March, 1776, the two houses of the legislature of New\\nHampshire, sitting at Exeter, published their new Flan of Gov-\\na-nment, and appointed all necessary officers, judicial, military\\nand civil, for the administration of state affairs. They also as-\\nsigned good and sufficient reasons for this step but at the same\\ntime made this declaration respecting a possible restoration of\\nharmony: We shall rejoice if such a reconciliation between\\nus and our parent state can be effected as shall be approved by\\nthe continental congress. The Declaration of Independence,\\nbrought by express to Exeter in the following July, was re-\\nceived with unljounded joy. It was read to the assembled citi-\\nzens of that town by the patriot, John Taylor Gilman, and pub-\\nlished in other towns, with bonfires, bells, drums and other\\ndemonstrations of exultation. The New Hampshire delegates\\nwho signed that declaration, the most important ever published\\nin human history, not even excepting Magna Charta, were Jo-\\nsiah Bartlett, William Whipple and Matthew Thornton. The\\nwriting of their names on that paper made them immortal.\\nThe legislature continued in service the three regiments of\\nthe preceding year with their commanders. These followed\\nGeneral Washington to New York. They also raised a fourth\\nregiment in the western part of the state, which was destined for\\nservice in Canada. It was commanded by Colonel Bedel. The\\nother three regiments, soon after their arrival in New York,\\nwere placed under the command of General .Sullivan, who was\\nsent to reinforce the American troops that were retreating from", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 1 73\\nQuebec before a superior force. That invasion had proved dis-\\nastrous. One detachment of New Hampshire troops had been\\npreviously captured by a body of Englisli and Indians, at a place\\ncalled The Cedars forty miles above Montreal. Colonel Bedel\\nof New Hampshire was stationed with about four hundred men\\nand two cannon at the narrow pass of the cedars. This pass\\nwas about forty-five miles above Montreal, and General Thomas,\\nat Sorel, was about as far below. Bedel left his post at the ap-\\nproach of the enemy, under pretence of securing a reinforce-\\nment. The post was left in the care of Major Butterfield who,\\nfrom cowardice, as some affirm, surrendered without a blow.\\nFrom the Memoir of General John Stark the following facts\\nare taken. After the evacuation of Boston, Colonel Stark was\\nordered, with two regiments, to proceed to New York, where he\\nremained till May, when his regiment with five others were or-\\ndered to march by way of Albany to Canada. At the mouth of\\nthe Sorel he met the retreating army commanded by General\\nThomas. This officer died of the small-po.x and the command\\ndevolved on General Arnold, who employed himself in plunder-\\ning the merchants of Montreal for his private emolument. He\\nwas soon superseded by General Sullivan, who planned an expe-\\ndition against Trois Riyieres, which proved a failure, as Colonel\\nStark had predicted. Va retreat became necessary. It was con-\\nducted with great skifT and prudence by General Sullivan, and\\nthe army, weary and worn, thinned by the small-pox and the bul-\\nlets of the enemy, reached St. Johns without loss of men or\\nproperty. Here everything was burnt, and the army proceeded\\nin boats to Isle aux Noix. Colonel Stark was the last to leave\\nthe shore, as the advanced guard of the enemy approached the\\nsmoking ruins. On the eighteenth of June, 1776, the army en-\\ncamped upon the I sle aux Noix and, before the enemy could\\nprocure boats to pursue them, they had again embarked and\\nsafely landed at Crown Point. The New Hampshire troops un-\\nder General Sullivan were, on the first of July, stationed at Ti-\\nconderoga and Mount Independence. General Gates became\\ntheir superior officer. About one third of them had died of\\nsmall-po.x and putrid fever. Jin war, disease often destroys more\\nmen than the weapons of the foe. When the danger of an at-\\ntack on Ticonderoga, for that season, was passed, these troops\\nmarched south and joined the retreating army of Washington.\\nOn the twenty-seventh of August, 1776, occurred the disas-\\ntrous battle on Long Island, in which five hundred Americans\\nwere killed and wounded, and eleven hundred made prisoners\\nA portion of the New Hampshire troops were in this engage-\\nment, under General Sullivan, who was himself captured by the\\nenemy. Washington found it necessary to abandon New York", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "174 HISTORY OF\\nand all the strongholds in the vicinity. He retreated with the\\nmere skeleton of an army, less than three thousand men, giving\\nup successively to the pursuing foe Newark, New Brunswick,\\nPrinceton and Trenton, till af^er three weeks of intense suffer-\\ning, on the seventh of December, he reached the Delaware.\\nThe ne.xt day, the remnant of the American army, pinched with\\ncold and hunger, crossed that river in boats and sat down in\\ndespair on the soil of Pennsylvania. After a few days of rest,\\nWashington resolved to recross the Delaware and attack the\\nHessians at Trenton, while they were keeping Christmas and\\ngiven up to feasting and drunkenness. The plan succeeded, and\\nthe most important victory of the war was achieved. It gave new\\nlife to the exhausted soldiers and the despairing country. Gen-\\neral Sullivan and Colonel Stark, with the New Hampshire troops,\\ncontributed largely to this happy result. The term for which\\nthe New Hampshire men enlisted had expired and through the\\ninfluence of Stark they enlisted for another period of six weeks,\\nthat they might once more meet the British veterans in the field.\\nColonel Stark led Sullivan s advance guard and we can hardly\\ndoubt that the brave conduct of his men, on that memorable\\nday, secured the victory. The same troops were also engaged\\nin the battle of Princeton. These were the times that tried\\nmen s souls. Stark s men served during the six weeks of their\\nnew enlistment and two regiments of militia which had been\\nsent by New Hampshire to reinforce the army of Washington\\nremained till the following March.\\nCHAPTER XLIX.\\nSECESSION IN NEW HAMPSHIRE DURING THE LAST CENTURY.\\nVermont adopted an independent government in 1777. Prior\\nto 1749 no towns had been chartered in her territory by either of\\nthe states claiming jurisdiction over it. Benning Wentworth was\\nthen governor of New Hampshire and had been authorized, by\\na royal commission, to make grants of townships in Vermont.\\nHe first chartered Bennington, which he named for himself. He\\nthen wrote to the governor of New York to ascertain if his\\ngrants would interfere with any previous titles granted by that\\nstate. In April, 1750, Governor George Clinton wrote as follows\\nThis province [New York] is bounded eastward by Connecticut", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. I75\\nriver; the letters patent from King Charles II. and the Duke of\\nYork expressly granting all lands from the west side of the Con-\\nnecticut river to the east side of Delaware bay. Other letters\\npassed between the two governors but Wentworth refused to\\nlisten to arguments adverse to the claims of New Hampshire\\nand proceeded to grant other towns in the disputed territory,^ to\\nthe number of one hundred and thirtj -eight. Fourteen thou-\\nsand acres had been assigned to the king s officers in reward for\\nfaithful services. In 1764, in consequence of an appeal made to\\nthe king by the two provinces, his majesty decided in favor of\\nNew York. For a time the government of New Hampshire\\nceased in Vermont. New York would consent to no compro-\\nmise. She regarded all grants made by Governor- Wentworth as\\nnull and void. She enacted laws hostile to the claims of the set-\\ntlers, who were at once roused to opposition. Hence arose a\\ncontroversy which resulted in the independence of Vermont.\\nAs early as 1776 a convention of delegates from the New Hamp-\\nshire Grants, having met at Dorset, showed by their votes their\\ndetermination to be a separate state. In 1777 a constitution was\\nformed, and the delegates assembled at Windsor and, for the\\nfirst time, enacted laws for their government. They assumed\\nthe name of the State of Vermont. Sixteen towns on the\\neast side of the Connecticut river petitioned to be admitted to\\nthe new state. They alleged that the original grant to John\\nMason did not include their territory, and, inasmuch as their ex-\\nistence depended on a royal commission which was now annulled\\nby the Revolution, they were free to choose their own rulers.\\nThfcir petition was referred to the freemen of Vermont (who met\\nat Bennington, June 11, 1778). They decided (thirty-seven\\ntowns, out of forty-nine represented, voting for the resolution)\\nthat these si.xteen towns and any others that might choose to\\nunite with them should have leave to do so.\\nThese towns were Cornish, Lebanon, Dresden (a name then\\ngiven to a district belonging to Dartmouth College), Lyme, Or-\\nford, Piermont, Haverhill, Bath, Lyman, Apthorp (now divided\\nbetween Littleton and Dalton), Enfield, Canaan, Cardigan (now\\nOrange), Gunthwaite (now Lisbon), Morristown (now Franconia),\\nand Landaff. Opposition to this union soon arose in the towns\\nand in the state of New Hampshire. Meschech Weare, then\\npresident of the province, remonstrated with the officers of the\\nnew state of Vermont, against this dismemberment of New\\nHampshire. Only ten of the towns sent representatives to the\\nnext session of the Vermont legislature.\\nThe terms of admission of these New Hampshire towns also\\nled to a controversy in the legislature of Vermont, and a minor-\\nity withdrew from that body, after protesting against the action", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "176 HISTORY OF\\nof the majority in refusing to receive tlie sixteen towns on equal\\nterms witli themselves.\\nThe dissenting members called a convention of all the towns\\nin New Hampshire and Vermont who favored the union, to meet\\nat Cornisli, N. H., in December, 1778. The records of this con-\\nvention have not been preserved. They made four propositions\\nby which the controversy might be settled i, by committees\\nfrom the towns of the two states 2, by arbitrators selected from\\nother states 3, by reference of the whole matter to congress for\\ntheir adjudication 4, by the formation of a new state from the\\ntowns on both sides of the river. The legislature of Vermont,\\nin February, 1779, took measures to dissolve this troublesome\\nunion, and sent a committee to the legislature of New Hamp-\\nshire in session at Exeter, in April, 1779, to inform them of this\\nresult A committee from the Cornish convention had preceded\\nMr. Allen, the representative of Vermont.\\nThe legislature of New Hampshire was not disposed to yield\\none iota of its jurisdiction on either side of the river but re-\\nsolved to acquiesce in the decision of congress respecting the\\nindependency of the towns on the west side of the Connecticut.\\nVermont was now troubled on every side. New Hampshire\\nclaimed her entire territory New York also claimed it Massa-\\nchusetts claimed a portion of it, and congress was adverse to her\\nindependence. Congress, however, sent a committee to inquire\\ninto the condition of the New Hampshire Grants. They went,\\nreturned and reported but no record is made of their report.\\nFinally the contest became alarming the peace of the country\\nwas endangered by these adverse claims. Congress again con-\\nsidered the subject and advised the various parties to submit all\\ntheir disputes to the decision of congress. They did not seem\\nto suppose that the freemen who tilled the soil of Vermont and\\nbore the burdens of its defence had any rights which they were\\nbound to regard. The resolutions related chiefly to those states\\nthat claimed the territory. Meantime the settlers were advised\\nto be quiet. But they had declared their independence and were\\ndetermined to maintain it. In December, 1779, Governor Chit-\\ntenden and council sent a spirited memorial to congress, vindi-\\ncating their claims to a separate political existence and profes-\\nsing their purpose to defend them. They also declared their\\nwillingness to bear their full share of the burdens of the national\\nwar against Great Britian. Congress several times attempted\\nto hear and decide the question in dispute, but never acknowl-\\nedged the existence of Vermont as a state, nor allowed her del-\\negates to be heard by them, except as private citizens. After\\nabout one year s consideration of the matter they finally post\\nponed it. But the people whose interests were involved, in New", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 177\\nHampshire and Vermont, refused to allow the matter thus to\\nrest. The settlers in the southeastern part of Vermont prefer-\\nred the jurisdiction of New York. As congress had left their\\ncase undecided, they moved to form a new state out of the towns\\non both sides of the Connecticut. As no unity of views existed\\nin the disaffected towns, a convention of delegates from both\\nsides of the river was called to meet at Walpole, November 15,\\n1780, to compare opinions.\\nCommittees from both sides of the river conferred together,\\nand reported th::t a union of all the towns granted by New\\nHampshire was desirable and necessary, and they recommended\\nthe calling of a convention, in which every town interested should\\nbe represented, to meet at Charlestown, N. H., on the third Tues-\\nday of January, 1781. Three parties were now in the field Ver-\\nmont, her recreant sons who preferred some other jurisdic-\\ntion to that of the state, and the citizens of New Hampshire\\nliving in the towns upon the river. They were all intensely ex-\\ncited, and eager for victory. The delegates from the disturbed\\ntowns met at Charlestown according to notice. Forty-three\\ntowns were represented from the two states. No journal of the\\nconvention exists. The result of their deliberations was favora-\\nble to the government of Vermont. Twelve delegates from New\\nHampshire protested and withdrew. A committee was appointed\\nto confer with the legislature of Vermont which was to meet at\\nWindsor during the next month, and the convention adjourned\\nto meet at Cornish while the legislature of Vermont should be\\nin session.\\nA petition came to the legislature of Vermont, at the same\\nsession, from the settlers west of the Green Mountains, desiring\\nunion with Vermon^ and protection from that state. Both peti-\\ntions received a favorable response. They voted to receive all\\ntowns east of the Connecticut to the distance of about twenty\\nmiles, if two thirds of said towns approved the union. The leg-\\nislature then adjourned till the following April. At their ad-\\njourned meeting the following towns in New Hampshire sent in\\ntheir allegiance, to wit Hinsdale, Walpole, Surry, Gilsum, Al-\\nstead, Charlestown, Acworth, Lempster, Saville, Claremont, New-\\nport, Cornish, Croydon, Plainfield, Grantham, Marlow, Lebanon,\\nGrafton, Dresden, Hanover, Cardigan, Lyme, Dorchester, Ha-\\nverhill, Landaff, Gunthwaite, Lancaster, Piermont, Richmond,\\nChesterfield, Westmoreland, Bath, Lyman, Morristown and\\nLincoln.\\nThirty-six towns in Vermont approved of the union, eight voted\\nagainst it, and six made no returns. Thus the union was con-\\nsummated. Twenty-eight towns in New Hampshire sent rep-\\nresentatives to the legislature of Vermont, then sitting at Wind-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "178 HISTORY OF\\nsor. Provision was then made for the union of these towns with\\nthe counties opposite to them in Vermont, except the southern\\ntier of towns, which were made into a new county to be called\\nWashington. Provision was also made for the trial of suits\\nalready commenced in the New Hampshire courts, and for pro-\\nbate jurisdiction for the newly united towns. They then adjourn-\\ned to meet at Bennington in the following June. At this session\\neleven towns from the western portion of Vermont were admit-\\nted to the union against the wishes of many of the towns in New\\nHampshire. The next legislature of this new state met at\\nCharlestown in October, 1781. Mr. Hiland Hall, in his History\\nof Vermont, reports as present at Charlestown one hundred and\\nthirty-seven members, representing one hundred and two towns\\nin Vermont and New Hampshire. Of these, sixty represented\\nforty-five towns in New Hampshire. Two councilors and the\\nlieutenant-governor were from the same side of the river. Other\\nauthorities afftrm that fifteen towns east of the river sent no del-\\negates eighteen were certainly represented. The most distin-\\nguished citizens of those towns were elected. Charlestown ex-\\nerted an important influence in favor of union with Vermont.\\nThe town was not originally chartered by New Hampshire.\\nMassachusetts had been the protector of this and other frontier\\ntowns on the Connecticut. New Hampshire had neglected them.\\nThey therefore sought to live under another government. These\\ncitizens acted from high and pure motives,^s they viewed their\\nrelations to surrounding states. They honestly believed that\\nNew Hampshire had no claim to their allegiance, and that they\\nwere free to choose their own rulers. So they acted not from\\nmere selfish motives, as some have affirmed, to secure power and\\nbring the capitol to their side of the river, but to establish a firm\\nand stable government for the people on both sides.\\nIn August, 1781, congress again resumed the consideration\\nof affairs in Vermont. They began to hold out inducements of\\nher ultimate reception into the Federal Union but they dis-\\nsuaded the citizens of that state from annexing towns in New\\nHampshire or New York to their original territory. They ap-\\npointed a committee to confer with a committee from Vermont\\nrespecting the admission of the state into the Union. Agents\\nhad been already appointed at Charlestown, to present the peti-\\ntion of the new state, with all its accessions, to congress for ad-\\nmission. At first the congressional committee declined to meet\\nthem, because they represented the enlarged territory. The\\nmatter was referred to congress and the conference was granted.\\nThe result of the conference was the reaffirming of the first pro-\\nposition of congress to receive Vermont as an equal member of\\nthe confederacy, whenever she should relinquish her claim to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 179\\ntowns in New Hampshire and New York. Of course Vermont\\nwas, by this resolution, required to retrace her steps and aban-\\ndon her allies. At that time she was not prepared to yield so\\nmuch to congress to secure her independence. When the legis-\\nlature of Vermont met at Charlestown, Oct. ii, i78i,as above\\nrecorded, Thomas Chittenden had been reelected governor but\\nof lieutenant-governor there was no choice. The house elected\\nElisha Paine of Lebanon, formerly of Cardigan. Bezaleel\\nWoodward of Dresden was one of the councilors. Thus the\\nofficers were selected, in part, from New Hampshire towns.\\nWhen the commissioners returned from Washington the legis-\\nlature of Vermont convened, Oct. i6, 17S1, to consider the\\nterms proposed by congress in committee of the whole. They\\nresolved not to recede from their previous plan of union, and\\npositively refused to abandon their new allies. They also ap-\\npointed nine commissioners to meet an equal number from\\neach of the states of New Hampshire and New York for the\\nmutual adjustment of their jurisdictional claims.\\nWhile the session of the Vermont legislature lasted at Charles-\\ntown, there was much fear that New Hampshire might attempt\\ntheir dispersion. There was a state of feverish excitement in\\nboth states. During that session a regiment of New Hamp-\\nshire troops arrived in Charlestown, as was supposed, to over-\\nawe the legislators. Colonel Reynolds, who was in command,\\nwas advised that his force was too small for conquest too large,\\nif it was only sent to intimidate the legislature. He gave no ac-\\ncount of his plans or those of his superior officers. No attempt\\nwas made by him to disturb the session of the legislature. On\\nreceiving the news of the capture of Cornwallis at Yorktown,\\nthe legislature adjourned to meet at Bennington, Jan. 31, 1782.\\nMeantime party spirit was very violent, and a civil war was im-\\nminent. Courts and judicial officers were duplicated in all coun-\\nties that contained towns originally belonging to New Hamp-\\nshire. The new county of Washington, which was formerly a\\npart of Cheshire, had courts in the same place, though not at\\nthe same time, under the jurisdiction of two states. The sheriff\\nappointed by Vermont was Nathaniel S. Prentiss. The sheriff\\nfrom New Hampshire .was Colonel Enoch Hale. Both were\\nmen of mark and had held high offices in the previous history\\nof the country. The war for awhile centered in these two men.\\nSheriff Prentiss, in attempting to serve a writ in Chesterfield,\\nNov. 14, 1781, was interrupted and driven from his purpose by\\ntwo men who protected the defendant against whom the writ\\nwas issued. Prentiss procured a warrant for these disturbers of\\nhis peace, arrested them, and confined them in the jail at\\nCharlestown. These citizens appealed to the assembly of New", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "l8o HISTORY OF\\nHampshire, and the assembly, on the twenty-eighth of November,\\n17S1, empowered Colonel Hale to release the prisoners. They\\nalso authorized the arrest of all persons attempting to exercise\\njudicial authority in towns east of the Connecticut river. Col-\\nonel Hale proceeded to Charlestown, to execute the decrees of\\nthe New Hampshire legislature, but Sheriff Prentiss, being a\\nbold man, and not having the fear of the New Hampshire legis-\\nlators before his eyes, proceeded to arrest and imprison Colonel\\nHale Armed, as he supposed, with plenary power to call for a\\nposse, he made a requisition on General Bellows of Walpole to\\ncall out the militia for his liberation. This requisition being ap-\\nproved by the committee of safety in New Hampshire, they or-\\ndered General Bellows, in concert with General Nichols of Am-\\nherst, to march, with the troops under their command, to Char-\\nlestown and release Colonel Hale. They also ordered Francis\\nBlood of Temple to furnish provisions for the troops. Governor\\nChittenden immediately ordered Lieutenant-Governor Elisha\\nPaine of Lebanon to call out all the militia of Vermont east of\\nthe Green Mountains, if necessary, to prevent the liberation of\\nColonel Hale. He also sent a committee to Exeter to secure,\\nif possible, a peaceful settlement of the quarrel. Mr. Prentiss\\nwas one of this delegation. The New Hampshire committee of\\nsafety, on the seventh day of January, 1782, made the following\\nentry on their records Nathaniel S. Prentiss of Alstead, in\\nthe county of Cheshire, was apprehended and brought before\\nthe committee. Upon examination, it appearing that he had\\nacted within this state as an officer under the pretended and\\nusurped authority of the state of Vermont, so called, he was com-\\nmitted to gaol This act added new fuel to the fires of con-\\ntention, and they blazed with ten-fold fur)-. New Hampshire\\nalso made a proclamation, ordering all the people of the revolt-\\ned towns, within forty days, to present themselves before some\\nmagistrate of New Hampshire and subscribe a declaration ac-\\nknowledging the jurisdiction of that state to extend to the Con-\\nnecticut river. They also ordered the militia of all the counties\\nto hold themselves in readiness to march against the rebels\\nAt this crisis congress again interposed. They prevailed on\\nGeneral Washington, then in Philadelphia, to write a letter,\\ndated January i, 1782, to Governor Chittenden, advising a re-\\nlinquishment of their late extensions of territory as an indis-\\npensable preliminary to their admission into the union. He in-\\ntimated that a failure to comply with this reasonable request\\nwould cause the United States to regard them as enemies to be\\ncoerced by military power The letter produced the desired\\nresult. The statesmen of Vermont saw that their true interests\\nlay in union with the confederacy, and with their original terri-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. l8l\\ntory only. The assembly met at Bennington, according to pre-\\nvious notice, on the thirty-iirst of January, 1782. Taking ad-\\nvantage of the absence of the members from New Hampshire,\\nthey proceeded to define the limits of Vermont by the western\\nbank of the Connecticut river, thus leaving the New Hampshire\\ntowns that had acted with them to provide for their own welfare.\\nThus was the inauspicious union severed, which only a few\\nmonths previous they had pronounced inviolate, and pledged\\ntheir sacred honor in its defence. When the members from New\\nHampshire towns arrived they were not permitted to take their\\nseats in the assembly they accordingly left their alienated\\nfriends with expressions of great bitterness. This action of\\ntiie ermont legislature virtually ended the controversy, though\\nthe excitement still continued. The towns thus rejected very\\nsoon quietly returned to their old allegiance and the State of\\nNew Hampshire, acting with great lenity, received back her er-\\nring children with joy, and, in subsequent years, appointed some\\nof the actors in this drama of secession to places of power and\\nhonor. They could hardly fail to do so, for the leading men\\nin the revolt were among the most distinguished citizens of the\\ntowns they represented. The town of Dresden, as the seat of\\nDartmouth College was then called, was represented in the leg-\\nislature of Vermont that sat at Charlestown in October, 1781,\\nby Professor Bezaleel Woodward, brother-in-law of the presi-\\ndent of the college, and General Ebenezer Brewster, then, per-\\nhaps, the most influential citizen of that little town. Hanover\\nproper was represented by Jonathan Wright and Jonathan\\nFreeman, who was afterwards trustee of the college and mem-\\nber of congress. This rebellion ended so suddenly and subsid-\\ned so rapidly that few men of this age know of its existence.*\\nThe author is indebted to Rev. H. H. Saunderson {or many facts and dates in the above\\nchapter.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER L.\\nMILITARY OPERATIONS OF 1777. BATTLE OF BENNINGTON.\\nShort enlistments and temporary recruits had been proved to\\nbe very inconvenient in the previous service accordingly New\\nHampshire raised three regiments for three years, or during the\\nwar. The commanders were Joseph Cilley, Nathan Hale and\\nAlexander Scammell. The men were furnished with new French\\narms and ordered to rendezvous at Ticonderoga, under the im-\\nmediate command of Brigadier-General Poor. He was younger\\nin the service than Colonel Stark, and this irregular promotion by\\ncongress gave offence to Stark, and he retired from the army in\\ndisgust. Ticonderoga was regarded as the Gibraltar of Amer-\\nica. It was therefore made a special object of assault by the\\nBritish under Burgoyne, and was taken. On the retreat. Colo-\\nnel Hale s regiment was detailed to cover the rear of the in-\\nvalids, and was thus left far behind the main army. An ad-\\nvanced party of the enemy attacked him at Hubbardton, in\\nRutland county, Vt, seventeen miles southeast of Ticonderoga.\\nA severe skirmish ensued in which several officers and one hun-\\ndred men were taken prisoners. The remainder of the army\\nfell back to Saratoga. There was, on the way, a second engage-\\nment, at Fort Anne, in which Captain Weare, son of the presi-\\ndent of the state, was mortally wounded. He soon after died\\nat Albany.\\nAfter the evacuation of Ticonderoga, the people of the New\\nHampshire Grants implored aid of the committee of safety at\\nExeter, to protect them from the advancing enemy. The legis-\\nlature being summoned, they divided the entire militia into two\\nbrigades, giving command of the first to William Whipple of\\nthe second to John Stark. They ordered one fourth of Stark s\\nbrigade and one fourth of three regiments of W hippie s brigade\\nto march immediately under Stark, to stop the progress of the\\nenemy on our western frontiers. The state could vote to raise\\ntroops but could not pay them. The treasury was empty. In\\nthis emergency, the patriotism of Mr. Langdon, speaker of the\\nhouse, became conspicuous. He offered to loan the country\\nthree thousand dollars in coin and the avails of his plate and\\nsome West India goods on hand, remarking that if the Ameri-\\ncan cause should triumph, he should be repaid but in case of\\ndefeat the property would be of no use to him. He also vol-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. lg^3\\nunteered, with other distinguished citizens, to serve as privates\\nunder General Stark.\\nAmong the distinguished patriots of that crisis was Captain\\nEbenezer Webster. The state autliorized him to enlist soldiers\\nfor the common defence. He, on learning the danger from the in-\\nvasion of Colonel Baum, enlisted a company of sixty men, chiefly\\nfrom the towns of Salisbury and Andover. His personal popu-\\nlarity as an officer influenced many of these men, his neighbors\\nand friends, to join the army. They rendezvoused at Charles-\\ntown, and thence marched to Bennington and joined the brigade\\nof Stark. Captain Webster and his company performed signal\\nservice in the events that followed.\\nThe appointment of Stark was received with enthusiasm\\nthroughout the state. The people confided in him they knew\\nhis dauntless courage and keen sagacity, and, with one voice,\\nbade him God speed, and prophesied his success. Volun-\\nteers, in great numbers, flocked to his standard. All classes\\nwere eager to take the woods for a Hessian hunt. Their\\nconfidence was not disappointed. Stark made his headquarters\\nat Charlestown. As his men arrived, he sent them to Manches-\\nter, twenty miles north of Bennington, to join the forces of Ver-\\nmont under Colonel Warner. Here Stark joined him. Gen-\\neral Schuyler, commander of the northern department, sent to\\nthem General Lincoln to conduct the militia under their com-\\nmand to the west side of Hudson s river. Stark declined to\\nobey, alleging that he was in the service of New Hampshire,\\nand her interests required his presence at Bennington. He was\\nreported to congress and they passed a vote of censure upon\\nStark, which in a few days they were obliged to change to a vote\\nof thanks. He knew his business and duty better than they.\\nFollowing out his Own plan, Stark collected his forces at Ben-\\nnington, and left Warner with his regiment at Manchester.\\nStark s object was to meet and resist Colonel Baum, who had\\nbeen sent from Fort Edward by Burgoyne to rob and plunder\\nthe people of Vermont, and thus secure horses, clothes and pro-\\nvisions for the British army. He had under him about fifteen\\nhundred men, Germans, tories and Indians. Stark sent Colonel\\nGregg, with two hundred men, to stay the advance of the Ind-\\nians who preceded the main army. Gregg retreated before the\\nred men but on the ne.xt day, the fourteenth of August, Stark\\ncame to his relief, and a skirmish followed in which thirty of the\\nenemy were killed among them two chiefs. The Indians then\\nbegan to desert saying that the woods were full of Yankees.\\nThe ne.\\\\t day a heavy storm of rain delayed the contest. On\\nthe sixteenth of August reinforcements from Berkshire, led by\\nColonel Symonds, and from Pittsfield, led by Rev. Thomas Al-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "1 84 HISTORY OF\\nlen, joined the army of Stark which now amounted to sixteen\\nhundred men. Bryant, in his song entitled Green Mountain\\nBoys, thus describes their condition before the battle\\nHere we halt our march and pitch our tent\\nOn the rugged forest ground,\\nAnd light our tire with tlie branches rent\\nBy winds from the beeches round.\\nWild storms have torn this ancient wood,\\nBut a wilder is at hand,\\nWith hail of iron and rain of blood,\\nTo sweep and waste the land.\\nThe enemy selected a favorable position, and constructed\\nbreastworks of logs and timber brought from the houses in the\\nvicinity, which they tore down for that purpose. They were\\nalso defended by heavy artillery and a reinforcement under\\nColonel Breyman, with two heavier cannon, was approaching to\\naid them. General Stark* assigned a position to every subaltern.\\nColonels Hubbard and Stickney, with two hundred men, were\\nposted on the right to attack the tory breastwork. The flanking\\nparties, which took a circuitous route to reach their posts, were\\nsupposed by the British to be deserting. General Stark took\\nhis position with the reserve. The battle was opened at three\\no clock, p. M.. by Colonel Nichols on the left, and was immedi-\\nately responded to by Colonel Herrick on the right. Colonel\\nStickney s regiment from New Hampshire was divided a de-\\ntachment from it was ordered to the rear. Captain Webster s\\nstation was in front of the log fort. After the signal for action\\nfrom General Stark, the assault was general. it thundered all\\nround the heavens. The Americans in front fought in the\\nwoods. The shot from the fort flew too high, often cutting off\\nthe limbs of trees which fell upon their heads. Otherwise, little\\ninjury was done. Captain W ebster, who, as General Stark after-\\nwards affirmed, was so begrimmed with powder that he could\\nhardly be distinguished from an Indian, became impatient of\\ndelay and shouted to his men Boys, we must get nearer to\\nthem. They then rushed to the breastwork, which Captain\\nWebster was among the first to scale. Thus the fort was taken\\nafter two hours of hard fighting. Two pieces of cannon and a\\nlarge number of prisoners were also captured.\\nJust at the moment of victory, it was announced that Brey-\\nman with his reinforcement was marching to the rescue. Hap-\\npily, Warner s regiment came in at the same time. Stark rallied\\nhis men and renewed the fight. They fought till the going\\ndown of the sun, and completely routed the enemy, taking\\nfrom them two other pieces of artillery, all their baggage wagons\\nThere is a tradition th.it General Stark, just before entering the engagement, made one\\nof his eccentric speeches to liis men. It was well known to most of his troops that he\\ncalled his wife Molly. He made this laconic address There s the enemy, boys. We\\nmust tiog thein, or Molly .Stark sleeps a widow to-night.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. iSj\\nand horses. The fruits of this victory, says the biographer of\\nStark, obtained by raw militia over European veterans, tories\\nand savages, were four pieces of brass artillery, eight brass-bar-\\nreled drums, eight loads of baggage, one thousand stand of\\narms, many Hessian dragoon swords, and seven hundred and\\ntifty prisoners. Two hundred and seventy fell on the field of\\nbattle. The loss of the Americans was about thirty, and forty\\nwere wounded. But the most important result of this victory\\nwas the restoration of confidence to the desponding armies of\\nAmerica, while it gave a death-blow to the hopes of the in-\\nvader. The traditional speech of General Stark has been em-\\nbodied in a patriotic ballad by Fitz-Greene Halleck. Here is a\\nstanza\\nWhen on that field, his band the Hessians fought,\\nBriefly he spoke before the fight began\\nSoldiers, those German gentlemen were bought\\nFor four pounds eight and seven pence, per man,\\nBy England s king: a bargain, it is thought.\\nAre we worth more let s prove it, while we can\\nFor we must beat them, boys, ere set of sun,\\nOr my wife sleeps a widow. It was done\\nThe battle of Bennington may be called the decisive battle of\\nthe Revolution for there can scarcely be a doubt that a con-\\ntrary result would have exposed all New England to devasta-\\ntion and the boast of Colonel Baimi, that he would march\\nthrough Vermont to Boston, inight have been literally fulfilled.\\nBut a kind Providence had otherwise ordered. One more such\\nstrike, said Washington, and we shall have no great cause\\nfor an.xiety as to the future designs of Britain. The entire ex-\\npense of the whole campaign was ^16,492, 12s. lod., which, be-\\ning paid in depreciated currency, yielded to the creditors less\\nthan two thousand dollars. One dollar of hard money paid for\\nthirty-three in continental bills After this battle, Burgoyne\\nwrote to Lord George Germaine The Hampshire Grants, un-\\npeopled and almost unknown in the last war, now abound with\\nthe most active and rebellious race on the continent, and hang\\nlike a gathering storm upon my left. This indicates the whole-\\nsome fear which Stark s soldiers had inspired in the commander-\\nin-chief of the invading army. On the eighteenth of Septem-\\nber following this memorable victory. Stark and his volunteers\\njoined the main army under General Gates. They were ad-\\ndressed by him and requested to remain, but they replied that\\ntheir time had expired, they had performed their part, and\\nmust return to their farms, as their harvests now awaited them.\\nGeneral Stark returned to New Hampshire to report progress.\\nHe held no communication with congress, alleging as a reason,\\nthat they had failed to reply to his former letters. His return\\nwas a triumphal march he had conquered the public enemy", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "l86 HISTORY OF\\nand humbled his private foes. Congress not only joined in the\\npublic gratitude, but, by a tardy act of justice, promoted him to\\nthe rank of brigadier-general.\\nCHAPTER LI.\\nCAPTURE OF BURGOYNE.\\nBurgoyne, flushed with victory at Ticonderoga, and the retreat\\nof the American forces, advanced with sounding proclamations,\\ndeclaring that Britons never retrograde. But his condition\\ngrew more critical the farther he advanced. The northern army\\nwas reinforced by the militia of all the neighboring states.\\nGeneral Whipple marched to the field of danger with a large\\npart of his brigade. The fame of Stark drew around him nearly\\nthree thousand volunteers. He led his soldiers to Fort Ed-\\nward and conquered the garrison left there by the British com-\\nmander, then descended the Hudson and so stationed his troops\\nas to prevent the retreat of Burgoyne. The two armies first\\nmet at Stillwater, on the Hudson, about twenty-five miles north\\nof Albany, on the nineteenth of September, 1777, where a bloody\\nbattle was fought, in which Lieutenant-Colonels Adams of Dur-\\nham and Colburn of New Marlborough and Lieutenant Thomas\\nwere slain upon the field other br.ave officers were wounded\\nCaptain Bell died in the hospital.\\nThe second battle, which was decisive, occurred on the seventh\\nof October, at Saratoga. The New Hampshire troops deserve\\na large share of the honor of this great victory. In this engage-\\nment Lieutenant-Colonel Connor and Lieutenant McClary were\\nkilled, with a great number of their men. Colonel Scammell\\nwas also wounded. General Poor, on that eventful day, led\\nthe attack on the left front of the British General Morgan\\nassaulted their right. Both parties fought with desperation. In\\nless than one hour the enemy yielded the Americans pursued\\nthem to their entrenchments. Arnold, then true to his country,\\nfought like a tiger and marked all his pathway with the blood\\nof the enemy. Night separated the combatants. The next day\\nrevealed the helpless and hopeless condition of Burgoyne. He\\nwas surrounded his supplies were cut off no aid from Clinton\\ncould reach him. He summoned a council of war, and with one", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 187\\naccord they advised a surrender. The entire army, amounting\\nto five thousand seven hundred and ninety-one men, became\\nprisoners of war. The entire loss of the British army in their\\nmarch from Canada was ten thousand. Their arms were the\\nproperty of tlie victor, though they marched out of their camp\\nwith the honors of war. They were sent to Boston with a pledge\\nthat they would fight no more during the war. General Whipple\\nwas one of the officers who led the escort.\\nAfter this victory, which diffused general joy throughout all\\nthe land, the New Hampshire troops marched forty miles in\\nfourteen hours and forded the Mohawk near its mouth that they\\nmight prevent Clinton from sending troops northward to sack\\nAlbany. Hearing of the surrender of Burgoyne, Clinton retired\\nto New York, and the New Hampshire volunteers pushed on to\\nPennsylvania, joined Washington s army and fought the enemy\\nwith him at Germantown, where Major Sherburne, the aid-de-\\ncamp of General Sullivan, fell. They passed that fearful winter\\nin huts at Valley Forge, where the sufferings of the American\\narmy scarcely find a parallel in history.\\nWith the fall of Burgoyne the danger from Canada ceased,\\nand the scene of war was removed to the south. The middle\\nstates had yielded few victories and numerous defeats. New\\nHampshire men everywhere bore their full share of perils and\\nsufferings. In the battle of Monmouth they fought with such\\nbravery under Colonel Cilley and Ijieutenant-Colonel Dearborn,\\nas to receive special commendation from the commander-in-chief.\\nSo intense was the heat on that summer day, June 28, that many\\nmen in both armies died from exposure to it. Their tongues\\nwere so parched with thirst that they swelled and protruded\\nfrom their mouths. The following winter they passed in huts at\\nReading. A detathment of them was sent during the summer\\nof 1778 to Newport, R. I., to aid the French fleet in their at-\\ntack upon the British at that station. General Sullivan was in\\ncommand. Owing to the want of cooperation by the French,\\nthe enterprise failed.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "t8S history of\\nCHAPTER LII.\\nEMPLOYMENT OF MERCENARIES AND SAVAGES BY THE ENGLISH.\\nEngland attempted to reduce her disobedient children to sub-\\njection by hired assassins and merciless savages. Her own sub-\\njects must be forced into the service by tlie brutal press-gang\\nfor many of them were decidedly opposed to the war. The pious\\nking, George HI., though he confessed some scruples about be-\\ncoming a man-stealer, resolved to employ mercenaries. He\\nfirst applied to Russia, then to Holland, for recruits but both\\nthese countries indignantly rejected the degrading proposal. He\\nnext turned to the need) greedy and vainglorious princes and\\ndukes of the petty states of Germany. They readily sold their\\nsubjects to the rich sovereign, as an English nobleman would\\nsell the right of warren in his forests. The poor victims of\\npower were hunted down in the fields or shops or streets, where\\nthey were pursuing their humble callings, and were sent into a\\nforeign service, without food or clothes suitable to their condi-\\ntion and were then crowded together in British ships of war,\\nto endure in transportation the horrors of the middle passage.\\nThey almost robbed the cradle and the grave to secure the re-\\nquired number. Twenty-nine thousand one hundred and sixty-\\nsix soldiers were thus furnished from six of the petty states of\\nGermany. Brunswick and Hesse-Cassel hunted and sold a large\\nmajority of them. The total loss from these recruits was eleven\\nthousand eight hundred and fifty-three. Probably about the\\nsame number of Indians were decoyed into the service of the\\nEnglish.\\nDr. Dwight, speaking of the perils of the first settlers of New\\nEngland, says\\nThe greatest of all the evils which they suffered were derived from the\\nsavages. These people, of whom Europeans still form very imperfect con-\\nceptions, kept the colonists, after the first hostilities commenced, in almost\\nperpetual terror and alarm. The first annunciation of an Indian war is its\\nactual commencement. In the hour of security, silence and sleep, when\\nyour enemies are supposed to be friends quietly employed in hunting and\\nfishing, when they are believed to be at the distance of several hundred\\nmiles and perfectly thoughtless of you and yours when thus unsuspecting,\\nthus at ease, slumbering on your pillow, your sleep is broken up by the war-\\nwhoop your house, your village, are set on fire your family and friends are\\nbutchered and scalped; yourself and a few other wretched survivors are\\nhurried into captivity to be roasted alive at the stake, or to have your body\\nstuck full of skewers and burnt by inches. You are a farmer and have gone", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 189\\nabroad to the customary business of the field j there you are shot down\\nfrom behind a tree in the hour of perfect security, or you return at evening\\nand find your house burnt and your family vanished, or, perhaps, discover\\ntheir half-consumed bones mingled with the ashes of your dwelling, or your\\nwife murdered and your little ones lying beside her after having been dashed\\nagainst a tree.\\nWhen fhe Indians were stimulated bv tlie Frencli to murder\\nthe defenceless inhabitants of the English colonies, their con-\\nduct received not only denunciation but execration. During the\\nRevolutionarj war the English made use of the same allies, in\\nbutchering and scalping their brethren. Chatham, with peerless\\neloquence and pathos, denounced this inhuman custom and in-\\nvoked the aid of the bishops to arrest it. During the year 1778,\\nthe Wyoming, Mohawk, Schoharie and Cherry Valleys were con-\\nverted into theatres of bloodshed and violence by the union of\\ntories and Indians. On the second day of July, 1778, eleven\\nhundred of these white and red savages entered the lovely val-\\nley of Wyoming, when the strong men were eng.aged in the\\narmy, conquered the feeble force sent to resist them, burned the\\nhouses, desolated the land, murdered the women and children\\nexcept a remnant that escaped to the neighboring mountains to\\ndie of hunger. Travelers and historians agree in describing this\\ninfant colony as one of the happiest spots of human existence,\\nfor the hospitable and innocent manners of the inhabitants, the\\nbeauty of the country and the luxuriant fertility of the soil. In\\nan evil hour the junction of European with Indian arms\\nconverted this terrestrial paradise into a hideous desolation.\\nCampbell, the poet, in his beautiful poem entitled, Gertrude\\nof Wyoming, has married to immortal verse the beauty,\\nglory and desolation of this once Happy Valley. The open-\\ning lines read thu^\\nOn Susquehanna s side, fair Wyoming I\\nAlthough the wild flowers on thy ruined wall\\nAnd roofless homes a sad remembrance bring\\nOf what thy gentle people did befall.\\nYet thou wert once the loveliest land of all\\nThat see the Atlantic wave their morn restore.\\nSweet land 1 may I thy lost delights recall.\\nAnd paint thy Gertrtide in her bowers of yore.\\nWhose beauty was the love of Pennsylvania s shore.\\nThe massacre of the innocent inhabitants of this valley ex-\\ncited both the indignation and compassion of Congress. They\\nresolved to chastise the savages who wrought this deed of\\nblood. General Sullivan was appointed to that service. He\\nled an army up the Susquehanna into the country of the Senecas.\\nIt was an unexplored and pathless region. The general had to\\ncontend with nature as savage and wild as the men whom he\\npursued. His sagacity led and his prudence supplied the army.\\nTheir rations were scanty, but their courage was manly. They", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "igo HISTORY OF\\nsuffered patiently and ti-iumphed gloriously. They met the\\nenemy, composed of tories and Indians, upon the Susquehanna,\\nand drove them into the forest. The victorious troops then\\nmarched into western New York and destroyed the deserted Ind-\\nian towns which had already begun to wear the aspect of civilized\\nlife. The Indians suffered according to the old Jewish law, an\\neye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. It seems a hard case,\\nas we view it, that these infant settlements of the red men should\\nbe annihilated but in that day there was no safety to the whites,\\nbut in the literal application of the ma.xim of that stern cove-\\nnanter, John Kno.x Tear down the nests and the rooks will\\nfly away. Having chastised the heathen, Sullivan returned to\\nEaston, in Pennsylvania, having lost forty men and among them\\nCaptain Cloyes and Lieutenant McAulay of New Hampshire.\\nMajor Titcomb, another brave officer, was badly wounded. These\\nvictorious troops joined the main army in Connecticut, and\\npassed the third winter of their service in huts at Newtown.\\nIn the year following, 1780, the New Hampshire troops served\\nat West-Point and afterwards in New Jersey, where General\\nPoor died. Three regiments belonged to the regular army this\\nyear. They passed the next winter in huts at a place called\\nSoldier s Fortune, near Hudson river. The three regiments\\nwere at the c .ose of the year reduced to two, and commanded by\\nGenerals Scammell and Reed.\\nCLOSE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR.\\nDuring all the long years of privation, suffering and bloodshed\\nof the American war for libert} New Hampshire furnished her\\nfull share of men and means for the conflict. The courage of\\nher citizens never wavered their hope of victory never abated.\\nThey were poor and in distress yet, out of their deep poverty\\nthey contributed to the wants of their common country and from\\ntheir already bereaved hearts sent out the only and well beloved\\nsons to fight her battles. The soldiers from New Hampshire\\nwere familiar with every battlefield, from Canada to Yorktown.\\nThey shared the woe of every defeat and the joy of every vic-\\ntory. They were present at the last great battle when Cornwallis\\nsurrendered and in which the heroic Scammell laid down his life\\nfor his country. They remained in the army till the last armed\\nfoe expired or left the country. They waited at their post of\\nduty till the obstinate George HI. from his throne declared his\\nrevolted subjects free and independent states. Every yoke\\nwas broken, and New Hampshire was a sovereign state with her\\nsister republics.\\nA report made in congress in lycjo, by General Knox, gives the proportion of soldiers to\\npopulation furnished by each of the colonies in the Revolution as follows Massachusetts", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 191\\n(including Maine), one in seven of her population; Connecticut, one in seven; New Hamp-\\nshire, one in eleven; Rhode Island, one in eleven; New Jerseyj one in sixteen; Pennsyl-\\nvania, one in sixteen New York, one in nineteen Maryland, one in twenty-two; Delaware,\\none in twenty-four; Virginia, one in twentj^-eight Georgia, one in thirty-two; South Caro-\\nlina, one in thirty-eight; North Carolinaj one in fifty-four. Connecticut had less population\\nat the period of the Revolution than either Virginia, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland,\\nNorth Carolina or South Carolina; nevertheless she furnished more troops for the war than\\nany one of these great states.\\n-o-\\nCHAPTER Llir.\\nCONGREGATIONALISM IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nThe first ministers of New Hampshire were settled by major\\nvote of the town in which they officiated. This mode of settle-\\nment continued till 1818, when the rights of other denomina-\\ntions were acknowledged, and church and state, or rather town\\nand state, were separated. The Congregational denomination\\nwas called the standing order, till the other denominations\\ngained a legal position in the state. The number of Congrega-\\ntional and Presbyterian churches now in the state is one hun-\\ndred ninety-four only six of these are Presbyterian. Sixty-nine\\ntowns have no clergyman belonging to either of these two de-\\nnominations. The Methodists and Baptists are annually gain-\\ning upon the Congregationalists, and probably will soon equal\\nthem in the number of churches though they will scarcely equal\\nthem in membership during the present century. The Metho-\\ndists now have oije hundred twenty-three churches the Free-\\nwill Baptists one hundred twenty-one. The original Baptists\\nnumber thirt) -five. Of the other ten sects that are established in\\nthe state, the number ranges from one to twenty-two churches.\\nThe early ministers of the Congregational order were men of\\nmark in their respective towns, thoroughly educated and well\\ngrounded in the doctrines of the so-called orthodox theology.\\nThe first convention of Congregational ministers was held at\\nExeter, July 20, 1747. Their object was to promote harmony,\\npeace and good order among the churches and to secure unity\\nof belief and efficiency of action among the ministers of the\\nprovince. Seventeen clergymen obeyed the summons, which was\\nissued by a private conference of a few leading men. At their\\nfirst meeting they deemed it inexpedient to make any declara-\\ntion of faith with respect to points of doctrine. They reached,\\nin part, that result negatively, by enumerating the prevailing the-\\nological errors of the day. They resolved. First, That we will,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "192 HISTORY OF\\nto the best of our ability, both in our public ministrations and\\nprivate conversations, maintain and promote the great and im-\\nportant doctrines of the Gospel, according to the form of sound\\nwords delivered to us by Christ and his apostles Second, That\\nwe will take particular notice of several doctrinal errors which\\nhave more remarkably discovered themselves of late in several\\nplaces, among some persons who would seem zealous of reli-\\ngion ist, That saving faith is nothing but a persuasion that\\nChrist died for me, in particular 2d, That morality is not of\\nthe essence of Christianity 3d, That God sees no sin in his\\nchildren 4th, That believers are justified from eternity 5th,\\nThat no unconverted person can understand the meaning of the\\nScriptures 6th, That sanctification is no evidence of justifica-\\ntion and that we will be very frequent in opposing these errors\\nand in inculcating those truths with which they militate. They\\nalso agree to discourage uneducated men from entering the min-\\nistry, and to oppose all unwarrantable intrusion by persons who\\nare not legally authorized to exercise the functions of a minis-\\nter. They also advise frequent visits and interchange of views\\namong pastors, and to withhold recommendations from all can-\\ndidates who are not licensed by some association. They ap-\\npointed a committee to confer with the church in Durham re-\\nspecting some reported disorder among its members. At an\\nadjourned meeting the committee reported that a portion of the\\nchurch had separated from the original organization and w.^re\\nholding meetings at which very disorderly, vile and absurd\\nthings were practised, such as profane singing and dancing,\\ndamning the devil, spitting in the faces of persons whom they\\napprehended not to be of their society, and other similar acts to\\nthe dishonor of God and scandal of religion. They were un-\\nable then to gain a hearing from the separatists.\\nIn 1750, they opened a correspondence with English Congre-\\ngationalists. They are called by them Brethren of the Dis-\\nsenting Interest in England. An interesting correspondence\\nfollowed, revealing a strong sympathy between the English Dis-\\nsenters and the New Hampshire Congregationalists.\\nAt their annual meeting at Hampton, September 25, 1754,\\nthey discussed the proper subjects to be enforced in their re-\\nspective pulpits. They agreed to preach once a quarter upon\\nthe following subjects ist. Carelessness in religion 2d, Fam-\\nily religion and government 3d, Sabbath-breaking 4th, Intem-\\nperance and on the day of the annual Fast to inculcate as\\nmany of these important subjects as possible.\\nAt the annual meeting at Somersworth, September 26, 1758,\\nthey petitioned Governor Bcnning Wentworth to grant a charter\\nfor a college, settiiig forth at large the necessity and utility of", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 193\\nsuch an institution, and expressing tlie belief tliat a fund could\\nbe raised in the state for the support of the necessary oiTficers.\\nThey concluded their memorial by saying We are pursuaded\\nthat if your Excellency will, first of all, favor us with such a\\ncharter, we shall be able soon to make use of it for the public\\nbenefit and that your E.xxellency s name will forever be re-\\nmembered with honor. By neglecting to grant this reasonable\\nrequest, the governor lost his only chance of honorable remem-\\nbrance by posterity. At this same meeting, it was voted that\\nthe convention should, for the future, be held annually at Ports-\\nmouth, and should be known by the name of the Convention\\nof Ministers at Portsmouth. The number in attendance was\\nusually about twenty.\\nIn September, 1761, the convention, by their committee, con-\\ngratulated George III. on his accession to the English throne.\\nThe address is remarkable for its loyalty, beginning thus We,\\nyour Majesty s most dutiful and loyal subjects, ministers of the\\nCongregational churches in and about Portsmouth, the principal\\ntown of your Majesty s Province of New Hampshire, beg leave,\\nfrom these remote parts of your dominions, upon the first op-\\nportunity of our convening, to present before the throne this\\nhumble testimony of our loyal duty and affection to your Maj-\\nesty, whose accession to the British crown gives the highest joy\\nand satisfaction to all his subjects. The whole address is most\\nlaudatory of his Majesty s character and conduct, and full of\\nwarm congratulations on the late success of the British arms.\\nTen years later, the same body would have been as eloquent in\\ncomplaints, and as eager to be released from his Majesty s sway\\nas they were at first to welcome it. It is a little singular that\\nsuch bold and manly advocates of the moral virtues should\\nhave indulged in s\\\\ich extravagant compliments to their new\\nsovereign. However, it was the fault of the times. The elder\\nPitt himself used more fulsome fiattery to George III. than his\\nwarmest friends were wont to employ and was constantly cast-\\ning himself, metaphorically, at the feet of his king.\\nBut we have changed all that. Our age has lost its reverence\\nfor ofiicial station. At a meeting in July, 1762, a testimonial to\\nthe excellent character and remarkable labors of the Rev. Eleazar\\nWheelock, in founding and supporting Moor s Charity School,\\nin Lebanon, Conn., signed by twenty-five clergymen of that\\nstate, was laid before the convention. They say We esteem\\nhis plan {pi educating Indians) to be good his measures pru-\\ndently and well concerted his endowments peculiar, his zeal\\nfervent, his endeavors indefatigable for the accomplishment of\\nthis design, and we know no man like-minded who will naturally\\n13", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "194 HISTORY OF\\ncare for their state. May God prolong his life and make him\\nextensively useful in the kingdom of Christ.\\nThey also give unequivocal testimony to the fidelity, honesty\\nand economy of the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock in managing the\\nfunds committed to his care for the education of the Indians.\\nThe New Hampshire convention cordially approved of his work,\\nand recommended it to the good will of churches under their\\ncare. They did not, however, attempt to dictate to the public\\nhow they should dispose of their contributions for education.\\nThey mention the corporation erected in the Province of Mas-\\nsachusetts Bay (meaning Harvard College), as claiming their\\nbenefactions as fully as the school in Connecticut, designed to\\neducate the aborigines. In September, 1770, the convention\\nsent a memorial to the general assembly, asking aid for mis-\\nsionaiy labor among the new settlements of the province. They\\nsay, in closing their memorial It appears to your memqrial-\\nists that, in many respects, it will be of great advantage to his\\nMajesty s government, as well as for the benefit of particular\\nproperties, and the encouragement of the settlers in the new\\ntownships, that some provision be speedily made, whereby the\\nknowledge of Christianity and a sense of their duty to God,\\ntheir King and Author, may be preserved among those scattered\\ninhabitants of the wilderness. John Wentworth was then gov-\\nernor of the province. The very presentation of such a memo-\\nrial, with the expectation of aid for itinerant missionaries in the\\nnew settlements, reveals the paternal regard which the General\\nAssembly was supposed to entertain for the religious welfare of\\nthe people. Such a communication addressed to the legislature\\nat this day would be regarded as entirely irrelevant and possi-\\nbly hostile to their duties as law-makers. It would at once raise\\nthe cry of union of church and state.\\nIn September, 1772, the convention voted to have a collection\\namong themselves, for pious and charitable uses, at their annual\\nmeetings. The first collection yielded two pounds seven shil-\\nlings and six pence, lawful money. This money, with such other\\ncontributions as might be made during the year, was appropriated\\nto the education of Mr. Ewer s son, if he should be found by\\ntheir committee. Doctors Langdon, Haven and Stevens, to be\\nworthy of their charity. Before the adjournment, nine shillings\\nand seven pence more were added to the first collection. In the\\nyear 1774, Rev. Samuel Langdon, of Portsmouth, was appointed\\npresident of Harvard College. An address of congratulation\\nwas prepared by a committee, and presented to the reverend\\nDoctor; also filed among their records. They say in that ad-\\ndress, From the long and intimate connection that has sub-\\nsisted between us, we think we have reason to expect that your", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 195\\nappointment to this honorable station will be an extensive bles-\\nsing to the countr) The prospect of this is sufficient to over-\\nbalance that regret which we feel at your removal from our\\nneighborhood. A very devout and grateful response was made\\nby Doctor Langdon, and the record of these transactions is sign-\\ned by the venerable Jeremy Belknap, as clerk. These facts show\\nus that, at that early day, in the little province of New Hamp-\\nshire there were learned and illustrious ministers of the gospel.\\nIn 1785 we find the following record: Whereas the civil\\ngovernment appear, at present, disposed to introduce the an-\\nnual public election by a public religious service, we think it our\\nduty to countenance that laudable disposition of our civil\\nfathers, therefore, voted unanimously, that we will, by\\nthe leave of Providence, endeavor to meet together on the day\\nof the ne.xt election wherever said election may be, and so on\\nfrom year to year, and that our brethren of every denomination\\nbe invited, by public advertisement, to meet with us on said\\nday. This seems to have given their sanction to the annual\\nelection sermons, which were delivered by the most distin-\\nguished clergymen of the state, and frequently published, for\\nmany years before and after this date.\\nThis abstract of record shows how the clergy of New Hamp-\\nshire were employed during the last century. It reveals their\\ncreed, conduct and character. It shows, ist. That they were\\ndecided champions of dogmatic theology, and the uncompro-\\nmising opponents of heresy 2d, That they were the devoted\\nfriends of education 3d, That they preached morality as an\\nessential element of true religion 4th, That they appropriated\\nfour Sabbaths, besides the annual Fast day, to national sins\\n5 th, That they were, in that day, advisers and counselors of the\\nlegislature, as well s petitioners for righteous laws 6th, That\\nthey encouraged the home missionary enterprise, in behalf of\\nthe new settlements in the state 7 th, That they, by word and\\ndeed, were the leading men of the community, in every measure\\nthat appertained to the highest welfare of the people 8th,\\nThat they were almost the only literary men of that period and\\nthat some of them, like Jeremy Belknap and President Langdon,\\nwere authors of high repute.\\nHon. Joseph B. Walker, of Concord, describing the ministry\\nin New Hampshire a hundred years ago, says\\nThe old New Hampshire minister was ahiiost invariably a well educated\\nman. The expression, comrrion in the old town charters, a learned ortho-\\ndo.\\\\ minister was by no means a conventional one merely. It appears,\\nupon examination, that of the fifty-two settled ministers in the province in\\n1764, no less than forty-eight were graduates of colleges while, in the county\\nof Rockingham, thirty-one of the thirty-two, and perhaps all, had received a\\nliberal education one at the University of Scotland, one at Yale, and\\ntwenty-nine at Harvard.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "196 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER LIV.\\nRISE OF SEPARATE DENOMINATIONS.\\nAs late as 1750, there were only thirty churches of the stand-\\ning order. Other denominations were then but little known.\\nThis fact reveals the slow progress of religion in the state. A\\nsmall society of Quakers was organized in 1701. The first Bap-\\ntist church was formed in 1755. Their gain, on an average, till\\nthe year 1800, was about one new church annually. An Episco-\\npal chapel was built in Portsmouth* as early as 1638. In May,\\n1640, a grant of fifty acres of land for a glebe was set apart\\nby the governor and inhabitants of Strawbeny Bank, and deeded\\nto Thomas Walford and Henry Sherburne, church wardens,\\nand their successors forever, as feoffees, in trust. A parsonage\\nand the chapel had been previously erected upon the glebe. The\\nprayer-books and communion service were sent over by Captain\\nMason. The first company who settled at Portsmouth and\\nDover were inclined to Episcopacy. Winthrop says Some of\\nthem were the professed enemies to the way of our churches.\\nPrior to the beginning of this century, but few Episcopal churches\\nexisted in this state. The Methodists were first known in New\\nPlampshire in 1792. They did not come to New England till\\nafter the close of the Revolutionary war.\\nThe Freewill Baptists originated in 1780. Elder Benjamin\\nRandall of New Durham is their reputed founder but there is\\nanother claimant for this honor. John Shepard, Esq., of Gil-\\nmanton, solemnly affirmed, near the close of his life, that the\\nFreewill system was all opened to his mind by the Spirit of\\nGod, months before any other person knew it that he then\\nAbout sixty years ago, President Timothy Dwight, of Yale college, Connecticut, visited\\nPortsmouth, and states in iiis Book of Travels that the number of dwellings was six hundred\\nand twenty-six, although he thinks that Newmarket was united v.ith it in the enumeration as\\none district. He says almost all were built of wood. Their conliiiuity to each other in the\\ncompact part of the town he thought very dangerous if fires should uccnr, as the conflagra-\\ntion mi ^ht become extensive. But up to that time Portsmouth had not suffered much by fire.\\nWe think not more than a dozen dwellings had been burned, so far as any record appears,\\nand a f :-\\\\v other buildings. The jail had been burned, but we have not the date.\\nPresident Dwight died in 1S17. Before his death he had occasion to learn what ruin fire\\nhad caused in this town. That of 1S13 was terrible. The light of it was seen twenty-five or\\nthirty miles hack in the country.\\n.Sixty years ago there were seven places of worship; now there are ten. One society that\\nexisted then, the Sandemanian, has become extinct. Another, the Independent, has also\\nceased. The Universa;ist society was then in its infancy, and small. The Methotlists had\\nnot commenced a stated meeting then. Rev. Doctors feuckminster and Parker were in the\\nfull tide of prosperity as pastors of the two Conj^egational churches. Rev. Hosea Ballon,\\nafterwards very prominent^ among the Universalists, was preaching to the society of that\\ndenomination in this place.*", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 197\\nrevealed it, in March, 1780, to Elder Edward Locke and Elder\\nTozar Lord and with them spent a week locked up in the house\\nowned by Mr. Piper of Loudon, fasting and praying and seeking\\nthe will of God. He also affirmed that they ordained one\\nanother and then went to New Durham and ordained Elder\\nRandall. From this humble origin, the number of the denom-\\nination has been constantly increasing. It now has schools,\\nacademies, theological seminaries and a college under its con-\\ntrol in New England.\\nThe first Universalist society in the state was established at\\nPortsmouth in 1781. The Christian denomination arose about\\nthe beginning of this century. Elder Abner Jones from Ver-\\nmont is its reputed founder. It is an off-shoot from the Freewill\\nBaptists and is quite numerous in New Hampshire. There are\\nwithin the state two families of Shakers, who date their arrival\\nhere in 1792.\\nFifty years ago these numerous denominations were very hos-\\ntile to each other and much of the preaching of that day was\\ngiven to sectarian controversies. A better day has dawned upon\\nus and as partisan zeal is abated, brotherly love has increased.\\nFrom 1775 to 1800, the people were so deeply agitated with\\nthe Revolution, the new constitution and other great political\\nquestions, that religion scarcely occupied their thoughts. There\\nwere faithful preachers and devout hearers in those days, but\\nthey were a small minority. The Revolutionary war was, in\\nitself, disastrous to religion but the alliance with France was\\nstill more injurious. The opinions of Voltaire found many ad-\\nherents among the officers of the army. The works of Godwin\\nand Thomas Paine were also read with eagerness by the young\\nsceptics of the age. Unbelief became popular and faithful fol-\\nlowers of Christ were pointed at with the finger of scorn.\\nNear the close of the eighteenth centurj-, revivals of religion be-\\ncame more frequent, the results of them more permanent and\\nthe churches had rest and were edified. The New Hamp-\\nshire Missionary Society, which has been of inestimable advan-\\ntage in providing the preaching of the gospel for feeble churches\\nand sparse populations, was founded in i8oi.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER LV.\\nINSUFFICIENCY OF THE STATE AND GENERAL GOVERNMENTS PRE-\\nVIOUS TO THE ADOPTION OF NEW CONSTITUTIONS.\\nDuring the whole period of the Revolutionary war, the United\\nStates had no efficient government. From 1775 to 1781 they\\nhad a federal union for the purposes of defence, and they\\nwere held together by the ties of a common interest, by the\\nsense of a common danger, and by the necessities of a common\\ncause, having no written bond of union. In short, they were\\nheld together by their fears, or rather crushed together by ex-\\nternal calamities. The articles of confederation were adopted\\nby congress in November, 1777. Maryland, last of the old\\nthirteen states, adopted them March i, 1781. On the next day\\ncongress assembled under this new form of government. This\\nwas the shadow of a government without the substance. It\\ncould make laws, but could not execute them it could call for\\narmies, but could not raise them it could assess taxes, but could\\nnot collect them. In a word, its enactments were advisory, not\\nauthoritative. The country tried this form of union for the two\\nremaining years of the war and for six subsequent years of\\npeace, and found it wanting.\\nVirginia took the lead in recommending a convention of the\\nstates for the adoption of a new constitution. At the first meet-\\ning of the delegates at Annapolis, Md., in September, 17S6, only\\nfive states were represented. Another convention was called in\\nthe following May, to meet in Philadelphia. Most of the states\\napproved the measure, but only tWenty-nine delegates appeared\\non the first day in process of time others came, and on the\\ntwenty-eighth of May, 1787, the convention began its session\\nwith closed doors, and sat four months and then reported a\\ndraft of a new constitution which was to go into operation\\nwhen nine states had adopted it. New Plampshire was the ninth\\nstate to approve it and her vote was taken at Concord, June 21,\\n1788. On the fourth of March, 1789, the first congress under\\nthe new constitution assembled, and on counting the votes pre-\\nviously cast, George Washington was declared President of the\\nUnited States.\\n\\\\Miile the general government was forming a permanent con-\\nstitution, the states, also, were giving attention to their organic\\nlaws. New Hampshire had already passed through five differ-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 1 99\\nent forms of government. The earliest was the Proprietary gov-\\nernment, when it was subject to the rules and orders of the Com-\\npany of Laconia, of which John Mason was the head. The\\nsecond was that of the separate towns, when each for itself\\nmade a combination for the security of life and property.\\nThe third was the Colonial government from 1641 to 1680,\\nwhen the state was ruled by the laws of Massachusetts. To\\nthis succeeded the Royal government which, with a slight inter-\\nruption from 1690 to 1692, when Massachusetts resumed her\\nswa)^, continued till the beginning of the Revolutionary war.\\nEarly in 1776, a temporary Plan of Government was adopted\\nto continue through the war. This was republican in form\\nthough exceedingly defective in its details. The executive power\\nwas delegated to a committee of safety when the assembly was\\nnot in session. In 1779 a convention was called to form a new\\nconstitution. Their work was rejected by the people. An-\\nother convention was called in 1781. The delegates met at\\nConcord and organized by choosing Hon. George Atkinson\\npresident, and Jonathan M. Sewall secretaiy, both of Ports-\\nmouth. Among the leading men of that convention were\\nJudge Pickering of Portsmouth General Sullivan of Dur-\\nham General Peabody of Atkinson Judge Wingate of Strat-\\nham Hon. Timothy Walker of Concord Captain Eben-\\nezer Webster of Salisbury General Joseph Badger of Gilman-\\nton; Timothy Farrar of New Ipswich and Ebenezer Smith of\\nMeredith. The army and the fonim, as usual, furnished the\\nmost influential members. In all such assemblies a few leading\\nminds plan the work and the majority vote for it. This conven-\\ntion sat only a few days, assigned their work to a committee of\\nseven and adjourned till the following September. A draft of a\\nnew constitution wfts made by them and presented to the con-\\nvention at their adjourned meeting. A bill of rights was also\\nsubmitted by the same committee. This new organic law was\\nsent to the people for their action upon it in town meetings.\\nThe objections urged against it were so numerous that, at the\\nthird session of the convention in Januar) 1782, the new con-\\nstitution was thoroughly revised and recommitted for a report\\nin the following August. A new draft was then presented, ap-\\nproved and again sent to the people for their ratification. The\\nconvention then adjourned till the next December. This form\\nof government was generally approved, but, several amendments\\nbeing deemed necessary, the convention again adjourned till\\nJune, 1783. On the nineteenth day of the preceding April, the\\neighth anniversaiy of the battle of Lexington, peace between\\nEngland and the United States was proclaimed accordingly\\nthe Plan of Government adopted in 1776, to continue during", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "200 HISTORY OF\\nthe war, expired by self-limitation. The people of the state in\\ntheir town meetings voted to prolong that temporary govern-\\nment for one year. The constitutional convention in June,\\n1783, after making several important alterations and additions,\\nagain submitted the constitution to the people, who by a consid-\\nerable majority adopted it, and in June, 1784, the new form of\\ngovernment became the organic law of the state. It was intro-\\nduced by religious solemnities. A sermon was delivered before\\nthe legislature at Concord on the second day of June, which\\ncustom was observed at every annual election for nearly half a\\ncentuiy afterwards.\\nThis constitution, with some slight amendments, such as the\\nadvance of public opinion required, has remained in force to\\nthis day. This fact reveals the wisdom of the delegates of that\\nfamed convention, which continued its e.xistence for more than\\ntwo years and held nine sessions. The history of this important\\ninstrument, containing both a bill of rights which could scarcely\\nbe improved, and permanent rules for the guidance of the law-\\nmakers of a sovereign state, shows that it was repeatedly dis-\\ncussed, criticised, revised and virtually amended lay the legal\\nvoters in their democratic town meetings. A high degree of in-\\ntelligence characterized the people of New Hampshire at that\\nday, for their successors for two generations have lived in con-\\ntent under a constitution whose every clause was submitted to\\nthe legal voters of 1784.\\nCHAPTER LVI.\\nTREATMENT OF LOYALISTS.\\nAll questions of expediency have two sides, and naturally\\ngive rise to opposing parties. Men are so constituted, that, in\\nall controversies which are argued from moral evidence, they\\nnecessarily become partisans. It is said that spectators never\\nwitness a conflict between brute beasts, without taking sides a\\nfortiori would they lend their sympathies to one or the other of\\ntwo political parties. Says Archbishop Whately Not only\\nspecious but real and solid arguments, such as it would be diffi-\\ncult or impossible to refute, may be urged against a proposition\\nwhich is nevertheless true, and may be satisfactorily established\\nby a preponderance of probability.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 201\\nAt the origin of the Revolution there were men, as it was\\nnatural there should be, who adhered to the old regime. They\\nhad been loyal to the king all their lives, and they saw no good\\nreason for rebellion. Others, more patriotic or more enthusias-\\ntic, denounced them as tories or traitors and began soon to\\nhate them and persecute them. The loyalists returned their ill-\\nwill with interest, and the two parties at once were separated by\\nan impassable gulf. Those who adhered to the royal cause\\neither sought protection in flight, or joined the army of the en-\\nemy. Those who turned against their brethren became their\\nmost malignant and cruel foes. They even hounded on the\\nsavages to destroy with tomahawk and scalping-knife the very\\nneighbors with whom, in other days, they took sweet counsel\\nand walked to the house of God in company. A civil war is\\nthe most terrible ordeal which men are ever called to pass\\nthrough. Proscription and confiscation by the majority always\\nfall with crushing weight upon the minority. Woe to the van-\\nquished, cried the conquering Gaul, Brennus, as with false\\nweights he appropriated the redemption money of the old Ro-\\nmans woe to the vanquished was the only rule to which\\nloyalists were subjected, whether they were passive or active,\\nflying or fighting. Congress recommended a sweeping confisca-\\ntion of all their property to replenish their e.xhausted treasury\\nbut so many agents fingered the money in its passage, that but\\na small share of it reached its destination. The legislature of\\nNew Hampshire proscribed sevent) -six persons who had for va-\\nrious reasons, and at different times, left the state. The whole\\nestate of twenty-eight of these was confiscated. No distinction\\nwas made between British subjects occasionally resident in the\\nstate, American loyalists who had absconded through fear, and\\navowed tories whb took up arms against their country. They\\nwere together put upon the black list as outlaws as men who had\\nbasely deserted the cause of liberty, and manifested a disposi-\\ntion inimical to the state and a design to aid its enemies in their\\nwicked purposes. Some show of justice was observed toward\\nthe creditors of the proscribed, and some compassion was shown\\nto their deserted families but all this kindness was discretion-\\nary with the county trustees, who were authorized to take pos-\\nsession of the estates, real and persona), of tories, and to sell\\nthem at auction. The net profit of all those sales to the state\\nwas hardly worth computing. Irresponsible power is always\\nabused and patriots are not exempt from the common infirmi-\\nties of our race.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "202 HISTORY OF\\nCIRCULATING MEDIUM.\\nAll civilized nations, in modern times, have issued paper\\nmoney in periods of distress. It is an expedient which has often\\nproduced temporary relief, but has usually resulted in national\\nbankruptcy. No legislature can give intrinsic value to engraved\\npaper, unless silver and gold are pledged for its redemption.\\nAn irredeemable currency always depends for its circulation\\non public opinion. That is ever fluctuating and so is the value\\nof the money that is based upon it. The bills of credit, issued\\nduring colonial times, and the continental paper money of the\\nrevolutionary period, all depreciated in value and in some in-\\nstances became absolutely worthless. All the earlier wars in\\nwhich the colonies engaged were maintained by a paper cur-\\nrenc) which always declined in value in proportion to the length\\nof time it was in use. The reimbursement of several of these\\nissues, by the British government, gave the people greater con-\\nfidence in the paper money that was afterwards issued by con-\\ngress. But, when millions of continental notes were thrown\\nupon the public, having no security for their redemption but fu-\\nture taxation, no human power could prevent their decline in\\nvalue. In New Hampshire such bills were made a legal tender\\nbut this law led to countless frauds and hastened the deprecia-\\ntion of the money. The law was retrospective and made it\\nlegal to pay old debts with notes that were fast becoming worth-\\nless. This was, of course, ruinous to trade and unjust to the\\ncreditor. Business was nearly suspended silver was hoarded\\nknaves only prospered. The community held meetings, made\\nspeeches, petitioned congress for relief and finding nothing but\\ncirculars and specious arguments in favor of the worthless bills\\nin return, for a time sat down in despair. But paper money\\ngradually disappeared, and by common consent went into dis-\\nuse. Silver and gold reappeared and public confidence revived.\\nAll the states issued bills of their own which, while in use, va-\\nried from their par value to one shilling in the pound. Con-\\ngress, during the war, issued two hundred millions in paper\\nmoney, which rapidly passed through every stage of decline\\nfrom par to zero, and finally became a dead loss.\\nSOCIAL AND MORAL EFFECTS OF THE WAR.\\nFor eight long years the scattered and impoverished people\\nof the United States were passing through the blood and smoke\\nof the Revolutionary war. Scarcely for one hour, during all\\nthat period, did the blood cease to flow or the smoke to rise\\nfrom the wasted land. Fire, famine and slaughter brought pov-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 203\\nerty, privation and suffering to every hearth-stone. From many\\na darkened window little children peered out into the mingled\\nstorm and demanded their sire with tears of artless inno-\\ncence. The whole number of men who enlisted in the conti-\\nnental army during the entire war was 231,791. New Hamp-\\nshire furnished of these 12,497. It is safe to affirm, though offi-\\ncial statistics make the number less, that nearly one half of\\nthese were killed or disabled, and many of the other half had\\nformed habits which unfitted them for industry or virtue. Camp\\nlife, if long continued, always makes men averse to the continu-\\nous labors of the field and shop. While the war lasted, agri-\\nculture and manufactures necessarily declined. When peace re-\\nturned it was difficult to revive them. Towns had been burned,\\ncities sacked, fields desolated and the cheapest necessaries of\\ncivilized life, in many instances, must be created anew. If la-\\nborers could be found, capital was wanting. A depreciated cur-\\nrency crippled the hands of the industrious. Knaves, cheats\\nand swindlers were watching to entrap the unwary. Morals had\\ndeclined. Old Puritan customs had been suspended by tiie fiat\\nof wa}-. The Sabbath had been desecrated the salaries of pas-\\ntors declined with the currency of the times. They were obliged\\nto minister with their own hands to their necessities, rather than\\nto minister with their minds to their flocks. The alliance with\\nFrance had introduced French infidelity and the high army\\noffice s placed the teachings of Voltaire above those of the\\nScriptures. It required long years of patient industry and care-\\nful economy of the wise and good, to restore the habits and vir-\\ntues of the good old times.\\nCHAPTER LVir.\\nHEAVY BURDEKS IMPOSED ON THE PEOPLE BY THE WAR, AND\\nTHE CONSEQtJENT DISCONTENT.\\nNo less r\\nwrote Milton, after he had experienced the conflicts and\\ntriumphs of both. The victories of peace are achieved by\\nmoral forces, and are often harder to be secured than those\\nwhere fields are won. In our country, the same men who led\\nour armies presided in our legislatures. Washington, first in", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "204 HISTORY OF\\nwar, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen,\\nguided the helm of state after the adoption of the new constitu-\\ntion. At the same time, his companion in arms, General John\\nSullivan, presided over the people of New Hampshire. But,\\nduring the period of transition, from the restoration of peace,\\n1783, to the commencement of Washington s administration in\\n1789, the whole country was in a condition of feverish excite-\\nment. Rebellion, on a great scale, had repulted in independ-\\nence many of the people began to think that rebellion was a\\nwholesome remedy for all social and political evils. In New\\nHampshire the whole population was poor, was in distress and in\\ndebt. The government, which was of their own creation, seemed\\nto them to be able but unwilling or incompetent to aid them.\\nThey charged their distress upon the courts that enforced the\\npayment of honest debts, upon the legislature which failed to\\nmake money plenty in every man s pocket. Tliey attempted to\\nsuppress both courts and legislature by violence. The wildest\\ntheories were broached and the most impracticable measures\\nproposed. They fondly dreamed that paper money would sup-\\nply all their wants. They accordingly demanded large issues of\\npaper bills funded on real estate and loaned on interest, or\\nirredeemable paper bills no matter how or when payable, paper\\nbills must be had or the unwilling government must be com-\\npelled to yield to the people whose creature it was. They were\\ndetermined to assert their own majesty, as the origin of power,\\nand to make their governors know that they were but the exec-\\nutors of the public will. The legislature passed stay-laws and\\ntender-laws, but no substantial relief came. The people of JNew\\nHampshire, after the return of peace, were in the condition of a\\npatient enfeebled by long disease they clamored for curative\\n-processes and popular nostrums which only increased the fatal\\nmalady. They held primary meetings, town meetings, county\\nand state conventions, which resulted in the formation of an\\nabortive party which demanded the abolition of the inferior\\ncourts and equal distribution of property and the canceling of\\nall debts. This unmitigated agrarianism, it was thought, would\\nbring back the age of gold. The people of Massachusetts\\nhad set the example of rebellion against the courts of the law\\nand the officers of the government.\\nDaniel Shay was the leader of the malcontents and the rebels\\nwere not subdued without an organized military force and the\\nloss of some lives. During the session of the legislature in\\nSeptember, 1786, a crowd of discontented citizens from the\\ncounties of Rockingham and Cheshire, armed with bludgeons,\\nscj thes, swords and muskets, marched, with martial music, to\\nExeter and surrounded the church where the legislature was in", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 205\\nsession, and entering the house demanded a compliance with\\ntheir insane petition. The president, General Sullivan, then\\nperformed the office of the wise and good man, described by\\nVirgil two thousand years ago\\nAs when in tumults rise the ignoble crowd,\\nMad are their motions and their tongues are loud\\nAnd stones and brands in rattling volleys fly.\\nAnd all the rustic arms that fury can supply\\nIf then some grave and pious man appear.\\nThey hush their noise and lend a listening ear\\nHe soothes with sober words their angry mood.\\nAnd quenches their innate desire for blood.\\nAll this the venerable hero and wise counselor accomplished,\\nstill the mob refused to disperse. They held the legislature in\\ndurance vile, and even refused to allow the president room\\nwhen he attempted to leave the house but, when they heard\\nthe cry from without Bring out the artillery, they retired for\\nthe night. The next day a numerous body of the state militia\\nand cavalry drove them from their encampment without blood-\\nshed, arresting about forty of the conspirators and dispersing\\nthe rest. Thus ended this absurd rebellion, and with it the\\npopular demand for paper money.\\nDaniel Webster, New Hampshire s noblest son, who in later\\nyears earned for himself the title of Defender and Expounder\\nof the Constitution, in one of his speeches in the senate dis-\\ncoursed as follows respecting legal tender\\nBut what is meant by the constitutional currency, about which so\\nmuch is said? What species or forms of currency does the constitution\\nallow, and what does it forbid It is plain enough that this depends on\\nwhat we understand by currency. Currency, in a large and perhaps in a\\njtist sense, includes not only gold and silver and bank notes but bills of ex-\\nchange also. It may include all that adjusts exchanges and settles balances\\nin the operations of trade and business. But if we understand by currency\\nthe legal viomy of the country, and that which constitutes a lawful tender\\nfor debts, and is the^^tatute measure of value, then, undoubtedly, nothing is\\nincluded but gold and silver. Most unquestionably there is no legal tender,\\nand there can be no legal tender, in this country, under the authority of this\\ngovernment or any other, but gold and silver, either the coinage of our own\\nmints or foreign coins, at rates regulated by congress. This is a constitu-\\ntional principle, perfectly plain and of the very highest importance. The\\nstates are expressly prohibited from making anything but gold and silver a\\nlender in payment of debts and although no such express prohibition is\\napi iied to congress, yet, as congress has no power granted to it, in this re-\\nspect, but to coin money and regulate the value of foreign coins, it clearly\\nhas no power to substitute paper, or anything else, for coin, as a tender in\\npayments of debts and in discharge of contracts. Congress has exercised\\nthis power fully in both its branches. It has coined mone\\\\ and still coins\\nit it has regulated the value of foreign coins, and still regulates their value.\\nThe legal tender, therefore, the constitutional standard of value, is estab-\\nlished, and cannot be overthrown. To overthrow it would shake the whole\\nsystem. The constitutional tender is the thing to be preserved, and it ought\\nto be preserved sacredly, under all circumstances.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "2o6 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER LVIII.\\nCAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES.\\nThe connection of John Paul Jones, the most famous naval\\ncommander of our revolutionary times, with Portsmouth deserves\\nspecial notice. The real name of this brave captain was John\\nPaul. He was a Scotchman, son of the ijardener of the Earl of\\nSelkirk. He commenced a life at sea at the age of fifteen; and\\nalter a suitable apprenticeship took command of a merchant\\nvessel. Durins: a vovage to Tobago, his crew mutinied and in\\nan assault made upon himself Captam Paul killed the leader.\\nHe was tried for manslaughter at Tobago and honorably acquit-\\nted. On his return to England, where the story had preceded\\nhim greatly exaggerated, he was threatened with a second trial,\\ncontrary to right and law. To escape injustice he emigrated to\\nAmerica, adding to his family name the nomme de guerre of\\nJones. He immediately took service under Commodore Hop-\\nkins in the expedition against New Providence. His gallant\\nconduct in this expedition gave him command of a sloop of\\ntwelve guns. With this vessel he captured several prizes. His\\nnext command was of a new ship of war, built at Portsmouth,\\ncalled the Ranger. This vessel was a privateer, carrying eight-\\neen guns and one hundred and fifty men. She sailed from\\nPortsmouth early in 1778. Captain Jones landed at White-\\nhaven, Cumberlandshire, and set fire to one of the vessels in\\nthe harbor but the inhabitants succeeded in extinguishing the\\nflames. He then sailed along the coast of Scotland, landing on\\nthe estate of the Earl of Selkirk, with the intention of taking\\nhim prisoner but his absence in parliament defeated that pur-\\npose. His crew, however, plundered the palace and carried\\naway the ])late .nnd other valuables. For this he was censured\\nbut the laws of privateering then in use would justify private\\nwarfare. The property, howev-er, was returned hy Dr. Fiaiiklin,\\nthen minister to France, whither Jones sailed with his booty.\\nHe again put to sea, with the Ranger, and appeared off the\\nIrish coast. Learning that a royal ship, called the Drake, mount-\\ning twenty-two guns, was in the harbor of Waterford, Jones chal-\\nlenged her captain to combat, mentioning, at the same time, his\\nforce of men and metal. The challenge was accepted, the battle\\nfought, and Jones, as usual, was victorious. The British loss in\\nthis engagement was one hundred and five killed and seventy-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 207\\ntwo wounded. Captain Jones lost only twelve men and nine\\nwere wounded. Soon after this victory he left the Ranger for\\nthe command of the Bonne Homme Richard in which he\\nachieved such glorious success on the high seas and on the\\ncoast of England. With his change of vessels his connection\\nwith New Hampshire ceased.\\nCHAPTER LIX.\\nGENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN.\\nGeneral Sullivan has been the subject of cold commenda-\\ntion or of severe criticism by the historians of the American\\nRevolution. Because he was unsuccessful in one or two of his\\nmilitary campaigns, his services as a warrior have been under-\\nvalued. In this department of the public service, success is\\nequivalent to merit. But General Sullivan has other claims to\\nrespect and veneration from the citizens of New Hampshire,\\nbesides his military career. He is one of the great men of our\\nstate, whose worthy deeds posterity should not willingly let die.\\nHis father, John Sullivan, was a native of Limerick, Ireland,\\nborn in 1692. He was a man of culture and gave to his sons a\\nprivate education which enabled them to share in many depart-\\nments of public life. The father of General Sullivan emigrated\\nto this country in 1723. His acquaintance with his future wife\\ncommenced on tfie voyage from their native land. He settled\\nat Benvick in Maine, where his son John was born in 1740.\\nSome authorities maintain that his home was on the New Hamp-\\nshire side of the river, in Dover. His education was limited to\\nhis father s instruction and such meagre tuition as the common\\nschool then afforded. He studied law with Hon. Samuel Liver-\\nmore* of Portsmouth, with whom he afterwards served as dele-\\ngate in congress from New Hampshire. As a student-at-law he\\ngave evidence of superior abilit} and in some instances took\\ncharge of cases in justice courts when Mr. Livermore was ab-\\nMr. C. W. Brewster gives the following account of Jolln Sullivan s introduction to lawyer\\nLivermore s family; It was not far from the year 175S, that a lad of seventeen years, with\\na rough dress, might have been seen knocking at the door of this house and asking for the\\nSquire, who listens to his application and inquires: And what can you do, my lad, if I take\\nyon **Oh, I can split wood, take care of the horse, attend to the gardening and perhaps find\\nsome spare time to read a little, if you can give me the privilege. He was immediately in-\\nstalled in the kitchen and by the aid of his study, intelligence and enterprise soon passed\\ninto the office and the parlor and at length became the colleague in office of his master.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "208 HISTORY OF\\nsent. Mr. Sullivan established himself in business in Durham,\\nwhich became his permanent home. His practice was extensive,\\nand as an advocate he held a high rank. He was self-\\npossessed, gifted with strong povt er of reasoning, a copious and\\neasy elocution, and the effect of these qualities was aided by a\\nclear and musical voice.\\nHe received a major s commission in the militia in 1772, and\\nthus commenced his military career, which is recited elsewhere\\nin this history. In the first convention which met at E.xeter, in\\n1774, after the dissolution of the last legislative assembly of the\\nstate by John Wentworth, Mr. Sullivan and Nathaniel Folsom\\nwere appointed delegates to represent the province of New\\nHampshire in the first general congress which was to meet in\\nPhiladelphia in the following September. Near the close of\\nthat year, John Sullivan and John Langdon, with a gallant band\\nof patriots, took possession of Fort William and Mary, im-\\nprisoned the garrison and carried away one hundred barrels\\nof powder. This bold enterprise cut him off forever from hope\\nof royal favor. In January, 1775. these leaders of the first as-\\nsault upon royal power in New Hampshire were elected by the\\nsecond independent convention of the state, again assembled at\\nE.xeter, representatives to the second continental congress. This\\nrepeated evidence of the confidence of the people in Mr. Sul-\\nlivan shows how he was regarded as a leader in war and legisla-\\ntion. In June of that year he was made one of the eight\\nbrigadier-generals selected by congress to manage the Revolu-\\ntionary war.\\nSome anecdotes are recorded which illustrate the tact and skill\\nof General Sullivan in managing a mob. In October, 1782, the\\npeople in the western part of the state were determined to pre-\\nvent the regular session of the court at Keene. General Sullivan\\nwas then attorney-general of the state. The court was helpless\\nas to a posse comitatus, for the people were opposed to them.\\nGeneral Sullivan became their sole defender. In the woods be-\\nfore entering the town, he took from the portmanteau of his\\nservant his regimentals and arrayed himself in full military\\nattire the blue coat and bright buttons which he had worn in\\nthe retreat from Long Island, the cocked hat whose plume had\\nnodded over the foe at Brandywine, and the sword which at\\nGermantown had flashed defiance in front of battle. Thus\\nequipped, he mounted his powerful gray charger and conducted\\nthe court into town. The judges took their seats without mo-\\nlestation. Sullivan, with noble port and majestic mien, stood\\nerect in the clerk s desk. His presence awed the turbulent\\nthrong. He addressed them with boldness and dignity. They\\nshouted The Petition! The Petition! He ordered them to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 209\\npresent their petition. He received it and passed it over to tlie\\ncourt. He tlien addressed tiie crowd, courteously but firmly re-\\nbuked their temerity in attempting to interrupt the business of the\\ncourt, andperemptorily ordered them to withdraw. They obeyed\\nwith reluctance, but without violence. Arthur Livermore, then\\na youth of si.xteen, witnessed this scene and even in extreme\\nold age retained a lively recollection of the skill, eloquence and\\npersonal appearance of Sullivan. I thought, he said, if I\\ncould only look and talk like that man, I should want nothing\\nhigher or better in this world.\\nIn the riot at Exeter, in 1786, when a company of armed men\\nsurrounded the house where the legislature was sitting. General\\nSullivan came out and addressed the mob, and ordered them to\\ndisperse. Tliough they did not obey his mandate till they feared\\nan assault from the hastily armed militia, still the manly pres-\\nence, heroic bearing and glowing eloquence of General Sullivan\\nwere never forgotten by those who witnessed the scene.\\nIn a work ascribed to President John Wheelock and entitled\\nSketches of the History of Dartmouth College, we find the\\nfollowing allusion to General Sullivan. In the month of January,\\n1789, the senate and house of representatives passed an act\\ngranting to the trustees of Dartmouth College a valuable tract\\nof eight miles square, about forty-two thousand acres, lying\\nnorth of Stewartstown. The forcible and energetic eloquence\\nof General Sullivan, that eminent commander in the Revolu-\\ntionary war, in the debate on the subject cannot be forgotten.\\nIt drew him from his bed, amidst the first attacks of fatal dis-\\nease and it was the last speech he ever made in public.\\nCHAPTER LX.\\nTHE NEW CONSTITUTION AND THE PARTIES FORMED AT ITS RATI-\\nFICATION.\\nIn no state was there a deeper interest manifested concerning\\nthe adoption of the constitution than in New Hampshire. This\\nwas the ninth state in the order of voting, and a favor.nble vote\\nwould at once give vitality to the new government. The first\\nsession of the convention to consider the subject was held at\\nExeter in Febniary, 1788. The most distingviished statesmen\\nand civilians of the state were among its members. General\\n14", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "210 HISTORY OF\\nJohn Sullivan was its president and John Langdon, Josiah\\nBartlett, John Taylor Oilman, John Pickering, Samuel Liver-\\nmore, Joshua Atherton and Joseph Badger sat in the council, to\\ndeliberate, discuss and vote upon this question of momentous\\ninterest.\\nLong time in even scale the battle hung.\\nMr. Atherton led the opposition. His attack upon that clause\\nwhich guarantied the slave trade till iSoS was especially pa-\\nthetic and eloquent. No modern advocate of human rights has\\nsurpassed him in the passion and logic of his arguments. The\\ndecision of the question was so doubtful, that the friends of the\\nconstitution asked for an adjournment that the minds of the\\npeople of the state might be more fully known. The conven-\\ntion adjourned to meet in Concord in the following June. A\\nsession of four days was sufficient to complete the work. The\\nlast day was one of intense interest to the members and specta-\\ntors. The final vote stood fifty-seven in favor of the constitu-\\ntion and forty-six against it. While the secretary was calling\\nover the names of the members and recording their votes, there\\nwas a death-like silence every bosom throbbed with an.xious\\nexpectation. Every class of the immense crowd that thronged\\nthe church was in some way interested in the result some from\\nhonest convictions of its expediency, some from hope of gain,\\nsome from its influence in other states, and many from decided\\nhostility to its provisions. Messengers were dispatched in every\\ndirection to announce the result of the vote of New Hampshire,\\nand to assure the hesitating states that a government was le-\\ngally established without their aid. The convention of New\\nYork was then in session, and the news from New Hampshire\\nundoubtedly hastened, if it did not modify, the votes of its\\nmembers. At Portsmouth, the chief commercial town in the\\nstate, the ratification was celebrated by every demonstration of\\npopular good will.\\nNEW roLrricAL parties in the united states.\\nThe only parties in colonial times, with the exception of those\\nthat were local or personal, were the supporters and opponents\\nof the royal prerogative, distinguished, as in England, by the\\nfamiliar names of whigs and tories. In the war for Independ-\\nence the tory party became extinct. The most bigoted of them\\nleft the country others, by reluctant concessions to the whigs,\\nwere allowed to remain as citizens in the Union. The parties\\nknown as federalists and anti-federalists appeared for the first\\ntime in the convention that framed the constitution. This di-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 211\\nvision of parties is the most natural tliat could be conceived of,\\nin the condition of our country at that time. The federalists\\nwished to strengthen the general government at the expense of\\nthe individual states that entered into the confederation the\\nanti-federalists desired to maintain the independence of the\\nstates at all hazards, and give to the central government no\\npowers inconsistent with it. The constitution, as finally adopted,\\nwas a compromise between the two parties. It was impossible\\nto organize the government on any other terms. If either party\\nhad insisted on the adoption of its own principles, no organic\\nlaws would have been framed, and each state would have re-\\ntained that political independence which had been achieved by\\nall in the Revolutionary war. So governments are always estab-\\nlished when the power to form them resides with the people.\\nThe essence of politics is compromise, sa} s Lord Macaulay.\\nThe history of the United States shows that where this remedy\\nfor party or sectional feuds is denied, war is the only alternative.\\nAfter the government went into operation under the new consti-\\ntution, every important measure took the name of federal or re-\\npublican, according as its advocates belonged to one of those\\nparties. Hence, the Funding System of Hamilton, the National\\nBank, the proclamation of Neutrality, the Alien and Sedition\\nlaws, the repeal of the Judiciary Act, the purchase of Louisiana,\\nthe Embargo, and the second war itself, were all assailed by the\\nopposition. Federalists and republicans violently opposed one\\nanother, at first from principle, afterwards from habit, though\\nthey often changed places.\\nOn the fourth of ]u\\\\y. 1788, the ten states which had ratified\\nthe constitution held a magnificent celebration of that event in\\nthe city of Philadelphia. Every symbol, ornament and repre-\\nsentation that could make the occasion imposing and attractive\\nwas displayed to the public admiration. Hon. James Wilson,\\nwho had been an active member of the constitutional conven-\\ntion, made an eloquent oration, in which he said, concerning the\\nnew form of government Delegates were appointed to delib-\\nerate and propose. They met and performed their delegated\\ntrust. The result of their deliberations was laid before the peo-\\nple. It was discusssed and scrutinized, in the fullest, fairest\\nand severest manner, by, speaking, by writing, by printing, by in-\\ndividuals and by public bodies, by its friends and its enemies.\\nWhat was the issue Most favorable, most glorious to the sys-\\ntem In state after state, at time after time, it was ratified, in\\nsome states, unanimously on the whole by a large and respect-\\nable majority.\\nThe day and the occasion allowed a little exaggeration. The\\nratification had not been secured without bitter controversy.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "212 HISTORY OF\\nParty spirit ran high, and sometimes broke out in acts of vio-\\nlence. The cities were generally in favor of the new constitu-\\ntion, because they hoped from it a renewal of trade and com-\\nmercial prosperity. The rural districts were opposed to it. In\\nProvidence, R. I., a mob of a thousand men, headed by a judge\\nof the supreme court, compelled the citizens to omit that part\\nof their fourth of July celebration which had special reference\\nto the ratification of the constitution. In other cases, mobs it-\\ntacked the offices of papers that advocated its adoption. The\\nstrong passions which years of war had kindled were easily ex-\\ncited by opposition. Those who opposed the war had been sub-\\njected to imprisonment, confiscation and even death. Those\\nwho opposed the new order of things were deemed worthy of\\nsimilar treatment. The special friends of the constitution called\\nthemselves federalists and their opponents anti-federalists, though\\nthe names in no sense revealed tiie principles of the two par-\\nties, and might with propriety have been interchanged.\\nThe new constitution was something more than a league of-\\nfensive and defensive and its supporters were something more\\nthan federalists, a word, which, from its etymolog} signifies the\\nsupporters of a league or covenant. The federalists advocated\\na %trong central government, in all its delegated functions\\nabove and superior to the individual states. The anti-federalists\\nwere not opposers of the union, but of consolidation. They\\nheld to the sovereignty of the slates, and to a strict interpreta-\\ntion of the powers granted by the states to the general govern-\\nment. They manifested no disposition to resist the will of the\\nmajority; but advocated a speedy alteration of the constitution,\\nso as to accord more fully with state rights. While the adop-\\ntion of the constitution was under discussion in the several\\nstates, all the objections were urged against it which were\\nbrought forward in the convention that framed it. It was at its\\nbirth the child of compromises. So it continued to be after its\\nadoption. Some objected that it gave too much power, others\\nthat it gave too little, to the general government.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 213\\nCHAPTER LXI.\\nCONDITION OF NEW HAMPSHIRE AFTER THE ADOPTION OF THE\\nCONSTITUTION.\\nAfter the establishment of a responsible government over the\\nentire union, New Hampshire advanced, slowly but surely, in\\nlegislation, finance, education and morals. After the patient\\nendurance of their distresses for a few years, the people ascer-\\ntained both their origin and remedy. They learned that industry\\nand economy and not violence nor legislation could restore the\\ngeneral prosperity. War had brought in its train burdensome\\ntaxes, heavy debts, a depreciated currency and degraded morals.\\nWith fewer laborers, larger returns from the soil and shop were\\ndemanded with diminished resources, increased revenues were\\nneeded. When the large souled patriots of that age saw their\\ntrue interests, they took heart and banished fear. They accepted\\nas a necessity past losses, and labored with energy for future\\ngains. They were successful they gradually rid themselves of\\ndebt by purchasing their depreciated bills at a heavy discount\\nand securing, on the credit of the state, liberal loans to meet the\\nwants of the treasury\\nWise men were called to administer the affairs of the state.\\nAfter the adoption of the state constitution, in 1784, the long-\\ntried, faithful and honest public servant, Meshech Weare, was for\\nthe last time elected president. Exhausted by the onerous\\nduties of a long public life, and enfeebled by age, he resigned\\nhis office before the year expired and, after a lingering illness,\\ndied on the fifteenth of January, 1786, aged 73. He had held\\nalmost every important position in the state, and had maintained\\nan untarnished reputation in all. General John Sullivan was\\nelected to the vacant chair in 1786. During a period of trouble,\\nconfusion and violence, he presided over the state with dignity,\\ndiscretion and success. He was succeeded in the chief mag-\\nistracy of the state, in 1788, by John Langdon. The affections\\nof the people vibrated like a pendulum between these illustri-\\nous men, the one distinguished most as a commander the other\\nas a civilian. But in anticipation of the organization of the\\ngeneral government under the new constitution, Mr. Langdon\\nwas elected to the United States Senate. His colleague was\\nPaine W ingate. Samuel Livermore, Abiel Foster and Nicholas\\nGilman were chosen to represent the state in ihe first congress.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "2 1 4 HISTORY OF\\nIn 1789, General Sullivan was again elected president of the\\nstate. During this year, the last in which he held the pre::idency,\\nGeneral Washington visited New England. He came to Ports-\\nmouth, where he met his companion in arms, much to the joy of\\nGener.al Sullivan and the satisfaction of a grateful people, who\\nwelcomed their chief with ever} demonstration of delight.\\nDuring the ne.xt year, important measures were adopted by\\nthe congress of the United States to give stability and perma-\\nnency to the government and place the public credit upon a firm\\nfoundation. Provision was made for funding the debt of the\\nnation. Two hundred million dollars of the old continental cur-\\nrency had been redeemed for five millions, forty dollars of\\npaper for one of silver. Many persons proposed that the certi-\\nficates of indebtedness for fifty-four million dollars, now due,\\nshould be purchased at their present worth and not for their orig-\\ninal value. But a more honorable policy finally prevailed and\\nthe credit of the country was restored. After a long and heated\\ndiscusssion, the state debts were assumed by the general govern-\\nment. This was not brought about without a discreditable com-\\npromise between the friends and enemies of the measure. The\\ninfluence and votes of certain southern members were secured\\nby a promise of locating the seat of government on the Potomac.\\nThe sum of the foreign, domestic and state debts was about\\neighty millions of dollars. Alexander Hamilton was the author\\nof this plan, which finally proved of immense advantage to all\\nparties.\\nNew Hampshire was dissatisfied with the amount granted to\\nher by the general government, as her share of twenty-one mil-\\nlion five hundred thousand dollars of state debts assumed by the\\nUnited States. She had contributed to the support of the war\\nthree hundred and seventy-five thousand and fifty-five dollars,\\nand received in return only three hundred thousand dollars.\\nOther states received more than they had expended. This dis-\\ntribution was regarded as unjust, and called forth a spirited\\nmemorial to congress on the subject. The legislature set forth\\nin forcible language their objections to the measure and in\\nconclusion solemnly remonstrated against the said act, so far\\nas it relates to the assumption of the state debts, and requested\\nthat if the assumption must be carried into eft ect, New Hamp-\\nshire might be placed on an equal footing with other states.\\nVirginia and New Hampshire were at that early day found fight-\\ning shoulder to shoulder for state rights.\\nThis hostility to the funding system of Hamilton was not the\\nonly instance in which the rights of New Hampshire were as-\\nserted in opposition to the general government. During the\\nwar of tlie Revolution the people of Portsmouth were actively", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 215\\nengaged in privateering. Early in 1788, Jolin Paul Jones sailed\\nfrom Portsmouth in the Ranger, a ship destined to capture Eng-\\nglish commercial vessels. This bold captain afterwards per-\\nformed marvelous exploits in this department of naval warfare.\\nThe citizens of Portsmouth also fitted out a privateer named\\nThe McClary. This vessel was authorized by the legislature to\\nmake prizes of British ships. She captured and brought home\\nan American vessel bound to a port of the enemy laden with\\nsupplies. She was adjudged by the court of the state a lawful\\nprize and given over to her captors. The owners of the vessel\\nafterwards appealed to congress for redress and the case being\\nreferred to the United States court, the judgment of the court\\nbelow was reversed and the value of the prize and her cargo\\nwas ordered to be refunded to the owners. The legislature\\nremonstrated against this violation of the dignity, sovereignty\\nand independence of the state. In conclusion, they say Can\\nthe rage for annihilating all the power of the states, and redu-\\ncing this extensive and flourishing country to one domination,\\nmake the administrators blind to the danger of violating all the\\nprinciples of our former governments, to the hazard of convul-\\nsions in endeavoring to eradicate every trace of state power e.x-\\ncept in the resentment of the people The language of the re-\\nmonstrance was sufficiently bold and spirited but it produced\\nno impression and no answer except a demurrer, which, accord-\\ning to the authority of Judge Harrington of Vermont, is where,\\none party having told his story, the other party says, what then I\\nHere a little story of President Lincoln is very pertinent\\nby way of illustration. During the late rebellion, when the\\nborder states, one after another, were making bitter complaints\\nagainst the aggressions of the general government, the president\\nsaid he was remirtded of the remark of an old lady in Spring\\nfield, who, being overburdened with work, allowed her large\\nfamily of children to take care of themselves. When any one of\\nthem made a loud outcry from the pain occasioned by a fall, a\\ncut finger, or a blow from some older child, she exclaimed, I\\nam glad to hear that for I know that one child is still alive.\\nNew Hampshire never failed to show a vigorous vitality, in peace\\nand war but, at this crisis, discretion was regarded as the better\\npart of valor, and the decision of the United States court be-\\ncame the supreme law of the land.\\nDuring the year 1787, the last dispute about the boundaries\\nof Mason s grant was adjusted. The Masonian proprietors\\nclaimed that the western line of the original grant, which was\\nsixty miles from the sea, should be a curve to correspond with\\nthe coast line of the Atlantic ocean. The legislature was peti-\\ntioned to determine the question. It was finally decided that", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "2l6 HISTORY OF\\nsixty miles should be measured from the sea into the interior\\nfrom the south and east lines of the state, and that the westepi\\ntermini of these two lines should be united by a straight line,\\nand the part of the state so cut off should constitute the Ma-\\nsonian grant. Between this straight line and the curve, which\\nthe proprietors claimed, a large territory was left open to dis-\\npute. The proprietors purchased the title to this segment of\\nthe state. At the same time the heirs of Allen, whose purchase\\nof Mason had been declared null and void seventy years be-\\nfore, revived their claim to the same territory under dispute.\\nThe Masonian proprietors compromised this claim, and, after\\none hundred and thirty years of dispute about bounds and titles,\\nthe land had rest.\\nDuring the first twenty years of the existence of the new con-\\nstitution of the United States, the local legislatures usurped\\nmany of the functions of the general government. The legisla-\\nture of New Hampshire esiablished post-offices and post-routes,\\nissued patents, determined the value of her paper money when\\ngreatly depreciated, chartered banks, and regulated all kinds of\\ninternal improvements. In 1791 they established four routes\\nfor posts, to be thereafter appointed, to ride in and through the\\ninterior of the state. The mail in the country was then carried\\non horseback, once in two weeks. The post-rider received a\\nsmall salary from the state, for carrying public letters and pa-\\npers and a postage of six pence on single letters for every\\nforty miles, and four pence for any less distance. Post-offices\\nwere established in ten of the principal towns and post-masters\\nwere allowed two pence on every letter and package that passed\\nthrough their hands. These provisions, limited as they were,\\nwere of immense importance in facilitating communications be-\\ntween different parts of the state. At that time the postal de-\\npartment of the general government was very defective, and\\nseveral weeks were required to convey intelligence from the seat\\nof government to the interior of New Hampshire. The state\\nlegislature in some instances secured to inventors the exclusive\\nright to their inventions, thus exercising the duties of commis-\\nsioners of patents. The necessity of the case rendered such\\nlegislation expedient.\\nThe stale constitution of 1784 provided for its revision after\\nseven years. Accordingly a convention was called for that pur-\\npose in 1 79 1. The delegates met at Concord on the seventh of\\nSeptember, 1791, and chose Samuel Livermore president, and\\nJohn Calf secretary. After a brief session they appointed a\\ncommittee to revise tlxe constitution and propose amendments,\\nand then adjourned to P ebruary, 1792. The late Governor\\nPlumer was the most active member of this committee. He", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 2 17\\nwas particularly anxious to secure the abolition of all religious\\ntests in the organic laws of the state. He therefore proposed,\\ninstead of former provisions, an amendment broad enough to in-\\nclude Roman Catholics and Deists. This failed but a propo-\\nsition to strike from the constitution that clause which requires\\nofifice-holders to be of the Protestant religion was voted by\\nthe convention, but rejected by the people. The convention\\nwhich met in 1850 again recommended its repeal, almost unan-\\nimously, but the people, by a large majority, refused to adopt\\nthe change, and that clause still remains in the constitution.\\nThe convention called in lygi met four times, and twice sub-\\nmitted amendments to the people one of which shows a re-\\nmarkable phase of the public mind, which proposed to exclude\\nattorneys-at-law from a seat in either branch of the legislature.\\nThey also recommended the enlargement of the senate and the\\ndiminution of the house but all these propositions failed, and\\nonly some unimportant changes were adopted by the people,\\namong them, the substitution of governor for president, as the\\ntitle of the chief magistrate. The state was also divided into\\ndistricts for the choice of the twelve senators. The legislature\\nwas authorized, from time to time, to make these districts as\\nnearly equal as may be, by the proportion of direct taxes\\npaid by the said districts. The constitution thus modified has\\nremained in force to this day, with a single amendment recom-\\nmended by the convention of 1850, which strikes out those\\nclauses which ordained a property qualification for the governor,\\nsenators and representatives of the state. Although it is gen-\\nerally admitted that the senate is too small and the house too\\nlarge to secure the best results of a republican government, still\\nthe people have never chosen to change this ancient constitution\\nof the two houses.\\nCHAPTER LXII.\\nLANDS HELD BY FREE AND COMMON SOCCAGE.\\nWhen America was discovered, the feudal system prevailed in\\nall Europe, This was admirably phuuicd to perpetuate serfdom\\nand arrest progress. In the county of Kent, in England, the\\nold Suxon tenure of free and common soccage had been pre-\\nserved. I his system imposed and entailed but few burdens", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "2l8 HISTORY OF\\nupon the holder of land. It was devisable by will and not for-\\nfeited by crime. It was subject to the law of primogeniture\\nbut that was modified by local customs among which was gav-\\nelkind or an equal distribution among all the male chil-\\ndren. James I., when he issued his patent to the Council of\\nPlymouth, made the grant to be holden by them and their as-\\nsigns in free and common soccage, like his manor of East\\nGreenwich in the county of Kent, and not in capite, or by knight-\\nservice. This caprice of the monarch was of immense import-\\nance to the occupants of this grant. They assumed from the\\nbeginning that they owned their estates in fee simple hence,\\nas early as 1641, the great and general court of Massachu-\\nsetts ordered and declared that all lands and heritages shall\\nbe free from all fines and licenses upon alienations, and from all\\nheriots, wardships, liveries, primer seisin, year and day waste,\\nescheats and forfeitures upon the death of parents or ancestors,\\nnatural or unnatural, casual or judicial, and that forever. Here\\na whole catalogue of grievances, that had been the growth of\\ncenturies, was swept away by a single enactment and the mod-\\nern Solomon retained nothing of his royal perogatives and feu-\\ndal duties but one fifth of all the gold and silver in the land,\\nwhich was never destined to glitter upon his person or clink in\\nhis coffers. By the voluntary and cordial union of New Hamp-\\nshire with Massachusetts, in 1641, her laws became our laws.\\nThe frequent emigrations from the older to the younger state\\nstrengthened those bonds. There are probably no two states in\\nthe Union, whose customs, habits, laws and institutions are more\\nnearly identical.\\nCHAPTER LXIII.\\nINTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS.\\nHighways are a very good standard of civilization. The sav-\\nage has paths or trails where men on foot can move in single\\nfile, but no roads. Half-civilized nations construct bridle-paths\\nin which sure-footed mules or horses may creep along and carry\\nthe traveler up the sides and over the ridges of lofty mountains.\\nMatured art builds a royal highway or railroad over the same\\nrugged steeps, and conveys in safety both men and goods over\\nranges once deemed insuperable. Among nations governed by", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 219\\na monarch, the best road is called the king s highway, be-\\ncause it serves for the transportation of the king s troops\\nand munitions of war to the field of conflict. The great mili-\\ntary roads of the Romans were made for this purpose, and were\\nclassed among the most wonderful creations of their practical\\nskill. Macaulay tells us that a traveler, even at midnight, can\\ndiscover when he passes from a Protestant to a Catholic coun-\\ntry in Europe, by the condition of the roads. Protestantism\\nand progress are always associated. The jolting of the carriage\\nand the clashing of the wheels reveal a land where ignorance\\nis the mother of devotion and the enemy of liberty.\\nIn our own state, we ha\\\\ e had every variety of road, from the\\nbridle-path marked only by spotted trees to the railroad\\nwhere passengers and freight move at a speed of thirty miles an\\nhour. This progress is happily indicated by the different modes\\nof ascending the White Mountains. First, explorers climbed\\ntheir rugged sides, carefully picking their way among trees and\\nrocks. Next, a bridle-path was cleared, so that even ladies\\ncould ride on safe, well trained horses, to the summit. Now a\\nrailroad lifts the lame and lazy, without the motion of a muscle,\\nto the highest point in New England, where winds and storms\\nexpend their utmost fury. The first roads that were made\\nthrough the woods were very imperfect, unfit for carriage use.\\nThe trees were felled and the stones removed, so that a man or\\nwoman on horseback could travel over them with tolerable ease.\\nThe streams were forded or crossed by rafts or boats, when they\\ncould be had. The common mode of travel was on horseback.\\nRev. Grant Powers, in his Historical Sketches, has given us\\na graphic account of a perilous ride of a lady in 1731. Mrs.\\nAnna Powers, the wife of Captain Peter Powers of Mollis, on a\\nsummer day went to visit her nearest neighbor ten miles from\\nher home. The Nashua river was easily forded in the morning\\nbut a sudden shower in the afternoon had caused it to overflow\\nits banks. The lady must return to her home that evening.\\nThe horse entered the stream and, immediately losing his foot-\\nhold, began to swim. The current was rapid and the water\\nflowed above the back of the horse, He was swept down the\\nstream, but still struck out for the opposite bank. At one in-\\nstant his fore feet rested on a rock in the stream, and he was\\nlifted above the tide. In a moment he plunged forward again,\\nand threw his rider from her seat. She caught his flowing mane\\nand in a few moments the strong animal bore her up the steep\\nbank, and both were saved. Such incidents were not uncom-\\nmon before the age of bridges. As the settlements advanced\\ninto the interior the roads were made better, and carriages, with\\nsome difficulty, passed over them. The bridge over the Piscata-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "220 HISTORY OF\\nqua, connecting the towns of Newington and Durham, just be-\\nlow the outlet of Little Bay, built in 1794, was a magnificent\\nstructure for that day. Dr. Dwight thus describes it\\nPiscataqua bridge is formed in three sections; two of ttiem horizontal,\\nthe third arched. The whole is built of timber. The horizontal parts on\\nwooden piers or trestles, distant from each other twenty-three feet. Of these\\nthere are one hundred and twenty-six; sixty-one on the northwestern and\\nsixty-five on the southeastern side of the arch. The arch is triple, but no\\npart of the work is overhead. The chord is two hundred and forty-four feet,\\nand the versed sine nine feet and ten inches. This arch is the largest in the\\nUnited States, contains more than seventy tons of timber, and was framed\\nwith such exactness that not a single stick was taken out after it had once\\nbeen put in its place. The whole length of the planking is two thousand\\ntwo hundred and forty-four feet. The remaining three hundred and fifty-six\\nare made up by the abutments and the island. The expense was sixty-eight\\nthous.and dollars.\\nThe first bridge over the Connecticut was built near Bellows\\nFalls, in 1785, by Colonel Enoch Hale. The first New Hamp-\\nshire turnpike, from Portsmouth to Concord, was chartered in\\n1796. Soon after this, a second was built from Claremont to\\nAmherst, a third from Walpole to Ashby and a fourth from Leb-\\nanon to Boscawen. During the first quarter of the nineteenth\\ncentury, corporations were authorized to build such roads and\\ntake toll of all travelers but as wealth increased the people\\nbecame weary of these impediments to locomotion and made the\\nturnpikes free highways.\\nMills were among the first wants of the colonists. In some\\nof the interior settlements men often carried their corn ten\\nmiles to be ground sometimes upon their backs. The only al-\\nternative was to pound the corn in mortars much as the Ind-\\nians were wont to do. The first settlers of Portsmouth and\\nDover were obliged to carry their corn to Boston to be ground\\nbut they soon had a mill both for sawing and grinding at New-\\nichewannoc falls. This was the Indi.m name for Berwick.\\nIn 1748, the inhabitants of Rumford, Canterbury and Con-\\ntoocook petitioned His Excellency, Benning Wentworth, to fur-\\nnish soldiers to man a deserted garrison in Rumford for the\\nfollowing reasons: because, as they say in their petition, we\\nare greatly distressed for want of suitable gristmills that Mr.\\nHenry Lo.yejoy has, at great expense, erected a good mill at a\\nplace the most advantageously situated to accommodate the three\\ntowns. This is the only mill in the three towns that stands un-\\nder the command of the garrison. They therefore pray that\\nthe garrison may again be manned that they may enjoy the use\\nof the mill protected by its cannon. Mills for the carding of\\nwool and the dressing of cloth were also among the earliest\\nwants of a people whose clothing was entirely of domestic\\nmanufacture. The labor of that day was mostly manual. The", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 221\\nfarmer and mechanic could each say with an apostle of old:\\nThese hands have ministered to my necessities. Rev. David\\nSutherland of Bath, says\\nThe people in early times were a very plain people, dressing in home-\\nspun cloth. Every house had its loom and spinning-wheel, and almost every\\nwoman was a weaver. Carding-machines were just introduced, [at the be-\\nginning of the nineteenth century] and clothiers had plenty of work. The\\nfirst coat I had cost me a dollar and a half per yard, spun and woven by one\\nof my best friends and I know not that lever had a better. For many\\nyears there was not a single wheeled carriage in town. People who ow ned\\nhorses rode them; and those who had them not went on foot. Husbands\\ncarried their wives behind them on pillions. More than one half of the\\nchurch-going people went on foot. Sleighs or sleds were used in winter. I\\nhave seen ox-sleds at the meeting-house. For years we had no stoves in the\\nmeeting-house of Bath and yet in the coldest weather, the house was always\\nfull.\\nSHIP-BUILDING.\\nIn the early history of New Hampshire ship-building was one\\nof the most profitable branches of industry-. Lumber and staves\\nwere among the chief e.\\\\ports of the state for several years of\\nits infancy. Its forests abounded in timber when this became\\nknown in Europe, the export of masts, spars and ship timber\\nfurnished employment for many of its inhabitants. Merchant\\nvessels, fishing schooners and ships for the royal navy were built\\nat all convenient places. The king, as above stated, claimed the\\nlargest and tallest pines for his own use. Later in the history\\nof the state vessels were built in the same place for home ser-\\nvice. The timber used in the construction of the Constitution\\nfrigate, the famous Old Ironsides, was taken from the woods\\nof Allenstown. on the border of the Merrimack, fifty miles from\\nthe ship-yard. So of the Independence seventj -four, the Con-\\ngress and several other vessels of war. Ships of war were also\\nbuilt at Portsmouth in early times, viz the Faulkland of fifty-\\nfour guns, in 1690 the Bedford Galley, thirty-two guns, in 1696\\nthe America of forty guns, in 1749 the Raleigh of thirty-two\\nguns, in 1776; the Ranger of eighteen guns, in 1777 and a\\nship of seventy-four guns, called the America, was launched at\\nPortsmouth, November 5, 1782, and presented to the king of\\nFrance by the congress of the United States. An examination\\nof the custom-house books kept at Boston shows that as early\\nas 1769 forty-five vessels were registered from New Hampshire.\\nMassachusetts then had only seventy built in that state. From\\nthat day to the present, ship-building has ever been an impor-\\ntant branch of industry on the banks of the Piscataqua.\\nA part of the Dr. Chadbourne house at the corner of Main and Montgomer streets, in\\nConcord, is the oldest building in that city. It was built about 1726, as a block-house for de-\\nfence against the Indians, and contains timber enough 10 make half-a-dozen of the sheUs\\nwhich serve for modern houses. Both the first male and the first female white child bom in\\nConcord first saw the light in the house.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "222 HISTORY OF\\nTHE STEAMBOAT A NEW HAMPSHIRE INVENTION.\\nHon. Clark Jillson of Worcester, Mass., in a letter to the Bos-\\nton journal, dated February 22, 1S74, says: There is no re-\\nliable historical evidence to show that John Fitch was the inven-\\ntor of steam navigation in this country, from the fact that the\\nprogress of that art cannot be traced back to him but it can be\\ntraced to Robert Fulton, and from him directly to Captain Sam-\\nuel Morey, and to no one else. The same holds true with\\nregard to the claims of James Rumsey. The writer adds: It\\nis settled, beyond all question, that Mr. Morey had launched his\\nboat upon the waters of New Hampshire before Fulton accom-\\nplished the same thing in New York. It is also a well estab-\\nlished fact that Fulton visited Morey, at his home, for the pur-\\npose of witnessing his successful experiment before he [Fulton]\\nhad launched any kind of steam craft upon the Hudson and\\nit can be shown that Morey had been engaged in such experi-\\nments for years before so that the first practical steamboat ever\\nseen upon American waters was invented by Captain Samuel\\nMorey, the author of steam navigation as we see it to-day.\\nThis statement is confirmed by irrefutable testimony. We not\\nonly have the claim to the invention made by Mr. Morey in his\\nlife time, but the testimony of contemporaries who knew the\\nfacts, and of eye-witnesses who savv the boat in motion upon\\nthe Connecticut river. The declarations of unimpeachable wit-\\nnesses seem to prove that Fulton borrowed the most valuable\\nportions of his invention from Mr. Morey. There can be no\\ndoubt that visits were exchanged between Mr. Morey and Mr.\\nFulton, and that the plans of Mr. Morey and his boat actually\\nmoving by steam upon the water were seen and studied by Ful-\\nton some years before he succeeded in propelling a boat by\\nsteam upon the Hudson.\\nRev. Cyrus Mann, a native of Orford and familiar with the\\nhistory of the town and of its citizens, vindicates the claims of\\nMr. Morey, in the Boston ^trwY/;:/-, in 1858. He writes So\\nfar as is known, the first steamboat ever seen on the waters of\\nAmerica was invented by Captain Samuel Morey of Orford, N.\\nH. The astonishing sight of this man ascending the Connecti-\\ncut river between Orford and Fairlee, in a little boat just large\\nenough to contain himself and the rude machinery connected\\nwith the steam boiler, and a handful of wood for fire, was wit-\\nnessed by the writer in his boyhood, and by others who yet sur-\\nvive. This was as early as 1793, or earlier, and before Fulton s\\nname had been mentioned in connection with steam navigation.\\nThis testimony is definite and explicit. The boat was seen in\\nmotion by the writer and by others still living when he wrote.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 223\\nWe cannot for a moment doubt that Captain Samuel Morey,\\nby his own unaided powers, invented a steamboat which he used\\non the Connecticut river some fourteen or fifteen years before\\nthe two claimants of this invention above mentioned successfully\\nlaunched similar boats upon any other waters in America. Ful-\\nton s first voyage was from New York to Albany, in 1807. It\\nmust be admitted that Fulton was the first man who made the\\nsteamboat moved by paddles a practical business success.\\nBut there are abundant proofs that he did not invent the princi-\\nple by which the boat was propelled and from the well attested\\nfact that he visited Mr. Morey at Orford, and saw his little boat\\nself-moved upon the Connecticut some years prior to his own\\nsuccessful trial of the same principle at Albany, it is possible, nay\\nprobable, that Mr. Fulton borrowed the invention from Morey.\\nAs early as 1780, Mr. Morey began his experiments upon steam,\\nheat and light. He often visited Professor Silliman of Yale\\nCollege, and conferred with him respecting the value of his dis-\\ncoveries. He took out two patents for the use of steam in pro-\\npelling machinery before Fulton took out any, and Fulton saw\\ntwo of Morey s models of boats before his successful boat, the\\nClermont, was built. The contemporaries of Captain Morey\\nin Orford firmly believed him to be the inventor of the first\\nsteamboat ever moved by paddle wheels in America, possibly\\nthe first in the world. Men who saw the boat move upon the\\nriver have recorded their testimony in his favor. The living\\nrelatives of Mr. Morey have in their possession papers confirm-\\ning the truths above stated and they aflirm that during his last\\nillness, just before his death. Captain Morey believed and af-\\nfirmed that he was the first inventor of a steamboat, and that\\nFulton saw his models and his boat years before the Cler-\\nmont moved on Ihe Hudson.\\nMr. Bishop in his History of American Manufactures says,\\nthat on the fifth of June, 1790, the steamboat built by John\\nFitch, propelled by twelve oars, made her first trip on the Dela-\\nware, as a passenger and freight boat between Philadelphia and\\nTrenton, performing eighty miles between four o clock a. m. and\\nfive P. M., against a strong wind all the way back, and si.xteen\\nmiles of the distance against current and tide. She thus ac-\\ncomplished the most successful experiment in steam navigation\\nas yet made in Europe or America. During four months she\\ncontinued to perform regularly advertised trips between Phila-\\ndelphia, Trenton, Burlington, Bristol, Chester, Wilmington and\\nGray s Ferry, running about three thousand miles in the sea-\\nson. Allowing this record to be true, it would seem that this\\ninvention, like many others, may be claimed by two or more\\npersons, acting independently of each other.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "224 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER LXIV.\\nADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT BARTLETT.\\nPrior to the Revolutionary war, public offices were confined\\nto a few leading families. A majority of these were citizens of\\nPortsmouth. This was the only commercial town in the prov-\\nince, and merchants accumulated wealth more rapidly than\\nfarmers. Riches, royal favor and education, to a great extent,\\ndetermined the candidates for office. The king, of course, se-\\nlected his friends for governors, judges and councilors the\\npeople were guided by the same rule. The king s prerogative\\nand the people s rights at length came into collision. War was\\nthe consequence. While the people were achieving their lib-\\nerty, forming their constitution, organizing their government,\\nenacting their laws, regulating their finance and providing for the\\ngeneral welfare, men of valor, culture and wisdom were selected\\nas commanders, governors, judges and legislators. They were\\nthe right men in the right place, and were long retained in office.\\nSuch men were Weare, Sullivan, Langdon, Bartlett and Oilman.\\nIn 1790 the popular favorite as soldier and civilian. General Sul-\\nlivan, was appointed judge of the United States district court\\nunder the new constitution. It is very rare to find one man em-\\ninent as a warrior, jurist and statesman. Hon. John Sullivan\\nfilled the positions of general, governor and judge with unques-\\ntioned ability. In the election of his successor there was no\\nchoice by the people. From the three candidates, Josiah Bart-\\nlett, John Pickering and Joshua Wentworth, the legislature\\nchose, as chief magistrate, Josiah Bartlett. He was an eminent\\nphysician of Kingston, who gained great distinction in his pro-\\nfession by his successful treatment of patients attacked by a\\nmalignant distemper in 1735 and in 1754. He had been pro-\\nmoted to places of civil power by Governor John Wentworth, but\\nlost his favor by his zealous defence of the people s rights in\\n1775. He was made one of the justices of the superior court in\\n1782, and chief justice in 1783, and held those offices for nearly\\neight years. He served as chief magistrate from 1790, four years,\\nwith great acceptance to the public. In all his official relations\\nhe was a high-minded, honorable and patriotic servant of the\\npeople. He was selected, in ever} instance, for the trust reposed\\nin him, not for his party attachments, but for his fitness for the\\nplace. Men in those days prized wisdom more than party. Dr.\\nBartlett is said to be the only physician who ever occupied a", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 225\\nseat upon the bench of the supreme court of the state. After\\nhis election as president he, with great magnanimity, appointed\\nhis rival, Hon. John Pickering, to the seat he had vacated as\\njudge, which place he filled with honor to himself and satisfac-\\ntion to the public for five years. During the administration of\\nPresident Bartlett the revised constitution went into operation\\nand very important laws were passed regulating the highest in-\\nterests of the state. Finance received special attention. The\\ndepreciated paper money was bought up and provision made for\\nthe liquidation of the debts of the state. The increase of com-\\nmerce in Portsmouth was thought to require greater banking\\nfacilities, and in 1792 the first bank in New Hampshire was in-\\ncorporated with a capital of one hundred and sixty thousand\\ndollars. In 179 1 a law was enacted requiring the state to raise\\nseven thousand five hundred pounds sterling for the support of\\ncommon schools. This law placed the education of the people\\nupon a solid foundation. The same year the New Hampshire\\nMedical Society was established, which has contributed greatly\\nto the elevation of the medical profession in the state. Dr. Jo-\\nsiah Bartlett was its first president. Toward the close of his\\nfourth year in office President Bartlett, owing to the increasing\\ninfirmities of age, resigned the chair of state and retired to pri-\\nvate life. He was soon after this event gathered to his fathers,\\nold and full of honors.\\nCHAPTER LXV.\\nCORN-MILLS AND SAW-MILLS.\\nThe earliest instrument used for converting corn into meal\\nwas a stone mortar. In process of time the mortar was made\\nridged and the pestle notched at the bottom, so as to grate\\nrather than pound the grain. Still later, the pestle was confined\\nin a vertical condition by a cover, and turned by a horizontal\\ncrank. In process of time the mill was enlarged and the sweep\\nwas turned by a mule or by oxen. Finally, two stones were in-\\ntroduced and wind or water became the motive power. Water-\\nmills existed in Rome under the empire. They were soon made\\nknown all over Europe though hand-mills and cattle-mills were\\nretained in private houses for a long time after the erection of\\nwater-mills. Wind-mills were common in Holland and Ger-\\nS", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "2 26 HISTORY OF\\nmanjr in the fifteenth century. The want of small streams in\\nthe level countries in the north of Europe led to the use of\\nwind-mills. Corn-mills propelled by water became common in\\nEngland after the first Crusades. The warriors, in their travels\\nthrough Europe and the East, saw and adopted many useful in\\nventions. It has been asserted that wind-mills were first built\\nin America by the Dutch colonists. This may be doubted for\\na wind-mill, the first of the kind in New England, was taken\\ndown in 1632, in Watertown and rebuilt in Boston. This very\\nyear a pinnace, belonging to Captain Neal of Boston, was sent\\nfrom the Piscataqua settlements, with si.xteen hogsheads of corn\\nto be ground at the wind-mill on Copp s Hill recently erected\\nthere for there was no nearer mill.\\nThe first saw-mill in New England, propelled by water, was\\nprobably built by New Hampshire colonists on Salmon Falls\\nriver, at a place called Newichewannoc in 1631. Provision\\nwas also made about the same time for a grist-mill by the pro-\\nprietor of New Hampshire. From this time mills were rapidly\\nmultiplied in the colon) both for sawing and grinding but in\\nthe ship-buildii region of Portsmouth, the saw-mills far out-\\nnumbered the flour-mills. Before the Revolution, New Hamp-\\nshire imported grain and flour but the war interrupted all trade\\nand more attention was given to the raising of maize and wheat.\\nBy this means mills were multiplied. Previous to 1776 Exeter\\nhad ten corn-mills within its limits. Clapboards were exported\\nfrom Plymouth, Mass., as early as 1623, but they were probably\\nsawed and shaved by hand for the annals of Plymouth men-\\ntion the erection of the first water-mill in that colony in 1633.\\nBeekman states in his History of Inventions, that the first saw-\\nmill in England was erected in 1663. In early periods the\\ntrunks of the trees were split with wedges and then hewn into\\nboards and planks. Later in the history of Europe, saw-pits\\nwere used, and boards were cut by two men, one standing above\\nand one below the log, in a saw-pit. Saw-mills driven by wind\\nor water are said to have been built in Germany as early as the\\nfourth cenfury but they were so little used that one author\\nplaces their invention in the seventeenth centuiy. There were\\n\u00c2\u00abaw-mills at Augsburg in 1322. Though they were introduced\\nso late into England, they were for nearly a century often fired\\nby mobs, who feared that sawyers would be thrown out of em-\\nploy by their frequent use. It seems from this narrative, that\\nCaptain Mason surpassed in enterprise the business men of\\nhis native land, for he anticipated his countrj-men by thirty\\nyears, in erecting a saw-mill to convert the forests of New Hamp-\\nshire into ship timber. This he did when bread was either\\nbrought from England in meal, or from Virginia in grain, and", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 227\\nsent to the wind-mill at Boston, there being none erected here.\\nIn 16S2, white pine merchantable boards were worth in New\\nHampshire thirty shillings per thousand feet white oak pipe-\\nstaves three pounds wheat five shillings, Indian corn three\\nshillings per bushel, and silver six shillings per ounce. In 1661,\\nthe selectmen of Portsmouth granted Captain Pendleton liberty\\nto set up his wiiid-mill upon Fort Point, toward the beach, be-\\ncause the mill is of such use to the people. In 1692, after the\\nIndians destroyed the mills of York, ancient Agamenticus, the\\ninhabitants of that town contracted with a citizen of Ports-\\nmouth to erect a mill for grinding their corn. Special privileges\\nwere granted him for this new accommodation of people living\\nin both states. When Lancaster was first settled, in 1764, there\\nwas no corn-mill nearer than Charlestown, which was one hun-\\ndred and ten miles distant and all the surrounding country was\\na wilderness.\\nThe first cotton factor) in New Hampshire w-as established at\\nNew Ipswich, in 1804. In 1823 the state contained twenty-\\neight cotton and eighteen woolen factories, twenty-two distilleries,\\ntwenty oil-mills, one hundred and ninety-three bark-mills, three\\nhundred and four tanneries, twelve paper-mills and fifty-four\\ntrip-hammers. The progress of manufactures in New Hamp-\\nshire was very rapid from 1S20 to 1830. The amount of capital\\nauthorized and incorporated within the five years preceding 1825\\nwas nearly six millions of dollars. Since that time manufactures\\nhave become the ruling industry of the state.\\nIRON WORKS IN NEW HAiMI SHIRE.\\nIron ore abounds in various localities in New Hampshire\\nbut the working of if has never proved profitable. Iron ore was\\nearly discovered in the vicinity of Portsmouth, and a quantity of\\nit was shipped to England by the agent of Captain Mason, in\\n1634. Mr. Gibbons then wrote There is of three sorts one\\nsort that the myne doth cast forth as the tree doth gum, which is\\nsent in a rundit. One of the other sorts we take to be very\\nrich, there is a great store of it. For the other I do not know.\\nThis is sufficiently indefinite to satisfy a German metaphysician.\\nEarly in the eighteenth century, a chronicler speaks of the\\nnoted Iron-works at Lamper Eel River; but they were soon dis-\\ncontinued. The same fate has attended the works set up at\\nExeter, Winchester, Gilmanton and Franconia. Large sums have\\nbeen expended, at the last named place, in the erection of fur-\\nnaces but they have not been actively worked for some time\\npast. The specular o.xyd at Piermont is one of the richest\\nores in the United States, yielding from sixty to ninety per cent.\\nof metallic iron.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "228 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER LXVI.\\nADMINISTRATION OF JOHN TAYLOR OILMAN.\\nThe Oilman family have been among the most distinguished\\nin our commonwealth. Exeter was their home. The ancestor\\nof this illustrious race first came to Hingham and became a\\nfreeman of Massachusetts. He followed, in his old age, his\\nthree sons to Exeter, where he died. The descendants of these\\nmen all took an active part in building up the township of Exe-\\nter and promoting the welfare of the province. Nicholas Oilman\\nheld most responsible offices during the Revolutionary war. He\\nwas the father of John Taylor Oilman, who was first elected\\ngovernor of the state in 1794. He held this office eleven years\\nin succession, and, after an interregnum, three years more,\\nmaking fourteen in all. No other man has held, and probably\\nno other man ever will hold, the same elective office so long,\\nand no man ever has filled it, nor probably ever will fill it, with\\ngreater credit to himself and honor to the state. Judge Smith,\\nremarking of the citizens of Exeter, says It is no disparage-\\nment to any other family here to say that, in numbers and every-\\nthing that constitutes respectability, the Gilmans stand at the\\nhead.\\nThe administration of Oovernor Oilman marked a period of\\nprogress material, social, moral, literary and religious. Society\\nwas assuming a permanent form. Many important political and\\nfinancial questions had been already settled. The constitution\\nof the United States had gained full sway over all classes of cit-\\nizens. The name anti-federal no longer described appropriately\\nany political party. All were federalists with respect to their\\nsupport of the central government. But the fundamental prin-\\nciples which gave birth to these opposing parties still lived. One\\nclass advocated the supremacy of the general government an-\\nother maintained that the individual states had never surrendered\\ntheir sovereignty. Hamilton was the great leader of the party\\nwhich, under the name of Federalists, advocated the centraliza-\\ntion of power. Jefferson was the founder of another party\\nwhich, under the name of Republicans, vindicated state rights,\\nand ultimately opposed all the leading measures of the other\\nparty. While Washington held the helm of state, his prudence,\\nwisdom and reputation served to allay party animosities, though\\nthe Father of his country did not escape the venomous attacks", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 229\\nof partisans. He was assailed by the basest of calumnies dur-\\ning the Revolutionary war, but his own manuscripts and letters\\nhave been sufficient to refute them all, and reveal, in private\\nand public, the integrity of thai great man\\nWho has left\\nHis awful memory\\nA light for after times.\\nWashington was regarded as a federalist, though he was never\\nunder the influence of party spirit, so far as men could judge.\\nWithout boasting, he might have made the language of Milton\\nhis own\\nAll my mind was set\\nSerious to learn and know, and thence to do\\nWhat might be public good: myself I thought\\nBorn to that end, bom to promote all truth\\nAnd righteous things.\\nAll his opinions were formed with candor and maintained with\\nfirmness. No other public man of that age was supposed to be\\nfree from party prejudices. The governor and a large majority\\nof the legislature of New Hampshire were federalists. They\\nsupported the administration of Washington. While he was in\\npower, the topic which e.xcited the most violent controversy was\\nJay s treaty. The Revolutionary war had left many important\\nquestions between the two countries unsettled. Boundaries were\\nto be established, claims to be adjusted, commerce to be regu-\\nlated and the rights of citizenship to be determined. A treaty\\nwas negotiated by Mr. Jay, containing twenty-eight distinct pro-\\nvisions, some of them of vital importance to both the high\\ncontracting parties. The treaty was in many respects objec-\\ntionable, and in others defective, yet it was the best that could\\nthen be secured. England was still haughty and imperious, and\\nnot very kindly disposed to her rebellious children. This treaty\\nwas condemned in aflvance by the republicans, who were gen-\\nerally favorable to the French and hostile to the English even\\nwhen they brought gifts. When the articles became known the\\nwhole treaty was denounced, seriatim, by a considerable party in\\nevery town and state in the Union. This hostility was shown in\\nmany cases by acts of violence and lawless mobs. This great\\nnational matter, which the senate alone had a right to decide,\\nwas debated in the primary meetings of the people. Portsmouth\\nheld a town meeting and voted an address against the treaty.\\nPrivate citizens of the highest respectabilit} feeling aggrieved\\nby this rash act, prepared a counter address approving of the\\ntreaty. The opponents of this measure were determined to pre-\\nvent the transmission of the address to the president. They\\nmarched through the streets armed with clubs, insulted the sign-\\ners of the address, broke their windows, defaced their fences\\nand broke down their shade trees and with outrageous impu-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "330\\nHISTORY OF\\ndence threiitened greater violence unless the offensive document\\nwere surrendered to them. After a day s uproar the riot was\\nquelled, the leaders were arrested and peace was restored.\\nJudging from the numerous mobs in different and distant por-\\ntions o( the Union where hostility was shown to this treaty by\\nsuch illegal means, we infer that the citizens of that age were\\nmore excitable and pugnacious than their descendants now are.\\nThe treaty, despite the opposition, was legally ratified, and not\\nonly did the men of that period acquiesce in it but every gene-\\nration since has pronounced the verdict just. We wonder now\\nthat anybody should have thought otherwise. Washington fa-\\nvored its ratification and his good sense probably turned the\\nscale in its favor. One of the senators from New Hampshire,\\nMr. Langdon, voted against it. The legislature of the state in\\n1795 unanimously approved of the treaty in the strongest terms.\\nThey expressed undiminished confidence in the virtue and\\nability of the minister who negotiated the treaty, the senate who\\nadvised its ratification, and in the President, the distinguished\\nfriend and father of his countiy, who complied with this advice.\\nThe histoid of this heated controversy shows how easy it is for\\nexcited partisans to mistake their true interests.\\nThe material and social progress of the people of New Hamp-\\nshire has already been noticed under the head of internal im-\\nprovements and general education. During the long and pros-\\nperous administration of Governor Gilman, roads, turnpikes,\\nmills and factories were built, and schools, academies and liter-\\nary, scientific and religious societies were multiplied. In 1798,\\na medical school was established at Dartmouth College by Dr.\\nNathan Smith of Cornish. For some time he was the only pro-\\nfessor in that department of education. He made the school a\\nsuccess and from it have gone forth more than a thousand\\nthoroughly educated and skillful practitioners of the healing art.\\nMany of them have held the front rank in their vocation, both\\nas professors and physicians. When we remember that Dr.\\nSmith was a self-made man, without the advantages of literary\\nor scientific culture, we are astonished at the results of his e.\\\\-\\necutive energy, perseverance and high scholarship. He was in\\nhis own sphere a man of genius. He planned for coming ages.\\nHe was far in advance of the men of his time. He foresaw the\\nwants of the future and provided for them. His name and fame\\nare among the richest legacies which the sons of New Hamp-\\nshire have inherited. His works are more eloquent in his praise\\nthan the pens of ready writers. In iSio the state became\\nthe patron of the medical school and built for it a convenient\\nand spacious college building. Here the students both of the\\nmedical and academical departments have since received their\\ninstruction in chemistry.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 23 1\\nManufactories of cotton and wool were erected about the be-\\nginning of tlie nineteentli century in tlie state. In Mr. Jay s\\ntreaty, in 1795, the exports of cotton were so small from this\\ncountry as to escape the notice of the busy diplomatists. The\\nfirst factor} for the manufacture of cotton was built at New\\nIpswich, in 1804. Others soon followed till at the present day\\na large portion of the wealth of the state is invested in such\\nmills. During the same year the northern portion of the state\\nwas erected into a separate county by the name of Coos. It\\ncontained at that time only eight incorporated towns. The num-\\nber has since increased to twenty-five, besides some seventeen mi-\\nnor settlements, denominated Locations, Purchases and Grants.\\nLancaster, the shire town, was settled as early as 1763. Its\\ngrowth was retarded by the Revolutionary war. In 1775, the\\nentire population of the county was only two hundred and\\ntwentj -seven persons, of which Lancaster, the most populous of\\nthe six settlements, contained sixty-one. In 1803, the new county\\nhad about three thousand souls. It contains now more than\\nthirteen thousand. The same legislature authorized the build-\\ning of a turnpike through the Notch of the White Mountains,\\ntwenty miles in extent, at an expense of forty thousand dollars.\\nThis road, winding down to the west line of Bartlett through\\nthis gigantic cleft in the mountains, presents to the traveler\\nsome of the most sublime and some of the most beautiful scener}\\nwhich the sun, in his entire circuit, reveals to the curious eye.\\nDuring Washington s second term of service as president, the\\nFrench Revolution was in progress. This, like a political earth-\\nquake, shocked all the nations of Christendom. Our own coun-\\ntry was deeply agitated by it. France had been our ally in war\\nmany felt deep gratitude to her for that timely service. A large\\nparty in the country felt that the French people in their struggle\\nagainst regal and sacerdotal oppression could do nothing wrong j\\nand that the English, our obstinate foes while we were achiev-\\ning our liberty, could do nothing right. Relying on this partiality\\nof a large party in the country, the French minister, M. Genet,\\nwho arrived in 1793, put on airs, became insolent and began to\\nfit out privateers in the ports of the United States, to cruise\\nagainst nations hostile to France, and to set in motion an ex-\\npedition against the Spanish settlements in Florida. Washing-\\nton had previously issued a proclamation of neutrality. It was\\nnot heeded by the officious minister and his recall was demanded.\\nThe French Republic found Washington in earnest, and they\\nsent a more acceptable envoy. But their aggressions upon our\\ncommerce and their insolent treatment of our government united\\nall parties in the condemnation of these national outrages. The\\ngovernment prepared for open war; some collisions actually", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "233 HISTORY OF\\noccurred upon the sea. In 1796, Mr. Pinckney had been sent as\\nminister to France. After two months residence in Paris, he was\\nperemptorily ordered to leave the city. The French government\\ncontinued to commit depredations upon ourcommerce and re-\\nfused to liquidate our just claims upon its treasury. One more\\neffort was made by the United States to settle the controversy\\nby negotiation. Three envoys were sent with full powers to\\nadjust all questions in dispute. When they arrived, the French\\nDirectory, like a company of banditti, demanded of them a sum\\nof money as a preliminary step to a treaty. This of course was\\nindignantly refused and the embassy failed in its mission. There\\nwas but one voice among all parties at home respecting this in-\\nsult that was Millions for defence but not one cent for trib-\\nute. After further consideration, the French Directory pro-\\nposed peace and ministers were promptly sent in answer to their\\ncall. On their arrival they found Bonaparte at the head of the\\ngovernment, as First Consul. With this responsible head, in\\nSeptember, 1800, they concluded a treaty which satisfied both\\ncountries and for a time restored the former good will between\\nthem. New Hampshire, with great unanimity, supported Presi-\\ndent Adams in his foreign policy. The legislature prepared an\\naddress to him, expressing the fullest approval of his purpose to\\nhumble France and the most decided denunciation of French\\naggressions. This measure received the unanimous vote of the\\nsenate and had only four opposing votes in the house.\\nDuring the last four years of Washington s administration,\\nmany important difficulties were adjusted. The controvers} with\\nEngland was put to rest by Mr. Jay s treaty, though the party\\nspirit which it evoked lived on. In 1795, after three campaigns,\\ntwo of which were unsuccessful, against the western Indians, a\\ntreaty was concluded which for a season quieted these fierce\\nsavages. During the same year, a treaty with Spain was made,\\nwhich established the boundaries between the Spanish posses-\\nsions on this continent and the United States. Peace was also\\nmade with the Algerines, a nest of pirates who had for years\\nlaid the whole Christian world under tribute. The United\\nStates, then destitute of a navy, had been compelled to pay large\\nsums to these outlaws for the redemption of captives and even\\nunder the new treaty an annual tribute was promised to the\\nDey, a sort of modern Minotaur, who demanded blood or money.\\nThe quarrel with France remained to be settled when Washing-\\nton delivered his farewell address in 1797. Under his suc-\\ncessor party lines were more closely drawn and federalists and\\nrepublicans began that struggle for supremacy in the national\\ncouncils which, under different party names, has been perpetu-\\nated to this hour.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\n233\\nThe eighteenth century closed when partisan warfare was at\\nits height, and the press, on both sides, teemed witli bitter sar-\\ncasm and mahgnant abuse. This important date in our history\\nsuggests some reflections upon the condition of New Hampshire\\nas it then was. It would be difficult to find a colony or state\\nwithin the period of authentic history that suffered more or\\nachieved more in the same number of years, than New Hamp-\\nshire prior to the peace with Great Britain in 1783. Her en-\\ntire record for one hundred and sixty years is stained with sweat\\nand blood. Her citizens labored and suffered during all that\\nperiod with unparalleled patience. From four inconsiderable\\nplantations in 1641, she had grown in 1800 to be a populous\\nstate of two hundred and fourteen thousand inhabitants distribu-\\nted over nearly two hundred flourishing towns. But from the hour\\nwhen the forests of Dover and Portsmouth first rang with the\\nblows of the woodman s axe, in 1623, till the close of the Revol-\\nutionary war, there was no rest from toil, scarcely any from war,\\nto all its citizens. For nearly all that long and dreary march of\\narmies and pressure of labor, the title to the very soil they had\\nwon from the wilderness was in dispute. The Indians were con-\\nstantly upon their track, and no hiding-place was so secret or\\nremote as to render its occupant safe from the tomahawk and\\nscalping-knife. Foreign wars consumed their property and ex-\\nhausted their men. The government under which they lived\\nand to which they owed allegiance was changed almost as often\\nas the wages of Jacob by his crafty father-in-law. The king\\nruled them only for his own advantage. Even Massachusetts,\\nwith whom for many years she enjoyed a peaceful alliance,\\nfinally became ambitious of enlarging her possessions, and un-\\ngenerously obtained and appropriated nearly one half of New\\nHampshire. The people of the state found no security at home\\nor abroad, but in their own brave hearts and strong arms. They\\nmade themselves homes and achieved a fame in arms and in\\narts, which none of their adversaries could gainsay nor resist.\\nCONDrnON OF THE PEOPLE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE AT THE BEGINNING OF\\nTHE NINETEENTH CENTURY.\\nLet us now, with the light of memory and tradition lingering\\non the track, point backward the glass of history and descry the\\nfarmer in his field, the mechanic in his shop, and the minister\\nat his altar, as they severally lived and labored seventy years\\nago,\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nAs when, by niqht, the glass\\nOf Galileo, less assur d, observes\\nImagin d lands and regions in the moon.\\nWe can scarcely conceive of a more independent, self-reliant,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "234 HISTORY OF\\nhearty, healthy and hopeful denizen of earth than the farmer of\\nthat age. He lived upon the produce of his own soil was\\nwarmed by fuel from his own woods, and clothed from the flax\\nof his own field or the fleeces of his own flock. No flour, hams,\\nlard nor oil was then imported. Broadcloths and cotton fabrics\\nwere scarcely known. The oxen and swine which yielded the\\nfresh meat in winter and the salt meat in summer were\\nfed and fattened by himself. Trade was carried on chiefly by\\nbarter. Little money was needed. The surplus produce of the\\nfarm, or the slaughtered swine not needed by the family, were\\ncarried to market in the farmer s double sleigh and exchanged\\nfor salt, iron, molasses and other stores not produced at home.\\nSo the year went round, marked by thrift, contentment and\\nprosperity.\\nHappy the man whose wish and care\\nA few paternal acres bound;\\nContent to breathe his native air.\\nIn his own ground.\\nThe mechanic was the peer and helper of the farmer. Every\\ntiller of the soil needed a house and barn, tools and furniture,\\nclothes and shoes. The skill and craft which produced these\\nnecessaries were often brought to the employer. The mechan-\\nics were itinerant, working where they were needed, and receiv-\\ning for their labor the products of the farm or loom, or stores\\nfrom the larder or cellar. Carpenters, blacksmiths, masons,\\ntailors and shoemakers, who plied the most useful and neces-\\nsary of all handicrafts, were found in every town of any consid-\\nerable population.\\nThe church and school-house were among the earliest public\\nstructures reared. The creed of the Puritans discarded all or-\\nnaments within and without the sacred edifice. The people of\\nNew Hampshire, though not Puritans in name, adopted their\\nreligious customs. The church of the new town was generally\\nbuilt upon an eminence. It has been said that such sites were\\nselected that the worshipers might more easily discern the ap-\\nproach of the Indians who often lay in wait for them during\\ndivine service. The meeting-house was high, long and broad,\\nwith heavy porticos at each end containing stairs by which the\\ngalleries were reached. The pews were square with seats on all\\nsides. The broad aisle was the post of honor. The pulpit\\nwas reached by a long flight of steps, and a dome-shaped sound-\\ning board was suspended over it. Here the minister, who\\nwas settled by the major vote of the town, indoctrinated his\\npeople. From his lips they literally received the law. His ser-\\nmon was the only fountain of theology from which his hearers\\ncould drink. Libraries, if they existed at all, were few, and the\\nbooks selected, being chiefly sermons and e.xpositions of portions", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 235\\nof the Bible, were not extensively read. Religious papers were\\nunknown, and biographies of children of precocious piety and\\nsainted christians too good for earth had not then been written.\\nA large proportion of the entire population attended church.\\nNo blinds excluded the blazing suns of summer no fires soft-\\nened the intense cold of winter. The hearers listened devoutly\\nto long, doctrinal sermons, even when the breath of the preacher\\nwas frozen as it escaped his lips. The minister of the stand-\\ning order, possibly the only thoroughly educated man in the\\ntown, mighty in the scriptures and austere in morals, was re-\\ngarded by the children of his flock with awe, by the parents with\\nreverence. If a warm heart beat beneath his clerical robes, if\\nthe love of souls beamed from his eye, shone in his face and\\ndropped from his tongue, then\\nTnith from his lips prevailed with double sway,\\nAnd fools who came to scoff remained to pray.\\nCHAPTER LXVII.\\nTHE EARLY FARM-HOUSE WITH ITS FURNITURE AND\\nSURROUNDINGS.\\nThe primitive log-house, dark, dirty and dismal, rarely out-\\nlived its first occupant. With the progress of society in a new\\ntown, it would look like premeditated poverty for the son to be\\ncontent with the Ifirst shelter that his father reared in the wilder-\\nness. The first framed houses were usually small, low and cold.\\nThe half house, about twenty feet square, satisfied the unam-\\nbitious. The double house, forty by twenty feet in dimensions,\\nindicated progress and wealth. It was designed for shelter, not\\nfor comfort or elegance. The windows were small, without blinds\\nor shutters. The fire-place was sufficiently spacious to receive\\nlogs of three or four feet in diameter, with an oven in the back\\nand a flue nearly large enough to allow the ascent of a balloon.\\nA person might literally sit in the chimney-corner and study as-\\ntronomy. All the cooking was done by this fire. Around it,\\nalso, gathered the family at evening, often numbering six to\\ntwelve children, and the cricket in the hearth kept company\\nto their prattle. Thus with the hardships came the comforts of\\nlife, in the days lang syne.\\nThe furniture was simple and useful, all made of the wood", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "236 HISTORY OF\\nof the native forest-trees. Pine, bircli, cherr}% walnut and the\\ncurled maple were most frequently chosen by the cabinet-\\nmaker. Vessels of iron, copper and tin were used in cooking.\\nThe dressers, extending from floor to ceiling in the kitchen, con-\\ntained the mugs, basins and plates of pewter which shone upon\\nthe farmer s board at the time of meals. A writer for the New\\nHampshire Patriot has recently given his recollections of the\\nkind of life I am here describing. I will quote a few para-\\ngraphs.\\nIn 1S15, tnivel was mostly on horseback, the mail being so carried in\\nmany places. Hotels were found in every four to eight miles. Feed for\\ntravelers teams was, half baiting of hay, four cents whole baiting, eight\\ncents; two quarts of oats, six cents. The bar-room fire-place was furnished\\nwith a loggerhead, hot, at all times, for making flip. The flip was made\\nof beer made from pumpkin dried on the crane in the kitchen fire-place, and\\na few dried apple-skins and a little bran. Half muj of flip, or half gill\\nsling, six cents. On the table was to be found a shortcake, the manu-\\nfacture of which is now among the lost arts our book cooks can t make\\nthem. Woman s labor was fifty cents per week. They spun and wove most\\nof the cloth that was worn. Flannel that was dressed at the mill, for women s\\nwear, was fifty cents a yard; men s wear, one dollar.\\nFarmers hned their help for nine or ten dollars a month some clothing\\nand the rest cash. Carpenters wages, one dollar a day; journeymen car-\\npenters, fifteen dollars a month and apprentices, to serve six or seven years,\\nhad ten dollars the first year, twenty the second, and so on, and to clothe\\nthemselves. Breakfast generally consisted of potatoes roasted in the ashes,\\na bannock made of meal and water and baked on a maple chip set before\\nthe fire. Pork was plenty. If hash was had for breakfast, all ate from\\nthe platter, without plates or table-spread. Apprentices and farm boys had\\nfor .supjjer a bowl of scalded milk and a brown crust, or bean porridge, or\\npop-robbin. There was vo such thing as tumblers, nor were they asked if\\nthey would have tea or coffee it was Please pass the mug.\\nThe post of the housewife was no sinecure. She had charge\\nboth of the dairy and kitchen, besides spinning and weaving,\\nsewing and knitting, washing and mending for the men folks.\\nThe best room, often called the square room, contained a bed,\\na bureau or desk, or a chest of drawers, a clock, and possibly\\na brass fire-set. Its walls were as naked of ornaments as the\\ncave of Macpelah. We are describing a period which antedates\\nthe advent of pictures, pianos, carpets, lace curtains and Vene-\\ntian blinds. It was an age of simple manners, industrious hab-\\nits and untarnished inorals. Contentment, enjoyment and lon-\\ngevity were prominent characteristics of that age. The second\\nvoluiue of the New Hampshire Historical Collections contains a\\nlist of nearly four hundred persons, who died in New Hampshire\\nprior to 1826 between the ages of ninety and a hundred and\\nfive years. The average age of a hundred and thirty-three coun-\\ncilors who lived in the early history of the state was seventy\\nyears. It deserves notice, also, that many of the provincial gov-\\nernors and Revolutionary officers of the state lived to extreme", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 237\\nold age. Fevers and epidemics sometimes swept away the peo-\\nple but consumption and neuralgia were then almost unknown.\\nThe people were generally healthy. Their simple diet and\\nactive habits produced neitlier fever nor phlegm.\\nAfter preparing comfortable shelters for their families, the\\nearly settlers in every town turned their thoughts to the house of\\nGod. Most of the townships were granted on condition that a\\nconvenient house for the worship of God should be built\\nwithin two years from the date of the grant. Even when the pro-\\nprietors lived in log huts, the meeting-house was a framed\\nbuilding. Its site was some high iiill possibly because the tem-\\nple stood on a mountain, but probably because it must be a\\nwatch-tower against the Indians as well as a house of prayer.\\nIn shape it was a rectangle flanked with hea\\\\-y porticos, with\\nseven windows upon each side. Here every family was repre-\\nsented on the Sabbath. During the hour of intermission, the\\nfarmers and mechanics gathered round some merchant or pro-\\nfessional man, whose means of information exceeded theirs, to\\nlearn the important events of the week. The clergymen were\\nthen settled by major vote of the town and all ta.\\\\-payers were\\nassessed for his salary accoiding to their ability. The people\\nwent to church on foot or on horseback, the wife riding behind\\nthe husband on a pillion. Chaises, wagons and sleighs were\\nunknown. Sometimes whole families were taken to meeting\\non an ox-sled.\\nThe Sabbath developed the social as well as religious senti-\\nments. The ordinary visits of neighbors, like those of angels,\\nwere rare. The people lived like the parishioners of Chaucer s\\npore Personn, fer asondur. Traveling was difficult and la-\\nborious. Neither men nor women were ever idle. Books were\\nfew newspapers and letters were seldom seen at the country\\nfireside. News from England did not reach the inland towns\\ntill five or six months after the occurrence of the events re-\\nported. Intelligence from New York was traveling a whole\\nweek before it reached New Hampshire. In 1764 the mail\\nwas carried only twice in a week from New York to Philadel-\\nphia, and, after the close of the Revolutionary war, the mail was\\ncarried between those cities by a post-boy on horseback. Now\\ntons of mailed matter are daily passing on the same route.\\nMen and women dressed in home-made fabrics and ate the pro-\\nduce of their own farms. A quotation from Forefathers song,\\nwritten in the seventeenth century, will reveal many facts in a\\nfew words\\nThe place where we live is a wilderness wood\\nWhere grass is much wanting that s fruitful and good;\\nOur mountains and hills, and our valleys below,\\nBeing commonly covered with ice and with snow", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "238 HISTORY OF\\nAnd when the north-west wind with violence blows,\\nThen every man pulls his cap over his nose;\\nBut if any^s so hardy and will it withstand.\\nHe {orftiits a finger, a fo t or a hand.\\nAnother stanza describes their daily food, not their daily\\nbread, with more truth than poetiy\\nIf fresh meat be wanting to fill ap our dish,\\nWe have carrots and piimpluns and turnips and fish;\\nAnd, is there a mind tor a delicate dish,\\nWe repair to the clam-banks and there we catch fish.\\nInstead of pottage and puddings and custards and pies,\\nOur pumpkins and parsnips are common supplies\\nWe have pumpkins at morning, and pumpluns at noon,\\nIf it was not for pumpkins, we should be undone.\\nCHAPTER LXVIII.\\nDEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES.\\nIn the dark ages, when the people, groaning under the iron\\nheels of petty despots, asked for relief or reform, the old barons\\nused to say We are unwilling to change the laws of England.\\nWhen the king and his nobles called on the church to conform\\nto the laws of the land, the prelates were wont to reply We\\nconsent, saving our order and when anxious litigants peti-\\ntioned against the law s delay for speedy justice, the courts\\nreplied with one consent We must stand by the decisions.\\nThese maxims were too sacred to be expressed in English, so\\nthey were embalmed in Latin. A dead language aptly repre-\\nsented a dead law. Every age and nation has its conservatives\\nand reformers its progressive and stationary politicians. Writ-\\nten constitutions for societies, institutions and nations rarely\\nsatisfy more than one generation. Jefferson doubted whether it\\nwas right for one generation to legislate for another for a youth-\\nful people to make organic laws for those who should live in its\\nmaturity and hoary age. The numerous amendments already\\nmade and demanded in our own constitution indicate the truth\\nof his remark. The English constitution consists of laws, cus-\\ntoms, charters and precedents. It is not ^vrittcn except in the\\nentire history of the country, civil, judicial and ecclesiastical.\\nYet, under this varying and uncertain instrument, the most im-\\nportant reforms have been made by legislation. So slavery was\\nabolished in England. We cut the Gordian knot with the sword,\\nand possibly a whole century will be required to staunch the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 239\\nbleeding wounds of the nation. No new cause of controversy\\nhas arisen since the adoption of the federal constitution. Some\\ncauses of dissension were incorporated in its very substance. In\\nthe infancy of the nation the questions of finance, tariff, slavery\\nand state rights were as prominent as they are to-day, and it is\\nremarkable that secession was broached very early in New Eng-\\nland. Many eminent northern men about the beginning of this\\ncentury favored it, and some secretly, some openly, advocated it.\\nAmong these secessionists were some of the most eminent men\\nof New Hampshire. The late Governor Plumer, writing to John\\nQuincy Adams in 1828, says During the long and eventful\\nsession of congress of 1803-4 I was a member of the senate,\\nand was at the city of Washington every day of that session. In\\nthe course of the session, at different times and places, several\\nof the federalists, senators and representatives from the New\\nEngland states informed me that they thought it necessary to\\nestablish a separate government in New England, and if it should\\nbe found practicable to extend as far south as to include Penn-\\nsylvania but in all events to establish one in New England.\\nThey complained that the slave-holding states had acquired, by\\nmeans of their slaves, a greater increase of representatives in\\nthe house than was just or equal that too great a portion of\\nthe public revenue was raised in the northern states and that\\nthe acquisition of Louisiana and the new states that were formed\\nand those to be formed in the west and in the ceded territory\\nwould soon annihilate the weight and influence of the northern\\nstates in the government. Mr. Plumer also adds I was\\nmyself in favor of forming a separate government in New Eng-\\nland, and wrote several confidential letters to a few of my friends\\nrecommending the measure. This letter was written in conse-\\nquence of the pu*blished assertion of President Adams that the\\nobject of certain leaders of the federal party in Massachu-\\nsetts in 1805 was, and had been for several years, the dissolu-\\ntion of the Union and the establishment of a separate confed-\\neracy. The biographer of Governor Plumer has quoted froirP\\nthe published letters of many New England statesman, jurists\\nand divines similar sentiments, so as to place the fact beyond a\\ndoubt that secession was meditated at the north in the very in-\\nfancy of our national life. It deserves notice that the clergy of\\nthat period were generally federalists, and when the southern\\nstates, under the lead of Jefferson, gained the supremacy in the\\nnational councils, they took a decided stand against the doctrines\\nand measures of the republican party. Hon. William Plumer,\\njr., writes in the life of his father: In 1793 Timothy Dwight,\\nof Yale college, and, like most of the eminent New England di-\\nvines of that da) a leading politician, wrote thus to a friend", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "240 HISTORY OF\\nA war with Great Britain we at least in New England will not\\nenter into. Sooner would ninety-nine out of a hundred separate\\nfrom the Union than plunge ourselves into such an abyss of mis-\\nery. Oliver Wolcott, lieutenant-governor of Connecticut, re-\\npeatedly advocated a separation of the New England states from\\n*he Union. In 1796 he wrote I sincerely declare that I wish\\nthe northern states would separate from the southern the mo-\\nment that event [the election of Jefferson] shall take effect.\\nMr. Plumer adds This plan of disunion thus rife in Con-\\nnecticut in 1796 may not improbably be regarded as the germ of\\nthat which appeared at Washington in 1808-9, d which showed\\nitself for the last time where it was first disclosed, in the Hart-\\nford convention of 1814.\\nParties are the natural outgrowth of free thought. They are\\nnecessary to the perpetuity of free institutions. Irresponsible\\npower cannot be safely intrusted to any man or any body of\\nmen. Majorities are often as tyrannical as despots. Hence our\\nown liberties will ever be most secure when the advocates and\\nopponents of measures of mere expediency are quite equally\\nbalanced. The federal party maintained the supremacy for\\ntwelve years after the adoption of the constitution. The suc-\\ncessor of Washington, John Adams, was a man of sterling integ-\\nrity, a profound statesman, a true patriot and an eminent orator.\\nJefferson styles him the colossus of debate in the constitu-\\ntional convention. He possessed less popular talent and less\\npolitical sagacity than his illustrious rival. Adams approached\\nthe object of his desires by a straightforward course. Jefferson\\nwas more facile, yielding and devious in his march to victory.\\nHe was a man of the world his enemies say an intriguer, an\\ninfidel and a demagogue. These are hard names they\\nare bestowed on him by men who opposed and hated him. He\\nwas certainly successful in his plans, and became the founder of\\na party which has ruled the country for more than one half the\\nperiod of its existence. No finite mind of to-day can positively\\naffirm that he did not administer the affairs of the country with\\nas much wisdom, integrity and patriotism as the great leader of\\nthe federalists would have exhibited. Mr. Jefferson undoubtedly\\nmade mistakes. .So did Mr. Adams and posterity still points\\nto those mistakes as the true cause of his loss of power. New\\nHampshire adhered implicitly to the doctrines of the federalists\\ntill 1805, then the republicans were victors. Senator Plumer\\nthen wrote to Uriah Tracy Democracy has obtained its long\\nexpected triumph in New Hampshire. John Langdon is gov-\\nernor elect. His success is not ovi ing to snow, rain, hail or bad\\nroads, but to the incontrovertible fact that the federalists of this\\nstate do not compose the majority. Many good men have grown", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 24I\\nweary of constant exertions to support a system whose labors\\nbear a close affinity to those of Sisyphus. Governor Plumer\\nwas then wavering. He had Iield the most important offices in\\nthe gift of the state, and had e.xecuted their duties as anuncgm-\\npromising federaHst. He became in a few years the leader, the\\nhonored and trusted standard-1-jcarer, of the democratic party,\\nwhose every measure he liad pre^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2iously opposed and wliose vciy\\nname he hated. The fact that such conversions are common in\\nparty politics shows that neither party is so wise or good as its\\nadvocates would have us believe, nor so wicked and corrupt as\\nits opponents would represent them. Burke in his old age re-\\nsisted the opinions he advocated in his youth, so that it has\\nbeen said of him that his mind resembled some mighty conti-\\nnent rent asunder by internal convulsions, each division being\\npeopled with its own giant race of inhabitants. It is a difficult\\ntask for a man to undo the work of years and conquer his own\\novergrown reputation, but politicians are frequently called to\\nperform that unwelcome service, and, what is still worse, to be-\\ncome the assailants of those whose votes and voices have lifted\\nthem into the sunlight of popular favor.\\nJohn Langdon was a man of untarnished reputation, a true\\npatriot and a wise statesman. He was first nominated as a can-\\ndidate for the chief magistracy of the state in 1802. He then\\nreceived eight thousand seven hundred and fifty-three votes.\\nAfter three years of trial he was triumphantly elected, in 1S05,\\nby a majority of four thousand. Tiie senate, house and council\\nwere all the same party. The state was completely revolution-\\nized in politics. Hon. Samuel Bell, whose name afterwards be-\\ncame so illustrious in high official stations, was that year elected\\nspeaker of the house. The party which then came into power\\nmaintained their position, with slight interruptions, for more than\\nthirty years.\\nIt is generally supposed that high culture, whether of the\\nhead or heart, tends to repress party spirit and that prejudice\\nand intolerance are always associated with ignorance and bru-\\ntality. Hence, political parties which are sustained by the edu-\\ncated and religious portion of the community assume to be su-\\nperior to their opponents on that very account. Thucydides\\nmaintains, in his history, that as long as human nature remains\\nthe same, like causes will produce like effects. The masses\\nwho suffer understand their own wants better than their rulers\\nor teachers. Scribes and Pharisees, monarchs and nobles, are\\nnot apt to favor reforms or to lift from men s shoulders the bur-\\ndens they have imposed. If the voice of the people is ever the\\nvoice of God, it is when they crj for bread or plead for rights.\\nJack Cade was a better patriot than Richard II., when, as the\\n16", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "242 HISTORY OF\\nadvocate for the people, he demanded the abolition of slavery,\\nfreedom of commerce in market towns without toll or impost,\\nand a fixed rent on lands instead of service due by villenage.\\nRevolutions usually begin with the lowest classes of society.\\nThe men over whom David became captain were poor, discon-\\ntented and in debt. Cromwell describes the first recruits of\\nthe army of the Puritans as old, decayed serving-men, tapsters\\nand such kind of fellows. When the Corsican lieutenant com-\\nmenced his brilliant career, his army was formed of the canaille\\nof Paris. To-day, the chartists in England demand universal\\nsuffrage, annual parliaments, vote by ballot, electoral districts\\nand payment of members of parliament, and who in our coun-\\ntry would pronounce their claims unjust Politics travel up-\\nward morals and manners downward. Whigs, in opposition,\\noften become torics in power. The same has repeatedly proved\\ntrue of hostile parties in our country. It is the very nature of\\na government to be avaricious of power and rulers are inclined\\nto use, in the promotion of their own interests, more than has\\nbeen delegated to them. The republicans at first were in favor\\nof a strict construction of the constitution yet in the purchase\\nof Louisiana, Jefferson himself admitted that he exceeded his\\nconstitutional authorit} When the national bank was estab-\\nlished in 1 79 1, a warm debate arose between federalists and re-\\npublicans with regard to the constitutionality and expediency\\nof such an institution. This question caused the first important\\ndivision of opinion in the cabinet of Washington. Hamilton\\nand Knox supported the measure Jeffei son and Randolph op-\\nposed it. In subsequent years, the parties of which Hamilton\\nand Jefferson were founders battled for the same views, till the\\nhostility of General Jackson worked the ruin of the bank. The\\nother leading measures of the federal party, the funding system,\\nthe proclamation of neutrality, Jay s treaty, the internal taxes,\\nthe alien and sedition laws, had all been more or less unpopular.\\nMr. Jefferson, on his accession to office, sought to allay the vio-\\nlence of party feelings by the declaration We are all republi-\\ncans we are all federalists still the spirit he had raised would\\nnot down at his bidding. The late administration party, now\\nin the opposition, became bitter assailants of every measure\\nproposed by Jefferson and his supporters. The foreign rela-\\ntions of our countiy excited the most bitter controversies.\\nFrom 1805 to 1815, the people in every state had no rest\\nfrom these disturbing questions. The administration of Mr.\\nJefferson, so prosperous at its commencement, was clouded and\\novercast toward its close by the injustice of foreign powers.\\nThis rendered necessary, in the opinion of the government, a\\nsystem of non-intercourse and embargo laws, and led finally to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "NEW HAJMPSHIRE, 243\\na war with England. The entire commerce of the United\\nStates was annihilated by the British Orders in Council and the\\nDecrees of Napoleon, between May, i8o6, and December, 1807.\\nThere was no safety upon the high seas. Between the French\\nScylla and the English Charybdis ruin was inevitable. The\\nAmericans lost inore than one hundred millions of property by\\nthese maritime robbers. England was then the proud mistress\\nof the seas. She dictated international laws to less powerful\\nnavigators. She claimed the right to board and search Ameri-\\ncan vessels and to take from them not merely contraband goods,\\nbut sailors whom she claimed as her subjects. On the twenty-\\nsecond of June, 1807, without provocation, she attacked and\\ncrippled the Chesapeake, an American man-of-war, and took\\nfrom her by force four of her seamen. Such acts, repeatedly\\ncommitted and arrogantly defended, kindled the resentment of\\nevery patriotic American still party ties were so strong that the\\nfederalists rather apologized for English aggressions than con-\\ndemned them. Among these lovers of fatherland were found\\nmany of the literati and clergymen. The ministers regarded\\nEngland as the bulwark of the Protestant faith, and France as\\nthe hot-bed of atheism. There was truth in these assertions\\nbut neither of them could justify the outrages of England upon\\nour citizens or our commerce. England has maintained, till the\\nyear 1868, that no subject of hers could alienate his allegiance\\nto his native country. Once a subject always a subject was\\nher doctrine. Under this plea she ordered her cruisers to board\\nAmerican vessels and seize all English subjects found there.\\nPrevious to the declaration of war in 1812, more than six thou-\\nsand seamen had been thus forcibly abstracted from American\\nvessels. Sometime^ American citizens were seized.\\nCHAPTER LXIX.\\nPOLITICAL INFLUENCE OF THE CLERGY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nThe aristocracy of New England were the ministers and mag-\\nistrates. Much of the hereditary reverence of the old world\\nfor these officials, sacred and secular, still clung to them in the\\nnew. Mrs. Stowe, in her Minister s Wooing and in Oldtown\\nFolks, has very graphically illustrated the influence of both\\nclasses in the early history of our country. The ministers of", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "244 HISTORY OF\\nMassachusetts created, guided and controlled public opinion,\\nboth religious and political. In fact they made the two identi-\\ncal. James Otis, the popular leader, who was denounced by\\nroyalists as an incendiary, a seditious firebrand and leveler,\\nwas defended from the pulpit by the burning eloquence of May-\\nhew, who cried on the annual Thanksgiving day of 1762, I do\\nnot say our invaluable rights have been struck at but if they\\nhave, they are not wrested from us and may righteous Heaven\\nblast the designs, though not the soul, of that man, whoever he\\nmay be among us, that shall have the hardiness to attack them.\\nThe same patriotic, heroic advocate of the people s rights wrote\\nto James Otis in 1766 You have heard of the communion of\\nthe churches. While I was thinking of this in my bed, the greaf\\nuse and importance of a communion of colonies appeared to\\nme in a strong light. He p;-oceeded to suggest the sending of\\ncirculars to all the colonies, expressing a desire to cement\\nunion among ourselves. A good foundation for this, he\\nadded, has been laid by the congress of New York never\\nlosing sight of it may be the only means of perpetuating our\\nliberties. This first suggestion of a political union of all the\\ncolonies was almost the dying message of the good old man.\\nIt was written on the last day of health. Through the whole\\nperiod of our revolutionary struggle, the Congregationalists were\\nnot only loyal to the best interests of the people, but the most\\neffective promoters of them. Bancroft says of the clergy of\\nBoston, in 1768 Its ministers were still its prophets its pul-\\npits, in which, now that Mayhew was no more, Cooper was ad-\\nmired above all others for eloquence and patriotism, by weekly\\nappeals inflamed alike the fervor of piety and liberty.\\nThe clergy of New England in their annual election sermons\\nbefore the state legislatures were expected to indicate the wants\\nof the people, to point out the blessings to be gained and the\\nevils to be shunned by wise legislation. In Massachusetts res-\\nolutions were passed requesting the clergy to enlighten the peo-\\nple on important public measures. No law affecting the general\\nwelfare could be enacted without their aid even the recruiting\\nofficers besought the eloquence of the pulpit to promote enlist-\\nments. New Hamjishire, though not so rigidly Puritan as the\\ncolonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts, yet followed the ex-\\nample set by her elder sister in church and state. The Fast-\\nDay sermon never failed to enumerate the sins of the people,\\nnational and individual the Thanksgiving sermon called on all\\nclasses to praise God for his goodness, and the Election sermon\\nrevealed the political wants of the state and taught the law-\\nmakers their responsibility to God. So the ministers of the\\nstanding order became politicians in the highest and noblest", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 245\\nsense. They sought to make human law identical with the di-\\nvine. They were followers of Washington and Adams and were\\nnearly all federalists. When a new party arose friendly to the\\nFrench and hostile to the English, the ministers, through dread of\\nFrench atheism and love of English protestantism, became\\nactive partisans and thus lost their influence in the state. Wlien\\nthe republicans gained the ascendency the ministers were virtu-\\nally disfranchised, and many can remember the time when it\\nrequired great heroism in a c!erg} man to go to the polls.\\nEdward St. Loe Livermore, a distinguished jurist and states-\\nman, said in 1S08, in a public address: It is a happiness for\\nour country to observe that the ministers of religion are truly\\nfederal, and only two solitary exceptions can be found in New\\nHampshire. These are rare birds very like unto black swans.\\nHow can other ministers exchange with them or admit them into\\ntheir desks Why do they not have councils upon them and\\nhave them dismissed It is conceived that ministers should be\\nof pure morals and sound orthodo.xy, at least as to the funda-\\nmental principles of the religion of Christ, and that a council\\nwould dismiss them for deficiency in either and are they not\\nthe humble followers of infidels, and by their example, words\\nand actions doing all in their power to promote the cause of\\nAntichrist Let ministers and people consider these proposi-\\ntions and answer as they please.\\nCHAPTER LXX.\\nPURITAN INFLUENCE IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nSupposing the Puritans to have been such and so great as they\\nhave been represented to be, what has New Hampshire to do\\nwith them Much every way for though the early settlers of\\nthis state were neither Puritans nor Pilgrims, their laws, schools,\\nreligion and government were patterned after those of Massa-\\nchusetts, and were thus a legitimate legacy from puritanism.\\nWhat was good or bad in the one state was equally good or bad\\nin the other. The two states were under one government for\\nnearly two generations of men and that, too, in the infancy of\\nour republic, when the younger state would naturally imitate the\\nolder. Such was the result. The town, the school, the church\\nand the state were identical in the two republics. New Hamp-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "246 HISTORY OF\\nshire, therefore, quarried the corner stones of its political and\\necclesiastical structure from the mine of puritanism. Thus her\\norigin was ennobled. The Puritans were simple in habits plain\\nin dress bold in speech stern in morals bigoted in religion\\npatient in suffering brave in danger and energetic in action.\\nBut what have the clergy done for New Hampshire Let us in-\\nquire what has been done in morals, religion and education\\nand whatever that is is chiefly due to them. Ministers of the\\ngospel have been the originators and promoters of educational\\ninstitutions. The common schools have been cherished, super-\\nintended and elevated by them. Academies have been built\\nand sustained by their fostering care. It is hardly probable that\\nan instance can be found in the history of our state, where an\\ninstitution of learning, a social library, a lyceum or a literar}\\nassociation has been established without the active and constant\\nsupport of the clergj men of the place. Ministers have been the\\nmodels in style, pronunciation and delivery whom all the young\\nlovers of oratory have imitated. The college was founded by a\\nclergyman, and has, with a single exception, been presided over\\nby clerg3 men. Its most active supporters have been from that\\nprofession. During the years of its sore trial, when the state\\nattempted to seize its franchise, its chief defenders were Con-\\ngregational clergymen. Dr. McFarland, at the risk of reputa-\\ntion and usefulness, sometimes wrote two columns a week in de-\\nfence of the old board and their measures. Others fought in\\nthe same battle and with similar peril. The clergyman in every\\ntown has been among the first to discover and encourage rising\\nmerit among the sons and daughters of the flock. Hundreds of\\nyoung men have received a liberal education through the aid and\\ncounsel of faithful pastors, who otherwise might have remained\\nfor life mute and inglorious upon their native hills. Dr.\\nSamuel Wood of Boscawen, during his long, successful ministry,\\nfitted at his own home more than one hundred young men for\\ncollege. Those who could not immediately pay one dollar a\\nweek for board and tuition he trusted to some indigent stu-\\ndents he forgave their debt. Upon the subjects of morals,\\nreligion, reforms and revivals it is superfluous to speak in this\\nconnection. To recite what has been done in these respects by\\nthe ministers of all denominations would require a complete\\nhistory of the moral and spiritual progress of the state from its\\norigin. The other learned professions have been co-workers\\nwith them but it is not my purpose to speak of them here and\\nnow. By such agencies as I have indicated New Hampshire\\nhas risen to an honorable rank among her sister states. Her\\nschools, academies and churches compare favorably with those\\nof other more attractive portions of -our country.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nCHAPTER LXXI,\\n247\\nINTERNAL CONDITION OF NEW HAMPSHIRE FROM 1805 TO 1815.\\nThe political revolution which transferred the government of\\nthe state in 1805 from the federalists to the republicans produced\\nno serious disturbance among the citizens. Party spirit had\\npreviously run so high that it could scarcely have been increased\\nwithout breaking out in open violence. The majority in favor\\nof the change was so large that the defeated party yielded\\ngracefully to the decision of the people. Prior to this date the\\nimportant offices of the state had been held by the same incum-\\nbents for many years in succession. A kind of official aristoc-\\nracy had grown up in the community. John Taylor Gilman had\\nheld the office of governor eleven years. Governor Langdon,\\nhis successor, was a Revolutionar} patriot, and had been during\\na large part of his life in high official stations. Joseph Pearson\\nhad been secretary of state for nineteen years. This fact reveals\\nthe confidence of the legislature in his integrity and competency\\nfor the station. He was succeeded by Philip Carrigain. Na-\\nthaniel Gilman was elected treasurer in place of Oliver Peabody.\\nHon. Simeon Olcott, one of the senators in congress, was re\\nmoved by death, and Nicholas Gilman was chosen to succeed\\nhim. He was the first republican elected to either branch of\\ncongress since the advent of the new party to power in New\\nHampshire. Most of the senators and representatives from\\nNew England were still of the federal party. The legislature,\\nafter an appropriate reply to the governor s message and an ex-\\npression of their utmost confidence in the virtuous and mag-\\nnanimous administration of President Jefferson, proceeded to\\nconsider the local interests of the state. An English professor\\nof history says that we can best ascertain the true social and\\npolitical condition of any people by inquiring what are the laws,\\nand who made them Let us apply this test to the present\\nepoch. The new administration made no violent innovations.\\nThe old laws for the most part remained in force. Among the\\nnew enactments was a statute prohibiting the circulation of pri-\\nvate notes as a medium of exchange, and another limiting all\\nactions for the recovery of real estate to twenty years. Pre-\\nscription by common law had for centuries been regarded as a\\nvalid title to land and hereditaments. The length of time nee-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "248 HISTORY OF\\nessar) to constitute a title against adverse claimants had not\\nbefore been determined in New Hampshire by statute. If a\\nperson had occupied lands under a bona fide purchase for\\nsix years, he could not be ejected by the true owner without the\\nrecovery of his betterments if he chose to appeal to the court\\nfor protection. Laws were also passed regulating the internal\\npolice of the state, appointing guardians of indolent, profligate\\nand intemperate persons, regulating the making and selling of\\nbread, the inspection of beef and the collection of damages\\ncaused by floating lumber. At the same session of the legisla-\\nture, provision was made for the division of the towns into\\nschool districts, with special regard to the convenience and edu-\\ncation of the entire population. Thus the common school, with\\nits untold blessings, was brought into the neighborhood, if not\\nto the very door, of every citizen of the state and the school-\\nhouse, usually placed in the geographical centre of the district\\nthat owned it, not only served as a seat of learning for the chil-\\ndren, but was often used by the parents for political, judicial\\nand religious purposes. Here the local caucus, the justice court\\nand the infant church helped to educate tlie common mind in\\npolicy, law and religion. Themes of the highest interest to\\nchurch and state have often been thoroughly discussed and\\nwisely decided in these primitive homes of science and litera-\\nture. In them, also, the inventors, discoverers and legislators\\nof the state received their elementary, sometimes their entire\\neducation.\\nBy the legislature of 1805, The New Hampshire Iron Factory\\nCompany, at Franconia, was incorporated. This very useful\\ninstitution maintained a healthy and progressive existence for\\nmany years, and did much to develop that most necessary of all\\nthe useful ores, and to advance the permanent prosperity of the\\nsurrounding country. Recently, on account of the high price of\\npersonal labor, its operations have been suspended.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 249\\nCHAPTER LXXII,\\nCAUSES OF THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND.\\nEngland and France had been waging with one another an\\ninternecine war. Each of these powerful nations forbade neu-\\ntral powers to trade with her mortal foe. Great Britain, by her\\norders in council, interdicted our trade with France. Bona-\\nparte, by way of retaliation, decreed capture and confiscation to\\nall American vessels trading with England. Our ships and their\\ncargoes became the plunder of both nations. British cruisers\\nboarded our vessels and impressed all seamen who could not\\nprove that they had not English blood in their veins. They\\nalso blockaded our harbors and, in one instance, attacked and\\ndisabled an American man-of-war while quietly riding in our own\\nwaters. The insolence of England became intolerable. She\\nhad no peer upon the high seas. Her navy consisted of more\\nthan a thousand men-of-war, while the Americans had only seven\\neffective frigates and perhaps fifteen sloops-of-war. It was not\\nin the power of the Americans to protect her merchants or chas-\\ntise her enemies she therefore retained her vessels at home by\\nan embargo.\\nOn the expediency of this measure the country was divided.\\nThe federalists, who were inclined to apologize for the aggres-\\nsions of England, bitterly assailed the law. The suspension of\\nall commerce, the enhanced prices of imported articles, in-\\ncreased the popular idiscontent, and although the legislature of\\n1808 voted an address to President Jefferson approving of his\\nentire policy, yet the people in the August election of members\\nof congress reversed that decision. A federal delegation was\\nelected, and in the following November federal electors for pres-\\nident were chosen. The politics of the state were again changed.\\nIn the spring of 1809 the republicans lost their ascendency in\\nthe town elections. Jeremiah Smith, the federal candidate, was\\nelected governor by a majority of about two hundred votes. The\\ncouncil was still republican. In the legislature the power of the\\nfederalists was supreme. Moses P. Payson was made president\\nof the senate, George P. Upham speaker of the house, Nathaniel\\nParker secretary of state, and Thomas W. Thompson treas-\\nurer. These were all prominent men in the history of the state.\\nMr. Thompson was afterwards elected to the senate of the\\nUnited States. The governor-elect was one of the ablest men", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "250 HISTORY OF\\nour State has produced. He was a native of Peterborough, and\\nfor several years had discharged the duties of chief justice of\\nthe superior court of New Hampshire with distinguished ability.\\nOn the fourth of March, 1809, Mr. Madison was inaugurated\\npresident of the United States. He pursued the policy of his\\npredecessor with slight modifications. The embargo was so un-\\npopular that the administration deemed it wise to change 4;he\\nname though they retained the principle. They made a law pro-\\nhibiting all commercial intercourse with France and England,\\nwith a proviso that in case either of those countries should re-\\npeal their injurious edicts against American commerce the non-\\nintercourse act should at oAce cease with respect to that nation.\\n1 his law, of course, relieved our government of the blame of re-\\nstricting trade, and made the foreign powers responsible for\\ntheir aggressions upon a neutral nation. This change of policy\\nproduced a corresponding change in New Hampshire. In 1810\\nthe republicans resumed their power and Governor Langdon was\\nreelected by a majority of more than one thousand. Every de-\\npartment of the state government was again in the hands of the\\nrepublicans. William Plumer, formerly a distinguished federal-\\nist but now an ardent supporter of the doctrines he once op-\\nposed, was chosen president of the senate, and Charles Cutts\\nspeaker of the house. Mr. Cutts belonged to the distinguished\\nfamily of Portsmouth whose founder was the first president of\\nthe province of New Hampshire in 1679. Charles Cutts, during\\nthe session in which he was speaker, was elected to the senate\\nof the United States. In 181 1 the same party was victorious.\\nIn 1812 Gov. Langdon retired from public life inconsequence\\nof the infirmities of age. He enjoyed, in his quiet home at\\nPortsmouth, the respect and reverence of a grateful people. His\\nrevolutionary services were never forgotten. His declining years\\nwere solaced by the kind intercourse of friends and the conso-\\nlations of religion. He took a deep interest in the circulation\\nof the Bible and contributed liberally to the funds of the New\\nHampshire Bible Society, of which he was one of the founders.\\nParty spirit was now at its height. The controversies about\\nmen and measures were exceedingly bitter, often malignant.\\nAbout this period a new political power arose in the state in the\\nperson of Mr. Isaac Hill and in the issues of the New Hamp-\\nshire Patriot, of which he was the editor. Mr. Hill, having spent\\nthe first fourteen years of his life upon a farm, was apprenticed\\nto Mr. Joseph Gushing, publisher of the Amherst Cabinet, in\\n1802. There he devoted himself with increasing assiduity to\\nlabor and study. Every leisure moment was given to reading,\\nwriting and debating, and by this self-culture he made himself\\none of the most accomplished journalists of our country. In", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 25 1\\nApril, 1809, when he had obtained his majority, he removed to\\nConcord and purchased a paper called The American Patriot,\\nwhich had been edited by William Hoit, jr., for about six months,\\nand changed its name to The New Hampshire Patriot. The\\nfirst number of this paper bears this motto Indulging no pas-\\nsions which trespass on the rights of others, it shall be our true\\nglory to cultivate peace by observing justice. Mr. Hill was\\nan uncompromising republican. Speaking of the federalists in\\nhis introductory address he says\\nTheirs is the cause of Great Britain, inasmuch as they coincide with and\\njustify her aggressions on the principles of right and justice, on the laws of\\nnature and of nations theirs is the cause of our enemy, because they stig-\\nmatize our government in every act, whatever its tendency, and because no\\nsubterfuge, however mean, is left unessayed to incite to distrust and oppo-\\nsition. In our views of foreign nations we shall treat alike French injustice\\nand British perfidy. While we consider the latter as far outstripping the\\nformer, we cannot but dwell with more emphasis on that power who has\\nability and inclination to do us much injury than upon him who, though he\\nhave enough of the last, has comparatively little of the first requisite to mo-\\nlest us. We cannot forget the murder of our citizens, the impressment of\\nour seamen, the seizure and confiscation of our property and the many in-\\nsults and menaces on our national flag.\\nWhen we remember that these charges were literally true, and\\nthat history has confirmed them, we do not wonder at the strong\\nlanguage which so often flowed from his pen. In the nine years\\npreceding the war nine hundred American vessels had been cap-\\ntured and condemned in British courts, and more than six thou-\\nsand seamen had been taken from American vessels and trans-\\nferred to English ships or imprisoned In our day public\\nsentiment is as sensitive as an aspen leaf to the slightest breeze\\nof English insolence. The seizure of a single American citi-\\nzen, contrary to the rules of international law, would be deemed\\na sufficient cause for official interposition. We cannot wonder,\\ntherefore, that our fathers, sixty years ago, deeply felt the bit-\\nter, burning wrongs which England for years persistently in-\\nflicted upon our country. For several years after Mr. Hill\\nbecame an editor there were only two republican papers in the\\nstate, while there were ten supported by the federalists. The\\nnew champion of republicanism warred almost alone. He was\\nthe Ulysses of the party, a man of great sagacity, energy and\\nperseverance. After the clouds which obscured the vision of\\ncontemporaries have been lifted, history pronounces Mr. Hill a\\nwise statesman and an honest patriot. Like all political par-\\ntisans he was severe, sometimes unjust, to opponents, but his\\nheart was true as the needle to the pole to what he deemed the\\nbest interests of the country. His fellow-citizens showed their\\napprobation of his course by bestowing upon him, for many\\nyears in succession, the highest honors in their gift.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "252 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER LXXIII.\\nRECORD OF NEW HAMPSHIRE DURING THE WAR FOR SAILORS\\nRIGHTS.\\nWar was declared against Great Britain by tlie United States\\non the eighteenth of June, 1812. Congress and the people\\nwere nearly equally divided on the question of an appeal to\\narms. The declaration was carried by a small majority. Sec-\\ntional interests inllutnced the minds of voters. The South and\\nWest favored the war. New England was generally opposed to\\nit. Manufactures were then deemed of little importance com-\\npared with the commerce and fisheries of that section of the\\ncountry. It was thought that war would ruin the prosperity of\\nNew England hence the violent opposition of the wise and\\nwealthy citizens of the North. Lawyers and legislators, teachers\\nand authors, merchants and ministers, denounced the war and its\\nsupporters. The dissolution of the Union was then regarded as\\nnecessary to the welfare of New England. Opinions in favor of\\nsecession were freely expressed in private and in public, by indi-\\nviduals and assemblies. The Federalist convention, held in\\nBoston on the thirty-first day of March, i8ii, resolved that the\\nnon-intercourse law, just then passed, if persisted in must and\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0will be resisted. Jeremiah Mason, the ablest la\\\\\\\\ yer our\\ncountry has produced, said to Mr. Plumer, in August, 181 1:\\nThe federalists of Massachusetts will make a great effort at\\nthe next spring elections; and if they fail, they will forcibly re-\\nresist the laws of congress. Resistance, said Dr. Parish, in\\nApril, 181 1, is our only security.\\nJosiah Quincy, in Januar) 1811, speaking of the bill for the\\nadmission of Louisiana, in congress, said If this bill passes,\\nit is my deliberate opinion that it is virtually a dissolution of\\nthe Union that it will free the states from their moral obliga-\\ntions and, as it will then be the right of all, so it will be the\\nduty of some, to prepare definitely for a separation, amicably if\\nthey can, violently if they must. The bill, if it passes, is a death-\\nblow to the constitution. It may afterwards linger but, linger-\\ning, its fate will, at no very distant period, be consummated.\\nAllen Bradford wrote to Elbridge Gerry, under date of Octo-\\nber 18, 1811 If our national rulers continue their anti-com-\\nmercial policy, the New England states will by and by rise in\\ntheir wonted strength, and with the indignant feelings of 1775,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 253\\nsever themselves from that part of the nation which thus wickedly\\nabandons their rights and interests. These sentiments, uttered\\nby leading men of New England, were not die hasty ebullitions\\nof party spirit, but the deliberate expressions of matured con-\\nvictions. Disunion was not merely a threat, but a purpose, with\\nmany influential opponents of the war. In the spring of 1812,\\nWilliam Plumer, who had formerly advocated the views of the\\nfederal party, but, like John Quincy Adams and other distin-\\nguished statesmen, had become an earnest and conscientious op-\\nponent of them, was brought forward for governor. His former\\nfriends, who accused him of apostasy, assailed him with un-\\nstinted censure and acrimony. The federalists nominated again\\nJohn Taylor Gilman, a gentleman of the old school, a man of\\nhigh purpose, firm resolve and sterling integrity. His great\\npopularity, from former services and revolutionary memories,\\ngave him decided advantage in a political canvass. The parties\\nwere so nearly balanced that there was no election by the peo-\\nple but in the convention of the two houses, on the fourth of\\nJune, 1812, Mr. Plumer was chosen governor by one hundred\\nand four votes against eighty-two for Mr. Gilman. The house\\nwas republican.\\nThe governor entered at once upon the discharge of the du-\\nties of his new station, and worked in perfect harmony with the\\nexisting administration. A few brief extracts from his diary\\nwill show what he did in support of the war. Under date of\\nJune 23, he writes In the evening, I received by an express, a\\nletter from Major-General Dearborn, stating that he was offi-\\ncially informed that the government of the United States had\\ndeclared war against Great Britain, and requesting me to order\\nout one company of artillery and one of infantry of the de-\\ntached militia, and place them under command of Major Up-\\nham of the United States army at Portsmouth, for the defence\\nof the sea-coast.\\nJune 24: I issued orders to General Storer to order out the\\ntroops, in conformity with this requisition. July 7 Last even-\\ning, I received a requisition from General Dearborn to send one\\ncompany of detached militia to defend the northern frontier of\\nthe state. To-day I issued orders to General Montgomery to call\\nthem out from his brigade, and station them at Stewartstown and\\nErrol. July 21: I issued an order to General Storer, requiring\\nhim to send one company of the detached infantry of his brigade\\nto Portsmouth harbor, and to detach a suitable major to take\\ncommand of the troops at Forts Constitution and McClary and\\nalso to General Robinson to send one company of the detached\\nartillery from his brigade to the same place, for the defence of\\nthe sea-coast.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "254 HISTORY OF\\nThese military requisitions profoundly agitated the minds of\\nthe quiet citizens of the state. Words had passed into acts;\\nand prophecy had become reality. The fiery eloquence of in-\\ndignant patriots now flashed from the sword and bayonet, and\\nwere soon to speak in thunder tones from the mouths of cannon.\\nAh then and there was hurrying to and fro,\\nand by the fireside, in the streets, and in all places of concourse,\\nmen talked of war and its consequences. The generation then\\nupon the stage knew its horrors only by tradition and history\\nand when a son of a family or a hired man was drafted to\\nguard the sea-coast or frontiers, the household bewailed him as\\none dead.\\nGovernor Plumer, in his first message to the legislature, pre-\\nsented some new views with respect to corporations, which have\\nsince been adopted in the state by all parties. They are found in\\nthe following extract Acts of incorporation have within a few\\nyears greatly increased in this state and many of them, being\\nof the nature of grants, cannot with propriety be altered without\\nprevious consent of the grantees. Such laws ought therefore to\\nbe passed with great caution many of them should be limited\\nto a certain period, and contain a reservation authorizing the\\nlegislature to repeal them whenever they cease to answer the\\nend for which they were made or prove injurious to the public\\ninterest. This is sound doctrine and deserves to be inscribed\\nin letters of gold on every state-house and hall of legislation in\\nthe land. In reply to the governor s call for men and means to\\ncarry on the war, the legislature said We are all Americans\\nwe will cordially unite in maintaining our rights in supporting\\nthe constitutional measures of our government, and in repelling\\nthe aggressions of every invading foe. The citizens of New\\nHampshire were moved by the same patriotic spirit which actu-\\nated their representatives. They flocked to our national stand-\\nard wherever it was setup. Her volunteers were found in every\\nfierce encounter by sea and land. Whole companies, from vari-\\nous parts of the state, marched together to the war. Her sailors\\nfitted out privateers and preyed upon the commerce of the\\nhaughty mistress of the seas. Mr. Brewster in his Rambles\\nabout Portsmouth has this graphic picture of privateering in\\nthat town: Here we are in the memorable year, 1S12, on tlie\\nold wharf at Point of Graves, beholding the first privateer fit-\\nting out after the declaration of war. That schooner is the\\nNancy and that man with two pistols in his belt and his vest\\npockets filled with loose gunpowder is Captain Smart. There is\\na large company of spectators on the wharf looking at the little\\ncraft. But off she goes to the mouth of the St. Lawrence, and,\\nlike a small spider entrapping a bumble-bee, she soon returns", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 255\\nwith her prize. No less than fourteen ships sailed from the\\nsame port, on the same errand, during the first year of the war.\\nThese privateers were commissioned by the United States, to\\ntake, burn, sink and destroy the enemy wherever he could be\\nfound, either on high seas or in British ports, and witli unpar-\\nalleled success they executed their mission. British merchant-\\nmen laden with valuable cargoes were captured by them, and\\nlarge fortunes were acquired by these hardy navigators. They\\nprobably proved more annoying to the English people than our\\nships of war. Our sailors also fought with Perry on Lake Erie,\\nand with Macdonough on Lake Champlain and by their bravery\\nand energy contributed to the glorious victories under both\\nthose peerless officers. On the land they also followed Miller\\nand McNiel to the very cannon s mouth and with them shared\\nthe perils of the desperate onset and the honors of triumphant\\nvictory. The army and navy of the Republic were small, but\\nmore than two thousand New Hampshire freemen were found in\\nthese departments of the public service. The land campaigns\\nduring the first year of the war were generally disastrous. The\\ndisgraceful surrender of General Hull, with two thousand men,\\nat Detroit, and the defeat of General Van Rensselaer on the\\nborders of Canada, near the beginning of the war, chilled the\\npopular enthusiasm and appalled the stoutest hearts in the coun-\\ntry. The republicans were mortified and disheartened. They\\nascribed their failures to the opposition of the federalists, who\\nin turn charged them with incapacity and reckless folly.\\nThe absence of many voters in the army and navy and the in-\\ncreased popular discontent changed the politics of the state.\\nIn March, 1813, Governor Gilman, after a retirement of eight\\nyears, was again called to the gubernatorial chair. This office\\nhe held for three years in succession. Both branches of the\\nlegislature were also opposed to the existing administration, and,\\nof course, to the vigorous prosecution of the war. They were\\nwilling to act on the defensive in case of an invasion of the soil\\nof New Hampshire, but would not consent that the militia of\\nthe state snould be led into the territory of the enemy for ag-\\ngressive warfare. Canada has been the Scylla against which our\\nhopes have often been wrecked, from the impetuous Arnold to\\nthe last Fenian officer who has meditated its conquest. The in-\\nvasion of this province gave occasion to the federalists to deny\\nthe power of the president to call out the militia of the states\\nand place them under the officers of the United States. The\\ngovernors of Massachusetts and Connecticut refused to comply\\nwith the requisitions of General Dearborn, on the ground that\\nthey were the proper judges of the necessity of such a call and\\nat that time they saw no reason to enforce it. They admitted", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "256 HISTORY OF\\nthe right of the president to command the militia of the states\\nin person, but he could not delegate that power to others. Gov-\\nernor Gore of Massachusetts, in the senate of the United States,\\nexpressed the common state-rights views of his party as follows\\nThe president is commander-in-chief of the militia when in the\\nactual service of the United States but there is not a title of\\nauthority for any other officer of the United States to assume\\nthe command of the militia.\\nGovernor Plumer, writing to John Quincy Adams of the peo-\\nple of New Hamp shire, says: Though dismemberment has its\\nadvocates here, they cannot obtain a majority of the people or\\ntheir representatives to adopt or avow it. During the whole\\nperiod of the war, the parties in New Hampshire were so nearly\\nequal that neither of them dared to advance very ultra opinions.\\nThey were a mutual check upon each other. Neither party\\nwas strong enough to feel confident of success and neither so\\nweak as to despair of victory. Such a political condition is\\nreally the best pledge of integrity and the strongest antidote to\\ncorruption in the administration of a republic.\\nDuring the year 1813 the northern frontier was the chief\\ntheatre of war upon the land. General Harrison commanded\\nthe army of the West, near the head of Lake Erie. General\\nDearborn, the commander-in-chief under the president, and a\\nNew Hampshire man by birth, held the Centre, on the Nia-\\ngara river. General Hampton, on the borders of Lake Cham-\\nplain, had charge of the department of the North. The Ind-\\nians mingled freely in the fight, but generally, as in the Revo-\\nlutionary war, were found on the side of the British. Many\\nbloody battles were fought with various success. If we contem-\\nplate only the contests upon the land, it would be diflicult to\\naffirm that our country made progress during the year. At sea\\nand on the lakes, the American navy was in a majority of cases\\ntriumphant. Of the campaign of 1814, the results were gen-\\nerally favorable to the Americans. In two of the engagements\\nof this year, the battle of Chippewa and that of Niagafa, New\\nHampshire troops were particularly conspicuous.\\nThe bloody battle of Chippewa, a town on the Canada shore,\\nabout two miles above Niagara Falls, was fought on the fifth of\\nJuly, 18 1 4. General John McNiel, major of the eleventh regi-\\nment, succeeded to its command by the fall of his superior\\nofficer Colonel Campbell. He was attached to the forlorn hope,\\na single brigade, which was required to cross a bridge of Street s\\ncreek under the fire of a British battery. McNiel showed all\\nthe coolness and self-possession which characterized General\\nStark in leading his regiment over Charleslown Neck to meet\\nthe enemy on Bunker Hill. For his gallant conduct on this", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 257\\noccasion he was promoted by congress. On the twenty-fifth day\\nof the same month was fought the battle of Bridgewater, one of\\nthe most sanguinary engagements of the whole war. The Ameri-\\ncans lost eight hundred and fifty-eigJit men and the English\\neight hundred and seventy-eight. Their force was greatly supe-\\nrior. The battle began at sunset of a hot and sultry day and\\ncontinued till midnight. The moon shone calmly on the fierce\\nconflict, and the roar of the cataract ceased to be noticed, while\\nthe booming of cannon occupied every moment, rolling in terrific\\nreverberations over divided and hostile territories. In the in-\\ntense excitement of battle, the men heeded not the rush of waters\\nnor the din of war. So Livy informs us that an earthquake\\npassed during the fight at Lake Trasimenus, and the combatants\\nknew it not.\\nOn that memorable evening Colonel McNiel, while reconnoi-\\ntering the enemy s line, received a shot in the knee from a car-\\nronade, which crippled him for life. He still clung to his horse,\\ntill he was so weakened by the loss of blood that his men were\\nobliged to carry him to a place of safety. The conduct of Col-\\nonel Miller of Peterborough has been so graphically described\\nby Mr. Barstow in his history of New Hampshire, that I will\\nquote the narrative\\nThe British artillery, posted on a commanding height, had annoyed our\\ntroops during the earlier part of battle. Can you storm that battery said\\nGeneral Ripley to Miller. I ll try, sir, replied the warrior; then turned to\\nhis men, and, in a deep tone, issued a few brief words of command: Twenty-\\nfirst, attention I Form into column. You will advance up the hill to the storm\\nof tiie battery. At the word, -Halt you will deliver your fire at the port-\\nlight of the artillerymen, and immediately carry their guns at the point of\\nthe bayonet. Support arms forward march Machinery could not have\\nmoved with more compactness than that gallant regiment. Followed by the\\ntwenty-t/tird, the dark mess moved up the hill like one body, the lurid light\\nflickering on their bayonets as the combined lire of the enemy s artillery and\\ninfantry opened murderously Upon them. They flinched not, faltered not.\\nThe stern, deep voice of the officers, as the deadly cannon-shot cut ya^vning\\nchasms through them, alone was heard Close up steady, men steady.\\nWithin a hundred yards of the summit, the loud //a// was followed by a\\nvolley, sharp and instantaneous as a clap of thunder. Another moment,\\nrushing under the white smoke, a short, furious struggle with the bayonet,\\nand the battle was won. The enemy s line was driven down the hill, and\\ntheir own cannon mowed them down by platoons. This brilliant success\\ndecided the fate of the conflict, and the American flag w aved in triumph on\\nthat hill, scorched and blackened as it was by the flame of artillery, purpled\\nwith human gore and encumbered by the bodies of the slain.\\n17", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "258 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER LXXIV.\\nTHE HARTFORD CONVENTION.\\nThe continuance of the war for three years exhausted the re-\\nsources of the country, not then abounding in wealth, increased\\nthe burdens of taxation and enhanced the prices of all the\\nnecessaries of life. In such a state of distress it was easy to\\nexcite popular discontent. When the citizens were again and\\nagain told that the administration had wasted the treasures of\\nthe nation upon profitless schemes of conquest, and had shed\\nthe blood of thousands of brave men to redress imaginary\\nwrongs, a majority of the people of New England adopted these\\nviews of the war. Many boldly maintained that the soldiers\\nand revenues of the eastern states should be withheld from the\\ncontrol of congress, and devoted to their own defence. The\\nnorthern states were also urged to make a separate peace with\\nthe enemy, and leave the general government to its fate. On\\nthe fifteenth day of December, 1814, a convention was holden\\nat Hartford, Conn., to consider the interests of New England in\\ndistinction from the whole country, and, if deemed necessary, to\\nprovide for an independent northern confederacy. Only two\\ndelegates represented New Hampshire. The convention delib-\\nerated in secret. Its history has since been written, and the\\nmen who participated in it affirm that nothing treasonable was\\nproposed or advocated. Still the existence of sucli a conven-\\ntion, at such a crisis, sectional in character, hostile to the admin-\\nistration, and sitting with closed doors, cast suspicion upon its\\nauthors and abettors and subjected them, in subsequent years,\\nto political outlawry. It is said that Governor Oilman proposed\\na special session of the legislature, to consider the question of\\nsending delegates from New Hampshire to this convention but\\na majority of the council, being republicans, refused their con-\\nsent. Consequently only two counties, Grafton and Cheshire,\\nwere represented at Hartford. This assembly, after its adjourn-\\nment, published an address to the people, reciting the grievances\\nof New England and proposing such amendments to the consti-\\ntution of the United States as they supposed would prevent their\\nfuture recurrence. The unexpected cessation of the war pre-\\nvented the further discussion of these matters. The public dis-\\ntress was relieved by peace and the convention and its pro-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 259\\nposed reforms became subjects of bitter denunciation with tlie\\nrepublican party. Says Scheie De Vere\\nUp to the civil war, we were subdivided politically and socially. In one\\naspect we had states, each with its own image and superscription a Mas-\\nsachusetts, haughty, self-conscious in its subtle refinement, or a South Caro-\\nlina, equally proud o\u00c2\u00a3 its aristocratic culture and good breeding the one\\nproducing thinkers and statesmen, the other, poets and politicians. But\\nthey had no thought in common, and no neutral ground on which they would\\ncondescend to meet j hence, they were farther apart in their thoughts and\\ntheir \\\\vritings than Frenchmen and Germans. Tlie painful lack of national\\nfeeling exhibited in the Hartford Convention was but reproduced in the\\nreckless attempt at nullification; and at that time, either state would have\\nseen the other perish without a thought of the nation s greatness or the na-\\ntion s honor.\\nCHAPTER LXXV.\\nDOMESTIC AFFAIRS IN NEW HAMPSHIRE PRECEDING AND DURING\\nTHE WAR FOR SAILORS* RIGHTS.\\nWhile the cloud of war was distinctly visible above the politi-\\ncal horizon, but prior to its commencement, several local mat-\\nters of public interest occupied the attention of the people. It\\nwas customar} in the early history of our country to raise money\\nby lotiery for the general welfare. Roads were built, literary in-\\nstitutions founded and religious societies aided, by such ques-\\ntionable means. A^lottery had been authorized by the legisla-\\nture, for the construction of a road through the Dixville Notch\\nin the northern part of the state. Tickets had been issued, ex-\\nceeding the prizes by the sum of thirty-two thousand one hun-\\ndred dollars but through the failure of agents, the loss of tick-\\nets and the expense of management, only fifteen hundred dollars\\ncame into the state treasury. This unprofitable and demoraliz-\\ning process of raising funds was at this time discontinued and,\\nwilh ihe moralists of the present day, its former existence ex-\\ncites profound regret. During the year 181 1, the people of New\\niiampshire were greatly disturbed by the failure of three of\\ntheir principal banks. The announcement of the bankruptcy of\\nthree such institutions in a small state, and nearly at the same\\ntime, produced unusual commotion in business circles. Men\\nhad not then become accustomed to the almost daily defalca-\\ntions of officials entrusted with corporate funds. Banks then\\nseldom suspended specie payments and the absolute failure of a", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "26o HISTORY OF\\nmoneyed institution was almost as rare as an earthquake. The\\nHillsborough, Cheshire and Coos Banks, by illegal issues and\\nexcessive loans, had thrown so many of their bills upon the\\nmarket that they were unable to redeem them and were com-\\npelled to suspend payment. The directors could not escape\\ncensure for the public could justly charge their losses either\\nupon their carelessness or dishonesty. Those men who incurred\\nthe public displeasure with great difficulty regained their former\\npopularity.\\nDuring this year the legislature decreed a fixed salary to the\\njudges of the court of common pleas, instead of the uncertain\\nfees which they had previously received. This principle has\\nsince been applied to other offices, such as judges of probate\\nand high sheriffs.\\nIn 1812, provision was made for the erection of a state prison.\\nIt was built of granite, in a thorough and substantial manner, at\\nan expense of thirty-seven thousand dollars. It was placed un-\\nder the control of the governor and council. During its entire\\nhistory, to the present time, it has ranked among the best regu-\\nlated penitentiaries in the country. The reformation of crim-\\ninals has been a special object with the managers of this insti-\\ntution. Moral and religious instruction has been imparted, and\\nin many instances the prisoners have been improved in charac-\\nter and conduct. Before the erection of this prison, eight crimes\\nwere punishable with death in New Hampshire. In 1S12 the\\ncriminal code was revised, and the number of capital offences\\nwas reduced to two, treason and murder. Imprisonment was\\nsubstituted for the whipping-post and pillory. With the progress\\nof civilization and religion, severe penalties have everywhere\\nbeen mitigated and death has been confined to those crimes\\nwhich imperil the very existence of the state. In England, petty\\nlarceny used to be punished with death and it was no uncom-\\nmon thing to see a score of criminals executed together on a\\nsingle morning. In 1836 a new law swept from the statute-\\nbook twenty-one capital offences and since that date the num-\\nber has been reduced to three, and executions have become\\nquite rare in England.\\nIn our own state, imprisonment for debt disgraced our juris-\\npnidence till the year 1S41. This law was no respecter of per-\\nsons. Any man, high or low, wise or foolish, might by misfor-\\ntune or imprudence become its victim. The judicial records of\\nthe state show that the learned and the ignorant, the honorable\\nand the degraded, have been inmates of the same prison, some-\\ntimes occupants of the same cell. In 1805, Hon. Russell Free-\\nman, who had been a councilor in the state and speaker of the\\nhouse of representatives, was imprisoned in Haverhill jail for", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 261\\ndebt. Two otlier persons were confined in the same room for\\nthe same cause. Josiah Burnham, one of the debtors, a quar-\\nrelsome and brutal fellow, enraged at the complaints made of\\nhis ravenous appetite and ungovernable passions, fell upon Mr.\\nFreeman and his companion and murdered them both. This\\natrocious deed of blood excited general indignation throughout\\nthe state against the perpetrator. He was tried and hung for\\nthe offence in the following ear, and Rev. David Sutherland, of\\nBath, preached a sermon to the immense crowd that assembled\\nto witness the execution. The barbarous law that immured\\ndebtors in jail like felons, and in company with felons, the\\ndouble murder in one room, the eagerness of the people to see\\nthe gallows and the culprit hang upon it, all show the manners\\nand morals of the times. Such scenes are among the things of\\nthe past; and other crimes, less revolting but equally sinful,\\nhave usurped their place.\\nParties that have gained power by severe struggles often resort\\nto questionable measures to retain it. So good laws are some-\\ntimes repealed and bad laws enacted old institutions pulled\\ndown and new ones set up; courts reconstructed and constitu-\\ntions amended to suit the exigencies of the majority. At the\\nJune session of the legislature in 1813, the superior court of\\njudicature was changed to the supreme judicial court. With\\na change of name came a change of officers. Only one of the\\njudges of the old court was retained. Arthur Livermore, who\\nhad been chief justice, was appointed associate justice in the\\nnew court. Jeremiah Smith of Exeter, who had formerly held\\nthe same position, was made chief justice and Caleb Ellis of\\nClaremont was selected to fill the remaining seat. The feder-\\nalists professed a desire to make the court more efficient and\\nmaintained that, as the officers were created by the legislature,\\nthe same body had a right to vacate them. The republicans\\ndenounced the measure as illegal because the judges were com-\\nmissioned during good behavior and could be removed only\\nby impeachment. Such ought to be the tenure of a judge s\\noffice but majorities seldom regard the rights of individuals if\\nthe interests of their party are in conflict with them. Two of\\nthe old judges determined not to submit to the new law. Rich-\\nard Evans and Clifton Claggett, in the autumnal sessions of the\\ncourts in the counties of Rockingham, Strafford and Hills-\\nborough, appeared and opened the courts as in former years,\\nordering the jurors to be sworn and clients to be heard. Thus\\ntwo sets of judges were at the same time holding rival courts,\\neach claiming supreme power under the state constitution. The\\nlawyers, jurors and a majority of the people recognized the new\\ncourt. In Hillsborough county the high sheriff escorted the old", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "262 HISTORY OF\\njudges to the court-house while the new court, attended by his\\ndeputies, were obhged to perform the business before them in a\\nschool-house. Shortly after these judicial collisions Governor\\nOilman called together the legislature, and Josiah Butler, sheriff\\nof Rockingham county, and Benjamin Pierce, sheriff of Hills-\\nborough county, were removed by address and from that time\\nthe new court ceased to be interrupted. It is not creditable to\\nany party to attempt to destroy the independence of the judiciary\\nfrom motives of mere political expediency. Judges may be\\nlegally removed for sufficient cause but want of sympathy with\\nan existing administration does not furnish ground of impeach-\\nment or removal.\\nDuring the session of 1813, Kimball Union Academy was in-\\ncorporated. It was liberally endowed and named by Hon. Daniel\\nKimball of Plainfield. Its funds have since been largely in-\\ncreased by the widow of its founder. It has been one of the\\nmost excellent of literary institutions and to-day ranks among\\nthe very best classical and English academies of our country.\\nBesides the ordinary calamities incident to a state of war, the\\nloss of men and means, the increase of prices and taxes, the\\ntown of Portsmouth was visited by a destructive conflagration\\nin November, 18 13. Nearly four hundred buildings were laid in\\nashes. Many of the finest dwelling-houses and stores were\\nburnt. An area of fifteen acres was devastated. The heavens\\nat night were so illumined by the blaze that the light was seen\\nat the distance of one hundred miles. This calamity, coming as\\nit did, after the ruin of her commerce and fisheries by war, pro-\\nduced great suffering among the citizens of Portsmouth. Aid\\nin money and provisions was liberally furnished to the homeless\\nfrom different parts of New England.\\nWar, pestilence and famine, like the Furies of ancient my-\\nthology, usually do their work in company. During the con-\\ntinuance of the war a malignant epidemic called the spotted\\nfever prevailed in_the northern states. Its attack was sudden\\nand often fatal, sometimes decimating the population of small\\ntowns.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 263\\nCHAPTER LXXVI.\\nRESTORATION OF PEACE.\\nIt is said that Franklin once reproved a man for calling the\\nRevolutionary war the war of Independence. Sir, said he,\\nyou mean the Revolution the war of Independence is yet to\\ncome. That was a war for Independence, but not of Independ-\\nence. Hence, we speak with propriety of the second war for\\nIndependence for, prior to this time, the United States had\\nbeen only nominally free. They were socially and commercially\\ndependent on Europe. England exercised a dangerous politi-\\ncal influence in the American legislatures she had also gained\\nan undue social influence at the hearths, and a controlling reli-\\ngious influence at the altars, of the people, when, in 1812, the\\nwar for seamen s rights commenced. Had the United States\\nsubmitted, as a large and influential party desired, to the inso-\\nlent conduct of England upon the high seas, the blood of the\\nRevolution would have been shed in vain. A three years war\\ntaught this imperious mistress of the seas that there were\\nblows to take as well as blows to give and, although the terms\\nof peace were adopted without allusion to sailors rights, still,\\nby the tacit consent of both parties, that unwelcome cause of\\ncontroversy was allowed to sleep, and American ships have\\nsince that day sailed unmolested over all waters, and the right\\nof search has been confined to slavers or ships laden with\\ngoods which both nrftions declared contraband. In the Aslibur-\\nton treaty, Mr. Webster, acting for the United States, claimed\\nthat the American flag shall protect all that sail under it.\\nThis principle was not denied by the English minister and the\\nmatter for which the war of 1S12 was declared is now consid-\\nered forever settled. The last and the most glorious battle of\\nthat war was fought at New Orleans, on the eighth of January,\\n18 15. General Andrew Jackson, who had previously subdued\\nthe Creek Indians in Florida, was the hero on that memorable\\noccasion. The Americans lost only seven men killed and six\\nwounded. The loss of the English was more than one hundred\\nto one of the Americans. The treaty of peace had been signed\\nat Ghent, in Belgium, by the commissioners of the two nations on\\nthe twenty-fourth of L ecember of the preceding year. Had the\\ntelegraphic wires then been in existence, the bloody battle of\\nNew Orleans would not have been fought but that victory was", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "2()4 HISTORY OF\\nworth more to the weaker party than all the previous conflicts\\nof the war. Without it, the peace of the country would have\\nbeen less secure. This was the most biilliant achievement of\\nthe war. Its moral influence was incalculable. The news of\\nan honorable peace, immediately following it, was hailed every-\\nwhere with lively demonstrations of joy.\\nThe burdens of the war had been more severely felt in New\\nEngland than in other sections of the country. There the op-\\nposition was most violent and party spirit most bitter. For three\\nyears the federalists retained the political ascendency in New\\nHampshire, and at the close of thewar still enumerated, with\\napparent satisfaction, the heavy burdens which the state en-\\ndured. Governor Gilman, at the June session of the legislature\\nin 1815, congratulated the people on the restoration of peace,\\nand added The calamities of the war have been severely felt\\nthe loss of the lives of multitudes of our countrymen, the ex-\\npense of treasure, depreciation of national credit, a large debt\\nand multiplied taxes. What have we gained Time has an-\\nswered that question which then seemed unanswerable. More\\nthan fifty years of profitable commerce and mutual respect be-\\ntAveen the nations that prosecuted the war have proclaimed the\\nsuccess of the contest, more eloquently than Fame with her iron\\nvoice and hundred tongues could publish it. The war was waged\\nfor the freedom of the seas, and there the United States won\\nthe most successful and impressive victories. The majority of\\nthe legislature, though hostile to the war, did not fail to do jus-\\ntice to the brave men whose valor had gained for the country\\nimperishable renown. They affirmed that the legislature, in\\ncommon with their fellow-citizens, duly appreciated the impor-\\ntant sen ices rendered to their country, upon the ocean, upon the\\nlakes, and upon the land, by officers, seamen and soldiers of the\\nUnited States, in many brilliant achievements and decisive vic-\\ntories, which will go down to posterity as an indubitable memo-\\nrial that the sons of those fathers who fought the battles of the\\nRevolution have imbibed, from the same fountain, that exalted\\nand unconquerable spirit which insures victory while it stimu-\\nlates the exercise of humanity and courtesy to the vanquished.\\nAt the March election in 1816, the republican party returned to\\npower. Hon. William Plumer was elected governor by a major-\\nity of two thousand votes.* The legislature also had a majority\\nof the same party. William Badger was elected president of\\nthe senate and David L. Morrill speaker of the house. The\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2He received twenty thoiisaml six hundred and fifty-two votes and his opponent, Mr.\\nShcafe, received eighteen thousand three hundred and twemy-six. Thisv/as the iargest pop-\\nular vote that had ever been cast in the state. The increased interest of the citizens in the\\nannual elections is indicated by the larger number of votes in proportion to the population.\\nIn 1790, only one vote in seventeen of the inhabitants was thrown for tha chief magistrate;\\nin iboo, one in eleven; in 1810, one in seven, and in 1816, one in six.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 265\\nviolence of party feeling was gradually subsiding, and the era\\nof good feelings was dawning upon the state.\\nThe summer and autumn of i St6 were uncommonly cold.\\nThe mean annual temperature in tlie southern part of the state\\nwas 43\u00c2\u00b0. Snow fell upon the ninth of June, even upon the sea-\\nboard and the month of August alone was free from frost.\\nThe crops were destroyed by the severe cold, and the people be-\\ncame disheartened and began to covet serener skies and a more\\nfertile soil. Ohio was then inviting immigrants, and the citizens\\nof New Hampshire began to desert the sterile farm, the harsh\\nclimate and humble homes of their native state for the more\\ngenial air and richer soil of the new states. That process of\\ndepletion has been steadily acting ever since and, during the\\nlast decade of our history. New Hampshire has lost instead of\\ngaining population. The great West and the rising manufactur-\\ning towns have both drawn so largely upon the agricultural dis-\\ntricts, that they are now declining in numbers and wealth and\\nsome of the less productive portions of the state are fast falling\\nto decay.\\nIn a republic it is natural that those who administer its affairs\\nshould wish their friends to occupy all places of trust and power.\\nTo the victors belong the spoils is now the law of American\\npolitics. When a party falls from power all the officials in the\\nstate, from governor to door-keeper, retire to private life. All\\nlaws offensive to the new party are at once repealed. The\\nmartyrs of the minority become the heroes of the majority\\nWhen the republicans came into power in 1816, they immediatly\\nproceeded to redress the wrongs, private and public, real and\\nimaginarj which the federalists had perpetrated during the war.\\nThe judiciary received early attention. The law of 1813, estab-\\nlishing the supreme judicial court, was promptly repealed and\\nthe judges who owed their places to this law were deprived of\\ntheir dignity. William Merchant Richardson, Samuel Bell and\\nLevi Woodbury, gentlemen eminent for their moral worth and\\nlegal learning, were raised to the bench of the superior court.\\nBenjamin Pierce, distinguished for his revolutionary services and\\nhis private virtues, was restored to the office of sheriff of Hills-\\nborough county. His new term of service was rendered mem-\\norable by a noble act of philanthropy. Three aged men were\\nthen lying in Amherst jail for debt. No crime but poverty was\\nalleged against them. One of them had been in durance four\\nyears. The veteran Pierce was moved with pity at their helpless\\ncondition. He paid the debts for which they had been impris-\\noned. The sum required made large inroads upon his limited\\nestate still he decreed and e.xecuted the liberation of the unfor-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "266 HISTORY OF\\ntunate debtors and received the hearty commendation of every\\ncontemporary whose heart was not embittered by party hate.*\\nJosiah Butler, the other sheriff who refused comphance with\\nthe law of 1813, and Clifton Claggett, one of the degraded judges,\\nwere nominated for congress. Mr. Evans, who was also removed\\nfrom the bench, would have been honored with the others, had\\nnot his failing health rendered him incompetent to the discharge\\nof high official duties. Thus the new party rewarded those who\\nhad led their forlorn hope when they were in the minority.\\nIn such cases poetic justice culminates in partisan gratitude.\\nDavid L. Morrill and Clement Storer were elected to the United\\nStates senate in place of Jeremiah Mason and Thomas W.\\nThompson. The state then had six members in the lower house,\\nall republicans and the electoral vote of the state was given\\nfor James Monroe, whose political principles were so liberal as\\nto command the respect of all parties. In the summer of 18 17,\\nPresident Monroe visited New England and was received with\\nunbounded joy by all parties. The zeal of the federalists in\\nwelcoming the chief magistrate of the nation was the subject of\\nsevere criticism in some of the republican journals. President\\nMonroe proceeded as far north as Hanover in New Hampshire.\\nWe find the following record of incidents that occurred during\\nthis brief visit\\nAt Enfield, in this state, the President called at the Habitation of the\\nShaker community. The elder came forth from the principal house in the\\nsettlement and addressed the President I Joseph Goodrich welcome James\\nMonroe to our habitation. The President examined the institution and\\ntheir manufactures, tarried with them about one hour, and was highly pleased\\nwith the beauty of their fields, their exemplary deportment and habits, the\\nimprovements in their agriculture, buildings and manufactures, and with\\ntheir general plain though neat appearance.\\nAt Hanover he unexpectedly met with an old acquaintance in the widow\\nof the late revered and lamented President Whcelock. This lady was a native\\nof New Jersey, was at Trenton at the time of the Hessian defeat, in which\\nour gallant Monroe took a part as lieutenant of a company and was wounded j\\nshe was the person who dressed his wound after he was conveyed to the\\nhouse in which she then was. The President did not recognize her at first,\\nbut as remembrance rose the interview became peculiarly affecting to the\\ntwo principal individuals, and highly interesting to the large circle of ladies\\nand gentlemen present. A letter from a friend at Hanover remarks We\\n*The following notice of the liberation of these men appeared at the time in the Amherst\\nCabinet, December, iSiS\\nThe Prisoners Set FreeI We are happy to announce to the public, that the/i7or pris-\\noners so lone retained in Amherst mol for prison-charges, viz., MOSES BREWER, ISAAC\\nLAWRENCE and GEORGE LANCEY, were yesterday released from confinement and\\nset free by the liberalhy ol Gen. Pierce, the newly appointed Sheriff of the county. The\\nfeelings of these men on the occasion, whose pros^ectSy but a few days since, were i7nprison^\\ntnentfor lifet can easier be conceived than descnbed. The scene was witnessed by numer-\\nous spectators, who rejoiced with the released prisoners, and vi\\\\iQ/eH glad with them that\\nthey were restored to liberty and breathed againyVi?(r air. On liberating the prisoners from\\ntheir continement, General Pierce read to them a handsome and feeling Address, wliich he\\nthen handed to Captain Brewer, as their discharge, or passport, as he kindly expressed it,\\nfrom prison.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 267\\nwere delighted with the short visit of the President. For his sake the\\nhatchet was buried for at least twenty-four hours a short truce, but a merry\\none.\\nAt Biddeford, Maine, the President was introduced to the venerable Dea-\\ncon Samuel Chase, now in the ggth year of his age. He addressed the Pres-\\nident with the simplicity of a Christian and the affection of a father. It was\\nan interesting scene. The good old man at parting rose and with all the\\ndignity of an ancient patriarch pronounced his blessing.\\nWhile at Portsmouth the President spent that part of the Sabbath which\\nwas not devoted to public, divine service, with that eminent patriot and\\nChristian, John Langdon. His tarry at the mansion of Gov. L. was proba-\\nbly longer than the time devoted to any individual in New England. It is\\nthus that the President evinced his partiality to our most distinguished and\\nillustrious citizen.\\nThe State-house at Concord was built in 1817, at an expense\\nof eighty tliousand dollars. The citizens of Concord contributed\\nliberally to the building fund. Governor Plumer recommended\\nthe state appropriation for this purpose in 1816. The location\\nof the state-house excited a furious contest, not only in Concord\\nbut in the legislature and throughout the state. The old state-\\nhouse had been nearer the north end of the main street. The\\ndwellers in that vicinity were influenced by pecuniary considera-\\ntions to demand of the legislature that the new building should\\nstand upon the old site. The representatives who were their\\nboarders were persuaded by them to adopt their interested\\nviews; and, as Mr. Toppan of Hampton said, they became the\\nrepresentatives of their respective boarding-houses, rather than\\nof the state. The spot selected for the new house was de-\\nnounced as a quagmire and a frog-pond. Colonel Prescott of\\nJaffrey amused the house with an account of the frogs he had\\nseen leaping about in the cellar, which might be expected at some\\nfuture time, should the court be held there, to make as much\\nnoise in it, he sai^, as I do now. The council was divided\\non this momentous subject and Governor Plumer, whose in-\\nfluence was supposed to decide the question, incurred great cen-\\nsure from many of his political friends. He had become unpop-\\nular with some leading men of the republican party, though the\\npeople were still his warm supporters. Messrs. Morrill, Pierce,\\nClaggett, Quarles and Butler were for various reasons unfriendly\\nto him. Morrill as speaker of the house impeded his plans in\\nthe constitution of committees. Pierce and Quarles in the\\ncouncil also opposed him. Still his policy prevailed and for\\nmore than fifty years there has been no complaint of croakers\\nin the cellar of the state-house but rather of those that came\\nup and covered the upper floors.\\nIn January 1817, John Quincy Adams, then minister to Eng-\\nland, wrote a long letter to Governor Plumer in commendation\\nof his message, of which he says\\nIt was republished entire in one of the newspapers of the most e.xten-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "268 HISTORY OF\\nsive circulation, not as, during our late war, some of our governors speeches\\nwere republished, to show the subserviency of the speakers to the bulwark\\nof our holy religion and to the press-gang, but, professedly, for the pure,\\npatriotic and genuine republican sentiments with which it abounded. It has\\nbeen a truly cheering contemplation to me to sec that the people of New\\nHampshire have recovered from the delusions of that unprincipled faction\\nwhich, under the name of Federalism, was driving them to the dissolution\\nof the Union, and, under the name of Washington, to British re-coloniza-\\ntion to see them returning to the counsels of sober, moderate men, who are\\nbiased by no feelings but those of public spirit and by no interests but those\\nof their country.\\nHe also bears unequivocal testimony to the moral effects of\\nthe late war, in which our victories, he says, have placed our\\ncharacter as a martial people on a level with the most respecta-\\nble nations of Europe.\\nGovernor Plumer closed his official life in 1819, by declining\\na reelection. In the spring of that year, Hon. Samuell Bell of\\nChester was chosen governor by a large majority over William\\nHale of Dover, the candidate of the federalists. But little in-\\nterest was manifested in the canvass. The storm of war had\\nbeen succeeded by the calm of peace and party leaders, like\\nexhausted athletes, retired from the arena of controversy to re-\\ncruit their strength for a new conflict.\\nCHAPTER LXXVn.\\ndartmoi;th college controversy.\\nEleazer Wheelock, the founder of Dartmouth college, was a\\nman large in heart, prudent in counsel, sagacious in design and\\nenergetic in execution. He was a Puritan in creed and an evan-\\ngelist in practice. He was a herald of modern revivals and\\nanticipated tire age of missions by nearly half a century. In the\\nfield of literary enterprise, he was gathering a harvest before\\nother educators were aware that the seed-time had arrived.\\nHon. Nathaniel Niles, distinguished for his dispassionate judg-\\nment and eminent legal learning, a trustee of the college as early\\nas 1793, a contemporary of the elder Wheelock and cognizant of\\nthe entire history of the college to the date of his record, in\\n1815, writes as follows:\\nThe venerable Dr. Eleazer Wheelock had, by his zeal, enterprise, ad-\\ndress and indefatigable exertions, created an Indian charity school, and as-\\ntonished everybody. He had procured for it great pecuniary resources and\\nan extensive and powerful patronage. He had extensive views and a daring", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 269\\nmind, and projected the conversion of it into a college in the wilderness. He\\napplied for a charter, obtained it and fixed on Hanover, forty or fifty miles\\ndistant from all considerable settlements, for the place of its establishment.\\nIn any other man this would have looked like a wild and hopeless project,\\nbut what this wonderful man had already achieved produced a general con-\\nfidence that he would succeed. I believe that no one of the trustees first\\nappointed (himself excepted) lived within one hundred miles of this place,\\nto which there was then no path that deserved the name of a road. They\\nwere part of them in Portsmouth and its vicinity and part in Connecticut.\\nProbably all of them wanted confidence in their own abilities to manage such\\na concern, and presumed, on the cvider.cc cf what he had already done, that\\nhe was equal to this prodigious enterprise, and said to themselves: Our\\nwisdom directs us to permit him both to devise and execute his bold projects.\\nWe eannot do better than to rest satisfied with the encouragement we can\\ngive him by sanctioning his proposition. It was wise in them to do so.\\nThus the management of everything, almost, was left to him, while the board\\ntook the responsibility on themselves. Such seem to have been the views of\\nthe trustees who were, at first, so distant as seldom to give a general attend-\\nance at the board. Additional circumstances gave the president a decided\\ncontroflh the board itself. One of his sons-in-law had been appointed a\\ntrustee by the charter. In 1773 Mr. Woodw^ard, another son-in-law, and Dr.\\nBurroughs, who looked up to the president as to an almost infallible judge,\\nwere elected, and in 1776 Mr. Ripley, another son-in-law, was elected.\\nThe votes of the members had generally the same effect as would have re-\\nsulted from the president s having as many votes of his own, and formed a\\nmajority when there were present a bare quorum. These, except Mr. Pat-\\nten, were near at hand, while the other trustees were at a great distance and\\nseldom attended. If the influence of the president was thus supreme in the\\nboard it was not less so in the executive. He had for his assistant instruc-\\ntors two sons, two sons-in-law, and Dr. John Smith. The last was, in sort,\\nadopted into his family, and had imbibed sentiments so profoundly obse-\\nquious that he was probably never known, undcrstandingly, to thwart any o\u00c2\u00a3\\nthe president s views so that, in effect, the president had in his own hands\\nthe uncontrolled direction of all the elections, appointments, instruction and\\ngovernment in every department. His authority extended even beyond his\\nlife. He had been authorized to appoint his successor, and he did appoint\\nhis son, who had been a tutor for seven years and had witnessed the exposi-\\ntion of the character exhibited by his father. In such circumstances it was\\nextremely natural, if not almost unavoidable, for him, unless he had more\\nthan a common share of common sense and common modesty, to regard as\\ndevolving on himself all the powers which had been exercised by his prede-\\ncessor. He was sole heir to his father, as to his office, and might perhaps\\nhonestly think he was also heir to his abilities. Besides there were circum-\\nstances which strongly tended to create in him a belief that he was well\\nqualified to copy his fathers example, and therefore worthy of the same\\nconfidence, authority and preeminence. He had commanded a regiment in\\nthe army, and naturally felt in himself that spirit of domination incident to\\nthe military character. He, no doubt, thought he knew how to govern.\\nFurther, he had (according to his own account) the esteem and confidence\\nof many great men in America, France and Great Britain. These items,\\nunited in one round sum, were enough to turn any man s head, unless ho was\\nsomething more than common. Here we see the occasion of the president s\\nexorbitant claims and his dolorous complaints.\\nSlight differences of opinion between the second president and\\nhis colleagues sprang up from the very beginning of his adminis-\\ntration. The matters in dispute were at first local and ecclesiasti-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "270\\nHISTORY OF\\ncal then literary and financial, and finally they became personal\\nand official. They agitated first the church, then the village and\\nfaculty. They passed to the legislature and the state court, and\\nfinally, by appeal, the controversy was decided by the supreme\\ncourt of the United States. The question at issue was supposed\\nto involve the existence and usefulness of every eleemosynary\\ninstitution in the country. In his pastorate in Lebanon, Conn.,\\nthe first president of the college was a Congregationalist. When\\nhe came to Hanover he deemed it expedient in the organization\\nof a new church to adopt the Presbyterian form of government.\\nThe Scotch fund for the education of Indians, in connection\\nwith Moor s Charity School, was of course controlled by Presby-\\nterians and a cordial sympathy with the donors was thought\\nto be essential to the highest success of their benefactions.\\nEven at that early day the differences between the Congregation-\\nalists and Presbyterians were regarded as no bar to the change\\nof church relationship from one to the other. But it sometimes\\nhappens that very slight differences, even in external matters,\\nlead to very grave disputes and the bitterness of the contro-\\nversy is in the inverse ratio to its importance.\\nAs we have no other autliority, both contemporary and au-\\nthentic, respecting the church difficulties in Hanover, we again\\nquote from the careful, considerate and, in some sense, the ofiicial\\nrecord of Judge Niles. He writes\\nAt an earlv day. Dr. E. Wheelock collected a church at Dartmouth Col-\\nlege. It may be considered as consisting of two branches, distinguished by\\nthe distance of their local situations one of them being in the vicinity of\\nthe college and the other in Hartford, Vermont. This union took place\\nwhile neither part was able to provide preaching for itself. After some time,\\nhowever, the members living in Hartford erected a house for public wor-\\nship, and generally supported preaching in it, while those near the college\\nassembled for worship, with the members of college, first in the chapel and\\nafterwards in the meeting-house. Yet they celebrated the Lord s supper,\\nsometimes at Hanover and sometimes at Hartford, and although they thought\\nthemselves Presbyterians, they often found it convenient to have church\\nmeetings. They met on occasion of the election of Dr. Worcester as pro-\\nfessor of Divinity, and passed several votes expressive of their being, and\\ndesigning to continue to be, Presbyterians, and that Dr. Smith was, and that\\nthey chose he should continue to be, their pastor. This was an offensive\\ndisappointment to the body of professors and others on the Plain. They had\\non some account become dissatisfied with Dr. Smith, both as pastor and\\nteacher, although they loved him as a man and as a neighbor and having\\nexpected that the professor of Theology, when one should be appointed,\\nwould be both teacher and pastor, and the election of Dr. Worcester being\\nhighly pleasing to them, they found themselves greatly disappointed in their\\nhopes by these votes, which they suspected had been passed with a view to\\nprevent the professor-elect from accepting the appointment, and still to hold\\nthem unpleasantly confined under the administration of Dr. Smith.\\nDr. Worcester having declined to accept the professorship\\ntendered to him, Roswell ShurtlefE was elected to that chair in", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "I\\nNEW HAMPSHIRE. 27 1\\n1804. This appointment by the trustees put a new face upon\\nthe controversy. A majority of the church members resided in\\nHartford. It was in their power to control, by major vote, all\\nthe plans of those who resided in Hanover. A long correspon-\\ndence ensued various propositions were made by the minority\\nbut all were rejected. That portion of the church and congre-\\ngation who resided upon the Plain, with few exceptions, desired\\nthat Prof. Shurtleff should officiate as colleague to Dr. Smith.\\nThis request was preferred to him in September, 1804. He de-\\nclined the invitation. Then the Hanover branch of the church\\nrequested the Hartford branch to allow Prof. Shurtleff to receive\\nordination at large and take the pastoral care of the Hanover\\npeople, while Dr. Smith should continue to officiate at Hartford.\\nThis proposition was declined. Then the Hanover branch peti-\\ntioned for a mutual council to determine whether two churches\\nshould be formed, by a local division, leaving one in New Hamp-\\nshire and the other in Vermont. This petition was rejected.\\nThereupon the Hanover people called an ex parte council to ad-\\nvise with them concerning their difficulties. The council recom-\\nmended a division. This result was not accepted by the Hart-\\nford people. The trustees were requested to interpose their\\nofficial power and settle the dispute. They so far succeeded as\\nto secure a mutual council, who said We judge it expedient\\nthat there be but one church at present in connection with Dart-\\nmouth College, denominated as formerly, consisting of two\\nbranches, one on the east side and the other on the west side of\\nConnecticut river, under the same covenant as heretofore that\\neach branch have an independent and exclusive right of admit-\\nting and disciplining its own members that each branch, also,\\nhave the exclusive privilege of employing and settling a minister\\nof their own choice with other exclusive rights and powers to\\nbe enjoyed by each branch, as though it constituted a distinct\\nand separate church. This decree of council was variously in-\\nterpreted the Hartford branch claimed, under its provisions,\\nsupremacy in the government of the entire church and the\\nHanover branch claimed independency, from the same authority,\\nand proceeded to adopt a congregational form of government.\\nWe quote from Judge Niles\\nThose members o\u00c2\u00a3 the church living in Hanover, and who had been\\nformed into a Congregational church, after having in vain solicited the church\\nto which they belonged to unite with them in calling a council to enquire\\ninto the expediency of a division, invited an ex parte council for advice and\\nafterwards at the desire of the president, Mr. Shurtleff was allowed to ex-\\nchange with other ministers, with an exception of those clergymen who, as\\nthe sketcher expresses it, dare J to encroacli on Presbyterian ground, to inter-\\nfere with its government, extract its members to form them into a new eccle-\\nsiastical machine. Here is a just portrait of the president s own liberal\\nCatholicism. A number of his brethren thought themselves oppressed, and", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "272 HISTORY OF\\nbelieved it would contribute to their comfort and edification to become a dis-\\ntinct church, and wished for counsel and advice respecting the subject. They\\nwished to have the concurrence of their brethren in the choice of the coun-\\nselors, but this was refused. They called in a council of ministers, and\\nthese ministers are prohibited from preaching at Hanover. For what. Why\\nbecause they had encroached on FrcsOytcrian ground What did they do?\\nThey interfered with presbyterian government, by counseling some of its\\nsubjects, who said they were opposed. So then, these brethren must remain\\nin their present connexion, unless they should go an hundred miles to find a\\nPresbytery to whom they might complain and ministers of the gospel must,\\nas to the president, be silenced, because they dared to encroach on Presby-\\nterian ground.\\nThe president, John Wheelock, and Prof. John Smith who was\\nacting as pastor of the old cliurch, still favored the presbyterian\\nform of government and were opposed to the new church. Here\\nwas planted a seed wliich grew and became a mighty tree whose\\nbranches, in some sense, overshadowed the whole land Behold\\nhow great a matter a little fire kindleth. From 1804 to 1814,\\nthe controversy was chiefly local, disturbing the harmony of the\\nvillage church and impeding the vigorous administration of the\\ncollege, both in the faculty and board of trust. At the latter\\ndate the public became interested in the quarrel, and began to\\ntake sides as their political or religious preferences inclined.\\nDuring the whole of the year, 1815 the press in New Hampshire\\nprobably devoted as much space to Dartmouth College as to\\npolitical matters. In some instances the leading journals of the\\nstate devoted five or si.x columns to original articles pertaining\\nto the college controversy. The parties mutually charged each\\nother with bigotry, intolerance and hypocrisy. The dispute soon\\nbecame political in its character and federalists and republi-\\ncans became earnest defenders of particular forms of ecclesiasti-\\ncal government. The republicans in this case were generally\\nPresbyterians, and the federalists Congregationalists. The for-\\nmer assailed, the latter defended, the action of the majority of\\nthe faculty and trustees. At the June session of the legislature\\nin 1815, President Wheelock called on that body to redress his\\nwrongs real and imaginar} The following extract from his\\nMemorial contains the charges preferred by him against the\\ntrustees. Speaking of himself, he says\\nWill you permit him to suggest there is reason to fear that those who\\nhold in trust the concerns of this Seminary have forsaken its original prin-\\nciples, and left the path of their predecessors. It is unnecessary to relate\\nhow the evil commenced in its embryo state by what means and practices,\\nJudjre Banclt, in his memori.il address on the Life and Character of the Hon. Charles\\nMarsh, thus speaks of President John Wheelock As the son, htir, and successor of Dr.\\nEleazar Wheelock, the founder and first president of the college, he conceived and was ap-\\nparently acting upon the idea tl-at, although under the charier the college was a private\\neleemosynary corporation, yet it was in reality a cori^oration sole, and he was the sole cor-\\nporator. His course of administnttion, in reference to all its interests, seemed to indicate that\\nhe repcarded it as rerJ y a private foundation, in the benefits of which the public mi;ht share\\nunder such a pr.aclical governance as to him should seem meet and that it was his ri;5ht to\\nsubordinate the public interests to his own pergonal views and purposes.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 273\\nthey, thus deviating, have in recent years, with the same object in view, in-\\ncreased their number to a majority controlling the measures of the Board;\\nbut more important is it to lay before you, that there are serious grounds to\\nexcite apprehensions of the great impropriety and dangerous tendency of\\ntheir proceedings reasons to believe that they have applied property to\\npurposes wholly alien from the intentions of the donors, and under peculiar\\ncircumstances to excite regret that they have in the series of their move-\\nments to promote party views transformed the moral and religious order of the\\ninstitution by depriving many of their innocent enjoyment of rights and priv-\\nileges, for which they had confided in their faith; that they have broken down\\nthe barriers and violated the charter, by prostrating the rights with which it\\nexpressly invests the presidential office that to subserve their purpose, they\\nhave adopted improper methods in their appointments of executive officers,\\nnaturally tending to embarrass and obstruct the harmonious government and\\ninstruction of the seminary; that they have extended their powers which\\nthe charter confines to the college, to form connection with an academy, in\\nexclusion of the other academies in the state, cementing an alliance with its\\noverseers, and furnishing aid from the college treasury for their students;\\nthat they have perverted the power, which by the incorporation they ought\\nto exercise over a branch of Moor s Charity School, and have obstructed the\\napplication of its fund according to the nature of the establishment and the\\ndesign of the donors and that their measures have been oppressive to your\\nmemorialist in the discharge of his office.\\nWhile the population was sparse m the newly settled tovi ns\\non the banks of the Connecticut, it was natural that unions should\\nbe formed by the inhabitants of adjacent towns for the support\\nof the gospel. We are not surprised, therefore, that Hartford,\\nin Vermont, and Hanover, in New Hampshire, gathered in early\\ntimes their scattered population into one church bat when each\\ntown became strong enough to act alone, it seems marvelous\\nthat the majority, living at a distance from the college commu-\\nnit)^, should compel them to perpetuate a reluctant and offensive\\nunion with themselves. The efforts to be released were persist-\\nent and numerous. For years in succession, the Hanover peo-\\nple petitioned, labdred and contended for an independent ex-\\nistence a majority of the trustees advised a separation two\\nministerial councils approved it the Orange Association in Ver-\\nmont twice recommended it. The president, however, refused his\\nconsent, because one strong arm of his power would be broken\\nb) placing him in the minority of the village church. Etc re\\ngarded the ecclesiastical feud as the fruitful source of all liis\\nwoes. It was a nucleus about which other official difficulties\\nclustered. The beginning of strife is as when one letteth out\\nwater. The old channel is ever enlarging and new tributaries\\nflow in. The vague and magniloquent indictment, which the\\npresident presented to the legislature, was followed by an ex-\\npanded appeal to the public entitled, Sketches of the History\\nof Dartmouth College, from the same pen, with a second pam-\\nphlet by Dr. Parish, a warm friend of the president, entitled A\\nCandid Analytical Review of the Sketches, in which the learned\\ni8", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "2 74 HISTORY OF\\nDoctor made a special plea for the venerable president. These\\npublications called out vindications, replies, rejoinders and sur-\\nrejoinders,\\nThick as Autumnal leaves that strew the brooks\\nIn Valombrosa.\\nEvery newspaper in the state took sides on this local question.\\nThe specific counts in the president s pompous complaint were\\nthe violation of religious ordinances, the perversion of the Phil-\\nlips fund, and usurpation of the powers of government and in-\\nstruction in the college. He seemed to regard himself, as his\\nhonored father was, as corporation sole, in the administration\\nof the pecuniary and literary affairs of the college. The trustees\\nclaimed a share in the government and instruction of the college\\nand appealed to the charter for authority. One clause in that\\ninstrument is thus worded\\nAnd we do further, of our special grace and certain knowl-\\nedge and mere motion, will, give and grant unto the said trustees\\nof Dartmouth College, that they and their successors, or a major\\npart of any seven, or more of them, v. hich shall convene for that\\npurpose, as above directed, may make and they are Jiercby fully\\nempowered, from time to time, to make and establish such ordi-\\nnances, orders and laws, as may tend to the good and wholesome\\ngovernment of the said college and all the students and the\\nseveral officers and ministers thereof, and ta the public benefit of\\nthe same, not repugnant to the lams and statutes of our realm of\\nGreat Britain, or of this our proiwice of New Ifamfsliire, and not\\nexcluding any person of any religious denoi?iination whatsoever\\nfrom free and equal liberty and advantagss of education, or from\\nany of the liberties and privileges or immunities of the said college,\\non account of his or their speculative sentiments in religion or of his\\nor their being of a religious profession different from said trustees of\\nsaid college. And such ordinances, orders, or laws, which shall,\\nas aforesaid, be made, we do by these presents, for us, our\\nheirs and successors, ratify, allow of ancl confirm as good and\\neffectual to oblige all the students and the several officers and\\nministers of said college. And we do hereby authorize and em-\\npower the said trustees of Dartmouth College, and the president,\\ntutors and professors by them elected and appointed, as afore-\\nsaid, to put such ordinances, laws and orders into execution to\\nill intents and purposes. Such are the powers vested in the\\n:rustees to govern and regulate all the collegiate duties and\\n;onduct of all the officers, ministers and students of the college.\\nAt the annual meeting of the trustees holden by adjournment\\nat Dartmouth College, August 24, 1815, after some unsatisfactory\\ncorrespondence between the president and the board, Mr. Paine", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 275\\nsubmitted the following preamble and rt-sohition, which were\\nadopted with two dissenting votes\\nCases sometimes occur when it becomes expedient that corporate bodies,\\nwhatever confidence they may feel respecting the rectitude and propriety of\\ntheir own measures, shonkl explain the ground of them to the jsulilic. Such\\nan explanation becomes peculiarly important when the concerns committed\\nto their care are dependent on public opinion for their prosperity and suc-\\ncess. Into such a situation the trustees of Dartmouth College consider\\nthemselves to be now brought. Under a sense cf this duty they liavc already\\ncheerfully submitted their past acts to the inspection of a committee of the\\nlegislature of the State, and from a similar view of duty they now proceed\\nto state the reasons that lead them to withdraw their further assent to the\\nnomination and appointment of Dr. John Whe elock to the presidency of\\nDartmouth College.\\nFirst. He has had an agency in publishing and circulating a certain anon-\\nymous pamphlet, entitled, Sketches of the History of Dartmouth ColJege\\nand Moore s Charity School, and espoused the charges therein contained\\nbefore the committee of the legislature. Whatever might be our views\\nof the principles which had gained an ascendency in the mind of President\\nWheelock, we could not, without the most undeniable evidence, have believed\\nthat he could have communicated sentiments so entirely repugnant to truth,\\nor that any person, who was not as destitute of discernment as of integrity,\\nwould have charged on a public body as a crime those things which notori-\\nously received his imqualificd concurrence, and sonie of which were done by\\nhis special recommendation. The trustees consider the above-mentioned\\npublication as a gross and unprovoked libel on the institution, and the said\\nDr. Wheelock neglects to take any measure to repair an injury v. hich is\\ndirectly aimed at its reputation, and calculated to destroy its usefulness.\\nSecondly. He has set up and insists on claims which the charter by no fair\\nconstruction does allow claims which in their operation would deprive the\\ncorporation of all its powers. He claims a right to e.xercise the whole execu-\\ntive authority of the college which the charter has expressly committed to\\nthe trustees, with the president, tutors, and professors by them appointed.\\nHe also seems to claim a right to control the corporation in the appointment\\nof executive officers, inasmuch as he has reproached them with great severity\\nior choosing men who do not in all respects meet his wishes, and thereby\\nembarrass the proceetlings of the board.\\nTliirdly. From a variety of circumstances, the trustees have had reason\\nto conclude that he has embarrassed the proceedings of the executive officers\\nby causing an impression to be made on the minds of such students as have\\nfallen under censure for transgressions of the laws of the institution, that if\\nhe could have had his will they would not have suffered disgrace or\\npunishment.\\nFourthly. The trustees have obtained satisfactory evi. .ence that Dr.\\nWheelock has been guilty of manifest fraud in the applicatio.i of the funds\\ncf Moor s school, by taking a youth who was not an Indian, but adopted by\\nan Indian tribe, under an Indian name, and supporting him on the .Scotch\\nfund, which was granted for the solo purpose of instructing aud civi; zing\\nIndians.\\nFifthly. It is manifest to the trustees that Dr. Wheelock has in various\\nways given rise and circulation to a report that the real cause of the dissatis-\\nfaction of the trustees with him was a diversity of religious opinions between\\nhim and them, when in truth and fact no such diversity was known to e:;ist,\\nas he has publicly acknowledged before the committee of the legislature ap-\\npointed to investigate the affairs of the college.\\nThe trustees adopt this solemn measure from a full conviction tiiat tlie", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "276 HISTORY OF\\ncause of truth, the interest of this institution, and of science in general, re-\\nquire it. It is from a deep conviction that the college can no longer prosper\\nunder his presidency. They would gladly have avoided this painful crisis.\\nFrom a respect to the honored father of t)r. Wheclock, the founder of this\\ninstitution, they had hoped that they might have continued him in the presi-\\ndency as long as he was competent to discharge its duties.\\nThey feel that this measure cannot be construed into any disrespect to the\\nlegislature of New Hampsihire, whose sole object in the appointment of a\\ncommittee to investigate the affairs of the college must have been to ascer-\\ntain if the trustees had forfeited their charter, and not whether they had ex-\\nercised their charter powers discreetly or indiscreetly not whether they\\nhad treated either of the executive officers of the college with jjropriety or\\nimpropriety. They will ever submit to the authority of law. The legisla-\\nture have appointed a committee to examine the concerns of the college and\\nthe school generally. The trustees met that committee with promptitude,\\nand frankly exhibited every measure of theirs which had been a subject of\\ncomplaint, and all the concerns of the institution as far as their knowledge\\nand means would permit. They wish to have their acts made as public as\\npossible. The committee of the legislature will report the facts, and the\\ntrustees will cheerfully meet the issue before any tribunal competent to try\\nthem, according to the principles of their charter.\\nThey consider this crisis as a severe trial to the institution but they be-\\nlieve that in order to entertain a hope that it will flourish and be useful they\\nmust be faithful to their trust, that they must not approve of an ofiSccr who\\nlabors to destroy its reputation and embarrass its internal concerns. They\\nwill yet hope that under the smiles of Divine Providence this institution\\nwill continue to flourish, and be a great blessing to generations to come.\\nTuERiii-ORE Resolved, That the appointment of Dr. John Wheelock\\nto the presidency of this college by rlie last will of the Rev. Eleaz.\\\\r\\nWheelock, the founder and first president of this college be, and the same\\nis hereby, by the trustees of said college, disapproved. And it is further\\nJ^esohcd, That the said Dr. John Wheelock, for the reasons aforesaid,\\nbe, and he is hereby, displaced and removed from the office of president ot\\nsaid college.\\nJ\\\\csolvL tf, That for the reasons before stated the said trustees deem the\\nsaid Dr. John Wheelock unfit to serve the interests of the college as a\\ntrustee of the same, and that therefore he be displaced and removed .from\\nthe said office of a trustee of said college, and that the trustees will, as soon\\nas may be, elect and appoint such trustee as shall supply the place of the\\nsaid Dr. John Wheelock as a trustee.\\nJicsohrd, That for the reasons aforesaid, the said Dr. John Wheelock\\nbe, and he is hereby, removed from the office of professor of history in this\\ncollege.\\nThe removal of Dr. Wheelock gave new intensity to the quar-\\nrel. The crisis had come there were no neutrals in the state.\\nEvery man was a friend or enemy of the college. The contro-\\nversy became political and the college question took precedence\\nof the interests of the state and nation.\\nOn the twenty-seventh day of June, 18 16, an act was passed\\nby the New Hampshire legislature entitled an Act to amend\\nthe Charter and enlarge and improve the Corporation of Dart-\\nmouth College. This act virtually constituted a new Univer-\\nsity, with a board of twenty-five overseers, all politicians of\\ncourse, whose power was in one sense omnipotent, because, like", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 277\\nthe Roman tribunes, they could arrest all the proceedings of\\nthe trustees by a simple veto. The number of the trustees was\\nso enlarged as to give a majority of that body to the dominant\\nparty in the state. Under this act the Dartmouth University\\nwas set up side by side with Dartmouth College, v. hose guardians\\naijd professors refused to submit to the new board and the new\\nact of incorporation. After the passage of the legislative act,\\nthe trustees, in August, 18 16. put upon their records the follow-\\ning facts, with explanations. We have room only for the facts.\\nThe trustees of Dartmouth College have been informed through\\nthe public newspapers that the legislature of New Hampshire,\\nat their last June session, passed an act in the following words,\\nviz. [Here the act is recited.]\\nThe trustees deem it their duty to place on their records the\\nfollowing facts\\nAt the session of the legislature of the state holden in June,\\nA. D. 18 1 5, Doctor John Wheelock, the then president of the\\ncollege, presented a memorial to that body, in which he charged\\na majority of the trustees ot the college with gross misbehavior\\nin office.\\nDoctor Wheelock s memorial was committed to a joint com-\\nmittee of both branches of the legislature, and he was fully\\nheard before the committee ex parte, neither the trustees nor the\\nmembers then present being notified or heard.\\nThe legislature thereupon appointed the Honorable Daniel A.\\nWhite, Nathaniel A. Haven and Rev. Ephraim P. Bradford, a\\ncommittee to repair to the college and investigate facts and re-\\nport thereon. The same committee did, in August following,\\nmeet at the college, heard both Doctor Wheelock in support of\\nhis cliarges against the trustees and their defence, and at the\\nsession of the legislature in June last made their report, which\\nhas been published.\\nThe report of facts made by Messrs. White, Haven and Brad-\\nford was committed to a joint committee of both branches, and\\nthis last committee in their report expressly dcelinc eonsidering the\\nreport of facts as the proper ground upon which the legislature\\nought to proceed in relation to the college.\\nThe trustees were not notified at any stage of the proceedings\\nto appear by themselves or agent before the legislature and\\nanswer the charges e.xhibited against them by the said Wheelock.\\nThomas W. Thompson, Elijah Paine, and Asa M Farland, three\\nof the trustees implicated, attended the legislature in June last,\\nand respectfully petitioned for the privilege of being heard on\\nthe floor of the house (a privilege seldom denied to parties in\\ninterest) in behalf of themselves and the other trustees, but\\nwere refused.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "2^8 HISTORY OF\\nDuring the same session the said Thompson, Paine and M Far-\\nland presented to the legislature a remonstrance against the pas-\\nsage of the bill relating to the college, then pending.\\nAnd afterwards, on the 24th day of June, the said Thompson\\nand M Farland presented to the legislature another remonstrance\\nagainst the passage of the act now under consideration.\\nBoth remonstrances were read and laid on the table.\\nNo facts were proved to the legislature, and no report of facts\\nof an} legislative committee was made to show that the state\\nof things at the college rendered any legislative interference\\nnecessary.\\nThe act passed by small majorities in the house of repre-\\nsentatives and the seiiate.\\nThe trustees forbear to make any comment on the foregoing\\nfacts.\\nThe guardians of the college were moved by a profound con-\\nviction of the justice, equity and vital consequence of the ques-\\ntion. Otherwise it might not then, at least, have received the\\nthorough defence of Smith and Mason, Hopkinson and Web-\\nster, nor the luminous and ample decision of Marshall and Stoiy,\\na decision which, not over-estimated, I suppose, in the judgment\\npronounced upon it by Chancellor Kent, has gone far beyond\\nthe immediate issue, and, by removing our colleges from the\\nfluctuating influence of party and faction, has helped to make\\nthem what they should be high neutral powers in the state,\\ndevoted to the establishing and inculcating of principles; where\\nmay shine the lumen siccimi, the dry light of wisdom and learn-\\ning, untinged by the vapors of the cave or the breath of the\\nforum.\\nThe men who defended the college in the hour of her extreme\\nperil deserve more than a passing notice. The trustees, the\\npresident and professors of the college, the lawyers who triumph-\\nantly repelled the assault of foes without and foes within, were\\nall men of mark. Some of them have no peers in the literary\\nand judicial records of our country. The true glory of New\\nHampshire is in her sons both native and adopted. They ha\\\\-e\\nmade her history renowned and deserve the grateful remem-\\nbrance of succeeding generations. From the gallery of illus-\\ntrious names associated with the college controversy I select a\\nfew portraits drawn by the hands of masters. At the head of\\nthe list stands the youthful president, Francis Brown, who en-\\ntered upon his laborious and perilous duties at the age of thirty.\\nFrom an eloquent sketch of this distinguished college officer by\\nRev. Henry Wood, I select the following paragraphs\\nIt was a characteristic of president Brown, that he was always equal to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 279\\nany emergency; no call could be made upon his resources unhonored. At a\\nword, all the sleeping energies of his mind came up in theii glowing beauty\\nand just proportions, awakening the admiration and securing the confidence\\nof timid friends, and overawing the presumption that already exulted in the\\noverthrow of the college. Reluctantly given up by his people, he had only\\nto touch again the soil of his native state, and move amid the eyes and ears\\nof its citizens, to be admitted as that superior mind which Providence had\\nraised up and kept, like Moses in the desert, for this very crisis. A certain\\ndignity of person, altogether native and inimitable, made every one feel him-\\nself in the presence of original greatness, in honoring which he also honored\\nhimself. Such were the conciliation and command belonging to his character,\\nthat from the first moment of his reappearance in his own state, the voice of\\ndetraction was silent; whoever else was rebuked, he escaped, whom all\\nconspired to honor.\\nIn the meantime, political exasperation, unappeased by the lapse of time\\nfor reflection, marched onward to its object. Notwithstanding the investiga-\\ntion of their committee, the legislature utterly refused to accept their report\\nas the basis of their proceedings. An act was passed, annulling the original\\ncharter, giving a new name to the college, increasing the number of the\\ntrustees, creating a board of overseers, and placing the institution in all its\\ndepartments and interests in abject dependence upon any party legislature.\\nThe students, almost without exception, still attended the instruction of\\nprofessors in the old college, even when they were expelled from the college\\nbuildings, deprived of libraries, apparatus and recitation-rooms. A penal\\nenactment was judged expedient by this enlightened legislature, imposing a\\nfine of five hundred dollars upon any one who should presume to act as\\ntrustee, president, professor, tutor, or any other officer in Dartmouth College;\\nfor every instance of offence, one-half of the penalty to be appropriated for\\nthe benefit of the prosecutor, and the other for the encouragement of learn-\\ning I .Such was the hold of a superior mind upon the attachment and confi-\\ndence of the students, that still they followed their proscribed, exiled presi-\\ndent w ith the affection of children and the heroism of martyrs. He opened\\na new chapel, procured other recitation-rooms, morning and evening gathered\\nhis pupils around him, in the devotions of a pure and confiding heart com-\\nmended them and himself to God. Through this scene of strife and peril\\nof more than five years continuance, when the chances against the college\\nwere in preponderance, when disgrace in the public estimation, together\\nwith a forfeiture of academical honors, was what the students expected as\\nthe result of their adherence to the old faculty, so absolute was the power\\nof a great mind and noble heart over them, so effectual was moral influence\\nin the government of more than one hundred young men when college laws\\nwere stripped of authority, that never was discipline more thorough, study\\nmore ardent, or proficiency more respectable. Three of the presidents and\\nnine of the professors in our colleges, besides a large number of the most\\nresolute, aspiring, useful members of the different professions, are the children\\nnursed and cradled in the storms of that time. The college moved on-\\nward commencements were held degrees were conferred new students\\ncrowded around the president to take the place of the graduated when edicts\\nwere fulminated, and penalties imposed for every prayer that was offered in\\nthe chapel and eveiy act of instruction in the recitation room.\\nNever has a cause been litigated in our country more important from the\\nprinciple to be established, and the interests remotely involved. The exist-\\nence, not only of this but of all seminaries for education, and of all corpo-\\nrate bodies whatever, was suspended upon the present decision. The per-\\nmanence of all the institutions of our country, whether charitable, literary,\\nor religious, and indeed the very character of the nation in its future stages,\\nwere connected with this adjudication upon a point of constitutional law.\\nSuch was the confidence reposed in the president s judgment, and in his", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "28o HISTORY OF\\nknowledge of the case, that the eminent professional men engaged for the\\ncollege did not hesitate to receive his advice, and urge his attendance at the\\ncourt s; the case would seem almost to have been prepared in his study and\\ndrawn out by his own hand. Honorable testimonials have they left of the\\nopinion they entertained of his capacity, by their frequent consultations\\nhonorable also to themselves, in the evidence that they were not ashamed to\\nacknowledge merit when found in a young man guiding and protecting an\\nunpopular and unpromising cause. Never have higher legal attainments\\nbeen brought into powerful and splendid exhibition at the bar of our country.\\nOn the one side, in behalf of the college, were Jeremiah Smith and Jeremiah\\nMason, those men of renown in the civil jurisprudence of the state; and\\nDaniel Webster, a son of the college, just entering upon his luminous career\\nof eloquence in the senate and the forum; and Joseph Hopkinsonof\\nPhiladelphia, who, when he had exerted all that admirable talent for which\\nhe is so distinguished in the final trial at Washington, did not refuse this\\nhomage to brilliant genius and vigorous intellect, when he said in a letter\\nwritten to President Brown announcing the happy and final decision I\\nwould advise vou to inscribe over the door of your institution. Founded\\nBY ElEAZAR WlIEELOCK: Re-founded liY Daniki, Webster. On the\\nother side were emploved John Holmes of Maine, William Pinckney of\\nBaltimore, and that most accomplished scholar, that ornament of our country,\\nthat disciple at last of the Savior, of whose talents and honorable conduct\\nin this case even his professional opponents make the most respectable\\nmention, William Wirt, attorney-general of the United States. Whatever\\nresearch, argument, eloquence, could do for a cause, or against it, was done\\nin the process of this trial. In the superior court of New Hampshire,\\nNovember, 1817, a decision was given against the pretensions of the trustees.\\nWithout delay, and apparently without dejection, on the part of President\\nBrown, the cause was carried up to the supreme court of the United States\\nat Washington, where it was argued in the March following, with the utmost\\nlegal learning, and the most fervid eloquence these distinguished advocates\\ncould command, and, as it would seem, on the part of some with the serious,\\nreligious convictions of duty. The case was deferred by the court for ad-\\nvisement till the February term of 1819, when to the entire satisfaction of\\nthe patrons of the college, and with the devout thanksgiving of the friends\\nof learning and religion throughout the land, the claims of the trustees were\\nsustained against the fear of all future legislative despotism and party inter-\\nmeddling. Others would have exulted President Brown was humble. They\\nwould have triumphed over a fallen foe he, on the contrary, was more cour-\\nteous and conciliating. They wculd have taken the praise to their able coun-\\nsel and perseverance he ascribed the whole to Heaven. There was the\\nsame composure of countenance, the same earnest and direct address to\\nduty too much occupied by God s goodness to be anything but abased and\\ndevout.\\nFrom the address of Prof. S. G. Brown, delivered before the\\nakimni of Dartmouth College in 1855, I select the following\\nsketch of the trustees who managed the affairs of the college\\nduring the controversy\\nIf we turn our attention to its board of trustees for the first quarter of\\nthe century, we shall find quite an uncommon collection of persons of emi-\\nnent intellectual ability. Some united thorough learning in the law with the\\nfar-reaching views of statesmen. Some were profound metaphysicians and\\ntheologians. There were men well versed in affairs, men of^ immovable\\nfirmness, of unsullied probity, of deep religious convictions.\\nThere rises first before the memory the somewhat attenuated and angular\\nform of Nathaniel Niles, a schcomiate of the elder Adams, whom he loved", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 261\\nhis life long, and mainly, it would seem, because at school John Adams was\\nthe terror of the big bad boys, who in his absence would oppress the little ones\\na graduate of Nassau Hall a follower of Jefferson in politics, yet practi\\ncally rather conservative, and of Calvin in theology, yet apparently some-\\ntimes verging toward his opponents an acute metaphysician, a little in-\\nclined to the opposite side; half author, in conjunction with Dr. Burton, of\\nthe Taste-sclume, so called, yet walking independently, and not precisely\\nagreeing with his sharp-minded friend a great reader, keeping up remark-\\nably with the progress of science, and renewing in his old age his knowledge\\nof Latin; a shrewd judge and an indefatigable opponent. Beside him stood\\nElijah Paine, with a physical frame put together with sinews of brass, his\\nvoice clear and audible at the distance of three cjuarters of a mile, remark-\\nable for high-toned integrity, clear-minded, honest-hearted and upright, of\\nwhom it issaid by a most competent judge, that the supposition of any\\nthing like injustice or oppression where Elijah Paine was present was a\\npalpable absurdity, not to be believed for a moment, appearing sometimes\\nto be severe when he really meant to be only just and true, a little obsti-\\nnate, perhaps, especially if any good or right thing was opposed, and per-\\nfectly inflexible if it was opposed by unfair and improper means.\\nSide by side was seen Charles iVIarsh, a lawyer more thoroughly read than\\neither, on whose solid, immovable, quieting strength one might lean and\\nrest, if erring, erring with a right purpose, simple and without pretension,\\nlike his relative, Mr. Mason, but when once engaged in any cause, unflagging\\nand unyielding, bringing to bear upon every subject the strength of a pene-\\ntrating and tenacious understanding, and resting with perfect confidence and\\nfearlessness upon his own convictions of both right and duty.\\nOf the same general character of transparent purpose, of remarkable\\nequanimity, undisturbed by difficulties and serene in uprightness, was Tim-\\nothy Farrar, whose eye was not dim, nor his natural force abated, though he\\nwas drawing toward the farthest verge of the ordinary limit of human life,\\nand who finally, in 1S47, was gathered to his grave in peace, at the extreme\\nage of one hundred years. In contrast, yet in harmony, w as seen Thomas\\nW. Thompson like Judge Paine, a graduate and a tutor of Harvard, of\\ncourtly ways, refined and cultivated in manners, with deep religious convic-\\ntions, and a supporter of everything good in circumstances where a loose\\nholding to principle would have subjected him to less inconvenience.\\nContemporary with these were Rev. Drs. Payson and McFarland, whose\\npraise was in all the chinches, and whose names added dignity and strength\\nto whatever society or mstitution they w ere connected with. And if we fol-\\nlow down the list, how soon do we come upon the ever honored name of\\nEzekiel Webster, then in the fullness of uncommon manly beauty and undis-\\nputed intellectual preeminence.\\nHis own fair countenance, his kingly forehead,\\nThe sense and spirit, and the light divine.\\nAt the same moment in his steadfast eye.\\nWere virtue s native crest, the immortal souVs\\nUnconscious meek seif-heraldry.\\nAfter the lapse of fifty years we are astonished at the evi-\\ndence of party feeling which the college controversy elicited.\\nWhen it passed from the academic shades of Hanover and\\nentered the halls of legislation, it became a mere political ques-\\ntion and the common and vulgar weapons of party warfare\\nwere used by the combatants. Imaginaiy foes, called by one\\nparty bigots, fanatics and aristocrats, and by the other infidels,\\nagrarians and jacobins, were set up and hurled down by politi-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "282 HISTORY OF\\ncal and literary knights on many a hard-fought field. Time,\\nfame, toil and wealth were lost in the fight lout posterity de-\\ncides with great unanimity that the decision of the supreme\\ncourt of the United States has been worth infinitely more to the\\ncountry than all the sacrifices made by the friends of the college\\nin securing it.\\nCONDITION OF THE COLLEGE IN 1874.\\nBY PRESIDENT A. D. SMITH.\\nSince the decision of this important case, with such occa-\\nsional ebbs and eddies as pertain to all like institutions, but\\nwith remarkable steadiness on the whole, the college has gone\\nonward from its small beginnings to its present condition of en-\\nlargement and prosperity. The whole number of its alumni, as\\ngiven in the last Triennial, is three thousand nine hundred\\nand seven. These have come from all parts of the land and,\\nas graduates, have been scattered as widely. While a consider-\\nable number have entered from the cities and large towns, the\\ngreat majority have come from rural places. The average age\\nof admission has been somewhat above that at many other col-\\nleges and to the maturity thus secured has been added, in\\nmany cases, the stimulus of self-dependence. From these and\\nother causes, Dartmouth students, as a class, have been charac-\\nterized by a spirit of earnestness, energy, and general manliness,\\nof the happiest omen as to their life-work. Most of them have\\ngone, not into the more lucrative lines of business, but into what\\nmay be called the working professions. To the ministry, the\\ncollege has given more than nine hundred of her sons. Dr.\\nChapman says, in his Sketches of the Alumni There have\\nbeen thirty-one judges of the United States and State supreme\\ncourts fifteen senators in congress, and si.xty-one representa-\\ntives two United States cabinet ministers four ambassadors\\nto foreign courts one postmaster-general fourteen governors\\nof states, and one of a territory twenty-five presidents of col-\\nleges one hundred and four professors of academical, medical,\\nor theological colleges. Perhaps the two professions that have\\ndrawn most largely upon the institution have been those of\\nteaching and the law. We recall a single class, that of 1828,\\none-fourth of whose members have been either college presi-\\ndents or professors. Dr. Chapman states, that at one time\\nthere were residing in Boston, Mass., no less than seven sons of\\nthe college, who were justly regarded as ranking among the\\nbrightest luminaries of the law. They were Samuel Sumner\\nWilde, 1789; Daniel Webster, 1801 Richard Fletcher, 1806;", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 283\\nJoseph Bell, 1807 Joel Parker, 1811 Rufus Choate, 1819; and\\nCharles Bishop Goodrich, 1822.\\nAs might have been expected from the origin of the institu-\\ntion, it has aimed from the beginning at a high religious tone.\\nNeither its trustees nor its faculty believe in divorcing the moral\\nnature from the intellectual, in the process of education. But a\\npartial and perilous culture is that, they judge, which leaves un-\\ntouched the chief spring and crowning glory of our being. Yet\\nthe institution is not sectarian, but truly catholic in its spirit.\\nWhat is commonly called the evangelical faith has, indeed, chief\\ninfluence in its halls yet students of all denominations are not\\nonly welcomed there, but have the utmost freedom of opinion\\nand of worship, and their views are treated with all proper del-\\nicacy and respect. Most of the trustees and instructors are of\\nOrthodox-Congregational connection but there is in the charter\\nno restriction in this respect, and at least three other denomina-\\ntions are at present represented in the faculty. There is a weekly\\nbiblical exercise of all the classes in which, while the funda-\\nmentals of Christianity are inculcated, minor denominational\\npoints are avoided.\\nWhile Dartmouth has no pet system of metaphysics, its teach-\\nings lean, in general, to what may be called the spiritual line of\\nthinking. The college has, in time past, through some of its\\ngifted sons, rendered a service to sound philosophy, which is not,\\nperhaps, generally known. Half a century ago, it will be re-\\nmembered, the system of Locke and his school, as well in this\\ncountry as in Europe, was in the ascendant. It was so, to some\\nextent, at Dartmouth. There were in college, however, about\\nthat time, a number of earnest, thoughtful men, fond of meta-\\nphysical inquiries, and not altogether content with the cast of\\nopinion most in favor. Among them not to name others were\\nJames Marsh, Prof. Joseph Torrey, Dr. Joseph Tracey and Dr.\\nJohn Wheeler. Dr. Marsh, while an undergraduate, had fallen\\nupon the very course of thought which was so fully carried out in\\nhis subsequent teachings and writings. The discussions begun\\nat Dartmouth were transferred to Andover, and thence to other\\nquarters. In 1829, Dr. Marsh gave to the American public\\nColeridge s Aids to Reflection, with an able preliminary essay\\nby himself. An admirable series of articles on Christian Phi-\\nlosophy, advocating the same general views, was subsequent!}\\npublished by Dr. Joseph Tracy. And the other men named\\nabove were variously co-workers in the movement a movement\\nwhich contributed largely to the bringing in of that higher style\\nof philosophy which has since been so prevalent in this country.\\nDartmouth has aimed, in all her histor) at that true conserva-\\ntism which blends felicitously the old and new. Bound by no", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "284 HISTORY OF\\ninept foreign metliods, good enough, it may be, abroad, but out\\nof place here she holds fast to the old idea of the American\\ncollege. Its end, she judges, is that general and systematic\\ntraining which should precede the particular and professional\\nwhich makes the man, to be moulded in due time into the cler-\\ngyman, the lawyer, the physician, or whatever else may be pre-\\nferred. Yet she welcomes whatever real improvements increas-\\ning light has suggested. She believes in a curriculum, carefully\\ndevised, suited to develop, by a common discipline, our common\\nhumanity; not deeming it wise or safe to leave the selection of\\nstudies wholly, or mainly, to youthful inexjjerience or caprice.\\nYet she holds such a curriculum subject to all possible emenda-\\ntions, and does not hesitate to incorporate with it, to a limited\\nextent, especially in the more advanced stages, the elective prin-\\nciple, being careful, however, not to interfere with the substantial\\nintegrity and wise balance of the programme. She has already\\na number of options, both as to courses and particular studies.\\nShe believes in the ancient classics, but she favors science also.\\nFor the last seven years, much more has been expended on the\\nscientific appointments of the institution than on the classical;\\nand other improvements are contemplated in the same direction.\\nThough she adheres to the old college, as has been said, yet\\naround that she has already grouped though with no ambitious\\nfancy for the name of a university a number of collateral or\\npost-graduate institutions, offering diversified opportunities of\\ngeneral and special culture. The various departments, as they\\nnow exist, are as follows\\n1. The old Acadc7nic Department, with its four years curricu-\\nlum, including the privilege of a partial course, and a number of\\nparticular options.\\n2. The Chandler Scientific Department, with a regular course,\\nchronologically parallel to that of the Academic, and having,\\nwith the option of a partial course through all the years, several\\nelective lines of study in the last year. Latin and Greek are\\nomitted, French and German included, and scientific branches\\nare made most prominent.\\n3. The Agricultural Department, so called, or the New Hamp-\\n,shire College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts. This is\\nbased on the congressional land-grant. It has a regular three\\nyears course, with an option, after the first year, between an\\nagricultural and mechanical line of study.\\n4. The Engineering Department, or the Thayer School of\\nCivil Engineering. This is substantiall3% though not formally,\\na post-graduate or professional department, wUh a two years\\ncourse. The requisites for admission are, in some important\\nbranches, even more than a college curriculum commonly em-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 285\\nbraces and it is designed to carry the study of civil engineering\\nto the highest point.\\n5. The Medical Department, or the old New Hampshire Med-\\nical College. This was established in 1797, has had a long and\\nprosperous career, and ranks now with the best medical institu-\\ntions in the country. There is connected with it, in addition to\\nthe lectures, a good course of private medical instruction.\\n6. Moor s Charity-Sclwol. This has now no distinct organic\\nexistence but there is a small fund which is appropriated, un-\\nder the direction of the President of Dartmouth College, to the\\neducation of Indian youths, in any department for which they\\nare prepared.\\nDuring the late war, the college, in common with most others\\nin our countr\\\\ was somewhat depressed but it has since been\\nresuming, and even surpassing, its former status. The last cata-\\nlogue embraces a faculty of instruction, thirty-five in number,\\nand, in all the different courses of study, four hundred and fifty-\\nseven students, the largest number ever connected with the in-\\nstitution. As an indication of the national relations of the col-\\nlege, it may be remarked that these students come from twenty-\\nthree different states and territories, at home and abroad and\\nthat, of the undergraduates, nearly one-fourth are from places\\nout of New England. Within the last seven years, more than\\nfour hundred thousand dollars have been secured for the various\\ndepartments. But with the restrictions imposed on some of the\\ngifts, with the remaining wants of existing foundations, with the\\nplans of enlargement and improvement in the minds of the\\ntrustees and faculty, and with the increased number of students,\\nthere is a present need of as much more. Nor is it likely that\\nhere, any more than at the other leading institutions of our\\ncountiy, there will cease to be a call for additional funds, so\\nlong as\\nThe thoughts ol men are widened by the process of the suns.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "286 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER LXXVIir.\\nTHE CAUCUS SYSTEM.\\nArchbishop Trench says: One might suppose that the\\nAnglo-Americans would be able to explain how they got their\\nword caucus, which plays so prominent a part in their elec-\\ntions, but they cannot. The word cabal is equally myste-\\nrious, some giving it a Hebrew origin, others making it up from\\nthe initial letters of the names of the five cabinet ministers of\\nCharles H. The word caucus was at first a term of reproach.\\nIt originated in ante-revolutionary times in Boston. It was ap-\\nplied to a meeting of the lowest classes in the meanest places.\\nAn old song thus describes it\\nThat mob of mobs, a caucus to command,\\nHurl wild dissension round a maddening land.\\nIt is probably a corruption of the word ca/^ers and indicated\\na calkcrs meeting which was held in a part of Boston where all\\nthe ship business was carried on. Use has made the word\\nrespectable and given to the meetings thus named the supreme\\ncontrol of politics. In New Hampshire the highest officers of\\nthe state were till about the year 1825 nominated by a legislative\\nassembly. The people became dissatisfied with this species of\\naristocratic appointments, took the matter into their own hands\\nand made their selections in conventions, whose members were\\nchosen at primary meetings. Strong objections were urged by\\nall parties against this popular method of nomination. A politi-\\ncal writer in 1823 thus defends it\\nFirst, as to its being Anti-Jiepiihiican and lliicoiislitutional.\\nThe word Caucus was originally applied to a meeting of certain patriots\\nin the early stages of the Revolution, of whom the virtuous and inflexible\\nJames Otis was one, for the purpose of devising the means and the mode\\nof opposing those measures of the British government which, being per-\\nsisted in, finally produced the struggle which ended in the establishmeni of\\nour national independence. Its origin therefore is to be sought and found\\nin the very cradle of liberty, where it was nursed with the infant republic of\\nAmerica, and it originated in the necessity of maturing certain important\\nmeasures, previous to their being laid before the people for their approba-\\ntion. So far therefore from being anti-republican, it was one of the earliest\\npractices that marked the progress of republicanism, to which it is peculiar,\\nbeing unknown in the vocabulary of any other system of government.\\nThe Caucus has since that day became omnipotent. Every of-\\nficer in the state, from hogreeve to governor, is nominated in a\\ncaucus, and every voter who refuses to support the nominee of", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 287\\nthe party is denounced as a bolter; which term carries with\\nit so much ignominy, that its imposition is equivalent to political\\ndeath.\\nCHAPTER LXXIX,\\nTHE TOLERATION ACT.\\nThe great teacher says Ye cannot serve God and Mam-\\nmon. Whether the first settlers at Little Harbor and Northam\\nattempted both does not clearly appear but it is manifest that\\nthese representatives of the Laconia Company were not exiles\\nfor conscience sake. They did not come into the wilderness to\\nfound churches, but to catch fish, work mines, buy furs, fell trees,\\nand till the soil. The woods and the waters yielded tribute to\\ntheir industry. The religious element was more strongly devel-\\noped in Hampton and Exeter, but so long as these four towns\\nmade their own laws, the state took precedence of the church.\\nThe reverse was true of Massachusetts and when, in 1641, a\\npolitical union was effected between these plantations and the\\ncolony of Massachusetts, they were exempted from religious\\ntests and allowed an equitable representation in the legislative\\nassembly. During the entire early historj of New Hampshire\\nthere was greater freedom of individual opinion and a more lib-\\neral toleration of differences in religion prevailed than in the\\nother New Englanci colonies. Still, that deep-seated conviction\\nwhich had been the growth and habit of centuries in the old\\nworld, that it was the duty of the state to uphold the church,\\nled the people of New Hampshire to sustain divine worship by\\nlaw, and to build churches and support a christian ministry by\\ngeneral taxation. The majority of the colonists were Congre-\\ngationalists, and the ministers of that denomination were legally\\nconstituted the standing order in the state. The towns were\\nempowered by the early legislators, in accordance with the pro-\\nvisions of an English law, to raise money for the .support of the\\ngospel and the people, in town meeting assembled, voted for\\ntheir spiritual teachers and assessed themselves for their sup-\\nport. The rise of other religious denominations in the state\\ncreated great dissatisfaction with this law. They were often\\ncompelled to aid in the building of churches which they never\\nentered, to pay for preaching which they never heard, and to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "288 HISTORY OF\\nsupport a creed which they did not believe. The Bill of Rights\\ndecLares that no person of any particular religious sect or de-\\nnomination shall ever be compelled to pay towards the support\\nof a teacher or teachers of another persuasion, sect or denom-\\nination and that no subordination of one sect or denomination\\nshall ever be established by law. This plain provision was\\nevaded by requiring a man who refused to pay his tax for the le-\\ngally appointed clergyman to prove that he belonged to another\\ndenomination. This was not always possible to be done. Able\\ncounsel opposed the recusant, pleading before prejudiced juries,\\nand possibly before an orthodox court. In such cases, the most\\neminent lawyers in the state were arrayed against one another.\\nIn one instance, Mr. Smith and Mr. Mason argued that a Bap-\\ntist could not be exempted from the clerical tax, because he\\ncould not prove that he had been immersed. Mr. Sullivan and\\nMr. Bartlett, in reply, maintained that he could not be a Congre-\\ngationalist, because they could not prove that he had been\\nsprinkled. A law that required such irreverent trifling and such\\ntransparent quibbling did not deserve the support of honest\\nmen. Those who were utterly indifferent to all creeds and\\ncared for none of these things were compelled, sometimes by\\na legal process and distraint of their goods, to contribute to the\\nsupport of preaching in their respective towns. But one denom-\\nination of Christians was recognized by law, till near the begin-\\nning of the present century. Prior to 1807, several denomina-\\ntions, by legislative enactments, secured an independent exist-\\nence, and from that time were no longer molested by the\\ncollector of taxes. Soon after the accession of Governor Bell to\\nthe gubernatorial chair in 1819, the subject was brought before\\nthe legislature. The toleration bill met with strenuous opposi-\\ntion. The advocates of the measure could plead the example\\nof other states in relaxing the bonds of uniformity. Connecti-\\ncut had recently separated church and state with manifest ben-\\nefit both to morality and religion.\\nDr. Lyman Beecher, in his autobiography, speaking of the\\ncondition of the standing order in that state, says The\\nhabit of legislation, from the beginning, had been to favor the\\nCongregational order and provide for it. Congregationalism\\nwas the established religion. All others were dissenters and\\ncomplained of favoritism. The ambitious minority early began\\nto make use of the minor sects, on the ground of invidious dis-\\ntinctions, thus making them restive. So the democracy, as it\\nrose, included nearly all minor sects. i he good Doctor la-\\nbored first with Herculean energy to uphold this time-honored\\nrelation of church and state and after it was legally annulled,\\nhe worked with equal energy to establish the voluntary system.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 289\\nHe succeeded, as many other eminent men have done, in refut-\\ning his own cherished opinions. When the crisis of separation\\nof church and state had passed, he wrote It was as dark a day\\nas ever I saw. Tlie odium thrown upon the ministry was incon-\\nceivable. The injury done to the cause of Christ, as we sup-\\nposed, was irreparable. For several days I suffered what no\\ntongue can tell for the best thing that ever happened to the state\\nof Connecticut. It cut the churches loose from dependence on\\nstate support. It threw them wholly on their own resources and\\non God. They say ministers have lost their influence the fact\\nis, they have gained. In another place, he writes The effect,\\nwhen it did come, was just the reverse of the expectation. When\\nthe storm burst upon us, indeed, we thought we were dead for a\\nwhile. Our fears magnified the danger. We were thrown on\\nGod and on ourselves, and this created that moral coercion\\nwhich makes men work. Before, we had been standing on what\\nour fathers had done but now we were obliged to develop our\\nown energ) The other denominations lost all the advantage\\nthey had had before, so that the very thing in which the enemy\\nsaid, Raze it, raze it to the foundations, laid the corner-stone\\nof our prosperity to all generations. A similar state of feel-\\ning prevailed among the clergy of New Hampshire. They re-\\ngarded the Toleration Act as a repeal of the Christian reli-\\ngion, or an abolition of the Bible but when it was once\\npassed, all parties pronounced it a good and wholesome law. Its\\nenforcement was productive of little positive evil and of the\\nhighest positive good.\\nCHAPTER LXXX.\\nDECLINE OF THE ERA OF GOOD FEELINGS.\\nFor a few years after the close of the war, political partisans,\\nfrom sheer e.xhaustion, ceased from controversy and lay upon\\ntheir arms, indifferent to the conduct of their adversaries. Their\\nzeal was too feeble to keep up strict party lines, and for each\\noffice there was but a single candidate. But such a pacific state\\ncould not long continue. Man is naturally pugnacious. He\\nloves to fight with sword or voice. It was the opinion of Thomas\\nHobbes, the philosopher of Malmesbury, one of the most pro-\\nfound thinkers of any age, that war is the natural condition of\\n19", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "290 HISTORY OF\\nour race. If we allow him to limit and define his own theory,\\nwe can hardly disprove it. For war, says he, consisteth not\\nin battle only, or the act of fighting, but in a tract of time,\\nwherein the will to contend in battle is sufficiently known; and\\ntherefore the notion of time is to be considered in the nature of\\nwar, as it is in the nature of weather. For, as the nature of\\nfoul weather lieth not in a shower or two of rain, but in an in-\\nclination thereto of many days together, so the nature of war\\nconsisteth not in actual fighting, but in the known disposition\\nthereto during all the time there is no assurance to the con-\\ntrary. With this explanation and with another gratuitous as-\\nsumption of all the old philosophers, that prior to all political\\norganizations men lived in a state of nature, where every\\nman was the enemy of every other, we may concede a natural\\npropensity in man to contend either with weapons or words, in\\nall conditions of life. Social quarrels in New Hampshire were\\ncarried on with all the bitter animosity which marked the pro-\\ngress of the late war with England. Such were the Dartmouth\\nCollege controversy and the Toleration Act.\\nDuring the administration of President Monroe arose that\\nsharp, bitter and irrepressible conflict between liberty and\\nslavery which culminated in the late civil war. It lay in the in-\\nclinations of men from the adoption of the federal constitution\\ndown to the period of the admission of Missouri. Then con-\\ncealed opinions took voice and utterance, and a war of words\\ncommenced which resulted in a war of swords in the Great Re-\\nbellion. During the discussion of the restriction of slavery,\\nwhile Missouri was asking recognition as a state, some of the\\nmembers of congress from New Hampshire uttered sentiments\\nas bold and as offensive to southern statesmen as any that have\\nfallen from the pen or tongue of modern reformers. Hon. Da-\\nvid L. Morrill, then in the senate of the United States, took a\\nmost decided stand against the extension of slavery, and fear-\\nlessly denounced the whole system as unrighteous, and there-\\nfore destructive of the peace and prosperity of the nation. In\\nclosing one of his speeches he said\\nThe extension of slavery will tend to the violation of your laws, and to\\ndemoralize society. The people of this country are fond of property. It is\\nimpossible to restrain them within legal bounds, when you present to them a\\npecuniary advantage, even from illicit commerce. You thus indirectly cor-\\nrupt the rising generation and demoralize the community. Extend slavery\\ninto the vast territory of Missouri, you heighten the value and offer a new\\nmarket for slaves; you encourage their importation, you invite to a violation\\nof your laws, .ind lay a foundation for a systematic course of perjury, cor-\\nruption and guilt. All the public ships in the service of your country are\\nnow insufficient to suppress this species of traffic. What could preve nt it\\nif the market \\\\yere increased Sir, close your market, remove the induce-\\nment to their introduction, and the nefarious commerce ceases of course.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 29I\\nLook to your laws of 1794, 179S, iSoo, 1804, 1805, 1807, iSiS, and 1819, and\\nsay, do they not imply one uniform and uninterrupted determination to abol-\\nish the slave trade This single act would stamp hypocrisy on the face of\\nevery previous law.\\nI will close my remarks with a few lines from the late President Jefferson\\nWith the morals of the people, their industry also is destroyed. Can the\\nliberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only tirm\\nbasis a conviction on the minds of tlie people that their liberties are the\\ngift of God; that they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed, I\\ntremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that his justice can-\\nnot sleep forever that, considering numbers, nature and natural means only,\\na revolution on the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among pos-\\nsible events that it may become probable by supernatural interference\\nI he Almighty has no attribute which can take side w ith us in such a contest.\\nBut it is impossible to be temperate and to pursue the subject through the\\nvarious considerations of policy, of morals, of history, natural and civil.\\nWe must be contented to hope they will force their way into every one s\\nmind.\\nSimilar sentiments were uttered by members of the house of\\nrepresentatives. A few sentences from a speech of Hon. Wil-\\nham Plumer will indicate his opinions on slavery as well as those\\nof his constituents. He said\\nThese, then, are the motives of our conduct vie find slavery unjust in\\nitself adverse to all the great branches of national industry a source of\\ndanger in times of war; repugnant to the first principles of our republican\\ngovernment and in all these w ays extending its injurious effects to the states\\nwhere its existence is not even tolerated. We believe that we possess, un\\nder the constitution, the power necessary to arrest the further progress of\\nthis great and acknowledged evil and the measure now proposed is the\\njoint result of all these motives, acting upon this belief and guided by our\\nmost mature judgments and our best reflections. As such, we present it to\\nthe people of Missouri, in the firm persuasion that we shall be found in the\\nend to have consulted their wishes not less than their interests by this meas-\\nure. For what, sir, is Missouri Not the comparatively few inhabitants\\nwho now possess the country, but a state, large and powerful, capable of\\ncontaining, and destine(J, I trust, to contain, half a million of virtuous and\\nintelligent freemen. It is to their wishes and their interests that I look, and\\nnot to the temporary blindness or the lamentable delusions of the present\\nmoment. If this restriction is imposed, in twenty years we shall have the\\npeople of Missouri thanking us for the measure, as Ohio, Indiana, and Illi-\\nnois now thank the old congress for the ordinance of 1787.\\nThis subject, at that early day, was debated in every caucus,\\nconvention and legislative assembly, and forced its way to every\\nprivate hearth and dining-room in the state. The people then\\nbegan to be classed as radicals and conservatives. For a few\\nyears all assumed the common name of republicans, and when\\nthey could no longer contend about measures they divided on\\ncandidates. Sometimes federalists united with republicans in\\nthe election of a governor whom only a fraction of the party in\\npower had nominated. In 1823 Hon. Samuel Bell retired from\\nthe gubernatorial chair and passed, by a large legislative vote,\\nto the senate of the United States. By the republican members,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "292 HISTORY OF\\nHon. Samuel Dinsmoor was nominated as his successor. A\\nportion o\u00c2\u00a3 the party did not approve this selection and brought\\nforward Hon. Levi Woodbury, who had beer, a judge of the\\nsuperior court, and by the concurrent vote o. federalists he was\\nelected. He served only one year, and in 1824 there was no\\nchoice by the people. The legislature chose Hon. David L.\\nMorrill of Goftstown governor. Mr. Woodbury was his com-\\npetitor, and both were republicans. In 1825 Mr. Woodburv\\nthen residing in Portsmouth, was chosen a member of the house\\nand was made speaker. He soon after passed into the senate\\nof the United States, and during the administration of President\\nJackson, in 1831, was appointed secretary of the navy, and, in\\n1834, secretary of the treasury.\\nNear the close of President Monroe s administration a warm\\ncontroversy arose about his successor. There were four can-\\ndidates in the field, John Q. Adams, Andrew Jackson, William\\nH. Crawford and Henry Clay, each having some peculiar ele-\\nment of popularity to recommend him. Then arose in New\\nHampshire the party term amalgamation, which the most\\nlearned could not define and which the most ignorant daily\\nused. It was employed to designate the union of federalists and\\nrepublicans in favor of the election of John Quincy Adams.\\nThere was no choice by the people and Mr. Adams was elected\\nby the house of representatives. This result accorded with the\\nelectoral vote of New Hampshire. During his administration\\narose those strongly marked political parties which have ever\\nsince waged an internecine war upon each other, first as demo-\\ncrats and republicans, then as democrats and whigs, and finally\\nunder the old names of democrats and republicans.\\nCHAPTER LXXXI.\\nLOCAL MATTERS DURING THE ADMINISTRATION OF MONROE\\nAND ADAMS.\\nThe population of New Hampshire in 1820 was two hundred\\nand forty-four thousand, showing an addition of thirty thousand\\nin ten years. This number indicates a larger increase than the\\naverage of the next fifty years. The population of the entire\\ncountry was about ten millions. New Hampshire gave its elec-\\ntoral vote for John Quincy Adams. He was for several years\\nthe favorite candidate of the state for the presidency. His fam-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 293\\nily prestige, his New England origin and liis devotion to northern\\ninterests gave him greater popularity in New England than in\\nother sections of the country. Though he had been a republi-\\ncan and had sustained the war, yet soon after his elevation to\\nthe presidency the federalists united with one section of the re-\\npublicans in forming, by amalgamation, the great New Eng-\\nland Adams party, whose aim was to give John Quincy Adams\\na second term as chief magistrate of the nation.\\nFor several years the legislation of the state was devoted\\nchiefly to the creation of literary, financial and manufacturing\\ncorporations. In 182 1, an act was passed to establish a literary\\nfund for the purpose of endowing and supporting a college, to\\nbe under the direction and control of the state, for instruction\\nin the highest branches of literature and science. An annual\\ntax for this purpose, of one-half of one per cent., was levied\\nupon the capital stock of all the banks in the state. This tax\\nproduced at first about five thousand dollars annually but in a\\nfew years the avails of it amounted by the accumulation of prin-\\ncipal and interest to more than fifty thousand dollars. By the\\nincrease of banks in the state the tax alone yielded more than\\nten thousand dollars annually. In 1827, a bill was introduced\\nto establish a new college in the central portion of the state,\\nwhich failed to pass. In 1828, the literarj fund was distributed\\namong the several towns in the state for the maintenance of\\ncommon schools according to the apportionment of public ta.xes\\nexisting at the time of such distribution. The annual tax was\\nalso devoted to the same laudable purpose and since that en-\\nactment legislative hostility to Dartmouth College has ceased.\\nThe period now under review, from 1820 to 1830, was marked\\nby numerous changes in the social condition of society. Sev-\\neral important modern reforms originated in this decade. Re-\\nvivals of religion were a prominent feature of it. Protracted\\nmeetings, held from three to twenty days, in almost every town\\nin the state, greatly advanced the spiritual welfare of the people\\nand gave new power to the churches of Christ. This custom\\ncontinued for many years, and contributed largely to the union\\nof different sects, who cordially cooperated in sustaining the\\nmeetings.\\nThe temperance reform commenced about the year 1826. Dr.\\nLyman Beecher was among its earliest advocates. He preached\\nsix sermons in Boston upon the nature, occasions, signs, evils\\nand remedy of intemperance. These were published in 1827,\\nwidely circulated and made extensively useful in the promotion\\nof total abstinence from intoxicating drinks. All classes in\\nsociety freely used them. Drunkenness had its victims in the\\nbar, the pulpit and the halls of legislation, as well as humbler", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "294 HISTORY OF\\npositions in life. Judgment began at the house of God, and\\nspread through all classes of society with unparalleled rapidity.\\nIn New Hampshire Jonathan Kittredge, Esq., in the early stages\\nof the reform was instrumental of great good by the delivery\\nand publication of three very eloquent addresses on temperance,\\nwhich were widely circulated throughout the northern states.\\nHis address before the American Temperance Society, in 1829,\\ncloses with these prophetic words I believe the time is com-\\ning when not only the drunkard but the drinker will be excluded\\nfrom the church of God when the gambler, the slave-dealer\\nand the rum-dealer will be classed together. And I care not\\nhow soon that time arrives. I would pray for it as devoutly as\\nfor the millennium. And when it comes, as come it will, it\\nshould be celebrated by the united band of philanthropists, pat-\\nriots and christians throughout the world, as a great and most\\nglorious jubilee.\\nThe anti-slavery agitation had its birth about the same time.\\nIt was a period of unusual activity in the discussion of morals,\\npolitics and religion. On the first day of January, 183 1, Wil-\\nliam Lloyd Gairison published the first number of the Liberator.\\nHe had for some years advocated the gradual abolition of slav-\\nery. In the prospectus of that paper he renounces and denoun-\\nces that doctrine and says A similar recantation from my pen\\nwas published in the Genius of Universal Emancipation at Balti-\\nmore, in 1829. In closing he writes I am in earnest I will\\nnot equivocate I will not excuse I will not retreat a single\\ninch and I will be heard. These declarations then seemed\\nabsurd, egotistical and fool-hardy but in process of time he\\nmade them good. The final adoption of abolition views by all\\ndenominations of christians and their united labors in common\\nfor the publication of them, together yA\\\\.\\\\\\\\ the reforms in tem-\\nperance and religion, tended to soften sectarian prejudices and\\npromote christian union in the work of renovating society. In\\nmany pulpits dogmatic theology gave place to philanthropy and\\ncreeds were supplanted by works. But controversy did not\\ncease. The field and weapons were changed but the warriors\\nwere the same. Sectarianism was merged in reform and its\\nadvocates and opponents were more bitter and fierce in their\\ndeadly strife than different sects had previously been.\\nFor a season political controversy was calmed by the visit of\\nthe nation s guest, Lafayette, at the capital of New Hampshire.\\nThe legislature was in session when he arrived. The New\\nHampshire Patriot of June 27, 1825, has the following account\\nof his reception at Concord\\nThe General, in his usual appropriate and feeling manner, thanked the\\ngentlemen of the committee and the citizens of Concord for the very affec-\\ntionate manner in which they welcomed his entrance into their town.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 295\\nA national salute was fired by the artillery, and the procession was received\\nat the bridge by eight companies of light troops under the command o\u00c2\u00a3\\nBrigadier-General Bradbury Bartlett. On entering the main street\\nthe General was greeted by the shouts of from thirty to forty thousand citi-\\nzens who had collected the windows and doors were lined with ladies and\\nchildren gazing and admiring as he passed along. The procession moved to\\nthe north end of Main street, and returned to the residence of the Hon. Mr.\\nKent, where lodgings had been prepared for him and his suite. Remaining\\nthere till 12 o clock at noon, he was escorted in the same manner to the gate\\nof the State-house yard, when he alighted, and moved, being supported by\\nthe Hon. Messrs. Webster and Bowers of the senate, to the capitol, where\\nhe was introduced to the legislature in the manner as detailed in their\\nproceedings.\\nIn the meantime a noble company of more than two hundred heroes of\\nthe Revolution had collected and formed rank and file under the direction of\\nthat veteran. General Benjamin Pierce of Hillsborough, who had just re-\\nturned from Bunker Hill. These marched into the area of the state-house,\\nwhere they were introduced to the guest by General Pierce, who vented his\\nfeelings in one of those spontaneous and unpremeditated addresses for\\nwhich he always had a talent the most happy. Here was a scene more af-\\nfecting and gratifying than ever has probably taken place in our state tears\\nof alternate joy and sorrow trickled down the cheeks of the veterans, and\\nfew of the spectators remained unmoved. After spending an hour here, the\\nguest retired to the senate chamber where he was introduced to many gentle-\\nmen who had not before had an opportunity. During the ceremonies in the\\nrepresentatives hall, the galleries and all the avenues were crowded with a\\nbrilliant collection of ladies, whose eyes sparkled with gratitude and joy at\\nthe interesting spectacle.\\nThe General was especially introduced to the members of the legislature\\nwho had been participators in the Revolution among them, Messrs. Hunt-\\nley, Durkee and Blaisdell. Hon. Mr. Brodhead, senator for district\\nNo. 2, and chaplain to the legislature, on being a second time presented by\\nthe governor, inquired of the general whether he recollected the name as\\namong the soldiers of the revolution. After pondering a moment, the general\\nanswered, Yes, I recollect Captain Brodhead of the Pennsylvania line he\\nwas with us at the battle of Brandywine; he was a brave man. Mr. B. an-\\nswered I am the son of that man. I am, says General Lafayette, very\\nglad to see you; how^ happy am I that the children of my companions in\\narms still love me. This Captain Brodhead commanded the first rifle com-\\npany in Pennsylvania, and was in the service during the whole war; he was\\nwounded and taken prisoner at the battle of Long Island. He died in Penn-\\nsylvania in 1S04. With this interview the reverend and amiable man who\\nofficiates in the double cajjacity of legislator and chaplain was deeply af-\\nfected, and the general cordially reciprocated that feeling which pure patriots\\nalone can appreciate.\\nAt three P. M. the largest assemblage in our state that ever was at one\\ntable and under one roof (from seven hundred to eight hundred) sat down to\\na sumptuous dinner prepared by Mr. J. P. Gass. In front, and surmounting\\nthe others, was the table at which the guest was seated; on his right hand\\nthe governor and council, and on his left, the marshal of the day, Hon. Sam-\\nuel Bell, Judge Green, the secretary and treasurer of the state. Four tables\\ntwo hundred feet in extent ran down facing that of the guest at the left\\nwere seated the surviving heroes of the revolution, Geneial Pierce at the\\nhead on the right of these the speaker and members of the house of rep-\\nresentatives next, the president and senate and on the right the Concord\\ncommittee and other citizens. After the cloth was removed, the following\\ntoasts (interspersed with songs) were read by the Hon. Mr. Pierce of the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "2q6 history of\\nsenate, ciiid reiterated over the cheering glass, amidst the firing of artillery\\nI. Our Guest The friend of Washington, the friend of man.\\nGeneral Lafayette rose and expressed his affectionate acknowledg-\\nments for the so very kind welcome he had received to-day from the people\\nof New Hampshire at this seat of government, particularly for the toast\\nthat has just been given, and for the pleasure he felt to be now at this social\\ntable with all the representatives of the state in every branch, with his nu-\\nmerous beloved revolutionary companions in arms, and other respected citi-\\nzens; to the whole of them he begged to propose the following sentiment\\nNew Hampshire, its representatives in every branch, and this seat of\\ngovernment May they forever enjoy all the blessings of civil and religious\\nliberty, which their high-minded ancestors came to seek on a distant land,\\nand which their more immediate fathers have insured on the broader basis\\nof national sovereignty and the rights of man.\\nOn the fourth of July of the next year, two of the ilhistrious\\nframers of the constitution of the United States, Thomas Jeffer-\\nson and John Adams, departed this life. The government which\\nthev helped to form and which probably never would have ex-\\nisted without their aid, had been in operation fifty years. The\\nday of their death was the anniversary of the national indepen-\\ndence. Jefferson penned the declaration which was made on\\nthat day and Adams eloquently defended it. They had both\\nbeen presidents, and leaders of opposing political parties. Both\\nhad very warm personal friends and both commanded uni\\\\ ersal\\nrespect. Their departure together on that birth-day of the\\nnation was regarded by many as a divine interposition and by\\nall with sentiments of profound sorrow. This was among the\\nmost striking events of American history. On the second day\\nof August, 1826, Daniel Webster, New Hampshire s most elo-\\nquent son, delivered a fitting eulogy, in Faneuil Hall, Boston,\\non these illustrious patriots. It is difficult to decide whether\\nthe departed dead or the living orator was more admired on\\nthat eventful day.\\nIn 1826 a company was formed at Hartford, Conn., for the\\npurpose of improving the navigation of the Connecticut river.\\nIt was thought that by building dams and locks round the suc-\\ncessive falls the river could be rendered navigable for steamers\\nas far as Lyman, N. H. The company also had in view the con-\\nnection of Canada with the capitals of New Hampshire and\\nBoston by canals extending from Dover to Lake Winnepiseogee,\\nthence to the Connecticut and Lake Memphremagog. A survey\\nwas made and the legislatures of New Hampshire and Vermont\\nauthorized the company to construct the canals, but the expense\\nwas beyond the means and enterprise of that day. What was\\nactually accomplished appears in chronological order in the fol-\\nlowing extract from a brief address by William H. Duncan, Esq.,\\ndelivered July 1, 1859, at the opening of the first free bridge\\nacross the Connecticut from Hanover to Norwich\\nI think of the contrast between this section of the country, as it now is,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 297\\nas to its facilities for travel and transportation, and what it was sixty or sev-\\nenty years since, when a charter was obtained for building a toll bridge over\\nthe Connecticut, between this place and Norwich. The charter was obtained\\nabout 1794. Previous to this time a large part of the heavy trade of this\\npart of the country was carried on with Hartford and New York, by means\\nof boats upon the river, and sloops and schooners upon the Sound. The\\nroads between this place and Boston were so poor that Madam Smith, the\\nwife of Professor Smith, formerly of the college, was obliged to make her\\nbridal tour from Boston to this place on horseback.\\nA large part of the cajjital for building the bridge was furnished by the\\nmerchants of Boston, not for the sake of making a profitable investment, but\\nwith the intention of diverting the trade of northern Vermont from Hartford\\nand New York to Boston. The Higginsons, the Salisburjs, the phillipses\\nwere among the stockholders, names distinguished for mercantile honor and\\nprobity, and which have been inherited and worthily worn by many of their\\ndescendants.\\nThe building of this bridge was the first link in that chain of internal im-\\nprovement which has done so much towards developing the resources, and\\nwhich has added so immensely to the comfort and material prosperity of this\\nsection of the country.\\nThe second link in this chain of internal improvement was the construc-\\ntion of the Fourth New Hampshire Turnpike. A charter was obtained in\\n1800 for making a road from a point on the east bank of Connecticut river\\nin Lebanon, nearly opposite White River, to a point in the west bank of the\\nMerrimack river, cither in the town of Salisbury or Boscawen, with a branch\\nroad from the easterly abutment of the White River Falls bridge, running\\nsoutheasterly to intersect with the main trunk. This has now become, I be-\\nlieve, a public highway.\\nThe third link in this chain of improvement was the building of the\\nWhite River Falls locks and canals, which were chartered in 1807, and com-\\npleted in iSlo, at an expense of nearly forty thousand dollars, an enterprise\\nset on foot and completed by a single mdividual, Mills Olcott, Esq., of Han-\\nover, then a young man a little more than thirty years of age. President\\nDwight, in his tour through New England in 1S63, speaking of overcoming\\nthe difficulties in the navigation of Connecticut river at the White River\\nFalls says, at present the amount of business is insufficient to justify the ex-\\npense necessary for this purpose. In iS 1 2, speaking of this undertaking,\\nhe say.s, my expectations have been anticipated by a period of many years.\\nI would say of this enterprise, that for nearly forty years it was to its propri-\\netor a source of almost constant litigation, of excessive annoyance and anxi-\\nety, and at the same time of the most ample and satisfactory returns.\\nAbout 1S31 or 1S32, as nearly as I can learn, an attempt was made to su-\\npersede the clumsy flat-boats then in use on the river. A diminutive steamer,\\nthe John Ledyard, commanded by Captain Nutt, a veteran riverman who is\\nstill living at White River Junction, came puffing up the river from Spring-\\nfield, Mass., and was received, at various places, with speeches and such\\nother demonstrations as were deemed appropriate to the opening of steam-\\nboat navigation on the upper Connecticut. Captain Nutt went up as far as\\nWells River, near which place he found obstructions which he was unable to\\nsurmount.\\nTwo or three hundred Scotchmen, who lived in the vicinity and were an.x-\\nious to have the steamer go farther, undertook to pull her over the bar with\\nthe aid of ropes, but after raising her so far from a horizontal position that\\nan explosion of the boiler became imminent, they were asked to desist by\\nthe captain, and it took twenty or thirty of them to pull her back into the\\ndeep water. The next season another steamer, the Adam Duncan, was built\\nat Wells River, under the superintendence of Captain Nutt, for the company\\nof which he was the agent. Other steamers had been put upon the river at", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "298 HISTORY OF\\nvarious points below, the previous season, and the Adam Duncan was de-\\nsigned to ply between Wells River and Olcott s Locks, but after a single\\nseason of practice in backing off the sand-bars between the two places, was\\nattached for debt, her works were taken out and sold, and the remainder of\\nthe hull may still be seen lying close to the shore a few rods above the falls.\\nWith the opening of the Passumpsic railroad, however, the days of flat-boats\\nwere numbered, and the locks also became useless. One of the mills was\\npresently destroyed by a freshet, a portion of the dam was afterwards swept\\naway, and as the amount of business then done there would not warrant its\\nreconstruction, the remaining mill was taken down about 1S62, and since\\nthen the water power, said to be equal to that at Lowell, has not been used\\nexcept to turn the wheel of a small paper-mill on the Vermont side.\\nOn the twenty-eighth day of August, 1826, occurred the most\\ndestructive flood that has been known in New Hampshire. The\\nlittle mountain streams became raging torrents the rivers be-\\ncame inland lakes throughout their entire length. Mills, dams,\\nbuildings, herds, flocks and crops were swept away. The results\\nmight be aptly described in the very words of Ovid, by which he\\nportrays the fabulous flood of Ducalion. The following extract\\nfrom Whiton s History of New Hampshire shows the ruins pro-\\nduced by the freshet in the northern portion of the state\\nAt Bath, the Ammonoosuc suddenly became turbid and thick with earth,\\nthen spread itself over its lower banks and meadows, and soon exhibited\\none wide, sweeping roll of billows, bearing along the wreck of bridges,\\nbuildings, fences, crops, and animals caught by the waves in their pastures.\\nThe beds of many mountain streams were excavated to a surprising depth\\nand width in some places the fury of the flood cut out for the waters new\\nand permanent channels. Torrents of water rushed through the Notch of\\nthe White Mountains, breaking up the very foundations of the turnpike\\nroad for a great distance and leaving a shapeless mass of loosened crags,\\nrocks piled on rocks, and yawning chasms. From the sides of the moun-\\ntains, slides or avalanches descended to the lower grounds, bearing down\\nthousands of tons of gravel, rocks and broken trees, and laying bare the\\nsolid mountain rock over an extent of hundreds of acres. Late in the pre-\\nceding day, a party of gentlemen; among whom were Colonel Bartlett and\\nMr. Moore of Concord, left Crawford s, a house more than four miles from\\nthe Notch, on an excursion to the summit of Mount Washington. They ar-\\nrived in the evening at a camp which had been constructed at the foot of the\\nsteep ascent of the mountain, where they passed the night. The next\\nmorning being cloudy and rainy, they concluded to remain in camp that day,\\nbut the increasing rain having in the afternoon put out their fire, they reluct-\\nantly decided to return. With the utmost difficulty, and not without danger,\\ndid they effect their retreat, and arrived at Crawford s in the evening. Had\\nthey remained on the mountain another night they must have perished, as\\nthe camp was afterward found to have been swept away, and avalanches to\\nhave passed on either side at the distance of a few rods. The most affect-\\ning story of this flood remains to be told. Two miles from the Notch at\\nthe Notch House lived the family of Samuel Willey, consisting of himself\\nand wife, five children and two hired men. An avalanche in its descent\\nfrom the mountain came near the house, where it divided itself into two\\nparts, one of which crushed the barn and an adjoining shed. Alarmed at\\nthe noise, and fearing the destruction of their habitation, the family fled for\\nsafety; but in the darkness of the night they fell into the track of the other\\navalanche and were all buried under masses of earth and rocks. Some of", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\n299\\nthe bodies were found by the scent of dogs, at the distance of fifty rods\\nfrom the house. The house itself remained uninjured, and had the unfortu-\\nnate inmates remained within, they had been in safety, but an inscrutable\\nProvidence otherwise directed. It is not in man that walketh to direct his\\nsteps.\\nIn 1817 a new county was formed. The second section of the\\nact creating it reveals its location and boundaries. It is as fol-\\nlows\\nSect. 2. And be it further enacted. That said county of Sulli-\\nvan shall contain all the land and waters included in the follow-\\ning towns and places, which now constitute a part of the county\\nof Cheshire, to wit Acworth, Charlestown, Claremont, Cornish,\\nCroydon, Grantham, Goshen, Lempster, Langdon, Newport,\\nPlainfield, Springfield, Unity, Washington and Wendell and\\nthat said towns be, and they are hereby, disannexed from the\\ncounty of Cheshire.\\nAt the June session of the legislature of 1817 an excellent\\nlaw was passed for the support and regulation of primary\\nschools. It placed our educational system very nearly upon its\\npresent basis. The selectmen of every town are required to\\nassess, annually, upon all the property of its inhabitants a sum\\nto be computed at the rate of ninety dollars for every one dollar\\nof their proportion for public taxes, for the time being, and so for\\na greater or less sum, for the sole purpose of supporting one or\\nmore English schools within the towns where the taxes are as-\\nsessed. The law also reciuires the selectmen to appoint in each\\ntown a superintending committee, whose powers are almost un-\\nlimited with respect to the approval of teachers and the selec-\\ntion of books. The district is also required to choose annually\\na prudential committee to employ teachers and attend to the lo-\\ncal interests of the^school. These judicious provisions for good\\nschools attest the wisdom of the legislators of that generation.\\nIn political matters, parties had become so blended by amal-\\ngamation, that Hon. John Bell, a supporter of John Quincy\\nAdams, was elected governor in 1828. He was a member of a\\ndistinguished family who have exerted a controlling influence in\\nthe state for a century and a half. Their common ancestor was\\nJohn Bell, born in the county of Antrim, Ireland, in 1678. He\\nreceived a grant of land from the Londonderry colony, in 1720,\\nwhere he spent the remainder of his life. His son John inher-\\nited the homestead and passed his life in the same town. His\\ngrandson John resided in Chester, was engaged in merchan-\\ndise and held several important offices in the state, prior to his\\nelection as governor. His brother, Samuel Bell, whose official\\ncareer has been previously noticed, was in public life for more\\nthan a quarter of a century. As representative in the state leg-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "300 HISTORY OF\\nislature, speaker of the house, president of the senate, justice\\nof the superior court, governor of the state, United States sen-\\nator, and trustee of the college, he bore his faculties so hon-\\norably that the succeeding generation has pretty unanimously\\nagreed to call him a wise, great and good man. He left eight\\nsons, all distinguished for superior endowments and high schol-\\narship. Samuel Dana Bell, late chief justice of the superior\\ncourt of New Hampshire, was very eminent as a scholar and\\njurist. Of the brothers of Judge Bell, four studied medicine,\\nand three became lawyers. They all have acted on the principle\\nof Bacon, that every man is a debtor to his profession, and\\nhave reflected honor upon their chosen vocations. Only one\\nson of Hon. Samuel Bell, Dr. John Bell of Dover, now survives\\nand Hon. Charles Henry Bell of Exeter is the only representa-\\ntive of the family of Governor John Bell. He continued in\\noffice only one year.\\nParties were at that time constantly changing. In 1829, the\\nopponents of the national administration recovered their power,\\nand General Pierce was again elected governor. In his second\\nmessage to the legislature, he announced his determination to\\nretire from public life at the close of his official year of service.\\nIn 1830, Hon. Matthew Harvey, a friend of General Jackson\\nand a life-long follower of Jefferson, was chosen chief magis-\\ntrate by a majority of four thousand, over his opponent Colonel\\nUpham of Portsmouth. The contest was bitter and malignant\\nthe result proved that the state, for some years to come, was to\\nbe decidedly democratic. The census of this year showed the\\npopulation of New Hampshire to be two hundred and sixty-\\nnine thousand.\\nCHAPTER LXXXII.\\nCHARACTER OF HON. BENJAMIN PIERCE.\\nIn March, 1827, Hon. Benjamin Pierce of Revolutionary\\nmemory, always an ardent republican, was elected governor. It\\nmay not be improper here to give a brief account of the offi-\\ncial life of General Pierce. He was a native of Chelmsford,\\nin the commonwealth of Massachusetts. He entered the ser-\\nvice of his country in the spring of 1775, being then in the\\nseventeenth year of his age fought at Bunker s Hill, and con-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 30I\\ntinued in the service until the peace of 17S3. In his mihtary\\ncareer he participated in all the privations, perils and glory of\\nthe struggle which terminated in the independence of these\\nUnited States. He entered the service a common soldier, and\\nleft it a major, by brevet.\\nA republican by nature, Gen. Pierce, at the close of the war,\\nwas anxious to maintain, in his intercourse with the world, that\\nstate of independence he had so successfully aided in establish-\\ning for his countr) and no way then appeared so likely to effec-\\nthis generous purpose as by engaging in some honest employ-\\nment in a new settlement. He accordingly abandoned the place\\nof his nativity to the less enterprising and, accompanied by the\\nwife of his youth and his trusty sword (still in his possession),\\nhe pitched his tent in the town of Hillsborough, near the spot\\nwhere he spent the remainder of his life. Hillsborough at that\\nearly period was little more than a wilderness, and General\\nPierce s tirst efforts were spent in constructing a log house for\\nhis own accommodation and in felling with his own hands the\\ngreen forest and preparing the ground for cultivation. The la-\\nbors of honest industry seldom fail of success, and in few in-\\nstances have they been more prosperous than in the case of\\nGeneral Pierce. From a state little short of absolute depen-\\ndence (the common lot of the Revolutionary soldier), he soon\\nbegan to thrive, and soon took rank among the most independ-\\nent and intelligent farmers in the county of Hillsborough.\\nWhen General Sullivan was elected president of the state in\\n1786 he appointed General Pierce his first aid-de-camp, and\\nfrom this time his promotion in the militia was rapid until he\\nattained the highest grade in the gift of the executive.\\nGeneral Pierce s services in the various branches of the state\\nlegislature were loftg and useful. He was ten times elected coun-\\ncilor, and three times appointed sheriff of the county of Hills-\\nborough. This last office he filled with great honor to himself\\nand the most entire satisfaction to the community.\\nIn his habits General Pierce was frugal and chaste in his\\nmanners easy and affable and in his deportment frank and\\ngenerous. No person in the state did more for his country, and\\nno contemporary of his had stronger claims upon the gratitude\\nof his fellow-citizens.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "302 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER LXXXIII.\\nPOPULATION OF NEW HAMPSHIRE AT DIFFERENT PERIODS.\\nDuring the first twenty years of New Hampshire s history,\\nthe settlers were limited to small companies governed by the\\nagents of the proprietor, Captain John Mason, occupying three\\ncentres of business, Portsmouth, Dover, and Exeter. Hampton\\nwas under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. Those little com-\\nmunities were engaged in farming, lumbering, fishing and hunt-\\ning, and increased very slowly. They were unable, without aid\\nfrom the jjroprietor, to gain a livelihood. They were a constant\\ndrain upon the treasury of the company. The settlers were not\\npermanent inhabitants. They often migrated to Massachusetts\\nor returned home. Of course the number varied from year to\\nyear, and depended for its increase upon new arrivals. It is\\nthought, by good judges of the fact, that when the union v/ith\\nMassachusetts took place in 1641, the entire population of New\\nHampshire did not exceed one thousand souls. When, by the\\nauthority of the crown, that union was dissolved in 1692, the\\npopulation is supposed to have been about five thousand. In\\n1730 it was estimated at ten thousand. When the province was\\ndivided into counties, in 177 1, it probably contained between\\nsixty and seventy thousand inhabitants. The increase was about\\nforty per cent, every ten years. After the Revolutionary war and\\nthe establishment of a firm government, in 1790, the state had a\\npopulation of one hundred and forty-two thousand, and the in-\\ncrease for the preceding nineteen years had been at the rate of\\nforty-three per cent, for each decade. This period covered the\\nwar of eight years, when tweh e thousand four hundred and\\nninety-seven men had served in the army, and probably nearly\\none half of these had perished by violence or pestilence. From\\n1790 to 1830, the rate of increase varied from thirty to ten per\\ncent, every ten years. Dr. Belknap estimates the increase so\\ngreat from 1771 to 1790, when the first census was taken, as to\\nmake the population double in nineteen years. This is not es-\\nsentially different from the estimate made above. After the\\npeace of 1763, when the Indians ceased to make systematic ag-\\ngressions upon our frontiers, many new townships were settled\\nand large emigrations were made from other states. Also, after\\nthe peace of 1783 a new stimulus was given to emigration the\\nwilderness was penetrated and subdued, the bounds of civiliza-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 303\\ntion were carried into the interior and northern portions of the\\nstate, and the population and resources of the state were greatly\\nenlarged. Peace always brings men and wealth in its train.\\nWar brings death, disease and desolation.\\nCHAPTER LXXXIV.\\nThe origin of coined money dates at a period whereto the\\nmemory of man runneth not to the contrary. Herodotus, the\\nFather of History, refers the invention to the Lydians. Plu-\\ntarch says that Theseus caused money to be impressed with the\\nfigure of an ox other authorities ascribe the honor to Phidon,\\none of the early kings of Argos, b. c. 895. The monarch s\\nseal was probably an earlier invention than coins. Whenever\\nauthority was delegated, the king needed some uniform token by\\nwhich his will could be made known without his personal pres-\\nence hence the signet ring became the certificate of the king s\\ncommand. When this abridgment of public business was once\\nadopted the transition from a sealed decree to a sealed bit of\\nmetal was easy. Among the discoveries made in the ruins of\\nBabylon are found small tablets of clay, stamped with the royal\\nseal, which are supposed to have served as money. The earliest\\nmethod of transferring the precious metals was by weight. The\\nearliest standards both of weight and measure must have been\\nvery rude, when twenty-four seeds or grains represented a penny,\\nand three kernels pf barley taken from the middle of the head\\nmade an inch. The Bible refers to the bag and balances of the\\nmoney lender and to the stamped shekel which bore on one side\\nan image of the golden pot that held the manna, and on the\\nother a bas-relief of Aaron s rod. The Athenians stamped\\ntheir coins with an owl which was sacred to Minerva. The Greek\\nstates near the sea adopted symbols for their money appropriate\\nto their condition, as a crab, a dolphin or a tortoise. Monarchs\\nhonored their coins with their own image and superscription.\\nIt is still doubted by arcliEEologists whether coined money existed\\nin Homer s time. He often refers to trade by barter, as in the\\nfollowing quotation\\nFrom Lemnos isle a numerous fleet had come\\nFreighted with wine\\nAll the other Greeks\\nHastened to purchase, some with brass and some\\nWith gleaming iron some with hides,\\nCattle or slaves.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "3\u00c2\u00b04\\nHISTORY OF\\nIn celebrating the games at the funeral of Patroclus, Achilles\\nproposes for prizes a tripod and a slave.\\nA massy tripod for the victor lies,\\nOf twice six oxen its reputed price\\nAnd next, tlie loser s spirit to restore,\\nA female captive valued but at four.\\nAmong the treasures disinterred by Dr. Schliemann, forty feet\\nbeneath the supposed site of ancient Troy, armor, ornaments\\nand vessels of gold and silver were found, but no coins are men-\\ntioned. We are more interested in modern than in ancient\\nmoney. The Celtic race vi ere sufficiently civilized to use coins.\\nCffisar affirms that the early Britons had no money, but coins\\nhave been discovered in the island which the best authorities in\\nnumismatics refer to times anterior to the Roman conquest. The\\nAnglo-Saxon kings had rude coins as early as the sixth centur5^\\nThe penny appears in the eighth. The etymology of this word\\nis variously given. Sharon Turner derives it from the Saxon\\nverb puniaii, to beat or knock others derive it from the Latin\\npendo, to weigh. Scyllinga, or shilling, denoted at first a quan-\\ntity of bullion, from scylan, to divide, or, possibly, from sceale, a\\nscale, meaning so much silver cut off or weighed when coined\\nit yielded five of the larger and twelve of the smaller Saxon\\npennies. Two hundred and forty pence were equivalent to a\\npound of silver by weight. In France, England and Scotland a\\npound of money contained twelve ounces of bullion or two hun-\\ndred and forty pence. In process of time, as monarchs became\\nneedy, they divided the pound of bullion into a larger number of\\npieces, thus falsifying the certificate of value stamped upon the\\ncoins, till in the reign of Elizabeth sixty-two shillings or seven\\nhundred and forty-four pence were coined from a pound of\\nbullion. The mint price of silver was then said to be 5s. 2d. per\\nounce. Gold was afterwards made the standard of value, and\\nthe mint price of gold was fixed at \u00c2\u00a3t, 17s. lo ^d. per ounce.\\nThe computation by pounds, shillings and pence existed as early\\nas the reign of Ethelbert, the first Christian king of Kent. The\\npayments in Doomsday book, under the conqueror, were made\\nin the same denominations now used in England. The Norman\\nkings coined pence only with the monarch s image on one side\\nand on the other the name of the city where the money was\\ncoined, with a cross so deeply impressed upon the metal that\\nthe coin could be broken into two parts called half-pence, or into\\nfour, called fourthings, or farthings. In the time of Richard I.,\\nGerman money was in special demand, called from its purity\\ncasterling money, as the inhabitants of that part of Europe were\\ncalled \u00c2\u00a3astcr/ings, or Eastern men, hence the origin of the word\\nsterling. Gold began to be coined in Europe at the beginning\\nof the fourteenth century; in England, by Edward III. Previ-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 305\\nous to that time gold passed by weight. The English guinea,\\nwhich first appeared in the reign of Charles II., was so naifled\\nfrom the region from which the gold was brought.\\nThe dollar is a coin of different value in different countries.\\nIts name is derived from the German word thai, a valley.\\nThe German thaler. Low German da/iL-r, Danish dakr and the\\nItalian tallcro all come from the name of a Bohemian town called\\nJoachims-Thai, wherein 1518 the Count Schlick coined silver\\npieces of an ounce weight. As these coins were held in high re-\\npute tkakrs or dollars were coined in other countries of nearly\\nthe same worth and weight. Our cent is from the Latin centum,\\none hundredth part of a dollar the dime from decern the tenth\\npart, the mill from ot/ZA-, the thousandth part of a dollar. The\\nBritish colonies computed their accounts in pounds, shillings and\\npence, as they were valued in the mother country. The Spanish\\npillar dollar was worth 4s. 6d. sterling or 6s. in New England\\ncurrency.\\nMassachusetts coined money as early as 1652. The following\\naccount of it is from the pen of Mr. Hawthorne\\nCaptain John Hull was the mint-master of Massachusetts,\\nand coined all the money that was made there. This was a new\\nline of business for in the earlier days of the colony, the cur-\\nrent coinage consisted of gold and silver money of England,\\nPortugal and Spain. These coins being scarce the people were\\noften forced to barter their commodities instead of selling them.\\nFor instance if a man wanted to buy a coat he perhaps exchang-\\ned a bear-skin for it. If he wished for a barrel of molasses, he\\nmight purchase it with a pile of pine boards. Musket bullets\\nwere used instead of farthings. The Indians had a sort of\\nmoney, which was made of clam-shells, and this strange sort of\\nspecie was likewise taken in payment of debts by the English\\nsettlers.\\nThis was called Wampumpeag and, by abbreviation, either\\nwampum or peag. A fathom or belt consisted of three\\nhundred and si.xty beads. It was of two kinds, white and black.\\nOne fathom of the white was valued at 5s. sterling the black\\nat IDS. It was made a legal tender only for i2d. in Massa-\\nchusetts. The value of coined money may be learned from the\\nprice of labor. Mechanics received from i2d. to 2s. per day.\\nMagistrates had 3s. 6d. and deputies 2s. 6d. per day. A married\\nclergyman was allowed ^30 per annum.\\nBank bills had never been heard of. There was not money\\nenough of any kind in many parts of the country to pay the\\nsalaries of the ministers so that they sometimes had to take\\nquintals of fish, bushels of corn or cords of wood, instead\\nof silver or gold. As the people became more numerous and", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "3o6 HISTORY OF\\ntheir trade one with another increased, the want of current\\nmcfney was still more sensibly felt. To supply the demand the\\ngeneral court passed a law for establishing a coinage of shil-\\nlings, sixpences and threepences. Captain John Hull was ap-\\npointed to manufacture this money, and was to have one shil-\\nling out of every twenty to pay him for the trouble of making\\nthem. Hereupon all the old silver in the colony was handed\\nover to Captain John Hull. The battered silver cans and tank-\\nards, I suppose, and silver buckles, and broken spoons, and sil-\\nver buttons of worn-out coats, and silver hilts of swords that\\nhad figured at court, all such curious old articles were doubtless\\nthrown into the melting-pot together. Cut by far the greater part\\nof the silver consisted of bullion from the mines of South Amer-\\nica, which the English buccaneers who were little better than\\npirates had taken from the Spaniards and brought to Massa-\\nchusetts. All this old and new silver bemg melted down and\\ncoined, the result was an immense amount of splendid sixpences,\\nshillings and threepences. Each had the date, 1652, on the one\\nside and the figure of a pine-tree on the other. Hence they\\nwere called pine-tree shillings. In the course of time their\\nplace was supplied by bills of paper parchment which were nom-\\ninally valued at threepence and upward. The value of these\\nbills kept sinking because the real hard money could not be\\nobtained for them. They were a great deal worse than the old\\nIndian currency of clam-shells.\\nThe first settlers of New Hampshire used but little money as\\na medium of exchange. They exchanged the products of their\\nindustry for the necessaries of life. No bills of credit were\\nused. Gold and silver coins, imported from other countries, were\\nalone considered lawful money. Four shillings and sixpence\\nwere equal to a Spanish dollar. The French and Indian wars\\nexhausted the treasury of the state and imposed a heavy debt\\nupon the province. The legislature from time to time secured\\ntemporary relief by the issue of bills of credit. These depre-\\nciated but the credit of the state was repeatedly saved by the\\nreimbursement of these war claims by the English government.\\nWhen they joined the revolutionar) party, their bills became less\\nvaluable because there was little hope of redemption. In 1720,\\nan ounce of silver was worth 7s. 6d., in currency, in 1725, i6s.\\nin 1730, 20s. in 1735, 27s. 6d. in 1740, 28s. in 1745, 36s. iii\\n1750, 50s.; in 1755, 70s.; in 1760, 120s. February 20, 1794, an\\nact was passed abolishing the currency of pounds, shillings and\\npence, and afterwards accounts were kept in dollars, dimes and\\ncents, or dollars and cents. This act took effect January i, 1795.\\nWhen the congress of the United States, on the tenth of May,\\n1775, began to issue Continental Money, New Hampshire had", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 307\\na large amount of its own issues in circulation whicli were rap-\\nidly depreciating. The numerous counterfeits of these bills\\nalso contributed to diminish their value. The addition of the\\nUnited States money, which never commanded the confidence of\\nthe people, hastened the decline of our domestic bills. At the\\ncommencement of the Revolutionary war, paper money passed\\nat par but it gradually declined in value, till in 1781 one hun-\\ndred and twenty dollars were worth only one dollar in silver. It\\nsoon became entirely worthless.\\nCHAPTER LXXXV.\\nDISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT OF THE WHITE MOUNTAIN REGION.\\nFor a century and a half after the first settlement at Straw-\\nberry Bank and Hilton s Point, the northern portion of the state\\nwas the favorite hunting-ground of the Indians. They were ac-\\nquainted with all the streams that run among the hills and the\\nvalleys through which they flow. They undoubtedly were fa-\\nmiliar with all the gorges and defiles which divide the White\\nMountains and the far-famed Notch was probably threaded by\\nthem as they led their weeping captives from the early settle-\\nments of New Hampshire to Canada. It is not now certainly\\nknown when these mountains were first visited by white men.\\nAmong the early ^adventurers who landed at Little Harbor in\\n1623, there is no mention of soldiers by profession. In 1631,\\nThomas Eyre, one of the patentees, wrote to Ambrose Gibbins,\\ntheir agent, as follows By the bark Warwick, we send you a\\nfactor to take care of the trade goods also a soldier for discov-\\nery. This soldier, says Mr. Potter, was doubtless Darby\\nField, an Irisiiman who, with Captain Neal and Henr} Jocelyn,\\ndiscovered the White Mountains in 1632. This narrative is\\nnow discredited. It is supposed by the best authorities, that\\nDr. Belknap and those who adopted the above statement from\\nthe first edition of his history, made a mistake of ten years in\\nthe date of the discovery and consequently failed to state cor-\\nrectly names and facts connected with it.\\nIn Winthrop s History of New England, we find the following\\nnarrative\\nOne Darby Field, an Irishman, living about Piscataquack, being accom-\\npanied by two Indians, went to the top of the white hill. He made the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "3o8 HISTORY OF\\njourney in eighteen days. His relation, at Iiis return, was, that it was about\\none hundred miles from Saco, so that after forty miles travel he did for the\\nmost part ascend; and within twelve miles of the top there was neither tree\\nnor grass, but low savins which thev went upon the top of sometimes but a\\ncontinual ascent upon rocks, on a ridge between two valleys filled with snow,\\nout of which came two branches of the Saro river, wliich met at the foot of\\nthe hill, where was an Indian town of some two hundred people.\\nThis first ascent was made in June, 1642. Another party, led\\nby Thomas Gorges and Mr. Vines from Maine, ascended the\\nmountains in August of tlie same year. They also found a large\\nIndian town on the Saco, near the base of the mountains. From\\nthis settlement they went up hill about thirty miles, in woody\\nlands. Then they went about seven or eight miles upon shat-\\ntered rocks, without tree or grass, very steep all the way. At\\nthe top is a plain, three or four miles over, all shattered stones,\\nand upon that is another rock or spire about a mile in height,\\nand about an acre of ground at the top. On the top of the\\nplain arise four great rivers, among them the Connecticut.\\nThese explorers were dazed by the awful grandeur of the\\nscenery, and their eyes were confused by their imaginations.\\nThe first printed account of the White Mountains is found in\\nJohn Josselyn s New England s Rarities Discovered, published\\nin 1672. The description here given partakes of the errors\\nand exaggerations of the first discoverers. They gave a glow-\\ning account of the precious stones in these everlasting hills,\\nand among other things rich and rare they found sheets of\\nMuscovy glass or mica, forty feet long To their e.xcited\\nminds, the mountains seemed to cover one hundred leagues in\\nextent. The next account we have of explorations in the moun-\\ntains was in April, 1725. A ranging company ascended the\\nhighest mountain on the northwest part. This is thought to be\\nthe first ascent from the west side. Another party, who made a\\nsimilar tour in March, 1746, were alarmed by repeated explo-\\nsions as of the discharge of muskets. On examination they\\nfound that the noises were made by rocks falling from a cliff in\\nthe south side of a steep mountain.\\nThe Notch was discovered in 1771, by Timothy Nash, a pio-\\nneer hunter who had made a home for himself in this inhospi-\\ntable region. Climbing a tree on Cherry Mountain, in search of\\na moose, he discovered, far to the south, this gate of the moun-\\ntains. He at once directed his steps to this narrow defile, and\\npassed through it to Portsmouth. Here he made known his\\ndiscovery to Governor Wentvvorth. The wary governor, to test\\nthe practicability of the pass, informed Nash that if he would\\nbring him a horse down through the gorge from Lancaster, he\\nwould grant him a tract of land. Nash took with him a kin-\\ndred spirit named Benjamin Sav/yer, and by means of ropes", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 309\\nthey let down the horse over a precipice, then existing at the\\ngate of the Notch, and dehvered him in safety to the governor.\\nThe tract of land thus earned was named Nash and Sawyer s\\nLocation. It still has a local habitation and a name. A road\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0was soon after opened by the proprietors of land in the upper\\nCohos, through this rugged defile, and settlers began to make\\ntheir homes in the vicinity of the mountains. Jefferson, White-\\nfield, Littleton and Franconia were dotted with houses within a\\nfew years after the Notch was made passable. In 1774, a road\\nwas constructed through Pinkham Notch, on the east side of\\nthe mountains, and Shelburne, which then included Gorham, be-\\ngan to be settled. The tenth New Hampshire turnpike was in-\\ncorporated in 1803, extending from the west line of Bartlett\\nthrough the Notch, a distance of twent) miles. The original\\ncost of the road was forty tliousand dollars. This turnpike be-\\ncame a thoroughfare for all the northern towns of New Hamp-\\nshire and Vermont, for the conveyance of their produce to Port-\\nland. Sometimes, it is said, a hundred sleighs passed the Notch\\nin a single day.\\nScientific parties visited these mountains for the purpose of\\ndiscovery, in 1784 and in 1804. They published the results of\\ntheir investigations, containing valuable information respecting\\nthe flora and fauna of those regions, and some observations con-\\ncerning the topography, geology and altitudes of the mountains.\\nThe following account of the first permanent settlements in the\\nvicinity of the White Mountains is abridged from the first vol-\\nume of the Geology of New Hampshire, by Professor Charles\\nHitchcock.\\nEleazar Rosebrook removed from Grafton, Mass., to Lancas-\\nter in 1772. He finally settled in Monadnock, now Colebrook.\\nHe was then more^than thirty miles from any white man s cabin,\\nand the only path to his home was by blazed trees. During the\\nRevolutionary war he removed to Guildhall, Vt., to secure pro-\\ntection to his family during his absence in the service of his\\ncountry. In 1792, he sold his cultivated farm in Vermont and\\nagain sought the wilderness. He came to Nash and Sawyer s\\nLocation in the depth of winter. Here he soon built a large\\ntwo-story house at the base of what is known as the giant s\\ngrave, occupying nearly the same site as the present Fabyan\\nHouse. He also erected a saw-mill and grist-mill, with barns,\\nstables and sheds for the accommodation of travelers. He did\\nnot long enjoy the fruit of his patient toil. After years of in-\\ntense suffering from a cancer he died in 1817. Mr Rosebrook\\nwas one of nature s noblemen, renowned for his heroism in war\\nand for his enterprise in peace.\\nAbel Crawford, known as the patriarch of the mountains,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "3IO HISTORY OF\\nalso came from Guildhall, a few years later, and settled twelve\\nmiles farther south, near the site of the present Crawford House.\\nHe married the daughter of Mr. Rosebrook. In iSig he opened\\na path to Mount Washington, which follows the southwestern\\nridge from Mount Clinton. Three years later his son, Ethan\\nAllen Crawford, opened a new foot-path along the course of the\\nAmmonoosuc. In 1840 Abel Crawford, at the age of seventy-\\nfive, made his first horseback ascent to the top of Mount Wash-\\nington. Dr. O. T. Jackson, the first state geologist, accompanied\\nhim. Prior to that date visitors and their guides went up on\\nfoot. For sixty years he entertained and escorted travelers in\\nthese mountain regions. He died at the advanced age of eighty-\\nfive. In the spring months of his last years he longed for the\\ncoming of visitors as the young boy longs for the return of the\\nswallow. He used to sit, in the warm spring days, supported\\nby his daughter, his snow-white hair falling on his shoulders,\\nwaiting for the first ripple of that large tide which he had seen\\nincreasing in volume for twenty years. Not long after the stages\\nbegan to carry their summer freight by his door, he passed away.\\nHis son, Ethan Allen Crawford, succeeded to the estate of Capt.\\nRosebrook, but the ample buildings reared by the latter were\\nsoon after burned. For many years the Crawfords alone enter-\\ntained strangers at the mountains. All the bridle-paths on the\\nwest were opened by them. In 182 1 ladies first ascended Mount\\nWashington. The Misses Austin of Portsmouth spent four days\\nin a small stone cabin near the summit, in order to obtain a good\\nprospect. During the first quarter of this century the number\\nof visitors averaged about twelve each year.\\nThe Crawfords were bold, fearless, athletic men and their\\nstrong arms have sustained many a fainting pilgrim in his am-\\nbitious struggle to go up higher. Ethan Allen Crawford, known\\nas the giant of the mountains, was nearly seven feet in height.\\nHe kept a journal of his adventures about the mountains. Many\\nof the wisest and most distinguished men of the country were\\nhospitably entertained under his rude roof. He would come\\nhome from a bear hunt to find in his house, perhaps, a member of\\ncongress. Daniel Webster once desired his assistance on foot\\nto the top of Mount Washington. Ethan says We went up\\nwithout meeting anything worthy of note, more than was com-\\nmon for me to find but to him things appeared interesting, and\\nwhen we arrived there Mr, Webster spoke as follows Alount\\nWashington, I have come a long distance and have toiled hard\\nto reach your summit, and now you give me a cold reception.\\nI am extremely sorry that I cannot stay to view this grand pros-\\npect which lies before me and nothing prevents but the uncom-\\nfortable atmosphere in which you reside. A storm of snow over-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 31I\\ntook them in their descent, which almost chilled their life-blood.\\nThe statesman was much interested in his guide, for Ethan adds\\nThe next morning, after paying his bill, he made me a hand-\\nsome present of twenty dollars. Though Ethan was an honest\\nand moral man, he was imprisoned for debt, which came upon\\nhim by losses through fire and flood. He acted well his part\\nwhere Providence placed him, and by his labor and sufferings\\ncontributed to the safet) and happiness of others.\\nIn 1S03 Mr. Davis built a house three miles below the Notch,\\nwhich was afterwards occupied by Mr. Willey who perished with\\nhis family, in 1826, by an avalanche from a mountain since call-\\ned Mount Willey. These are the most noted of the early set-\\ntlers about the \\\\Vhite Mountains. The six or seven visitors who\\nsought these regions in 1803 have now increased to as many\\nthousands.\\nNote. The altitudes of the highest mountain peaks in New Hampshire are given by Prof.\\nHitchcock in Itis Geology of New Hampshire, as follows: Mt. Washington, 6,293 feet; Mt.\\nAdams, 5794 feet; Mt. Jefferson, 5714 feet Mt. Clay, 5,553 feet; Mt. Monroe, 5384 feet\\nMt. Madison, 5365 feet; Mt. Franklin, 4904 feet; Mt. Webster, 4,000 feet; White Moun-\\ntain Notch, 1,914 feet; Moosilai\u00c2\u00bbke, 4,81 1 feet Kearsarge, 2,943 feet Mt. Cuba, 2,927 feet;\\nMoose Mountain, 2,326 feet Mt. Chocorua, 3,540 feet Mt. Cardigan, 3, 156 feet Red Hill,\\nNorth Peak, 2,038 feet\\nCHAPTER LXXXVI.\\nTHE RIVERS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nThe true source 5f the Connecticut river has been accurately\\ndetermined by Mr. J. H. Huntington, Assistant State Geologist.\\nHe describes it as follows Almost on the very northern bound-\\nary of New Hampshire, and nearly on the very summit of the\\ndividing ridge that separates the waters of the St. Lawrence\\nfrom those that flow southward, there is a small lake containing\\nonly a few acres, and this is the source of the Connecticut. It\\nhas an elevation of two thousand five hundred and fifty-one feet,\\nand is only seventy-eight feet below the summit of Mount Pros-\\npect and so remote is it from the habitations of men, that it is\\nrarely seen. A place more solitary I know not in northern New\\nHampshire. The outlet of this lake is a mere rill this flows\\ninto Third Lake, which has an area of three-fourths of a\\nsquare mile. This lake discharges its waters, with those of a\\ntributary which it receives five miles below, into Second Lake.\\nThe area of this lake is about one and three-fourtlis square", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "312 HISTORY OF\\nmiles. The sceneiy about it is exceedingly attractive. Its\\noutlet is on the west side, near its southern limit, and is forty\\nfeet in width, and has a depth of eighteen inches. Twenty rods\\nfrom the lake it has a fall of eighteen feet or more then its\\ndescent is quite gradual, but forms here and there deep eddies.\\nA mile from the lake it becomes more rapid and rushes down\\nbetween precipitous walls of rocks, in a series of wild cascades,\\nwhich continue for half a mile. It receives two tributaries from\\nthe west before it flows into Connecticut Lake. This is a sheet of\\nwater exceedingly irregular in outline. Its length is four miles,\\nand its greatest width two and three-fourths, and it contains\\nabout three square miles. Its general direction is east and west,\\nbut near its outlet it turns towards the south. The water at the\\noutlet flows over a rocky barrier, the stream falling abruptly\\nnearly thirty-seven feet. The fall is quite rapid for two miles\\nand a half then the flow is more gentle for about four miles.\\nIt is nowhere a sluggish stream, until it passes the falls of North-\\numberland. The fall from Connecticut Lake to Lancaster is\\nseven hundred and eighty-five feet. Were it not for the sever-\\nity of the climate, the water-shed which supplies the sources of\\nthe Connecticut river would furnish homes and subsistence for\\na large population.\\nThe streams that feed the Connecticut are thus enumerated by\\nMr. Huntington In New Hampshire, below Connecticut Lake,\\nthe river receives three large tributaries. Perry s stream, which\\nrises near Third Lake and has a rapid descent, including two\\nfalls three and five miles from its confluence Indian stream,\\nwhich rises on the boundary and has a very rapid descent for\\nfive or six miles, when it is a very quiet stream until it flows into\\nthe Connecticut, about eleven miles from the lake and Hall s\\nstream, which rises, also, on the boundary, and is the dividing\\nline between New Hampshire and the Province of Quebec. Be-\\nsides these there are several smaller streams. The principal trib-\\nutaries from the east are Cedar stream in Pittsburg, Labrador\\nbrook and Dead Water stream in Clarksville, Bishop brook in\\nStewartstown, the Mohawk in Colebrook, Sim s stream and Ly-\\nman brook in Columbia, Bog brook in Stratford, the Upper Am-\\nmonoosuc in Northumberland, Israel s river in Lancaster and\\nJohn s river in Dalton.\\nSouth of Dalton the other tributaries of the Connecticut are\\nLower Ammonoosuc at Bath, Oliverian brook at Haverhill,\\nEastman s brook at Piermont, Mascoma river at Lebanon, Sugar\\nriver at Claremont, Cold river at Walpole, Partridge brook at\\nWestmoreland and Ashuelot river at Hinsdale. It also receives,\\nfrom Vermont, Nulhegan river at Brunswick, Passumpsic river\\nat Barnet, Wells river at Newbury, Wait s river at Bradford,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 3 13\\nPompanoosuc at Norwich, White river at White River Junction,\\nQuechee river at Hartland, Black river at Springfield, William s\\nriver at Rockingham and West river at Brattleboro.\\nThe western bank of the Connecticut at low water mark is\\nthe boundary line between New Hampshire and Vermont through\\nthe entire length of the latter state. The length of the Con-\\nnecticut as it bounds New Hampshire is two hundred and eleven\\nmiles. It drains about three-tenths of the entire state and about\\nfour-tenths of Vermont, making an area of 6,800 square miles\\nin both states.\\nOne of the oldest explorers of the Connecticut, farther south,\\nwas John Ledyard, an eccentric individual who entered Dart-\\nmouth College in 1772, and after a brief stay of four months\\nbecame a wanderer. One of his exploits is thus described by\\nPresident Sparks\\nOn the margin of Connecticut river, which runs near the college, stood\\nmany majestic forest trees, nourished by a rich soil. One of these Ledyard\\ncontrived to cut down. He then set himself at work to fashion its trunk\\ninto a canoe, and in this labor he was assisted by some of his fellow-students.\\nAs the canoe was fifty feet long and three wide, and was to be dug out and\\nconstructed by these unskillful workmen, the task was not a trifling one, nor\\nsuch as could be speedily executed. Operations were carried on with spirit,\\nhowever, till Ledyard wounded himself with an axe and was disabled for\\nseveral days. When he recovered he applied himself anew to his work\\nthe canoe was finished, launched into the stream, and by the further aid of\\nhis companions equipped and prejjared for the voyage. His wishes were\\nnow at their consummation, and bidding adieu to these haunts of the Muses,\\nwhere he had gained a dubious fame, he set off alone to e.xplore a river with\\nthe navigation of which he had not the sliglitest acquaintance. The distance\\nto Hartford was not less than one hundred and forty miles, much of the way\\nwas through a wilderness, and in several places there were dangerous falls\\nand rapids.\\nWith a bear-skin for his covering and his canoe well stocked with provis-\\nions, he yielded himself to the current and floated leisurely down the stream,\\nseldom using his paddle, and stopping only in the night for sleep. He told\\nMr. Jefferson in Paris, fourteen years afterward, that he took only two books\\nwith him, a Greek Testament and Ovid, one of which he was deeply engaged\\nin reading when his canoe reached Bellows Falls, where lie was suddenly\\naroused by the noise of the waters rushing among the rocks in the narrow\\npassage. The danger was imminent, as no boat could go down that fall\\nwithout being instantly dashed in pieces. With difficulty he gained the shore\\nin time to escape such a catastrophe, and through the kind assistance of the\\npeople in the neighborhood, who were astonished at the novelty of such a\\nvovage down the Connecticut, his canoe was drawn by oxen around the fall\\nand committed again to the water below. He reached Hartford in safety,\\nand astonished his friends not more by the suddenness of his return than by\\nthe strange mode of navigation by which he accomplished it.\\nRivers are historical. The first towns and cities are built\\nupon their banks the first explorations of the interior follow\\ntheir currents. Rivers, therefore, reflect the character of the\\npeople as they mirror in their waters the surrounding scenery.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "314. HISTORY OF\\nThe histoiy of the United States is associated with the Missis-\\nsippi, the Ohio and James rivers. The banks of the Connecti-\\ncut and Merrimack are eloquent of the pioneers of New Eng-\\nland. These rivers, with their rich intervals, attracted to them\\nthe first dwellers in the wilderness and in subsequent years\\ntheir clear waters were often dyed with their blood. Says Elihu\\nBurritt, speaking of the Connecticut Its scenery in itself is\\nas picturesque and pleasing as any American river can show. If\\nit is not so bold and grand as that of the Hudson, its pictures of\\nbeauty are hung in a softer light and longer gallery, with no\\nblank or barren spaces between them. pg^\\nnearly a hundred miles of its winding course the Connecticut\\nhems the opposite shores of Vermont and New Hampshire with\\na broad seam of silver, which each state wears as a fringe of\\nlight to its green and graceful border.\\nThe Merrimack river is formed by the confluence of the Pem-\\nigewasset and Winnipiseogee rivers, at Franklin. The source\\nof the Pemigewasset is Profile Lake, in the Franconia moun-\\ntains. The Franconia Notch is a defile of about five miles in\\nlength and half a mile in width, between Lafayette and Mount\\nCannon. It contains, probably, as many objects of interest to\\ntravelers as any other mountain pass in the world. The most\\nattractive object in this natural museum of curiosities is the\\nGreat Stone Face or Old Man of the Mountain, which like\\na lone sentinel keeps perpetual watch and ward over the un-\\nsunned treasures which nature has buried beneath the rocky\\nramparts that surround him. Here the hand of God sculptured\\nthis antetype of the human countenance, ages before he created\\nman of the dust of the earth and breathed into him the breath\\nof life. Oh if the stony lips of this changeless form could be\\nmade vocal, its history would be worth more to the world than\\nall the discoveries that proud science has made, or all the\\ntheories that old philosophy has invented. Fifteen hundred\\nfeet below those jutting rocks that form the profile of the Old\\nMan of the Mountain, nestles a beautiful and picturesque little\\nlake, which is the source of the Pemigewasset river, which\\nplunges over rocky precipices and hurries through smiling mead-\\nows, descending more than si.xteen hundred feet, till it joins the\\nWinnipiseogee river at Franklin and then under the new name\\nof Merrimack, rolls quietly on to turn the wheels and spindles\\nof Manchester, Lawrence and Lowell, and thus give employ-\\nment and bread to thousands of operatives. This river drains\\nnearly four tenths of the whole area of New Hampshire. It\\npasses through the central portion of the state and in relation\\nto agriculture and manufactures, is perhaps the most important\\nriver of New Hampshire. It leaves the state at the southeast", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 315\\ncorner of Hudson, and, bending to the northeast, flows into the\\nAtlantic, in a channel three miles south of the southern boundary\\nof Rockingham County. Its entire length is about one hundred\\nand fifty-four miles. The following streams flow into it Baker s\\nriver at Plymouth Newfound river at Bristol Smith s river at\\nBristol Webster Lake brook at Franklin Contoocook, the larg-\\nest tributary in New Hampshire, at Fisherville* j Piscataquog at\\nManchester Souhegan at Merrimack Nashua river at Nashua\\nEast Branch at Woodstock j Mad river at Campton Beebe\\nriver at Campton Squam river at Ashland Winnipiseogee river\\nat Franklin Soucook river at Pembroke Suncook river at\\nAllenstown Brown s brook at Hooksett Cohas brook at Man-\\nchester Beaver brook at Dracut, Mass. Spiggot river at Law-\\nrence, Mass. and Powwow river at Amesbury.t\\nThe Merrimack is one of the most remarkable rivers of New\\nHampshire, both for its beautiful scenery and its abundant water\\npower, It is said to contain double the available power of all\\nthe rivers of France. It turns more spindles, in addition to a\\nvast amount of other machinery than any other river on the face\\nof the globe. Still the greater portion of its waters is un-\\nemployed.\\nThe Salmon Falls river and the Cocheco unite at Dover to\\nform the Piscataqua. The Salmon Falls river and the Piscata-\\nqua, throughout their entire course, form a portion of the east-\\nern boundary of the state. The Piscataqua is a short river,\\nNote. On the i/lh of June, 1S74, a monument was erected, with due ceremonies, on\\nt)uston Island, at the mouth of Contoocook liyer, Concord, N. H., to the memory of Han-\\nnah Duston, whose wonderful exploits are described as follows:\\nOn the 15th of March, 1697, the Indians made a descent on the town of Haverhill, Mass.,\\nkilled twenty-seven of the inhabitants, burned nine dwellings, andtook Mrs. Hannah Duston,\\nher babe only six days old, her nurse, Mary Neff, and eight or nine other prisoners, and car-\\nried them all into New Hampshire, excepting the infant,_ who was Idlled by having its head\\ndashed against a tree. After fifteen days of fearful suffering, especially on the part of Mrs.\\nDuston, who was taken fronf child-bed, the Indians and part of their captives arrived at the\\nIsland at the junction of the Contoocook and Merrimack rivers. Mrs. Duston, Mary Neff,\\nand an English boy named Samuel Leonardson, who had been captured at Worcester, were\\nassigned to the_ care of two Indian men and three women, who had seven children, mostly\\nhalf-grown Indians, with them. Mrs. Duston and her nurse were told by their convoy that\\nthey would have to run the gauntlet through their village when they arrived there, and that\\nthey must be deprived of most of their clotliing. Mrs. Duston, aware of the horrible tortures\\nthis threat included, formed the design of exterminating her captors, old and young, and\\nmanaged to prevail on her nurse and the boy to assist herm their destruction. A little before\\ndaylight, on the 30th of March, finding the Indians asleep around their fire, Mrs. Duston\\nand her associates armed themselves with their tomahawks, and despatched ten of the twelve.\\nOne woman, who had been believed to be killed made her escape, and one of the Indian\\nyouths Mrs. Duston and her associates design^^dly left unharmed._ They then scalped the\\ndead, took one of the tomahawks and a gun belonging to the Indians, crossed the river in a\\ncanoe and made their escape. After enduring great hardships from want of food, and nm-\\nning much risk from meeting with Indians, the fugitives amved at Boston with their scalps\\nand their booty on the 21st day of April. The general court was in session at the time, and\\nvoted Mrs. Duston tifty pounds in sterling money, and a similar sum to be divided between\\nher nurse and the boy Leonardson. Presents were sent them from many quarters; among\\nother srivers was the governor of Maryland. Forty years afterward, in appreciation of the\\nact of Mrs. Duston, the colonial legislature voted certain valuable lands to her descendants,\\nin testimony of iheir appreciation of her wonderful braverv.\\nt Many faces in the chapters descriptive of rivers, climate and scenery have been compiled\\nwith the author s consent, from Prof. Hitchcock s Geology of New Hampshire.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "3l6 HISTORY OF\\nwhich, with its tributaries, drains only about one eleventh of the\\nstate but it is deemed of priceless value to the state on account\\nof the excellent harbor, safe, broad and deep, which is formed\\nby its banks as it enters the Atlantic Ocean. The tide flows to\\nDover and South Berwick. Between the towns of Durham,\\nGreenland and Newington, there is an immense tidal basin which\\nreceives the waters of several rivers. The area of this estuary,\\nincluding Great and Little Bays, is about nine square miles.\\nBellamy river at Dover, Oyster river at Durham, Lamprey river\\nat Newmarket, and E.xeter river at South Newmarket, flow into\\nGreat Bay, and thus indirectly increase the current of the Piscat-\\naqua and prevent the harbor from freezing in the winter. The\\nCocheco and Salmon Falls rivers rise near the southern extrem-\\nity of Lake Winnipiseogee and the ponds that feed them have\\nnearly the same altitude as that lake, which is five hundred feet\\nabove the sea.\\nThe lakes and ponds which everywhere dot the surface of the\\nstate form one of the most interesting features of its landscapes.\\nIn these natural basins, during the rainy season, are treasured\\nthe waters that, in periods of drought, give verdure and freshness\\nto the farmers meadows and furnish the power that drives the\\nmachinery of the manufacturers.\\nThe land upon the Piscataqua and its tributaries is excellent\\nfor tillage and highly productive. It is more level and less\\nstony, and consequently more easily cultivated than other por-\\ntions of the state. New Hampshire has only nineteen miles of\\nsea-board, yet its long reaches of beautiful beach are unsurpassed\\nby any state in the Union. Boar s Head, which overlooks the\\nAtlantic at Hampton, and Rye Beach have a national reputa-\\ntion. Large and commodious hotels have been built in the vi-\\ncinity of both, and numerous visitors from the cold north and\\nthe sunny south throng them and all the farm-houses for miles\\naround them, for the purpose of sea bathing and beach drives,\\nduring the summer months. The mountains and the ocean fur-\\nnish centres of undying interest to those who visit the Granite\\nState, and yield a liberal revenue to those who live beneath the\\nshadows of the everlasting hills or upon the borders of the\\ngreat and wide sea.\\nThe Magalloway river is the outlet of a small lake of the\\nsame name in northern New Hampshire, near Crown Monu-\\nment, which marks the point where Maine and New Hampshire\\nmeet the Dominion of Canada. The lake has an area of about\\nthree hundred acres. It is situated more than two thousand feet\\nabove the ocean, amid dense forests and under the shadow of\\nhigh hills, and exhibits in its solitude the gloom and grandeur\\nof primeval nature. The river, soon after its rise, enters the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\n317\\nState of Maine. It reenters New Hampshire in the Dartmouth\\nCollege grant. It flows about one mile and then crosses the\\nline into Maine and returns to the state in Wentworth s Loca-\\ntion, and flows into the Androscoggin about a mile and one half\\nfrom Umbagog lake. The entire length of the Magalloway and\\nthe Androscoggin in New Hampshire is eighty-six miles.\\nThe tributaries of the Androscoggin in New Hampshire are\\nSwift Diamond river, entering from the College grant. Clear\\nStream at Errol, Moose river at Gorham, Peabody river at Gor-\\nham and Chickwalnipy river from the east side at Milan.\\nThe streams which drain the eastern slope of the White\\nMountain range and those whose waters flow through the Notch\\nfrom the west side find their way to the Atlantic through two of\\nthe largest rivers of Maine. The Saco rises a few miles above\\nthe Notch, and, by a winding course of thirty-four miles, leaves\\nthe state at East Conway. Along its banks are found some of\\nthe most marvelous of nature s works. Travelers tell us that\\nno land presents more attractive scenery. The eye of the be-\\nholder is never satisfied with seeing.\\nCHAPTER LXXXVII.\\nCLIMATE AND SCENERY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nNew Hampshire lies between the Province of Quebec on the\\nnorth and the state of Massachusetts on the south. On the\\neast lies the state of Maine on the southeast it is bounded by\\nthe Atlantic ocean and the county of Essex on the west and\\nnorthwest by Vermont and partially by the Province of Quebec.\\nIts shape is that of a scalene triangle, almost a right-angled\\ntriangle. The western boundary measures one hundred and\\nninety miles the eastern one hundred and eighty. The greatest\\nwidth of the state, from Chesterfield to the eastern point of Rye,\\nis ninety-three miles. It lies between 70^37 and 72\u00c2\u00b037 of lon-\\ngitude, west from Greenwich; and between 42 \u00c2\u00b04o and 45^18\\n23 of north latitude. Its area, according to the measurement\\nof Prof. Hitchcock, is nine thousand, three hundred and thirty-\\nsix square miles. A considerable portion of the state is so rough\\nand mountainous as to be unfit for profitable tillage. Those\\nregions are very sparsely populated.\\nThe annual amount of rain and melted snow varies from", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "3l8 HISTORY OF\\nthirty-five to fort} -six inches. The largest fall of rain is in the\\ncentral portions of the state the smallest on the sea-board.\\nThe temperature varies in different localities, from ioo\u00c2\u00b0 of Fah-\\nrenheit in summer, above zero, to 50\u00c2\u00b0 below in winter. Notwith-\\nstanding these e.xtremes of heat and cold. New Hampshire is\\njustly considered a healthy section of the country. Statistics\\nshow that its climate is eminently favorable to longevity. Dur-\\ning one centurjr, from 1732 to 1832, more than one hundred per-\\nsons lived to be more than one hundred years Of age.\\nThe lakes of New Hampshire constitute one of the most at-\\ntractive features of the scenery. These are fed from the streams\\nwhich run among the hills. During the periods of the early\\nand latter rains they are swollen to mountain torrents, which\\noften bring ruin and desolation to the meadows upon their banks\\nbut they discharge their surplus waters into these peaceful lakes\\nwhich become so many basins of reserved power for the pro-\\npelling of machinery.\\nAmong the largest of these beautiful sheets of water we may\\nmention\\n1. The Ossipee Lake. It is renowned as the headquarters\\nof the Indians in 1720. It is situated in Ossipee and Effingham\\nand has an area of seven hundred acres. It contains no islands\\nand its clear blue waters form a perfect mirror for the attractive\\nscenery upon its borders.\\n2. Squam Lake, occupying a part of Holderness, Sandwich,\\nMoultonborough and Centre Harbor, is about si.x miles in length\\nand three in breadth, covering about seven thousand acres. It\\nis described as a splendid sheet of water, indented by points,\\narched with coves and studded with a succession of romantic\\nislands.\\n3. Sunapee Lake is situated upon the borders of New Lon-\\ndon, Newbury and Sunapee. It is about nine miles in length,\\nand varies from half a mile to one and a half miles in width.\\nThis lake occupies a very elevated position, being eight hundred\\nand twenty feet above the sea. Its e.xtreme elevation prevented,\\nin 1816, the use of its waters for a canal uniting the Merrimack\\nand Connecticut rivers.\\n4. The most celebrated of all our lakes is the Winnipiseo-\\ngee, now frequently spelled Winnipesaukee. The orthography\\nof this word lias at least forty variations. This lake charms all\\ntravelers. It has no peer; not even Lake George surpasses it.\\nIts scenery is wild and romantic its waters are pure and deep\\nits fertile islands equal in number the days of the year its fish,\\nvarious and numerous, furnish rich repasts at the tables of the\\ncommodious hotels upon its borders and the steamers and boats\\nthat ply upon its bosom give to the lovers of pleasure ample", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 319\\nopportunity for sailing, rowing and steaming. It lies in tlie\\ncounties of Belknap and Carroll, and is surrounded by the pleas-\\nant towns of Moultonborough, Tuftonborough, Wolfeborough,\\nCentre Harbor, Meredith, Gilford and Alton. It is about twenty-\\nfive miles in length and varies in width from one to ten miles.\\nIt is four hundred and seventy-two feet above the sea.\\nThe transition from scenery to climate is easy and natural.\\nClimate affects all human relations, whether of body, mind or\\nestate. It determines the rank of nations in the scale of civili-\\nzation. It regulates the standard of physical strength, intellect-\\nual power and moral worth. There is not a nerve, tissue or fibre\\nof the human frame that is not modified by cold and heat. The\\nbody is the tit tabernacle of the indwelling spirit and to a great\\nextent determines for time and eternity the character of its\\ntenant. Extremes both of heat and cold are unfavorable to the\\nhighest development of the human race. Hence the best speci-\\nmens of our race have always been found in the temperate zones.\\nHere the necessity of procuring food, clothing and shelter has\\nstimulated the physical and intellectual powers to their highest\\nactivity and proved to be, literally, the mother of inventions.\\nThe climate of New Hampshire is rigorous and severe.\\nRough, cold and bleak, our little state\\nIs hard of soil, of limits straiglit\\nHer yellow sands are sands alone,\\nHer only mines are ice and stone.\\nFrom autumn frost to April rain\\nToo lon^ her winter woods complain\\nFrom bidding flower to falling leaf\\nHer summer time is all too brief.\\nFor more than one half of the year we are compelled to war\\nwith the elements and contend, day and night, with wind and\\nstorm, frost and snow. During the other half of the year, we\\nare employed in m aking provision against this elemental strife.\\nIt is well for us that it is so. The people of the Granite State\\nowe their health, vigor and longevity to their ungenial climate\\nand rugged soil. Both have compelled them to labor to subdue\\nnature and repel the cold. Labor is the weapon of honor. It\\nis the ordination of Heaven, and no people becomes great, good\\nor wise without it. Liberty lives where the snow falls. Man is\\nenfranchised only in the temperate zones. Between the tropics,\\nwhere nature supplies men s wants spontaneously, great men\\nand great nations have been few. Where the chief wants of our\\nnature, food, clothing and shelter, are scarcely needed beyond\\nwhat the earth itself liberally supplies, there is no stimulus to\\nindustry. Artificial wants have no existence. Men are rendered\\neffeminate, indolent and sensuous by the climate. Despotism is\\nthe normal state of the government, slavery that of the governed.\\nIn such a climate, men cannot be educated to freedom. They", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "320 HISTORY OF\\nhave neither the energy nor the industry necessary to achieve\\nand defend their liberty. The tropical man, therefore, in his\\nnative home, is not destined to be the teacher, law-giver, gover-\\nnor or even the equal of the pale-faces of snowy climes. The\\nwarm regions have their inconveniences the cold have their\\ncompensations. When we consider our long winters, our drift-\\ning snows, our early frosts and our stubborn soil, we are apt to\\ncomplain of New Hampshire as a place of residence and repeat\\nthe stale proverb about its being a good state to emigrate\\nfrom. It is a good state in which to have a home and to be-\\ncome virtuous and happy. Its scenery is unsurpassed by any\\ncountry on the globe. Men visit foreign lands to be excited,\\nelevated and enraptured with the grand, gloomy and majestic\\naspects of nature. They throng the retired vales of Switzerland,\\nand gaze, reverently, upon the glittering pinnacles of the Alps\\nand for once in their lives worship that God of whom Moses\\nsaid, Before the mountains were brought forth, or even thou\\nhadst formed the earth and world, even from everlasting to ever-\\nlasting, thou art God. Even Byron, the poet of passion, the\\nprofane scoffer, felt the emotions of reverence beneath the\\nfrowning battlements of Mont Blanc and, in poetic rapture,\\nexclaimed\\nAbove me are the Alps,\\nThe palaces of nature, whose vast walls\\nHave pinnacled in clouds their snowy scalps\\nAnd throned Eternity in icy halls\\nOf cold sublimity, where forms and falls\\nThe avalanche the thunderbolt of snow\\nAll that expands the spirit yet appals\\nGathers rotind these summits, as to show\\nHow earth may pierce to Heaven, yet leave vain man below.\\nColeridge, in that magnificent poem entitled Sunrise in the\\nVale of Chamouni, has this apostrophe to the same mountain\\nOh, dread and silent mount I gazed upon thee\\nTill thou still pi-esent to the bodily sense\\nDidst vanish from my thought entranced in prayer\\nI worshiped the Invisible alone.\\nNew Hampshire is called the Switzerland of America, and is\\nadmitted by travelers to present scenes of attractive beauty and\\nawful sublimity which compare favorably with any of which Eu-\\nrope can boast. Fashions in travel change as often as those of\\ndress. Men are ever wandering in search of pleasure which is\\nnever found in perfection except at home. Multitudes who live\\nin sight of Mount Washington never visit it. Multitudes who\\nbreathe the stifled air of cities delight to climb its rugged sides,\\npierce the clouds that encircle them, and enjoy the sunshine that\\nlingers and plays upon its summit. The lime is not very remote\\nwhen the tide of European travel, like the course of empire,\\nwestward shall take its way, and the valleys and pinnacles of", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 321\\nour own familiar mountains will echo with strange tongues and\\nbecome populous with visitors from the old world. Why not\\nThe railroad, even now, can lift the traveler to the top of\\nMount Washington, and the great valleys that lead to the moun-\\ntains present unparalleled attractions to the lovers of the pic-\\nturesque and the most sublime of geological records to the sci-\\nentific explorer. Why, then, may we not e.xpect the lovers of\\npleasure and the e.xplorers of nature from populous Europe to\\nthrong our thoroughfares which lead up to the Notch, the Flume,\\nthe Franconia valley and the Old Man of the Mountain, around\\nwhose venerable head great white clouds\\nAre wanderinjr, in thick flocks, among the mountains,\\nShepherded by the slow, unwillini; wind\\nNay, more, why may we not expect, when the real seclusion is\\nbroken from the oriental world, to see among us the cautious\\nJapanese, the philosophic Brahmin, the contemplative Chinaman\\nand the imaginative Persian, traveling for pleasure or profit\\nunder the shadows of our granite hills or on the banks of our\\nsilver streams Tliis may all be in the prime of summer time\\nin some coming year, when\\nSpring s warm look has unfettered the fountains.\\nThere are four great avenues to the two highest ranges of\\nNew Hampshire mountains. These are through the valleys of\\ngreat rivers, the Saco, the Merrimack, the Androscoggin and the\\nConnecticut. Two of these are all our own. The tributaries of\\nthe Merrimack and the Connecticut are chiefly within our state.\\nMan is enfranchised only in the temperate zones. All cli-\\nmates have their inconveniences and compensations. Rich soils\\nand sunny climes produce gross bodies and sluggish brains.\\nNature is lovely, and\\nAll but the siriiit of man is divine.\\nNecessity is the mother of inventions and of inventors too.\\nSouls are ripened in our northern skies.\\nMr. Reavis, in his pamphlet upon St. Louis, says\\nIt is a noteworthy observation of Dr. Draper, in his work on the Civil\\nWar in America, that, within a zone a few degrees wide, having for its axis\\nthe January isothermal line of forty-one degrees, all great men in Europe\\nand Asia have appeared. He might have added, with equal truth, that\\nwithin the same zone have e.xisted all those great cities which have e.xerted\\na powerful influence upon the world s history, as centres of civilization and\\nintellectual progress. The same inexorable law of climate, which makes\\ngreatness in the individual unattainable in a temperature hotter or colder\\nthan a certain golden mean, affects in like manner, with even more certainty,\\nthe development of those concentrations of intellect of man which we find\\nin great cities. If the temperature is too cold, the sluggish torpor of the\\nintellectual and physical nature precludes the highest development if the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "322 HISTORY OF\\ntemperature is too hot, the fiery fickleness of nature, which warm climates\\nproduce in the individual, is typical of the swift and tropical growth, and\\nsudden and severe decay and decline, of cities exposed to the same all povifer-\\nful influence. Beyond that zone of moderate temperature, the human life re-\\nsembles more closely that of the animal, as it is forced to combat with ex-\\ntremes of cold, or to submit to extremes of heat but within that zone the\\nhighest intellectual activity and culture are displayed.\\nNew Hampshire, lying and being within those charmed circles\\nthat begirt the globe and enclose its nobles, has furnished abun-\\ndant proof of the theory above quoted and what was said of\\nZion anciently may be applied to her, with all reverence This\\nand that man was born in her, and the Highest shall establish\\nher. Let us thank God and take courage, that we have so few\\ntemptations and so many inducements to virtue. Truly, the\\nlines have fallen to us in pleasant places.\\nWhy turn we to our mountain homes\\nWilh more than filial feeling\\nTis here that Freedom s altars bttrn\\nAnd Freedom s sons are kneeling.\\nOur little state has been a fountain from which there has been\\na ceaseless flow of able men who have largely influenced the\\ndestinies and developed the resources of other states. Fifty\\nyears ago New Hampshire was so rich in intellect that she could\\nhave furnished, from her citizens, a president, vice-president,\\ncabinet and supreme court, equal in fitness to any holding those\\nhigh positions since the formation of the government. In this\\nconnection we may cite the names of Langdon, Sullivan, Stark,\\nThornton, McClary, the Websters, oodburys, Pierces, Bart-\\nletts, Smith, Richardson, the Livermores, Gilchrist, the Ather-\\ntons, Cass, Fessenden, the Bells of both Hillsborough and\\nGrafton counties, Plumer, Whipple, Lord, Cilley, Miller, McNeil,\\nMason, Hill, the Dinsmoors, the Uphams, Hubbard, Chase,\\nParker, Clifford, Perley, Fletcher, Greeley, Di.x, Grimes, Hale,\\nHealey, Wilson, John Wentworth and others, as soine of the\\nrepresentative men of the state.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nCHAPTER LXXXVIII.\\nTHE ISLES OF SHOALS.\\n323\\nThe Isles of Shoals as a part of New Hampshire deserve\\nsomething more than a passing notice. Their discovery ante-\\ndates that of the Piscataqua. These islands bore some of the\\nfirst footprints of New England Christianit}^ and civilization.\\nThey were, for a long time, the abode of intelligence, refinement\\nand virtue, but were afterwards abandoned to a state of semi-\\nbarbarism. In 1614 John Smith took note of their existence,\\nand in 1623 Christopher Lcavitt landed on one of them. In\\n1645 three brothers, Robert, John and Richard Cutts, emigrated\\nfrom Wales, and on their passage landed at the Isles of Shoals,\\nand being pleased with their attractions commenced a settlement\\nthere. Other persons from England and Wales soon joined\\nthem and formed a prosperous colony. In 1650 Rev. John\\nBrock became their minister. He is mentioned by Cotton\\nMather as one of the excellent of the earth in knowledge and\\ndevotion. From that date to the present time the place has been\\nfilled with men good, bad and indifferent, till Christianity has\\nnearly lapsed into heathenism. In 1661, the islands having be-\\ncome quite famous as places of resort, were incorporated into a\\ntownship called Appledore. Hog Island then contained about\\nforty families, who afterwards, through fear of the Indians,\\npassed over to Star* Island. William Pcpperell, the father of Sir\\nWilliam Pepperell, so distinguished in the annals of Maine, lived\\nand traded there for twenty years. From this period to the time\\nof the Revolution the population of the Shoals varied from\\nthree to six hundred, and the settlement grew and prospered.\\nThey had all the symbols of a well regulated Christian commu-\\nnity, the church, school-house, court-house and a fort. Their\\nchief occupation was fishing. At the commencement of the war\\nwith England they, from their exposed condition, were entirely\\nat the mercy of the enemy, hence the best portion of the popu-\\nlation migrated to the neighboring seaports. Capt. White, v. ho\\nwas murdered by Crowninshield in 1830, Avas one of those exiles\\nfrom his rocky home in the ocean. The people who remained\\nwere ignorant, degraded and worthless. They burned the\\nmeeting-house and gave themselves up to quarreling, profanity\\nand drunkenness till they became almost barbarians. Since", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "324 HISTORY OF\\nthat time the little education and religion found in the settle-\\nment have been imparted by visitors and missionaries under the\\ngreatest disadvantages. Mrs. Celia Thaxter, in her work entitled\\nAmong the Isles of Shoals, has given us the best description\\nof these low, piratical reefs which has ever been written. It\\nhas the fidelity of true history with the marvels of the wildest\\nromance. Nine miles from Portsmouth, twenty-one from Cape\\nAnn in Massachusetts, and sixteen from Cape Neddick in\\nMaine, these perilous ledges, like huge sea monsters, lift their\\nbacks above the water. There are six in number if the tide is\\nlow, but if it is high there are eight, and would be nine but that\\na break-water connects two of them. Appledore, for many years\\ncalled Hog Island, from its resemblance to a hog s back\\nrising from the surface of the ocean, is the largest and most\\nregular in shape. It has an area of four hundred acres, divided\\nby a valley, in which the hotel is situated, into two nearly equal\\nparts. The following entry occurs in the records of Massachu-\\nsetts, dated May 22, i56i\\nFor the better settling of order in the Isle of Shoales, it is ordered by\\nthis Court, that henceforward the whole islands appertaining thereunto,\\nwhich doe lie partly in the County of York and the other part in the juris-\\ndiction of Dover and Portsmouth, shall be reputed and hereby allowed to be\\na township called Appledore, and shall have equal power to regulate their\\ntown affairs as other townes of this jurisdiction have.\\nNext, almost within a stone s throw, is Haley s Island, named\\nSrnutty-Nose by the sailors. At low tide. Cedar and Malaga are\\nboth connected with it, the latter by a break-water. Here storm\\nand darkness have wrecked many a ship. The area of these\\nthree islands com.prises about one hundred acres. Star Island\\ncontains one hundred and fifty acres. Toward its northern ex-\\ntremity lies the famous town of Gosport, famous in early times\\nfor its culture and commerce, now famous as a resort for sum-\\nmer visitors.\\nNot quite a mile, says Mrs. Thaxter. southwest from Star,\\nWhite Island lifts a light-house for a warning. This is the most\\npicturesque of the group, and forms, with Seavey s Island, at\\nlow water, a double island with an area of some twenty acres.\\nMost westerly lies Londoner s, an irregular rock with a bit of\\nbeach, upon which all the shells about the cluster seem to be\\nthrown. Two miles northeast from Appledore, Duck Island\\nthrusts out its lurking ledges on all sides beneath the water, one\\nof them running half a mile to the northwest. This is the most\\ndangerous of all the islands. It is the home of those timid\\nsea-fowl that shun the haunts of men. Shag and Mingo rocks,\\nwhere during or after storms the sea breaks with magnificent\\neffect, lie isolated by a narrow channel from the main granite", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 325\\nfragment. A very round rock west of Londoner s, perversely\\ncalled Square, and Anderson s Rock off the southeast end of\\nSmutty-Nose complete the catalogue. Appledore, Smutty-Nose\\nand Duck islands belong to Maine, the rest to New Hampshire.\\nTill within a few years the inhabitants have been left very much\\nto themselves, and have been as little disturbed by state officials\\nas the gulls and loons that share their dreary homes. The fol-\\nlowing sketch of Hon. Thomas B. Laighton is taken from the\\nNewark Journal\\nIn the year 1839, the Hon. Thomas B. Laighton, formerly editor of the\\nNew Hampshire Gazette, at Portsmouth, and a politician and literary man\\nof some note, was keeping the White Island Light-House at this watering\\nplace, where he engaged to some e.xtent in the business of fishing. One\\nday the thought struck him that this might be made a delightful summer re-\\nsort for a large class of people, who, while they wanted the invigorating sea\\nbreezes, did not care either to take them diluted or modified by the land tem-\\nperature and influences, or to undergo a long and tedious voyage for this\\npurpose. Mr. Laighton, himself an invalid, had experienced great relief\\nfrom his sea residence, and at once reasoned himself into the belief that the\\nIsles of Shoals was the best place on the coast for a successful summer\\nboarding-house, and acting upon this idea he succeeded in purchasing for the\\nsum of twenty-five thousand dollars the islands known by the not poetic\\ntitles of Hog and Smutty. The first he named Appledore, which is\\nsimply a pile of granite rocks, thrown up in some obscure age of the world,\\nwithout form or comeliness. Here Mr. Laighton built a moderately sized\\nhouse, nine miles out from the New Hampshire coast, and waited his\\nchances. There was no doubt of his being at sea, near one of the rough-\\nest, bleakest and most exposed coast lines upon the continent; but a man\\nwho for several years had tended White Island Light could not be fright-\\nened or moved from his property by any exhibitions or freaks of old ocean.\\nOne thing was certain these islands were anchored fast to the unseen cen-\\ntre of the globe, wherever that might be, or else they must have disappeared\\nthousands of ears gone by. But who could tell their story or sing their dole-\\nful or terrible requiem What by-gone races of human beings had landed\\nupon these outposts in^the dim past. What vessels had been stranded and\\nwrecked upon these treacherous shoals, dashing in a moment high-wrought\\nhopes, glorious visions, ambitious views But no matter. Tom Laighton,\\nwhen he left Portsmouth and its mixed politics, was said to be not a little\\ndisgusted with the world, and his vision teemed with ideas of an independ-\\nent government of his owm, over which he might exercise supreme sway. To\\nbe sure. Hog Island was under the nominal territorial jurisdiction of Maine,\\nbut that state had never taken great pride in its dependency. Curiously\\nenough, the state of New Hampshire owned an adjoining island which is\\ncalled Star, which has been a little fishing settlement during the entire his-\\ntory of our colonial and federal governments. It is a village of twenty or\\nthirty old houses, with a church as the central building. The town has an\\nold incorporation by the name of Gosport, and it yearly sends a representa-\\ntive to the legislature, whenever a man is to be found who can afford to\\nspend the time and the money. Star island is now chiefly owned by a cor-\\nporation whose business it is to entertain strangers. The success of the\\nAppledore House as a resort for invalids cannot fail to lead to the profitable\\noccupation, at an early dav, of all the habitable islands of this group. The\\nbusiness of the Appledore House is increasing rapidly. The house is capa-\\nble of accommodating about three hundred boarders, and this year they have", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "326 HISTORY OF\\nhad two thousand applications for board. The first families come in May,\\nand some prolong the season into October. On a high point of Appledoi e\\nrest the remains of Thomas B. Laighton, surmounted by a single granite\\nslab, with a modest inscription. He was one of the many peculiar charac-\\nters which the Granite State has produced. His name will live as long as\\nApplcdore shall last, as the reclaimer to civilization and usefulness of one\\nof the waste places of creation.\\nNote. The records of Gosport, in the last century, show a peculiar disregard of orthog-\\nraphy. Notice the following On March ye 25, 1771. then their was a meating called and\\nit was j^(r?if until the 23d day of Apirel. Among the offorsere of Gospored were\\nseelekt meen, counstable, lidon meen, coulears of fish and sealers of whood.\\nCHAPTER LXXXIX.\\nTHE INFLUENCE OF DISTINGUISHED FAMILIES IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nPrevious to the Revolutionary war, New Hampsliire was gov-\\nerned and controlled by a few influential families. There was\\nno aristocracy of birth, but that of wealth was substituted for\\nit. Only the rich could acquire a liberal education, and when\\nlearning and wealth were united they usually secured patronage\\nand offices. When such men were once elevated to places of\\npower, the people gave them their homage and made them per-\\nmanent leaders. The history of the state cannot be thoroughly\\nlearned without some special account of these leading families.\\nThey gave laws to society, regulated politics, originated and ex-\\necuted laws, sometimes for the benefit of the people and some-\\ntimes for their own aggrandizement. They built princely man-\\nsions, rode in coaches, and in their dress, equipage and enter-\\ntainments exhibited something of the dignity and exclusiveness\\nof the old nobility of England.\\nIn the annals of Portsmouth, the only seaport, and for many\\nyears the chief town in the state, the representatives of certain\\nleading families appear on almost every page. Prominent among\\nthe early settlers was the Cutt family. Three brothers, John,\\nRobert and Richard, came from Wales as early as 1646. They\\nwere all men of mark and enterprise. In 1679, when New\\nHampshire was made a royal province, John Cutt was appointed\\nthe first president. The names of Pickering, Sherburne, At-\\nkinson, Wentworth, Livermore, Sparhawk, Vaughan, Sheafe and\\nLangdon occur very frequently in the historical records of the\\nlast centuiy. Capt. Tobias Langdon, the ancestor of the Lang-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 327\\ndon family, came from England in 16S7. John Langdon, born\\nin 1740, was, perhaps, the most illustrious of his descendants.\\nHis history for the last half of his official life is thus recited by\\nMr. Brewster\\nJohn Langdon was a judge of the court of common pleas in\\n1776 but resigned the ne.xt year. In 177S, he was agent under\\ncongress for building ships of war and was continental agent\\nfor supplying materials for the America seventy-four. In 1779,\\nhe was president of the New Hampshire convention for regulating\\nthe currency; and from 1777 to 1782, was speaker of the New\\nHampshire house of representatives. In 1780 he was a com-\\nmissioner to raise men and procure provisions for the army, and\\nJune 30, 1783, was again elected delegate to congress. In 1784-\\n85 he was a member of the New Hampshire senate, and in the\\nlatter year president of the state. In 1788 he was delegate to\\nthe convention which adopted the constitution of the United\\nStates. In March, 1788, he was elected representative in the\\nNew Hampshire legislature and speaker of the house, but took\\nthe office of governor, to which he was simultaneously chosen.\\nIn November, 1788, he was elected a member of the senate of\\nthe United States, became the first presiding officer of that body,\\nand was reelected senator in 1794. Later in life he was nomi-\\nnated for vice-president, but declined on account of age. From\\n1 80 1 to 1805 he was a representative in the New Hampshire\\nlegislature in 1804 and 1805 was speaker. From 1805 to 1808\\nand in 1810 and 181 1 he was governor. The degree of LL. D.\\nwas conferred on him by Dartmouth College in 1805. Very few\\nmen of any age or nation have been more trusted, honored and\\nrevered than John Langdon.\\nMany of the facts relating to distinguished families of Portsmouth have been taken from\\nMr. C. W. Brewster s Rambles about Portsmouth, one of the best books ever published\\nin New Hampshire.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "328\\nHISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER XC.\\nTHE LIVERMORE FAMILY.\\nThere is a house still standing in Portsmouth which was built\\nnearly a century and a half ago, by Matthew Livermore, the first\\ncitizen of that name known to New Hampshire history. The\\nstreet on which it stands is called Livermore street. Matthew\\nLivermore, born in Watertown, Mass., 1703, came to Portsmouth\\nin 1724, and for seven years taught the grammar school in that\\nplace. He afterwards studied law and held several responsible\\noffices under the king.\\nSamuel Livermore, a relative of Matthew, was one of the\\nmost illustrious jurists and statesmen of New Hampshire during\\nthe eighteenth century. He was a descendant of John Liver-\\nmore, who was a citizen of Watertown as early as 1642. A\\nbranch of the family settled in Waltham, where Samuel Liver-\\nmore was born in 1732. He was graduated at Princeton in\\n1752. He began the practice of law in Portsmouth in 1758,\\nwhere he was, for several years, judge advocate of the admi-\\nralty court, and in 1769 was made the king s attorney-general\\nfor New Hampshire. In 1765 he commenced the settlement of\\nHolderness was one of the original grantees, and at one time\\nowned nearly one half of the township. Here he fixed his res-\\nidence permanently, and so great was his influence, from his\\nlearning, wealth and dignity, that he lived a kind of social dic-\\ntator in the new town. When the dispute arose in relation to\\nthe New Hampshire Grants in Vermont, which, like Poland,\\nwas parceled out and claimed by three sovereign states, Mr.\\nLivermore was appointed commissioner for the state of New\\nHampshire in congress. To secure his admission he was chosen\\ndelegate to congress. He took his seat in 1780 and remained,\\nby reelection, till 1782, when he was appointed chief justice of\\nthe state. In 1784 he and Messrs. Josiah Bartlett and John\\nSullivan were appointed a committee to revise the statutes of\\nthe state and report new bills necessary to be enacted. While\\nholding the office of judge he was again elected to congress in\\n1785. He was also an active member in the convention which\\nmet in 1788 to consider the new constitution of the United\\nStates. New Hampshire was the ninth state which adopted it,\\nand thus gave vitality to this organic law. Judge Livermore s\\ninfluence promoted, if it did not absolutely secure, this result.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 329\\nHe was immediately elected a member of tlie first congress, and\\nliaving resigned liis office as judge, Hon. Josiali Bartktt became\\nhis successor. Mr. Livermore served two sessions in congress.\\nIn 1 79 1 he was called to preside over the convention called to\\nrevise the constitution of the state. In 1793 he was elected to\\nthe United States senate, the successor of Paine VVingate. He\\nserved in that responsible position six years and was reelected,\\nbut resigned his seat in 1801. He had then been in public life\\nmore than thirty years. He retired to his home in Holderness,\\nwhere he died in 1803, in the seventy-second year of his age.\\nTwo of his sons were distinguished in public life. Edward St.\\nLoe was judge of the supreme court of New Hampshire from\\n1797 to 1799, and was a member of congress from Massachu-\\nsetts from 1807 to 1811. He died in 1832, aged 80. Arthur\\nLivermore was, for more than half a century, a prominent jurist\\nand legislator in New Hampshire. He was judge of the su-\\npreme court from 1799 to 18 16.; judge of the court of common\\npleas from 1825 to 1833, and representative in congress from\\n1817 to 1821 and from 1823 to 1825. As a judge he was re-\\nspected by the bar and reverenced by the people. As a public\\nspeaker he was logical, forcible and judicial, sometimes witty,\\ncaustic and severe.\\nCHAPTER XCI.\\nTHE PICKERING FAMILY,\\nJohn Pickering, the ancestor of all the families of that name\\nin New Hampshire, came from England among the first colonists\\nof Massachusetts, He removed to Strawberry Bank as early as\\n1636, He was a man of great worth and possessed remarkable\\nbusiness qualities, though he could not write his name. The\\nearly settlers entrusted to him matters of great importance. He\\nwas one of the company who gave fifty acres of glebe land for\\nthe ministry. He built his house on a site now lying on Mill\\nStreet. His sons, John and Thomas, became leading men in\\nthe colony. In 1665, the town granted to John Pickering, senior,\\na tract of land on Great Bay, Thomas, the second son, who is\\nthe ancestor of all who bear the name of Pickering in Ports-\\nmouth and towns adjacent, also took a farm of five hundred\\nacres from the same grant on Great Bay, within the present", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "330 HISTORY OF\\ntown of Newington, which after the lapse of two centuries still\\nremains in the hands of his descendants. It has been transmit-\\nted in regular succession and no deed has ever been made of\\nsome portions of the estate since the first grant to John Picker-\\ning in 1665. In 1658, the town granted to John Pickering the\\nsouth mill privilege, on condition of his keeping in repair a path\\nfor foot passengers, over the dam, on going to meeting. The\\nmill was built and the son and grandson of the grantee man-\\naged it in succession.\\nCaptain Thomas Pickering, son of the third John, was hewn\\nto pieces by the Indians, in 1746, in the vicinity of Casco, Maine,\\nwhere he was on dut} He was helpless from rheumatism, and\\nthus became an easy prey to the savages. The six daughters of\\nthis martyr to his country were all married and had children.\\nFive of them lived to the average age of ninety-one years.\\nJohn Pickering, 2d, who inherited Pickering s Neck and\\nthe mill, discharged with credit the duties of farmer, miller, law-\\nyer, captain, and legislator. In the first assembly called by\\nPresident Cutt, he was a representative of Portsmouth. There\\nwere six of this family who bore the name of John. They all\\nhad a military reputation. It was Captain John Pickering, 2d,\\nwhom Dr. Belknap styles, a rough and adventurous man and a\\nlawyer, who compelled Richard Chamberlain, the clerk of the\\nsuperior court and secretary of the province under Andros, to\\nsurrender the records and files of papers in his possession. They\\nwere for a time concealed but Governor Usher constrained the\\ncaptain, by threats of imprisonment, to give them up. Captain\\nPickering was a member of the assembly most of the time from\\n1697 to 1709. For several years he was speaker of the house;\\nand was appointed attorney for the state in the great land case\\nof Allen against Waldron, in 1707. In 1671, he was the con-\\ntractor with the town for building a strong wooden cage, stock\\nand pillory near the meeting-house for the confinement of evil-\\ndoers, especially of such as sleepe, or take tobacco on the\\nLord s day, out of meeting in the time of the publique exercise.\\nIn our day the offenders would be more numerous than the of-\\nficials and the cage would be more spacious than the church.\\nDuring the same year Rev. Mr. Moody, who had preached\\ntwenty-three years without settlement, was ordained. Captain\\nPickering, as usual, was master of ceremonies. He, in true dem-\\nocratic spirit, practised upon the motto of his mill, first come,\\nfirst served, reserved no seats for the minister and his friends.\\nFor this contempt of the magnates, he was censured by an ec-\\nclesiastical court. Like many other men (and, we may safely\\nadd, women), Captain John Pickering liked to have his own\\nway unlike many others, he generally enjoyed the power.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 33I\\nHis brother, Captain Tliomas Pickering, was a man of mag-\\nnificent pliysique. A press-gang once attempted to seize Iiim\\nwlien alone in the outskirts of the town and put him on board\\nan Enghsh man-of-war. When the officer of the gang replied\\nto his earnest plea to be left to care for his family, No excuse,\\nsir march the captain laid him upon the ground in a trice,\\nand raising his axe as if to chop off his head, the terrified sub-\\nalterns begged his life and promised a speedy retreat. There is\\na tradition that this same athlete carried upon his back eleven\\nand one-half bushels of corn up the steps of a mill\\nThe biographies of all the eminent men who have borne the\\nname of Pickering would fill a volume. I can only mention one\\nor two more. Hon. John Pickering, a lineal descendant of\\nThomas, was a man of eminent ability. He was a member of\\nthe convention that framed the constitution, filled the office of\\ngovernor when Langdon resigned, and was chief justice of the\\nsupreme court for five years. He was born at Newington in\\n1738, and was graduated at Cambridge in 1761. To Captain\\nThomas Pickering Mr. Brewster assigns the chief honor in the\\ncapture of Fort William and Mary in 1774, contrary to the re-\\nceived tradition, which gives the credit of that achievement to\\nSullivan and Langdon.\\nCHAPTER XCH.\\nTHE WEARE FAMILV.\\nThe progenitor of this distinguished family was Nathaniel\\nWeare, one of the early proprietors of Newbury, Mass. His\\nname was spelled in the records of that town in seven different\\nways. There was vei7 little agreement among the scribes and\\nclerks of that day in spelling proper names indeed, there was\\nno fi.xed standard of use for the orthography of common terms.\\nThe name of Shakespeare, in his day, was as variously written\\nas that of Weare. He did not always spell it in the same way\\nhimself, and editors still differ with regard to its proper orthog-\\nraphy. Mr. Weare s son Nathaniel, who was born in England,\\nsettled in Hampton. He was a surveyor and in that capacity\\nwas employed, in 1669, to establish the south line of the town of\\nHampton. Mr. Weare also officiated as an attorney in the man-\\nagement of law-suits. During the oppressive prosecutions in-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "332\\nHISTORY OF\\noccurred upon the sea. In 1796, Mr. Pinckney had been sent as\\nminister to France. After two months residence in Paris, he was\\nperemptorily ordered to leave the city. The French government\\ncontinued to commit depredations upon ourcommerce and re-\\nfused to liquidate our just claims upon its treasury. One more\\neffort was made by the United States to settle the controversy\\nby negotiation. Three envoys were sent with full powers to\\nadjust all questions in dispute. When they arrived, the French\\nDirectory, like a company of banditti, demanded of them a sum\\nof money as a preliminary step to a treaty. This of course vi as\\nindignantly refused and the embassy failed in its mission. There\\nwas iDUt one voice among all parties at home respecting this in-\\nsult that was Millions for defence but not one cent for trib-\\nute. After further consideration, the French Directory pro-\\nposed peace and ministers were promptly sent in answer to their\\ncall. On their arrival they found Bonaparte at the head of the\\ngovernment, as First Consul. With this responsible head, in\\nSeptember, 1800, they concluded a treaty which satisfied both\\ncountries and for a time restored the former good will between\\nthem. New Hampshire, with gi eat unanimity, supported Presi-\\ndent Adams in his foreign policy. The legislature prepared an\\naddress to him, expressing the fullest approval of his purpose to\\nhumble France and the most decided denunciation of French\\naggressions. This measure received the unanimous vote of the\\nsenate and had only four opposing votes in the house.\\nDuring the last four years of Washington s administration,\\nmany important difficulties were adjusted. The controversy with\\nEngland was put to rest by Mr. Jay s treaty, though the party\\nspirit which it evoked lived on. In 1795, after three campaigns,\\ntwo of which were unsuccessful, against the western Indians, a\\ntreaty was concluded which for a season quieted these fierce\\nsavages. During the same year, a treaty with Spain was made,\\nwhich established the boundaries between the Spanish posses-\\nsions on this continent and the United States. Peace was also\\nmade with the Algerines, a nest of pirates who had for years\\nlaid the whole Christian world under tribute. The United\\nStates, then destitute of a navy, had been compelled to pay large\\nsums to these outlaws for the redemption of captives and even\\nunder the new treaty an annual tribute was promised to the\\nDey, a sort of modern Minotaur, who demanded blood or money.\\nThe quarrel with France remained to be settled when Washing-\\nton delivered his farewell address in 1797. Under his suc-\\ncessor party lines were more closely drawn and federalists and\\nrepublicans began that struggle for supremacy in the national\\ncouncils which, under different party names, has been perpetu-\\nated to this hour.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "I\\nMEW HAMPSHIRE. 233\\nThe eighteenth century closed when partisan warfare was at\\nits height, and the press, on both sides, teemed with bitter sar-\\ncasm and malignant abuse. This important date in our history\\nsuggests some reflections upon the condition of New Hampshire\\nas it then was. It would be difficult to find a colony or state\\nwithin the period of authentic history that suffered more or\\nachieved more in the same number of years, than New Hamp-\\nshire prior to the peace with Great Britain in 1783. Her en-\\ntire record for one hundred and si.xty years is stained with sweat\\nand blood. Her citizens labored and suffered during all that\\nperiod with unparalleled patience. From four inconsiderable\\nplantations in 1641, she had grown in iSoo to be a populous\\nstate of two hundred and fourteen thousand inhabitants distribu-\\nted over nearly two hundred flourishing towns. But from the hour\\nwhen the forests of Dover and Portsmouth first rang with the\\nblows of the woodman s axe, in 1623, till the close of the Revol-\\nutionary war, there was no rest from toil, scarcely any from war,\\nto all its citizens. For nearly all that long and dreary march of\\narmies and pressure of labor, the title to the very soil they had\\nwon from the wilderness was in dispute. The Indians were con-\\nstantly upon their track, and no hiding-place was so secret or\\nremote as to render its occupant safe from the tomahawk and\\nscalping-knife. Foreign wars consumed their property and e.\\\\-\\nhausted their men. The government under which they lived\\nand to which they owed allegiance was changed almost as often\\nas the wages of Jacob by his crafty father-in-law. The king\\nruled them only for his own advantage. Even Massachusetts,\\nwith whom for many years she enjoyed a peaceful alliance,\\nfinally became ambitious of enlarging her possessions, and un-\\ngenerously obtained and appropriated nearly one half of New\\nHampshire. The pej pie of the state found no security at home\\nor abroad, but in their own brave hearts and strong arms. They\\nmade themselves homes and achieved a fame in arms and in\\narts, which none of their adversaries could gainsay nor resist.\\nCONDITION OF THE PEOPLE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE AT THE BEGINNING OF\\nTHE NI.NETEENTH CENTURY.\\nLet us now, with the light of memory and tradition lingering\\non the track, point backward the glass of history and descry the\\nfarmer in his field, the mechanic in his shop, and the minister\\nat his altar, as they severally lived and labored seventy years\\nago,\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nAs when, bv night, the glass\\nOf Galileo, less assur di observes\\nImagin d lands and regions in the moon.\\nWe can scarcely conceive of a more independent, self-reliant,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "334 HISTORY OF\\nCHAl TER XCIII.\\nTHE BARTLETT FAMILY.\\nThe earliest known ancestor of this family in this country was\\nJohn Bartlett, who with four other citizens of the same name,\\nremoved from Beverly to Newbury, Mass., in 1635. The exact\\ndate of their arrival in America is not known. It is probable\\nthat they were among the earliest immigrants. Robert Bartlett\\nlanded at Plymouth in 1623. All who bear this name in New\\nEngland are supposed to have had a common origin. The New\\nHampshire family descended from John Bartlett. President\\nJosiah Bartlett, from his public services, is better known than\\nhis ancestors, though the family have always been distinguished\\nfor superior endowments and executive energy. Joseph Bart-\\nlett, the nephew of Josiah, studied medicine with his distin-\\nguished relative at Kingston, N. H., and immediately after his\\nmarriage, at the age of twenty-two, removed to Salisbury, N. H.\\nHe was the first physician of that town. He had a very exten-\\nsive practice in that and the adjacent towns, and won the confi-\\ndence and respect of all who knew him. He was also much\\nemployed in business transactions, as he held the pen of a\\nready writer. He died September 20, a. d. 1800, aged forty-\\nnine, leaving a family of seven sons and two daughters. Two\\nof the sons were physicians two were lawyers and two were\\nmerchants. They were all distinguished in their several call-\\nings, all honored and trusted citizens. At one session of the\\nNew Hampshire legislature four of these brothers met as repre-\\nsentatives from their respective towns Ichabod from Ports-\\nmouth, James from Dover, Samuel from Salisbury and Daniel\\nfrom Grafton. Samuel Colcord Bartlett was a merchant in Salis-\\nbury, successful in business, commanding the universal respect\\nof all who knew him. His sons have all proved themselves\\nworthy of their distinguished ancestry. Among them are Rev.\\nJoseph Bartlett of Buxton, Maine, Prof. Samuel C. Bartlett of\\nChicago, Illinois, and the late Judge William Bartlett of Con-\\ncord. The merchant, Samuel C. Bartlett, assisted his younger\\nbrother Ichabod to obtain an education.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 335\\nCHAPTER XCIV.\\nTHE WEBSTER FAMILY.\\nInquiries are often made respecting tlie fatlier, brothers and\\nsisters of the late Daniel Webster, and it is not probable that\\nthe time will ever come in our state or in the United States when\\nthat interest will wholly cease. It may be proper, therefore, to\\nincorporate these facts in the history of New Hampshire, where\\nall wiio choose can refer to them. Judge Nesmith, a few years\\nsince, published a full and accurate account of Mr. Webster s\\nfamily. From this sketch I make the following extracts\\nIn the political canvass in our state which closed with the\\nMarch election, 1858, it was publicly stated by some of the speak-\\ners that Judge Webster, the father of Hon. Daniel Webster, could\\nneither read nor write. Now, in the course of the last summer,\\nwe spent some time in investigating the history of Judge Web-\\nster. We have sufficient evidence, in Franklin and Salisbury,\\nto satisfy the most skeptical that he could not only read and\\nwrite, spell and cipher, but he knew how to lend the means to\\nfound a state. Daniel Webster, in his autobiography, and in his\\nletter to Mr. Blatchford of New York, gives us a brief but too\\nmodest an outline of the life of his father. At the risk of being\\ntedious we propose to show some of the acts or works that gave\\nhim his deserved influence and fame in this region.\\nEbenezer Webster was born in Kingston in 1739. He resided\\nmany years with iV^ajor Ebenezer Stevens, an influential citizen\\nof that town, and one of the first proprietors of Salisbury.\\nSalisbury was granted in 1749, and first named Stevenstown, in\\nhonor of Major Stevens. It was incorporated as Salisbury in\\n1767. Judge Webster settled in Stevenstown as early as 1761.\\nPrevious to this time he had served as a soldier in the French\\nwar, and once afterward. He was married to Mehitable Smith,\\nhis first wife, January 8, 1761. His first two children, Olle, a\\ndaughter, and Ebenezer, his son, died while young. His third\\nchild was Susannah, born October, 1766 married John Colby,\\nwho recently died in Franklin. He had also, by his first wife,\\ntwo sons David, who died some years since at Stanstead also\\nJoseph, who died in Salisbury. His first wife died March 28,\\n1774. Judge Webster again married Abigail Eastman, October\\nWhen Judge Webster first settled in Stevenstown, he was called Ebenezer Webster, Jr.\\nIn 1694, Kingston was granted to James Prescott and Ebenezer Webster and others, of Hamp-\\nton. He descended from this ancestor.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "336 HISTORY OF\\n12, 1774. By his last wife he had five children viz., Mehitable\\nAbigail (who married William Hadduck); Ezekiel, born March\\nII, 1780; Daniel, born January 18, 17S2, and Sarah, born May\\n13, 1784. Judge Webster died in April, 1806, in the house now\\nconverted into the New Hampshire Orphans Home, and with\\nhis last wife and many of his children now lies buried in the\\ngrave-yard originally taken from the Elms farm. For the first\\nseven years of his life, after he settled on the farm lately occu-\\npied by John Taylor in Franklin, he lived in a log cabin, located\\nin the orchard west of the highway, and near Punch brook.\\nThen he was able to erect a house of one story, of about the\\nsame figure and size as that now occupied by William Cross, near\\nsaid premises. It was in this house that Daniel Webster was\\nborn. In 1784 Judge Webster removed to the tavern Jrouse,\\nnear his interval farm, and occupied that until 1800, when he\\nexchanged his tavern house with William Hadduck for that\\nwhere he died.\\nIn 1761, Captain John Webster, Eliphalet Gale and Judge\\nWebster erected the first saw-mill in Stevenstown, on Punch\\nbrook, on his homestead, near his cabin.\\nIn June, 1764, Matthew Pettengill, Stephen Call and Ebenezer\\nWebster were the sole highway surveyors of Stevenstown. In\\n1765, the proprietors voted to give Ebenezer Webster and Ben-\\njamin Sanborn two hundred acres of common land, in considera-\\ntion that they furnish a privilege for a grist-mill, erect a mill and\\nkeep it in repair for fifteen years, for the purpose of grinding the\\ntown s corn.\\nIn 1768 Judge Webster was first chosen moderator of a town-\\nmeeting in Salisbur} and he was elected forty-three times after-\\nward, at different town-meetings in Salisbury, servmg in March,\\n1S03, for the last time.\\nIn 1769 he was first elected selectman, and held that office\\nfor the years 1770, 72, 74, 76, 80, 85, 86, and 88 resigning\\nit, however, in September, 1776, and performing a six months\\nservice in the army.\\nIn 1 77 1, 1772 and 1773, he was elected and served in the of-\\nfice of town clerk. In 1778 and 1780 he was elected represent-\\native of the classed towns of .Salisbury and Boscawen also, for\\nSalisbury, in 1790 and 91. He was elected senator for the years\\n1785, 86, 88 and 90; Hillsborough county electing two sen-\\nators at this time, and Matthew Thornton, and Robert Wallace\\nof Henniker, serving as colleagues, each for two of said years.\\nHe was in the senate in 17S6, at Exeter, when the insurgents\\nsurrounded the house. His proclamation to them was I com-\\nmand you to disperse.\\nIn March, 1778, the town chose Captain Ebenezer Webster", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 337\\nand Captain Matthew Pettengill as delegates to a convention\\nto be held at Concord, Wednesday, June lo, for the sole pur-\\npose of forming a permanent plan of government for the future\\nwell being of the good people of this state.\\nIn 178S, January i6, Colonel Webster was elected delegate to\\nthe convention at Exeter, for the purpose of considering the pro-\\nposed United States constitution. A committee was also chosen\\nby the town to examine said constitution, and advise with said\\ndelegate. This committee was composed of Joseph Bean, Esq.,\\nJonathan Fifield, Esq., Jonathan Cram, Captain Wilder, Deacon\\nJohn Collins, Edward Eastman, John C. Gale, Captain Robert\\nSmith, Leonard Judkins, Deacon Jacob True, Lieutenant Bean,\\nLieutenant Severance and John Smith. At the first meeting of\\nthe convention, in Februar) Colonel Webster opposed the con-\\nstitution, under instructions from his town.\\nA majority of the convention were found to be opposed to the\\nadoption of the constitution. The convention adjourned to Con-\\ncord, to meet in the succeeding month of June. In the mean\\ntime Webster conferred with his constituents, advised with the\\ncommittee on the subject, asked the privilege of supporting the\\nconstitution, and he was instructed to vote as he might think\\nproper. His speech, made on this occasion, has been printed.\\nIt did great credit to the head and heart of the author\\nMr. President: I have listened to the arguments for and against the\\nconstitution. I am convinced such a government as that constitution will\\nestablish, if adopted a government acting directly on the people of the\\nstates is necessary for the common defence and the general welfare. It is\\nthe only government which will enable us to pay off the national debt. The\\ndebt which we owe for the Revolution, and which we are bound in honor\\nfully and fairly to discharge. Besides, I have followed the lead of Washing-\\nton through seven years of war, and I have never been misled. His name\\nis subscribed to this cc^nstitution. He will not mislead us now. I shall\\nvote for its adoption.\\nThe constitution was finally adopted in the convention by the\\nvote of fifty-seven yeas and forty-seven nays. Colonel Webster\\ngave his support to the constitution. He was one of the electors\\nfor president when Washington was first chosen to that office.\\nIn the spring of 1791, Colonel Webster was appointed Judge\\nof the court of common pleas for the county of Hillsborough.\\nThis office he held at the time of his decease, in 1806. He was\\none of the magistrates, or justices of the peace for Hillsborough\\ncounty, for more than thirt\\\\ -five years prior to his decease.\\nThe sons of Judge Webster Daniel and Ezekiel, are noticed\\namong the distinguished members of the New Hampshire Bar,\\nin a subsequent chapter.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "338 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER XCV.\\nTHE BAR OF NEW HAMPSHIRE BETWEEN A. D. 1800 AND 183O.\\nNew Hampshire has produced an unusual number of distin-\\nguished men, especially in the legal profession. If we take the\\nyear 1815 as a stand-point and look backward and forward for\\nabout fifteen years, we shall find more eminent lawyers and ora-\\ntors in our little state than in any other in the Union. Some of\\nthe men living in that period have never been surpassed, in any\\nage or nation. The central figure in that group of advocates is\\nJeremiah Mason. By the unanimous consent of the present\\ngeneration of Americans, he had no peer as a lawyer. He was\\na truly magnificent man in mind and body. His noble physique\\ncorresponded to the indwelling soul it was grand, lofty and im-\\nposing. No man who saw him once ever forgot him. Most men\\nafter seeing him, like the honest Shaker who was sent to consult\\nhim, could talk of nothing else but his extraordinary size.\\nBut those who heard him were still more profoundly impressed.\\nHis intellectual and professional portrait has been drawn by the\\nhand of a master. Mr. Webster says The characteristics of\\nMr. Mason s mind, as I think, were real greatness, strength and\\nsagacity. He was great through strong sense and sound judg-\\nment, great by comprehensive views of things, great by high and\\nelevated purposes. Perhaps sometimes he was too cautious and\\nrefined, and his distinctions became too minute but his dis-\\ncrimination arose from a force of intellect, and quick-seeing, far-\\nreaching sagacity, everywhere discerning his object and pursu-\\ning it steadily. Whether it was popular or professional, he\\ngrasped a point and held it with a strong hand. He was some-\\ntimes sarcastic, but not frequently not frothy or petulant, but\\ncool and vitriolic. Unfortunate for him on wliom liis sarcasm\\nfell His conversation was as remarkable as his efforts at the\\nbar. It was original, fresh and suggestive never dull or indif-\\nferent. As a professional man, Mr. Mason s great ability lay in\\nthe department of the common law. In this part of jurispru-\\ndence he was profoundly learned. In his addresses, both to\\ncourts and juries, he aftected to despise all eloquence, and cer-\\ntainly disdained all ornament but his efforts, whether addressed\\nto one tribunal or the other, were marked by a degree of clear-\\nness, distinctness and force not easy to be equaled. Mr. Web-\\nster lived in the same town, practiced in the same courts with", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 339\\nMr. Mason and was generally pitted against him as an antag-\\nonist. In this relation they helped rather than harmed one\\nanother. They grew strong, vigilant and wise by their mutual\\nconflicts for in such intellectual warfare, as Burke remarks,\\nour antagonist is our helper. Their associates were all men\\nof mark. There were practicing at the same bar with these lead-\\ning lawyers, Mr. West, Mr. Gordon, Edward St. Loe Livermore,\\nPeieg Sprague, William K. Atkinson, George Sullivan, Ichabod\\nBartlett, Thomas W. Thompson, Jeremiah Smith, William Plumer,\\nArthur Livermore, Samuel Bell, Levi Woodbury, Charles H.\\nAtherton, Joseph Bell, George B. Uphani, Richard Fletcher and\\nmany other eminent jurists.\\nCHAPTER XCVL\\nJEREMIAH SMITH.\\nJeremiah Smith, better known to all as Judge Smith, was\\npartly educated at Cambridge, but was graduated at Rutger s\\ncollege. New Jersey. The next few years were spent in study-\\ning law and teaching, and in 1786 he was admitted to the bar\\nby the court held at Amherst, Hillsborough county. Unlike\\nmany of his profession, he combined the characters of attorney\\nand peace-maker, always preventing a law-suit when possible. It\\nwas thought by mjny of the most considerate men in Peter-\\nborough (his native town where he was then residing), that he\\nshould be paid $500 each year for saving in this way so much\\ntime and money. By his unswerving justice, laborious prepara-\\ntion of his cases and hearty contempt for the paltry shifts of\\nlegal cunning, he did much to bring about a better administra-\\ntion of justice in the courts of New Hampshire. In his own\\ntown he was deeply interested in everything that would better\\nits condition. Through his influence, new school-houses were\\nbuilt, better teachers were procured, a small social library was\\nestablished and the young men, roused by reading, gained habits\\nof earnest thought and keen discussion. In addition to his\\npractice, which was always good, he filled various public offices\\nin his town and state, and in 1790 was chosen a member of con-\\ngress, and served in that capacity with great honor to himself\\nuntil 1787, when he was appointed United States attorney for\\nthe district of New Hampshire. In 1800 he was appointed", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "340 HISTORY OF\\njudge of probate for the count) of Rockingham, and during this\\nyear he prepared a full and elaborate treatise on that branch of\\nthe law. In 1801 he was made a judge in the United States\\ncircuit court; but this office, which, he used to say, was the only\\none he ever greatly desired, was taken from him by an act of\\ncongress repealing the judiciary law. After this he was twice\\nthe chief justice of New Hampshire, its governor for one year,\\nbesides distinguishing liimself in contests at the bar with Mason,\\nWebster and Sullivan.\\nThe names of Smith and Mason are most frequently men-\\ntioned together by those who remember those times. Neither of\\nthem laid claim to the graces of oratory. When they met it\\nwas the stern encounter of massive intellectual strength. Both\\nwere men of humor and loved a joke. Mr. Mason once told\\nMr. Smith that, having been recently looking over the criminal\\ncalendar of the English courts, he was surprised to find there so\\nmany persons bearing his name, and asked how it happened.\\nOh, said he, when they got into diiSculty they took the re-\\nspectable name of Smith, but it generally turned out that their\\nreal name was Mason. They worked together in the famous\\nDartmouth College case.\\nIn 1820, having reached his sixty-first year. Judge Smith with-\\ndrew from active life. His old age was happy, serene and use-\\nful. Wit, wisdom and worth were all his to an unusual degree.\\nIn private life he was delightful. Overflowing with fun and\\nkindness, he charmed the young and old alike.\\nCHAPTER XCVII.\\nEZEKIEL WEBSTER.\\nEzekiel Webster was a native of Salisbury. He was born\\nMarch II, 1780. The first nineteen years of his life were spent\\non his father s farm. By constant labor beneath a rigorous cli-\\nmate and upon a comparatively sterile soil, he acquired that full\\nmuscular development and majestic figure which in later years\\ngave to him extraordinary manly beaut) His brother Daniel,\\nbeing less robust in constitution, was early destined by his father\\nto professional life. During a college vacation when the brothers\\nwere at home together, they made the education of Ezekiel the\\ntheme of their constant deliberations. One night they passed", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 341\\nin sleepless conference. They hardly dared broach the subject\\nto their father, who regarded his elder son as the support of his\\ndeclining years. Finally Daniel ventured to open the subject to\\nhis father. He referred the matter to their mother. A family\\ncouncil was called. The mother was a strong-minded, sagacious\\nwoman. She at once admitted the reasonableness of the re-\\nquest and gave her decision, in these words I have lived long\\nin the world and have been happy in my children. If Daniel\\nand Ezekiel will promise to take care of me in my old age, I\\nwill consent to the sale of all our property at once, that they\\nmay enjoy with us the benefit of what remains after our debts\\nare paid. This was a moment of intense interest to all the\\nfamily. Parents and children mingled their tears together at the\\nthought even of a temporary separation. The die was cast.\\nAfter spending about fifteen months in preparation, Ezekiel\\nWebster entered Dartmouth College in the spring of 1801. He\\nranked among the first of his class in scholarship. He suc-\\nceeded, with great economy and some deprivation of necessary\\ncomforts, by the aid of teaching and the slight contributions to\\nhis support from his father and brother, in completing his educa-\\ntion. Mr. Webster, after devoting three years to the study of\\naw, entered upon the practice of his profession, at Boscawen, in\\nSeptember, 1807. His legal knowledge and moral worth soon\\nsecured for him an extensive business. As a lawyer he had few\\nequals. He was a wise counselor and able advocate. In de-\\nbate he was dignified and courteous. His weapons were sound\\narguments clothed in simple but elegant language. His eloquence\\nwas earnest and effective. For many years he was a member of\\none or the other branch of the state legislature. He died sud-\\ndenly, of heart disease, on the tenth of April, 1829. He was\\nspeaking, standing erect, on a plain floor before a full house,\\nwith all eyes fastened upon him. He closed one branch of his\\nargument, uttered the last sentence and the last word of that\\nsentence with perfect tone and emphasis and then in an instant\\nfell backward without bending a joint, and seemed to be dead\\nbefore he reached the floor. Though life was not absolutely ex-\\ntinct, he neither breathed nor spoke again.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "342\\nHISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER XCVIII.\\nDANIEL WEBSTER.\\nIn describing tlie leaders of the bar of New Hampshire, it\\nwould be as absurd to pass over Daniel Webster in silence as it\\nwould to enact the play of Hamlet and leave out the Prince of\\nDenmark himself yet he has been so often eulogized that it\\nseems a work of supererogation to recite even his excellences to\\nthe men of this generation. No orator in the world s history\\nwas ever more widely known and honored by his contemporaries.\\nHis fame was co-extensive with human civilization. European\\nstatesmen who took a lively interest in American politics re-\\ngarded him as the authoritative expounder of our constitution.\\nHe so ably developed the true nature of our government on the\\nfloor of the United States Senate that he was everywhere styled\\nthe Defender of the Constitution. In his reply to Colonel\\nHayne he first taught the people what the Union really meant,\\nand furnished the arguments by which inferior orators defended\\nIt when it was assailed by rebel statesmen. When Mr. Webster\\ndied nations were his mourners, and the world felt lonely\\nwithout him. His character and his oratory received unstinted\\npraise from the press and the pulpit. Not even Washington\\nhimself was a more general theme of eulogy. Daniel Webster\\nwas born in Salisbury, Januaiy i8, 1782. He once said in a\\npublic speech It did not happen to me to be born in a log\\ncabin but my elder brothers and sisters were born in a log\\ncabin, reared amid the snow-drifts of New Hampshire at a period\\nso early that when the smoke first rose from its rude chimney\\nand curled over the frozen hills, there was no similar evidence\\nof a white man s habitation between it and the settlements on\\nthe rivers of Canada. His early advantages for education were\\nlimited. A few weeks study each winter in the district school\\nmade up the sum of his early intellectual culture. In his fif-\\nteenth year he spent nine months at E.xeter Academy. Most of\\nhis pieparation for college was made under the tuition of Rev.\\nUr. Wood of Boscawen, who received for board and tuition only\\none dollar per week. He entered Dartmouth College in 1797,\\nwhere he passed four years in assiduous study. His moral\\ncharacter and devotion to duty have received the highest com-\\nmendation from teachers and classmates. As a writer and\\nspeaker he had no equal. He studied law in Boston with Hon.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 343\\nChristopher Gore and was admitted at the Suffolk bar in 1805.\\nHe then opened an office at Boscawen that he might be near his\\nfather and assist him in his declining years. Two years after\\nthe death of his father, he relinquished his office to his brother,\\nand the next year removed to Portsmouth, where he gained his\\nchief reputation as a lawyer. His practice was abundant but not\\nlucrative, for clients in those days were not rich. He was chosen\\nby the federal party in 18 12 to represent the state in congress.\\nHe took his seat at the first session of the thirteenth congress,\\nwhich was an extra session called in May, 1813. From this\\ndate to the day of his death, in October, 1852, he had little rest\\nfrom public official duties. No one man in American history\\nhas so deeply impressed his opinions and character upon the in-\\nstitutions of the country. He was distinguished in every de-\\npartment of labor in which he engaged at the bar, in congress,\\nin the senate, and in the cabinet. It may be doubted whether,\\nin any of the spheres which he so ably filled, our country has\\nproduced a greater man.\\nCHAPTER XCIX.\\nICHABOD BARTLETT.\\nThe subject of this notice graduated at Dartmouth College\\nin 1806, where he was a classmate of Hon. George Grennel of\\nMassachusetts. Irt the same year he delivered the oration in\\nhis native tovvin on the Fourth of July, which was published.\\nHaving studied law with Moses Eastman and Parker Noyes, he\\nwas admitted to the bar in 18 12, and commenced practice in\\nDurham. He removed to Portsmouth, where he rapidly attained\\nan honorable rank in his profession, of which he was subse-\\nquently the acknowledged head. The New Hampshire Bar was\\nat this time distinguished for ability, and it was among such com-\\npetitors as Webster, Jeremiah Mason, Jeremiah Smith, Bell,\\nFletcher, Sullivan and Woodbury, that Mr. Bartlett won his legal\\nhonors. He was appointed clerk of the state senate in 18 17\\nand in 1818, in which office he was succeeded by the late Isaac\\nHill. He was also appointed county solicitor for Rockingham\\nin 1819. Elected to the legislature of the state in i8ig, he sig-\\nnalized his entry upon the political arena by his famous speech\\nin favor of the Toleration act, in July of that year. This law, for", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "344\\nHISTORY OF\\nthe first time, placed all religious denominations in the state upon\\nequal grounds, taking away the legal establishment of a single\\nsect, and making all dependent upon voluntary contributions for\\ntheir support. He served three years in succession, and in 1S21\\nwas made speaker. He was elected afterwards in 1830, 1832,\\nand again in 1851 and 1852.\\nIn 1823 he was elected to congress, and took his seat in De-\\ncember of that year as a member of the eighteenth congress.\\nHe made his appearance at a time of unusual excitement, when\\nMr. Webster had introduced, and Mr. Clay was supporting with\\nhis characteristic impetuosity, the famous resolution in favor of\\nthe Greeks. Mr. Bartlett, considering it his duty to stem the\\ncurrent of popular excitement, opposed the resolution. Mr.\\nClay, in replying, alluded to the young gentleman from New-\\nHampshire, and offered some advice to him on the sub-\\nject in debate. Mr. Bartlett s retort on this occasion is remem-\\nbered as one of the most effective off-hand speeches ever made\\nin congress. It is certain that while it contributed materially to\\nadvance his reputation it secured for him subsequent considera-\\ntion and respect from his great antagonist.\\nMr. Bartlett was twice reelected, and continued in the house\\nuntil 1829. He was distinguished as a bold and spirited debater,\\nand several of his speeches are preserved which fully sustain his\\nreputation as an orator. Those on the Suppression of Piracy\\nin 1825, on the Amendment of the Constitution in 1826, on\\nInternal Improvement in 1827, and on Retrenchment in\\n1828, were widely circulated in the newspapers of the day, and\\nwere perhaps favorable specimens of his power.\\nWhen the democratic party in New Hampshire split on the\\nrock of Jacksonism, he took his stand with Plumer, the Bells,\\nJacob B. Moore and others against the Jackson party under Isaac\\nHill, who subsequently triumphed and ruled the state. He was\\nthe candidate of the anti-Jackson party for governor in 1831 and\\nagain in 1832, when he was defeated by Samuel Dinsmoor.\\nIn 1850 Mr. Bartlett was chosen a member of the state con-\\nvention for the revision of the Constitution, of which he was\\ntemporary chairman, being succeeded by Frank Pierce as pres-\\nident of the convention. In this convention, as in the state leg-\\nislature, upon his frequent reelections, although in the minority\\nupon all political questions, his genius and ability were such as\\nto elicit the admiration of his opponents, and his influence will\\nbe felt and his name long remembered as one of the most emi-\\nnent in the history of his native state. It was, however, on the\\nfields of his first triumphs at the bar that he achieved his\\ngreatest distinction, in the maturity of his powers. Master of\\nall the graces of action, speech and thought, yet strong in argu-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 345\\nment, his success was brilliant and continuous, and lie re-\\ntained his position to the end of his career.\\nThey do not seem to have been her greatest men whom New\\nHampshire has most delighted to honor, but she may still point\\nwith motherly pride to the list of those who have honored her,\\nin spite of her neglect. Among these, many names will occur\\nto those who are at all familiar with her history, but none more\\nworthy than that of Ichabod Bartlett.\\nHe died at Portsmouth, where he spent most of his life, Octo-\\nber 19, 1853, aged 67.\\nNote. The author of the above eulogy I cannot now identify.\\nCHAPTER C.\\nLEVI WOODBURY.\\nMr. Woodbury was one of the most distinguished of the sons\\nof New Hampshire. He was graduated at Dartmouth College\\nin the class of 1809. He was a student of superior scholarship\\nand untiring industry. At the early age of twenty-six he was\\nappointed to the bench of the superior court of New Hampshire.\\nHe had been an ardent supporter of the war of 1812, and of\\ncourse incurred the displeasure of a very powerful party who\\nopposed it. His judicial opinions were therefore watched and\\ncriticised by vigilanj and hostile partisans, but his services as\\njudge were generally approved by friends and foes, and his legal\\ndecisions were held in high esteem.\\nIn 1823 he was elected governor of the state. This office he\\nheld only one year. In 1825, being chosen to represent the\\ntown of Portsmouth in the state legislature, he was made speaker\\nof the house. During the session he was elected a senator of\\nthe United States congress, and consequently resigned the chair\\nof -speaker. At the expiration of his senatorial term he was ap-\\npointed by Gen. Jackson, successively, secretary of the navy and\\nof the treasury. He discharged the duties of all his high offices\\nwith such skill, prudence and dignity as reflected honor upon\\nhis native state. During the intervals, says Mr. Barstow,\\nbetween the sessions of congress, he continued to practice at\\nthe bar, and moved, not without honor to himself, amid that\\nbright constellation of la\\\\vyers for which New Hampshire was at\\nthis period celebrated throughout the United States. Webster,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "246 HISTORY OF\\nshire, therefore, quarried the corner stones of its poHtical and\\necclesiastical structure from the mine of puritanism. Thus her\\norigin was ennobled. The Puritans were simple in habits; plain\\nin dress bold in speech stern in morals bigoted in religion\\npatient in suffering brave in danger and energetic in action.\\nBut what have the clergy done for New Hampshire Let us in-\\nquire what has been clone in morals, religion and education\\nand whatever that is is chiefly due to them. Ministers of the\\ngospel have been the originators and promoters of educational\\ninstitutions. The common schools have been cherished, super-\\nintended and elevated by them. Academies have been built\\nand sustained by their fostering care. It is hardly probable that\\nan instance can be found in the history of our state, where an\\ninstitution of learning, a social library, a lyceum or a literary\\nassociation has been established without the active and constant\\nsupport of the clergymen of the place. Ministers have been the\\nmodels in st} le, pronunciation and delivery whom all the young\\nlovers of oratory have imitated. The college was founded by a\\nclergyman, and has, with a single exception, been presided over\\nby clerg3 men. Its most active supporters have been from that\\nprofession. During the years of its sore trial, when the state\\nattempted to seize its franchise, its chief defenders were Con-\\ngregational clergymen. Dr. McFarland, at the risk of reputa-\\ntion and usefulness, sometimes wrote two columns a week in de-\\nfence of the old board and their measures. Others fought in\\nthe same battle and with similar peril. The clergyman in every\\ntown has been among the first to discover and encourage rising\\nmerit among the sons and daughters of the flock. Hundreds of\\nyoung men have received a liberal education through the aid and\\ncounsel of faithful pastors, who otherwise might have remained\\nfor life mute and inglorious upon their native hills. Dr.\\nSamuel Wood of Boscawen, during his long, successful ministry,\\nfitted at his own home more than one hundred young men for\\ncollege. Those who could not immediately pay one dollar a\\nweek for board and tuition he trusted to some indigent stu-\\ndents he forgave their debt. Upon the subjects of morals,\\nreligion, reforms and revivals it is superfluous to speak in this\\nconnection. To recite what has been done in these respects by\\nthe ministers of all denominations would require a complete\\nhistory of the moral and spiritual progress of the state from its\\norigin. The other learned professions have been co-workers\\nwith them but it is not my purpose to speak of them here and\\nnow. By such agencies as I have indicated New Hampshire\\nhas risen to an honorable rank among her sister states. Her\\nschools, academies and churches compare favorably with those\\nof other more attractive portions of our country.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 247\\nCHAPTER LXXI.\\nINTERNAL CONDITION OF NEW HAMPSHIRE FROM 1805 TO 1815.\\nThe political revolution which transferred the government of\\nthe state in 1805 from the federalists to the republicans produced\\nno serious disturbance among the citizens. Party spirit had\\npreviously run so high that it could scarcely have been increased\\nwithout breaking out in open violence. The majority in favor\\nof the change was so large that the defeated party yielded\\ngracefully to the decision of the people. Prior to this date the\\nimportant offices of the state had been held by the same incum-\\nbents for many years in succession. A kind of official aristoc-\\nracy had grown up in the community. John Taylor Gilman had\\nheld the office of governor eleven years. Governor Langdon,\\nhis successor, was a Revolutionary patriot, and had been during\\na large part of his life in high official stations. Joseph Pearson\\nhad been secretary of state for nineteen years. This fact reveals\\nthe confidence of the legislature in his integrity and competency\\nfor the station. He was succeeded by Philip Carrigain. Na-\\nthaniel Gilman was elected treasurer in place of Oliver Peabody.\\nHon. Simeon Olcott, one of the senators in congress, was re\\nmoved by death, and Nicholas Gilman was chosen to succeed\\nhim. He was the first republican elected to either branch of\\ncongress since the advent of the new party to power in New\\nHampshire. Most pi the senators and representatives from\\nNew England were still of the federal party. The legislature,\\nafter an appropriate reply to the governor s message and an ex-\\npression of their utmost confidence in the virtuous and mag-\\nnanimous administration of President Jefferson, proceeded to\\nconsider the local interests of the state. An English professor\\nof history says that we can best ascertain the true social and\\npolitical condition of any people by inquiring what are the laws,\\nand who made them Let us apply this test to the present\\nepoch. The new administration made no violent innovations.\\nThe old laws for the most part remained in force. Among the\\nnew enactments was a statute prohibiting the circulation of pri-\\nvate notes as a medium of exchange, and another limiting all\\nactions for the recovery of real estate to twenty years. Pre-\\nscription by common law had for centuries been regarded as a\\nvalid title to land and hereditaments. The length of time nee-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "348 HISTORY OF\\nfor each town of the province, under penalty of ten pounds in\\ncase of failure. In 17 19 every town of fifty householders or up-\\nwards was required to provide a schoolmaster to teach children\\nto read and write, and every town of one hundred householders\\nwas required to have a grammar school kept by some discreet\\nperson, of good conversation, well instructed in the tongues.\\nThe pcnalt} in case of towns failing to comply with the law was\\ntwenty pounds, to be paid towards tlie support of schools within\\nthe province where there may be the most need. Two years later\\na law was passed enacting that if any town or parish is destitute\\nof a grammar school for the space of one month, tbe sckcttnen\\nshall forfeit and pay out of their own estates the sum of twenty\\npounds to be applied towards defraying the charges of the prov-\\nince Grand jurors were especially required to present all\\nviolations of the laws in regard to the providing for schools.\\nBesides the assessment of taxes for the maintenance of schools\\nin the incorporation of towns, grants of land were usually made\\nfor school purposes.\\nAt the Revolution, when New Hampshire became an indepen-\\ndent state, there was included in the constitution then adopted a\\nprovision making it the duty of the legislators and magistrates,\\nin all future periods of the government of the state, to cherish\\nthe interest of literature and the sciences, and all seminaries\\nand public schools. This still remains a constitutional requisi-\\ntion of New Hampshire. In 1789 the assessment of taxes for\\nschool purposes on the inhabitants of each town was required to\\nbe at the rate of five pounds for every twenty shillings of their\\nproportion. Two years later the sum was increased to seven and\\na half pounds on every twenty shillings.\\nl\\\\\\\\ 1S05 the district system was established, towns being em-\\npowered to divide into school districts and raise and appropriate\\nmoneys for school purposes. The effect of this system at the\\ntime was greatly to further the cause of education. By multi-\\nplying the centres of care and control with respect to schools it\\nVv idened an acquaintance with all matters pertaining to public\\nschools and deepened the interest in them. In bringing so\\nclosely home to every man the care and maintenance of the com-\\nmon school, the influence of the district system in educational\\naffairs was very much what the influence of the town organiza-\\ntion was upon the citizen in civil affairs great benefits arising\\nin either case from the interest and acquaintance with the mat-\\nters pertaining to them being made so individual and universal.\\nFor seventy years this system has answered well the purposes of\\nits establishment. Not until of late years, as the centres of our\\npopulation have changed, has it been felt that it could be super-\\nseded by something better.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\n349\\nIn 1807 the assessment for school purposes was increased to\\nseventy dollars on each dollar of the proportion for public taxes,\\nand the law was repealed requiring the shire and half-shire towns\\nto maintain a grammar school for instruction in Latin and Greek\\nthis instruction being left mainly to the select schools ancl\\nacademies.\\nIn 180S the system of appointing superintending school com-\\nmittees was established, the law requiring them to visit and in-\\nspect schools at such times as should be most expedient and in a\\nmanner conducive to the progress of literature, morality and\\nreligion.\\nIn 1818 the school tax was raised to ninety dollars for every\\none dollar of the proportion.\\nIn 1827 a bill was introduced into the legislature so excellent\\nand comprehensive in its provisions, that its passage by a very\\nlarge majority and becoming a law marks an era in the history\\nof common schools in the state. The spirit of the bill may be\\nunderstood by its enjoining presidents, professors ancl tutors\\nof colleges, preceptors and teachers of academies, and all other\\ninstructors of youth, to take diligent care and use their best en-\\ndeavors to impress on the minds of children and youth commit-\\nted to their care and instruction, the principles of piety and jus-\\ntice, and a sacred regard to truth, love of their countr} human-\\nity and benevolence, sobriety, industry and frugality.\\nIn 1829 the Literary Fund, raised by an annual tax of half of\\none per cent, on the capital stock of the banks of the state, and\\noriginally designed, at tlie time of its establishment in 182 1, for\\nthe endovanent or support of a college for instruction in the\\nhigher branches of science and literature, was by law distribu-\\nted among the several towns according to their apportionment of\\nthe public taxes, to be applied to the support and maintenance\\nof common free schools, or to other purposes of education.\\nIn 1833 an act of the legislature made it the duty of select-\\nmen to furnish, on application, to needy children the requisite\\nschool books a duty by subsequent legislation now devolvmg\\nupon superintending school committees.\\nThe following resolutions, passed by the legislature of 1834,\\nindicate views and feelings entertained with regard to public\\ninstruction\\nResolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court\\nconvened: That the instruction of our youth and the general diffusion of\\nknowledge afford the surest means of perpetuating our free institutions and\\nof securing the stability and happiness of this great republic; and that we\\nrecommend to the several towns throughout this state to cherish with guar-\\ndian care our primary schools, and to make such liberal provisions as shall\\nafford the greatest facilities to the attainment of knowledge in early life. _\\nAnd be it resolved, that we view our high schools, academies and semina-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "350 HISTORY OF\\nries of learning as powerful allies in promotion of the cause of common ed-\\nucation; and that, while we view it desirable that a greater proportion of\\nour youth should be nurtured in these nurseries of science, we do hereby\\nrecommend to all such institutions to adopt, as far as possible, the manual\\nlabor or self-supporting system, uniting bodily vigor and mental improve-\\nment, thereby extending to the poor as well as the rich, the united advan-\\ntages of physical and intellectual cultivation.\\nAt the winter session of 1840-41, the amount of school\\nmoney was increased to one hundred dollars on each dollar of\\nthe apportionment and at the same session an act was also\\npassed allowing the grading of schools where the pupils num-\\nbered fifty or more. Three acts of importance in their relation\\nto the subject of education were passed in 1846 one relating\\nto the support of teachers institutes another, of stringent pro-\\nvisions, made more effective by further legislation in 1848, secur-\\ning public instruction for children employed as factoiy opera-\\ntives; and a third act establishing the office of state commis-\\nsioner for common schools. The establishment of this office\\nmarks another era in the history of common-school education\\nin the state. Professor Charles B. Hadduck of Dartmouth Col-\\nlege was the first commissioner appointed under the act, whose\\nname, efforts and influence as associated with it were of great\\nvalue. His successor, the Rev. Richard S. Rust of the North-\\nfield Institute, also filled the position with honor and success.\\nThis office, though abrogated four years after its first estab-\\nlishment, has, under different names, virtually continued for\\nmore than a quarter of a century since. The salutariness and\\nindispensableness of a suitable head and supervisor of our sys-\\ntem of public instruction is likely to be permanently felt and\\nacknowledged.\\nAt the summer session of the legislature in 1848 an act was\\npassed giving District No. 3 in Somersworth the power to act\\nindependently in the matter of grading and managing its schools,\\nwith particular reference to the establishment and support of a\\nhigh school. This act, made of general application in its pro-\\nvisions at the winter session of the same year and further supple-\\nmented two years later by increased powers in regard to raising\\nmoneys for a high school, has proved of much importance and\\nvalue. At the same winter session of 1848 the annual assess-\\nment of school money was raised to one hundred and twenty\\ndollars on the apportionment.\\nIn 1850 the act establishing a state school commissioner was\\nrepealed, and a new act passed for the appointing of county\\nschool commissioners and organizing a board of education for\\nthe state comprised of said county commissioners. This act\\ncontinued in force for seventeen years, when it was superseded\\nby an act establishing a board of education to consist of tlie", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 35 1\\ngovernor and his council and a superintendent of public instrucn\\ntion, appointed b} tliem, wlio sliould be the secretaiy of the\\nboard, have in charge tlie management of the county teachers\\ninstitutes, and also, under the general direction of the board,\\nhave a wide and minute supervision of all matters relating to\\nthe interests of the common and high schools of the state.\\nIn the winter session of 1852 and 1853 the assessment of\\nschool money was raised to one hundred and thirty-five dollars\\non each dollar of the apportionment, and at the next session to\\none hundred and fifty, the following year to one hundred and\\nseventy-five, the next year to two hundred, twelve years later to\\ntwo hundred and fifty; while the year previous an act was passed\\nto increase the literary fund by a tax on the deposits in sav-\\nings banks by non-residents, and in the year following an act\\nwas passed to set apart the proceeds of the sale of state public\\nlands as a school fund. In 1870 the assessment of school money\\nwas made three hundred and fifty dollars on the apportionment.\\nIn 1859 an act was passed establishing a board of education for\\nthe Union School District of Concord, elected by the district,\\nand which by subsequent legislation was made available to any\\nsimilar districts adopting it; an act of much value in giving\\nefficiency and character to the supervision of graded and high\\nschools.\\nIn accordance with a legislative act of 1870, a State Normal\\nSchool was established, and after several generous offers to se-\\ncure its location from the villages of Fisherville, Mont Vernon,\\nWalpole and Plymouth, it was finally located in the latter place,\\nand put in successful operation in March, 187 1.\\nIn 1870, also, an act was passed allowing towns to locate\\nschools independently of the old district system, designed to\\nsupersede the latter, which, from a variety of causes, has in\\nsome places become unsuited to the changed position and wants\\nof our population.\\nThe state is now expending annually considerably more than\\nfour hundred thousand dollars in support of some three thou-\\nsand schools attended by over seventy thousand children. The\\nmoney thus expended is furnished by the state school tax, the\\nliterary fund, the tax on railroad stock in towns allowed to be\\nexpended for schools, the interest in some places of local funds,\\nand in a very large number of districts by additional private\\nsubscription.\\nThe school legislation of New Hampshire has always been\\nsimple and never excessive, but still fostering and progressive.\\nThe subject of education has been the one theme in regard to\\nwhich there has been little fluctuation and no diminution or di-\\nvision of interest from the earliest period in the history of our", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "3S2\\nHISTORY OF\\nState. Besides our college, with its several departments, aca-\\ndemic, medical, scientific and agricultural, which for more than\\na century has steadily advanced in character and influence,\\nan honor to the state and a blessing as wide as has been the\\nscattering of its alumni over the land and over the world, we\\nhave also had in progress at different times three or four theo-\\nlogical schools, two of which, the Gilmanton Theological Sem-\\ninary and the Methodist Biblical Institute, were eminently use-\\nful. Our academies are unsurpassed in character and in number\\nunrivaled as compared with our population, while our public\\nschools have never fallen into neglect unless some exception be\\nmade in times like those of the French and Indian wars when\\nsociety was in confusion, or during the War for Independence,\\nwhen the inhabitants became greatly impoverished, while bur-\\ndens and taxes were greatly increased. Fostered by the state,\\ncherished by the educated and intelligent, and among these emi-\\nnently the clergy, prized and upheld by all classes, our public\\nschools have steadily advanced in the amount and character of\\nthe instruction given in them, in the adaptation of their grades\\nto different ages and acquirements, in the architecture of school\\nedifices and in the furnishing of the school room while, at the\\nsame time, greater pains have been taken to deepen the interest\\nof the community in them, as well as aid teachers in their qual-\\nifications by teachers associations, teachers institutes, public\\nlectures, and finally by the establishment of our State Normal\\nSchool.\\nCHAPTER CII.\\nTHE ACADEMICAL INSTITUTIONS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nKY PROF. H. E. PARKER.\\nIn common with the other settlers of New England, the people\\nof New Hampshire from the first placed a high estimate upon edu-\\ncation. Knowing that in a free state, where the people govern,\\nit is indispensable that they be virtuous and intelligent, the devel-\\noping of such a population has never been lost sight of. Hence\\nthe laws have carefully looked after the instruction of the young,\\nthat not a child might grow up in ignorance either of its moral\\nduties or of those branches of knowledge which should fit it for\\nsuccessful citizenship. There has also been a desire not only to", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 353\\nsecure universal instruction in common and rudimentary branches,\\nbut to encourage a higher education and furnish facihties for all\\nwho wished to gain it indeed, to stimulate as many as possible\\nto seek for it. The first law in regard to common schools en-\\nacted in the state after the Revolution required not only the rais-\\ning of moneys in every town to be expended for the sole pur-\\npose of keeping an English grammar school or schools, for\\nteaching reading, writing and arithmetic, but in each shire or\\nhalf-shire town the school kept shall be a grammar school for\\nthe purpose of teaching the Latin and Greek languages, as well\\nas the aforesaid branches. Although, sixteen years later, this\\nlast provision was repealed, yet the spirit which originally led to\\nits enactment led subsequently to the founding of academies in\\nvarious parts of the state. The means requisite for the erection\\nof suitable buildings for these institutions and often for partial\\nendowment were the result, frequently, of the munificence of\\nsome single individual, sometimes of a few, and again by the\\ncontributions generally of the citizens of a place.\\nThese academies have gradually dotted over the surface of\\nthe state. In many a place they stand side by side with the\\nvillage church, the chief architectural ornaments of the town\\nand as the Sabbath bell from the latter has convened within the\\nsanctuary walls the Sabbath worshipers from brook-side and\\nhill-side far and near, so the academy bell on the week day has\\njust as widely from the same firesides gathered the youth for\\nsecular instruction, the latter, however, daily introduced by morn-\\ning religious services, and often concluded by similar evening\\ndevotions. These academies have aimed to give superior ad-\\nvantages of education. They have instructed the youth of both\\nsexes in the commsm and higher branches of a good English\\neducation, they have fitted young men for college, and prepared\\nteachers for our common schools. The influence of these in-\\nstitutions has been very great and excellent, contributing so\\nlargely, as they have, towards elevating the standard of intelli-\\ngence and of character among the young people of the state.\\nThe first academy established in New Hampshire was that of\\nPhillips Academy at Exeter, chartered by the state two years be-\\nfore the Revolutionary war, and opened for students the same\\nyear with the close of that struggle. Its founder, John Phillips,\\nLL. D., a graduate of distinction from Harvard University, be-\\nsides large gifts to the colleges of Dartmouth and Princeton,\\nand also to the academy of the same name at Andover, Mass.,\\ngave to the academy at Exeter over sixtj -five thousand dollars,\\na noble endowment for such an institution at that day. This\\nacademy in its long career of unvarying distinction and success\\nas a classical school, and now for some time devoting itself solely\\n23", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "354 HISTORY OF\\nto fitting young men for college, has been without a superior in\\nour countr) in the sphere it has sought to fill. It has furnished\\nits advantages to some four thousand students, towards one half\\nof whom have entered college, and among these have been some\\nwho have won positions among the most eminent of the land, in\\nscholarship, literature and statesmanship, in the pulpit, at the bar\\nand on the bench.\\nFive years later the academy of New Ipswich was chartered,\\nfor the purpose, in the words of the charter, of promoting\\npiety and virtue, and for the education of youth in the English,\\nLatin and Greek languages, in writing, arithmetic, music and the\\nart of speaking, practical geometr) logic, geography, and such\\nother of the liberal arts and sciences or languages as opportunity\\nmay hereafter permit. Such language, as well as the preamble\\nof the charter whereas the education of youth has ever been\\nconsidered by the wise and good as an object of the highest\\nconsequence to the safety and happiness of a people, as at an\\nearly period of life the mind easily receives and retains impres-\\nsions, and is most susceptible of the rudiments of useful knowl-\\nedge, together with the concluding provision of the charter\\nexempting all the properties of the academy from taxation and\\nits students from a poll tax, a favor granted by the state to other\\nsimilar institutions, indicate the spirit with which such charters\\nwere given. This institution, whose naine was changed subse-\\nquently to Appleton Academy, honored in its list of instructors\\nand graduates, still maintains its high position.\\nFive other academies were chartered by the state prior to the\\nclose of the last century, at Atkinson, Amherst, Chesterfield,\\nHaverhill and Gilmanton, the first and last of which, aided by\\nendowments, have continued in useful operation to the present\\ntime. Since 1800 some fifty additional academies have been\\nestablished, some of which have risen to a position of promi-\\nnence and distinction.\\nThe history of Kimball Union Academy at Meriden has been\\nof no ordinaiy interest. The conception of it originated with a\\nyoung clergyman in a neighboring town, who had enjoyed the\\nadvantages of foreign travel and, having been greatly impressed\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2with the character of the English classical schools, was led to\\nthe desire of seeing a similar institution established in his neigh-\\nborhood, that should not only maintain a high standard of in-\\nstruction but assist young men to the gospel ministry. The\\nidea was adopted by other clergymen, and at an ecclesiastical\\nconvention comprised of two neighboring ministerial associa-\\ntions, one from Vermont and the other from Xew Hampshire, it\\nwas decided to go forward and found the contemplated institu-\\ntion. At a subsequent meeting of this convention it was de-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\n355\\ncided to call an ecclesiastical council to inaugurate the matter.\\nThis council was convened at Windsor, Vt., and was comprised\\nof delegates from the General Associations of Connecticut, Mas-\\nsachusetts and New Hampshire, and from the General Con-\\nvention of Vermont. Among these delegates were President\\nDwight of Yale College, Professors Porter, Woods and Stuart\\nof Andover Theological Seminary, and three of the professors\\nof Dartmouth College. The convention, having been opened\\nwith religious services and a discourse by President Dwight, pro-\\nceeded with care and deliberation to prepare a constitution for\\nthe contemplated academy, the provisions of which were in the\\nmain, two years later, included in the charter given by the legis-\\nlature of New Hampshire in 1813. The academy was located\\nat Meriden in this state as a result of a donation at that time of\\nsix thousand dollars by the Hon. Daniel Kimball of Meriden,\\nwho also at his decease left by bequest to the institution the\\nprincipal part of his estate. The academy very appropriately\\ntook the name of its earliest principal donor. Commencing\\noperations in 18 15, for a quarter of a century its advantages\\nwere enjoyed by young men only, but in 1840 the institution\\nwas opened to the admission of young ladies as students also.\\nFounded upon a basis of veiy high educational and religious\\naims, prosperous from the first, with an attendance of late years\\naveraging between two and three hundred annually, it has as-\\nsumed a front rank among the best similar institutions of the\\nland, and its influence has been vast and good.\\nPinkerton Academy at Derry, incorporated a year later than\\nKimball Union Academy at Meriden, went into operation the\\nsame year with the latter and has similarly had an honorable,\\nuseful career maintjiined to the present time. It also derived its\\nname from its two earliest generous donors, the brothers Major\\nJohn Pinkerton and Deacon James Pinkerton of Derrj\\nSeveral of the prominent academies of the state have been\\nespecially fostered by distinctive religious denominations. Such\\nis the New Hampton Literary Institution, especially sustained\\nby the Freewill Baptist denomination, whose site and buildings\\nwere originally and mainly obtained through the munificence of\\na liberal resident of that town, Rufus G. Lewis, Esq. Such is the\\nvery flourishing -New London Literary and Scientific Institu-\\ntion, generously cherished by the Baptists and without a rival\\namong the schools patronized by that denomination. Such is\\nthe New Hampshire Conference Seminary and Female Col-\\nlege at Tilton, an honor to the Methodist denomination. Such\\nalso is St. Paul s School for boys, the attractive Episcopal in-\\nstitution at Millville, Concord, incorporated by the legislature\\nin 1850, and greatly indebted for its foundation to the generos-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "3S6 HISTORY OF\\nity of Dr. George C. Shattuck of Boston. This has now for\\nyears justly been a favorite school with Episcopalians, beyond,\\nperhaps, any other which they support.\\nMost honorable mention is also merited for such institutions\\nas Francestown Academy, established in 1818 Blanchard Acad-\\nem\\\\-, Pembroke, incorporated the same year Hopkinton Acad-\\nemy, incorporated in 1827 Boscawen Academy, incorporated in\\n1828 Nashua Literary Institution, incorporated in 1841 and\\nPenacook Academy at Fisherville, incorporated in 1866. Others\\nmight justly be added to this list. All these academical institu-\\ntions, with perhaps two exceptions, are open to students of both\\nsexes, while the state has some similar institutions of a high\\ncharacter devoted entirely to the instruction of j oung ladies.\\nSuch is the Adams Female School at Derry, of veiy honora-\\nble history in its teachers and graduates. Such is the large,\\nflourishing, and beautifully situated institution at West Lebanon,\\nTilden Young Ladies Seminary, incorporated in i86g, and\\nbearmg the name of the gentleman through whose liberal gifts\\nits buildings were erected. Such is the Robinson Female Sem-\\ninary at Exeter, bearing the name of the gentleman through\\nwhose munificent bequest, larger than any other literary insti-\\ntution in the state ever received at its foundation, it was estab-\\nlished. Such also was the young ladies seminary maintained\\nand taught by Miss Catherine Fisk of Keene, which for a quar-\\nter of a century was of the highest reputation.\\nThese numerous academical institutions of the state, estab-\\nlished with high religious as well as educational aims, and ever\\nconducted in accordance with the spirit and purpose of their\\nfoundation, many of them occupying sites so remarkable in their\\ncommanding prospect and beauties of surrounding scenery as to\\nbe an education in themselves, these academical institutions,\\nnow largely supplemented and worthily rivaled by the high\\nschools established in all the cities and large towns of our state,\\ntogether with the normal school more recently established, are\\nthe pride and almost chief honor of New Hampshire.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 357\\nCHAPTER CIIL\\nAGRICULTURE.\\nAgriculture is the oldest of all arts, the parent of all civiliza-\\ntion and the support of all true progress. The Creator ordained\\nit as the chief occupation of man. He placed the first human\\npair in the garden to dress it and to keep it. If they had\\nbeen content with their lot, material and spiritual, and had\\nkept their first estate, real and moral, horticulture would have\\nbeen the principal employment of their descendants. But a\\nrestless love of change and an unfortunate emigration from his\\nprimitive home have rendered our great progenitor in these par-\\nticulars the federal representative of his race specially of the\\nuniversal Yankee nation. A stale jest, falsely imputed to a\\nson of the Granite State who never uttered it, has passed into a\\nproverb, that New Hampshire is a good state to emigrate from.\\nIt may be true that other states are benefited by such emi-\\ngration, for\\nMen are the erowlh our rugged soil supplies\\nAnd souls are npened in these Northern skies.\\nBut it is my purpose to demonstrate, here and now, that New\\nHampshire is a good state to live in and, paradoxical as it may\\nseem, for those very reasons which are so often urged to induce\\nmen to. leave it. The climate, scenery, fertility and salubrity of\\nour state will bear a favorable comparison with those of other\\ncountries for every region of the globe has its discomforts and\\ndeprivations. There is no Eden since the first compulsory emi-\\ngration, and the compensations which a kind Providence has set\\nover against the natural defects of our native state render it one\\nof the best homes for the farmer in the world.\\nNew Hampshire needs no apologies she asks no favors.\\nTrue she has some rough and rocky acres which it is hard to\\nown and harder to till but she also has sheltered vales, sunny\\nhills and rich plains that amply reward the labors of the hus-\\nbandman. The sun nowhere on earth looks down on more at-\\ntractive landscapes than the valleys of our numerous rivers pre-\\nsent, either when nature has put on her summer glories or when\\nthe fields wave with the golden harvests. Look at the crops\\nthat honest industry secures. In the monthly report of the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Thoughts are sometimes repeated, because the author wished to make each chapter a com-\\nplete dissertation.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "358 HISTORY OF\\nUnited States Department of Agriculture for January, 1869,\\nNew Hampshire leads all the states in her average crop of Ind-\\nian corn. It is set down at forty bushels and eight-tenths per\\nacre, at an average price of one dollar and forty-three cents per\\nbushel. Vermont stands next, averaging thirty-eight and one-half\\nbushels to the acre. We have often been assured that the soil of\\nour new states was inexhaustible that all that was needed from\\nthe farmer was to tickle the soil with the plow, and it would\\nlaugh with a harvest. Yet Illinois, the richest state in agricul-\\ntural products in the Union, produces less maize and wheat to the\\nacre than New Hampshire, and the average price of both those\\nstaples is less than one-half what it is in the Granite State.\\nCalifornia has turned from mining to agriculture, a very wise\\nchange. She is fast becoming the best wheat-raising state in\\nthe Union. Minnesota and Kansas stand on a par with her,\\nyielding, on an average, fifteen bushels to the acre, but Vermont\\nreports sixteen and stands at the head of the list. Some of the\\nWestern states fall as low as five, six and eight bushels of wheat\\nto the acre. The richest soil badly cultivated soon runs out.\\nGood crops require hard labor, and in a few years, if the ele-\\nments that are taken from the surface in annual crops are not\\nrestored, the best land will become exhausted.\\nBarrenness is the fruit of slovenly culture everj where. Old\\nVirginy never tires says the negro song, but her soil was worn\\nout before the war. It was said to be the tobacco crop that\\nruined it. Now it seems, when Yankee iudustry holds the plow,\\nand Yankee prudence enriches the decayed acres, that the very\\ndesert begins to bud and blossom as the rose. Virginia calls\\nfor the sons of New Hampshire to regenerate that ruined state.\\nBut New Hampshire needs her own sons at home. Why leave\\nour schools, churches and cultivated society here to dwell in a\\nmixed population, hateful and hating one another, and cultivate\\na soil exhausted by bad husbandry and desolated by war, and\\nwork harder and earn less than you would on the old home-\\nsteads If you go to a new state you must create all your good\\ninstitutions anew. It will require the labor of a life-time to se-\\ncure as many comforts as you turn your back upon at home.\\nIn 1859, before the war, corn was not w orth harvesting in\\nsome of the Western states. It commanded only ten cents per\\nbushel, and one bushel of corn made two gallons of whiskey\\nWhat a paradise was the West then to those ardent advocates of\\nthe largest liberty in domestic trade, and who now complain\\nthat heavy duties are a severer restraint on self-indulgence than\\nthe Maine law and the Gospel united.\\nThe war elevated a great many things besides brave men it\\nincreased the estimation of a great many worthless things be-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 359\\nsides political demagogues. It enriched the West, by raising\\nthe price of corn, for a few years, from ten cents to one dollar\\nand twenty-five cents per bushel and the price of whiskey from\\nthirteen cents to four or five dollars per gallon. But a reaction\\nhas come and values have fallen. Thus, the whirligig of time\\nbrings in his revenges. Surely the world does move and\\nmultitudes of our New England farmers move West, with the\\ndelusive hope of bettering their condition. Imagine a colony\\nof men and women reared under the shadow of our lofty moun-\\ntains, dropped down in the midst of an almost limitless prairie,\\nin whose horizon the sun rises and sets, as in the ocean with\\nnot a mound, hill, stone or tree to give variety to the landscape.\\nAfter gazing upon this monotonous picture for a few years, how\\nardently does the most unbelieving sceptic pra) for faith to re-\\nmove one of our New Hampshire mountains into this dead sea\\nof verdure On his return to his native land, how does his\\nheart leap with joy at the bare sight of a New England land-\\nscape Surely, variety is the spice of life.\\nNew Hampshire is a good state to stay in, because men live\\nlong and grow old in it. Its bracing air promotes longevity. Dr.\\nBelknap, in his history of the first settlers of New Hampshire\\nsays In that part of America which it falls to my lot to de-\\nscribe, an uncleared and uncultivated soil is so far from being\\nan object of dread that there are no people more vigorous and\\nrobust than those who labor on new plantations nor, in fact,\\nhave any people better appetites for food. A very large propor-\\ntion of the people of New Hampshire live to old age and many\\nof them die of no acute disease, but by the gradual decay of\\nnature. The death of adult persons between twenty and fifty\\nyears of age is very rare compared with European countries.\\nWhen no epidemic prevails not more than one in seventy of\\nthe people of New Hampshire die annually. It must be re-\\nmembered that this was written before the advent of Venetian\\nblinds, damask curtains, double windows, India rubber strips,\\nair-tight stoves and woolen carpets. Houses were heated by\\nopen fires which changed the air everj hour. Men were accus-\\ntomed to the healthy stimulus of pure air, bright sun-light and\\nmoderate fires within doors and without furs, flannels or over-\\nshoes they became inured in their daily toils to the effects of\\npinching frosts and driving snows, so that they were not debilita-\\nted at home by excessive heat nor chilled abroad by excessive cold.\\nFifty years ago farmers in New Hampshire raised the food for\\ntheir families, and the wool and flax to clothe them, from their\\nown soil. They had little money their trade was chiefly by\\nbarter, exchanging wlieat, maize and oats, for salt, iron and mo-\\nlasses. After the introduction of manufactures and railroads,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": ";^Go HISTORY OF\\nthe rural population, like the rivers, gravitated toward the cities\\nor, like the clouds, vi^as dispersed over the boundless West. The\\nagriculture of the state has suffered greatly from this depletion\\nbut better days are coming. We argue thus because all the best\\nlands this side the Rocky mountains are already occupied by\\nactual settlers or owned by railroads and speculators. We are\\nalso assured by the United States surveyors, that there is a broad\\nbelt of land beyond the one hundredth meridian of longitude,\\ntwelve hundred miles in length, e.xtending from Texas to the\\nBritish Possessions, and varying in breadth from three to six\\nhundred miles, which is unfit for cultivation. General Hazen\\naffirms that not one acre in a hundred of that vast territory can\\never be successfully tilled. The average rainfall of only ten\\ninches per annum sets the seal of perpetual desolation upon\\nthis great desert. Irrigation, as in Utah, cannot remedy its bar-\\nrenness, because the adjacent mountains do not furnish a supply\\nof water. If Sahara, with its sands, were in the same place, it\\nwould not prove a more effectual barrier to emigration and agri-\\nculture. We may therefore anticipate, before the advent of\\nanother generation, a refluent tide of emigrants to the old home-\\nsteads of New Hampshire. The war of Western farmers upon\\nthe railroads confirms this opinion. If three fourths of the\\nvalue of com in the Eastern markets are consumed in freight,\\nthe producers will prefer to raise the crops, even at an increased\\nexpense, in the regions where they are consumed. Good farms\\nand comfortable dwellings, now unoccupied, await the returning\\nprodigals for the seventy-eight thousand farmers of 1S40 have\\ndiminished to forty-six thousand five hundred and seventy-three\\nin 1870, though nearly twenty-four thousand were added to the\\npopulation during the same period.\\nNew England has been justly styled the brain of the coun-\\ntry. The enterprise that has formed states, churches, schools\\nand colleges in the West, the energy that has transformed deserts\\ninto cultivated fields, reared cities and bound the continent to-\\ngether by iron rails, originated among the bleak hills of the\\nnortheastern portion of the continent.\\nNew Hampshire has contributed its full share both of brawn\\nand brain to these magnificent results. Though her staff of la-\\nborers has been diminished by the repeated conscriptions of new\\nstates, yet, during the thirty years preceding the Rebellion the\\nwealth of the state was doubled. Every man had a competency\\nand pauperism was almost unknown. Notwithstanding the heavy\\nburdens which the war has imposed upon the productive in-\\ndustry of the state, the people are still prosperous and happy.\\nNearly two thousand years ago Roman agriculture had declined.\\nAugustus felt the insecurity of his throne without a thrifty rural", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 361\\npopulation to support it. He stimulated agriculture by lega-\\nenactment, and invited Virgil to sing its pleasures and its prof,\\nits. The poet wrote his Georgics and kindled new enthusiasm\\namong all the wealthy farmers. His closing words are appro-\\npriate to us\\nOh happy if he knew his happy state,\\nThe man who, free from business and debate,\\nReceives his easy food from Nature s hand\\nAnd just returns of cultivated land.\\nMore than forty years ago DeTocqueville visited this country.\\nHe scanned our institutions with the eye of a philosopher. His\\nreport was more candid and commendatory than that of any\\nother foreigner who has written concerning us. He was hope-\\nful of the United States chiefly because of the general distribu-\\ntion of real estate among the inhabitants. Every man, says\\nhe has a stake in the hedge. Almost every voter is a land-\\nowner. This is peculiarly true with reference to New Hamp-\\nshire, in which there are probably more owners of real estate\\nthan in the whole of England. There the estates of earls or\\ndukes are larger than our counties. The nobles own the soil\\nthe peasants till it. When the country is in peril the millions\\nhave little patriotism for they have little to lose and nothing to\\ngain. Shelley in his ode to the men of England says\\nThe seeds ye sow another reaps;\\nTlie weahh ye find anotller keeps\\nThe robes ye weave another wears\\nThe arms ye forge another bears.\\nWith us the land-owners are the sovereigns. They love their\\nhomes, whether on the hill or in the vale, and are ever ready at\\ntheir country s call to defend them. The patriot loves his home,\\nhowever cribbed, cabined and confined he may find his quar-\\nters, for f\\nThe smoke ascends\\nTo Heaven as lightly from the cottage hearth\\nAs from the haughty palace.\\nOur safety and prosperity depend upon this devotion to our\\nnative soil. With contentment and industry, our farms will sup-\\nply every reasonable want. An improved agriculture will en-\\nlarge our manufactures and commerce. A threefold cord is\\nnot easily broken. But if we intend to live in New Hampshire\\nand board at the West, we may at some unexpected crisis find\\nour supplies cut off. A single short crop in the new states\\nwould bring gaunt famine to our doors. A combination of spec-\\nulators may, at any time, raise the price of flour beyond the\\nmeans of the poor. The railroad kings can, at their pleasure,\\nproduce the same result, by e.xorbitant freights. But the New\\nHampshire farmer who raises the wheat and corn that supply\\nhis table, who feeds his own domestic animals, drives his own", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "362 HISTORY OF\\nteam afield, rides in his own carriage, reads his own books,\\nsupports his own church and school, and represents his own\\ntown, is independent of them all. No rich broker can lock up\\nhis gold no speculator can withhold his supplies no railroad\\nking can dole out his rations no aristocratic millionaire can\\ntake his children s bread and cast it to dogs no scheming\\npolitician can command his vote. He is every inch a man, in\\nbody, mind and estate. Let us thank God that we have a\\ngoodly heritage, where, with honest toil and contented minds,\\nwe may be healthful, hopeful, happy and prosperous. Truly\\nNew Hampshire is a good state to live in.\\nCHAPTER CIV.\\nTHE COMMERCE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nThe first settlers of New Hampshire came to trade, mine, fish\\nand plant but commerce took precedence of agriculture. Ships\\nwere essential to the existence of the first settlers. Their pro-\\nvisions were imported in them the products of their industry\\nand trade were exported in them. For the first hundred years\\nof the existence of the state, many large fortunes were acquired\\nby merchandise. The provincial governors and the early aris-\\ntocracy were merchants. Portsmouth, the chief maritime town\\nin the state, was for nearly a century the seat of government\\nand the centre of influence. From 1775 to 1807, the legislature\\nwas itinerant, meeting at Portsmouth, Exeter, Concord and Hop-\\nkintoii, as it was deemed most convenient to the members. One\\nsession was held in each of the following towns Dover, Amherst,\\nCharlestown and Hanover. Since 1807, Concord has by general\\nconsent been regarded as the seat of government. Portsmouth,\\nbeing the chief political and commercial town in the state, gave\\ntone to society and direction to legislation. The earliest exports\\nfrom the state consisted of fish, lumber, turpentine, peltry, sas-\\nsafras, provisions and live stock. From the beginning of the\\npresent century to 1807, the annual imports of Portsmouth\\namounted to about $800,000 its exports during the same time\\naveraged nearly $700,000 per annum. The encroachments of\\nFrance and England upon American commerce and the embargo\\nand non-intercourse acts of our own country nearly ruined the\\ntrade of Portsmouth. Besides a small coasting business, the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\n3^3\\nWest Indies and Great Britain engrossed most of the commerce\\nof New Hampshire.\\nShip-building also occupied a large number of men dwelling\\non the banks of the Piscataqua but the din of war drowned\\nthe hum of business and mechanics left the dock for the\\ndeck and manned rather than built ships. Portsmouth has never\\nrecovered her commercial prosperity. Her imports, in 182 1,\\namounted to $333,986; in 1834, $117,932; in 1840, \u00c2\u00a7115,678;\\nin 1850, $19,998 in i860, $16,920, which was scarcely more\\nthan one fiftieth of its imports in 1807. Her e-xports have been\\nfar less than her imports. Mr. Brewster in his Rambles about\\nPortsmouth, says\\nAt the present day we do not see the busy wharves, the fleets\\nof West Indiamen, the great piles of bags of coffee, and the\\nacres of hogsheads of molasses which we used to see nor do\\nwe see Water street crowded with sailors, and the piles of lum-\\nber and cases of fish going on board the West Indiamen for\\nuses in the tropics. But if that day is gone by, we have other\\noccupations, and the old town seems as bright and handsome\\nas ever.\\nThe following description of the commerce of Portsmouth at\\nthe present day, is from the pen of a distinguished gentleman of\\nthat city, to whom I am indebted for other valuable suggestions\\nI find from the custom-house books, that the direct duties\\nfrom imports into this port were for 1869, $15,133.06; 1870,\\n$27,498.50; 1871, $46,635.71 1872, $12,721.60; 1873, $7,754.-\\n47 1874, $5,671.95. In the two latter years almost all of this\\nwas from coal a cargo of iron is a rara avis indeed, and one\\ncargo of salt yearly would be a full average. The fishery is the\\nonly maritime business which can be said to flourish here, unless\\nthe very large amoutits of coal from Pennsylvania for distribu-\\ntion by rail to the interior can be called such.\\nFollowing is a statement of duties received at the port of\\nPortsmouth, from 1840 to 1870, inclusive, from the records of\\nthe Custom House\\n1840.\\n53,056\\n1846.\\nq,qS6\\n1S51.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a09.197\\n1856.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a00,37s\\n1861.\\n5,326\\n.865.\\n5,415\\n1841\\n40,702\\niS47-\\n8,749\\n1852..\\n25.230\\n1857.\\n8,216\\n.862.\\n10,625\\n.S67..\\n8,361\\n.842.\\n1848-\\n16,563\\n1853..\\n.0,842\\n1858.\\n4,640\\n.863.\\n4.805\\n.868..\\n2,464\\n1843..\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05 757\\n1849-\\n26,862\\n1854-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a03,027\\n1859.\\n5.65.\\n.864.\\n5.365\\n1869.\\n12,498\\n.844.\\n61932\\n1S50.\\n15,198\\n1855.\\n12,426\\ni860.\\n3,132\\n.86,.\\n3. .87\\n.870.\\n27,49s\\n.845.\\n8.373\\nNote.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Dr. Dwight, in his Travels, gives the following schedule of duties on imported goods\\nfrom 1801 to .S.o: .80., J. 65,614; 1S02, $.54,087; 1804, $2.0,4.0; 1806, $222,596; .808,\\n$5. ,231; 1810, $61,464.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "364 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER CV.\\nTHE PRESS.\\nIn the ancient republics, the actor and orator enlightened the\\ncitizens on all matters pertaining to politics and morals. Libra-\\nries were few and small. Among private citizens only the wealthy\\nand learned owned manuscripts. Hence Dr. Johnson, in his\\ndogmatic style, said to Sir Adam Ferguson, Sir, the boasted\\nAthenians were barbarians. The masses of every people must\\nbe barbarians where there is no printing. In more recent\\ntimes, Wendell Phillips describes the power of the press in still\\nmore exaggerated language. He says\\nIt is a momentous truth that the millions have no literature, no school,\\nand almost no pulpiti but the press. Not one in ten reads books; but every\\none of us, except the very few helpless poor, poisons himself every day with\\na newspaper. It is parent, school, college, pulpit, theatre, example, coun-\\nselor, all in one. Every drop of our blood is colored by it. Let me make\\nthe newspapers, and I care not who makes the religion or the laws.\\nPrior to the Revolutionary war, less than a score of news-\\npapers were published in the United States. They had been in\\nexistence only two centuries in England, and had not then be-\\ncome the fourth estate in the realm. The press was still under\\ncensorship, and papers were suppressed and their publishers im-\\nprisoned for criticising public men and measures. During the\\nreign of George IV., Leigh Hunt was imprisoned a year for\\nprinting something derogatory to the character of the first gen-\\ntleman in Europe, as that heartless libertine was styled by his\\nadmirers. In 1776, the entire issues of the newspaper presses\\nin America would not probably equal the circulation of some of\\nour city dailies. The papers of that day contained little original\\nmatter. An editor was not necessarily a writer of leaders, giv-\\ning tone and direction to public opinion, but a mere compiler of\\nreadable articles from books, or the editor and critic of commu-\\nnications furnished by contributors. The movements of Euro-\\npean monarchs and generals were chronicled with scrupulous\\nfidelity. The great tides of public opinion abroad were sup-\\nposed to determine the slight ripples that washed the American\\nshores. The speeches of English and French orators were often\\nreprinted in full.\\nAs early as 1756 Daniel Fowle established a weekly paper\\nin Portsmouth, called the New Hampshire Gazette. It is said", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 365\\nthat he had suffered imprisonment in Massachusetts for his fear-\\nless criticism of the official acts of the colonial government.\\nThose Puritan magnates did not allow their decrees to be ques-\\ntioned. The Gazette was a small sheet filled with the latest\\nnews from England, with a few local paragraphs. Colonial top-\\nics were sometimes introduced and during the Indian wars, the\\nsufferings of the frontier towns were faithfully chronicled. At the\\npresent day we look with wonder upon the frequent advertise-\\nments of fugitive slaves. It seems that the colored man was less\\ncontented under Puritan than under Southern masters. Slaveiy\\nwas abolished in New Hampshire in 1784; then apprentices be-\\ncame estrays. Mr. Fowle printed the Gazette for thirty years.\\nIts circulation, while he owned it, never exceeded five hundred\\ncopies. This first child of the American press* in our state, this\\nfirst heir of Mr. Fowle s invention, still exists in the form of a\\ndouble sheet, rich in materials and widely circulated.\\nAfter the close of the Revolutionary war papers were pub-\\nlished in several of the leading towns of the state, but they\\nsoon failed for want of patronage. The people were too illiterate\\nto prize good reading and too poor to purchase it. In 1790,\\nGeorge Hough issued the Concord Herald. It was a small\\nsheet containing a few well selected articles and some local news.\\nIt lacked editorial ability and never became a power in the state.\\nAfter the beginning of the nineteenth centur} when the people\\nhad become more intelligent and prosperous, the political press\\nassumed greater importance and exerted a broader influence. In\\n1809, Isaac Hill purchased the New Hampshire Patriot, which\\nhad been published for si.x months by William Hoitt. Mr. Hill\\nintroduced a new era in journalism. He was bold and defiant,\\na man of decided opinions, advocating them with uncommon\\nability and rather provoking than shunning opposition. He\\nbecame the champion of the democratic party and the uncom-\\npromising foe of the federalists. During the second war with\\nEngland party spirit became almost ferocious and party feuds\\nirreconcilable. Since that day the utterances of the press have\\nbeen more pointed, personal and incisive. The men of to-day\\nare not satisfied with calm, dignified essays, such as in the last\\ncentury appeared over the names of Junius, Brutus and Cato in\\nNew Hampshire papers. A competent critic thus characterizes\\nthe productions of the two periods\\nTurning over the old files of the Portsmouth Gazette, Keene Sentinel and\\n*The first press in Cambridge was set up in 1638. The first thing printed was the Free-\\nman s Oath; the second an almanac, and in 1640 the Bay Psalm Book. The first press in\\nPennsylvania was established in 1656, four years after Penn s arriv.il. Presses appeared in\\nthe following order: in New York, 1693; at New London. Conn., 1700; at Newport, R. I.,\\n1714 at Annapolis, Delaware, 172(1 at Charleston, S. C, in 1730; at Newbern, N. C, 1757\\nat Savannah, Lia., 1762 in Maine in 1730. At the time of the Revnlutiun there were about\\nforty presses in the United States.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "366 HISTORY OF\\nAmherst Cabinet, you look in vain for the fierce invective, stinging person-\\nality, the tart reply and the dexterous argument of more recent journalism.\\nYet the press of sixty years ago was the product and reflection of its own\\ntimes. It gave way to the hardier and more versatile journals as untutored\\nlabor yields to scientific skill. It left an unblemished name. It had hurt no\\nman s feelings; it had injured no man s reputation. Like the good Athenian\\nit might claim for its epitaph, that no citizen had worn mourning on its ac\\ncount. Pleasant be its memory\\nAbout fifty public journals are now published in New Hamp-\\nshire. The wide-spread demand for information has called in\\nthe aid of science and invention to facilitate the art of printing.\\nThe presses used a century ago would now be a burden to the\\nowner. The Columbian press, invented by George Clymer of\\nPhiladelphia, in 18 18, was in its day an exceedingly valuable aid\\nto printers. More recently the powerful cylinder presses con-\\nstructed by Richard M. Hoe of New York enable publishers to\\nmultiply books and papers as fast as the reading public demand\\nthem. By the cylinder press, worked by steam, in connection\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0with the stereotype process, as many as forty thousand impres-\\nsions of a newspaper can be taken in an hour.\\nCHAPTER CVI.\\nPolitical economists find it a very difficult portion of their\\nwork to define such terms as Wealth, Value, Currency, Money,\\nCredit and Capital. Whole volumes have been written on these\\nwords alone. Adam Smith s definition of wealth, as the pro-\\nduce of land and labor, is now repudiated for land itself is\\nwealth. In the city of London, an acre of land varies in value\\nfrom fifty thousand to ten millions of dollars, exclusive of build-\\nings. In the midland counties of England an oak, the natural\\ngrowth of the soil, is sometimes worth three hundred dollars\\nupon the stump. More recent authors, therefore, return to the\\noldest definition of wealth on record, as given by Aristotle. He\\nsays And we call wealth everything whose value is measured\\nby money. The criterion of wealth is exchangeability. Any-\\nthing material or immaterial has value which can be bought and\\nsold. Coined money alone has a permanent value, because it is\\nexchangeable among all persons, at all times and in all places\\nin the same countrj-. Gold and silver, says Burke, represent\\nthe lasting conventional credit of mankind. Credit, in the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 367\\nform of debts due from indi\\\\ iduals or corporations, has a com-\\nmercial value, owing to the confidence or belief which business\\nmen entertain that the instruments of credit, notes and bills,\\nmay be exchanged for money or commodities. Paper money\\nrests on the same basis with loss of confidence comes depreci-\\nation. Credit, says Mr. Webster, is to money what money is\\nto commodities consequently credit is capital. Mr. Macleod\\nsays A banker is a trader who buys money, or money and\\ndebts, by creating other debts; and banks are shops where\\nbankers do their business.\\nIt has been the prevailing belief for centuries, that the word\\nbank is derived from the Italian banco, a bench or table, because\\nthe Italian money dealers kept their money piled on benches or\\ntables in the sight of customers and that a bankrupt was one\\nwhose bench was broken banco rotto and the owner e.xpelied\\nfrom the fraternity. A very different etymology is now current.\\nMuratori says that the Italian banca or banco is of Gothic origin.\\nIt comes from banck, a heap or mound. This was metaphori-\\ncally applied to a common fund formed by the contributions of e\\ncompany. A bank, then, is literally a pile of money. The\\nVenetians called the forced loan made by the government to pay\\nthe public debt in 1171, a Banco or Monte. The latter\\nword is from the Latin mons a mountain. Writers in the\\n17th century use the mons for bank, as Mons Negotionis, a\\nbank of trade. The first bankers in Venice were two Jews, who\\nobtained leave of the senate to deal in securities and a. d. 1400.\\nThe Bank of Venice dates only from 1587.\\nMr. Macleod in his Theory and Practice of Banking, says\\nThe business which is technically called banking seems to have\\nbeen invented by tlje Romans. It is true that there were abund-\\nance of money dealers at Athens and other places, but their\\nbusiness seems, as far as we can discover, to have been more\\nanalogous to that of those persons we call money scriveners and\\nbill-discounters than of those whom we call bankers. The in-\\nvention of bank notes is due to the Chinese, a. d. 807. The\\nsame author says that banking, in the modern sense of that\\nword, had no e.\\\\istence in England before the year 1640. Prior\\nto that date, goldsmiths bought and sold promissory notes and\\nbills of exchange on their own credit, doing business sometimes\\nmany fold greater than the value of their assets or capital.\\nMr. Hamilton, in report on the expediency of establishing a\\nnational bank, gives the American theory of banking as fol-\\nlows The following are among the principal advantages of a\\nbank First, the augmetitation of the active or productive capi-\\ntal of a country. It is a well-established fact\\nthat banks in good credit can circulate a far greater sum than", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "368 HISTORY OF\\nthe actual quantum of their capital in gold and silver.\\nThis faculty is produced in various ways ist, A great portion\\nof the notes whicli are issued and pass current as cash are in-\\ndefinitely suspended in circulation from the confidence which\\neach holder has that he can at any moment turn them into gold\\nand silver. 2d, Every loan which a bank makes is, in its first\\nshape, a credit given to the borrower on its books, the amount of\\nwhich it stands ready to pay, either in its own notes, or gold, or\\nsilver, at his option. But in a great number of cases no actual\\npayment is made in either. The same circumstances\\nillustrate the truth of the position, that it is one of the proper-\\nties of banks to increase the active capital of a country.\\nThis additional employment given to money, and the faculty of\\na bank to lend and circulate a greater sum than the amount in\\ncoin, are, to all the purposes of trade and industr} an absolute\\nincrease of capital. Purchases and undertakings in general can\\nbe carried on by any given sum of bank paper as effectually as\\nby an equal sum of gold and silver, and thus, by contributing to\\nefilarge the mass of industrious and commercial enterprises,\\nbanks become nurseries of national wealth, a consequence as sat-\\nisfactorily verified by e.xperience as it is clearly deducible in\\ntheory.\\nThe first bank in New Hampshire was established at Ports-\\nmouth, in 1792, when the population of the state was estimated\\nat one hundred and fifty-three thousand, four hundred and\\ntwenty-si.x. Its capital was one hundred and sixty thousand dol-\\nlars. This sum was deemed adequate to the pecuniary demands\\nof that age.\\nIn 1863, with double the population of 1792, New Hampshire\\nhad fifty-two banks with an aggregate capital of $4,678,700\\nloans amounting to $8,742,668 and a circulation in bills of $4,-\\n192,434. The fictitious value of the bank credit of that day\\nwas nearly three times as great as the entire capital of all the\\nbanks. The business transactions in 1863, must have been a\\nhundred fold greater than in 1792, with one half as many people.\\nIn 1874 there were forty-three national banks in New Hamp-\\nshire, with an aggregate capital of $5,315,000, w-ith si.xty-eight\\nsavings banks, holding from 96,938 depositors, $30,214,585.\\nThese deposits alone, apart from the national banks, represent a\\nbusiness capital twenty times as large as the entire loans and\\nbills of the banks fifty years ago.\\nWhat is the office of a Bank\\nThe above question was proposed to Hon. George B. Chandler,\\nCashier of the Amoskeag National Bank of Manchester and\\nhe returned the following answer\\nA bank is the agent through which balances in trade or com-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 369\\nluerce are adjusted between one individual and another, one\\ncommunity and another or one country and another. In the\\nearly periods of the world, trade or commerce was carried on\\nonly upon the exchange or barter plan, one tribe or community\\nparting with their superabundance, to receive their needs from\\nthe superabundance of a neighboring tribe or community and\\nany balance due was usually paid by giving from the flocks or\\nherds of the fields. As people multiplied upon the face of the\\nearth, this mode of conducting trade became too cumbersome\\nso, after the discovery of the precious metals and stones and\\nplacing a value upon them, instead of paying a given number of\\nsheep or oxen, a certain amount of gold, silver or precious\\nstones was used therefore the merchant was required to have\\ngrains or pieces of gold or silver about him, which, by the aid\\nof balances or scales he paid to his creditor in satisfaction of\\ndemands against him.\\nThe population and commerce of the world were so limited,\\nthat down to the time of Christ but little advance had been\\nmade upon this mode of effecting exchanges or paying balances,\\nexcept that an impress had been put upon pieces of gold and\\nsilver, and a value other than by weight had been fixed upon\\neach piece, so that instead of giving a certain weight, people\\ncould compute and pay a given sum or value in the same way it\\ncan be done to-day. In a preceding page you state that banks\\nin the modern sense did not exist in England until 1640. Up to\\nabout that time business had principally been done by transport-\\ning vast sums of gold and silver from one community or coun-\\ntry to another, and that people were considered most wealthy\\nto whom gold was constantly being carried. But with the es-\\ntablishment of the bank, a change was wrought in the manner\\nof doing business, which has been constantly developing until\\nthe banking system of to-day stands forth a representative of\\nwealth, enterprise, prosperity and success, and, is it too much to\\nsay, of the happiness of the people.\\nWhat is the office of the bank of to-day\\nist. To concentrate capital in sufficient amounts to give the\\npublic confidence in its issues of paper, whether in the form of\\ncirculating notes or drafts of exchange. Under the existing\\nnational bank system, the community receives, and justly too\\n(as each bank note has a deposit of government bonds behind it),\\nthe national bank note as the representative in value of the\\namount expressed upon its face. That the drafts of exchange\\nissued by any well managed bank are good beyond a reasonable\\ndoubt is also true, as the entire capital of a bank must be lost\\nbefore a loss can occur upon a bill of exchange drawn by it.\\nIn these days and in this country very few people realize the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "370 HISTORY OF\\namount of business transacted balances paid by means of\\nthese Bank Drafts or Bills of Exchange.\\n2d. By having a concentrated capital it thereby guarantees to\\nthe business public in the midst of which it is located a safe\\nplace of deposit for their ready funds, and furnishes an agency\\nwhereon it may draw its checks and thus, again, do business\\nthrough another form of paper the depositor s check upon his\\nbank.\\n3d. By having a capital and deposit it is enabled to assist\\nthose who may at times wish to become borrowers, and, in cities\\nwhere a bank has a prosperous and well-managed business with\\nlarge deposits, it is not unusual to find one-half or two-thirds of\\nits deposits represented by notes or bills receivable and still\\nthe bank has no trouble (except in times of panic) in paying\\nall demands made by depositors.\\nPerhaps an illustration of the practical workings of a bank\\nmay serve to show that the great motive powers which enable\\nthis age to stand in bold relief above and in advance of all oth-\\ners are but few, and while the printing-press, railroad, steam-\\nship telegraph and postal system are constantly elevating, enlarg-\\ning, educating and encouraging our people, the banks hold no\\nsecond rank or questioned position as public benefactors.\\nSee how the merchant of to-day transacts his business so far\\nas his money is concerned. He is constantly exchanging his\\ngoods for paper representatives of value bank notes Before\\nthe close of bank hours each day he gathers up his paper money,\\ndeposits it in the bank (every merchant has a bank account),\\nthus transferring his paper representatives of value into a credit\\nupon the books of the bank. His great solicitude is to be able\\nalways to have a good credit in his bank. When bills fall due\\nhe pays them very easily by simply filling a check upon his bank\\nfor the amount of any demand against him, signing it, and\\namong honorable dealers this evidence of a value in the bank\\nis accepted as readily as are the strongest bank checks made by\\nthe largest dealers.\\nTo-day in all large mercantile houses the total receipts of\\nmoney pass into the hands of one person, the cashier, and are\\nby him deposited in the bank to be drawn therefrom upon checks\\nas above indicated. The practice prevails of merchants in the\\ncountry paying the jobber in the large cities by sending his per-\\nsonal check and requesting and receiving a receipted bill by\\nreturn mail.\\nAnother illustration, showing the part the bank performs in the\\nbusiness of to-day is a merchant in Manchester, B is a mil-\\nler in St. Louis No. i is a bank in St. Louis, No. 2 is a bank in\\nManchester, No. 3 is a bank in New York. A finds he wants a", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 37 I\\nlot o\u00c2\u00a3 XX flour at once. He accordingly on his way home at\\nnight sends B a telegraphic despatch for the same. Next morn-\\ning upon going to the mill in St. Louis, B finds the telegraphic\\norder. Understanding the immediate necessity he soon has the\\nflour on the way to the railway station for shipment. Within\\ntwo hours it is loaded into a car and a receipt given Bill of\\nLading stating that one hundred barrels of XX flour had been\\nreceived to be shipped to A of Manchester, N. H. Upon re-\\nceipt of this bill of lading B returns to his office, makes a draft\\nupon A at Manchester, attaches the bill of freight and with these\\ndocuments repairs to his bank and requests draft to be forwarded\\nwithout delay for collection. No. i, the bank, credits miller B\\nwith the draft, saving only a small charge for expense of collec-\\ntion, and during the day prepares his letter to No. 2, enclosing\\nthe draft with the request that it be collected and proceeds re-\\nmitted to No. 3 in New York for credit of No. i. Night find\\nboth flour and draft on their way to Manchester, where draft will\\narrive in about thirty-six hours. No. 2 bank in Manchester,\\nupon receiving it, at once sends messenger to A, who, knowing\\nthat the receipt accompanying the draft will hold the flour and\\nsave him from its loss, at once proceeds to draw his check against\\nhis bank deposit for amount, which No. 2 bank at once accepts,\\ndraws its own bill of exchange and remits to No. 3 in New York,\\nas requested, for the credit of No. i in St. Louis. All this may\\nbe accomplished within about five days. The miller transfers his\\nvalue from flour in his mill to a credit in his bank. The mer-\\nchant transfers his bank balance into flour which he knows will\\nreach him within a few days. The St. Louis bank becomes in-\\ndebted to the miller by the amount of his credit, but then again\\nit has a credit in New York of a like amount, while the bank in\\nManchester pays ts depositor, the merchant, by a transfer of\\nthe value of the flour from its correspondent in New York to\\nNo. 3, the correspondent of the St. Louis bank No. i. All this\\nadjustment of balances is made without the moving of a dollar\\nin value, only as it is done through the medium of paper ex-\\nchange. The farmer exchanges his products, which have an in-\\ntrinsic value, for the paper representative bank notes with\\nwhich he procures his needed supplies, makes for himself a credit\\nin the bank, or exchanges again for lands, buildings, or other\\nforms of value.\\nThe man of leisure desiring to pass some time in a foreign\\ncountry does not go loaded down with gold, but instead makes\\nhis deposit in some bank doing a foreign exchange business,\\nreceiving a letter of credit nothing in fact but a paper repres-\\nentative of his credit in the bank and with this he is enabled to\\ndraw in almost any of the large cities of Europe such sums of", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "372 HISTORY OF\\ngold as he may need Erora time to time to defray expenses and is\\nnot necessarily obliged to have gold to the extent of one hun-\\ndred dollars about his person. This is but another form of trans-\\nfer whereby the bank or banker in London, Paris or Berlin is\\nenabled to make an advance upon a credit known to exist in a\\nbank in America. We fail to comprehend how the present vol-\\nume of business of the counti^ could possibly be transacted,\\nexcept through the agency of the bank with the aid of its paper\\ncurrency and exchange hence, as before remarked, we look upon\\nthe bank as one of the great promoters of the business and in-\\ndustries of the people, and therefore among the most useful\\ninstitutions of the day.\\nCHAPTER CVII.\\nMANt/FACTURES, ANCIENT AND MODERN.\\nThe genius of invention traveled a long way in descending\\nfrom the summit of the pyramid of Cheops to the railroad that\\nhas been built at its base, upon the banks of the Nile. Looking\\nbackward along the track of by-gone ages, the distance is quite\\nas great from the dome of St. Peters to the Egyptian obelisk,\\nthat stands in the square before the church. When Augustus\\nbrought that monolith to Rome, it was then very old it is older\\nnow, and the events that have taken place under its shadow\\nwould constitute the larger portion of the world s history. The\\npyramid and the obelisk are monuments of power and oppres-\\nsion the church and the railroad are symbols of progress and\\nemancipation. It deserves notice that all the great works of\\nantiquity were reared for show and not for use. They exalted\\nthe few and degraded the many. The creations of genius were\\nall of the same character. The ancient philosophers, says\\nMacaulay, did not neglect natural science but they did not cul-\\ntivate it for the purpose of increasing the power and ameliorating\\nthe condition of man. The taint of barrenness has spread from\\nethical to physical speculations. Seneca wrote largely on nat-\\nural philosophy and magnified the importance of that study.\\nRut why Not because it tended to assuage suffering, to multi-\\nply the conveniences of life, to extend the empire of man over\\nthe material world but solely because it tended to raise the\\nmind above low cares, to separate it from the body, to exercise", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 373\\nits subtlety in the solution of very obscure questions. Thus nat-\\nural philosophy was considered in the light merely of a mental\\nexercise. It was made subsidiar) to the art of disputation; and\\nit consequently proved alto-^ether barren of useful discoveries.\\nThis taste, pervading the minds and hearts of the philosophers\\nof antiquity, promoted logic at the expense of physics and caus-\\ned the fine arts to take precedence of the useful. Comfort, in\\nits modern sense, had no name to represent it in the classic\\ntongues and was not admitted into modern lexicons till the in-\\nductive method of Bacon made utility the object of true science.\\nTo us, the narrow, unlighted, unventilated dormitories of the\\nGreeks and Romans would be almost as repulsive as the cells\\nof a prison or the cribbed, cabined and confined sleeping\\nrooms of a Saratoga hotel. Their flowing dresses of undyed\\nwool, e.xcept the purple robes of nobles and monarchs, would\\nnow be positively intolerable to business men. The Roman toga,\\nthe characteristic dress of the world s conquerors, was the very\\nsymbol of idleness. Says DeQuincey, Just figure to yourself\\nthe picture of a hard-working man with horny hands, like our\\nhedgers, ditchers, weavers and porters, setting to work on the\\nhigh road in that vast sweeping robe, filling with a strong gale\\nlike the mainsail of a frigate. In fact slaves and common la-\\nborers were not allowed to wear that badge of rank they wore\\nthe tunic, made like a farmer s long frock, and this was their\\nonly dress. The wealthy Romans were often carried by slaves\\nin a lectica or litter resembling the oriental palanquin. They\\nrode in carriages without springs, ate without knives and forks\\nand lived in houses without glass or chimneys.\\nThe choicest works of art in Rome to-day have been taken\\nfrom the tombs of Jhe Etruscans, whose origin is still an unsolved\\nenigma. Some of the most interesting remains of this wonder-\\nful people have been disinterred by Lucien Bonaparte, brother\\nof Napoleon the Great. About the year 1812, he purchased of\\nthe Pope the principality of Canino, from which he received his\\ntitle of Prince of Canino. He proceeded to explore his newly\\nacquired possessions and was very successful in his researches.\\nSome of the most suj^erb vases in the world were excavated by\\nhim, besides gold and jeweled ornaments of the most exquisite\\nworkmanship, and bronze images, mirrors and utensils of great\\nvariety and beauty. These were sold to private collectors for\\nvarious European museums. It is said that the Princess of\\nCanino has appeared at the fetes of ambassadors in Rome, with\\na parure of Etruscan jewelry which was the envy of every belle\\nand excelled the chefs d ceuvres of Paris and Vienna, making the\\nwearer literally the cynosure of all eyes.\\nTo what strange mutations is even the kingdom of the dead", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "374 HISTORY OF\\nsubject The princesses of Etruria were consigned to their last\\nresting places, more than three thousand years ago, with ali the\\npomp and ceremony of regal woe. The state from its guarded\\ncoffers, or private affection from its hoarded treasures, conse-\\ncrated the most precious ornaments to the memory of the de-\\nceased. These were laid away in rock hewn sepulchres or in\\ntombs built as if for eternity, of enduring masonry and their\\ndoors were closed against all the agencies which the violence or\\navarice of those times might employ. They remained hermeti-\\ncally sealed for thousands of years, amid all the changes of states\\nand kingdoms. Hostile armies marched over them. Peaceful\\npeasants gathered successive harvests from the soil that was\\nheaped upon them. No wild beast has found a cleft in the rock\\nas a place of entrance. Not even a mole or a cricket had dis-\\nturbed the repose of the royal sleepers. At length avarice, keen-\\nscented avarice, like the bending willow in the hand of the ma-\\ngician, seeking for living springs beneath the earth, inclines wist-\\nfully toward the buried treasure which affection or pride in former\\nyears devoted to departed greatness. Rude laborers ply the\\nspade and the pick to the yielding mound, till the iron clinks\\nupon the ponderous roof. Violence wrests the heavy door from\\nits hinges and the robbers enter and despoil the dead of their\\nornaments. Modern princes lavish their money upon these\\nantique works of art, and modern princesses rejoice to wear the\\ndecorations which have hung for centuries about the corpses of\\nladies of ancient regal lines whose names and genealogies have\\nperished.\\nThe Romans were not remarkable for their originality in any\\nthing. The fine arts flourished among them by robbery the\\nuseful arts by necessity jurisprudence by experience literature\\nby imitation religion by persecution. Inventions and discover-\\nies were rare they were constant borrowers. They plundered\\nthe nations of the whole known world to adorn their ill-sited\\ncity. Their hoarded treasures, intellectual and material, which\\nthe Northern barbarians appropriated in tlie fifth century, re-\\nmained unimproved for a thousand years. Even to this day\\nin Southern Europe, the rude implements of husbandry and\\nmanufactures, used by the Romans in the days of Cato and\\nColumella, are still in vogue. While modern institutions were\\nslowly taking shape, the human mind rested and the world\\nstood still\\nIn the middle ages the dialectics and metaphysics of Aristotle\\nbecame mere logomachy, and words and forms instead of thought\\nand reason occupied learned men. The mariner s compass was\\nknown but not used. The tlrermometer, barometer and telescope\\nwere not yet invented. Ship-building was a rude art and the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. .375\\ngeography of the sea was unwritten. Those great mechanical\\nagencies which have augmented the power of man a thousand\\nfold all belong to a later period. In the fourteenth and fifteenth\\ncenturies, the principal arts in use were those of the armorer\\nand jeweler, the bead-maker and the costumer. The tourna-\\nment and hunting claimed the chief attention of knights needle\\nwork and confectionaries occupied the ladies while the wretched\\npeasants retired to their smoky, unglazed hovels to munch their\\ncrusts of barley bread or gulp their homely pottage and retire to\\nsleep on mud floors with a log for a pillow and a bed of coarse\\nstraw for a resting place. Human life was held very cheap, for\\nseventy thousand thieves were hung in the reign of Heni-y VIII.\\nTradition says that the Romans introduced the manufacture\\nof woolen goods into England. The only mechanism employed\\nin Europe for weaving, for nearly eighteen hundred years of our\\nera, was the distaff, the spinning-wheel and the hand loom.\\nThe Oriental world has not yet passed the Rubicon of modern\\ninvention. The steam engine, the spinning-jenny and the power\\nloom have been the true moving powers of modern fleets and\\narmies, and the chief support of agriculture. These inventions\\nenable a boy or girl of fifteen years of age to do the work of\\nten hand spinners and weavers. The first steam engine con-\\nstructed for a cotton-mill was made by Mr. Watt in 1785. It\\nwas used in Papplewick in Nottinghamshire. Four years later,\\nthe use of the same power was first employed in Manchester.\\nNow there are fifty thousand boilers doing the work of a million\\nof men in that city. Dr. Cartwright s power loom was invented in\\n1787, but not used till 1801. How vast the progress of manufac-\\ntures in this centur) during the life-time of men now living\\nCotton was first mentioned in English history in 1641. Till\\n1773 no pure cottbn goods were made. ,Prior to this date the\\nwarp was linen and the weft cotton. The invention of the spin-\\nning-jenny is ascribed to James Hargreaves, an illiterate but in-\\ngenious mechanic, in 1767. Sir Richard Arkwright took out a\\npatent for spinning with rollers in 1769, involving the principles\\nof his predecessor, with improvements. That patent was after-\\nwards set aside. The subsequent improvements in the use of\\nsteam, by Watt, and the invention of the cotton-gin, by Whitney,\\nin 1793, have multiplied cotton goods a thousand fold. In\\n1784, an American vessel with other lading brought eight bales\\nof cotton into Liverpool, which were seized by the custom-house\\nofficer of that city as contraband, under the pretence that Ameri-\\ncan soil nowhere produced cotton. As late as 1791 only two\\nmillion pounds were produced in the United States. In 1857\\none million bales were imported into Liverpool from the United\\nStates.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "376 HISTORY OF\\nUntil the year 1825 English laws forbade inventors and\\nskilled mechanics to leave the realm. If they emigrated they\\nwere constrained to go by stealth and to carry nothing but their\\nhands and brains to aid them in setting up manufactories in this\\ncountry. Since that date the laws have been somewhat relaxed\\nrespecting inventors and their works. The first colonies in\\nAmerica were forbidden to engage in manufactures. They\\ncould not make a wool hat or a hob-nail. Ship-building was\\nallowed; and in 1741, New England had about one thousand\\nsail engaged in fishing and trading, all of home construction.\\nNew Hampshire took a leading part in these transactions. The\\nprovince abounded in valuable timbers, the white and red oak,\\nthe white and red pine, chestnut and other forest trees, which\\nwere wrought into masts, spars and keels for exportation. The\\nlargest vessels of war were built at Portsmouth as late as 1782.\\nIn 1 791, twenty ships were built on the Piscataqua; and of two\\nhundred and seventy-seven vessels which sailed out of Ports-\\nmouth harbor in that year, nearly seven eighths were of Amer-\\nican workmanship.\\nThe first saw-mill propelled by water in New England was\\nbuilt by Portsmouth men in 1635, at Newichewannock, now Ber-\\nwick. The first corn-mills were driven by wind later in the\\nhistory of the colonies, by water. In the year 1800, Exeter\\nalone had ten corn-mills within its limits. New Ipswich has the\\nhonor of erecting the first cotton-mill in New Hampshire, near\\nthe beginning of this century. About the sam^date, four other\\ntowns in the state erected cotton factories. In 1826 four hund-\\nred distinct buildings for the manufacture of cotton had been\\nbuilt in the United States, averaging seven hundred spindles\\neach of these fifty belonged to New Hampshire, with about half\\nthat number of woolen factories. From that day to the present,\\nthe capital invested in the manufacture of cotton and woolen\\ngoods exceeds that of any other species of industry in the state\\nand their products constitute more than one-half of the entire\\nincome of the state from manufactures. The total of all prod-\\nucts made by hands, tools and machinery in the state, is esti-\\nmated at $71,038,249. Of this sum $39,834,000 are from cotton\\nand woolen fabrics.*\\nThe value of farm products, including betterments, is esti-\\nmated at less than twenty-three millions of dollars, which is\\nabout one third part of the income from all the manufactures in\\nthe state, though the number of laborers in each department is\\nnearly equal. Manufactures and mining employ forty-six thou-\\nsand five hundred and fifty-three persons agriculture, forty-six\\nthousand five hundred and seventy-three. About seventeen thou-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2These figures are taken irom A. J. Fogg s Gazetteer of New Hampshire. I", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 377\\nsand are operatives in cotton and woolen mills. With about one\\nthird the number of workmen and one-half as much capital as\\nthe farmers, the factories yield nearly double the income of the\\nland. The value of farm products to each person employed is\\nabout five hundred dollars the value of factory products to each\\noperative exceeds twenty-three hundred dollars but the risks of\\nthe manufacturer are incomparably greater than those of the\\nfarmer.\\nAt the beginning of this century itinerant mechanics were\\nfound in every town, who visited private families and made a\\ntemporary home with them while their services were needed.\\nThe carding, spinning and weaving were done in each home by\\nthose whom king Alfred called the spindle side of the house.\\nIt was a good old Saxon custom to clothe the family in domes-\\ntic fabrics. During the first third of this centurj the citizens of\\nNew Hampshire were mostly farmers and mechanics with small\\nmeans, little ready money and very few artificial wants. They\\nwere industrious, economical and contented and it may be\\ndoubted whether the population of to-day, with increased wealth\\nand wants, living at three times the expense of their fathers,\\nhave at the same time secured greater rational enjoyments.\\nGodliness with contentment is great gain. The possession of\\nthese graces made our fathers rich in good works. Increase of\\nwealth has not brought improved morals.\\nThe highest crime known to the law has been committed\\ntwelve times in our state. The first execution for murder oc-\\ncurred in 1739,* more than a century after the first settlements\\nwere made. The most numerous crimes that now come before\\nour courts relate to the violations of the rights of property and\\nthe marriage tie. When money was scarce and banks were few,\\nwhen private men loaned and honest men hired capital for in-\\ncrease of business, the appropriation of the property of others\\nby theft, fraud or defalcation was rare. But since the surplus\\nfunds of the people in national and savings banks have risen\\nfrom a few thousands to forty millions of dollars, the crimes\\nagainst property have greatly increased. When the population\\nof the country was chiefly found in the rural districts, the mar-\\nriage covenant was entered into for life and usually kept invio-\\nlate. A divorce was as rare as a comet. Now, nearly one tenth\\nof all the marriages solemnized are broken by crime and sun-\\ndered by divorce. The simplicity and purity of country life have\\nbeen exchanged for the luxury and laxity of city life. The rail-\\nroads have made city and country almost identical in opinions,\\nfashions and morals. The markets and the expenses of living,\\nIt is now thought that Sarah Simpson antl Penelope Kenny were innocent of the crime\\nlaid to their charge.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "378 HISTORY OF\\nexcept in rents, have been equalized. Manufactories have con-\\nverted barren plains or rustic hamlets into populous cities. Fifty\\nyears ago, the sandy plain where Manchester now stands could\\nhardly support half a dozen families. Now thirty thousand peo-\\nple live, thrive and grow rich on the same soil. A local market\\ntaxes the industry of surrounding towns to meet its demands.\\nTravelers by thousands now daily enter or leave the city, where,\\nin the days of the old stages, only a score rode in the public\\ncoach. Society has been revolutionized by railroads and fac-\\ntories. The centres of population and business have been\\nchanged. While the expenses of living have greatly increased,\\nthe price of labor has been equally enhanced so that now\\nmoney is more plenty in every man s pocket, and the state is\\nrapidly advancing in wealth and influence.\\nNote. The towns in New Hampshire where the principal cotton factories exist are\\nChesterlield, Claremont, Concord, Dover, Exeter, Hampton Falls, Holdemess, Hooksett,\\nHudson, Jaffrey, Laconia, Manchester, Mason, Milford, Nashua, Nelson, New Ipswich,\\nNewmarket, Pembroke, t eterborough, Piltsfield, Portsmouth, Salmon Falls, East Roches-\\nter, Great Falls, Upper Gilmanton and North Weare. Woolen factories have been built in\\nAcworth, Ashuelot, Barnstead, Barrington, Bradford, Bristol, Campton, Claremont, Cor-\\nnish, Dover, Dubhn, Effingham, Enfield, Epping, Fishei ville, Franklin, Gilford, Gilsutn,\\nGrafton, Henniker, Hillsborougli, Hinsdale, HarrisviJIe, Holdemess, Hopkinton, Keeue,\\nLaconia, Lake Village, Littleton, Loudon, Manchester, Marlborough, Milford, Milton, New\\nHampton, Newport, Northfield, Pelham, Peterborough, Rochester, Salem, Sanborntoa\\nBridge, Somersworth, Stewartstown, Swanzey, Troy, Washington, Walpolei North Weare,\\nWilmot, Wilton, Windiiani and Wolfeboroughl\\nCHAPTER CVIII.\\nRAILROADS.\\nWRITTEN BY HON. J. W. PATTERSON.\\nA general desire prevailed at the close of the Revolutionary\\nwar to open and develop the rich territory stretching between\\nthe Alleghanies and the Mississippi. But the experience of all\\ntime proved that this vast domain could not be peopled until\\nsome cheap outlet to the sea could be made for its prospective\\nproducts. At that time the only artificial channels of com-\\nmerce, other than common roads, were canals. Hence, in obe-\\ndience to this wide-spread impulse to move westward, the Erie,\\nthe Pennsylvania, the Chesapeake and Ohio, and the James river\\nand Kanawha canals were projected. The only one of these\\never completed is the Erie, and this was purely a state work.\\nCongress was applied to for an appropriation of eight million", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 379\\ndollars, but the complications of the government with England\\nand the prospects of a war prevented its being made. The\\ncanal was begun in 1817, and opened to Oswego in 1828. The\\nresults were immediate, and have been grand beyond the antici-\\npation of the most enthusiastic. At the opening of the canal\\nto Buffalo, in 1826, DeWitt Clinton, speaking in honor of the\\nevent, yielded to his fancy, and prophesied that in fifty years\\nBuffalo, then an Indian trading town, and Chicago, a frontier\\npost, might each contain a population of a hundred thousand.\\nThe prevision of Clinton even could not foresee the four hun-\\ndred thousand people who now throng Chicago, and the teem-\\ning millions who have poured through the channels of trade into\\nthe great valley to develop its resources and supply the markets\\nof the world.\\nAt the end of the fiscal year 1866, this canal had paid into\\nthe treasury of the state every dollar of its original cost, with a\\nsurplus of $41,397,651. The entire value of the merchandise\\ntransported on the Erie and Champlain canals the latter being\\nconstructed in part from the earnings of the Erie up to 1872\\namounted to $6,065,069,698.\\nThe earlier development of the western and northwestern\\nslates was largely due to this magnificent work, for it was the\\nonly avenue for the transport of products to the sea-board until\\nabout the year 1850. I think it impossible for us to over-esti-\\nmate the material and other results of this improvement. We\\nare apt to forget, when our eyes are filled with the claptraps of\\nthe caucus, and our ears with the deceitful voices of the hustings,\\nhow much we owe to the far-sighted statesmanship of the early\\ndays of the republic. The ordinance of the 14th of July, 1787,\\nwhich provided that the navigable waters leading into the Mis-\\nsissippi and the St? Lawrence, and the carrying places between\\nthe same shall be common highways and forever free, will yet\\nbe thought worthy to be engraved in enduring marble upon the\\nproudest of our temples of industry.\\nBut the commerce between the interior and the Atlantic states\\nsoon increased beyond the capabilities of these early channels\\nof trade. The rapid development of the unparalleled resources\\nof the West, for the last twenty years, has been due mainly to\\nthe railways which private capital, reinforced by government aid,\\nhas thrown forward into the unsettled public domain.\\nAs early as 1630 railed tramways or railroads were introduced\\nas an improvement upon the best highways. These at first con-\\nsisted of a wooden trackway, laid upon an ordinary road to fa-\\ncilitate the transport of heavy laden wheeled vehicles, and were\\nused for the most part between the English mines and the\\ndepots from which their products were shipped. Wooden rails", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "380 HISTORY OF\\nhaving been in use for one hundred and fifty years, it occurred\\nto some one to lessen their friction by plating them with iron.\\nThese tram-plates or flat rails, made at first of cast but later of\\nmalleable iron, with a flange at one time on the inside and at\\nanother on the outside, were in use till 1789, when the edge-rail\\nwas substituted by Jessop and the flange transferred to the wheel.\\nThe idea of employing the railroad for general purposes of\\ntraffic was iirst suggested about this time. Watt, while studying\\nthe properties and application of steam, had suggested the pos-\\nsibility of constructing steam carriages, and in 1782 Oliver\\nEvans of Philadelphia patented a steam wagon, the drawings\\nand specifications of which were sent to England. In 17S4\\nWatt patented a non-condensing locomotive carriage. In 1802\\nRichard Trevithick patented a high-pressure locomotive engine,\\nbut in attempting to use engines of the character first invented,\\nit was found that their wheels would slip round without advan-\\ncing. An effort was made to remedy this by a rack into which\\nworked a toothed wheel attached to the engine, somewhat like\\nthe contrivance now used on the roads up the Rigi and Mount\\nWashington. The friction was too great and the plan was\\nabandoned. Improvements were made however by Robert Steph-\\nenson and others, and in 1822 the first locomotive engine was\\nsubstituted for horse power.\\nThe first legislative act authorizing a public railroad was made\\nby parliament in 1801. It granted to a corporation in Surry\\nthe right to build a tram-road nine miles long, but the first rail-\\nroad coach used for the transportation of passengers was on the\\nroad between Stockton and Darlington in 1825. This was worked\\nby horse power. The following year a French engineer, M.\\nSeguin, succeeded in substituting, to a limited extent, locomotive\\nfor horse power. At this time the theory was that trains would\\nhave to be moved by means of stationary engines placed at in-\\ntervals along the track, which would move the cars from station\\nto station by means of ropes. A deputation of the Liverpool\\nand Manchester company, as late as 1828, reported in favor of\\nstationary engines as a tractive power on their double track, then\\napproaching completion. But George Stephenson prevailed on\\nthem to try his prize locomotive, The Rocket, which on its\\nfirst trip attained a speed of twenty-nine miles an hour. From\\nthis success Mr. Stephenson has been styled the Father of the\\nLocomotive System. One of his engines, the Robert Fulton,\\nwas imported into the United States in 183 1.\\nThe first railway act in the United States was passed by the\\nlegislature of Pennsylvanii, March 31, 1823. This authorized\\nthe construction of a road from I hiladelphia to Columbia, but\\nwas repealed because the grantees failed to execute the plan. A", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 38 1\\nsecond act was passed in the same state in 1826, incorporating\\nthe Columbia, Lancaster and Philadelphia Railroad. This road\\nwas completed at the expense of the commonwealth in 1834. It\\nwas eighty-one and a half miles in length, and a magnificent\\nenterprise for that day, reflecting great honor upon the statesmen\\nwho assumed the responsibility of its construction.\\nThe first railroad actually built in the United States was in\\nQuincy, Mass., in 1826, to carry granite from the quarry to the\\ntide-waters of the Neponset river. It was only three miles long,\\nbut, in coming years, the fact of its construction at that time\\nwill add to the renown of the birthplace of the Quincys, the\\nAdamses and John Hancock. Two years later, on the fourth of\\nJuly, 1828, Charles Carroll of Carrolton, then over ninety years\\nof age, and the only survivor of the signers of the Declaration\\nof Independence, commenced the Baltimore and Ohio railroad\\nby laying a corner-stone amid suitable and imposing ceremonies.\\nOn that occasion he said I consider this among the most\\nimportant acts of my life, second only to my signing the Declar-\\nation of Independence, if even second to that.\\nWhen we reflect upon the changes which forty years of rail-\\nroad transportation have wrought upon our country and the\\nworld, it is not too much to say, that\\nThe same year the South Carolina or Charleston and Ham-\\nburg Railroad was constructed, the first road in the world built\\nexpressly for locomotive power, for general freight and passen-\\nger business. The first locomotive constructed in the United\\nStates was built for this road at the West Point foundry in 1830.\\nSince then the decennial increase of railroad mileage in the\\nUnited States has hteen constant and rapid. There were in 1827,\\n3 miles open 1831, 131 miles; 1841,3,877 miles; 1851, 11,027\\nmiles; 1861, 31,769 miles; 1871, 62,647 miles; 1874, 71,500\\nmiles. Of this increase New Hampshire has enjoyed its full\\nproportion.\\nThe relief of the Granite State, as seen from the old stage-\\ncoach creeping slowly up its hillsides or descending swiftly into\\nits valleys, would seem to exclude railroads from its surface.\\nBut as we hear the pant and tramp of the iron steeds and wit-\\nness the flight of their ponderous cars through the towns and\\nvillages of our rugged state, our incredulity is humbled, and we\\nare ready to believe that Every valley shall be exalted, and\\nevery mountain shall be made low and the crooked shall be\\nmade straight and the rough places plain.\\nA thousand miles of railroad now bring the facilities of travel\\nand of trade to almost every hamlet and farm within the bor-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "382 HISTORY OF\\nders of a territory over which it was thought, at a time within\\nthe memory of many now living, to be both impossible and im-\\npolitic to stretch this net-work of internal commerce. Thirt5 -two\\ndifferent roads, owned and managed by as many corporate com-\\npanies, have been constructed and equipped at a cost of more\\nthan thirty millions of dollars. The original stockholders of\\nthese roads have in some instances incurred heavy losses from\\ntheir construction, but the state, and especially those living along\\ntheir line, have gained from them profits and advantages that, on\\nthe whole, more than compensate for all losses.\\nTime saved to industry is money made, for it increases pro-\\nduction and retrenches expense. A journey from the interior of\\nour state to Boston in the olden time consumed three days.\\nNow that city may be reached from our northern boundary in a\\nsingle day, and from the middle and southern portions in a few\\nhours. Thus markets have been opened and equalized, and all\\nbrought daily to our doors. The merchant and the laborer of\\nthe city may now dwell in the fresh and healthful country, and\\nmore than save, in rents and living, his cost of travel. Frequent\\nexchanges have multiplied wants, industries and profits, and\\nadded to the general comfort and welfare of societ)\\nThe influence of railroads is realized when we consider how\\nthey have changed the centres of population and given to the\\ncities and villages along their lines a political and pecuniary\\npower above the country towns. Wealth, like water, gravitates\\nto the falls, and helps to create the busy hum of spindles, looms\\nand hammers, the symbols of public prosperity but if the fall\\nlies beyond the reach of the railroad, its power is left to waste\\nitself in noise and run to the sea unutilized.\\nThese advantages are not limited, however, to an increase of\\nmaterial prosperity. New methods of transit exert an intellect-\\nual and moral influence upon the minds and hearts of men, and\\nmodify social life. They multiply public meetings and conven-\\ntions, and facilitate and extend the intercourse of society,\\nAnd catch the manners living as they rise.\\nThought travels upon the rail, and art, science and literature\\nare diffused. The products of the teeming brain are carried to\\nthe remotest hamlet. The best thinkers and orators speak to\\nthe country as often as to the city. Information is disseminated\\nand mental activity stimulated. This diffusion of intelligence\\ntends to level society and destroy individual prominence and\\nintellectual dictatorship.\\nBut this increase of railroads has been universal. The re-\\nturns of 1872 showed that Great Britain had fifteen thousand\\neight hundred and fourteen miles of railways, while on the con-\\ntinent of Europe they spread like an arterial system, sending the\\nlife-blood of business into every part.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 383\\nTo US of this day, the adoption of steam as an agent of loco-\\nmotion seems one of the most natural, as it was one of the most\\npregnant, steps in a progressive civilization; yet, like all improve-\\nments, it entered into life through great struggles and the sense-\\nless opposition of a chronic conservatism. In our own state, the\\nright of way to railroads was resisted by men of influence\\nwith argument, ridicule, political power, and every other force at\\ntheir command, until the spirit of the age forced them aside and\\ngave control to more enlightened leaders. They predicted ruin\\nto industry and the depopulation of the state as the inevitable\\nresult, and solemnly warned the people against the threatened\\nviolation of constitutional prerogatives and popular rights. But\\nthe inevitable came in spite of the oracles, and we pity their\\nblindness.\\nProf. E. D. Sanborn gave, a few years since, an instructive and\\neloquent account of the opposition made to the introduction of\\nrailways into England, which I take the liberty to quote\\nThe first surveyors o\u00c2\u00a3 the railroad from Liverpool to Manchester were\\nmobbed by the owners of the soil, their instruments were broken and they\\nwere driven off by violence. The men who proposed the road were hated\\nby the land-owners as much as if they had designed to convert their fields\\ninto camps for a standing army. Some years later, when a bill to incorpo-\\nrate that road was before parliament, the engineer, Mr. George Stephenson,\\nwas examined by acute lawyers before the committee of parliament as if he\\nhad been a spy of France plotting an invasion of the country. In the lower\\nhouse, Sir Isaac Coffin denounced the project as a most flagrant imposition.\\nHe would not consent to see the widow s premises invaded. He asked in\\nthe most dignified, senatorial manner How would any person like to have\\na railroad under his parlor window. What, I should like to know, said he,\\nis to be done with all those who have advanced money in making and re-\\npairing turnpikes? What with those who may still wish to travel in their\\nown or hired carriages, after the fashion of their forefathers What is to\\nbecome of coach-makers, harness-makers, and coachmen, inn-keepers, horse-\\nbreeders and horse-dealers Is the house aware of the smoke and noise,\\nthe hiss and the whirl, which locomotive engines, passing at a rate of eight\\nor ten miles an hour, occasion Neither the cattle plowing in the fields nor\\ngrazing in the meadows could behold them without dismay Iron would rise in\\nprice one hundred per cent., or, more probably, be exhausted altogether! It\\nwould be the greatest nuisance, the most complete disturbance of quiet and\\ncomfort, in all parts of the kingdom, that the ingenuity of man could invent!\\nSuch were the groans of conservatism. But the bill was obtained at an ex-\\npense of $135,000, and within one year after the road was built land all along\\nthe line was selling at almost fabulous prices and the cattle plowed and fed\\nin quiet! The road was opened in 1830. The transit which used to be\\nmade in coaches in four hours was made by rail in half an hour, and the\\ntravel was tripled the first year. The annual saving to the public in money,\\nto say nothing of time, was $1,250,000 a year. Lords Derby and Sefton, who\\nsucceeded in forcing the road from their lands, afterwards patronized a rival\\nroad on condition it should pass through their est.ttes. Interest enlightens\\nthe blind.\\nThe influence of this modern method of transportation upon\\nthe business and character of mankind is incalculable. J liere", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "3S4 HISTORY OF\\nis no pursuit of life so obscure and no locality so secluded as to\\nbe exempt from its power. There is no person so high and none\\nso low as not to be affected by it. It determines largely the\\nmaterial prosperity and civil power of nations, and affects, di-\\nrectly or indirectly, their relations and character.\\nOn an old-time carriage road wheat could be carried three\\nhundred and maize a hundred and sixty-five miles only to market\\nand pay the cost of production. The interior regions of con-\\ntinents could not, therefore, previous to the introduction of rail-\\nways, unless reached by navigable rivers or canals, furnish to or\\ndraw supplies from, maritime commerce could not reach the\\nmarkets of the world so as to become, to any extent, either con-\\nsumers or producers in the industrial economy of nations. Car-\\navans or camel trains could furnish only the slightest relief to\\nthe evils of non-intercourse. Countries so located were left,\\nfor the most part, unpeopled, or held by rude nomadic tribes,\\nwhile the great historic nations, to whom mankind is indebted\\nfor civilization and human progress, dwelt upon the sea-board\\nor the navigable rivers.\\nIt is impossible to determine to what extent the increased fa-\\ncility, rapidity and cheapness of travel and transportation, intro-\\nduced by railroads, have increased the wealth and population of\\nthe world. An able English writer has said that the first steam\\nengine doubled the world s wealth and when we consider how\\nlarge a portion of the earth has thus been laid open to settle-\\nment and productive industry, when we reflect upon the vast ad-\\nditions it has made to the world s products, and the rapidity and\\nextension which it has given to the work of exchange, we shall\\nhardly be disposed to pronounce the statement extravagant.\\nRailroads have not simply added to the articles of commerce\\nand consumption by opening new fields to enterprise, but also\\nby bringing about a universal division of labor, and so increas-\\ning the rapidity and perfection of productive work. In addition\\nto this they stimulate production by removing the limitations\\nupon its markets. No man now works for his neighborhood,\\nbut all for mankind. Steam-ships and steam-cars take the grains\\nof our fields and the fabrics of our factories to the most distant\\nnations, and bring back for our consumption the fmits of every\\nclime and handicraft of the world. Thus the wealth and the\\ncomfort of mankind are enhanced by the universal exchange\\nintroduced by our modern methods of transit. All tliis has an\\nunparalleled application to our own country.\\nIt is assumed, says Commissioner Wells, that a line of\\nrailway gives access to fifteen square miles of country on each\\nside of it, or thirty square miles altogether. Then the thirteen\\nthousand miles of railways-, which it is estimated have been con-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 385\\nstructed during the five years from 1865 to 1S70, will have\\nopened up three hundred and ninety thousand miles of what,\\nfor the purposes of general production, may be considered new\\nterritory, a tract of countiy larger than the whole area of France,\\nand nearly three and a half times larger than the whole of Great\\nBritain. If the results of five years of railway constioiction\\nhave been so great, how vast they must have been during the\\npast forty years, and how immeasurable the promise held out by\\nthe future. And we must remember that all this grand domain\\nthus opened to settlement and development is as richly stored\\nwith the resources of national wealth, is as capable of sustain-\\ning an industrious and thronging population, as France or Great\\nBritain. The results of thus bringing the interior into commer-\\ncial relations with the sea-board have more than realized the\\nexpectations of the projectors of these enterprises.\\nNo statistics furnished by government or by private parties\\nenable us to measure accurately the value of our internal com-\\nmerce, but a few facts will assure us of its colossal magnitude.\\nThe annual commerce of the cities on the Ohio river alone is\\nplaced by careful estimates at $1,600,000,000. That upon the\\nlakes we can infer from the fact that, during an entire season of\\nnavigation, an average of one vessel every ten minutes passed\\nFort Gratiot light-house, night and day. In 1872 ten Western\\nstates produced 1,028,987,000 bushels of grain, of which 815,-\\n955,574 bushels were consumed within those states, and 213,-\\n021,426 bushels were shipped to home and foreign markets.\\nThe gross receipts of our railroads for the same year reached\\nthe stupendous sum of $473,241,055, and the value of the com-\\nmodities moved by them is estimated at 5 10,000,000,000, and\\nwe must not forget^ that every cargo of produce shipped from\\nthe West purchases a return cargo of domestic or foreign man-\\nufactures from the East. Our annual foreign trade, which keeps\\npace with the means of interior transportation, amounts to about\\n$1,202,328,233. This sum seems large, and yet our domestic\\ncommerce exceeds it manifold, and the amount paid for trans-\\nportation is more than double the revenues of the government.\\nOur governmental policy of aiding to build railroads into the\\nterritories rests upon such facts, and looks to the creation of\\nnew states, which may add to the population, resources, revenues,\\nstrength and greatness of the country.\\nNow it is obvious that the growth and prosperity of the West\\nand, as the coastwise populations draw their food from the inte-\\nrior and must find there a market for the surplus of their com-\\nmercial and manufacturing industry, the sea-board states as well,\\nwill be determined largely by the cost of transportation. The\\nimpression has at length become general, that the railroad\\n25", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "386 HISTORY OF\\npower is inflicting great hardship upon other industries and the\\ntraveling public by its tariff of rates, and the call for reform\\nis loud and imperative. The farmers of New England, even,\\nliving a hundred miles inland, claim that they find little induce-\\nment to send their wood and other products to market at the\\nestablished rates, while manufacturing towns, like Lawrence,\\nManchester and Dover, find it difficult to compete with Fall\\nRiver and other towns on the sea-board.\\nBut the West has suffered most severely. A congressional ex-\\namination of this subject has reached the conclusion that grain\\ncan be transported from Chicago to New York at 10 cents a bushel.\\nBut the average freight on three hundred and fifty millions of\\nbushels of grain sent from the valley of the Mississippi to the\\nAtlantic slope in 1873 was fifty cents per bushel. Taking the\\naverage cost of a train per mile on all the roads of Massachu-\\nsetts as a standard, the cost of moving a train of thirty cars of\\nten tons each from the Mississippi river to New York, by an air\\nline, should have been $1,260 or twelve and eight-tenths cents\\nper bushel. Assuming that, as we fairly may, as the necessary\\ncost per bushel for transportation, and adding twelve and eight-\\ntenths cents more, or fifty per cent, of the gross receipts, for inter-\\nest and dividends on the cost of tlie road, we shall make a saving\\nof $85,000,000, on this item alone, to carry to the profits of ag-\\nriculture. As a further illustration, we will suppose thirty in-\\nstead of fifty cents per bushel had been paid for the transporta-\\ntion of the 2 13,000,000 bushels of grain moved to the sea-board\\nin 1872. This is five cents more than is allowed by careful es-\\ntimates for both cost and profit, and yet it would have lifted a\\ntax of $42,000,000 from the industries of the country. In ad-\\ndition to this, it is believed the producers would have thrown\\ninto the market double the amount of grain but for the high\\ntransportation charges, which amount in many instances to a\\nprohibition upon production.\\nThe change thus indicated, says the report of a congressional\\ncommittee, would enhance the value of the improved lands in\\neight western states to the extent of $1,100,000,000. To this\\nmust be added the increased value of farms, cotton plantations\\nand unimproved lands in other states, and the stimulus and profit\\nimparted to factories, foundries and workshops in every section\\nof the republic.\\nBut we have indicated only a fraction of the work done upon\\nthe railways. We have no means of ascertaining the total\\namount of freight moved annually upon our 7 1,500 miles of road\\nwe do know, however, that Pennsylvania carries yearly on her\\n5,369 miles of road, 23,145,000 passengers and 55,000 tons of\\nfreight and that the seven great trunk lines stretching westward", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 387\\nmoved, in 1872, 36,000,000 tons of freight, two thirds of which\\nconsisted of minerals and miscellaneous matter, and one third,\\nor twelve millions, of cereals. Four millions only, of the twelve,\\nreached tide-water. The remaining eight was local freight and\\nconsumed before reaching Atlantic markets. We have no data\\nupon which to calculate our loss from this system of repression,\\nbut it must be gigantic. The best authorities judge that with\\nproper facilities and low rates the west could at present ship\\nthirty million instead of twelve million bushels of cereals and\\nvastly increase it in the future. Such an increase would bring\\nabout a corresponding advance in all the productions and ex-\\nchanges of the country. This limitation upon our productive\\npower is tantalizing, in view of the open markets and the growing\\ncompetition abroad.\\nOur cotton exports have fallen off nearly fifty per cent., while\\nthose of other countries have increased nearly three hundred per\\ncent. The United States shipped into Great Britain during the\\nfive years between i860 and 1865, 127,047,126 bushels of wheat\\nand Russia only 47,376,809 but during the five years from 1868\\nto 1873 we shipped 116,462,380 bushels and Russia 117,967,022;\\nshowing that the imports of wheat from the United States had\\nfallen off 10,584.746, while those from Russia had increased\\n70,590,213 bushels. This has resulted from decreasing the cost\\nof transportation from the wheat fields of the Don and the Volga\\nto the ports of England.\\nIf we are able sufficiently to reduce the cost of transportation\\nwe can easily command the produce markets of the world, and\\nso secure our full share of the carrying trade. Canada is anxious\\nto put her canals and rivers in condition and to furnish steam-\\nships to freight our produce to foreign markets, knowing if she\\nhas the carrying trade of the West, England, and not New Eng-\\nland, will supply the interior markets with manufactures.\\nA blight from oppressive rates must fall upon the prosperity\\nof every pursuit. Our commerce, both interoceanic and foreign,\\nnot less than agriculture and manufactures, must feel the paral-\\nysis. Merchandise which would naturally pass across our\\ncountiy, in transit between Asia and Europe, will be driven over\\nthe isthmus or around the cape, and foreign trade will be crip-\\npled by a limitation of supplies.\\nBut the hardship of excessive rates falls as heavily upon pas-\\nsengers as upon freight. The averaga first-class fare per mile\\nin twelve countries on the continent of Europe is three and\\nsix one hundredths cents. With us, on twelve leading roads,\\nit is four and three one hundredths, or nearly one third more.\\nThe aggregate amount of an excess of one cent a mile upon all\\nthe annual railroad travel of the country cannot be exactly", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "388 HISTORY OF\\ndetermined. But we know that in Pennsylvania there are 5369\\nmiles of railway and that they carry 23,145,000 passengers.\\nNow suppose that each person travels on the average one sixtieth\\nthe whole distance, or eighty-nine miles this excess of one cent\\na mile would amount to $20,599,050 for that state alone. If we\\nassume that the travel in all the states and territories is only five\\ntimes as great as in Pennsylvania, we shall have \u00c2\u00a7102,995,250\\npassing yearly into the possession of the great railroad corpora-\\ntions, which should remain with the traveling public to lighten its\\nburdens and prosper its industries.\\nThe West complains that its values do not advance and its\\nprosperity is retarded. The East, that her markets are being\\nclosed and her manufactures driven westward. If we lay a tariff\\nupon any article which, added to the cost of production and im-\\nportation, raises the price of the foreign product above what we\\ncan produce and sell the same for at home, we exclude the foreign\\nproduct and destroy a branch of commerce. So, too, whenever\\nthe tariff of freighting any product of the interior, added to the\\ncost of production, exceeds what the article can be bought for\\nin the sea-board cities, the production of that article must cease\\nto be a branch of general industry, and the populousness, the\\nwealth, the power and prosperity of the country are destroyed\\nor suppressed, to the extent of its possible production of that\\narticle. It is evident that the cost of transportation may be so\\nhigh as entirely to prevent the development of the richest terri-\\ntory, and that the growth of wealth and power in any state will\\nbe measured by the profits upon its surplus products in the\\nmarkets of exportation.\\nIn determining the merits of this controversy it should be\\nborne in mind that the present condition of the country has re-\\nsulted in part from an over-investment of capital in railroad en-\\nterprises. Over $500,000,000 were so expended at the West\\nduring the five years just preceding the present popular move-\\nment. The legitimate business of the country has not demanded\\nand cannot pay even a fair return upon the amounts disbursed\\nin building and operating many of the roads with which this\\nmania of the few past years has covered the country.\\nAn additional cause of the present discontent, at the West es-\\npecially, is to be found in an overstocking of the market with\\nbreadstuffs. The construction of roads into the rich and fertile\\nwastes of the interior has brought such an amount of territory\\nunder cultivation, and has so stimulated production on lands\\nalready improved, that the supply has become greater than the\\ndemand. This has so thrown down the price of grain as to\\nrender it difficult, and in some cases quite impossible for the\\nfarmers of the interior to pay the reasonable cost of transporta-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 389\\ntion. They forget that a railroad can make corn-growing profit-\\nable, even at high prices, only sixteen hundred and fifty miles\\nfrom the sea-board, and so transfer to the railroad the misfortune\\ndue to their own location and the low price of bread. If the\\ncountry will stop building railroads for a time, the evils now felt\\nwill be greatly mitigated.\\nThe distance to, and the loss of time in reaching, the sea-\\nboard, are drawbacks upon the prosperity of the interior, which\\ncan never be wholly overcome, though compensated by greater\\nproductiveness. There are two ways by which this disadvantage\\nmay be measurably surmounted. One is by the building up of\\nhome markets, and the other by the reduction of the cost of\\ntransportation. The latter, as all know, has become a subject\\nof general interest, and its consideration has developed some\\nquestions not easy to solve. E.xperience has shown, what seems\\nto need no proof, that the activity and success of every indus-\\ntry, the increase of population, the creation of wealth, the mul-\\ntiplication of states and the growth of national power, are de-\\npendent upon the facilities and expense of the intercourse of\\nthe people and the interchange of their products.\\nIf this is so, it must be conceded, as a rule both of political\\neconomy and political philosophy, that the carrying business of\\nevery people should be reduced to the lowest rates consistent\\nwith a fair return upon the necessary investments in the construc-\\ntion and use of the artificial channels of travel and of trade.\\nNeither justice nor policy will allow rates which will pay a divi-\\ndend on fictitious capital, nor even real capital improperly or\\nunnecessarily invested in such works. Such rates are an insu-\\nperable obstacle to the material prosperity and political devel-\\nopment of the couptry.\\nThe failure of government, either state or national, to provide\\nadequate means of water communication to meet the increasing\\ndemands of trade led to the building of railroads by private\\ncompanies, and forced the commerce of the countiy to accept\\nthis more expensive method of transportation.\\nThe necessities of trade have easily secured to these compa-\\nnies a monopoly, and rendered them to some extent oblivious to\\ntheir responsibilities to the public. The abuses charged upon\\nthe management of railroads are numerous and very grave, but\\nthe most common complaint is of discriminate and extortionate\\ncharges. It is alleged that the causes of these hardships im-\\nposed upon the public are\\n1. Unjust inequality of rates.\\n2. Construction rings.\\n3. The consolidation of companies for the destruction of free\\ncompetition.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "390 HISTORY OF\\n4. Extravagance and corruption in railway management, to\\nenrich favorites and defraud tlie public.\\n5. The introduction of subordinate agencies, such as car-\\ncompanies, fast freight lines and the like.\\n6. Stock watering, a process by which the capital stock of\\nroads is increased without any outlay by the parties receiving it\\nor placing it upon the market.\\n7. The capitalizing of surplus earnings accumulated by ex-\\norbitant charges.\\nIt cannot be denied successfully, I think, that the public has\\nbeen wronged and the business of the country checked and\\nhampered in all the ways here enumerated yet such charges,\\nmade without limitations and exceptions, scandalize the grandest\\nimprovement which modern science and enterprise have achieved\\nand throw an unjust discredit upon a class of men to whom\\nsociety is under the greatest obligations.\\nThe first complaint is of unjust discriminations of rates.\\nWhen such discriminations are made to favor certain localities,\\nas against others, and give them the monopoly of production\\nwhen they are made to determine the location of towns and cities\\non lands previously granted to or purchased by the road, or in-\\ndividuals connected with it when they are made to favor the\\nspeculations of favorites, or to advance real estate, they are a\\nusurpation and an outrage. Nevertheless rates must be graded\\naccording to the character of freights and the distances to which\\nthey are to be transported. They must also differ somewhat to\\ncorrespond to the varying necessary cost of building and run-\\nning the roads.\\nThe next complaint is against construction rings. Now a ring\\nis simply a company, and if an association is to be cursed by an\\nepithet, the church itself is not safe. It may be blasted as an\\napostolic or Christian ring. The fact is, it is every way as just\\nand proper that a company should construct a railroad as for an\\nindividual, and in the case of large contracts it is much better\\nif not an absolute necessity. It is no worse for a company to\\nmake money than for an individual, and the hope of profit is\\nthe proper motive of great enterprises. It cannot be shown\\nthat it is wrong even for the stockholders of a road to organize\\nthemselves into a construction company to build their own road\\nand to avail themselves of the profits of such construction, not\\neven when the profits come from government grants and sub-\\nsidies, any more than it is wrong for a farmer to do his own\\nwork and avail himself of the profits of his industr) It has\\nbeen decided by the district court of the United States, that\\ngovernment grants to railroads are gifts outright, not trust funds\\nto be held, expended and accounted for to the government by\\nthe directors of such roads.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 391\\nIf now Congress, through ignorance or corruption, has made\\nunnecessarily large grants, the fault is at its door, not at that of\\nthe stockholders or the construction company and he who lays\\nthe charge of corruption upon a company, because it does not or\\nhas not voluntarily returned the bounty which the government\\nproffered to the enterprise of the country as an inducement to\\nenter upon and consummate those great national highways which\\nwill return a thousand fold for all its outlays, demands a refine-\\nment of virtue in these men found in no other calling in life.\\nBut when such a ring, for the sake of private gain, so runs up\\nthe cost of a road as to depress the value of its stock and bonds\\nand entail exorbitant rates upon its use, it does an unpardonable\\nwrong to the outside stock- and bond-holders and to the general\\npublic.\\nThe third charge strikes at the consolidation of companies.\\nWhen the consolidation consists simply in the combination of\\nseparate adjacent lines into one through line, it is in the inter-\\nest of the business public, as it tends to increase the efficiency\\nof the road and decrease its rates. Such a union harmonizes\\nconflicting policies and interests, and substitutes the profits of a\\nsingle company and the expense of a single set of officers, for\\nthe profits of separate companies and the expense of many\\ndistinct boards of management.\\nIn 1852 seventeen different companies operated the line be-\\ntween New York and Chicago. They have since been reduced\\nto two, the New York Central and Lake Shore lines, and the\\nunion has largely reduced the cost, and added immensely to the\\nfacilities, of transportation. These advantages, it is true, must\\nbe offset in a measure by the centralization of power which may\\nbe abused. But when competing roads consolidate solely to\\ndestroy competition and increase power, the union is an unmixed\\nevil and portends both fraud and danger. The prevalence of\\nthis kind of combination in Great Britain led a distinguished\\nEnglishman to affirm, in 1872, that it was a question whether the\\nstate should govern the railroads, or the railroads the state.\\nThis has ceased to be a question in some of the states of our\\nUnion.\\nExtravagance and corruption in the management of railways\\nis the fourth count in this bill of indictment. That some of our\\nroads are conducted with wisdom and prudence we know, and\\nall can claim the right to be judged innocent till proved guilt)\\nyet the developments of the last ten years justify us in suspect-\\ning that the legitimate incomes of many roads are largely and\\nsystematically diverted for the uses and to swell the emoluments\\nof individual officers, or to secure political or legislative suc-\\ncesses in the interest of the road. All such corruption funds", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "39^\\nHISTORY OF\\nare a tax upon the industries of the country, and drawn at last\\nwithout law from the pockets of the people.\\nAs for car-companies, fast freight lines and other such imme-\\ndiate agencies, while a convenience and a luxury, it must be said\\nthey are often, perhaps generally, employed as a device to di-\\nvert the profits of the stockholders to other parties or to saddle\\na needless tax upon the patrons of the road.\\nBut the most stupendous wrong inflicted upon society by rail-\\nroad mismanagement is what is called stock-watering and the\\ncapitalization of surplus revenues. They are twin monsters of\\nbusiness depravity, an unmixed and unmitigated evil. The first\\nis positive robbery without the dignity of courage or the plea of\\npoverty, and the capitalization of surplus revenues is little bet-\\nter; and yet there are honored citizens in many communities\\nwhose virtuous souls are shocked at the slightest peccadillos,\\nwho complacently acquiesce, if they do not participate, in both.\\nBy the process of capitalizing surplus earnings, the net profits,\\nafter deducting large dividends on all investments and paying\\nthe interest on the indebtedness of the road, are, if not stolen,\\nexpended in building new and in buying up depreciated branch\\nlines for the benefit of speculators, or in making permanent im-\\nprovements. The amounts thus expended are charged up to\\ncapital account, and additional stock issued therefor. This policy\\nthrows upon all productive industries and capital a geometrical\\nsystem of taxation. It first overtaxes, to secure the surplus\\nprofit and when this is capitalized, it entails increased charges\\non all future transactions to make up a dividend on this fraudu-\\nlently augmented capital stock. Considering the relation of\\nrailroads to the industries and the productive capital of the\\ncountry, it is contended that all which the public welfare will al-\\nlow is a reasonable return upon the money actually and properly\\ninvested in the roads, and that any surplus expended in improve-\\nments should inure to the benefit of general business.\\nIt would be a long, difficult and perhaps impossible task, to\\ndetermine from railroad accounts how much of their nominal\\ncapital is represented by stock acquired without investment.\\nCareful estimates based upon what is thought to be reliable data\\ngive the following results in respect to three of the great roads\\nof the country\\nName of line.\\nPresent capital in\\nstock and bonds.\\nProbable actu-\\nal cost.\\nExcess of capital\\nover actual cost.\\nErie line from New York to Dunkirk, 459\\n$ioS, 807,000\\n190,188,137\\n78,290,374\\n$40,000,000\\n75,000,000\\n67,000,000\\n$68,807,000\\n.15,188,137\\n11,290,374\\nNew York Central line to Chicago, 9S0\\nPennsylvania line from Philadelphia to\\nTotal\\n*376,a85.5 i\\n^182,000,000 1 $195,285,511", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 393\\nThus on these three roads alone ^195,285,511, or a sum ex-\\nceeding by $13,285,511 their entire cost, represents stock for\\nwhich not a dollar was ever invested, and the business over these\\nroads must contribute $19,000,000 annually to pay a dividend\\nof ten per cent, upon this illegitimate stock of honest capitalists.\\nThis is the way great fortunes are amassed by men who are\\nscandalized by the beggary and theft of poverty, and daily thank\\nGod that they are not as other men are, extortioners, unjust,\\nadulterers, or even as this publican. Much of their original\\ncapital and its annual income are sponged, by the laws of what\\nis called legitimate business, out of the producers and consumers\\nwho are compelled to patronize the roads, and God only knows\\nhow many industries perish by the loss of their profits, or how\\nmany hungry souls die for the want of bread thus filched from\\ntheir mouths. But what matters it The rich man will endow\\nan asylum or build a church in his will, and be eulogized at his\\nburial, and the poor will\\ngo and kiss dead Caesar s wounds,\\nAnd dip their napkins in his sacred blood\\nYea, beji a hair of him for memory,\\nAnd, dying, mention it within their wills,\\nBequeathing it as a rich legacy\\nUnto their issue.\\nBut these are only three out of thirteen hundred railways. If\\ntwo thousand three hundred and twenty-nine miles of road can\\nroll so heavy a weight upon the enterprise of the country, what\\npower to paralyze may be exercised lay seventy thousand one-\\nhalf the railroad mileage of the world.\\nIt may be true, as is claimed, that the present tariff of rates\\npays no more than a fair income upon the nominal stock of the\\nrailways of the country as a whole, but that reply does not satisfy\\nthe gravamen of tlie complaint, which is that the public is being\\ntaxed to pay an income upon capital never invested. Undoubt-\\nedly a careful examination would show that the present rates on\\nsome roads are not exorbitant, but it is believed they are excep-\\ntions. There are doubtless roads on which the receipts do not\\npay an income upon the original investment, but they were un-\\nwisely located and should never have been built. If a man\\nbuys a ledge for a plumbago mine, he cannot justly call upon\\nthe public to pay him an income upon his foolish investment,\\nneither can a railroad company which builds into a barren waste\\nwhere the development of business is impossible.\\nWe are not now discussing the exceptions, but the general\\nquestion, and are anxious to learn how the acknowledged diffi-\\nculty is to be overcome, and relief afforded to the great indus-\\ntries of the land. In considering the remedies, we have a right\\nto assume that competition between railroads owned and directed", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "394 HISTORY OF\\nby private companies will never bring relief, for experience in\\nFrance, Prussia, Belgium, Great Britain and the United States\\nhas demonstrated that in the end it always leads to combina-\\ntions which aggravate the evil.\\nThere seems to be no alternative left but governmental inter-\\nference. But here we are met by the positive denial in presi-\\ndential vetos and the opinions of high legal authorities, of the\\nconstitutional right of such interference. But these denials are\\ncontested by counter arguments and legal opinions of equal\\nforce and weight, and the judicial and political opinion of the\\ncountry I think is gradually acquiescing in the view that the\\npower to regulate commerce between the states given to con-\\ngress by the constitution includes the right to regulate the traf-\\nfic upon the great net-work of railroads over which by far the\\ngreater part of our commerce passes. The right of congress to\\nfix rates and fares and to build railroads has never come di-\\nrectly before the supreme court, but decisions on other ques-\\ntions, given by Justices Miller and Story and Chief-Justice Mar-\\nshall, seem to cover the ground.\\nFor myself, says Justice Miller, I must say that I have no\\ndoubt of the right of congress to prescribe all needful and\\nproper regulations for the conduct of this immense traffic over\\nany railroad which has voluntarily become a part of one of those\\nlines of inter-state communication, or to authorize the creation\\nof such roads when the purposes of inter-state transportations\\nof persons and property justify and require it.\\nThis language covers only such roads as lie partly in different\\nstates, and implies that those which lie wholly within a state are\\nto be left to the jurisdiction of state authority. By far the larger\\npart of our roads are of the former class, and their rates will be\\nlikely to determine the rates of state roads.\\nIn discussing the power of government to intervene by direct\\nlegislation, there is a line of argument which seems to be\\nstrangely overlooked. The right of eminent domain, contraven-\\ning the right of private property, can only be secured to govern-\\nment on the claim that personal interests must be subordinated\\nto the welfare of society. Now no railroad could be built if the\\ngovernment, state or national, did not confer upon the company\\nthe power to condemn by commission and take private property\\non just compensation. But the government, it is conceded, has\\nand can exercise this right only where the private property con-\\ndemned is taken for public use, and of course it cannot delegate\\nthe power to a company except upon the same condition. Hence\\nthe government is obligated to protect the public in eveiy case\\nagainst the misuse or abuse of such power. This it can do only\\nby regulating the management of the roads. They are common", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 393\\ncarriers and cannot be allowed to take advantage of public\\nnecessities to amass a fortune at the expense of other interests.\\nLeaving the discussion of this difiicult question here, let us con-\\nsider a few of the methods by which it is proposed to remove\\nthe hardships which rest so heavily upon our interior commerce.\\n1. It is proposed that the government shall purchase and run\\nthe roads in the interest of the public.\\n2. That congress shall regulate the conduct and policy of the\\nroads by direct legislation.\\n3. That congress shall indirectly regulate charges and manage-\\nment by one or more roads to be controlled or owned by the\\ngovernment, and by the improvement of natural or the con-\\nstruction of artificial water-ways.\\nThese three constitute the chief remedies proposed. We\\nhave space only to discuss them briefly in order.\\nThe first proposition is, that the government shall purchase\\nand run the roads. If now we concede the power of govern-\\nment to do this, there still remains the question of policy. It\\nhas been done successfully by some of the arbitrary govern-\\nments of Europe. Where this plan prevails, the roads, when built\\nby the state, are located with reference to the wants of each sec-\\ntion and the whole community, looking both to its foreign and\\ndomestic interests, and constitute an integral system. They are\\nthoroughly constructed at a reasonable outlay, and so conducted\\nas to pay a fair return only upon the original cost. Under this\\nsystem, the management of the railways partakes of the gen-\\neral character of the administration of government, and, as a\\nrule, in our time will be efficient and favor the development of\\nbusiness and the accommodation of the public. But this pater-\\nnal system governs too much, and tends to dwarf rather than\\nto develop popular enterprise and business capacity. The genius\\nof our government simply protects society, while individual en-\\nterprise regulates affairs and develops resources. The govern-\\nment that is called to interfere too far with the industries of the\\ncitizen, in time may destroy his liberties. But we need not de-\\nlay on this branch of the subject, for it will be impossible, for a\\nlong time to come, for the government to purchase the railroads\\nof the country. It has been estimated that the 15000 miles of\\nEnglish railways would cost the government ^250,000,000. It\\nis idle, therefore, to entertain the proposition that our government\\nshall purchase our 70,000 miles of road at their nominal value,\\nafter their stock has been so watered as to leave upon the market\\nto-day, according to a leading journal, $500,000,000 bonds that\\npay no interest. Such a remedy would bankrupt our govern-\\nment and open the way to official peculations and frauds which\\nwould rival those of Turkey.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "39^5 HISTORY OF\\nThe second proposition is to regulate the management and\\npolicy of the roads by direct legislation. Unquestionably the\\nstates have and should exercise the power, by immediate legisla-\\ntion, to prevent stock inflations and the participation, directly\\nor indirectly, by officers of railways, in the profits of fast freight\\nlines and palace cars operated upon their roads. The evil is\\ngigantic, and should be crushed by superior authority. Con-\\ngress might and should require each company to publish at every\\ndepot, and in local papers, their distances, rates, fares, classifi-\\ncations, drawbacks and special tarift s, and forbid any variation\\nfrom these under heavy penalties. They might require that\\ncompanies should furnish proper facilities for the accommoda-\\ntion of the public, and make an annua! detailed and reliable re-\\nport to the interior department of all their transactions. Con-\\ngress might prohibit the consolidation or combination, by lease\\nor otherwise, of parallel or competing roads. But when we re-\\nquire of congress to remedy the essential difficult} by regulat-\\ning the tariff of rates and fares on thirteen hundred railroads,\\naggregating a net-work of seventy two thousand miles, and em-\\nbracing an infinite variety of grades, curves, climates, cost of\\nconstruction and running, quantity and character of business\\nand the like, we throw upon the national legislature a task so\\nherculean and difficult as to be impossible. To do such a work\\njustly and fairly would require an amount of information which\\nit will be difficult to secure and in respect to circumstances which\\nare constantly varying.\\nIn addition to this, we have the opinions of such men as Judge\\nCurtis and Mr. Evarts, that they who hold railroad stock which\\nthey have honestly purchased in an open market, even though it\\nrepresents watered stock, have vested rights which will prohibit\\neither the national or a state legislature from intermeddling. To\\nlower rates or fares, or otherwise interfere in a way to decrease\\nthe value of their capital so invested, would be, it is claimed,\\ntaking private property for public uses without just compensa-\\ntion in violation of the constitution. We also have a decision\\nof Chief-Justice Lawrence of Illinois, that the acts of that state\\nimposing a tariff of specific charges upon railroad companies\\nwere in violation of vested rights, and therefore unconstitutional.\\nI am aware that we have, in answer to this, a dictum of the vox\\npopuli, equivalent in the judgment of some to the vox Dei, and\\ntherefore in the nature of a higher law, emanating from a pop-\\nular convention, that the doctrine of vested rights belongs to\\na past age and despotic rule, and has no legitimate place in the\\njurisprudence of a free people. But our poor lawyers and\\njudges as a class have received so little of the subtle afflatus of\\ndiis modern illumination that they cannot appreciate the force", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 397\\nand authority of this revelation of the caucus, and seem strangely\\ndisposed to cling to old constitutions and precedents.\\nThe second proposition, therefore, is beset with insuperable\\ndifficulties. We now come to the third.\\nThe principle of this is competition directed and controlled\\nby congress. This is substantially the recommendation of the\\nspecial senate committee .ippointed to examine and report upon\\nthis subject. It is proposed\\nist, That one or more extended roads shall be built or guar-\\nanteed by government, under a well guarded charter, and placed\\nunder national control.\\n2d, That one or more double track freight railways, owned\\nor controlled by government, shall be thoroughly and honestly\\nconstructed and operated at a low rate of speed.\\n3d, That water-ways suitable for transportation, both natural\\nand artificial, shall be furnished either by the aid or under the\\nguarantee and control of government. These, it is believed, so\\nbuilt and controlled and operated, at low rates, in competition\\nwith private roads, and without the possibility of combination,\\nwill regulate our entire system of inter-state traffic and travel.\\nThis plan, it will readily be admitted, has merits, but that it\\nwould realize the expectations of its projectors, if carried into\\nexecution, I very much doubt. It is easy to see that it would be\\nas real an interference, though not as direct, with the property\\nrights of the present holders of railroad stock, as a regulation\\nof rates and fares by national legislation. But a more serious\\nobjection to it is, that it seems to be an impossible remedy.\\nWho is to build and operate railroads and water-ways under\\nsuch restrictions Not individuals, certainly, for private capital\\ndoes not so invest. If done at all, it must be done by congress\\nand congress will not dare do it, for the last phase of popular\\nsentiment is that railways shall be built by private capital and\\nrun without charge. The people demand that there shall be no\\nmore subsidies for public improvements, and so we must wait\\ntill the tide turns before this fond dream of the senate commit-\\ntee can be realized. If it could be carried out at the expense\\nof New England, I should expect to see it voted at the next\\nsession of congress, but as it cannot, we must conclude that we\\nhave not yet found our panacea.\\nMy expectation is that time, which has solved so many dark\\nproblems, will solve this. Neither railroad competition nor\\nhasty legislation and caucus resolutions, demanded by unin-\\nformed and inconsiderate people, will ever fairly adjust railroad\\ntariffs to the incomes of other investments, but the competition\\nof this with other industries, and the public demand for a fair\\ndivision of profits looking to the development of national re-\\nsources and the general welfare, may so adjust them.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "398 HISTORY OF\\nNo system of corporate wrong, however cunningly and com-\\npactly planned, can permanently resist the organized force of\\npublic opinion when brought to bear wisely and consistently\\nagainst it. It will crumble and give way like our strongest ma-\\nterial structures under the pressure of a power of nature. Mass-\\nive foundations, which have resisted the assaults of ages, have at\\nlast been sundered and overthrown by the silent growth of a\\nsapling. So corporate power, however buttressed by wealth and\\nlegislation, must in the end yield to the demands of public jus-\\ntice. The general sense of right is a resistless force, for it is\\nthe intervention of the divine will in human affairs. There is a\\npolitical danger which seems never to be regarded in the con-\\nsideration of this question, but which may yet so force itself\\nupon the public mind, as to make it a prevailing element in its\\nfinal settlement.\\nIn one of the able papers of The Federalist, Hamilton says\\nIt will always be far more easy for the state government to en-\\ncroach upon national authorities, than for the national govern-\\nment to encroach upon the state authorities. The same thought\\nis reiterated by Madison in a later number of that work.\\nOrganized as the government was, the tendency was unques-\\ntionably in that direction, and would have continued so if peace\\nhad remained unbroken. But all powers, political as well as\\nphysical, grow by e.xercise, and the framers of the constitution\\ndid not and could not anticipate the terrible activity into which\\nthe latent and reserved powers of the government would be\\ncalled. They did not and could not foresee that the progress of\\nscience and invention in less than a century would largely de-\\nstroy the force of their reasoning.\\nOur net-work of electric nerves and the broad system of iron\\narteries, along which pours the life-blood of business, demand a\\ncentral heart. They have brought the extremes of the country\\ninto immediate and hourly communication, and have reversed\\nthe drift of powers and prerogatives from the state governments\\nto the national. Will not the unifying and placing at the dicta-\\ntion of government all railroads which control so large a part of\\nthe business and capital of the country, which stretch into every\\ndistrict of the land and command the largest abilities, impart a\\ndangerous energy to this centripetal tendency of political power\\nThere are evils on all sides of the circle around which we re-\\nvolve, and they demand the grave and earnest study of every\\nman who has the well-being of his country at heart.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 399\\nCHAPTER CIX.\\nGEOLOGY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nGovernor Woodbury has the credit of recommending, for the\\nfirst time in the United States, a geological sun ey, with a view\\nto the promotion of agriculture by chemical analysis of the vari-\\nous soils in the state. He based this proposal on two clauses\\nin the constitution of New Hampshire, which are as follows\\nIt shall be the duty of legislators and magistrates, at all future\\nperiods of this government, to cherish the interests of literature\\nand the sciences. It also inculcates the promotion of agri-\\nculture, the arts, sciences, commerce, trades, manufactures and\\nthe natural history of the country. This recommendation was\\nmade in his gubernatorial message, in 1823. He was in advance\\nof the men of his time. Fifteen years later Governor Hill re-\\nnewed the proposal for a survey. It was not then adopted but\\nduring the administration of Governor Page, in 1839, a law was\\npassed authorizing a geological survey of the state. Dr. Charles\\nT. Jackson of Boston was appointed surveyor, and his first re-\\nport was made in 1841. He spent three years in the work, and\\na large quarto volume, published by the state, contained the\\nresults of his labors.\\nIn 1868, the legislature provided for a new survey; and Prof.\\nCharles H. Hitchcock was appointed surveyor. His first report\\nwas made in 1869. In 1874, the first volume of his elaborate\\nwork, entitled The Geology of New Hampshire, was pub-\\nlished, being a ro^al octavo of six hundred and sixtj -seven pages.\\nThis volume contains the natural history of the state, including\\nits geological structure, rocks, minerals, soil, climate, together\\nwith the flora, fauna, and insects found within its borders. The\\nreport will be completed in three volumes quarto. Two theories\\nrespecting the geological formation of the state have heretofore\\nbeen advanced and defended by different scientists. Prof. Hitch-\\ncock proposes a third, which he thus explains\\nIn general the new views refer the great mass of our rocks\\nto the older groups, corresponding to the primary. A few\\nslates and limestones are of Silurian age, as proved by their\\ncontained fossils. The granites seem to have been poured out\\nin a fluid condition, and to have occupied depressions on the sur-\\nface. We have also divided the crystalline rocks more minutely\\nthan has been done elsewhere, and for the want of names have\\nbeen obliged to invent new ones from localities within the state.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "400\\nHISTORY OF\\nThe strata seem to belong to the Laurentian, Atlantic, Labra-\\ndorian and Huronian systems of the Eozoic series, and to the\\nCambrian and Silurian of the Paleozoic. The Eozoic series is\\nwell represented and as the state must have been largely out of\\nwater during all the later periods of geological time, no intima-\\ntion is given of what transpired after the time of its elevation.\\nIt is very difficult to identify one set of crystalline rocks with\\nanother. Evidence derived from mineral structure must always\\nbe inferior in value to that afforded by fossils. Superposition\\nwhen very plain lies at the foundation of the structure of the\\npaleontological column, but may be deceptive in the absence of\\nrelics of life. The basis of our theory of the stratigraphical\\nstructure rests upon superposition, or, in the case of inversion, to\\na study of the topographical arrangement of what seem to be\\ncontinuous formations, often so considered on account of their\\nmineral composition.\\nThose who are unwilling to accept our theory, which has been\\nderived entirely from a study of the rocks in the field, must show\\nits falsity by means of facts acquired by the same pains-taking\\nmethod. The following scheme may represent the stratigraphical\\ncolumn of New Hampshire, commencing at the bottom\\nLaurentian. Porphyritic gneiss.\\nAtlantic.\\nLabrador or\\nPemigewasset.\\nN Aliuviuvi.\\nO\\nI Bethlehem group,\\nLake Winnipiseogee gneiss,\\nMontalban or White Mountain series,\\nFranconia breccia.\\nI Conway granite,\\nAlbany granite,\\nChocorua granite,\\nOssipyte,\\nCompact feldspars,\\nExeter syenites.\\ni Lisbon group,\\nLyman group,\\nAuriferous conglomerate.\\nf Rockingham schists,\\nCalciferous mica schist,\\nCoos group.\\nClay slates,\\nMt. Mote conglomerate.\\nHelderberg limestones, slates,\\nconglomerates, etc\\ni Glacial drift,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0J Champlain clays,\\nTerrace period.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 4OI\\nA few of the more important of these groups of rocks call for\\na passing notice in this brief article.\\nThe Atlantic system is thus described\\n1. Our researches in New Hampshire lead us to revive an\\nancient designation for the crystalline rocks along the Atlantic\\nsea-board in distinction from the Laurentian or Adirondack\\ngroup. The rocks of this system extend continuously from\\nMaine to Alabama, though nearly concealed by the superficial\\nformations between New York and Philadelphia. Our theory in\\nregard to their age is that they are posterior in time to the Lau-\\nrentian, but anterior to the Cambrian and later formations.\\nThere is a difference in their mineral character, and certain gen-\\neral considerations lead to the belief that the eastern border of\\nthe continent was built up after that which has for the past fif-\\nteen years been distinctively known as the Laurentian. I can\\nclassify them as follows in New Hampshire. It remains to be\\nproved by investigation in other states, whether any similar\\nclassification can be followed elsewhere. I cannot confidently\\ngive the formations in their proper order in time, without further\\nstudy. I. Bethlehem group, ii. Manchester or Lake Winni-\\npiseogee range, iii. Montalban or White Mountain series, iv.\\nFranconia breccia.\\n2. Montalban or the White Mountain series. The latter\\nterm was employed originally to designate territorially the cen-\\ntral gneissic and granitic region of the state, including what is\\nnow referred to the Laurentian and Atlantic divisions. The\\nrock is often characterized by the presence of the mineral an-\\ndalusitc. Any one who has observed the rocks upon Mt. Wash-\\nington along the traveled routes from Ammonoosuc to the Half-\\nWay house on the^ carriage road, may recall crystalline bunches\\nlike small, woody, weather-worn chips scattered through the\\nledges. This mineral is called andalusite, and occurs abundantly\\nin the White Mountains, though not universally. The rock con-\\ntaining it forms the main mass of the Mt. Washington range\\nfrom Gorham to Hart s Location, ending with Mt. Webster.\\n3. The New Hampshire granites, which are best known as\\nbuilding materials, belong to this formation. They are quarried\\nin Concord, Fitzwilliam, Milford, Farmington, Hooksett, Pelliam,\\nSalem, Marlborough, Troy, Sunapee and elsewhere. The fa-\\nmiliar name of Granite State is very appropriate, as our re-\\nsources in granite are rich, unlimited and widespread. It is\\nprobably found in greater or smaller amount in every town un-\\nderlaid by the White Mountain series. Besides these there are\\nother extensive granites of the Labrador series, and limited\\npatches of indigenous and eruptive masses in the Merrimack\\nand Coos groups.\\n26", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "402\\nHISTORY OF\\n4. The gold-bearing rocks belonging to the Huronian System.\\nThe existence of gold along Connecticut river was first inti-\\nmated in the Geology of Vermont, by the finding of specimens\\nat Springfield, Vt., and the comparison of the rocks with those\\nof the auriferous district further west. In the Geology of Maine\\nit was also spoken of as one of the metals characterizing the\\nschist group extending from Bellows Falls to New Brunswick.\\nThe earliest discovery of gold in any part of it seems to have\\nbeen made by Mr. Hanshet in Plainfield, N. H., in 1854. About\\nthe same time Moses Durkee washed gold out of alluvium in\\nLebanon and Hanover.\\nThe first discovery of gold in Lyman was made by Professor\\nHenry Wurtz of New York, in 1864. It was found m galena.\\nThe next year J. Henry Allen and Charles Knapp, independ-\\nently of each other, discovered gold in the rock in Lisbon. This\\nled to the organization of a mining company. In 1866 a better\\nvein was found in Lyman, in the clay slate, and an association\\nknown as the Dodge Gold Mining Company formed to work it.\\nThe two companies erected each a mill of ten stamps, and be-\\nfore June I, 1869, had sold not less than $16,000 worth of gold.\\nThe vein is whitish quartz, often glassy, characterized by masses\\nof pyrites, ankerite, galena and slate scattered through it. Span-\\ngles of gold are common in the gangue. An examination of\\nthe rock and imbedded minerals showed that there was an aver-\\nage of $18.90 of gold to the ton, and that most of it was con-\\ntained in the clear quartz, the accompanying minerals being\\nnearly destitute of it. The mineral character of this vein agrees\\nwith that of the auriferous sheets in Vermont and Canada.\\nThe gold is very nearly pure, containing only half of one per\\ncent, of silver.\\nDr. Jackson mentions in his report the following metals and\\nminerals found within the limits of the state Talc, limestone,\\ntalc and soapstone, iron, lead, zinc, tin, copper, pyrites, silver,\\ngold, titanium, titanic iron, plumbago, ber}d, mica, manganese,\\narsenic and molybdena.\\nThe report of Professor Hitchcock contains the following re-\\nmarks upon the Relations of Geology to Agriculture The mat-\\nter of all soils capable of sustaining vegetation exists in two\\nforms, inorganic and organic. The first contains twelve chem-\\nical elements, viz., o,\\\\ygen, sulphur, phosphorus, carbon, silicon,\\nand the metals potassium, sodium, calcium, aluminum, magne-\\nsium, iron and manganese. In the organic part the elements\\nare four, oxygen, hydrogen, carbon and nitrogen. The inorganic\\nelements are derived from the rocks the organic elements from\\ndecaying animal and vegetable matter, so that it is of the earthy\\nconstituents we must speak. They do not indeed occur in their", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 403\\nsimple state, but as water, sulphates, phosphates, carbonic acid,\\nsilicates of potassa, soda, lime, magnesia, alumnia, iron, etc.\\nThe average amount of silicates or sand in soil is eighty in one\\nhundred parts. Since the rocks differ considerably in composi-\\ntion, we should expect a corresponding difference in the soils\\nderived from them. Such is the fact to a great extent, where\\nthe soil is simply the result of the disintegration of the rock\\nbeneath it. It is sufficiently so in many districts to form char-\\nacteristic soils. Thus, over quartz rocks and some sandstones,\\nwe find a very sandy and barren soil, though it is said that in\\nnearly all soils enough silicates of lime and magnesia are pres-\\nent to answer the purposes of vegetation but the alkalies and\\nphosphates may be absent. When the rock is limestone, the\\nsoil is sometimes quite barren for the want of other ingredients,\\nand also in consequence of the difficulty of decomposition.\\nClay, also, may form a soil too tenacious and cold. The sand-\\nstones that contain marly beds, and some of the tertiary rocks\\nof analogous character, form excellent soils. So does clay slate\\nand especially calciferous mica schist. The amount of potash\\nand soda in gneiss and granite often makes a rich soil from\\nthese rocks, and the trap rocks form a fertile though scanty soil.\\nThere are beds of limestone for agricultural purposes\\nin Plainfield, Lyme, Orford, Haverhill, Lisbon, Lyman, Little-\\nton and elsewhere. The slaty soils of the Connecticut valley\\nare superior to those along the coast.\\nThe greater portion of the state is underlaid by gneiss. This\\nis practically the same as granite so that the words granite and\\ngneiss convey the same meaning so far as mineral composition\\nis concerned. The gneiss is apt to produce better soils than\\nthe granite. Thq soluble element present is usually potash, from\\nten to twelve per cent. This is certainly a very valuable sub-\\nstance to be added to the soil, and nature is crumbling down the\\ngranites continually. This is done by the action of the atmos-\\nphere. The sun, air and rain are constantly wearing away\\nthe everlasting hills and filling up the plains and valleys with\\nthe debris.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "404 HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER ex.\\nTHE FLORA AND FAUNA OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nAll article on the distribution of plants in New Hampshire,\\nprepared by William T. Flint, appears in Professor Hitchcock s\\nGeology of the state. From that paper many of the following\\nfacts are gleaned. There are twenty-seven orders which consti-\\ntute the flora of New Hampshire. The white pine has been the\\nbest known and most valued of our timbers, ever since the offi-\\ncers of king George provoked the displeasure of the early set-\\ntlers, by carving their broad arrows on the tallest mast trees\\nin valleys of the rivers. These trees in some localities grew to\\nan immense height. In the biography of the elder Wheelock,\\ntrees were said to be found on the Dartmouth plain two hundred\\nfeet high in one instance, by actual measurement, a tree was\\nfound two hundred and seventy feet long. The pitch and red\\npines are more limited in their range. The pitch pine is found\\non the sandy plains and drift knolls of the river valleys. It is\\nmost abundant in the southeastern and central portions of the\\nstate. In the White Mountain regions the balsam fir and black\\nspruce grow together in about equal quantities. The hemlock is\\nfound in almost every section of the state. The first growth\\nequaled the white pines in diameter and height. Most of these\\nevergreens have been felled and sawed into boards during the\\nlast forty years. The arbor vitae grows in the swamps in the\\nnorthern part of the state. The hackmatacks, spruces and firs\\nform the most attractive features of our mountain scenery in the\\nwinter. Every variety of the maple is found in nearly .all towns\\nin the state. The beech and sugar maple make up the larger\\npart of the hard wood forests and in later years these have\\nfallen by the woodman s axe, to feed our engines and stoves.\\nSo great has been the destruction of our forest trees, that Penn-\\nsylvania coal is carried as far north as Flanover, for fuel. Birch,\\nof which there are four species, and the poplar are scattered\\nbroadcast over the state. These trees, formerly considered quite\\nworthless, have now become exceedingly valuable for manufac-\\nturing purposes. The entire family of ashes and oaks, of which\\nthere are six species, are extensively used in the making of fur-\\nniture and the finishing of houses. The same is true of the\\nbutternut and chestnut. These native woods are by many pre-\\nferred to the imported. The elm is a majestic tree for shade", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 40$\\nand beauty. It is also used at the present day for timber, es-\\npecially in the manufacture of carts and carriages. Shrubby\\nplants have greatly multiplied since the forests have been cut\\ndown. They spring up spontaneously about every walk and\\nhedge, and in the uncultivated pastures. Many of them yield a\\nlarge revenue in berries to the busy hands that pick them. Mr.\\nFlint enumerates, in his catalogue of plants in New Hampshire,\\nmore than twelve hundred varieties.\\nOf the common animals which constitute the fauna of our\\nstate, it is not necessary here to write. Their names are too\\nfamiliar to need repetition. The fox, wild-cat, bear and wolf\\nhave become quite rare and are usually confined to the moun-\\ntainous regions. The beaver, deer, moose, otter and martin\\nhave, with few e.xceptions, disappeared. After the learned Buf-\\nfon wrote his natural histoiy, Mr. Jefferson made some criticisms\\nupon the work and pointed out some errors in it, in his Notes\\non Virginia. When these gentlemen met in Paris, Buffon gave\\nto Jefferson a copy of his work, saying: When Mr. Jefferson\\nshall have read this, he will be perfectly satisfied that I am\\nright. Mr. Jefferson was determined to prove to him that the\\nAmerican deer was not the red deer of Europe nor the moose\\nthe reindeer of Lapland. He therefore procured the horns of\\na Virginia deer and the skeleton and stuffed skin of a New\\nHampshire moose. He wrote to General Sullivan to procure\\nthe latter. He was obliged to raise a company of twenty men\\nto capture a moose near the White Mountains. The expense of\\nthe foray, the bill of the taxidermist and the freight to Paris\\nwere forty guineas, which Mr. Jefferson cheerfully paid to gain a\\nscientific victory over the learned Frenchman.\\nCHAPTER CXI.\\nUNDECIDED QUESTIONS IN NEW ENGLAND HISTORY.\\nHere, said a student to Casaubon, as they entered the old\\nhall of the Sorbonne, is a building in which men have disputed\\nfor more than four hundred years. And, asked Casaubon,\\nwhat has been settled. There is a sad meaning in the ques-\\ntion of the aged professor. There are many important questions\\nin American history, relating both to facts and opinions, which\\nare constantly debated but never decided. Some of these con-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "4o6 HISTORY OF\\ncern the reputation of the early settlers of New Hampshire. In\\nstudying the records of our state, a question meets us at the very\\nopening of our investigations: Were our fathers justifiable in\\ntheir treatment of the Indians? Most censors and critics of the\\npast unhesitatingly answer, No Moralists and historians\\nfrequently give the same reply. It is proper to remark, in the\\nfirst place, that we must judge of men of former ages by the\\nlight they enjoyed, and the circumstances in which they were\\nplaced. They differ from us in several particulars. They were\\nstrangers and pilgrims among savages, and in a wilderness.\\nThey were in the minority consequently their perils and their\\nfears ware greater. They had never been taught the equality of\\nall races, nor the necessity of treating all men as equals. They\\nbelieved that men should be estimated according to their moral\\nworth and intellectual power. The Indians, whom modern phil-\\nanthropists think they ought to have treated with greater kind-\\nness, were suspicious, treacherous, revengeful, and implacable.\\nThey sought occasions of assault they had no responsible gov-\\nernments which could enforce obedience to treaties. Their chiefs\\nruled by their personal influence and bravery. The tribes were\\nnumerous, and the promises of one chief had no influence over\\nothers. The subjects of these sagamores were ignorant, and\\ncould not appreciate arguments they were passionate, and would\\nnot wait for a legal investigation of wrongs they were revenge-\\nful, and set no limit to the degree of penalty inflicted, or the\\nnumber involved in it. The crime of a single white man was\\navenged upon the race wherever found. The Indians had no\\nsocial qualities they were filthy in person, repulsive in habits,\\nunprincipled in morals, and, in a word, very disagreeable neigh-\\nbors. They made war, like beasts of prey, by stealth, in the\\nnight and from places of concealment. They avoided the open\\nfield and the light of day. They lay in ambush, near your path\\nor about your dwelling, till they could murder you alone and un-\\narmed. Under the garb of friendship, their spies entered your\\nhouse and, while enjoying your hospitality, opened at mid-\\nnight your doors to their associates. So they destroyed men,\\nfamilies, hamlets and towns. When the house of the aged\\nWaldron of Dover was thus entered, and those grim savages\\nhacked that venerable man in pieces with their hatchets, that\\nsingle councilor was worth more to the world than all the sav-\\nages then roaming the wilds of New Hampshire. When his\\neagle eye was quenched in death, more virtue, intelligence and\\nmagnanimity passed from earth than all the surviving savages\\nof the continent possessed. After the lapse of more than two\\ncenturies, with an entire change of the relative condition of the\\nWhites and Indians, we do not to-day treat the natives of the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 407\\ncountry so kindly as did the early settlers of New Hampshire.\\nStill, the sins of the living present are passed over in silence\\nby the indignant philanthropist, while the faults of the buried\\npast are greatly exaggerated. It is safe to war upon the dead.\\nThey offer no resistance. Juvenal chose, for satire, those whose\\nashes reposed in the Flaminian way so the cowardly Falstaff\\nfleshed his sword in the body of the dead Percy.\\nThere are other charges which still more deeply affect the\\nreputation of our ancestors in New Hampshire. They shared\\nin the intolerance and superstitions of the age. They joined in\\npersecuting Quakers and in prosecuting witches. Many authors\\ncondemn them, for both these facts, unheard and undefended\\nothers attempt to vindicate their conduct in both cases. The\\npresent brief narrative allows of no detailed account of that sad\\nportion of our history, nor of any elaborate vindication of the\\nactors in it. A brief quotation from a lecture of one of the\\nablest jurists who ever sat on the bench of the supreme court of\\nNew Hampshire may suffice. With regard to the banishment\\nof Quakers and other sects hostile to the government of the\\ncolony he says The right of the colonial government to ex-\\nclude persons actually settled in the colony existed from the\\npower to make laws, constitute courts and magistrates, and\\npunish offences. Banishment was a recognized mode of pun-\\nishment, and this was their common penalty for grave of-\\nfences against their religious policy. It was peculiarly adapted\\nto a commonwealth which was to be governed on religious prin-\\nciples, and to suppress the promulgation of religious doctrines\\ninimical to its welfare. The Puritans desired to remove the dis-\\nturbers of their peace and many, if not most of these, were\\nreligious controversialists. Every question, in those days, took\\na religious turn hence the policy of the age was religious, and\\nthe religion of the people was political. Danger to the state\\nmight grow out of fanaticism as well as from treason and the\\nsafety of the state required the suppression of both these ele-\\nments of ruin. Dr. Palfrey, the learned and candid historian of\\nthe Puritans, writes No householder has a more unqualified\\ntitle to declare who shall have the shelter of his roof, than had\\nthe governor and company of Massachusetts Bay to decide who\\nshould be sojourners or visitors within their precincts. Their\\ndanger was real, though the experiment proved it to be far less\\nthan was at first supposed. The provocations which were offered\\nwere exceedingly offensive. It is hard to say what should have\\nbeen done with disturbers so unmanageable. Our fathers were,\\nundoubtedly, chargeable with intolerance. Are we better than\\nthey Is not our toleration of all sects, in religion, rather the\\nresult of indifference than charity In politics, we are not a", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "4oS HISTORY OF\\nwhit behind the most bigoted of our ancestors in disarming op-\\nponents it is true we do not peril their liberty or lives, but we\\ndestroy their reputation, which, to many, is still dearer. The\\npersecution of witches was the delusion of the age. All classes\\nshared in the folly and the crime. In England, the law against\\nwitchcraft was enforced with as little doubt of its existence and\\nof its being a proper object of criminal cognizance, as prevailed\\nin Massachusetts and the executions there were much more\\nnumerous. The wisdom of our day does not punish, but pro-\\nmotes, spiritual manifestations quite as puerile and absurd as\\nthose that were once suppressed by law.\\nThe people of New Hampshire and Maine have a personal\\ninterest in the character of the early proprietors and settlers of\\nthese states. The question is still debated, whether Mason and\\nGorges, the early owners of Maine and New Hampshire, ought\\nto be classed among mercenary adventurers or the founders of\\nStates. Captain John Mason received such title to the territory\\nof the Granite State as kings and corporations- could bestow.\\nHe planted colonies upon the soil and gave name to the state.\\nHe persevered where most men would have failed he hoped\\nwhere others would have despaired he made magnificent plans\\nfor himself, but they came to nought. He expended a large es-\\ntate upon his plantations in the wilderness, and received no re-\\nturns. When he died he bequeathed to his heirs nothing but a\\nlegacy of quarrels and lawsuits which lasted for nearly a cen-\\ntury. His whole life may be illustrated by the troubled sleep of\\nthe hungry man, who dreameth, and behold he eateth but he\\nwaketh and his soul is empty. He was a martyr to a great\\nidea.\\nIn the distribution of New England territory by the English\\nking, Maine fell to the share of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who\\nreceived, with the title to the soil, unlimited authority to found\\na state or kingdom, as his ambition might dictate. Now it cer-\\ntainly concerns the people of Maine to know the character of\\ntheir proprietor, and the settlers he introduced. Bancroft says\\nof him The nature of Gorges was generous, and his piety sin-\\ncere. He sought pleasure in doing good fame, by advancing\\nChristianity among the heathen a durable monument, by erect-\\ning houses, villages and towns. There is, at this moment, a\\nwarm discussion maintained by the Maine Historical Society and\\nsome literary gentlemen out of the state, respecting this man and\\nthe first colony he planted. The friends of Gorges adopt the\\nviews of Bancroft and defend him and his followers. His op-\\nponents affirm that he was a mere adventurer, a follower of\\nMammon, tlie tcist erected spirit that fell\\nFrom Ue.-lven;\\nand that the company which he hired to make the first settle-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE, 409\\nment in Maine, at Popham, in 1607, were convicts and felons\\nand tliat this colony was a precursor of Botany Bay. Mr. Wil-\\nliam Willis, in a work entitled, Voyages to the East Coast of\\nAmerica in the XVI. Century, says Another serious cause of\\nfailure should not be omitted and that was the employment, in\\nthe various expeditions, of vagabonds and convicted felons, of\\nwhom the English nation was but too glad to be rid, in voyages\\nof unusual danger. While Mr. Willis admits that criminals\\nwere employed as sailors, he denies that Popham was settled\\nby such men because Gorges designed to found a state, not a\\ncolony of convicts, and he Icnew his own interests too well to\\nchoose idle vagabonds for the founders of a new colony. A\\nwriter in the Historical Magazine for May, 1869, says in reply:\\nPopham s sole idea was to get riches by convict labor and\\nGorges plan was to rid England of dangerous riffraff. He\\nquotes Lloyd, a biographer of Popham, who says of the chief\\njustice Not only did he punish malefactors but provide for\\nthem. He first [in 1707, at Sagadahoc] set up the discovery of\\nNew England to maintain and employ those who could not live\\nhonestly; who would rather hang than work. Lord Bacon,\\nalso, called them the scum of people, wicked and condemned\\nmen. Fuller speaks of men who leapt thither from the gal-\\nlows, spit out of the mouth of England. In fact, the same\\ncharges have, at times, been made of every colony on this con-\\ntinent. Perhaps it is well to heed the advice of Juvenal to the\\nRomans, in tracing genealogies\\nGo trace thy boasted way through ages past,\\nBethink thee where thou needs must land at last;\\nA base renown thy very nation draws\\nFrom banded culprits that defied the laws,\\nAnd he from whom those tkiods of glory roll,\\nOr tended sheep, or canst thou bear it stole\\nBut the Popham colony came to nought. All the magnificent\\nschemes of Gorges failed. He was the victim of great expec-\\ntations. At the hour of his decease, after forty years of labor\\nand the expenditure of more than twenty thousand pounds, he\\ngrasped a barren sceptre,\\nNo son of his succeeding.\\nSuccess, with most men, is proof of virtue but failure is dem-\\nonstration, strong as proofs of Holy Writ, of corruption.\\nHad Mason and Gorges succeeded in their plans, the hundred\\nvoices of fame would have blazoned their deeds down\\nTo the last syllable of recorded time.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "4IO HISTORY OF\\nCHAPTER CXII,\\nPROPER NAMES IN NEW HAMPSHIRE.\\nColeridge remarks that the history of a word is often worth\\nmore than the history of a campaign. This is specially true\\nof proper names. England, alone, has about thirty thousand\\nsurnames. They originated about the time of the conquest,\\nA. D., 1066. Originally, men had but one name. When heathen\\nnations became Christians, they received new names, usually of\\nHebrew origin. Of course many families had the same name,\\nand they could be distinguished only by sobriquets or nick-\\nnames. When these new converts became citizens, owned land\\nand held offices, it became necessary to distinguish them by such\\nappellations as would be recognized in law. Hence surnames\\nwere invented. These were so called because they were, at\\nfirst, written, not in a direct line after the Christian name, but\\nabove it, between the lines, and, hence they were called in\\nLatin supra notnina; in Italian, supra nomc; in French, surnoms\\nover-names. The sur is the French preposition, meaning\\nover, not the English sir, which is formed from the Latin\\nsenior, which in the Romance tongues became senhor, seign-\\neur and sieur, and in English, passed into sire and sir. The\\nLatin word for mistress, domina, with the prefi.Y mea, my,\\nhas undergone a more remarkable transformation mea domina\\nhas passed into madame, madam, marm, mum, and\\nm as in the response of the maid-of-all-work, yes m, which\\nmeans, etymologically, yes, my lady. The names of places of\\nSaxon origin are often compounded of two or more roots. An\\nold proverb says\\nIn ford, in ham. in ley and ton\\nThe most of English surnames run.\\nAs the names of men and of their residences are often identical,\\nthis distich applies to local as well as surnames. Mr. Lower\\nadds to these familiar terminations, the following\\nIng, Hurst and Wood, Wick, Sted and Field,\\nFull many English surnames yield\\nWith Thorpe and Bourne, Cote, Caster, Oke,\\nCombe, Bury, Don and Siowe and Sloke,\\nWith Ey and Port, Shaw, Worth and Wade\\nHilL Gate, Well, Stone, are many made.\\nClin, Marsh, and Mouth and Down and Sand,\\nAnd Beck and Sea with numbers stand.\\nFord, from the Sa.xon faran, English fare, to go or pass,", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 4II\\nmeans a place where a stream is so shallow as to be passable.\\nHam is the Saxon for home. Ley, lea, leigh, or legh, is a\\npasture or field. Ey, ig or ea, either denotes an island or a\\nplace near to the water. Ton, tune or town, denotes an en-\\nclosure. England is dotted with inclosures. The old Germans,\\nsays Tacitus, delighted in separate abodes. Ton or town origi-\\nnally meant a twig, the first element of a hedge hence tun,\\nton or town was a place surrounded by a hedge. Hurst is a\\nwood or grove wick, a village, castle or fort stow, a perma-\\nnent residence or mansion sted, a fixed abode combe, a val-\\nley cot, a cottage thorpe, a village worth, a farm or estate\\nburg, bury or borough, a hill or stronghold. Thorpe is of Dan-\\nish origin. It occurs as prefix and suffix in more than three\\nhundred local English names. It is nearly equivalent to ham.\\nThe termination ing has a variety of meanings, in the Gothic\\ndialects, ist, It means a son or descendant as in the Saxon,\\nByrning is the son of Byrn in the Swedish, Skiolding is the\\nson of Skiold. 2d, It means action when affixed to a verb, as\\nin burning, feeding, etc. 3d, It means a field or country and is\\nfound in Icelandic and German proper names, as Lotharingen,\\nthe country of Lothar. Bee and burne are Saxon words mean-\\ning brook or stream they often appear in names of places as\\nBeckford, Beckley, Beckwith, Burnham.\\nThe Celts or Kelts were the earliest inhabitants of Great Brit-\\nain of course, they have left many names of places and of men\\nin the English language. An old couplet runs thus\\nWe may add, also, that by these monosyllables, used as pre-\\nfixes or suffixes, ypu may detect many Celtic names of places.\\nThese words mean in English, a town, a heath, a pool, a church,\\na rock, and a head or promontory. Our local and surnames are\\nborrowed from all the successive races that have peopled Great\\nBritain, the Celts, Romans, Saxdns, Danes and Normans. These\\nnames were originally significant of natural features in places or\\nof something peculiar in form, color, figure, residence or occu-\\npation in men. With us, they have lost their original meanings\\nand are, for the most part, positive misnomers, etymologically\\nconsidered.\\nN.\\\\MES OF TOWNS.\\nAcworth is composed of ac or aec, an oak, and worth, land\\nor estate, and is equivalent to oak-land.\\nAlton. The first element is uncertain. It is probably the\\nGothic root alt, old. Alton, therefore, is old-town.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "412 HISTORY OF\\nAlexandria is the name of an ancient town built by Alexan-\\nder, which word in the Greek means an aider of men.\\nAlstead. The first root is uncertain. It may be formed from\\nthe Saxon aid, old and sted, a fixed abode or home, meaning old\\nhome as Alford is oldford.\\nAllenstown. Allen is from Alan, or Ulfvvin, wolf of victory,\\nthe name of a chief and town is the Saxon ton, an enclosure.\\nAmherst is possibly composed of ham, home, and hurst or\\nherst, a grove, a town in the forest. Some derive the first root\\nfrom Hamo, a sheriff of Kent.\\nAntrim, so named from a county in* Ireland, whence the ances-\\ntors of many of its inhabitants had emigrated in lyigandin\\nsubsequent years.\\nAndover. An, andr, endr, in the names of towns, are sup-\\nposed to be abbreviations of Andred or Andrew as An-caster,\\nAnston. And-efer now Andover, or Andred s place near a stream.\\nAtkinson. Atkins is derived by Camden from At, an abbre-\\nviation of Arthur, and kins, a child, allied to the German kind,\\na child, meaning the son of Arthur as Wilkins is the son of\\nWill and Simkins the son of Sim. Atkinson is the son of At-\\nkins or the grandson of Arthur, which in the Celtic means a\\nstrong man, a hero. Colonel Theodore Atkinson of Portsmouth\\nowned a large portion of this town when it was chartered, and\\ngave his own name to it.\\nBarnstead. Barn is supposed to be a compound of two Saxon\\nwords, here, barley, and ern, a place Barnstead would seem\\nto mean Barley-place-home. Barton is barley town and Ber-\\nwick is barley village.\\nBarrington. Baring means the children of Bera, a Saxon no-\\nble Barrington, the town of the children of Bera, in Cam-\\nbridgeshire, England.\\nBartlett is a diminutive of Bartholomew, which in Hebrew\\nmeans the son that suspends the waters.\\nBath from the Saxon baeth or bad, a bathing-place, given to a\\ntown in Somerset, famed for its hot baths.\\nBedford is said to be derived from beado and ford, meaning\\nbattle-ford or slaughter-ford. Bosworth gives bedican, to bedike,\\nand ford, a fortified passage.\\nBennington is supposed to mean the town of the children of\\nBinna. Ben may be an abbreviation of Benjamin. The town of\\nBennington in Vermont, and that of the same name in New\\nHampshire, were named in honor of Gov. Benning Wentworlh.\\nBethlehem is Hebrew, and means house of bread. The\\nprior) of St. Mary of Bethlehem was converted by Henry VIII.\\ninto a hospital and was shortened into Bedlam.\\nBoscawen is a name of Cornish origin and signifies a house\\ns lrrounded b elder tr- es.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 413\\nBow is so named from the curve in the river Merrimack.\\nBradford means broad ford. There is a town of that name\\non the Avon, which is Celtic for river.\\nBrentwood is burnt wood, a town in England, in the county of\\nEssex, which means East Saxons.\\nBridgewater needs no interpretation.\\nBristol is Welsli in origin, from bris, broken, and tol, a chasm\\na city built near the cleft mountain, where the Avon runs to\\nthe sea.\\nBrookfield reveals its own origin.\\nBrookline is equally intelligible.\\nCambridge is the bridge on the Cam. This is a Celtic word\\nadopted by the Saxons, and means crooked. Chaucer cele-\\nbrated this crooked, sluggish, creeping river, now so renowned\\nfor the city and university upon its banks, when only a solitary\\nmill was turned by its waters.\\nAt Trompington, rot far from Canta brigge\\nThere goth a brook, and over it a brigge,\\nUpon the which brook, there stood a melle;\\nNow this is very sothe that I you tell.\\nCampton is Camp-town.\\nCanaan is borrowed from the Bible and means merchant or\\ntrader.\\nCandia is the modern name of Crete, in the Mediterranean,\\nwhich was named, by the ancients, Creta or chalk, from the abun-\\ndance of that earth found there and Candia may be allied to\\nthe Latin verb candeo, to shine or glisten.\\nCanterbury is the name given by the Saxons to the capital of\\nCainte or Kent and they spelled it Cant-wara-byrig, which\\nmeans the stronghold of the people of Kent.\\nCarroll is named in honor of Charles Carroll of Carrollton,\\none of the Revolutionary patriots.\\nCentre Harbor speaks for itself.\\nCharlestown, originally called Number Four, was heroically\\ndefended by Captain Phineas Stevens and thirty brave associ-\\nates, for three days, in April, 1747, against four hundred French\\nand Indians under the command of Mons. Debeline. Captain\\nStevens, for his gallant conduct, was jjresented with an elegant\\nsword, by Sir Charles Knowles, and in honor of the baronet the\\ntown was afterwards called Charlestown.\\nChester, in all English names of places, means camp, from\\nthe Latin castra. It indicated a Roman encampment. Chester-\\nfield is the site of a camp.\\nField is from the Saxon, fyllan, to fell, and indicates a plain\\nfrom which the trees have been felled.\\nChichester is a town in Sussex or South Sa.xon, and signifies", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "414 HISTORY OF\\nthe camp of Cissa, one of the Saxon chiefs. It was at first\\nwritten Cissaceaster, or city of Cissa, son of Ella.\\nClaremont is probably of French origin clair and mont, noble\\nmountain.\\nColebrook. The first root of this word is of uncertain origin.\\nCoin, in English names, is from the Latin colonia, and desig-\\nnates a Roman colony. Six towns in England are named Colne.\\nLincoln terminates with the same word. The Saxon word cal\\nmeans also cole.\\nColumbia is derived from Columbus.\\nConcord. In regard to this name, says Dr. Bouton, the\\nuniform tradition is, that it was designed to express the entire\\nunanimity in purpose and action which had characterized the in-\\nhabitants of Rumford during the period of their controversy\\nwith the proprietors of Bow, and, indeed, from the first settle-\\nment of Penacook.\\nConway is of Celtic origin, from con, head or chief, and wy,\\na river.\\nCornish is also a Celtic word, from Cornwall. This word is\\nvariously interpreted to mean the horn or promontory of the\\nGaels or, the altars of the Gael.\\nDalton is dale town.\\nDanbury is the stronghold of the Danes.\\nDanville is the village of the Danes.\\nDeerfield is the pasture of the deer.\\nDeering is the field of the deer as Derby is the home of the\\ndeer. This name was given to the town by Governor John Went-\\nworth of Portsmouth, in honor of his wife, Frances Deering\\nWentworth.\\nDerry, like Druid, is supposed to be derived from the Celtic\\nderu, an oak.\\nDorchester, in old English, Doreceaster, from the Celtic dwr,\\nwater, and the Latm castra, a camp.\\nDover from the Celtic dwr or dwfwr, water, and means the\\ntown upon the water in Kent. The Romans called the place\\nDubrae.\\nDublin is of Irish origin. Dubh, in Celtic, is black lyn or\\nlinne is a pool or lake Dublin is black pool. Durham is deer\\nhome.\\nDummer, from the Danish dommer, a judge or arbiter, the\\nname of a man.\\nDunbarton, first called Starkstown, was named from a town\\nand castle in Scotland, near which Stark s ancestors lived.\\nDun is Celtic and means a fort. Isaac Taylor interprets Dun-\\nbarton as the fort of the Britons.\\nEaton is water town.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 415\\nKingston, is king s town.\\nEffingham is the home of the children of Effa or Uffa, a fa-\\nmous king of the East Angles, a. d. 575.\\nEnfield is the end of the open country. Field is a place where\\nthe trees have been felled.\\nEpping is of uncertain origin. It may be from the Saxon\\naeps an aspen, and ing, a meadow.\\nEpsom is by some derived from Ebba, meaning Ebba s home\\nby others from aeps, an aspen, meaning the home of the aspens.\\nEllsworth. Ella was a Saxon king who reigned in Sussex or\\nSouth-Saxons. Ellsworth is Ella s estate.\\nThe Gaelic and Erse word for water is uisge, of which whis-\\nkey is a corruption, derived from uisge-boy (or usquebaugh),\\nmeaning yellow water or, if the second root be bagh, water\\nof life. The root uisge appears in Wisk, Esk, Usk, and Exe,\\nnames of rivers.\\nExeter, formerly written, Exancester, means the camp upon\\nthe river Exe.\\nFarm-ing-ton. The town of the meadow farm. The Saxon\\nverb feormian meant to supply with food, because tenants, an-\\nciently, paid their rent in produce and stock hence, the word\\nfeorm or farm.\\nFitzwilliam is the son of William, originally the name of a\\nman. Fitz is from the Latin filius.\\nFrancestown reveals its own origin. It was named for Fran-\\nces, the wife of the last Governor Wentworth.\\nFranconia, the home of the Franks, a name given, in the east,\\nto the inhabitants of western Europe. The word Franks dates\\nfrom the crusades in which the inhabitants of France, the land\\nof the Franks, were leaders.\\nFranklin, anciently, a superior freeholder in England.\\nFreedom tells its own origin.\\nGilford. Gill is a valley and Gilford is the ford in the\\nvalley. Gill is also the name of a man and\\nGilsum is probably Gill s home, and\\nGilmanton is the town of the man of the valley. Some ety-\\nmologists derive Gilman from Gaul or Gael, making the family\\nof French extraction.\\nGoffstown. Goff is Celtic for smith.\\nGorham. Gor is Celtic for a place of worship, as in Ban-\\ngor it is applied to the choir of a church, hence, Gor-ham is\\nchurch-home.\\nGrafton. Graf is connected with grave, to cut or ditch as\\nGravesend is the end of the ditch or moat and Grafton is a\\nmoated or fortified town. Some authors derive it from the Gothic\\ngraf, an earl or count.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "4t6 HISTORY OF\\nGrantham. Grant is simply grand or great, and as a surname\\nwas translated by the Latin magnus. Grant-ham is great or\\ngrand home, or the home of Mr. Grant.\\nGroton. Gro, in Celtic, is sand if from this root, Groton\\nwould mean sand-town. It may be the French gros or great.\\nGreenfield and Greenland need no explanation.\\nHampton is home town.\\nHampstead is homestead.\\nHancock. Han sometimes means high, allied to the Saxon\\nhean or heah and cock means a hill Hancock, a high hill or\\nas the name of a man it may be from Hans, John, and cock, lit-\\ntle, meaning little John.\\nHanover first appears in German history, in the twelfth cen-\\ntury. The river Leine flows through Hanover to the Aller. It is\\nthought that the name was first given to a ford over this river\\nmeaning hand-over, or have over. Hab or han ober.\\nHaverhill. Haver is sometimes thought to be a modification\\nof the Celtic gatr, a goat if so, Haverhill would mean goat hill\\nothers derive it from the Dutch haver, meaning oats.\\nHawke was named from Admiral Hawke a name derived\\nfrom heraldry, the hawk being a symbol of courage. The town\\nis now called Danville, or Dane village.\\nHebron is a Hebrew name and means alliance, society or\\nfriendship.\\nHill speaks for itself.\\nHillsborough is the stronghold upon the hill, or the city of\\nMr. Hill.\\nHinsdale is named in honor of Colonel Hinsdale, one of the\\nearliest settlers of that town. It meant, originally, Hind s dale.\\nThe Saxon hine meant a domestic, a peasant, or boor. The\\nlast word appears in neighbor or nigh-boor.\\nHolderness is said to be composed of hoIe-Deira-ness. In\\nthis word, ness is the Saxon naes, nose, and Deira is the name\\nof one of the Saxon kingdoms hence Holderness is the nose or\\npromontory of the low-lying kingdom, Deira. Others interpret\\ndiflierently.\\nHollis may have some relation to the holly tree, or it may, like\\nHarris, Harry s son, be a patronymic.\\nHooksett. Saet, in Saxon words, means dwellers or inhabi-\\ntants if hook is also Saxon, Hooksett would mean the dwellers\\nat the bend or bow in the river. Hock also means high. Hock-\\ncliff is high cliff.\\nHopkinton. Hob is an abbreviation of Robert; and kin or\\nkins means children Hobkins or Hopkins denotes the sons\\nof Robert and Hopkinton is the town of the children of Robert.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 417\\nHudson is the son of Hod or Roger or it may be borrowed\\nfrom the famous navigator, Henry Hudson.\\nJackson is the son of Jaclc or John.\\nJaffrey, or Jeffrey, is probably corrupted from Geoffrey or God-\\nfrey, from the German Gott and fried, God s peace.\\nJeiTerson is the son of Jeffers or Jeffrey.\\nKeen or Kean is the name of a man and means bold, daring\\nor bright. The town is said to have been named in honor of\\nSir Benjamin Keene, who at the date of the grant was minister\\nfrom England to Spain.\\nKensington, the town of the children of the tribe. Cyn, in\\nSaxon, means tribe, race or kin. King is supposed to be from\\nthis root. It was written cyning, or cyng.\\nKingston is the town of the king.\\nLancaster. Lon or Lune was the name of the English river\\nwhere there was a Roman station hence, Lancaster is the\\ncamp upon the Lune. Lune is an abbreviation of the Roman\\nAlauna and that is composed of the Celtic words all, white,\\nand avon or afon, water.\\nLandaff. Llan is Celtic, meaning an enclosure, church-yard\\nand church. Landaff is, therefore, the Church of David.\\nLangdon. Don or dun means both hill and water hence,\\nfrom the second definition, the name of the river Don. Lang\\nmeans long Langdon is long hill or town. Dun is also a hill-\\nfortress.\\nLebanon is a Bible name and means white. Mount Leb-\\nanon, therefore, is identical in meaning with Mont Blanc.\\nLee, legh, and leigh all mean pasture, field or commons.\\nLempster is probably an abbreviation of Leominster from the\\nCeltic lleian, a nun, and minster, a monastery in this word,\\na nunnery.\\nLincoln is the old Roman Lindum colonia, the colony of Lyn-\\ndum. Lyn means a lake or pool, and dun a hill or town.\\nLisbon, the capital of Portugal, transferred to a New Hamp-\\nshire town anciently called Olisippo or Ulysippo, from Ulysses,\\nthe fabled founder. The true origin is uncertain.\\nLittleton is little town, a misnomer.\\nLondon is said to be formed from lyn, a pool, and dun or don\\na hill. Taylor says it means a fortified hill.\\nLondonderry speaks to us of the settlement of the desolated\\ncity of Derry by the London guilds. Don, as a Celtic affix,\\nmeans hill, and deru means an oak.\\nLoudon is said to be from law and don, both meaning hill. It\\nis of Scotch origin. The etymology is doubtful.\\nLyman is of uncertain origin. It may be from lye, a pasture,\\nand man, meaning ^le man at the pasture.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "4l8 HISTORY OF\\nLyme from lim, lime or mud.\\nLynck borough, the town of the linden tree.\\nManchester, called by the old Britons Maen-ceinion, the rock\\nof gems by the Romans, Mancunium by the Saxons, Mancestre.\\nMan is also Celtic for district.\\nMarlovv. Mere is a pool or lake low, a hill the hill by\\nthe lake.\\nMarlborough, the fortified town upon the marl.\\nMason, a man s name indicating his trade.\\nMeredith, a name of Celtic origin, and denotes the roar of\\nthe sea.\\nMerrimack, an Indian word meaning swift-water-place.\\nMiddletown and Milton mean middle-town.\\nMilan is borrowed from the Italians.\\nMilford is the ford at the mill.\\nMonroe, Celtic Monadh Roe or Mont Roe, from the mountain\\non the river Roe, in Ireland. The root rea, rhe, or rhin means\\nrapid or flowing.\\nMont Vernon. Vernon is a Norman name.\\nMoultonborough. The first root of Moulton is of uncertain\\norigin.\\niVashua, an Indian word, meaning pebbly bottom.\\nNashville. Naes is a promontory; ville is French for a town\\nif these words make Nashville, it means the town upon the\\npromontory.\\nNelson is the son of Nel, originally the name of a man.\\nNew Boston. Boston is variously derived from Bosa, a bishop\\nof E. Angila, a. d. 669, or from St. Botolph.\\nNewbury is new town, usually a fortified town.\\nNew Ipswich. Ipswich in England is variously interpreted\\n1, from Eba a Saxon queen, and wic or wich, meaning Eba s\\nhome 2, from Gippin, the winding river and wich, meaning the\\nplaco of the crooked river.\\nNew London, Newmarket, Newport, Newton and Northwood\\nreveal their own etymology.\\nNorthumberland is, in England, land north of the Humber.\\nThe Humber was a Cimbric river and Northumberland was\\ncalled of old, North Cumriland, where the Cymri were driven\\nfrom the plains before they settled in Wales.\\nNottingham is the home of the descendants of Mr. Nott.\\nMr. Edmunds, in his history of names of places, says The\\nword Snottingham, now disguised as Nottingham, means the home\\nof the children of the excavations, or of the cave dwellers.\\nWhen Nottingh-am included Northwood, the lumbermen dis-\\ntinguished their timber lands by peculiar names. There was a\\nplace called by the Indians Gebeag, a place for eels by the", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIRE. 419\\nlumbermen Gebeag Woods. The dense forests to the north-\\nwest of Gebeag were called North Woods, hence the name of\\nthe town, Northwood.\\nOrford. Orr or Ore is a river in Scotland or, in Welch,\\nsignifies a boundary or border Qrford is the ford by the bound-\\nary, or the ford of the river Ore.\\nOssipee is an Indian word, which Mr. Potter describes as\\nthe river of pines.\\nPelham, either from peele, a tower, or from pool. It may mean\\ntower home, or pool home.\\nPembroke. Pem or pen means, in Celtic, a hill Pembroke\\nmay mean hill-brook.\\nPiedmont is probably of French origin, meaning stone-mount.\\nPinkham is the home of the pink.\\nPittsfield and Pittsburg are derived from Pitt the earl of\\nChatham. The name may have originated from a foundling ex-\\nposed in a pit.\\nPlaistow. The first root is doubtful. Plega, Saxon, means\\na battle stow, a place, mansion or town perhaps Plaistow\\nmeans battle-place. One author defines Play-sted and Play-\\nstow, a place for sports.\\nPlymouth, the mouth of the Plym, a river in Devonshire,\\nEngland, so named from plwm, lead, from the color of its\\nwaters. Plymouth was so named by the Pilgrims, in remem-\\nbrance of the last English land on which their eyes rested as\\nthey passed down the Channel.\\nPortsmouth, the mouth of the port.\\nRandolph signifies fair help the same as Randulph, from\\nran, fair, and ulph, help.\\nRaymond, from rein, pure, and mund, mouth, one of vir-\\ntuous speech.\\nRichmond is from ric, rich, and mund, mouth, meaning elo-\\nquent.\\nRochester, the camp of the Saxon chief, Hrof. It may be\\nformed from roche, French for rock.\\nRoxbury is the town of rocks. The Roman name of Roch-\\nester, in England, was Durobriviae.\\nRollinsford. Roland, Rollin and Rodland mean counsel for\\nthe land. Rollinsford is the ford of the counselor for the land.\\nRumney or Romney is Roman island or station by the water.\\nRye is a bank or shore. This town has an appropriate name.\\nThe same is true of Rye in England.\\nSalem is a Hebrew word meaning peace.\\nSalisbury, from the Latin salus health. The town of health\\nor safety.\\nSanbornton is the town of the Sanborns. Sanborn is prob-", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "420 HISTORV OF\\nably composed of the words sand and bourne, a boundary, indi-\\ncating tiiat the progenitor of that family lived near a sand hill.\\nSome authors make the original name Samborne, indicating a\\ndifferent origin of the first syllable.\\nSandown is probably sand hill. Down or dune means a grassy\\nhill. Hence the name given to the Southdown sheep.\\nSandwich is sand village.\\nSeabrook needs no definition.\\nShelburne may be formed from shel or shal, from the Saxon\\nsceol, shallow, and burn or bourn, a brook.\\nSomersworth. The Saxon word somer, summer, became the\\nname of a man, like winter and spring, and worth indicated\\nhis estate, as worship or worthship was originally the homage\\ndue to wealth.\\nStark is named for General Stark. The word applied as a\\nsurname means strong.\\nStewartstown is the town of Mr. Stewart, who owed his name\\noriginally to his occupation.\\nStoddard is said to be a corruption of standard. The name\\nwas given to the standard-bearer of William the Conqueror, and\\nwas written De La Standard.\\nStrafford is street-ford.\\nStratham is street home.\\nSullivan, from the Celtic suil, eye, and ban, fair, meaning the\\nfair-eyed.\\nSurry from Suth-rice, south kingdom\\nSutton is south town, a name of thirty-one places in England.\\nSunapee is an Indian name.\\nSwanzey is probably swan s island.\\nTamworth is the estate by the Teme. Tarn is Celtic for river,\\nhence the name Teme or Thames.\\nTemple speaks for itself. It is of Latin origin.\\nThornton is the town of thorns.\\nTroy is borrowed from the classics. There is a Celtic Troy\\nfrom tre and wy, the town by the river Wye.\\nTuftonborough. Tuf is Danish for branch Tufton became\\nan English surname and borough, was the stronghold of the\\nfamily.\\nUnity. The town was called Unity from the happy settlement\\nof the conflicting claims of Hampstead and Kingston to the\\nsame tract of land under different grants.\\nWakefield is from the Saxon waeg way, and field, meaning\\nthe field by the wayside. It may possibly mean watch-field.\\nWalpole is of doubtful origin, perhaps from wall and pol or\\npool. The town was named in honor of Sir Robert Walpole,\\nPrime Minister of George I.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "NEW HAMPSHIIiE. 42 1\\nWarner is of uncertain origin. It may be a contraction of\\nVVarrener, the keeper of a warren.\\nWarren, a preserve for rabbits. One tradition says tliat Ben-\\nning Wentwortli gave tliis name to one of his grants in honor of\\nAdmiral Warren of Louisburg notoriety.\\nWashington means the town of the meadow creelc waes is\\nSaxon for water one meaning of ing is meadow, and ton\\nis town or enclosure. It was the home of the Washingtons in\\nEngland.\\nWeare is an enclosed place on a river.\\nWentworth may be the estate on the river Went in Northum-\\nberland, or the estate of Wanta, a Sa.xon chief.\\nWestmoreland is West-moor-land. The town was named in\\nhonor of Lord Westmoreland, a friend of Gov. B. Wentworth.\\nWhitefield proclaims its own origin.\\nWilmot may be a corruption of the French name Guilemot,\\nderived from Guillaume, William, which is Guild-helm or golden\\nhelmet.\\nWilton from a town in Wiltshire, England.\\nWinchester. Gwent or Went is the Celtic name of a city of\\nHampshire. Gwent means bright or lofty, an elevated tract of\\ncountry gwint means wind. If this word enters into Winches-\\nter, it would mean a windy place. As Gwent was the British\\nname of a district, it would mean Gwent-camp. The town was\\nnamed in honor of Lord Winchester.\\nWindham is wind-home. One author makes it a contraction\\nWinmund-ham, the home of VVinmund.\\nWolfeborough is the stronghold of Mr. Wolf, who borrows his\\nname from a beast of prey. The town was probably named in\\nhonor of GeneraUWolfe.\\nWoodstock is wood-stem. Stoc in Saxon is the main part of\\nthe tree. Stoke is a prefix to sixty-five towns in England, and\\nthe suffix to many more.\\nIsles of Shoals. They are supposed to have been so called,\\nsays Mrs. Thaxter, not because the rugged reefs run out beneath\\nthe water in all directions, ready to wreck and destroy, but be-\\ncause of the shoaling or schooling of fish about them, which,\\nin the mackerel and herring seasons, is very remarkable.\\nNAMES OF COUNTIES.\\nNew Hampshire was divided, in 1771, into five counties.\\nGov. Wentworth gave the names of his distinguished friends in\\nEngland to these counties. Each of those names was originally\\nsignificant of some peculiarities in the home, the person or oc-\\ncupation of the progenitor of the family.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "422\\nHISTORY OF\\nRockingham means the home of the descendants of Mr.\\nRock. This last word became the name of some man from his\\nresidence near a roclv.\\nStrafford is street-ford first, the designation of a place, then\\nof the occupant of it.\\nHillsborough is the stronghold of Mr. Hill, whose name indi-\\ncates his abode.\\nCheshire is cheese division a name given to a territory long\\nago celebrated for its cheese.\\nGrafton is the moated town which gave name to the Duke,\\nLatin, Du.\\\\, or leader who had his residence in it, or it may\\nmean earl-town.\\nBelknap is named from the historian of New Hampshire.\\nHis name seems to be compounded of bel, beautiful, and\\nknap, hill.\\nCarroll, like the town, borrows its name from Charles Carroll\\nof Carrollton. It is an Irish name of uncertain origin. One of\\nthe poets mentioned by Ossian is Carril.\\nSullivan is named in honor of General Sullivan.\\nCoos is of Indian origin, and means crooked, which appro-\\npriately describes the channel of the Connecticut, in the north.\\nIt was originally a part of Grafton county, and was incorporated\\nin 1805.\\nMr. Potter in his history of Manchester gives the following\\ndefinition of the most important Indian names in New Hamp-\\nshire. Nashua means the river with a pebbly bottom. Souhe-\\ngan means worn-out lands. Penacook means the crooked\\nplace. Namoskeak, now written Amoskeag, means the fish-\\ning place. innepesauk) now spelled Winnipiseogee, means\\nthe beautiful water of the high place. Pequawkett means\\nthe crooked place. Ossipee means pine river. Swamscott\\nmeans the beautiful water place. Winnecowet the beautiful\\npine place. Piscataquog means great deer place. Contoo-\\ncook means crow place. Suncook means wildcat place.\\nPemigewasset means crooked mountain pine place.\\nAll Indian etymologies, except those given by the aborigines\\nthemselves, are quite doubtful.", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "4^", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2640", "width": "1528", "jp2-path": "historyofnewhamp00lcsanb_0434.jp2"}}