{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2042", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "aass_P3Si_\\nBook ^_-^^-", "height": "3506", "width": "2042", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2042", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "ANNALS OF THE AVEST:\\nEMBRACING A CONCISE ACCOUNT OF\\n2-7.y\\nPRINCIPAL EVENTS\\nWHICH HAVE OCCURRED IN THE\\nWESTERN STATES AND TERRITORIES,\\nFrom the discovery of the Mississippi valley to the year\\neighteen hundred and forty five.\\ncompiled from the most authentic sources.\\nBY JAMES H. PERKINS.\\nCI N CI N N A rl^ tSi?\\nPUBLISHED BY JAMES R. ALBACH.\\nJ. A. U. P. JAMES, PRINTERS.\\n1846.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "EntereJ according to Act of Congress, in the year 1846, by James R. Albach, in the\\nClerk s OfEce of the District Court of the United States for the District of Ohio.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nAn attempt has been made in this vohame to present the outlines\\nof Western History in a form easy of reference, and drawn from\\nthe best authorities: those authorities are in ahnost every case\\nreferred to, and a list of the works consulted may be found on\\npages xviii, xix, and xx. Whenever it could be done, with a\\nproper regard to conciseness, the words of eye-witnesses have\\nbeen used in the accounts given of important events.\\nThe limits of this volume have made it necessary to state most\\nmatters with great brevity, and, with the exception of the Indian\\nwars in 1790-95^ no subject has received a full developement\\nupon that portion of our history the Compiler dwelt longer than\\nupon any other, because the conduct of the administration of\\nWashington toward the Aborigines is believed to be among the\\nmost honorable passages of American Annals. The events of the\\nlast war, and those which have occurred since, are given in a few\\nwords comparatively, as many volumes are in circulation which\\nstate their details.\\nA Chronological Table, an Index which it is believed wull be\\nfound sufficiently full, and three Maps, illustrating the early settle-\\nments, are added to the Annals, making in all a volume of 612\\npages, one hundred more than the Publisher promised in his\\nProspectus.\\nNotwithstanding great care has been taken in preparing this\\nwork, many mistakes have been made, a list of those noticed is\\non page 592 and it is not supposed that it is free from other\\nimportant errors and omissions: if any one will point out these,\\nor any of them to the Compiler by letter or otherwise, it will\\nbe regarded as a favor, as his wish is to make any future editions,\\nif called for, as full and exact as possible.\\nHoping that this volume may prove of some service to the\\nStudent of Western History, and of some interest to the in-\\nhabitants of the Great Valley, it is\\nRESPECTFULLY DEDICATED\\nTO THE\\nNATIVES OF THE WEST.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE\\n1512. Ponce de Leon discovers Florida.\\n1516. Diego Miruelo visits Florida.\\n1526. Pamphilo de Narvaez goes to Florida.\\n1538. De Soto asks leave to conquer Florida.\\n1539. May, De Soto reaches Tampa bay.\\nNovember, De Soto reaches Appalachee bay.\\n1540. De Soto in Georgia.\\nOctober, De Soto reaches Mavilla on the Alabama.\\n1541. May, De Soto reaches Mississippi.\\nDe Soto crosses it and goes to Washita.\\n1542. De Soto descends Washita to Mississippi.\\nMay 21, De Soto dies.\\nHis followers try to reach Mexico by land and fail.\\n1543. July, De Soto s followers reach Mexico by water.\\n1544. De Biedma presents his account of De Soto s expedition to King of Spain.\\n1616. Le Caron explores Upper Canada.\\n1630. Charles 1st grants Carolana to Sir Robert Heath.\\n1634. First mission founded near Lake Huron.\\n1641. French at Falls of St. Mary, Lake Superior.\\n1660. First missionary station on Lake Superior.\\n1664. Colonel Wood s alledged travels previous to this year.\\n1665. Allouez founds first permanent station on Lake Superior.\\n1668. Mission at St. Mary s Falls founded.\\n1670. Perrot explores Lake Michigan.\\nLa Salle first goes to Canada.\\nAlledged travels of Captain Bolt.\\n1671. French take formal possession of the northwest.\\nMarquette founds St. Ignatius on Strait of Mackinac.\\n1673. May 13, Marquette and his companions leave Mackinac to seek the Mississippi.\\nJune 10, Marquette and his companions cross from Fox river to Wisconsin.\\nJune 17, Marquette and his companions reach Mississippi.\\nJune 21, Marquette and his companions meet Illinois Indians.\\nJuly, Marquette and his companions reach Arkansas.\\nJuly 17, Marquette and his companions leave on return to Canada.\\nSeptember, Marquette and his companions reach Green Bay.\\n1675. May 18, Marquette dies.\\nLa Salle goes to France to see the King.\\n1676. La Salle rebuilds Fort Frontenac.\\n1677. La Salle visits France a second time.\\n1678. July 14, La Salle and Tonti sail for Canada.\\nSept. 15, La Salle and Tonti arrive at Quebec.\\nNov. 18, La Salle and Tonti cross Lake Ontario.\\nPersons from New England said to have explored the southwest.\\n1679. January, La Salle loses his stores.\\nAugust 7, The Griffin sails up Lake Erie.\\nAugust 27, The Griffin at Mackinac.\\nB", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "VI\\nCHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\nThe Griffin sent back to Niagara.\\nLa Salle at St. Joseph s river, Lake Michigan.\\nLa Salle crosses to Kankakee.\\nLa Salle in Peoria Lake.\\nFort Crevecu iir built.\\nHennepin sent to explore Mississippi.\\nLa Salle returns to Canada.\\nHennepin on the Mississippi. [Illinoig.\\nTonti after commencing Fort St. Louis (Rock fort,) forced to leave the\\nLa Salle returns to the Illinois.\\nHennepin returns to Canada.\\nLa Salle and Tonti meet at Mackinac.\\nLa Salle a third time goes to the Illinois.\\nLa Salle at St. Joseph s again.\\n1679. Sept. 18,\\nNov. 1,\\nDec. 3,\\n1680. Jan. 4th,\\nFeb. 28,\\nMarch,\\nApril May,\\nSeptember,\\nOct. 6: Nov.\\nNovember,\\n16S1. June,\\nAugust,\\nNov. 3,\\n1682. Jan. 5 or 6, La Salle goes from Chicago westward.\\nFeb. 6, La Salle on banks of the Mississippi.\\nFeb. 13, La Salle descends Mississippi.\\nMarch 6, La Salle discovers mouths of Mississippi.\\nSeptember, La Salle returns to St. Joseph s of Michigan.\\n1683. Dec. 13, La Salle reaches France.\\n1684. July 24, La Salle sails from France for mouth of Mississippi.\\nSept. 20, La Salle reaches St. Domingo.\\nNov. 25, La Salle sails from St. Domingo for mouth of Mississippi.\\nDec. 28, La Salle discovers the main land.\\nIroquois place themselves under England.\\n1685. January, La Salle in Gulf of Mexico.\\nFebruary 4, La Salle sends party on shore to go eastward for mouth of Mississippi,\\nFeb. 13, La Salle reaches Matagorda Bay.\\nMarch 15, La Salle left in Texas.\\nJuly, La Salle building in Texas unfortunate.\\nAugust, La Salle building in Texas unfortunate.\\nDec. La Salle goes to look for Mississippi.\\n1686. March, La Salle returns to Matagorda Bay.\\nApril, La Salle goes again to seek the Mississippi.\\nApril, Tonti goes down ISIississippi to meet La Salle.\\nAugust, La Salle returns unsuccessful.\\n1687. Jan. 12, La Salle leaves for Mississippi the third time.\\nMarch 15, La Salle sends men to look for stores.\\nMarch 17, La Salle follows and is killed by those men.\\nMay, His murderers quarrel seven go on toward Mississippi.\\nJuly 24, The seven reach the Arkansas.\\nSept. 14, The seven reach Fort St. Louis on Illinois river.\\n1688. La Hontan s travels to the Long river.\\n1693. Before this time Gravier, the founder of Kaskaskia, was among the\\nKaskaskia founded, date unknown. [Illinois.\\nCahokia founded, date unknown.\\nPeoria founded, date unknown.\\n1698. Oct. 17, D Iberville leaves France for Mississippi.\\nDr. Coxe sends two vessels to the Mississippi.\\n1699. Jan. 31, D Iberville in Bay of Mobile.\\nMarch 2, D Iberville enters Mississippi.\\nD Iberville returns to France-\\nSeptember, Bienville sounds Mississippi and meets English.\\n1700. January, D Iberville returns from France.\\nD Iberville goes up the Mississippi.\\nD Iberville sends Le Sueur for copper.\\n1701. De la Motte Cadillac founds Detroit.\\nD Iberville founds colony on Mobile river.\\nIroquois again place themselves under England.\\n1707. First grants of land at Detroit.\\n1708. D Artaguette in Louisiana.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. VB\\n1710. Governor Spotswood of Virginia explores the Alleghanies. \\\\r\\n1712. Louisiana granted to Crozat. ^/Ut/tV v.\\n1714. Fort Rosalie commenced.\\n1717. Crozat resigns Louisiana.\\nSeptember, Louisiana trade granted to Company of West.\\n1718. Colonists sent to Louisiana and New Orleans laid out.\\n1719. Company of the West made Company of the Indies.\\n1720. January, Law made minister of finance.\\nApril, Stock of Company of the Indies worth 2050 per cent.\\nMay, Company of Indies bankrupt.\\n1722. Charlevoix visits West.\\n1726. Iroquois a third time place themselves under England.\\n1729. Nov. 28, French among the Natchez murdered.\\n1730. Jan. Feb., Natchez conquered and destroyed.\\nAlleged travels of Sailing in the West.\\n1731. Previous to this Governor Keith wishes West secured to England.\\n1732. Company of Indies resign Louisiana to King.\\nJuly 14, Daniel Boone born.\\n1735. Vincennes settled according to some, (see pp. 40 and 41.)\\n1736. May, Expedition of French against Chickasavs.\\nMay 20, D Artaguette conquered.\\nMay 27, Bienville fails in assault on Chickasaws.\\nMay 31, Bienville retreats.\\n1739. French collect to attack Chickasaws.\\n1740. March, Peace between French and Chickasaws.\\n1742. John Howard goes down Ohio.\\n1744. Treaty of English and Iroquois at Lancaster.\\nVaudreuil fears English influence in West.\\n1746. Illinois makes large exports.\\n1748. Chickasaws attack French post on Arkansas.\\nConrad Weiser sent to Ohio.\\nOhio Company formed.\\n1749. Grant of land to Loyal Company.\\nCeleron sent to bury medals along Ohio.\\nEnglish fort built on Great Miami.\\nEnglish traders seized on Maumee.\\n1750. Five French villages in Illinois.\\nForty vessels at New Orleans.\\nDr. Walker explores Kentucky.\\n1751. Christopher Gist explores Ohio and Great Miami.\\nNovember, Gist surveys lands south of Ohio, east of Kanawha.\\nGeneral Andrew Lewis surveys for Greenbriar Company.\\n1752. French build forts on French creek.\\nFrench attack English post on Great Miami.\\nJune, Treaty of Logstown.\\nFamilies settle west of Alleghanies.\\n1753. May, Pennsylvania Assembly informed of French movements.\\nJune, Commissioner sent to warn French.\\nTrent sent with arms for friendly Indians.\\nAugust, Colonies authorized to resist French by force.\\nSeptember, Treaty of Winchester.\\nTreaty with Iroquois ordered by England-\\nOctober, Treaty of Carlisle.\\nOhio Company open line of Braddock s road.\\nNov. 15, Washington leaves Will s creek for Ohio.\\nNov. 22, Washington reaches Monongehela.\\nDec. 4, Washington reaches Venango.\\nDec. 11, Washington reaches French Commander.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "Vlll\\nCHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\n1754 Jan. 6, Washington returns to Will s creek.\\nTroops called out by Virginia.\\nApril, French fort at Venango finished.\\nApril, Virginia troops moving westward.\\nApril 17, Fort at the Fork of the Ohio taken by French.\\nMay, Washington crosses Allcghanies.\\nMay 28, Washington attacks and kills Jumonville,\\nJune, New York sends \u00c2\u00a35000 to Virginia.\\nJuly 1, Washington at Fort Necessity.\\nJuly 3, Washington capitulates.\\nOctober, Washington retires to Mount Vernon.\\nFrench hold the whole West.\\n1755. January,\\nFeb. 20,\\nApril,\\nApril 20,\\nMay 20,\\nJuly 8,\\nJuly 9,\\nJuly 13,\\n1756. January,\\nApril,\\nMay,\\nSeptember,\\n1757.\\nJune 29,\\n1758.\\nJuly 15,\\nAugust 2i,\\nSept. 21,\\nOctober,\\nNov. 5,\\nNov. 25,\\n1759.\\n1760. Sept. 8,\\nSept. 13,\\nNov. 19,\\nFrance proposes a compromise.\\nBraddock lands in Virginia.\\nFrance and England send fleets to America.\\nBraddock marches westward.\\nJLxpcdition against Nova Scotia leaves Boston.\\nBraddock reaches Monongehcla.\\nBraddock defeated,\\nBraddock died.\\nLewis commands an expedition against the Ohio Indians, and fails.\\nIndians fill the Valley of Virginia.\\nWar declared between France and England.\\nArmstrong attacks Indians at Kittaning.\\nFirst treaty of Easton.\\nMassacre of Fort William Henry.\\nPitt returns to office.\\nLouisbiirg and Fort Frontenac taken.\\nPost leaves for the Ohio river to conciliate the Indians.\\nPost confers with Indians at Fort Pitt.\\nGrant defeated.\\nWashington opening a road over the mountains.\\nWashington at Loyalhanna.\\nWashington at Fort Du Quesne, which the French left on the 24th.\\nSecond treaty of Easton.\\nPost s second mission to Ohio Indians.\\nTiconderoga, Crown Point, Niagara, and Quebec yield to English.\\nThe French yield Canada.\\nCherokee War,\\nGeneral Monkton treats with the Indians at Fort Pitt for land.\\nSettlers go over the mountains.\\nRogers goes to Detroit.\\nRogers reaches Detroit.\\nDecember, Rogers returns across Ohio to Fort Pitt.\\n1761. Alexander Henry visits northwest.\\nChristian Post goes to settle on the Muskingum.\\n1762.\\nNov. 3.\\nBouquet warns settlers off of Indian lands.\\nPost and Hcckcwelder go to Muskingum.\\nPreliminaries to peace of Paris settled, Louisiana transferred to Spain.\\n1763. Feb, 10, Treaty of Paris concluded.\\nMay 9, Detroit attacked by Pontiac.\\nJune 4, Mackinac taken by Indians.\\nJune, Presqu ile (Erie) taken by Indians.\\nJuneto Aug. Fort Pitt besieged and relieved by Bouquet.\\nOctober, Proclamation to protect Indian lands.\\nNov. 3, M. Laclede arrives in St. Genevieve.\\n/December, M. Laclede selects site of St. Louis.\\n1764. June to Aug. Bradstreet makes peace with northern Indians.\\nNovember, Bouquet makes peace with Ohio Indians.\\nApril 21, French ofiicers ordered to give up Louisiana to Spain.\\n1765. April, Sir William Johnson makes treaty at German Flats.\\nMay, June, George Croghan goes westward.\\nCaptain Stirling for England takes possession of Illinois.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\nIX\\n1766. Settlers cross mountains.\\nWalpole Company proposed.\\nColonel James Smith visits Kentucky.\\n1767. Western Indians grow impatient.\\nFranklin labors for Walpole Company.\\nFinley visits Kentucky.\\nZeisberger founds mission on the Alleghany.\\n1768. Oct. 24, Treaty of Fort Stanwix by which the title of the Iroquois to all south\\nof the Ohio is purchased.\\n1769. March, Mississippi Company proposed.\\nMay 1 Boone and others start for Kentucky.\\nJune 7, Boone and others reach Red river.\\nDec. 22, Boone taken by Indians.\\n1770. October, Treaty of Lochaber.\\nOhio Company merged in Walpole Company.\\nWashington visits the West.\\nThe Long Hunters explore the West.\\nThe Zanes found Wheeling.\\nMoravians invited to Big Beaver.\\nCaptain Pittman in Illinois.\\nSpain obtains possession of St. Louis.\\n1771. March, The Boones return to North Carolina.\\n1772. Indians killed by whites on Lower Kenawha.\\nMay 3, Moravians invited by Dela.vares, found Shoenbrun on the Muskingum.\\nApril, General Gage s proclamation against settlers on Wabash.\\n1773. Sept. 25, Boone and others start to settle Kentucky.\\nOct. 10, Boone and others are attacked by Indians and turn back.\\nBullitt, McAfee, c., descend the Ohio.\\nBullitt, McAfee, c., survey at Falls, and on Kentucky river.\\nGeneral Thompson surveys in the valley of the Licking.\\nGeneral Lyman goes to Natchez.\\nJuly, Purchase by Illinois Company in Illinois.\\n1774. James Harrod in Kentucky. [within Virginia.\\nJanuary, Dunmore sends Connolly to take possession of Pittsburgh as being\\nJan. 25, Connolly calls out the militia; he is arrested by St. Clair; his follow-\\ners are riotous, and fire on the Indians.\\nMarch 28, Connolly, released on parole, comes to Pittsburgh with an armed force.\\nHe rebuilds the fort and calls it Fort Dunmore.\\nApril 16, Cherokees attack a boat on the Ohio.\\nApril 2] Connolly writes to the settlers to beware of the Indians.\\nCresap, having Connolly s letter, attacks Indians.\\nGreathouse murders several Indians.\\nPreparations for war.\\nLogan revenges his family.\\nJune, Boone sent for surveyors in Kentucky.\\nJune 10, Friendly Shawanese attacked by Connolly.\\nTraders murdered.\\nJuly, McDonald attacks Wappatomica.\\nSept. 6 12, Troops under Lewis march down Kenhawa.\\nOct. 6, Troops under Lewis reach Point Pleasant.\\nOct. 10, Battle of Point Pleasant.\\nNovember, Dunmore makes peace.\\n1775. March 17, Treaty of Wataga; purchase by Transylvania Company.\\nApril 1, Boone goes to Kentucky and founds Boonesboro\\nApril 20, Henderson reaches Boonesboro\\nMay 23, Henderson calls representatives together.\\nMay 27, Legislature adjourns.\\nApril, Massachusetts Council try to prevent hostility by Iroquois.\\nMay, Guy Johnson influences Iroquois against Americans.\\nJune 28, Oneidas and Tuscaroras adhere to America.\\nJune, Boone and several families move to Kentucky.\\nJuly, Congress forms three Indian Departments.\\nAugust, Meeting of Commissioners and Indians at Albany.\\nOctober, Meeting of Commissioners and Indians at Pittsbio\\nConnolly arrested in Maryland.\\nOctober, Purchase by Wabash Company on Wabash.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "X CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\n1776. April 29, An attack on Detroit proposed in Congress.\\nApril 19, Washington advises tlie employment of the Indians.\\nMay, Indians incline to British.\\nJune 3, Congress authorises the employment of Indians.\\nJuly 7 to 21, Indians attack Kentuckians settlers leave.\\nGeorge Rogers Clark moves to Kentucky.\\nJune 6, Kentuckians petition Virginia for admission as citizens, and choo3\u00e2\u0082\u00ac-\\nClark and Jones members of Virginia Assembly.\\nAugustus, Clark procures powder from Council of Virginia.\\nDec. 7, Virginia admits Kentucky among her counties.\\nClark and Jones return by Pittsbro with powder.\\nDec. 25, Jones killed wliile going for powder to Limestone.\\nClark reaches Harrodsburg.\\n1777. Summer, Cornstalk murdered at Point Pleasant.\\nCongress of Indians and British at Oswego.\\nSpring, Kentucky infested with savages.\\nApril, Kentucky chooses Burgesses.\\nMay, Logan s station attacked.\\nApril 20 to June 22 Clark-s spies in Illinois.\\nAugust, Logan crosses the mountains for powder.\\nColonel Bowman and 100 men come from Virginia.\\nSep.26 27,Fort Henry (Wheeling) attacked.\\nSeptember, First Court at Harrodsburg.\\nOct. 1, Clark leaves for Virginia.\\nNov. 20, The attack on Detroit urged in Congress,\\nDec. 10, Clark opens his plan for conquering Illinois to Governor of Virginia.\\n1778. January 2, Orders issued to Clark to attack Illinois.\\nFebruary 7, Boone taken prisoner at Blue Lick.\\nMarch 10, Boone carried to Detroit.\\nJune 24, Clark passes Falls of Ohio.\\nJune 16, Boone escapes.\\nMay, Mcintosh commands at Fort Pitt.\\nFort Mcintosh built.\\nJune 25, New Jersey objects to land claims of Virginia.\\nJuly 4, Clark takes Kaskaskia.\\nJuly 6, Clark takes Cahokia.\\nAug. 1, St. Vincents joins the American cause.\\nAug. 1, Boone goes to attack Paint creek town.\\nAug. 8, Boonesboro besieged.\\nFort Laurens built.\\nSeptember, Clark holds council with the Indians.\\nSept. 17, Treaty with Delawares at Pittsbro\\nOctober, Virginia grants Henderson and Company 200,000 acres on Green river.\\nDecember, Governor Hamilton takes Vincennes.\\n1779. Jan. 29, Clark hears of capture of Vincennes.\\nJanuary, Delaware objects to land claims of Virginia.\\nFeb. 7, Clark starts against Hamilton.\\nFeb. 24, Hamilton surrenders.\\nHamilton is sent to Virginia.\\nApril 1, Americans suspect and attack Iroquois.\\nLexington Kentucky settled.\\nMay, Virginia passes land laws.\\nMay 21, Maryland objects to land claims of Virginia.\\nJuly, General Sullivan devastates Iroquois country.\\nJuly, Bowman s expedition against Indian towns on Miamies.\\nAugust, Fort Laurens abandoned.\\nSeptember, Indians treat with Brodhead at Fort Pitt.\\nOctober, Rogers and Bcnham attacked by Indians.\\nOct. 13, Land Commissioners open their sessions in Kentucky.\\nOct. 30, Congress asks Virginia to reconsider land laws.\\n1780. Hard winter great suffering.\\nFeb. 19, New York authorises a cession of western lands.\\nSpring, Fort Jefferson built on Mississippi.\\nSpring, Great emigration to Kentucky.\\nMay, Virginia grants lands in Kentucky for education.\\nMay, St. Louis attacked by British and Indians.\\nLouisville established by law.\\nJune, Byrd invades Kentucky.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\nXI\\n1780. July, Clark prepares to attack Shawanese.\\nJuly, He destroys British store on Miami, c.\\nSept. 6, Resolution of Congress relative to western lands.\\nOctober, Connecticut passes first act of cession.\\nOctober, Fort Pitt threatened by savages.\\nNovember, Kentucky divided into three counties.\\nDecember, Clark prepares to attack Detroit.\\n1781. Jan. 2, Virginia makes her first act of cession.\\nJanuary, Spaniards take St. Joseph s.\\nFeb. 15, Mr. Jay instructed that he may yield the navigation of the Mississippi.\\nMarch 1, New York cedes her western lands.\\nBrodhead attacks Delawares on Muskingum.\\nApril 16, Mary Heckevvelder born first white child in Ohio.\\nAmericans begin to settle in Illinois.\\nChickasaws attack fort Jefferson.\\nSeptember, Colonel Floyd rescued by Wells.\\nSeptember, Moravians carried to Sandusky by British and Indians.\\nOctober, Moravian missionaries taken to Detroit.\\nWilliamson leads a party against the Moravians, but finds the town\\nKentucky organized. [deserted.\\nGreat emigration of girls to Kentucky.\\n1782. March, Moravians murdered by Americans.\\nMarch, Moravian missionaries taken to Detroit.\\nMarch 22, Estill s defeat.\\nJune, Crawford s expedition.\\nJune 11, Crawford burnt.\\nAug. 14, Attack on Bryant s station,\\nAug. 19, Battle of the Blue Licks.\\nSeptember, Clark invades the Miami valleys the second time.\\nNovember, Land ofiices opened.\\nNov. 30, Provisional articles of peace with Great Britain.\\n1783. Jan. 20,\\nMarch,\\nApril 18,\\nAprO 19,\\nMay,\\nJune,\\nJuly 12,\\nAugust,\\nSept. 3,\\nSept. 7,\\nSept. 13,\\nSept. 22,\\nOct. 15,\\nDec. 20.\\nNov. 25,\\n1784. Jan. 4,\\nFebruary,\\nMarch 1,\\nMarch 4,\\nApril 9,\\nJune 22,\\nJuly,\\nOct. 22,\\nDec. 27,\\n1785, Jan. 21,\\nApril,\\nMay 20,\\nMay 23.\\nJuly,\\nAugust 8,\\nHostilities of United States and Great Britain cease.\\nKentucky formed into one District.\\nCongress calls on States to cede lands.\\nPeace proclaimed to the army.\\nEnglish propose to carry away negroes.\\nWashington protests against course of English.\\nRufus Putnam applies for lands in west.\\nBaron Steuben sent to receive western posts.\\nCassaty sent to Detroit.\\nVirginia withdraws Clark s commission.\\nDefinitive treaty of peace.\\nWashington writes to Duane about western lands.\\nCongress proposes terms of cession to Virginia.\\nCongress forbids all purchases of Indian lands.\\nCongress instructs Indian Commissioners.\\nVirginia grants Clark and his soldiers lands.\\nVirginia authorises cession on terms proposed.\\nBritish leave New York taking negroes;\\nDaniel Brodhead opens a store in Louisville,\\nTreaty of peace ratified by United States.\\nJames Wilkinson goes to Lexington Kentucky,\\nVirginia gives deed of cession.\\nIndian Commissioners reinstructed,\\nPittsburgh re-surveyed.\\nTreaty of peace ratified by England,\\nVirginia refuses to comply with treaty.\\nEngland refuses to deliver up western posts.\\nTreaty with Iroquois at Fort Stanwix.\\nLogan calls meeting at Danville.\\nFirst Kentucky Convention meets.\\nKentucky receives many emigrants.\\nTreaty with Delawares, c., at Fort Mcintosh.\\nAn attempt to settle at mouth of Scioto.\\nOrdinance for survey of western lands passed.\\nSecond Kentucky Convention meets.\\nDon Gardoqui comes from Spain.\\nThird Kentucky Convention meets.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "xu\\nCHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\nS5. August,\\n1786. January,\\nJanuary,\\nJan. 10,\\nJan. 31,\\nMarch 1,\\nMay 16,\\nMay,\\nMay 26,\\nJune 30,\\nJuly 29,\\nAugust,\\nSeptember,\\nSept. 14,\\nOctober,\\nOctober 8,\\nNovember,\\nNovember,\\nDec. 22,\\n1787. Jpnuary,\\nMarch 8,\\nMay,\\nJune,\\nJuly.\\nJuly 27,\\nJuly 13,\\nJuly,\\nAugust 18,\\nAugust 29,\\nSept. 17,\\nOct. 27,\\nOct. 2,\\nOct. 3,\\nOct. 5,\\nNov. 23,\\nNov. 26,\\nDecember,\\n1788. Summer,\\nJanuary,\\nFeb. 29,\\nApril 7,\\nJuly 2,\\nJuly 3,\\nJuly 9,\\nJuly 28,\\nJuly 25,\\nAugust,\\nSept. 2,\\nSept. 22,\\nNov. 4,\\nNov. 18,\\nNovember,\\nDec. 24,\\nDec. 28,\\nDec. 29,\\n1789. Jan. 9,\\nSpring,\\nJune,\\nJune,\\nIndians threaten hostility.\\nGreat confederacy of northwestern Indians formed by Brant.\\nFort Harmar built.\\nBrant visits England to learn purposes of ministers.\\nVirginia agrees to independence of Kentucky.\\nPutnam and Tupper call meeting to form Ohio Company.\\nTreaty with Shawanese at Fort Finney, (mouth of Great Miami.)\\nOhio Company of Associates formed.\\nGovernor of Virginia writes to Congress respecting Indian invasions.\\nThe negotiations as to Mississippi before Congress.\\nResolution of Congress produces cession by Connecticut.\\nCongress authorises the invasion of northwestern territory.\\nPittsburgh Gazette first published.\\nMr. Jay authorized to yield navigation of Mississippi for a term of years.\\nClark and his troojjs .it Vincennes.\\nConnecticnt makes second act of cession.\\nClark s troops leave him.\\nClark seizes Spanish -^-ropcrty at Vincennes.\\nVirginia protest.! n gainst yielding navigation of Mississippi.\\nGreat dissatisfaction in the west.\\nGovernor of Virginia informed as to Clark s movements^\\nGreat Indian Council in northwest they address Congress.\\nFourth Kentucky Convention meets.\\nOhio Company chooses Directors.\\nMeeting in Kentucky relative to navigation of Mississippi.\\nWilkinson goes to New Orleans.\\nDr. Cutler negotiates with Congress for lands for Ohio Company.\\nCongress make order in favor of Ohio Company.\\nOrdinance passed for government of northwestern territory.\\nHarry Innis refuses to prosecute invaders of Indian lands.\\nKentucky Gazette established.\\nSymmes applies for land.\\nEntries of Virginia Military Reserve, north of Ohio, begin.\\nFifth Kentucky Convention meets.\\nOhio Company completes contract for lands.\\nSymmes application referred to Board of Treasury.\\nTroops ordered west.\\nSt. Clair appointed Governor of northwestern territory.\\nPreparations made by Ohio Company to send settlers west.\\nSymmes issues proposals for settlers.\\nJohn Brown, first western representative goes to Congress.\\nIndians expected to make treaty at Marietta.\\nGreat emigration 4,500 persons pass Fort Harmar.\\nDenman purchases Cincinnati.\\nThe admission of Kentucky debated in Congress.\\nOhio Company settlers land at Muskingum.\\nMarietta named.\\nThe admission of Kentucky refused by Congress.\\nSt. Clair reaches northwestern territory.\\nSi.\\\\th Kentucky Convention meets.\\nFirst law of northwestern territory published.\\nSymmes starts for the west\\nLosantiville (Cincinnati) laid out.\\nFirst court held at Marietta.\\nSymmes reaches his j)urchase.\\nGreat Indian Council in northwest to forbid treaties with separate nations.\\nSeventh Kentucky Convention meets.\\nColumbia settled by Stites.\\nDr. Connolly in Kentucky as a British agent.\\nThe founders of Cincinnati leave Maysville.\\nCincinnati reached according to McMillan.\\nVirginia passes third act to make Kentucky independent.\\nGeorge Morgan removes to New Madrid.\\nTreaties of Fort Harmar concluded.\\nWilkinson goes to New Orleans again.\\nDaniel Story, first teacher and preacher, in Ohio Company s purchase.\\nSymmes settlements tlireatnned by Indians.\\nMajor Doughty arrives at Symmes purchase and begins Ft. Washington.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XIU\\n1789. July, Western scouts withdrawn by Virginia.\\nJuly 20, Eighth Kentucky Convention meets.\\nSeptember, Governor Miro of New Orleans writes Sebastian.\\nSept. 29, Congress empowers President to call out western militia.\\nOct. 6, President authorises Governor St. Clair to call out militia.\\nDec. 29, General Harmar reaches Cincinnati with 300 troops.\\n1790. Jan. 1 or 2, Governor St. Clair at Cincinnati, which name is then given it.\\nSpring, St. Clair goes west to Kaskaskia.\\nApril, Gamelin sent to Wabash Indians.\\nMay, Indian hostilities take place.\\nJuly 15, St. Clair calls out western militia.\\nJuly 26, Ninth Kentucky Convention meets.\\nSept. 15, Troops gather at Fort Washington.\\nSept. 30, Harmar leaves Fort Washington.\\nOct. 15, Colonel Hardin with the advance reaches Miami villages.\\nOct. 17, Main army reaches Miami villages.\\nOct. 18, Trotter goes after Indians.\\nOct. 19, Hardin s first defeat.\\nOct. 22, Hardin s second defeat.\\nDecember, Kentuckians petition Congress to fight Indians in their own way.\\nDecember, Admission of Kentucky to United States brought before Congress.\\nDecember, Massie and others contract to settle Manchester.\\n1791. Jan. 2, Big Bottom settlement destroyed by Indians.\\nFeb. 4, Congress agree to admit Kentucky.\\nMarch 3, Excise laid on spirits.\\nMarch 9, Scott of Kentucky authorised to march against Indians.\\nMarch 12, Procter starts on his western mission.\\nApril 27, Procter reaches Buffalo creek.\\nMay 5, Procter is refused a vessel to cross Lake Erie.\\nMay 15, St. Clair at Fort Washington preparing his expedition.\\nMay 21, Procter abandons his mission.\\nMay 23, Scott marches up Wabash.\\nJuly 27, Meeting at Brownsville against excise.\\nAugust 1, Wilkinson marches against Eel river Indians.\\nSept. 6, Collector of Alleghany and Washington counties (Penn.) attacked.\\nSept. 7. Meeting at Pittsburgh against excise.\\nSept. 17, St. Clair commences his march.\\nOct. 12, Fort Jefferson commenced.\\nOctober, Wilson maltreated in west of Pennsylvania.\\nNov. 4, St. Clair s defeat.\\nNov. 8, The remainder of the army at Fort Washington.\\nDecember, Convention elected to form Constitution for Kentucky.\\n1792. January 7, Peace offered by the U. States to the Indians, through the Senecas.\\nJanuary 9, Pond and Stedman sent west.\\nFeb. Brant invited to Philadelphia.\\nFeb. 1, Wilkinson sends to field of St. Clair s defeat.\\nGallipolis settled.\\nMarch, Iroquois chiefs visit Philadelphia.\\nAprils, Instructions issued to Trueman.\\nApril 3, Kentucky Constitution prepared.\\nMay 8, Excise laws amended.\\nMay 8, Captain Hendrick sent west.\\nMay 22, Instructions issued to Rufus Putnam.\\nMay 22, Trueman leaves Fort Washington--Hardin also.\\nJune General Wayne moves westward.\\nJune 20, Brant visits Philadelphia.\\nFire lands given to suflerers, by Connecticut.\\nJuly 7, Indians seize O. M. Spencer, c.\\nAug. 21, Great anti-excise meeting at Pittsburgh.\\nSept. 15, Washington issues proclamation on Lxcise law.\\nSept. 27, R. Putnam makes a treaty at Vincennes.\\nNov. 6, Adair attacked near Fort St. Clair.\\nNov. 6. Opposition to excise law dnninishes.\\nDecember, United States troops at Legionville, on the Ohio.\\n1793. March 1st, Lincoln, Randolph and Pickering, appointed to treat with Indians. J\\nApril, United States legion goes down to Cincinnati.\\nAprils, Genet reaches United States.\\nMay 17, Commissioners reach Niagara.\\nMay 18, Genet is presented;to WasTiington.\\nMay 30, First Democratic society in Philadelphia.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "XIV\\nCHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\n1793. June,\\nJuly 15,\\nJuly 21,\\nJuly 31,\\nAug. 16,\\nOct. 7,\\nOct. 13,\\nOct. 24,\\nOct. 17,\\nNov.\\nDec. 25,\\nDec. 25,\\n1794. January,\\nFebruary,\\nFebruary,\\nSpring,\\nApril,\\nApril,\\nMay,\\nMay,\\nSummer,\\nJune 30,\\nJune,\\nJuly 16,\\nJuly 17,\\nJuly 23,\\nJuly 26,\\nJuly 26,\\nAug. 1,\\nAug. 7,\\nAug. 8,\\nAug. 13,\\nAug. 18,\\nAug. 20,\\nAug. 21,\\nSept.\\nSept. 11,\\nSep). 25,\\nSept Oct\\nDec. 28,\\n1795. Jan. 24,\\nSpring,\\nMay,\\nJune 16,\\nJuly,\\nJuly,\\nAug. 3,\\nAug. 10,\\nAugust,\\nSept 5 or 9\\nOct. 27,\\nNov. 4,\\n1796.\\nSept.\\nJuly,\\nAugust,\\nAugust,\\nAugust,\\n1797.\\n1798.\\nOct.\\nOct.\\nDec.\\nCommissioners correspond with Governor Simcoe.\\nCommissioners meet ]3rant and hold a council.\\nCommissioners at Elliott s house, mouth of Detroit river.\\nCommissioners meet Indian delegates.\\nFinaPaction of the commissioners and Indians.\\nWayne leaves Cincinnati with his legion.\\nWayne encamps at Greenville.\\nWayne is joined by Kentuckians under Scott.\\nLowryand Boyd attacked.\\nFrench emissaries sent west.\\nField of St. Clair s defeat taken possession of by Wayne s troops.\\nDissatisfaction in the West.\\nOpposition to e.xcise feebler.\\nWhiskey riots recommence.\\nLord Dorchester s speech to Indians.\\nThe Mingo Creek Association formed.\\nWayne prepares for his campaign.\\nGeneral Simcoe builds a fort on the Maumee.\\nDemocratic society formed at Pittsburgh.\\nSpaniards offer help to Indians.\\nFrench emissaries forced to leave west.\\nContest respecting Presqu isle.\\nIndians attacked Fort Recovery,\\nSuits commenced against whiskey rioters.\\nFirst gathering about Neville s house.\\nNeville s house burnt.\\nMeeting at I\\\\Iingo Creek.\\nMail robbed by Bradford.\\nScott, with 1600 men, joins Wayne.\\nGreat gathering at Braddock s field.\\nWashington issues proclamation against whiskey rioters.\\nWayne near Maumee.\\nWayne sends his last peace message to Indians.\\nWayne builds Fort Deposit.\\nWayne meets and conquers Indians.\\nCommissioners of government meet committee of rioters.\\nBritish try to prevent Indians making peace.\\nVote taken upon obedience to the law in Pennsylvania.\\nWashington calls out militia.\\nFort Wayne built.\\nIndians ask for peace of Colonel Hamtramck.\\nIndians sign preliminaries of a treaty.\\nPrisoners are interchanged.\\nConnecticut prepares to sell her reserve.\\nCouncil of Greenville opens.\\nThe Baron de Carondelet writes Sebastian.\\nJay s tfeaty formed.\\nTreaty of Greenville signed.\\nCouncil of Greenville closed.\\nGrant by Congres.^ to Gallipolis settlers.\\nConnecticut sells Western Reserve to Land company.\\nPinckney concludes treaty with Spain.\\nDayton laid out.\\nChillicothe founded.\\nM. Adet, French IMinister, sends emissaries to disaflfect the west to\\nthe union.\\nSebastian visits the southwest.\\nCleveland laid out and named.\\nBritish give up posts in northwest.\\nDifficulties with Spain begin.\\nGeneral Wayne died.\\nFirst paper mill in the west.\\nPower visits Kentucky, and writes to Sebastian.\\nDaniel Boone moves west of Mississippi.\\nOccupying claimant law of Kentucky passed,\\nW. H. Harrison appointed secretary^of Northwest territory.\\nAlien and sedition laws passed.\\nNullifying resolutions in Kentucky.\\nDeath abolished in Kentucky, e.xcept for murder.\\nRepresentatives for Northwest territory first chosen.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\nXV\\n1799; Feb. 4, Representatives of Northwest territory meet to nominate candidates\\nfor Council.\\nFebruary, Kentucky constitution amended.\\nFebruary Internal improvements talked of in Kentucky.\\nSept. 24, Assembly of Northwest territory organizes at Cincinnati.\\nOct. 6, W. H. Harrison appointed delegate in Congress for N. West territory.\\n1800. May 7,\\nMay 30,\\nOct. 1,\\nNov. 3,\\nNov. 3,\\n1801.\\nDec.\\n1802.\\nJanuary,\\nJanuary,\\nApril 30,\\nOct. 16,\\nNov. 1,\\nNov. 29,\\n1803.\\nApril,\\nApril,\\nApril,\\nApril,\\nOct. 21,\\nDec. 20,\\n1804.\\nMarch 26,\\nMay 14,\\n1805.\\nJan. 11,\\nJune 11,\\nJune,\\nJune,\\nJune,\\nJune,\\n1806.\\nJuly 29,\\nAug.\\nAug. 21,\\nSept.\\nNov.\\nDec. 6,\\nDec. 10,\\nDec. 14.\\n26,\\n1807.\\nJan. 17,\\nJan.\\nMay\\nMay,\\n1808.\\nJune,\\n1809.\\nFeb. 17,\\n1810.\\nAugust,\\n1811.\\nJuly,\\nAugust,\\nOct\u00c2\u00b0\\nNov. 7,\\nDec. 16,\\n1812.\\nJune 1,\\nJune 28,\\nIndiana territory formed.\\nConnecticut yields jurisdiction. of her reserve to the U. States, and U.\\nStates gives her patents for the soil.\\nTreaty of St. Ildefonso.\\nAssembly of Northwest territory meets at Chillicothe.\\nFirst missionary in Connecticut Reserve.\\nW. H. Harrison appointed Governor of Indiana territory.\\nSt. Clair re-appoinled Governor of Northwest territory.\\nCincinnati, in place of Chillicothe, again made seat of government for\\nNorthwest territory.\\nThomas Worthington goes to Washington to procure the erection of\\nOhio into a state.\\nUniversity at Athens, Ohio, established.\\nFirst Bank in Kentucky.\\nCongress agree that Ohio may become a state.\\nThe Spanish Intendant forbids the use of N.Orleans by the Americans\\nConvention meets to form a constitution for Ohio.\\nConstitution formed.\\nNew Orleans opened to Americans again.\\nLivingston and Munroe in France purchase Louisiana.\\nLands located for Miami University.\\nMiami Exporting Company chartered.\\nThe Senate ratily the purchase of Louisiana.\\nLouisiana given up to the Americans.\\nLouisiana organised.\\nLewis and Clarke start on their expedition.\\nMichigan territory formed.\\nDetroit burned to the ground.\\nBurr visits the west.\\nGeneral Assembly meet in Indiana territory.\\nTecumthe and the Prophet begin to influence the Indians.\\nSteps taken to make National road.\\nBurr s letter to Wilkinson.\\nSpaniards cross the Sabine.\\nBurr goes west is at Pittsburg.\\nLewis and Clarke return from Oregon.\\nDavies tries to arrest Burr.\\nSebastian found guilty by Kentucky House of Representatives.\\nBurr s men go down the Ohio.\\nBurr s boats and stores arrested.\\nBurr meets his men at the mouth of the Cumberland.\\nBurr yields to civil authority of Mississippi.\\nBurr escapes and is seized.\\nBurr s trial at Richmond.\\nSlavery finally forbidden in Indiana.\\nBank of Marietta chartered.\\nBank of Chillicothe chartered.\\nTecumthe and the Prophet remove to Tippecanoe.\\nIllinois territory formed.\\nMiami University chartered.\\nMeeting of Tecumthe and Harrison at Vincennes.\\nTecumthe goes to the south.\\nHarrison proposes to visit Indians.\\nHarrison marches toward Tippecanoe.\\nFirst steamer (New Orleans) leaves Pittsburg.\\nBattle of Tippecanoe.\\nGreat earthquakes begin.\\nGeneral Hull marches from Dayton.\\nBritish at Maiden hear of the declaration of war.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "XVI CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\n1812. July 1, Hull sends men and goods by water to Detroit.\\nJuly 2, Hull hears of the declaration of war.\\nJuly 12, Americans at Sandwich.\\nJuly 17, Mackinac taken by the British.\\nAug. 7, Hull retires to Detroit.\\nAug. 13, Brock reaches Maiden.\\nAug. 14, Brock at Sandwich.\\nAug. 16, Brock before Detroit.\\nAug. 16, Hull surrenders.\\nAug, 15, Massacre of troops near Chicago.\\nSept. 8, Fort Harrison attacked.\\nSept. 17, W. H. Harrison appointed Commander in Northwest.\\nOct. General Hopkins attacks the Indians on the Wabash.\\nOct. Governor Edwards attacks the Indians on the Illinois.\\nDec. Colonel Campbell attacks the Indians on the Missisinncway.\\n1813. Jan. 10. Winchester reaches the rapids of Maumeu.\\nJan. 17, Sends troops to Frenchtown.\\nJan. 18, British at Frenchtown defeated.\\nJan. 22, Americans defeated at Frenchtown, with great loss.\\nJan, 23, Massacreof the wounded.\\nJan. 24, Harrison retreats to Portage river.\\nFeb. Harrison advances to Maumee, and builds Fort Meigs.\\nApril 28, Fort Meigs besieged.\\nMay 5, General Clay reaches Fort Meigs Dudley s party lost.\\nMay 9, British return to Maiden.\\nJuly 18, British fleet prepare to attack Erie.\\nJuly 31, Fort Stephenson besieged.\\nAug. 2, Siege of Fort Stephenson raised.\\nAug. 4, Perry s vessels leave Erie.\\nSept. 10, Victory by Perry, on lake Erie.\\nSept. 27, American army at Maiden.\\nSept. 29, American army at Sandwich.\\nOct. 5, Battle of the Thames.\\n1814. Feb. Holmes s expedition into Canada.\\nFeb. J. C. Symmes died.\\nJuly, Expedition under Croghan against Mackinac.\\nJuly, Fort Shelby, at Prairie du Chien, taken by the British.\\nJuly 22, Treaty with Indians at Greenville.\\nOct. Nov. McArthur s expedition into Canada.\\nDec. 24, Treaty of Ghent.\\n1815. Various treaties with Indians.\\nFeb. Ohio taxes the Banks.\\n1816. March, Pittsburgh incorporated.\\nMarch, Columbus made capital of Ohio.\\nDec. Bank of Shawneetown chartered.\\nDec. General Banking law of Ohio passed.\\nDec. 11, Indiana admitted to the Union.\\n1817. September, Northwest of Ohio bought of Indians.\\nJan. Oct. United States bank opens branches in Cincinnati and Chillicothe.\\n1818. Aug. 26, Illinois becomes a State.\\n1819. The first steamer on Lake Erie.\\nSeptember, Conest of Ohio and the United States bank.\\n1820. December, Nullification resolutions of Ohio.\\nNov. 23, Missouri admitted to United States.\\nMay, Cass visits Lake Superior, c.\\n1822. Jan. 31, Ohio moves in relation to canals.\\nJan. 31, Ohio moves in relation to schools.\\n1823. Feb. 14, Illinois moves in relation to canals.\\n1825. Feb. 4 5, Ohio passes canal and school laws.\\n1826. The first steamer on Lake Michigan.\\n1830. Treaty by Keokuk at Prairie du Chien.\\n1831. Blackhawk driven west of Mississippi.\\n1832. First steamer at Chicago.\\nBlackhawk crosses Mississippi again.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XVU\\n1832. February, Great flood in Ohio.\\nMay 14, Stillman s defeat.\\nIndian creek settlement destroyed.\\nBlackhawk defeated on Wisconsin.\\nBlackhawk defeated on Mississippi.\\nBlackhawk delivered to United States.\\nCholera among Scott s troops and along Lakes.\\nTreaty with Indians.\\nCholera at Cincinnati and along the Ohio.\\nMichigan asks admission to United States.\\nCongress offers her conditions.\\nTerms offered Michigan rejected.\\nTerms in a second Convention agreed to.\\nMichigan admitted.\\nAlton riots, Lovejoy killed.\\nContest with Mormons in Missouri.\\nBank Commissioners appointed in Ohio.\\nNauvoo founded.\\nCincinnati Astronomical society founded.\\nIllinois banks closed by Legislature.\\nCorner stone of Cincinnati Observatory laid.\\nJoe Smith killed.\\nBanking law of Ohio creating a State bank with branches, and\\nindependent banks.\\nApril, Observatory at Cincinnati finished.\\nMay 21,\\nJuly 21,\\nAug. 2,\\nAug 27,\\nJul},\\nSept.\\nOct.\\n1835.\\nMay,\\n1836.\\nSept.\\nDec.\\n1837.\\nSept.\\n1838.\\n1839.\\n1840.\\nSpring,\\n1842.\\nMay,\\n1843.\\nNov.\\n1844.\\nJune 27,\\n1845.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "LIST OF BOOKS\\nUSED IN THE PREPARATION OF THIS WORK.\\nAmeiican State Papers. 21 vols. Washington.\\nVols. r. to IV. are ForeiRn Afl airs, I. to IV.\\nV. and VI. Indian Affairs. I., II.\\nVII.. VIII., IX. are Finance, I., II., III.\\nX., X!., are Commerce, c., I., II.\\nXII., XIII., are Military Affairs, I., 11.\\nXIV. is Naval Affairs, I.\\nXV. is Post Office, I\\nXVI.. XVII., XVIII. are Public Land?, I,, II., III.\\nXIX. is Claims, I.\\nXX. XXI. are Miscellaneous, I., II.\\nAmerican Archives. Fourth Series. 5 Vols. Washington. 1837 to 1844.\\nAmerican Pioneer. Cincinnati. 1842. 1843.\\nAtwater e History of Ohio. Cincinnati. No date.\\nAccount of the First Discovery of Florida, London. 1763.\\nAccount of the French Settlements in North America. Boston. 174G.\\nAccount of Conferences and Treaties between Sir William Johnson, and Indians, at Fort Johnson:\\nin 1755, 56. London. 1756.\\nAlmoii s Rememlirancer from 1775 to 1784. London. Publislied from year to year with an intro-\\nductory volume, frivini, mailer previous to 1775.\\nAmerican Remembrancer, giving matter in relation to Jay s treaty, 1795. 3 Vols. Philadelphia.\\n1795.\\nArmstrong s Notices of the War of 1812. 2 vols. New York. ISiO.\\nAllen s American Biographical Dictionary. Boston. 1832.\\nBancroft s History United States. Boston, 1834 to 1840.\\nButler s Kentucky. Second edition. Cincinnati, 183G.\\nBrown s History of Illinois. New York. 1844.\\nButler s History of Kentucky. Cincinnati. 1830.\\nBurk s History ol Virginia.\\nBouquet s E.i\u00c2\u00a3pedilion, 1764. London, 1766.\\nBarbe Marbois History of Louisiana. Translation. Philadelphia. 1830.\\nBrackenridge s Incidents of the Whiskry Insurrection. Philadelphia. 1795. N. B. This is one\\nvolume in three parts, each paged as, and called, a srparate volume. Vol. I. gives the incidents\\nfrom July to September. 1794. Vol. II. those which followed. Vol. IIL those which preceded.\\nThere is also an appendix.\\nBrief State of the Province of Pennsylvania in which the conduct of the As. jembly is examined.\\nliOndon, 1755.\\nAnswer to the above. London, 1755.\\nBrief View of the conduct of Pennsylvania in 1755. London. 1756.\\nBrown s Views of the Campaign of the Northwest Army. Troy, N. Y. 1814.\\nBrown s History of the Second War of Independence.\\nBoone s Adventures. N. Y. 1844.\\nBeecher s Account pf Alton Riots. Alton. 1838.\\nBlackhawk s Account of Himself. Cincinnati. 1833\\nButler s Western Chronology. Frankfort, Ky. 1837.\\nBurgess Account of Perry s Victory, with strictures on the conduct of Captain Elliott. Boston. 1839.\\nCharlevoix s New France. Paris. 1744. 1774.\\nJournal.\\nCarver s Travels. London. 1780.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Philadelphia. 1789 \u00e2\u0080\u0094New York. 1838.\\nContest in America between England and France. (Said to be by Dr. Mitchell.) London. 1757.\\nColden s History of the Iroquois. London. 1755.\\nCorrespondence of Genet, c. Phila(leli)hia. 1793. [N. B.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 This gives hia secr2t instructions.]\\nCoxe s Description of Carolana- London. 1722.\\nCarey s American Museum, Sec. Philadelphia. 1789, .C.\\nCincinnati Directory. 1819.\\nCist s Cincinnati. Cincinnati. 1841.\\nCist s Cincinnati Miscellany. 2 Vols. 1844. 1845.\\nChase s Laws. 3 Vols. Cincinnati. 1835.\\nSketch of History of Ohio. Cincinnati. 1833.\\nCampbell s Remains. Columbus. 1838.\\nDrake s Indian Captivities. Boston. 1839.\\nDoddridge s Notes. Wcllsburgh, Va. 1824.\\nDillon s History of Indiana. Vol.1. Indianapolis. 1843.\\nDrake s Picture of Cincinnati. Cincinnati. 1815.\\nDrake s Life of Tecumseh. Cincinnati. 1841.\\nDrake s Life of niackhawk. Cincinnati. 1846.\\nDalliba s Narrative of the Battle of Brownstovvn, Aucust 9, 1812. New York. 1816.\\nDavis s Memoirs of Burr. 2 Vols. New York. 1837.\\nDawson s Life of Harrison. Cincinnati. 1824.\\nExpedition of Braddock; being extracts of letters from an officer. London. 1755.\\nEnquiry into causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawantse Indians from the British in-\\nterest. TakCQ from Public Documents. London. 1759.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "LIST OF BOOKS. XIX\\nEIIlcoU s Journal. :c. Philadelphia. 1603.\\nExecutive Journals of the Senate. 3 Vols. Washington, 1828.\\nPilson s Account of Kentucky. London. 1793.\\nFindley s History of the Whiskey Insurrection. Philadelphia. 17S6.\\nFilson s Account of Kentucky in French. Paris. 1785. [N. B.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 This is a P.S. to Crevecceur a\\nLetters of a Planter.]\\nFlint s Recollections ot Last Ten Years in Mississippi Valley. Boston. 1826.\\nFlint s Geography. Cincinnati. 1832.\\nGibbs Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams. 2 vols. N. Y. 184C.\\nGreene s Facts relative to the Mormons. Cincinnati. 1839.\\nHennepin s Louisiana. Paris. 1684.\\nNew Discovery. Utrecht. 4697.\\nHall s Sketches of the West, Philadelphia, 1835.\\nHolmes Annals. 2 Vols. Cambridge. 1829.\\nHall s Statistics of the West. Cincinnati. 1836.\\nHistoire General des Voyages. Paris. 1757.\\nHarrison s Address, 1837, in Ohio Historical Transactions.\\nHeckewelder s Narrative. Philadelphia. 1820.\\nHull sTrial. Boston. 1814. [N. [3.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 This volume does not give the evidence.]\\nHull s Memoirs. Boston. 1824.\\nHull s Defence. Boston. 1814.\\nHistorical Register of United States. Edited by T. H. Palmer. 4 Vols. Philadelphia. 1814.\\nHistory of Louisiana. By M. Le Page du Pratz. 2 veils. Paris. 1758.\\nTranslated. Loudon. 1763.\\nHistorical Collections of Pennsylvania. By Sherman Day. Philadelphia and New Haven. _Nodate.\\nHutchins Geographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, c. London. 1778.\\nHistorical Narrative and Topographical Description of Louisiana, c. Philadelphia. 1784.\\nHistory of the conquest of Florida by De Soto. Paris. 1685 \u00e2\u0080\u0094London. 16t6.\\nHall s Memoir of Harrison. Philadelphia and Cincinnati. 1836.\\nHunt s History of the Mormon War. St. Louis. 1844.\\nHesperian. (Periodical.) Columbus and Cincinnati.\\nHall s Wilderness and War-path, in Wiley and Putnam s Library. New York. 1846.\\nIndependent Chronicle and General Advertiser. Boston. [N. B.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Democratic]\\nImlay s Topograohical Description of the Western Territory of North America. Published in one\\nvolume in London, in 1792, 1793 and in 1797.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The edition of 1797 contains Pownal s Topo-\\ngraphy Filson s Kentucky the two works of Hutchins, and ten other additions. It was repub-\\nlished in 2 vols, at N. Y., 1793.\\nIndian Treaties from 1778 to 1837. Washington. 1837.\\nJefferson s Memoirs and Correspondence. Boston and New York. 1830,\\nNotes on Virginia. London. 1787.\\nJournal of the Federal Convention. Boston. 1819.\\nKercheval s Valley of Virginia.\\nKentucky Resolutions on798. Richmond, V. 1832.\\nKilbourn s Gazetteer of Ohio. Columbus. 1837.\\nLa Salle, Sparks Life of. Boston. 1844.\\nLand Laws of United States. Washington. 1828.\\nLettres Edifiantes.* Paris. 1781.\\nOriginal edition published from year to year.\\nLanman s His ory of Michigan. New York. 1843.\\nLetter to a Friend, giving an account of Braddock s Defeat. Boston. 1755.\\nLetters from an American Farmer, e. Bv Hector St. John de Crevecceur. First published In\\nFrench. 3 Vols. Pari\\ndo. of Big Beaver from\\neyes. A fourth volume gives Filson s Account of Kentucky.]\\nLoskiel s History of Moravian Missions. London. 1791.\\nLand Laws affecting Ohio. Columbus. 1825.\\nLatrobe s Rambler in America. New York. 1835.\\nLaws of Missouri. Jefferson City. 1842.\\nIndiana, revised.\\nOhio, Columbus. 1841.\\nLaw s Historical Address at Vincennes. Louisville. 1839.\\nMarquette s Journal in Thevenot.f Paris. 1681.\\nMarquette, Life of by Sparks. Boston.\\nMarshall s History of Kentucky. 2 Vols, Frankfort. 1824.\\nMcClung s Western Adventure. Cincinnati. 1839.\\nMorehead s Address. Frankfort, 1841.\\nMeraoires Historiques sur la Louisiane. Paris. 1753.\\nMassachusetts Historical Collections. 29 Vols. 3 Series. Boston. 1806 to 184C.\\nMante s History of the War of 1754-63. 1772. Probably published at London.\\nMinutes of the Treaty of Carlisle in 1753. No date of publication.\\nMac Afee s History of the War of 1812. Leiuigton, Ky. 1816.\\nSince this work went to press, a translation of the Letters referred to in It has been published in\\nNew York, in a couple of volumes entitled Early Jesuits in North America. Translated by Kev.\\nWilliam Ingraham Kip.\\nt Since this work went to press, a volume called Notes on the Northwest by Wm. J. A. Bradford,\\nhas reached us, in which an attempt is made to throw discredit upon Marquette s alleged discovery.\\nThe attempt is, however, based upon an error, viz. that Marquette s account was not published till\\n1687, after La Salle s Vo a2e, whereas it appeared in 1C81, ihe year before La Salle reached the\\nMississippi. Mr. Bradford had never seen the original edition of Thevenot. See his Notes, p. 68\\nris. 17B7. r\\\\. B.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Contains map of Scioto, from General Richard (Butler\\nn White Mingo do of Muskingum from Bouquet, Hutchins, and White-", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "XX LIST OF BOOKS.\\nMemoirs on the Last War In North America. 3 Vols. Yverdon. 1781. [N. B.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 This work is in\\nFreiicli. J lie Scioto is licre written Sonliioto.]\\nMinutes of tlie rrovinclal Council of rennsylvania. Tublisheil by the State. 3 vols. Harrisburg,\\nJ838an(l 1810.\\nMarshall s Life of Washinston. 5 Vols. Philadelphia. 1804 and 1807.\\nMartin s History of Louisiana. 2 Vols. New Orleana. 1829.\\nMcDonald s Sketches. Cincinnati. 1838.\\nNicollet s Report to the Senate. Washington. 1S43.\\nNorth American Review. Boston.\\nNew York Historical Collections. 3 Vols. New York. IBIL 1814. 1821.\\nNiles Weekly Rcf^ister. Baltimore.\\nObservations on the North American Land Company, c. London. 1796.\\nOld Journals of Congress, from 1774 to 1788. 4 Vols. Way Gideon. Washington. 1823.\\nOhio Journals, published yearly. y\\nOhio Canal Documents. Columbus. 1828.\\nPownall s Memorials on Service in North America. London. 1767.\\nPresent State of North America. London. 1755.\\nProud s History of Pennsylvania. 2 Vols. PJiiladelphia. 1797.\\nPlain Facts. Philadelphia. 1781.\\nProofs of the Corruption of James Wilkinson. By Daniel Clark. Philadelphia. 1809.\\nPlea in vindication of the Connecticut J iile to contested lands west of New York. By Benjamin\\nTrumbull. New Haven. 1774.\\nPresent State of Virginia, c. By Hugh Jones. London. 1724.\\nPresent Slate of European Settlements on Mississippi. By Captain Philip Fittman. London. 1770,\\nPitkin s History of the United States. New Haven. 1828.\\nRevised Statutes of Virginia. Richmond. 1819.\\nReport of the Committee to inquire into the conduct of General Wilkinson, February, 1811. Wash-\\nington. 1811.\\nReview of the Military Operations in North America, from 1743 to 175G. By Governor Livingston,\\nof New Jersey. I.ond ii. 1757.\\nRamsay s History ol ihe V\\\\ ar from 1755 to 17G3. Edinburgh. 1779.\\nRelations de la Louisiaue, c. 2 Vols. Amsterdam. 1720. N. B.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Vol. second contains the\\ndocuments relative to Law s Mia^issippi Company.\\nRogers Journals. London. 1765.\\nRenwick on the Stenm Engine. New York. 1839.\\nSilliman s Journal. Vol. 31. New Haven. 1837.\\nSparks Washington. 12 Vols. Boston. 1837.\\nFranklin. 10 Vol, Boston, 1840.\\nLife of Morris. Boston. 1832.\\nStuart s Memoirs of Indian Wars.\\nStone s Life Urandt. 2 Vols. New York. 1838.\\nSmollett s History of England.\\nStoddard s Sketches of Louisiana. Philadelphia. 1812.\\nSet of Plans and Forts in North America, reduced from actual survey. 1763. Probably published at\\nLondon.\\nState of British and French Colonics in North America. In two letters to a friend. London. 1755.\\nSt. Clair s Narrative of his campaign. Philadelphia. 1812.\\nSmyth s Travels in America. 3 Vols. London. 1784. See p. 135 of this volume. [N. B.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Ly-\\nman C. Draper, of Baltimore, who has tested Dr. Smyth s work by original documents in his posses-\\nsion, pronounces it full of entire falsehoods; not mere exagerations, but shameless lies. Manu-\\nscript letter to Cincinnati Historical Society.]\\nSecret Journals of Congress. 4 Vols. Boston. 1820.\\nStipp s Miscellany. Xenia, Ohio. 1827.\\nState of the case relative to United States Bank in Ohio. Cincinnati. 1823.\\nThatcher s Lives of the Indians. 2 vols. N. Y. 1822.\\nTransactions of American Antiquarian Society. Worcester, Mass. 1820.\\nTonti s Account of La Salle s Discoveries. Paris IC87. [Spurious.]\\nTodd Drake s Life of Harrison. Cincinnati. 1840.\\nTravels in North America in 179.% 96 and 97, by Isaac Weld. 2 Vols. London. 1799.\\nTravels in Louisiana. By Bossu. Translated by J. R, Forster. London. 1771.\\nTransactions of Ohio Historical Society, containing Burnet s Letters. Cincinnati. 1839.\\nUniversal Modern History. London. 1763.\\nUnited States Gazette, edited by John Fetino. Published at New York from April 15, 1789 to Nov-\\nember, 3, 1790 then transferred to Philadelphia. It was Federal.\\nVoIney sView of the Climate and Soil of the United States. London. 1804.\\nView of the Title to Indiana, a tract of country on the river Ohio. Philadelphi.1. 1776. [N. B.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nSec page 107 of this volume. This contains the treaty of Fort Stanwix of 1768.]\\nVoyages, ikc. relative to the Discovery of America. Paris, 1841.\\nWhittlesey s Discourse on Lord Dunmore s Expedition. Cleveland. 1842.\\nLife of Fitch. (In American Biography, New Series, vi.) Boston\\nWithers Chronichs of Border Warfare. Clarksburg h, Va. 1821.\\nWestern Monthly Magazine. Cincinnati. 1832, c. Periodical.\\nWashington s Journal. Published at VVilliamsburgh, Va. Republished London, 1754, with a map.\\n[N. B.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 On this map the Scio;o is called Sikoder, and lake Erie Erri or Okswego. This last\\nname is also given lake Erie on the map to Coldcn s history of Die Iroquois. London, 1755. On\\nthe Cumberland is marked Walker s Settlement, 1750. See page 111 and note of this volume,]\\nWctmnre s Missouri Gazetteer. St. Louis. 1837.\\nWilkinson s Memoirs. 3 Vols. Philadelphia. 1816.\\nWestern Messenser. Periodical. Cincinnati.\\nWestern Garland, Periodical. Cincinnati.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "SPANISH AND FRENCH WSCOVEBIES.\\nIn the year 1512, on Easter Sunday, the Spanish name for\\nwhich is Pascua Florida Juan Ponce de Leon, an old com-\\nrade of Columbus, discovered the coast of the American con-\\ntinent, near St. Augustine and, in honor of the day, as well\\nas because of the blossoms which covered the trees along the\\nshore, named the new-found country Florida. Juan had been\\nled to undertake the discovery of strange lands, partly by the\\nhope, common to all his countrymen at that time, of finding\\nendless stores of gold, and partly by the wish to reach a fountain\\nthat was said to exist, deep within the forests of North America,\\nwhich possessed the power of renovating the life of those who\\ndrank of, or bathed in, its waters. In return for his discovery\\nhe was made Governor of the region he had visited, but various\\ncircumstances prevented his return thither until 1521, and then\\nhe went only to meet with death at the hands of the Indians.\\nIn the mean time, in 1516, a roving Spanish sea captain,\\nDiego Miruelo, had visited the coast first reached by Ponce de\\nLeon, and in his barters with the natives had received con-\\nsiderable quantities of gold, with which he returned home, and\\nspread abroad new stories of the wealth hidden in the interior.\\nTen years, however, passed before Pamphilo de Narvaez\\nundertook to prosecute the examination of the lands north of the\\nGulf of Mexico the shores of which, during the intervening\\nyears, had been visited and roughly surveyed. Narvaez was\\nexcited to action by the late astonishing success of the conqueror\\nof Montezuma, but he found the gold for which he sought, fly\\nconstantly before him; each tribe of Indians referred him to\\nthose living still farther in the interior, and from tribe to tribe\\nPascua, the old English Pasch or Passover; Pascua Florida is the Holy-\\nday of Flowers.\\n1", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "2 De Soto in Florida. 1540,\\nhe and his companions wandered, weary and disappointed,\\nduring six months; then, having reached the shore again, naked\\nand famished, they tried to regain the Spanish colonies; but of\\nthree hundred only four or five at length reached Mexico. And\\nstill these disappointed wanderers persisted in their original\\nfancy that Florida* was as wealthy as Mexico or Peru; and\\nafter all their wanderings and sufferings so told the world, f\\nAmong those to whom this report came, was Ferdinand de\\nSoto, who had been with Pizarro in the conquest of Peru, and\\nwho longed for an opportunity to make himself as rich and noted\\nas the other great Captains of the day. He asked leave of the\\nKing of Spain to conquer Florida at his own cost. It was given\\nin 1538; with a brilliant and noble band of followers, he left\\nEurope; and in May 1539, after a stay in Cuba, anchored his\\nvessels near the coast of the Peninsula of Florida, in the bay\\nof Spiritu Santo, or Tampa bay.:]:\\nDe Soto entered upon his march into the interior with a deter-\\nmination to succeed. He had brought with him all things that\\nit was supposed could be needful, and that none might be\\ntempted to turn back, he sent away his vessels. From June till\\nNovember, of 1539, the Spaniards toiled along until they reached\\nthe neighborhood of Appalachee bay, finding no gold, no foun-\\ntain of youth. During the next season, 1540, they followed the\\ncourse suggested by the Florida Indians, who wished them out\\nof their country, and going to the north east, crossed the rivers\\nand climbed the mountains of Georgia. De Soto was a stern,\\nsevere man, and none dared to murmur. Still finding no cities\\nof boundless wealth, they turned westward, towards the waters\\nBy Florida the Spaniards of early times meant at least all of North America south\\nof the Great Lakes.\\nt For facts in relation to Florida see Bancroft s Hist. U. S., Vol. I.\\nThe original authorities in relation to De Soto, are an anonymous Portuguese writer^\\na gentleman of Elvas, who claims to have been an eye-witness of what he relates and\\nLuis Hernandez de Biedma, who was also with the expedition, and presented hia\\naccount to the Spanish King in 1544. We have also a letter from De Soto, to the\\nauthorities of the city of Santiago, in Cuba, dated July 9, 1539. These authorities in\\nthe main agree, though the Portuguese account is much the fullest, and the Governor s\\nletter of course relates but few events. The Portuguese narrative was published ia\\n1557 Hakluyt gave it in English in 1609, and it was again published in London in\\n1686; a French translation appeared in Paris in 16S5. Its credibility is questioned.\\nSee Sparks in Butler s Kentucky, 2d Ed. 498; also, Bancroft s U. S. I 66. note. The\\naccount by Biedma and De Soto s letter arc in a work published in Paris, called Voy-\\nages, Relations, et 3Iemoins origi?iaux pour servir a Vhistoirc de la decouverle de\\nVAmcrique.^ One volume of this collection relates to Florida, and appeared in 1841.\\nWe have epitomised the account as given by Bancroft in his first volume.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "1542. Death of De Soto. 3\\nof the Mobile, and following those waters, in October (1540,)\\ncame to the town of Mavilla on the Alabama, above the junction\\nof the Tombecbee. This town the Europeans wished to occupy,\\nbut the natives resisted them, and in a battle which ensued, the\\nIndians were defeated.\\nFinding himself, notwithstanding his victory, exposed to con-\\nstant attacks from the redmen at this point, De Soto resumed his\\nmarch towards the Mississippi, and passed the winter, probably,\\nnear the Yazoo. In April 1541, once more the resolute Spaniard\\nset forward, and upon the first of May reached the banks of the\\nGreat River of the West, not far from the 35th parallel of lati-\\ntude. A month was spent in preparing barges to convey the\\nhorses, many of which still lived, across the rapid stream. Hav-\\ning successfully passed it, the explorers pursued their way north-\\nward, into the neighborhood of New Madrid then turning west-\\nward again, marched more than two hundred miles from the\\nMississippi to the highlands of White river. And still no gold,\\nno gems, no cities only bare prairies, and tangled forests, and\\ndeep morasses. To the south again they toiled on, and passed\\ntheir third winter of wandering upon the Washita. In the fol-\\nlowing spring (1542,) De Soto, weary with hope long deferred,\\ndescended the Washita to its junction with the Mississippi, wish-\\ning to learn the distance and direction of the sea. He heard,\\nwhen he reached the mighty stream of the West, that its lower\\nportion flowed through endless and uninhabitable swamps.\\nDetermined to learn the truth, he sent forward horsemen; in\\neight days they advanced only thirty miles. The news sank\\ndeep into the stout heart of the disappointed warrior. His men\\nand horses were wasting around him; the Indians near by\\nchallenged him, and he dared not meet them. His health\\nyielded to the contests of his mind and the influence of the\\nclimate; he appointed a successor, and upon the 21st of May\\ndied. His body was sunk in the stream of the Mississippi.\\nDeprived of their energetic though ruthless leader, the Span-\\niards determined to try to reach Mexico by land. They turned\\nWest again therefore, and penetrated to the Red river, wander-\\ning up and down in the forests, the sport of inimical Indians.\\nThe Red river they could not cross, and jaded and heartless,\\nagain they went eastward, and reached in December 1542, the\\ngreat Father of waters once more. Despairing of success in", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "4 French in the West. 1671.\\nthe attempt to rescue themselves by land, they proceeded to pre-\\npare such vessels as they could to take them to the sea. From\\nJanuary to July 1543, the weak, sickly band of gold-seekers,\\nlabored at the doleful task and in July reached, in the vessels\\nthus wrought, the Gulf of Mexico, and by September, entered\\nthe river Panuco. One-half of the six hundred* who had dis-\\nembarked with De Soto, so gay in steel and silk, left their bones\\namong the mountains and in the morasses of the South, from\\nGeorgia to Arkansas.\\nSuch was the first expedition by Europeans, into the great\\nWestern Valley of North America. They founded no settle-\\nments, left no traces, produced no effect unless to excite the\\nhostility of the red against the white men, and to dishearten such\\nas might otherwise have tried to follow up the career of dis-\\ncovery to better purpose. As it was, for more than a century\\nafter the expedition of De Soto, the West remained utterly\\nunknown to the whites. In 1616, four years before the Pilgrims\\nmoored their bark on the wild New England shore, Le Caron,\\na French Franciscan, had penetrated through the Iroquois and\\nWyandotsf to the streams which run into Lake Huron and in\\n1634, two Jesuits had founded the first mission among the rivers\\nand marshes of the region east of that great inland sea; but it\\nwas 1641, just one hundred years after De Soto reached the\\nMississippi, that the first Canadian envoys met the savage nations\\nof the Northwest, at the falls of St. Mary, below the outlet of\\nlake Superior. This visit, however, led to no permanent result,\\nand it was not till 1659 that even any of the adventurous fur-\\ntraders spent a winter on the frozen and inhospitable shores of\\nthe vast lake of the North, nor till 1660 that the unflinching\\ndevotion of the Missionaries caused the first station to rise upon\\nits rocky and pine-clad borders. But Mesnard, who founded\\nthat station, perished in the woods in a few months afterward,\\nand five more years slipped by before Father Claude Allouez, in\\n1665, built the earliest of the lasting habitations of white men\\namong the kindly and hospitable Indians of the Northwest.\\nFollowing in his steps, in 1668, Claude Dablon and James\\nMarquette founded the mission at St. Mary s Falls; in 1670,\\nDe Biedma says there landed 620 men.\\nThe VVyandots are the same as the Hurojns. Heckewelder s Narr. 336, note see\\ntheir traditionary history by J. Badger, a Missionary among them. Cist s Cincinnati\\nMiscellany I. 153.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "1673. Marquette leaves Green Bay. 5\\nNicholas Perrot, as agent for Talon, the intendant of Canada,\\nexplored lake Michigan as far as Chicago; in 1671 formal pos-\\nsession was taken of the Northwest by French officers in the\\npresence of Indians assembled from every part of the surround-\\ning region, and in the same year Marquette gathered a little flock\\nof listeners, at Point St. Ignatius, on the main land north of the\\nisland of Mackinac* During the three years which this most\\nexcellent man had now spent in that country, the idea of explor-\\ning the lands yet farther towards the setting sun, had been grow-\\ning more and more definite in his mind. He had heard, as all\\nhad, of the great river of the West, and fancied upon its fertile\\nbanks, not mighty cities, mines of gold, or fountains of youth\\nbut whole tribes of God s children to whom the sound of the\\nGospel had never come. Filled with the wish to go and preach\\nto them he obeyed with joy the orders of Talon, the wise inten-\\ndant of Canada, to lead a party into the unknown distance and\\nhaving received, as companions on behalf of the government, a\\nMonsieur Joliet, of Quebec, together with five boatmen, in the\\nspring of 1673, he prepared to go forth in search of the much\\ntalked of stream. f\\nUpon the 13th of May, 1673, this little band of seven left\\nMichillimacinac in two bark canoes, with a small store of\\nIndian corn and jerked meat, bound they knew not whither.\\nThe first nation they visited, one with which our reverend\\nFather had been long acquainted, being told of their venturous\\nplan, begged them to desist. There were Indians, they said, on\\nthat great river, who would cut off their heads without the least\\ncause; warriors who would seize them; monsters who would\\nswallow them, canoes and all; even a demon, who shut the way,\\nand buried in the waters that boiled about him, all who dared\\ndraw nigh and, if these dangers were passed, there were heats\\nthere that would infallibly kill them. I thanked them for their\\ngood advice, says Marquette, but I told them that I could\\nnot follow it; since the salvation of souls was at stake, for which\\nI should be overjoyed to give my life.\\nPassing through Green Bay, from the mud of which, says our\\nvoyager, rise mischievous vapors, that cause the most grand\\nThis was the first town of Michillimacinac. The post and station north of the\\nBtrait were afterward destroyed, and others with the same name, St. Ignatius, built on\\nthe southern shore, at the extremity of the peninsula of Michigan Charlevoix s Journal,\\nfFor the above dates, c., see Bancroft s U. S., Vol. III.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "6 Marquette reaches the Mississippi. 1673.\\nand perpetual thunders that I have ever heard, they entered\\nFox river, and toihng over stones which cut their feet, as they\\ndragged their canoes through its strong rapids, reached a village\\nwhere lived in union theMiamis, Mascoutens,:j: and Kikabeux\\n(Kickapoos.) Here Allouez had preached, and behold! in\\nthe midst of the town, a cross, {une belle d oix,) on which\\nhung skins, and belts, and bows, and arrows, which these\\ngood people had offered to the gi-eat Manitou, to thank him\\nbecause he had taken pity on them during the winter, and had\\ngiven them an abundant chase.\\nBeyond this point no Frenchman had gone; here was the\\nbound of discovery; and much did the savages wonder at the\\nhardihood of these seven men, who, alone, in two bark canoes,\\nwere thus fearlessly passing into unknown dangers.\\nOn the 10th of June, they left this wondering and well-wish-\\ning crowd, and, wuth two guides to lead them through the lakes\\nand marshes of that region, started for the river, which, as they\\nheard, rose but about three leagues distant, and fell into the\\nMississippi. Without ill-luck these guides conducted them to\\nthe portage, and helped them carry their canoes across it; then,\\nreturning, left them alone amid that unknown country, in the\\nhand of God.\\nWith prayers to the mother of Jesus they strengthened their\\nsouls, and committed themselves, in all hope, to the current of\\nthe westward-flowing river, the Mescousin (Wisconsin;) a\\nsand-barred stream, hard to navigate, but full of islands covered\\nwith vines, and bordered by meadows, and groves, and pleasant\\nslopes. Down this they floated until, upon the 17th of June,\\nthey entered the Mississippi, with a joy, says Marquette,\\nthat I cannot express.\\nQuietly floating down the great river, they remarked the deer,\\nthe buffaloes, the swans, wingless, for they lose their feathers\\nin that country, the great fish, one of which had nearly\\nknocked their canoe into atoms, and other creatures of air, earth,\\nand water, but no men. At last, however, upon the 21st of\\nJune, they discovered, upon the western bank of the river, the\\nfoot-prints of some fellow mortals, and a little path leading into\\na pleasant meadow. Leaving the canoes in charge of their\\nfollowers, JoUet and Father Marquette boldly advanced upon\\ni In Charlevoix s time these occupied the country from the Illinois to the Fox river,\\nand from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi. See his Map.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "5673. Marquette reaches Arkansas. 7\\nthis path toward, as they supposed, an Indian village. Nor\\nwere they mistaken; for they soon came to a little town, to\\nwhich, recommending themselves to God s care, they went so\\nnigh as to hear the savages talking. Having made their pres-\\nence known by a loud cry, they were graciously received by an\\nembassy of four old men, who presented them the pipe of peace,\\nand told thera, that this was a village of the Illinois. The\\nvoyagers were then conducted into the town, where all received\\nthem as friends, and treated them to a great smoking. After\\nmuch complimenting and present-making, a grand feast was\\ngiven to the Europeans, consisting of four courses. The first\\nwas of hominy, the second of fish, the third of a dog,* which\\nthe Frenchmen declined, and the whole concluded with roast\\nbuflfalo. After the feast they were marched through the town\\nwith great ceremony and much speech-making; and, having\\nspent the night, pleasantly and quietly, amid the Indians, they\\nreturned to their canoes with an escort of six hundred people.\\nThe Illinois, Marquette, like all the early travellers, describes as\\nremarkably handsome, well-mannered, and kindly, even some-\\nwhat effeminate.\\nLeaving the Illinois, the adventurers passed the rocks upon\\nwhich were painted those monsters of whose existence they had\\nheard on Lake Michigan, and soon found themselves at the\\nmouth of the Pekitanoni, or Missouri of our day; the character\\nof which is well described; muddy, rushing, and noisy.\\nThrough this, says Marquette, I hope to reach the Gulf of\\nCalifornia, and thence the East Indies, This hope was based\\nupon certain rumors among the natives, which represented the\\nPekitanoni as passing by a meadow, five or six days journey\\nfrom its mouth, on the opposite side of which meadow was a\\nstream running westward, which led, beyond doubt, to the South\\nSea. If God give me health, says our Jesuit, I do not\\ndespair of one day making the discovery. Leaving the\\nMissouri, they passed the demon, that had been portrayed to\\nthem, which was indeed a dangerous rock in the river,t and\\ncame to the Ouabouskigou, or Ohio, a stream which makes but\\nA dog feast is still a feast of honor among the savages. See Fremont s Report of\\nExpeditions of 1842, 43, and 44, printed at Washington, 1845 p. 42. Fremont says\\nthe meat is somewhat like mutton. See, also, Dr. Jarvis s discourse before the N. York\\nHistorical Society in 1819, note R.j Lewis and Clark s Journal, II. 165) Godman e\\nNatural History, I. 254.\\ni The grand Tower.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "8 Marquette returns. 1675.\\na small figure in Father Marquette s map, being but a trifling\\nwater-course compared to the Illinois. From the Ohio, our\\nvoyagers passed with safety, except from the musquitocs, into\\nthe neighborhood of the Akamscas, or Arkansas. Here they\\nwere attacked by a crowd of warriors, and had nearly lost their\\nlives; but Marquette resolutely presented the peace-pipe, and\\nsome of the old men of the attacking party were softened, and\\nsaved them from harm. God touched their hearts, says the\\npious narrator.\\nThe next day the Frenchmen went on to Akamsca, where\\nthey were received most kindly, and feasted on corn and dog till\\nthey could eat no more. These Indians cooked in and eat from\\nearthen ware, and were amiable and unceremonious, each man\\nhelping himself from the dish and passing it to his neighbor.\\nFrom this point Joliet and our writer determined to return to\\nthe North, as dangers increased towards the sea, and no doubt\\ncould exist as to the point where the Mississippi emptied, to\\nascertain which point was the great object of their expedition.\\nAccordingly, on the 17th of July, our voyagers left Akamsca\\nretraced their path with much labor, to the Illinois, through\\nwhich they soon reached the Lake; and nowhere, says\\nMarquette, did we see such grounds, meadows, woods, stags,\\nbuffaloes, deer, wildcats, bustards, swans, ducks, parroquets,\\nand even beavers, as on the Illinois river.\\nIn September the party, without loss or injury, reached Green\\nBay, and reported their discovery one of the most important of\\nthat age, but of which we have now no record left except the\\nbrief narrative of Marquette, Joliet, (as we learn from an abstract\\nof his account, given in Hennepin s second volume, London,\\n1698,) having lost all his papers while returning to Quebec, by\\nthe upsetting of his canoe. Marquette s unpretending account,\\nwe have in a collection of voyages by Thevenot, printed in\\nParis in 1681.* Its general correctness is unquestionable and,\\nas no European had claimed to have made any such discovery\\nat the time this volume was published, but the persons therein\\nnamed, we may consider the account as genuine.\\nAfterwards Marquette returned to the Illinois, by their request,\\nThis work is now very rare, but Marquette s Journal has been republislied by Mr.\\nSparks, at least in substance, in Butler s Kentucky, 2J Ed. 492 and in the American\\nBiography, 1st scries. Vol. X. A copy of the map by Marquette, is also given by Mr.\\nBancroft, Vol. III. Wc have followed the original in Thevenot, a copy of which is ia\\nHarvard Library.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "1674. La Salle rebuilds Fort Frontenac. 9\\nand ministered to them until 1675. On the 18th of May, in that\\nyear, as he was passing with his boatmen up Lake Michigan, he\\nproposed to land at the mouth of a stream running from the pen-\\ninsula, and perform mass. Leaving his men with the canoe, he\\nwent a little way apart to pray, they waiting for him. As much\\ntime passed; and he did not return, they called to mind that he\\nhad said something of his death being at hand, and anxiously\\nwent to seek him. They found him dead where he had been\\npraying, he had died. The canoe-men dug a grave near the\\nmouth of the stream, and buried him in the sand. Here his\\nbody was liable to be exposed by a rise of water; and would\\nhave been so, had not the river retired, and left the missionary s\\ngrave in peace. Charlevoix, who visited the spot some fill}\\nyears afterward, found that the waters had forced a passage at\\nthe most difficult point, had cut through a bluff, rather than\\ncross the lowland where that grave was. The river is called\\nMarquette.*\\nWhile the simple-hearted and true Marquette was pursuing his\\nlabors of love in the West, two men, differing widely from him,\\nand each other, were preparing to follow in his footsteps, and\\nperfect the discoveries so well begun by him and the Sieur\\nJoliet. These were Robert de la Salle and Louis Hennepin.\\nLa Salle was a native of Normandy, and was brought up, as\\nwe learn from Charlevoix, f among the Jesuits; but, having\\nlost, by some unknown cause, his patrimony, and being of a\\nstirring and energetic disposition, he left his home to seek for-\\ntune among the cold and dark regions of Canada. This was\\nabout the year 1670. Here he mused long upon the pet project\\nof those ages, a short-cut to China and the East; and, gaining\\nhis daily bread, we know not how, was busily planning an\\nexpedition up the great lakes, and so across the continent to the\\nPacific, when Marquette returned from the Mississippi. At once\\nthe hot mind of La Salle received from his and his companion s\\nCharlevoix s Letters, Vol. II. p. 96. New France, Vol. VI. p. 20. Marquette\\nspells the name of the great western river, Mississipy Hennepin made it Mes-\\nchasipi; others have written Meschasabe, c. c. There is great confusion in\\nall the Indian oral names; we have Kikabeaux, Kikapous, Quicapous;\\nOuttoauets, Outnovas Miamis, Oumamis and so of nearly all the\\nnations. Our Sioux, Charlevoix tells us, is the last syllable of Nadouessioux,\\nwhich is Written, by Hennepin, Nadoussion and Nadouessious, in his Lou-\\nisiana, and Nadouessans, in his Nouvelle Decouverte. The Shawanese are\\nalways called the Chouanons.\\nt Charlevoix s New France, Paris edition of 1744, Vol. II. p. 263.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "10 La Salle goes to France. 1678.\\nnarrations, the idea, that, by following the Great River north-\\nward, or by turning up some of the streams which joined it from\\nthe westward, his aim might be certainly and easily gained.\\nInstantly he went towards his object. He applied to Frontenac,\\nthen governor-general of Canada, laid before him an outline of\\nhis views, dim but gigantic, and, as a first step, proposed to\\nrebuild of stone, and with improved fortifications. Fort Frontenac\\nupon Lake Ontario, a post to which he knew the governor felt\\nall the affection due to a namesake. Frontenac entered warmly\\ninto his views. He saw, that, in La Salle s suggestion, which\\nwas to connect Canada with the Gulf of Mexico by a chain of\\nforts upon the vast navigable lakes and rivers which bind that\\ncountry so wonderfully together, lay the germ of a plan, which\\nmight give unmeasured power to France, and unequalled glory\\nto himself, under whose administi ation he fondly hoped all would\\nbe realized. He advised La Salle, therefore, to go to the King\\nof France, to make known his project, and ask for the royal\\npatronage and protection; and, to forward his suit, gave him\\nletters to the great Colbert, minister of finance and marine.\\nWith a breast full of hope and bright dreams, in 1675, the\\npenniless adventurer sought his monarch his plan was approved\\nby the minister, to whom he presented Frontenac s letter La\\nSalle was made a Chevalier; was invested with the seignory of\\nFort Catarocouy or Frontenac, upon condition he would rebuild\\nit; and received from all the first noblemen and princes, assu-\\nrances of their good-will and aid. Returning to Canada he\\nlabored diligently at his fort till the close of 1677, when he again\\nsailed for France with news of his progress. Colbert and his\\nson, Seignelay, now minister of marine, once more received him\\nwith favor, and, at their instance, the King granted new letters\\npatent with new privileges. His mission having sped so well,\\non the 14th of July, 1678, La Salle, wdth his lieutenant, Tonti,\\nan Italian, and thirty men, sailed again from Rochelle for Quebec,\\nwhere they arrived on the 15th of September; and, after a few\\ndays vStay, proceeded to Fort Frontenac*\\nHere was quietly working, though in no quiet spirit, the rival\\nand co-laborer of La Salle, Louis Hennepin, a Franciscan friar,\\nof the Recollet variety; a man full of ambition to be a great\\ndiscoverer; daring, hardy, energetic, vain, and self-exaggerating,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Charlevoix s New France, 1744, Vol. TT. p. 264, 266. Sparks life Ox La Salle.\\nAmerican Biography, new series, I. 10 to 15.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "1678. La Salle at JVtagara. 11\\nalmost to madness and, it is feared, more anxious to advance\\nhis own holy and unholy ends than the truth. He had in Europe\\nlurked behind doors, he tells us, that he might hear sailors spin\\ntheir yarns touching foreign lands; and he profited, it would\\nseem, by their instructions. He came to Canada when La Salle\\nreturned from his first visit to the court, and had, to a certain\\nextent, prepared himself, by journeying among the Iroquois, for\\nbolder travels into the wilderness. Having been appointed by\\nhis religious superiors to accompany the expedition which w^as\\nabout to start for the extreme West, under La Salle, Hennepin\\nwas in readiness for him at Fort Frontenac, where he arrived,\\nprobably, some time in October, 1678.*\\nThe Chevalier s first step was to send forward men to prepare\\nthe minds of the Indians along the lakes for his coming, and to\\nsoften their hearts by w^ell-chosen gifts and words and also, to\\npick up peltries, beaver skins, and other valuables and, upon\\nthe 18th of November, 1678, he himself embarked in a little\\nvessel of ten tons, to cross Lake Ontario. This, says one of his\\nchroniclers, was the first ship that sailed upon that fresh water\\nsea. The wind was strong and contrary, and four weeks nearly\\nwere passed in beating up the little distance between Kingston\\nand Niagara. Having forced their brigantine as far towards the\\nFalls as was possible, our travellers landed built some maga-\\nzines with difficulty, for at times the ground was frozen so hard\\nthat they could drive their stakes, or posts, into it only by first\\nHennepin s New Discovery, Utrecht edition of 1697, p. 70. Charlevoix s New\\nFrance, Vol. II. pp. 266. We give the names of the lakes and rivers as they appear\\nin the early travels.\\nLake Ontario was also Lake Frontenac.\\nLake Erie, was Erike, Erige, or Erie, from a nation of Eries destroyed by the Iroquois\\nthey lived where the State of Ohio now is (Charlevoix s New France, Vol. II. p. 62;)\\nit was also Lake of Conti.\\nLake Huron, was Karegnondi in early times [3Iap of 1656 and also, Lake of\\nOrleans.\\nLake Michigan, was Lake of Puans {Map of 1656 also, of the Illinois, or Illinese,\\nor Illinouacks also Lake Mischigonong, and Lake of the Dauphin.\\nLake Superior was Lake Superieur, meaning the Upper, not the Larger Lake also,\\nLake of Conde.\\nGreen Bay, was Bale des Puans.\\nIllinois river, in Hennepin s Louisiana, and Joutel s Journal, is River Seignelay;\\nand the Mississippi river, in those works is River Colbert; and was by La Salle, called\\nRiver St. Louis.\\nOhio river was Ouabouskigou, Ouabachi, Ouabache, Oyo, Ouye, Belle Riviere.\\nMissouri river, was Pekitanoni, Riviere des Osages et Massourites and by Coxe\\nis called Yellow River.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "12 La Salle in Lake Michigan. 1679.\\npouring upon it boiling water and then made acquaintance with\\nthe Iroquois of the village of Niagara, upon Lake Erie. Not\\nfar from this village, La Salle founded a second fort, upon which\\nhe set his men to work; but, finding the Iroquois jealous, he\\ngave it up for a time, and merely erected temporary fortifications\\nfor his magazines and then, leaving orders for a new ship to be\\nbuilt, he returned to Fort Frontenac, to forward stores, cables,\\nand anchors for his forthcoming vessel.\\nThrough the hard and cold winter days, the frozen river lying\\nbefore them like a plain paved with fine polished marble,\\nsome of his men hewed and hammered upon the timbers of the\\nGrijiny as the great bark was to be named, while others gathered\\nfurs and skins, or sued for the good-will of the bloody savages\\namid whom they were quartered and all went merrily until the\\n20th of January, 1679. On that day, the Chevalier arrived from\\nbelow not with all his goods, however, for his misfortunes had\\ncommenced. The vessel in which his valuables had been\\nembarked was wrecked through the bad management of the\\npilots and, though the more important part of her freight was\\nsaved, much of her provision went to the bottom. During the\\nwinter, however, a very nice lot of furs was scraped together,\\nwith which, early in the spring of 1679, the commander returned\\nto Fort Frontenac to get another outfit; while Tonti was sent\\nforward to scour the lake coasts, muster together the men who\\nhad been sent before, collect skins, and see all that was to be\\nseen. In thus coming and going, buying and trading, the sum-\\nmer of this year slipped away, and it was the 7th of August\\nbefore the Griffin was ready to sail. Then, with Te-Deums, and\\nthe discharge of arquebuses, she began her voyage up Lake Erie.\\nOver Lake Erie, through the strait beyond, across St. Clair,\\nand into Huron, the voyagers passed most happily. In Huron\\nthey Avere troubled by storms, dreadful as those upon the ocean,\\nand were at last forced to take refuge in the road of Michilli-\\nmackinac. This was upon the 27th of August. At this place,\\nwhich is described as one of prodigious fertility, La Salle\\nremained until the middle of September, founded a fort there,\\nand sent men therefrom in various directions to spy out the state\\nof the land. He then went on to Green Bay, the Bale des\\nPuans, of the French and, finding there a large quantity of\\nskins and furs collected for him, he determined to load the\\nGriffin therewith, and send her back to Niagara. This was", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "1680. La Salle at Peoria Lake. 13\\ndone with all promptness; and, upon the 18th of September, she\\nwas despatched under the charge of a pilot, supposed to be com-\\npetent and trustworthy, while the Norman himself, with fourteen\\nmen, proceeded up Lake Michigan, paddling along its shores in\\nthe most leisurely manner; Tonti, meanwhile, having been sent\\nto find stragglers, with whom he was to join the main body at\\nthe head of the lake.\\nFrom the 19th of September till the 1st of November, the\\ntime was consumed by La Salle in his voyage up the sea in\\nquestion. On the day last named, he arrived at the mouth of\\nthe river of the Miamis, or St. Josephs, as it is now called.*\\nHere he built a fort and remained for nearly a month, when\\nhearing nothing from his Griffin^ he determined to push on before\\nit was too late.\\nOn the 3d of December, therefore, having mustered all his\\nmen, thirty working men and three monks, he started again upon\\nhis great voyage and glorious undertaking.\\nBy a short portage they passed to the Illinois, or Kankakee,\\nand falling down the said river by easy journeys, the better\\nto observe that country, about the last of December, reached\\na village of the Illinois Indians, containing some five hundred\\ncabins, but, at that moment, no inhabitants. The Sieur La Salle,\\nbeing in great want of bread-stuffs, took advantage of this\\nabsence of the Indians to help himself to a sufficiency of maize,\\nof which large quantities were found hidden in holes under the\\nhuts or wigwams. This village was, as near as we can judge,\\nnot far from the spot marked on our maps as Rock Fort, in La\\nSalle county, Illinois. The corn being got aboard, the voyagers\\nbetook themselves to the stream again, and toward evening on\\nthe 4th of January, 1680, fell into a lake, which must have been\\nthe lake of Peoria. Here the natives were met with in large\\nnumbers, but they were gentle and kind, and having spent some\\ntime with them, La Salle determined in that neighborhood to\\nbuild another fort, for he found that already some of the adjoin-\\ning tribes were trying to disturb the good feeling which existed\\nand, moreover, some of his own men were disposed to complain.\\nA spot upon rising ground, near the river, was accordingly\\nSee on this point, North American Review, January 1839, No. CII. p. 74.\\nCharlevoix, JVew France, (Vol. II. p. 269,) tells us, that La Salle returned from the\\nfort of the Miamis to Fort Frontenac but Hennepin, and the journal published as\\nTonti s, agree that he went on, and tell a more consistent story than the historian.\\nSee, also, Sparks life.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "14 La Salle returns to Canada. 1680.\\nchosen about the middle of January, and the fort of Creveccsur\\n(Broken Heart,) commenced; a name expressive of the very\\nnatural anxiety and sorrow, which the pretty certain loss of his\\nGriffin, and his consequent impoverishment (for there were no\\ninsurance offices then,) the danger of hostility on the part of the\\nIndians, and of mutiny on the part of his own men, might well\\ncause him.\\nNor were his fears by any means groundless. In the first\\nplace, his discontented followers, and afterwards emissaries from\\nthe Mascoutens, tried to persuade the Illinois that he was a\\nfriend of the Iroquois, their most deadly enemies; and that he\\nwas among them for the purpose of enslaving them. But La\\nSalle was an honest and fearless man, and, as soon as coldness\\nand jealousy appeared on the part of his hosts, he went to them\\nboldly and asked the cause, and by his frank statements pre-\\nserved their good feeling and good will. His disappointed ene-\\nmies, then, or at some other time, for it is not very clear when,*\\ntried poison; and, but for a dose of good treacle, La Salle\\nmight have ended his days in his Fort Crevecceur.\\nMeanwhile the winter wore away, and the prairies were getting\\nto look green again; but our discoverer heard no good news,\\nreceived no reinforcement; his property was gone, his men were\\nfast deserting him, and he had little left but his own strong heart.\\nThe second year of his hopes, and toils, and failures, was half\\ngone, and he further from his object than ever; but still he had\\nthat strong heart, and it was more than men and money. He\\nsaw that he must go back to Canada, raise new means, and enlist\\nnew men but he did not dream) therefore, of relinquishing his\\nprojects. On the contrary, he determined that, while he was on\\nhis return, a small party should go down to the Mississippi and\\nexplore that stream towards its sources and that Tonti, with the\\nfew men that remained, should strengthen and extend his rela-\\ntions among the Indians.\\nFor the leader of the Mississippi exploring party, he chose\\nFather Lewis Hennepin and, having furnished him with all the\\nnecessary articles, started him upon his voyage on the last day\\nof February, 1680.\\nHaving thus provided against the entire stagnation of discovery\\nCharlevoix says it was at the close of 1679 Hennepin, that they did not reach the\\nIllinois, till January 4th, 1680. We have no means of deciding, but follow Heunepin,\\nwho is particular as to dates, and was present.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "1681. Hennepin on Mississippi. 15\\nduring his forced absence, La Salle at once betook himself to\\nhis journey eastward a journey scarce conceivable now, for it\\nwas to be made by land from Fort Crevecceur round to Fort Fron-\\ntenac, a distance of at least twelve hundred miles, at the most\\ntrying season of the year, when the rivers of the lakes would be\\nfull of floating ice, and offer to the traveller neither the security\\nof winter, nor the comfort of summer. But the chevalier w^as\\nnot to be daunted by any obstacles his affairs were in so pre-\\ncarious a state that he felt he must make a desperate effort, or all\\nhis plans would be for ever broken up; so through snow, ice\\nand water, he won his way along the southern borders of Lakes\\nMichigan, Erie and Ontario, and at last reached his destination.\\nHe found, as he expected, every thing in confusion his Griffin\\nwas lost; his agents had cheated him; his creditors had seized\\nhis goods. Had his spirit been one atom less elastic and ener-\\ngetic, he would have abandoned the whole undertaking but La\\nSalle knew neither fear nor despair, and by midsummer we behold\\nhim once more on his way to rejoin his little band of explorers on\\nthe Illinois. This pioneer body, meanwhile, had suffered greatly\\nfrom the jealousy of the neighboring Indians, and the attacks of\\nbands of Iroquois, wiio wandered all the way from their homes\\nin New York, to annoy the less warlike savages of the prairies.\\nTheir sufferings, at length, in September, 1680, induced Tonti\\nto abandon his position, and seek the Lakes again, a point\\nwhich with much difficulty he effected. When, therefore. La\\nSalle, who had heard nothing of all these troubles, reached the\\nposts upon the Illinois in December 1680, or January 1681, he\\nfound them utterly deserted his hopes again crushed, and all his\\ndreams again disappointed. There was but one thing to be done,\\nhowever, to turn back to Canada, enlist more men, and secure\\nmore means: this he did, and in June, 1681, had the pleasure to\\nmeet his comrade. Lieutenant Tonti, at Mackinac, to whom he\\nspoke, as we learn from an eye-witness, with the same hope and\\ncourage which he had exhibited at the outset of his enterprise.\\nAnd here for a time we must leave La Salle and Tonti, and\\nnotice the adventures of Hennepin, who, it will be remembered, y\\nleft Fort Crevecceur on the last of February, 1680. In seven\\ndays he reached the Mississippi, and, paddling up its icy stream\\nas he best could, by the 11th of April had got no higher than the\\nWisconsin. Here he was taken prisoner by a band of northern\\nIndians, who treated him and his comrades with considerable", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "16 La Salle goes down Mississippi. 1682.\\nkindness, and took them up the river until about the first of May,\\nwhen they reached the Falls of St. Anthony, which were then so\\nchristened by Hennepin in honor of his patron saint. Here they\\ntook to the land, and travelling nearly two hundred miles toward\\nthe north-west, brought him to their villages these Indians w^ere\\nthe Sioux. Here Hennepin and his companions remained about\\nthree months, treated kindly and trusted by their captors at the\\nend of that time, he met with a band of Frenchmen, headed by\\none Sieur du Luth, who, in pursuit of trade and game, had pene-\\ntrated thus far by the route of Lake Superior; and, with these\\nfellow countrymen the Franciscian returned to the borders of\\ncivilized life, in November, 1680, just after La Salle had gone\\nback to the wilderness as we have related. Hennepin soon after\\nwent to France, where, in 1684, he published a work narrating\\nhis adventures.*\\nTo return again to the Chevalier himself, he met Tonti, as we\\nhave said, at Mackinac, in June, 1681 thence he went down\\nthe lakes to Fort Frontenac, to make the needful preparations for\\nprosecuting his western discoveries these being made, w^e find\\nhim, in August, 1681, on his way up the lakes again, and on the\\n3d of November at the St. Josephs, as fvdl of confidence as ever.\\nThe middle of December had come, however, before all were\\nready to go forward, and then, with twenty-three Frenchmen,\\neighteen eastern Indians, ten Indian W omen to wait upon their\\nlazy mates, and three children, he started, not as before by the\\nway of the Kankakee, but by the Chicago river, travelling on\\nfoot and with the baggage on sledges. It was upon the 5th or\\n6th of January, 1682, that the band of explorers left the borders\\nof Lake Michigan they crossed the portage, passed down to\\nFort Crevecceur, which they found in good condition, and still\\nThis volume, called A Description of Louisiana, he, thirteen years afterwards,\\nenlarged and altered, and published with the title, New Discovery of a Vast Country\\nsituated in America, between New Mexico and the Frozen Ocean. In this new pub-\\nlication, he claimed to have violated La Salle s instructions, and in the first place to\\nhave gone down the Mississippi to its mouth, before ascending it. His claim was very\\nnaturally doubted and examination has proved it to be a complete fable, the materials\\nhaving been taken from an account published by Le Clercq in 1691, of La Salle s suc-\\ncessful voyage down the great river of the West, a voyage of which we have presently\\nto speak. This account of Le Clercq s was drawn from tlie letters of Father Zenobe\\nMembrc, a priest who was with La Salle, and is the most valuable published work in\\nrelation to the final expedition from Canada, made by that much-tried and dauntless\\ncommander. The whole subject of Hennepin s credibility, is presented by Mr.\\nSparks, in his life of La Salle, with great fairness and precision, and to that we refer\\nall curious readers.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f\\n1682. La Salle at mouth of Mississippi. 17\\ngoing forward, on the 6th of February, were upon the banks of\\nthe Mississippi. On the thirteenth they commenced their down-\\nward passage, but nothing of interest occurred until, on the 26th\\nof the month, at the Chickasaw Bluffs, a Frenchman, named\\nPrudhomme, w^ho had gone out with others to hunt, was lost, a\\ncircumstance which led to the erection of a fort upon the spot,\\nnamed from the missing man, who was found, however, eight\\nor nine days afterwards. Pursuing their coursCj they at length,\\nupon the 6th of March, 1682, discovered the three passages by\\nwhich the Mississippi discharges its waters into the Gulf; and\\nhere we shall let La Salle himself tell his story, as it is given in\\nthe Proces-verbal which Mr. Sparks has translated from the\\noriginal in the French archives. It thus proceeds\\nWe landed on the bank of the most western channel, about\\nthree leagues from its mouth. On the 7th, M. de la Salle went to\\nreconnoitre the shores of the neighboring sea, and M. de Tonty\\nlikewise examined the great middle channel. They found these\\ntwo outlets beautiful, large and deep. On the 8th, we reascended\\nthe river, a little above its confluence with the sea, to find a dry\\nplace, beyond the reach of inundations. The elevation of the\\nNorth Pole was here about twenty-seven degrees. Here we pre-\\npared a column and a cross, and to the said column were affixed\\nthe arms of France, with this inscription\\nLOUIS LE GRAND, ROI DE FRANCE ET DE NAVARRE, REGNE\\nLE NEUVIEME AVRIL, 1682.\\nThe whole party, under arms, chaunted the Te Denm, the Exau-\\ndiat, the Domine salvum fac Begem; and then, after a salute of\\nfirearms and cries of Vive le Roi, the column was erected by M.\\nde la Salle, who, standing near it, said, with a loud voice in\\nFrench\\nIn the name of the most high, mighty, invincible, and victo-\\nrious Prince, Louis the Great, by the Grace of God, King of\\nFrance and of Navarre, Fourteenth, of that name, this ninth day\\nof April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two, I, in virtue of\\nthe commission of his Majesty which I hold in my hand, and\\nwhich may be seen by all whom it may concern, have taken, and\\ndo now take, in the name of his Majesty and of his successors to\\nthe crown, possession of this country of Louisiana, the seas, har-\\nbors, ports, bays, adjacent straits; and all the nations, people,\\nprovinces, cities, towns, villages, mines, minerals, fisheries,\\n2", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "18 La Salle at mouth of Mississippi. 1682.\\nstreams, and rivers, comprised in the extent of the said Louisiana,\\nfrom the mouth of the great river St. Louis, on the eastern side,\\notherwise called Ohio, Alighin, Sipore, or Chukagona, and this\\nwith the consent of the Chaounons, Chichachaws, and other peo-\\nple dwelling therein, with whom we have made alliance; as also\\nalong the River Colbert or Mississippi, and rivers which discharge\\nthemselves therein, from its source beyond the country of the Kious\\nor Nadouessious, and this with their consent, and with the consent\\nof the Motantees, Illinois, Mesigameas, Natches, Koroas, which are\\nthe most considerable nations dwelling therein, with whom also we\\nhave made alliance either by ourselves, or by others in our be-\\nhalf;* as far as its mouth at the sea, or Gulf of Mexico, about the\\ntwenty-seventh degree of the elevation of the North Pole, and also\\nto the mouth of the River of Palms upon the assurance, w^hich we\\nhave received from all these nations, that we are the first Europe-\\nans who have descended or ascended the said River Colbert;\\nhereby protesting against all those, who may in future undertake\\nto invade any or all of these countries, people, or lands, above\\ndescribed, to the prejudice of the right of his Majesty, acquired\\nby the consent of the nations herein named. Of which, and of all\\nthat can be needed, I hereby take to witness those who hear me,\\nand demand an act of the Notary, as required by law.\\nTo which the whole assembly responded wdth shouts of Vive\\nle Roi, and with salutes of firearms. Moreover, the said Sieur de\\nla Salle caused to be buried at the foot of the tree, to which the\\ncross was attached, a leaden plate, on one side of which were\\nengraved the arms of France, and the following Latin inscription.\\nLVDOVICVS MAGNVS REGNAT.\\nNONO APRTLIS CIO IOC LXXXII.\\nROBERTVS CAVELIER, CVM DOMINO DE TONTY, LEGATO, R. P. ZENO-\\nBIO MEMBRE, RECOLLECTO, ET VIGINTI GALLIS PRIMVS HOC FLVMEN,\\nINDE AB ILINEORVM PAGO, ENAVIGAVIT, EJVSQVE OSTIVM FECIT PER-\\nVIVVM, NONO APRILIS ANNI CIO IOC LXXXII.\\nAfter which the Sieur de la Salle said, that his Majest}^-, as eldest\\nson of the Church, would annex no country to his crown, without\\nmaking it his chief care to establish the Christian religion therein,\\nThere is an obscurity in this enumeration of places and Indian nations, wliicli may\\nbe ascribed to an ignorance of the geography of the country but it seems to be the\\ndesign of the Sieur de la Salle to take possession of the whole territory watered by the\\nISIississippi from its mouth to its source, and by tlie streams flowing into it on both sides.\\nSparke.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "1.683. La Salle saUsfor France. 19\\n:and that its symbol must now be planted which was accordingly\\ndone at once by erecting a cross, before which the Vexilla and the\\nDomine salvumjcic Regem were sung. Whereupon the ceremony\\nwas concluded with cries of Vive h RoL\\nOf all and every of the above, the said Sieur de la Salle\\nhaving required of us an instrument, we have delivered to him the\\n^same, signed by us, and by the undersigned witnesses, this ninth\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0day of April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two.\\nLA METAIRE, JYotary.\\nDe LA Salliv, Pierre You.\\nP. Zenobe, Recollect, Missionary, Gilles Meucret,\\nHenry de Tonty, Jean Michel, Surgeon^\\nFrakcois de B01SROJVDET5 Jean Mas.\\nJean Bourdon. Jean Dulignon.\\nSieur d Autray, Nicholas de la Salle.\\nJaques Cauchois,\\nThus was the foundation fairly laid for the claim of France to\\nthe Mississippi Valley, according to the usages of European powers.\\nBut La Salle and his companions could not stay to examine the\\nland they had entered, nor the coast they had reached. Provisions\\nwitli them were exceedingly scarce, and they were forced at once\\nto start upon their return for the north. This they did without\\nserious trouble, although somewhat annoyed by the savages, until\\nthey reached Fort Prudhomme, where La Salle was taken vio-\\nlently sick. Finding himself unable to announce his success in\\nperson, the Chevalier sent forward Tonti to tlie lakes to communi-\\ncate with the Count de Frontenac he himself was unable to reach\\nthe fort at the mouth of the St, Joseph s, until toward the last of\\nSeptember. From that post he sent with his despatches, Father\\nZenobe, to represent him in France, while he pursued the more lu-\\ncrative business of attending to his fur trade in the north-west, and\\ncompleting his long projected fort of St. Louis, upon the high and\\ncommanding bluff of the Illinois, now known as Rock Fort; a bluff\\ntwo hundred and fifty feet high, and accessible only on one side.\\nHaving seen this completed, and the necessary steps taken to pre-\\nserve a good understanding with the Indians, and also to keep up\\na good trade with them, in the autumn of 1683, the Chevalier\\nsailed for his native land, which he reached, December 13th.\\nAt one time he had thought probably of attempting to establish\\na colony on the Mississippi, by means of supplies and persons sent", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "20 La Salle in France. 1684^\\nfrom Canada but farther reflection led him to believe his true\\ncourse to be to go direct from France to the mouth of the Missis-\\nsippi, witli abundant means for settling and securing the country;\\nand to obtain the necessary ships, stores, and emigrants, was the-\\nmain purpose of his \\\\dsit to Europe. But he found his fair fame in\\ndanger, in the court of his king. His success, his wide plans, and\\nhis overbearing character were- all calculated to make him ene-\\nmies; and among the foremost was La Barre, Avho had succeeded\\nFrontenac as governor of Canada.\\nBut La Salle had a most able advocate in France, so soon as\\nhe was there in person and the whole nation being stirred by the\\nstory of the new discoveries, of which Hennepin had widely pro-\\nmulgated his first account some months before La Salle s return,,\\nour hero found ears open to drink in his words, and imaginations\\nwarmed to make the most of them. The minister, Seignelay,\\ndesired to see the adventurer, and he soon won his way to what-\\never heart that man had for it could not have required much talk\\nwath La Salle to have been satisfied of his sincerfty, enthusiasm,\\nenergy, and bravery. The tales of the new governor fell dead,\\ntherefore, and the king listened to the prayer of his subject, that a\\nfleet might be sent to take possession of the mouth of the Missis-\\nsippi, and so that great country of which he told them be secxired\\nto France. The king listened aipd soon the town of RochelTe\\nwas busy with the stir of artisans, ship-riggers, adventurers, soT-\\ndiersy sailors, and all that varied crowd which in those days looked\\ninto the dim West for a land where wealth was to be had for the\\nseeking.\\nOn the 24th of July, 1684, twenty-four vessels sailed from\\nRochelle to America, four of which were for the discovery and\\nsettlement of the famed Louisiana. These four carried two hund-\\nred and eighty persons, including the crews there were soldiers,\\nartificers, and volunteers, and also some young women. There\\nis no doubt that this brave fleet started full of light hearts, and\\nvast, vague hopes; but, alas! it had scarce started when discord\\nbegan for La Salle and the commander of the fleet, M. de Beau-\\njeu, were well fitted to quarrel one Math the other, but never to\\nwork together. In truth La Salle seems to haA e been nowise\\namiable, for he was overbearing, harsh, and probably selfish to\\nthe full extent to be looked for in a man of worldly ambition.\\nHowever, in one of the causes of quarrel which arose during the\\npassage, he acted, if not with policy, certainly with boldness and", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "1685. La Salle in Gulf of Mexico. 21\\nhumanity. It was when they came to the Tropic of Cancer, where,\\nin those times, it was customary to baptize all green hands, as is\\nstill sometimes done under the Equator. On this occasion, the\\nsailors of La Salle s little squadron promised themselves rare sport\\nand much plunder, grog, and other good things, the forfeit paid\\nby those who do not wish a seasoning; but all these expectations\\nwere stopped, and hope turned irito hate, by the express and\\nemphatic statement on the part of La Salle, that no man under\\nhis command should be ducked, whereupon the commander of the\\nfleet was forced to forbid the ceremony.\\nWith such beginnings of bickering and dissatisfaction the\\nAtlantic was slowly crossed, and, upon the 20th of September,\\nthe island of St. Domingo was reached. Here certain arrange-\\nments were to be made with the colonial authorities; but, as they\\nwere away, it became necessary to stop there for a time. And a\\nsad time it was. The fever seized the new-comers; the ships\\nwere crow^ded with si ;k; La Salle himself was brought to the\\nverge of the grave and, when he recovered, the first news that\\ngreeted him, was that of his four vessels, the one wherein he had\\nembarked his stores and implements, had been taken by the Span-\\niards. The sick man had to bestir himself thereupon to procure\\nnew supplies and while he was doing so, his enemies were also\\nbestirring themselves to seduce his men from him, so that what\\nwith death and desertion, he was likely to have a small crew at\\nthe last. But energy did much and, on the 25th of November,\\nthe first of the remaining vessels, she that was to carry the\\nlight, sailed for the coast of America. In her w^ent La Salle,\\nand the historian of the voyage, Joutel.\\nFor a whole month were the disconsolate sailors sailing, and\\nsounding, and stopping to take in water and shoot alligators, and\\ndrifting in utter uncertainty, until, on the 2Sth of December, the\\nmainland was fairly discovered. But there being as Joutel\\nsays, no man among them who had any knowledge of that Bay,\\nand there being also an impression that they must steer very much\\nto the westward to avoid the currents, it was no wonder they\\nmissed the Mississippi, and wandered far beyond it, not knowing\\nwhere they went and so wore away the whole month of January,\\n1685. At last. La Salle, out of patience, determined to land\\nsome of his men, and go along the shore toward the point where\\nhe believed the mouth of the Mississippi to be, and Joutel was\\nappointed one of the commanders of this exploring party. They", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "22 La SalTe in Matagorda Bay,. 1685.\\nstarted on the 4th of February, and travelled eastward, (for it was-\\nclear that they had passed the river) during three days, when they\\ncame to a great stream which they coadd not cross, having nO\\nboats. Here they made fire signals, and, on the 13th, two of the\\nvessels came in sight; the mouth of the river, or entrance of the\\nbay, for such it proved to be, was forth^vith sounded, and the\\nbarks sent in to be under shelter. But\u00e2\u0080\u009e sad to say. La Salle s old\\nfortune was at work here again for the vessel which bore his\\nprovisions and most valuable stores, was run upon a shoal by the\\ngrossest neglect, or, as Joutel thinks, with malice prepense; and,\\nsoon after, the wind coming in strong from the sea, she fell to-\\npieces in the night, and the bay was full af casks and packages,\\nwhich could not be saved, or were worthless w^hen drawn from\\nthe salt water. From this untimely fate our poor adventurer res-\\ncued but a small half of his second stock of indispensables.\\nAnd here, for a moment, let us pause to look at the Chevalier s\\ncondition in the middle of March, 1685. Beaujeu, with his ship,,\\nis gone, leaving his comrades in the marshy wilderness, with not\\nmuch of joy to look forward to. They had gims, and powder,\\nand shot; eight cannon, too, but not one bullet, that is, can-\\nnon-ball, the naval gentlemen having refused to give them any.\\nAnd here are our lonely settlei-s, building a fort upon the shores of\\nthe Bay of St. Louis, as they called it, known to us as the Bay of\\nSt. Bernard, or Matagorda Bay, in Texas. They build from the\\nwreck of their ship, we cannot think with light hearts; every\\nplank and timber tells of past ill luck, and, as they look forward,\\nthere is vision of irritated savages (for there had been warring\\nalready,) of long search for the Hidden River* of toils and dan-\\ngers in its ascent w^hen reached. No wonder, that during that\\ntime several men deserted. So strong was the fever for deser-\\ntion, that, of some who stole a^^^*y and were retaken, it was found\\nnecessary to execute one.\\nAnd now La Salle prepares to issue from his nearly completed\\nfort, to look round and see where he is. He has still a good force,\\nsome hundred and fifty people and, by prompt and detennined\\naction, much may be done between this last of March and next\\nautumn. In the first place, the river falling into the Bay of St.\\nLouis is examined, and a new fort commenced in that neighbor-\\nhood, w^here seed is planted also for the men begin to tire of\\nmeat and fish, with spare allowance of bread, and no vegetables.\\nSo the Spaniards called the Mississippi.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "1685. La Sulk in Texas.\\nBut the old luck is at work still. The seed will not sprout; men\\ndesert the fort goes forward miserably slow and at last, three\\nmonths and more gone to no purpose, Joutel and his men, who\\nare still hewing timber at the first fort, are sent for, and told to\\nbring their timber with them in a float. The float or raft was\\nbegun with immense labor, says the wearied historian, but all\\nto no purpose, for the weather was so adverse, that it had to be\\nall taken apart again and buried in the sand. Empty-handed,\\ntherefore, Joutel sought his superior, the effects being left at a post\\nby the way. And he came to a scene of desolation men sick,\\nand no houses to put them in all the looked-for crop blasted\\nand not a ray of comfort from any quarter.\\nWell, said La Salle, we must now muster all hands, and\\nbuild ourselves a large lodgment. But there was no timber\\nwithin a league and not a cart nor a bullock to be had, for the\\nbuffaloes, though abundant, were ill broken to such labor. If\\ndone, this dragging must be done by men so, over the long grass\\nand weeds of the prairie-plain, they dragged some sticks, with\\nvast suffering. Afterwards the carriage of a gun w^as tried but\\nit would not do the ablest men were quite spent. Indeed,\\nheaving and hauling over that damp plain, and under that July\\nsun, might have tried the constitution of the best of Africans; and\\nof the poor Frenchmen thirty died, worn out. The carpenter was\\nlost; and, worse still. La Salle, wearied, worried, disappointed,\\nlost his temper and insulted his men. So closed July; the Che-\\nvalier turned carpenter, marking out the tenons and mortises of\\nwhat timber he could get, and growing daily more cross. In\\nMarch he thought much might be done before autumn, and now\\nautumn stands but one month removed from him, and not even a\\nhouse built yet.\\nAnd August soon passed too, not without results, however for\\nthe timber that had been buried below was got up, and a second\\nhouse built, all covered with planks and bullock s hides over\\nthem.\\nAnd now once more was La Salle ready to seek the Mississippi.\\nFirst, he tliought he would try with the last of the four barks with\\nwhich he left France; the bark La Belle, a little frigate carrying\\nsix guns, which the King had given our Chevalier to be his\\nnavy. But, after having put all his clothes and valuables on\\nboard of her, he determined to try with twenty men to reach\\nbis object by land. This was in December, 1685. From this", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "24 La Salle in Texas. 1686.\\nexpedition he did not return until March, 1686, when he came to\\nhis fort again, ragged, hatless, and worn down, with six or seven\\nfollowers at his heels, his travels having been all in vain. It was\\nnot very encouraging but, says Joutel, we thought only of mak-\\ning ourselves as merry as we could. The next day came the\\nrest of the party, who had been sent to find the little frigate, which\\nshould have been in the bay. They came mournfully, for the\\nlittle frigate could not be found, and she had all La Salle s best\\neffects on board.\\nThe bark was gone but our hero s heart was still beating in\\nhis bosom, a little cracked and shaken, but strong and iron-bound\\nstill. So, borrowing some changes of linen from Joutel, toward\\nthe latter end of April, he again set forth, he and twenty men,\\neach with his pack, to look for his river, as our writer aptly\\nterms it. Some days after his departure, the bark La Belle came\\nto light again for she was not lost, but only ashore. Deserted\\nby her forlorn and diminished crew, however, she seems to have\\nbeen suffered to break up and go to pieces in her own w^ay, for\\nwe hear no more of the little frigate.\\nAnd now, for a time, things went on pretty smoothly. There\\nwas even a marriage at the fort and Monsieur le Marquis la\\nSabloniere wished to act as groom in a second, but Joutel abso-\\nlutely refused. By and by, however, the men, seeing that La\\nSalle did not return, began to mutter. There were even pro-\\nposals afloat to make away with Joutel, and start upon a new\\nenterprise the leader in w^hich half-formed plan was one Sieur\\nDuhaut, an unsafe man, and inimical to La Salle, who had, proba-\\nbly, maltreated him somewhat. Joutel, however, learned the\\nstate of matters, and put a stop to all such proceedings. Know-\\ning idleness to be a root of countless evils, he made his men\\nwork and dance as long as there was vigor enough in them to\\nkeep their limbs in motion and in such manner the summer\\npassed away, until in August La Salle returned. He had been as\\nfar as the sources of the Sabine, probably, but had suffered greatly;\\nof the twenty men he had taken with him, only eight came back,\\nsome having fallen sick, some having died, and others deserted\\nto the Indians. He had not found his river, though he had\\nbeen so far in that direction but he came back full of spirits,\\nwhich, says our writer, revived the lowest ebb of hope.\\nHe was all ready, too, to start again at once, to seek the Missis-\\nsippi, and go onward to Canada, and thence to France, to get new", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "1687. La Salle starts for the Mississippi. 25\\nrecruits and supplies; but, it was determined to let the great\\nheats pass before that enterprise was taken in hand. And the\\nheats passed, but with them our hero s health, so that the pro-\\nposed journey was delayed from time to time until the 12th of\\nJanuary, 1687.\\nOn that day started the last company of La Salle s adventurers.\\nAmong them went Joutel, and also the discontented Duhaut and\\nall took their leaves with so much tenderness and sorrow as if\\nthey had all presaged that they should never see each other more.\\nThey went northwest along the bank of the river on which their\\nfort stood, until they came to where the streams running toward\\nthe coast were fordable, and then turned eastward. From the\\n12th of January until the 15th of March did they thus journey\\nacross that southern country, crossing curious meadows, through\\nwhich ran several little brooks, of very clear and good water,\\nwhich, with the tall trees, all of a size, and planted as if by\\naline, afforded a most delightful landskip. They met many\\nIndians too, with whom La Salle established relations of peace\\nand friendship. Game was abundant, plenty of fowl and par-\\nticularly of turkeys, was there, which was an ease to their suf-\\nferings and so they still toiled on in shoes of green bullocks\\nhide, which, dried by the sun, pinched cruelly, until, following the\\ntracks of the buffaloes, who choose by instinct the best ways, they\\nhad come to a pleasanter country than they had yet passed through,\\nand were well on toward the long-sought Father of Waters.\\nOn the 15th of March, La Salle, recognising the spot where\\nthey then were as one through which he had passed in his former\\njourney, and near which he had hidden some beans and Indian\\nwheat, ordered the Sieurs Duhaut, Hiens, Liotot the Surgeon, and\\nsome others, to go and seek them. This they did, but found that\\nthe food was all spoiled, so they turned toward the camp again.\\nWhile coming campward they chanced upon two bullocks, which\\nwere killed by one of La Salle s hunters, who was with them.\\nSo they sent the commander word that they had killed some meat,\\nand that, if he would have the flesh dried, he might send horses\\nto carry it to the place where he lay and, meanwhile, they cut up\\nthe bullocks, and took out the marrow-bones, and laid them aside\\nfor their own choice eating, as was usual to do. W^hen La Salle\\nheard of the meat that had been taken, he sent his nephew and\\nchief confidant, M. Moranget, with one De Male and his own\\nfootman, giving them orders to send all that was fit to the camp at", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "26 Death of La Salle. 1687.\\nonce. M. Moranget, when he came to where Duhaut and tlie rest\\nwere, and found that they had laid by for themselves the marrow-\\nbones, became angry, took from them their choice pieces, threat-\\nened them, and spoke harsh words. This treatment touched these\\nmen, already not well pleased, to the quick and, when it was\\nnight, they took counsel together how they might best have their\\nrevenge. The end of such counselling, where anger is foremost,\\nand the wilderness is all about one, needs scarce to be told we\\nwill have their blood, all that are of that party shall die, said\\nthese malcontents. So, when M. Moranget and the rest had\\nsupped and fallen asleep, Liotot the surgeon took an axe, and\\nwith few strokes killed them all all that were of La Salle s party,\\neven his poor Indian hunter, because he was faithful and, lest\\nDe Male might not be with them (for him they did not kill,) they\\nforced him to stab M. Moranget, who had not died by the first\\nblow of Liotot s axe, and then threw them out for the carrion -birds\\nto feast on.\\nThis murder was done upon the 17th of March. And at once\\nthe murderers would have killed La Salle, but he and his men\\nwere on the other side of a river, and the water for two days was\\nso high that they could not cross.\\nLa Salle, meantime, was growing anxious also his nephew so\\nlong absent, what meant it? and he went about asking if Duhaut\\nhad not been a malcontent but none said. Yes. Doubtless there\\nwas something in La Salle s heart, which told him his followers\\nhad cause to be his foes. It was now the 20th of the month, and\\nhe could not forbear setting out to seek his lost relative. Leaving\\nJoutel in command, therefore, he started with a Franciscan monk\\nand one Indian. Coming near the hut which the murderers had\\nput up, though still on the opposite side of the river, he saw car-\\nrion-birds hovering near, and to call attention if any were there,\\nfired a shot. There were keen and watching ears and eyes there\\nthe gun told them to be quick, for their prey was in the net; so,\\nat once, Duhaut and another crossed the river, and, while the\\nfirst hid himself among the tall weeds, the latter showed himself\\nto La Salle at a good distance off. Going instantly to meet him,\\nthe fated man passed near to the spot where Duhaut was hid.\\nThe traitor lay still till he came opposite; then, raising his piece,\\nshot his commander through the head after lingering an hour,\\nhe died.\\nThus fell La Salle, on the threshold of success. No man had", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "1687. Death of La Salle, 27\\nmore strong-Iy all the elements that would have home him safe\\nthrough, if we except that element Miiich insures affection. He\\nhad a capacity and talent, says Joutel, one of his staunchest\\nfriends, to make his enterprise successful; his constancy, and\\ncourage, and extraordinary knowledge in arts and sciences, which\\nrendered him fit for any thing-, together with an indefatigable body,\\nwhich made him surmount all difficulties, would have procured a\\nglorious issue to his undertaking, had not all those excellent quali-\\nties been counterbalanced by too haughty a behavior, which some-\\ntimes made him insupportable, and by a rigidness toward those that\\nwere under his command, which at last drew on him an implaca-\\nble hatred, ^d was the occasion of his death.\\nLa Salle died, as far as can be judged, upon a branch of the\\nBrazos.*\\nAnd now, the leader being killed, his follower toiled on mourn-\\nfully, and in fear, each of the others, Duhaut assuming the\\ncommand, until May. Then there arose a difference among\\nthem as to their future course and, by and by, things coming to\\nextremities, some of La Salle s murderers turned upon the others,\\nand Duhaut and Liotot were killed by their comrades. This\\ndone, the now dominant party determined to remain among the\\nIndians, with whom they then were, and where they found some\\nAvho had been with La Salle in his former expedition, and had\\ndeserted. These were living among the savages, painted, and\\nshaved, and naked, with great store of squaws and scalps. But\\nJoutel was not of this way of thinking; he and some others still\\nwished to find the Great River and get to Canada. At last, all\\nconsenting, he did, with six others, leave the main body, and take\\nup his march for the Illinois, where he hoped to find Tonti, who\\nshould have been all this while at Fort St. Louis. This was in\\nMay, 1687.\\nWith great labor this little band forced their heavy-laden horses\\nover the fat soil, in which they often stuck fast; and, daring\\ncountless dangers, at length, upon the 24th of July, reached the\\nArkansas, where they found a post containing a few Frenchmen\\nwho had been placed there by Tonti. Here they stayed a little\\nwhile, and then went forward again, and on the 14th of Septem-\\nber, reached Fort St. Louis, upon the Illinois. At this post,\\nJoutel remained until the following Mai ch, that of 168S,\\nSparks, 158.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "28 Tontiin Illinois. 1687.\\nwhen he set off for Quebec, which city he reached on the last of\\nJuly, just four years having passed since he sailed from Rochelle.\\nThus ended La Salle s third and last voyage, producing no\\n/permanent settlement; for the Spaniards came, dismantled the\\nfort upon the Bay of St, Louis, and carried away its garrison, and\\nthe Frenchmen who had been left elsewhere in the southwest\\nintermingled with the Indians, until all trace of them was lost.\\nAnd so closed his endeavors, in defeat. Yet he had not worked\\nand suffered in vain. He had thrown open to France and the\\nworld an immense and most valuable country; had established\\nseveral permanent forts, and laid the foundation of more than one\\nsettlement there. Peoria, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, to this day, are\\nmonuments of La Salle s labors; for, though he founded neither\\nof them, (unless Peoria, which was built nearly upon the site of\\nFort CreveccEur,) it w^as by those whom he led into the West,\\nthat these places were peopled and civilized- He was, if not the\\ndiscoverer, the first settler of the Mississippi Valley, and as such\\ndeserves to be known and honored,*\\nTonti, left by La Salle when he sailed for France after reach-\\ning the Gulf Mexico in 1682, remained as commander of that\\nf^ Rock Fort of St. Louis, which he had begun in 1680. Here he\\nstayed, swaying absolutely the Indian tribes, and acting as viceroy\\nover the unknown and uncounted Frenchmen who w^ere beginning\\nto wander through tliat beautiful country, making discoveries of\\nwhich we have no records left. In 1686, looking to meet La\\nSalle, he went down to the mouth of the Mississippi but discov-\\nering no signs of his old comrade, turned northward again, and\\nreaching his fort on the Illinois, found work to do for the Iro-\\nquois, long threatening, were now in the battle-field, backed by\\nthe English, and Tonti, with his western wild allies, was forced\\nto march and fight. Engaged in this business, he appears to us\\nat intervals in the pages of Charlevoix; in the fall of 1687 we\\nhave him with Joutel, at Fort St. Louis; in April, 1689, he sud-\\ndenly appears to us at Crevecceur, revealed by the Baron La\\nHontan; and again, early in 1700, D Iberville is visited by him\\nat the mouth of the Mississippi. After that we see him no more,\\nand the Biographie Universelle tells us, that, though he remained\\nThe authorities in relation to La Salle are Hennepin a narrative publislied in the\\nname of Tonti in 1697, but disclaimed by him (Charlevoix iii. 365. Letlres edifantes\\nletter of Marest, xi. 308, original edition. Introduction to Sparks Life of La Salle the\\nwork of Le Clercq, already mentioned Joutel s Journalj and Sparks Life; the last is\\nespecially valuable.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "IG87. Adventures of La Hontan. 29\\nmany years, in Louisiana, he finally was not there but of hi s\\ndeath, or departure thence, no one knows.\\nNext in sequence, we have a glimpse of the above-named Ba-\\nron La Hontan, discoverer of the Long River, and, as that disco-\\nvery seems to prove, drawer of a somewhat long bow. By his\\nvolumes, published a la Haye, in ]706, we learn, that he too\\nwarred against the L-oquois in 1687 and 1688; and, having gone\\nso far w^estward as the Lake of the Illhiois, thought he would con-\\ntribute his mite to the discoveries of those times. So, with a suf-\\nficient escort, he crossed, by Marquette s old route Fox River and\\nthe Wisconsin, to the Mississippi; and, turning up that stream,\\nsailed thereon till he came to the mouth of a river, called Long\\nRiver, coming from the West. This river emptied itself (as ap-\\npears by his map) nearly where the St. Peter s does in our day.\\nUpon this stream, one of immense size, our Baron sailed for eighty\\nand odd days, meeting the most extensive and civilized Indian\\nnations of which we have any account in those regions; and, after\\nhis ei^ty and odd days sailing, he got less than half-way to the\\nhead of this gi-eat river, which was, indeed, not less than two\\nthousand miles long, and, as he learned from the red men, who\\ndrew him a map of its course above his stopping-point, led to a\\nlake, whence another river led to the South Sea so that at lasl\\nthe great problem of those days w^as solved, and the wealth of\\nChina and the East thrown open by the Baron de la Hontan.* All\\nthis was of course false and, even in his own day, though a man\\nof some station, he was thought to be a mere romancer; and yet\\nit may be that the Baron entered the St. Peter s when filled with\\nthe back waters of the Mississippi, and heard from the Indians\\nof the connection by it and the Red River with Lake Winnipeg, and\\nthe communication between that lake and Hudson s Bay, by Nel-\\nson River, and, looking westward all the while, turned Hudson s\\nBay into the South Sea.f\\nAfter La Hontan s alleged discoveries we have few events worth\\nrecording in the annals of the north-west previous to 1750. La\\nSalle s death, says Charlevoix, in one place, dispersed the\\nFrench who had gathered upon the Illinois but in another, he\\nspeaks of Tonti and twenty Canadians, as established among the\\nVoyages de La Hontan, vol. i. p. 194.\\nt See map in Long s Second Expedition up the St. Peter-s, and La Hontan-s maps.\\nAlso, Nicollet s Report to Congress, in 1843. Nicollet thinks the Cannon River, which\\nhe calls River La Hontan/ was the one entered by the Baron,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "30 Kaskaskia Founded. 1693.\\nIllinois three years after the Chevalier s fate was known there.*\\nThis, however, is clear, that befbre 1693, the reverend Father\\nGravicr began a mission among the Illinois, and became the foun-\\nder of Kaskaskia, though in what year we know not; but for some\\ntime it was merely a missionary station, and the inhabitants of the\\nvillage consisted entirely of natives, it being one of three such\\nvillages, the other two being Cahokia and Peoria. This we learn\\nfrom a letter written by Father Gabriel Marest, dated Aux Cas-\\ncaskias, autrement dit de Plmmaculee Conception de la Sainte\\nvierse, le 9 Novembre 1712. In this letter the writer after tell-\\ninsf us that Gravier must be regarded as the founder of the Illinois\\nMissions, he having been the first to reduce the principles of the\\nlantruao-e of those Indians to grammatical order, and so to make\\npreaching to them of avail, goes on near the close of his epistle\\nto say, These advantages (rivers, c.) favor tiie design which\\nsome French have of establishing themselves in our village.\\nIf the French who may come among us will edify our Neophytes\\nby their piety and good conduct, nothing would please us bmer than\\ntheir coming; but if immoral, and perhaps irreligious, as there is\\nreason to fear, they would do more harm than we can do good. f\\nSoon after the founding of Kaskaskia, though in this case\\nalso we are ignorant of the year, the missionary Pinet gathered\\na flock at Cahokia ;:j: while Peoria arose near the remains of\\nFort Creveca;ur.|l An unsuccessful attempt was also made to\\nfound a colony on the Ohio,\u00c2\u00a7 it failed in consequence of sickness.\\nIn the north De la Motte Cadillac, in June, 1701, laid the foun-\\ndation of Fort Pontchartrain on the Strait, (le Detroit :)1I while in\\nNew France, vol. iii. pp. 395, 383.\\nt Bancroft, iii. 195. LeUres Edifiantes, (Paris 17S1,) S2S, 339, 375. Hall and others\\nspeak of the Kaskaskia records as containing deeds dated 1712; these may have been to\\nthe French referred to by Marest, or perhaps to converted Indian.s\\nBancroft, iii 196.\\nII There was an Old Peoria on the northwest shore of the lake of that name, a mile and\\na half above the outlet. From 1778 to 1796 the inhabitants left; this for New Peoria,\\n(Fort Clark,) at the outlet. American State Papers, xviii. 476.\\nJudge Law, in liis Address of February, 1839, before the Vincennes Historical So-\\nciety, contends that this post was on the Wabash, and at Vincennes, (p. 1-1, 15, and note\\nB.) Charlevoix, (ii. 266, edition 1744,) says it was a Ventree de la Eiviere Oiinhnrhc,\\nqui se (hchaifrp dafis le JMicissipi, ifc. At the entrance (or mouth) of the River\\nOuabachc which discharges itself into the Mississippi. The name Ouabache was ap-\\n|)lied to the Ohio below the mouth of what we now call the Wabash. See all the more\\nancient maps, .c.\\nH Charlevoix, ii. ;84. Le Detroit was the whole Strait from Eric to Huron. (Cliarlc-\\nvoix, ii. 269, note: sec also his Journal) The first grants of land at I :troit, i, c. Fort", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "1699. DUberville at mouth of Mississippi. 31\\nthe southwest efforts were making to realize the dreams of La\\nSalle. The leader in the last named enterprise was Lemoine\\nd Iberrille, a Canadian officer, who, from 1694 to 1697, distin-\\nguished himself not a little by battles and conquests among the\\nicebergs of the Baye d Udson or Hudson s Bay.* He having,\\nin the year last named, returned to France, proposed to the\\nminister to try, what had been given up since La Salle s sad fate,\\nthe discovery and settlement of Louisiana by sea. The Count of\\nPontchartrain, who was then at the head of marine affairs, w^as\\nled to take an interest in the proposition and, upon the 17th of\\nOctober, 1698, D Iberville took his leave of France, handsomely\\nequipped for the expedition, and with two good ships to forward\\nhim in his attempt. f\\nOf this D Iberville we have no very clear notion, except that\\nhe was a man of judgment, self-possession, and prompt action.\\nGabriel Marest presents him to us in the Baye d Udson, his\\nships crow^led and almost crushed by the ice, and his brother, a\\nyoung, bright boy of nineteen, his favorite brother, just killed by\\na chance shot from the English fort which they were besieging;^\\nand there the commander stands on the icy deck, the cold October\\nwind singing in the shrouds, and his dead brother waiting till their\\nlives are secured before he can receive Christian burial, there he\\nstands, moved exceedingly, says the missionary, but giving\\nhis orders with a calm face, full tone, and clear mind. He put\\nhis trust on God, says Father Gabriel, and God consoled him\\nfrom that day the same tide brought both his vessels out of dan-\\nger, and bore them to the spot where they were wanted. f\\nSuch was the man who, upon the 31st of January, 1699, let go\\nhis anchor in the Bay of Mobile. Having looked about him at\\nthis spot, he went thence to seek the great river called by the\\nsavages, says Charlevoix, Malbouchia, and by the Spaniards,\\nla Palissade, from the great number of trees about its mouth.\\nSearching carefully, upon the 2d of March, our commander found\\nand entered the Hidden River, whose mouth had been so Ions:\\nand unsuccessfully sought. As soon as this was done, one of the\\nvessels returned to France to carry thither the news of D lber-\\nville s success, wdiile he turned his prow^ up the Father of Waters.\\nPoi.tchartrain, v.-ere made in 1707. (See American State Papers, xvi. 263 to 284 Lan-\\ninan s History of Michigan, 336.)\\nNew France, vol. iii. pp. 215, 299.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Lettres Edif antes, vol. x. p. 2^0.\\nt New France, vol. iii. p. S77.\\n:j; Lettres Edifantes, vol. x. p. .300.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "32 The English claim the Mississippi. 1700.\\nSlowly ascending the yast stream, he found himself puzzled by\\nthe little resemblance which it bore to that described by Tonti and\\nby Hennepin. So great were the discrepancies, that he had begun\\nto doubt if he were not upon the wrong stream, when an Indian\\nchief sent to him Tonti s letter to La Salle, on which, through\\nthirteen years, those wild men had been looking with wonder and\\nawe. Assured by this that he had indeed reached the desired\\nspot, and wearied probably by his tedious sail thus far, he returned\\nto the Bay of Biloxi, between the Mississippi and the Mobile\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0waters, built a fort in that neighborhood, and, having manned it\\nin a suitable manner, returned to France himself.*\\nWhile he was gone, in the month of September, 1699, the lieu-\\ntenant of his fort, M. De Bienville, went round to explore the\\nmouths of the Mississippi, and take soundings. Engaged in this\\nbusiness, he had rowed up the main entrance some twenty-five\\nleagues, when, unexpectedly, and to his no little chagrin, a British\\ncorvette came in sight, a vessel carrying twelve cannon, slowly\\ncreeping up the swift current. M. Bienville, nothing daunted,\\nthough he had but his leads and lines to do battle with, spoke up,\\nand said, that, if this vessel did not leave the river without delay,\\nhe had force enough at hand to make her repent it. All which\\nhad its effect; the Britons about ship and stood to sea again,\\ngrowling as they went, and saying, that they had discovered that\\ncountry fifty years before, that they had a better right to it than\\nthe French, and would soon make them know it. The bend in\\nthe river, where this took place, is still called English Turn.\\nThis was the first meeting of those rival nations in the Mississippi\\nValley, which, from that day, was a bone of contention between\\nthem till the conclusion of the French war of 1756. Nor did the\\nmatter rest long with this visit from the corvette. Englishmen\\nbegan to creep over the mountains from Carolina, and, trading\\nwith the Chicachas, or Chickasaws of our day, stirred them up to\\nacts of enmity against the French.\\nWhen D Iberville came back from France, in January, 1700,\\nand heard of these things, he determined to take possession of the\\ncountry anew, and to build a fort upon the banks of the Missis-\\nsippi itself. vSo, with due form, the vast valley of the West was\\nagain sworn in to Louis, as the whole continent through to the\\nSouth Sea had been previously sworn in by the English to the\\nCharleses and Jameses; and, what was more effectual, a little fort i\\nNew France vol. iii. p. rSO, el. scq.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "1712. Louisiana granted to Crozat. 33\\nwas built, and four pieces of cannon placed thereon. But even\\nthis was not much to the purpose for it soon disappeared, and\\nthe marshes about the mouth of the Great River were again, as\\nthey had ever been, and long must be, uninhabited by men.\\nD Iberville, in the next place, having been visited and guided\\nup the river by Tonti in 1^00, proposed to found a city among\\nthe Natchez, a city to be named, in honor of the Countess of\\nPontchartrain, Rosalie. Indeed, he did pretend to lay the corner-\\nstone of such a place, though it was not till 1714 that the fort\\ncalled Rosalie was founded, where the city of Natchez is standing\\nat this day.\\nHaving thus built a fort at the mouth of the Great River, and\\ndesignated a choice spot above for a settlement, D Iberville once\\nmore sought Europe, having, before he left, ordered M. Le Sueur to\\ngo up the Mississippi in search of a copper mine, which that person-\\nage had previously got a clue to, upon a branch of the St. Peter s\\nriver;* which order was fulfilled, and much metal obtained,\\nthough at the cost of great suffering. Mining was always a Jack-\\na-lantern with the first settlers of America, and our French friends\\nwere no wiser than their neighbors. The products of the soil\\nwere, indeed, scarce thought valuable on a large scale, it being\\nsupposed that the wealth of Louisiana consisted in its pearl-\\nfishery, its mines, and the wool of its wild cattle. f In 1701 the\\ncommander came again, and began a new establishment upon the\\nriver Mobile, one which superseded that at Biloxi, w^hich thus\\nfar had been the chief fort in that southern colony. After this\\nthings went on but slowly until 1708 D Iberville died on one of\\nhis voyages between the mother country and and her sickly\\ndaughter, and after his death little was done. In 1708, however,\\nM. D Artagnette came from France as commissary of Louisiana,\\nand, being a man of spirit and energy, did more for it than had\\nbeen done before. But it still lingered and, under the impression\\nthat a private man of property might manage it better than the\\ngovernment could, the king, upon the 14th of September, 1712,\\ngranted to Crozat, a man of great wealth, the monopoly of Louisi-\\nana for fifteen years, and the absolute ownership of whatever\\nmines he might cause to be opened.\\nCharlevoix, vol. iv. pp. 162, 164, In Long s Second Expedition, p. 318, may be\\nseen a detailed account of Le Sueur s proceedings, taken from a manuscript statement\\nof them.\\nt Charlevoix, vol. iii. p. 389.\\n;f The grant may be found Land Laws 944.\\n3", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "34 Mississippi Company. 1717.\\nCrozat, witli whom was associated Cadillac, the founder of\\nDetroit and governor of Louisiana, relied mainly upon two things\\nfor success in his speculation; the one, the discovery of mines;\\nthe other, a lucrative trade with New Mexico. In regard to the\\nfirst, after many years labor, he was entirely disappointed and\\nmet with no better success in his attempt to open a trade with the\\nSpaniards, although he sent to them both by sea and land.\\nCrozat, therefore, being disappointed in his mines and his trade,\\nand having, withal, managed so badly as to diminish the colony,\\nat last, in 1717, resigned his privileges to the king again, leaving\\nin Louisiana not more than seven hundred souls.\\nThen followed the enterprises of the far-famed Mississippi Com-\\npany or Company of the West, established to aid the immense\\nbanking and stock-jobbing speculations of John Law, a gambling,\\nwandering Scotchman, who seems to have been possessed with\\nthe idea that wealth could be indefinitely increased by increasing\\nthe circulating medium in the form of notes of credit. The pub-\\nlic debt of France was selling at 60 to 70 per cent, discount Law\\nwas authorized to establish a bank of circulation, the shares in\\nwhich might be paid for in public stock at par, and to induce the\\npublic to subscribe for the bank shares, and to confide in them,\\nthe Company of the West was established in connection with the\\nBank, having the exclusive right of trading in the Mississippi\\ncountry for twenty-five years, and with the monopoly of the\\nCanada beaver trade. This was in September, 1717; in 1718\\nthe monopoly of tobacco was also granted to this favored creature\\nof the State; in 1719, the exclusive right of trading in Asia,\\nand the East Indies; and soon after the farming of the public\\nrevenue, together with an extension of all these privileges to the\\nyear 1770 and as if all this had been insufl[icient, the exclusive\\nright of coining, for nine years, was next added to the immense\\ngrants already made to the Company of the West.* Under this\\nhotbed system, the stock of the Company rose to 500, 600, 800,\\n1000, 1500, and at last 2050 per cent. this was in April, 1720.\\nAt that time the notes of the bank in circulation exceeded two\\nhundred millions of dollars, and this abundance of money raised\\nthe price of every thing to twice its true value. Then the bubble\\nburst decree after decree was made to uphold the tottering fabric\\nof false credit, but in vain in January, 1720, Law had been\\nAfter 1719, called the Company of the Indies.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "1718. JVew Orleans laid out. 35\\nmade minister of finance, and as such he proceeded first, to forbid\\nall persons to hare on hand more than about one hundred dollars\\nin specie, any amount beyond that must be exchanged for paper,\\nand all payments for more than twenty dollars were to be made in\\npaper and this proving insufficient, in March, all payments over\\ntwo dollars were ordered to be in paper, and he who dared at-\\ntempt to exchange a bill for specie forfeited both. Human folly\\ncould go no farther; in April the stock began to fall, in May the\\nCompany was regarded as bankrupt, the notes of the bank fell to\\nten cents on the dollar, and though a decree made it an ofTence\\nto refuse them at par they were soon worth little more than waste\\npaper.\\nUnder the direction of a Company thus organized and controll-\\ned, and closely connected with a bank so soon ruined, but little\\ncould be hoped for a colony which depended on good manage-\\nment to develop its real resources for trade and agriculture.* In\\n1718, colonists were sent from Europe, and New Orleans laid out\\nwith much ceremony and many hopes; but in January, 1722,\\nCharlevoix writing thence, says, if the eight hundred fine houses\\nand the five parishes that were two years since represented by the\\njournals, as existing here, shrink now to a hundred huts, built\\nx^dthout order, a large wooden magazine, two or three houses\\nthat would do but little credit to a French village, and half of\\nan old store-house, which was to have been occupied as a chapel,\\nbut from which the priests soon retreated to a tent as preferable,\\nif all this is so, still how pleasant to think of what this city will\\none day be, and instead of weeping over its decay and ruin to\\nlook forward to its growth to opulence and power. And again,\\nThe best idea you can form of New Orleans, is to imagine two\\nhundred persons, sent to build a city, but who have encamped on\\nthe river-bank, just sheltered from the weather, and waiting for\\nhouses. They have a beautiful and regular plan for this metropo-\\nlis, but it will prove harder to execute than to draw. Such, not\\nin words precisely but in substance, were the representations and\\nhopes of the wise historian of New France, respecting the capital\\nof the colony of Law s great corporation and we may be sure\\nthat with the chief place in such a condition, not much had been\\nA set of regulations for governing the Company, passed in 1721, may be found in\\nDillon s Indiana, 41 to 44.\\nt Charlevois, iii. 430\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ed. 1744.\\nCharlevois, iii. 441 ed. 1744.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "36 Massacre by JVatchez^ 1729.\\ndone for the permanent improvement of the country about it.\\nThe truth was, the same prodigahty and folly which prevailed in\\nFrance during the government of John Law, over credit and\\ncommerce, found their way to his western possessions; and though\\nthe colony then planted, survived, and the city then founded be-\\ncame in time what had been hoped, it was long before the in-\\nfluence of the gambling mania of 1718, 19 and 20, passed away.\\nIndeed the returns from Louisiana never repaid the cost and\\ntrouble of protecting it, and, in 1732, the Company asked leave\\nto surrender their privileges to the crown, a favoi- wdiich was\\ngranted them.\\nBut though the Company of the West did little for the enduring\\nwelfare of the Mississippi valley, it did something the cultivation\\nof tobacco, indigo, rice and silk, was introduced, the lead mines\\nof Missouri were opened, though at vast expense and in hope of\\nfinding silver and, in Illinois, the culture of wheat began to\\nassume some degree of stability, and of importance. In the\\nneighborhood of the River Kaskaskias, Charlevoix found three\\nvillages, and about Fort Chartres, the head quarters of the Com-\\npany in that region, the French were rapidly settling.\\nAll the time, how^ever, during which the great monopoly lasted,\\nwas, in Louisiana, a time of contest and trouble. The English,\\nwho, from an early period, had opened commercial relations with\\nthe Chickasaws, through them constantly interfered with the trade\\nof the Mississippi. Along the coast, from Pensacola to the Rio\\ndel Norte, Spain disputed the claims of her northern neighbor\\nand at lenglh the war of the Natchez struck terror into the hearts\\nof both white and red men. Amid that nation, as we have said,\\nD Iberville had marked out Fort Rosalie, in 1700, and fourteen\\nyears later its erection had been commenced. The French, placed\\nin the midst of the natives, and deeming them worthy only of\\ncontempt, increased their demands and injuries until they required\\neven the abandonment of the chief town of the Natchez, that the\\nintruders might use its site for a plantation. The inimical Chicka-\\nsaws heard the murmurs of their wronged brethren, and breathed\\ninto their ears counsels of vengeance the sufferers determined\\non the extermination of their tyrants. On the 28th of November,\\n1729, every Frenchman in that colony died by the hands of the\\nnatives, with the exception of two mechanics the women and\\nchildren were spared. It was a fearful revenge, and fearfully did\\nthe avengers suffer for their murders. Two months passed by.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3496", "width": "1897", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3496", "width": "1907", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "1736, TrencJi attack Chickasaws. 37\\nand the French and Chocktaws in one day took sixty of their\\nscalps in three months they were driven from their country and\\nscattered among the neighboring tribes; and within t^ o years\\nthe remnants of the nation, chiefs and people, w^ere sent to St.\\nDomingo and sold into slavery. So perished this ancient and\\npeculiar race, in the same year in which the Company of the West\\nyielded its grants into the royal hands.\\nWhen Louisiana came again into the charge of the government\\n\u00c2\u00a9f France, it was determined, as a first step, to strike terror into\\ntlie Chickasaws, who, devoted to the English, constantly inter-\\nfered with the trade of the Mississippi. For this purpose the\\nforces of New France, from New Orleans to Detroit, were ordered\\nto meet in the country of the inimical Indians, upon the 10th of\\nMay, 1736, to strike a blow which should be final. D Artaguette,\\n:governor of Illinois, with the young and gallant Vincennes, lead-\\ning a small body of French and more than a thousand northern\\nIndians, on the day appointed, was at the spot appointed but\\nBien vdlle, who had returned as the king s lieutenant to that\\nsouthern land which he had aided to explore, was not where the\\ncommanders from above expected to meet him. During ten days\\nthey waited, and still saw nothing, heard nothing of the forces\\nfrom the south. Fearful of exhausting the scant patience of his\\nred allies, at length D Artaguette ordered the onset a first and a\\nsecond of the Chickasaw stations were carried successfully, but\\nin attacking a third the French leader fell when the Illinois\\nsaw their commander wounded, they turned and fled, leaving him\\nand de Vincennes, who would not desert him, in the hands of the\\nChickasaws. Five days afterwards, Bienville and his followers,\\namong whom were great numbers of Choctaws, bribed to bear\\narms against their kinsmen, came creeping up the stream of tlie\\nTombecbee but the savages were on their guard, English traders\\nhad aided them to fortify their position, and the French in vain\\nattacked their log fort. On the 20th of May, D Artaguette had\\nfallen on the 27th, Bienville had failed in his assault on the\\n31st, throwing his cannon into the river, he and his white com-\\npanions turned their prows to the south again. Then came the\\nhour of barbarian triumph, and the successful Chickasaws danced\\nround the flames in which were crackling the sinews of D Arta-\\nguette, Vincennes, and the Jesuit Senat, who stayed and died of\\nhis own free will, because duty bade him.\\nThree years more passed away, and again a French army of", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "38 West in 175a. 1750.\\nnearly four thousand white, red and black men was gathered upon\\nthe banks of the INIississippi, to chastise the Chickasaws. From\\nthe summer of 1739 to the spring of 1740,( this body of men\\nsickened and wasted at Fort Assumption,, upon the site of ^Nlemi-\\nphis. In March of the last named year,, without a blow struck,\\npeace was concluded, and the province of Louisiana once more\\nsunk into inactivity.*\\nOf the ten years which followed,, we know but little that is\\ninteresting in relation to the West; and of its condition in 1750,,\\nw^e can give no better idea than may be gathered from the follow-\\ning extracts of letters written by Vivier, a missionary among the\\nIllinois.\\nWriting Aux Illinois, six leagues from Fort Chai tres, June\\n8th, 1750, Vivier says: We have here Whites, Negroes and\\nIndians, to say nothing of cross-breeds. There are live French\\nvillages, and three villages of the natives, within a space of\\ntwenty-one leagues, situated between the Mississippi and another\\nriver called the Karkadiad (Kaskaskias.) In the five French vil-\\nlages are, perhaps, eleven hundred whites, three hundred blacks,\\nand some sixty red slaves or savages. The three Illinois towns\\ndo not contain more than eight hundred souls, all told.f Most o.f\\nthe French till the soil they raise wheat, cattle, pigs and horses^\\nand live like princes. Three times as much is produced as can\\nbe consumed; and great quantities of grain and flour are sent\\nto New Orleans. In this letter, also^ Vivier says that which\\nshows Father Marest s fears of French influence over the Indian\\nneophjies to have been well founded. Of the three Illinois\\ntowns, he tells uSj one was given up by the missionaries as\\nbeyond hope, and in a second but a poor harvest rewarded their\\nlabors; and all was owing to the bad example of the French, and\\nthe introduction by them of ardent spirits.\\nAgain, in an epistle dated November 17, 1750, Vivier says:\\nIn reference to Crozat, Law, and events in Louisiana, we refer to Bancroft iii.;\\nPenny Cyclopedia, articles Law, Mississippi Company Charlevoix, vol. ii. Du\\nPratz s Louisiana; Niles s Register, ii. 161, 189; and the collection of documents\\n(mostly official) relative to the Company of the West, published at Amsterdam, in 1730,\\nin the work called Relations de la Louisiane, et du Fleuve Mississippi, 2 vols.\\nt There was a fourth, (Peoria probably,) eighty leagues distant, nearly an large as the\\nthree referred to this is stated in another part of the same letter.\\nCriminals, vagabonds and strumpets, were largely exported to Louisiana, when the\\nfirst settlements were made. Father Poisson in Lettrcs EdiliantCF, (Paris^. 17S1,) vi..\\n393, c.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "1750. West in 1750. 39\\nFor fifteen leagues above the mouth of the Mississippi, l5ne sees\\nno dwellings, the ground being too low to be habitable. Thence\\nto New Orleans the lands are only partially occupied. New\\nOrleans, contains, black, white and red, not more, I think, than\\ntwelve hundred persons. To this point come all kinds of lumber,\\nbricks, salt-beef, tallow, tar, skins and bear s grease and above\\nall, pork and flour from the Illinois. These things create some\\ncommerce, forty vessels and more have come hither this year.\\nAbove New Orleans, plantations are again met with the most\\nconsiderable is a colony of Germans, some ten leagues up the\\nriver. At Point Coupee, thirty-five leagues above the German\\nsettlement, is a fort. Along here, within five or six leagues, are\\nnot less than sixty habitations. Fifty leagues farther up is the\\nNatchez post, where we have a garrison who are kept prisoners\\nby their fear of the Chickasaws and other savages. Here and at\\nPoint Coupee, they raise excellent tobacco. Another hundred\\nleagues bring us to the Arkansas, %vhere we have also a fort and\\ngarrison, for the benefit of the river traders. There were some in-\\nhabitants about here formerly, but in 1748, the Chickasaws attacked\\nthe post, slew many, took thirteen prisoners, and drove the rest,\\ninto the fort. From the Arkansas to the Illinois, near five hun-\\ndred leagues, there is not a settlement. There should, however,\\nbe a good fort on the Oubache, (Ohio,) the only path by\\nwhich the English can reach the Mississippi. In the Illinois are\\nnumberless mines, but no one to work them as they deserve.\\nSome individuals dig lead near the surface, and supply the\\nIndians and Canada. Two Spaniards now here, who claim to be\\nadepts, say that our mines are like those of Mexico, and that if\\nwe would dig deeper, we should find silver under the lead at\\nany rate the lead is excellent. There are also in this country\\ncopper mines beyond doubt, as from time to time large pieces are\\nfound in the streams.\\nLettres Edifiantes, (Paris, 1781,) vii. 79 to 106,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "ENGLISH DISCOVERIES AND CLAIMS.\\nWe have now sketched the progress of French discovery in the\\nvalley of the Mississippi. The first travellers reached that river\\nin 1673, and when the new year of 1750 broke upon the great\\nwilderness of the West, all was still wild except those little spots\\nupon the prairies of Illinois, and among the marshes of Louisiana,\\nwhich we have already named. Perhaps we ought also to except\\nVincennes, or St. Vincent s, on the Wabash*, as there is cause to\\nbelieve that place was settled as early as 1735, at least. But the\\nevidence in relation to this matter is of a kind which we think\\nworth stating, not from the importance of the matter itself, but to\\nillustrate the difficulty which besets an inquirer into certain points\\nof our early western history. Volney, by conjecture, fixes the set-\\ntlement of Vincennes about 1735 rf Bishop Brute of Indiana,\\nspeaks of a missionary station there in 1700, and adds, The\\nfriendly tribes and traders called to Canada for protection, and\\nthen M. de Vincennes came with a detachment, I think, of Carig-\\nnan, and was killed in 1735; Mr. Bancroft says a military\\nestablishment was formed there in 1716, and in 1742, a settlement\\nof herdsmen took place. Judge Law regards the post as dating\\nback to 1710 or 1711, supposing it to be the same with the Ohio\\nsettlement noticed on page 30, and quotes also an Act of Sale,\\nexisting at Kaskaskia, (if we understand him aright,) which, in\\nin January, 1735, speaks of M. de Vinsenne, as Commandant\\nau Poste de Ouabache.\u00c2\u00a7 Again, in a petition of the old inhabi-\\ntants at Vincennes, dated in November, 1793, we find the settle-\\nment spoken of as having been made before 1742 ;1I and such is\\nthe general voice of tradition. On the other hand, Charlevoix,\\nwho records the death of Vincennes, which took place among the\\nAlso called Post St. Vincent s and Au Poste or O Post.\\nt Volney s View, p, 336.\\nButler s Kentucky, Introduction, xix., note.\\nJ History United States, iii. 346.\\nLaw s Address, 1839, p. 21.\\njVmerican State Papers, xvi. 32.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "1750. Founding of Vincennes. 41\\nChickasaws, (see ante p. 37,) in 1736, makes no mention of any\\npost on the Wabash, or any missionary station there neither does\\nhe mark any upon his map, although he gives even the British\\nforts upon the Tennessee and elsewhere. Vivier, a part of whose\\nletters we have already quoted, says in 1750 nothing of any\\nmission on the Wabash, although w-riting in respect to western\\nmissions, and speaks of the necessity of a fort upon the Oua-\\nbache by this, it is true, he meant doubtless the Ohio, but how\\nnatural to refer to the post at Vincennes, if one existed. In a\\nvolume of Memoires on Louisiana, compiled from the minutes\\nof M. Dumont and published in Paris, in 1753, but probably pre-\\npared in 1749,* though we have an account of the Wabash or St.\\nJerome, its rise and course, and the use made of it by the traders,\\nnot a word is found touching any fort, settlement or station on it.\\nVaudreuil, when Governor of Louisiana, in 1751 mentions even\\nthen no post on the Wabash, although he speaks of the need of a\\npost on the Ohio, near to where Fort Massacf or Massacre was\\nbuilt afterwards, and names Fort Miami, on the Maumee.| The\\nrecords of Vincennes, Judge Law says, show no mission earlier\\nthan 1749.11 Still farther, in The Present State of North Ame-\\nrica, a pamphlet published in London, in 1755, with which is a\\nmap of the French posts in the West, we have it stated that in\\n1750 a fort was founded at Vincennes, and that in 1754, three\\nhundred families were sent to settle about it.\u00c2\u00a7\\nMemoires Historiques sur la Louisiane, c.\\nt Thirty-five or forty miles from the Mississippi. It received its name, as the common\\ntale goes, from the slaughter of its garrison by the Indians, who decoyed the French sol-\\ndiers to the river side, by covering themselves with bear skins. The story may be found\\nin Hall s Sketches of the West, i. 181. Nicolet, however, in his Report to Congress,\\n(p. 79,) says it was not named Massac or Massacre, but Marsiac while the writer of\\nBouquet s Expedition in 1764, calls it Massiac or Assumption, built in 1757. (Appendix\\nii. p. 64.) This last is probably the best authority.\\nI Quoted by Pownall, in his Memorial on Service in North America, drawn up in 1756.\\nIt forms an appendix to his Administration of the Colonies, 4th edition, London, 1768.\\nThere is also an English map published in 1747, by Kitchen, purposely to show the\\nFrench settlements, which does not name Vincennes. See also Sparks Fratikli?i, iii. 2S5.\\nII Address, p. 17.\\np. 65. The French forts mentioned in this work, (Present State, c.) as north of the\\nOhio, were,\\nTwo on French Creek, (Riviere des Bffiufs.)\\nDu Quesne.\\nSandusky.\\nMiamis on Maumee.\\nSt. Joseph s on the St. Joseph s of Lake Michigan.\\nPontchartrain at Detroit. (over)", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "42 Spotswood crosses the Allegheny. 1710.\\nSuch is the state of proof relative to Vincennes one thing,\\nhowever, seems certain, which is, that the AV abash was very early\\nfrequented. Hennepin, in 1663-4, had heard of the Hohio\\nthe route from the lakes to the Mississippi, by the Wabash, was\\nexplored in 1676;* and in Hennepin s volume of 1698, is a jour-\\nnal, said to be that sent by La Salle to Count Frontenac, in 1682\\nor 3, which mentions the route by the Maumeef and Wabash, as\\nthe most direct to the great western river.\\nIn 1749, therefore, when the English first began to move seri-\\nously about sending men into the West, there were only the Illi-\\nnois and the lower country settlements, and perhaps Vincennes\\nthe present States of Ohio, Indiana, and Kentucky, being still\\nsubstantially in the possession of the Indians. From this, how-\\never, it must not be inferred that the English colonists were ignor-\\nant of, or indifferent to, the capacities of the West, or that the\\nmovements of the French were unobserved up to the middle of\\nthe eighteenth century. Governor Spotswood of Virginia, as early\\nas 1710, had commenced movements, the object of which was to\\nsecure the country beyond the Alleghenies to the English crown.\\nHe caused the mountain passes to be examined, and with much pomp\\nand a great retinue, undertook the discovery of the regions on their\\nwestern side. Then it w^as that he founded The Tramontine\\nOrder, giving to each of those who accompanied him a golden\\nhorse-shoe, in commemoration of their toilsome mountain march,\\nupon which they w^ere forced to use horse-shoes, which were sel-\\ndom needed in the soft soil of the eastern vallies. In Pennsylva-\\nnia, also. Governor Keith and James Logan, Secretary of the\\nProvince, from 1719 to 1731 represented to the powers in Eng-\\nMassillimacanac.\\nFox River of Green Bay.\\nCrevecoeur.\\nT, T- v e. T on the Illinois.\\nRock Fort, or Fort St. Louis,}\\nvincennes.\\nMouth of the Wabash.\\nCuliokia.\\nKaskaskia.\\nMouth of the Ohio.\\nMouth of the Missouri.\\nAt the mouth of the Scioto, (called in the work just named, the Sikoder the French\\nhad a post during the war of 1756 see Rogers s Journal, London, 1765 Post s Journal\\nin Proud s Pennsylvania, vol. ii. App. p. 117. See also Holmes Annals, ii. 71, 72.\\nHistoire General dcs Voyages, xiv. 75?.\\nt Until this century, usually called the Miami, and sometimes the Tawa or Ottawa\\nRiver.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "1664. Colonel WoocPs Travels. 43\\nland, the necessity of taking steps to secure the western lands.*\\nNothing, however, was done by the government of the mother\\ncountry, except to take certain diplomatic steps to secure the\\nclaim of Britain to those distant and unexplored wildernesses.\\nEno-land, from the outset, claimed from the Atlantic to the\\nPacific, on the ground that the discovery and possession of the\\nseacoast was a discovery and possession of the country and, as\\nis well known, her grants to Virginia, Connecticut, and other colo-\\nnies were through to the South Sea. It was not upon this,, how-\\never, that Great Britain relied in her contest with France she had\\nother grounds, namely, actual discovery, and purchase or tide of\\nsome kind from the Indian owners.\\nHer claim on the score of actual discovery was poorly supported\\nhowever, and little insisted on.\\nKing Charles the First, in the fifth year of his reign (1630^)\\ngranted unto Sir Robert Heath, his attorney-general, a patent of\\nall that part of America, which lies between thirty-one and\\nthirty-six degrees north latitude, from sea to sea. Eight years\\nafterwards. Sir Robert conveyed this very handsome property to\\nLord Maltravers, who was soon, by his father s death. Earl of\\nArundel. From him, by we know not what course of conveyance,\\nthis grant, which formed the Province of Cai-olana (not Carolina,)\\ncame into the hands of Dr. Daniel Coxe, who was, in the opinion\\nof the attorney-general of England, true owner of that Province\\nin the year of D Iberville s discovery, 1699.1\\nIn support of the English claim, thus originating, we are told\\nby Dr. Coxe, that, from the year 1654 to the year 1664, one\\nColonel Wood in Virginia, inhabiting at the Falls of James\\nriver, above a hundred miles west of Chesapeake Bay, discovered\\nat several times, several branches of the great rivers, Ohio and\\nMeschasebe. Nay, the Doctor affirms, that he had himself pos-\\nsessed, in past days, the Journal of a Mr. Needham, who was in\\nthe Colonel s employ, which Journal, he adds, is now in the\\nhands of, c. The Doctor also states, that about the year 1676,\\nhe had in his keeping a Journal, written by some one who had\\ngone from the mouth of the Mississippi, up as far as the Yellow\\nor Muddy river, otherwise called Missouri; and he says, this\\nBancroft, iii. 354; Jones s Present State of Virginia, (1724,) 14; Universal History,\\nxl. 192.\\nA Description of the English Province of Carolana, c., by Daniel Coxe, Esquire.\\nLondon 1722. pp. 113 et seq.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "44 English Discovenes. 1699.\\nJournal, in almost every particular, was confirmed by the late\\ntravels. And still further, Dr. Coxe assures us, that, in 1678,\\na considerable number of persons went from New England upon\\ndiscovery, and proceeded so far as New Mexico, one hundred and\\nfifty leagues beyond the river Meschasebe, and, at their return,\\nrendered an account to the government at Boston for the truth\\nof all which he calls Governor Dudley, who was still living, as\\nwitness. Nor had he been idle himself; apprehending that the\\nplanting of this country would be highly beneficial, he tried to\\nreach it first from Carolina, then from Pensilvania, by the Sus-\\nquehannah river, and many of his people travelled to New\\nMexico. He had also made discoveries through the great river\\nOchequiton, or, as we call it, Alabama; and more to the north-\\nwest, beyond the river Meschasebe, had found a very great\\nsea of fresh water, several thousand miles in circumference,\\nw^hence a river ran into the South Sea, about the latitude of forty-\\nfour degrees, and through this, he adds, we are assured the\\nEno;lish have since entered that great lake.\\nThese various statements are, it must be owned, somewhat\\nstartling; but, leaving them undisturbed for the present, we can\\nsee clearly the bearing of what follows, namely, that the Doctor,\\nin 1698, fitted out two vessels, well armed and manned, one of\\nwhich (when, we hear not) entered the Mississippi and ascended\\nit above one hundred miles, and then returned, wherefore, is\\nnot specially stated. This was, doubtless, the corvette which M.\\nBienville turned out of what he considered French domains as\\nCharlevoix tells us, that the vessel which Bienville met, was one\\nof two which left England in 1698, armed with thirty-six guns,\\nthe same number which Daniel Coxe, the Doctor s son, tells us,\\nwere borne by his father s vessels. The English, having thus\\nfound their way to the Meschasebe, wished to prosecute the mat-\\nter, and it was proposed to make there a settlement of the French\\nHuguenots, who had fled to Carolina; but the death of Lord\\nLonsdale, the chief forwarder of the scheme, put an end to that\\nplan, and we do not learn from Coxe, whose work appeared in\\n1722, that any further attempts were made by England, whose\\nwars and woes nearer home kept her fully employed.\\nAnd now, what are we to say to those bold statements by Coxe\\nstatements contained in his memorial to the King in 1699, and\\nsuch as could hardly, one would think, be tales a la Hontan^\\nColonel Wood s adventures are recorded by no other writer, so", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "1742. John Howard taken by the French. 45\\nfar as we have read for, though Hutchins, who was geographer\\nto the United States when the western lands were first surveyed,\\nrefers to Wood, and also to one Captain Bolt, who crossed the\\nAlleghanies in 1670, his remarks are very vague, and he gives us\\nno one to look to, as knowing the circumstances. Of the Boston\\nexpedition we know still less the story is repeated from Coxe by\\nvarious pamphlet waiters of those days, when Law s scheme had\\nwaked up England to a very decided interest in the West but all\\nexaminations of contemporary writers, and the town records, have\\nas yet failed to lend a single fact in support of this part of the Doc-\\ntor s tale. While, therefore, there is no doubt that the English, at\\nan early day, had visited the South West, and even had stations on\\nthe Tennessee and among the Chickasaws, (see Charlevoix s map,)\\nwe cannot, on the other hand, regard the statements made by\\nCoxe as authenticated.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Then we have it also from tradition, that\\nin 1742, John Howard crossed the mountains from Virginia, sailed\\nin a canoe made of a buffalo skin down the Ohio, and was taken\\nby the French on the Mississippi and this tradition is confirmed\\nby a note, contained in a London edition of Du Pratz, printed in\\n1774, in which the same facts as to Howard are substantially\\ngiven as being taken from the oflScial report of the Governor of\\nVirginia, at the time of his expedition. But this expedition by\\nHoward, could give England no claim to the West, for he made\\nno settlement, and the whole Ohio valley had doubtless long be-\\nfore been explored by the French f if not the English traders. It\\nis, however, worthy of remembrance, as the earliest visit by an\\nEnglishman to the West, Avhich can be consiHered as distinctly\\nauthenticated. Soon after that time, traders undoubtedly began\\nto flock thither from Pennsylvania and Virginia. In 1748, Con-\\nrad Weiser, an interpreter, was sent from Philadelphia wath pres-\\nents to the Indians at Logstown, an Indian town upon the Ohio,\\nbetween Pittsburgh and the Big Beaver creek, and we find the\\nresidence of English traders in that neighborhood referred to as of\\nsome standing, even then.|\\nKercheval s Valley of Virginia, p. 67.\\nTrees have been found in Ohio bearing marks of the axe, which, if we may jndge\\nby the rings, were made as far back as 1660. Whittlesey s Discourse 1840, p. 8.\\nButler s History of Kentucky, vol. i. second edition, (Introduction xx.) gives the\\nadventures of one Sailing in the West, as early as 1730, but his authority is a late work,\\n{Chronicles of Border Warfare,) and the account is merely traditional, we presume\\nSailing is named in the note to Du Pratz, as having been with Howard in 1742. There\\nare various vague accounts of English in the West, before Howard s voyage. Keating,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "46 Lord Howard held a treaty with the Six J^ations. 16S4.\\nBut the great ground whereon the English claimed dominion\\nbeyond the Alleghanics, was that the Six Nations* owned the\\nOhio valley, and had placed it, with their other lands, under the\\nprotection of England. As early as 1684, Lord Howard, Gov-\\nernor of Virginia, held a treaty with the Six Nations, at Albany,\\nwhen, at the request of Colonel Dungan, the Governor of New\\nYork, they placed themselves under the protection of the mother\\ncountry.! This was again done in 1701; and, upon the 14th of\\nSeptember, 1726, a formal deed was drawn up, and signed by the\\nchiefs, by which their lands were conveyed to England, in trust,\\nto be protected and defended by his Majesty, to and for the use\\nof the grantors and their heirs. If, then, the Six Nations had\\na good claim to the western country, there could be little doubt\\nthat England w^as justified in defending that country against the\\nFrench, as France, by the treaty of Utrecht, had agreed not to\\ninvade the lands of Britain s Indian allies. But this claim of the\\nNew York savages has been disputed. Among others General\\nWilliam H. Harrison has attempted to disprove it, and show, that\\nthe Miami confederacy of Illinois and Ohio could not have been\\nconquered by the Iroquois, j] We shall not enter into the contro-\\nversy but will only say, that to us the evidence is very strong,\\nthat, before 1680, the Six Nations had overrun the w^estern lands,\\nand were dreaded from Lakes Erie and INIichigan to the Ohio,\\nin Long s Expedition, speaks of a Colonel Wood, who had been there, beside the one\\nmentioned by Coxe. In a work called The Contest in America between England and\\nFrance. By an Impartial Hand, London 1757, we find it stated, that the Indians at\\nAlbany, in 1754, acknowledged that the English had been on the Ohio for thirty years.\\nAnd in a memorial by the British ministry, in 1755, they speak of the West as having been\\ncultivated by England for above twenty t/eory. (Sparks Frmiklin, vol.iv. p. 330.)\\nClearer proof still is found in the fact that the Government of Pennsylvania recalled its\\ntraders from the Ohio as early as 1732, in consequence of apprehending trouble with the\\nFrench and Indians. (Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, iii.-476.\\nWhen we first hear of the great northern confederacy, there were five tribes in it\\nnamely, Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. Afterwards the Tusca-\\nroras were conquered and taken into the confederacy, and it became the Six Nations.\\nStill later, the Nanticokcs, and Tutclocs, came into the union, which was, however, still\\ncalled the Six Nations, though sometimes the Eight United Nations. This confederacy\\nwas by the French called the Iroquois, by the Dutch Maquas, by the other In-\\ndians Mengive, and, thence, by the English, Mingoes. These varied names have\\nproduced countless errors, and endless confusion. By many writers we are told of the\\nIroquois or Mohawks and the Mingoes of the Ohio are almost always spdven of as a\\ntribe. We have used the terms Six Nations, and Iroquois, and now and then\\nMingoes, always meaning the whole confederacy.\\nt Flain Facts, c. Philadelphia, 17S1. pp. 22, 23.\\nThis may be found at length in Pownall s Administration of the Colonies, fourth\\nedition, London, 1768, p. 269.\\nfl See Harrison s Historical Address, 1837.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "1744. Western Lands claimed by the British. 47\\nand west to the Mississippi. In 1673, Allouez and Dablon found\\nthe Miamis upon Lake Michigan, fearing a visit from the Iroquois,*\\nand from this time forward we hear of them in that far land from\\nall writers, genuine and spurious, as may be easily gathered from\\nwhat we have said already of Tonti and his w^ars.f We cannot\\ndoubt, therefore, that they did overrun the lands claimed by\\nthem, and even planted colonies in what is now Ohio but that\\nthey had any claim, which a Christian nation should have recog-\\nnized, to most of the territory in question, we cannot for a moment\\nthink, as for half a century at least it had been under the rule of\\nother tribes, and, when the differences between France and Eng-\\nland began, was, with the exception of the lands just above the\\nhead of the Ohio, the place of residence and the hunting-ground\\nof other tribes.\\nBut some of the western lands were also claimed by the British,\\nas having been actually purchased. This purchase was said to\\nhave been made at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in 1744, when a\\ntreaty was held between the colonists and the Six Nations relative\\nto some alleged settlements that had been made upon the Indian\\nlands in Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland and to this treaty,\\nof which we have a very good and graphic account, wTitten by\\nWitham Marshe, who went as secretary with the commissioners\\nfor Maryland, we now turn, dwelling upon it somewhat, as a\\nspecimen of the mode in which the Indians were treated with.\\nThe Maryland, commissioners reached Lancaster upon the 21st of\\nJune, before either the governor of Pennsylvania, the Virginia\\ncommissioners, or the Indians, had arrived though all but the\\nnatives came that evening.\\nThe next forenoon wore wearily away, and all were glad to sit\\ndown, at one o clock, to a dinner in the court-house, which the\\nVirginians gave their friends, and from which not many were\\ndrawn, even by the coming of the Indians, who came, to the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2George Croghan, the Indian agent, took an oath that the Iroquois claimed no farther\\non the north side of the Ohio than the Great Miami or Stony river (called also Rocky\\nriver, Great Mineami and Assereniet. Hutchin s Geographical Descriptions, 25. The\\npurport of this oath has been misunderstood, it says nothing of what the Iroquois trans-\\nferred to England in 1768. See Butler s Kentucky, 5. 6. Hall s Statistics of the West,\\nPreface, viii. Butler s Chronology, 9. The oath is given American State Papers, xvii.\\n110.\\nSee Charlevoix, La Hontan, Hennepin, Tonti, c.\\nIn 1744, when the Lancaster treaty was held with the Six Nations, some of their\\nnumber were making war upon the Catawbas. 3Iarsh^s Journal, Massachusetts His-\\ntorical Collections, vol. vii. pp. 190^ 191.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "48 Treaty of Lancaster. 1744.\\nnumber of two liundred and fifty-two, with squaws and little\\nchildren on horseback, and with their fire-arms, and bows, and\\narrows, and tomahawks, and, as they passed the coust-house, in-\\nvited the white men with a song to renew their fisrmer treaties.\\nOn the outskirts of the town, vacant lots had been chosen for the\\nsavages to build their wigwams upon, and thither they marched\\non with Conrad Weiser, their friend and interpreter,* while the\\nVirginians drank the loyal healths, and finished their enter-\\ntainment. After dinner they went out to look at their dark allies,\\nwho had few shirts among them, and those black from wear, and\\nwho were very ragged and shabby; at all which the well-clad\\nand high-fed colonists bit their lips, but feared to laugh. That\\nafternoon the chiefs and commissioners met at the court-house,\\nshaked hands, smoked a pipe, and drank a good quantity of\\nwine and punchy The next day, being Saturday, the English\\nwent to the Dunkers nunnery, and the Indians drank, and\\ndanced, and shrieked. Monday, the speaking began, to the satis-\\nfaction of all parties, and ended merrily with dancing, and music,\\nand a gi-eat supper. On Tuesday and Wednesday, also, speeches\\nwere made, varied by dances, in which appeared some very disa-\\ngi-eeable women, who danced wilder time than any Indians.\\nOn Thursday the goods were opened, wherewith the Maryland\\npeople wished to buy the Indian claim to the lands on which set-\\ntlements had been made. These goods were narrowly scanned\\nby the red men, but at last taken for j\u00c2\u00a3220 Pennsylvania money,\\nafter which they drank punch. Friday, the Six Nations agreed to\\nthe grant desired by the Marylanders, and punch was drunk again\\nand, on Saturday, a dinner was given to the chiefs, at which,\\nsays Marshe, they fed lustily, drunk heartily, and were very\\ngreasy before they finished. At this dinner, the Indians bestowed\\non the governor of Maryland the name of Tocaryhogon, meaning\\nLiving in the honorable place. Jljler this caine much drinking,\\nand when that had gone forward some time, the Indians were\\ncalled on to sign the deed which had been drawn up, and the\\nEnglish again put about the glass, pretty briskly. Next, the\\ncommissioners from Virginia, supported by a due quantity of wine\\nand bumbo,] held their conference with the Indians, and received\\nfrom them a deed releasing their claim to a large quantity of\\n*For some idea of Weiser, see Proud s History of Pennsylvania, vol. ii., p. 316,\\nwhere a long letter by him is given. Day s Historical Collections of Pennsylvania, 134.\\nRum and water.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "1748, Ohio Company proposed, 49\\nland lying in that colony the Indians being persuaded to re-\\ncognise the king s right to all lands that are, or by his majesty s\\nappointment shall be, within the colony of Virginia. For this\\nthey received j\u00c2\u00a3200 in gold, and a like sum in goods, with a pro-\\nmise that, as settlements increased, more should be paid, which pro-\\nmise was signed and sealed. We need make no comment upon\\nthis deed, nor speculate upon the probable amount of bumbo\\nwhich produced it. The commissioners from Virginia, at this\\ntreaty of Lancaster, were Colonel Thomas Lee and Colonel Wil-\\nliam Beverly.*\\nOn the 5th of July, every thing having been settled satisfactori-\\nly, the commissioners left the filthy town of Lancaster, and\\ntook their homeward w^ay, having suffered much from the vermin\\nand the water, though when they used the latter would be a curi-\\nous enquiry.\\nSuch was the treaty of Lancaster, upon which, as a corner-stone,\\nthe claim of the colonists to the west, by purchase, rested and\\nupon this, and the grant from the Six Nations, Great Britain relied\\nin all subsequent steps.\\nAs settlements extended, and the Indians murmured, the pro-\\nmise of further pay w^as called to mind, and Weiser was sent\\nacross the Alleghanies to Logstown, in 1748, f wdth presents, to\\nkeep the Indians in good humor and also to sound them, pro-\\nbably, as to their feeling with regard to large settlements in the\\nwest, which some Virginians, with Colonel Thomas Lee, the Lan-\\ncaster commissioner, at their head, were then contemplating. J The\\nobject of these proposed settlements w^as not the cultivation of the\\nsoil, but the monopoly of the Indian trade which, with all its\\nprofits, had till that time been in the hands of unprincipled men,\\nhalf civilized, half savage, who, through the Iroquois, had from\\nthe earliest period penetrated to the lakes of Canada and com-\\nPlain Fads, bei7ig an Examination, c^c, oTid a Vindication of the Grant from the\\nSix United Nations of Indians to the Proprietors of Indiana vs. the Decision of the\\nLegislature of Virginia. Pp. 29-39. Philadelphia R. Aitken. 1781. Sparks IFasA-\\nington, vol. ii. p. 4S0. Marshe s Journal. The whole proceedings may be found in\\nColden s History of the Iroquois, given with proper formal solemnity.\\nPlain Facts, pp. 40, 119, 120.\\nI Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 478. Scarce any thing was known of the old Ohio\\nCompany, until Mr. Sparks inquiries led to the note referred to and even now so little\\nis known, that we cannot but hope some Historical Society will prevail on Charles Fenton\\nMercer, formerly of Virginia, who holds the papers of that Company, to allow their pub-\\nlication. No full history of the West can be written, until the facts relative to the great\\nland companies are better known.\\n4", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "60 Companies for Western Trade. 1749,\\npeted everpvhere with the French for skins and furs.* It was\\nnow proposed in Virginia to turn these fellows out of their good\\nberth beyond the mountains, by means of a great company, which\\nshould hold lands and build trading-houses, import European goods\\nregularly, and export the furs of the west in return to London.\\nAccordingly, after Weiser s conference with the Indians at Logs-\\ntown, which was favorable to their views, Thomas Lee, with\\ntwelve other Virginians, among whom were Lawrence and Augus-\\ntine, brothers of George Washington, and also Mr. Hanbury of\\nLondon, formed an association which they called the Ohio Com-\\npany, and in 1748, petitioned the king for a grant beyond the\\nmountains. This petition was approved by the monarch, and the\\ngovernment of Virginia was ordered to grant to the petitioners\\nhalf a million of acres within the bounds of that colony, beyond\\nthe Alleghanies, two hundred thousand of which were to be loca-\\nted at once. This portion was to be held for ten years free of\\nquitrent, provided the company would put there one hundred\\nfamilies within seven years, and build a fort sufficient to protect\\nthe settlement all which the company proposed, and prepared to\\ndo at once, and sent to London for a cargo suited to the Indian\\ntrade, which was to come out so as to arrive in November, 1749.\\nOther companies were also formed about this time in Virginia,\\nto colonize the west. Upon the 12th of June, 1749, a grant of\\n800,000 acres, from the line of Canada, north and west, was\\nmade to the Loyal Company and, upon the 29th of October, 57,\\nanother, of 100,000 acres to the Greenbriar Company. f\\nBut the French were not blind all this while. They saw, that,\\nif the British once obtained a strong-hold upon the Ohio, they\\nmight not only prevent their settlements upon it, but must at last\\ncome upon their lower posts, and so the battle be fought sooner or\\nlater. To the danger of the English possessions in the west, Vau-\\ndreuil, the French governor, had been long alive. Upon the 10th\\nof May, 1744, he wrote home representing the consequences that\\nmust come from allowing the British to build a trading-house\\namong the Creeks and, in November, 1748, he anticipated their\\nSee Charlevoix, first and second vol. in many places especially i. 502, 515, ii. 133,\\n269, 373. The English were at Mackinac as early as 16S6.\\nt Revised Statutes of Virginia, by B. W. Leigh, ii. 347.\\nj^ Pownall s Mcmoriul on Service in America, as before quoted. Vaudreuil came out\\nas Governor of Canada in 1755. Massachusetts Historical Collections, vol. vii., p. 105.\\nSee also Holmes Annuls, vol.ii. p. 23.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "1749, Celeron sent to Ohio. 51\\nseizure of Fort Prudhomme, which was upon the Mississippi be-\\nlow the Ohio.* Nor was it for mere sickly missionary stations\\nthat the governor feared for, in the year last-named, the Illinois\\nsettlements, few as they were, sent flour and corn, the hams of\\nhogs and bears, pickled pork and beef, myrtle wax, cotton, tallow,\\nleather, tobacco, lead, iron, copper, some little buffalo wool, veni-\\nson, poultry, bear s grease, oil, skins, and coarse furs, to the New\\nOrleans market. Even in 1746, from five to six hundred barrels\\nof flour, according to one authority, and two thousand according\\nto another, went thither from Illinois, convoys annually going\\ndown in December with the produce. f Having these fears, and\\nseeing the danger of the late movements of the British, Galli-\\nsoniere, then governor of Canada, determined to place, along\\nthe Ohio, evidences of the French claim to, and possession of,\\nthe country; and for that purpose, in the summer of 1749, sent\\nLouis Celeron, with a party of soldiers, to place plates of lead, on\\nwhich were written out the claims of France, in the mounds, and\\nat the mouths of the rivers. J Of this act, William Trent, who\\nwas sent out in 1752, by Virginia, to conciliate the Indians, heard\\nwhile upon the Ohio, and mentioned it in his Journal and, within\\na few years, one of the plates, wath the inscription partly defaced,\\nhas been found near the mouth of the Muskingum. Of this plate,\\nthe date upon which is August 16th, 1749, a particular account\\nwas sent, by De Witt Clinton, to the American Antiquarian So-\\nciety, in whose second volume (p. 535-541) the inscription may\\nbe found at length. By this step, the French, perhaps, hoped to\\nquiet the title to the river, Oyo but it produced not the least\\nresult. In that very year, we are told, a trading-house was built\\nby the English, upon the Great Miami, at the spot since called\\nLoramie s Store while, from another source we learn, that two\\nPownall s Memorial.\\nIbid. Representations to Earl of Hillsborough, 1770, quoted in Filson s Kentucky,\\n1784 also, in Hutchins Geographical Description, p. 15.\\nSparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 430. Atwater s History of Ohio, first edition, p. 109.\\nTransactions of the American Antiquarian Society, vol. ii. pp. 535-541. De Witt\\nClinton received the plate mentioned in the text from Mr, Atvvater, who says it was found\\nat the mouth of the Muskingum, though marked as having been placed at the mouth of\\ntlie Venango (Yenangue) River, (French Creek, we presume.) Celeron wrote from an\\nold Shawanee town on the Ohio, to Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania, respecting the\\nintrusion of traders from that colony into the French dominions. ^Minutes of the Cotmcil\\nof Pennsylvania, quoted in Dillon s History of Indiana, i. 66.\\nI Contest in America, by an Impartial Hand. Once this writes speaks of this post as\\nnpon the Wabash, but he doubtless meant that on the Miami.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "52 Gist visits Tivighvees. 1751.\\ntraders were, in 1749, seized by the French upon the jNIaumee.\\nAt any rate, the storm was gathering the Enghsh company was\\ndetermined to carry out its plan, and the French were determined\\nto oppose them.\\nDuring 1750, we hear of no step, by either party but in Fe-\\nbruary, 1751, we find Christopher Gist, the agent who had been\\nappointed by the Ohio Company to examine the western lands,\\nupon a visit to the Twigtwees or Tuigtuis, who lived upon the\\nMiami River, one hundred and fifty miles from its mouth.* In\\nspeaking of this tribe, Mr. Gist says nothing of a trading-house\\namong them, (at least in the passage from his Journal quoted by\\nMr. Sparks,) but he tells us, they left the Wabash for the sake of\\ntrading with the English and we have no doubt, that the spot\\nwhich he visited was at the mouth of Loraime s Creek, where, as\\nwe have said, a trading-house was built about or before this time.\\nGist says, the Twigtwees were a very numerous people, much\\nsuperior to the Six Nations, and that they were formerly in the\\nFrench interest. Wynne speaks of them as the same with the\\nOttowas but Gist undoubtedly meant the great Miamis confede-\\nracy for he says that they are not one tribe, but many different\\ntribes, under the same form of government, Upon this journey\\nGist went as far down the Ohio as the Falls, and was gone seven\\nmonths, though the particulars of his tour are yet unknown to us\\nhis Journal, with the exception of one or two passages published\\nby Mr. Sparks, and some given in the notes to Imlay and Pownall s\\naccount of the West, still resting in manuscript. J\\nHaving thus generally examined the land upon the Ohio, in\\nNovember Gist commenced a thorough survey of the tract south\\nSparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 37.\\nSee Harrison s Discourse, already quoted. Franklin, following a Twigtwee chief\\npresent at Carlisle, in 17.53, (Minutes of that Council, p. 7. Sparks Franklin, vol. iv.\\np, 71,) speaks of the Piankeshaws, a tribe of the Twigtwees and again, of the Jliamis\\nor Twigtwees (ibid. vol. iii. p. 72.) The name is spelt in the Minutes of the Provincial\\nCouncil of Pennsylvania, Twechtwese, and they are described as those Indians, called\\nby the French, Miamis, (iii. 470 On Evans map, of 1755, they arc called Tawixtwi,\\nand are mentioned among the confederated nations, of the west. See also General\\nHarrison s letter of March 22, 1814, in McAfee, p. 43.\\nPownall s typography is in Imlay, edition of 1797, London, from p. 82 to 129. From\\nEvans map, first published in 1755, and republished in 1776, we learn that Gist crossed\\nthe mountains near tlie heads of the Cumberland, went down the Kentucky River\\nsome distance, thence crossed to the mouth of the Scioto, which stream he followed up,\\nand afterwards turning east, went across the Muskingum to Fort Pitt the year in which\\nhe did this is not given, nor do wo know whether the route is laid down in Evans first\\nedition of 1755.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "1752. French begin their Forts. 53\\nof the Ohio and east of the Kanawha, which was that on which\\nthe Ohio Company proposed to make their first settlement. He\\nspent the winter in that labor. In 1751 also, General Andrew\\nLewis, commenced some surveys in the Greenbriar country, on\\nbehalf of the company already mentioned, to which one hundred\\nthousand acres of land had been granted in that region;* but\\nhis proceedings, as well as Gist s, were soon interrupted. Mean-\\nwhile no treaty of a definite character had yet been held with the\\nwestern Indians and, as the influence both of the French and of\\nthe independent English traders, was against the company, it was\\nthought necessary to do something, and the Virginia government\\nwas desired to invite the chiefs to a conference at Logstown,\\nwdrich was done.\\nAll this time the French had not been idle. They not only\\nstirred up the savages, but took measures to fortify certain points\\non the upper waters of the Ohio, from which all lower posts might\\nbe easily attacked, and, beginning at Persqu Ile, or Erie, on the\\nlake, prepared a line of communication with the Alleghany. Tliis\\nwas done by opening a wagon-road from Erie to a little lake lying\\nat the head of French Creek, where a second fort was built, about\\nfifteen miles from that at Erie. When this second fort was fortified\\nwe do not clearly learn but some time in 1752, we believe. f\\nBut lest, while these little castles were quietly rising amid the\\nforest, the British also might strengthen themselves too securely\\nto be dislodged, a party of soldiers was sent to keep the Ohio\\nclear; and this party, early in 1752, having heard of the trading-\\nhouse upon the Miami, and, very likely, of the visit to it by\\nGist, came to the Twigtwees and demanded the traders, as unau-\\nthorized intruders upon French lands. The Twigtwees, how-\\never, were neither cowards nor traitors, and refused to deliver up\\ntheir friends. The French, assisted by the Ottawas and Chip-\\npewas, then attacked the trading-house, which was probably a\\nStuart s Memoir of Indian War. Border Warfare, 4S.\\nt Washington s Journal, of 1753. Mante, in his History of the War, says, early ia\\n1753 but there was a post at Erie when the traders were taken, before June, 1752.\\nSparks FranMin, vol. iv. p. 71. vol. iii. p. 230. PlainFactg,p. 42. Contest in\\nNorth America, c. p. 36. Wester7i Monthly Magazine, 1833. This fort was always\\nreferred to in the early treaties of the United States with the Indians see Land Laics\\nand treaties, j)ost. Several other captures beside this are referred to by Franklin and\\nothers. The attack on Logstown, spoken of by Smollett and Russell, was doubtless this\\nattack on the Miami post. Smollett; George IL chap, is. See also Burk s Virginia^\\nvol. iii. p. 170.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "54 Post on Miami destroyed. 1752.\\nblock-house, and after a severe battle, in which fourteen of the\\nnatives were killed,* and others wounded, took and destroyed it,\\ncarrying the traders away to Canada as prisoners, or, as one\\naccount says, burning some of them alive. This fort, or tradmg-\\nhouse, was called by the English writers Pickawillany.f\\nSuch was the fate of the first British settlement in the Ohio\\nvalley, of which we have any record. It was destroyed early in\\n1752, as we know by the fact, that its destruction was referred\\nto by the Indians at the Logstown treaty in June. What traders\\nthey were who were taken, w^e do not know wnth certainty. Some\\nhave thought them agents of the Ohio Company but Gist s pro-\\nceedings about the Kenhawa do not favor the idea, neither do the\\nsubsequent steps of the company; and in the History of Penn-\\nsylvania, ascribed to Franklin, we find a gift of condolence\\nmade by that Province to the Twigtwees for those slain in defence\\nof the traders among them, in 1752, which leads us to believe\\nthat they were independent merchants from that colony.\\nBlood had now been shed, and both parties became more\\ndeeply interested in the progress of events in the west. The\\nEnglish, on their part, determined to purchase from the Indians\\na title to the lands they washed to occupy, by fair means or\\nfoul; and, in the spring of 1752, Messrs. Fry,|| Lomax, and Pat-\\nton, were sent from Virginia to hold a conference with the na-\\ntives at Logstown, to learn what they objected to in the treaty\\nof Lancaster, of which it was said they complained, and to settle\\nall difficulties. On the 9th of June, the commissioners met the\\nred men at Logstown: this was a little village, seventeen miles\\nAmong them a king of the Piankeshaws. (Minutes of the Council of Carlisle, 1753.)\\nFrom those Minutes we learn also that the Ottawas and Chippewas aided the French.\\nt Washington s Journal (London, 1754) has a map on which the name is printed Pik-\\nkawalinna. A memorial of the king s ministers, in 1755, refers to it as Pickawillancs,\\nin the centre of the territory between the Ohio and the Wabash. (Sparks prawi/m,\\nvol. iv. p. 330.) The name is probably some variation of Piqua or Pickaway in 1773:\\nwritten by Rev. David Jones Pickaweke. (Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 265.)\\n:j: The Twigtwees met the Pennsylvanians at Lancaster, in July, 1748, and made a\\ntreaty with them. (Dillon s Indiana, i. 63.) Croghan also (Butler s Kentucky, 471,)\\nspeaks of them as connected with Pennsylvania. The Shawnese, from the west, went to\\nPhiladelphia to make treaties, in 1732. (Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsyl-\\nvania, iii. 491.)\\nH Afterwards Commander in Chief over Washington, at the commencement of the\\nFrench war of 1755\u00e2\u0080\u0094 63 he died at Will s Creek, (Cumberland) May 31, 1754. (Sparks\\nWashington, ii. 27. note.)\\nPlain Facts, \u00e2\u0096\u00a0p. 40. Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 4S0.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "1752. Treaty of Logstown. 55\\nand a half below Pittsburgh, upon the north side of the Ohio.* It\\nhad long been a trading-point, but had been abandoned by the\\nIndians in 1750. f Here the Lancaster treaty was produced, and\\nthe sale of the western lands insisted upon but the chiefs said,\\nNo; they had not heard of any sale west of the warrior s road,\\nwhich ran at the foot of the Alleghany ridge. The commis-\\nsioners then offered goods for a ratification of the Lancaster treaty\\nspoke of the proposed settlement by the Ohio Company and used\\nall their persuasions to secure the land wanted. Upon the 11th\\nof June, the Indians replied. They recognised the treaty of Lan-\\ncaster, and the authority of the Six Nations to make it, but denied\\nthat they had any knowledge of the western lands being conveyed\\nto the English by said deed and declined, upon the whole, having\\nany thing to do %vith the treaty of 1744. However, said the\\nsavages, as the French have already struck the Twigtwees, we\\nshall be pleased to have your assistance and protection, and wish\\nyou would build a fort at once at the Fork of the Ohio. But\\nthis permission was not what the Virginians wanted so they took\\naside Montour, the interpreter, who was a son of the famous\\nCatherine Montour,\u00c2\u00a7 and a chief among the Six Nations, being\\nthree-fourths of Indian blood, and persuaded him, by valid argu-\\nments, (of the kind which an Indian most appreciates doubtless,) to\\nuse his influence with his fellows. This he did and, upon the 13th\\nof June, they all united in signing a deed, confirming the Lancaster\\ntreaty in its full extent^ consenting to a settlement southeast of the\\nOhio, and guarantying that it should not be disturbed by them.H\\nCroghan, in his Journal says, that Logstown was south of the Ohio. Butler s Ken-\\ntucky, App.) The river is itself nearly north and south at the spot in question but we\\nalways call the Canada side the north side, having reference to the general direction of\\nthe stream.\\nBouquet s Expedition. London, 1766. p. 10. Logstown is given on the map accom-\\npanying the volume.\\nWashington (Sparks ii. 526,) speaks of a warrior s path coming out upon the Ohio\\nabout thirty miles above the Great Kenhawa; Filson and Hutchins (see map) make the\\none referred to by them terminate below the Scioto. One may have been a branch used\\nby the Muskingum and Hocking tribes, the other by those of the Scioto Valley-\\n1 Plain Facts, p. 42.\\nFor a sketch of this woman, see Massachusetts Historical Collections, First Series,\\nvol. vii p. 189, or Stone s Life of Brant, vol. i. p. 339. She had two sons, Andrew and\\nHenry. The latter was a captain among the Iroquois, the former a common interpreter,\\napparently. Andrew was taken by the French in 1749. Which of them was at Logstown\\nwe are not told but, from his influence with the Indians, it was probably Henry.\\nf Plain Facts, pp 38 14. The Virginia commissioners were men of high character,\\nbut ti-fiated with the Indians according to the ideas of their day.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "56 Settlers a-oss the Mountains. 1752,\\nBy such means was obtained the first treaty Avith the Indians in\\nthe Ohio valley.\\nAll this time the two powers beyond the Atlantic were in a\\nprofessed state of profound peace and commissioners were at\\nParis trying to out-manoeuvre one another with regard to the dis-\\nputed lands in America,* though in the West all looked like\\nwar. We have seen how the English outwitted the Indians, and\\nsecured themselves, as they thought, by their politic conduct.\\nBut the French, in this as in all cases, proved that they knew best\\nhow to manage the natives; and, though they had to contend with\\nthe old hatred felt toward them by the Six Nations, and though\\nthey by no means refrained from strong acts, marching through\\nthe midst of the Iroquois country, attacking the T\\\\^ igtwees, and\\nseizing the English traders, nevertheless they did succeed, as the\\nBritish never did, in attaching the Indians to their cause. As an\\nold chief of the Six Nations said at Easton, in 175S; The Indi-\\nans on the Ohio left you because of your own fault. When we\\nheard the French were coming, we asked you for help and arms,\\nbut we did not get them. The French came, they treated us\\nkindly, and gained our affections. The Governor of Virginia set-\\ntled on our lands for his own benefit, and, when we wanted help,\\nforsook us.f\\nSo stood matters at the close of 1752. The English had\\nsecured (as they thought) a title to the Indian lands south-east of\\nthe Ohio, and Gist was at work laying out a town and fort there\\non Shurtees (Chartier s) Creek, about two miles below the Fork.J\\nEleven families also were crossing the mountains to settle at the\\npoint W here Gist had fixed his own residence, west of Laurel Hill,\\nand not far from the Youghiogany. Goods too had come from\\nEngland for the Ohio Company, which, however, they could not\\nw^ell, and dared not, carry beyond Will s Creek, the point where\\nCumberland now stands, W hence they were taken by the traders\\nand Indians and there w^as even some prospect of a road across\\nthe mountains to the Moriongahela.\\nOn the other hand, the French were gathering cannon and\\nstores upon Lake Erie, and, without treaties or deeds for land,\\nwere gaining the good will of even inimical tribes, and preparing,\\nwhen all was ready, to strike the blow. Some of the savages, it\\nSec Smollett George II., chapters viii. and ix.\\nFlu m Fuels, p. 5i3. Pownall s Memoir on Service in North America.\\nI Sparks Washington, vol- PP- ISS, 4S2j and map, p. ^S.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "1753. Treaties of Winchester and Carlisle. 57\\nis true, remonstrated. They said they did not understand this\\ndispute between the Europeans, as to which of them the western\\nlands belonged to, for they did not belong to either. But the\\nFrench bullied when it served their turn, and flattered when it\\nserved their turn, and all the while went on with their prepara-\\ntions, which were in an advanced state early in 1753.*\\nIn May of that year, the governor of Pennsylvania informed the\\nAssembly of the French movements, a knowledge of which was\\nderived, in part at least, from Montour, who had been present at\\na conference between the French and Indians relative to the inva-\\nsion of the West.f The assembly thereupon voted six hundred\\npounds for distribution among the tribes, besides two hundred for\\nthe present of condolence to the Twigtwees, already mentioned.\\nThis money was not sent, but Conrad Weiser was despatched in\\nAugust to learn how things stood among the Ohio savages.:]: Vir-\\nginia was moving also. In June, or earlier, a commissioner was\\nsent westward to meet the French, and ask how they dared invade\\nhis Majesty s province. The messenger went to Logstown, but\\nwas afraid to go up the Alleghany, as instructed. Trent was\\nalso sent off with guns, powder, shot and clothing for the friendly\\nIndians and then it was, that he learned the fact already stated,\\nas to the claim of the French, and their burial of medals in proof\\nof it. While these measures were taken, another treaty with the\\nwild men of the debatable land was also in contemplation and in\\nSeptember, 1753, William Fairfax met their deputies at Winches-\\nter, Virginia, where he concluded a treaty, with the particulars of\\nwhich we are unacquainted, but on which, we are told, was an\\nindorsement, stating that such was their feeling, that he had not\\ndared to mention to them either the Lancaster or the Logstown\\ntreaty a most sad comment upon the modes taken to obtain\\nthose grants. In the month following, however, a more satisfac-\\ntory interview took place at Carlisle, between the representatives of\\nthe Iroquois, Delawares, Shawanese, Twigtwees and Owendeats,\\nand the commissioners of Pennsylvania, Richard Peters, Isaac\\nNorris, and Benjamin Franklin. At this meeting the attack on the\\nSee in Washington-s Journal, the Speech of Half-king to the French commander\\nand his answer. Sparks s Washington, vol. ii. p. 4S4.\\nt Sparks Franklin, vol. iii. p. 2 9.\\nI Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 230.\\nI Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 430.\\nPlain Facts, p- 44.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "58 Washington sent West. 1753.\\nTwigtwees was talked over, the plans of the French discussed, and\\na treaty concluded. The Indians had sent three messages to the\\nFrench, warning them away; the reply was, that they were coming\\nto build forts at Wenengo, (Venango,) Mohongialo forks,\\n(Pittsburgh,), Logtown, and Beaver Creek. The red men com-\\nplained of the traders as too scattered, and as killing them with\\nrum they wished only three trading stations, viz. niouth of\\nMohongely, (Pittsburgh,) Logtown, and mouth of Canawa.\\nSoon after this, no satisfaction being obtained from the Ohio,\\neither as to the force, position, or purposes of the French, Robert\\nDinwiddle, then Governor of Virginia, determined to send to them\\nanother messenger, and selected a young surveyor, who, at the\\nage of nineteen, had received the rank of major, and whose previ-\\nous life had inured him to hardship and woodland ways, while his\\ncourage, cool judgment, and firm will, all fitted him for such a\\nmission. This young man, as all know, was George Washington,\\nwho was twent} -one years and eight months old, at the time of\\nthe appointment.! With Gist as his guide, Washington left\\nWill s Creek, where Cumberland now is, on the 15th of Novem-\\nber, and, on the 22d, reached the Monongahela about ten miles\\nabove the Fork. Thence he went to Logstown, where he had long\\nconferences with the chiefs of the Six Nations living in that neigh-\\nbourhood. 5: Here he learned the position of the French upon the\\nMinutes of Treaty at Carlisle in Oct. 1753, pp. 5 to 8.\\nt Sparks Washington^ vol. ii. pp. 32S-447.\\nA passage of Washington s Diary is worth extracting as showing the condition of the\\nFrench, in tlie Far West at that time.\\n25th. Came to town four of ten Frenchmen, who had deserted from a company at\\nthe Kuskuskus, which lies at the mouth of this river. I got the following account from\\nthem They were sent from New Orleans with a hundred men and eight canoe-loads of\\nprovisions to this place, where they expected to have met the same number of men, from\\nthe forts on this side of Lake Erie, to convoy them and the stores up, who were not\\narrived when they ran off.\\nI inquired into the situation of tlie French on the Mississippi, their numbers and\\nwhat forts they had built. They informed me, that there were four small forts between\\nNew Orleans and the Black Islands, garrisoned with about thirty or forty men, and a few\\nsmall pieces in each. That at New Orleans, which is near the moulh of the Mississippi,\\ntliere are thirty-five companies of forty men each, with a pretty strong fort mounting eight\\ncarriage-guns and at the Black Islands there are several companies and a fort with six\\nguns. The Black Islands arc about a hundred and thirty leagues above the mouth of the\\nOhio, which is about three hundred and fifty above New Orleans. They also acquainted\\nme, that there was a small palisadoed fort on the Ohio, at the mouth of the Obaish, about\\nsixty leagues from the Mississippi. The Obaish heads near the west end of Lake Erie,\\nand affords the communication between the French on the Mississippi and those on the\\nlakes. These deserters came up from the lower Shannoahtown with one Brown, an\\nIndian trader, and were going to Philadelphia.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "1753. Washington on French Creek. 59\\nRiviere aux Bceufs, and the condition of their forts. He heard also\\nthat they had determined not to come down the river till the fol-\\nlowing spring, but had warned all the Indians, that, if they did\\nnot keep still, the whole French force would be turned upon them\\nand that, if they and the English were equally strong, they would\\ndivide the land between them, and cut off all the natives. These\\nthreats, and the mingled kindness and severity of the French, had\\nproduced the desired effect. Shingiss, king of the Delawares,\\nfeared to meet Washington, and the Shannoah (Shawanee) chiefs\\nwould not come either.*\\nThe truth was, these Indians w^ere in a very awkward position.\\nThey could not resist the Europeans, and knew not w^hich to side\\nwith; so that a non-committal policy was much the safest, and\\nthey were w^ise not to return by Washington (as he desired they\\nshould) the wampum received from the French, as that would have\\nbeen equivalent to breaking with them.\\nFinding that nothing could be done with these people, Wash-\\nington left Logstown on the 30th of November, and, travelling\\namid cold and rain, reached Venango, an old Indian town at the\\nmouth of French Creek, on the 4th of the next month. Here he\\nfound the French and here, through the rum, and the flattery,\\nand the persuasions of his enemies, he very nearly lost all his\\nIndians, even his old friend, the Half-king. Patience and good\\nfaith conquered, however, and, after another pull through mires\\nand creeks, snow, rain, and cold, upon the 11th he reached the\\nfort at the head of French Creek. Here he delivered Governor\\nDinwiddie s letter, took his observations, received his answer,\\naud upon the 16th set out upon his return journey, having had to\\ncombat every art and trick, which the most fruitful brain could\\nsuggest, in order to get his Indians away with him. Flattery,\\nand liquor, and guns, and provision were showered upon the Half-\\nking and his comrades, while Washington himself received bows,\\nand smirks, and compliments, and a plentiful store of creature-\\ncomforts also.\\nFrom Venango, Washington and Gist went on foot, leaving\\ntheir Indian friends to the tender mercies of the French. Of their\\nhardships and dangers on this journey out and back we need only\\nShingiss, or Shingask, was the great Delaware warrior of that day, and did the British\\nmuch mischief. See Heckewelder s Narrative, p. 64.\\nt A corruption of Innungah; (Day s Hist. Collections of Pa. 636, note.) The French\\nfort there was called Fort Machault. (Memoires sur la Derniere Guerre, iii. ISl.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "60 Preparations against the French. 1754.\\nto say that, three out of five men who went with them were too\\nbadly frost-l)itten to continue the journey.* In spite of all, how-\\never, they reached Will s Creek, on the Cth of January, well and\\nsound. f During the absence of the young messenger, steps had\\nbeen taken to fortify and settle the point formed by the junction\\nof the Monongahela and Alleghany; and, while upon his return,\\nhe met seventeen horses, loaded with materials and stores for a\\nfort at the Fork of the Ohio, and, soon after, some families\\ngoing out to settle. These steps were taken by the Ohio Com-\\npany but, as soon as Washington returned with the letter of St.\\nPierre, the commander on French Creek, and it was perfectly\\nclear that neither he nor his superiors meant to yield the West\\nwithout a struggle. Governor Dinwiddle wrote to the Board of\\nTrade, stating that the French were building another fort at\\nVenango, and that in March twelve or fifteen hundred men would\\nbe ready to descend the river with their Indian allies, for which\\npurpose three hundred canoes had been collected; and that Logs-\\ntow n was then to be made head-quarters, wdiile forts w^ere built in\\nvarious other positions, and the whole country occupied. He also\\nsent expresses to the Governors of Pennsylvania and New York,\\ncalling upon them for assistance and, with the advice of his\\ncouncil, proceeded to enlist two companies, one of which was to\\nbe raised by Washington, the other by Trent, who was a frontier\\nman. This last was to be raised upon the frontiers, and to pro-\\nceed at once to the Fork of the Ohio, there to complete in the\\nbest manner, and as soon as possible, the fort begun by the Ohio\\nCompany; and in case of attack, or any attempt to resist the set-\\ntlements, or obstruct the works, those resisting w^ere to be taken,\\nor if need were, killed.:]:\\nWhile Virginia was taking these strong measures, which were\\nfully authori/ied by the letter of the Earl of Holdernessc, Secretary\\nof State, II written in the previous August, and which directed the\\nGovernors of the various provinces, after representing to those\\nwho were invading his Majesty s dominions the injustice of the\\nact, to call out the armed force of the province, and repel force\\nSparks W ashington, ii. 55.\\nt Gist s Journal of this Expedition may be found in the Massachusetts Historical Col-\\nlections, tliird scries, vol. v. (1836,) 101 to lOS.\\nSparks Wash inirton, vol. ii. pp. 1, 431, 416. Sparks FranMin,\\\\o\\\\. iii. p. 254.\\nSparks FranMin, vol. iii. p. 251, where the letter is given.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "1754. JVew York conferring with the Six JVations. 61\\nby force while Virginia was thus acting, Pennsylvania was dis-\\ncussing the question, whether the French were really invading his\\nMajesty s dominions, the Governor being on one side, and the\\nAssembly on the other,* and New York was preparing to hold\\na conference with the Six Nations, in obedience to orders from the\\nBoard of Trade, written in September, 1753. f These orders had\\nbeen sent out in consequence of the report in England, that the\\nnatives would side with the French, because dissatisfied with the\\noccupancy of their lands by the English and simultaneous orders\\nwere sent to the other provinces, directing the Governors to\\nrecommend their Assemblies to send Commissioners to Albany to\\nattend this grand treaty, which was to heal all wounds. New\\nYork, however, was more generous when called on by Virginia,\\nthan her neighbor on the south, and voted, for the assistance of\\nthe resisting colony, five thousand pounds currency, f\\nIt was now April, 1754. The fort at Venango was finished,\\nand all along the line of French Creek troops were gathering and\\nthe wilderness echoed the strange sounds of a European camp,\\ntlie watchword, the command, the clang of muskets, the uproar\\nof soldiers, the cry of the sutler; and with these were mingled\\nthe shrieks of drunken Indians, won over from their old friendship\\nby rum and soft words. Scouts were abroad, and little groups\\nformed about the tents or huts of the officers, to learn the move-\\nments of the British. Canoes were gathering, and cannon were\\npainfully hauled here and there. All was movement and activity\\namong the old forests, and on hill-sides, covered already with\\nyoung wild flowers, from Lake Erie to the Alleghany. In Phila-\\ndelphia, meanwhile, Governor Hamilton, in no amiable mood, had\\nsummoned the Assembly, and asked them if they meant to help\\nthe King in the defence of his dominions and had desired them,\\nabove all things, to do whatever they meant to do, quickly. The\\nAssembly debated, and resolved to aid the King with a little\\nmoney, and then debated again and voted not to aid him with any\\nmoney at all, for some would not give less than ten thousand\\npounds, and others would not give more than five thousand\\npounds; and so, nothing being practicable, they adjourned upon\\nthe 10th of April until the 13th of May.||\\nSparks Fraiiklin, vol. iii. pp. 254, 263.\\nt Plain Facts, pp. 45, 46.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Sparks Franklin, vol. iii. p. 253.\\ni 3IassachuseUs Historical Collections, first series, vol. vii. p. 73.\\nH Sparks Fraiiklin, vol. iii. pp. 264, 265.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "62 Washington appointed Lieutenant Colonel. 1754.\\nIn New York, a little, and only a little better spirit, was at\\nwork; nor was this strange, as her direct interest was much less\\nthan that of Pennsylvania. Five thousand pounds indeed was,\\nas we have said, voted to Virginia; but the Assembly questioned\\nthe invasion of his Majesty s dominions by the French, and it was\\nnot till June that the money voted was sent forward.*\\nThe Old Dominion, however, was all alive. As, under the\\nprovincial law, the militia could not be called forth to march more\\nthan five miles beyond the bounds of the colony, and as it was\\ndoubtful if the French were within Virginia, it was determined to\\nrely upon volunteers. Ten thousand pounds had been voted by\\nthe Assembly; so the two companies were now increased to six,\\nand Washington was raised to the rank of lieutenant colonel, and\\nmade second in command under Joshua Fry. Ten cannon, lately\\nfrom England, were forwarded from Alexandria wagons were got\\nready to carry westward provisions and stores through the heavy\\nspring roads and everywhere along the Potomac men were enlist-\\ning under the Governor s proclamation, which promised to those\\ntliat should serve in that war, two hundred thousand acres of land\\non the Ohio, or, already enlisted, were gathering into grave\\nknots, or marching forward to the field of action, or helping on\\nthe thirty cannon and eighty barrels of gunpowder, which the\\nKing had sent out for the western forts. Along the Potomac they\\nwere gathering, as far as to Will s creek; and far beyond Will s\\ncreek, whither Trent had come for assistance, his little band of\\nforty-one men was working away, in hunger and want, to fortify\\nthat point at the Fork of the Ohio, to which both parties were\\nlooking with deep interest. The first birds of spring filled the\\nforests with their song the redbud and dogwood were here and\\nthere putting forth their flowers on the steep Alleghany hill-sides,\\nand the swift river below swept by, swollen by the melting snows\\nand April showers a few Indian scouts were seen, but no enemy\\nseemed near at hand and all was so quiet, that Frazier, an old\\nIndian trader, who had been left by Trent in command of the\\nnew fort, ventured to his home at the mouth of Turtle creek, ten\\nmiles up the Monongahela. But, though all was so quiet in that\\nwilderness, keen eyes had seen the low entrenchment that was\\nrising at the Fork, and swift feet had borne the news of it up the\\nvalley; and, upon the 17th of April, Ensign Ward, who then had\\ncharge of it, saw upon the Alleghany a sight that made his heart\\nMassachusetts Historical Collections, first series, vol. vii. pp.72, 73, and note.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "1754. Port at the Fork of the Ohio taken by the French. 63\\nsink, sixty batteaux and three hundred canoes, filled with men,\\nand laden deep with cannon and stores. The fort was called on\\nto surrender by the advice of the Half-king, Ward tried to evade\\nthe act, but it would not do Contrecoeur, with a thousand men\\nabout him, said Evacuate, and the ensign dared not refuse.\\nThat evening he supped with his captor, and the next day was\\nbowed off by the Frenchman, and, with his men and tools,\\nmarched up the Monongahela. From that day began the war.*\\nSparks Washington, vol. ii. The number of French troops was probably over-\\nstated, but to the captives there seemed a round thousand. Burk, in his history of\\nVirginia, speaks of the taking of Logstown by the French but Logstov^n was never a\\npost of the Ohio Company as he represents it, as is plain from all contemporary letters\\nand accounts. Burk s ignorance of Western matters is clear in this, that he says the\\nFrench dropped down from Fort Du Quesne to Presqu ile and Venango they, or part of\\nthem, did drop down the Ohio, but surely not to posts, one of which was on Lake Erie,\\nand the other far up the Alleghany In a letter from Captain Stobo, written in July,\\n1754, at fort Du Quesne, where he was then confined as hostage under the capitulation\\nof Great Meadows, he says there were but two hundred men in and about the fort at\\nthat time. (American Pioneer, i. 236. For plan of Forts Du Quesne and Pitt, see\\narticle in Pioneer also, Day s Historical Collections of Pennsylvania, 77.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "WAR OF 17.31 TO 1763.\\nWashington was at Will s Creek, (Cumberland,) when the news\\nof the surrender of the Fork reached him. He was on his way\\nacross the mountains, preparing roads for the King s cannon, and\\naiming for the mouth of Red Stone Creek, (Brownsville,) where a\\nstore-house had been already built by the Ohio Company; by the\\n9th of May, he had reached Little Meadows, on the head waters\\nof a branch of the Youghiogany, toiling slowly, painfully forward,\\nfour, three, sometimes only two miles a day! All the wiiile from\\nti aders and others he heard of forces coming up the Ohio to re-\\ninforce the French at the Fork, and of spies out examining the\\nvalley of the Monongahela, flattering and bribing the Indians.\\nOn the 27th of May he was at Great Meadows, west of the\\nYoughiogany, near the Fort of Laurel Hill, close by the spot now\\nknown as Braddock s Grave. He had heard of a body of French\\nsomewhere in the neighborhood, and on the 27th, his former\\nguide. Gist, came from his residence beyond Laurel Hill, near the\\nhead of Red Stone Creek, and gave information of a body of\\nFrench who had been at his plantation the day before. That\\nevening from his old friend the Half-king, he heard again of ene-\\nmies in the vicinity. Fearing a surprise Washington at once\\nstarted, and early the next morning attacked the party referred to\\nby the Chief of the Iroquois. In the contest ten of the French\\nwere killed, including M, de Jumonville their Commander; of the\\nAmericans but one was lost. This skirmish France saw fit to\\nregard as the commencement of the war, and in consequence of a\\nreport made by M. de Contrecoeur, to the Marquis Du Quesne,\\nfounded upon the tales told by certain of Jumonville s men who\\nhad run away at the first onset, it has been usual with French wri-\\nters to represent the attack by Washington as unauthorized, and\\ntlie party assailed by him as a party sent with peaceable inten-\\ntions; and this impression was confirmed by the term assassina-\\ntion of M. de Jumonville, used in the capitulation of Great\\nMeadows in tlie following July; this having been accepted by", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "1754. Capitulation of Fort JYecessity. 65\\nWashington (to lohom the term was falsely translated,) it was\\nnaturally regarded as an acknowledgment by him of the improper\\ncharacter of the attack of May 28th. Mr. Sparks, in his appen-\\ndix to Washington s papers, vol. ii. pp. 447, 459, has discussed\\nthis matter at length, and fully answered the aspersions of the\\nEuropean writers to his work we refer our readers.\\nFrom the last of May until the 1st of July, preparations were\\nmade to meet the French who were understood to be Ciatherinsf\\ntheir forces in the West. On the 28th of June, Washington was\\nat Gist s house, and new reports coming in that the enemy was\\napproaching in force, a council of war was held, and it was\\nthought best, in consequence of the scarcity of provisions, to\\nretreat to Great Meadows, and even farther if possible. When,\\nhowever, the retiring body of Provincials reached that post, it\\nwas deemed impossible to go farther in the exhausted state of\\nthe troops, who had been eight days without bread. Measures\\nwere therefore taken to strengthen the fort, which, from the cir-\\ncumstances, was named Fort Necessity. On the 1st of July, the\\nAmericans reached their position; on the 3d the alarm was given\\nof an approaching enemy; at eleven o clock, A. M., nine hund-\\nred in number, they commenced the attack in the midst of a\\nhard rain and from that time till eight in the evening, the assail-\\nants ceased not to pour their fire upon the little fortress.* About\\neight the French requested some officer to be sent to treat with\\nthem; Captain Vanbraam, the only person who pretended to\\nunderstand the language of the enemy, was ordered to go to the\\ncamp of the attacking party, whence he returned bringing terms\\nof capitulation, which, by a flickering candle, in the dripping-\\nquarters of his commander, he translated to Washington, and as\\nit proved, from intention or ignorance, mistranslated. By this\\ncapitulation the garrison of Fort Necessity were to have leave to\\nretire with everything but their artillery the prisoners taken May\\n28th were to be returned; and the party yielding were to labor on\\nno works west of the Mountains for one year: for the observ-\\nance of these conditions Captain Vanbraam, the negotiator, and\\nCaptain Stobo, were to be retained by the French as surities.*\\nThe above provisions having been agreed to, Washington and his\\nmen, hard pressed by famine, hastened to the nearest depot which\\nwas at Will s Creek. At this point, immediately afterwards. Fort\\nThis fact would seem to show that Vanbraam s mistranslation must have been from\\nignorance or accident.\\n5", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "66 Washington retires to Mount Vernon. 1754.\\nCumberland was erected under the charge of Colonel Innes, of\\nNorth Carolina, who, since the death of Colonel Fry, had been\\nCommander-in-Chief. At that time there were in service, 1st, the\\nVirginia militia; 2d, the Independent Companies of Virginia,\\nSouth Carolina, and New York, all of whom w-ere paid by the\\nKing; 3d, troops raised in North Carolina and paid by the Colony;\\nand, 4th, recruits from Maryland of these the Virginia and South\\nCarolina troops alone had been beyond the mountains.\\nFrom August to October little appears to have been done, but\\nin the latter month the Governor of Virginia, (Dinw^iddie,) so\\nchanged the military organization of the Colony, as to leave no\\none in the army wdth a rank above that of Captain this was done\\nin order to avoid all contests as to precedence among the Ameri-\\ncan officers, it being clear that troops from various Provinces\\nwould have to be called into the field, and that the different Com-\\nmissions from the Crown, and the Colonies, would give large\\nopenings for rivalry and conflict; but among the results of the\\nmeasure was the resignation of Washington, w^ho for a time,\\nretired to Mount Vernon.*\\nIt was now the fall of 1754. In Pennsylvania, Morris, w^ho\\nhad succeeded Hamilton, was busily occupied with making\\nspeeches to the Assembly and listening to their stubborn replies f\\nwhile in the north the Kennebec w^as fortified, and a plan talked\\nover for attacking Crown Point on Lake Champlain the next\\nspring;:]: and in the south things went on much as if there were\\nno war coming. All the colonies united in one thing, however,\\nin calling loudly on the mother country for help. During this\\nsame autumn the pleasant Frenchmen were securing the West,\\nstep by step settling the valley of the Wabash, gallanting with\\nthe Delawares, and coquetting with the Iroquois, who still bal-\\nanced between them and the English. The forests of the Ohio\\nshed their leaves, and the prairies filled the sky with the smoke of\\ntheir burning and along the great rivers, and on the lakes, and\\namid the pathless woods of the West, no European was seen,\\nwhose tongue spoke other language than that of France. So\\nclosed 1754.\\nThe next year opened wuth professions, on both sides, of the\\nmost peaceful intentions, and preparations on both sides to push\\nSparks Washington, ii. 64, 67, and generally, the whole volume, as to this war.\\nSparks Franklin, vol. iii. p. 282.\\n3Iassachiset(s Historical ColJect!o?if, vol. vii. p. 88.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "1755. Proposed corrvpromise by the French. 67\\ntiie war vigorously. France, in January, proposed to restore every\\nthing to the state it was in before the last war, and to refer all claims\\nto commissioners at Paris to which Britain, upon the 22d, replied\\nthat, the west of North America must be left as it was at the treaty\\nof Utrecht. On the 6th of February, France made answer, that\\nthe old English claims in America were untenable and offered a\\nnew ground of compromise, namely, that the English should retire\\neast of the Alleghanies, and the French west of the Ohio. This\\noffer was long considered, and at length was agreed to by England\\non the 7th of March, provided the French would destroy all their\\nforts on the Ohio and its branches to which, after twenty days\\nhad passed, France said, No, While all this negotiation was\\ngoing on, other things also had been in motion. General Brad-\\ndock, with his gallant troops, had crossed the Atlantic, and, upon\\nthe 20th of February, had landed in Virginia, commander-in-chief\\nof all the land forces in America and in the north all this while\\nthere was whispering of, and enlisting for, the proposed attack on\\nCrown Point; and even Niagara, far off by the Falls, was to be\\ntaken, in case nothing prevented. In France, too, other work had\\nbeen done than negotiation for at Brest and Rochelle ships were\\nfitting out, and troops gathering, and stores crowding in. Even\\nold England herself had not been all asleep, and Boscawen had\\nbeen busy at Plymouth, hurrying on the slow workmen, and gath-\\nering the unready sailors. f In March the two European neighbors\\nwere smiling and doing their best to quiet all troubles; in April\\nthey still smiled, but the fleets of both were crowding sail across\\nthe Atlantic and, in Alexandria, Braddock, Shirley, and their\\nfellow officers were taking counsel as to the summer s campaign.\\nIn America four points w^ere to be attacked Fort Du Quesne,\\nCrown Point, Niagara, and the French posts in Nova Scotia. On\\nthe 20th of April, Braddock left Alexandria to march upon Du\\nQuesne, whither he was expressly ordered, though the officers in\\nAmerica looked upon it as a mistaken movement, as they thought\\nNew York should be the main point for regular operations. The\\nexpedition for Nova Scotia, consisting of three thousand Massa-\\nchusetts men, left Boston on the 20th of May; while the troops\\nwhich General Shirley was to lead against Niagara, and the\\nFlain Facts, pp. 51, 52. Secret Journals, vol. iv. p. 74.\\nt Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 68. Massachusetts Historical Collections, vol. vii.\\np. S9. Smollett. George II. chapter x.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "68 Braddodc s Defeat. 1755.\\nprovincials which William Johnson was to head in the attack\\nupon Crown Point, slowly collected at Albany.\\nMay and June passed away, and mid-summer drew nigh. The\\nfearful and desponding colonists waited anxiously for news and,\\nwhen the news came that Nova Scotia had been conquered, and\\nthat Boscawen had taken two of the French men of war, and lay\\nbefore Lewisburg, hope and joy spread everywhere. July passed\\naway, too, and men heard how slowly and painfully Braddock\\nmade progress through the wilderness, how his contractors de-\\nceived him, and the colonies gave little help, and neither horses\\nnor wagons could be had, and only one Benjamin Franklin sent\\nany aid;* and then reports came that he had been forced to leave\\nmany of his troops, and much of his baggage and artillery, behind\\nhim and then, about the middle of the month, through Virginia\\nthere went a whisper, that the great general had been defeated\\nand wholly cut off; and, as man after man rode down the Poto-\\nmac confirming it, the planters hastily mounted, and were off to\\nconsult with their neighbors the country turned out companies\\nwere formed to march to the frontiers; sermons were preached,\\nand every heart and every mouth was full. In Pennsylvania the\\nAssembly were called together to hear the shocking news;\\nand in New York it struck terror into those who were there gath-\\nered to attack the northern posts. Soldiers deserted the bateaux-\\nmen dispersed; and when at length Shirley, since Braddock s\\ndeath the commander-in-chief, managed with infinite labor to\\nreach Oswego on Lake Ontario, it was too late and stormy, and\\nhis force too feeble, to allow him to more than garrison that point,\\nand march back to Albany again. f Johnson did better; for he\\nmet and defeated Baron Dieskau upon the banks of Lake George,\\nthough Crown Point was not taken, nor even attacked.\\nBut we must turn back for a moment to describe particularly\\nthe events of Braddock s famous defeat, connected as it is with\\nthe history of the West and we cannot do it more perfectly than\\nin the words of Mr. Sparks in his appendix to the writings of\\nWashington.\\nThe defeat of General Bradilock, on the banks of the IMonongahela,\\nis one of the most remarkable events in American liistory. Great\\npreparations had been made for the expedition, under that experienced\\nSparks Wasliington, vol. ii. p.77, c. Sparks FranJdin, yo\\\\. vii. p. 94, c.\\nFor a full account of Shirley s Expedition, see the paper in Massachusetts Histori-\\ncal Collections, vol. vii.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "1755. Braddoclc s March. 69\\nofficer, and there was the most sanguine anticipation, both in England\\nand America, of its entire success. Such was the confidence in the\\nprowess of Braddock s army, according to Dr. Franklin, that, while he\\nwas on his march to Fort Duquesne, a subscription paper was handed\\nabout in Philadelphia, to raise money to celebrate his victory by\\nbonfires and illuminations, as soon as the intelligence should arrive.\\nGeneral Braddock landed in Virginia on the 20th of February, 1755,\\nwith two regiments of the British army from Ireland, the forty-fourth\\nand forty-eighth, each consisting of five hundred men, one of them\\ncommanded by Sir Peter Halket, and the other by Colonel Dunbar.\\nTo these were joined a suitable train of artillery, with military supplies\\nand provisions. The General s first head-quarters were at Alexandria,\\nand the troops were stationed in that place and its vicinity, till they\\nmarched for Will s Creek, where they arrived about the middle of\\nMay. It took four weeks to efi ect that march. In letters written at\\nWill s Creek, General Braddock, with much severity of censure, com-\\nplained of the lukewarmness of the colonial governments and tardiness\\nof the people, in facilitating his enterprise, the dishonesty of agents\\nand the faithlessness of contractors. The forces which he brought\\ntogether at Will s Creek, however, amounted to somewhat more than\\ntwo thousand efiiective men, of whom about one thousand belonged to\\nthe royal regiments, and the remainder were furnished by the colonies.\\nIn this number were embraced the fragments of two independent com-\\npanies from New York, one of which was commanded by Captain\\nGates, afterwards a Major-General in the Revolutionary war. Thirty\\nsailors had also been granted for the expedition by Admiral Keppel,\\nwho commanded the squadron that brought over the two regiments.\\nAt this post the army was detained three weeks, nor could it then\\nhave moved, had it not been for the energetic personal services of\\nFranklin, among the Pennsylvania farmers, in procuring horses and\\nwagons to transport the artillery, provisions and baggage.\\nThe details of the march are well described in Colonel Washington s\\nletters. The army was separated into two divisions. The advanced\\ndivision, under General Braddock, consisted of twelve hundred men\\nbesides oflScers. The other, under Colonel Dunbar, was left in the\\nrear, to proceed by slower marches. On the 8th of July, the General\\narrived with his division, all in excellent health and spirits, at the\\njunction of the Youghiogany and Monongahela rivers. At this place\\nColonel Washington joined the advanced division, being but partially\\nrecovered from a severe attack of fever, which had been the cause of\\nhis remaining behind, The officers and soldiers were now in the high-\\nest spirits, and firm in the conviction, that they should within a few\\nhours victoriously enter the walls of Fort Du Quesne.\\nThe steep and rugged grounds, on the north side of the Monongahela", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "70 Braddock attacked. 1755v\\nprevented the army from marching in that direction, and it was neces-\\nsary in approaching the fort, now about fifteen miles distant, to ford the\\nriver twice, and march part of the way on the south side. Early on\\nthe morning of the 9lh, all things were in readiness, and the whole\\ntrain passed through the river a little below the mouth of the Youghio-\\ngany, and proceeded in perfect order along the southern margin of the\\nMonongahela.\\nWashington was often heard to say during his lifetime, that the most\\nbeautiful spectacle he had ever beheld was the display of the British\\ntroops on this eventful morning. Every man was neatly dressed in full\\nuniform, the soldiers were arranged in columns and marched in exact\\norder, the sun gleamed from their burnished arms, the river flowed\\ntranquilly on their right, and the deep forest overshadowed them with\\nsolemn grandeur on their left. Ofiicers and men were equally inspired\\nwith cheering hopes and confident anticipations.\\nIn this manner they marched forward till about noon, when they\\narrived at the second crossing-place, ten miles from Fort Du Quesne.\\nThey halted but a little time, and then began to ford the river and\\nregain its northern bank. As soon as they had crossed, they came\\nupon a level plain, elevated but a few feet above the surface of the\\nriver, and extending northward nearly half a mile from its margin.\\nThen commenced a gradual ascent at an angle of about three degrees,\\nwhich terminated in hills of a considerable height at no great distance\\nbeyond. The road from the fording place to Fort [Du Quesne, led\\nacross the plain and up this ascent, and thence proceeded through aa\\nuneven country, at that time covered with woods.\\nBy the order of march, a body of three hundred men, under Colonel\\nGage, afterward General Gage of Boston memory, made the advanced\\nparty, which was immediately followed by another of two hundred.\\nNext came the General with the columns of artillery, the main body of\\nthe army, and the baggage. At one o clock the whole had passed the\\nriver, and almost at this moment a sharp firing was heard upon the\\nadvanced parties, who were now ascending the hill, and had got for-\\nward about a hundred yards from the termination of the plain. A\\nheavy discharge of musketry was poured in upon their front, which was\\nthe first intelligence they had of the proximity of an enemy, and this\\nwas suddenly followed by another on their right flank. They were\\nfilled with great consternation, as no enemy was in sight, and the firing\\nseemed to proceed from an invisible foe. They fired in their turn,\\nhowever, but quite at random, and obviously without eflect, as the\\nenemy kept up a discharge in quick, continued succession.\\nThe General advanced speedily to the relief of these detachments\\nbut before he could reach the spot which they occupied, they gave w^ay\\nand fell back upon the artillery and the other columns of the armyj.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "1755. Braddock killed. 71\\ncausing extreme confusion, and striking the whole mass with such a\\npanic, that no order could afterwards be restored. The General and\\nthe officers behaved with the utmost courage, and used every effort to\\nrally the men, and bring them to order, but all in vain. In this state\\nthey continued nearly three hours, huddling together in confused\\nbodies, firing irregularly, shooting down their own officers and men,\\nand doing no perceptible harm to the enemy. The Virginia provin-\\ncials were the only troops who seemed to retain their senses, and they\\nbehaved with a bravery and resolution worthy of a better fate. They\\nadopted the Indian mode, and fought each man for himself behind a\\ntree. This was prohibited by the General, who endeavored to form his\\nmen into platoons and columns, as if they had been manceuvring on the\\nplains of Flanders, Meantime the French and Indians, concealed in\\nthe ravines and behind trees, kept up a deadly and unceasing discharge\\nof musketry, singling out their objects, taking deliberate aim, and pro-\\nducing a carnage almost unparalleled in the annals of modern warfare.\\nMore than half of the whole army, which had crossed the river in so\\nproud an array, only three hours before, were killed or wounded the\\nGeneral himself had received a mortal wound, and many of his best\\nofficers had fallen by his side.\\nIn describing the action a few days afterwards, Colonel Orme wrote\\nto the Governor of Pennsylvania The men were so extremely deaf\\nto the exhortations of the General and the officers, that they fired away\\nin the most irregular manner all their ammunition, and then ran off,\\nleaving to the enemy the artillery, ammunition, provision and baggage;\\nnor could they be persuaded to stop till they had got as far a? Gist s\\nplantation, nor there only in part, many of them proceeding as far as\\nColonel Dunbar s party, who lay six miles on this side. The officers\\nwere absolutely sacrificed by their good behavior, advancing some-\\ntimes in bodies, sometimes separately, hoping by such example to\\nengage the soldiers to follow them, but to no purpose. The General\\nhad five horses shot under him, and at last received a wound through\\nhis right arm into his lungs, of which he died the 13ih instant. Secre-\\ntary Shirley was shot through the head Captain Morris, wounded,\\nColonel Washington had two horses shot under him, and his clothes\\nshot through in several places, behaving the whole time with the\\ngreatest courage and resolution. Sir Peter Halket was killed upon the\\nspot. Colonel Burton and Sir John St. Clair were wounded, In\\naddition to these the other field officers wounded were Lieutenant-\\nColonel Gage, (afterwards so well known as the commander of the\\nBritish forces in Boston, at the beginning of the Revolution,) Colonel\\nOrme, Major Sparks, and Brigade Major Halket, Ten captains were\\nkilled, and twenty-two wounded the whole number of officers in the\\nengagement was eighty-six, of whom twenty-six were killed, and thirty-", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "72 Account of Braddodc s Defeat. 1755.\\nseven wounded. The killed and wounded of the privates amounted to\\nseven hundred and fourteen. Of these at least one half were supposed\\nto be killed. Their bodies left on the field of action, were stripped and\\nscalped by the Indians. All the artillery, ammunition, provisions, and\\nbaggage, every thing in the train of tlie array, fell into the enemy s\\nhands, and were given up to be pillaged by the savages. General\\nBraddock s papers were also taken, among which were his instructions\\nand correspondence with the ministry after his arrival in Virginia.\\nThe same fate befell the papers of Colonel Washington, including a\\nprivate journal and his official correspondence, during his campaign of\\nthe preceding year.\\nNo circumstantial account of this afTair has ever been published by\\nthe French, nor has it hitherto been known from any authentic source,\\nwhat numbers were engaged on their side. Washington conjectured,\\nas stated in his letters, that there were no more than three hundred, and\\nDr. Franklin, in an account of the battle, considers them at most as not\\nexceeding four hundred. The truth is, there was no accurate informa-\\ntion on the subject, and writers have been obliged to rely on conjecture.\\nIn the archives of the JVar Department, at Paris, I found three sepa-\\nrate narratives of this event written at the time, all brief and imperfect,\\nbut one of them apparently drawn up by a person on the spot. From\\nthese I have collected the following particulars:\\nM. de Contrecceur, the commandant of Fort Du Quesne, received\\nearly intelligence of the arrival of General Braddock and the British\\nregiments in Virginia. After his removal from Will s Creek, French\\nand Indian scouts were constantly abroad, who watched his motions,\\nreported the progress of his march, and the route he was pursuing.\\nHis army was represented to consist of three thousand men. M. de\\nContrecceur was hesitating what measures to take, believing his small\\nforce wholly inadequate to encounter so formidable an enemy, wlien\\nM. de Beaujeu, a Captain in the French service, proposed to head a\\ndetachment of French and Indians, and meet the enemy in their march.\\nThe consent of the Indians was first obtained. A large body of them\\nwas then encamped in the vicinity of the Fort, and M. de Beaujeu\\nopened to them his plan, and requested their aid. This they at first\\ndeclined, giving as a reason the superior force of the enemy, and the\\nimpossibility of success. But at the pressing solicitation of M. de\\nBeaujeu, they agreed to hold a council on tlie subject, and talk with\\nhim again the next morning. They still adhered to their first decision,\\nand when M. de Beaujeu went out among them to inquire the result of\\ntheir deliberation, they told him a second time they could not go. This\\nwas a severe disappointment to M. de Beaujeu, who had set his heart\\nupon the enterprise, and was resolved to prosecute it. Being a man of\\ngreat good nature, afTability, and ardor, and much beloved by the", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "1755. Attack on Braddock. 73\\nsavages, he said to them, I am determined to go out and meet the\\nenemy. AVhat! will you suffer your father to go out alone? I am sure\\nwe shall conquer. With this spirited harangue, delivered in a manner\\nthat pleased the Indians, and won upon their confidence, he subdued\\ntheir unwillingness, and they agreed to accompany him.\\nIt was now the 7th of July, and news came that the English were\\nwithin six leagues of the Fort. This day and the next were spent in\\nmaking preparations, and reconnoitering the ground for attack. Two\\nother Captains, Dumas and Liquery were joined with M. de Beaujeu,\\nand also four Lieutenants, six Ensigns and two Cadets. On the morn-\\ning of the 9th they were all in readiness, and began their march at an\\nearly hour. It seems to have been their first intention to make a stand\\nat the ford, and annoy the English while crossing the river, and then\\nretreat to the ambuscade on the side of the hill where the contest actu-\\nally commenced. The trees on the bank of the river afforded a good\\nopportunity to effect this measure, in the Indian mode of warfare, since\\nthe artillery could be of little avail against an enemy, where every man\\nwas protected by a tree, and at the same time the English would be\\nexposed to a point blank musket shot in fording the river. As it\\nhappened, however, M. de Beaujeu and his party did not arrive in time\\nto execute this part of the plan.\\nThe English were preparing to cross the river, when the French and\\nIndians reached the defiles on the rising ground, where they posted\\nthemselves, and waited until Braddock s advanced columns came up.\\nThis was the signal for the attack, which was made at first in front,\\nand repelled by so heavy a discharge from the British, that the Indians\\nbelieved it proceeded from artillery, and showed symptoms of wavering\\nand retreat. At this moment M. de Beaujeu was killed, and the com-\\nmand devolving on M. Dumas, he showed great presence of mind in\\nrallying the Indians, and ordered his officers to lead them to the wings\\nand attack the enemy in the flank, while he with the French troops\\nwould maintain the position in front. This order was promptly obeyed,\\nand the attack became general. The action was warm and severely\\ncontested for a short time but the English fought in the European\\nmethod, firing at random, which had little effect in the woods, while\\nthe Indians fired from concealed places, took aim, and almost every\\nshot brought down a man. The English columns soon got into con-\\nfusion; the yell of the savages, with which the woods resounded,\\nstruck terror into the hearts of the soldiers, till at length they took to\\nflight, and resisted all the endeavors of their officers to restore any\\ndegree of order in their escape. The rout was complete, and the field\\nof battle was left covered with the dead and wounded, and all the arlil*\\nlery, ammunition, provisions, and baggage of the English army. The", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "74 Defeat of Braddock. 1755.\\nInJians gave themselves up to pillage, which prevented them from pur-\\nsuing the English in their flight.\\nSuch is the substance of the accounts written at the time by the\\nFrench oflicers and sent home to their Government. In regard to the\\nnumbers engaged, there are some slight variations in the three state-\\nments. The largest number reported is two hundred and fifty French\\nand Canadians, and six hundred Indians. If we take a medium, it will\\nmake the whole number, led out by M. de Beaujeu, at least eight hund-\\nred and fifty. In an imperfect return, three officers were stated to be\\nkilled, and four wounded; about thirty soldiers and Indians killed, and\\nas many wounded. AVhen these facts are taken into view, the result of\\nthe action will appear much less wonderful, than has generally been\\nsupposed. And this wonder will siill be diminished, when another\\ncircumstance is recurred to, worthy of particular consideration, and that\\nis, the shape of the ground upon which the battle was fought. This\\npart of the description, so essential to the understanding of military\\noperations, and above all in the present instance, has never been touched\\nupon it is believed, by any writer. We have seen that Braddock s\\nadvanced columns, after crossing the valley extending nearly half a mile\\nfrom the margin of the river, began to move up a hill, so uniform in its\\nascent, that it was little else than an inclined plane of a somewhat crown-\\ning form. Down this inclined surface extended two ravines, beginning\\nnear together, at about one hundred and fifty yards from the bottom of\\nthe hill, and proceeding in diflferent directions till they terminated in\\nthe valley below. In these ravines the French and Indians were con-\\ncealed and protected. At this day they are from eight to ten feet deep,\\nand sufficient in extent to contain at least ten thousand men. At the\\ntime of the battle, the ground was covered with trees and long grass,\\nso that the ravines were entirely hidden from view, till they were\\napproached within a few feet. Indeed, at the present day, although the\\nplace is cleared from trees, and converted into pasture, they are percep-\\ntible only at a very shgi-t distance. By this knowledge of the local\\npeculiarities of the battle ground, the mystery, that the British con-\\nceived themselves to be contending with an invisible foe, is solved.\\nSuch was literally the fact. They were so paraded between the\\nravines, that their whole front and right flank were exposed to the\\nincessant fire of the enemy, who discharged their muskets over the\\nedge of the ravines, concealed during that operation by the grass and\\nbushes, and protected by an invisible barrier below the surface of the\\nearth. William Butler, a veteran soldier still living (1833,) who was\\nin this action, and afterwards at the plains of Abraham, said to me,\\nWe could only tell where the enemy were by the smoke of their\\nmuskets. A few scattering Indians were behind trees, and some were", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "1755. Braddock killed hy one of his own men. 75\\nkilled venturing out to take scalps, but much the larger portion fought\\nwholly in the ravines.\\nIt is not probable, that either General Braddock or any one of his\\nofficers suspected the actual situation of the enemy, during the whole\\nbloody contest. It was a fault with the General, for which no apology\\ncan be offered, that he did not keep scouts and guards in advance and\\non the wings of the army, who would have made all proper discoveries\\nbefore the whole had been brought into a snare. This neglect was\\nthe primary cause of his defeat which might have been avoided.\\nHad he charged with the bayonet, the ravine would have been cleared\\ninstantly or had he brought his artillery to the points where the ra-\\nvines terminated in the valley, and scoured them with grape-shot, the\\nsame consequence would have followed.\\nBut the total insubordination of his troops would have prevented both\\nthese movements, even if he had become acquainted with the ground\\nin the early part of the action. The disasters of this day, and the\\nfate of the commander, brave and resolute as he undoubtedly was, are\\nto be ascribed to his contempt of Indian warfare, his overweening con-\\nfidence in the prowess of veteran troops, his obstinate self-complacency,\\nhis disregard of prudent council, and his negligence in leaving his army\\nexposed to a surprise on their march. He freely consulted Colonel\\nWashington, whose experience and judgment, notwithstanding his\\nyouth, claimed the highest respect for his opinions but the General\\ngave little heed to his advice. While on his march, George Croghan,\\nthe Indian interpreter, joined him with one hundred friendly Indians,\\nwho offered their services. These were accepted in so cold a manner,\\nand the Indians themselves treated with so much neglect, that they\\ndeserted him one after another. Washington pressed upon the import-\\nance of these men, and the necessity of conciliating and retaining\\nthem, but without effect.\\nA report had long been current in Pennsylvania, that Braddock was\\nshot by one of his own men, founded on the declaration of a provincial\\nsoldier, who was in the action. There is another tradition also, worthy\\nof notice, which rests on the authority of Dr. Craik, the intimate friend\\nof Washington from his boyhood to his death, and who was with him\\nat the battle of the Monongahela. Fifteen years after that event, they\\ntravelled together on an expedition to the Western country, with a\\nparty of woodsmen, for the purpose of exploring wild lands. While\\nnear the junction of the Great Kenhawa and Ohio Rivers, a com-\\npany of Indians came to them with an interpreter, at the head of\\nwhom was an aged and venerable chief. This personage made known\\nto them by the interpreter, that, hearing Colonel Washington was in\\nthat region, he had come a long way to visit him, adding, that during\\nthe battle of the Monongahela, he had singled him out as a conspicuous", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "76 SmitJi^s account of the action. 1755.\\nobject, fired his rifle at him mnny times, and directed his young war-\\nriors to do the same, but to his utter astonishment none of their balls\\ntook cfTect. lie was then persuaded, that the youthful hero was under\\nthe special guardianship of the Great Spirit, and ceased to fire at him\\nany longer. He was now come to pay homage to the man, who was\\na particular favorite of Heaven, and who could never die in battle.\\nMr. Custis, of Arlington, to whom these incidents were related by Dr.\\nCraik, has dramatized them in a piece called The Indian Prophecy.\\nWhen the battle was over, and the remnant of Braddock s army had\\ngained, in their flight, the opposite bank of the river. Colonel Wash-\\nington was dispatched by the General to meet Colonel Dunbar, and\\norder forward wagons for the wounded with all possible speed. But it\\nwas not till the 11th, after they had reached Gist s plantation with great\\ndifficulty and much suffering from hunger, that any arrived. The\\nGeneral was at first brought off in a tumbril he was next put on\\nhorse-back, but being unable to ride, was obliged to be carried by the\\nsoldiers. They all reached Dunbar s camp, to which the panic had\\nalready extended, and a day was passed there in great confusion. The\\nartillery was destroyed, and the public stores and heavy baggage were\\nburnt, by whose order was never known. They moved forward on the\\n13th, and that night General Braddock died, and was buried in the\\nroad, for the purpose of concealing his body from the Indians. The\\nspot is still pointed out, within a few yards of the present national road,\\nand about a mile west of the site of Fort Necessity at the Great Mea-\\ndows. Captain Stewart, of the Virginia Forces, had taken particular\\ncharge of him from the time he was wounded till his death. On the\\n17th, the sick and wounded arrived at Fort Cumberland, and were soon\\nafter joined by Colonel Dunbar with the remaining fragments of the\\narmy.\\nThe French sent out a party as far as Dunbar s camp, and destroyed\\nevery thing that was left. Colonel Washington being in very feeble\\nhealth, proceeded in a few days to Mount Vernon.\\nTo this we add a few paragraphs from the memoirs of James\\nSmith who was a prisoner at Fort Du Quesne, at the time of this\\ncelebrated action.*\\nI asked him what news from Braddock s army. He said the Indians\\nspied them every day, and he showed me, by maing marks on the\\nground with a stick, that Braddock s army was advancing in very close\\nSee also as to Braddock s defeat, Sherman Day s Historical Collections of Pennsysl-\\nvania, published at Philadelphia and New Haven, p. 72 to 75 and for proof of the fact\\nthat Braddock was intentionally shot by one of liis own men, p. 335. Also pamphlets\\nnamed in the Preface to this volume.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "1755. English prisoners burned. 7T\\norder, and tliat the Indians would surround them, take trees, and (as he\\nexpressed ii) shoot iim doivn all one pigeon.\\nShortly after this, on the 9th day of July, 1755, in the morning, I\\nheard a great stir in the fort. As I could then walk with a staff in my\\nhand, I went out of the door, which was just by the wall of the fort,\\nand stood upon the wall, and viewed the Indians in a huddle before the\\ngate, where were barrels of powder, bullets, flints, c., and every one\\ntaking what suited. I saw the Indians also march off in rank entire j\\nlikewise the French Canadians, and some regulars. After viewing the\\nIndians and French in different positions, I computed them to be about\\nfour hundred, and wondered that they attempted to go out against Brad-\\ndock with so small a party. I was then in high hopes that I would\\nsoon see them fly before the British troops, and that General Braddock\\nwould take the fort and rescue me.\\nI remained anxious to know the event of this day and, in the after-\\nnoon, I again observed a great noise and commotion in the fort, and\\nthough at that time I could not understand French, yet I found that it\\nwas the voice of joy and triumph, and feared that they had received\\nwhat I called bad news.\\nI had observed some of the old country soldiers speak Dutch as I\\nspoke Dutch, I went to one of them, and asked him what was the news.\\nHe told me that a runner had just arrived, who said that Braddock\\nwould certainly be defeated that the Indians and French had surround-\\ned him, and were concealed behind trees and in gullies, and kept a con-\\nstant fire upon the English, and that they saw the English falling in\\nheaps, and if they did not take the river, which was the only gap, and\\nmake their escape, there would not be one man left alive before sun-\\ndown. Some time after this I heard a number of scalp halloos, and\\nsaw a company of Indians and French coming in. I observed they\\nhad a great many bloody scalps, grenadiers caps, British canteens,\\nbayonets, c. with them. They brought the news that Braddock was\\ndefeated. After tliat another company came in, which appeared to be\\nabout one hundred, and chiefly Indians, and it seemed to me that almost\\nevery one of this company was carrying scalps after this came another\\ncompany with a number of wagon horses, and also a great many scalps.\\nThose that were coming in, and those that had arrived, kept a constant\\nfiring of small arms, and also the great guns in the fort, which were\\naccompanied with the most hideous shouts and yells from all quarters\\nso that it appeared to me as if the infernal regions had broke loose.\\nAbout sundown I beheld a small party coming in with about a dozen\\nprisoners, stripped naked, with their hands tied behind their backs, and\\ntheir faces and part of their bodies blacked these prisoners they burn-\\ned to death on the bank of Alleghany river, opposite to the fort. I\\nstood on the foit wall until I beheld them begin to burn one of these", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "78 Commencement of the Seven Years War. 1756.\\nmen they had him tied to a stake, and kept touching him with fire-\\nbrands, red-hot irons, c., and he screamed in a most doleful manner;\\nthe Indians, in the mean time, yelling like infernal spirits.\\nAs this scene appeared too shocking for me to behold, I retired to my\\nlodgings both sore and sorry.\\nWhen I came into my lodgings I saw Russel s Seven Sermons,\\nwhich ihey had brought from the field of battle, which a Frenchman\\nmade a present to me. From the best information I could receive, there\\nwere only seven Indians and four French killed in this battle, and five\\nhimdred British lay dead in the field, besides what were killed in the\\nriver on their retreat.\\nThe morning after the battle I saw Braddock s artillery brought into\\nthe fort the same day I also saw several Indians in British officers\\ndress, with sash, half-moon, laced hats, c., which the British then\\nwore.*\\nAlthough the doings of 1755, recorded above, could not well\\nbe looked on as of a very amicable character, war was not declared\\nby either France or England, until May of the following year;\\nand even then France was the last to proclaim the contest which\\nshe had been so long carrying on, though more than three hundred\\nof her merchant vessels had been taken by British privateers. The\\ncauses of this proceeding are not very clear to us. France thought,\\nbeyond doubt, that George would fear to declare war, because\\nHanover was so exposed to attack but why the British move-\\nments, upon the sea particularly, did not lead to the declaration\\non the part of France is not easily to be guessed. Early in 1756,\\nhowever, both kingdoms formed alliances in Europe France with\\nAustria, Russia, and Sweden England with the Great Frederic.\\nAnd then commenced forthwith the Seven Years War, wherein\\nmost of Europe, North America, and the East and West Indies\\npartook and suffered.\\nInto the details of that war we cannot enter; not even into\\nthose of the contest in North America. In Virginia many things\\nworthy of notice took place, but most of them took place east of\\nthe mountains among western events we find only the following\\nImmediately after Braddock s defeat, the Indians began to push\\ntheir excursions across the mountains, so that in April 1756,\\nWashington writes from Winchester; The Blue Ridge is now\\nour frontier, no men being left in this county (Frederick) except a\\nfew who keep close with a number of women and children in\\nColonel Smith s Captivity, iu Drake s Indian Captivitiesj p. 1S3.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "1756. Expedition against the Indian towns upon the Ohio. 79\\nforts. Under these, or similar circumstances, it was deemed\\nadvisable to send an expedition against the Indian towns upon the\\nOhio; Major Lewis, in January 1756, was appointed to command\\nthe troops to be used in the proposed irruption, and the point\\naimed at was apparently the upper Shawanese town,* situated on\\nthe Ohio three miles above the mouth of the Great Kenhawa.f\\nThe attempt proved a failure, in consequence, it is said, of the\\nswollen state of the streams, and the treachery of the guides, and\\nMajor Lewis and his party suffered greatly.^ Of this expedition,\\nhowever, we have no details unless it be, as we suspect, the same\\nwith the Sandy Creek voyage described by Withers, in his\\nBorder warfare, as occurring in 1757, during which year Wash-\\nington s letters make no reference to any thing of the kind.\\nWithers moreover says, the return of the party was owing to\\norders from Governor Fauquier; but Dinwiddle did not leave\\nuntil January, 1758 and the French town of Galliopolis, which,\\nthe Border Warfare says, was to have been destroyed by the\\nVirginians did not exist till nearly forty years later. If there were\\ntwo expeditions, in both the troops underwent the same kind of\\nsuffering; in both were forced to kill and eat their horses; and in\\nboth were unsuccessful.\\nUpon a larger scale it was proposed during 1756, to attack\\nCrown Point, Niagara, and Fort Du Quesne, but neither was\\nattacked; for Montcalm took the forts at Oswego, which he\\ndestroyed to quiet the jealousy of the Iroquois, within whose\\nterritory they were built, and this stroke seemed to paralyze all\\narms. One bold blow was made by Armstrong at Kittaning, on\\nthe Alleghany, in September, and the frontiers of Pennsylvania\\nfor a time were made safe but otherwise the year in America wore\\nout with little result.\\nDuring the next year, 1757, nothing took place, but the capture\\nof Fort William Henry, by Montcalm, and the massacre of its\\nThe lower Shawanese town was just below the mouth of the Scioto. See Croghan s\\nJournal Butler s Kentucky, second edition, 462.\\nt Sparks Washington, ii. 527.\\nSparks Washington, ii. 125, 135, 136.\\nII Sparks Washington, ii. 270. Had the return been owing to the Governor s orders,\\nwould Lieutenant M Nutt, as Withers states, have presented his journal blaming Lewis\\nfor returning, to the very Governor whose commands he obeyed Border Warfare, 65.\\nHolmes Annals, vol. ii. p. 73. Burk s Virginia, vol. iii. p. 221. Day s Historical\\nCollections of Pennsylvania, 96. Holmes, (referring to New York Historical Collections,\\niii. 399,) says the Ohio Indians had already killed one thousand persons on the frontier\\nArmstrong did not, however, destroy more than forty savages.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "80 Fort Frontenac taken by Bradstreet. 1758.\\ngarrison by his Indians a scene of which the readers of Cooper s\\nLast of the Mohicans need scarce be reminded. This, and the\\nnear destruction of the British fleet by a gale off Louisburg, were\\nthe leading events of this dark season and no wonder that fear\\nand despair sank deep into the hearts of the colonists. Nor was\\nit in America alone, that Britain suffered during that summer. On\\nthe continent Frederic was borne down in the Mediterranean the\\nnavy of England had been defeated, and all was dark in the east;\\nand, to add to the weight of these misfortunes, many of them\\ncame upon Pitt, the popular minister.*\\nBut the year 1758 opened under a new star. On sea and land,\\nin Asia, Europe, and America, Britain regained what had been\\nlost. The Austrians, Russians, and Swedes, all gave way before\\nthe great Captain of Prussia, and Pitt sent his own strong, and\\nhopeful, and energetic spirit into his subalterns. In North America\\nLouisburg yielded to Boscawen; Fort Frontenac was taken by\\nBradstreet; and Du Quesne was abandoned upon the approach of\\nForbes through Pennsylvania. From that time, the post at the\\nFork of the Ohio was Fort Pitt.\\nIn this last capture, as more particularly connected with the\\nWest, we are now chiefly interested. The details of the gather-\\ning and the march may be seen in the letters of Washington,\\nw^ho, in opposition to Colonel Bouquet, was in favor of crossing\\nthe mountains by Braddock s road, whereas. Bouquet wished to\\ncut a new one through Pennsylvania. In this division. Bouquet\\nwas listened to by the General and late in the season a new\\nroute w^as undertaken, by which such delays and troubles were\\nproduced, that the whole expedition came near proving a failure.\\nBraddock s road had, in early times, been selected by the most\\nexperienced Indians and frontier men as the most favorable\\nwhereby to cross the mountains, being nearly the route by Vv-hich\\nthe national road has been since carried over them. In 1753, it\\nwas opened by the Ohio Company. It was afterward improved\\nby the Provincial troops under Washington, and w^as finished by\\nBraddock s engineers;! and this route was now to be given up,\\nand a wholly new one opened, probably, as Washington sug-\\ngested, through Pennsylvania influence, that her frontiers might\\nthereby be protected, and a way opened for her traders. The\\nHe returned to office, June 29th, 1757.\\nt Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 302.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "1758. Arrival of the British at Fort Dii Quesne. 81\\nhardships and dangers of the march from Raystown to Fort Du\\nQuesne, where the British van arrived upon the 25th of Novem-\\nber, may be seen slightly pictured by the letters of Washington\\nand the second journal of Post,* and may be more vividly con-\\nceived by those who have passed through the valley of the upper\\nJuniata, t\\nBut, turning from this march, let us look at the position of\\nthings in the West, during the autumn of 1758. We have said,\\nthat in the outset the French did their utmost to alienate the Six\\nNations and Delawares from their old connexion with the British\\nand so politic were their movements, so accurate their knowledge\\nof Indian character, that they fully succeeded. The English, as\\nwe have seen, had made some foolish and iniquitous attempts to\\nget a claim to the western lands, and by rum and bumbo had even\\nobtained grants of those lands; but when the rum had evaporated,\\nthe wild men saw how they had been deceived, and listened not\\nunwillingly to the French professions of friendship, backed as they\\nw^ere by presents and politeness, and accompanied by no attempts\\nto buy or wheedle land from them. J Early, therefore, many of\\nthe old allies of England joined her enemies; and the treaties of\\nAlbany, Johnson Hall, and Easton|| did little or nothing towards\\nstopping the desolation of the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland,\\nand Virginia. The Quakers always believed, that this state of\\nenmity between the Delawares and themselves, or their rulers,\\nProud s Pennsylvania, vol. ii. Appendix.\\nWhile upon this march General Forbes was so sick that he was carried in a close\\nlitter, and to this the officers went to receive their orders. An anecdote was afterwards\\ntold of some inimical Indian chiefs, who came to the army on an embassy, and who,\\nobserving that from this close litter came all commands, asked the reason. The British\\nofficers, thinking the savages would despise their General, if told he was sick, were at\\nfirst puzzled what answer to make but in a moment one of them spoke out, and said,\\nthat in that litter was their General, who was so fierce and strong that he felt it necessary\\nto bind himself, hand and foot, and lie still until he came to the enemy s country, lest he\\nshould do the ambassadors, or e\\\\;en his own men, a mischief. The red men gave their\\nusual grunt, and placed some miles of forest between themselves and this fierce chieftain\\nas soon as possible. General Forbes died in Philadelphia a few weeks after the capture\\nof Fort Du Quesne.\\nSee Post-s Journals Pownall s 3Iemoir,on Service in North America.\\nI Many treaties were made between 1753 and 1758, which amounted to little or\\nnothing. See 3IassacJnise(ts Historical Collections, vol. vii. p. 97 Sparks Franklin,\\nvol. iii. pp. 436, 450, 471. Proud s Pennsylvania, vol. ii. app. Friendly Associa-\\ntion s Address, and Post s Journals. There were two Easton treaties one with the\\nPennsylvania Delawares, in 1756, the other with all the Indians in 1758. See also in\\nProud s Pennsylvania, yo\\\\. ii. p. 331, an inquiry into the causes of quarrel with the\\nIndians, and extracts from treaties, c.\\n6", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "82 Post sent West. 1758.\\nmight be prevented by a little friendly communion; but the\\npersuasions of the French, the renegade English traders, and others\\nwho had gone to the West, were great obstacles to any friendly\\nconversation on the one side, and the common feeling among the\\nwhites was an equal difficulty on the other. In the autumn of\\n1756, a treaty was held at Easton with the Pennsylvania Dela-\\nwares,* and peace agreed to. But this did not bind the Ohio\\nIndians even of the same nation, much less the Shawanese and\\nMingoes; and though the Sachem of the Pennsylvania savages,\\nTeedyuscung, promised to call to his western relatives with a loud\\nvoice, they did not, or would not hear him the tomahawk and\\nbrand still shone among the rocky mountain fastnesses of the inte-\\nrior. Nor can any heart but pity the red men. They knew not\\nwhom^to believe, nor where to look for a true friend. The French\\nsaid they came to defend them from the English the English said\\nthey came to defend them from the French and between the two\\npowers they were wasting away, and their homes disappearing\\nbefore them. The kings of France and England, said Teed-\\nyuscung, have settled this land so as to coop us up as if in a\\npen. This very ground that is under me was my land and inheri-\\ntance, and is taken from me by fraud. Such being the feeling of\\nthe natives, and success being of late nearly balanced between the\\ntwo European powers, no wonder that they hung doubting, and\\nknew not which way to turn. The French wished the Eastern\\nDelawares to move west, so as to bring them within their influ-\\nence ;t and the British tried to persuade them to prevail on their\\nwestern brethren to leave their new allies and be at peace.\\nIn 1758, the condition of affairs being as stated, and Forbes\\narmy on the eve of starting for Fort Du Quesne, and the French\\nbeing also disheartened by the British success elsewhere, and their\\nforce at Du Quesne weak, it was determined to make an effort\\nto draw the western Indians over, and thereby still further to\\nweaken the force that would oppose General Forbes. It was no\\neasy matter, however, to find a true and trustworthy man, whose\\ncourage, skill, ability, knowledge, and physical power, would fit\\nhim for such a mission. He was to pass through a wilderness\\nfilled with doubtful friends, into a country filled with open ene-\\nmies. The whole French interest would be against him, and the\\nIndians of the Ohio were little to be trusted. Every stream on his\\nSparks FrawWm, vol. vii. p. 125.\\nHeckewelder s Nairalive p. 53.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "1758. Tost at Fort Du Quesm. 83\\nAvay had been dyed with blood, every hill-side had rung with the\\ndeath-yell, and grown red in the light of burning huts. The man\\nwho was at last chosen was a Moravian, who had lived among\\nthe savages seventeen years, and married among them his name\\nChristian Frederic Post. Of his journey, sufferings, and doings,\\nwe have his own journal, though Heckewelder tells us, that those\\nparts which redound most to his own credit, he omitted when\\nprinting it. He left Philadelphia upon the 15th of July, 1758;\\nand, against the protestations of Teedyuscung, who said he would\\nsurely lose his life, proceeded up the Susquehannah, passing\\nmany plantations deserted and laid waste. Upon the 7th of\\nAugust, he came to the Alleghany, opposite French Creek, and\\nwas forced to pass under the very eyes of the garrison of Fort\\nVenango, but was not molested. From Venango he went to\\nKuskushkee, which was on or near Big Beaver Creek. This\\nplace, he says, contained ninety houses and two hundred able\\nwarriors. At this place Post had much talk with the chiefs, who\\nseemed well disposed, but somewhat afraid of the French. The\\ngreat conference, however, it was determined should be held\\nopposite Fort Du Quesne, where there were Indians of eight\\nnations. The messenger was at first unwilling to go thither, fear-\\ning the French would seize him; but the savages said, they\\nwould carry him in their bosom, he need fear nothing, and they\\nwell redeemed this promise. On the 24th of August, Post, with\\nhis Indian friends, reached the point opposite the Fort and there\\nimmediately followed a series of speeches, explanations and agree-\\nments, for which we must refer to his Journal. At first he was\\nAvas received rather hardly by an old and deaf Onondago, who\\nclaimed the land whereon they stood as belonging to the Six\\nNations; but a Delaware rebuked him in no A ery polite terms.\\nThat man speaks not as a man, he said; he endeavors to\\nfrighten us by saying this gi-ound is his he dreams he and his\\nfather (the French) have certainly drunk too much liquor they\\nare drunk pray let them go to sleep till they are sober. You do\\nnot know what your own nation does at home, how much they\\nhave to say to the English. You are quite rotten. You stink.\\nYou do nothing but smoke your pipe here. Go to sleep w^th your\\nlather, and when you are sober we will speak to you.\\nIt was clear that the Delawares, and indeed all the western\\nIndians, were wavering in their affection for the French; and,\\nthough some opposition was made to a union with the colonists,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "84 Ch-anth Bpfeat. 1758.\\nthe general feeling, produced by the prospect of a quick approach\\nby Forbes army, and by the truth and kindness of Post himself,\\nwas in favor of England. The Indians, however, complained\\nbitterly of the disposition which the whites showed in claiming\\nand seizing their lands. Why did you not fight your battles at\\nhome, or on the sea, instead of coming into our country to fight\\nthem they asked, again and again and were mournful when\\nthey thought of the future. Your heart is good, they said to\\nPost, you speak sincerely: but we know there is always a great\\nnumber who wish to get rich they have enough look we do not\\nwant to be rich, and take away what others have. The white\\npeople think we have no brains in our heads that they are big,\\nand we a little handful but remember, when you hunt for a rattle-\\nsnake you cannot find it, and perhaps it will bite you before you\\nsee it. When the war of Pontiac came, this saying might have\\nbeen justly remembered.\\nAt length, having concluded a pretty definite peace, Post\\nturned toward Philadelphia, setting out upon the 9th of Septem-\\nber; and, after the greatest sufferings and perils from French\\nscouts and Indians, reached the settlements uninjured.\\nWliile Post was engaged upon his dangerous mission, the van\\nof Forbes army was pressing slowly forward under the heats of\\nAugust from Raystown, (Bedford,)* toward Loyalhanna, hewing\\ntheir way as they went. Early in September, the General reached\\nRaystown, whither he also ordered Washington, who had till then\\nbeen kept inactive among his sick troops at Fort Cumberland.\\nMeantime two officers of the first Virginia regiment had gone sep-\\narately, each with his party, to reconnoitre Fort Du Quesne, and\\nhad brought accounts of its condition up to the 13th of August, f\\nIt being deemed desirable, however, to have fuller statements than\\nthey were able to give, a party of eight hundred men under Major\\nGrant, with whom went Major Andrew Lewds of Virginia, was\\npushed forward to gain the desired information. Grant appears to\\nhave exceeded his orders, which were merely to obtain all the\\nknowledge relative to the French which he could and after\\nhaving unwisely divided his force, with equal want of sagacity\\nbrought on an engagement; having before liim, perhaps, the vain\\nhope that he should take the fort he was sent to examine. In the\\nskirmish thus needlessly entered into. Grant s troops were thrown\\nSparks Wasliingtoii, ii. 312.\\nt See map in Sparks Washington, ii.j also plate and account in Am. Pioneer, ii. 147.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "17BS. British take Fort Du Quesne. 85\\ninto confusion by their Indian foes. Lewis, who had been left two\\nmiles behind, hastening forward when he heard the sound of fire-\\narms, to relieve his comrades, was unable to check the rout\\nwhich had commenced, and together with his commanding officer\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2was taken prisoner. Indeed, the whole detachment would have\\nshared their fate, had not Capt. Bullitt, with his fifty Virginians,\\nrescued them. Ordering his men to lower their arms, this able\\nofficer waited until the Indians, who thought the little band about\\nto yield, were full in view, then giving the word, poured upon the\\nenemy a deadly fire, which was instantly followed by a charge\\nwith the bayonet, a proceeding so unlooked for and so fatal as\\nto lead to the complete rout of the assailants. This conduct of\\nthe Virginians was much admired, and Washington received\\npublicly the compliments of the Commander-in-Chief on account\\nof it.*\\nOctober had now arrived, and Washington was engaged in\\nopening the road toward the Fork of the Ohio. On the 5th of\\nNovember, he was still at Loyalhanna, w^here at one time the\\nGeneral thought of spending the winter; on the 15th, he was on\\nChesnut ridge, advancing from four to eight miles a day; and in\\nten days more stood where Fort Du Quesne had been the French\\nhaving destroyed it, when they embarked for the lower posts on\\nthe Ohio the preceding day.\\nAt Easton, meantime, had been gathered another great council,\\nat which were present the eight United Nations, (the Iroquois,)\\nand their confederates; with all of w^hom, during October, peace\\nwas \u00e2\u0082\u00aconcluded. The particulars of this treaty are given in the\\nAmerican pioneer i. 244, taken from the Annual Register for 1759,\\np. 191 and from a note in Burk s History of Virginia, we\\nfind that the Iroquois were very angry at the prominence of Teed-\\nyuscung. With the messengers to the West, bearing news of this\\ntreaty, Post was sent back, within five weeks after his return. He\\nfollowed after General Forbes, from whom he received messages\\nto the various tribes, with which he once more sought their chiefs\\nand was again very instrumental in preventing any junction of the\\nIndians with the French. Indeed, but for Post s mission, there\\nwould in all probability have been gathered a strong force of\\nSparks Washington; ii. 313; note. Butler s Kentucky, 2d edition, Introduction,\\nxliv.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Marshall s Life of Vv^ashington, (Edition 1804, Philadelphia,) ii. 66. This defeat\\noccurred, September 21. Washington commanded all the Virginia troops.\\nVol. iii. p. 239.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "S6 Indian War in the South. 1760..\\nwestern savages to waylay Forbes and defend Fort Du Quesne j\\nin which ease, so adverse was the season and the way, so wearied\\nthe men, and so badly managed the whole business, that there\\nwould have been great danger of a second Braddock s field\\nso that our humble Moravian friend played no unimportant part in\\nsecuring again to his British Majesty the key to western America.\\nWith the fall of Fort Du Quesne, all direct contest between the\\nFrench and British in the West ceased. From that time Canada\\nwas the only scene of operations, though garrisons for a while\\nremained in the forts on French Creek. In 1759, Ticonderoga,\\nCrown Point, Niagara, and at length Quebec itself yielded to the\\nEnglish; and, on the 8th of September, 1760, Montreal, Detroit,\\nand all Canada were given up by Vaudreuil, the French governor.\\nBut the French had not been the only dwellers in western\\nAmerica; and, when they were gone, the colonists still saw before\\nthem clouds of dark and jealous warriors. Indeed, no sooner\\nwere the Delawares quiet in the north, than the Cherokees, who\\nhad been assisting Virginia against her foes, were roused to war\\nby the thoughtless and cruel conduct of the frontier men, who shot\\nseveral of that tribe, because they took some horses which they\\nfound running at large in the woods. The ill-feeling bred by this\\nact was eagerly fostered by the French in Louisiana and, while\\nAmherst and Wolfe were pushing the war into Canada, the fron-^\\ntiers of Georgia, the Carolinas and Virginia, were writhing under\\nthe horrors of Indian invasion. This Cherokee war continued\\nthrough 1760, and into 1761, but was terminated in the summer\\nof the last-named year by Colonel Grant. We should be glad,\\ndid it come within our province, to enter somewhat at large into\\nthe events of it, as then came forward two of the most remarkable\\nchiefs of that day, the Great Warrior and the Little Carpenter\\n(Attakullakulla) but we must first refer our readers to the second\\nvolume of Thatcher s Indian Biography.\\nAlong the frontiers of Pennsylvania and northern Virginia, the\\nold plantations had been, one by one, reoccupied since 1758, and\\nsettlers were slowly pushing further into the Indian country, and\\ntraders were once more bearing their burdens over the mountains,,\\nand finding a way into the wigwams of the natives, who rested,\\nwatching silently, but narrowly, the course of their English\\ndefenders and allies. For it was, professedly, in the character\\nof defenders, that Braddock and Forbes had come into the", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "1760. Settlements in the West resumed. 87\\nWest and, while every British finger itched for the lands as well as\\nthe furs of the wild men, with mistaken hypocrisy they would have\\npersuaded them that the treasure and the life of England had been\\ngiven to preserve her old allies, the Six Nations, and their depen-\\ndents, the Delawares and Shawanese, from French aggression.\\nBut the savages knew whom they had to deal with, and looked at\\nevery step of the cultivator with jealousy and hate.\\nIn 1760, the Ohio Company once more prepared to pursue their\\nold plan, and sent to England for such orders and instructions to\\nthe Virginia government as would enable them to do so.f Dur-\\ning the summer of that year, also, General Monkton, by a treaty\\nat Fort Pitt, obtained leave to build posts within the wild lands,\\neach post having ground enough about it to raise corn and vege-\\ntables for the use of the garrison. Nor, if we can credit one\\nwriter, were the settlements of the Ohio Company, and the forts,\\nthe only inroads upon the hunting grounds of the savages for he\\nsays, that in 1757, by the books of the Secretary of Virginia,\\nthree millions of acres had been granted west of the mountains.\\nIndeed, we know that in 1758 she tried by law to encourage set-\\ntlements in the West; and the report of John Blair, Clerk of the\\nVirginia Council, in 1768 or 1769, states, that most of the grants\\nbeyond the mountains were made before August, 1754. At any\\nrate, it is clear that the Indians early began to murmur; for, in\\n1762, Bouquet issued his proclamation from Fort Pitt, saying that\\nthe treaty of Easton, in 1758, secured to the red men all lands\\nwest of the mountains as hunting-grounds wherefore he forbids\\nall settlements, and orders the arrest of the traders and settlers\\nwho were spreading discontent and fear among the Ohio Indians.\\nBut if the Ohio Indians were early ill-disposed to the English,\\nmuch more was this the case among those lake tribes, who had\\nknown only the French, and were strongly attached to them\\nthe Ottaways, Wyandots, and Chippeways. The first visit which\\nthey received from the British was after the surrender of Vaud-\\nreuil, when Major Robert Rogers was sent to take charge of\\nSparks Frankli7i, vol. iv. p. 328. Post s Journals show how full of jealousy the\\nIndians were see there also Forbes letter, sent by him.\\nt Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 482 Plain Facts, p. 120, where a letter from the\\nCompany, dated September 9th, 1761, is given.\\ni Dated August 20th. Flain Facts, pp. 55, 56.\\nU Contest in North America, by an Impartial Hand, p. 36. Secret Journals, vol. iii.\\np. 187 Plain Facts. Appendix.\\nPlain Facts, p. 56. See Heckewelder s Narrative, p. 64.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "88 Rogers crosses Ohio. 1759.\\nDetroit.* He left Montreal on the 13th of September, 1760, and,\\non the 8th of October, reached Presqu Ile, where Bouquet then\\ncommanded. Thence he went slowly up Lake Erie, to Detroit,\\nwhich place he summoned to yield itself on the 19th of Novem-\\nber. It was, if we mistake not, while waiting for an answer\\nto this summons, that he was visited by the great Ottawa chief-\\ntain, Pontiac, who demanded how the English dared enter his\\ncountry; to which the answer was given, that they came, not to\\ntake the country, but to open a free way of trade, and to put out\\nthe French, who stopped their trade. This answer, together with\\nother moderate and kindly words, spoken by Rogers, seemed to\\nlull the rising fears of the savages, and Pontiac promised him his\\nprotection.\\nBeleter, meantime, who commanded at Detroit, had not yielded\\nnay, word was brought to Rogers on the 24th, that his messenger\\nhad been confined, and a flag-pole erected, with a wooden head\\nupon it, to represent Britain, on which stood a crow picking the\\neyes out, as emblematic of the success of France. In a few\\ndays, however, the commander heard of the fate of the lower\\nposts, and, as his Indians did not stand by him, on the 29th he\\nyielded. Rogers remained at Detroit until December 23d, under\\nthe personal protection of Pontiac, to whose presence he probably\\nowed his safety. From Detroit the Major went to the Maumee,\\nand thence across the present State of Ohio to Fort Pitt and his\\nJournal of this overland trip is the first we have of such an one in\\nthat region. His route was nearly that given by Hutchins,f in\\nBouquet s Expedition, as the common one from Sandusky to\\nthe Fork of the Ohio. It went from Fort Sandusky, where- San-\\ndusky City now is, crossed the Huron river, then called Bald\\nEagle Creek, to Mohickon John s Tov/n, upon what we know\\nas Mohicon Creek, the northern branch of White Woman s River,\\nand thence crossed to Beaver s Town, a Delaware town on the\\nwest side of the Maskongam Creek, opposite a fine river\\nwhich, from Hutchins map, we presume was Sandy Creek. At\\nBeaver s Town were one hundred and eighty warriors, and not\\nless than three thousand acres of cleared land. From there the\\ntrack went up Sandy Creek and across to the Big Beaver, and up\\nSee his Journal, London, 1765. Also, his Concise Account of North America-\\nLondon. 1765.\\nThomas Hutchins, afterwards Geographer of the United States, was, in 1764, assist-\\nant engineer on Bouquet s edition.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "1761. Henry at MacJcinac. 89\\nthe Ohio, through Logstown, to Fort Pitt, which place Rogers\\nreached January 23d, 1760, precisely one month having passed\\nwhile he was upon the w ay.\\nIn the spring of the year following Rogers visit, (1761,)\\nAlexander Henry, an English trader, went to Missillimacnac for\\npurposes of business, and he found everywhere the strongest feel-\\ning against the English, who had done nothing by word or act to\\nconciliate the Indians. Even then there were threats of reprisals\\nand war. Having, by means of a Canadian dress, managed to\\nreach Missilimacanac in safety, he was there discovered, and was\\nwaited on by an Indian chief, who was, in the opinion of Thatcher,\\nPontiac himself. This chief, after conveying to him the idea,\\nthat their French father would soon awake and utterly destroy his\\nenemies, continued:\\nEnglishman Although you have conquered the French, you\\nhave not yet conquered us We are not your slaves These\\nlakes, these woods, these mountains, were left to us by our ances-\\ntors. They are our inheritance, and we will part widi them to\\nnone. Your nation supposes that we, like the white people, can-\\nnot live without bread, and pork, and beef. But you ought to\\nknow that He, the Great Spirit and Master of Life, has provided\\nfood for us upon these broad lakes and in these mountains.\\nHe then spoke of the fact that no treaty had been made with\\nthem, no presents sent them and while he announced their inten-\\ntion to allow Henry to trade unmolested, and to regard him as a\\nbrother, he declared, that with his king the red men were still at\\nwar.*\\nSuch were the feelings of tlie northwestern savages immediately\\nafter the English took possession of their lands and these feel-\\nings were in all probability fostered and increased by the Cana-\\ndians and French. Distrust of the British was general and, as\\nthe war between France and England still went on in other lands,\\nthere was hope among the Canadians, perhaps, that the French\\npower might be restored in America. However this may have\\nbeen, it is clear that disaffection spread rapidly in the West,\\nthough of the details of the years from 1759 to 1763 we know\\nhardly any thing.\\nUpon the 10th of February, 1763, the treaty of Paris was con-\\ncluded, and peace between the European powers restored. Of\\nTravels of Alexander Henry in Canada, from 1760 to 1776. New York, 1809.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThatcher s Indian Biography, vol. ii. pp. 75, et seq.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "90 Peace of Paris. 1763.\\nthat treaty we give the essential provisions bearing upon our\\nsubject.\\nArt. 4 His most Christian Majesty renounces all pretensions\\nwhich he has heretofore formed, or might form, to Nova Scotia or\\nAcadia in all its parts, and guarantees the whole of it, and with all its\\ndependencies, to the King of Great Britain: moreover, his most Chris-\\ntian Majesty cedes and guarantees to his said Britannic Majesty, in full\\nright, Canada, with all iis dependencies, as well as the island of Cape\\nBreton, and all the other islands and coasts in the gulf and river of St.\\nLawrence and, in general, every thing that depends on the said coun-\\ntries, lands, islands, and coasts, with the sovereignty, property, posses-\\nsion, and all rights acquired by treaty or otherwise, which the most\\nChristian King and the crown of France have had, till now, over the\\nsaid countries, islands, lands, places, coasts, and their inhabitants; so\\nthat the most Christian King, cedes and makes over the whole to the\\nsaid King, and to the crown of Great Britain, and that in the most am-\\nple manner and form, without restriction, and without any liberty to\\ndepart fiom the said cession and guarantee under any pretence, or to\\ndisturb Great Britain in the possessions above mentioned.\\nArt. 7. In order to establish peace on solid and durable founda-\\ntions, and to remove forever all subjects of dispute with regard to the\\nlimits of the British and French territories on the continent of Ameri-\\nca, it is agreed that for the future, the confines between the dominions\\nof his Britannic Majesty and those of his most Christian Majesty in that\\npart of the world, shall be fixed irrevocably by a line drawn along the\\nmiddle of the river Mississippi, from its source to the river Iberville, and\\nfrom thence by a line drawn along the middle of this river, and the lakes\\nMaurepas and Pontchartr.iin, to the sea and for this puipose, the most\\nChristian King cedes, in full right, and guarantees to his BritRnnic\\nMajesty, the river and port of the Mobile, and every thing which he\\npossesses or ought to possess on the left side of the river Mississippi,\\nwith the exception of the town of New Orleans, and of the island in\\nwhich it is situated, which shall remain to France it being well under-\\nstood that the navigation of the river Mississippi shall be equally free,\\nas well to the subjects of Great Britain as to those of France, in its\\nwhole breadth and length from its source to the sea and expressly, that\\npart which is between the said island of New Orleans, and the right\\nbank of that river, as well as the passage both in and out of its moulh.\\nIt is further stipulated that the vessels belonging to the subjects of either\\nnation shall not be stopped, visited, or subjected to the payment of any\\nduty whatsoever.\\n[It is necessary to observe, that the preliminary articles, which so far", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "1763. Indian Conspiracy. 91\\nas relates to the two articles here inserted, are verbatim the same with\\nthose of the definitive treaty, were signed on the third day of Novem-\\nber, 1762, on which same day, as will appear, France ceded Louisiana\\nto Spain. 3*\\nFROM 1763 TO 1764.\\nAnd now once more men began to think seriously of the West.\\nPamphlets were published upon the advantages of settlements on\\nthe Ohio Colonel Mercer was chosen to represent the old Com-\\npany in England, and try to have their affairs made straight, for\\nthere were counter-claims by the soldiers who had enlisted, in\\n1754, under Dinwiddle s proclamation and on all hands there\\nwere preparations for movement. But, even at that moment,\\nthere existed through the whole West a conspiracy or agreement\\namong the Indians, from Lake Michigan to the frontiers of North\\nCarolina, by which they were with one accord, with one spirit, to\\nfall upon the whole line of British posts and strike every white man\\ndead. Chippeways, Ottoways, Wyandots, Miamis, Shawanese,\\nDelawares, and Mingoes, for the time, laid by their old hostile\\nfeelings, and united under Pontiac in this great enterprise. The\\nvoice of that sagacious and noble man was heard in the dis-\\ntant North, crying, Why, says the Great Spirit, do you suffer\\nthese dogs in red clothing to enter your country and take the land\\nI have given you 9 Drive them from it Drive them When\\nyou are in distress, I will help you.\\nThat voice was heard, but not by the whites. The unsuspecting\\ntraders journeyed from village to village; the soldiers in the forts\\nshrunk from the sun of the early summer, and dozed away the\\nday the frontier settler, singing in fancied security, sowed his\\ncrop, or, watching the sunset through the girdled trees, mused\\nupon one more peaceful harvest, and told his children of the hor-\\nSee Land Laws, p. 83.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "92 Mackinac taken. 1763.\\nrors of the ten years war, now, thank God! over. From the\\nAlleghanies to the Mississippi the trees had leaved, and all was\\ncalm life and joy. But through that great country, even then,\\nbands of sullen red men were journeying from the central valleys\\nto the lakes and the Eastern hills. Bands of Chippeways gathered\\nabout Missilimacanac. Ottaways filled the woods near Detroit,\\nThe Mauraee post, Presqu Ile, Niagara, Pitt, Ligonier, and every\\nEnglish fort was hemmed in by mingled tribes, who felt that the\\ngreat battle drew nigh which was to determine their fate and the\\npossession of their noble lands. f At last the day came. The\\ntraders everywhere were seized, their goods taken from them, and\\nmore than one hundred of them put to death. Nine British forts\\nyielded instantly, and the savages drank, scooped up in the hol-\\nlow of joined hands, the blood of many a Briton. The border\\nstreams of Pennsylvania and Virginia ran red again. We hear,\\nsays a letter for Fort Pitt, of scalping every hour. In Western\\nVirginia, more -than twenty thousand people were driven from\\ntheir homes. Mackinac was taken by a stratagem, which Henry\\nthus describes\\nThe next day, being the fourth of June, was the king s birth-day.\\nThe morning was sultry. AChippeway came to tell me that his nation\\nwas going to play at baggatiway, with the Sacs or Saaiiies, another\\nIndian nation, lor a high wager. He invited me to witness the sport,\\nadding that the commandant was to be there, and would bet on the side of\\nthe Chippeways. In consequence of this infoimaiicn, I went to the com-\\nmandant, and expostulated with him a little, representing that the Indians\\nmight possibly have some sinister end in view but the commandant\\nonly smiled at my suspicions.\\nBaggathvay, called by the Canadians le jeu de la crosse, is played\\nwith a bat and ball. The bat is about four feet in length, curved, and\\nterminating in a sort of racket. Two posts are planted in the ground,\\nat a considerable distance from each other, as a mile or more, Each\\nparty has its post, and the game consists in throwing the ball up to the\\npost of the adversary. The ball at the beginning is placed in the\\nmiddle of the course, and each party endeavors as well to throw the\\nball out of the direction of its own post, as into that of the adversary s.\\nI did not go myself to see the match which was now to be played\\nwithout the foit, because, there being a canoe prepared to depart, on\\nthe following day, for Montreal. 1 employed myself in writing letters\\nto my friends; and even when a fellow-trader, Mr. Tracy happened to\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2fSee Henry s Narrative. Thatcher s Indian Biography, vol. ii. p. 83.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "1763. Mackinac taken. 93\\ncall upon me, saying that another canoe had just arrived from Detroit,\\nand proposing that I should go with liim to the beach, to inquire the\\nnews, it so happened that I still remained, to finish my letters pro-\\nmising to follow Mr. Tracy in the course of a few minutes. Mr. Tracy\\nhad not gone more than twenty paces from the door, when I heard an\\nIndian war-cry, and a noise of general confusion.\\nGoing instantly to my window, I saw a crowd of Indians, within the\\nfort, furiously cutting down and scalping every Englishman they found.\\nIn particular, I witnessed the fate of Lieutenant Jemette.\\nThe game of baggatiway, as from the description above will have\\nbeen perceived, is necessarily attended with much violence and noise.\\nIn the ardor of contest, the ball, as has been suggested, if it cannot\\nbe thrown to the goal desired, is struck in any direction by which it\\ncan be diverted from that designed by the adversary. At such a mo-\\nment, therefore, nothing could be less liable to excite premature alarm,\\nthan that the ball should be tossed over the pickets of the fort, nor that,\\nhaving fallen there, it should be followed on the insiant by all engaged\\nin the game, as well the one party as the other, all eager, all struggling,\\nall shouting, all in the unrestrained pursuit of a rude athletic exercise.\\nNothing could be less fitted to excite premature alarm nothing, there-\\nfore, could be more happily devised, under the circumstances, than a\\nstratagem like this and this was, in fact, the strategem which the In-\\ndians had employed, by which they had obtained possession of the\\nfort, and by which they had been enabled to slaughter and subdue its\\ngarrison, and such of its other inhabitants as they pleased. To be still\\nmore certain of success, they had prevailed upon as many as they\\ncould, by a pretext the least liable to suspicion, to come voluntary\\nwithout the pickets and particularly the commandant and garrison\\nihemselves.*\\nAt Detroit, where Pontiac commanded, treachery prevented suc-\\ncess and here also we give the account of a cotemporary writer y\\nAs every appearance of war was at an end, and the Indians seemed\\nto be on a friendly footing, Pontiac approached Detroit without exciting\\nany suspicions in the breast of the governor, or the inhabitants. He\\nencamped at a little distance from it, and let the commandant know that\\nhe was come to trade and being desirous of brightening the chain of\\npeace between the English and his nation, desired that he and his\\nchiefs might be admitted to hold a council with him. The governor,\\nSee Drake s Captivities, 289, 292.\\nCaptain Carver, who was in the north-west from 1766 to 1768. In 1767 he says\\nDetroit contained more than one hundred houses, and that tlie river bank was settled for\\ntwenty miles, although poorly cultivated j the people were engaged in the Indian trade.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "94 Poniiac before Detroit. 1763.\\nstill unsuspicious, and not in the least doubting the sincerity of the\\nIndians, granted their general s request, and fixed on the next morning\\nfor their reception.\\nOn the evening of that day, an Indian woman who had been\\nappointed by Major Gladwyn to make a pair of Indian shoes, out of a\\ncurious elkskin, brought them hou.e. The major was so pleased with\\nthem, thai, intending these as a present for a friend, he oidered her to\\ntake the remainder back, and make it into others for himself. He then\\ndirected his servant to pay her for those she had done, and dismissed\\nher. The woman went to the door that led to the street, but no fur-\\nther she there loitered about as if she had not finished the business on\\nwhich she came. A servant at length observed her, and asked her why\\nshe staid there She gave him, however, no answer.\\nSome short time after, the governor himself saw her, and inquired\\nof his servant what occasioned her stay. Not being able to get a satis-\\nfactory answer, he ordered the woman to be called in. When she\\ncame into his presence, he desired to know what was the reason of her\\nloitering about, and not hastening home before the gates were shut, that\\nshe might complete in due time the work he had given her to do. She\\ntold him, after much hesitation, that as he had always behaved with\\ngreat goodness towards her, she was unwilling to take away the remain-\\nder of the skin, because he put so great a value upon it and yet had\\nnot been able to prevail upon herself to tell him so. He then asked\\nher why she was more reluctant to do so now than she had been when\\nshe made the former pair. With increased reluctance she answered,\\nthat she should never be able to bring them back.\\nHis curiosity was now excited, he insisted on her disclosing the\\nsecret that seemed to be struggling in her bosom for utterance. At last,\\non receiving, a promise that the intelligence she was about to give him\\nshould not turn to her prejudice; and that if it appeared to be beneficial,\\nshe should be rewarded for it, she informed him, that at the council to\\nbe held with the Indians the following day, Pontiac and his chiefs\\nintended to murder him and, after having massacred the garrison and\\ninhabitants, to plunder the town. That for this purpose, all the cliiefs\\nwho were to be admitted into the council room had cut their guns short,\\nso that they could conceal them under their blankets with which, on a\\nsignal given by their general, on delivering the belt, they were all to\\nrise up, and instantly to fire on him and his attendants. Having\\neffected this, they were immediately to rush into the town, where they\\nwould find themselves supported by a great number of their warriors,\\nthat were to come into it during the silting of the council under the\\npretence of trading, but privately armed in the same manner. Having\\ngained from the woman every necessary particular relative to the plot,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "1763. Pontine betrayed. 95\\nand also the means by which she acquired a knowledge of them, he\\ndismissed her with injunctions of secrecy, and a promise of fulfilling on\\nhis part with punctuality the engagements he had entered into.\\nThe intelligence the governor had just received gave him great\\nuneasiness and he immediately consulted the officer who was next\\nhim in command on the subject. But this gentleman, considering the\\ninformation as a story invented for some artful purpose, advised him to\\npay no attention to it. This conclusion, however, had happily, no\\nweight with him. He thought it prudent to conclude it to be true, till\\nhe was convinced that it was not so and therefore, without revealing\\nhis suspicions to any other person, he took every needful precaution that\\nthe time would admit of. He walked around the fort for the whole\\nnight, and saw himself, that every sentinel was upon duty, and every\\nweapon of defence in proper order.\\nAs he traversed the ramparts that lay nearest to the Indian camp,\\nhe heard them in high festivity, and little imagining that their plot was\\ndiscovered, probably pleasing themselves with the anticipation of their\\nsuccess. As soon as the morning dawned, he ordered all the garrison\\nunder arms, and then imparting his apprehensions to a few of the prin-\\ncipal officers, gave them such directions as he thought necessary. At\\nthe same time he sent round to all the traders, to inform them, that as\\nit was expected a great number of Indians would enter the town that\\nday, who might be inclined to plunder, he desired they would have\\ntheir arms ready, and repel any attempt of that kind.\\nAbout ten o clock, Pontiac and his chiefs arrived, and were con-\\nducted to thfc council chamber, where the governor and his principal\\nofficers, each with pistols in his belt, awaited his arrival. As the Indi-\\nans passed on, they could not help observing that a greater number of\\ntroops than usual were drawn up on the parade, or marching about.\\nNo sooner were they entered and seated on the skins prepared for\\nthem, than Pontiac asked the governor, on what occasion his young\\nmen, meaning the soldiers, were thus drawn up and parading the\\nstreets He received for answer that it was only intended to keep\\nthem perfect in their exercise.\\nThe Indian chief warrior now began his speech, which contained\\nthe strongest professions of friendship and good will towards the Eng-\\nlish and when he came to the delivery of the belt of wampum, the\\nparticular mode of which, according to the woman s information, was\\nto be the signal for the chiefs to fire, the governor and all his attendants\\ndrew their swords half way out of their scabbards and the soldiers at\\nthe same time made a clattering with their arms before the door, which\\nhad been purposely left open. Pontiac, though one of the bravest\\nmen, immediately turned pale and trembled and instead of giving the\\nbell in the manner proposed, delivered it according to the usual way", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "1763. Pontiac lays siege to Detroit. 97\\nHis chiefs who had impatiently expected the signal, looked at each\\nother with astonishment, but continued quiet wailing the result.\\nThe governor, in his turn, made a speech, but instead of thanking\\nMhe great warrior for the piofessions of friendship he had just uttered,\\nhe accused him of being a traitor. He told him that the English, who\\nknew every thing, were convinced of his treachery and villainous\\ndesigns and as a proof that they were acquainted wiih his most secret\\nthoughts and intentions, he stepped towards an Indian chief that sat\\nnearest to him, and drawing aside the blanket, discovered the shortened\\nfirelock. This entirely disconcerted the Indians, and frustrated their\\ndesign.\\nHe then continued to tell them, that as he had given his word at\\nthe time they had desired an audience, that their persons should be\\nsafe, he would hold his promise inviolable, though they so little\\ndeserved it. However, he desired them to make the best of their way\\nout of the fort, lest his young men, on being acquainted with their\\ntreacherous purposes, should cut every one of them to pieces.\\nPontiac endeavored to contradict the accusation, and to make ex-\\ncuses for his suspicious conduct; but the governor, satisfied of the\\nfalsity of his protestations, would not listen to him. The Indians\\nimmediately left the fort but instead of being sensible of the governor s\\ngenerous behavior, they threw off the mask, and the next day made a\\nregular attack upon it.\\nThus foiled, Pontiac laid formal siege to the fortress, and for\\nmany months that siege was continued in a manner, and with a\\nperseverance, unexampled among the Indians. Even a regular\\ncommissariat department was organized, and bills of credit drawn\\nout upon bark, w^ere issued, and what is rarer, punctually paid.\\nIt was the 9th of May,* when Detroit was first attacked, and upon\\nthe 3d of the following December it was still in danger. As late\\nas March of the next year, the inhabitants were sleeping in their\\nclothes, expecting an alarm every night.\\nFort Pitt was besieged also, and the garrison reduced to sad\\nstraits from want of food. This being known beyond the moun-\\ntains, a quantity of provision was collected, and Colonel Bdquet\\nThis date seems certain. See Thatcher s Lives of the Indians, ii. 93 to 103.\\nThat of the attack on Mackinac is yet more certain but how could the people at Macki-\\nnac remain ignorant of Pontiac s movements from May 9th to June 4th A common\\ncanoe voyage, with all its stoppages, did not take more than fourteen days. See School-\\ncraft s Travels of 1820, (Albany 1821,) p. 73 to 110. Presqu IIc also was not attacked\\ntill June 4th, and yet no suspicions seem to have existed. (Mr. Harvey, of Erie, quoted\\nin Day s Historical Collections of Pennsylvania, 314.)\\nt See Henry s Narrative. Thatcher s Indian Biography, vol. ii. p. 83.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "1763. Bouquet attacked by the Indians. 97\\nwas appointed to convey it to the head of the Ohio, having as-\\nsigned him for the service the poor remains of two regiments,\\nwhich had but lately returned from the war in Cuba. He set out\\ntoward the middle of July, and upon the 25th reached Bedford.\\nFrom that post, he went forward by Forbes s road, passed Fort\\nLigonier, and iipon the 5th of August was near Bushy Run, one\\nof the branches of Turtle Creek, which falls into the Monongahela\\nten miles above Fort Pitt. Here he was attacked by the Indians,\\nwho, hearing of his approach, had gathered their forces to defeat\\nhim, and during two days the contest continued. On the 6th,\\nthe Indians, having the worst of the battle, retreated and Bouquet,\\nwith his three hundred and forty horses, loaded with flour, reached\\nand relieved the post at the Fork.*\\nIt was now nearly autumn, and the confederated tribes had\\nfailed to take the three most important fortresses in the West,\\nDetroit, Pitt, and Niagara. Many of them became disheartened\\nothers wished to return home for the winter others had satisfied\\ntheir longings for revenge. United merely by the hope of striking\\nand immediate success, they fell from one another when that suc-\\ncess did not come jealousies and old enmities revived the\\nleague was broken and P#ntiac was left alone or with few\\nfollowers.\\nIn October, also, a step was taken by the British government,\\nin part, for the purpose of quieting the fears and suspicions of the\\nred men, which did much, probably, toward destroying their alli-\\nance; a proclamation was issued containing the following para-\\ngraphs and prohibitions:\\nAnd whereas, it is just and reasonable, and essential to our interest\\nand the security of our colonies, that the several nations or tribes of\\nIndians with whom we are connected, and who live under our protec-\\ntion, should not be molested or disturbed in the possession of such parts\\nof our dominions and territories as, not having been ceded to, or pur-\\nchased by us, are reserved to them, or any of them, as their hunting\\ngrounds we do, therefore, with the advice of our privy council, declare\\nit to be our royal will and pleasure, that no Governor or Commander-\\nin-chief, in any of our colonies of Quebec, East Florida, or West\\nFlorida, do presume, upon any pretence whatever, to grant warrants of\\nsurvey, or pass any patents for lands beyond the bounds of their\\nrespective governments, as described in their commissions as, also that\\nHolmes s ylwwaZs, vol. ii. p. 121.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Sparks Washington, vol. ii. Map, at p. 38.~\\nDay s Historicul Collections of Pennsylvania) 681.\\n7", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "98 Proclamation by the Bntish Government. 1763.\\nno Governor or Commander-in-chief of our other colonies or plantations\\nin America, do presume for the present, and until our further pleasure\\nbe known, to grant warrants of survey, or pass patents for any lands\\nbeyond the heads or sources of any of the rivers which fall into the\\nAtlantic ocean from the west or northwest or upon any lands whatever,\\nwhicli, not having been ceded to, or purchased by us, as aforesaid, are\\nreserved to the said Indians or any of them.\\nAnd we do further declare it to be our royal will and pleasure, for the\\npresent, as aforesaid, to reserve under our sovereignty, protection, and\\ndominion, for the use of the said Indians, all the land and territories not\\nincluded within the limits of our said three new Governments, or with-\\nin the limits of the territory granted to the Hudson s Bay Company;\\nas also all the lands and territories lying to the westward of the sources\\nof the rivers which fall into the sea from the west and northwest as\\naforesaid and we do hereby strictly forbid, on pain of our displeasure,\\nall our loving subjects from making any purchases or settlements what-\\never, or taking possession of any of the lands above reserved, without\\nour special leave and license for that purpose first obtained.\\nAnd we do further strictly enjoin and require all persons whatever,\\nwho have either wilfully or inadvertently seated themselves upon any\\nlands within the countries above described, or upon any other lands,\\nwhich, not having been ceded to, or purchased by us, are still reserved\\nto the said Indians as aforesaid, forthwith to remove themselves from\\nsuch settlements.\\nAnd whereas great frauds and abuses have been committed in the pur-\\nchasing lands from the Indians, to the great prejudice of our interests,\\nand to the great dissatisfaction of the said Indians in order, therefore,\\nto prevent such irregularities for the future, and to the end that the\\nIndians may be convinced of our justice and determined resolution to\\nremove all reasonable cause of discontent, we do, with the advice of our\\nprivy council, strictly enjoin and require that no private person do pre-\\nsume to make any purchase from the said Indians, of any lands reserved\\nto the said Indians, within those parts of our colonies where we have\\nthought proper to allow settlement; but that, if at any time, any of the\\nsaid Indians should be inclined to dispose of the said lands, the same\\nshall be purchased only for us, in our name, at some public meeting or\\nassembly of the said Indians, to be held for that purpose, by the Gov-\\nernor or Commander-in-chief of our colony, respectively, within which\\nthey shall lie and in case they shall lie within the limits of any pro-\\nprietaries, conformable to such directions and instructions as we or they\\nshall think proper to give for that purpose and we do, by the advice\\nof our privy council, declare and enjoin, that the trade with the said\\nIndians shall be free and open to all our subjects whatever: Provided,\\nThat every person who may incline to trade with the said Indians, do", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "1764. Treaty with the Indians at Detroit. 99\\ntake out a a license, for carrying on such trade, from the Governor or\\nCommander-in-chief of any of our colonies, respectively, where such\\nperson shall reside and also give security to observe such regulations\\nas we shall, at any time, think fit, by ourselves or commissaries, to be\\nappointed for this purpose, to direct and appoint, for the benefit of the\\nsaid trade and we do hereby authorize, enjoin, and require the Gov-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0ernors and Commanders-in-chief of all our colonies, respectively, as\\nwell those under our immediate government as those under the gov-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0ernment and direction of proprietaries, to grant such licenses without\\nfee or reward, taking especial care to insert therein a condition that such\\nlicense shall be void, and the security forfeited, in case the person to\\nwhom the same is granted shall refuse or neglect to observe such regu-\\nlations as we shall think proper to prescribe as aforesaid.*\\nTo assist the effect of this proclamation, it was determined to\\nmake two movements in the spring and summer of 1764 General\\nBradstreet being ordered into the country upon Lake Erie, and\\nBouquet into that upon the Ohio. The former moved to Niagara\\nearly in tlie summer, and there in June, accompanied by Sir\\nWilliam Johnson, held a grand council with twenty or more tribes,\\nall of whom sued for peace; and, upon the 8th of August, reached\\nDetroit, where, about the 21st of that month, a definite treaty was\\nmade with the Indians. Among the provisions of this treaty were\\nthe following f\\n1. All prisoners in the hands of the Indians were to be\\ngiven up.\\n2. All claims to the Posts and Forts of the English in the\\nWest were to be abandoned and leave given to erect such other\\nforts as might be needed to protect the traders, c. Around each\\nfort as much land was ceded as a Cannon-shot would fly\\nover.\\n3. K any Indian killed an Englishman he was to be tried by\\nEnglish law, the Jury one-half Indians.\\n4. Six hostages were given by the Indians for the true fulfil-\\nment of the conditions of the treaty.\\nSee Land Laws, p. 86.\\nt Annual Register, 1764. (State Papers, 181.)\\n:j; Henry s Narrative (New York edition, 1809,) pp. 185, 186.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Henry was with Brad-\\nstreet. The Annual Register of 1764, (State Papers, p. 181,) says the treaty was made\\nat Presqu ile, (Erie.) Mr. Harvey, of Erie, (quoted by Day in Historical Collections of\\nPennsylvania, 314, says the same. Others have named the Maumee, where a truce was\\nagreed to, August 6th. (See Henry.) There may have been two treaties, one at Detroit\\nwith the Ottawas, c., and one at Erie with the Ohio Indians.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "100 Pontiac killed hy a Kaskaskia Indian. 1765.\\nBouquet, meanwhile, collected troops at Fort Pitt, and in the\\nautumn marched across from Big Beaver to the upper Muskingum,\\nand thence to the point where the White Woman s river comes\\ninto the main stream. There, upon the 9th of November, he\\nconcluded a peace with the Delawares and Shawanese, and\\nreceived from them two hundred and six prisoners, eighty-one\\nmen and one hundred and twenty-five women and children. He\\nalso received, from the Shawanese, hostages for the delivery of\\nsome captives, who could not be brought to the Muskingum at\\nthat time. These hostages escaped, but the savages were of good\\nith, and upon the 9th of May, 1765, the remaining whites were\\ngiven up to George Croghan, the deputy of Sir W^illiam Johnson,\\nat Fort Pitt.* Many anecdotes are related in the account of the\\ndelivery of the captives to Bouquet, going to show that strong\\nattachments had been formed between them and their captors and\\nWest s pencil has illustrated the scene of their delivery. But we\\nhave little faith in the representations of either writer or painter, f\\nPontiac, the leading spirit in the past struggle, finding his\\nattempts to save his country and his race at that time hopeless,\\nleft his tribe and went into the West, and for some years after was\\nliving among the Illinois, and in St. Louis, attempting, but in\\nvain, to bring about a new union and new war. He was in the\\nend killed by a Kaskaskia Indian. So far as we can form a judg-\\nment of this chieftain, he was, in point of talent, nobleness of\\nspirit, honor, and devotion, the superior of any red man of whom\\nwe have an account. His plan of extennination.was most mas-\\nterly; his execution of it equal to its conception. But for tjie\\ntreachery of one of his followers, he would have taken Detroit\\nearly in May. His whole force might then have been directed in\\none mass, first upon Niagara, and then upon Pitt, and in all proba-\\nbility both posts would have fallen. Even disappointed as he\\nwas at Detroit, had the Six Nations, with their dependent allies,\\nSec however, American Archives, fourth series, i. 1015, where the good faith of the\\nShawanese is disputed.\\nt An Historical Account of the Expedition against the Ohio Indians in the year 17t)4,\\nunder the command of Henry Bouquet, Esquire, c. Published from Authentic Docu-\\nments, by a Lover of his Country. London, 1766. Tliis volume was first printed in\\nPhiladelphia.\\nI Tliatcher s Indian Biography, \\\\o\\\\. ii. Our knowledge of Pontiac and his war is\\nvery limited. We hope somctliihg more may come to liglit yet. Nicollet in liis Report,\\n(p. 81,) gives some particulars from one who knew Pontiac. His death \\\\\\\\as revenged by\\nthe Nortliern nations, who nearly exterminated the Illinois.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "1765. Sir William Johnson succeeds in a Treaty of Peace. 101\\nthe Delawares and Shawanese, been true to him, the British might\\nhave been long kept beyond the mountains; but the Iroquois,\\nclose upon the colonies, old allies of England, very greatly under\\nthe influence of Sir William Johnson and disposed, as they\\never proved themselves, to claim and sell, but not to defend\\nthe West, were for peace after the King s proclamation. In-\\ndeed, the Mohawks and leading tribes were from the first with the\\nBritish so that, after the success of Bradstreet and Bouquet, there\\nwas no diflficulty in concluding a treaty with all the Western\\nIndians and late in April, 1765, Sir William Johnson, at the\\nGerman Flats, held a conference with the various nations, and\\nsettled a definite peace.* At this meeting two propositions were\\nmade the one to fix some boundary line, west of which the Euro-\\npeans should not go and the savages named, as this line, the\\nOhio or Alleghany and Susquehannah but no definite agreement\\nwas made, Johnson not being empowered to act. The other pro-\\nposal was, that the Indians should grant to the traders, who had\\nsuffered in 1763, a tract of land in compensation for the injuries\\nthen done them, and to this the red men agreed. f\\nWith the returning deputies of the Shawanese and Delawares,\\nGeorge Croghan, Sir William Johnson s sub-commissioner, went\\nto the west for the purpose of visiting the more distant tribes, and\\nsecuring, so far as it could be done, the alliance of the French\\nwho were scattered through the western valleys, and who were\\nstirring up the savages to warfare, as it was believed. The Jour-\\nnal of his voyage may be found in the Appendix to Butler s\\nHistory of Kentucky (second edition,) together with the esti-\\nmate of the number of Indians in the west a very curious table,\\nthough, of course vague and inaccurate. From his Journal we\\npresent some passages illustrative of the state of the western\\nFrench settlements, and the feelings of the western Indians at that\\ntime. On the 15th of May, Croghan left Pittsburgh: on the 6th\\nof June reached the mouth of the Wabash, and on the 8th was\\ntaken prisoner by a party of Indians from the upper Wabash.\\nUpon the 15th he reached Vincennes, or St, Vincent, or Post\\nVincent.\\nOn ray arrival there, I foimd a village of about eighty or ninety\\nFrench families settled on the east side of this river, being one of the\\nPlain Facts, p. 60,\\n76i ?.-^Butler s Histonj of Kentucky, second edition, p. 479, et seq.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "102 St. Vincent in 1765. 1765.\\nfinest situations that can be found. The country is level and clear, and\\nthe soil very rich, producing wheat and tobacco. I think the latter\\npreferable to that of Maryland or Virginia. The French inhabitants\\nhereabouts, are an idle, lazy people, a parcel of renegadoes from\\nCanada, and are much worse than the Indians. They took a secret\\npleasure at our misfortunes, and the moment we arrived, they came to\\nthe Indians, exchanging trifles for their valuable plunder. As the sava-\\nges took from me a considerable quantity of gold and silver in specie,\\nthe French traders extorted ten half Johannes from them for one pound\\nof vermilion. Here is likewise an Indian village of the Pyankeshaws,\\nwho were much displeased with the party that took me, telling thero\\nthat our and your chiefs are gone to make peace, ami you have begun\\na war, for which our women and children will have reason to cry.\\nFrom this post the Indians permitted me to write to the commander, at\\nFort Chartres,* but would not suffer me to write to any body else, (this\\nI apprehend was a precaution of the French, lest their villany should\\nbe perceived too soon,) although the Indians had given me permission\\nto write to Sir William Johnson and Fort Pitt on our march, before we\\narrived at this place. But immediately after our arrival they had a\\nprivate council with the French, in which the Indians urged, (as they\\nafterwards informed me,) that as the French had engaged them in so\\nbad an affair, which was likely to bring a war on their nation, they now\\nNexpected a proof of their promise and assistance. They delivered the\\nFrench a scalp and part of the plunder, and wanted to deliver some-\\npresents to the Pyankeshaws, but they refused to accept of any, and\\ndeclared they would noi be concerned in the affair. This last informa-\\ntion I got from the Pyankeshaws, as I had been well acquainted with\\nthem several years before this time.\\nPost Vincent is a place of great consequence for trade, being a fine\\nhunting country all along the Ouabache, and too far for the Indians,\\nwhich reside hereabouts, to go either lo the Illinois, or elsewhere, to\\nfetch their necessaries.\\nJune 23d. Early in the morning we set out through a fine meadow,\\nthen some clear woods in the afternoon came into a very large bottom\\non the Ouabache, within six miles of Ouicatanon; here I met several\\nchiefs of the Kicapoos and Musquattimes, who spoke to their young\\nmen who had taken us, and reprimanded them severely for what they\\nhad done to me, after which they returned with us to their village, and\\ndelivered us all to their chiefs.\\nThe distance from Post Vincent to Ouicatanon is two hundred and\\nten miles. This place is situated on the Ouabache. About fourteen\\nFrench families are living in the ton, wKLoh stands on the north side oi\\nIllinois, near Kaskaskia.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "1765. The French exciting the Indians against the English. 103\\nthe river. The Kicapoos and Miisquattimes whose warriors had taken\\nus, live nigh the fort, on the same side of the river, where they have\\ntwo villages and the Ouicatanons have a village on the south side of\\nthe river. At our arrival at this post, several of the Wawcottonans,\\n(or Ouicalonans) with whom I had been formerly acquainted, came to\\nvisit me, and seemed greatly concerned at what had happened. They\\nwent immediately to the Kicapoos and Musquattimes, and charged them\\nto take the greatest care of us, till their chiefs should arrive from the\\nIllinois, where they were gone to meet me some time ago, and who\\nwere entirely ignorant of this affair, and said the French had spirited\\nup this party to go and strike us.\\nThe French have a great influence over these Indians, and never fail\\nin telling them many lies to the prejudice of his majesty s interest, by\\nmaking the English nation odious and hateful to them. I had the\\ngreatest difficullies in removing these prejudices. As these Indians are\\na weak, foolish, and credulous people, they are easily imposed on by a\\ndesigning people, who have led them hitherto as they pleased. The\\nFrench told them that as the southern Indians had for two years past\\nmade war on them, it must have been at the instigation of the English,\\nwho are a bad people. However I have been fortunate enough to\\nremove their prejudice, and in a great measure, their suspicions against\\nthe English. The country hereabouts is exceedingly pleasant, being\\nopen and clear for many miles; the soil very rich and well watered ;n\\nall plants have a quick^ vegetation, and the climate very temperate\\nthrough the winter. This post has always b^en a very considerable\\ntrading place. The great plenty of furs taken in this country, induced\\nthe French to establish this post, which was the first on the Ouabache,\\nand by a very advantageous trade they have been richly recompensed\\nfor their labor,\\nAugust 1st. The Twightwee village is situated on both sides of a\\nriver, called St. Joseph. This river, where it falls into the Miame*\\nriver, about a quarter of a mile from this place, is one hundred yards\\nwide, on the east side of which stands a stockade fort, somewhat\\nruinous.\\nThe Indian village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, besides nine\\nor ten French houses, a runaway colony from Detroit, during the late\\nIndian war; they were concerned in it, and being afraid of punishment,\\ncame to this post, where ever since they have spirited up the Indians\\nagainst the English. All the French residing here are a lazy, indolent\\npeople, fond of breeding mischief, and spiriting up the Indians against\\nthe English, and should by no means be suffered to remain here. The\\ncountry is pleasant, the soil rich and well watered. After several con-\\nMiami of the Lake, or Maumee.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "104 French and Indian Settlements. 1765.\\nconferences with these Indians, and their delivering me up all the\\nEnglish prisoners they had,\\nOn the 6th of August we set out for Detroit, down the Miames river\\nin a canoe.\\nAugust 17th. In the morning we arrived at the fort,* which is a\\nlarge stockade, inclosing about eighty houses, it stands close on the\\nnorth side of the river, on a high bank, commands a very pleasant pros-\\npect for nine miles above, and nine miles below the fort; the country\\nis thick settled with French, their plantations are generally laid out\\nabout three or four acres in breadth on the river, and eighty acres in\\ndepth the soil is good, producing plenty of grain. All the people\\nhere are generally poor wretches, and consist of three or four hundred\\nrench families, a lazy, idle people, depending chiefly on the savages\\nfor their subsistence though the land, with little labor, produces plenty\\nof grain, they scarcely raise as much as will supply their wants, in\\nimitation of the Indians, whose manners and customs they have entirely\\nadopted, and cannot subsist without them. The men, women, and\\nchildren speak the Indian tongue perfectly well. In the last Indian war\\nthe most part of the French were concerned in it, (although the whole\\nsettlement had taken the oath of allegiance to his Britanic Majesty) they\\nhave, therefore, great reason to be thankful to the English clemency in\\nnot bringing them to deserved punishment. Before the late Indian war\\nthere resided three nations of Indians at this place the Putawatimes,\\nwhose village was on the west side of the river, about one mile below\\nthe fort; the Ottawas, on the east side, about three miles above the fort\\nand the Wyandotts, whose village lies on the east side, about two miles\\nbelow the fort. The former two nations have removed to a considerable\\ndistance, and the latter still remain where they were, and are remarkable\\nfor their good sense and hospitality. They have a particular attach-\\nment to the Roman Catholic religion, the French, by their priests, hav-\\ning taken uncommon pains to instruct them.t\\nSo stood matters in the West during this year, 1765. All\\nbeyond the Alleghanies, with the exception of a few forts, was a\\nwilderness until the Wabash was reached, where dwelt a few\\nFrench, with some fellow countrymen, not far from them upon the\\nIllinois and Kaskaskia. The Indians, a few years since undis-\\nputed owners of the prairies and broad vales, now held them by\\nsufferance, having been twice conquered by the arms of England.\\nThey, of course, felt both hatred and fear; and, while they\\ndespaired of holding their lands, and looked forward to unknown\\nPptroit.\\nt Butler s History of KcntucUvj from p. 465, to 470.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "1766. The Indian tribes not paid for their Lands 105\\nevils, the deepest and most abiding spirit of revenge was roused\\nwithin them. They had seen the British coming to take their\\nhunting-gi ounds upon the strength of a treaty they knew not of.\\nThey had been forced to admit British troops into their country\\nand, though now nominally protected from s :tlers, that promised\\nprotection would be but an incentive to passion, in case it was not\\nin good faith extended to them. \u00c2\u00abk\\nAnd it was not in good faith extended to them by either indi-\\nviduals or governments. During the year that succeeded the\\ntreaty of German Flats, settlers crossed the mountains and took\\npossession of lands in western Virginia, and along the Mononga-\\nhela. The Indians, having received no pay for these lands, mur-\\nmured, and once more a border war was feared. General Gage,\\ncommander of the King s forces, was applied to, probably through\\nSir William Johnson, and issued his orders for the removal of the\\nsettlers; but they defied his commands and his power, and re-\\nmained where they were.* And not only were frontier men thus\\npassing the line tacitly agreed on, but Sir William himself was\\neven then meditating a step which would have produced, had it\\nbeen taken, a general Indian war again. This was the purchase\\nand settlement of an immense tract south of the Ohio river, where\\nan independent colony was to be formed. How early this plan\\nwas conceived we do not learn, but, from Franklin s letters, we\\nfind that it was in contemplation in the spring of 1766. f At this\\ntime Franklin was in London, and was written to by his son,\\nGovernor Franklin, of New Jersey, with regard to the proposed\\ncolony. The plan seems to have been, to buy of the Six Nations\\nthe lands south of the Ohio, a purchase which it was not doubted\\nSir William might make, and then to procure from the King a\\ngrant of as much territory as the Company, which it was intended\\nto form, would require. Governor Franklin, accordingly, for-\\nwarded to his father an application for a grant, together with a\\nletter from Sir William, recommending the plan to the ministry\\nall of which was duly communicated to the proper department.\\nBut at that time there were various interests bearing upon this\\nplan of Franklin. The old Ohio Company was still suing,\\nthrough its agent Colonel George Mercer, for a perfection of the\\noriginal grant. The soldiers claiming under Dinwiddle s procla-\\nmation had their tale of rights and grievances. Individuals, to\\nPlain Facts, p. 65.\\nt Sparks Franklin, vol. iv. p. 233, et seq.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "106 Walpole Company Organized. 1767.\\nwhom grants had been made by Virginia, wished them completed.\\nGeneral Lyman, from Connecticut we believe, was soliciting a\\nnew grant similar to that now asked by Franklin and the minis-\\nters themselves were divided as to the policy and propriety of\\nestablishing any settlements so far in the interior, Shelburne\\nbeing in favor of the new colony, Hillsborough opposed to it.\\nThe Company was organized, however, and the nominally lead-\\ning man therein being Mr. Thomas Walpole, a London banker of\\neminence, it was known as the Walpole Company. Franklin con-\\ntinued privately to make friends among the ministry, and to press\\nupon them the policy of making large settlements in the West;\\nand, as the old way of managing the Indians by superintendents\\nwas just then in bad odor in consequence of the expense attend-\\ning it, the cabinet council so far approved the new plan as to pre-\\nsent it for examination to the Board of Trade, with members of\\nwhich Franklin had also been privately conversing.\\nThis was in the autumn of 1767. But, before any conclusion\\nwas come to, it was necessary to arrange definitely that boundary\\nline, which had been vaguely talked of in 1765, and with respect\\nto which Sir William Johnson had written to the ministry, who\\nhad mislaid his letters, and given him no instructions. The\\nnecessity of arranging this boundary was also kept in mind by the\\ncontinued and growing irritation of the Indians, who found them-\\nselves invaded from every side. This irritation became so great\\nduring the autumn of 1767, that Gage wrote to the Governor of\\nPennsylvania on the subject. The Governor communicated his\\nletter to the Assembly on the 5th of January, 1768, and represen-\\ntations were at once sent to England, expressing the necessity of\\nhaving the Indian line fixed. Franklin, the father, all this time,\\nwas urging the same necessity upon the ministers in England and\\nabout Christmas of 1767, Sir William s letters on the subject hav-\\ning been found, orders were sent him to complete the proposed\\npurchase from the Six Nations, and settle all differences. But the\\nproject for a colony was for the time dropped, a new administra-\\ntion coming in which was not that way disposed.\\nSir William Johnson having received early in the spring, the\\norders from England relative to a new treaty with the Indians, at\\nonce took steps to secure a full attendance.* Notice was given\\nto the various colonial governments, to the Six Nations, the Dela-\\nFor an account of this long-lost treaty see Plain Facts, pp. 65 104, or Butler s\\nKentucky, 2nd edition, pp. 412 488.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "1768. Treaty at Fort Stanvnx. 107\\nwares, and the Shawanese, and a congress was appointed to meet\\nat Fort Stanwix during the following October (1768). It met\\nupon the 24th of that month, and was attended by representatives\\nfrom New Jersey, Virginia, and Pennsylvania by Sir William and\\nhis deputies by the agents of those ti aders who had suffered in\\nthe war of 1763 and by deputies from all the Six Nations, the\\nDelawares and the Shawanese. The first point to be settled was\\nthe boundary line which was to determine the Indian lands of the\\nWest from that time forward and this line the Indians, upon the\\n1st of November, stated should begin on the Ohio, at the mouth\\nof the Cherokee (or Tennessee) river; thence go up the Ohio and\\nAlleghany to Kittaning; thence across to the Susquehannah, ,c.;\\nwhereby the whole country south of the Ohio and Alleghany, to\\nwhich the Six JYations had any claim, was transferred to the British.\\nOne deed for a part of this land, was made on the 3d of November\\nto William Trent, attorney for twenty-two traders, whose goods\\nhad been destroyed by the Indians in 1763. The tract conveyed\\nby this was between the Kenawha and Monongahela, and was by\\nthe traders named Indiana. Two days afterwards, a deed for the\\nremaining western lands was made to the King, and the price\\nagreed on paid down.* These deeds were made upon the express\\nThere was also given two deeds of lands in the interior of Pennsylvania, one to\\nCroghan, and the other to the proprietaries of that colony.\\nFilson (London edition, 1793, p. 10) speaks of two other deeds given by the Iroquois\\nat Fort Stanwix, but mentions no year one was to Col. Donaldson for the lands from the\\nKentucky to the Great Kenhawa. Col. D. ran the line from six miles above Long Island in\\nHolsten to the mouth of the Gt. Kenhawa, in 1770 1 (see post;) and his deed seems to\\nhave been after this, from Filson s account. The other deed was to Dr. Walker and Gen\\nLewis. (Thomas Walker was commissioner for Virginia at the Stanwix treaty of 176S\\nwas this Dr. Walker His name was Thomas. Holmes s Annals, ii. 304, note.) Dr.\\nWalker and Colonel Lewis, in 1769, were employed to convince the superintendent of\\nthe southern Indians, Mr. Stewart, that the claim of the Iroquois extended to Kentucky.\\n(Butler, 2d edition, 14.) Marshal (i. 15) refers to Donaldson s deed, but we find no\\nconfirmation of Filson s statement that it was given by the Iroquois. (See Butler, 2nd\\nedition, 14.) We presume the true explanation of the whole matter is that given by\\nJudge Hall, in his Sketches, vol. i. p. 248, which we extract.\\nJohn Donaldson, the surveyor who traced this line [that from the Holslon from sis\\nmiles above Big Island to the Kenhawa, under the treaty of Lochaber] by an appoint-\\nment from the president and council of Virginia, states, in a manuscript affidavit which\\nwe have seen, that, in the progress of the work, they came to the head of Louisa, now\\nKentucky river, when the Little Carpenter (a Cherokee Chief) observed that his nation\\ndelighted in having their lands marked out by natural bounduriesj and proposed that,\\ninstead of the line agreed upon at Lochaber as aforesaid, it should break off at the head\\nof Louisa river, and run thence to the mouth thereof, and thence up the Ohio to the\\nmouth of the Great Kenhawa. This boundary was accordingly agreed to by the sur-\\nveyor. It is further stated, by the same authority, that leave having been granted, by\\nthe king of Great Britain, to treat with the Cherokees for a more extensive boundary than\\nthat which bad been established at the treaty of Hard Labour, provided the Virginians", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "108 Treaty of Lochaher. 1769.\\nagreement that no claim should ever be based upon previous\\ntreaties, those of Lancaster, Logstown, c. and they were signed\\nby the chiefs of the Six Nations, for themselves, their allies and\\ndependents, the Shawanese, Delawares, Mingoes of Ohio, and\\nothers but the Shawanese and Delaware deputies present did not\\nsign them.\\nSuch was the treaty of Stanwix, whereon, in a great measure,\\nrests the title by purchase to Kentucky, western Virginia and\\nPennsylvania. It was a better foundation, perhaps, than that\\ngiven by previous treaties, but was essentially worthless for the\\nlands conveyed were not occupied or hunted on by those convey-\\ning them. In truth, we cannot doubt that this immense grant was\\nobtained by the influence of Sir William Johnson, in order that\\nthe new colony, of which he was to be governor, might be\\nfounded there. The fact, that such a country was ceded volun-\\ntarily, not after a war, not by hard persuasion, but at once and\\nwillingly, satisfies us that the whole affair had been previously\\nsettled with the New York savages, and that the Ohio Indians had\\nno voice in the matter.\\nBut beside the claim of the Iroquois and the north-west Indians\\nto Kentucky, it was also claimed by the Cherokees and it is\\nworthy of remembrance that the treaty of Lochaber, made in\\nOctober, 1770, two years after the Stanwix treaty, recognized a\\ntitle in the southern Indians to all the country west of a line drawn\\nfrom a pomt six miles east of Big or Long Island in Holston river\\nto the mouth of the Great Kenhawa although as we have just\\nstated their right to all the lands north and east of the Kentucky\\nriver was purchased by Col. Donaldson, either for the king, Vir-\\nginia, or himself it is impossible to say which, f\\nBut the grant of the great northern confederacy was made.\\nThe white man could now quiet his conscience when driving the\\nnative from his forest home, and feel sure that an army would\\nback his pretensions. A new company was at once organized in\\nVirginia, called the Mississippi Company, and a petition sent\\nto the King for two millions and a half of acres in the West.\\nAmong the signers of this were Francis Lightfoot Lee, Richard\\nwould be at tl)e expense of purchasing the same, the general assembly voted the sum o\\nJE2500 sterling for that purpose, which sura was accordingly paid to the Cherokees, in\\nconsideration, as we presume, of the additional lands gained by the alteration of the line\\nby the surveyor, and in confirmation of his act.\\nButler. 2nd edition. Introduction, li.\\nt Hall s Sketches, ii. 24S.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "1770. Settlers crowd into the West. 109\\nHenry Lee, George Washington and Arthur Lee. The gentle-\\nman last named was the agent for the petitioners in England.\\nThis application was referred to the Board of Trade on the 9th of\\nMarch, 1769, and after that we hear nothing of it.\\nThe Board of Trade was, however, again called on to report\\nupon the application of the Walpole Company, and Lord Hills-\\nborough, the President, reported against it. This called out\\nFranklin s celebrated Ohio Settlement, a paper written with so\\nmuch ability, that the King s Council put by the official report,\\nand granted the petition, a step which mortified the noble lord so\\nmuch that he resigned his official station. f The petition now\\nneeded only the royal sanction, which was not given until August\\n14th, 1772; but in 1770, the Ohio Company was merged in\\nWalpole s, and, the claims of the soldiers of 1756 being acknow-\\nledged both by the new Company and by government, all claims\\nwere quieted. Nothing was ever done, however, under the grant\\nto Walpole, the Revolution soon coming upon America. After\\nthe Revolution, Mr. Walpole and his associates petitioned Con-\\ngress respecting their lands, called by them Vandalia, but\\ncould get no help from that body. What was finally done by Vir-\\nginia with the claims of this and other companies, we do not find\\nwritten, but presume their lands were all looked on as forfeited.\\nDuring the ten years in which Franklin, Pownall, and their\\nfriends were trying to get the great western land company into\\noperation, actual settlers were crossing the mountains all too\\nrapidly for the Ohio Indians viewed the settlements with an\\nuneasy and jealous eye, and did not scruple to say, that they\\nmust be compensated for their right, if people settled thereon, not-\\nwithstanding the cession by the Six Nations. It has been said,\\nalso, that Lord Dunmore, then governor of Virginia, authorized\\nsurveys and settlements on the western lands, notwithstanding the\\nproclamation of 1763; but Mr. Sparks gives us a letter from him,\\nin which this is expressly denied. However, surveyors did go\\ndown even to the Falls of the Ohio, and the whole region south\\nof the Ohio was fiUing with white men. The futility of the Fort\\nStanwix treaty, and the ignorance or contempt of it by the fierce\\nPlain Facts, p. 69 Butler s KentucTitj, p. 475.\\nt Sparks Franklin, vol. iv. p. 302.\\nSparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 483, et seq Plain Facts, p. 149.\\n[1 Washington s Journal to the West, in 1770. Sparks Washington, vol, ii. p. 531\\nIbid, p. 378.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "110 Washington buys western lands. 1773.\\nShawanesc are well seen in the meeting between them and Bullitt,\\none of the early emigrants, in 1773.* Bullitt, on his way down\\nthe Ohio, stopped, and singly sought the savages at one of their\\ntowns. He then told them of his proposed settlement, and his\\nwish to live at peace with them and said, that, as they had\\nreceived nothing under the treaty of 1768, it was intended to\\nmake them presents the next year. The Indians considered the\\ntalk of the Long Knife, and the next day agreed to his proposed\\nsettlement, provided he did not disturb them in their hunting south\\nof the Ohio a provision wholly inconsistent with the Stanwix\\ndeed.\\nAmong the foremost speculators in western lands at that time\\nwas George Washington. He had always regarded the proclama-\\ntion of 1763 as a mere temporary expedient to quiet the savages,\\nand, being better acquainted with the value of western lands than\\nmost of those who could command means, he early began to buy\\nbeyond the mountains. His agent in selecting lands was Craw-\\nford, afterwards burnt by the Ohio Indians. In September, 1767,\\nwe find Washington writing to Crawford on this subject, and\\nlooking forward to the occupation of the western territory; in\\n1770, he crossed the mountains, going down the Ohio to the\\nmouth of the great Kenhawa; and in 1773, being entitled, under\\nthe King s proclamation of 1763, (which gave a bounty to officers\\nand soldiers who had served in the French war,) to ten thou-\\nsand acres of land, he became deeply interested in the country\\nbeyond the mountains, and had some correspondence respecting\\nthe importation of settlers from Europe. Indeed, had not the\\nRevolutionary war been just then on the eve of breaking out,\\nWashington would in all probability have become the leading set-\\ntler of the West, and all our history, perhaps, have been changed.f\\nBut while in England and along the Atlantic, men were talking\\nof peopling the West south of the river Ohio, a few obscure indi-\\nviduals, unknown to Walpole, to Franklin, and to Washington,\\nwere taking those steps which actually resulted in its settlement\\nand to these we next turn.\\nNotwithstanding the fact that so much attention had been given\\nButler s Kenlucky-, p- 20.\\nSparks Washington, vol. ii. pp. 34C 7. lie had patents for 32,373 acres 9157 on\\nthe Ohio, between the Kenhawas with a river front of 13 1-2 miles; 23,216 acres on the\\nGreat Kenhawa, with a river front of forty miles. Besides these lauds, he owned fifteen\\nmiles below Wheeling, 5S7 acres, with a front of two and a half miles. He considered\\nthe land worth $3-33 per acre. Sparks Wasliington, xii, 261, 317.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "1750-73. Kentucky Explored. Ill\\nto the settlement of the West, even before the French war, it\\ndoes not appear that any Europeans, either French or English,\\nhad, at the time the treaty of Fort Stanwix was made, thoroughly\\nexamined that most lovely region near the Kentucky river, which\\nis the finest portion, perhaps, of the whole Ohio valley. This may\\nbe accounted for by the non-residence of the Indians in that dis-\\ntrict; a district which they retained as a hunting ground. Owing\\nto this, the traders who were the first explorers, were led to direct\\ntheir steps northward, up the Miami and Scioto vallies, and were\\nquite familiar with the country between the Ohio and the Lakes,\\nat a period when the interior of the territory south of the river was\\nwholly unknown to them. While, therefore, the impression which\\nmany have had, that the entire valley was unknown to the Eng-\\nlish colonists before Boone s time, is clearly erroneous; it is\\nequally clear that the centre of Kentucky, which he and his com-\\nrades explored during their first visit, had not before that time,\\nbeen examined by the whites to any considerable extent.\\nDr. Walker, in 1747 or 1750,* had been among the mountains\\nin the eastern part of what is now Kentucky there is also rea-\\nson to think that Christopher Gist may have been through the\\ncentre of Kentucky, along the river of that name, and across to\\nthe Scioto, before 1755 ;f and Washington s journal of 1770\\nshows that Dr. Connoly, Colonel Croghan s nephew, was well\\nacquainted with the lands south of the Ohio; but the first actual\\nexplorer, of whom we have any definite knowledge, was Colonel\\nJames Smith, from whose narrative we take the following\\nstatement\\nIn the year 1766, I heard that Sir William Johnson, the king s agent\\nfor settling affairs with the Indians, had purchased from them all the\\nland west of the Appalachian Mountains that lay hetween the Ohio and\\nButler (p. IS) says 1747; Stipp s Miscellany, (p. 9.) says 1750; which date is con-\\nfirmed by facts in Holmes Annals (ii. 304, note) Marshall, i. 7) says 1758. See note (f).\\nt Evans s map, published in 1755 and republished 1776, gives Gist s route from the\\nAlleghanies, through Kentucky and Ohio this expedition may have been after the first\\nedition was published, but was probably in 1750 or 1751. Governor Povvnal, in liis\\nTopography (Imlay, 99) speaks of Gist s second journey as in 1761, but this we take to\\nbe a misprint for 1751. Evans published a map of the West in 1752 (Pownall in Imlay,\\n89.) Captain Gordon, whose journal is much referred to by Evans and others, went\\ndowTi the Ohio in 1766. (Pownall in Imlay, 115.)\\nIn the London edition of Washington s Journal, printed in 1754, there is a map on\\nwhich is marked Walker s Settlement, 1750 upon the Cumberland. On that map\\nnothing is said of Gist s journey, and it is too imperfect to allow us to think it based on\\nactual travels", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "112 Colonel Smith in Kentucky. 1767.\\nCherokee River; and as I knew by conversing with the Indians in\\ntheir own tongue that there was a large body of rich land there, I con-\\ncluded I would take a tour westward and explore that country.\\nI set out about the last of June, 1766, and went in the first place to\\nHolstein River, and from thence I travelled westward in company with\\nJoshua Horton, Uriah Stone, William Baker and James Smith, who\\ncame from near Carlisle. There were only four white men of us, and\\na mulatto slave about eighteen years of age, that Mr. Horlon had with\\nhim. We explored the country south of Kentucky, and there was no\\nmore sign of white men there then than there is now west of the head\\nwaters of the jMissouri. We also explored Cumberland and Tennessee\\nRivers, from Stone s* River down to the Ohio.\\nWhen we came to the mouth of Tennessee, my fellow-travellers con-\\ncluded that they would proceed on to the Illinois, and see some more of\\nthe land to the west this I would not agree to. As I had already\\nbeen longer from home than what I expected, I thought my wife would\\nbe distressed, and think I was killed by the Indians therefore I con-\\ncluded that I would return home. I sent my horse with my fellow-\\ntravellers to the Illinois, as it was difficult to take a horse through the\\nmountains. My comrades gave me the greatest part of the ammunition\\nthey then had, which amounted only to half a pound of powder, and\\nlead equivalent. Mr. Horton also lent me his mulatto boy, and I then\\nset ofi through the wilderness for Carolina.\\nAbout eight days after I left my company at the mouth of the Ten-\\nnessee, on my journey eastward, I got a cane stab in my foot, which\\noccasioned my leg to swell, and I suffered much pain. I was now in a\\ndoleful situation far from any of the human species, excepting black\\nJamie, or the savages, and I knew not when I might meet with them.\\nMy case appeared desperate, and I thought something must be done.\\nAll the surgical instruments I had was a knife, a moccasin awl, and a\\npair of bullet-moulds with these I determined to draw the snag from\\nmy foot, if possible. I stuck the awl in the skin, and with the knife I\\ncut the flesh away from around the cane, and then I commanded the\\nmulatto fellow to catch it with the bullet-moulds, and pull it out, which\\nhe did. When I saw it, it seemed a shocking thing to be in any person s\\nfoot; it will therefore be supposed that I was very glad to have it out.\\nThe black fellow attended upon me, and obeyed my directions faithfully.\\nI ordered him to search for Indian medicine, and told him to get me a\\nquantity of bark from the root of a lynn tree, which I made him beat\\non a stone, with a tommahawk, and boil it in a kettle, and with the ooze\\nI bathed my foot and leg; what remained when I had finished bathing\\nStone s river is a south branch of Cumberland, and empties into it above Nasliville.\\nWe first gave it this name in our journal, in May, 1767, after one of my fellow-travellers,\\nMr. Uriah StonCj and I am told that it retains the same name unto this day.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "1767. Smith in Kentucky. 113\\nI boiled to a jelly and made poultices thereof. As I had no ^ag^5, I\\nmade use of the green moss that grows upon logs, and wrapped it round\\nwith elm bark by this means, (simple as it may seem) the swelling\\nand inflammation in a great measure abated. As stormy weather ap-\\npeared, I ordered Jamie to make us a shelter, which he did by erecting\\nforks and poles, and covering them over with cane tops, like a fodder\\nhouse. It was about one hundred yards from a large buffalo road. As\\nwe were almost out of provision, I commanded Jamie to take my gun,\\nand I went along as well as I could, concealed myself near the road,\\nand killed a buffalo. When this was done, we jerked* the lean, and\\nfried the tallow out of the fat meat, which we kept to stew with our\\njerk as we needed it.\\nWhile I lay at this place, all the books I had to read was a psalm-\\nbook, and Watts upon Prayer. Whilst in this situation, I composed\\nthe following verses, which I then frequently sung.\\nSix weeks I ve in this desert been.\\nWith one mulatto lad\\nExcepting this poor stupid slave,\\nNo company I had.\\nIn solitude I here remain,\\nA cripple very sore,\\nNo friend or neighbor to be found.\\nMy case for to deplore.\\nI m far from home, far from the wife\\nWhich in my bosom lay,\\nFar from the children dear, which used\\nAround me for to play.\\nThis doleful circumstance cannot\\nMy happiness prevent.\\nWhile peace of conscience I enjoy,\\nGreat comfort and content.\\nI continued in this place until I could walk slowly, without crutches.\\nAs I now lay near a great buffalo road, I was afraid that the Indians\\nmight be passing that way, and discover my fire-place, therefore I moved\\noff some distance, where I remained till I killed an elk. As my foot\\nwas yet sore, I concluded that I would stay here until it was healed,\\nlest by travelling too soon it might again be inflamed.\\nJerk is a name well known by the hunters and frontier inabitants for meat cut in small\\npieces and laid on a scaffold, over a slow fire, whereby it is roasted until it is thoroughly\\ndry.\\n8", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "114 Finley in Kentucky. 1767.\\nIn a few weeks after I proceeded on, and in October, 1767, I arrived\\nin Carolina. I had now been eleven montlis in the wilderness, and\\nduring this time 1 had neither saw bread, money, women, nor spirituous\\nliquors and three months of which I saw none of the human species,\\nexcept Jamie.\\nWhen I came into the settlement, ray clothes were almost worn out,\\nand the boy had nothing on him that ever was spun. He had buckskin\\nleggins, moccasins, and breech-clout, a bear-skin dressed with the hair\\non, which he belted about him, and a raccoon-skin cap. I had not\\ntravelled far after I came in before I was strictly examined by the in-\\nhabitants. I told them the truth, and where I came fr om, ;c.; but my\\nstory appeared so strange to them that they did not believe me. They\\nsaid that they had never hear of any one coming through the mountains\\nfrom the mouth of Tennessee, and if any one would undertake such a\\njourney, surely no man would lend him his slave. They said that they\\nthought that all I had told them were lies, and on suspicion they took\\nme into custody, and set a guard over me.*\\nThe next persons who entered this region were traders coming,\\nnot from Virginia and Pennsylvania by the river, but from North\\nCarolina by the Cumberland Gap. These traders probably\\nsought, in the first instance, the Cherokees and other southern\\nIndians, with whom they had dealings from a very early period\\nbut appear afterward to have journeyed northward upon what was\\ncalled the warrior s road, an Indian path leading from the Cum-\\nberland ford along the broken country, lying upon the eastern\\nbranch of the Kentucky river and so across the Licking toward\\nthe mouth of the Scioto, f This path formed the line of communi-\\ncation between the northern and southern Indians and somewhere\\nalong its course, John Finley, doubtless in company with others,\\nwas engaged, in 1767, in trading with the red men; we presume,\\nwith those from north of the Ohio, who met him there with the\\nskins procured during their hunting expedition in that central and\\nchoice region. Upon Finley s return to North Carolina, he met\\nwith Daniel Boone, to whom he described the country he had\\nvisited. Of Boone s previous life we know but little. He was\\nborn in Pennsylvania, July 14th, 1732, the same year in which\\nWashington was born. His early literary education was but\\nslight at some period of his life he learned to write, but never\\nAll this portion of Smith s Narrative is omitted by Metcalf and McClung. It may be\\nfound as above in Drake s Captivities, p. 239.\\nt See map in Filson s Kentucky.\\nCist s Cincinnali Miscellany, ii. 141, taken from tlie family Record.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "1769. Boone goes to Kentucky. 115\\nused the pen much or well Humphrey Marshall states that when\\nBoone was, in 17S3, deputy surveyor of Fayette county, his writ-\\ning and spelling were so bad as to be objectionable, and that he\\nwas forced to employ a penman to make his returns.* His edu-\\ncation in woodcraft, however, was complete, and few men ever\\nhave possessed his peculiar combination of boldness, caution,\\nhardihood, strength, activity, patience, and love of solitude.\\nWith his nature and habits, Finley s description of the West must\\nhave seemed the account of an Eden, and no wonder that when\\nhis predecessor proposed to return, Daniel made up his mind to\\nbe of the party.\\nIt was on the first of May, 1769, that Boone, in company with\\nfive companions, left his home upon the Yadkin, and began to\\ncross that immense mountain barrier which separates the plains of\\nthe Atlantic coast from those of the great valley of the West.\\nThough nowhere of very great heighth, the breadth of the Appa-\\nlachian chain makes a journey across it, even with all the aids of\\nmodern art, tedious and fatiguing, and we may well imagine with\\nwhat joy the adventurous hunters at length looked down from the\\nknobs of Red River upon the opening glades and levels of\\nthe region they were in search of. Thirty-eight days had passed\\nsince they left the Yadkin they had toiled through a perfect wil-\\nderness, a land of precipices, of rugged hill-sides, of deep narrow\\nvalleys, of tangled wood, and impenetrable thickets; and before\\nthem lay a gently rolling country, watered by fine springs, covered\\nwith the most lovely natural forests in the world, and filled with\\nevery variety of bird and beast, proper to an Indian s or a hunter s\\nParadise. Their path (that used by the south-western traders) had\\nled them under the shadow of the Negro Mountain, across the\\nvallies of the Holston and Clinch, to the head waters of the Cum-\\nberland River; thence along the Warrior s road, already men-\\ntioned, northward, by the Cumberland ford, over the head waters\\nof the Kentucky to Red River, a branch of the Kentucky running\\nthrough Morgan and Montgomery counties. On the 7th of June\\nthey ceased their march at the point where Finley, who acted as\\ntheir guide, had met the Indians two years before. They reached\\nthis point wholly unharmed, though they had suffered much on\\nthe road from long-continued rains. They encamped, built such\\na wigwam as served to shelter them from the storms, and began\\nMS. letter, Mr. Marshall was in the Registry Office in Frankfort, where the returns\\nwere made.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "116 Boone taken pnsoner, 1767.\\nan examination of the country. In this examination, and in\\nhunting, they passed the time from June 7th to December 22d.\\nHow far they went, in what directions, and whether with or with-\\nout the knowledge of the Indians we have no means of knowing.\\nWe have, however, but little doubt that some intercourse took\\nplace during those six months, between themselves and the red\\nmen first, because we cannot think six roaming hunters could so\\nlong have escaped the lynx-eyed savages and next, because,\\nafter the friendly relations which appear to have existed between\\nFinley and the Indians in 1767, we should not expect an unpro-\\nvoked attack from the latter in 1769 and yet, the first event of\\nw^hich we hear in Boone s Narrative, our only authority, is the\\nattack upon himself and Stuart, upon the 22d of December. No\\ncause is assigned by Boone for this event but a very probable\\nexplanation of it is the following: The Indians were always\\nextremely jealous of any white man that showed the faintest in-\\ntention of residence on or near their hunting-grounds if, there-\\nfore, the observation of several months had satisfied them that the\\nnew comers meant to lay equal claims with themselves to the\\ngame of their choicest forests, instead of being mere transient\\ntraders, we need not be surprised that they seized the first oppor-\\ntunity of making any of them prisoners. Such an opportunity oc-\\ncurred, as we have said, on the 22d of December; when Boone,\\nwith his companion, Stuart, as they returned from a hunting expe-\\ndition, near the Kentucky river, were taken captive by a party of\\nthe natives, who lay concealed in a thick cane-brake. Their cap-\\ntivity lasted a week, during which time they attempted to throw\\ntheir captors off their guard, by affecting to have no thought nor\\nhope of escape. In this attempt they succeeded. The Indians\\nrelaxed their watchfulness. The hunters waited their opportunity,\\nand at length one night, as they lay encamped by a large fire,\\nBoone discovered that the Indians were all asleep he awoke his\\ncompanion, and with careful steps they effected their escape. They\\nreturned to the camp near Red River, but found it deserted their\\nfour companions, alarmed at their fate probably, having gone\\nhome again. In a little while, however, Boone and Stuart were\\nrelieved from the solitude caused by their desertion by the arrival\\nof two other adventurers; one of them. Squire Boone, the brother\\nof Daniel. They had followed the same course from Carolina,\\nand chanced upon the spot where those who had gone before them", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "1770. Boone alone in Kentucky. 117\\nwere staying.* But the confidence inspired by increased numbers\\ndid not continue long in a short time Stuart was killed by the\\nIndians, and the man who had come out with Squire Boone, re-\\nturned home by himself. And now commenced that most extra-\\nordinary life on the part of these two men, which has, in a great\\nmeasure, served to give celebrity to their names we refer to their\\nresidence, entirely alone, for more than a year, in a land filled with\\nthe most subtle and unsparing enemies, and under the influence\\nof no other motive, apparently, than a love of adventure, of na-\\nture, and of solitude. Nor were they, during this time, always\\ntogether for three months, Daniel remained amid the forest utterly\\nby himself, while his brother, with courage and capacity equal to\\nhis own, returned to North Carolina for a supply of powder and\\nlead with which he succeeded in rejoining the roamer of the\\nwilderness in safety, in July, 1770. It is almost impossible to\\nconceive of the skill, coolness, and sagacity which enabled Daniel\\nBoone to spend so many weeks in the midst of the Indians, and\\nyet undiscovered by them. He appears to have changed his posi-\\ntion continually; to have explored the whole centre of what forms\\nnow the State of Kentucky, and in so doing must have exposed\\nhimself to many different parties of the natives. A reader of Mr.\\nCooper s Last of the Mohicans, may comprehend, in some mea-\\nsure, the arts by which he was preserved but, after all, a natural\\ngift seems to lie at the basis of such consummate wood-craft an\\ninstinct, rather than any exercise of intellect appears to have\\nguided Boone in such matters, and made him pre-eminent among\\ntliose who were most accomplished in the knowledge of forest life.\\nThen we are to remember the week s captivity of the previous\\nyear it was the first practical acquaintance that the pioneer had\\nwith the western Indians, and we may be assured he spent that\\nweek in noting carefully the whole method of his captors. Indeed,\\nwe think it probable he remained in captivity so long, that he\\nmight learn their arts, stratagems, and modes of concealment. We\\nare, moreover, to keep in mind this fact, the woods of Kentucky\\nwere at that period filled with a species of nettle of such a charac-\\nter, that being once bent down it did not recover itself, but re-\\nmained prostrate, thus retaining the impression of a foot almost\\nlike snow, even a turkey might be tracked in it with perfect ease\\nthis weed Boone would carefully avoid, but the natives, numerous\\nThis spot is said to have been a cave in Mercer County- See Cist s Miscellany, ii.\\n137.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "118 Boo7i\u00e2\u0082\u00ac returns to JVorth Carolina. 1771.\\nand fearless, would commonly pay no regard to it, so that the\\nwhite hunter was sure to have palpable signs of the presence of\\nhis enemies, and the direction they had taken. Considering these\\ncircumstances it is even more remarkable that his brother should\\nhave returned in safety, with his loaded horses, than that he\\nalone remained unharmed though in the escape of both from\\ncaptiWty or death from January, 1770, until their return to the\\nAtlantic rivers in March, 1771, there is something so wonderful,\\nthat the old pioneer s phrase, that he was an instrument ordained\\nto settle the wilderness, seems entirely proper.*\\nWhen at length the brothers returned from the West, in the\\nspring of 1771, it was with the intention, on Daniel s part, of\\nbringing his family to reside in the land of his choice, but circum-\\nstances, with which we are unacquainted, detained him in North\\nCarolina until September, 1773. On the 25th of that month,\\nhaving sold his farm upon the Yadkin, and whatever articles he\\ndid not propose to take into the wilderness, he and his household\\nleft his eastern home forever, in company with five other families.\\nThis little band was farther increased by a part^ of forty men in\\nPowell s Valley, which lies upon the eastern side of the Cumber-\\nland Mountains. Full of hope and spirit they pressed on toward\\nthat last great mountain barrier, but just as they approached it, on\\nthe 10th of October, were attacked in the rear by a party of In-\\ndians, who killed six of the emigrants and wounded a seventh.\\nAmong the dead was Boone s eldest son. The woodsmen, unpre-\\npared for action, and attacked from behind, met the foe as quickly\\nas they could, and easily repulsed them. But the fear of the\\nwomen, the loss they had met with, the disorder introduced into\\ntheir ranks and among their cattle, and above all, the evidence\\nafforded by the attack of the vigilance, activity, and hostile feelings\\nof the Indians, deterred the settlers from going further; and, with\\nheavy hearts, they turned upon their trace, recrossed Powell s\\nValley, and stopped not till upon the borders of Clinch River,\\nwith a double mountain range between them and the western\\nwilds.\\nMeantime other adventurers were examining the rich lands\\nsouth of the Ohio. Even in 1770, while Boone was wandering\\nsolitary in those Kentucky forests, a band of forty hunters, led b)\\nBoone s Narrative, as given in Filson s Kentucky. The copy in Cary s Museum is\\nnot exact. A correct copy is in the life of Boone, published by Messrs. Appleton, New\\nYork, 1844 this Life, however, is of little value, being taken from Flint s.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "1773. Bullitt descends the Ohio. 119\\nColonel James Knox, had gathered from the valleys of New River,\\nClinch, and Holston to chase the buffaloes of the West nine of\\nthe forty had crossed the mountains, penetrated the desert and\\nalmost impassable country about the heads of the Cumberland,\\nand explored the region on the borders of Kentucky and Ten-\\nnessee. This hunting party, from the length of time it was absent,\\nis known in the traditions of the West, as the party of the Long\\nHunters. While these bold men were penetrating the valley of\\nthe Ohio, in the region of the Cumberland gap, others came, from\\nVirginia and Pennsylvania, by the river among them, and in the\\nsame year, that the Long Hunters were abroad, (1770,) came no\\nless noted a person than George W^ashington. His attention, as\\nwe have before said, had been turned to the lands along the Ohio,\\nat a very early period he had himself large claims, as well as\\nfar-reaching plans of settlement, and he wished with his own eyes\\nto examine the Western lands, especially those about the mouth\\nof the Kenawha. From the journal of his expedition, published\\nby Mr. Sparks, in the Appendix to the second volume of his\\nWashington papers, we learn some valuable facts in reference to\\nthe position of affairs in the Ohio valley at that time. We learn,\\nfor instance, that the Virginians were rapidly surveying and\\nsettling the lands south of the river as far down as the Kenawhas\\nand that the Indians, notwithstanding the treaty of Fort Stanwix,\\nwere jealous and angry at this constant invasion of their hunting-\\ngrounds.\\nThis jealousy and anger were not suffered to cool during the\\nyears next succeeding, and when Thomas Bullitt and his part}-\\ndescended the Ohio in the summer of 1773, he found as related\\nabove, that no settlements would be tolerated south of the river,\\nunless the Indian hunting grounds were left undisturbed. To leave\\nthem undisturbed was, however, no part of the plan of these\\nwhite men. This very party, which Bullitt led, and in which\\nwere the two McAfees, Hancock Taylor, Drennon and others,\\nseparated, and while part went up the Kentucky River, explored\\nthe banks, and made important surveys, including the valley in\\nwhich Frankfort stands, the remainder went on to the Falls, and\\nlaid out, on behalf of John Campbell and John Connolly, the plat\\nof Louisville. All this took place in the summer of 1773 and in\\nthe autumn of that year, or early in the next, John Floyd, the deputj-\\nof Colonel William Preston, the surveyor of Fincastle county, Vir-\\nginia, in which it was claimed that Kentucky was comprehended,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "120 Lyman goes to JYatchez. 1773.\\nalso crossed the mountains while General Thompson, of Penn-\\nsylvania, made surveys upon the north fork of the Licking.*\\nWhen Boone, therefore, in September, commenced his march for\\nthe West, (that to which we have already referred,) the choice\\nregions which he had examined three years before, were known\\nto numbers, and settlers were preparing to desecrate the silent and\\nbeautiful woods. Nor did the projects of the English colonists\\nstop with the settlement of Kentucky, In 1773, General Lyman,\\nwith a number of military adventurers, went to Natchez, and laid\\nout several townships in that vicinity to which point emigration\\nset so strongly, that we are told, four hundred families passed\\ndown the Ohio, on their way thither, during six weeks of the\\nsummer of that year.*\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Marshall, i. 11, Butler, second edition, 20. American State Papers, xvi. 583,\\nGeneral Thompson was surveying for the Pennsylvania soldiers under the Proclamation\\nof 1763, and a permit from the Council of Virginia in 1774,\\nHolmes Annals, ii. 183; from Original MSS. For a history of Natchez, see Wes-\\ntern Messenger, September and November, 1838 it is by Mann Butler, See also Elli-\\ncott s Journal, (Philadelphia, 1803,) p. 129, c.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "1774 AND 1775.\\nBut for a time the settlement of Kentucky and the West was\\ndelayed;^ for though James Harrod, in the spring or early summer\\nof 1774, penetrated the wilderness, and built his cabin, (the first\\nlog-hut reared in the valley of the Kentucky,) where the town\\nwhich bears his name now stands, he could not long stay there\\nthe sounds of coming war reached even his solitude, and forced\\nhim to rejoin his companions, and aid in repelling the infuriated\\nsavages. Notwithstanding the treaty of Fort Stanwix, the western\\nIndians, as we have seen, were in no degi-ee disposed to yield\\ntheir lands without a struggle. Wide-spread dissatisfaction pre-\\nvailed among the Shawanese and Mingoes, which was fostered\\nprobably by the French traders who still visited the tribes of the\\nnorthwest. Evidence of the feeling which prevailed, is given\\nby Washington in his Journal of 1770, and has been already\\nreferred to. And from that time forward almost every event was\\ncalculated still more to excite and embitter the children of the\\nforest. In 1770, Ebenezer, Silas and Jonathan Zane, settled\\nat Wheeling during that year the Boones, as we have related,\\nwere exploring the interior of Kentucky and after them came the\\nMcAfees, Bullitt, Floyd, Hancock Taylor, and their companions.\\nThe savages saw their best grounds gradually occupied or threat-\\nened with occupation but still they remembered the war of 1763,\\nand the terrible power of Britain, and the oldest and wisest of the\\nsufferers were disposed rather to submit to what seemed inevitable\\nthan to throw themselves away in a vain effort to withstand the\\nwhites. Hopeless hatred toward the invaders filled the breasts\\nof the natives, therefore, at the period immediately preceding the\\nwar of 1774 a hatred needing only a few acts of violence to\\nkindle it into rage and thirst for human blood. And such acts\\nwere not wanting in addition to the murder of several single\\nIndians by the frontier men, in 1772, five families of the natives\\non the Little Kenawha, were killed, in revenge for the death of\\na white family on Gauley River, although no evidence existed", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "122 Connolly seizes Fort Pitt. 1774.\\nto prove who had committed the last-named outrage.* And when\\n1774 came, a series of events, of which we can present but a\\nfaint outline, led to excessive exasperation on both sides. Penn-\\nsylvania and Virginia laid equal claim to Pittsburgh and the ad-\\njoining country. In the war of 1754, doubt had existed as to\\nwhich colony the fork of the Ohio was situated in, and the Old\\nDominion having: been forward in the defence of the contested\\nterritory, while her northern neighbor had been very backward\\nin doing an^ihing in its favor, the Virginians felt a certain claim\\nupon the Key of the West. This feeling showed itself before\\n1763, and by 1773 appears to have attained a very decided cha-\\nracter. Early in 1774, Lord Dunmore, prompted very probably\\nby Colonel Croghan, and his nephew. Dr. John Connolly, who had\\nlived at Fort Pitt, and was an intriguing and ambitious man, de-\\ntermined, by strong measures, to assert the claims of Virginia\\nupon Pittsburgh and its vicinity, and despatched Connolly, with a\\ncaptain s commission, and with power to take possession of the\\ncountry upon the Monongahela, in the name of the king. The\\nDr. issued his proclamation to the people, in the neighborhood of\\nRedstone and Pittsburgh, calling on them to meet upon the 24th\\nor 25th of January, 1774, in order to be embodied as Virginia\\nmilitia. Arthur St. Clair, who then represented the Proprietors\\nof Pennsylvania in the West, was at Pittsburgh at the time, and\\narrested Connolly before the meeting took place. The people who\\nhad seen the proclamation, however, came together, and though\\nthey were dispersed without attempting any outbreak in favor of\\nthe Virginian side of the dispute, which it was very much feared\\nthey would do, they did not break up without drunkenness and\\nriot, and among other things fired their guns at the town occupied\\nby friendly Indians across the river, hurting no one, but exciting\\nthe fear and suspicion of the red men.\\nConnolly, soon after, was for a short time released by the sheriff,\\nupon the promise to return to the law s custody, which promise\\nhe broke however, and having collected a band of followers, on\\nthe 28th of March, came again to Pittsburgh, still asserting the\\nclaim of Virginia to the government. Then commenced a series\\nof contests, outrages and complaints, which were too extensive\\nand complicated to be described within our limited space. The\\nupshot of the matter was this, that Connolly, in Lord Dunraore s\\nname, and by his authority, took and kept possession of Fort Pitt;\\nWithers Border Warfare, 106.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "1774. Bunmore s war begins. 123\\nand as it had been dismantled and nearly destroyed, by royal or-\\nders, rebuilt it, and named it Fort Dunmore. Meantime, in a\\nmost unjustifiable and tyrranical manner, he arrested both private\\nmen and magistrates, and kept some of them in confinement, until\\nLord Dunmore ordered their release. Knowing that these mea-\\nsures were calculated to lead to active and violent measures\\nagainst himself by the Pennsylvanians, he took great precautions,\\nand went to considerable expense to protect his own party from\\nsurprise. These expenses, it is not improbable, he feared the\\nVirginia General Assembly would object to, although his noble\\npatron might allow them and it is not impossible that he inten-\\ntionally fostered, as St. Clair distinctly intimated in his letters to\\nthe Pennsylvania authorities, the growing jealousy between the\\nwhites and natives, in order to make their quarrels serve as a\\ncolor to his profuse expenditures. At any rate it appears that on the\\n21st of April, Connolly wrote to the settlers along the Ohio, that\\nthe Shawanese were not to be trusted, and that they (the whites)\\nought to be prepared to revenge any wrong done them. This\\nletter came into the hands of Captain Michael Cresap, who was\\nlooking up lands near Wheeling, and who appears to have pos-\\nsessed the true frontier Indian-hatred. Five days before its date,\\na canoe, belonging to William Butler, a leading Pittsburgh trader,\\nhad been attacked by three Cherokees, and one white man had\\nbeen killed. This happened not far from Wheeling, and became\\nknown there of course while about the same time the report was\\ngeneral that the Indians were stealing the traders horses. When,\\ntherefore, immediately after Connolly s letter had been circulated,\\nthe news came to that settlement, that some Indians were coming\\ndown the Ohio in a boat, Cresap, in revenge for the murder by\\nthe Cherokees, and as he afterwards said, in obedience to the\\ndirection of the commandant at Pittsburgh, contained in the letter\\nreferred to, determined to attack them. They were, as it chanced,\\ntwo friendly Indians, who, with two whites, had been despatched\\nby William Butler, when he heard that his first messengers were\\nstopped, to attend to his peltries down the river, in the Shawanee\\ncountry.* The project of Cresap, (and here we continue in the\\nwords of Dr. Doddridge)\\nWas vehemently opposed by Colonel Zane, the proprietor of the\\nFor the above facts relative to Connolly s conduct, c. see American Archives, fourth\\nseries, i. 252 to 288, 435, 774, 459, 467, 470, 484, c. It was said that Dunmore thanked\\nCresap for what he did;; American Archives, fourth series, i. 606 but no proof exists,\\nwe believe, of his having done so.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "124 Murder of Logan s family. 1774.\\nplace. He stated to the Captain that the killing of those Indians, would\\ninevitably bring on a war, in which much innocent blood would be\\nshed, and that the act in itself would be an atrocious murder, and a dis-\\ngrace to his name forever. His good counsel was lost. The party-\\nwent up the river. On being asked, at their return, what had become\\nof the Indians They coolly answered that They had fallen over-\\nboard into the river Their canoe, on being examined, was found\\nbloody, and pierced with bullets. This was the first blood which was\\nshed in this war,* and terrible was the vengeance which followed.\\nIn the evening of the same day, the party hearing that there was an\\nencampment of Indians at the mouth of Captina, went down the river\\nto the place, attacked the Indians and killed several of them. In this\\naffair one of Cresap s party was severely wounded.\\nThe massacre at Captina and that which took place at Baker s, about\\nforty miles above Wheeling, a few days after that at Captina, were un-\\nquestionably the sole causes of the war, 1774. The last was perpetra-\\nted by thirty-two men, under the command of Daniel Greathouse. The\\nwhole number killed at this place, and on the river opposite to it was\\ntwelve, besides several wounded. This horrid massacre was effected\\nby an hypocritical stratagem, which reflects the deepest dishonor on\\nthe memory of those who were agents in it.\\nThe report of the murders committed on the Indians near Wheeling,\\ninduced a belief that they would immediately commence hostilities, and\\nthis apprehension furnished the pretext for the murder above related.\\nThe ostensible object for raising the party under Greathouse, was that\\nof defending the family of Baker, whose house was opposite to a large\\nencampment of Indians, at the mouth of Big Yellow Creek. The\\nparty were concealed in ambuscade, while their commander went over\\nthe river, under the mask of friendship to the Indian camp, to ascertain\\ntheir number; while there, an Indian woman advised him to return\\nhome speedily, saying that the Indians were drinking, and angry on\\naccount of the murder of their people down the river, and might do\\nhim some mischief. On his return to his party he reported that the\\nIndians were too strong for an open attack. He returned to Baker s\\nand requested him to give any Indians who might come over, in the\\ncourse of the day, as much rum as they might call for, and get as many\\nof them drunk as he possibly could. The plan succeeded. Several\\nIndian men with two women, came over the river to Baker s, who had\\npreviously been in the habit of selling rum to the Indians. The men\\ndrank freely and became intoxicated. In this state they were all killed\\nby Greathouse, and a few of his party. I say a few of his party, for\\nThe murder at Balltown took place in 1772.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "1774. Clark^s account of the murder of Logan s family. 125\\nit is but justice to state, that not more than five or six of the whole\\nnumber had any participation in the slaughter at the house. The rest\\nprotested against it, as an atrocious murder. From their number, being\\nby far the majority, they might have prevented the deed but alas\\nthey did not. A little Indian girl alone was saved from the slaughter,\\nby the humanity of some one of the party, whose name is not now\\nknown.\\nThe Indians in the camps, hearing the firing at the house, sent a\\ncanoe with two men in it to enquire what had happened. These two\\nIndians were both shot down, as soon as they landed on the beach. A\\nsecond and larger canoe was then manned with a number of Indians in\\narms but in attempting to reach the shore, some distance below the\\nhouse, were received by a well directed fire from the party, which killed\\nthe greater number of them, and compelled the survivors to return.\\nA great number of shots were exchanged across the river, but without\\ndamage to the while party, not one of whom was even wounded. The\\nIndian men who were murdered were all scalped.\\nThe woman who gave the friendly advice to the commander of the\\nparty, when in the Indian camp, was amongst the slain at Baker s house.\\nThe massacres of the Indians at Captina and Yellow Creek, com-\\nprehended the whole of the family of the famous, but unfortunate\\nLogan.*\\nThis account by Doddridge is conflrnied by the evidence of\\nColonel Zane, whose deposition is given by Jefferson ;t but as it\\ndiffers somewhat from that of George Rogers Clark, who was also\\npresent, we give part of the letter written by the last named pio-\\nneer relative to the matter, dated June 17, 1^98.\\nThis country was explored in 1773. A resolution was formed to\\nmake a settlement the spring following, and the mouth of the Little\\nKenaway appointed the place of general rendezvous, in order to\\ndescend the river from thence in a body. Early in the spring the\\nIndians had done some mischief. Reports from their towns were\\nalarming, which deterred many, About eighty or ninety men only\\narrived at the appointed rendezvous, where we lay some days.\\nA small party of hunters, that lay about ten miles below us, were\\nfired upon by the Indians, whom the huuters beat back, and returned to\\ncamp. This and many other circumstances led us to believe, that the\\nIndians were determined on war. The whole party was enrolled and\\ndetermined to execute their project of forming a settlement in Kentucky,\\nas we had every necessary store that could be thought of. An Indian\\nSae Doddridge s Notes, p. 226.\\nt See on the whole subject, Appendix to Jefferson s Notes,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "126 Clark s Account. 1774.\\ntown called the Horsehead Bottom, on the Scioto and near its mouth,\\nlay nearly in our way. The determination was to cross the country\\nand surprise it. Who was to command was the question. There\\nwere but few among us that had experience in Indian warfare, and they\\nwere such that we did not choose to be commanded by. We knew of\\nCapt. Cresap being on the river about fifteen miles above us, with some\\nhands, settling a plantation and that he had concluded to follow us to\\nKentucky as soon as he had fixed there his people. We also knew that\\nhe had been experienced in a former war. He was proposed and it\\nwas unanimously agreed to send for him to command the party. Mes-\\nsengers were despatched, and in half an hour returned with Cresap.\\nHe had heard of our resolution by some of his hunters, that had fallen\\nin with ours, and had set out to come to us.\\nWe now thought our army, as we called it, complete, and the\\ndestruction of the Indians sure. A council was called, and, to our\\nastonishment, our intended Commander-in-chief was the person that\\ndissuaded us from the enterprise. He said that appearances were very\\nsuspicious, but there was no certainty of a war. That if we made the\\nattempt proposed, he had no doubt of our success, but a war would, at\\nany rate, be the result, and that we should be blamed for it, and perhaps\\njustly. But if we were determined to proceed, he would lay aside all\\nconsiderations, send to his camp for his people, and share our fortunes.\\nHe was then asked what he would advise. His answer was, that\\nwe should return to Wheeling, as a convenient post, to hear what was\\ngoing forward. That a few weeks would determine. As it was early\\nin the spring, if we found the Indians were not disposed for war, we\\nshould have full titne to return and make our establishment in Ken-\\ntucky. This was adopted and in two hours the whole were under\\nway. As we ascended the river, we met Kill-buck, an Indian chief,\\nwith a small parly. We had a long conference with him, but received\\nlittle satisfaction as to the disposition of the Indians. It was observed\\nthat Cresap did not come to this conference, but kept on the opjjosite\\nside of the river. He said that he was afraid to trust himself with the\\nIndians. That Kill-buck had frequently attempted to waylay his father,\\nto kill him. That if he crossed the river, perhaps his fortitude might\\nfail him, and that he might put Kill-buck to death. On our arrival at\\nAVheeling, (the country being pretty well settled thereabouts,) the\\nwhole of the inhabitants appeared to be alarmed. They flocked to our\\ncamp from every direction and all that we could say could not keep\\nthem from under our wings. We offered to cover their neighborhood\\nwith scouts, until further information, if they would return to their\\nplantations but nothing would prevail. By this time we had got to\\nbe a formidable party. All the hunters, men without families, etc., in\\nthat quarter, had joined our party.\\nOur arrival at AVheeling was soon known at Pittsburgh, The whole", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "1774. Clark s Account. 127\\nof that country, at that time, being under the jurisdiction of Virginia,\\nDr. Connolly had been appointed by Dunmore Captain Commandant\\nof the District which was called Waugusta. He, learning of us, sent a\\nmessage addressed to the party, letting us know that a war was to be\\napprehended; and requesting that we would keep our position for a few\\ndays as messages had been sent to the Indians, and a few days would\\ndetermine the doubt. The answer he got, was, that we had no incli-\\nnation to quit our quarters for some time. That during our stay we\\nshould be careful that the enemy did not harass the neighborhood that\\nwe lay in. But before this answer could reach Pittsburgh, he sent a\\nsecond express, addressed to Capt. Cresap, as the most influential man\\namongst us informing him that the messages had returned fiom the\\nIndians, that war was inevitable, and begging him to use his influence\\nwith the party, to get them to cover the country by scouts until the\\ninhabitants could fortify themselves. The reception of this letter was\\nthe epoch of open hostilities with the Indians. A new post was\\nplanted, a council was called, and the letter read by Cresap, all the\\nIndian traders being summoned on so important an occasion. Action\\nwas had, and war declared in tha most solemn manner and the same\\nevening two scalps were brought into the camp.\\nThe next day some canoes of Indians were discovered on the river,\\nkeeping the advantage of an island to cover themselves from our view.\\nTiiey were chased fifteen miles down the river, and driven ashore. A\\nbattle ensued a few were wounded on both sides one Indian only\\ntaken prisoner. On examining their canoes, we found a considerable\\nquantity of ammunition and other warlike stores. On our return to\\ncamp, a resolution was adopted to march the next day, and attack\\nLogan s camp on the Ohio about thirty miles above us. We did march\\nabout five miles, and then halted to take some refreshment. Here the\\nimpropriety of executing the projected enterprise was argued. The\\nconversation was brought forward by Cresap himself. It was generally\\nagreed that those Indians had no hostile intentions as they were hunt-\\ning, and their paity were composed of men, women, and children, with\\nall their stuff with them. This we knew as I myself and others pre-\\nsent had been in their camp about four weeks past, on our descending\\nthe river from Pittsburgh. In short, every person seemed to detest the\\nresolution we had set out with. We returned in the evening, de-\\ncamped, and took the road to Redstone.\\nIt was two days after this that Logan s family were killed. And\\nfrom the manner in which it was done, it was viewed as a horrid mur-\\nder. From Logan s hearing of Cresap being at the head of this party\\non the river, it is no wonder that he supposed he iiad a hand in the\\ndestruction of his family.*\\nLouisville Literary News Letter, quoted in Hesperian, February, 1839. p. 309.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "128 Conduct of White-Eyes. 1774.\\nIn relation to the murders by Greathouse, there is also a vari-\\nance in the testimony. Henry Jolly, who was near by, and whose\\nstatement is published in an article by Dr. Hildreth, in Silliman s\\nJournal for January, 1837, makes no mention of the visit of Great-\\nhouse to the Indian camp, but says that five men and one woman\\nwith a child came from the camp across to Baker s, that three of\\nthe five were made drunk, and that the whites finding the other\\ntwo would not drink, persuaded them to fire at a mark, and when\\ntheir gims were empty shot them down this done, they next mur-\\ndered the woman, and tomahawked the three who were intoxi-\\ncated. The Indians who had not crossed the Ohio, ascertaining\\nwhat had taken place, attempted to escape by descending the\\nriver, and having passed Wheeling unobserved, landed at Pipe\\nCreek, and it was then, according to Jolly, that Cresap s attack\\ntook place he killed only one Indian.* But whatever may have\\nbeen the precise facts in relation to the murder of Logan s family,\\nthey were at any rate of such a nature as to make all concerned\\nfeel sure of an Indian war; and while those upon the frontier\\ngathered hastily into the fortresses,! an express w^as sent to Wil-\\nliamsburgh to inform the Governor of the necessity of instant pre-\\nparation. The Earl of Dunmore at once took the needful steps to\\norganize forces and meanwhile in June sent Daniel Boone and\\nMichael Stoner to conduct into the settlements the surveyors and\\nothers who were lingering upon the banks of the Kentucky and\\nElkhorn, a duty which was ably and quickly performed. The\\nunfortunate traders among the Indians, however, could not thus\\nbe rescued from the dangers which beset them. Some of them\\nfell the first victims to the vengeance of the natives. One, near\\nthe town of, White-Eyes, the Peace Chief of the Delawares, was\\nmurdered, cut to pieces, and the fragments of his body hung upon\\nthe bushes the kindly chief gathered them together and buried\\nthem the hatred of the murderers, however, led them to disin-\\nter and disperse the remains of their victim anew, but the kindness\\nof the Delaware w^as as persevering as the hatred of his brethren,\\nand again he collected the scattered limbs and in a secret place\\nhid them. I\\nIt being, under the circumstances, deemed advisable, by the\\nSec Am. Pioneer, i. 12 to 24. Am. Archives, 4th Scries, i. 467. Sec also Border\\nWarfare, 112, note, where the discrepancies of evidence are stated also Jacob s Life of\\nCresap.\\nt Border Warfare, 114. Ileckcwelder s Narrative, 132,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "1774. Connolly attacks friendly Indians. 129\\nVirginians to assume the offensive, as soon as it could be done,\\nan army was gathered at Wheeling, which some time in July,\\nunder Colonel McDonald, descended the Ohio to the mouth of\\nCaptina Creek, or as some say Fish Creek, whence it was proposed\\nto march against the Indian town of Wappatomica on the Muskin-\\ngum. The march was successfully accomplished, and the Indians\\nhaving been frustrated in an expected surprise of the invaders,\\nsued for peace, and gave five of their chiefs as hostages. Two of\\nthem were set free, however, by Colonel McDonald, for the pro-\\nposed purpose of calling the heads of the tribes together to ratify\\nthe treaty which was to put an end to warfare but it being found\\nthat the natives were merely attempting to gain time and gather\\nforces, the Virginians proceeded to destroy their towns and crops,\\nand then retreated, carrying three of the chiefs with them as\\nprisoners to Williamsburg.* But this invasion did nothing toward\\nintimidating the red men.\\nThe Delawares were anxious for peace Sir William Johnson sent\\nout to all his copper colored flock orders to keep still :t and even\\nthe Shawanese were prevailed on by their wise leader, Cornstalk,\\nto do all they could to preserve friendly relations 4 indeed they\\nwent so far as to secure some wandering traders from the ven-\\ngeance of the Mingoes, whose relatives had been slain at Yellow\\nCreek and Captina, and sent them with their property safe to\\nPittsburgh. II But Logan, who had been turned by the murders\\non the Ohio from a friend to a deadly foe of the whites, came\\nsuddenly upon the Monongahela settlements, and while the other\\nIndians were hesitating as to their course, took his thirteen scalps\\nin repayment for the heads laid low by Cresap and Greathouse,\\nand returning home, expressed himself satisfied, and ready to\\nlisten to the Long-Knives. But it was not, apparently, the wish\\nof Dunmore or Connolly to meet the friendly spirit of the natives,\\nand when, about the 10th of June, three of the Shawanese con-\\nducted the traders who had been among them, safely to Pitts-\\nburgh, Connolly had even the meanness to attempt first to seize\\nthem, and when foiled in this by Colonel Croghan, his uncle,\\nwho had been alienated by his tyranny, he sent men to watch,\\nwaylay and kill them and one account says that one of the three\\nwas slain.H Indeed, the character developed by this man, while\\nBorder Warfare, 115. Doddridge, 241. Am. Archives, 4th Series, i. 722.\\nt Am. Archives, 4th Series, i. 252 to 288.\\nI Do. do. 1 Do. do. Do. 428. 1 Do. 449.\\n9", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "130 General Lewis marches down Kenhawa. 1774.\\ncommandant of Fort Dunmore, was such as to excite universal\\ndetestation, and at last to draw down upon his patron the reproof\\nof Lord Dartmouth.* He seized property, and imprisoned white\\nmen without warrant or propriety and we may be assured, in\\nmany cases beside that just mentioned, treated the natives witli an\\nutter disregard of justice. It is not then surprising that Indian\\nattacks occurred along the frontiers from June to September; nor,\\non the other hand, need we wonder that the Virginians (against\\nwhom, in distinction from the people of Pennsylvania, the war\\nwas carried on,) became more and more excited, and eager to\\nrepay the injuries received.\\nTo put a stop to these devastations, two large bodies of troops\\nwere gathering in Virginia; the one from the southern and western\\npart of the State, under General Andrew Lewis, met at Camp\\nUnion, now Lewisburg, Greenbriar county, near the far-famed\\nWhite Sulphur Springs the other from the northern and eastern\\ncounties was to be under the command of Dunmore himself, and\\ndescending the Ohio from Fort Pitt, was to meet Lewis army at\\nthe mouth of the Great Kenhawa. The force under Lewis, amount-\\ning to eleven hundred men, commenced its march upon the 6th\\nand 12th of September, and upon the 6th of October reached the\\nspot agreed upon. As Lord Dunmore was not there, and as other\\ntroops were to follow down the Kenhawa under Colonel Christian,\\nGeneral Lewis despatched runners toward Pittsburgh to inform the\\nCommander-in-chief of his arrival, and proceeded to encamp at\\nthe point where the two rivers meet. Here he remained until the\\n9th of October, when despatches from the Governor reached him\\ninforming him that the plan of the campaign was altered, that he\\n(Dunmore) meant to proceed directly against the Shawanese towns\\nof the Scioto, and Lewis was ordered at once to cross the Ohio\\nand meet the other army before those towns. But on the very\\nday wh-m this movement should have been executed, (October\\n10th,) the Indians in force, headed by the able and brave Chief\\nof the Shawanese, Cornstalk, appeared before the army of Virgin-\\nians, determined then and there to avenge past wrongs and cripple\\nvitally the power of the invaders. Delawares, Iroquois, Wyan-\\ndots, and Shawanese, under their most noted Chiefs, among\\nwhom was Logan, formed the army opposed to that of Lewis, and\\nwith both the struggle of that day was one of life or death. Soon\\nafter sunrise the presence of the savages was discovered General\\nAm. Archives, 4th Series, i. 774.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "1774, Battle of Point Pleasant. 131\\nLewis ordered out his brother Colonel Charles Lewis and Colonel\\nFleming to reconnoitre the ground where they had been seen\\nthis at once brought on the engagement. In a short time Colonel\\nLewis was killed, and Colonel Fleming disabled the troops, thus\\nleft without Commanders, w^avered, but Colonel Field with his\\nregiment coming to the rescue, they again stood firm; about\\nnoon Colonel Field was killed, and Captain Evan Shelby, (father\\nof Isaac Shelby Governor of Kentucky in after time and w^ho was\\nthen Lieutenant in his father s company,) took the command;\\nand the battle still continued. It was now drawing toward even-\\ning and yet the contest raged without decided success for either\\nparty, when General Lewis ordered a body of men to gain the\\nflank of the enemy by means of Crooked Creek, a small stream\\nwhich runs into the Kenhawa about four hundred yards above its\\nmouth. This w^as successfully done, and the result was the retreat\\nof the Indians across the Ohio.* Lord Dunmore meanwhile, had\\ndescended the river from Fort Pitt, and was, at the time he sent\\nword to Lewis of his change of plans, at the mouth of the Hock-\\ning, where he built a block-house, called Fort Gower, and re-\\nmained until after the battle at the Point. f Thence he marched\\non towards the Scioto, while Lewis and the remains of the army\\nunder his command strengthened by the troops under Colonel\\nChristian, pressed forward in the same direction, elated by the\\nhope of annihilating the Indian towns, and punishing the inhabi-\\ntants for all they had done. But before reaching the enemy s\\ncountry Dunmore was visited by Chiefs asking for peace he\\nlistened to their request, and appointing a place where a treaty\\nshould be held, sent orders to Lewis to stop his march against\\nthe Shawanese tow ns; w^hich orders, however, that officer did\\nnot obey, nor was it till the Governor visited his camp on Congo\\nCreek near Westfall, that he would agree to give up an attempt\\nupon the village of Old Chillicothe, which stood where Westfall\\nnow is. II After this visit by Dunmore General Lewis felt himself\\nbound, though unwillingly, to prepare for a bloodless retreat.\\nThe Commander-in-chief, however, remained for a time at Fort\\nBorder Warfare, 125. Doddridge, 530. American Pioneer, i. 381. Letters in\\nAmerican Archives, fourth series, i. 808, 18, c. c. Thatcher s lives of Indians, ii. 168.\\nt Border Warfare, 133.\\nW ith them was one Elliott, probably Matthew Elliott, so noted in 1790 to 1795,\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 18.\\nI Whittlesey s Discourse, 1840\u00e2\u0080\u0094 p. 24,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "132 Affidavit of John Gibson, Esquire. 1775!.\\nCharlotte, upon Sippo Creek, about eight miles from the town of\\nWestfall on the Scioto,* There he met Cornstalk who, being\\nsatisfied of the futility of any further struggle, was determined tc\\nmake peace, and arranged with the Governor the preliminaries of\\na treaty and from this point Crawford was sent against a town of\\nthe Mingoes, who still continued hostile, and took several prison-\\ners who were carried to Virginia, and were still in confinement in\\n^February, 1775. f It was at this time though not at Camp Char-\\nlotte, for he would not go there, that Logan delivered his cele-\\nbrated speech. In relation to this speech or message, the genu-\\nineness of which has been questioned,:}: it may be worth while to\\nrecord here the evidence of John Gibson, to whom it was given\\nby Logan, and whose statement being imdisputed seems to place\\nthe matter beyond cavil.\\nJllleghany coimly, SS.\\nState oj Pennsylvania.\\nBefore me, the subscriber, a justice of the peace in and for said\\ncounty, personally appeared John Gibson, Esquire, an Associate Judge\\nof the same county, who being duly sworn, deposeth and saith, that in\\nthe year 1774, he accompanied Lord Dunmore on the expedition\\nagainst the Shawanese and other Indians on the Sciota that on their\\narrival within fifteen miles of the towns, they were met by a flag, and\\na white man by the name of Elliott, who informed Lord Dunmore that\\nthe Chiefs of the Shawanese had sent to request his Lordship to halt\\nhis army and send in some person, who understood their language\\nthat this deponent, at ihe request of Lord Dunmore and the whole of\\nthe officers with him, went in that on his arrival at the townis, Logan,\\nthe Indian, came to where this deponent was sitting with the Cornstalk,\\nand the other Chiefs of the Shawanese, and asked him to walk out with\\nhim that they went into a copse of wood, where they sat down, when\\nLogan, after shedding abundance of tears, delivered to him the speech,\\nnearly as related by Mr. Jefferson in his Notes on the State of Virginia;,\\nthat he the deponent told him then that it was not Colonel Cresap who\\nhad murdered his relations, and that although his son Captain Michael\\nCresap was with the party who killed a Shawanese Chief and other\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 331.\\nt American Archives, fourth series, i. 1222. Border Warfare, 137. American Ar-\\nchives, fourth series, ii. 11S9.\\nSee, very lately, Brown s History of Illinois, p. 25; also, American Pioneer, i. vol.\\nIndex.\\nII This gentleman was (nominal) Secretary of Indiana Territory under General Ham--\\nson. See account by John Johnson, in Cisfs Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 305.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "1775, Vlose of the war with the Indian tribes. 133\\nIndians, yet he was not present when his relations were killed at\\nBaker s near tlie mouth of Yellow Creek on the Ohio that this depo-\\nnent on his return to camp delivered the speech to Lord Dunmore and\\nthat the murders perpetrated as above, were considered as ultimately the\\ncause of the war of 1774, commonly called Cresap s war.\\nJOHN GIBSON.\\nSworn and subscribed the 4th of April, 1800, at Pittsburgh,\\nbefore me, Jer. Baker.*\\nThus in November was the war of 1774, known as Dunmore s,\\nLogan s, or Cresap s war, terminated the Shawanese agreeing not\\nto hunt south of the Ohio, nor molest travellers.! It was very\\nmuch to the dissatisfaction of the Virginians that it ended as it\\ndid, as no efficient blow had been struck, and as the conduct of\\nthe Governor could not well be explained by the frontier men\\nexcept by supposing him to act with reference to the expected\\ncontest of England and her colonies, a motive which the colonists\\nnaturally regarded as little less than treasonable. And here we\\nwish to notice a statement given as a curious instance of historical\\npuzzles by Mr. Whittlesey, in his address before the Ohio Histori-\\ncal Society, delivered in 1841, at page 28. |j\\nIn 1831, a steam boat was detained a few hours near the house of\\nMr. Curtis, on the Ohio, a short distance above the mouth of the Hock-\\nhocking, and General Clark\u00c2\u00a7 came ashore. He inquired respecting the\\nremains of a Fort or encampment at the mouth of the Hockhocking\\nriver, as it is now called. He was told that there was evidence of a\\nclearing of several acres in extent, end that pieces of guns and muskets\\nhad been found on the spot and also, that a collection of several hund-\\nred bullets had been discovered on the bank of the Hockhocking, about\\ntwenty-five miles up the river. General Clark then stated, that the\\nground had been occupied as a camp by Lord I)unm ore. who came\\nAmerican Pioneer, p. \u00c2\u00a38.\\nt American Archives, fourth series, i. 1170.\\nWhen Lord Dunmore retired he left an hundred men at the mouth of the Great\\nKenhawa, a few at Fort Dunmore (Pittsburgh,) and some at Fort Fincastle (Wheeling.)\\nThese were dismissed as the prospect of renewed war ceased. Lord Dunmore was to\\nhave returned to Pittsburgh in the spring, to meet the Indians and form a definite peace,\\nbut the Revolutionary movements prevented. The Mingoes were not parties to the\\npeace of Fort Charlotte. (American Archives, ii. 1189.) The frontier men, or many of\\nthem, thought, as we have said, that Dunmore s conduct was outrageous, but that such\\nwas not the universal feeling in Virginia may be seen by reference to American Archives,\\nfourth series, ii. 170, 301. c.\\nII Expedition of Lord Dunmore, from p. 28, to 29.\\nAn eminent citizen of Missouri, a brother of General George Rogers Clark, of Ky.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "134 Battle of Lexington on the \\\\^th of April. 1775^\\ndown the Kenhav/a with 300 men in the spring of 1775, with the\\nexpectation of treating with the Indians here. The Chiefs not making\\ntheir appearance, the march was continued up the river twenty-five or\\nthirty miles, where an express from Virginia overtook the party. That\\nevening a council was held and lasted very late at night. In the morn-\\ning the troops were disbanded, and immediately requested to enlist in\\nthe British service for a stated period. The contents of the despatche\\nhad not transpired when this proposition was made. A major of militia\\nby the name of McCarty, made an harrangue to the men against enlist-\\ning, which seems to have been done in an eloqu^^nt and elTectual man-\\nner. He referred to the condition of the public mind in the colonies^\\nand the probability of a revolution, which must soon arrive. He repre-\\nsented the suspicious circumstances of the express, which was still a\\nsecret to the troops, and that appearances justified the conclusion, that\\nthey were required to enlist in a service ggainst their own counlrymen,^\\ntheir own kindred, their own homes. The consequence was, that but\\nfew of the men re-enlisted, and the majority, choosing the orator as a\\nleader, made the best of their way to Wheeling. The news brought\\nout by the courier proved to be an account of the opening combat of the\\nRevolution at Lexington, Massachusetts, April 20, 1775. General\\nClark stated that himself (or his brother,) was in the expedition.\\nLord Dunmore is said to have returned to Virginia by way of the\\nKenhawa river.\\nThere are very few historical details sustained by better authority\\nthan the above relation. Desirous of reconciling this statement with\\nhistory, I addressed a letter to General Clark, requesting an explanation,\\nbut his death, which happened soon after, prevented a reply.*\\nThis we know cannot be true in the form in which it is stated.\\nThe battle of Lexington was on April 19th; on April 21st Lord\\nDunmore removed the powder from the public storehouse at\\nWilliamsburg on board a King s vessel, and was thenceforward\\nat Williamsburg. June 5th he informs the Assembly that he\\nhad meant to go West and look after Indian matters, but had been\\ntoo busy.f It is one of many instances showing how sceptical we\\nshould be where a single person testifies, and especially from\\nmemory.\\nAmong those who had been engaged in Dunmore s war, as\\nscouts or soldiers, were Daniel Boone, James Harrod, and others\\nof the early explorers of Kentucky after the peace these naturally\\nturned their attention again to the rich valleys they had visited^\\nLord Dunmore s Expedition, pp. 28, 29.\\nAmerican Archives, fourth series, ii. 1189, c-", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "1775. Transylvania Land Company formed. 135\\nBoone appears to have been among the first to re-enter them,\\nwhich he did in the service of a new Land Company formed in\\nNorth Carohna, called the Transylvania Company.* The chief\\nperson in this association was Colonel Richard Henderson, of\\nwhom little is known except that he was a man of capacity and\\nambition. Dr. Sm^ih, an Englishman who in 1784 published a\\nwork of professed travels in the United States, gives the following\\naccount of him, but as Smyth s work is full of palpable false-\\nhoods,! it is not in our power to say how much truth there is in\\nhis statements respecting the founder of Transylvania.\\nHis father still alive, a poor man, whose residence is in the settle-\\nment of Nutbush, where he was at this time on a visit.\\nThis son was grown up to maturity before he had been taught to\\nread or write, and he acquired those rudiments of education, and arith-\\nmetic also, by his own indefatigable industry.\\nHe then obtained the inferior office of constable from that was pro-\\nmoted to the office of under-sheriff; after this he procured a license to\\nplead as a lawyer, in the inferior or county courts, and soon after in the\\nsuperior, or highest courts of judicature.\\nEven there, where oratory and eloquence is as brilliant and powerful\\nas in Westminster Hall, he soon became distinguished and eminent, and\\nhis superior genius shone forth with great splendor, and universal\\napplause.\\nHe was, at the same time, a man of pleasure, gay, facetious, and\\npliant nor did his amazing talents, and general praise, create him a\\nsingle enemy.\\nIn short, while yet a very young man, he was promoted from the bar\\nto the bench, and appointed Associate Chief Judge of the province of\\nNorth Carolina, with a salary adequate to the dignity.\\nEven in this elevated station, his reputation and renown continued\\nto increase.\\nBut having made several large purchases, and having fallen into a\\ntrain of expense that his circumstances and finances could not support,\\nhis extensive genius struck out on a bolder track to fortune and fame\\nthan any one had ever attempted before him.\\nUnder pretence of viewing some back lands, he privately went out\\nto the Cherokee nation of Indians, and, for an insignificant considera-\\ntion,\u00c2\u00b1 (only ten wagons loaded with cheap goods, such as coarse\\nThis was one of several such companies; see Patrick Henry s deposition in Hall s\\nSketches, i. 249.\\nt For an account of Smyth s work see the Preface to this Volume.\\nThis seems to be false see Butler s Kentucky, 2nd edition introduction, Ixvi. note.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "36 Land bargain by Colonel JV. Hart, with the Cherokees. 1775.\\nwoolens, trinkets, fire-arms, and spirituous liquors,) made a purchase\\nfrom llie chiefs of the nation, of a vast tract of territory, equal in extent\\nto a kingdom; and in the excellence of climate and soil, extent of its\\nrivers, and beautiful elegance of situations, inferior to none in tlie uni-\\nverse. A domain of no less than one hundred miles square, situated on\\nthe back or interior patt of Virginia, and of North and South Carolina;\\ncomprehending the river Kentucky, Cherokee, and Ohio, besides a\\nvariety of inferior rivulets, delightful and charming as imagination can\\nconceive.\\nTliis transaction he kept a profound secret, until such time as he\\nobtained the final ratification of the whole nation in form. Then he\\nimmediately invited settlers from all the provinces, offering them land\\non the most advantageous terms, and proposing to them likewise, to\\nform a legislature and government of their own such as might be most\\nconvenient to their particular circumstances of settlement. And he\\ninstantly vacated his seat on the bench.\\nColonel Henderson in company with Colonel Nathaniel Hart, or\\nas Morehead says, Colonel Hart alone, f having heard of the valu-\\nable lands upon the Kentucky river, (probably from Boone who\\nhad been acquainted with the Hart family before his visit to the\\nWest I) in the course of 1774 paid a visit to the Cherokees to\\nascertain if they would be walling to sell their title to the region\\nwhich was desired. Finding that a bargain might be made, a\\nmeeting w^as arranged with the Chiefs of the nation, to be held at\\nthe Sycamore Shoal on the Wataga branch of the Holston river,\\nin March 1775.\\nAt this meeting Daniel Boone w^as, by the desire of the Tran-\\nsylvania proprietors, present, to aid in the negotiation and deter-\\nMorohead s Address, p. 157.\\nt Butler, second edition, Introduction, Ixvi. Morehead, 159.\\n:j: Tliis appears in the following extract of a letter from Colonel Thomas Hart, late of\\nLexington, Kentucky, to Captain Nathaniel Hart, dated Grayfields, August 3, 1780.\\nI observe what you say respecting our losses by Daniel Boone. [Boone had been\\nrobbed of funds in part belonging to T. and N. Hart.] I had heard of the misfortune\\nsoon after it happened, but not of my being a partaker before now. I feel for the poor\\npeople who perhaps are to lose even their pre-emptions: but I must say, I feel more for\\nBoone, whose character, I am told, suffers by it. Much degenerated must the people\\nof this age be, when amongst them are to be found men to censure and blast the reputa-\\ntion of a person so just and upright, and in whose breast is a seat of virtue too pure to\\nadmit of a thought so base and dishonorable. I have known Boone in times of old, when\\npoverty and distress had him fast by tlie hand and in these wretched circumstances, I\\nhave ever found him of a noble and generous soul, despising everything mean; and\\ntherefore, I will freely grant him a discharge for whatever sums of mine he might have\\nbeen possessed of at the time. Morehead, 105 note.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "f-", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "1775. Grant by Cherokees. 137\\nmining the bounds of the proposed purchase. This done, he set\\nforth with a party, well armed and equipped, to mark out a road\\nfrom the settlement, through the wilderness, to the lands which\\nwere about to be colonized. Boone does not say when he started,\\nbut as he was wathin fifteen miles of Boonesboro on the 20th of\\nMarch, and the grant from the Cherokees is dated the 17th, he\\nmust have left the Council before the final action of the Indians\\ntook place; indeed, Henderson says (April 10th to 20th) that\\nBoone did not know of the purchase with certainty. By that\\naction the southern savages, in consideration of the sum of ten\\nthousand pounds sterling, transferred to the Company two pro-\\nvinces defined as follows\\nThe first was defined as Beginning on the Ohio river, at the\\nmouth of the Cantuckey Chenoee, or what, by the English, is called\\nLouisa river; from thence running up the said river, and the most\\nnorthwardly fork of the same, to the head spring thereof; thence a\\nsouth-east course to the top of the ridge of Powell s mountain thence\\nwestwardly along the ridge of the said mountain, unto a point from\\nwhich a northwest course will hit or strike the head spring of the most\\nsouthwardly branch of Cumberland river, thence down said river,\\nincluding all its waters, to the Ohio river, and up the said river, as it\\nmeanders, to the beginning.\\nThe other deed comprised a tract beginning on the Holston river,\\nwhere the course of Powell s mountain strikes the same thence up the\\nsaid river, as it meanders, to where the Virginia line crosses the same;\\nthence westwardly along the line run by Donaldson, to a point six Eng-\\nlish miles eastward of the long island in said Holston river thence a\\ndirect course towards the mouth of the Great Canaway, until it reaches\\nthe top ridge of Powell s mountain thence westwardly along the said\\nridge to the place of beginning.\\nThis transfer, however, was in opposition to the ancient and\\nconstant policy, both of England and Virginia neither of which\\nwould recognize any private dealings for land with the natives\\nand, as much of the region to be occupied by the Transylvania\\nCompany was believed to be within the bounds of the Old\\nDominion, Gover nor D unmore, even before the bargain was com-\\npleted, prepared his proclamation warning the world against one\\nRichard Henderson and other disorderly persons, who, under pre-\\ntence of a purchase from the Indians, do set up a claim to the\\nHal], i. 251. See also Butler, 504. Butler, instead of Cantuckey Chenoee, has\\nKentucky Chenoca.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "138 Boonesboro^ commenced. 1775.\\nlands of the crown. This paper is dated but four days later than\\nthe treaty of Wataga.* When Colonel Henderson and his dis-\\norderly associates, therefore, set forth early in April for their new\\ncolony, granted by the first named deed, clouds beset their path.\\nVirginia threatened in their rear, and before them, the blood\\nof Boone s pioneers soiled the fresh leaves of the young wood-\\nflowers. Upon the 20th or 25th of March, an attack had been\\nmade upon those first invaders of the forests, in which two of their\\nnumber were killed, and one or two others wounded repulsed\\nbut not defeated, the savages watched their opportunity, and\\nagain attacked the little band but being satisfied by these at-\\ntempts,! that the leaders of the whites were their equals in forest\\nwarfare, the natives offered nO further opposition to the march of\\nthe hunters, who proceeded to the Kentucky, and upon the 1st of\\nApril, 1775, began the erection of a fort upon the banks of that\\nstream, sixty yards south of the river, at a salt-lick. This was\\nBoonesboro This fort or station was probably, when complete,\\nabout two hundred and fifty feet long by one hundred and fifty\\nbroad, and consisted of block-houses and pickets, the cabins of\\nthe settlers forming part of the defences it was, from neglect,\\nnot completed until June 14th, and the party, while engaged in its\\nerection, appear to have been but little annoyed by the Indians,\\nalthough one man was killed upon the 4th of April. To this\\nstation, while yet but half complete, Henderson and his compan-\\nions came the 20th of April, following the road marked out by\\nBoone. Of his journey, and the country itself, some parts of a\\nletter, published entire by Judge Hall, will give a distinct picture,\\nand are better than any abstracts.\\nBoonesborough, June 12lh, 1755.\\nNo doubt but you have felt great anxiety since the receipt\\nof my letter from Powell s Valley. At that time things wore a gloomy\\naspect; indeed it was a serious matter, and became a little more so,\\nafter the date of the letter than before. That afternoon I wrote the\\nletter in Powell s Valley, in our march this way, we met about 40\\npeople returning, and in about four days the number was little short of\\nAmerican Archives, Fourth Series, 174.\\nt See Boone s Narrative, and his letter in Hall s Sketches, i. 254. They do not agree\\nentirely.\\nSee plan of the fort. Hall s Sketches, i.\\nI Henderson s Letter, Hall ii. 269.\\nApril Sth.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "1775. Henderson s Letter. 139\\n100. Arguments and persuasions were needless they seemed resolved\\non returning, and travelled with a precipitation that truly bespoke their\\nfears. Eight or ten were all that we could prevail on to proceed with\\nus, or to follow after and thus, what we before had, counting every\\nboy and lad, amounted to about 40, with which number we pursued our\\njourney with the utmost diligence, for my own part, never under more\\nreal anxiety. Every group of travellers we saw, or\\nstrange bells which were heard in front, was a fresh alarm afraid to\\nlook or inquire, lest Captain Boone or his company was amongst them,\\nor some disastrous account of their defeat. The slow progress we made\\nwith our packs, made it absolutely necessary for some person to go on\\nand give assurance of our coming, especially as they had no certainty of\\nour being on the road at all or had even heard whether the Indians had\\nsold to us or not. It was owing to Boone s confidence in us, and the\\npeople s in him, that a stand was ever attempted in order to wait for\\nour coming.\\nThe general panic that had seized the men we were continually\\nmeeting, was contagious it ran like wild fire and, notwithstanding\\nevery effort against its progress, it was presently discovered in our own\\ncamp some hesitated and stole back, privately others saw the neces-\\nsity of returning to convince their friends that they were still alive,\\nin too strong a light to be resisted whilst many, in truth, who have\\nnothing to thank but the fear of shame, for the credit of intrepidity,\\ncame on, though their hearts, for some hours, made part of the desert-\\ning company. In this situation of affairs, some few, of genuine cour-\\nage and undaunted resolution, served to inspire the rest by help of\\nwhose example, assisted by a little pride and some ostentation, we\\nmade a shift to march on with all the appearance of gallantry, and, cav-\\nalier like, treated every insinuation of danger with the utmost contempt.\\nIt soon became habitual and those who started in the morning with\\npale faces and apparent trepidation, could lie down and sleep at night\\nin great quiet, not even possessed of fear enough to get the better of\\nindolence. Po give you a small specimen\\nof the disposition of the people, it may be sufficient to assure you that\\nwhen we arrived at this place, we found Captain Boone s men as inat-\\ntentive on the score of fear, (to all appearances,) as if they had been in\\nHillsborough. A small fort which only wanted two or three days work\\nto make it tolerably safe, was totally neglected on Mr. Cock s arrival\\nand unto this day remains unfinished, notwithstanding the repeated\\napplications of Captain Boone, and every representation of danger from\\nourselves. Quj. plantations extend near two miles\\nin length, on the river, and up a creek. Here people woik in their\\ndifferent lots some without their guns, and others without care or\\nA messenger sent ahead of the main body.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "140 Henderson^ Letter. 1775.\\ncaution. Ii is in vain for us to say any thing more about the matter;\\nit cannot be done by words. Qiir company has\\ndwindled from about eighty in number to about fifty odd, and I believe\\nin a few days will be considerably less. Amongst these I have not\\nheard one person dissatisfied with the country or terms; but go, as\\nthey say, merely because their business will not admit of longer delay.\\nThe fact is, that many of them are single, worthless fellows, and want\\nto get on the other side of the mountains, for the sake of saying they\\nhave been out and returned safe, together with the probability of gelling\\na mouthful of bread in exchange for their news.\\nWe are seated at the mouth of Otter Creek on the Kentucky, about\\n150 miles from the Ohio. To the west, about 50 miles from us, are\\ntwo settlements, within six or seven miles one of the other. There\\nwere, some time ago, about 100 at the two places though now, per-\\nhaps, not more than 60 or 70, as many of them are gone up the Ohio\\nfor their families, c. and some returned by the way we came, to\\nVirginia and elsewhere. On the opposite side of the\\nriver, and north from us, about 40 miles, is a settlement on the crown\\nlands, of about 19 persons; and lower down, towards the Ohio, on the\\nsame side, there are some other settlers, how many, or at what place, I\\ncan t exactly learn. There is also a party of about 10 or 12, with a\\nsurveyor, who is employed in searching through the country, and\\nlaying off officers lands they have been more than three weeks\\nwithin ten miles of us, and will be several weeks longer ranging up and\\ndown the country. Colonel Harrod, who governs\\nthe two first mentioned settlements, (and is a very good man for our\\npurpose.) Colonel Floyd, (the surveyor) and myself, are under solemn\\nengagements to communicate, with the utmost despatch every piece of\\nintelligence respecting danger or sign of Indians, to each other. In\\ncase of invasion of Indians, both the other parties are instantly to march\\nand relieve the distressed, if possible. Add to this, that our country is so\\nfertile, the growth of grass and herbage so tender and luxuriant, that it is\\nalmost impossible for man or dog to travel, without leaving such sign that\\nyou might, for many days, gallop a horse on the trail. To be serious, it\\nis impossible for any number of people to pass through the woods with-\\nout being tracked, and of course discovered, if Indians, for our hunters\\nall go on horseback, and could not be deceived if they were to come on\\nthe trace of footmen. From these circumstances, I think myself in a\\ngreat measure secure against a formidable attack and a few skulkers\\ncould only kill one or two, which would not much affect the interest\\nof the company.*\\nUpon the 23d of May, the persons then in the country, were\\ncalled on by Henderson to send representatives to Boonesboro to\\nHall s Sketches, ii. 260 to 271.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "1775. Henderson s Legislature. 141\\nagree upon a form of government, and to make laws for the con-\\nduct of the inhabitants. From the journal of this primitive legis-\\nlature, we find that, besides Boonesboro three settlements were\\nrepresented, viz: Harrodsburgh, which had been founded by\\nJames Harrod in 1774, though afterwards for a time abandoned;/\\ninconsequence of Dunmore s war; the Boiling-spring settlement,\\nalso headed by James Harrod, who had returned to the west early\\nin 1775 and St. Asaph, in Lincoln county, where Benjamin\\nLogan, who is said to have crossed the mountains with Hender-\\nson, was building himself a station, well known in the troubles\\nwith the Indians which soon followed.\\nThe labors of this first of Western legislatures were fruitless,\\nas the Transylvania colony was soon transformed into the county\\nof Kentucky, and yet some notice of them seems proper. There\\nwere present seventeen representatives they met about fifty yards\\nfrom the banks of the Kentucky, under the budding branches of a\\nvast elm, while around their feet sprang the native white clover,\\nas a carpet for their hall of legislation. When God s blessing\\nhad been asked by the Rev. John Lythe, Colonel Henderson\\noflfered an address on behalf of the Proprietors, from which we\\nselect a few paragraphs illustrative of the spirit of the men and\\ntimes.\\nOur peculiar circumstances in this remote country, surrounded on all\\nsides with difficulties, and equally subject to one common danger, which\\nthreatens our common overthrow, must, I think, in their effects, secure\\nto us an union of interests, and consequently, that harmony in opinion,\\nso essential to the forming good, wise, and wholesome laws. If any\\ndoubt remain amongst you with respect to the force or efficacy of what-\\never laws, you now, or hereafter make, be pleased to consider that all\\npower is originally in the people therefore, make it their interest, by\\nimpartial and beneficial laws, and you may be sure of their inclination\\nto see them enforced. For it ia not to be supposed that a people,\\nanxious and desirous to have laws made, who approve of the method\\nof choosing delegates, or representatives, to meet in general Conven-\\ntion for that purpose, can want the necessary and concomitant virtue to\\ncarry them into execution.\\nINay, gentlemen, for argument s sake, let us set virtue for a moment\\nout of the question, and see how the matter will then stand. You must\\nadmit that it is, and ever will be, the interest of a large majority that\\nthe laws should be esteemed and held sacred if so, surely this large\\nmajority can never want inclination or power to give sanction and", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "142 Hendersoii s Speech. 1775.\\nefficacy to those very laws, which advance their interest and secure\\ntheir property.\\nAmong the many objects that must present themselves for your con-\\nsideration, the first in order, must, from its importance, be that of esta-\\nblishing Courts of Justice, or tribunals for the punishment of such as\\nmay ofiend against the laws you are about to make. As this law will\\nbe the chief corner stone in the ground-work or basis of our constitu-\\ntion, let us in a particular manner recommend the most dispassionate\\nattention, while you take for your guide as much of tlie spirit and\\ngenius of the laws of England, as can be interwoven with those of this\\ncountry. We are all Englishmen, or, what amounts to the same, our-\\nselves and our fathers have, for many generations, experienced the in-\\nvaluable blessings of that most excellent constitution, and surely we\\ncannot want motives to copy from so noble an original.\\nMany things, no doubt, crowd upon your minds, and seem equally\\nto demand your attention; but next to that of restraining vice and im-\\nmorality, surely nothing can be of more importance than establishing\\nsome plain and easy method for the recovery of debts, and determin-\\ning matters of dispute with respect to property, contracts, torts, inju-\\nries, c. These things are so essential, that if not strictly attended\\nto, our name will become odious abroad, and our peace of short and\\nprecarious duration, it would give honest and disinterested persons\\ncause to suspect that there was some colorable reason at least, for the\\nunworthy and scandalous assertions, together with the groundless in-\\nsinuations contained in an infamous and scurrilous libel* lately printed\\nand published, concerning the settlement of this country, the author\\nof which avails himself of his station, and under the specious pre-\\ntence of proclamation, pompously dressed up and decorated in the\\ngarb of authority, has uttered invectives of the most malignant kind,\\nand endeavours to wound the good name of persons, whose moral cha-\\nracter would derive little advantage by being placed in comparison\\nwith his, charging them amongst other things equally untrue, with a\\ndesign of forming an asylum for debtors and other persons of des-\\nperate circumstances placing the proprietors of the soil at the head\\nof a lawless train of abandoned villains, against whom the regal au-\\nthority ought to be exerted, and every possible measure taken to put\\nan immediate stop to so dangerous an enterprise.\\nI have not the least doubt, gentlemen, but that your conduct in this\\nconvention will manifest the honest and laudable intentions of the pre-\\nsent adventurers, whilst the conscious blush confounds the wilful\\ncalumniators and officious detractors of our infant, and as yet, little\\ncommunity.\\nGovernor Dunmore s Proclamation.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "1775. Transylvania organized. 143\\nNext to the establishment of courts or tribunals, as well for the pun-\\nishment of public offenders as the recovering of just debts, that of\\nestablishing and regulating a militia, seems of the greatest importance\\nit is apparent, that without some wise institution, respecting our mutual\\ndefence, the different towns or settlements are every day exposed to the\\nmost imminent danger, and liable to be destroyed at the mere will of the\\nsavage Indians. Nothing, I am persuaded, but their entire ignorance\\nof our weakness and want of order, has hitherto preserved us from the\\ndestructive and rapacious hands of cruelty, and given us an opportunity\\nat this time of forming secure defensive plans to be supported and carried\\ninto execution by the authority and sanction of a well-digested law.\\nThere are sundry other things, highly worthy your consideration,\\nand demand redress such as the wanton destruction of our game, the\\nonly support of life amongst many of us, and for want of which the\\ncountry would be abandoned ere to-morrow, and scarcely a probability\\nremain of its ever becoming the habitation of any Christian people.\\nThis, together with the practice of many foreigners, who make a busi-\\nness of hunting in our country, killing, driving off, and lessening the\\nnumber of wild catUe and other game, whilst the value of the skins and\\nfurs, is appropriated to the benefil of persons not concerned or interest-\\ned in our settlement: these are evils, I say, that I am convinced cannot\\nescape your notice and attention.*\\nTo this the representatives of the infant Commonwealth replied,\\nby stating their readiness to comply with the recommendations of\\nthe Proprietor, as being just and reasonable, and proceeded, with\\npraiseworthy diligence, to pass the necessary acts. They were\\nin session three working days, in which time, they enacted the\\nnine following laws one for establishing courts one for punish-\\ning crimes a third for regulating the militia a fourth for punish-\\ning swearing and Sabbath-breaking a fifth providing for writs of\\nattachment a sixth fixing fees and three others for preserving\\nthe range, improving the breed of horses, and preserving game.\\nIn addition to these laws, this working House of Delegates pre-\\npared a Compact, to be the basis of relationship between the\\npeople and owners of Transylvania: some of its leading articles\\nwere these\\n1st. That the election of delegates in this colony, be annual,\\n2d. That the convention may adjourn and meet again on their own\\nadjournment, provided, that in cases of great emergency the proprie-\\ntors may call together the delegates before the time adjourned to, and\\nSee Butler s Kentucky, p. 508.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "144 Indians and British. 1775\\na majorily does not attend, they may dissolve tliem and call a new\\none.\\n3d. That to prevent dissention and delay of business, one proprie-\\ntor shall act for the whole, or some one delegated by them for that pur-\\npose, who shall always reside in the colony.\\n4th. That there be a perfect religious freedom and general toleration\\nProvided that the propagators of any doctrine or tenets, widely tend-\\ning to the subversion of our laws, shall for such conduct be amenable\\nto, and punishable by the civil courts.\\n5th. That the judges of Superior or Supreme Courts be appointed\\nby the proprietors, but be supported by the people, and to them be\\nanswerable for their mal-conduct.\\n9th. That the judges of the inferior courts be recommended by the\\npeople, and approved of by the proprietors, and by them commissioned.\\n10th. That all civil and military officers be within the appointment\\nof the proprietors.\\n11th. That the office of Surveyor General, belong to no person in-\\nterested, or a partner in this purchase.\\n12lh. That the legislative authority, after the strength and maturity\\nof the colony will permit, consist of three branches, to wit: the dele-\\ngates or representatives chosen by the people, a council not exceeding\\ntwelve men, possessed of landed estate, residing in the colony, and the\\nproprietors.\\n17th. That the convention have the sole power of raising and ap-\\npropriating all public monies, and electing their treasurer.*\\nOn the 27th of May this Legislature adjourned to meet again\\nupon the first Thursday of the next September, though we do\\nnot hear that it ever did so.\\nFrom the time of the unpopular treaty of Camp Charlotte, the\\nwestern people had been apprehensive of extensive injury to the\\nAmerican frontiers from the Indians, instigated by agents reaching\\nthem through Canada, whenever the expected outbreak with Eng-\\nland took place. Nor was it long before the Americans in the\\nnorth saw the dangers to be feared from the action of the Indians,\\ninfluenced by the British and early in April, 1775, the Provincial\\nCongress of Massachusetts wrote to the Reverend Samuel Kirk-\\nland, then a missionary among the Oneidas, informing him, that,\\nhaving heard that the English were trying to attach the Six\\nNations to their interest, it had been thought proper to ask the\\nseveral tribes, through him, to stand neutral. Steps were also\\ntaken to secure the co-operation, if possible, of the Penobscot\\nSee Butler s Kentucky, p. 514.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "1775. The British and Indians. 145\\nand Stockbridge Indians; the latter of whom replied, that, though\\nthey never could understand what the quarrel between the Pro-\\nvinces and old England was about, yet they would stand by the\\nAmericans. They also offered to feel the mind of the Iroquois,\\nand try to bring them over.*\\nBut the Iroquois were not to be easily won over by any means.\\nSir William Johnson, so long the King s agent among them, and\\nto whom they looked with the confidence of children in a father,\\nhad died suddenly, in June, 1774, and the wild men had been\\nleft under the influence of Colonel Guy Johnson, Sir William s\\nson-in-law, who succeeded him as Superintendent, and of John\\nJohnson, Sir William s son, who succeeded to his estates and\\nhonors. Both these men were Tories and their influence in favor\\nof England was increased by that of the celebrated Joseph Brant.\\nThis trio, acting in conjunction with some of the rich old royalists\\nalong the Mohawk, opposed the whole movement of the Bosto-\\nnians, the whole spirit of the Philadelphia Congress, and every\\nattempt, open or secret, in favor of the rebels. Believing Mr.\\nKirkland to be little better than a Whig in disguise, and fearing\\nthat he might alienate the tribe, in which he was, from their old\\nfaith, and, through them, influence the others, the Johnsons, while\\nthe war was still bloodless, made strong efforts to remove him from\\nhis position.\\nNor were the fears of the Johnsons groundless, as is shown by\\nthe address of the Oneida Indians to the New England Governors,\\nin which they state their intention of remaining neutral during so\\nunnatural a quarrel as that just then commencing. But this in-\\ntention the leading tribe of the great Indian confederacy meant\\nto disturb, if possible. The idea was suggested, that Guy John-\\nson was in danger of being seized by the Bostonians, and an\\nattempt was made to rally about him the savages as a body-guard:\\nwhile he, on his part, wrote to the neighboring magistrates, hold-\\ning out to them, as a terror, the excitement of the Indians, and\\nthe dangers to be feared from their rising, if he were seized, or\\ntheir rights interfered with.\\nSo stood matters in the Mohawk valley, during the month of\\nMay, 1775. The Johnsons were gathering a little army, which\\nsoon amounted to five hundred men and the Revolutionary com-\\nmittees, resolute never to yield one hair s breadth, never to\\nsubmit to any arbitrary acts of any power under heaven, were\\nStone, vol, i. pp. 55-58. Sparks Washington, vol. iii. pp. 495, 496.\\n10", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "146 Americans seek Indian alliances. 1775.\\ndenouncing Colonel Guy s conduct as arbitrary, illegal, oppres-\\nsive, and unwarrantable. Watch him, wrote Washington to\\nGeneral Schuyler in June; and, even before that order was given,\\nwhat with the Tryon county men above him on the river, and the\\nwhole Provincial force below him, he was likely to be well\\nwatched. Finding himself thus fettered, and feeling it to be time\\nto take some decided step, the Superintendent, early in June,\\nbegan to move westward, accompanied by his dependents and the\\ngreat body of the Mohaw^k Indians, who remained firm in the\\nBritish interests.* He moved first to Fort Stanwix, (afterwards\\nFort Schuyler, near the present town of Rome,) and then went on\\nto Ontario, w^here he arrived early in July, and held a Congress\\nwith thirteen hundred and forty warriors, whose old attachment\\nwas then and there renewed. Joseph Brant, be it noted, during\\nall this time, was acting as the Superintendent s secretary.\\nAll of the Six Nations, except the Oneidas and Tuscaroras,\\nmight now be deemed in alliance with the British. Those tribes,\\nchiefly through the exertions of Mr. Kirkland, were prevented\\nfrom going wdth the others, and upon the 28th of June, at Ger-\\nman Flats, gave to the Americans a pledge of neutrality, f\\nWhile the members of the Northern Confederacy were thus\\ndivided in their attachments, the Delawares of the upper Ohio\\nwere by no means unanimous in their opinions as to this puzzling\\nfamily quarrel which was coming on and Congress, having been\\ninformed on the first day of June, that the western Virginians\\nstood in fear of the Indians, with whom Lord Dunmore, in his\\nsmall way, was, as they thought, tampering,! it was determined\\nto have a Congress called at Pittsburgh, to explain to the poor\\nred men the causes of the sudden division of their old enemies,\\nand try to persuade them to keep peace. This Congress did not\\nmeet, however, until October.\\nNor was it from the northern and western tribes only, that hos-\\ntilities were feared. The Cherokees and their neighbors were\\nmuch dreaded, and not without cause as they were then less\\nunder the control of the whites, than either the Iroquois or Dela-\\nwares, and might, in the hope of securing their freedom, be led\\nto unite, in a warfare of extermination against the Carolinas. We\\nfind, accordingly, that early in July, Congress having determined\\nto seek the alliance of the several Indian nations, three depart-\\nStone, vol. i. p. 77 t Stone, vol. i. p. 81.\\nOld Journals, vol. i. p. 78. H Heckcwelder s Narrative, p. 136.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "1775. .Americans treat with Indians. 147\\nments were formed a northern one, including the Six Nations\\nand all north and east of them, to the charge of which General\\nSchuyler, Oliver Wolcott, and three others, were appointed a\\nmiddle department, including the Western Indians, who were to\\nbe looked to by Messieurs Franklin, Henry, and Wilson and a\\nsouthern department, including all the tribes south of Kentucky,\\nover which commissioners were to preside under the appointment of\\nthe South Carolina Council of Safety. These commissioners were to\\nkeep a close watch upon the nations in their several departments,\\nand upon the King s Superintendents among them. These officers\\nthey were to seize, if they had reason to think them engaged in\\nstirring up the natives against the colonies, and in all ways were\\nto seek to keep those natives quiet and out of the contest. Talks\\nwere also prepared to send to the several tribes, in which an at-\\ntempt was made to illustrate the relations between England and\\nAmerica, by comparing the last to a child ordered to carry a pack\\ntoo heavy for its strength. The boy complains, and, for answer,\\nthe pack is made a little heavier. Again and again the poor ur-\\nchin remonstrates, but the bad servants misrepresent the matter to\\nthe father, and the boy gets ever a heavier burden, till at last,\\nalmost broken-bacted, he throws off the load altogether, and says\\nhe will carry it no longer. This allegory was intended to make\\nthe matter clear to the pack-carrying red men, and, if we may\\njudge from Heckewelder s account, it answered the purpose for,\\nhe says, the Delawares reported the whole story very correctly.\\nIndeed, he gives their report upon the 137th page of his Narra-\\ntive, which report agrees very well with the original speech,\\npreserved to us in the Journals of the Old Congress, f\\nThe first conference held by the commissioners, was in the\\nnorthern department, a grand congress coming together at Albany\\nin August. Of this Congress a full account may be found in\\nColonel Stone s first volume. It did not, however, fully repre-\\nsent the Six Nations, and some, even of those who were present,\\nimmediately afterwards deserted to the British so that the result\\nwas slight.\\nThe next conference was held at Pittsburgh with the western\\nOld JouTnals, vol. i. p. 113, c.\\nt Vol. i. p. 115. See also in Carey s Museum, for January, 1789, p. 88 to 91, the\\nspeech to the Iroquois, at Philadelphia, delivered July 13, 1775; in this the pack-proverb\\nis given fully and very well.\\npp. 9J.-104. Appendix iv.-xxxi.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "148 Indians unite with British. 1775-\\nIndians. This was in October, and was attended by the Dela-\\nwares, Senecas, and, perhaps, some of the Shawanese. The\\nDelaware nation were, as we have ah-eady said, divided in their\\nviews touching the Americans. One of their chieftains, Captain\\nWhite-Eyes, a man of high character and clear mind, of courage\\nsuch as became the leader of a race whose most common virtues\\nwere those of the wild man, and of a forbearance and kindness\\nas unusual as fearlessness was frequent, among his people, this\\ntrue man was now, as always, in favor of peace and his influence\\ncarried with him a strong party. But there were others, again,,\\nwho longed for war, and wished to carry the whole nation over to\\nthe British interest. These were led by a cunning and able man,,\\ncalled Captain Pipe, who, without the energy, moral daring, and\\nunclouded honesty of his opponent, had many qualities admirably\\nsuited to win and rule Indians. Between these two men there\\nwas a division from the beginning of the Revolution till the death\\nof White Eyes. At the Pittsburgh Conference the Peace Chief,\\nas he was called, was present, and there asserted his freedom of\\nthe Six Nations, who, through their emissaries present, tried to\\nbend the Delawares, as they had been used to do. His bold\\ndenial of the claim of the Iroquois to rule his people, was seized\\nupon, by some of the War-Party, as a pretext for leaving the\\nMuskingum, where White Eyes lived, and withdrawing toward\\nLake Erie, into the more immediate vicinity of the English and\\ntheir allies.\\nThe Shawanese and their neighbors, meantime, had taken coun-\\nsel with Guy Johnson at Oswego, and might be considered as in\\nleague with the king. Indeed, we can neither wonder at, nor\\nblame these bewildered savages for leaguing themselves with any\\npower against those actual occupants of their hunting-grounds,\\nwho were, here and there in Kentucky, building block-houses and\\nclearing corn-fields. Against those block-houses and their build-\\ners, little bands of red men continually kept sallying forth, sup-\\nplied with ammunition from Detroit and the other western posts,\\nand incited to exertion by the well known stimulants of whiskey\\nand fine clothes.\\nHowever, it is hardly correct to say, that this was done in 1775,\\nthough the arrangements were, beyond doubt, made in that year.\\nCol. Johnson having visited Montreal, immediately after the coun-\\ncil with the Shawanese and others at Oswego, for the purpose of", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "1762. Moravians settle in West. 149\\nconcluding with the British governor and general upon his future\\ncourse.\\nBut although the dangers of the posts more immediately ex-\\nposed to Indian invasions, were understood both East and West,\\nit did not prevent emigration. In June, 1775, Boone had sought\\nthe settlements once more, in order to remove his family; and\\nin the following September, with four females, the fearless mothers\\nof Kentucky, re-crossed the mountains. These four women were\\nhis own wife, Mrs. McGary whose husband afterwards attained\\ndistinction in the battle of the Blue-licks, Mrs. Denton and Mrs.\\nHogan; their husbands and children came with them, and more\\nthan twenty other men able to bear arms, were also of the party.\\nAt the close of 1775, then, the country along the Kentucky was\\nfilling with emigrants, although doubt and dissatisfaction already\\nexisted as to Henderson s purchase, and especially as to holding\\nlands of proprietors, and being governed by them many of the\\nnew settlers not being ignorant of the evils brought on Pennsylva-\\nnia by means of the Proprietary rule. But hope was still predom-\\ninant, and the characters of Harrod, Floyd, Logan and the Harts\\nwere well calculated to inspire confidence.\\nNorth of the Ohio during that year, little was doing of which\\nany knowledge has reached us but one settlement beyond the\\nBelle Riviere deserves our notice.\\nOur readers will remember the calm and bold Moravian, Chris-\\ntian Frederick Post, who journeyed to the Big Beaver Creek in\\n1758, and won the Delawares to peace. This same man, in\\n1761, thinking the true faith might be planted among those western\\ntribes, journeyed out to the Muskingum, and, upon the banks of\\nthat stream, about a mile from Beaver s Town, built himself a\\nhouse.* The next season, that is in the spring of 1762, he again\\ncrossed the mountains in company with the well-known Hecke-\\nwelder, who went out as his assistant. The Indians having con-\\nsented to his living among them, and teaching their children to\\nread and write. Post prepared to clear a few acres whereon to raise\\ncorn. The chiefs hearing of this called him to them, and said\\nthey feared he had changed his mind, for, instead of teaching their\\nchildren, he was clearing land; which if he did, others might do,\\nand then a fort be built to protect them, and then the land claimed,\\nand they be driven off, as had always, they said, been the case-\\nPost replied that a teacher must live, and, as he did not wish to\\nHeckwelder 8 Narrative, p. 69.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "150 Zeisherger fovfnds Shoenhnm^ 1772.\\nbe a burden on them, he proposed to raise his own food. This\\nreply the Indians considered, and told him, that, as he claimed to\\nbe a minister of God, just as the French priests did, and as these\\nlatter looked fat and comely though they did not raise corn, it was\\nprobable that the Great Spirit would take care of him as he did\\nof them, if he wished him to be his minister; so they could only\\ngive him a garden spot. This Captain Pipe stepped off for him,\\nand with this he had to shift as well as he could.\\nThese proceedings were in 1762, and while they show the per-\\nfect perception which the Indians had of their dangers, and of the\\nEnglish tactics, explain most clearly the causes of the next year s\\nwar.\\nPost continued to till his little garden spot and teach his Indian\\ndisciples through the summer of 1762, and in the autumn accom-\\npanied King Beaver to Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, where a fruit-\\nless treaty was concluded with the whites. Returning from this\\ntreaty in October, he met Heckewelder, who had been warned by\\nhis red friends to leave the country before war came, and was\\nforced back upon the settlements.\\nFrom this time until the autumn of 1767, no Moravians visited the\\nWest. Then, and in the following spring, Zeisberger went to the\\nAlleghany, and there established a mission, against the will, how-\\never, of the greater part of the savages, who saw nothing but evil\\nin the white man s eye.* The fruits would not ripen, the deer\\nwould not stay, they said, where the white man came. But Zeis-\\nberger s was a fearless soul, and he worked on, despite threats and\\nplots against his life and not only held his place, but even con-\\nverted some of the leading Indians. Among these was one who\\nhad come from the Big Beaver, for the purpose of refuting the\\nMoravians and this man being influential, the missionaries were\\nin 1770 invited to come to Big Beaver, whither they went in April\\nof that year, settling about twenty miles from its mouth. Nor did\\nthe kindness of the Indians stop here. The Delawares of the Mus-\\nkingum, remembering perhaps what Post had done among them\\nten years before, invited the Christian Indians of Pennsylvania to\\ncome and live on their river and in this invitation the Wyandots\\njoined. The proposition was long considered, and at last agreed\\nto; and, on the 3d of May, 1772, Zeisberger, with twenty-seven\\nof his native disciples, founded Shoenbrun, upon the Muskingum,\\nthe first true Christian settlement made within the present State\\nHeckewelder s Narrative, p. 98.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "1775 Connollyh Plot. 151\\nof Ohio, and the beginning of that which was destroyed by the\\nfrontier men ten years afterward, in so cruel and cowardly a man-\\nner. To this settlement, in the course of the next year, the Chris-\\ntian Indians of the Susquehannah, and those of the Big Beaver,\\nremoved. Though endangered by the war of 1774, it was not in-\\njured, and, when our Revolution began, was the only point beyond\\nPittsburgh north of the river where the English were dwelling\\nand laboring.*\\nIt was towards the close of this last year of our colonial exist-\\ntence, 1775, that a plot was discovered, which involved some\\nwhose names have already appeared upon our pages, and which,\\nif successful, would have influenced the fortunes of the West\\ndeeply. Dr. John Connolly, of Pittsburgh, (he whom Washington\\nhad met and talked with in 1770, and with whom he had after-\\nwards corresponded in relation to western lands, and who played\\nso prominent a part as commandant of Pittsburgh, where he\\ncontinued at least through 1774, )f was, from the outset of the\\nrevolutionary movements, a Tory; and being a man extensively\\nacquainted with the West, a man of talent, and fearless withal, he\\nnaturally became a leader. This man, in 1775, planned a union\\nof the north-western Indians with British troops, which combined\\nforces were to be led, under his command, from Detroit, and,\\nafter ravaging the few frontier settlements, were to join Lord\\nDunmore in eastern Virginia. To forward his plans, Connolly\\nvisited Boston to see General Gage then, having returned to the\\nsouth, in the fall of 1775, he left Lord Dunmore for the West,\\nbearing one set of instructions upon his person, and another set,\\nthe true ones, most artfully concealed under the direction of Lord\\nDunmore himself, in his saddle, secured by tin and waxed cloth.\\nHe and his comrades, among whom was Dr. Smyth, the author of\\nthe doubtful work already quoted, had gone as far as Hagerstown,\\nwhere they were arrested upon suspicion, and sent back to Fred-\\nerick. There they were searched, and the papers upon Connolly s\\nperson were found, seized, and sent to Congress. Washington\\nhaving been informed by one who was present when the genuine\\ninstructions were concealed as above stated, wrote twice on the\\nSee on the whole subject of the Moravian Missions, Heckewelder s account in Ameri-\\ncan State Papers, vi.379 to 391.\\nt American Archives, fourth series, i. 1179.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "152 Indians infest Kentucky. 1776.\\nsubject to the proper authorities, in order to lead to their discov-\\nery, but we do not lea n that they were ever found. Connolly\\nhimself was confined, and remained a close prisoner till 1781,\\ncomplaining much of his hard lot,* but finding few to pity him.f\\n1776.\\nIn the annals of Kentucky, this year is remarkable, first, for the\\nrecognition by Virginia of the Transylvania colony, as a part of\\nthe Old Dominion and secondly, for such a renewal of hostilities,\\nas drove many who had come to make the West their home, back\\nover the mountains again. During the last six months of 1775,\\nand the first half of 1776, the northern savages, as has been stated,\\nhad in a great measure ceased their excursions against the inva-\\nders of their hunting grounds. Not, however, because they had\\ngiven up the contest they were preparing, in connection with the\\nBritish agents in the north-west, to act with deadly efl^ciency\\nagainst the frontier stations, and such seems to have been the\\nfeeling of the inhabitants of those stations. From an early\\nperiod in the revolutionary war, the use of the Indians had been\\ncontemplated by both parties to the struggle. It had been usual,\\nt American Archives, 4th series, iv. 617, where Connolly s commission and several\\nletters are given do. iii. 1660, where his examination is to be found also see index ofboth\\nvols. See also Sparks Washington, iii, 197, 211, 212, 269, 271. Border Warfare, 133.\\nOld Journals, iii. 36, 121. 122, 125, 385. The whole story is in the report of the com-\\nmittee of Congress, old journals, iii. 121. See also Smyth s account of the affair in the\\n2nd vol. of his work. p. 243.\\nAfter the revolution, Connolly was a mischief maker in Kentucky. He appears to\\nhave been one of the earliest explorers of the West, and in 1770, proposed a province\\nwhich would have included all of Kentucky between the Cumberland or Shawanee river,\\na line drawn from above its fork to the falls, and the Ohio. (Sparks Washington, ii,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2562.) He afterwards caused to be surveyed, patented, and advertised for sale, in April,\\n1774, the ground upon which Louisville was built. (American Archives, fourth series.\\nWestern Garland, February, 1846, p. 98.) See years 17S0, 1781, and 1789.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "1775. Indians incline to Americans. 153\\nin the contests between the French and English, as we have seen;\\nand few seem to have deemed it possible to avoid alliances with\\nthe red men. It has been suggested, but we know not on what\\nevidence, that the origin of Dunmore s war was the evil feeling\\nproduced by British envoys, who anticipated a struggle with the\\ncolonists and were acting thus early.* We do not believe this:\\nDunmore s war is easily explained without resorting to any such\\nabominable supposition ;t but there is cause to think that England\\ntook the first steps that were taken to enlist the Indians in the\\nquarrel of mother and daughter. The first mention of the subject\\nwhich we meet with is in the address of the Massachussets Con-\\ngress to the Iroquois, in April, 1775. In that they say, that they\\nhear the British are exciting the savages against the colonies and\\nthey ask the Six Nations to aid them or stand quiet. And in the\\nJune following, when James Wood visited the western tribes, and\\nasked them to a council, which he did under the direction of the\\nVirginia House of Burgesses, he found that Governor Carlton had\\nbeen beforehand, and oflfered the alliance of England. It would\\nseem, then, that even before the battle of Lexington, both parties\\nhad applied to the Indians, and sought an alliance. In the outset,\\ntherefore, both parties w^ere of the same mind and pursued the\\nsame course. The Congress of the United Colonies, however,\\nduring 1775, and until the summer of 1776, advocated merely the\\nattempt to keep the Indians out of the contest entirely, and instructed\\nthe commissioners, appointed in the several departments to do so.\\nBut England was of another mind. Promises and threats were\\nboth used to induce the savages to act with her,\u00c2\u00a7 though, at first,\\nit would seem, to little purpose, even the Canada tribe of Caghna-\\nwagasH having offered their aid to the Americans. Wlien Britain,\\nBorder Warfare. 107, 111.\\nt The facts heretofore stated in relation to Connolly s general conduct, and especially\\nhis letter, and Cresap s assertion that his proceedings were in obedience to it, were the\\nprobable cause of the suggestions referred to. That Dunmore s course was not disap-\\nproved at the day is clear, we think, from this, that he was thanked for his conduct of the\\nIndian war by the Virginia Convention, headed by Randolph, Washington, the Lees, c.;\\nwas thanked by the House of Burgesses also and received an address praising his pro-\\nceedings, from the people of western Virginia. (Fincastle County.) American Archives,\\nfourth series, ii. 301, 170.\\nSparks Washington, vol. iii. p. 495. t Ibid., p. 55.\\nJ American Archives, fourth series, iv. 110-\\nSparks Washington, vol. iii. p. 55.\\nAlso known as the Seven Nations and Seven Castles of Canada. There is no end to\\nthe modes of spelling the name Caghnawagas.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "154 British offer bounties for scalps. 1776.\\nhowever, became victorious in the North, and particularly after\\nthe battle of the Cedars, in May, 1776, the wild men began to\\nthink of holding to her side, their poHcy being, most justly, in all\\nquarrels of the whites, to stick to the strongest. Then it was, in\\nJune, 1776, that Congress resolved to do w^hat Washington had\\nadvised in the previous Jlpril, that is, to employ the savages in\\nactive warfare. Upon the 19th of April the Commander-in-chief\\nwrote to Congress, saying, as the Indians would soon be engaged,\\neither for or against, he would suggest that they be engaged for\\nthe colonies upon the 3d of May, the report on this was consid-\\nered upon the 25th of May, it was resolved to be highly expedi-\\nent to engage the Indians for the American service and, upon the\\n3d of June, the General was empowered to raise two thousand to\\nbe employed in Canada. Upon the 17th of June, Washington\\nwas authorized to employ them where he pleased, and to offer\\nthem rewards for prisoners and, upon the 8th of July, he was\\nempowered to call out as many of the Nova Scotia and neighbor-\\ning tribes as he saw fit.f\\nSuch was the course of proceeding, on the part of the colonies,\\nwith regard to the employment of the Indians. The steps, at the\\ntime, were secret, but now the whole story is before the world.\\nNot so, however, with regard to the acts of England as to them,\\nwe have but few of the records placed within our reach. One\\nthing, however, is known, namely, that, while the colonies offered\\ntheir allies of the woods rewards for prisoners, some of the British\\nagents gave them money for scalps\\\\ a proceeding that cannot\\nfind any justification.\\nIn accordance with the course of policy thus pursued, the north-\\nwestern tribes, already angered by the constant invasions of their\\nterritory by the hunters of Virginia and Carolina, and easily acces-\\nsible by the lakes, were soon enlisted on the side of England and\\nhad a Pontiac been alive to lead them, might have done much mis-\\nchief. As it was, during the summer of 1776, their straggling\\nparties so fdled the woods of Kentucky, that no one outside of a\\nfort felt safe. But we can give no better picture of the fear and\\nanxiety that prevailed, than is given in the following letter from\\nColonel Floyd, written at the time.\\nSparks Wanliinsiton, vol. iii. p. 3G4. Also, v. 277, where the views of Burke, Gov-\\nernor Pownall, and others, are given.\\nSecret Journals, vol. 1. pp. 43-47,\\nJefferson s TVrtt j ngs, vol, i, p. 456.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "1776. Floyd s Letter. 155\\nBooNESBOROUGH, July, 21, 1776.\\nMy Dear Sir, The situation of our country is much altered since I\\nwrote you last. The Indians seem determined to break up our settle-\\nment and I really doubt, unless it is possible to give us some assist-\\nance, that the greater part of the people may fall a prey to them. They\\nhave, I am satisfied, killed several whom, at this time, I know not how\\nto mention. Many are missing, who some time ago went out about\\ntheir business, of whom we can hear nothing. Fresh sign of Indians\\nis seen almost every day. I think I mentioned to you before, some\\ndamage they had done at Lee s town. On the seventh of this month,\\nthey killed one Cooper, on Licking Creek, and on the fourteenth, a\\nman whose name I know not, at your salt spring on the same creek.\\nOn the same day they took out of a canoe within sight of this place.\\nMiss Betsy Callaway, her sister Frances, and a daughter of Daniel\\nBoone the two last about thirteen or fourteen years old, and the other\\ngrown. The affair happened late in the afternoon. They left the\\ncanoe on the opposite side of the river from us, which prevented our\\ngetting over for some time to pursue them. We could not that night\\nfollow more than five miles. Next morning, by day- light we were on\\ntheir track but they had entirely prevented our following them, by\\nwalking some distance apart through the thickest cane they could find.\\nWe observed their course, and on which side they had left their sign\\nand travelled upwards of thirty miles. We then supposed they would\\nbe less cautious in travelling, and making a turn in order to cross their\\ntrace, we had gone but a few miles when we found their tracks in a\\nbufialo path pursued and overtook them in going about ten miles, just\\nas ihey were kindling a fire to cook. Our study had been how to get\\nthe prisoners, without giving the Indians time to murder them after they\\ndiscovered us. We saw each other nearly at the same time. Four of\\nus fired, and all rushed on them, by which they were prevented from\\ncarrying any thing away except one shot gun without any ammunition.\\nMr. Boone and myself had each a pretty fair shot, as they began to\\nmove off. I am well convinced 1 shot one through the body. The one\\nhe shot dropped his gun mine had none. The place was covered\\nwith thick cane, and being so much elated on recovering the three poor\\nlitde heart-broken girls, we were prevented from making any further\\nsearch. We sent the Indians off almost naked some without their\\nmoccasins, and none of them with so much as a knife or tomahawk.\\nAfter the girls came to themselves sufficiently to speak, they told us\\nthere were only five Indians four Shawanese and one Cherokee. They\\ncould speak good English, and said they should then go to the Shaw-\\nanese towns. The war club we got was like those I have seen of that\\nnation. Several words of their language, which the girls retained.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "156 George Rogers Clark in Kentucky. 1776\\nwere known to He Shawanese. They also told them that the Chero-\\nkees had killed or driven all the people from Wataga and thereabout, and\\nthai fourteen Cherokees were then on the Kentucky waiting to do mis-\\nchief. If the war becomes general, of which there is the greatest\\nappearance, our situation is truly alarming. We are about finishing a\\nlarge fort, and intend to keep possession of this place as long as possible.\\nThey are, I understand, doing the same thing at Harrodsburgh, and\\nalso on Elkhorn, at the Royal Spring. The settlement on Licking\\nCreek, known by the name of Hinkston s, has been broken up; nine-\\nteen of the settlers are now here on their way in Hinkston among the\\nrest. They all seem deaf to any thing we can say to dissuade them.\\nTen at least, of our own people, are going to join them, which will\\nleave us with less than thirty men at this fort. I think more than three\\nhundred men have left the country since I came out, and not one has\\narrived, except a few cabiners down the Ohio.\\nI want to return as much as any person can do but if I leave ths\\ncountry now, there is scarcely one single man who will not follow the\\nexample. When I think of the deplorable condition a few helpless\\nfamilies are likely to be in, 1 conclude to sell my life as dearly as I can\\nin their defence, rather than make an ignominious escape.\\nI am afraid it is in vain to sue for any relief from Virginia; yet the\\nconvention encouraged the setdement of this country, and why should\\nnot the extreme parts of Fincastle be as justly entitled to protection as\\nany other part of the country. If an expedition were carried on against\\nthose nations who are at open war with the people in general, we might\\nbe in a great measure relieved, by drawing them oft to defend their\\ntowns. If any thing under Heaven can be done for us, I know of no\\nperson who would more willingly engage in forwarding us assistance\\nthan yourself. I do, at the request and in behalf of all the distressed\\nwomen and children and other inhabitants of this place, implore the aid\\nof every leading man who may have it in his power to give us relief.\\nI cannot write. You can belter guess at my ideas from what I have\\nsaid than I can express them.*\\nI am Dear Sir, yours, most affectionately, to my last moments,\\nTo Colonel Preston. J. FLOYD.\\nBut it was not destined that Kentucky should sink under her\\ntrials. It was during this very summer of 1776, indeed, that the\\ncorner-stone of her prosperity was laid, and the first step taken\\ntoward making her an independent commonwealth.\\nThis was done by George Rogers Clark, truly her founder, and\\nthe most eminent of the early heroes of the West. He was born\\nSee Morehead s AddreBS, p. 151,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "1776. Petition sent from Kentucky. 157\\nin September, 1743, in Albemarle county, Virginia.* In early\\nlife, he had been, like Washington, a surveyor, and more lately\\nhad served in Dunmore s war. He first visited Kentucky in\\n1775,t and held apparently at that time the rank of major. Re-\\nturning to Virginia, in the autumn of 1775, he prepared to move\\npermanently to the W^est, in the following spring. Having done\\nthis early in 1776, Clark, whose views reached much farther than\\nthose of most of the Pioneers, set himself seriously to consider the\\ncondition and prospects of the young republic to which he had\\nattached himself. Its advantages were too obvious to escape any\\neye but the dangers of a colony so far beyond the old lines of\\ncivilization, and unconnected with any of the elder provinces,\\nwhile at the same time the title to it was in dispute, had not im-\\npressed all minds as they should. Clark knew that Virginia\\nentirely denied the purchase of Henderson; he knew also that\\nHenderson s purchase from the Cherokees was of the same soil\\nwhich Sir William Johnson had purchased for the king in 1768,\\nfrom the Iroquois, at Fort Stanwix; he was sure, also, that the\\nVirginia settlers would never be easy under a proprietary govern-\\nment, however founded and saw already with his quick eye,\\nwide-spread dissatisfaction. One of tw^o things he deemed the\\nfrontier settlements must be, either an acknowledged portion of\\nVirginia,! and to be by her aided in their struggles, or an inde-\\npendent commonwealth. These views had been partially formed\\nin 1775, probably, for we find that by June 6th, 1776,11 they had.\\nattained suflicient- currency to cause the gathering of a general\\nmeeting at Harrodsburgh, to bring matters to an issue. Clark\\nwas not present at the commencement of the meeting. Had he\\nbeen, there is reason to think he would have procured the elec-\\ntion of envoys authorised to lay the whole business before the\\nAssembly of Virginia, and ask the admittance of Kentucky by\\nitself into the number of her counties. As it was, he and Gabriel\\nJones were chosen members of the Virginia Assembly, and the\\nfollowing petition was prepared to be laid before that body.\\n*Butler, 2nd edition, 36.\\nt He was west of the mountains in 1772, as far as the Kenhawa at least see journal\\nof Rev. David Jones in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 245. In 1774, he was on his way\\nto Kentucky, when Dunmore s war broke out. See ante.\\nX So far Fincastle county had been held to include Kentucky, but the inhabitants had\\nno rights or protection as citizens of Virginia, Marshall, i.47.\\nI Butler, introduction, Ixx. says June 5, 1776. History, 38, June 6, 1775 Chronology,\\np. 27, June 5, 1775 j Morehead, June 6, 1776 Clark, in Dillon s Indiana, i. 128, says\\nJune 6, 1776.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "15S KeniucJcy Petition. 1776.\\nTo the honoruhh the Convention of Virginia The petition of the\\ninhabitants, and some of the intended settlers, of that part of North\\nAmerica now denominated Transylvania, humbly sheweth.\\nWhereas some of your petitioners became adventurers in that country\\nfrom the advantageous reports of their friends who first explored it,\\nand others since allured by the specious show of the easy terms on\\nwhich the land was to be purchased from those who style themselves to\\nbe proprietors, have, at a great expense and many hardships, settled\\nthere, under the faith of holding the lands by an indefeasible title, which\\nthose gentlemen assured them they were capable of making. But your\\npetitioners have been greatly alarmed at the late conduct of those gen-\\ntlemen, in advancing the price of the purchase money from twenty\\nshillings to fifty shillings sterling per hundred acres, and at the same\\ntime have increased the fees of entry and surveying to a most exorbi-\\ntant rate and, by the short period prefixed for taking up the lands,\\neven on those extravagant terms, they plainly evince their intentions of\\nrising in their demands as the settlers increase, or their insatiable ava-\\nrice shall dictate. And your petitioners have been more justly alarmed\\nat such unaccountable and arbitrary proceedings, as they have lately\\nlearned, from a copy of the deed made by the Six Nations with Sir\\nWilliam Johnson, and the commissioners from this Colony, at Fort\\nStanwix, in the year 1768, that the said lands were included in the ces-\\nsion or grant of all that tract which lies on the south side of the river\\nOhio, beginning at the mouth of Cherokee or Hogohege River, and ex-\\ntending up the said river to Kettaning. And, as in the preamble of said\\ndeed, the said confederate Indians declare the Cherokee River to be\\ntheir true boundary with the southern Indians, your petitioners may,\\nwith great reason, doubt the validity of the purchase that those proprie-\\ntors have made of the Cherokees the only title they set up to the\\nlands for which they demand such extravagant sums from your petition-\\ners, without any other assurance for holding them than their own deed\\nand warrantee a poor security, as your petitioners humbly apprehend,\\nfor the money that, among other new and unreasonable regulations, these\\nproprietors insist should be paid down on the delivery of the deed.\\nAnd, as we have the greatest reason to presume that his majesty, to\\nwhom the lands were deeded by the Six Nations, for a valuable consi-\\nderation, will vindicate his title, and think himself at liberty to grant them\\nto such persons, and on such terms as he pleases, your petitioners would\\nin consequence thereof, be turned out of possession, or be obliged to pur-\\nchase their lands and improvements on such terms as the new grantee\\nor proprietor might think fit to impose so that we cannot help regard-\\ning the demand of Mr. Henderson and his company as highly unjust and\\nimpolitic, in the infant state of the settlement, as well as greatly injuri-\\nous to your petitioners, who would cheerfully have paid the considera-", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "1776. Kentucky Petition. 159\\ntion at first stipulated by the company, whenever their grant had been\\nconfirmed by the crown, or otherwise authenticated by the supreme\\nlegislature.\\nAnd, as we are anxious to concur in every respect with our brethren\\nof the united Colonies, for our just rights and privileges, as far as our\\ninfant settlement and remote situation will admit of, we humbly expect\\nand implore to be taken under the protection of the honorable Conven-\\ntion of the Colony of Virginia, of which we cannot help thinking our-\\nselves still a part, and request your kind interposition in our behalf, that\\nwe may not suffer under the rigorous demands and impositions of the\\ngentlemen styling themselves proprietors, who, the better to efiect their\\noppressive designs, have given them the color of a law, enacted by a\\nscore of men, artfully picked from the few adventurers who went to see\\nthe country last summer, overawed by the presence of Mr. Henderson.\\nAnd that you would take such measures as your honors in your wis-\\ndom shall judge most expedient for restoring peace and harmony to our\\ndivided settlement; or, if your honors apprehend that our case comes\\nmore properly before the honorable the General Congress, that you\\nwould in your goodness recommend the same to your worthy delegates,\\nto espouse it as the cause of the Colony. And your petitioners, c.\\nJames Harrod, Abm. Hite, Jun., Patrick Dorane, Ralph Nailor,\\nRobert Atkinson, Robert Nailor, John Maxfeld, Samuel PoUinger, Bar-\\nnerd Walter, Hugh McMillion, John Kilpatrick, Robert Dook, Edward\\nBrownfield, John Beesor, Conrad Woolter, John Moore, John Corbie,\\nAbraham Vanmetre, Samuel Moore, Isaac Pritcherd, Joseph Gwyne,\\nCharles Creeraft, James Willie, John Camron, Thomas Kenady, Jesse\\nPigman, Simon Moore, John Mooret Thomas Moore, Herman Con-\\nsoley, Silas Harland, Wm. Harrod, Levi Harrod, John Mills, Elijah\\nMills, Jehu Harland, Leonard Cooper, William Rice, Arthur Ingram,\\nThomas Wilson, William Wood, Joseph Lyons, George Uland, Mi-\\nchael Thomas, Adam Smith, Samuel Thomas, Henry Thomas, William\\nMyars, Peter Paul, Henry Symons, William Gaffata, James Hugh,\\nThos. Bathugh, John Connway, William Crow, William Feals, Benja-\\nmin Davis, Beniah Dun, Adam Neelson, William Shephard, Wm.\\nHouse, John Dun, John Sim, Sen., John House, Simeon House,\\nAndrew House, William Hartly, Thomas Dean, Richard Owan, Bar-\\nnet Neal, John Severn, James Hugh, James Calley, Joseph Parkison,\\nJediah Ashraft, John Hardin, Archibald Reves, Moses Thomas, J.\\nZebulon Collins, Thomas Parkison, Wm. Muckleroy, Meredith Helm,\\nJun., Andrew House, David Brooks, John Helm, Benjamin Parkison,\\nWilliam Parkison, William Crow.*\\nSee Hall, ii. 236.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "160 Clark gets powder /rom Virginia. 1776-\\nClark knew -perfectly well that the Legislature of his native\\nState would not acknowledge the validity of the election of Dele-\\ngates from the frontiers, but hoping nevertheless to effect his\\nobject, he and his companion took the southern route by the Cum-\\nberland Gap, and after suffering agonies from scald feet, at\\nlength reached their destination only to learn that the Assembly\\nhad adjourned. This of course caused a delay in part of their\\nproceedino-s, but the keen-witted soldier saw that, before the\\nLegislature met again, he might, by proper steps, effect much that\\nhe wished to he lost no time, therefore, in waiting upon Patrick\\nHenry, then Governor, and explaining to him the capabilities, the\\ndangers, the wishes, and the necessities of the settlers in the far\\nwest, asked for a supply of the first necessary of life, gun pow-\\nder. The Governor listened favorably and gave Clark a favorable\\nletter to the Executive Council, being himself sick and unable to\\ngo with him to Williamsburg, the seat of government at that time.\\nBut the Council were very cautious, and while they would lend\\nthe powder if Clark would be answerable for it, and pay for its\\ntransportation, they dared not until the Assembly had recognized\\nthe Kentucky stations as within Virginia, do more. Clark pre-\\nsented, and again presented the impossibility of his conveying the\\npowder to so great a distance, through a country swarming with\\nfoes. The Council listened patiently but dared not run any risk.\\nAn order was issued for the powder on the terms proposed, but\\nthe inflexible pioneer would have none of it, and inclosing the\\norder again to the Council told them that, since Virginia would\\nnot aid her children they must look elsewhere, that a land not\\nworth defending was not worth claiming, of course, and so he\\nbade them good-bye. These intimations were not to be over-\\nlooked, the whole matter was again weighed in the Council, and\\nprobably the Governor s advice taken, after which, upon the 23d\\nof Auo-ust, an order was issued for placing the ammunition\\nrequired at Pittsburgh, subject to Major Clark s order, for the use\\nof the inhabitants of Kentucki\\nOne of his objects being thus in the main accomplished, Clark\\nprepared himself to urge the suit of the Transylvania colonists\\nbefore the Legislature when it should meet in the fall, having first\\nwritten to his friends at the west that powder was waiting them\\nat Pittsburgh, which they must manage to get down the river.\\nButler, second edition, 488, gives the order.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "1776. Clark and Jones attacked by the JVatives. 161\\nWhen the Assembly met, Messrs. Clark and Jones on the one\\nhand, and Henderson and his friends on the other, proceeded to\\nlay before it the whole question of proprietorship in the Kentucky\\npurchase from the Cherokees. The contest must have been one\\nof considerable severity, for it was not till December 7, 1776,*\\nthat the success of the Delegates appointed in June was made\\ncertain by the erection of the region in dispute, together with all\\nthat now forms the State of Kentucky, into a county of that name.\\nHis second great aim secured, (and he probably considered it so\\nbefore the actual passage of the above law,) Clark and his asso-\\nciate were on the point of returning at once to the frontier by the\\nsouthern route, as we presume, when they fortunately heard that\\ntheir gun powder still lay at Pittsburgh. The truth was that\\nClark s letter to his western friends had miscarried. At once the\\nenvoys determined to go back by way of the Ohio and see their\\nfive hundred pounds of ammunition safe to the stations themselves.\\nWhen they reached Pittsburgh they learned that many Indians, it\\nwas thought with hostile intentions, were lurking thereabouts who\\nw^ould probably follow them down the river; but no time was to\\nbe lost, no matter what dangers threatened, so with seven boat-\\nmen the two Delegates embarked upon the Ohio, and succeeded\\nin reaching safely Limestone Creek, where Maysville has been\\nsince built. Setting their boat adrift, lest it should attract atten-\\ntion, they concealed their treasure, as they best could, along the\\nbanks of the Creek, and started for Harrodsburg to procure a\\nconvoy. On the way they heard of Colonel Todd as being in the\\nneighborhood with a band of men Jones and five of the boatmen\\nremained to join this party and return with it for the powder,\\nwhile Clark and the other two pushed forward to the Kentucky.\\nJones and Todd, having met, turned their steps towards the Ohio,\\nbut were suddenly attacked on the .25th of December, near the\\nBlue Licks, by a party of natives who had struck Clark s trail,\\nwere defeated, and Jones with two others was killed. f Clark,\\nhowever, reached Harrodsburg in safety, and a party was sent\\nthence which brought the gun powder to the forts.\\nMorehead s Address, 56. Butler says October. p. 89. December 7, in hia Intro-\\nduction, Ixx. and December 6th, in Chronology, p. 27.\\nt Clark s Journal in Morehead, 161. Also Clark s account in Dillon s Indiana, 12S-\\nto 130.\\n11", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "1777.\\nThe year 1776 might be said to have passed without any serious\\ninjury to the colonists from the various Indian tribes, although it\\nwas clear, that those tribes were to be looked on as engaged in\\nthe war, and that the majority of them were with the mother\\ncountry. Through the west and northwest, where the agents of\\nEngland could act to the greatest advantage, dissatisfaction spread\\nrapidly. The nations, nearest the Americans, found themselves\\npressed upon and harassed by the more distant bands, and through\\nthe whole winter of 1776-7, rumors were flying along the frontiers\\nof Virginia and Pennsylvania, of coming troubles. Nor were the\\ngood people of New York less disturbed in their minds, the\\nsettlers upon the Mohawk and upper Susquehanna standing in\\ncontinual dread of incursion.* No incursion, however, took place\\nduring the winter or spring of 1777 though why the blow was\\ndelayed is what we cannot well know, until Great Britain has\\nmagnanimity enough to unveil her past acts, and, acknowledging\\nher follies and sins, to show the world the various steps to that\\nunion of the savages against her foes, which her noble Chatham\\ndenounced as a disgrace, and deep and deadly sin.\\nThat blow was delayed, however; and, alas! was struck, at\\nlength, after, and as if in retaliation for, one of those violent acts\\nof wrong, which must at times be expected from a frontier people.\\nWe refer to the murder of Cornstalk, the leading chieftain of the\\nScioto Shawanese a man whose energy, courage, and good sense,\\nplace him among the very foremost of the native heroes of this\\nland.f This truly great man, who was himself for peace, but who\\nfound all his neighbors, and even those of his own tribe, stirred\\nup to war by the agents of England, went over to the American\\nfort at Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa, in\\nJournal o the Old CongiTss. Stanf, c.\\nt S;c Stone, vo: i. j 1^1. Dwddriilge s Indian Wars, c", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "1777. Cornstalk and Redhawk ensnared and killed. 163\\norder to talk the matter over with Captain Arbuckle, who com-\\nmanded there, and with whom he was acquainted. This was\\nearly in the summer of 1777. The Americans, knowing the\\nShawanese to be inclining to the enemy, thought it would be a\\ngood plan to retain Cornstalk and Redhawk, a younger chief of\\nnote, who was with him, and make them hostages for the good\\nconduct of their people. The old warrior, accordingly, after he\\nhad finished his statement of the position he was in, and the\\nnecessity under which he and his friends would be of going\\nwith the stream, unless the Long-Knives could protect them,\\nfound that, in seeking counsel and safety, he had walked into a\\ntrap, and was fast there. However, he folded his arms, and, with\\nIndian calmness, waited the issue. The day went by. The next\\nmorning came, and from the opposite shore was heard an Indian\\nhail, known to be from Ellinipsico, the son of Cornstalk. The\\nAmericans brought him also into their toils as a hostage, and were\\nthankful that they had thus secured to themselves peace; as if\\niniquity and deception ever secured that first condition of all good\\nAnother day rolled by, and the three captives sat waiting what\\ntime would bring. On the third day, two savages who were\\nunknown to the whites, shot one of the white hunters, toward\\nevening. Instantly the dead man s comrades raised the cry,\\nKill the red dogs in the fort. Arbuckle tried to stop them, but\\nthey were men of blood, and their wrath was up. The Captain s\\nown life was threatened if he offered any hindrance. They rushed\\nto the house where the captives were confined; Cornstalk met\\nthem at the door, and fell, pierced with seven bullets; his son\\nand Redhawk died also, less calmly than their veteran compan-\\nion, and more painfully. From that hour peace was not to be\\nhoped for.*\\nBut this treachery, closed by murder, on the part of the Ameri-\\ncans, in no degree caused, or excuses the after steps of the British\\nagents for almost at the moment when Cornstalk was dying upon\\nthe baiis of the Ohio, there was a Congress gathering at Oswego,\\nunder the eye of Colonel Johnson, to eat the flesh and drink the\\nblood of a Bostonian in other words, to arrange finally the\\nmeasures which should be taken against the devoted rebels by\\nChristian bretliren and their heathen allies, f\\nDoddridge, 237.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Withers Border Warfare, 15L\\nt Stone, vol. p. ISu.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "164 British offer bounties for scalps. 1775.\\nIn Kentucky, meanwhile, Indian hostilities had been unceasing-\\nIn illustration of this we give some passages from George R-\\nClark s Journal,*\\nMarch Gth, Thos. Shores and William Ray killed at the Shawanese\\nSpring. 7lh, the Indians attempted to c\\\\x% ofT from the fort a smal!\\nparty of our men a skirmish ensued we had four men wounded and\\nsome cattle killed. We killed and scalped one Indian, and wounded\\nseveral. 8ih, brought in corn from the different cribs until the 18ih day.\\n9th, express sent to the settlement, Ebenezer Corn Co. arrived\\nfrom Captain Linn on the Mississippi. 18th, a small party of Indians\\nkilled and scalped Hugh Wilson, about half a mile from the fort, near\\nnight, and escaped. 19ih, Archibald McNeal died of his wounds re-\\nceived on the 7th inst. 28th, a large party of Indians attacked the\\nstragglers about the fort, killed and scalped Garret Pandergrest, killed or\\ntook prisoner, Peter Flin.\\nJlpril 7ih, Indians killed one man at Boonesborough, and wounded\\none. 8ih, Sloner arrived with news from the settlement. 24th. forty\\nor fifty Indians attacked Boonesborough, killed and scalped Daniel Good-\\nman, wounded Captain Boone, Captain Todd, Mr. Hite and Mr. Stoner,\\nIndians, t is thought sustained much damage. 29th, Indians attacked\\nthe fort and killed ensign McConnell.\\nMay 6ih, Indians discovered placing themselves near the fort. A\\nfew shots exchanged no harm done.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 12th, John Cowan and Squire\\nBoone arrived from the settlement. 18ih, McGary and Haggin sent\\nexpress to Fort Pitt. 23d, John Todd Co. set off for the setdement.\\n23d, a large party of Indians attacked Boonesborough fort kept\\nwarm fire until 11 o clock at night; began it next morning, and kept a\\nwarm fire until midnight, attempting several times to burn the fort;\\nthree of our men were wounded not mortally; the enemy suffered\\nconsiderably. 26th, a party went out to hunt Indians; one wounded\\nSquire Boone, and escaped. 30th, Indians attacked Logan s Fort j\\nkilled and scalped William Hudson, wounded Burr Harrison and John\\nKennedy.\\nJune 5th, Harrod and Elliot went to meet Colonel Bowman Co.~\\nGlen and Laird arrived from Cumberland Daniel Lyons, who parted\\nwith them on Green River, we suppose was killed going into Logan s\\nFort. John Peters and Elisha Baihey we expect were killed coming\\nhome from Cumberland. 13lh, Burr Harrison died of his wounds re-\\nceived the 30th of May. 22d, Barney Stagner, Sen. killed and behead-\\ned half a mile from the fort. A few guns fired at Boone s.\\nSee also extracts from another journal of the same period in Cist s Cincinnati Miscel\\nlany, ii, 138,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "1777. Condition of Kentucky. 1:65\\nJuly 9th, Lieutenant Linn married; great merriment. 11th, Harrod\\nreturned. 23d, express leturned from Pittsburgh.\\nAugust 1st, Colonel Bowman arrived at Boonesborough. 5lh, sur-\\nrounded ten or twelve Indians near the fort; killed three and wounded\\nothers; the plunder was sold for upwards of \u00c2\u00a370. 11th, John Hig-\\ngins died of a lingering disorder. 25th, Ambrose Grayson killed near\\nLogan s Fort, and two others wounded Indians escaped.\\nSeptember Sih, twenty-seven men set out for the settlement. 9th,\\nIndians discovered; a shot exchanged; nothing done. 11th, thirty-\\nseven men went to Joseph Bowman s for corn, while shelling they\\nwere fired on a skirmish ensued; Indians drew off, leaving two dead\\non the spot, and much blood; Eli Gerrard was killed on the spot and\\nsix others wounded. 12th, Daniel Bryan died of his wounds received\\nyesterday.*\\nAt times, the stations were assailed by large bodies of savages\\nat times, single settlers were picked off by single, skulking foes-\\nThe horses and cattle were driven away; the corn-fields remained\\nuncultivated the numbers of the whites became fewer and fewer,\\nand from the older settlements little or no aid came to the frontier\\nstations, until CJoL Bowman, in August, 1777, came from Virginia\\nwith one hundred men. It was a time of suffering and distress\\nthrough all the colonies, which was in most of them bravely\\nl)orne but none suffered more, or showed more courage and forti-\\ntude, than the settlers of the West. Their conduct has excited\\nless admiration out of their own section than that of Marion, and\\nmen like him, because their struggles had less apparent connection\\nwith the great cause of American independence. But who shall\\nsay what would have become of the resistance of the colonies, had\\nEngland been able to pour from Canada her troops upon the rear\\nof the rebels, assisted, as she would have been, by all the Indian\\nnations? It may have been the contests before the stations of\\nKentucky, and Clark s bold incursions into Illinois and against\\nVincennes, which turned the oft tottering fortunes of the great\\nstruggle.\\nBut, however we may think of this point, we cannot doubt the\\npicturesque and touching character of many incidents of Western\\nhistory during the years from 1777 to 1780. Time has not yet\\nso mellowed their features as to give them an air of romance pre-\\ncisely but the essence of romance is in them. In illustration, we\\nJMorehead s Address, jp. 162.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "166 James Ray supplies liarrodshurgJi. 1777.\\nwill mention one or two of these incidents, familiar enough in the\\nWest, but still worthy of repetition.\\nOne of the eminent men of Kentucky in those and later times\\nwas General James Ray. While yet a boy, he had proved\\nhimself able to outrun the best of the Indian warriors; and it was\\nwhen but seventeen years of age that he performed the service\\nfor a distressed garrison of which we are about to speak. It\\nwas in the winter of 1776-7, a winter of starvation. Ray lived\\nat Harrodsburgh, which, like the other stations, was destitute of\\ncorn. There was game enough in the woods around, but there\\nwere also Indians more than enough, and had the sound of a\\ngun been heard in the neighborhood of a station, it would have\\ninsured the death of the one who discharged it. Under these cir-\\ncumstances, Ray resolved to hunt at a distance. There was one\\nhorse left of a drove of forty, which Major McGary had brought\\nto the West an old horse, faithful and strong, but not fitted to\\nrun the gauntlet through the forest. Ray took this solitary nag,\\nand before day-dawn, day by day, and week by week, rode noise-\\nlessly along the runs and rivers until he was far enough to hunt\\nwith safety then he killed his game, and by night, or in the dusk\\nof the evening, retraced his steps. And thus the garrison lived\\nby the daring labors of this stripling of seventeen. Older hunters\\ntried his plan, and were discovered; but he, by his sagacity,\\nboldness, care, and skill, safely pursued his disinterested and\\ndangerous employment, and succeeded in constantly avoiding the\\nperils that beset him. We do not think that Boone or any one\\never showed more perfectly the qualities of a superior woodsman\\nthan did Ray through that winter.\\nIf any one did, however, it was surely Benjamin Logan, in the\\nspring of that same year. Logan, as we have seen, crossed the\\nmountains with Henderson, in 1775, and was of course one of the\\noldest settlers. In May, 1777, the fort at which Logan lived, was\\nsurrounded by Indians, more than a hundred in number and so\\nsilently had they made their approach, that the first notice which\\nthe garrison had of their presence was a discharge of firearms\\nupon some men who were guarding the women as they milked\\nthe cows outside the station. One was killed, a second mortally\\nwounded, and a third, named Harrison, disabled. This poor\\nman, unable to aid himself, lay in sight of the fort, where his\\nwife, who saw his condition, was begging some one to go to his\\nrelief. But to attempt such a thing seemed madness for whoever", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "1777. Heroism of Logan. 167\\nventured from either side into the open ground, where Harrison\\nlav writhing and groaning, would instantly become a target for\\nall the sharpshooters of the opposite party. For some moments\\nLogan stood it pretty well he tried to persuade himself and the\\npoor woman who was pleading to him, that his duty required him\\nto remain within the walls and let the savages complete their\\nbloody work. But such a heart as his was too warm to be long\\nrestrained by arguments and judicious expediency and suddenly\\nturning to his men, he cried, Come, boys, who s the man to\\nhelp me in with Harrison? There were brave men there, but to\\nrun into certain death in order to save a man whom, after all,\\nthey could not save, it was asking too much; and all shook\\ntheir heads, and shrunk back from the mad proposal. Not one\\nnot one of you help a poor fellow to save his scalp Why,\\nwhat s the good. Captain to let the red rascals kill us wont help\\nHarrison At last, one, half inspired by Logan s impetuous\\ncourage, agreed to go; he could die but once, he said, and\\nwas about as ready, then, as he should ever be. The gate was\\nslightly opened, and the two doomed men stepped out instantly\\na tempest of rifle balls opened upon them, and Logan s compa-\\nnion rapidly reasoning himself into the belief that he was not so\\nready to die as he had believed, bolted back into the station.\\nNot so his noble-hearted leader. Alone, through that tempest, he\\nsprang forward to where the wounded man lay, and while his hat,\\nhunting-shirt, and hair were cut and torn by the ceaseless shower,\\nhe lifted his comrade like a child in his arms, and regained the\\nfort without a scratch.\\nBut this rescue of a fellow-being, though worthy of record in\\nimmortal verse, was nothing compared with what this same Ben-\\njamin Logan did soon after. The Indians continued their siege;\\nstill they made no impression, but the garrison were running short\\nof powder and ball, and none could be procured except by cross-\\ning the mountains. To do this, the neighboring forest must be\\npassed, thronging with Indians, and a journey of some hundred\\nmiles accomplished along a path every portion of which might be\\nwaylaid, and at last the fort must be re-entered with the articles so\\nmuch needed. Surely, if ever an enterprise seemed hopeless, it\\nwas this one, and yet the thing must be tried. Logan pondered\\nthe matter carefully he calculated the distance, not less than four\\nhundred miles in and back he estimated the aid from other quar-\\nters and in the silence of night asked wisdom and guidance from", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "168 Logan goes for powder to the Holston. 1777.\\nGod. Nor did he ask in vain wisdom was given him. At\\nnight, with two picked companions, he stole from the station,\\nevery breath hushed. The summer leaves were thick above\\nthem, and with the profoundest care and skill, Logan guided his\\nfollowers from tree to tree, from run to run, unseen by the savages,\\nwho dreamed not, probably, of so dangerous an undertaking.\\nQuickly but most cautiously pushing eastward, walking forty or\\nfifty miles a day, the three woodsmen passed onward till the Cum-\\nberland range was in sight; then, avoiding the Gap, which they\\nsupposed would be watched by Indians, over those rugged hills,\\nwhere man had never climbed before, they forced their way with\\nuntiring energy and a rapidity to us, degenerate as we are,\\ninconceivable. The mountains crossed, and the valley of the\\nHolston reached, Logan procured his ammunition, and then turned\\nalone on his homeward track, leaving his two companions, with\\nfull directions, to follow him more slowly with the lead and\\npowder. He returned before them, because he wished to revive\\nthe hopes of his little garrison in the wilderness, numbering as it\\ndid, in his absence, only ten men, and they without the means of\\ndefence. He feared they would yield, if he delayed an hour; so,\\nback, like a chamois, he sped, over those broken and precipitous\\nranges, and actually reached and re-entered his fort in ten days\\nfrom the time he left it, safe and full of hope. Such a spirit\\nwould have made even women dare and do every thing, and by\\nhis influence the siege was still resisted till the ammunition came\\nsafe to hand. From May till September that little band was thus\\nbeset; then Colonel Bowman relieved them. In the midst of that\\nsummer, as George Rogers Clark s journal has it, Lieutenant\\nLinn was married great merriment! This was at Harrods-\\nburgh, near by Logan s station. Such was the frontier life!\\nIt was a trying year, 1777, for those little forts in the wilder-\\nness. At the close of it, three settlements only existed in the\\ninterior, Harrodsburgh, Boonesborough, and Logans and of\\nthese three the whole military population was but one hundred\\nand two in number I\\nNor was it in Kentucky alone that the Indians were busy.\\nThrough the spring and summer constant attacks were made upon\\nthe settlements in the neighborhood of Wheeling. At this point,\\nas we have already said, the Zanes had settled in 1770, and here\\nin 1774, Connolly, or the settlers, by his direction, had built a fort\\nSee Butler, Marshall, McClung, c.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "1777. /Wheeling attacked. 169\\ncalled Fort FIncastle* the name of the western county of Vir-\\nginia. In this a body of men was left by Lord Dunmore, when\\nhe made his treaty with the Shawanese,t and through the\\nwhole of 1775 and 1776 it was occupied by more or fewer\\nsoldiers; indeed, in those times all men were soldiers, and\\nhostility from the Indians daily anticipated. This fort in 1776\\nwas called, in honor of the eloquent governor of Virginia,\\nFort Henry,! the central point between Fort Pitt and the\\nworks at the mouth of Kenawha. In the early autumn of 1777,\\nword from friendly Indians, perhaps the Christian Delawares, of\\nthe Muskingum, or perhaps from Isaac Zane, the brother of the\\nWheeling settlers, reached General Hand, who commanded at\\nFort Pitt, informing him that a large body of the north-western\\nIndians was preparing to attack the posts of the Upper Ohia.\\nThese news were quickly spread abroad, and all were watching\\nwhere the blow would come. On the evening of September 26,\\nsmoke was seen by those near Wheeling, down the river, and was\\nsupposed to proceed from the burning of the block-house at Grave\\ncreek, and the people of the vicinity taking the alarm, betook\\nthemselves to the fort. Within its walls were forty-two fighting\\nmen, of various ages and gifts these were well supplied with\\nguns, both rifles and muskets, but had only a scant supply of gun-\\npowder, as the event proved. The night of the 26th passed with-\\nout alarm, but when very early upon the 27th two men, who were\\nsent out for horses, in order to alarm the settlements near by, had\\nproceeded some distance from the fort, they met a party of six\\nsavages, by whom one of them was shot. The commandant of the\\npost. Col. Shepherd, learning from the survivor that there were\\nbut six of the assailants, sent a party of fifteen merv to see to them.\\nThese were suffered to march after the six, who seem to have\\nbeen meant merely for a decoy, until they were within the Indian\\nlines, when, suddenly, in front, behind, and on every side, the\\npainted warriors showed themselves. The little band fought\\nbravely against incalculable odds, but of the fifteen three only\\nescaped, and they by means of the brush and logs which were in\\nthe corn field where the skirmish took place. As soon as the\\nGeorge R. Clarke is said to have planned it. (American Pioneer, ii. 303.)\\nt American Archives, 4th series, ii. 1189,\\nI American Pioneer, ii. 304.\\nI Isaac Zane was with the Wyandots from the time he was nine years old. (Americfla\\nState Papers, xvi, 93 121.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "170 Sketch of Simon Girty, the white Indian. 1777.\\nposition of the first band was seen at the fort thirteen others\\nrushed to their assistance, and shared their fate. Then, and it\\nwas not yet sunrise, the whole body of Indians, disposed in some-\\nwhat martial order, appeared regularly to invest the devoted fort.\\nThere were nearly four hundred of them, and of the defenders but\\ntwelve men and boys unless indeed we count women, than whomj\\nas we shall see, none were braver or calmer within the walls of that\\nlittle fortress.\\nThe Indians were led by Simon Girty,* who was acting as an\\nAs this is the first time we have had occasion to speak of this far-famed white Indian,\\nwe introduce from the writings of Judge Campbell, the best account of the family that\\nwe have met with. See also Hesperian, September and October, 1838 and Index to this\\nvolume.\\nPerhaps there was no part of America so highly prized by the aboriginals as Kentucky.\\nTo them its importance consisted not so much in the fertility of soil as in the abundance\\nof game which it afforded. Indeed, by common consent, they abstained from occupying\\nit with their families, reserving it exclusively for a great hunting ground. The intermina-\\nble cane-brakes and numerous licks, yielded subsistence to such vast herds of buffaloes\\nand deer, as have never been seen elsewhere.\\nIt is not at all astonishing that the Indians should have defended, with great obstinacy,\\na country so dear to them, against the incursions of the whites. That they were vigilant,\\nactive and cruel cannot be denied. They were provoked to a degree of phrenzy, which\\nled to acts of daring and outrage shocking to humanity. In their atrocities they had the\\naid and countenance of the Girtys, of whom a brief account will be given.\\nGirty, the father, was an emigrant from Ireland, about eighty years ago, if report can\\nbe relied on. He settled in Pennsylvania where that liberty which he sought degenerated\\nin his possession into the basest licentiousness. His hours were wasted in idleness and\\nbeastly intemperance. Nothing ranked higher in his estimation, or so entirely com-\\nmanded his regard, as a jug of whiskey. Grog was his song and grog would he have.\\nHis sottishness turned his wife s affection. Ready for seduction, she yielded her heart to\\na neighboring rustic, who, to remove all obstacles to their wishes, knocked Girty on the\\nhead and bore off the trophy of his prowess.\\nHe left four sons, Thomas, Simon, George and James. The three latter were taken\\nprisoners by the Shawanese, Delawares, and Senecas, in that war which developed the\\nmilitary talents of General Washington. George was adopted by the Delawares, and\\ncontinued with them until his death. He became a perfect savage his manners being\\nentirely Indian. To consummate cunning he added the most fearless intrepidity. He\\nfought in the battles of Kenhawa, Blue Licks, and Sandusky, and gained himself much\\ndistinction for skill and bravery. In his latter years, like his father, he gave himself up\\nto intemperance, and died drunk, about twenty-five years ago, on the Miami of the Lake.\\nSimon was adopted by the Senecas, and became as expert a hunter as any of them. In\\nKentucky and Ohio, he sustained the reputation of an unrelenting barbarian. Forty-five\\nyears ago, with his name was associated every thing cruel and fiend -like. To the women\\nand children in particular, nothing was more terrifying than the name of Simon Girty. At\\nthat time, it was believed by many, that he had fled from justice and sought refuge among\\nthe Indians, determined to do his countrymen all the harm in his power. This impression\\nwas an erroneous one. It is true he joined the Indians in their wars with the whiles and\\ncpnformed to their usages. This was the education he had received, and those who were\\nthe foes of his red brethren were his foes. Although trained in all his pursuits as an\\nIndian, it is said to be a fact, susceptible of proof, that through his importunities, many\\nprisoners were saved from death. His influence was great, and when he chose to be\\nmerciful, it was generally in his power to protect the imploring captive.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "1777. Fort Henry attacked hy Girty and his party. 171\\nagent for the British in the attempt to secure the aid of a part, at\\nany rate, of the frontier men, in the revolutionary struggle.\\nFort Henry stood immediately upon the bank of the Ohio about\\na quarter of a mile above the mouth of Wheeling Creek between\\nit and the steep river hill which every traveller in the west is\\nacquainted with, were twenty or thirty log huts. When Girt}\\nthen, as we have said, led his red troops against the fort, he at\\nonce took possession of the houses of the village as a safe and\\nready-made line of attack, and from the window of one of the\\ncabins called upon the little garrison to surrender to King George,\\nand promised absolution to all who would do so. Colonel Shep-\\nherd answered at once that they would neither desert nor yield\\nand when Girty recommenced his eloquence, a shot from some\\nimpatient listener suddenly stopped his mouth. Then commenced\\nthe siege. It was just sunrise in the quiet valley, through which\\nthe quiet autumnal river flowed as peacefully as if war was never\\nknown. A calm, warm, bright September day; one of those\\ndays most lovely among the many pleasant ones of a year in the\\nOhio valley. And from sunrise till noon, and from noon till\\nnight of that day, the hundreds of besiegers and units of besieged\\nabout and within Fort Henry, ceased not to load and discharge\\nmusket or rifle till it was too hot to hold. About noon the fire of\\nHis reputation was that of an honest man. In the payment of his debts he was scru-\\npulously exact. Knowing and duly appreciating integrity, he fulfilled his engagements to\\nthe last cent. It is stated that on one occasion he sold his horse rather than incur the\\nodium of violating his promise.\\nHe was a great lover of rum. Nothing could afford him more joy than a keg of this\\nbeverage. When intoxicated, in abuse he was indiscriminate, sparing neither friends nor\\nfoes. Then it was, he had no compassion in his heart. Although much disabled by the\\nrheumatism for the last ten years of his life, he rode to his hunting grounds in pursuit of\\ngame. Suffering the most excruciating pains, he often boasted of his war-like spirit. It\\nwas his constant wish that he might breathe his last in battle. So it happened. He was\\nat Proctor s defeat on the river Thames, and was cut to pieces by Colonel Johnson s\\nmounted men.\\nJames Girty fell into the hands of the Shawanese, who adopted him as a son. As he\\napproached manhood he became dextrous in all the arts of savage life. To the most\\nsanguinary spirit, he added all the vices of the depraved frontiersmen with whom he\\nfrequently associated.\\nIt is represented that he often visited Kentucky at the time of its first settlement,\\nmany of the inhabitans feeling the effects of his courage and cruelty. Neither age nor\\nsex found mercy at his hand. His delight was in carnage. When unable to walk, in\\nconsequence of disease, he laid low, with his hatchet, captive women and children who\\ncame within his reach. Traders who were acquainted with him, say, so furious was he\\nthat he would not have turned on his heel to save a prisoner from the flames. His plea-\\nsure was to see new and refined tortures inflicted and to perfect this gratification he\\nfrequently gave directions. To this barbarian are to be attributed mnny of the cruelties\\ncharged upon his brother Simon. Yet this monster was caressed by Elliott and Proctor.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "172 Elizabeth Zane procures Powder. 1777.\\nthe attackers slackened, and then as powder was scarce in the fort,\\nand it was remembered that a keg was concealed in the house of\\nEbenezer Zane, some sixty yards distant, it was determined to\\nmake an effort to obtain it. When the question, Who will go?\\nwas proposed, however, so many competitors appeared that time\\nwas wasted in adjusting claims to what was almost sure death.\\nThe rest of the story we must let Mr. Geo. S. McKiernan, from\\nwhom we take our whole account nearly, tell in his own words.\\nAt this crisis, a young lady, the sister of Ebenezer and Silas Zane,\\ncame forward and desired that she might be permitted to execute the\\nservice. This proposition seemed so extravagant that it met with a\\nperemptory refusal; but she instanlly renewed her petition in terms of\\nredoubled earnestness, and all the remonstrances of the colonel and her\\nrelatives failed to dissuade her from her heroic purpose. It was finally\\nrepresented to her that either of the young men, on account of his su-\\nperior fleetness and familiarity witli scenes of danger, would be more\\nlikely than herself to do the work successfully. She replied, that the\\ndanger which would attend the enterprize was the identical reason that\\ninduced her to offer her services, for, as the garrison was very weak, no\\nsoldier s life should be placed in needless jeopardy, and that if she were\\nto fall the loss would not be felt. Her petition was ultimately granted,\\nand the gate opened for her to pass out. The opening of the gate ar-\\nrested the attention of several Indians who were straggling through the\\nvillage. It was noticed that their eyes were upon her as she crossed the\\nopen space to reach her brother s house but seized, perhaps, with a\\nsudden freak of clemency, or believing that a woman s life was not\\nworth a load of gunpowder, or influenced by some other unexplained\\nmotive, they permitted her to pass without molestation. When she\\nreappeared with the powder in her arms, the Indians, suspecting, no\\ndoubt, the character of her burden, elevated their firelocks and dis-\\ncharged a volley at her as she swiftly glided towards the gate but the\\nballs all flew wide of the mark, and the fearless girl reached the fort in\\nsafety with her prize.*\\nThe allies of Britain, finding rifles powerless when used against\\nwell-built block-houses and pickets, determined upon trying an ex-\\ntemporary cannon, and having bound a hollow maple with chains,\\nhaving bored a touch hole, and plugged up one end, they loaded\\nit liberally and levelled it at the gate of the impregnable castle.\\nIt was now evening, and the disappointed Wyandots gathered\\nabout their artillery, longing to see its loading of stones open to\\nSee American Pioneer, vol. ii. p. 309.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "1777. Escape of Major McCoUoch. 173\\nthem the door of the American citadel. The match was applied\\nbursting into a thousand pieces the cannon of Girty tore, maimed,\\nand killed his copper-colored kinsfolk, but hurt none else.*\\nDuring that night many of the assailants withdrew disheartened.\\nOn the morning of the 28th, fifteen men came from Cross creek\\nto the aid of Fort Henry, and forty-one from Short creek. Of\\nthese all entered the fort except Major McColloch, the leader of\\nthe Short creek volunteers. He was separated from his men, and\\nat the mercy of the natives, and here again we prefer to use the\\nwords of Mr. McKiernan.\\nFrom the very commencement of the war, his reputation as an Indian\\nhunter was as great, if not greater, than that of any white man on the\\nnorth-westeru border. He had participated in so many rencounters tha4\\nalmost every warrior possessed a knowledge of his person. Among\\nthe Indians his name was a word of terror they cherished against him\\nfeelings of the most phrensied hatred, and there was not a Mingo or\\nWyandot chief before Fort Henry who would not have given the lives\\nof twenty of his warriors to secure to himself the living body of Major\\nMcColloch. When, therefore, the man whom they had long marked\\nout as the first object of their vengeance, appeared in their midst, they\\nmade almost superhuman efforts to acquire possession of his person.\\nThe fleetness of McColloch s well-trained steed was scarcely greater\\nthan that of his enemies, who, with flying strides, moved on in pursuit,\\nAi length the hunter reached the top of the hill, and, turning to the left,\\ndarted along the ridge with the intention of making the best of his way\\nto Short Creek. A ride of a few hundred yards in that direction\\nbrought him suddenly in contact with a party of Indians who were re-\\nturning to their camp from a marauding excursion to Mason s Bottom,\\non the eastern side of the hill. This party being too formidable in\\nnumbers to encounter single-handed, the major turned his horse about\\nand rode over his own trace, in the hope of discovering some other\\navenue to escape. A few paces only of his countermarch had been\\nmade, when he found himself confronted by his original pursuers, who\\nhad, by this time, gained the top of the ridge, and a third party was\\ndiscovered pressing up the hill directly on his right. He was now\\ncompletely hemmed in on three sides, and the fourth was almost a per-\\npendicular precipice of one hundred and fifty feet descent, with Wheel-\\ning Creek at its base. The imminence of his danger allowed him but\\nlilUe time to reflect upon his situation. In an instant he decided upon\\nThis incident, and the heroic act of Elizabeth Zane, are placed by Withers in the\\nsiege of Fort Henry in 1782 (Border Warfare, 263. 264.) We follow the writer in the\\\\\\nPioneer, who is represented as an accurate man Withers was not always eo.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0-T-", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "174 Kentuc/cians choose Burgesses. 1777.\\nhis course. Supporting his rifle in his left hand and carefully adjusting\\nhis reins with the other, he urged his horse to the brink of the bluff,\\nand then made the leap which decided his fate. In the next moment the\\nnoble steed, still bearing his intrepid rider in safety, was at the foot of\\nthe precipice. McCoUoch immediately dashed across the creek, and\\nwas soon beyond the reach of the Indians.*\\nFinding all attempts to take the fort fruitless, the Indians killed\\nall the stock, including more than three hundred cattle, burned\\nhouses and fences, and destroyed every article of furniture.\\nOf the forty-two men who had been in the fort, twenty-five were\\nkilled, all outside of the walls; of the savages probably one hun-\\ndred perished, f\\nBut notwithstanding the dangers and difficulties which sur-\\nrounded them during 1777, the pioneers of the West held steadily\\nto their purposes, and those of Kentucky being now a component\\npart of the citizens of Virginia, proceeded to exercise their civil\\nprivileges, and in April elected John Todd and Richard Gallaway,\\nburgesses to represent them in the Assembly of the parent State.\\nEarly in the following September the first court was held in Har-\\nrodsburg; and Col. Bowman, who, as we have mentioned, had\\narrived from the settlements in August, was placed at the head\\nof a regular military organization which had been commenced the\\nMarch previous. Thus, within herself, feeble as she was, Ken-\\ntucky was organizing and her chief spirit, he that had represented\\nher beyond the mountains the year before, was meditating another\\ntrip to Williamsburg, for the purpose of urging a bolder and more\\ndecided measure than any yet proposed. He understood the whole\\ngame of the British. He saw that it was through their possession\\nof Detroit, Vincennes, Kaskaskia and the other western posts\\nwhich gave them easy and constant access to the Indian tribes of\\nthe north-west that the British hoped to effect such an union of\\nthe wild men as would annihilate the frontier fortresses. He\\nknew that the Delawares were divided in feeling, and the Shawa-\\nnese but imperfectly united in favor of England, ever since the\\nmurder of Cornstalk. He was convinced that could the British in\\nthe north-west be defeated and expelled, the natives might be\\neasily awed or bribed into neutrality; and by spies sent for the\\nAmerican Pioneer, vol. ii. p. 312.\\ntSee Withers Border Warfare, 160. American Pioneer, ii. 302-314-339. The usual\\n(lito of the -ittnck is Scpteiubcr 1. Mr. M-jKiciiian g es good authority for his dates,\\nwhich we follow.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "1777. Clark proposes to conquer tltinois. 175\\npurpose, and who were absent from April 20 to June 22d, he had\\nsatisfied himself that an enterprise against the Illinois settlements\\nmight easily succeed. Having made up his mind, on the 1st\\nof October, he left Harrodsburg for the East, and reached the\\ncapital of Virginia November the 5th. Opening his mind to no\\none, he watched with care the state of feeling among those in\\npower, waiting the proper moment to present his scheme. Fortu-\\nnately, while he was upon his road, on the 17th of October, Bur-\\ngoyne had surrendered, and hope was again predominant in the\\nAmerican councils. When therefore the western soldier, upon\\nthe 10th of December, broke the subject of his proposed expe-\\ndition against the forts on the far distant Mississippi, to Patrick\\nHenry, who was still governor, he met wuth a favorable hearing,\\nand though doubts and fears arose by degrees, yet so well digested\\nwere his plans, that he was able to meet each objection, and\\nremove every seeming impossibility. Already the necessity of\\nsecuring the western posts had been presented to the consideration\\nof Congress as early as April 29, 1776, the committee on Indian\\naffairs were instructed to report upon the possibility of taking De-\\ntroit and again, upon the 20th of November, 1777, a report was\\nmade to that body, in which this necessity was urged, and also\\nthe need that existed, of taking some measure to prevent the spirit\\nof disaffection from spreading among the frontier inhabitants.!\\nThree commissioners also were chosen to go to Fort Pitt, for the\\npurpose of inquiring into the causes of the frontier difficulties, and\\ndoing what could be done to secure all the whites to the American\\ncause, to cultivate the friendship of the Shawanese and Delawares,\\nand to concert with General Hand some measures for pushing the\\nwar westward, so as to obtain possession of Detroit and other posts.\\nGeneral Washington was also requested to send Colonel William\\nCrawford, an old pioneer, to take the active command in the\\nWest; and he accordingly left head quarters upon the 25th.\\nAll this, as we shall see by and by, ended in nothing, but it\\nproved the correctness of Clark s views, and aided, we may sup-\\npose in convincing those who ruled in the Ancient Dominion that\\ntheir glory and interest, as well as the safety of the whole frontier\\ncountry, were deeply involved in the success of the bold plan of\\nthe founder of Kentucky.\\nAnd here, before proceeding to narrate the steps taken by Clark\\nSecret Journals i. 43.\\nt Old Journals, vol. ii. p. 340,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "176 Condition of Illinois. 11^2 to 1111,\\nto reduce the Illinois and other British posts of the north-west, it\\nwill be proper to bring up the scant and simple annals of that por-\\ntion of our country from 1750, when Vivier wrote respecting them,\\nto the period at which we have now arrived.\\nThe settlements along the Mississippi, from 1750 to 1762, ex-\\nperienced few changes with which we are acquainted.* On the\\n3d of the month of November of the year last named, the prelim-\\ninary articles of peace between Great Britain, France, Spain and\\nPortugal, which resulted in the peace of Paris, of February 10th,\\n1763, were signed at Fontainbleau on that day also, by a secret act\\nof cession the French king gave to Spain all of Louisiana (west of\\nthe Mississippi,!) together with New Orleans and the island on\\nwhich it is situated. The command of this territory, however,\\nwas not given over by the officers of France until directed to do\\nso by an order dated April 21, 1764. The regions east of the\\nMississippi, including all the various towns of the north-west,\\nwere by the same peace-making given over to England but they\\ndo not appear to have been taken possession of by that power\\nuntil 1765, when Captain Stirling, in the name of the majesty of\\nEngland, established himself at Fort Chartres, bearing with him\\nthe proclamation of General Gage, dated December 30, 1764,\\nwhich promised freedom of religious worship to the western\\nCatholics, a right to leave the country with their effects if they\\nwished, or to remain with the privileges of Englishmen. During\\nsome years, differences occurred between the British rulers and\\nFrench inhabitants, and many of the latter crossed the river into\\nthe dominions of Spain so that when Captain Pittman visited\\nthe Illinois, in 1770, Kaskaskia contained only sixty-five\\nresident families, and Cahokia only forty-five dwellings. Still\\nat that time^ one man furnished the king s stores from his crop,\\n86,000 lbs. of flour. Soon after this we find General Gage issu-\\ning his proclamation of April, 1772, against interlopers on the\\nWabash, at St. Vincent and elsewhere, which led to a protest on\\nSome account of the Illinois in 175G may be found in the travels of Bossu, translated\\nby J. R. Forster, London, 1771. 2 vols.\\nt This was intended, but not stated. See order to Mons. D Abbadie, Land Laws 976.\\nLand Laws, 918. Brown s Illinois, 212.\\n[Pittman s present state of English Settlements on the Mississippi. (London, 1770)\\np. 43.\\nPittman, p. 43. On p. 55 this writer says a man in Illinois could have been fed and\\nlodged the year round for two months work the one in seed-time, the other in harvest.\\nIn 1769, Hutchins (Geographical Description, 43) says the Illinois produced 110 Hhds. of\\nwine.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "1762-1777. Condition of Illinois. 177\\nthe part of the old inhabitants in the following September, this pro-\\ntest the General replied to by requiring the name of every person\\nat St. Vincents, with all the details of each one s claim.* These\\nclaims at the time of the Revolution passed, as did those from the\\nposts further west, into the hands of the United States Govern-\\nment, and were by them equitably adjusted, although it was by\\nno means an easy matter to do so, as the claims finally existing\\nhad arisen in various ways some from grants by the old French\\ncommandants, others from those by the British officers, who suc-\\nceeded in the government of Illinois, others by purchase from the\\nIndians, and others again under promises made by the old con-\\nfederation. Many of these claims were supported by scarce any\\nproof, most of the old records having been destroyed and others\\nwere upheld only by perjury, which seems to have been easily\\nprocured when needed. Among the cases w^hich appear most\\nembarrassing were those of the Illinois and Wabash Go s, who,\\nin July, 1773, and October, 1775, had bought of the Indians\\nthree immense and most valuable tracts of land in what are now\\nthe States of Illinois and Indiana, upon the Illinois, Mississippi,\\nOhio and Wabash rivers. The purchases were made by William\\nMurray, for himself and others, at open councils held at Kaskaskia\\nand St. Vincent, in the presence of the British officers, and which\\nlasted for several weeks. From these meetings ardent spirits\\nwere entirely excluded, and the savages, in return for their deeds,\\nreceived goods to the value of fifty thousand dollars. The British\\ngovernment, however, under the pressure of the time, did not\\nconfirm the proceedings, although Lord Dunmore was one of the\\nleaders of the Wabash Company and when, after the Revolution,\\nthe purchasers presented their claim to the United States, which\\nthey did several times, it was not granted. Congress taking the\\nground that the purchase from the natives was in contempt of the\\nProclamation of 1763, and could not be recognized. Upon the\\nsame ground the vast tract in the north-west, which Jonathan Car-\\nver, the old traveller, alledged a title to, as having been purchased\\nof the Sioux, w^as considered as in no degree his, even though he-\\nhad been able to show a fair title, (independent of the proclama-\\ntion,) which, as it happened, he was not able to do. There are\\nmany voluminous reports in relation to these matters in the Amer-\\nican State papers, which may be found by turning to the Index of\\nLand Laws, 948-949. For Gage s Proclamation, see American State Papers, xvii. 209,\\n12", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "178 Condition of Illinois. 1762 to 1777.\\nthose volumes a few of them we refer to below.* Among those\\nreferred to, that on page 108, is a very able and full argument in\\nfavor of the Illinois and Wabash Companies, (which had been\\nunited in 1780,) a paper probably prepared by Robert Goodloe\\nHarper.\\nIn Hutchins Topography of Virginia, c., we find it stated\\nthat Kaskaskia contained 80 houses, and nearly 1000 white and\\nblack inhabitants; the whites being a little the most numerous.\\nCahokia is stated at 50 houses and 300 white inhabitants, with\\n80 negroes. He also estimates east of the Mississippi, 300 white\\nmen capable of bearing arms, and 230 negroes. This last calcu-\\nlation is made for 1771, and although Hutchins did not publish\\nhis work until 1778, we presume his calculations all apply to a\\nperiod anterior to the commencement of the Revolutionary War.\\nFrom 1775 until the expedition by Clark, we find nothing re-\\ncorded, and know nothing of the condition of the Illinois settle-\\nments beyond what is contained in the following extract from a\\nreport made by a committee to Congress in June, 1788.\\nNear the mouth of the river Kaskaskies, there is a village which ap-\\npears to have contained nearly eighty families, from the beginning of the-\\nlate revolution. There are twelve families in a small village at la Prairie\\ndu Rochers, and near fifty families at the Kahokia village. There are\\nalso four or five families at Fort Chartres and St. Philip s, which is five\\nmiles further up the river.t\\nSuch were the posts against which Clark was to march. But\\nin the immediate neighorhood of those posts was the young\\nand promising, though while under Spanish rule by no means\\nthriving, colony of which St. Louis| was the central point a brief\\nhistory of which, (drawn almost entirely from the report of J. N.\\nNicollet made to Congress, in 1843,) seems also appropriate at\\nthis point.\\nThe country west of the Mississippi was secretly given over by\\nFrance to Spain, November 3, 1762, the order on the French\\nGovernor, Mons. D Abbudie, to deliver up his command, was\\ndrawn on the 21st of April, 1764. Meantime a company of mer-\\nSee American State Papers, xvii. 123 to 240. 108. 253. xviii. 551. 611. See also\\ncase of Johnson vs. Mcintosh. Wheaton s Reports, viii. 543.\\nSee Land Laws, 393. [Volney, (view, 381,) says that Colonel Sargent, in 1790, esti-\\nmated the French families in Illinois at 150.]\\nt Or Pancorcj sec Volncy s View, 381.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "3762 1777. Condition of Missouri. 179\\ny\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0chants, headed by a Mr. Laclede, had obtained the monopoly of\\nthe Indian fur-trade on the Mississippi and Missouri rivers, and an\\nexpedition was fitted out to form establishments, and open com-\\nmercial relations with the natives. Says Nicollet\\nMr. Laclede, the principal projector of the company, and withal a\\nman of great intelligence and enterprise, was placed in charge of the\\nexpedition. Leaving New Orleans on the 3d of August, 1763, he\\narrived at St. Genevieve three months afterwards namely, on the 3d\\nof November.\\nAt this time, the French establishments were on the east side of the\\nMississippi, particularly those made in Illinois. The small village of\\nSt. Genevieve alone v/as on the right side, in which Mr. Laclede could\\nscarcely find a house of sufficient size to store a fourth part of his\\ncargo. On the other hand, the director general of Louisiana had\\nreceived orders to deliver up the territory on the west side of the river\\nso that the British authorities might be expected at any moment,\\npresenting themselves to take possession of it. In the midst of these\\ndifficulties, Mr. Laclede, greatly embarrassed under the new aspect of\\nthings, found himself, however, relieved when the commanding officer,\\nMr. NeyoK^ de Villiers, allowed him the use of the store at Fort\\nChartres; until the final surrender of the place. Laclede gladly\\naccepted the ofler, and lost no time in apportioning his squad and dis-\\ntributing his flotilla along the rivers, so as to render them most efleclive\\neither for defence or for trade.\\nHaving accomplished that preliminary arrangement, it became neces-\\nsary to look out for the position of a central establishment. The left\\nbank of the river no longer presented any fit situation, since the whole\\nteriitory of Illinois had been passed over to the British Government\\nthe village of St. Genevieve, on the right bank, being his only alterna-\\ntive, and this situated at too great a distance from the mouth of the\\nMissouri. Mr. Laclede, therefore, left Fort Chartres, on a voyage of\\nexploration to the junction of this river with the Mississippi, and was\\nnot long before he discovered that the bluff upon which St. Louis now\\nstands was the spot that would best answer the purposes of the company.\\nDeferring, for the present, a more particular account of the geologi-\\ncal situation of St. Louis, it may be remarked in this place that the hill\\nupon which the city is situated is composed of limestone rocks, covered\\nby a deep deposite of alluvial soil of great fertility. The limestone\\nbluff rises to an elevation of about eighty feet over the usual recession\\nof the waters of the Mississippi, and is crowned by an upland, or\\nplateau, extending to the north and west, and presenting scarcely any\\nlimit to the foundation of a city entirely secure from the invasions of\\nthe river.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "180 Condition of Missouri. 1762\u00e2\u0080\u00941777.\\nIt was on this spot that the prescient mind of Mr. Laclede foresaw\\nand predicted the future importance of the town to which he gave the\\nname of St. Louis, and about which he discoursed, a few (lays after-\\nward, with so much enthusiasm, in presence of the officers at Fort\\nChartres. But winter had now set in, (December,) and the Mississippi\\nwas about to be closed by ice. Mr. Laclede could do no more than cut\\ndown some trees, and blaze others, to indicate the places Mhich he had\\nselected. Returning afterwards to the fort, where he spent the winter,\\nhe occupied himself in making every preparation for the establisliment\\nof the new colony.\\nAccordingly, at the breaking up of winter, he equipped a large boat,\\nwhich he manned with thirty hands. It is proper to mention, in this\\nplace, that Mr. Laclede was accompanied by two young Creoles of New\\nOrleans, Auguste and Pierre Chouteau, of high intelligence, in whom\\nhe reposed the greatest confidence, and from whom he derived much\\nassistance. These two young men, who never afterwards quitted the\\ncountry of their adoption, became in time the heads of numerous\\nfamilies; enjoying the highest respectability, the comforts of an hon-\\norably acquired affluence, the fruit of their own industry, and possessed\\nof a name which to this day, after a lapse of seventy years, is still a\\npassport that commands safety and hospitality among all the Indian\\nnations of the United States, north and west. Mr. Laclede gave the\\ncommand of his boat to Auguste, the elder of the two brothers, who\\ndied in 1826; and it is with mixed feelings of veneration and filial\\naffection that, at the moment of recording these events, (1842,) I have\\nthe satisfaction of believing that my respectable and esteemed friend,\\nPierre Chouteau, is still alive, in the full enjoyment of his faculties, at\\nthe ripe old age of 86 years.\\nAuguste Choteau, who had accompanied Mr. Laclede in his first\\nexcursion, was directed to carry out his plans and on tlie L5lh of\\nFebruary, 1764, had arrived at his point of destination, with all his\\nmen, whom he immediately set to work. The present old market-\\nplace of St. Louis is the spot where the first tents and log cabins were\\npitched, upon the site of this now important city of the West. Mr.\\nLaclede being detained at Fort Chartres in the settlement of his private\\naff*airs, and in anticipation of the arrival of the British troops, thought\\nit necessary, however, to pay a visit, early in the ensuing month of\\nApril, tn h\\\\s pioicers and, finding every thing in good train, contented\\nhimself with leaving such instructions as were best fitted to develop the\\nresources of the location, and returned to Fort Chartres, with the inten-\\ntion of removing thence the goods belonging to the company.*\\nFor some time, however, as the English did not appear, M.\\nLaclede remained at Fort Chartres, from the vicinity of which\\nNicollet s Report, pp. 70\u00e2\u0080\u009477.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "1762 1777. Condition of Missouri. 181\\nmany of the French, during the summer of 1764, removed to St.\\nLouis. This emigration was soon checked, however, by the\\nnews of the secret cession to His Catholic Majesty, which\\nnews left the unfortunate and simple hearted Frenchf of Illinois,\\ndeserted by their own monarch, to choose between the dominion\\nof England and Spain. The troubles which followed the attempt\\nof Spain to take possession of Lower Louisiana, for some time left\\nthe upper settlements in the hands of the French it was not,\\nindeed, till 1770, that Spain obtained final possession of St. Louis.\\nMeanwhile other towns were rising.\\nOf the state of St. Louis and its neighboring towns, about\\n1771, we may form some conception from the facts and estimates\\ngiven by Hutchins. At St. Genevieve he says there were 208\\nwhites and 80 negroes, capable of bearing arms and at St. Louis,\\n415 whites and 40 blacks. He further tells us there were 120\\nhouses in the town last named, mostly of stone, large and commo-\\ndious and the whole number of people he places at 800, besides\\n150 negroes; the whites being chiefly French. The population of\\nSt. Genevieve, he puts at 460, besides blacks. J\\nIn 1767, a man by the name of Delo Detergette settled upon a splen-\\ndid amphitheatre on the right bank of the Mississippi, six miles south\\nof St. Louis. He was soon followed by others but, as they were not\\noverburdened with wealth, they used to pay frequent visits to their\\nkinsfolk of St. Louis, who, on seeing them approach, would exclaim,\\nHere come the empty pockets, voila les poches vides qui vien-\\n?2en?. But, on some occasion, a wag remarked, You had better\\nc3l\\\\1 them emptier s of pockets, les vide-poches a compliment which\\nNicollet says (p. 82) that news of this cession reached New Orleans, April 21, 1764\\nthat was the date of the king s order, which was printed at New Orleans, in the follow-\\ning October. See Land Laws, 976.\\nThe following story, told by I^icollet, is very characteristic.\\nA genuine Missourian, it is related, was hovering for some time around the stall of\\na negro dealer, situated on the bank of the Mississippi, in Lovver Louisiana. The dealer\\nwas a Kentucky merchant, who, observing him, asked him if he wished to purchase any\\ntiling Yes, said the Missourian, I should like to buy a negro. He was invited\\nto walk in, made his choice, and inquired the price. Five hundred dollars, said the\\ndealer, but, according to custom, you may have one year s credit upon the purchase.\\nThe Missourian, at this proposition, became very uneasy the idea of such a load of debt\\nupon him for a whole year was too much. No, no, said he, I d rather pay you\\nsix hundred dollars at once, and be done with it. Very well, said th e Kentuckian,\\nany thing to accommodate.\\n:j: Hutchins Topographical description of Virginia, (we have lost the pages of this ref-\\nerence.) There is no additional information on the subject in his pamphlet on Louisi-\\n?Jia, though published several years later.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "182 Siege of St. Louis. 1780.\\nwas retaliated by tliese upon the place of St. Louis, which was subject\\nto frequent seasons of want, by styling it Pain-court short of bread.\\nThe village, being still nameless, retained the appellation of Vide poche\\nuntil 1776, when it was changed into that of Carondelet.\\nIn 1769, settlements were made on both shores of the lower portion\\nof the Missouri river. Blanchette, surnamed the hunter, built his\\nlog-house on the hills called les Petites Cotes being the first dwelling of\\nthe beautiful village that, in 1781, received the name of St. Charles.*\\nFrancois Borosier Dunegan commenced the village of Florissant\\nwhich name it still popularly retains, although more lately called by the\\nSpaniards St. Ferdinand.\\nAbout the same time, Francois Saucier originated the establishment\\nof the Portage des Sioux, on the bank of the Mississippi, seven miles\\nabove the mouth of the Missouri.\\nAnd here, anticipating a little, we give Nicollet^s account of\\nthe attack on St. Louis by the British and Indians usually assigned\\nto 1778, but by Nicollet said to have been in May, 1780; a date\\nmade probable by the fact that Spain did not side with the United\\nStates until June 16th, 1779, and that act of hers must have been\\nthe provocation to the attack referred to.f\\nThe garrison, says Nicollet s report, consisted of only fifty to sixty\\nmen, commanded by a certain Captain Lebas,:j: (a Spaniard, and not a\\nFrenchman, as his name might lead one to suppose.) But, what-\\nsoever his origin, he deserves nothing but public contempt. This Lebas,\\nduring the first three years that the Spaniards occupied the country, had\\ncommanded a small fort somewhere towards the mouth of the Missouri\\nperhaps at Belle Fontaine and afterwards received the command of\\nSt. Louis, as a successor to Cruzat, who himself had succeeded Piernaz.\\nThe only means of defence for the place at that time, was a stone tower\\nerected near the village on the bank of the Mississippi, and some v/eak\\npalisades. There were not more than 150 males in the place, of whom\\nnot more than 70 could be relied upon as efiicient to repel an enemy\\nnumbering, according to the best authorities, 900 combatants though,\\nby some, their number is represented to have been from 1,400 to 1,500.\\nIt would have been useless to propose a capitulation, the conditions of\\nwhich the Indians, (as has been unfortunately too often experienced,)\\nHall (Sketches, i. 171,) says, 1804.\\nt Nicollet had the papers of Colonel Augnste Chouteau. For the date of Spain s\\naction see Pitkins United States, ii. 72.\\n4 Spelt Leyba by Hall, whose account of the transaction, see Sketches, i. 171. Judgs\\nHall s spelling of the name is probably correct, if the man was a Spaniard.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "1780. Skge of St. Louis. 183\\neither from ignorance or treachery, never fulfil and the inhabitants\\nknew too well the character of those with whom they had to deal, to\\nexpect salvation in anything but a courageous resistance. The women\\nand children, who could not take part in the defence, took shelter in the\\nhouse of Auguste Chouteau whilst all those, both men and women,\\nwho were within the palisades, commenced so vigorous a resistance,\\nthat the enemy was forced to retreat. But these, with characteristic\\nferocity, threw themselves upon those of the inhabitants who, engaged\\nin the cultivation of their fields, had not had time to reach the palisades\\nand it is said that sixty were killed, and thirteen made prisoners.\\nIt is averred that the Spanish garrison took no part in this gallant de-\\nfence. Lebas and his men had betaken themselves to the stone tower\\nand it is further stated, that, as the tower threatened to give way after\\nthe first fire from it, he ordered the firing to be stopped and that he died\\non receiving information that the Sacs, Foxes, and Iowa Indians were\\nmassacring the people on the plains. The year this attack took place,\\nis called by the French V Jinnee die Grand Coup the year of the great\\nblow.\\nHistorical accuracy demands a denial here of the assertion of some\\nauthors, who ascribe to American troops an active part in this defence.\\nUnfortunately, there were no United States troops on the bank of the\\nMississippi opposite to St. Louis, as none were needed, there being\\nnothing to guard or to defend. It is well known that General George\\nR. Clark, with his men, then occupied the important post of Kaskaskia,\\nwhich is more than fifty-six miles south-east of St. Louis and that,\\nconsequently, this gallant officer could not have had time, even if it fell\\nwithin his line of duty, to aid in an affair that concerned the Spaniards\\nand the British, which was planned as a surprise, and lasted but a few\\nhours.\\nAfier the event narrated above, the inhabitants of St. Louis, finding\\nthat their garrison were unworthy of trust, without ammunition, and\\nwithout means of defence against a regularly organized attack, deputed\\nMr. A. Chouteau to proceed to New Orleans for assistance. Cruzat was\\nagain made commander of St. Louis, the affairs of which place he ad-\\nministered with mildness and public satisfaction. A wooden fort was\\nbuilt on the most elevated spot within the city, upon which were mounted\\nseveral heavy pieces of ordnance, and still later there were added four\\nstone turrets, from which cross-fires could be kept up. This might\\nhave answered for the protection of the city, but only against the In-\\ndians. No trace of this fortification are now to be seen the very site\\nof which has yielded to the improvements of the city.*\\nSee Nicollet, p. 83.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "1778.\\nClark, having satisfied the Virginia leaders of the feasibility of\\nhis plan, received on the 2d of January two sets of instructions\\nthe one open, authorising him to enlist seven companies to go to\\nKentucky, subject to his orders, and to serve for three months\\nfrom their arrival in the West; the other set secret and drawn as\\nfollows\\nVIRGINIA: Set. Lv Council, Williamsburg, Jan. 2d, 1778.\\nLieutenant Colonel George Rogers Clark:\\nYou are to proceed, wilh all convenient speed, to raise seven com-\\npanies of soldiers to consist of fifty men each, officered in the usual\\nmanner, and armed most properly for the enterprize and with this\\nforce attack the British post at Kaskasky.\\nIt is conjectured that there are many pieces of cannon and military\\nstores, to considerable amount, at that place; the taking and preserva-\\ntion of which would be a valuable acquisition to the State. If you are\\nso fortunate, therefore, as to succeed in your expedition, you will take\\nevery possible measure to secure the artillery and stores, and whatever\\nmay advantage the Slate.\\nFor the transportation of the troops, provisions, ;c., down the Ohio,\\nyou are to apply to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt, for boats and\\nduring the whole transaction you are to take especial care to keep the\\ntrue destination of your force secret its success depends upon this.\\nOrders are therefore given to Captain Smith to secure the two men\\nfrom Kaskasky. Similar conduct will be proper in similar cases.\\nIt is earnesdy desired that you show humanity to such British sub-\\njects and other persons as fall in your hands. If the white inhabitants\\nat that post and the neighborhood, will give undoubted evidence of their\\nattachment to this State, (for it is certain they live within its limits,) by\\ntaking the test prescribed by law, and by every other way and means\\nin their power, let them be treated as fellow-citizens, and their persons\\nand property duly secured. Assistance and protection against all ene-\\nmies whatever, shall be afforded them and the Commonwealth of Vir-\\nginia is pledged to accomplish it. But if these people will not accede", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "1778. Clark descends the Ohio. 185\\nto these reasonable demands, they must feel the miseries of war, under\\nthe direction of that humanity that has hitherto distinguished Americans,\\nand which it is expected you will ever consider as the rule of your con-\\nduct, and from which you are in no instance to depart.\\nThe corps you are to command are to receive the pay and allowance\\nof miliiia, and to act under the laws and regulations of this State, now\\nin force, as militia. The inhabitants at this post will be informed by\\nyou, that in case they accede to the offers of becoming citizens of this\\nCommonwealth, a proper garrison will be maintained among them, and\\nevery attention bestowed to render their commerce beneficial the fairest\\nprospects being opened to the dominions of both France and Spain.\\nIt is in contemplation to establish a post near the mouth of the Ohio.\\nCannon will be wanted to fortify it. Part of those at Kaskasky will\\nbe easily brought thither, or otherwise secured, as circumstances will\\nmake necessary.\\nYou are to apply to General Hand, at Pittsburgh, for powder and lead\\nnecessary for this expedition, If he can t supply it, the person who\\nhas that which Captain Lynn brought from Orleans can. Lead was sent\\nto Hampshire by my orders, and that may be delivered you. Wishing\\nyou success, I am Sir, your humble servant,* P. HENRY.\\nWith these instructions and twelve hundred pounds in the\\ndepreciated currency of the time, Colonel Clark, (for such was\\nnow his title,) on the 4th of February started for Pittsburg. It\\nhad been thought best to raise the troops needed beyond the moun-\\ntains, as the colonies were in want of all the soldiers they could\\nmuster east of the Alleghanies, to defend themselves against the\\nBritish forces. Clark therefore proposed to enlist men about\\nPittsburg, while Major W. B. Smith, for the same purpose went\\nto the Holston, and other officers to other points. None, however,\\nsucceeded as they hoped to at Pittsburg Clark found great oppo-\\nsition to the intention of carrying men away to defend the outposts\\nin Kentucky, while their own citadel and the whole region about\\nit were threatened by the savage allies of England and Smith,\\nthough he nominally succeeded in raising four companies, was\\nunable essentially to aid his superior officer after all. With three\\ncompanies and several private adventurers, Clark at length com-\\nmenced his descent of the Ohio, which he navigated as far as the\\nFalls, where he took possession of and fortified Corn Island, op-\\nposite to the spot now occupied by Louisville. At this place he\\nappointed Colonel Bowman to meet him with such recruits as had\\nSee Butler s History of Kentucky, p. p. 489.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "186 Clark crosses Illinois. 1778.\\nreached Kentucky by the southern route, and as many men as\\ncould be spared from the stations. Here also he announced to\\nthe men their real destination. Having waited until his arrange-\\nments were all completed, and those chosen who were to be of\\nthe invading party, on the 24th of June, during a total eclipse of\\nthe sun, with four companies he left his position and fell down the\\nriver. His plan was to follow the Ohio as far as the fort known\\nas Fort Massac or Massacre, and thence to go by land direct to\\nKaskaskia. His troops took no other baggage than they could\\ncarry in the Indian fashion, and for his success he trusted entirely\\nto surprise. If he failed, his plan was to cross the Mississippi and\\nthrow himself into the Spanish settlements on the west of that\\nriver. Before he commenced his march he received two pieces\\nof information of which he made good use at the proper time, by\\nmeans of which he conquered the west without bloodshed. One\\nof these important items was the alliance of France with the colo-\\nnies; this at once made the American side popular with the\\nFrench and Indians of Illinois and the lakes, France having never\\nlost her hold upon her ancient subjects and allies, and England\\nhaving never secured their confidence. The other item was, that\\ntlie inhabitants of Kaskaskia and the other old towns had been led\\nby the British to believe that the Long Knives or Virginians,\\nwere the most fierce, cruel, and blood-thirsty savages that ever\\nscalped a foe. With this impression on their minds, Clark saw\\nthat proper management would readily dispose them to submit\\nfrom fear, if surprised, and then to become friendly from gratitude,\\nwhen treated with unlocked for clemency.\\nIn the hot July sun, therefore, the little army toiled along the\\ndimly seen hunters paths toward the British Fort, suffering not a\\nlittle from thirst. A party of hunters which had been stopped on\\ntheir way from Kaskaskia, told the Americans that, alarmed by\\nsome means, we know not how, the English commander, Mr.\\nRocheblave, was on the alert, and that they must ensure a sur-\\nprise if they wished success. This was just as the Colonel ex-\\npected, and cautiously, quickly, and full of hope, he and his men\\npressed on, until on the evening of July 4th they drew near the\\nsettlement they were in search of. Carefully concealed, the troops\\nlay still while boats were collected to carry them across the river\\nthen, in the darkness, two divisions crossed with directions to re-\\nmain hidden at different points, until a signal should warn them\\nthat Clark, with the third division, had succeeded in taking the", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "1778. Clark takes Kaskaskia. 187\\nfort opposite the village, when with shouts and yells they were to\\nrush upon the town, and give warning that any citizens who ap-\\npeared in the streets would be instantly shot. These arrange-\\nments made, the Colonel with his party, led by a hunter, taken\\nprisoner the evening previous, obtained quiet possession of the\\nfort by entering an open gate on the river side. The signal agreed\\non was given the other parties broke into the quiet streets like\\nbands of wild Iroquois; and the inhabitants, surprised, terrified\\nand trembling, heard the formidable notice shouted forth which\\nforbade their appearance in the streets, and listened all night to\\nthe screams and shrieks of the white savages who, by Clark s\\norders, constantly patrolled the streets.* The commandant of Kas-\\nkaskia was taken in his~bed, but his papers were saved by being\\nplaced in his wife s trunks, which the Virginia barbarians were\\ntoo gallant to seize and search against her will conduct contrast-\\ning singularly with that of the Great Frederick, the leader of Eu-\\nropean civilization, who, twenty years before, would have certain\\ndocuments, though the Queen of Poland not only put them in her\\ntrunk, but sat down herself upon the top of it.f\\nOn the 5th of July, Clark withdrew his troops from the town,\\nbut still forbade communication among the inhabitants, and all\\nintercourse between them and the American soldiers. Not con-\\ntent with this, the Virginian placed some of the more prominent\\nof the French in irons, without assigning any cause, a step which\\nwrought up the terror of their fellow citizens to a still higher\\npitch. One thing more only was wanting to complete the conster-\\nnation of the conquered the appearance of the victors. To the\\nIllinois Europeans, who even in their far-off wilderness, associated\\nmuch of splendor and pomp with military command, the soiled,\\ntorn, shabby clothes, burned faces, and useful rather than orna-\\nmental arms of the American officers, carried conviction of all\\nthat had been told them as to the untamed ferocity of the Long\\nKnives and when a deputation waited upon the General and his\\nstaff to ask leave to meet in the village church, and there bid one\\nanother farewell before being separated forever, as they supposed\\nthey should be, it was plain that fear had done the work intended.\\nIn answer to the request which they made, Clark said bluntly,\\nOn that same night, while the soldiers of Clark scared the Kaskaskians with pretended\\nferocity, the valley of Wyoming echoed with real shrieks of rage and pain, and swam with\\nblood shed by white men for the leaders in that massacre wera Tories.\\ni Lord Dover s Life of Frederick, ii,, 15, (Harpers Edition.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "188 Clark takes CahoMa. 1778.\\nthat Americans left all men to worship as they would, that they\\nmight meet in the church, if they pleased, hut on no account to\\nventure upon any farther step: they wished, apparently, to say\\nsomething more, but the ragged General would not listen. After\\nthe assemblage had taken place, the leading men, together with\\ntheir priest, once more came with an humble petition to the\\ndangerous Virginia chieftain they asked that they might not be\\nseparated from their wives and children, and that some food and\\nclothing might be allowed them. Do you mistake us for sava-\\nges? asked Clark, who saw that the hour for leniency was come,\\nDo you think that Americans intend to strip women and chil-\\ndren, or take the bread out of their mouths My countrymen\\ndisdain to make war upon helpless innocence it was to prevent\\nthe horrors of Indian butchery upon our own wives and children,\\nthat we have taken arms and penetrated into this remote strong-\\nhold of British and Indian barbarity and not the despicable\\nprospect of plunder. Now that the king of France has united his\\npowerful arms with those of America, the war will not, in all\\nprobability, continue long; but the inhabitants of Kaskaskia are at\\nliberty to take which side they please, without the least danger to\\neither their property or families. Nor will their religion be any\\nsource of disagreement as all religions are regarded with equal\\nrespect in the eye of the American law, and any insult which\\nshall be offered it, will be immediately punished. And now, to\\nprove my sincerity, you will please inform your fellow-citizens,\\nthat they are quite at liberty to conduct themselves as usual, with-\\nout the least apprehension I am now convinced from what I have\\nlearned since my arrival among you, that you have been misin-\\nformed and prejudiced against us by British officers; and your\\nfriends who are in confinement shall immediately be released.\\nThe change of feeling which followed this speech of Clark s fully\\njustified the course of conduct he had pursued expecting every\\nseverity which war could justify, the joy produced by the an-\\nnouncement that they would be deprived of neither liberty nor\\nproperty, prepared them to become the friends and supporters of\\nthose before whom they had trembled, and when a detachment\\nwas ordered to march against Cahokia, the Kaskaskians offered to\\ngo with it and secure the submission of their neighbors. In this\\nthey perfectly succeeded, and on the 6th of July, the two chief\\nposts in the Illinois had passed, and without bloodshed, from the\\npossession of England into that of Virginia.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "1778. Clark takes Vincennes. 189\\nBut St. Vincent s, the most important western post except Detroit,\\nstill remained unconquered, nor could Clark, with his small force,\\nhope to obtain possession of it, as he must of necessity be for some\\ntime near the Mississippi, to organize a government for the colo-\\nnies he had taken, and to treat with the Indians of the north-west.\\nUnder these circumstances, he determined to accept the offer of\\nM. Gibault, the priest of Kaskaskia, who told him he would\\nundertake by persuasion alone to lead the inhabitants of Vin-\\ncennes to throw off their forced connexion with England. On the\\n14th of July, in company with a fellow townsman, M. Gibault left\\nupon his mission of peace and upon the 1st of August, returned\\nwith the intelligence that the inhabitants of the post upon the\\nWabash had taken the oath of allegiance to the Old Dominion.\\nHaving met with such great success, Clark in the next place\\nre-enlisted his men, established courts, placed garrisons at Kaskas-\\nkia, Cahokia and Vincennes, sent word to have a fort, which\\nproved the germ of Louisville, commenced at the falls of the\\nOhio, and despatched Mr. Rocheblave, who had been command-\\nant at Kaskaskia, as a prisoner to Richmond. In October, the\\ncounty of Illinois was created by the legislature of Virginia, and\\nJohn Todd appointed Lieutenant Colonel and civil Commandant\\nand in November, Colonel Clark, his officers and men, received\\nthe thanks of their native state in these words\\nIn the House of Delegates,\\nMonday, the 23(1 Nov. 1778.\\nTVIiereas, authentic information has been received, that Lieutenant\\nColonel George Rogers Clark, with a body of Virginia militia, has re-\\nduced the British posts in the western part of this Commonwealth, on\\nthe river Mississippi, and its branches, whereby great advantage may\\naccrue to the common cause of America, as well as to this Common-\\nwealth in particular.\\nResolved, That the thanks of this House are justly due to the said\\nColonel Clark and the brave officers and men under his command, for\\ntheir extraordinary resolution and perseverance, in so hazardous an en-\\nlerprize, and for the important services thereby rendered their country.\\nTest, E. RANDOLPH, C. H. D.\\nThe next steps of the western leader had reference to securing\\nthe co-operation or neutrality of the various Indian tribes, and\\nhere, especially, he seems to have been in his element. His\\nmeetings with them were opened at Cahokia, in September, and\\nSee Butler s History of Kentucky, p. 490.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "190 Clark s Speech to the Indians. 1778.\\nhis principles of action being never to court them, never to load\\nthem with presents, never to seem to fear them, though always to\\nshow respect to courage and ability, and to speak in the most direct\\nmanner possible, he waited for the natives to make the first\\nadvances and offer peace. When they had done so, and thrown\\naway the bloody wampum sent them by the British, Clark coldly\\ntold them he would answer them the next day, and meanwhile\\ncautioned them against shaking hands wdth the Americans, as\\npeace was not yet concluded; it will be time to give hands when\\nthe heart can be given too, he said. The next day the Indians\\ncame to hear the answer of the Big Knife, which we give entire,\\nas taken by Mr. Butler and Mr. Dillon, from Clark s ow^n notes.\\nMen and warriors pay attention to my words. You informed me\\nyesterday, that the Great Spirit had brought us together, and that you\\nhoped, that as he was good, it would be for good. I have also the same\\nhope, and expect that each party will strictly adhere to whatever may\\nbe agreed upon, whether it shall be peace or war and henceforward\\nprove ourselves worthy of the attention of the Great Spirit. I am a\\nman and a warrior, not a counsellor I carry war in my right hand, and\\nin my left, peace. I am sent by the Great Council of the Big Knife,\\nand their friends, to take possession of all the towns possessed by the\\nEnglish in this country, and to watch the motions of the Red people\\nto bloody the paths of those who attempt to stop the course of the\\nriver but to clear the roads from us to those that desire to be in peace\\nthat the women and children may walk in them without meeting any\\nthing to strike their feet against. I am ordered to call upon the Great\\nFire for warriors enough to darken the land, and that the Red people\\nmay hear no sound, but of birds who live on blood. I know there is a\\nmist before your eyes I will dispel the clouds, that you may clearly\\nsee the causes of the war between the Big Knife and the English then\\nyou may judge for yourselves, which party is in the right and if you\\nare warriors, as you profess yourselves to be, prove it by adhering faith-\\nfully to the party, which yon shall believe to be entitled to your friend-\\nship, and not show yourselves to be squaws.\\nThe Big Knife is very much like the Red people, they don t know\\nhow to make blankets, and powder, and cloth they buy these things\\nfrom tlie English, from whom they are sprung. They live by making\\ncorn, hunting and trade, as you and your neighbors, the French, do.\\nBut the Big Knife daily getting more numerous, like the trees in the\\nwoods, the land became poor, and hunting scarce and having but little\\nto trade with, the women began to cry at seeing their children naked,\\nand tried to learn how to make clothes for themselves soon made blan-", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "1778. Clark ^s Speech. 191\\nkets for iheir husbands and children and the men learned to make\\nguns and powder. In this way we did not want to buy so much from\\nthe English they then got mad with us, and sent strong garrisons\\nthrough our country, (as you see they have done among you on the\\nlakes, and among the French,) they would not let our women spin, nor\\nour men make powder, nor let us trade with any body else. The Eng-\\nlish said, we should buy every thing from them, and since we had got\\nsaucy, we should give two bucks for a blanket, which we used to get\\nfor one we should do as they pleased, and they killed some of our\\npeople, to make the rest fear them. This is the truth, and the real\\ncause of the war between the English and us which did not take place\\nfor some time after this treatment. But our women became cold and\\nhungry, and continued to cry our young men got lost for want of\\ncounsel to put them in the right path. The whole land was dark, the\\nold men held down their heads for shame, because they could not see\\nthe sun, and thus there was mourning for many years over the land.\\nAt last the Great Spirit took pity on us, and kindled a great council\\nfire, that never goes out, at a place called Philadelphia he then stuck\\ndown a post, and put a war tomahawk by it, and went away. The sun\\nimmediately broke out, the sky was blue again, and the old men held up\\ntheir heads, and assembled at the fire they took up the hatchet, shar-\\npened it, and put it into the hands of our young men, ordering them to\\nstrike the English as long as they could find one on this side of the\\ngreat waters, The young men immediately struck the war post, and\\nblood was shed in this way the war began, and the English were\\ndriven from one place to another, until they got weak, and then they\\nhired you Red people to fight for them. The Great Spirit got angry at\\nthis, and caused your old Father, the French king, and other great na-\\ntions to join the Big Knife, and fight with them against all their enemies.\\nSo the English have become like a deer in the woods and you may\\nsee that it is the Great Spirit, that has caused your waters to be troubled;\\nbecause you have fought for the people he was mad with. If your\\nwomen and children should now cry, you must blame yourselves for it,\\nand not the Big Knife. You can now judge who is in the right; I\\nhave already told you who I am here is a bloody belt, and a white one,\\ntake which you please. Behave like men, and don t let your being\\nsurrounded by the Big Knife, cause you to take up the one belt with\\nyour hands, while your hearts take up the other. If you take the\\nbloody path, you shall leave the town in safety, and may go and join\\nyonr friends, the English we will then try like warriors, who can pVit\\nthe most stumbling blocks in each other s way, and keep our clothes\\nlongest stained with blood. If, on the other hand, you should take the\\npath of peace, and be received as brothers to the Big Knife, with their\\nfiiends, the French, should you then listen to bad birds, that may be", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "192 Clark^s treatment of the Indians. 1778.\\nflying throiigli the land, you will no longer deserve to be counted as\\nmen but as creatures with two tongues, that ought to be destroyed\\nwithout listening to any thing you might say. As I am convinced you\\nnever heard the truth before, I do not wish you to answer before you\\nhave taken time to counsel. We will, therefore, part this evening, and\\nwhen the Great Spirit shall bring us together again, let us speak and\\nthink like men with but one heart and one tongue.\\nThis speech produced the desired effect, and upon the following\\nday, the Red People and the Big Knife united hearts and\\nhands both. In all these proceedings, there is no question that,\\ndirectly and indirectly, the alliance of the United States with\\nFrance was very instrumental in producing a friendly feeling\\namong the Indians, who had never lost their old regard toward\\ntheir first Great Father.\\nBut though it was Clark s general rule not to court the savages,\\nthere were some particular chieftains so powerful as to induce\\nhim to invite them to meet him, and learn the merits of the quarrel\\nbetween the colonies and England. Among these was Black\\nBird, one of the lake chiefs he came at the invitation of the\\nAmerican leader, and dispensing with the usual formulas of\\nIndian negotiation, sat dow^n with Colonel Clark in a common\\nsense way, and talked and listened, questioned and considered,\\nuntil he was satisfied that the rebels had the right of the matter\\nafter which he became, and remained, a firm friend of the Big\\nKnives.\\nWhile the negotiations between the conqueror of Kaskaskia and\\nthe natives were going forward, a couple of incidents occurred, so\\ncharacteristic of Colonel Clark, that we cannot omit their mention.\\nOne was as follows: A party of Indians, known as Meadow\\nIndians,! had come to attend the council w4th their neighbors.\\nThese, by some means, were induced to attempt the murder of\\nthe invaders, and tried to obtain an opportunity to commit the\\ncrime proposed, by surprising Clark and his officers in their quar-\\nters. In this plan they failed, and their purpose w as discovered\\nby the sagacity of the French in attendance when this was done\\nClark gave them to the French to deal with as they pleased, but\\nwith a hint that some of the leaders would be as well in irons.\\nThus fettered and foiled, the chiefs were brought daily to the\\nSec Butler s History of Kentucky, p. 6S.\\nt \\\\Vere these the Mascoutins, Prairie Indians 1 See Dillon s Indiana, i, 5.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "1778. Clark s Treatment of the Indians. 193\\ncouncil house, where he whom they proposed to kill, was engaged\\ndaily in forming friendly relations with their red brethren. At\\nlength, when by these means the futility of their project had\\nbeen sufficiently impressed upon them, the American commander\\nordered their irons to be struck off, and in his quiet way, full of\\nscorn, said, Every body thinks you ought to die for your treach-\\nery upon my life, amidst the sacred deliberations of a council. I\\nhad determined to inflict death upon you for your base attempt,\\nand you yourselves must be sensible that you have justly forfeited\\nyour lives; but on considering the meanness of watching a bear\\nand catching him asleep, I have found out that you are not war-\\nriors, only old women, and too mean to be killed by the Big\\nKnife. But, continued he, as you ought to be punished for\\nputting on breech cloths like men, they shall be taken away from\\nyou, plenty of provisions shall be given for your journey home, as\\nwomen don t know how to hunt, and during your stay you shall\\nbe treated in every respect as squaws. These few cutting words\\nconcluded, the Colonel turned away to converse with others.\\nThe children of the prairie, who had looked for anger, not con-\\ntempt punishment, not freedom were unaccountably stirred by\\nthis treatment. They took counsel together, and presently a chief\\ncame forward with a belt and pipe of peace, which, with proper\\nwords, he laid upon the table. The interpreter stood ready to\\ntranslate the words of friendship, but, with curling lip, the Ameri-\\ncan said he did not wish to hear them, and lifting a sword which\\nlay before him, he shattered the offered pipe, with the cutting\\nexpression that he did not treat with women. The bewil-\\ndered, overwhelmed Meadow Indians next asked the intercession\\nof other red men already admitted to friendship, but the only\\nreply was, The Big Knife has made no war upon these people\\nthey are of a kind that we shoot like wolves when we meet them,\\nin the woods, lest they eat the deer. All this wrought more and\\nmore upon the offending tribe again they took counsel, and then\\ntwo young men came forward, and covering their heads with their\\nblankets, sat down before the impenetrable commander; then\\ntwo chiefs arose, and stating that these young warriors offered\\ntheir lives as an atonement for the misdoings of their relatives,\\nagain they presented the pipe of peace. Silence reigned in the\\nassembly, while the fate of the proffered victims hung in suspense\\nall watched the countenance of the American leader, who could\\nscarce master the emotion which the incident excited. Still, all\\n13", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "194 Clark^s Interview witk Big Gate. 1779.\\nsat noiseless, nothing heard but the deep breathing of those whose\\nlives thus hung by a thread. Presently he upon whom all\\ndepended arose, and approaching the young men, he bade them\\nbe uncovered and stand up. They sprang to their feet. I am\\nglad to find, said Clark warmly, that there are men among all\\nnations. With you, who alone are fit to be chiefs of your tribe,\\nI am willing to treat through you I am ready to grant peace to\\nyour brothers I take you by the hand as chiefs, worthy of being\\nsuch. Here again the fearless generosity, the generous fearless-\\nness of Clark, proved perfectly successful, and while the tribe in\\nquestion became the allies of America, the fame of the occurrence,\\nwhich spread far and wide through the north-west, made the name\\nof the white negotiator everywhere respected.\\nThe other incident to which we referred was this. There\\nwas a warrior known in the West as the Big Gate, who was\\nnoted for his unceasing adherence to British interests. This\\nman, when Clark began to gain the favor of the other red men,\\nstill remained unbending and at last coming to Cahokia, had the\\nboldness to attend the councils there held, with his English war\\nwampum and medals displayed upon his person. While the\\npublic business remained unfinished, Clark took no notice of the\\nhostile chief, who still, day after day, attended the deliberations.\\nAt length the various treaties were concluded, and then the\\nAmerican commander, for the first time, turning toward the great\\nwarrior, told him, that private matters he w^as forced to lay aside\\nwhile those of the country were concerned, but that he should be\\nhappy at last to pay his respects to one so distinguished, and\\nasked the fierce tomahawker to dine with him. The Big Gate\\nwas taken unawares, and while he hesitated, Clark added,\\nWith us, however much we may be enemies, it is usual to show\\nrespect to those who are brave and insisted upon the company\\nof the savage. The red man was at a loss among all his tactics\\nand strategems, this one of bold, kind appeal to the sympathies,\\nwas unknown; for a moment he hesitated, then, stepping into\\nthe midst of the assembly, he threw down his emblems of amity\\nfor Britain, tore oflf his clothes, and proclaimed himself ally to the\\nBig Knife.\\nBut while Clark was thus fortunate in one portion of the West,\\nmisfortunes beset those parts which were less distant from the\\ncentre of American life.\\nIn January, Boone, with thirty men, had started for the Blue", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "1778. Daniel Boone taken captive by tlie JVatives. 19T)\\nLicks, to enter upon the interminable business of salt making, the\\nwater being by no means strongly impregnated. Boone was to be\\nguide, hunter, and scout; the rest cut wood and attended to the\\nmanufacturing department. January passed quietly, and before the\\n7th of February, enough of the precious condiment had accumulated\\nto lead to the return of three of the party to the stations with the\\ntreasure. The rest still labored on, and Boone enjoyed the winter\\n\\\\veather in the forest after his own fashion. But, alas for him,\\nthere was more than mere game about him in those woods along\\nthe rugged Licking. On the 7th of February, as he was hunting,\\nhe came upon a party of one hundred and four foes, two Cana-\\ndians, the remainder Indians, Shawanese apparently. Boone fled\\nbut he was a man of forty-six, and his limbs were less supple than\\nthose of the young savages who pursued him, and in spite of\\nevery effort he was a second time prisoner. Finding it impossible\\nto give his companions at the Licks due notice so as to secure\\ntheir escape, he, proceeded to make terms on their behalf with his\\ncaptors, and then persuaded his men by gestures, at a distance, to\\nsurrender without offering battle. Thus, without a blow, the\\ninvaders found themselves possessed of twenty-eight prisoners,\\nand among them the greatest, in an Indian s eyes, of all the Long\\nKnives. This band was on its way to Boonesborough to attack\\nor to reconnoitre; but so good luck as they had met with changed\\ntheir minds, and, turning upon their track, they took up their\\nmarch for Old Chillicothe, an Indian town on the Little Miami.\\nIt was no part of the plan of the Shawanese, however, to retain\\nthese men in captivity, nor yet to scalp, slay, or eat them. Under\\nthe influence and rewards of Governor Hamilton, the British Com-\\nmander in the Northwest, the Indians had taken up the business\\nof speculating in human beings, both dead and alive and the\\nShawanese meant to take Boone and his comrades to the Detroit\\nmarket. On the 10th of March, accordingly, eleven of the party,\\nincluding Daniel himself, were despatched for the North, and,\\nafter twenty days of journeying, were presented to the English\\nGovernor, who treated them, Boone says, with great humanity.\\nTo Boone himself Hamilton and several other gentlemen seem to\\nhave taken an especial fancy, and offered considerable sums for\\nhis release but the Shawanese also had become enamored of the\\nveteran hunter, and would not part with him. He must go home\\nwith them, they said, and be one of them, and become a great\\nchief. So the pioneer found his very virtues becoming the cause", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "196 Boone becomes ahnost idolized by the JVatives. 1778,\\nof a prolonged captivity. In April, the red men, with their one\\nwhite captive, about to be converted into a genuine son of nature^\\nreturned from the flats of Michigan, covered with brush-choked\\nforests, to the rolling valley of the Miamis, with its hill-sides\\nclothed in their rich open woods of maple and beech, then just\\nbursting into bloom. And now the white blood was washed out\\nof the Kentucky ranger, and he was made a son in some family,\\nand was loved and caressed by father and mother, brothers and\\nsisters, till he was thoroughly sick of them. But disgust he could\\nnot show; so he was kind, and affable, and familiar, as happy as\\na lark, and as far from thinking of leaving them as he had been\\nof joining them. He took his part in their games and romps\\nshot as near the centre of a target as a good hunter ought to, and\\nyet left the savage marksmen a chance to excel him, and smiled\\nin his quiet eye when he witnessed their joy at having done bet-\\nter than the best of the Lon^ Knives. He grew into favor with\\nthe chief, was trusted, treated with respect, and listened to with\\nattention. No man could have been better calculated than Boone\\nto disarm the suspicions of the red men. Some have called him a\\nwhite Indian, and, except that he never showed the Indian s\\nblood-thirstiness when excited, he was more akin in his loves, his\\nways, his instincts, his joys, and his sorrows to the aboriginal\\ninhabitants of the West than to the Anglo-Saxon invaders. Scarce\\nany other white ever possessed in an equal degree the true Indian\\ngravity, which comes neither from thought, feeling, or vacuity,\\nbut from a bump peculiar to their own craniums. And so in hunt-\\ning, shooting, swimming, and other Shawanese amusements, the\\nnewly made Indian boy Boone spent the month of May, necessity\\nmaking all the little inconveniences of his lot quite endurable.\\nOn the 1st of June, his aid was required in the business of salt-\\nmaking, and for that purpose he and a party of his brethren started\\nfor the valley of the Scioto, where he stayed ten days, hunting,\\nboiling brine, and cooking then the homeward path was taken\\nagain. But when Chillicothe was once more reached, a sad sight\\nmet our friend Daniel s eyes; four hundred and fifty of the choice\\nwarriors of the West, painted in the most exquisite war-style, and\\narmed for the battle. He scarce needed to ask whither they were\\nbound his heart told him Boonesborough and already in imagina-\\ntion he saw the blazing roofs of the little borough he had founded;\\nand he saw the bleeding forms of his friends. Could he do\\nnothing? He would see; meanwhile be a good Indian and look", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "1778. Boone s escape from Captivity. 197\\nall ease and joy. He was a long way from his own white home-\\nstead; one hundred and fifty miles at least, and a rough and\\ninhospitable country much of the way between him and it. But\\nhe had travelled fast and far, and might again. So, without a\\nword to his fellow prisoners, early in the morning of June the\\n16th, without his breakfast, in the most secret manner, unseen,\\nunheard, he departed. He left his red relatives to mourn his loss,\\nand over hill and valley sped, forty miles a day, for four success-\\nive days, and ate but one meal by the way. He found the\\nstation wholly unprepared to resist so formidable a body as that\\nwhich threatened it, and it was a matter of life and death that\\nevery muscle should be exerted to get all in readiness for the\\nexpected visiters. Rapidly the white men toiled in the summer\\nsun, and through the summer night, to repair and complete the\\nfortifications, and to have all as experience had shown it should\\nbe. But still the foe came not, and in a few days another escaped\\ncaptive brought information of the delay of the expedition in con-\\nsequence of Boone s flight. The savages had relied on surprising\\nthe stations, and their plans being foiled by their adopted son\\nDaniel, all their determinations were unsettled. Thus it proved\\nthe salvation of Boonesborough, and probably of all the frontier\\nforts, that the founder of Kentucky was taken captive and re-\\nmained a captive as long as he did. So often do seeming misfor-\\ntunes prove, in God s hand, our truest good.\\nBoone, finding his late relatives so backward in their proposed\\ncall, determined to anticipate them by a visit to the Scioto valley,\\nwhere he had been at salt-making; and about the 1st of August,\\nwith nineteen men, started for the town on Paint Creek. He\\nknew, of course, that he was trying a somewhat hazardous experi-\\nment, as Boonesborough might be attacked in his absence but\\nhe had his wits about him, and his scouts examined the country\\nfar and wide. Without interruption, he crossed the Ohio, and had\\nreached within a few miles of the place he meant to attack, when\\nhis advanced guard, consisting of one man, Simon Kenton, dis-\\ncovered two natives riding one horse, and enjoying some joke as\\nthey rode. Not considering that these two might be, like himself,\\nthe van of a small army, Simon, one of the most impetuous of\\nmen, shot, and run forward to scalp them, but found himself at\\nonce in the midst of a dozen or more of his red enemies, from\\nwhom he escaped only by the coming up of Boone and the\\nremainder. The commander, upon considering the circumstances.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "198 Boonesborough attacked by the British and Indians. 1778.\\nand learning from spies whom he sent forward that the town he\\nintended to attack was deserted, came to the opinion that the band\\njust met was on its w^ay to join a larger body for the invasion of\\nKentucky, and advised an immediate return.\\nHis advice was taken, and the result proved its wisdom for,\\nin order to reach Boonesborough, they were actually obliged to\\ncoast along, go round, and outstrip a body of nearly five hundred\\nsavages, led by Canadians, who were marching against his doomed\\nborough, and after all, got there only the day before them.\\nOn the 8th of August, with British and French flags flying, the\\ndusky army gathered around the little fortress of logs, defended\\nby its inconsiderable garrison. Captain Du Quesne, on behalf of\\nhis mighty Majesty, King George the Third, summoned Captain\\nBoone to surrender. It was, as Daniel says, a critical period for\\nhim and his friends. Should they yield, what mercy could they\\nlook for? and he, especially, after his unkind flight from his Shaw-\\nanese parents? They had almost stifled him with their caresses\\nbefore; they would literally hug him to death, if again within\\ntheir grasp. Should they refuse to yield, what hope of successful\\nresistance And they had so much need of all their cattle to aid\\nthem in sustaining a siege, and yet their cows were abroad in the\\nwoods. Daniel pondered the matter, and concluded it would be\\nsafe, at any rate, to ask two days for consideration. It was\\ngranted, and he drove in his cows The evening of the 9th soon\\narrived, however, and he must say one thing or another; so he\\npolitely thanked the representative of his gracious Majesty for giv-\\ning the garrison time to prepare for their defence, and announced\\ntheir determination to fight. Captain Du Quesne was much\\ngrieved at this Governor Hamilton was anxious to save blood-\\nshed, and wished the Kentuckians taken alive and rather than\\nproceed to extremities, the worthy Canadian offered to withdraw\\nhis troops, if the garrison would make a treaty, though to what\\npoint the treaty was to aim is unknown. Boone was determined\\nnot to yield but then he had no wish to starve in his fort, or\\nhave it taken by storm, and be scalped and he thought, remem-\\nbering Hamilton s kindness to him when in Detroit, that there\\nmight be something in what the Captain said and at any rate, to\\nenter upon a treaty was to gain time, and something might turn\\nup. So he agreed to treat; but where? Could nine of the garri-\\nson, as desired, safely venture into the open field? It might be all\\na trick to get possession of some of the leading whites. Upon", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "1778. The invaders forced to retreat from Booneshorough. 199\\nthe whole, however, as the leading Indians and their Canadian\\nallies must come under the rifles of the garrison, who might with\\ncertainty and safety pick them off if treachery were attempted, it\\nwas thought best to run the risk; and Boone, with eight others,\\nwent out to meet the leaders of the enemy, sixty yards from the\\nfort, within which the sharpest shooters stood with leveled rifles,\\nready to protect their comrades. The treaty was made and signed,\\nand then the Indians, saying it was their custom for two of them\\nto shake hands with eveiy white man when a treaty was made,\\nexpressed a wish to press the palms of their new allies. Boone\\nand his friends must have looked rather queer at this proposal but\\nit was safer to accede than to refuse and be shot instantly so they\\npresented each his hand. As anticipated the warriors seized them\\nwith rough and fierce eagerness, the whites drew back struggling,\\nthe treachery was apparent, the rifle-balls from the garrison struck\\ndown the foremost assailants of the little band, and, amid a fire\\nfrom friends and foes, Boone and his fellow deputies bounded\\nback into the station, with the exception of one, unhurt.\\nThe treaty trick having thus failed. Captain Du Quesne had to\\nlook to more ordinary modes of warfare, and opened a fire which\\nlasted during ten days, though to no purpose, for the woodsmen\\nwere determined not to yield. On the 20th of August, the\\nIndians were forced unwillingly to retire, having lost thirty-seven\\nof their number, and wasted a vast amount of powder and lead.\\nThe garrison picked up from the ground, after their departure, one\\nhundred and twenty-five pounds of their bullets.*\\nMeanwhile the United States had not lost sight entirely of west-\\nern affairs. A fort was built early in the summer of this year,\\nupon the banks of Ohio a little below Pittsburgh, near the spot\\nwhere Beaver now stands. It was built by General Mcintosh,\\nwho had been appointed in May to succeed General Handf in the\\nWest, and was named with his name.|: It was the first fort\\nbuilt by the whites north of the Ohio. From this point it was\\nintended to operate in reducing Detroit, where mischief was still\\nbrewing. Indeed the natives were now more united than ever\\nagainst the colonies. In June we find Congress in possession of\\ninformation, that led them to think a universal frontier war close\\nSee Butler 534, Marshal i. Boone s Narrative, c.\\nt Sparks Washington, v. 361, 382.\\n:j: Doddridge, p. 243. Silliman s Journal, toI. xxsi. Art. i. p. 18.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "200 Treaty of peace and alliance with the Delawares. 1778.\\nat hand.* The Senecas, Cayugas, Mingoes (by which we pre-\\nsume, were meant the Ohio Iroquois, or possibly the Mohawks,)\\nWyandots, Onandagas, Ottawas, Chippeways, Shawanese, and\\nDelawares, were all said to be more or less united in opposition\\nto America. Congress, learning the danger to be so immediate\\nand great, determined to push on the Detroit expedition, and\\nordered another to be undertaken by the Mohawk valley against\\nthe Senecas, who might otherwise very much annoy and impede\\nthe march from Fort Pitt. For the capture of Detroit, three thou-\\nsand continental troops and two thousand five hundred militia\\nwere voted; an appropriation was made of nearly a million of\\ndollars and General Mcintosh was to carry forward the needftil\\noperations.!\\nAll the flourish which was made about taking Detroit, however,\\nand conquering the Senecas, ended in the Resolves of Congress,\\nit being finally thought too late in the season for advantageous\\naction, and also too great an undertaking for the weak-handed\\ncolonies.\\nThis having been settled, it was resolved, that the forces in\\nthe West should move up and attack the Wyandots and other\\nIndians about the Sandusky and a body of troops was accord-\\ningly marched forward to prepare a half-way house, or post, by\\nwhich the necessary connexion might be kept up. This was built\\nupon the Tuscarawas, a few miles south of the present town of\\nBolivar. In these quiet, commercial days the Ohio canal passes\\nthrough its midst. It was named Fort Laurens, in honor of the\\nPresident of Congress.\\nWhile these warlike measures w^ere pursued on the one hand,\\nthe Confederacy on the other by its Commissioners, Andrew and\\nThomas Lewis of Virginia, formed at Fort Pitt on the 17th of\\nSeptember, a treaty of peace and alliance with the Chiefs of the\\nDelawares, White-Eyes, Kill-Buck, and Pipe.H\\nJournals of the Old Congress, vol. ii. p. 685.\\nt Washington speaks of Mcintosh as having great worth and merit, a firm disposition,\\nlove of justice, assiduity, and a good understanding. Sparks v. 361.\\nJournals of the Old Congress, vol. ii. p. 633.\\ng Journals of the Old Congress, vol. ii. p. 633.\\nSilliman s Journal, xxxi. 57 where the name as in many treaties, c. is misprinted\\nLawrence.\\nSee volume of Indian Treaties Washington, 1837. It is the first treaty recorded.\\nSee also Old Journals, ii. 577.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Do. iii. 81.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "1779.\\nWe have already noticed the erection of Fort Laurens. At that\\npoint, seventy miles from Fort Mcintosh, and exposed to all the\\nfierce north western tribes. Colonel John Gibson had been left\\nwith one hundred and fifty men to get through the winter of\\n1778-9, as he best could, while Mcintosh himself returned to\\nPittsburgh, disappointed and dispirited.* Nor was Congress in a\\nvery good humor with him, for already had six months passed to\\nno purpose. Washington was consulted, but could give no defi-\\nnite advice, knowing nothing of those details which must deter-\\nmine the course of things for the winter. Mcintosh, at length, in\\nFebruary asked leave to retire from his unsatisfactory command,\\nand was allowed to do so. No blame, however, appears to have\\nfairly attached to him, as he did all in his power; among other\\nthings leading a party with provisions to the relief of Colonel\\nGibson s starving garrison. Unhappily the guns fired as a salute\\nby those about to be relieved, scared the pack-horses and much of\\nthe provision was scattered and lost in the woods. The force at\\nFort Laurens, meantime, had been as we have intimated, suffering\\ncruelly, both from the Indians and famine, and, though finally\\nrescued from starvation, had done, and could do, nothing. The\\npost was at last abandoned in August 1779.\\nBut, while Mcintosh was groaning and doing nothing, his fellow\\nGeneral, Clark, was very difTerently employed. Governor Hamil-\\nton, having made his various arrangements, had left Detroit, and\\nmoved down to St. Vincent s (or Vincennes,) on the Wabash,\\nfrom which point he intended to operate in reducing Kaskaskia\\nand Cahokia, and also in conquering Kentucky, and driving the\\nrebels from the West. But in the very process of taking St. Vin-\\ncent s, he met with treatment that might have caused a more\\nmodest man to doubt the possibility of conquering those rebels.\\nHamilton came upon that post, in December 1778. He came\\nSparks Washington, voL vi. p. 156,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "202 Capture of St. Vincents. 1779.\\nwith a large body of troops, and unexpectedly so that there was\\nno chance of defence on the part of the garrison, which consisted\\nindeed of only two men, Captain Helm, of Fauquier county, Vir-\\nginia, and one Henry. Helm, however, was not disposed to\\nyield, absolutely, to any odds; so, loading his single cannon, he\\nstood by it with a lighted match, and, as the British came nigh,\\nbade them stand, and demanded to know what terms would be\\ngranted the garrison, as otherwise he should not surrender. The\\nGovernor, unwilling to lose time and men, offered the usual honors\\nof war, and could scarce believe his eyes, when he saw the threat-\\nening garrison to be only one officer and one private. However,\\neven this bold conduct did not make him feel the character of the\\npeople with whom he was contending and so, thinking it too late\\nto operate in such a country, he sent his Indians, of whom he had\\nsome four hundred, to prevent troops coming down the Ohio, and\\nto annoy the Americans in all ways, and sat quietly down for the\\nwinter.\\nInformation of all these proceedings having reached Clark, he\\nsaw, at once, that either he must have Hamilton, or Hamilton\\nwould have him so he cast about him, to see what means of con-\\nquest were within his reach. On the 29th of January, 1779, the\\nnews of the capture of St. Vincents reached Kaskashia, and, by\\nthe 4th of February, a battoe, as Colonel Bowman writes it,\\nhad been repaired, provisioned, manned, and armed, and was on\\nher way down the Mississippi, in order to ascend the Ohio and\\nWabash, and co-operate with the land forces which were assemb-\\nling. These forces, on the 5th of February, numbered one hund-\\nred and seventy men,* including artillery, packhorsemen, c.\\nand with this little band, on the 7th, Clark set forward to besiege\\nthe British Governor, who had under him about half as many fol-\\nlowers as a garrison. t It was rain and drizzly weather, and\\nthe roads very bad with mud and water; but through those\\nprairie ways, and the waters which covered some of the plains,\\nthe little rebel band slipped and spattered along, as they best\\ncoidd, and how they did it, cannot be shown better than by copy-\\ning a portion of Joseph Bowman s Journal, and Clark s own\\naccount.\\nFebruary 7th. Began our march early made a good day s march\\nBowman. Clark in his letter to JefTeroon, says, one hundred and thirty men, but he\\nmay not have counted packhorsemen, c.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (See Jefferson s Writings, i. 451.)\\nt There were seventy-nine men. (See Clark s letter to Jefierson.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "1779. Bowman s Journal. 203\\nfor about nine leagues. The road very bad with mud and water.\\nPitched our camp in a square, baggage in the middle, every company to\\nguard their own square.\\n8th. Marched early through the waters which we now began to\\nmeet in those large and level plains where, from the flatness of the\\ncountry, the water rests a considerable time before it drains off Not-\\nwithstanding our men were in great spirits, though much fatigued.\\n9th. Made another day s march. Rain part of the day.\\nlOih. Crossed the river Petit Fort, upon trees which we felled for\\nthat purpose, the water being so high there was no fording it. Still\\nraining and no tents. Encamped near the river. Stormy weather.\\n11th. Crossed the Saline river. Nothing extraordinary this day.\\n12th. Marched across Cat Plains. Saw and killed numbers of\\nbuffaloes. The road very bad from the immense quantity of rain that\\nhad fallen. The men much fatigued. Encamped on the edge of the\\nwood. This plain being fifteen or more miles across, it was late in the\\nnight before the baggage and troops got together. Now 21 miles from\\nSt. Vincents.\\n13th. Arrived early at the two Wabashes although a league asun-\\nder they are now but one. We set to making a canoe.\\n14th. Finished the canoe and put her into the river about four\\no clock in the afternoon.\\n15th. Ferried across the Two Wabashes, it being three miles in\\nwater, to the opposite hills, where we encamped. Still raining. Oir-\\ndered not to fire any guns in future, but in case of necessity.\\n16ih. Marcli all day through rain and water. Crossed the Fir\\nRiver. Provisions begin to be short.\\n17th. Marched early. Crossed several runs very deep. Sent Mr.\\nKennedy, our commissary with three men, to cross the river Embarrass,\\nif possible, and proceed to a plantation opposite Post St. Vincents m\\norder to steal boats or canoes to_ferry us across the Wabash. About an\\nhour by sun we got near the river Embarrass, and found the country all\\noverflowed with water. We strove to find the Wabash. Travelled till\\nthree o clock in mud and water, but could find no place to encamp on.\\nStill keep marching on, but after some time Mr. Kennedy and his party\\nreturned. Found it impossible to pass the Embarrass river. We\\nfound the water falling from a small spot of ground. Staid there the\\nremainder of the night. Drizzly and dark weather.\\n18th. At break of day, heard Governor Hamilton s morning guns.\\nSet off and marched down the river. Saw some fine lands. About\\ntwo o clock came to the bank of the Wabash. Made rafts for four men\\nto cross and go up to town and steal boats, but they spent the day and\\nnight in the water to no purpose, for there was not a foot of dry land lQ\\nbe found-", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "204 Bowman^s Journal. 1779.\\n19th. Captain McCarty s company set to making a canoe. At\\nthree o clock, the four men returned after spending the night on some old\\nlogs in the water. The canoe finished. Captain McCarty with three\\nof his men embarked in the canoe, and made the next attempt to steal\\nboats. But he soon returned, having discovered four large fires about\\na league distant from our camp, that seemed to him to be fires of\\nwhites and Indians. Immediately Colonel Clark sent two men in the\\ncanoe down to meet the battoe, with orders to come on day and night,\\nthat being our last hope from starving. Many of the men much cast\\ndown, particularly the volunteers. No provision of any sort for two\\ndays. Hard fortune.\\n20th. Camp very quiet but hungry. Many of the Creoles volun-\\nteers talking of returning. Fell to making more canoes, when about\\n12 o clock our sentry brought too a boat with five Frenchmen from\\nthe Port, who told us we were not as yet discovered, that the inhabi-\\ntants were well pleased towards us, c.\\nCaptain Willing s brother, who was taken in the Fort, had made his\\nescape to us, and said that one Masonville, with a party of Indians,\\nwere then seven days in pursuit of him, with much news, more news\\nin our favor, such as repairs done to the fort, c. They informed us\\nof two canoes they had seen adrift some distance above us. Ordered\\nCaptain Worthington, with a party of men, to go in search of them.\\nReturned late with one only. One of our men killed a deer which was\\ndistributed in the camp very acceptably.\\n21st. At break of day began to ferry our men over in our two\\ncanoes, to small hills called mamelles, or breasts. Capt. Williams with\\ntwo men went to look for a passage but were discovered by two men\\nin a canoe, but could not bring them to. The whole army being over,\\nwe thought to get to town that night, so plunged into the water, some-\\ntimes to the neck, for more than a league, when we slopped on the next\\nhill of the same name, there being no dry land on any side for many\\nleagues. Our pilot says we cannot get along that it was impossible.\\nThe whole army being over, we encamped. Rain all this day. No\\nprovisions.\\nAnd here we turn to Clark himself.\\nThis last day s march, [February 21st,] through the water was far\\nsuperior to any thing the Frenchmen had an idea of: they were back-\\nward in speaking said that the nearest land to us was a small league,\\ncalled the sugar camp, on the bank of the [river A canoe was sent\\noff, and returned without finding that we could pass. I went in her\\nmyself, and sounded the water found it deep as to my neck. I return-\\nWe take our extracts from a MS copy of the journal portions may also be found in\\nDillon, L 167.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "1779. Clark^s account. 2(1^\\ned with a design to have the men transported on board the canoes to the\\nSugar camp, which I knew would spend the whole day and ensuing\\nnight, as the vessels would pass slowly through the bushes. The loss\\nof so much time, to men half starved, was a matter of consequence. I\\nwould have given now a great deal for a day s provision, or for one of\\nour horses. I returned but slowly to the troops giving myself time\\nto think. On our arrival, all ran to hear what was the report. Every\\neye was fixed on me. I unfortunately spoke in a serious manner to one\\nof the officers the whole were alarmed without knowing what I said-\\nI viewed their confusion for about one minute whispered to those near\\nme to do as I did immediately put some water in my hand, poured on\\npowder, blackened my face, gave the war-whoop, and marched into the\\nwater, without saying a word. The party gazed, and fell in, one after\\nanother, vi iihout saying a word, like a flock of sheep. I ordered those\\nnear me to begin a favorite song of theirs it soon passed through the\\nline, and the whole went on cheerfully. I now intended to have theni\\ntransported across the deepest part of the water but when about waist\\ndeep one of the men informed me that he thought he felt a path. We\\nexamined, and found it so; and concluded that it kept on the highest\\nground, which it did and by taking pains to follow it, we got to the\\nSugar camp, without the least difficulty, where there was about half an\\nacre of dry ground, at least not under water, where we took up our\\nlodging. The Frenchmen that we had taken on the river appeared to\\nbe uneasy at our situation. They begged that they might be permitted\\nto go in the two canoes to town in the night they said that they would\\nbring from their own houses provisions, without a possibility of any\\npersons knowing it that some our men should go with them, as a\\nsurety of their good conduct that it was impossible we could march\\nfrom that place till the water fell, for the plain was too deep to march.\\nSome of the [[officers believed that it might be done. I would not\\nsuffer it. I never could well account for this piece of obstinacy, and\\ngive satisfactory reasons to myself, or any body else, why I denied a\\nproposition apparently so easy to execute, and of so much advantage\\nbut something seemed to tell me that it should not be done and it was\\nnot done.\\nThe most of the weather that we had on this march, was moist\\nand warm, for the season. This was the coldest night we had. The\\nice in the morning was from one half to three quarters of an inch thick,\\nnear the shores, and in still water. The morning was the finest we had\\non our march. A little after sunrise I lectured the whole. What I said\\nto them 1 forget but it may be easily imagined by a person that could\\npossess my affijctions for them at that time: I concluded by in-\\nforming them that passing the plain that was then in full view, and\\nreaching the opposite woods, would put an end to their fatigue that in", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "206 Clark s account. 1779.\\na few hours they would have a sight of their long wished for object\\nand immediately stepped into the water without waiting for any reply.\\nA huzza took place. As we generally marched through the water in a\\nline, before the third entered I hailed and called to Major Bowman, or-\\ndered him to fall in the rear with twenty-five men, and put to death any\\nman who refused to march as we wished to have no such person\\namong us. The whole gave a cry of approbation, and on we went.\\nThis was the most trying of all the difficulties we had experienced. I\\ngenerally kept fifteen or twenty of the strongest men next myself; and\\njudged from my own feelings what must be that of others. Getting\\nabout the middle of the plain, the water about mid-deep, I found myself\\nsensibly failing and as there were no trees nor bushes for the men to\\nsupport themselves by, I feared that many of the most weak would be\\ndrowned. I ordered the canoes to make the land, discharge their load-\\ning, and play backwards and forwards with all diligence, and pick up\\nthe men and to encourage the party, sent some of the strongest men\\nforward, with orders, when they got to a certain distance, to pass the\\nword back that the water was getting shallow and when getting near\\nthe woods to cry out Land This stratagem had its desired effect.\\nThe men, encouraged by it, exerted themselves almost beyond their\\nabilities the weak holding by the stronger. The water never\\ngot shallower, but continued deepening. Getting to the woods where\\nthe men expected land, the water was up to my shoulders but gaining\\nthe woods was of great consequence all the low men and the weakly\\nhung to the trees, and floated on the old logs, until they were taken\\noff by the canoes. The strong and tall got ashore and built fires. Many\\nwould reach the shore, and fall with their bodies half in the water, not\\nbeing able to support themselves without it.\\nThis was a delightful dry spot of ground, of about ten acres. We\\nsoon found that the fires answered no purpose but that two strong men\\ntaking a weaker one by the arms was the only way to recover him and,\\nbeing a delightful day, it soon did. But fortunately, as if designed by\\nProvidence, a canoe of Indian squaws and children was coming up to\\ntown, and took through part of this plain as a nigh way. It was dis-\\ncovered by our canoes as they were out after the men. They gave\\nchase and took the Indian canoe, on board of which was near half a\\nquarter of a buffalo, some corn, tallow, kettles, c. This was a grand\\nprize, and was invaluable. Broth was immediately made and served\\nout to the most weakly, with great care most of the whole got a little\\nbut a great many gave their part to the weakly, jocosely saying some-\\nthing cheering to their comrades. This little refreshment and fine\\nweather, by the afternoon gave new life to the whole. Crossing a nar-\\nrow deep lake in the canoes, and marching some distance, we came to a\\ncopse of timber called the Warrior s Island. We were now in full", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "1779. Clark* s account. 207\\nview of the fort and town, not a shrub between us, at about two miles\\ndistance. Every man now feasted his eyes, and forgot that he had suf-\\nfered any thing saying, that all that had passed was owing to good\\npolicy, and nothing but what a man could bear and that a soldier had\\nno right to think, c. passing from one extreme to another, which is\\ncommon in such cases. It was now we had to disply our abilities. The\\nplain between us and the town was not a perfect level. The sunken\\ngrounds were covered with water full of ducks. We observed several\\nmen out on horseback, shooting them, within a half mile of us and\\nsent out as many of our active young Frenchmen to decoy and take one\\nof these men prisoner, in such a manner as not to alarm the others\\nwhich they did. The information we got from this person was similar\\nto that which we got from those we took on the river except that of\\nthe British having that evening completed the wall of the fort, and that\\nthere was a good many Indians in town.\\nOur situation was now truly critical no possibility of retreating in\\ncase of defeat and in full view of a town that had at this time upwards\\nof six hundred men in it, troops, inhabitants, and Indians. The crew\\nof the galley, though not fifty men, would have been now a reinforce-\\nment of immense magnitude to our little army, (if I may so call it,) but\\nwe would not think of them. We were now in the situation that I had\\nlabored to get ourselves in. The idea of being made prisoner was\\nforeign to almost every man, as they expected nothing but torture from\\nthe savages, if they fell into their hands. Our fate was now to be de-\\ntermined, probably in a few hours. We knew that nothing but the\\nmost daring conduct would ensure success. I knew that a number of\\nthe inhabitants wished us well that many were lukewarm to the inte-\\nrest of either and I also learned that the Grand Chief, the Tobacco s\\nson, had, but a few days before, openly declared in council with the\\nBritish, that he was a brother and friend to the Big Knives. These were\\nfavorable circumstances and as there was but little probability of our\\nremaining until daik undiscovered, I determined to begin the career im-\\nmediately, and wrote the following placard to the inhabitants\\nTo the inhabitants of Post Vincennes.\\nGentlemen Being now within two miles of your village, with my\\narray, determined to take your fort this night, and not being willing to\\nsurprise you, I take this method to request such of you as are true\\ncitizens and willing to enjoy the Tberty I bring you, to remain still in\\nyour houses And those, if any there be, that are friends to the king,\\nwill instantly repair to the fort and join the hair-buyer General, and fight\\nlike men. And if any such as do not go to the fort shall be discovered\\nafterwards, they may depend on severe punishment. On the contrary,\\nthose who are true friends to liberty may depend oq being well treated", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "208 Clark s account. 1779,\\nand I once more request them to keep out of the streets. For every\\none I find in arras on my arrival, I shall treat him as an enemy.\\n[Signed,] G. R. CLARK.\\nA little before sunset we moved and displayed ourselves in full view\\nof the town crowds gazing at us. We were plunging ourselves into\\ncertain destruction, or success. There was no mid-way thought of.\\nWe had but little to say to our men, except inculcating an idea of the\\nnecessity of obedience, c. We knew they did not want encouraging;\\nand that any thing might be attempted with them that was possible for\\nsuch a number perfectly cool, under proper subordination, pleased\\nwith the prospect before them, and much attached to their officers.\\nThey all declared that they were convinced that an implicit obedience\\nto orders was the only thing that would ensure success and hoped that\\nno mercy would be shown the person that should violate them. Such\\nlanguage as this from soldiers, to persons in our station, must have been\\nexceedingly agreeable. We moved on slowly in full view of the town\\nbut as it was a point of some consequence to us lo make ourselves ap-\\npear as formidable, we, in leaving the covert that we were in, marched\\nand counter-marched in such a manner that we appeared numerous. In\\nraising volunteers in the Illinois, every person that set about the business\\nhad a set of colors given them, which they brought with them, to the\\namount of ten or twelve pair. These were displayed to the best ad-\\nvantage and as the low plain we marched through was not a perfect\\nlevel, but had frequent raisings in it seven or eight feet higher than the\\ncommon level, (which was covered wiih water,) and as these raisings\\ngenerally run in an oblique direction to the town, we took the advantage\\nof one of them, marching through the water under it, which completely\\nprevented our being numbered but our colors showed considerably\\nabove the heights, as they were fixed on long poles procured for the\\npurpose, and at a distance made no despicable appearance and as our\\nyoung Frenchmen had, while we lay on the Warrior s Island, decoyed\\nand taken several fowlers, with their horses, officers were mounted on\\nthese horses, and rode about more completely to deceive the enemy. In\\nthis manner we moved, and directed our march in such a way as to\\nsuffer it to be dark before we had advanced more than half way to the\\ntown. We then suddenly altered our direction, and crossed ponds\\nwhere they could not have suspected us, and about eight o clock gained\\nthe heights back of the town.\\nThe garrison was soon completely surrounded, and the firing con-\\ntinued without intermission, (except about fifteen minutes a little before\\nday,) until about nine o clock the following morning. It was kept up\\nby the whole of the troops, joined by a few of the young men of the\\ntown, who got permission except fifty men kept as a reserve.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "1779. Clark^s Account. 209\\nI had made myself fully acquainted with the situation of the fort and\\ntown, and the parts relative to each. The cannon of the garrison was\\non the xipper floors of strong block-houses at each angle of the fort,\\neleven feet above the surface and the ports so badly cut that many of\\nour troops lay under the fire of them within twenty or thirty yards of\\nthe walls. They did no damage except to the buildings of the town,\\nsome of which they much shattered and their musketry, in the dark,\\nemployed against woodsmen covered by houses, palings, ditches, the\\nbanks of the river, (fcc, was but of little avail, and did no injury to us\\nexcept wounding a man or two. As we could not afford to lose men,\\ngreat care was taken to preserve them sufficiently covered, and to keep\\nup a hot fire in order to intimidate the enemy as well as to destroy\\nthem. The embrasures of their cannon were frequently shut, for our\\nriflemen, finding the true direction of them, would pour in such volleys\\nwhen they were opened that the men could not stand to the guns seven\\nor eight of them in a short time got cut down. Our troops would fre-\\nquently abuse the enemy, in order to aggravate them to open their ports\\nand fire their cannon, that they might have the pleasure of cutting them\\ndown with their rifles fifty of which perhaps would be levelled the mo-\\nment the port flew open and I believe that if they had stood at their\\nartillery the greater part of them would have been destroyed in the\\ncourse of the night, as the greater part of our men lay within thirty\\nyards of the walls and in a few hours were covered equally to those\\nwithin the walls, and much more experienced in that mode of fighting.\\nSometimes an irregular fire, as hot as possible, was kept up fiom dif-\\nferent directions for a few minutes, and then only a continual scattering\\nfire at the ports as usual and a great noise and laughter immediately\\ncommenced in different parts of the town, by the reserved parties, as if\\nthey had only fired on the fort a few minutes for amusement; and as if\\nthose continually firing at the fort were only regularly relieved. Con-\\nduct similar to this kept the garrison constantly alarmed.\\nThus the attack continued, until about nine o clock on the morning of\\nthe 24th. Learning that the two prisoners they had brought in the day\\nbefore, had a considerable number of letters with them, I supposed it\\nan express that we expected about this time, which I knew to be of the\\ngreatest moment to us, as we had not received one since our arrival in\\nthe country and not being fully acquainted with the character of our\\nenemy, we were doubtful that those papers might be destroyed to pre-\\nvent which, I sent a flag, [yi iih. a letter,] demanding the garrison.\\nThe following is a copy of the letter* which was addressed by\\nColonel Clark to Lieutenant Governor Hamilton, on this occasion\\nSir In order to save yourself fro.u the impending storm that now\\nExtracted from Major Bowman s MS. Journal.\\n14", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "210 Hamilton proposes terms. 1779.\\nthreatens yoii, I order you immediately to surrender yourself, with all\\nyour garrison, stores, c. For if I am obliged to storm, you may de-\\npend on such treatment as is justly due to a murderer. Beware of\\ndestroying stores of any kind, or any papers or letters that are in your\\npossession, or hurting one house in town for, by Heavens if you do,\\nthere shall be no mercy shown you.\\n[Signed,] G. R. CLARK.\\nTo this the Governor replied, that he could not think of being\\nawed into any action unworthy a British subject but his true\\nfeeling peeped out in his question to Helm, when the bullets rat-\\ntled about the chimney of the room in which they were playing\\npiquet together, and Helm swore that Clark would have them\\nprisoners. Is he a merciful man? said the Governor.\\nClark, finding the British unwilling to yield quietly, began\\nfiring very hot. When this came on, Helm cautioned the\\nEnglish soldiers not to look out through the loop-holes for these\\nVirginia riflemen he said, w^ould shoot their eyes out, if they did.\\nAnd seven being actually shot by balls which came through the\\nport holes, Hamilton was led to send out a flag with the following\\nletter\\nLieutenant Governor Hamilton proposes to Colonel Clark a truce for\\nthree days during which time he promises there shall be no defensive\\nworks carried on in the garrison, on condition that Colonel Clark\\nshall observe on his part, a like cessation of any defensive work that\\nis, he wishes to confer with Colonel Clark as soon as can be and\\npromises that whatever may pass between them two, and another person\\nmutually agreed upon to be present, shall remain secret till matters be\\nfinished, as he wishes, that whatever the result of the conference may\\nbe, it may tend to the honor and credit of each party. If Colonel Clark\\nmakes a difficulty of coming into the fort, Lieutenant Governor Hamil-\\nton will speak to him by the gate.\\n[Signed,] HENRY HAMILTON.\\n24th February, 79.\\nI was at a great loss to conceive what reason Lieutenant Governor\\nHamilton could have for wishing a truce of three days, on such terms\\nas he proposed. Numbers said it was a scheme to get me into their\\npossession. I had a different opinion, and no idea of his possessing\\nsuch sentiments as an act of that kind would infallibly ruin him. Al-\\nthough we had the greatest reason to expect a reinforcement in less than\\nthree days that would at once put an end to the siege, I yet did not", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "1779. Clark and Hamilton meet. 211\\nihink it prudent to agree to the proposals and sent the followmg\\nanswer:\\nColonel Clark s compliments to Lieutenant Governor Hamilton, and\\nbegs leave to inform him that he vpill not agree to any terms other than\\nMr. Hamilton s surrendering himself and garrison prisoners at discre-\\ntion. If Mr. Hamilton is desirous of a conference with Colonel Clark,\\nhe will meet him at the church, with Captain Helm.\\n[Signed,] G. R. C.\\nFebruary 24lh, 79.\\nWe met at the church,* about eighty yards from the fort Lieutenant\\nGovernor Hamilton, Major Hay, Superintendent of Indian Affairs,\\nCaptain Helm, their prisoner. Major Bowman and myself. Tlie confe-\\nrence began. Hamilton produced terms of capitulation, signed, that\\ncontained various articles, one of which was that the garrison should be\\nsurrendered, on their being permitted to go to Pensacola on parole.\\nAfter deliberating on every article, I rejected the whole. He then wish-\\ned that I would make some proposition. I told him that I had no other\\nto make, than what I had already made that of his surrendering as\\nprisoners at discretion. I said that his troops had behaved with spirit\\nthat they could not suppose that they would be worse treated in conse-\\nquence of it that if he chose to comply with the demand, though\\nhard, perhaps the sooner the better that it was in vain to make any\\nproposition to me; that he, by this time, must be sensible that the gar-\\nrison would fall; that both of us must [view all blood spilt for the\\nfuture by the garrison as murder that my troops were already impa-\\ntient, and called aloud for permission to tear down and storm the fort\\nif such a step was taken, many of course would be cut down and the\\nresult of an enraged body of woodsmen breaking in, must be obvious to\\nhim it would be out of the power of an American officer to save a\\nsingle man. Various altercation took place for a considerable time.\\nCaptain Helm attempted to moderate our fixed determination. I told\\nhim he was a British prisoner, and it was doubtful whether or not he\\ncould with propriety speak on the subject. Hamilton then said that\\nCaptain Helm was from that moment liberated, and might use his\\nDuring the conference at the church, some Indian warriors who had been sent to the\\nFalls of the Ohio, for scalps and prisoners, were discovered on their return, as they entered\\nthe plains near Post Vincennes. A party of the American Troops, commanded by Captain\\nWilliams went out to meet them. The Indians, who mistook this detachment for a party\\nof their friends, continued to advance with all the parade of successful warriors. Our\\nmen, says Major Bowman, killed two on the spot wounded three took six prisoners,\\nand brought them into town. Two of them proved to be whites, we released them, and\\nbrought the Indians to the main street, before the fort gate there tomahawked them, and\\nthrew thsm into the river. [Major Bowman s MS. Journal.]", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "212 Hamilton capitulates. 1779.\\npleasure. I informed the Captain that I would not receive him on\\nsuch terms that he must retarn to the garrison, and await his fate. I\\nthen told Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton that hostilities should not com-\\nmence until five minutes after the drums gave the alarm. We took our\\nleave, and parted but a few steps, when Hamilton stopped, and politely-\\nasked me if I would be so kind as to give him my reasons for refusing\\nthe garrison on any other terms than those I had offered. I told him I\\nhad no objections in giving him my real reasons, which were simply\\nthese that I knew the greater part of the principal Indian partizans of\\nDetroit were with him that I wanted an excuse to put them to death,\\nor otherwise treat them, as I thought proper that the cries of the\\nwidows and the fatherless on the frontiers, which they had occasioned,\\nnow required their blood from my hands, and that I did not chose to\\nbe so timorous as to disobey the absolute commands of their authority,\\nwhich I looked upon to be next to divine: that I would rather lose fifty\\nmen, than not to empower myself to execute this piece of business\\nwith propriety that if he chose to risk the massacre of his garrison\\nfor their sakes, it was his own pleasure and that I might perhaps take\\nit into my head to send for some of those widows to see it executed.\\nMajor Hay, paying great attention, I had observed a kind of distrust in\\nhis countenance, which in a great measure influenced my conversation\\nduring this time. On my concluding, Pray, sir, said he, who is\\nit that you call Indian partiz:nis Sir, I replied, I take Major\\nHay to be one of the principal. I never saw a man in the moment of\\nexecution so struck as he appeared to be pale and trembling, scarcely\\nable to stand. Hamilton blushed and, I observed was much affected\\nat his behaviour. Major Bowman s countenance sufficiently explained\\nhis disdain for the one and his sorrow for the other.\\nSome moments elapsed without a word passing on either side. From\\nthat moment my resolutions changed respecting Hamilton s situation.\\nI told him that we would return to our respective posts that I would\\nreconsider the matter, and let him know the result: no offensive mea-\\nsures should be taken in the mean time. Agreed to; and we parted.\\nWhat had passed, being made known to our officers, it was agreed that\\nwe should moderate our resolutions.\\nIn the course of the afternoon of the 24th, the following articles*\\nwere signed, and the garrison capitulated\\nI. Lieutenant Governor Hamilton engages to deliver up to Colonel\\nClark, Fort Sackville, as it is at present, with all the stores, c.\\nII. The garrison are to deliver themselves as prisoners of war and\\nmarch out with their arms and accoutrements, c.\\nIII.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The garrison to be delivered up at ten o clock^ to-morrow.\\nMajor Bowman s MS. Journal.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "1779. Hamilton sent to Virginia. 213\\nIV. Three days time to be allowed the garrison to settle their ac-\\ncounts with the inhabitants and traders of this place.\\nV. The officers of the garrison to be allowed their necessary\\nbaggage, c.\\nSigned at Post St. Vincent, [Vincennes,] 24th February, 1779.\\nAgreed for the following reasons the remoteness from succor the\\nstute and quantity of provisions, c.; unanimity of officers and men in\\nits expediency the honorable terms allowed and lastly, the confidence\\nin a generous enemy.\\n[Signed,] HENRY HAMILTON,\\nLt. Gov. and Superintendent.\\nThe business being now nearly at an end, troops were posted in seve-\\nral strong houses around the garrison, and patroled during the night to\\nprevent any deception that might be attempted. The remainder on\\nduty lay on their arms and, for the first time for many days past, got\\nsome rest. During the siege I got only one man\\nwounded not being able to lose many, I made them secure themselves\\nwell. Seven were badly wounded in the fort, through ports.*\\nHamilton s surrender of St. Vincent s, or Fort Sackville, put a\\nstop of course to the proposed purging of the West from the Long\\nKnives. The Governor and some others were sent prisoners to\\nVirginia, where the Council ordered their confinement in jail,\\nfettered and alone, in punishment for their abominable policy of\\nurging barbarians to ultra barbarism, as they surely had done by\\noffering rewards for scalps but none for prisoners, a course which\\nnaturally resulted in wholesale and cold-blooded murder the\\nIndians driving captives within sight of the British forts and then\\nbutchering them. As this rigid confinement, however just, was\\nnot in accordance with the terms of Hamilton s surrender. General\\nPhillips protested in regard^to it, and Jefferson, having referred the\\nmatter to the commander-in-chief, Washington gave his opinion\\ndecidedly against it, in consequence of which the Council of Vir-\\nginia released the Detroit hair-buyer from his irons. f\\nClark returned to Kaskaskias, where, in consequence of the\\ncompetition of the traders, he found himself more embarrassed\\nfrom the depreciation of the paper money which had been\\nadvanced him by Virginia, than he had been by the movements of\\ntlie British; and where he was forced to pledge his own credit\\nOur extracts from Clark s Journal we owe to Dillon, i. 157 to 173.\\nt Sparks Washington, vi. 315.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Almon s Remembrancer for 1779, pp. 337. 340.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 JeA-\\nferson s Writings, i. 451 to 458.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "214 Conduct of the Iroquois. 1779\\nto procure what he needed, to an extent that influenced vitally his\\nown fortune and life thenceforward.\\nAfter the taking of Vincennes, Detroit was undoubtedly within\\nthe reach of the enterprising Virginian, had he but been able to\\nraise as many soldiers as were starving and idling at Forts Lau-\\nrens and Mcintosh.* He could not; and Governor Henry having\\npromised him a reinforcement, he concluded to wait for that, as\\nhis force was too small to both conquer and garrison the British\\nforts. But the results of what was done were not unimportant\\nindeed, we cannot estimate those results. Hamilton had made\\narrangements to enlist the southern and western Indiansf for the\\nnext spring s campaign; and, if Mr. Stone be correct in his sup-\\npositions, Brant and his Iroquois were to act in concert with him.f\\nHad Clark, therefore, failed to conquer the Governor, there is too\\nmuch reason to fear, that the West would have been, indeed,\\nswept, from the Mississippi to the mountains, and the great blow\\nstruck, which had been contemplated, from the outset, by Britain.\\nBut for his small army of dripping, but fearless Virginians, the\\nunion of all the tribes from Georgia to Maine, against the colonies,\\nmight have been effected, and the whole current of our historj\\nchanged.\\nTurning from the west to the north, we find a new cause of\\ntrouble arising there. Of the six tribes of the Iroquois, the Sene-\\ncas, Mohawks, Cayugas, and Onondagas, had been, from the out-\\nset, inclining to Britain, though all of these, but the Mohawks,\\nhad now and then tried to persuade the Americans to the con-\\ntrary. During the winter of 1778-9, the Onondagas, who had\\nbeen for a while nearly neutral, w^ere suspected, by the Americans,\\nof deception and, this suspicion having become nearly know-\\nledge, a band was sent, early in April, to destroy their towns, and\\ntake such of them, as could be taken, prisoners. The work\\nappointed was done, and the villages and wealth of the poor\\nsavages were annihilated. This sudden act of severity startled alL\\nThe Oneidas, hitherto faithful to their neutrality, were alarmed,\\nlest the next blow should fall on them, and it was only after a full\\nexplanation that their fears were quieted. As for the Onondagas,\\nClark in his letter to Jefferson, (Jefferson s Writinrrs, i 451,) says that with 500 men,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0when he first reached Illinois, or with 300 after the conquest of St. Vincents, he could\\nhave taken Detroit. The people of Detroit had great rejoicings when they heard of\\nHamOton 3 capture, and the garrison of the fort was but eighty strong,\\nButler, p. 80. Stone, vol. i. p. 400.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "1779. General Sullivan attacks Iroquois. 215\\nit was not to be hoped that they would sit down under such treat-\\nment and we find, accordingly, that some hundred of their war-\\nriors were at once in the field, and from that time forward, a\\nportion of their nation remained, and, we think, justly, hostile to\\nthe United Colonies.*\\nThose colonies, meanwhile, had become convinced, from the\\nmassacres at Wyoming and Cherry Valley, that it was advisable\\nto adopt some means of securing the north-western and western\\nfrontiers against the recurrence of such catastrophes and, the hos-\\ntile tribes of the Six Nations being the most numerous and deadly\\nfoes, it was concluded to begin by strong action against them.\\nWashington had always said, that the only proper mode of defence\\nagainst the Indians was to attack them, and this mode he deter-\\nmined to adopt on this occasion. Some difference of opinion ex-\\nisted, however, as to the best path into the country of the inimical\\nIroquois that most lovely country in the west of New York, which\\nis now fast growing into a granary for millions of men. General\\nSchuyler was in favor of a movement up the Mohawk river; the\\nobjection to which route was, that it carried the invaders too near\\nto Lake Ontario, and within reach of the British. The other\\ncourse proposed was up the Susquehanna, which heads, as all\\nknow, in the region that was to be reached. The latter route was.\\nthe one determined upon by Washington for the main body of\\ntroops, which was to be joined by another body moving up the\\nMohawk, and also by detachments coming from the western army,\\nby the way of the Alleghany and French Creek; upon further\\nthought, however, the movement from the West was counter-\\nmanded.* All the arrangements for this grand blow were made\\nin March and April, but it was the last of July before General Sul-\\nlivan got his men under way from Wyoming, where they had\\ngathered and, of course, information of the proposed movements\\nhad been given to the Indians and Tories, so that Brant, the John-\\nsons, and their followers stood ready to receive the invaders.\\nThey were not, however, strong enough to withstand the Amer-\\nicans and, having been defeated at the battle of Newiown, were\\ndriven from village to village, and their whole country was laid\\nwaste. Houses were burned, crops and orchards destroyed, and\\nevery thing done that could be thought of, to render the country\\nuninhabitable. Of all these steps Mr. Stone speaks fully. Forty\\nStone, vol. i. p. 405.\\nSparks g Washington, vol. vi. pp. 183 et seq", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "216 Brodhead attacks Iroquois. 1779.\\ntowns, he tell us, were burnt, and more than one hundred and\\nsixty thousand bushels of corn. Well did the Senecas name\\nWashington, whose armies did all this, the Town Destroyer.\\nHaving performed this portion of his work, Sullivan turned home-\\nward from the beautiful valley of the Genesee leaving Niagara,\\nwhither the Indians fled, as to the strong hold of British power in\\nthat neighborhood, untouched. This conduct, Mr. Stone thinks\\ndifficult of solution, as he supposes the conduct of that post\\nto have been one of the main objects of the expedition. Such,\\nhowever, was not the fact. Originally it had been part of the pro-\\nposed plan to attack Niagara f but, early in January, Washington\\nwas led to doubt, and then to abandon, that part of the plan,\\nthinking it wiser to carry on, merely, some operations on a smaller\\nscale against the savages.\\nOne of the smaller operations was from the West. On the 22d\\nof March, 1779, Washington wrote to Colonel Daniel Brodhead,\\nwho had succeeded Mcintosh at Fort Pitt, that an incursion into\\nthe country of the Six Nations was in preparation, and that in con-\\nnection therewith, it might be advisable for a force to ascend the\\nAlleghany to Kittaning, and thence to Venango, and having for-\\ntified both points, to strike the Mingoes and Munceys upon French\\ncreek and elsewhere in that neighborhood, and thus aid General\\nSullivan in the great blow he was to give by his march up the\\nSusquehanna. Brodhead was also directed to say to the western\\nIndians, that if they made any trouble, the whole force of the United\\nStates would be turned against them, and they should be cut off\\nfrom the face of the earth. But on the 21st of April these orders\\nwere countermanded, and the western commander was directed to\\nprepare a rod for the Indians of the Ohio and western lakes and\\nespecially to learn the best time for attacking Detroit. Whether\\nthis last advice came too late, or was withdrawn again, we have\\nno means of learning; but Brodhead proceeded as originally\\ndirected; marched up the Alleghany, burned the towns of the\\nIndians, and destroyed their crops.\\nThe immediate results of this and other equally prompt and\\nsevere measures, was to bring the Delawares, Shawanese, and\\neven W^yandots, to Fort Pitt, on a treaty of peace. There Brod-\\nVol.ii. p. 36.\\ntSparks s Washington, vol. vi. pp. 120, 146.\\ni Ibid., pp. 162-166.\\n11 Sparks 8 Washington, vi. 205. 224. 384. 387.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "1779. Rogers and Benham Defeated. 217\\nhead met them, on his return in September, and a long conference\\nwas held, to the satisfaction of both parties.\\nFarther west during this summer and autumn the Indians were\\nmore successful. In July, the stations being still troubled, Colonel\\nBowman undertook an expedition into the country of the Shawanese,\\nactingupon Washington s principle, that to defend yourselves against\\nIndians, you must assail them. He marched undiscovered into the\\nimmediate vicinity of the towns upon the Little Miami, and so\\ndivided and arranged his forces, as to ensure apparent success\\none portion of the troops being commanded by himself, another\\nby Colonel Benjamin Logan; but from some unexpected cause,\\nhis division of the whites did not co-operate fully with that led by\\nLogan, and the whole body was forced to retreat, after having\\ntaken some booty, including a hundred and sixty horses, and\\nleaving the town of the savages in cinders, but also leaving the\\nfierce warriors themselves in no degree daunted or crippled.*\\nNor was it long before they showed themselves south of the Ohio\\nagain, and unexpectedly won a victory over the Americans of no\\nslight importance. The facts, so far as we can gather them, are\\nthese\\nAn expedition which had been in the neighborhood of Lexing-\\nton, where the first permanent improvements were made in April,\\nof this year,f upon its return came to the Ohio near the Licking, at\\nthe very time that Colonel Rogers and Captain Benham reached the\\nsame point on their way up the river in boats. A few of the Indians\\nwere seen by the commander of the little American squadron, near\\nthe mouth of the Licking and supposing himself to be far superior\\nin numbers, he caused seventy of his men to land, intending to\\nsurround the savages in a few moments, however he found he\\nwas himself surrounded, and after a hard fought battle, only twenty\\nor twenty-five, or perhaps even fewer, of the party were left alive.\\nIt was in connection with this skirmish that a coincidence occurred\\nwhich seems to belong rather to a fanciful story than to sober his-\\ntory, and which yet appears to be well authenticated. In the party\\nof whites was Captain Robert Benham. He was one of those that\\nfell, being shot through both hips, so as to be powerless in his\\nlower limbs he dragged himself, however, to a tree-top, and there\\nlay concealed from the savages after the contest was over. On the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Marshall i. 91, See General Ray s opinion, note to Butler, 110.\\nt Holmes s Annals, ii. 304; note. American Pioneer, ii. 346. Butler, 101. Marshall, 1.89.\\nI Butler, 2d edition, 102. (In this account there is confusion the Indians are represented\\nas coming on their return from Kentucky, down the Little Miami.) McClung, 148.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "218 Claims to Western Lands. 1779.\\nevening of the second day, seeing a raccoon, he shot it, but no\\nsooner was the crack of his rifle heard than he distinguished a hu-\\nman voice, not far distant; supposing it to be some Indian, he\\nre-loaded his gun and prepared for defence but a few moments\\nundeceived him, and he discovered that the person whose voice\\nhe had heard was a fellow-sufferer, with this difference, however,\\nthat both his arms were broken Here then, were the only two\\nsurvivers of the combat, (except those who had entirely escaped,)\\nwith one pair of legs and one pair of arms between them. It will\\nbe easily believed that they formed a co-partnership for mutual aid\\nand defence. Benham shot the game which his friend drove to-\\nward him, and the man with sound legs then kicked it to the spot\\nwhere he with sound arms sat ready to cook it. To procure water,\\nthe one with legs took a hat by the brim in his teeth, and walked\\ninto the Licking up to his neck, while the man with arms was to\\nmake signals if any boat appeared in sight. In this way they\\nspent about six weeks, when, upon the 27th of November, they\\nwere rescued. Benham afterward bought and lived upon the land\\nwhere the battle took place his companion, Mr. Butler, tells us,\\nwas, a few years since, still living at Brownsville, Pennsylvania.\\nBut the military operations of 1779 were not those which were\\nof the most vital importance to the west. The passage of the\\nLand Laws by Virginia was of more consequence than the losing\\nor gaining of many battles, to the hardy pioneers of Kentucky and\\nto their descendents. Of these laws we can give at best a vague\\noutline, but it may be enough to render the subject in some de-\\ngree intelligible.\\nIn 1779 there existed claims of very various kinds to the\\nwestern lands;\\n1. Those of the Ohio, Walpole, and other companies, who had a\\ntitle more or less perfect, from the British government none of\\nthese had been perfected by patents, however.\\n2. Claims founded on the military bounty warrants of 1763:\\nsome of these were patented.\\n3. Henderson s claim by purchase from the Indians.\\n4. Those based on mere selection and occupancy.\\n5. Others resting on selection and survey, without occupancy.\\n6. Claims of persons who had imported settlers for each such\\nsettler, under an old law, fifty acres were to be allowed.\\n7. Claims of persons who had paid money into the old colonial\\ntreasury for land.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "1779. Virginia Land Laws. 219\\n8. The claims of the officers and soldiers of the Revolution, to\\nwhom Virginia was indebted.\\nThese various claims were in the first place to be provided for,\\nand then the residue of the rich vallies beyond the mountains\\nmight be sold to pay the debts of the parent State. In May,* the\\nchief laws relative to this most important and complicated subject\\nwere passed, and commissioners were appointed to examine the\\nvarious claims which might be presented, and give judgment ac-\\ncording to the evidence brought forward, their proceedings, how-\\never, to remain open to revision until December 1, 1780. And as\\nthe subject was a perplexed one, the following principles were laid\\ndown for their guidance\\nI. All surveys (without patents,) made before January 1, 1778,\\nby any county surveyor commissioned by William and Mary Col-\\nlege, and founded (a) upon charter; (b) upon importation rights\\nduly proved (cj upon treasury rights, (money paid into the colo-\\nnial treasury (d) upon entries not exceeding four hundred acres,\\nmade before October 26, 1763; (e) upon acts of the Virginia\\nAssembly resulting from orders in council, c.; (f) upon any war-\\nrant from a colonial governor, for military services, c. were to be\\ngood all other surveys null and void.\\nII. Those who had not made surveys, if claiming (a) under im-\\nportation rights (b) under treasury rights (c) under warrants for\\nmilitary services, were to be admitted to survey and entry.\\nIII. Those who had actually settled, or caused at their cost\\nothers to settle, on unappropriated lands, before January 1, 1778,\\nwere to have four hundred acres, or less, as they pleased, for every\\nfamily so settled paying $2.25 for each hundred acres.\\nIV. Those who had settled in villages befoi e January 1, 1778^\\nwere to receive for each family four hundred acres, adjacent to the\\nvillage, at $2.25 per hundred acres; and the village property was\\nto remain unsurveyed until the general assembly could examine\\nthe titles to it, and do full justice.\\nV. To all having settlement rights, as above described, was\\ngiven also a right of pre-emption to one thousand acres adjoining\\nthe settlement, at State prices forty cents an acre.\\nVI. To those who had settled since January 1, 1778, was given\\na pre-emption right to four hundred acres, adjoining and including\\nthe settlement made by them.\\nVII. All the region between Green river, the Cumberland moun-\\nMorehead, 166.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "220 Virginia Land Laws. 1779.\\ntains, Tennessee, the river Tennessee, and the Ohio, was reserved,\\nto be used for military claims.\\nVIII. The two hundred thousand acres granted Henderson and\\nhis associates, October, 1778, along the Ohio, below the mouth of\\nGreen river, remained still appropriated to them.\\nHaving thus provided for the various classes of claimants, the\\nLegislature offered the remainder of the pubhc lands at forty cents\\nan acre the money was to be paid into the Treasury and a war-\\nrant for the quantity wished taken by the purchaser this warrant\\nhe was to take to the surveyor of the county in which he wished\\nto locate, and an entry was to be made of every location, so spe-\\ncial and distinct that the adjoining lands might be known with\\ncertainty. To persons unable to pay cash, four hundred acres\\nwere to be sold on credit, and an order of the county court was to\\nbe substituted for the warrant of the Treasury.\\nTo carry these laws into effect, four Virginians were sent west-\\nward to attend to claims these gentlemen opened their court on\\nthe 13th of October, at St. Asaphs, and continued their sessions at\\nvarious points, until April, 26, 1780, when they adjourned to meet\\nno more, after having given judgment in favor of about three\\nthousand claims. The labors of the commissioners being ended,\\nthose of the surveyor commenced and Mr. George May, who had\\nbeen appointed to that office, assumed its duties upon the 10th day\\nof that month the name of which he bore.*\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Marshall, i, 82. 97. See also Statutes of Virginia, by B. W. Leigh, ii. 347. 348. 350.\\n353. 388.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "1780.\\nWith this year commences the history of those troubles relative\\nto the navigation of the Mississippi, which for so long a time\\nproduced the deepest discontent in the West. Spain had taken\\nthe American part so far as to go to war with Britain, but no\\ntreaty had yet been concluded between Congress and the powers\\nat Madrid. Mr. Jay, however, had been appointed Minister from\\nthe United States, at the Spanish court, where he arrived in the\\nspring of this year, and where he soon learned the grasping plans\\nof the Southern Bourbons. These plans indeed, were in no\\ndegree concealed, the French Minister being instructed to inform\\nCongress,\\nThat his most Christian majesty,* being uninformed of the appointment\\nof a minister plenipotentiary to treat of an alliance between the United\\nStates and his catholic majesty ,t has signified to his minister plenipo-\\ntentiary to the United States, that he wishes most earnestly for such an\\nalliance and in order to make the way more easy, has commanded him\\nto communicate to the congress, certain articles, which his catholic\\nmajesty deems of great importance to the interests of his crown, and\\non which it is highly necessary that the United States explain them-\\nselves with precision and with such moderation, as may consist with\\ntheir essential rights.\\nThat the articles are,\\n1. A precise and invariable western boundary to the United States.\\n2. The exclusive navigation of the river Mississippi.\\n3. The possession of the Floridas and,\\n4. The land on the left or eastern side of the river Mississippi.\\nThat on the first article, it is the idea of the cabinet of Madrid, that\\nthe United States extend to the westward no farther than settlements\\nwere permitted by the royal proclamation, bearing date the 7lh day of\\nOctober, 1763, (that is to say, not west of the Alleghanies.)\\nOn the second, that the United States do not consider themselves as\\nhaving any right to navigate the river Mississippi, no territory belong-\\ning to them being situated thereon.\\nOf France. t Of Spain.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "222 Fort Jefferson built. 1780.\\nOn ihe third, that it is probable the king of Spain will conquer the\\nFloridas, during the course of the present war and in such an event,\\nevery cause of dispute relative thereto, betwen Spain and these United\\nStates, ought to be removed.\\nOn the fourth, that the lands lying on the east side of the Mississippi,\\nwhereon the settlements were prohibited by the aforesaid proclamation,\\nare possessions of the crown of Great Britain, and proper objects\\nagainst which the arras of Spain may be employed, for the purpose of\\nmaking a permanent conquest for the Spanish crown. That such con-\\nquest may, probably, be made during the present war. That, therefore,\\nit would be advisable to restrain the southern states from making any\\nsettlements or conquests in these territories. That the council of Madrid\\nconsider the United States, as having no claim to those territories, either\\nas not having had possession of them, before the present war, or not\\nhaving any foundation for a claim in the right of the sovereignty of\\nGreat Britain, whose dominion they have abjured.*\\nThese extraordinary claims of his Catholic Majesty were in no\\nrespect admitted during this year either by Mr. Jay or Congress,\\nand in October a full statement of the views of the United States\\nas to their territorial rights, was drawn up, probably by Mr. Madi-\\nson, and sent to the Ambassador at Madrid. f Meantime, as Vir-\\nginia considered the use of the Great Western river very neces-\\nsary to her children. Governor Jefferson had ordered a fort to be\\nconstructed upon the Mississippi below the mouth of the Ohio.\\nThis was done in the spring of the year 1780, by General G. R.\\nClark, who was stationed at the Falls and was named by him\\nafter the writer of the Declaration of Independence. This fort\\nfor some purposes may have been well placed, but it was a great\\nmistake to erect it, without notice, in the country of the Chicka-\\nsaws, who had thus far been true friends to the American cause.\\nThey regarded this unauthorized intrusion upon their lands as the\\nfirst step in a career of conquest, and as such resented it while\\nthe settlers of Kentucky looked upon the measure with but little\\nfavor, as it tended to diminish the available force in their stations,\\nwhich were still exposed to the ceaseless hostility of the Shawa-\\nnese and Wyandots. The inhabitants of these stations, mean-\\nwhile, were increasing with wonderful rapidity under the induce-\\nments presented by the land laws, and although the winter of\\n1779-80, was one of the most severe ever experienced in the\\nSee Pitkin s History of the United States, ii. p. 92.\\nt Pitkin, ii. 512, 91. Life of John Jay, i. lOS, c.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "1780. Land donated for School purposes. 223\\nWest, the wild animals being starved and frozen in the forest,\\nwhile the domesticated fared no better in the settlements, still\\nemigrants crowded over the mountains as soon as spring opened.\\nThree hundred large family boats arrived early in the year at the\\nFalls; and on Beargrass creek was a population containing six\\nhundred serviceable men.* Nor did the swarming stop with the\\nold settlements in the southwest part of the State the hunter\\nMaulding, and his four sons, built their outpost upon the Red river\\nwhich empties into the Cumberland;! while, sometime in the\\nspring of this same year, Dr. Walker, and Colonel Henderson, the\\nfirst visitor and first colonist of Kentucky, tried to run the line\\nwhich should divide Virginia from Carolina, (or as things are now\\nnamed, Kentucky from Tennessee,) westward as far as the Missis-\\nsippi; an attempt in which they failed. Nor was it to western\\nlands and territorial boundaries alone that Virginia directed her\\nattention at this time in May we find her Legislature saying that,\\nWhereas, it is represented to this General Assembly that there\\nare certain lands within the county of Kentucky, formerly belong-\\ning to British subjects, not yet sold under the law of escheats and\\nforfeitures, which might at a future day be a valuable fund for the\\nmaintenance and education of youth, and it being the interest\\nOF this Commonwealth always to promote and encourage\\nEVERY design WHICH MAY TEND TO THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE MIND\\nAND THE DIFFUSION OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE EVEN AMONG ITS REMOTE\\nCITIZENS, whose situation in a barbarous neighborhood and a savage\\nintercourse J might otherwise render unfriendly to science be it there-\\nenacted, that eight thousand acres of land, within the said county\\nof Kentucky, late the property of those British subjects, should\\nbe vested in trustees, as a free donation from this Commonwealth\\nfor the purpose of a public school, or seminary of learning, to be\\nerected w^ithin the said county, as soon as its circumstances and\\nthe state of its funds will permit.\\nSuch, and so early laid, was the foundation of the first western\\nSeminary of literature just five years after the forts of Boones-\\nborough and Harrodsburg rose amidst the woods. In May of this\\nyear, as already related, St. Louis was attacked by the British and\\nButler, second edition, 99.\\nMorehead, p. 83.\\n4 Marshall, i. 113. Holmes Annale, ii. 304, note 3d.\\nJ There names were Robert McKenzie, Henry CollinS; and Alexander McKee.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "224 Invasion of Kentucky by Canadians and Indians. 1780.\\nIndians.* Nor did they confine their attentions entirely to the\\nSpaniards and the more distant West.\\nIn the summer of 1780, just before the return of Boone to the\\nWest, the most formidable invasion of Kentucky took place of\\nwhich her annals contain any notice. A body of six hundred\\nmen, Canadians and Indians, commanded by Colonel Byrd, a\\nBritish officer, and accompanied by either two or six cannon,!\\nmarched up the valley of the Licking. It first appeared, on the\\n22d of June, before Riddle s station on the south fork of that\\nriver, and required instant surrender. The demand could not be\\nresisted, as the Kentucky stockades were powerless against can-\\nnon. Martin s station on the same stream was next taken; and\\nthen, from some unexplained cause, the whole body of invaders\\nwhose number was double that of all the fighting men east of the\\nKentucky river turned right about face and hurried out of the\\ncountry with all speed. The only reasonable explanation of the\\nmatter is that the British commander, horror-stricken and terrified\\nat the excesses and cruelties of his savage allies, dared not go\\nforward in the task by no means a hopeless one of depopu-\\nlating the woods of Kentucky.\\nThis incursion by Byrd and his red friends, little as it had\\neffected, was enough to cause Clark, who had just returned from\\nhis labors on Fort Jefferson, and who found at the Falls a letter\\nfrom the Governor of Virginia, recommending an attack upon the\\nIndian villages north of the Ohio to take immediate steps for\\nthe chastisement of the savages, and especially for the destruction\\nof the store which furnished goods to the natives. This was situ-\\nated where the post destroyed by the French in 1752 had been,\\nand was known in later days as Loramie s store. When, how-\\never, in accordance with his determination, Clark, in July, went to\\nHarrodsburg to enlist recruits, he found the whole population\\ncrazy about land entries, Mr. May, the Surveyor, having opened\\nhis office but two months previous. The General proposed to him\\nto shut up for a time while the Indians were attended to the\\nSurveyor in reply expressed a perfect willingness to do so in case\\nGeneral Clark would order it, but said that otherwise he had no\\nauthority to take such a step. The order was accordingly given\\nand public notice spread abroad, accompanied by a full statement\\nAnte, p. 182.\\nButler, 110.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Marshall i. 107.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Boone d Narrative in Filson, 44.\\nButler, 110.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Marshall i. 106,", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "1780. Objections of J^ew Jersey to the plan of Union. 225\\nof the reasons for the proceeding. The result proved, as usual,\\nClark s sagacitj^; volunteers flocked to his standard, and soon\\nwith a thousand men he was at the mouth of the Licking. Silently\\nand swaftly from that point he proceeded to attack the town known\\nas Chillicothe, on the Little Miami, and then the Pickaway towns\\non Mad river. In both attacks he succeeded; destroying the\\ntowns, burning the crops, and above all annihilating the British\\nstore above referred to, with its contents. This expedition, the\\nfirst efficient one ever undertaken against the Miami nests of\\nenemies for a time relieved Kentucky from the attack of any\\nbody of Indians sufficiently numerous to produce serious alarm.*\\nDuring this period of comparative quiet those measures which led\\nto the cession of the western lands to the United States began to\\nassume a definite form.\\nUpon the 25th of June, 1778, when the articles of confedera-\\ntion were under discussion in Congi-ess, the objections of New\\nJersey to the proposed plan of union were brought forward, and\\namong them was this\\nIt was ever the confident expectation of this State, that the benefits de-\\nrived from a successful contest were to be general and proportionate and\\nthat the property of the common enemy, falling in consequence of a pros-\\nperous issue of the war, would belong to the United States, and be appro-\\npriated to their use. We are llierefore greatly disappointed in finding\\nno provision made in the confederation for empowerhig the Congress\\nto dispose of such property, but especially the vacant and impatented\\nlands, commonly called the crown lands, for defraying the expenses of\\nthe war, and for such other public and general purposes. The juris-\\ndiction ought in every instance to belong to the respective states within\\nthe charter or determined limits of which such lands may be seated\\nbut reason and justice must decide, that the property which existed in\\nthe crovi n of Great Britain, previous to the present revolution, ought\\nnow to belong to the Congress, in trust for the use and benefit of the\\nUnited States. They have fought and bled for it in proportion to their\\nrespective abilities and therefore the reward ought not to be predilec-\\ntionally distributed. Shall such States as are shut out by situation from\\navailing themselves of the least advantange from this quarter, be left to\\nsink under an enormous debt, whilst others are enabled, in a short\\nperiod, to replace all their expenditures from the hard earnings of the\\nwhole confederacy .t\\nSee, for a particular account of this expedition, Stipp s Miscellany, 63 to 0. Butler\\n117. Marshall i. 109. Americaa Pioneer, i. 346. Boone s Narrative. Filson s Map.\\nt See Secret Journal, i. p. 377,\\n15", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "226 Instructions of Maryland. 1780..\\nNor was New Jersey alone in her views. In January 1779, the\\nCouncil and Assembly of Delaware, while they authorized their\\nDelegates to ratify the Articles of Confederation, also passed cer-\\ntain resolutions, and one of them was in these words\\nHesolved also, That this state consider themselves justly entitled to a\\nright, in common with the members of the Union, to that extensive\\ntract of country which lies to the westward of the frontiers of the Uni-\\nted States, the property of which was not vested in, or granted to, indi-\\nviduals at the commencement of the present war. That the same hath\\nbeen, or may be, gained from the king of Great Britain, or the native\\nIndians, by the blond and treasure of all, and ought therefore to be a\\ncommon estate, to be granted out on terms beneficial to the United\\nStates.*\\nBut this protest, however positive, w-as not enough for Mary-\\nland, the representatives of which in Congress, presented upon\\nthe 21st of May, 1779, their instructions relative to confirming the\\nmuch talked-of bond that was to make the colonies one. From\\nthose instructions we select the following passages\\nVirginia, by selling on the most moderate terms a small proportion of\\nthe lands in question, would draw into her treasury vast sums of money;\\nand in proportion to the sums arising from such sales, would be enabled\\nto lessen her taxes. Lands comparatively cheap, and taxes compara-\\ntively low, with the lands and taxes of an adjacent State, would quickly\\ndrain the State thus disadvantageously circumstanced of its most useful\\ninhabitants its wealth and its conseqtience in the scale of the confede-\\nrated States would sink of course. A claim so injurious to more than\\none half, if not to the whole of the United States, ought to be supported\\nby the clearest evidence of the right. Yet what evidences of that right\\nhave been produced What arguments alleged in support either of the\\nevidence or the right? None that we have heard of deserving a serious\\nrefutation.\\nWe are convinced, policy and justice require, that a country unsettled\\nat the commencement of this war, claimed by the British crown, and\\nceded to it by the treaty of Paris, if wrested from the common enemy\\nby the blood and treasure of the thirteen States, should be considered as\\na common property, subject to be parceled out by Congress, into free,\\nconvenient, and independent governments, in such manner, and at such\\ntimes as the wisdom of that assembly shall hereafter direct.\\nThus convinced, we should betray the trust reposed in us by our con-\\nstituents, were we to authorize you to ratify on their behalf the confede-\\nSee Secret Journal, i. p. 429..", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "1780. Resolution of Congress respecting Public Lands. 227\\nration, unless it be farther explained. We have coolly and dispassion-\\nately considered the subject we have weighed probable inconveniences\\nand hardships against the sacrifice of just and essential rights and do\\ninstruct you not to agree to the confederation, unless an article or articles\\nbe added thereto in conformity with our declaration. Should we succeed\\nin obtaining such article or articles, then you are hereby fully em-\\npowered to accede to the confederation.*\\nThese difficulties toward perfecting the Union were increased\\nby the passage of the laws in Virginia, for disposing of the public\\nlands; this, as we have stated, was done in May, 1779. Appre-\\nhensive of the consequences. Congress, upon the 30th of October,\\nin that year, resolved that Virginia be recommended to reconsider\\nher Act opening a land office, and that she and all other States\\nclaiming wild lands be requested to grant no warrants during the\\ncontinuance of the war.f The troubles which thus threatened to\\narise from the claims of Virginia, New York, Massachusetts, and\\nConnecticut, to the lands which other colonies regarded as com-\\nmon property, caused New York, on the 19th of February, 1780,\\nto pass an act which gave to the Delegates of that State power to\\ncede the western lands claimed by her for the benefit of the United\\nStates. This law was laid before Congress on the 7th of the next\\nmonth, (March, 80, but no step seems to have been taken until\\nSeptember 6th, 1780, when a resolution passed that body pressing\\nupon the States claiming western lands the wisdom of giving up\\ntheir claims in favor of the whole country and to aid this\\nrecommendation, upon the 10th of October, was passed the fol-\\nlowing resolution which formed the basis of all after action,\\nand was the first of those legislative measures which have thus\\nfar resulted in the creation of the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois,\\nand Michigan,\\nNo. 9. Resolved, That the unappropriated lands that may be ceded\\nor relinquished to the United States, by any particular State, pursuant\\nto the recommendation of Congress of the 6th day of September last,\\nshall be disposed of for the common benefit of the United Stales, and\\nbe settled and formed into distinct republican States, which shall become\\nmembers of the Federal Union, and have the same rights of sovereignty,\\nfreedom, and independence, as the other States that each State which\\nSee Secret Journal, i. p. 435, Old Journals, iii. 582.\\nt Old Journals, iii. 384, 385. Old Journal, iii. 535.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Land Laws, 338,\\nJ Old Journals, iii. 516.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "228 Plan of conquering Detroit again renewed. 1780.\\nshall be so formed shall contain a suitable extent of territory, not less\\nthan 100 nor more than 150 miles square, or as near thereto as circura-\\nslanees will admit: that the necessary and reasonable expenses which\\nany particular state shall have incurred since the commencement of the\\npresent war, in subduing any British posts, or in maintaining forts or\\ngarrisons within and for the defence, or in acquiring any part of the\\nterritory that may be ceded or relinquished to the United States, shall\\nbe reimbursed.\\nThat the said lands shall be granted or settled at such times, and un-\\nder such regulations, as shall hereafter be agreed on by the United\\nSlates in Congress assembled, or in any nine or more of them.*\\nSuch were the steps taken in relation to the great western wil-\\nderness during the year of which we are treating.\\nAnd soon after, in December of that year, the plan of conquer-\\ning Detroit was renewed again. In 1779 that conquest might\\nhave been effected by Clark had he been supported by any spirit f\\nin January 1780, the project was discussed between Washington\\nand Brodhead, and given up or deferred, as too great for the\\nmeans of the Continental establishment in the following Octo-\\nber so weak was that establishment that Fort Pitt itself was threat-\\nened by the savages and British, while its garrison, destitute of\\nbread, while there was an abundance in the country, were half\\ndisposed to mutiny. 1| Under these circumstances. Congress being\\npowerless for action, Virginia proposed to carry out the original\\nplan of her western General, and extend her operations to the\\nLakes; we find, in consequence, that an application was made\\nby Jefferson to the Commander-in-chief for aid, and that on the\\n29th of December, an order was given by him on Brodhead for\\nartillery, tools, stores, and men.\u00c2\u00a7 How far the preparations for\\nthis enterprize were carried and why they were abandoned we\\nhave not been able to discover; but upon the 25th of April 1781,\\nWashington wrote to General Clark, warning him that Connolly,\\nwho had just been exchanged, was expected to go from Canada\\nSee Land Laws, p. 338.\\nt See p. 214.\\nSparks Washington, vi. 433. An attempt upon Natchez was also contemplated and\\nabandoned. Do. do.\\nII Sparks Washington, vii. 270.\\nFour field pieces, one howitzer, five hundred spades, two hundred picks, c. c.\\nSparks Washington, vii. 343.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "1780. Act estabUshing the town of Louisville. 229\\nto Venango, (Franklin, mouth of French creek,) with a force of\\nrefugees, and thence to Fort Pitt, with blank Commissions for\\nsome hundreds of dissatisfied men believed to be in that vicinity.*\\nFrom this it would seem probable that the Detroit expedition was\\nnot abandoned at that time.\\nTwo other facts close the chronicle of 1780 the one, that upon\\nthe 1st of November the county of Kentucky was divided into\\nthe three counties of Lincoln, Fayette, and Jefferson;! the other,\\nthe passage of an Act in May for establishing the town of Louis-\\nville. We have mentioned the survey of the lands at the Falls\\nby Bullitt, in 1773, on account of John Connolly and also the\\nadvertisement of that gentleman and John Campbell, dated April\\n3, 1774. Connolly, however, as a tory, had forfeited his title,\\nand in the present year Virginia proceeded to dispose of his share\\nin the one thousand acres at the Falls of the Ohio. But as Camp-\\nbell, the apparent joint owner, was in captivity in 1780, final\\naction was delayed until his return. This having taken place,\\nsuccessive acts in May and October, S3, and October 84, were\\npassed protecting and securing his interests while the share of his\\nrefugee partner was disposed of. IT\\nsparks Washington, viii. 25. This letter is not in the Index to Mr. Sparks work,\\nt Marshall, i. 111. Filson s Map.\\nCollection of Acts, c., relative to Louisville. Louisville, 1837, p. 3.\\np. 152, note. p. Do. p. 151. Acts relative to Louisville, pp.4, 5, 6.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "1781.\\nVirginia, in accordance with the recommendation of Congress\\nalready noticed, upon the 2d of January of this year, agreed to\\nyield her western lands to the United States, upon certain condi-\\ntions among which were these; 1st, no person holding ground\\nunder a purchase from the natives to him or his grantors, indivi-\\ndually, and no one claiming under a grant or charter from the\\nBritish crown, inconsistent with the charter or customs of Virginia,\\nwas to be regarded as having a valid title and 2nd, the United\\nStates were to guarantee to Virginia all the territory south-east of\\nthe Ohio to the Atlantic, as far as the bounds of Carolina. These\\nconditions Congress would not accede to, and the Act of Cession,\\non the part of the Old Dominion failed, nor was any thing farther\\ndone until 1783.*\\nEarly in the same month in which Virginia made her first Act\\nof Cession, a Spanish captain, with sixty-five men, left St. Louis,\\nfor the purpose of attacking some one of the British posts of the\\nnorth-west. Whether this attempt originated in a desire to re-\\nvenge the English and Indian siege of St. Louis, in the previous\\nyear, or whether it was a mere pretence to cover the claims about\\nthat time set up by Spain to the western country, in opposition to\\nthe colonies! which she claimed to be aiding, it is perhaps impos-\\nsible to say. But these facts, that the point aimed at, St. Joseph s,\\nwas far in the interior and that this crusade was afterwards\\nlooked to by the court of Spain as giving a ground of territorial\\nright make it probable that the enterprise was rather a legal one\\nagainst the Americans, than a military one against the English\\nand this conclusion is made stronger by the fact that the Spaniards\\nhaving taken the utterly unimportant post of St. Joseph, and\\nhaving claimed the country as belonging to the King of Spain, by\\nright of conquest, turned back to the quiet west bank of the Mis-\\nsissippi again, and left the Long Knives to prosecute the capture\\nof Detroit, as they best could. J\\nOld Us. iv. 265 to 267. t See ante p. 221\\nI Diplomatic Correspondence, iii. 339 viii. 150. Secret Journals, iv, 64. 74.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "1781. Birth of Mary Heckewelder, 231\\nUpon the 16th of April in this year, was born at Salem upon the\\nMuskingum river, Mary Heckewelder, daughter of the widely\\nknown Moravian missionary the earliest born of white American\\nchildren, who first saw the light north of the Ohio; and in her\\nlanguage rather than our own, we now give some incidents rela-\\ntive to the Christian Delawares aad their teachers.\\nSoon after ray birth, times becoming very troublesome, the settle-\\nments were often in danger from war parties and finally, in the begin-\\nning of September of the same year, we were all made prisoners. First,\\nfour of the missionaries v/ere seized by a party of Huron warriors, and\\ndeclared prisoners of war they were then led into the camp of the\\nDelawares, where the death-song was sung over them. Soon after they\\nhad secured them, a number of warriors marched off for Salem and\\nShoenbrun.* About thirty savages arrived at the former place in the\\ndusk of the evening, and broke open the mission house. Here they\\ntook my mother and myself prisoners, and having led her into the\\nstreet and placed guards over her, they plundered the house of every\\nthing they could take with them and destroyed what was left. Then\\ngoing to take my mother along with them, the savages were prevailed\\nupon, through the intercession of the Indian females, to let her remain\\nat Salem till the next morning the night being dark and rainy and\\nalmost impossible for her to travel so far they at last consented on\\ncondition that she should be bronght into the camp the next morning,\\nwhich was accordingly done, and she was safely conducted by our\\nIndians to Gnadenhutten.\\nAfter experiencing the cruel treatment of the savages for some time,\\nthey were set at liberty again but were obliged to leave their flourish-\\ning settlements, and forced to march through a dreary wilderness to\\nUpper Sandusky. We went by^ land through Goseachguenk to the\\nWalholding, and then pardy by water and partly along the banks of the\\nriver, to Sandusky Creek. All the way I was carried by an Indian\\nwoman, carefully wrapped in a blanket, on her back. Our journey\\nwas exceedingly tedious and dangerous some of the canoes sunk,\\nand those that were in them lost all their provisions and every\\nthing they had saved. Those that went by land drove the catde, a\\npretty large herd. The savages now drove us along, the missionaries\\nwith their families usually in their midst, surrounded by their Indian\\nconverts. The roads were exceedingly bad, leading through a con-\\ntinuation of swamps.\\nHaving arrived at Upper Sandusky, they built small huts of logs and\\nbark to screen them from the cold, having neither beds nor blankets,\\nand being reduced to the greatest poverty and want for the savages\\nMoravian Towns.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "232 Treatment of the Moravians. 1781,\\nhad by degrees stolen almost every thing, both from the missionaries\\nand Indians, on the journey. We lived here extremely poor, often-\\ntimes very little or nothing to satisfy the cravings of hunger and ihe\\npoorest of tlie Indians were obliged to live upon their dead cattle, which\\ndied for want of pasture.*\\nTo this account by one who is, from her age at the time,\\nbut a second-hand witness, we may add the following particu-\\nlars. We have already mentioned the rise of the Christian-Indian\\ntowns upon the Muskingum. During the wars between the north-\\nwest savages and the Pennsylvania and Virginia frontier-men,\\nthe quiet converts of Post, Zeisberger, and Heckewelder had any\\nother than a pleasant position. The Wyandots thought they be-\\ntrayed the red men s interests to their religious white kinsfolk the\\npale-faced Indian-haters of the Kenawha, doubted as little that the\\npraying Delawares played them false, and favored the fierce\\nwarriors of the lakes. f Little by little these suspicions and jeal-\\nousies assumed form, and the missionaries having actually been\\nguilty of the crime of interpreting to the Delaware chiefs, certain\\nletters received from Pittsburgh, measures were taken by the Eng-\\nlish, as early it seems, as 1779, to remove them from the American\\nborders, and thus prevent their interference. No result followed\\nat that time from the steps alluded to but in 1780 or 81, the\\nIroquois were asked at a council held at Niagara to remove the\\nMuskingum Christians, as the settlements were in the country\\nclaimed by the Five Nations. The New York savages were per-\\nfectly willing the thing should be done, but were not willing to do\\nit themselves, so they sent ^o the Ottawas and ChippewaysJ a\\nmessage to the effect that they might have the Moravian congre-\\ngations to make soup of. The Ottawas in their turn declined the\\ntreat and sent the message to the Hurons, or, as they are most\\ncommonly called, the Wyandots. These, together with Captain\\nPipe, the war chief of the Delawares, who was the enemy of the\\nmissionaries because they taught peace, carried the wish of the\\nEnglish into execution, in the manner narrated by the daughter of\\nthe Moravian leader. At Detroit, whither four of the Europeans\\nwere taken in October, Heckewelder and his Co-laborers were\\nAmerican Pioneer, ii. 224.\\nt In Oct. 1777, a party of Americans crossed the Ohio to attack the Moravian towns.\\nHeckevveliler s Narrative, 165.\\nThe Ojibbeways or Odjibways, as it is lately written in conformity with tlie true\\nsound and old writing. Schoolcraft s Algic Researches. American State Papers, V.\\n707. 718.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "1781. Treatment of the Moravians. 233\\ntried but as even Captain Pipe could find no other charge against\\nthem than that of interpreting the American letters above referred\\nto, they were discharged and returned to their families at San-\\ndusky, toward the close of November.*\\nWhile the English and their red allies were thus persecuting\\nthe poor Moravians and their disciples on the one hand, the\\nAmericans were preparing to do the same thing, only, as the\\nevent proved, in a much more effectual style. In the spring of\\n1781, Colonel Brodhead led a body of troops against some of the\\nhostile Delawares, upon the Muskingum. This, a portion of his\\nfollowers thought, would be an excellent opportunity to destroy\\nthe Moravian towns, and it was with difficulty he could withhold\\nthem. He sent word to Heckewelder, and tried to prevent any\\nattack upon the members of his flock. In this attempt he appears\\nto have succeeded but he did not, perhaps could not, prevent\\nthe slaughter of the troops taken from the hostile Delawares.\\nFirst, sixteen were killed, and then nearly twenty. A chief, who\\ncame under assurances of safety to Brodhead s camp, was also\\nmurdered by a noted partisan, named Wetzel. f From that time,\\nthe Virginians rested, until autumn, when the frontier men, led by\\nColonel David Williamson, marched out expressly against the\\ntowns of the christian Delawares but they found that the Hurons\\nhad preceded them, and the huts and fields of the friends of peace\\nwere deserted. J\\nThe particular cause of this attempt on the part of the Ameri-\\ncans was the series of attacks made during this year by small\\nbands of Indians, along the whole range of stations, from Laurel\\nHill to Green river. The details of these incursions may be\\nfound in Withers Border Warfare, 225, and Marshall s Kentucky,\\nI. 115. Among these details, the mass of which we, of necessity,\\noinit, is the following, which seems worthy of especial notice.\\nSquire Boone s station, near Shelbyville, being very much ex-\\nposed, those within it determined to seek a place of greater\\nsecurity: while on their way to the Beargrass settlements they\\nwere attacked by the Indians. Colonel Floyd, hearing of this,\\nSee a full account in Heckewelder s Narrative, 230 299.\\nt Heckewelder s Narrative, 214. Doddridge, 291, (the date is in this account 1780,\\nbut we presume wrongly.) Border Warfare, 219 Withers follows Doddridge, but both\\ndraw from Heckewelder, who says 1781 For a full acceunt of Lewis Wetzel, the very\\nembodiment of the most reckless class of frontier men, see Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany,\\niJ21, 161, 169, 177.\\nt Border Warfare, 229. Doddridge, 262.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "234 Mohle act of Captain Wells. 1781.\\nhastened with twenty-five men against the enemy, but fell into an\\nambuscade of two hundred savages, and lost half his men.\\nAmong those in his party was Captain Samuel Wells, with whom\\nFloyd had been for some time at feud. This gentleman, as he\\nretreated, saw his superior officer, but personal foe, on foot, nearly\\nexhausted, and hard pressed by the invaders, on the point of\\nfalling a sacrifice to their fury; instantly dismounting, he forced\\nColonel Floyd to take his place in the saddle, and being himself\\nfresh, ran by the side of the horse, supporting the fainting rider,\\nand saved the lives of both. It will readily be believed their\\nenmity closed with that day.*\\nIn addition to the incursions by the northern Indians, this year\\nwitnessed the risings of the Chickasaws against Fort Jefferson,\\nwhich, as we have said, had been unwisely built in their country,\\nwithout leave asked. The attack was made under the direction\\nof Colbert, a Scotchman, who had acquired great influence with\\nthe tribe, and whose descendants have since been among their\\ninfluential chiefs. The garrison were few in number, sickly, and\\nhalf starved but some among them were fool-hardy and wicked\\nenough to fire at Colbert, when under a flag of truce, which pro-\\nvoked the savages beyond all control, and had not Clark arrived\\nwith reinforcements, the Chickasaws would probably have had all\\nthe scalps of the intruders. As it was, the fort was relieved, but\\nwas soon after abandoned, as being too far from the settlements,\\nand of very little use at any rate.f\\nMeantime the internal organization of Kentucky was proceeding\\nrapidly. Floyd, Logan, and Todd were made county Lieutenants\\nof Jefferson, Lincoln, and Fayette, with the rank of Colonel\\nwhile William Pope, Stephen Trigg, and Daniel Boone, were\\nmade Lieutenant Colonels, to act for the others in case of need.\\nClark was made Brigadier General, and placed at the head of\\nmilitary affairs, his head quarters being at the Falls, between\\nwhich point and the Licking he kept a row galley going, to inter-\\ncept parties of Indians, though to very little purpose. George\\nMay, who had been surveyor for the whole county of Kentucky,\\nafter the division had Jefferson assigned him Jwhile Thomas\\nMarshall was appointed to the same post in Fayette, and James\\nThompson in Lincoln. Of the three, however, only the last\\nButler, 2d edition, 115. Marshall, i. 115. Marshall, says this took place in April,\\nButler in September, and refers to Colonel F. s MS. letters.\\nButler, 2d edition, 119.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "1781. Habits of Life in the West. 235\\nopened his office during this year, and great was the discontent of\\nthose waiting to enter the fertile lands of the two counties which\\nwere thus kept out of their reach a discontent ten-fold the greater\\nin consequence of the laws of Virginia in relation to her depreci-\\nated currency, the effect of which was to make land cost in specie\\nonly half a cent an acre.*\\nOne other event will close the western annals of 1781, and no\\nmore important event has yet been chronicled it was the large\\nemigration of young unmarried women, into a region abounding in\\nyoung unmarried men its natural result was the rapid increase of\\npopulation. t And here, in imitation of the first historian of Ken-\\ntucky, we may properlyj introduce some notice of the modes of\\nlife prevailing at that early period.\\nThen, the women did the offices of the household milked the cows,\\ncooked the mess, prepared the flax, spun, wove, and made the garment\\nof linen or linsey the men hunted, and brought in the meat; they\\nplanted, ploughed, and gathered in the corn grinding it into meal at the\\nhand-mill, or pounding it into hominy in the mortar, was occasional-\\nly the work of either, or the joint labor of both. The men exposed\\nthemselves alone to danger they fought the Indians, they cleared the\\nland, they reared the hut, or built the fort, in which the women were\\nplaced for safety. Much use was made of the skins of deer for dress\\nwhile the buffalo and bear skins were consigned to the floor, for beds\\nand covering. There might incidentally, be a few articles brought to\\nthe country for sale, in a private way but there was no store for supply.\\nWooden vessels, either turned or coopered, were in common use as\\ntable furniture. A tin cup was an article of delicate luxury, almost as\\nrare as an iron fork. Every hunter carried his knife it was no less the\\nimplement of a warrior: not unfrequently the rest of the family was\\nleft with but one or two for the use of all. A like workmanship com-\\nposed the table and the stool a slab, hewed with the axe, and sticks of\\na similar manufacture, set in for legs, supported both, When the bed\\nwas by chance or refinement, elevated above the floor, and given a\\nfixed place, it was often laid on slabs placed across poles, supported on\\nforks, set in the earthen floor; or where the floor was puncheons, the\\nbedstead was hewed pieces, pinned on upright posts, or let into them\\nby auger holes. Other utensils and furniture, were of a corresponding\\ndescription, applicable to the time.\\nThe food was of the most wholesome and nutritive kind. The\\nrichest milk, the finest butter, and best meat, that ever delighted man s\\npalate, were here eaten with a relish which health and labor only\\nMarshall, i. 124. t Ibid, 122.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "236 Habits of Life in the West. 1781.\\nknow. Those were shared by friend and stranger in every cabin, with\\nprofuse hospitality.\\nHats were made of the native fiir and the buffalo wool employed in\\nthe composition of cloth, as was also the bark of the wild nettle.\\nThere was some paper money in the country, which had not depre-\\nciated one half nor even a fourth as much as it had at the seat of govern-\\nment. If there was any gold or silver its circulation was suppressed.\\nThe price of a beaver hat, was five hundred dollars.*\\nThe hunting shirt was universally worn. This was a kind of loose\\nfrock, reaching half way down the thighs, with large sleeves, open be-\\nfore, and so wide as to lap over a foot or more when belted. The cape\\nwas large, and sometimes handsomely fringed with a ravelled piece of\\ncloth of a different color from that of the hunting shirt itself. The\\nbosom of his dress served as a wallet to hold a chunk of bread, cakes,\\njerk, tow for wiping the barrel of the rifle, or any other necessary for\\nthe hunter or warrior. The belt which was always tied behind an-\\nswered several purposes, besides that of holding the dress together. In\\ncold weather the mittens, and sometimes the bullet-bag occupied the\\nfront part of it. To the right side was suspended the tomahawk, and\\nto the left the scalping knife in its leathern sheath. The hunting shirt\\nwas generally made of linsey, sometimes of coarse linen, and a few of\\ndressed deer skins. These last were very cold and uncomfortable in\\nwet weather. The shirt and jacket were of the common fashion. A\\npair of drawers or breeches and leggins, were the dress of the thighs\\nand legs, a pair of moccasins answered for the feet much better than\\nshoes. These were made of dressed deer skin. They were mostly\\nmade of a single piece, with a gathering seam along the top of the foot,\\nand another from the bottom of the heel, without gathers, as high as the\\nankle joint or a little higher. Flaps were left on each side to reach\\nsome distance up the legs. These were nicely adapted to the ankles\\nand lower part of the leg by thongs of deer skin, so that no dust, gra-\\nvel, or snow, could get within the moccasin.\\nThe moccasins in ordinary use cost but a few hours labor to make\\nthem. This was done by an instrument denominated a moccasin awl,\\nwhich was made of the back spring of an old clasp-knife. This awl,\\nwith its buck-horn handle, was an appendage of every shot pouch\\nstrap, together with a roll of buckskin for mending the moccasins. This\\nwas tlie labor of almost every evening. They were sewed together\\nand patched with deerskin thongs, or whangs as they were commonly\\ncalled.\\nIn cold weather the moccasins were well stuffed with deers hair, or\\nSee Marshall s History of Kentucky, i. p. 123.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "1781. Habits of Life 171 the West. 237\\ndry leaves, so as to keep the feet comfortably warm but in wet wea-\\nther it was usually said that wearing them was a decent way of going\\nbarefooted and such was the fact, owing to the spongy texture of the\\nleather of which they were made.\\nOwing to this defective covering of the feet, more than to any other\\ncircumstance, the greater number of our hunters and warriors were af-\\nflicted with the rheumatism in their limbs. Of this disease they were\\nall apprehensive in cold or wet weather, and therefore always slept with\\ntheir feet to the fire to prevent or cure it as well as they could. This\\npractice unquestionably had a very salutary effect, and prevented many\\nof them from becoming confirmed cripples in early life.\\nThe fort consisted of cabins, blockhouses and stockades. A range\\nof cabins commonly formed one side at least of the fort. Divisions, or\\npartitions of logs separated the cabins from each other. The walls on\\nthe outside were ten or twelve feet high, the slope of the roof being\\nturned wholly inward. A very few of these cabins had puncheon\\nfloors, the greater part were earthen.\\nThe blockhouses were built at the angles of the fort. They pro-\\njected about two feet beyond the outer walls of the cabins and stockades.\\nTheir upper stories were about eighteen inches every way larger in di-\\nmension than the under one, leaving an opening at the commencement\\nof the second story to prevent the enemy from making a lodgment under\\ntheir walls. In some forls instead of blockhouses, the angles of the fort\\nwere furnished with bastions. A large folding gate, made of thick\\nslabs, nearest the spring closed the fort. The stockades, bastions, cabins,\\nand blockhouse walls were furnished with port holes at proper heights\\nand distances. The whole of the outside was made completely bullet\\nproof.\\nIt may be truly said that necessity is the mother of invention for the\\nwhole of this work was made without the aid of a single nail or spike\\nof iron, and for this reason, such things were not to be had.\\nIn some places, less exposed, a single blockhouse, with a cabin or\\ntwo constituted the whole fort.\\nFor a long time after the first settlement of this country, the inhabi-\\ntants in general married young. There was no distinction of rank, and\\nvery little of fortune. On these accounts the first impression of love\\nresulted in marriage; and a family establishment cost but a little labor\\nand nothing else.\\nIn the first years of the settlement of this country, a wedding engaged\\nthe attention of a whole neighborhood, and the frolic was anticipated\\nby old and young with eager expectation. This is njt to be wondered\\nat, when it is told that a wedding was almost the only gathering which\\nwe:s not accompanied with the labor of reaping, log rolling, building a\\ncabin, or planning some scout or campaign.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "f\\n238 HaUts of Life in the West. 1781.\\nIn the morning of the wedding day, the groom and his attendants as-\\nsembled at the house of his father for the purpose of reaching tlie man-\\nsion of his bride by noon, which was the usual time for celebrating the\\nnuptials which for certain must take place before dinner.\\nLet the reader imagine an assemblage of people, without a store,\\ntailor, or mantuamaker within an hundred miles and an assemblage of\\nhorses, without a blacksmith or saddler within an equal distance. The\\ngentlemen dressed in shoepacks, moccasins, leather breeches, leggings,\\nlinsey hunting shirts, and all home-made. The ladies dressed in linsey\\npetticoats and linsey or linen bed gowns, coarse shoes, stockings, hand-\\nkerchiefs and buckskin gloves, if any. If there were any buckles,\\nrings, buttons, or ruffles, they were the relics of old times, family pieces\\nfrom parents or grand-parents. The horses were caparisoned with old\\nsaddles, old bridles or halters, and pack-saddles, with a bag or blanket\\nthrown over them a rope or string as often constituted the girth as a\\npiece of leather.\\nThe march, in double file, way often interrupted by the narrowness\\nand obstructions of our horse paths, as they were called, for we had no\\nroads and these difficulties were often increased sometimes by the\\ngood, and sometimes by the ill will of neighbors, by falling trees and\\ntying grape vines across the way. Sometimes an ambuscade was formed\\nby the way-side, and an unexpected discharge of several guns took\\nplace, so as to cover the wedding company with smoke. Let the reader\\nimagine the scene which followed this discharge the sudden spring of\\nthe horses, the shrieks of the girls, and the chivalric bustle of their\\npartners to save them from falling. Sometimes, in spite of all that\\ncould be done to prevent it, some were thrown to the ground. If a\\nwrist, elbow, or ankle happened to be sprained it was tied with a hand-\\nkerchief, and little more was thought or said about it.\\nAnother ceremony commonly took place before the party reached the\\nhouse of the bride, after the practice of making whisky began, which\\nwas at an early period whnn the party were about a mile from the place\\nof their destination, two young men would single out to run for the\\nbottle; the worse the path, the more logs, brush, and deep hollows the\\nbetter, as these obstacles afl orded an opportunity for the greater display\\nof intrepidity and horsemanship. The English fox chase, in point of\\ndanger to the riders and tlieir horses, is nothing to this race for the\\nbottle. The start was announced by an Indian yell logs, brush, muddy\\nhollows, hill and glen, were speedily passed by the rival ponies. The\\nbottle was always filled for the occasion, so that there was no use for\\njudges for the first who reached the door was presented with the prize,\\nwith which he returned in triumph to the company. On approaching\\nthem, he announced his victory over his rival by a shrill whoop. At\\nthe head of the troop, he gave the bottle first to the groom and his", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "1781, HaUts of Life in the West. 239\\nattendants, and then to each pair in succession to the rear of the line\u00c2\u00bb\\ngiving each a dram and then putting the bottle in the bosom of his\\nhunting shirt tooiv his station in the company.\\nThe ceremony of the marriage preceded the dinner, which was a sub-\\nstantial backwoods feast of beef, pork, fowls, and sometimes venison\\nand bear meat, roasted and boiled, with plenty of potatoes, cabbage, and\\nother vegetables. During the dinner the greatest hilaiity always pre-\\nvailed although the table might be a large slab of timber, hewed out\\nwith a broad axe, supported by four sticks set in auger holes, and the\\nfurniture some old pewter dishes, and plates, the rest wooden bowls\\nand trenchers a few pewter spoons, much battered about the edges,\\nwere to be seen at some tables. The rest were made of horns. If\\nknives were scarce, the deficiency was made tip by the scalping knives\\nwhich were carried in sheaths suspended to the belt of the hunting\\nshirt.\\nAfter dinner the dancing commenced, and generally lasted till the\\nnext morning. The figures of the dances were thr^e and four handed\\nreels, or square sets, and jigs. The commencement was always a\\nsquare four, which was followed by what was called jigging it off;\\nthat is, two of the four would single out for a jig, and were followed by\\nthe remaining couple. The jigs were often accompanied with what\\nwas called cutting out that is, when either of the parliea became tired\\nof the dance, on intimation the place was supplied by some one of the\\ncompany without any interruption of the dance. In this way a dance\\nwas often continued till the musician was heartily tired of his situation.\\nToward the latter part of the night, if any of the company, through\\nweariness, attempted to conceal themselves, for the purpose of sleeping\\nthey were hunted up, paraded on the floor, ani the fiddler ordered to\\nplay Hang on till to-morrow morning.\\nAbout nine or ten o clock, a deputation of the young ladies stole off\\nthe bride, and put her to bed. In doing this, it frequently happened that\\nthey had to ascend a ladder instead of a pair of stairs, leading from the\\ndining and ball room to the loft, the floor of which was made of clap-\\nboards lying loose and without nails. This ascent, one might think,\\nwould put the bride and her attendants to the blush but as the foot of\\nthe ladder was commonly behind the door, which was purposely opened\\nfor the occasion, and its rounds at the inner ends were well hung with\\nhunting shirts, petticoats, and other articles of clothing, the candles\\nbeing on the opposite side of the house, the exit of the bride was noticed\\nbut by iew. This done, a deputation of young men in like manner\\nstole off the groom, and placed him snugly by the side of his bride.\\nThe dance still continued and if seats happened to be scarce, which\\nwas often the case, every young man, when not engaged in the dance,\\nwas obliged to offer his lap as a seat for one of the girls and the offer", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "240 Habits of Life in the West. 1781.\\nwas sure to be accepted. In the midst of this hilarity the bride and\\ngroom were not forgotten. Pretty late in the night, some one would\\nremind the company that the new couple must stand in need of some\\nrefreshment: black Betty, which was the name of the bottle, was called\\nfor, and sent up the ladder, but sometimes black Betty did not go alone,\\nI have many times seen as much bread, beef, pork and cabbage sent\\nalong with her, as would afTord a good meal for half a dozen hungry\\nmen. The young couple were compelled to eat and drink, more or less,\\nof whatever was offered them.\\nIt often happened that some neighbors or relations, not being asked to\\nthe wedding, took offence and the mode of revenge adopted by them\\non such occasions, was that of cutting off the manes, foretops, and tails\\nof the horses of the wedding company.\\nI will proceed to state the usual manner of settling a young couple in\\nthe world.\\nA spot was selected on a piece of land of one of the parents, for their\\nhabitation. A day was appointed, shortly after their marriage, for\\ncommencing the work of building their cabin. The fatigue party con-\\nsisted of choppers, whose business it was to fell the trees and cut them\\noff at proper lengths. A man with a team for hauling them to the\\nplace, and arranging them, properly assorted, at the sides and ends of\\nthe building, a carpenter, if such he might be called, whose business it\\nwas to search the woods for a proper tree for making clapboards for the\\nroof. The tree for this purpose must be straight grained and from three\\nto four feet in diameter. The boards were split four feet long, with a\\nlarge frow, and as wide as the timber will allow. They were used with-\\nout planing or shaving. Another division were employed in getting pun-\\ncheons for the floor of the cabin this was done by splitting trees, about\\neighteen inches in diameter, and hewing the faces of them with a broad\\naxe. They were half the length of the floor they were intended to\\nmake.\\nThe materials for the cabin were mostly prepared on the first day and\\nsometimes the foundation laid in the evening. The second day was\\nallotted for the raising.\\nIn the morning of the next day the neighbors collected for the raising.\\nThe first thing to be done was the election of four corner men, whose\\nbusiness it was to notch and place the logs. The rest of the company\\nfurnished them with the timbers. In the meantime the boards and pun-\\ncheons were collecting for the floor and roof, so that by the time the\\ncabin was a few rounds high the sleepers and floor began to be laid.\\nThe door was made by sawing or cutting the logs in one side so as to\\nmake an opening about three feet wide. This opening was secured\\nby upright pieces of timber about three inches thick, through which\\nholes were bored into the ends of the logs for the purpose of pinning", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "1781. Hckis of Life in the West. 241\\nthem fast. A similar opening, but wider, was made at the end for the\\nchimney. This was built of logs and made large to admit of a back\\nand jambs of stone. At the square, two end logs projected a foot or\\neighteen inches beyond the wall to receive the butting poles, as they\\nwere called, against which the ends of the first row of clapboards was\\nsupportetl. The roof was formed by making the end logs shorter until\\na single log formed the comb of the roof, on these logs the clapboards\\nwere placed, the ranges of them laping some distance over those next\\nbelow them and kept in their places by logs, placed at proper distances\\nupon them.\\nThe roof, and sometimes the floor, were finished on the same day of\\nthe raising. A third day was commonly spent by a few carpenters in\\nleveling off the floor, making a clapboard door and a table. This last\\nwas made of a split slab, and supported by four round legs set in auger\\nholes. Some three legged stools were made in the same manner. Some\\npins stuck in the logs at the back of the house supported some clap-\\nboards which served for shelves for the table furniture. A single fork,\\nplaced with its lower end in a hole in the floor, and the upper end fas-\\ntened to a joist served for a bedstead, by placing a pole in the fork with\\none end through a crack between the logs of the wall. This front pole\\nwas crossed by a shorter one within the fork, with its outer end through\\nanother crack. From the front pole, through a crack between the logs\\nof the end of the house, the boards were put on which formed the bot-\\ntom of the bed. Sometimes other poles, were pinned to the fork a\\nlittle distance above these, for the purpose of supporting the front and\\nfoot of the bed, while the walls were the supports of its back and head.\\nA few pegs around the walls for a display of the coats of the women,\\nand hunting shirts of the men, and two small forks or bucks horns to a\\njoist for the rifle and shot pouch, completed the carpenter work.\\nIn the mean time masons were at work. With the heart pieces of\\nthe timber of which the clapboards were made, they made billets for\\nchunking up the cracks between the logs of the cabin and chimney, a\\nlarge bed of mortar was made for daubing up those cracks a few stones\\nformed the back and jambs of the chimney.\\nThe cabin being finished, the ceremony of house-warming took place,\\nbefore the young couple were permitted to move into it.\\nThe house-warming was a dance of a whole night s continuance,\\nmade up of the relations of the bride and groom, and their neighbors.\\nOn the day following the young couple took possession of their new\\nmansion.\\nAt house raisings, log rollings, and harvest parties, every one was\\nexpected to do his duty faithfully. A person who did not perform his\\nshare of labor on these occasions, was designated by the epithet of\\nLawrence, or some other title still more opprobious and when it\\n16", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "242 Habits of Life wi the West. 1781.\\ncame to liis turn to require the like aid from his neighbors, the idler\\nsoon felt his punishment, in their refusal to attend to his calls.\\nAlthough there was no legal compulsion to the performance of mili-\\ntary duty, yet every man of full age and size was expected to do his full\\nshare of public service. If he did not do so he was Hated out as a\\ncoward. Even the want of any article of war equipments, such as\\nammunition, a sharp flint, a priming wire, a scalping knife or toma-\\nhawk, was thought highly disgraceful. A man, who without a reason-\\nable cause failed to go on a scout or campaign when it came to his turn,\\nmet with an expression of indignation in tlie countenances of all his\\nneighbors, and epithets of dishonor were fastened upon him without\\nmercy.\\nDebts, which make such an uproar in civilized life were but little\\nknown among our forefathers at the early settlement of this country.\\nAfter the depreciation of the continental paper they had no money of\\nany kind every thing purchased was paid for in produce or labor. A\\ngood cow and calf was often the price of a bushel of alum salt. If\\na contract was not punctually fulfilled, the credit of the delinquent was\\nat an end.\\nAny petty theft was punished with all the infamy that could be heap-\\ned on the off ender. A man on a campaign stole from his comrade a\\ncake out of the ashes, in which it was baking: he was immediately\\nnamed The bread rounds. This epithet of reproach was bandied\\nabout in this way, when he came in sight of a group of men, one of\\nthem would call Who comes there Another would answer, The\\nbread rounds. If any one meant to be more serious about the matter,\\nhe would call out Who stole a cake out of the ashes Another re-\\nplied, by giving the name of the man in full to this a third would give\\nconfirmation, by exclaiming, That is true and no lie. This kind of\\ntongue-lashing he was doomed to bear, for the rest of the campaign,\\nas well as for years after his return home.\\nIf a theft was detected, in any of the frontier settlements, a summary\\nmode of punishment was always resorted to. The first settlers, as far\\nas I knew of them, had a kind of innate, or hereditary detestation of\\nthe crime of theft, in any shape or degree, and their maxim was, that\\na thief must be whipped. If the theft was of something of some\\nvalue, a kind of jury of the neighborhood, after hearing the testimony,\\nwould condemn the culprit to Moses Law, that is to forty stripes, save\\none. If the theft was of some small article, the offender was doomed\\nto carry on his back the flag of the United States, which then consisted\\nof thirteen stripes. In either case, some able hands were selected to\\nexecute the sentence, so that the stripes were sure to be well laid on.\\nThis punishment was followed by a sentence of exile. He then was", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "1781, Habits of Life in tJie West 243\\ninformed that he must decamp in so many days, and be seen there no\\nmore on penalty of having the number of his stripes doubled.\\nIf a woman was given to tattling and slandering her neighbors, she\\nwas furnished by common consent, with a kind of patent-right to say\\nwhatever she pleased, without being believed. Her tongue was then\\nsaid to be harmless, or to be no scandal.\\nWith all their rudeness, these people were given to hospitality, and\\nfreely divided their rough fare with a neighbor, or stranger, and would\\nhave been offended at the offer of pay. In their settlements and forts,\\nthey lived, they worked, they fought, and feasted, or suffered together,\\nin cordial harmony. They were warm and constant in their friendships.\\nOn the other hand they were revengeful in their resentments. And the\\npoint of honor sometimes led to personal combats. If one man called\\nanother a liar, he was considered as having given a challenge which the\\nperson who received it must accept, or be deemed a coward, and the\\ncharge was generally answered on the spot, with a blow. If the injur-\\ned person was decidedly unable to fight the aggressor, he might get a\\nfriend to do it for him. The same thing took place on a charge of cowar-\\ndice, or any other dishonorable action, a battle must follow, and the\\nperson who made the charge must fight, either the person against whom\\nhe made the charge or any champion who choose to espouse his cause.\\nThus circumstanced, our people in early times were much more cautious\\nof speaking \u00e2\u0082\u00acvil of their neighbors than they are at present.\\nSometimes pitched battles occurred, in which time, place and seconds,\\nwere appointed beforehand. I remember having seen one of those\\npitched battles in \u00c2\u00abiy father s fort, when a boy. One of the young men\\nknew very well beforehand that he should gel the worst of the battle,\\nand no doubt lepented the engagement to fight; but there was no getting\\nover it. The point of honor demanded the risk of battle. He got his\\nwhipping they then shook hjinds and were good friends afterwards.\\nThe mode of single combats in those days was dangerous in the ex-\\ntreme although no weapons were used, fists, teeth, and feet were em-\\nployed at will, but above all, the detestable practice of gouging, by which\\neyes were sometimes put out, rendered this mode of fighting frightful\\nindeed; it was not hovvever, so destructive as the stiletto of an Ifalian,\\nthe knife of a Spaniard, the small sword of the Frenchman, or the pistol\\nof the American or English duelist.\\nInstances of seduction and bastardy did not frequently happen in our\\nearly times. I remember one instance of the former, in which the life\\nof the man was put in jeopardy by the resentment of the family to\\nwhich the girl belonged. Indeed, considering the chivalrous temper of\\nour people, this crime could not then take place without great personal\\ndanger from the brothers, or other relations of the victims of seduction,\\nfamily honor being then estimated at an high rate.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "244 Murder of Moravian Indians. 1782\\nI do not recollect that profane language, was much more prevalent in\\nour early times than at present.\\nAmong the people with whom I was most conversant, there was no\\nother vestige of the Christian religion than a faint observation of Sun^\\n(lay, and that merely as a day of rest for the aged, and a play day for\\nthe young.*\\n1782.\\nThe suflferings of the Moravians did not close with 1781. In^\\nthe following spring, some of them who had been literally starving\\nthrough the winter, returned to their old places of abode, to gather\\nwhat they could of the remainder of their property, and busied\\nthemselves in collecting the corn which had been left in the fields.\\nAbout the time they returned for that purpose, parties of Wyandots\\ncame down upon the settlements, and slew many. This excited\\nthe frontier-men, and believing a connection to exist between the\\nacts of the Wyandots and the late movements of the Moravians, it\\nwas determined to attack and extiriainate the latter, or at least to\\nwaste their lands and destroy their towuis. Eighty or ninety men\\nmet for the purpose of effecting the objects just named, and marched\\nin silence and swiftness upon the devoted villages. They reached\\nthem; by threats and lies got hold of the gleaners scattered\\namong them, and bound their prisoners, while they deliberated\\nupon their fate. Williamson, the commander of the party, put the\\nquestion; Shall these men, women and children be taken to Pitts-\\nburg, or be killed Of the eighty or ninety men present, sixteen\\nor eighteen only were for granting their lives; and the prisoners\\nwere told to prepare for death. They prepared for death, and\\nsoon were dead slaughtered,, some say in one way, and some in\\nanother; but thus much is certain, that eighty or ninety American\\nmen murdered, in cold blood, about forty men, twenty women, and\\nand thirty-four children, all defenceless and innocent fellow\\nChristians.*\\nSee Doddridge s Notes, Part Second.\\nHeckewelder s Narrative, 313. 328. Doddridge, 24S. 255. Withers Border War-\\nfare, 232. 239. American Pioneer, ii. 425. 432.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "1782. Crawford Taken. 245\\nIt was in March of 1782, that this great murder was committed.\\nAnd as the tiger, having once tasted blood, longs for blood, so it was\\nwith the frontier-men and another expedition was at once organized,\\nto make a dash at the towns of the Moravian Delawares and Wyan-\\ndots upon the Sandusky.* No Indian was to be spared; friend or\\nfoe, every red man was to die.f The commander of the expedi-\\ntion was Colonel William Crawford, Washington s old agent in the\\nwest. He did not want to go, but found it could not be avoided.\\nThe troops, numbering nearly five hundred men, marched in June\\nto the Sandusky uninterrupted. There they found the towns de-\\nserted and the savages on tiie alert. A battle ensued, and the\\nwhites were forced to retreat. In their retreat many left the main\\nbody, and nearly all who did so perished. Of Crawford s own fate\\nwe have the following account by Dr. Knight, his companion.|\\nMonday morning the tenth of June, we were paraded to march to\\nSandusky, about thirty-three miles distant; they had eleven prisoners of\\nus and four scalps, the Indians being seventeen in number.\\nColonelCrawford was very desirous to see a certain Simon Girty,\\nwho lived with the Indians, and was on this account permitted to go to\\ntown the same night, with two warriors to guard him, having orders at\\nthe same lime to pass by the place where the Colonel had turned out\\nhis horse, that they might, if possible, find him. The rest of us were\\ntaken as far as the old town, which was within eight miles of the new.\\nTuesday morning, the eleventh, Colonel Crawford was brought out\\nto us on purpose to be marched in with the other prisoners. I asked\\nthe Colonel if he had seen Mr. Girty He told me he had, and that\\nGirty had promised to do every thing in his power for him, but that the\\nIndians were very much enraged against the prisoners particularly\\nCaptain Pipe, one of the chiefs he likewise told me that Girty had in-\\nformed him that his son-in-law, Colonel Harrison, and his nephew,\\nWilliam Crawford, were made prisoners by the Shawanese, but had\\nbeen pardoned. This Captain Pipe had come from the town about an\\nhour before Colonel Crawford, and had painted all the prisoners faces\\nblack. As he was painting me he told me I should go to the Shawa-\\nOn the 20th of May of this year, advertisements are said to have been made at\\nWheeling, of a new state to be founded on the Muskingum the plan was headed by a\\ncertain J. who had been in England. See Day s Historical Collections of Pennsylvania,\\ny.80.\\nt From Heckewelder (Narrative, 342.) we learn that the Indians knew this determina-\\ntion their spies, who were constantly abroad having found it written with coal upon the\\npeeled trees of the camp, near the Ohio. All such writings they copied and took to some\\none who could read them.\\nI See American Pioneer, ii. 282, a statement derived from the Wyandots, to the effect\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2hat Girty v/ishcd to save Crawford not. from mercy, however, but on speculation.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "246 Crawford s Death, 1782..\\niiese towns and see my friends, When the Colonel arrived he painted\\nhim black also, told him he was glad to see him, and that he would have\\nhim shaved when he came lo see his friends at the Wyandot town.\\nWhen we marched the Colonel and I were kept back between Pipe and\\nWyngenim, the two Delaware chiefs; the other nine prisoners were\\nsent forward with another party of Indians. As we went along we saw\\nfour of the prisoners lying by the path tomahawked and scalped, some\\nof them were at the distance of half a mile from each other. When we\\narrived within half a mile of the place where the Colonel was executed,\\nwe overtook the five prisoners that remained alive; the Indians had\\ncaused them to sit down on the ground, as they did also the Colonel\\nand me at some distance from them. I was there given in charge to\\nan Indian fellow to be taken to the Shawanese towns.\\nIn the place where we were now made to sit down, there was a num-\\nber of squaws and boys, who fell on the five prisoners and tomahawked\\nthem. There was a certain John McKinly amongst the prisoners, for-\\nmerly an ofiicer in the 13lh Virginia regiment, whose head an old squaw\\ncut off, and the Indians kicked it about upon the ground. The young\\nIndian fellows came often where the Colonel and I were, and dashed\\nthe scalps in our faces. We v/ere then conducted along toward the\\nplace where the Colonel was afterwards executed when we came with-\\nin about half a mile of it, Simon Girty met us, with several Indians on\\nhorseback he spoke to the Colonel, but as I was about one hundred\\nand fifty yards behind, could not hear what passed between them.\\nAlmost every Indian we met stinick us either with sticks or their fists-\\nGirty waited till I was brought up and asked, was that the Dootor? I\\ntold him yes, and went towards him reaching out my hand, but he bid\\nme begone, and called me a damned rascal, upon which the fellows who\\nhad me in charge pulled me along. Girty rode up after me and told me\\nI was to go to the Shawanese towns.\\nWhen we went to the fire the Colonel was stripped naked, ordered to\\nsit down by the fire, and then they beat him with sticks and their fists.\\nPresently after I was treated in the same manner. They then tied a-\\nrope to the foot of a post about fifteen feet high, bound the Colonel s-\\nhands behind his back and fastened the rope to the ligature between his\\nwrists. The rope was long enough for him to sit down or walk round\\nthe post once or twice, and return the same way. The Colonel then\\ncalled to Girty and asked if they intended to burn him Girty an-\\nswered, yes. The Colonel said he would take it all patiently. Upon:\\nthis, Captain Pipe, a Delaware chief, made a speech to the Indians, viz\\nabout thirty or forty men, sixty or seventy squaws and boys.\\nWhen the speech was finished they all yelled a hideous and hearty\\nassent to what had been said. The Indian men then took up their guns\\nand shot powder into the Colonel s body, from his fcQt as far up as his.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "1782. Crawford?s Death. 247\\nneck. I think that not less than seventy loads were discharged upon\\nhis naked body. They then crowded about him, and to the best of my\\nobservation, cut off his ears when the throng had dispersed a little, I\\nsaw the blood running from both sides of his head in consequence\\nthereof.\\nThe fire was about six or seven yards from the post to which the\\nColonel was tied it was made of small hickory poles, burnt quite\\nthrough in the middle, each end of the poles remaining about six feet in\\nlength. Three or four Indians by turns would take up, individually,\\none of these burning pieces of wood and apply it to his naked body,\\nalready burnt black with the powder. These tormenlors presented\\nthemselves on every side of him with the burning faggots and poles.\\nSome of the squaws took broad boards, upon which they would carry a\\nquantity of burning coals and hot embers and throw on him, so that in\\na short time he had nothing but coals of fire and hot ashes to walk upon.\\nIn the midsi of these extreme tortures, he called to Simon Girty and\\nbegged of him to shoot him but Girty making no answer, he called to\\nhim again. Girty, then, by way of derision, told the Colonel he had\\nno gun, at the same time turning about to an Indian who was behind\\nhim, laughed heartily, and by all his gestures seemed delighted at the\\nhorrid scene.\\nGirly then came up to me and bade me prepare for death. He said,\\nhowever, I was not to die at that place, but to be burnt at the Shawa-\\nnese towns. He swore by G d I need not expect to escape death, but\\nshould suffer it in all its extremities.\\nHe then observed that some prisoners had given him to understand,\\nthat if our people had him they would not hurt him for his part, he\\nsaid, he did not believe it, but desired to know my opinion of the mat-\\nter, but being at that time in great anguish and distress for the torments\\nthe Colonel was suffering before my eyes, as well as the expectation of\\nundergoing the same fate in two days, I made little or no answer. He\\nexpressed a great deal of ill will for Colonel Gibson, and said he was\\none of his greatest enemies, and more to the same purpose, to all which\\nI paid very little attention.\\nColonel Crawford at this period of his sufferings besought the Al-\\nmighty to have mercy on his soul, spoke very low, and bore his tor-\\nments with the most manly fortitude. He continued in all the extrem-\\nities of pain for an hour and three quarters or two hours longer, as near\\nas I can judge, when at last, being almost exhausted, he lay down on his\\nbelly; they then scalped him, and repeatedly threw the scalp in my face,\\ntelling me, that was my great captain. An old squaw (whose ap-\\npearance every way answered the ideas people entertain of the Devil,)\\ngot a board, took a parcel of coals and ashes and laid them on his back\\nand head, after he had been scalped, he then raised himself upon his", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "248 Treatment of the Moravians by the British. 1782.\\nfeet and began to walk round the post; they next put a burning stick to\\nhim as usual, but he seemed more insensible of pain than before.\\nThe Indian fellow who had me in charge, now took me away to\\nCaptain Pipe s house, about three-quarters of a mile from the place of\\nthe Colonel s execution. I was bound all night, and thus prevented\\nfrom seeing the last of the horrid spectacle. Next morning, being June\\n12th, the Indian untied me, painted me black, and we set off for the\\nShawanese town, which he told me was somewhat less than forty miles\\ndistant from that place. We soon came to the spot where the Colonel\\nhad been burnt, as it was partly in our way; I saw his bones lying\\namongst the remains of the fire, almost burnt to ashes I suppose after\\nhe was dead they laid his body on the fire. The Indian told me that\\nwas my big Captain, and gave the scalp halloo.\\nIn strange but pleasant contrast to the treatment of the Chris-\\ntian Indians upon the Muskingum, we have to record next the con-\\nduct of the British toward their religious leaders during this same\\nspring. Girty, who early in the season had led a band of Wyan-\\ndots against the American frontiers, had left orders to have Hecke-\\nwelder and his comrades driven like beasts from Sandusky, where\\nthey had wintered, to Detroit; specially enjoining brutality toward\\nthem. But his agents, or rather those of the English commandant\\nin the west, together with the traders who were called upon to aid\\nin their removal, distinguished themselves by kindness and con-\\nsideration, aiding the missionaries on their march, defending the\\ncaptives from the outrageous brutality of Girty, who overtook them\\nat Lower Sandusky, and who swore he would have their lives,\\nand at length re-uniting them to their surviving disciples at a set-\\ntlement upon the river Huron.*\\nIt was in March that Williamson s campaign took place, and\\nduring the same month the Moravians were taken to Michigan. It\\nwas in that month also f that an event took place in Kentucky,\\nnear the present town of Mt. Sterling, in Montgomery county,\\nwhich has been dwelt upon with more interest by her historians,\\nthan almost any other of equal unimportance we refer to Estell s\\ndefeat by a party of Wyandots. The interest of this skirmish\\narose from the equality of numbers on the two sides; the supposed\\ncowardice of Miller, Estill s lieutenant, who was sent to outflank\\nHeckewelder s Narrative, 308. 329-349.\\nt Marshall (i. 126) says May wc follow Chief Justice Robertson, quoted by Butler\\n(121 note) who says March 22. See also Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 3. This is a\\ndetailed account.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "1782. EstilVs Defeat and Mtack on Bryanfs Station. 249\\nthe savages and the consequent death of the leader, a brave and\\npopular man. Its effect upon the settlers was merely to excite a\\ndeeper hostility toward the Indian races.\\nNor did the red men on their part show any signs of losing their\\nanimosity. Elliot, McKee and Girty urged them on with a fury\\nthat it is not easy to account for.\\nAgain the woods teemed with savages, and no one was safe\\nfrom attack beyond the walls of a station. The influence of the\\nBritish, and the constant pressure of the Long Knives upon the\\nred-men, had produced a union of the various tribes of the north-\\nwest, who seemed to be gathering again to strike a fatal blow at\\nthe frontier settlements, and had they been led by a Philip, a Pon-\\ntiac, or a Tecumthe, it is impossible to estimate the injury they\\nmight have inflicted.\\nJune and July passed, however, and August was half gone, and\\nstill the anticipated storm had not burst upon the pioneers in its\\nfull force, when, upon the night of the 14th of the latter month,\\nthe main body of the Indians, five or six hundred in number,\\ngathered, silent as the shadows, round Bryant s station, a post on\\nthe bank of the Elkhorn, about five miles from Lexington. The\\ngarrison of this post had heard on the evening of the 14th, of the\\ndefeat of a party of whites not far distant, and during that night\\nwere busy in preparations to march with day-break to the assist-\\nance of their neighbors. All night long their preparations contin-\\nued, and what little sound the savages made as they approached,\\nwas unheard amid the comparative tumult within. Day stole\\nthrough the forest; the woodsmen rose from their brief slumbers,\\ntook their arms, and were on the point of opening their gates to\\nmarch, when the crack of rifles, mingled with yells and howls, told\\nthem in an instant how narrowly they had escaped captivity or\\ndeath. Rushing to the loop-holes and crannies, they saw about a\\nhundred red-men firing and gesticulating in full view of the fort.\\nThe young bloods, full of rage at Estill s sad defeat, wished in-\\nstantly to rush forth upon the attackers, but there was something\\nin the manner of the Indians so peculiar that the older heads at\\nonce suspected a trick, and looked anxiously to the opposite side\\nof the fort, where they judged the main body of the enemy were\\nprobably concealed. Nor were they deceived. The savages were\\nled by Simon Girty. This white savage had proposed by an\\nattack upon one side of the station with a small part of his force,\\nto draw out the garrison, and then intended, with the main body", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "250 Attack on BryanVs Station. 1782.\\nto fall upon the other side and secure the fort but his plan was\\ndefeated by the over-acting of his red allies, and the sagacity of\\nhis opponents. These opponents, however, had still a sad diffi-\\nculty to encounter the fort was not supplied with water, and the\\nspring was at some distance, and in the immediate vicinity of the\\nthicket in which it was supposed the main force of the Indians lay\\nconcealed. The danger of going or sending for water was plain,\\nthe absolute necessity of having it was equally so; and how it\\ncould be procured was a question which made many a head shake,\\nmany a heart sink. At length a plan equally sagacious and bold\\nwas hit upon, and successfully carried into execution by as great\\nan exertion of womanly presence of mind as can, perhaps, be found\\non record. If the savages were, as was supposed, concealed near\\nthe spring, it was believed they would not show themselves until\\nthey had reason to believe their trick had succeeded, and the gar-\\nrison had left the fort on the other side. It was therefore proposed\\nto all the females to go with their buckets to the spring, fill them,\\nand return to the fort, before any sally was made against the at-\\ntacking party. The danger to which they must be exposed was\\nnot to be concealed, but it was urged upon them that this must be\\ndone or all perish and that if they were steady, the Indians would\\nnot molest them and to the honor of their sex be it said, they\\nwent forth in a body, and directly under five hundred rifles, filled\\ntheir buckets, and returned in such a manner as not to suggest to the\\nquick-sighted savages that their presence in the thicket was sus-\\npected.* This done, a small number of the garrison were sent\\nforth against the attackers, with orders to multiply their numbers to\\nthe ear by constant firing, while the main body of the whites took\\ntheir places to repel the anticipated rush of those in concealment.\\nThe plan succeeded perfectly. The whole body of Indians rushed\\nfrom their ambuscade as they heard the firing upon the opposite\\nside of the fort, and were received by a fair, well-directed dis-\\ncharge of all the rifles left within the station. Astonished and hor-\\nror-stricken, the assailants turned to the forest again as quickly as\\nthey had left it, having lost many of their number.\\nIn the morning, as soon as the presence of the Indians was\\nascertained, and before their numbers were suspected, two messen-\\ngers had broken through their line, bearing to Lexington tidings\\nof the seige of Bryant s station, and asking succors. These\\nWc have it on the best authority, however, that Simon Kenton said this was all\\nromance, by his account there was a covered way to the spring.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "1782. Girtyh talk vnth Reynolds. 251\\nsuccors came about two in the afternoon; sixteen men being-\\nmounted, and thirty or more on foot. The savages expected their\\narrival, and prepared to destroy them, but the horsemen, by rapid\\nriding, and enveloped in dust,* reached the fort unharmed, and\\nof the footmen, after an hour s hard fighting, only two were killed\\nand four wounded. The Indian s courage rarely supports him\\nthrough long continued exertion and Girty found his men so far\\ndisheartened by their failures, that of the morning in the attempt\\nto take the fort, and that in the afternoon to destroy the troops\\nfrom Lexington, that before night they talked of abandoning the\\nsiege. This their leader was very unwilling to have done and\\nthinking he might scare the garrison into surrender, he managed\\nto get within speaking distance, and there from behind a large\\nstump, commenced a parley. He told the white men who he was\\nassured them of his great desire that they should not suffer; and\\ninforming them that he looked hourly for reinforcements wnth\\ncannon, against which they could not hope to hold out, begged\\nthem to surrender at once if they did so, no one should be hurt^\\nbut if they waited till the cannon came up, he feared they would\\nall fall victims. The garrison looked at one another with uncer-\\ntainty and fear against cannon they could do nothing, and cannon\\nhad been used in 1780. Seeing the effect of Girty s speech, and\\ndisbelieving every word of it, a young man named Reynolds took\\nit upon himself to answer the renegade. You need not be so\\nparticular, he cried, to tell us your name; we know your name^\\nand you too. I ve had a villanous, untrustworthy cur-dog, this,\\nlong while, named Simon Girty, in compliment to you he s so\\nlike you ^just as ugly and just as wicked. As to the cannon, let\\nthem come on the country s roused, and the scalps of your red\\ncut-throats and your own too, will be drying on our cabins in\\ntwenty-four hours. And if by any chance, you or your allies do\\nget into the fort, we ve a big store of rods laid in on purpose to\\nscourge you out again.\\nThe method taken by Reynolds was much more effectual than\\nany argument with his comrades would have been, and Girt^^ad\\nto return to the Indian council-fire unsuccessful. But he and\\nthe chiefs well knew that though their reinforcements and cannon\\nwere all imaginary, the expected aid of the whites w^as not.\\nBoone, Todd, and Logan would soon be upon them the ablest\\nCist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 238. The account is by E.. E- WOliams, who was a\\nboy in the station at the time of the attack.", "height": "3506", "width": "1969", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "252 KentucJcians pursue Girty. 1782.\\nand boldest of the pioneers would cut them off from a retreat to\\nthe Ohio, and their destruction would be insured. On the other\\nhand, if they now began to retire and were pursued, as they\\nsurely would be, they could choose their own ground, and always\\nfight with their way home clear behind them. All night they lay\\nstill, their fires burning, but when day broke, the whole body of\\nsavages was gone.*\\nBy noon of the 18th of August, about one hundred and eighty\\nmen had gathered at Bryant s station among them were Boone\\nand^his youngest son. They had nominal commanders but no\\ntrue discipline, and after a disorderly discussion, determined upon\\nimmediate pursuit, without waiting for the arrival of General\\nLogan accordingly, in the afternoon of the 18th, the whole body\\nset forward. Colonel John Todd acting as leader. The trail of\\nthe savages was as plain as could be wished indeed, to Boone\\nand the more reflecting, it was clear that the retiring army had\\ntaken pains to make it so, and our sagacious woodsmen at once\\nconcluded that a surprise at some point was intended, and that\\npoint Boone was confident was the Lower Blue Licks, where the\\nnature of the ground eminently favored such a plan. With great\\ncaution the little army proceeded until, upon the following day,\\nthey reached the Licking river, at the point designated by Boone\\nas the one where an attack might be expected and as they came\\nin sight of the opposite bank, they discovered upon its bare ridge\\na few Indians, who gazed at them a moment and then passed into\\nthe ravine beyond. The hills about the Blue Licks are even now\\nalmost wholly without wood, and the scattered cedars which at\\npresent lend them some green, did not exist in 1782. As you\\nascend the ridge of the hill above the spring, you at last reach a\\npoint where two ravines, thickly w^ooded, run down from the bare\\nground to the right and left, affording a place of concealment for\\na very large body of men, who could thence attack on front, flank,\\nThe difficulty of telling any thing about details in our western border stories, is well\\nshown by the uncertainty which exists as to liow long the Indians were before Bryant s\\nstati^ Butler says they came on the evening of the 14th, and left on the morning of\\nthe fourth day, or 18th. McClung says they came on the night of the 14th, and implies\\nthat they left on the morning of the 15th. Governor Morchead agrees with McClung.\\nBoone s Sketches says the investment took place on the 15th, and that they retired the\\nthird day, or 17th though his letter to the Governor of Virginia, dated August 30th,\\n1782, says the attack was on the 16th, and the retreat about ten o cZoci the next day\\nwhile the account in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 236, by one present, makes the\\nattack on the l6th, and the retreat before daylight on the 17th. Boone s letter is in the\\nappendix to Governor Moorehead s address at Boonesboro^", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "1782. Battle of Blue Licks. 253\\nand rear, any who were pursuing the main trace along the higher\\nground: in these ravines, Boone, who was looked to by the com-\\nmanders for counsel, said that the Indians were probably hidden.\\nHe proposed, therefore, that they should send a part of their men\\nto cross the Licking farther up, and fall upon the Indians in the\\nrear, while the remaining troops attacked them in front. While\\nBoone s plan was under discussion by the officers of the pursuing\\nparty, Major Hugh McGary, according to the common account,\\nbroke from the council, (to use the words of one present,*)\\nand called upon the troops who were not cowards to follow\\nhim, and thus collecting a band, went without order, and against\\norders, into the action, and in consequence of this act a general\\npursuit of officers and men took place, more to save the desperate\\nmen that followed McGary, than from a hope of a successful\\nfight with the Indians. It is to be noticed, however, that\\nBoone in his letter to the Governor of Virginia, dated August\\n30th, 1782, not only fails to mention McGary s conduct, but men-\\ntions circumstances which seem wholly at variance with such a\\nsudden and disorderly chargef as that described by Colonel\\nCooper and the common tradition. His words are these: on\\ndiscovering the enemy We formed our columns into one single\\nline, and marched up in their front within about forty yards before\\nthere was a gun fired. Colonel Trigg commanded on the right,\\nmyself on the left, Major McGary in the centre, and Major Harlan\\nthe advance party in the front. From the manner in which we\\nhad formed, it fell to my lot to bring on the attack. This was\\ndone with a very heavy fire on both sides, and extended back of\\nthe line to Col. Trigg, where the enemy was so strong that they\\nrushed up and broke the right wing at the first fire. Thus the\\nenemy got in our rear, and we were compelled to retreat with the\\nloss of seventy-seven of our men and twelve wounded. Nor\\nis the impression of this passage altered by the statement of the\\nsame keen pioneer, as given in his account of his adventures.\\nThere he says: The savages observing us, gave way, and we,\\nbeing ignorant of their numbers, passed the river. When the\\nBenjamin A. Cooper s certificate in Frankfort Commonwealth, of January 15tli, 1846\\ntaken from St. Louis Era, and furnished that paper by Mann Butler.\\nt See Marshall, i. 138. He speaks of the whites advancing without any regular order,.\\nMcGary at the head. The same account is given in Stipp.\\nCol.Cooper says he was with Boone when by counting the Indian fires, (query, before\\nBryant s station he concluded there were at least 500 savages. Boone s letter says,\\nby the signs we thought the Indians had exceeded four hundred but this he says as\\nthough the calculation had beeo made after the battle.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "254 Battle of Blue Licks. 1782.\\nenemy saw our proceedings, having greatly the advantage of us in\\nsituation, they formed the line of battle, from one bend of Licking\\nto the other, about a mile from the Blue Licks. An exceeding\\nfierce battle immediately began, for about fifteen minutes, when\\nwe, being overpowered by numbers, were obliged to retreat with\\nthe loss of sixty-seven men, seven of whom were taken prisoners.\\nGovernor Morehead, however, has derived from the accounts of\\neye-witnesses, received through R. Wickliffe, some particulars,\\nwhich, if correct, will reconcile most of the common story with\\nBoone s statement, and these we give in the words of his address\\nleaving our readers to judge, 1st, as to the probability that Boone\\nwould entirely omit all reference to the conduct of McGary and\\n2d, as to the likelihood of McGary and his followers pausing\\nwhen once under way. It is also to be noticed that Colonel\\nCooper, Marshal, and Stipp say nothing of the pause alluded to.\\nScarcely had Boone submitted his opinions, when Major McGary\\nraised the war-whoop, and spurring his horse into the river, called\\nvehemently upon all who were not cowards to follow him, and he\\nwould show them the enemy. Presently the army was in motion.\\nThe greater part suffered themselves to be led by McGary the re-\\nmainder, perhaps a third of the whole number, lingered a while with\\nTodd and Boone in council. All at length passed over, and at Boone s\\nsuggestion, the commanding officer ordered another halt. The pioneer\\nthen proposed, a second time, that the army should remain where it\\nwas, until an opportunity was afforded to reconnoitre the suspected\\nregion. So reasonable a proposal was acceded to, and two bold but\\nexperienced men were selected, to proceed from the lick along the\\nbuffalo trace to a point half a mile beyond the ravines, where the road\\nbranched off in different directions. They were instructed to examine\\nthe country with the utmost care on each side of the road, especially\\nthe spot where it passed between the ravines, and upon the first\\nappearance of the enemy to repair in haste to the army. The spies\\ndischarged the dangerous and responsible task. They crossed over\\nthe ridge proceeded to the place designated beyond it, and returned\\nin safety without having made any discovery. No trace of the enemy\\nwas to be seen. The little army of one hundred and eighty two men*\\nnow marched forward Colonel Trigg was in command of the right\\nwing, Boone of the left, McGary in the centre, and Major Harlan with\\nthe party in front.t\\nAfter the disastrous defeat of the Blue Licks, the Kentuckians\\nButler, 125, on the authority of General Clark,\\nt Morehead s Address, p, 99.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "1782 Clark attacks Shawanese. 255\\nretired until they met Logan who had advanced, Colonel Cooper\\nsays, but six miles north-east of Bryant s station and from the\\nsame source we learn that the common story is wrong, in respect\\nto the expectation of Todd, Boone, and others, before the battle,\\nof a reinforcement. In this short, but severe action, Todd, Trigg,\\nHarland, and Boone s son, all fell. It was a sad day for Ken-\\ntucky. The feelings and fears of the Fayette county settlers may\\nbe guessed from the following extract from Boone s letter to\\nVirginia when he felt anxiety, what must they have suffered\\nBy the signs we thought the Indians had exceeded four hundred\\nwhile the whole of this militia of the county does not amount to more\\nthan one hundred and thirty. From these facts your Excellency may\\nform an idea of our situation. I know that your own circumstances\\nare critical, but are we to be wholly forgotten I hope not. I trust\\nabout five hundred men may be sent to our assistance immediately. If\\nthese shall be stationed as our county lieutenants shall deem necessary,\\nit may be the means of saving our part of the country but if they are\\nplaced under the direction of General Clark, they will be of little or no\\nservice to our settlement. The Falls lie one hundred miles west of us,\\nand the Indians north-east; while our men are frequently called to\\nprotect them. I have encouraged the people in this county all that I\\ncould, but I can no longer justify them or myself to risk our lives here\\nunder such extraordinary hazards. The inhabitants of this county are\\nvery much alarmed at the thoughts of the Indians bringing another\\ncampaign into our country this fall. If this should be the case, it will\\nbreak up these settlements. I hope, therefore, your Excellency will\\ntake the matter into your consideration, and send us some relief as\\nquick as possible.*\\nClark, of course, soon learned how severe a blow had been\\nstruck by the northern savages, and determined, as soon as\\npossible, again to lead an expedition into the Miami valleys. It\\nwas the last of September, however, before a thousand men could\\nbe gathered at the mouth of the Licking, whence they marched\\nnorthward. But their coming, though expeditious and secret, was\\ndiscovered by the natives, and the towns on the Miamies and Mad\\nRiver abandoned to their fate. The crops were again destroyed,\\nthe towns burned, the British store, (Loramie s) with its goods,\\nannihilated, and a few prisoners taken, but no engagement of any\\nconsequence took place. f Such, however, appears to have been\\nSee Morehead s Address, p. 173.\\nt Clark s letter in Butler, 2d edition, 536; also in Almon s Remembrancer, for 1783,\\npart ii. p. 93.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "256 Treaty of Peace. 1783.\\nthe impression made by Clark upon the Shawanese, that no large\\nbody of Indians thenceforward invaded the territory south of the\\nOhio.\\nIn November, after the return of the Kentucky troops, Messrs.\\nMay and Marshall opened their land offices, and the scramble for\\nchoice locations began again, and in a way which laid the founda-\\ntion for intinite litigation and heartburning.\\n1783.\\nUpon the 30th of November, 1782, provisional articles of peace\\nhad been arranged at Paris between the Commissioners of Eng-\\nland and her unconquerable colonies. Upon the 20th of the\\nJanuary following hostilities ceased; on the 19th of April, the\\nanniversary of the battle of Lexington, peace was proclaimed\\nto the army of the United States, and on the 3d of the next Sep-\\ntember, the definite treaty which ended our revolutionary struggle\\nwas concluded. Of that treaty we give so much as relates to the\\nboundaries of the West.\\nThe line on the north was to pass along the middle of Lake\\nOntario, to the Niagara river; thence along the middle of said\\ncommunication into Lake Erie, through the middle of said lake,\\nuntil it arrives at the water communication between that lake and\\nLake Huron thence through the middle of said lake, to the w^ater\\ncommunication between that lake and Lake Superior; thence\\nthrough Lake Superior, northward to the isles Royal and Philipe-\\naux, to the Long Lake thence through the middle of the said\\nLong Lake, and the w^ater communication between it and the\\nLake of the Woods, to the said Lake of the Woods; thence\\nthrough the said lake, to the most northwestern point thereof; and,\\nfrom thence, on a due west course, to the river Mississippi;", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "1783. Land speculation stronger than Law. 257\\ntlience, by a line to be drawn along the middle of the said river\\nMississippi, until it shall intersect the northernmost part of the\\nthirty-first degree of north latitude. South by a line to be drawn\\ndue east from the determination of the line last mentioned, in the\\nlatitude of thirty-one degrees north of the equator, to the middle\\nof the river Appalachicola or Catahouche thence along the mid-\\ndle thereof, to its junction wdth the Flint river; thence straight to\\nthe head of St. Mary s river and, thence down along the middle\\nof St. Mary s river to the Atlantic Ocean.\\nBut the cessation of hostilities with England was not, necessa-\\nrily, the cessation of warfare with the native tribes and while all\\nhoped that the horrors of the border contests in the West were at\\nan end, none competent to judge, failed to see the probability of\\na continued and violent struggle. Virginia, at an early period, (in\\nOctober 1779,) had by law discouraged all settlements on the part\\nof her citizens northwest of the Ohio but the spirit of land\\nspeculation was stronger than law, and the prospect of peace gave\\nnew energy to that spirit; and how to throw open the immense\\nregion beyond the mountains, without driving the natives to des-\\nperation, was a problem which engaged the ablest minds. Wash-\\nington, upon the 7th of September 1783, writing to James Duane\\nin Congress, enlarged upon the difficulties which lay before that\\nbody in relation to the public lands. He pointed out the neces-\\nsity which existed for making the settlements compact; and\\nproposed that it should be made even felony to settle or survey\\nlands -svest of a line to be designated by Congress which line, he\\nadded, might extend from the mouth of the Great Miami to Mad\\nriver, thence to Fort Miami on the Maumee, and thence northward\\nso as to include Detroit; or, perhaps, from the Fort down the\\nriver to Lake Erie. He noticed the propriety of excluding the\\nIndian Agents from all share in the trade with the red men, and\\nshowed the wisdom of forbidding all purchases of land from the\\nIndians except by the sovereign power, Congress or the State\\nLegislature as the case might be. Unless some such stringent\\nmeasures were adopted he prophecied renewed border wars,\\nv/hich would end only after great expenditure of money and of\\nlife.f But before the Congress of the freed Colonies could take\\nany efficient steps to secure the West, it was necessary that those\\nifteasures of cession which commenced in 1780-Sl, should be\\nRevised Statutes of Virginia, by B. Watkins Leigh, ii. 378.\\nt Sparks Washington, viii. 477.\\n17", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "258 Land cession by Virginia. 1183\\ncompleted. New York had conditionally given up her claims\\nupon the 1st of March, 1781,* and Congress had accepted her\\ndeed, but Virginia, as we have said, had required from the United\\nStates a guarantee of the territories retained by her, which they\\nwere not willing to give, and no acceptance of her provision to\\ncede had taken place. Under these circumstances. Congress,\\nupon the 18th of April, again pressed the necessity of cessions,!\\nand upon the 13th of September, six days after Washington s\\nletter above referred to, stated the terms upon which they would\\nreceive the proposals of the Ancient Dominion, j To these terms\\nthe Virginians acceded, and upon the 20th of December au-\\nthorized their delegates to make a deed to the United States of\\nall their right in the territory northwest of the river Ohio,\\nUpon condilion that the territory so ceded shall be laid out and formed\\ninto States, containing a suitable extent of territory, not less than one\\nhundred, nor more than one hundred and fifty miles square, or as near\\nthereto as circumstances will admit: and that the States so formed shall\\nbe distinct republican States, and admitted members of the Federal\\nUnion, having the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, and independ-\\nence, as tlie other States.\\nThat the reasonable and necessary expenses incurred by this State\\nin subduing any British posts, or in maintaining forts and garrisons\\nwithin, and for the defence, or in acquiring any part of the territory so\\nceded or relinquished, shall be fully reimbursed by the United States;\\nand that one commissioner sha l be appointed by Congress, one by this\\nCommonwealth, and another by those two commissioners, who, or a\\nmajority of them, shall be authorized and empowered to adjust and\\nliquidate the account of the necessary and reasonable expenses incurred\\nby this State, which they sliall judge to be comprised within the intent\\nand meaning of the act of Congress of the tenth of October, one thous-\\nand seven hundred and eighty, respecting such expenses. That the\\nFrench and Canadian inhabitants, and other setders of the Kaskaskies,\\nSt. Vincents, and the neighboring villages, who have professed them-\\nselves citizens of Virginia, shall have their possessions and titles con-\\nfirmed to them, and be protected in the enjoyment of their rights and\\nliberties. That a quantity not exceeding one hundred and fifty thou-\\n.sand acres of land, promised by this State, shall be allowed and granted\\nto the then Colonel, now General George Rogers Clark, and to the\\nofficers and soldiers of his regiment, who marched with him when the\\nposts of Kaskaikies and St. Vincents were reduced, and to the office\u00c2\u00bb\\nLand Laws, 95. Old Journals, iv, 267.\\nOld Journals, iv. 189.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "1783. Instructions to Indian Commissioners. 259\\nand soldiers that have been since incorporated into the said regiment,\\nto be laid off in one tract, the length of which not to exceed double the\\nbreadth, in such place, on the north-west side of the Ohio, as a majority\\nof the officers shall choose, and to be afterwards divided among the said\\nofficers and soldiers in due proportion, according to the laws of Vir-\\nginia. That in case the quantity of good land on the south-east side\\nof the Ohio, upon the waters of the Cumberland river, and between the\\nGreen river and Tennessee river, which have been reserved by law\\nfor the Virginia troops upon Continental establishment, should, from\\nthe North Carolina line, bearing in further upon the Cumberland lands\\nthan was expected, prove insufficient for their legal bounties, the defi-\\nciency should be made up to the said troops, in good lands, to be laid\\noff between the rivers Scioto and Little Miami, on the north-west side\\nof the river Ohio, in such proportions as have been engaged to them by\\nthe laws of Virginia. That all the lands within the territory so ceded\\nto the United States, and not reserved for, or appropriated to, any of\\nthe before mentioned purposes, or disposed of in bounties to the officers\\nand soldiers of the American army, shall be considered a common fund\\nfor the use and benefit of such of the United States as have become, or\\nshall become, members of the confederation or federal alliance of the said\\nstates, Virginia inclusive, according to their usual respective proportions\\nin the general charge and expenditure, and shall be faithfully and bona fide\\ndisposed of for that purpose, and for no other use or purpose whatsoever.*\\nAnd, in agreement with these conditions a deed was made March\\n1, 1784. But it was not possible to wait the final action of Vir-\\nginia, before taking some steps to soothe the Indians, and extin-\\nguish their title. On the 22d of September, therefore. Congress\\nforbade all pm-chases of, or settlements on, Indian lands,! and on\\nthe 15th of October, the Commissioners to treat with the natives\\nwere instructed,\\n1st. To require the delivery of all prisoners:\\n2d. To inform the Indians of the boundaries between the British\\npossessions and the United States:\\n3d. To dwell upon the fact that the red men had not been\\nfaithful to their agreements\\n4th. To negotiate for all the land east of the line proposed\\nby Washington, namely, from the mouth of the Great Miami to\\nMad river, thence to Fort Miami on the Mauraee, and thence\\ndown the Maumee to the Lake\\nSee Land Laws, p. 98.\\nOld Journals, iv. 275.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "260 Efforts to obtain Detroit and other Western Ports. 1783.\\n5th. To hold, if possible, one Convention with all the tribes;\\n7th. To learn all they could respecting the French of Kaskas-\\nkia, c.\\n8th. To confirm no grants by the natives to individuals; and,\\n9th. To look after American stragglers beyond the Ohio, to\\nsignify the displeasure of Congress at the invasion of the Indian\\nlands, and to prevent all further intrusions. Upon the 19th of the\\nfollowing March, the 4th and 5th of these instructions were en-\\ntirely changed at the suggestion of a committee headed by Mr.\\nJefferson the western boundary line being made to run due north\\nfrom the lowest point of the Falls of the Ohio, to the northern\\nlimits of the United States, and the Commissioners being told to\\ntreat with the nations at various places and di^erent times.*\\nMeanwhile steps had been taken by the Americans to obtain\\npossession of Detroit and the other w^estern posts, but in vain.\\nUpon the 12th of July Washington had sent Baron Steuben to\\nCanada for that purpose, with orders, if he found it advisable, to\\nembody the French of Michigan into a militia and place the fort\\nat Detroit in their hands. But when the Baron presented himself\\nnear Quebec, General Haldimand, while he received him very\\npolitely, refused the necessary passports, saying that he had\\nreceived no orders to deliver up the posts along the Lakes. This\\nmeasure failing, one Cassaty, a native of Detroit, was sent thither\\nin August to learn the feelings of the people and do what he\\nmight to make the American side popular, f About the same time\\nVirginia, having no longer any occasion for a western army, and\\nbeing sadly pressed for money, withdrew^ her commission from\\nGeorge Rogers Clark, with thanks however, for his very great\\nand singular services. He and his soldiers in the distribution\\nof lands were not forgotten either, and in October a tract of one\\nhundred and fifty thousand acres of land was granted them north\\nof the Ohio, to be located where they pleased they chose the\\nregion opposite the Falls, and the town of Clarksville w^as then\\nfounded.\\nSecret Journals, i. 255, 261. April 16th, in order to expedite matters, the times and\\nplaces of meeting were left to the Commissioners. Secret Journals, i. 264.\\nt Sparks Washington, viii. 463, 470. Marshall, (i. 175,) gives the letters of Steuben\\nand Haldimand.\\nSee Governor Harrison s letter. Butler, 490.\\nB Revised Statutes of Virginia; by G. W. Leigh, ii. 405.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "1784. Difficulties between Great Britain and United States. 261\\nWhile these various steps, bearing upon the interests of the\\nwhole west, were taken by Congress, Washington, and the Assem-\\nbly of Virginia, Kentucky was organizing herself upon a new\\nbasis, Virginia having united the three counties, with their sepa-\\nrate courts, into one District, having a court of common law and\\nchancery for the whole territory that now forms the State, and to\\nthis District restored the for-a-time-discarded name, Kentucky.\\nThe sessions of the court thus organized resulted in the founda-\\ntion of Danville, which in consequence for a season became the\\ncentre and capital of the District.*\\n1784.\\nIt might have been reasonably hoped that peace with the mother\\ncountry would have led to comparative prosperity within the newly\\nformed nation. But such was not the case. Congress had no\\npower to compel the States to fulfil the provisions of the treaty\\nwhich had been concluded, and Britain was not willing to comply\\non her side with all its terms, until evidence was given by the\\nother party that no infraction of them was to be feared from the\\nrashness of democratic leaders. Among the provisions of that\\ntreaty were the following\\nArt. 4. It is agreed that creditors on either side shall meet with no\\nlawful impediment to the recovery of the full value, in sterling money,\\nof all bona fide debts heretofore contracted.\\nArt. 5, It is agreed that the Congress shall earnestly recommend it\\nto the Legislatures of the respective States, to provide for the restitution\\nof all estates, rights, and properties, which have been confiscated, be-\\nlonging to real British subjects, and also of the estates, rights, and pro-\\nperties of persons resident in districts in the possession of his Majesty s\\nMarshall, i. 159.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "262 Provisions of Treaty of Peace. 1784.\\narras, and who have not borne arms against the said United Slates. And\\nthat persons of any other description shall have free liberty to go to\\nany part or parts of any of the thirteen United States, and therein to\\nremain twelve months, unmolested in their endeavors to obtain tlie resti-\\ntution of such of their estates, rights, and properties, as may have been\\nconfiscated and that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the\\nseveral Slates a reconsideration and revision of all acts or laws regarding\\nthe premises, so as to render the said laws or acts perfectly consistent,\\nnot only with justice and equity, but with that spirit of conciliation\\nwhich, on the return of the blessings of peace, should universally pre-\\nvail, And that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several\\nStates, that the estates, rights, and properties, of such last mentioned\\npersons, shall be restored to them, they refunding to any persons who\\nmay be now in possession, the bona fide price (where any has been\\ngiven) which such persons may have paid on purchasing any of the\\nsaid lands, rights, or properties, since the confiscation. And it is agreed,\\nthat all persons who have any interest in confiscated lands, either by\\ndebts, marriage settlements, or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful im-\\npediment in the prosecution of their just rights.\\nArt. 6. That there shall be no future confiscations made, nor any\\nprosecutions commenced against any person or persons for, or by reason\\nof, the part which he or they may have taken in the present war; and\\nthat no person shall, on that account, suffer any future loss or damage,\\neither in his person, liberty, or property and that those who may be\\nin confinement on such charges, at ihe time of the ratificatiou of the\\ntreaty in America, shall be immediately set at liberty, and the prosecu-\\ntions so commenced be discontinued.\\nArt. 7. There shall be a firm and perpetual peace between his Bri-\\ntannic Majesty and the said Slates, and between the subjects of the one\\nand the citizens of the other, wherefore, all hostilities, both by sea and\\nland, shall from henceforth cease: all prisoners, on both sides, shall be\\nset at liberty; and his Britannic Majesty shall, with all convenient speed,\\nand without causing any destruction, or carrying away any negroes or\\nother property of the American inhabitants, withdraw all his armies,\\ngarrisons, and fleets, from the said United States, and from every post,\\nplace, and harbor, within the same leaving in all fortifications the\\nAmerican artillery that may be therein and shall also order and cause\\nall archives, records, deeds, and papers, belonging to any of the said\\nStates, or their citizens, which, in the course of the war, may have fallen\\ninto the hands of his officers, to be forthwith restored and delivered to\\nthe proper States and persons to whom they belong.*\\nSee Land Laws, p. 11.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "1784. Virginia refuses to fulfil Treaty. 263\\nThat these stipulations were wise and just, none, perhaps doubt-\\ned but they opened a door for disputes and troubles, through\\nwhich troubles enough swarmed in; and we may now, with as\\nmuch propriety as at any time, say the little that our limits will\\nallow us to say, in reference to those disagreements between Eng-\\nland and America, which for so long a time kept alive the hopes\\nand enmities of the Indians, contending as they were, for their\\nnative lands and the burial places of their fathers. The origin of\\nthe difficulty was an alleged infraction of the provisional treaty,\\nsigned November 30th, 1782, on the part of the British, who\\nshowed an intention to take away with them from New York\\ncertain negroes claimed as the property of the American inhab-\\nitants, none of which, by the terms both of that and the definitive\\ntreaty, was to be removed. Against this intention Washington\\nhad remonstrated, and Congress resolved in vain in reply to all\\nremonstrances it was said that the slaves were either booty taken\\nin war, and as such, by the laws of war, belonged to the captors,\\nand could not come within the meaning of the treaty; or were\\nfreemen and could not be enslaved,* It was undoubtedly true in\\nregard to many of the negroes, that they were taken in war, and as\\nsuch, (if property at all,) the booty of the captors; but it was\\nequally certain that another portion of them consisted of runa-\\nways, and by the terms of the treaty, as the Americans all thought,\\nshould have been restored or paid for.f It was in April, 1783,\\nthat the purposes of England in relation to the negroes became ap-\\nparent; in May the Commander-in-chief and Congress tried, as\\nwe have said, ineffectually, to bring about a different course of\\naction. Upon the 3d of September, the definitive treaty was sign-\\ned at Paris on the 25th of November the British left New York\\ncarrying the negroes claimed by the Americans with them while\\nupon the 4th of the following January, 1784, the treaty was ratifi-\\ned by the United States, and on the 9th of April by England.\\nUnder these circumstances Virginia and several other States saw\\nfit to decline compliance with the article respecting the recovery of\\ndebts refused to repeal the laws previously existing against British\\ncreditors; and upon the 22d of next June, after the ratification of\\npeace by both parties, the Old Dominion expressly declined to ful-\\nMarshall, i. 173.\\nSee Mr. Jay s excellent statement of facts and principles. Secret Journals, iv. 275.\\nWashington thought the British unfair and dishonest in their retention of the western posts,\\nand considered the non-payment of their debts by the Americans, as used by them for a\\nmere excuse. Sparks Washington, iv. 163. 179.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "264 Posts retained by British. 1784\\nfil the treaty In its completeness. This refusal, or neglect, which\\nwas equivalent to a refusal, on the part of the States to abide strictly\\nby the treaty, caused England, on the other hand, to retain pos-\\nsession of the western posts, and threatened to involve the two\\ncountries again in open warfare.\\nThe dispute, therefore, originated in a difference of opinion be-\\ntween the parties as to the meaning of thai: part of the seventh\\narticle which relates to the carrying away negroes this was fol-\\nlowed by a plain infraction of the fourth article on the part of the\\nStates and that by an equally plain violation of the provision in\\nregard to evacuating the posts (article 7) on the side of Great\\nBritain.\\nIn March, 1785, John Adams was sent to England to require\\nthe withdrawal of his Majesty s armies from the posts still held by\\nthem. This requisition he made on the 8th of the following\\nDecember and was told in reply that when the fourth article was\\nrespected by the States, the seventh would be by England.\\nThese facts having been laid before Congress, that body, in\\nMarch, 1787, pressed upon the States the necessity of repealing\\nall laws violating the treaty but Virginia, in substance, refused to\\ncomply with the requisition respecting British creditors, until the\\nwestern forts were evacuated, and the slaves that had been taken,\\nreturned or paid for.*\\nFrom what has been said, it will be easily surmised that, to the\\nrequest of Governor Clinton of New York, relative to the abandon-\\nment of the western posts within that state, Niagara, Oswego,\\nc. as well as to the demand of Congress in the following July,\\nfor the possession of all the strongholds along the lakes General\\nHaldimand replied, as he had done to Baron Steuben, I have\\nreceived no orders from his Majesty to deliver them up.^f\\nWhile the condition of the western frontier remained thus un-\\ncertain, settlers were rapidly gathering about the inland forts. In\\nthe spring of this year, Pittsburgh, which had been long settled\\nand once before surveyed, was regularly laid out under the direc-\\ntion of Tench Francis, agent for the Messrs. Penn; who, as\\nadherents to England in the revolutionary struggle, had forfeited\\na large part of their possessions in America. The lots were soon\\nsold, and improvements immediately began though, as would\\nappear from the following extract from Arthur Lee s journal, who\\nSecret Journals, iv. 185 to 287.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pitkin, ii. 192 to 200.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Marshall, i. 167 to 188.\\nt Marshall, i. 177, c.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "1784. First Convention in Kentucky. 265\\npassed through Pittsburgh on his way to the Indian council at\\nFort Mcintosh, it was not, late in its first year, very prepossessing\\nor promising in its appearance\\nPittsburgh is inhabited almost entirely by Scots and Irish,\\nwho live in paltry log-houses, and are as dirty as if in the north\\nof Ireland, or even Scotland. There is a great deal of trade\\ncarried on the goods being brought at the vast expense of forty-\\nfive shillings per hundred, from Philadelphia and Baltimore.\\nThey take, in the shops, money, wheat, flour and skins. There\\nare in the town four attorneys, two doctors, and not a priest of\\nany persuasion, nor church, nor chapel. The rivers encroach fast\\non the town; and to such a degree, that, as a gentleman told me,\\nthe Allegheny had within thirty years of his memory, carried away\\none hundred yards. The place, I believe, will never be very\\nconsiderable.\\nThe detention of the western fortresses, however, though of\\nlittle moment to Pennsylvania, was a very serious evil to the more\\ndistant settlers of Kentucky. The northern savages again pre-\\npared their scalping knives, and the traders from Canada, if not\\nthe agents of the British government, urged them to harass the\\nfrontiers. Although Kentucky, therefore, grew rapidly during\\n1784, the emigrants numbering twelve, f and the whole population\\nthirty thousand;]: although a friendly meeting was held by\\nThomas J. Dalton, with the Piankeshaws, at Vincennes, in April\\nand though trade was extending itself into the clearings and\\namong the canebrakes Daniel Brodhead having opened his store\\nat Louisville the previous year, and James Wilkinson having come\\nto Lexington in February as the leader of a large commercial\\ncompany, formed in Philadelphia still the cool and sagacious\\nmind of Logan led him to prepare his fellow citizens for trial and\\nhardship. He called, in the autumn of 1784, a meeting of the\\npeople at Danville, to take measures for defending the country,\\nand at this meeting the whole subject of the position and danger\\nof Kentucky was examined and discussed, and it was agreed that\\na convention should meet in December to adopt some measures\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 304. t Inilay, 44.\\n:j: Filson, 22. Filson s work was prepared this year (1784) and the first edition printed\\nat Wilmington, ((^uecy, North Pnirnlinnior Delaware V)\\nII Filson, 49.\\nMarshall i. 161. 165. In 1784 Louisville contained 63 houses finished, 37 partly\\nfinished, 22 raised but not covered, and more than 100 cabins. (Letters of an American\\nPlanter, fi-om 1770 to 1786. Vol. iii.p. 422.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "266 Virginia military lands surveyed. 1784.\\nfor the security of the settlements in the wilderness. Upon the\\n27th of that month it met, nor was it long before the idea became\\nprominent that Kentucky must ask to be severed from Virginia,\\nand left to her own guidance and control. But as no such con-\\nception was general, when the delegates to this first conveiition\\nwere chosen, they deemed it best to appoint a second, to meet\\nduring the next May, at which was specially to be considered the\\ntopic most interesting to those who were called on to think and\\nvote a complete separation from the parent state; political\\nindependence.*\\nIt was during 1784, also, that the military claimants of land,\\nunder the laws of Virginia, began their locations. All the terri-\\ntory between the Green and Cumberland rivers, excepting that\\ngranted to Henderson Co., was to be appropriated to soldiers of\\nthe parent state and when that was exhausted, the lands north of\\nthe Ohio, between the Scioto and Little Miami rivers. In 1783,\\nthe Continental Line had chosen Colonel Richard C. Anderson\\nprincipal surveyor on their behalf, and on the 17th of December\\nin that year, concluded with him a contract, under which, upon\\nthe 20th of the following July, he opened his office near Louis-\\nville and entries at once began. The first entry north of the\\nOhio, however, was not made until August 1, 1787. f\\nTwo subjects which in order of time belong to this year, we\\ndefer, the one to 1787, the other to 1785 the former is the mea-\\nsure adopted by Congress for the government of the new territory\\nthe latter the first treaty with the Indians relative to the West.\\nMarshall, i. 190 to 195.\\nt McDonald s Sketches, 22 to 24. He gives the contract. Also letter of W. M.\\nAnderson. (American Pioneer, i. 43S.) The number ofsoldiers in the Virginia Continen-\\ntal Line proved to be 1124. (American State Papers, xviii.535.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "1785.\\nIn speaking of Pittsburgh, we referred to the passage of Arthur\\nLee through that place late in 1784, to attend a council with the\\nIndians at Fort Mcintosh. Upon the 22d of the previous Octo-\\nber, this gentleman, in connection with Richard Butler and Oliver\\nWolcott, had met the hostile tribes of the Iroquois,* at Fort Stan-\\nwix, and had there concluded a treaty of peace, among the arti-\\ncles of which was the following\\nArt. 3. A line shall be drawn, beginning at the raouth of a creek,\\nabout four miles east of Niagara, called Oyonwayea, or Johnston s\\nLanding Place, upon the lake, named by the Indians Oswego, and by\\nus Ontario from thence southerly, in a direction always four miles east\\nof the carrying path, between Lake Erie and Ontario, to the mouth of\\nTehoseroron, or Buffalo Creek, or Lake Erie thence south, to the\\nnorth boundary of the State of Pennsylvania thence west, to the end\\nof tlie said north boundary thence south, along the west boundary of\\nthe said State, to the river Ohio the said line, from the mouth of the\\nOyonwayea to the Ohio, shall be the western boundary of the lands of\\nthe Six Nations so that the Six Nations shall, and do, yield to the\\nUnited States, all claims to the country west of the said boundary and\\nthen they shall be secured in the peaceful possession of the lands they\\ninhabit, east and north of the same, reserving only six miles square,\\nround the fort of Oswego, to the United States, for the support of the\\nsame.t\\nThe old indefinite claim of the great northern confederacy to\\nthe west, being thus extinguished, Mr. Lee, together with Richard\\nButler and George Rogers Clark, proceeded to treat with the\\nWestern Indians themselves at Fort Mcintosh, upon the 21st of\\nJanuary, 1785. The nations represented were the Wyandots,\\nDelawares, Chippeways, and Ottoways and among the represen-\\nOf the Six tribes, the Senecas, Mohawks, Onondagas, and Cayugas, had joined\\nEngland the Oneidas, and Tuscaroras had not.\\nt See Land Laws, p. 122.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "268 Provisions of the Treaty of Fort Mcintosh. 1785.\\ntatives, it is said, was the celebrated war chief of the Delawares,\\nBuckongahelas.* The most important provisions of the treaty\\nagreed up were the seven following,\\nArt. 3. The boundary line between the United States and the Wy-\\nandot and Delaware nations, shall begin at the mouth of the river Caya-\\nhoga, and run ihence, up the said river, to the porlage between thit and\\nthe Tuscarawas branch of the Muskingum then, down the said branch,\\nto the forks at the crossing place above Fort Lawrence, [Laurens j then,\\nwesterly, to the portage of the Big Miami, which runs into the Ohio,\\nat the mouth of which branch the fort stood which was taken by the\\nFrench in one thousand seven hundred and fifiy-lwo then, along the\\nsaid portage, to the Great Miami or Ome River, and down the south-\\neast side of the same to its month; thence, along the south shore of\\nLake Erie, to the mouth of Cayahoga, where it began.\\nArt. 4. The United States allot all the lands contained within the\\nsaid lines to the Wyandot and Delaware nations, to live and to hunt on,\\nand to such of the Ottowa nation as now live thereon saving and re-\\nserving, for the establishment of trading posts, six miles square at the\\nmouth of Miami or Ome River, and the same at the portage on that\\nbranch of the Big Miami which runs into the Ohio, and the same on\\nthe Lake of Sandusky where the fort formerly stood, and also two miles\\nsquare on each side of the lower rapids of Sandusky River which\\nposts, and the lands annexed to them, shall be to the use, and under\\nthe Government of the United States.\\nArt. 5. If any citizen of the United States, or other person, not\\nbeing an Indian, shall attempt to settle on any of the lands allotted to\\nthe Wyandot and Delaware nations, in this treaty, except on the lands\\nreserved to the United States in the preceding article, such person shall\\nforfeit the protection of the United States, and the Indians may punish\\nhim as they please.\\nArt. 6. The Indians who sign this treaty, as well in behalf of all\\ntheir tribes as of themselves, do acknowledge the lands east, south, and\\nwest, of the lines described in the third article so far as the said Indians\\nformerly claimed the same, to belong to the United States and none of\\ntheir tribes shall presume to settle upon the same, or any part of it.\\nArt. 7. The post of Detroit with a district beginning at the mouth\\nof the River Rosine, on the west end of Lake Erie, and running west\\nsix miles up the southern bank of the said river, thence, northerly, and\\n*So says Dawson, (life of Harrison, 82, note,) and Thatcher and Butler follow liim but\\nthe name of the Chief does not appear in the proceedings. He did, however, sign the\\ntreaty of the Great Miami, in January 1786, as a witness. (Dillon, i. 432, 440. Indian\\nTreaties, Washington, lf!37.) Did not he there meet Clark and not at Fort Mcintosh?", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "1785. Ordinance relative to Western Lands. 269\\nalways six miles west of the strait, till it strikes the Lake St. Clair,\\nshall be also reserved to the sole use of the United States.\\nArt. 8. In the same manner, the post at Michilimackinac, with its\\ndependencies, and twelve miles square about the same, shall be reserved\\nto the u se of the United States.\\nArt. 9. If any Indian or Indians shall commit a robbery or murder\\non any citizen of the United States, the tribe to which such offenders\\nmay belong, shall be bound to deliver them up at the nearest post, to be\\npunished according to the ordinances of the United States.\\nThus were the first steps taken for securing to the United States\\nthe Indian titles to the vast realm beyond the Ohio and a few\\nmonths later the legislation was commenced, that was to determine\\nthe mode of its disposal, and the plan of its settlements.\\nIn April of the previous year Congress had adopted certain\\nresolutions in relation to the number and size of the States to be\\nformed from the Western Territory, and sketched the great fea-\\ntures of an Ordinance for its organization, but as all these things\\nwere afterwards modified in 1787, we have deferred the subject\\nof that organization to the last named year. But though the\\ndetails of the government of the West were not as yet settled,\\nCongress, upon the 20th of May, 1785, f passed an ordinance\\nrelative to surveys which determined a plan for the division of the\\nceded lands, and the main principles of which still remain in\\nforce. This was not done, however, until Massachusetts, as well\\nas New York and Virginia, had ceded her claims to the Union\\nwhich she did upon the 19th of April in this year, the Act authori-\\nzing the cession having been passed upon the 13th of the previous\\nNovember. X\\nBy the ordinance above referred to, the territory purchased of\\nthe Indians was to be divided into townships, six miles square,\\nby north and south lines crossed at right angles by others the\\nfirst north and south line to begin on the Ohio at a point due north\\nof the western termination of the southern boundary of Pennsyl-\\nvania, and the first east and west line to begin at the same point\\nSee Land Laws, p. 148.\\nt There was an ordinance reported May 28, 1784, (Old Journals, iv. 416;) a second,\\nApril 26th, 1785, (Old Journals, iv. 507 that of May 20th differed in several respects,\\nOld Journals, iv. 500 to 504. Land Laws, 102.\\nU By the first ordinance these were to have been ten miles, and by the second seven\\nmiles square. See Journals.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "270 Settlements northwest of the Ohio forbidden. 1785,\\nand extend throughout the territory. The ranges of townships\\nthus formed were to be numbered from the Pennsylvania line\\nwestward the townships themselves from the Ohio northward.\\nEach township was to be subdivided into thirty-six parts or sec-\\ntions, each, of course, one mile square. When seven ranges of\\ntownships had been thus surveyed, the Geographer was to make a\\nreturn of them to the Board of Treasury, who were to take there-\\nfrom one-seventh part, by lot, for the use of the late Continental\\narmy and so of every seven ranges as surveyed and returned\\nthe remaining six-sevenths were to be drawn for by the several\\nStates, in the proportion of the last requisition made on them and\\nthey were to make public sale thereof in the following manner:\\nrange 1st, township 1st, was to be sold entire, township 2d in\\nsections, and so on alternately; while in range 2d, township 1st,\\nwas to be sold in sections, and township 2d entire, retaining\\nthroughout both as to the ranges and townships the principle of\\nalternation. The price was to be at least one dollar per acre in\\nspecie, loan office certificates reduced to specie value, or cer-\\ntificates of liquidated debts of the United States. Five sections\\nin each township were to be reserved, four for the United States\\nand one for schools. All sales thus made by the States were to\\nbe returned to the Board of Treasury. This ordinance also gave\\nthe mode for dividing, among the Continental soldiers, the lands\\nset apart to them reserved three townships for Canadian refugees\\nsecured to the Moravian Indians their rights and excluded from\\nsale the territory between the Little Miami and Scioto, in accord-\\nance with the provisions made by Virginia in her deed of cession\\nin favor of her own troops. Many points in this law were after-\\nwards changed, but its great features remained.\\nIt had been anticipated that so soon as the treaty of Fort Mcin-\\ntosh was known, settlers and speculators would cross the Ohio,\\nand to prevent the evil which it was foreseen would follow any\\ngeneral movement of the kind the Indian Commissioners were\\nauthorized in June, to issue a Proclamation commanding all per-\\nsons northwest of the river to leave without loss of time, or stay\\nat their peril, and announcing the intention of government as soon\\nas possible to sell the soil as fast as surveyed, f The peril to be\\nLand Laws, 349 to 354.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Old Journals, iv. 520 to 521.\\nt Land Laws, 354. Old Journals iv. 53S,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "1785. Attempt at settling upon Indian Lands. 271\\napprehended from the weak hands of the confederacy might not\\nhave deterred fearless men from filling the forbidden land, but there\\nwere those near by who executed the laws they made in a manner\\nwhich was by no means to be disregarded and, as we learn from\\nthe honorable George Corwin of Portsmouth, when four families\\nfrom Redstone attempted a settlement at the mouth of the Scioto\\nin April 1785, they received such a notice to quit from the natives\\nin the shape of rifle-balls, that the survivors, (for two of the men\\nwere killed,) were glad enough to abandon their enterprize, and\\ntake refuge at Limestone or Maysville.f Farther west the experi-\\nment succeeded better, and some years before the time of which\\nwe are writing, in 1781, a settlement was made in the neighbor-\\nhood of the old French forts by emigrants from Western Vir-\\nginia, who were joined during the present year by several other\\nfamilies from the same region. Upon the American stations thus\\nunlawfully commenced the Kickapoos began to commit hostilities\\nin 86, the Osages joined them in 90, and from that time until\\nafter the treaty of Greenville the few inhabitants of Illinois led the\\nsame life of danger and excitement, of hair-breadth escapes\\nand miraculous deliverances, which the frontier men of Virginia,\\nPennsylvania, and Kentucky, had led for twenty or thirty years\\nprevious: the details may be found in an article by J. M. Peck,\\nread before the Illinois State Lyceum in 1832, and published in\\nthe Western Monthly Magazine, vol. i. p. 73, (February 1833.)\\nIn Kentucky during 1785 events were of a different character\\nfrom any yet witnessed in the West. Hitherto to live and resist\\nthe savages had been the problem, but now the more complicated\\nquestions of self-rule and political power presented themselves for\\ndiscussion and answer. The Convention which met late in 1784,\\nfinding a strong feeling prevalent in favor of separation from Vir-\\nginia, and unwilling to assume too much responsibility, had pro-\\nposed, as we have stated, a second Convention to meet in the fol-\\nlowing May. It met upon the 23d of that month, and the same\\nspirit of self dependence being dominant, an address to the Assem-\\nbly of Virginia and one to the people of Kentucky, together with\\nfive resolutions, all relative to separation, and in favor of it, were\\nunanimously carried. Two of these resolutions deserve especial\\nhotice one of them recognized, what the Constitution of Virginia\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 56.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "272 Third Convention in Kentucky. 1785.\\ndid not, the principle of equal representation, or a representation\\nof the people living in a certain territory, and not the square miles\\ncontained in it: the other referred the whole matter again, to a\\nthird Convention, which was to meet in August and continue its\\nsessions by adjournment until April 1786. As the members of the\\nbody which passed this resolve had been chosen, it is believed,\\non the basis of equal representation,* and for the very purpose of\\nconsidering the question of independence, it is by no means clear\\nwhy this reference to a third assembly was made. It may have\\nbeen from great precaution, or it may have been through the influ-\\nence of James Wilkinson, who, though not a member of the\\nsecond Convention exercised great power in it and who being\\nchosen a member of the third became its leader and controller,\\nby the combined influence of his manners, eloquence, intellect,\\nand character. This gentleman, there appears to be reason to\\nthink, deemed the tone of the petition to Virginia too humble, and\\nwished another meeting to speak both to the Parent State and the\\npeople of the District in more rousing and exciting w^ords. And\\nhis wish, if such was his wish, was fulfilled. Upon the 8th of\\nAugust, a third Convention met, adopted a new form of address\\nto the Old Dominion, and called upon the people of Kentucky to\\narm, associate, and embody, to hold in detestation and\\nabhorrence, and treat as enemies to the community, every person\\nwho shall withhold his countenance and support, of such measures\\nas may be recommended for [the] common defence and to pre-\\npare for offensive movements against the Indians, without waiting\\nto be attacked.!\\nThat Wilkinson in this address to the people of Kentucky some-\\nwhat exaggerated the danger of Indian invasion is probable and\\nthe propriety of his call upon his countrymen to invade the lands\\nbeyond the Ohio, at the time that Congress was treating with the\\nnatives owning them, and seeking to put a stop to warfare, is more\\nthan questionable: but still his expressions of anxiety lest the\\nwhites should be found unprepared, were not wholly without\\ncause. In August an Indian Council was held upon the Wabash\\nclearly hostile in its character in October the southern savages\\nwere engaged in hostilities; j] and through the whole season small\\nMarshall, i. 195.\\nt Marshall, i. 196 to 220; where are all the original papers at length,\\nDillon s Indiana, i. 201. I Marshall, i. 2:0.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "1786. Virginia offers Kentucky Terms. 273\\nparties of red men were doing mischief among the settlements.*\\nBut the proper source of action in the matter at this time was the\\nconfederation, and Wilkinson and his associates in proposing to\\ninvade the northwest territory, should have sought to act under its\\nsanction, and not as leaders of a sovereign power. Nor was the\\nconfederation at this very time unmindful of the West: in the\\nautumn of 85 Major Doughty descended the Ohio to the mouth\\nof the Muskingum, and upon the point north of the former, and\\nwest of the latter, river, began Fort Harmar.f\\n1786.\\nThe address or petition, though the last name seems scarcely\\napplicable, which the Third Kentucky Convention had sent to the\\nAssembly of the parent State, was by that body duly received and\\nlistened to, and the reasons for an early separation appearing co-\\ngent, Virginia, in January, 1786, passed a law by which Kentucky\\nmight claim independence, provided she were willing to accept\\ncertain conditions, which conditions were to be submitted to a\\nBorder Warfare, 272. Marshall, i. 195.\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 25 to 30, and frontispiece.\\nThe following extract of a letter, dated December 9th, 1785, from Madison to Wash-\\nington, will explain these conditions, and the feeling of Kentucky. (Sparks Washington,\\nix. 510.)\\nKentucky made a formal application for independence. Her memorial has been con-\\nsidered, and the terms of separation fixed by a committee of the wliole. The substance\\nof them is, that all private rights and interests, derived from the laws of Virginia, shall be\\nsecured that the unlocated lands shall be applied to the objects to which the laws of Vir-\\nginia have appropriated them that the Ohio shall be a common highway for the citizens\\nof the United States, and the jurisdiction of Kentucky and Virginia, as far as the remain-\\ning territory of the latter will be thereon, be concurrent only with the new States on the\\nopposite shore that the proposed State shall take its due sliare of our State debts and\\nthat the separation shall not take place unless these terms shall be approved by a conven-\\ntion to be held to decide the question, nor until Congress shall assent thereto, and fix\\nthe terms of their admission into the Union. The limits of the proposed State are to be\\nthe same with the present limits of the district. The apparent coolness of the repre-\\nsentatives of Kentucky, as to a separation, since these terms have been defined, indicates\\nthat they had some views, which will not be favored by them. They dislike much to be\\nhung upon the will of Congress.\\n18", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "274 Convention with Western Tribes Proposed. 1786.\\nFourth convention to be held in llie following September. If\\nthose were agreed to, the convention was to select a day posterior\\nto September 1st, 1787, after which the laws of Virginia were to\\ncease forever to be of force within the western district for which,\\nmeanwhile, a constitution and laws were to be prepared by a Fifth\\nconvention to be called for that purpose it being provided that this\\nact was to be effective only when in substance approved by the\\nUnited States.* This act was not, however, altogether pleasant to\\nthe more zealous of the advocates of self-rule, and an attempt was\\nmade by Wilkinson and his friends to induce the people of the\\ndistrict to declare themselves independent of Virginia before the\\ncomparatively distant period fixed by the law in question. The\\nattempt, however, was opposed and defeated; the election of\\nmembers from the Fourth convention took place without disturb-\\nance, and in September it would undoubtedly have met to attend\\nto the business confided to it, had not the Indian incursions led to\\na movement against the tribes on the Wabash, at the very time\\nappointed for the assembly at Danville.\\nBefore we come to this movement beyond the Ohio, however,\\nit is necessary to mention the steps taken by Congress during the\\nearly part of this year to secure and perpetuate peace with the\\nnorth-western tribes. The treaty of Fort Stanwix with the Iro-\\nquois, was upon the 22d of October, 1784 that of Fort Mcintosh,\\nwith the Delawares, W^yandots, c., upon the 21st of January,\\n1785 upon the 18th of March following it was resolved that a\\ntreaty be held with the Wabash Indians at Post Vincent on the\\n20th of June, 1785, or at such other time and place as might seem\\nbest to the commissioners.! Various circumstances caused the\\ntime to be changed to the 31st of January, 1786, and the place to\\nthe mouth of the Great Miami, where, upon that day a treaty was\\nmade by George R. Clark, Richard Butler, and Samuel H. Par-\\nsons, not, however, v. ith the Piankishaws and others named in\\nthe original resolution, but with the Delawares, W^yandots and\\nShawanese.J That treaty, in addition to the usual articles, con-\\ntained the following. II\\nMarshall, i. 222.\\nOld Journals, iv. 487.\\nThose first named were the Potawatama, Twightwecs, Piankishaw and other western\\nnations. See Old Journals, iv. 528. 633. 538. 542. The resolution on the page last\\ncited (June 29, 1785) changes the place to the mouth of tlic Great Miami or the Falls.\\nJOld Journals, iv. 6 27. Lard La .vs, ZOO.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "1786. Letter of General Parsons. 275\\nArt. 2. The Shawanee nation do acknowledge the United States to\\nbe the sole and absolute sovereigns of all the territory ceded to them by\\na treaty of peace, made between them and the king of Great Britain,\\nthe fourteenth day of Januaiy, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-\\nfour.*\\nArt. 6. The United States do allot to the Shawanee nation, lands\\nwithin their territory to live and hunt upon, beginning at the south line\\nof the lands allotted to the Wyandots and Delaware nations, at the\\nplace where the main branch of the Great Miami, which falls into the\\nOhio, intersects said line then, down the River Miami, to the fork of\\nthat river, next below the old fort which was taken by the French in\\none thousand seven hundred and fifty-two; thence, due west, to the\\nRiver De la Panse then, down that river, to the river Wabash be-\\nyond which lines none of the citizens of the United States shall settle,\\nnor disturb the Shawanees in their settlement and possessions. And\\nthe Shawanees do relinquish to the United States, all title, or pretence\\nof title, they ever had to the lands east, west, and south, of the east,\\nwest, and south lines before described. t\\nThe absence of the Wabash Indians from this council was not\\nthe result of any change of plans on the part of the Americans, but\\nsolely of a growing spirit of hostility among the savages, fostered,\\nthere is too much reason to think, by the sub-agents of England.\\nThe temper of the Indians who first met the commissioners, is thus\\nreferred to by General Parsons, in a letter to Captain Hart at Forf\\nHarmar, dated Fort Finney, (mouth of Great Miami, where\\nMajor Finney was stationed for the time,|) December 20th, 1785.\\nSince we have been here, every measure has been taken to bring in\\nthe Indians. The Wyandots and Delawares are here the other nations\\nwere coming, and were turned back by the Shawanese. These at last\\nsent two of their tribe to examine our situation and satisfy themselves\\nof our designs. With these men we were very open and explicit. We\\ntold them we were fully convinced of their designs in coming; that we\\nwere fully satisfied with it; that they were at liberty to take their own\\nway and time to answer the purposes they came for; that we were de-\\nsirous of living in peace with them and for that purpose had come\\nwith off ers of peace to them, which they would judge of, and whether\\npeace or war was most for their interest that we very well knew the\\nmeasures the British agents had taken to deceive them. That if they\\nAlluding to the deSnilive treaty of peace.\\nSee Land Laws, 299.\\nij; Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 33. He was v.itness to the treaty. See the treaty in\\n\u00c2\u00abhe Wasliington Concclisn of 1837.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "216 Treaty at mouth of Great Miami. 1186.\\ncame to tlie treaty, any man who had filled their ears with those stories\\nwas at liberty to come with them and return in safety. But if they re-\\nfused to treat with us, we should consider it as a declaration of war on\\ntheir part, c. These men stayed about us eight days, and then told us\\nthey were fully convinced our designs were good that they had been\\ndeceived; that they would return home, and use their influence to bring\\nin their nation, and send out to the other nations. Last night we re-\\nceived a belt of Wampum and a twist of tobacco, with a message that\\nthey would be in when we had smoked the tobacco. From our infor-\\nmation we are led to believe these people will very generally come in\\nand heartily concur with us in peace. I think it not probable the treaty\\nwill begin sooner than January.\\nThe British agents, our own traders, and the inhabitants of Kentucky,\\nI am convinced are all opposed to a treaty, and are using every measure\\nto prevent it. Strange as this may seem, I have very convincing proofs\\nof its reality. The causes I can assign, but they are too many for the\\ncompass of a letter. Notwithstaniling all treaties we can make, I am\\nconvinced we shall not be in safety until we have posts established in\\nthe upper country.*\\nThe various tribes of the north-west therefore had been invited\\nto the mouth of the Miami, but owing to counter influence, neither\\nattended nor took any notice of the messages sent them ;t and\\nthose who did finally attend, came, if tradition tells truly, in no\\namicable spirit, and but for the profound knowledge possessed by\\nClark of the Indian character, and the high rank he -held in the\\nestimation of the natives, the meeting of January 31st might very\\nprobably have terminated in the murder of the commissioners.:}:\\nFrom a late work by Judge Hall we take the following passage,\\ndescriptive of the scene which is said to have taken place. The\\nIndians had entered in a disorderly an^ disrespectful manner,\\nthe commissioners, without noticing the disorderly conduct of\\nthe other party, or appearing to have discovered their meditated\\nSee North American Review, October, 1841, p. 330.\\ntold Journals, iv. 657.\\nThe following account of a meeting between Clark and the great Delaware chief,\\nEuckongahelas, took place, wc presume, at this time, and not as commonly said, (Butler,\\n153. Dawson s Harrison, 82, note. Thatcher s Indians, ii 180,) at Fort Mcintosh, in\\n1785. His name does rot appear in the treaty of Fort Mcintosh, but does in that of\\nFort Finney. (Dillon s Indiana, i. 432. 440. Indian Treaties, Washington, 1837.)\\nWhen the peace chiefs had addressed tlie commissioners, Buckongahelas, not deigning to\\nnotice the colleagues of Clark, took the latter by the hand, and said, I thank the Great\\nSpirit for having this day brought together two such great warriors as Buckongahelas and\\nGeneral Clark,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "1786. Clarlc s Treatment of the Indians. 277\\ntreachery, opened the council in due form. They lighted the\\npeace-pipe, and after drawing a few whiffs, passed it to the chiefs\\nwho received it. Colonel Clark then rose to explain the purpose\\nfor which the treaty was ordered. With an unembarrassed air,\\nwith the tone of one accustomed to command, and an easy as-\\nsurance of perfect security and self-possession, he stated that the\\ncommissioners had been sent to offer peace to the Shawanese;\\nthat the President had no wish to continue the war; he had no re-\\nsentment to gratify and, if the red men desired peace, they could\\nhave it on reasonable terms. If such be the will of the Shawa-\\nanese, he concluded, let some of their wise men speak.\\nA chief arose, drew up his tall person to its full height, and as-\\nsuming a haughty attitude, threw his eye contemptuously over the\\ncommissioners and their small retinue, as if to measure their insig-\\nnificance, in comparison with his own numerous train, and then\\nstalking to the table, threw upon it two belts of wampum, of dif-\\nerent colors the war and the peace belt.\\nWe come here, he exclaimed, to offer you two pieces of\\nwampum; they are of different colors; you know what they mean\\nyou can take which you like! and turning upon his heel, he re-\\nsumed his seat.\\nThe chiefs drew themselves up, in the consciousness of having\\nhurled defiance in the teeth of the white men. They offered an\\ninsult to the renowned leader of the Long Knives, to which they\\nknew it would be hard for him to submit, while they did not sup-\\npose he dare resent it. The council-pipe was laid aside. Those\\nfierce wild men gazed intently at Clark. The Americans saw that\\nthe crisis had arrived; they could no longer doubt that the Indians\\nunderstood the advantage they possessed, and were disposed to\\nuse it and a common sense of danger caused each eye to be turn-\\ned on the leading commissioner. He sat undisturbed and appar-\\nently careless until the chief who had thrown the belts upon the\\ntable had taken his seat then with a small cane which he held in\\nhis hand, he reached as if playfully, towards the war belt, entan-\\ngled the end of the stick in it, drew it towards him, and then with\\na switch of the cane threw the belt into the midst of the chiefs.\\nThe effect was electric. Every man in the council, of each party\\nsprang to his feet, the savage with a loud exclamation of astonish-\\nment Hugh The Americans in expectation of a hopeless con-\\nflict, against overwhelming numbers. Every hand grasped a\\nweapon.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "278 Clarices Treatment of the Indians. 1786\\nClark alone was unawed. The expression of his countenance\\nchanged to a ferocious sternness and his eye flashed, but otherwise\\nhe was unmoved. A hitter smile was perceptible upon his com-\\npressed lips, as he gazed upon that savage band,, whose hundred\\neyes were bent fiercely and in horrid exultation upon him as they\\nstood like a pack of wolves at bay thirsting for blood, and ready\\nto rush upon him whenever one bolder than the rest should com-\\nmence the attack. It was one of those moments of indecision\\nwhen the slightest weight thrown into either scale will make it\\npreponderate a moment in which a bold man, conversant vnih. the\\nsecret springs of human action, may seize upon the minds of all\\naround him and sway them at his will.\\nSuch a man was the intrepid Virginian. He spoke and there\\nwas no man bold enough to gainsay him none that could return\\nthe fierce glance of his eye. Raising his arm and waving his hand\\ntoward the door, he exclaimed Dogs you may go V The Indi-\\nans hesitated for a moment, and then rushed tumultuously out of\\nthe council room.\\nHall in Wiley and Putnam s Library. The original of the above is we presume, the\\nfollowing from the Encyclopaedia Americana\\nThe Indians came in to the treaty at Fort Washington in the most friendly manner,\\nexcept the Shawanees, the most conceited and warlike of the aborigines, the first in at a\\nbattle, and the last at a treaty. Three hundred of their finest warriors set off in all their\\npaint and feathers, and filed into the council-house. Their number and demeanor, so\\nunusual at an occasion of this sort, was altogether unexpected and suspicious. The\\nUnited States stockade mustered seventy men. In the centre of the hall, at a little table,\\nsat the commissary-general Clark, the indefatigable scourge of these very marauders.\\nGeneral Richard Butler and Mr. Parsons. There was also present a Captain Denny, who,.\\nI believe, is still alive, and can attest this story. On the part of the Indians, an old coun-\\ncil-sachem and a war chief took the lead. The latter, a tall, raw-boned fellow, with an\\nimpudent and villainous look, made a boisterous and threatening speech, which operated\\neffectually on the passions of the Indians, who set up a prodigious whoop at every pause.\\nHe concluded by presenting a black and white wampum, to signify they were prepared\\nfor either event, peace or war. Clark exhibited the same unaltered and careless coun-\\ntenance he had shown during the whole scene, his head leaning on his left hand, and his\\nelbow resting upon the table. He raised his little cane, and pushed the sacred wampum\\noiTthe table, with very little ceremony. Every Indian at the same time started from his\\nseat with one of those sudden, simultaneous, and peculiarly savage sounds, which startle\\nand disconcert the stoutest heart, and can neither be described nor forgotten. At this\\njuncture Clark rose. The scrutinizing eye cowered at his glance. He stamped his foot on\\nthe prostrate and insulted sjinbol, and ordered them to leave the hall. They did so, ap-\\nparently involuntarily. They were heard all that night, debating in the bushes near the\\nfort. The raw-boned chief was for war, the old sachem for peace. The latter prevailed,\\nand the next morning they came back and sued for peace. (Notes of an old officer.\\nSee Encyclopaidia Americana, iii. 232.)\\nJudge Hall says General Harrison confirmed the tale, but it is a strange matter that\\nneither Marshall nor any of the otlier early historiaas know any thing about it. Is it also,\\na mytlit", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "1786. Clark^s ahortive Expedition up the Wabash. 279\\nBut the tribes more distant than the Shawanese were in no way-\\ndisposed to cease their incursions, and upon the 16th of May the\\nGovernor of Virginia was forced to write upon the subject to Con-\\ngress, which at once sent two companies down the Ohio to the\\nFalls, and upon the 30th of June authorized the raising of militia\\nin Kentucky, and the invasion of the country of the mischief-\\nmakers under the command of the leading United States officer.*\\nWe do not learn that it was nominally under this resolution that\\nGeneral Clark s expedition of the ensuing fall was undertaken;\\nbut at any rate this act on the part of Congress justified offensive\\nmeasures on the part of the Kentuckians when they became neces-\\nsary; and it being thought necessary to act upon the Wabash be-\\nfore winter, a body of a thousand men or more gathered at the\\nFalls, and marched thence toward Vincennes, which place they\\nreached some time in September,! 1786.\\nHere the army remained inactive during nine days, waiting the\\narrival of their provisions and ammunition, which had been sent\\ndown to the mouth of the Wabash in boats, and were delayed by\\nthe low water. This stay, so different from Clark s old mode of\\nproceeding, was in opposition to his advice, f and proved fatal to\\nthe expedition. The soldiers became restive, and their confidence\\nin the [^General being destroyed, by discovering the fact that his\\nclear mind was too commonly confused and darkened by the\\ninfluence of ardent spirits, they at last refused obedience a body\\nof three hundred turned their faces homeward, and the rest soon\\nfollowed in their track.\\nAnother expedition conducted by Colonel Logan against the\\nShawanese, who in spite of their treaty had resumed hostilities,\\nterminated very differently from that under the conqueror of Illi-\\nnois, their towns were burned and their crops wasted.\\nIt was the gathering of the men of Kentucky for these expedi-\\ntions, which prevented the meeting of the convention that was\\nto have come together in September. So many were absent on\\nmilitary duty that a quorum could not be had, and those who\\ncame to the point of assembly, were forced, as a committee\\nmerely, to prepare a memorial for the Virginia legislature, setting\\nOld Journals, iv. 657 to 660.\\nt Butler (p. 151) says in October, but they remained at Vincennes nine days, and yet\\nthe meeting after the expedition was abandoned, was on October 8th. (Secret Journals,\\niv. 311.)\\nI Marshall, i. 250.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler, 153.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "280 JVegotiaiions with Spain. 1786.\\nforth the causes which made a convention at that time impossible,\\nand asking certain changes in the Act of Separation.* This done,\\nthey continued their meetings by adjournment during the remain-\\nder of the year, hoping a quorum might still be gathered which\\nwas not done, however, until the ensuing January. f\\nMeanwhile, beyond the Alleghanies, events were taking place\\nwhich produced more excitement in Kentucky than Indian wars,\\nor Acts of Separation even we refer to the Spanish negotiations,\\ninvolving the navigation of the Mississippi. In 1780, as we have\\nstated, Spain expressed her determination to claim the control of\\nthe great western river: in January, 1781, she attacked the fort of\\nSt. Joseph s, and took possession of the north-west in the name of\\nhis Catholic Majesty: on the 15th of the next month. Congress, at\\nthe instance of the Virginia Delegates, instructed Mr. Jay, then at\\nMadrid, not to insist on the use of the Mississippi by the Ameri-\\ncans, if a treaty could not be effected without giving it up.\\nThrough 1782, the court of Madrid labored, not only to induce\\nthe United States to give up the stream of the West, but a great\\npart of the West itself, and France backed her pretensions and\\nthus matters rested. In July, 1785, Don Diego Gardoqui, ap-\\npeared before Congress as the representative of Spain ;1| on the\\n20th of the same month, Mr. Jay, the Secretary of foreign affairs,\\nwas authorised to negotiate with him and in IMay of the year of\\nwhich we are writing, negotiations begun between them, were\\nbrought to the notice of Congress. This was done in consequence\\nof the fact that in these transactions Mr. Jay asked the special\\nguidance of that body, and explained his reasons for doing so at\\nlength. He pointed out the importance of a commercial treaty\\nwith Spain, and dwelt upon the two difficulties of making such a\\ntreaty one of which was the unwillingness of Spain to permit the\\nnavigation of the Mississippi, the other, the question of boun-\\ndaries. Upon the first point Mr. Jay was, and always had been,\\nopposed to yielding to the Spanish claim but that claim was still\\nas strenuously urged as In 1780 and the court of Madrid, their\\nambassador said, would never abandon it. Under these circum-\\nstances, the interests of the whole Union demanding the conclu-\\nsion of the Spanish commercial treaty, while that treaty could\\napparently be secured only by giving up the right to navigate the\\nMarshall, i. 251. t Ibid, 253.\\nSecret Journals, iv. 63 to 80. Diplomatic Correspondence.\\ng Old Journals, iv. 544. Secret Journals, iv. 43. 45.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "1786. Dissatisfaction in the West. 281\\nMississippi, which was in a manner sacrificing the West, Mr. Jay\\nproposed, as a sort of compromise, to form a treaty with Spain for\\ntwenty-five or thirty years, and during that time to yield the right\\nof using the Mississippi below the boundaries of the United\\nStates. To this proposition, the sqjLithern members in Congress\\nwere vehemently opposed, and an attempt was made by them to\\ntake the whole matter out of Mr. Jay s hands, the delegates from\\nVirginia offering a long and able argument in opposition to his\\nscheme but the members of the eastern and middle states out-\\nvoted the south, and the Secretary was authorised to continue his\\nnegotiations, without being bound to insist at all hazards upon the\\nimmediate use of the river.* The discussions in Congress relative\\nto the Spanish claims, took place during August, and the rumor\\nof them and of the Secretary s proposal in due time reached the\\nWest but, as is common, the tale spread by report, differed from\\nthe truth, by representing the proposition as much more positive\\nthan it really was, and as being made by John Jay, without any\\nsanction of Congress. This story, which circulated during the\\nwinter of 1786-7, produced among those who dwelt upon the\\nwestern waters great indignation and prepared the people to antici-\\npate a contest with Spain, or a union with her, and in either case,\\naction independent of the old Atlantic colonies. And the conduct\\nof Clark, after the failure of the Wabash expedition, was well\\ncalculated to cause many to think that the leading minds were\\nalready prepared for action. On the 8th of October, a board of\\nfield oflficers at Vincennes, determined to garrison that point, to\\nraise supplies by impressment, and to enlist new troops. Under\\nthis determination, Spanish property was seized, soldiers were\\nembodied, and steps were taken to hold a peace council with the\\nnatives all under the direction of General Clark. Soon after this,\\nin December, Thomas Green wrote from Louisville to the Gover-\\nernor. Council and Legislature of Georgia which State was\\ninvolved in the boundary quarrel with Spain that Spanish pro-\\nperty had been seized in the north-west as a hostile measure, and\\nnot merely to procure necessaries for the troops, which Clark\\nafterward declared was the case and added that the General was\\nready to go down the river with troops suflScient to take pos-\\nsession of the lands in dispute, if Georgia would countenance him.\\nThis letter Clark said he never saw, but as he paid equally with\\nSecret Journals, iv. 81 to 132.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "282 Expedition against Spain proposed. 1786.\\nGreen to^vards the expenses of the messenger who was to take it\\nto the south, it was natural enough to think him privy to all the\\nplans relative to the disputed territory, whatever they may have\\nbeen. And what they were, in some minds at least, may per-\\nhaps, be judged by the following extract from a letter, also\\nwritten from Louisville, professedly to some one in New England,\\nand very probably by Green and which was circulated widely in\\nFrankland, Tennessee. It is dated December 4, 86.\\nOur situation is as bad as it possibly can be, therefore every exertion\\nto retrieve our circumstances must be manly, eligible and just.\\nWe can raise twenty thousand troops this side the Alleghany and\\nApalachian Mountains; and the annual increase of them by emigration,\\nfrom other parts, is from two to four thousand.\\nWe have taken all tlie goods belonging to the Spanish merchants of\\npost Vincennes and the Illinois, and are determined they shall not trade\\nup the river, provided they will not let us trade down it. Preparations\\nare now making here (if necessary) to drive the Spaniards from their\\nsettlements, at the mouth of the Mississippi. In case we are not\\ncountenanced and succored by the United States (if we need it) our\\nallegiance will be thrown off, and some other power applied to. Great\\nBritain stands ready with open arms to receive and support us.\\nThey have already offered to open their resources for our supplies.\\nWhen once re-united to them, farewell, a long farewell to all your\\nboasted greatness. The province of Canada and the inhabitants of\\nthese waters, of themselves, in time, will be able to conquer you. You\\nare as ignorant of this country as Great Britain was of Arnerica. These\\nare hints, if rightly improved, may be of some service; if not, blame\\nyourselves for the neglect.*\\nWells, Green s messenger, on his way to Georgia, showed his\\npapers to various persons at Danville copies were at once taken\\nof them, and inclosed in a letter written on the 22d of December to\\nthe executive of Virginia, by fifteen of the leading citizens of\\nKentucky, among whom was James Wilkinson. In February,\\n1787, the Council of Virginia acted upon the subject; condemned\\nGeneral Clark s conduct, disavowed the powers assumed by him,\\nordered the prosecution of the persons concerned in the seizure of\\nproperty, and laid the matter before Congress. It was presented\\nin detail to that body upon the 13th of April,! and upon the 24th\\nSecret Journals, iv. 323.\\nSecret Journals, iv. 30! to 323.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "1786. Putnam and Tupper inopose to move west. 283\\nof that month, it was resolved that the troops of the United States\\nbe employed to dispossess the unauthorised intruders who had\\ntaken possession of St. Vincents.*\\nAll these things naturally tended to excite speculation, inquiry\\nand fear throughout the West and though no action was had in\\nreference to the Mississippi question beyond the mountains, until\\nthe next spring, we may be sure there was talking and feeling\\nenough in the interval.\\nBut in giving the history of 1786, we must not omit those\\nsteps which resulted in the formation of the New England Ohio\\nCompany, and the founding of the first colony, authorised by gov-\\nernment, north-west of the Belle Riviere.\\nCongress, by the Resolutions of September 16, 1776, and August\\n12, 1780, had promised land bounties to the officers and soldiers ]of\\nthe Revolutionary army, who should continue in the serYice till\\nthe close of the war, or until discharged by Congress and to the\\nrepresentatives of those who should be slain by the enemy.f In\\nJune, 1783, peace having been proclaimed. General Rufus Putnam\\nforwarded to Washington a memorial from certain of those liavins:\\nclaims under these Resolutions which Washington transmitted to\\nCongress, together with General Putnam s letter. But as the\\nStates claiming the western territory had not then made their final\\ncessions. Congress was forced, on the 29th of October, 1783, to\\nannounce their inability to make any appropriation of land.||\\nFrom that time, nothing further was done until, upon the 18th of\\nJuly, 1785, Benjamin Tupper, a Revolutionary officer belonging\\nto Massachusetts, was appointed a surveyor of western lands, in\\nthe place of General Putnam, who had been before chosen, but\\nwas otherwise engaged. He, in the course of that year, visited\\nthe West, going, however, no farther than Pittsburgh, as the\\nIndian troubles prevented surveys. On his return home, he\\nconferred with his friend, Putnam, as to a renewal of their\\nmemorial of 1783, and a removal westward which conference\\nresulted in a publication, dated January 10, 1786, in which was\\nproposed the formation of a company to settle the Ohio lands and\\nthose taking an interest in the plan, were invited to meet in Feb-\\nOld Journals, iv. 740.\\nt Land Laws, 337.\\nThe letters relating to this petition were sent by Mr. Sparks to the Committee for\\nthe Celebration of the Settlement of Ohio, 1S35; and were published by them.\\nI Land Laws, 339.\\nNye s Address, Transactions Ohio Historical Society, p. 317.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "284 Oldo Company formed. Cession by Connecticut. 1786.\\nruary and choose, for each county of Massachusetts, one or more\\ndelegates; these delegates were to assemble, on the 1st of March,\\nat the Bunch of Grapes tavern in Boston, there to agree upon\\na system of association. On the day named, eleven persons\\nappeared at the place agreed upon; and by the 3d of March, the\\noutline of the company was drawn up, and subscriptions under it\\nat once commenced. The leading features of that outline were\\nthese a fund of a million dollars, mainly in continental certificates,\\nwas to be raised for the purpose of purchasing lands in the west-\\nern territory there were to be a thousand shares of one thousand\\ndollars each, and upon each share ten dollars in specie were to\\nbe paid, for contingent expenses. One year s interest was to be\\nappropriated to the charges of making a settlement and assisting\\nthose unable to remove without aid. The owners of every twenty\\nshares were to choose an agent to represent them, and attend to\\ntheir interests and these agents were to choose the Directors.*\\nThe plan was approved, and in a year from that time the company\\nwas organized and, before its organization, the last obstacle to\\nthe purposed grant from the United States, was done away by the\\ncession of most of her territorial claims on the part of Connecticut.\\nIn October, 1780, soon after the first action of Congress relative\\nto the western lands, that State had passed an Act respecting the\\ncession of her claims to the United States. This, on the 31st of\\nJanuary, 1781, was referred, together with the Resolutions of\\nNew York and Virginia, to a Committee. f Various reports were\\nmade, and discussions had, relative to the matter, but it was not\\ntill May 26, 1786, that the views of the State and the Union could\\nbe brought to a coincidence. This being done by a Resolution\\nof Congress, dated upon that day, the delegates of Connecticut,\\nupon the 14th of September, made the deed of cession by which\\nall her claims to the country west of a line, [one hundred and\\ntwenty miles beyond the Western boundary of Pennsylvania and\\nparallel thereto, were given up to the confederation.\\nSee Nye s Address in Transactions of Ohio Historical Society, Part 2d. Also, an\\narticle on Ohio, in North American Review, for October, 1S41 vol. liii. 320 to 359 this\\narticle is full of original matter.\\nOld Journals, iii. 571.\\n4: Old Journals, iv. 645 to 648. 697. Land Laws. 103. Connecticut claimed nothing\\nsouth of parallel 41 deg., or north of parallel 42 deg. 2m.\\nBy this transfer, Connecticut retained both the soil and jurisdiction of what is now\\nknown as the Connecticut or Western Reserve. The compromise with her was disap-\\nproved by Washington and others. See Sparks Washington, ix. 178 and noie. Vir-\\nginia, in her cession, (see p. 258) had resigned her jurisdiction, and her reserve was\\nEQerely of the lands necessary to recompense her soldiers.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "1787.\\nWe mentioned some pages back, that a minority of the Con-\\nvention called in Kentucky, to meet in September, 1786, was\\nadjourned from time to time until January of this year when, at\\nlength, a quorum attended. Upon a vote being then taken rela-\\ntive to separation, the feeling was still as before, strongly in favor\\nof it. But scarce had this been ascertained when a second Act\\nupon the subject, passed by Virginia in October, IT 86,* reached\\nthe West, and the whole question was again postponed, to be laid\\nbefore fifth convention, which was to meet in September while\\nthe time when the laws of Virginia should cease to be of force,\\nwas changed to the close of the year 1788. There were many,\\nbeyond no doubt, to whom this delay was a source of vexation\\nand anger, but the people of the district generally evinced no such\\nfeelings the elections took place in August, and the Convention\\nassembled upon the 17th of September, all in perfect harmony and\\nquietness. The vote was again unanimous in favor of separation,\\nand the Act of Virginia was agreed to to form a constitution, a\\nsixth convention was to be chosen in the ensuing April, and to\\ncomplete the work of independence. Congress was to assent to\\nthe formation of Kentucky into a state before July 4, 1788. f\\nNor was the spirit of moderation shown this year by the Ken-\\ntuckians in relation to self-government, confined to that subject;\\nin regard to the vexatious affair of the Spanish claims, there was\\na like temper manifested. Mr. Jay, as already related, had been\\nauthorised by Congress to abandon the right of using the Missis-\\nsippi for a term of years, but not to yield the pretensions of the\\nUnited States to its navigation, after that period closed. In Octo-\\nber, 1786, under these instructions, he resumed his negotiations\\nwith Don Gardoqui, but without success, as Spain required an\\nMorehead, 124.\\nt Marshall, i. 253 to 256. 274 to 278. The date July 4, 1788 is misprinted\\n\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00ab1787 in Marshall, 256.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "286 Growing Dissatisfaction in the West. 1787.\\nentire relinquishment of the American claim.* In November of\\nthat year, also, Virginia had passed several Resolutions against\\ngiving up the use of the river, even for a day, and had instructed\\nher delegates to oppose every attempt of the kind.f When,\\ntherefore, the people of Kentucky met at Danville, early in May,\\n1787, to act in relation to the subject, having been called\\ntogether by Messrs. Muter, Innis, Brown and Sebastian, for that\\npurpose,! they found tliat little or nothing was to be done the\\nplan of the Secretary was not likely to succeed, and had been\\nmost fully protested against: the assembly at Danville, having\\nbeen informed of these things, quietly adjourned.\\nWhat connection, if any, existed between this calmer spirit in\\nKentucky and General Wilkinson s absence, during a part of the\\nyear, it is impossible to say but it is probable that had not his\\nattention at that time been drawn to the advantages of a trade with\\nNew Orleans, he would have exerted during 1787, a much greater\\ninfluence upon his fellow citizens than he seems to have done.\\nIn June, we find him on his way to the south nor did he appear\\nin Kentucky again until the following February; and then it was\\nthat he commenced those connections with the Spanish govern-\\nment of Louisiana, which were afterwards brought in question, and\\nby means of which his character became involved in doubts that\\nhave never entirely been done away.\u00c2\u00a7\\nAt that period, the feeling expressed in the extract from a letter\\nwhich we have already quoted on p. .282, that the West would\\nseparate from the East, seems to have been growing even among\\nthose who, in December, 1786, denounced Green and Clark to\\nthe Governor of Virginia. Harry Innis, Attorney-General of the\\ndistrict, and one of those who gave information of the Vincennes\\nproceedings, in July, 1787, writes to the executive of the State,\\n(Virginia,) that he cannot prosecute those guilty of aggressions\\non the Indians, and adds I am decidedly of opinion that this\\nwestern country will in a few years act for itself, and erect an\\nindependent government. H This opinion w^as based partially\\nupon the failure, on the part of Virginia and the confederation, to\\nprotect the frontiers, which, during this whole year, suffered both\\nfrom the northern and southern Indians; and partly in the uncer-\\ntain state of the navigation question, in respect to which the\\nwestern men had reason, perhaps, to think that some of the\\nPccTct Jorirnnls iv. ?97 to 301. Marshall, i. 261. :f Ibid 259. H Ibid, 267.\\nSec post, 17SS and index. Marshall, i. 270.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "1787. First Papers in West. 287\\nleaders in the Old Dominion were leagued against them. We\\nfind, for example, Washington expressing his willingness that the\\nMississippi should be closed for a time, because, as he thought,\\nits closure would knit the new colonies of the West more closely\\nto the Atlantic States, and lead to the realization of one of his\\nhis favorite projects, the opening of lines of internal navigation\\nconnecting the Ohio with the Potomac and James River.* In\\nthese sentiments both Henry Lee and Richard Henry Lee agreed. f\\nHow far these views of the great Virginians were known, we can-\\nnot discover; but more or less distinct rumors respecting them, we\\nmay presume were prevalent, so that it was by no means strange\\nthat the very foremost men of the West wavered in their attach-\\nment to the powerless, almost worthless confederation. Nor did\\nthe prospect of a new government at first help the matter. The\\nview which Patrick Henry and others took of the proposed federal\\nconstitution, was the favorite view of the western Virginians so\\nthat of fourteen representatives from the District of Kentucky, in\\nthe convention called in 1788, to deliberate upon that constitution,\\nbut three voted in favor of it: one of these three was Humphrey\\nMarshall, the historian. And this rejection of the instrument\\nunder which our Union has since so greatly prospered, was not\\nthe result of hasty action, or strong party influence. The first\\npoint is proved by the fact that it was made known through the\\npress, to the people of the West, upon the 27th of October, 1789,\\nhaving been on that day printed in the Kentucky Gazette\\nThat mere party influence did not govern the opponents of the\\nconstitution of the United States, is proved, both by the character\\nof the men, and the debates in the convention. We have men-\\ntioned the Kentucky Gazette the publication of this paper was\\ncommenced in Lexington, in August of this year, by Mr. John\\nBradford; his press being the second established beyond the\\nmountains, the first having been the Pittsburgh Gazette, which\\nappeared in July, 1786.\\nWhile, south of the Ohio, more or less of dissatisfaction with\\nthe Federal Union was spreading, not secretly and in a spirit of\\nSparks Wa hington ix. 119, 172, 261. For Washington s views on internal im-\\nprovements, see 30. 291, 471, 301. 326. 80, c.\\nt For Henry Lee s views, see Sparks, ix. 173, note, 205, note Richard Henry Lee s,\\nWashington s letter to him. Sparks, ix. 261.\\nI Marshall i. 2S7. fl Butler, 166, note.\\nMarshall, i. 274 Butler, 163.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler s Chronology, 30\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Pittsburgh Gazette\\nvag established by John Scull and Joseph Hal fvo poor yo jr.r- moa tlic r.-st number\\nappeared July 29. American Pioneer, i. 305.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "288 Dr. Cutler negotiates with Congress for Land. 1787.\\ntreason, but openly and as the necessary consequence of free\\ntliouglit and unfettered choice, the New England associates for\\nsettling the northwest, were by degrees reducing their theories to\\npractice. In March 1786, it will be remembered, they began\\ntheir subscription, on the 8th of that month 1787, a meeting of\\nAgents chose General Parsons, General Putnam, and the Rev.\\nManasseh Cutler, Directors for the Company and these Directors\\nappointed Dr. Cutler to go to New York and negotiate with Con-\\ngress for the desired tract of country. On the 5th of July that\\ngentleman reached the temporary Capital of the Union, and then\\nbegan a scene of management worthy of more degenerate days.\\nFull extracts from Dr. Cutler s Journal showing how things went\\nmay be found in the North American Review for October, 1841.*\\nOf these we can give but a few paragraphs. The first relates to\\nthe choice of the Muskingum valley as the spot for settlement.\\nJuly 7. Paid my respects to Dr. Helton and several other gentle-\\nmen. Was introduced, by Dr. Ewings and Mr. Rittenhouse, to Mr.\\nHutchins, Geographer of the United States. Consulted with him\\nwhere to make our location.\\nMonday, July 9. Waited this morning, very early, on Mr. Hutch-\\nins. He gave me the fullest information of the western country, from\\nPennsylvania to the Illinois, and advised me by all means to make our\\nlocation on the Muskingum, which was decidedly, in his opinion, the\\nbest part of the whole western country. Attended the committee before\\nCongress opened, and then spent the remainder of the forenoon wiih\\nMr. Hutchins.\\nAttended the committee at Congress chamber debated on terms, but\\nwere so wide apart, there appears little prospect of closing a contract.\\nCalled again on Mr. Hutchins. Consulted him further about the\\nplace of location.\\nThe opinion thus given by Hutchins, who had been long and\\nfamiliarly acquainted with the West, agreed with that formed by\\nGeneral Parsons who had visited the Ohio valley once at least, if\\nnot twice the result of his observations will be found in the letter\\nreferred to on page 275 and given at length in the article of the\\nNorth American Review, just quoted. f The other extracts which\\nwe take from the Doctor s Journal, refer to the manoeuvres, as\\nVol. liii. 334 to 343.\\nt In 1782 a plan for a eettlement on the Muskingum had been formetl. See Ante, p.\\n245,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Note.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "1787. -Dr. Cutler negotiates with Congress for Lands, 289\\nhe terms them, by which was effected a contract at least as favor-\\nable to the Union as it was to the Company.\\nColonel Duer came to me with proposals from a number of the prin-\\ncipal characters in the city, to extend our contract, and take in ano-\\nther company; but that it should be kept a profound secret. He ex-\\nplained the plan they had concerted and offered me generous conditions\\nif I would accomplish the business for them. The plan struck me\\nagreeably Sargent insisted on my undertaking and both urged me\\nnot to think of giving the matter up so soon.\\nI was convinced it was best for me to hold up the idea of giving up a\\ncontract with Congress, and making a contract with some of the States,\\nwhich I did in the strongest terms, and represented to the committee\\nand to Duer and Sargent the difficulties I saw in the way, and the im-\\nprobability of closing a bargain when we were so far separated and\\ntold them I conceived it not worth while to say any thing further to\\nCongress on the subject. This appeared to have the effect I wished.\\nThe committee were mortified and did not seem to know what to say\\nbut still urged another attempt. I left them in this state, but afterwards\\nexplained ray views to Duer and Sargent, who fully approved my plan.\\nPromised Duer to consider his proposals.\\nI spent the evening (closeted) with Colonel Duer, and agreed to pur-\\nchase more land, i^ terms could be obtained, for another company,\\nwhich will probably forward the negotiation.\\nSaturday, July 21. Several members of Congress called on me\\nearly this morning. They discovered much anxiety about a contract,\\nand assured me that Congress, on finding I was determined not to\\naccept their terms, and had proposed leaving the city, had discovered a\\nmuch more favorable disposition and believed, if I renewed my\\nrequest I might obtain conditions as reasonable as I desired. I was\\nvery indifferent and talked much of the advantages of a contract with\\none of the States. This I found had the desired effect. At length I\\ntold them that if Congress would accede to the terms 1 proposed, I\\nwould extend the purchase to the tenth township from the Ohio to the\\nScioto inclusively by which Congress would pay more than four\\nmillions of the public debt; that our intention was, an actual, large,\\nand immediate settlement, of the most robust and industrious people in\\nAmerica, and that it would be made systematically, which would\\ninstantly advance the price of the Federal lands, and prove an important\\nacquisition to Congress. On these terms, I would renew the negotia-\\ntion, if Congress was disposed to take the matter up again.\\nI spent the evening with Mr. Dane and Mr. Miliiken. They in-\\nformed me that Congress had taken up my business again.\\nJuly 23. My friends had made every exertion, in private conversa-\\n19", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "290 Dr. Cutler s JVesotiations. 1787.\\nto\\ntion to bring over my opponents in Congress. In order to get at some\\nof them so as to work more powerfully on their minds, were obliged to\\nengage three or four persons before we could get at them. In some\\ninstances we engaged one person who engaged a second, and he a third,\\nbefore we could effect our purpose. In these manoeuvres I am much\\nbeholden to Colonel Duer and Major Sargent.\\nHaving found it impossible to support General Parsons, as a candi-\\ndate for Governor, after the interest that General Arthur St. Clair had\\nsecured, I embraced this opportunity to declare, that if General Parsons\\ncould have the appointment of first judge and Sargent secretary, we\\nshould be satisfied and that I heartily wished his Excellency General\\nSt. Clair might be the Governor; and that I would solicit the Eastern\\nmembers in his favor. This I found rather pleasing to southern\\nmembers.\\nI am fully convinced that it was good policy to give up Parsons and\\nopenly appear solicitous that St. Clair might be appointed governor.\\nSeveral gentlemen have told me that our matters went on much better\\nsince St. Clair and his friends had been informed that we had given up\\nParsons, and that I had solicited the eastern members in favor of his\\nappointment. I immediately went to Sargent and Duer, and we now\\nentered into the true spirit of negotiation with gitjat bodies. Every\\nmachine in the city that it was possible to work we now put in motion.\\nFew, Bingham, and Kearney are our principal opposers. Of Few and\\nBingham there is hope but to bring over that stubborn mule of a\\nKearney, I think is beyond our power.\\nFriday, July 27. I rose very early this morning, and, afier adjusting\\nmy baggage for my retnrn, for I was determined to leave New York\\nthis day, I set out on a general morning visit, and paid my respects to\\nall the members of Congress in the city, and informed them of my\\nintention to leave the city that day. My expectations of obtaining a\\ncontract, I told them, were nearly at an end. I should, however, wait\\nthe decision of Congress and if the terms I had stated, and which I\\nconceived to be very advantageous to Congress, considering the circum-\\nstances of that country, were not acceded to, we must turn our\\nattention to some other part of the country. New York, Connecticut,\\nand Massachusetts would sell us lands at half a dollar, and give U3\\nexclusive privileges beyond what we have asked of Congress. The\\nspeculating plan, concerted between the British of Canada, was now\\nwell known. The uneasiness of tlie Kentucky people, with respect io\\nthe Mississippi, was notorious. A revolt of that country from the\\nUnion if a war with Spain took place, was universally acknowledged to\\nbe highly probable and most certainly a systematic settlement in that", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "1787. Purchase by Ohio Company. 291\\ncountry, conducted by men thoroughly attached to tho federal govern-\\nment, and composed of young, robust and hardy laborers, who had no\\nidea of any other than the Federal Government, I conceived to be an\\nobject worthy of some attention.\\nThe perseverance of Dr. Cutler and his friends was rewarded\\nwith success, and an Order, dated July 27th,* was obtained, of\\nwhich he says:\\nBy this ordinance we obtained the grant of near five million of acres\\nof land, amounting to three million and a half of dollars; one million\\nand a half of acres for the Ohio Company, and the remainder for a\\nprivate speculation, in which many of the principal characters of\\nAmerica are concerned. Without connecting this speculation, similar\\nterms and advantages could not have been obtained for the Ohio\\nCompany.t\\nMessrs. Cutler and Sargent, the latter of whom the Doctor had\\nassociated with himself some days before, at once closed a verbal\\ncontract with the Board of Treasury, which was executed in form\\non the 27th of the following October.^ By this contract, the vast\\nregion bounded south by the Ohio, west by the Scioto, east by\\nthe seventh range of townships then surveying, and north by a due\\nwest line drawn from the north boundary of the tenth township\\nfrom the Ohio direct to the Scioto, was sold to the Ohio associates\\nand their secret co-partners, for one dollar per acre, subject to a\\ndeduction of one third for bad lands and other contingencies.\\nThe whole tract, however, was not paid for, or taken by the Com-\\npany even their own portion of a million and a half of acres, and\\nextending west to the eighteenth range of townships, |I was not\\ntaken and in 1792 the boundaries of the purchase proper were\\nfixed as follows: the Ohio on the south, the seventh range of\\ntownships on the east, the sixteenth range on the west, and a line\\non the north so drawn as to make the gi-ant seven hundred and\\nfifty thousand (750,000) acres, besides reservations this grant\\nbeing the portion which it was originally agTeed the Company\\nmight enter into possession of at once. In addition to this, two\\nOn the 23d the Board of Treasury were authorized to contract; on the 26th, Messrs.\\nCutter and Sargent stated in writing their conditions on the 27th Congress referred their\\nletter to the Board to talve order upon. See Land Laws 262 to 264. Old Journals, iv.\\nAppendix, 17, 18.\\nt North American Review, voL liii. 343.\\nNorth American Review, liii. 343. Land Laws, 364.\\nI North American Review, liii, 344,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "292 Ordinance of 1784. 1787.\\nhundred and fourteen thousand, two hundred and eighty-five\\n(214,285) acres of land were granted as army bounties, under the\\nthe Resolutions of 1779 and 1780; and one hundred thousand\\n(100,000) as bounties to actual settlers; both of the latter tracts\\nbeing within the original grant of 1787, and adjoining the pur-\\nchase as above defined.*\\nWhile Dr. Cutler was preparing to press his suit with Congress,\\nthat body was bringing into form an ordinance for the political and\\nsocial organization of the lands beyond the Ohio. Virginia made\\nher cession March 1, 1784, and during the month following, a plan\\nfor the temporary government of the newly acquired territory came\\nunder discussion. f On the 19th of April Mr. Spaight, of North\\nCarolina, moved to strike from that plan, which had been reported\\nby Mr. Jefferson, a provision for prohibiting slavery north-west of\\nthe Ohio, after the year 1800, and this motion prevailed. From\\nthat day until the 23d the plan was debated and altered, and then\\npassed unanimously, with the exception of South Carolina. By\\nthis proposition the territory was to have been divided into\\nStates by parallels of latitude and meridian lines this, it was\\nthought, would have made ten States, which were to have been\\nnamed as follows, beginning at the north-west corner and going\\nsouthwardly; Sylvania, Michigania, Chersonesus, Assenisipia,\\nMetropotamia, Illenoia, Saratoga, Washington, Polypotamia, and\\nPelisipia.H Surely the hero of Mount Vernon must have shudder-\\ned to find himself in such company.\\nBut a more serious difficulty existed to this plan than its cata-\\nlogue of names namely, the number of states which it was pro-\\nposed to form, and their boundaries. The root of this evil was in\\nthe resolution passed by Congress, October 10th 1780, which fixed\\nthe size of the States to be formed from the ceded lands, at one\\nhundred to one hundred and fifty miles square and the terms of\\nthat resolution had been referred to both by Virginia and Massa-\\nchusetts in their grants, so as to make a further legislation at least\\nby the former, needful to change them Upon the 7th of July,\\n1786, this subject was taken up in Congress, and a resolution\\nLand Laws, 3G4 to 3S8. North American Review, liii. 344.\\nt Sep in Old Journals, iv. 293, a proposition to organize a western District, made Octo-\\nber 14.1783.\\nOld Journals, iv. 373.\\nllOld Journals, iv. 380.\\nOld Journals, iv. 379. Land Laws, 347.\\n5 Sparks Washington, ix. 48.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "1787. Ordinance of 1787. 293\\npassed in favor of a division of not less than three nor more than\\nfive States, which resolution, Virginia, at the close of 1788 assent-\\ned to.* On the 29th of September, 1786, Congress, having thus\\nchanged the plan for dividing the north-western territory into ten\\nStates, proceeded again to consider the terms of an ordinance for\\nthe government of that region and this was taken up from time to\\ntime, until July 13th of the year of which we are writing, when it\\nwas finally passed, having been somewhat changed just before its\\npassage, at the suggestion of Dr. Cutler. f We give it entire as\\nit is the corner-stone of the constitutions of our north-western\\nstates.\\nNo. 32. An ordinance for the government of the Territory of the United States north-\\nwest of the River Ohio.\\nBe it ordained by the United States in Congress assembled, That the\\nsaid territory, for the purposes of temporary government, be one dis-\\ntrict, subject, however, to be divided into two districts, as future circum-\\nstances may, in the opinion of Congress, make it expedient.\\nBe it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the estates, both of\\nresident and non-resident proprietors in the said territory, dying intes-\\ntate, shall descend to, and be distributed among, their children, and the\\ndescendants of a deceased child, in equal parts the descendants of a\\ndeceased child or grand child, to take the share of their deceased parent\\nin equal parts among them And where there shall be no children or\\ndescendants, then in equal parts to the next of kin in equal degree and,\\namong collaterals, the children of a deceased brother or sister of the in-\\ntestate shall have, in equal parts among them, their deceased parents\\nshare and there shall, in no case, be a distinction between kindred of\\nthe whole and half-blood saving, in all cases, to the widow of the in-\\ntestate her third part of the real estate for life, and one-third part of the\\npersonal estate and this law, relative to descents and dower, shall re-\\nmain in full force until altered by the legislature of the district. And,\\nuntil the governor and judges shall adopt laws as hereinafter mentioned,\\nestates in the said territory may be devised or bequeathed by wills in\\nwriting, signed and sealed by him or her, in whom the estate may be,\\n(being of full age,) and attested by three witnesses and real estates\\nmay be conveyed by lease and release, or bargain and sale, signed, seal-\\ned, and delivered, by the person, being of full age, in whom the estate\\nmay be, and attested by two witnesses, provided such wills be duly\\nproved, and such conveyances be acknowledged, or the execution there-\\nof duly proved, and be recorded within one year after proper magis-\\ntrates, courts, and registers, shall be appointed for that purpose and\\n*Land Laws, 338. 100. 101.\\nOJd Journals, iv. 701, c., 716, c-, 751, c. North American Review, liii. 336.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "294 Ordinance of 1787. 1787.\\npersonal property may be transferred by delivery saving, however, to\\nthe French and Canadian inhabilanls, and other settlers of the Kaskas-\\nkias, St. Vincents, and the neighboring villages who have heretofore\\nprofessed themselves citizens of Virginia, tlieir laws and customs now\\nin force among them, relative to the descent and conveyance of property.\\nBe it ordained by the authority aforesaid. That there shall be ap-\\npointed, from time to time, by Congress, a governor, whose commission\\nshall continue in force for the term of three years, unless sooner revo-\\nked by Congress he shall reside in the district, and have a freehold\\nestate therein in 1000 acres of land, while in the exercise of his office.\\nThere shall be appointed, from time to time, by Congress, a secretary,\\nwhose commission shall continue in force for four years unless sooner\\nrevoked he shall reside in tbe district, and have a freehold estate\\ntherein in 500 acres of land, while in the exercise of his office; it shall\\nbe his duty to keep and preserve the acts and laws passed by the legis-\\nlature, and the public records of the district, and the proceedings of the\\ngovernor in his Executive department and transmit authentic copies of\\nsuch acts and proceedings, every six months, to the Secretary of Con-\\ngress There shall also be appointed a court to consist of three judges,\\nany two of whom to form a court, who shall have a common law juris-\\ntion, and reside in the district, and have each therein a freehold estate in\\n500 acres of land while in the exercise of their offices and their com-\\nmissions shall continue in force during good behavior.\\nThe governor and judges, or a majority of them, shall adopt and pub-\\nlish in the district such laws of the original States, criminal and civil,\\nas may be necessary and best suited to the circumstances of the district,\\nand report them to Congress from time to time which laws shall be in\\nforce in the district until the organization of the General Assembly there-\\nin, unless disapproved of by Congress; but, afterwards, the legislature\\nshall have authority to alter them as they shall think fit.\\nThe governor, for the time being, shall be commander-in-chief of the\\nmilitia, appoint and commission all officers in the same below the rank\\nof general officers all general officers shall be appointed and commis-\\nuiissioned by Congress.\\nPrevious to the organization of the General Assembly, the governor\\nshall appoint such magistrates and other civil officers, in each county or\\ntownship, as he shall find necessary for the preservation of the peace\\nand good order in the same After the General Assembly shall be or-\\nganized, the powers and duties of magistrates and other civil officers,\\nshall be regulated and defined by the said assembly but all magistrates\\nand other civil officers, not herein otherwise directed, shall, during the\\ncontinuance of this temporary government, be appointed by the go-\\nvernor.\\nFor the prevention of crimes and injuries, the laws to be adopted or", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "1787. Ordinance of 1787. 295\\nmade shall have force in all parts of the district, and for the execution of\\nprocess, criminal, and civil, the governor shall make proper divisions\\nthereof; and he shall proceed, from time to time, as circumstances may\\nrequire, to lay out the parts of the district in which the Indian titles shall\\nhave been extinguished, into counties and tovi^nships, subject, however,\\nto such alterations as may thereafter be made by the legislature.\\nSo soon as there shall be 5000 free male inhabitants of full age in\\nthe district, upon giving proof thereof to the governor, they shall re-\\nceive authority, with time and place, to elect representatives from their\\ncounties or townships to represent them in the General Assembly\\nProvided, That, for every 500 free male inhabitants, there shall be one\\nrepresentative, and so on progressively with the number of free male\\ninhabitants, shall the right of representation increase, until the number\\nof representatives shall amount to twenty-five after which, the number\\nand proportion of representatives shall be regulated by the legislature\\nProvided, That no person be eligible or qualified to act as a represen-\\ntative unless he shall have been a citizen of one of the United States\\nthree years, and be a resident in the district, or unless he shall have\\nresided in the district three years and, in either case, shall likewise\\nhold in his own right, in fee simple, 200 acres of land within the same:\\nProvided, also, That a freehold in 50 acres of land in the district,\\nhaving been a citizen of one of the States, and being resident in the\\ndistrict, or the like freehold and two years residence in the district,\\nshall be necessary to qualify a man as an elector of a representative.\\nThe representatives thus elected, shall serve for the term of two\\nyears and, in case of the death of a representative, or removal from\\noffice, the governor shall issue a writ to the county or township for\\nwhich he was a member, to elect another in his stead, to serve for the\\nresidue of the term.\\nThe General Assembly, or Legislature, shall consist of the governor,\\nlegislative council, and a house of representatives. The legislative coun-\\ncil shall consist of five members, to continue in office five years, unless\\nsooner removed by Congress any three of whom to be a quorum and\\nthe members of the council shall be nominated and appointed in the fol-\\nlowing manner, to wit As soon as representatives shall be elected, the\\ngovernor shall appoint a time and place for them to meet together; and\\nwhen met, they shall nominate ten persons, residents in the district, and\\neach possessed of a freehold in 500 acres of land, and return their\\nnames to Congress five of whom Congress shall appoint and commis-\\nsion to serve as aforesaid and, whenever a vacancy shall happen in the\\ncouncil, by death or removal from office, the house of representatives\\nshall nominate two persons, qualified as aforesaid, for each vacancy, and\\nreturn their names to Congress one of whom Congress shall appoint\\nand commission for the residue of the term. And every five years, four", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "296 Ordinance of 1787. 1787.\\nmonths at least before the expiration of the time of service of the mem-\\nbers of the council, the said house shall nominate ten persons, qualified\\nas aforesaid, and return their names to Congress; five of whom Con-\\ngress shall appoint and commission to serve as members of the council\\nfive years, unless sooner removed. And the governor, legislative coun-\\ncil, and house of representatives, shall have authority to make laws in\\nall cases, for the good government of the district, not repugnant to the\\nprinciples and articles in this ordinance established and declared. And\\nall bills, having passed by a majority in the house, and by a majority in\\nthe council, shall be referred to the governor for his assent; but no bill,\\nor legislative ,act whatever, shall be of any force without his assent.\\nThe governor shall have power to convene, prorogue, and dissolve the\\nGeneral Assembly, when, in his opinion, it shall be expedient.\\nThe governor, judges, legislative council, secretary, and such other\\nofficers as Congress shall appoint in the district, shall take an oath or\\naffirmation of fidelity and of office; the governor before the President\\nof Congress, and all other officers before the governor. As soon as a\\nlegislature shall be formed in the district, the council and house as-\\nsembled in one room, shall have authority, by joint ballot, to elect a\\ndelegate to Congress, who shall have a seat in Congress, with a right of\\ndebating but not of voting during this temporary government.\\nAnd, for extending the fundamental principles of civil and religious\\nliberty, which form the basis whereon these republics, their laws and\\nconstitutions are erected to fix and establish those principles as the\\nbasis of all laws, constitutions, and governments, which forever hereaf-\\nter shall be formed in the said territory to provide also for the estab-\\nlishment of States, and permanent government therein, and for their\\nadmission to a share in the federal councils on an equal footing with the\\noriginal States, at as early periods as may be consistent with the general\\ninterest:\\nIt is hereby ordained and declared by the authority aforesaid. That\\nthe following articles shall be considered as articles of compact between\\nthe original States and the people and States in the said territory, and\\nforever remain unalterable, unless by common consent, to wit\\nArt. 1. No person, demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly\\nmanner, shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or\\nreligious sentiments, in the said territory.\\nArt. 2. The inhabitants of the said territory shall always be entitled\\nto the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus, and of the trial by jury\\nof a proportionate representation of the people in the legislature and\\nof judicial proceedings according to the course of the common law. All\\npersons shall be bailable, unless for capital offences, where the proof\\nshall be evident or the presumption great. All fines shall be moderate;\\nand no cruel or unusual punishments shall be inflicted. No man shall", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "1787. Ordinance of 1787. 297\\nbe deprived of his liberty or property, but by the judgment of his peers\\nor the law of the land and, should the public exigencies make it neces-\\nsary, for the common preservation, to take any person s property, or to\\ndemand his particular services, full compensation shall be made for the\\nsame. And, in the just preservation of rights and property, it is under-\\nstood and declared, that no law ought ever to be made, or have force in\\nthe said territory, that shall, in any manner whatever, interfere with or\\naffect private contracts or engagements, bona Jide, and without fraud,\\npreviously formed.\\nArt. 3. Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good\\ngovernment and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of\\neducation shall forever be encouraged. The utmost good faith shall\\nalways be observed towards the Indians their lands and property shall\\nnever be taken from them without their consent; and, in their property,\\nrights, and liberty, they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in\\njust and lawful wars authorized by Congress but laws founded in jus-\\ntice and humanity, shall, from time to time, be made for preventing\\nwrongs being done to them, and for preserving peace and friendship\\nwith them.\\nArt. 4. The said territory, and the States which may be formed\\ntherein, shall forever remain a part of this confederacy of the United\\nStates of America, subject to the Articles of Confederation, and to such\\nalterations therein as shall be constitutionally made and to all the acts\\nand ordinances of the United States in Congress assembled, conformable\\nthereto. The inhabitants and settlers in the said territory shall be sub-\\nject to pay a part of the federal debts contracted or to be contracted, and\\na proportional part of the expenses of government, to be apportioned on\\nthem by Congress according to the same common rule and measure by\\nwhich apportionments thereof shall be made on the other States and\\nthe taxes, for paying their proportion, shall be laid and levied by the\\nauthority and direction of the legislatures of the district or districts, or\\nnew States, as in the original States, within the time agreed upon by the\\nUnited States in Congress assembled. The legislatures of those dis-\\ntricts or new States, shall never interfere with the primary disposal of\\nthe soil by the United States in Congress assembled, nor with any re-\\ngulations Congress may find necessary for securing the title in such\\nsoil to the bona Jide purchasers.* No tax shall be imposed on lands\\nthe property of the United States and, in no case, shall non-resident\\nproprietors be taxed higher than residents. The navigable waters lead-\\ning into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places be-\\ntween the same, shall be common high-ways, and forever free, as well\\nAct of 25th February, 1811, provides the same in Louisiana; and, also, that lands\\nsold by Congress shall not be taxed for five years after sale Post, No. 160 in Mississip-\\npi, by act of 1st March, 1817, Post, 396, and so of all others.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "298 Ordinance of 1787. 1787.\\nto the inhabitants of the said territory as to the citizens of the United\\nStates, and those of any other Slates thiit may be admitted into the\\nConfederacy, without any tax, impost, or duty, therefor.\\nArt, 5. There shall be formed in the said territory, not less than\\nthree nor more than five States and llie boundaries of the States, as\\nsoon as Virginia shall alter her act of cession, and consent to the same,\\nshall become fixed and established as follows, to wit: The western State\\nin the said territory, shall be bounded by the Mississippi, the Ohio, and\\nWabash rivers a direct line drawn from the Wabash and Post St. Vin-\\ncent s due north, to the territorial line between the United States and\\nCanada and, by the said territorial line, to the lake of the Woods and\\nMississippi. The middle State shall be bounded by the said direct line,\\nthe Wabash from Post St. Vincent s, to the Ohio by the Ohio, by a di-\\nrect line, drawn due north from the mouth of the Great Miami, to the\\nsaid territorial line. Tlie eastern State shall be bounded by the last men-\\ntioned direct line, the Ohio, Pennsylvania, and the said territorial line\\nProvided, however, and it is further understood and declared, that the\\nboundaries of these three States shall be subject so far to be altered,\\nthat, if Congress shall hereafter find it expedient, they shall have\\nauthority to form one or two States in that part of the said territory\\nwhich lies north of an east and west line drawn through the southerly\\nbend or extreme of Lake Michigan. And, whenever any of the said\\nStates shall have 60,000 free inhabitants therein, such State shall be\\nadmitted, by its delegates, into the Congress of the United States on an\\nequal footing with the original States in all respects whatever, and shall\\nbe at liberty to form a permanent constitution and State government:\\nProvided, the constitution and government so to be formed, shall be\\nrepublican, and in conformity to the principles contained in these arti-\\ncles and, so far as it can be consistent with the general interest of the\\nconfederacy, such admission shall be allowed at an earlier period, and\\nwhen there may be a less number of free inhabitants in the State than\\nsixty-thousand.\\nArt. 6. There shall be neitlier slavery nor involuntary servitude in\\nthe said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof\\nthe party shall have been duly convicted: Provided, always, That any\\nperson escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully\\nclaimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully\\nreclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service\\nas aforesaid.\\nBe it ordained by the authority aforesaid. That the resolutions of the\\n23d of April, 1784, relative to the subject of this ordinance, be, and the\\nsame are hereby, repealed and declared null and void. Done, c.*\\nLand Laws, p. 356.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "1787. Symme.s applies for Land. 299\\nThe passage of this ordinance and the grant to the New Eng-\\nland associates was soon followed by an application to government\\nby John Cleves Symmes, of New Jersey, for the country between\\nthe Miamis.* This gentleman had been led to visit that region\\nby the representations of Benjamin Stites, of Red Stone, (Browns-\\nville,) who had examined the valleys of the Shawanese soon after\\nthe treaty of January 1786. f Symes found them all and more than\\nall they had been represented to be, and upon the 29th of August,\\n1787, wrote to the President of Congress, asking that the Treasury\\nBoard might be empowered to contract with him for the district\\nabove named. This petition, on the 2d of October was referred\\nto the board, with power to act, and a contract was concluded the\\nnext year. Upon the 18th of the month last named, another ap-\\nplication w^as made by Royal Flint and Joseph Parker, for lands\\nupon the Wabash and Mississippi this was also referred to the\\nBoard of Treasury.\\nDuring this autumn the directors of the company organized in\\nNew England were preparing for an actual settlement in the ensu-\\ning spring, and upon the 23d of November made arangements for\\na party of forty-seven men, under the superintendance of General\\nRufus Putnam, to set forward. Six boat-builders were to leave\\nthe next week; on the 1st of January, 1788, the surveyors and\\ntheir assistants, twenty-six in number, were to meet at Hartfort\\nand go westward and the remainder to follow as soon as possible.\\nCongress, meantime, upon the 3d of October, had ordered seven\\nhundred troops for the defence of the western settlers, and to pre-\\nvent unauthorized intrusions; and two days later appointed St.\\nClair governor of the north-western territory.\\nLand Laws, 372. See also Burnet s Letters in the Ohio Historical Transactions, p.\\n335 to 147.\\nCincinnati Directory, 1SI9, p. 16. The Historical sketch in this volume was compiled\\nfrom the statements of the earliest settlers. The Miami country had been entered in.\\n1785, and some improvements made. Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 33.\\nOld Journals, iv. Appendix 19.\\n1 North American Review, liii. 344. Old Journals, iv. 785. 786.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "1788.\\nThe two leading causes of disquiet to the western people through\\n1787, the Indian incursions, and the Spanish possession of the\\nMississippi did not cease to irritate them during the next year also.\\nWhen Clark took his unauthorized possession of Vincennes, in\\nOctober, 1786, he had asked the savages of the north-west to meet\\nhim in council in November they replied that it was to late in the\\nyear, and the proposed meeting was postponed till April. Of this\\nmeeting Messrs. Marshall, Muter and others, when writing to Vir-\\nginia, gave information, and suggested that the government should\\ntake Clark s place in it. The council of Virginia coincided with\\nthe suggestion, and recommended to Congress James Wilkinson,\\nRichard C. Anderson and Isaac Shelby,* as commissioners on be-\\nhalf of the United States. Congress, however, received notice of\\nClark s movements too late f for the proposed treaty, and nothing\\nseems to have been done until July 21st, when the superintendant\\nof Indian affairs in the north, or if he could not go, Colonel Har-\\nmar was instructed to proceed to Vincennes, or some other con-\\nvenient place, and there hold a council with the Wabash Indians\\nand Shawanese, for the purpose of putting an end to warfare. f\\nFavorable notice was also taken of a council which had been held\\nat the mouth of Detroit river, in December, 1786, by the Iroquois,\\nWyandots and others, the purpose of which was pacific, and from\\nwhich an address relative to the Indian troubles had been sent to\\nCongress. This was considered, and upon the 5th of October it\\nwas resolved that a treaty should be held early in the year 1788,\\nwith these tribes, by the governor of the new territory, who was\\ninstructed on the subject on the 26th of the month last mentioned.\\nAt the same time, however, that measures were thus taken to pre-\\nSecret Journals, iv. 313. 314. 309. 306.\\nt April 12th. Secret Journals, iv. 301.\\nI Old Journals, iv. 761.\\nBLanman s History of Michigan, 149. Old Journals, iv. 762. 763. 786. Secret Journals,\\ni- 276.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "1788. Emigrants land at MusJdngwm. 301\\nserve peace, troops were placed at Venango, Fort Pitt, Fort Mcin-\\ntosh, the Muskingum, the Miami, Vincennes, and Louisville, and\\nthe governor of Virginia was requested to have the militia of Ken-\\ntucky in readiness for any emergency.* All these measures, how-\\never, produced no results during 1788 the Indians were neither\\nover-awed, conquered nor satisfied from May until the middle of\\nJuly they were expected to meet the whites upon the Muskingum,!\\nbut the point which had been selected, and where goods had been\\nplaced, being at last attacked by the Chippeways,| it was thought\\nbest to adjourn the meeting and hold it at fort Harmar, where it\\nwas at length held, but not until January, 1789.\\nThese Indian uncertainties, however, did not prevent the New\\nEngland associates from going forward with their operations.\\nDuring the winter of 1787-8, their men were pressing on over the\\nAlleghanies by the old Indian path which had been opened into\\nBraddock s road, and which has since been followed by the na-\\ntional turnpike from Cumberland westward. Through the dreary\\nwinterdays they trudged on, and by April were all gathered on the\\nYohiogany,|| where boats had been built, and started for the Mus-\\nkingum. On the 7th of April they landed at the spot chosen, and\\nbecame the founders of Ohio, unless we regard as such the Mora-\\nvian missionaries.\\nAs St. Clair, who had been appointed governor the preceding\\nOctober, had not yet arrived, it became necessary to erect a tem-\\nporary government for their internal security for which purpose a\\nset of laws was passed, and published by being nailed to a tree in\\nthe village, and Return Jonathan Meigs was appointed to ad-\\nminister them. It is a strong evidence of the good habits of the\\npeople of the colony, that during three months, but one difference\\noccurred, and that was compromised. Indeed a better set of men\\naltogether, could scarce have been selected for the purpose, than\\nPutnam s little band. Washington might well say, no colony in\\nAmerica was ever settled under such favorable auspices as that\\nwhich has first commenced at the Muskingum. Information, pro-\\nperty, and strength will be its characteristics. I know many of the\\nOld Journals, iv. 762.\\nt Until this meeting was held, it was understood that no settlement, strictly speaking,\\nshould take place. See the letter of a settler in Imlay, p. 598. (Ed. 1797.)\\nrf Carey s Museum, iv. 203.\\n1 A list of the forty-eight is given, North American Review, liii. 346.\\nWestern Monthly Magazine, 1833. vol. i. p. 395.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "302 Marietta Founded. 1788.\\nsettlers personally, and there never were men better calculated to\\npromote the welfare of such a community.\\nOn the 2d of July a meeting of the directors and agents was held\\non the banks of the Muskingum, for the purpose of naming the\\nnew Ijorn city and its public squares. f As yet the settlement had\\nbeen merely The Muskingum, but the name Marietta was now\\nformally given it, in honor of Marie Antoniette the square upon\\nwhich the block-houses stood was christened Campus Martins;\\nthe square No. 19, Capitolium the square No. 61, Cecilia; and the\\ngreat road through the covert way. Sacra F*\u00c2\u00ab.||\\nOn the 4th of July an oration was delivered by James M. Var-\\nnum,\u00c2\u00a7 who, with S. H. Parsons and John Armstrong,11 had been\\nappointed to the judicial bench of the territory, on the 16th of\\nOctober, 1787. Five days later the governor arrived, and the\\ncolony began to assume form. The ordinance of 1787 provided\\ntwo district grades of government for the north-west territory, un-\\nder the first of which the whole power was in the hands of the\\ngovernor and the three judges, and this form was at once organized\\nupon the governor s arrival. The first law, which was for regu-\\nlating and establishing the militia, was published upon the 25th of\\nJuly and, the next day, appeared the governor s proclamation,\\nerecting all the country that had been ceded by the Indians east of\\nthe Scioto river into the county of Washington.**\\nFrom that time forward, notwithstandinf the doubt yet existing\\nas to the Indians, all at Marietta went on prosperously and pleas-\\nantly. On the 2d of September the first court was held, with be-\\ncoming ceremonies.\\nThe procession was formed at the Point, (where most of the settlers\\nresided,) in the following order 1st, The high Sheriff, with his drawn\\nsword 2d, the citizens 3d, the officers of the garrison at Fort Harmar\\n4th, the members of the bar; 5lh, the Supreme judges; 6th, the Gov-\\nSparks Washington, ix. 384.\\nt American Pioneer, i. S3.\\nSome of the settlers called it the city of Adelplii Sec a letter dated May 16th, 1788,\\nto the Massachusetts Spy in Imlay (Ed. 1797) p. 595.\\nH Carey s Museum, vol. iv. p. 390, In the fifth volume (March, 17S9) of that periodical,\\npage 284, is an account of the city of Athens, which the Spaniards at this time proposed\\nto build at the mouth of the Missouri. On the very point where the rivers joined, was\\nto be Fort Solon not for defence, however, but for the retirement of the governor from\\nthe busy scenes of public employment!\\nSee this oration in Carey s Museum for May, 1789, 453 to 455.\\n1! Mr. Armstrong declined serving. John Clevcs Symmes was chosen in his fitead,\\nFebruary 19th, 1788.\\nCliase, vol, i. p. 92. Carey s Musennij ivi 433.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "1788. Great Emigration Westward. 303\\nernor and clergyman 7th, the newly appointed judges of the court of\\ncommon pleas, generals Rufus Putnam and Benjamin Tupper.\\nThej/^ marched up a path that had been cut and cleared through the\\nforest to Campus Martius Hall, (stockade,) where the whole counter-\\nmarched, and the judges, (Putnam and Tupper) took their seats. The\\nclergyman, Rev. Dr. Cutler, then invoked the divine blessmg. The\\nsheriff, colonel Ebenezer Sproat, (one of nature s nobles) proclaimed\\nwith his solemn O yes, that a court is opened for the administration of\\neven-handed justice, to the poor and the rich, to the guilty and the inno-\\ncent, without respect of persons none to be punished without a trial by\\ntheir peers, and then in pursuance of the laws and evidence in the case.\\nAlthough this scene was exhibited thus early in the settlement of the\\nstate, few ever equalled it in the dignity and exalted character of its\\nprincipal participators. Many of them belong to the history of our\\ncountry, in the darkest as well as the most splendid periods of the rev-\\nolutionary war. To witness this spectacle, a large body of Indians was\\ncollected, from the most powerful tribes then occupying the almost en-\\ntire West. They had assembled for the purpose of making a treaty.\\nWhether any of them entered the hall of justice, or what were their\\nimpressions we are not told. (American Pioneer, vol. i, p. 165.\\nThe progress of the settlement, says a letter from the Muskingum,\\nis sufficiently rapid for the first year. We are continually erect-\\ning houses, but arrivals are faster than we can possibly provide\\nconvenient covering. Our first ball was opened about the middle\\nof December, at which were fifteen ladies, as well accomplished\\nin the manners of polite circles as any I have ever seen in the old\\nStates. I mention this to show the progi-ess of society in this new\\nworld where I believe we shall vie with, if not excel, the old\\nStates, in every accomplishment necessary to render life agreeable\\nand happy.\\nThe emigration westward, even at this time, was very great;\\nthe commandant at Fort Harmar reporting four thousand five hun-\\ndred persons as having passed that post between February and\\nJune, 1788 many of whom would have stopped on the purchase\\nof the Associates, had they been ready to receive them.\\nDuring the following year, and indeed until the Indians, who,\\nin spite of treaties, had been committing small depredations all the\\ntime, stealing horses and sinking boats, went fairly and openly to\\nwar, the settlement on the Muskingum gi-ew slowly, but steadily,\\nand to good purpose.*\\nTh? first Indinn attack on the Mai5!;;ngum settlements v.-.ie on January 1 791 Sceposd", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "304 Symmes^ Purchase. 1788.\\nNeither were Symmes and his New Jersey friends idle during\\nthis year, though his purchase was far more open to Indian depra-\\ndation than that of the Massachusetts men. His first proposition\\nhad been referred, as we have said, to the Board of Treasury, with\\npower to contract, upon the 2nd of October, 1787.\\nUpon the 26th of the next month Symmes issued a pamphlet,\\naddressed to the respectable public, stating the terms of his\\ncontract, and the scheme of sale which he proposed to adopt.*\\nThis was, to issue his warrants for not less than a quarter section\\n(a hundred and sixty acres,) which might be located any where,\\nexcept, of course, upon reservations, and spots previously chosen.\\nNo section was to be divided, if the warrant held by the locator\\nwould cover the whole. The price was to be sixty cents and two-\\nthirds till May, 1788; then one dollar till November; and, after\\nthat time, was to be regulated by the demand for land. Every\\nlocator was bound to begin improvements within two years, or for-\\nfeit one-sixth of his purchase to whomsoever would settle thereon\\nand remain seven years. Military bounties might be taken in this\\nas in the purchase of the Associates. For himself Symmes retain-\\ned one township at the mouth of the Great Miami, at the junction\\nof which stream with the Ohio he proposed to build his great city\\nto help the growth of which he offered each alternate lot to any\\none that would build a house and live therein three years.\\nAs Continental certificates were rising, in consequence of the\\ngreat land purchases then making with them, and as difficulty was\\napprehended in procuring enough to make his first payment,\\nSymmes was anxious to send forward settlers early, that the true\\nvalue of his purchase might become known at the east. He had,\\nhowever, some difficulty in arranging with the Board of Treasury\\nthe boundaries of the first portion he was to occupy. f\\nIn January, 1788, Matthias Denman, of New Jersey, took an in-\\nterest in Symmes purchase, and located, among other tracts, the\\nsection and fractional section upon which Cincinnati has been\\nbuilt.:}: Retaining one-third of this particular locality, he sold an-\\nother third to Robert Patterson, and the remainder to John Filson;\\nand the three, about August, 1788, agreed to lay out a town on the\\nSec Land Laws and post for the terms, and final settlement of Symmes contract.\\nf Manuscript Letters of Symmes. See Burnet s Letters, 136.\\nMany facts relative to the settlement of Cincinnati, we take from the depositions of\\nDenman, Patterson, Ludlow, and others, contained in the report of the chancery trial of\\nCity of Cincinnati vs, Joel Williams, in 1807.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "1788. Cincinnati laid out. 305\\nspot, which was designated as being opposite Licking river, to the\\nmouth of which they proposed to have a road cut from Lexington,\\nKentucky, to be connected with the northern shore by a ferry.\\nMr. Filson, who had been a schoolmaster, was appointed to name\\nthe town; and, in respect to its situation, and as if with a prophetic\\nperception of the mixed race that were in after days to inhabit\\nthere, he named it Losantiville, which, being interpreted, means\\nville, the town anti, opposite to, os, the mouth, i, of Licking.*\\nThis may well put to the blush the Campus Martins of the Marietta\\nscholars, and the Fort Solon of the Spaniards.\\nMeanwhile, in July, Symmes got thirty people and eight four-horse\\nwagons under way for the West. These reached Limestone (now\\nMaysville) in September, where they find Mr. Stites with several\\npersons from Red Stone. But the mind of the chief purchaser\\nwas full of trouble. He had not only been obliged to relinquish\\nhis first contract, which was expected to embrace two millions of\\nacres, but had failed to conclude one for the single million which\\nhe now proposed taking. This arose from a difference between\\nhim and the government, he wishing to have the whole Ohio front\\nbetween the Miamies, w^hile the Board of Treasury wished to con-\\nfine him to twenty miles upon the Ohio. This proposition, how-\\never, he would not for a long time agree to, as he had made sales\\nalong nearly the whole Ohio shore. f Leaving the bargain in this\\nCincinnati Directory, for 1819, p. 18.\\nt It may be as well to give here a sketch of the changes made in Symmes contract.\\nHis first application was for all the country between the Miamies, running up to the north\\nline of the Ohio Company s purchase, extending due west. On the 23d of October, 1787,\\nCongress resolved, that the Board of Treasury be authorized to contract with any one for\\ntracts of not less than a million acres of western lands, the front of which, on the Ohio,\\nWabash and other rivers, should not exceed one third the depth. On the 15th of May,\\n17SS, Dayton and Marsh, as Symmes agents, concluded a contract with the Commissioners\\nof the Treasury for two millions of acres in two equal tracts. In July, Symmes concluded\\nto take only one tract, but differed with the Commissioners on the grounds stated in the\\ntext. After much negotiation, upon the 15th of October, 1788, Dayton and Marsh con-\\ncluded a contract with government bearing date May loth, for one million of acres, be-\\nginning twenty miles up the Ohio from the mouth of the Great Miami, and to run back\\nfor quantity between the Miami and a line drawn from the Ohio parallel to the general\\ncourse of that river. In 1791, Symmes found this would throw his purchase too far back\\nfrom the Ohio, and applied to Congress to let him have all between the Miamies, running\\nback so as to include a million acres, which that body, on the 12th of April, 1792, agreed\\nto do. When the lands between the Miamies were surveyed, however, it was found that\\nthe tract south of a line drawn from the head of the Little, due west to the Great Miami,\\nwould include less than six hundred thousand acres but even this Symmes could not pay\\nfor, and, when his patent issued upon the 30th of September, 1794, it gave him and hie\\nassociates but two hundred and forty-eight thousand five hundred and forty acres, ex-\\nclusive of reservations, which amounted to sixty-three thousand one hundred and forty-\\n20", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "306 Troubles of Symmes. 1788.\\nunsettled state, Congress considered itself released from its obliga-\\ntion to sell and, but for tbe representations of some of his friends,\\nour adventurer would have lost his bargain, his labor, and his\\nmoney. Nor was this all. In February, 1788, he had been ap-\\npointed one of the judges of the North-west Territory, in the place\\nof Mr. Armstrong, who declined serving. This appointment gave\\noffence to some; and others were envious of the great fortune\\nwhich it was thought he would make. Some of his associates\\ncomplained of him, also, probably because of his endangering the\\ncontract to which they had become parties. With these murmurs\\nand reproaches behind him, he saw before him danger, delay, suf-\\nfering, and, perhaps, ultimate failure and ruin and, although hope-\\nful by nature, apparently he felt discouraged and sad. However,\\na visit to his purchase, where he landed upon the 22d of Septem-\\nber, revived his spirits, and upon his return to Maysville, he wrote\\nto Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey, who had become interested\\nwith him, that he thought some of the land near the Great Miami\\npositively worth a silver dollar the acre in its present state.\\nBut though this view of the riches now almost within his grasp,\\nsomewhat re-assured Symmes mind, he had still enough to trouble\\nhim. The Indians were threatening; in Kentucky, he says, they\\nare perpetually doing mischief; a man a week, I believe, falls by\\ntheir hands; but still government gave him little help toward de-\\nfending himself; for, while three hundred men were stationed at\\nMuskingum, he had but one ensign and seventeen men for the\\nprotection and defence of the slaughter-house. as the Miami\\nvalley was called by the dwellers upon the dark and bloody\\nground of Kentucke. And when Captain Kearny and forty-\\nlive soldiers came to Maysville in December, they came without\\nprovisions, and but made bad worse. Nor did their coming an-\\nswer any purpose for when a little band of settlers were ready to\\ngo, under their protection, to the mouth of the Miami, the grand\\ncity of Symmes that was to be, the ice stove their boats, their cat-\\ntle were drowned, and their provisions lost, and so the settlement\\nwas prevented. But the fertile mind of a man like our adventurer\\ncould, even under these circumstances, find comfort in the antici-\\ntwo acres. This tract was bounded by the Ohio, the two Miamies, and a due east and\\nwest line, run so as to comprehend the desired quantity. As Symmes made no farther\\npayments after this time, the rest of his purchase reverted to the United States, who gave\\nthose that had bought under Symmes ample pre-emption rights. See Land Laws, pp.\\n37i-382, et seq and post.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "1788. Columbia Settled. 307\\npation of what was to come. In the words of Return Jonathan\\nMeigs, the first Ohio poet ^xit\\\\\\\\ whom we have any acquaintance,\\nTo him glad Fancy brightest prospects shows.\\nRejoicing Nature all around him glows\\nWhere late the savage, hid in ambush, lay,\\nOr roamed the uncultured valleys for his prey,\\nHer hardy gifts rough Industry extends.\\nThe groves bow down, the lofty forest bends\\nAnd see the spires of towns and cities rise,\\nAnd domes and temples swell unto the skies.\\nBut alas! so far as his pet city was concerned, glad Fancy\\nproved but a gay deceiver; for there came an amazing high\\nfreshet, and the Point, as it was, and still is called, was fif-\\nteen feet under water.\\nBut, before Symmes left Maysville, which was upon the 29th of\\nJanuary, 1789, two settlements had been made within his pur-\\nchase. The first was by Mr. Stites, the original projector, of the\\nwhole plan who, with other Redstone people, had located them-\\nselves at the mouth of the Little Miami, where the Indians had\\nbeen led by the great fertility of the soil to make a partial clearing.\\nTo this point, on the 18th of November, 1788, came twenty-six\\npersons, who built a block-house, named their town Columbia, and\\nprepared for a winter of want and hard fighting, f But they were\\nagreeably disappointed the Indians came to them, and though the\\nwhites answered, as Symmes says, in a blackguarding manner,\\nthe savages sued for peace. One, at whom a rifle wyks presented,\\ntook off his cap, trailed his gun, and held out his right hand, by-\\nwhich pacific gestures he induced the Americans to consent to\\ntheir entrance into the block-houses. In a few days this good\\nunderstanding ripened into intimacy, the hunters frequently\\ntaking shelter for the night in the Indian camps and the red\\nmen and squaws spending whole days and nights at Columbia,\\nregaling themselves with whiskey. This friendly demeanor on\\nthe part of the Indians was owing to the kind and just conduct of\\nSymmes himself; who, during the preceding September, when ex-\\namining the country about the Great Miami, had prevented some\\nKentuckians, who were in his company, from injuring a band of\\nA poem delivered at Marietta, July 4th, 1789, slightly altered.\\nt Cincinnati Directory for 1819, and Symmes Letters. The land at this point was so\\nfertile that from nine acres were raised nine hundred and sixty-three bushels of Indian\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2com.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "308 CindnnaH Settled. 1788.\\nthe savages that came within their power; which proceeding, he\\nsays, the Kentuckians thought unpardonable.\\nThe Columbia setdement was, however, like that proposed at\\nthe Point, upon land that was under water during the high rise\\nin January, 1789. But one house escaped the deluge. The\\nsoldiers were driven from the ground-floor of the block-house mto\\nthe loft, and from the loft into the solitary boat which the ice had\\nspared them.\\nThis flood deserves to be commemorated in an epic for, while\\nit demonstrated the dangers to which the three chosen spots of all\\nOhio, Marietta Columbia, and the Point, must be ever exposed,\\nit also proved the safety, and led to the rapid settlement of\\nLosantiville. The great recommendation of the spot upon which\\nDenman and his comrades proposed to build their Mosaic\\ntown, as it has been called, appears to have been the fact that it\\nlay opposite the Licking the terms of Denman s purchase having\\nbeen, that his warrants were to be located, as nearly as possible,\\nover against the mouth of that river though the advantage of the\\nnoble and high plain at that point could not have escaped any eye.\\nBut the freshet of 1789 placed its superiority over other points\\nmore strongly in view than any thing else could have done.\\nWe have said that Filson was killed in September, or early in\\nOctober, 1788. As nothing had been paid upon his third of the\\nplat of Losantiville, his heirs made no claim upon it, and it was\\ntransferred to Israel Ludlow, who had been Symmes surveyor.\\nThis gentleman, with Colonel Patterson, one of the other proprie-\\ntors, and well known in the Indian wars, with about fourteen\\nothers, left Maysville upon the 24th of December, 1788, to form\\na station and lay off a town opposite Licking. The river was\\nfilled with ice from shore to shore but, says Symmes, in May,\\n1789, perseverance triumphing over difficulty, they landed safe\\non a most delightful high bank of the Ohio, where they founded\\nthe town of Losantiville, which populates considerably.\\nIt is a curious fact, and one of many in western history, that may\\nwell tend to shake our faith in the learned discussions as to dates\\nand localities with which scholars now and then amuse the world,\\nthat the date of the settlement of Cincinnati is unknown, even\\nthough we have the testimony of the very men that made the set-\\ntlement. Judge Symmes says in one of his letters, On the 24th\\nof December, 1788, Colonel Patterson, of Lexington, who is con-\\ncerned with Mr. Denman in the section at the mouth of Licking", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "1788. Trade opened with JVew Orleans. 309\\nriver, sailed from Limestone, c. Some, supposing it would\\ntake about two days to make the voyage, have dated the being of\\nthe Queen City of the West from December 26th. This is but\\nguess-work, however for, as the river was full of ice, it might\\nhave taken ten days to have gone the sixty-five miles from Mays-\\nville to the Licking. But, in the case in chancery to which we\\nhave referred, we have the evidence of Patterson and Ludlow, that\\nthey landed opposite the Licking in the month of January,\\n1789 while William McMillan testifies that he was one of those\\nwho formed the settlement of Cincinnati on the 28th day of De-\\ncember, 1788. As we know of nothing more conclusive on the\\nsubject than these statements, we must leave this question in the\\nsame darkness that we find it.\\nThe, settlers of Losantiville built a few log huts and block-\\nhouses, and proceeded to lay out the town though they placfed\\ntheir dwellings in the most exposed situation, yet, says S^-mmes,\\nthey suffered nothing from the freshet.\\nSouth of the Ohio, during this year, matters were in scarce as\\ngood a train as upon the Lidian side of the river. The savages\\ncontinued to annoy the settlers, and the settlers to retaliate upon\\nthe savages, as Judge Symmes letters have already shown. But\\na more formidable source of trouble to the district than any attack\\nthe red men were capable of making, was the growing disposition\\nto cut loose from the Atlantic colonies, and either by treaty or\\nwarfare obtain the use of the Mississippi from Spain. We have\\nalready mentioned Wilkinson s trip to New Orleans, in June,\\n1787;* but as that voyage was the beginning of the long and mys-\\nterious Spanish intrigue with the citizens of the west, it seems\\nworth while to quote part of a paper, believed to be by Daniel\\nClark, the younger, whose uncle of the same name was the agent\\nand partner! of Wilkinson, in New Orleans, and who was fully\\nacquainted with the government officers of Louisiana.\\nAbout the period of which we are now speaking, in the middle of the\\nyear 1787, the foundation of an intercourse with Kentucky and the set-\\ntlements on the Ohio was laid, which daily increases. Previous to that\\nlime, all those who ventured on the Mississippi had their property seized\\nAnte, p. 286.\\nt Wilkinson says the partnership was formed for him without his knowledge or consent-\\n(Memoirs, ii. 113.)\\nJ American State Papers, xx. 704.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "310 Trade opened with JVew Orleans. 1788,\\nby the first commanding ofiicer whom they met, and little or no com-\\nmunication was kept up between the countries. Now and then, an em-\\nigrant who wislied to selde in Natchez, by dint of entreaty, and solicitation\\nof friends who had interests in New Orleans, procured permission to re-\\nmove there with his family, slaves, cattle, furniture and farming utensils;.\\nbut was allowed to bring no other property, except cash. An unex-\\npected incident, however, changed the face of things, and was produc-\\ntive of a new line of conduct. The arrival of a boat, belonging to Gen-\\neral Wilkinson, loaded with tobacco and other productions of Kentucky,\\nis announced in town, and a guard was immediately sent on board of it..\\nThe general s name had hindered this being done at Natchez, as the\\ncommandant was fearful that such a step might be displeasing to his\\nsuperiors, who might wish to show some respect to the property of a\\ngeneral ofncer at any rate, the boat was proceeding to Orleans, and\\nthey would then resolve on what measures they ought to pursue, and\\nput in execution. The government, not much disposed to show any\\nmark of respect or forbearance towards the general s property, he not\\nhaving at that time arrived, was about proceeding in the usual way of\\nconfiscation, when a merchant in Orleans, who had considerable influ-\\nence there, and who was formerly acquainted with the general, repre-\\nsented to the governor that the measures taken by the Intendant would\\nvery probably give rise to disagreeable events that the people of\\nKentucky were already exasperated at the conduct of the Spaniards in\\nseizing on the property of all those who navigated the Mississippi; and,\\nif this system was pursued, they would very probably, in spite of Con-\\ngress and the Executive of the United States, take upon themselves to\\nobtain the navigation of the river by force, wliich they were well able to\\ndo a measuie for some time before much dreaded by this government,\\nwhich had no force to resist them, if such a plan was put in execution.\\nHints were likewise given that Wilkinson was a very popular vnan, who\\ncould influence the whole of that country and probably that his send-\\ning a boat before him, with a wish that she might be seized, was but a\\nsnare at his return to influence the minds of the people, and, having\\nbrought them to the point he wished, induce them to appoint him their\\nleader, and then like a torrent, spread over the country, and carry fire\\nand desolation from one end of the province to the other.\\nGovernor Miro, a weak man, unacquainted with the American Gov-\\nernment, ignorant even of the position of Kentucky with respect to his\\nown province, but alarmed at the very idea of an irruption of Kentucky\\nmen, whom he feared without knowing their strength, communicated\\nhis wishes to the Intendant that the guard might be removed from the\\nboat, which was accordingly done and a Mr. Patterson, who was the\\nagent of the general, was permitted to take charge of the property on\\nboard, and to sell it free of duty. The general, on his arrival in Or-", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "1788. Wilkinson obtains Privileges from Spanish Officers. 311\\nleans, some time after, was informed of tlje obligation he lay under to\\nthe merchant who had impressed the government with such an idea of\\nhis importance and influence at home, waited on him, and, in concert\\nwith him, formed a plan for their future operations. In his interview\\nwith the governor, that he might not seem to derogate from the charac-\\nter given of him by appearing concerned in so trifling a business as a\\nboat-load of tobacco, hams, and butter, he gave him to understand that\\nthe property belonged to many citizens of Kentucky, who, availing\\nthemselves of his return to the Atlantic Stales, by way of Orleans, wish-\\ned to make a trial of the temper of this government, as he, on his ar-\\nrival, might inform his own what steps had been pursued under his eye,\\nthat adequate measures might be afterwards taken to procure satisfaction.\\nHe acknowledged with gratitude the attention and respect manifested\\nby the governor towards himself in the favor shown to his agent but at\\nthe same time mentioned that he would not wish the governor to expose\\nhimself to the anger of his court by refraining from seizing on the boat\\nand cargo, as it was but a trifle, if such were the positive orders from\\ncourt, and that he had not a power to relax them according to circum-\\nstances. Convinced by this discourse that the general rather wished\\nfor an opportunity of embroiling afl^airs than sought to avoid it, the gov-\\nernor became more alarmed. For two or three years before, particu-\\nlarly since the arrival of the commissioners from Georgia, who had\\ncome to Natchez to claim that country, he had been fearful of an invasion\\nat every annual rise of the waters, and the news of a few boats being\\nseen was enough to alarm the whole province. He revolved in his\\nmind what measures he ought to pursue (consistent with the orders he\\nhad from home to permit the free navigation of the river) in order to\\nkeep the Kentucky people quiet and, in his succeeding interviews\\nwith Wilkinson, having procured more knowledge than he had hitherto\\nacquired of their character, population, strength, and dispositions, he\\nthought he could do nothing better than hold out a bait to Wilkinson to\\nuse his influence in restraining the people from an invasion of this\\nprovince till he could give advice to his court, and require further in-\\nstructions. This was the point to which the parties wished to bring\\nhim and, being informed that in Kentucky two or three crops were on\\nhand, for which, if an immediate vent was not to be found, the people\\ncould not be kept within bounds, he made Wilkinson the ofller of a per-\\nmission to import, on his own account, to New Orleans, free of duty,\\nall the productions of Kentucky, thinking by this means to conciliate\\nthe good-will of the people, without yielding the point of navigation, as\\nthe commerce carried on would appear the effect of an indulgence to an\\nindividual, which could be withdrawn at pleasure. On consultation\\nwith his friends, who well knew what further concessions Wilkinson\\nwould extort from the fears of the Spaniards, by the promise of his good", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "312 Kentucky not made a State. 1788.\\noffices in preaching peace, harmony, and good understanding with this\\ngovernment, until arrangements were macie between Spain and America,\\nhe was advised to insist that the governor should insure him a market\\nfor all the flour and tobacco he might send, as, in the event of an unfor-\\ntunate shipment, he would be ruined whilst endeavoring to do a service\\nto Louisiana. This was accepted. Flour was always wanted in New\\nOrleans, and the king of Spain had given orders to purchase more to-\\nbacco for the supply of his manufactories at home than Louisiana at that\\ntime produced, and which was paid for at about $9.50 per cwt. In\\nKentucky it costs but $2, and the profit was immense. In conse-\\nquence, the general had appointed his friend Daniel Clark his agent\\nhere, returned by way of Charleston in a vessel, with a particular per-\\nmission to go to the United States, even at the very moment of Gardo-\\nqui s information and, on his arrival in Kentucky, bought up all the\\nproduce he could collect, which he shipped and disposed of as before\\nmentioned and for some time all the trade for the Ohio was carried on\\nin his name, a line from him sufficing to ensure the owner of the boat\\nevery privilege and protection he could desire.*\\nWhatever Wilkinson s views may have been, (and we should\\nnever forget that there was no treachery or treason against the\\nUnited States in leaving the old colonies and forming an alliance\\nwith Spain at that period, such a reception as he had met with\\nat New Orleans, was surely calculated to make him and his friends\\nfeel that by either intimidation, or alliance, the free trade they\\nwished might be had from Spain, could the Act of Independence\\nbut be finally made binding by the consent of Congress, which\\nwas to be given before July 5th, 1788. It is not to be doubted\\nthat this agreement on the part of the Union was looked for as a\\nmatter of course almost; Kentucky had spoken her wishes over\\nand over again, and Virginia had acquiesced in them. When\\nJohn Brown, therefore, who in December 1787, had been sent\\nas the first Western representative to Congress, brought the sub-\\nject of admitting Kentucky as a Federal State before that body\\nupon the 29th of February,! it was hoped the matter would soon\\nbe disposed of. But such was not the case from February to\\nMay, from May to June, from June to July, the admission of the\\nDistrict was debated, and at length the whole subject, on the\\n3d of July, was referred to the new government about to be\\nSec American State Papers, xx. p. 707. Clark s memoir is said by Wilkinson to be\\nsubstantially correct. (Memoirs, ii. 110.)\\nOld Journals, iv. 811, 819, 828, 829, 830.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "1788. Offers of Spain to Kentucky. 313\\norganized, and once more the Pioneers found themselves thwarted,\\nand self-direction withheld.\\nOn the 28th of July the sixth Convention met at Danville to\\nproceed with the business of Convention-making, when news\\nreached them* that their coming together was all to no purpose,\\nas the Legislature of the Union had not given the necessary sanc-\\ntion to the act of Virginia. This news amazed and shocked them,\\nand being accompanied or followed by intimations from Mr. Brown\\nthat Spain would make easy terms with the West, were the\\nWest once her own mistress, we surely cannot wonder that the\\nleaders of the Independence party were disposed to act with\\ndecision and show a spirit of self-reliance. Wilkinson, on the\\none hand, could speak of his vast profits and the friendly temper\\nof the southwestern rulers, while Brown wrote home such senti-\\nments as these,\\nThe eastern states would not, nor do 1 think they ever will assent to\\nthe admission of the district into the union, as an independent State,\\nunless Vermont, or the province of Maine, is brought forward at the\\nsame time. The change which has taken place in the general govern-\\nment is made the ostensible objection to the measure but, the jealousy\\nof the growing importance of the western country, and an unwilling-\\nness to add a vote to the southern interest, are the real causes of opposi-\\ntion. The question which the district will now have to determine upon,\\nwill be whether, or not, it will be more expedient to continue the con-\\nnexion with the state of Virginia, or to declare their independence and\\nproceed to frame a constitution of government?\\nIn private conferences which I have had Avith Mr. Gardoqui, the\\nSpanish minister, at this place, I have been assured by him in the most\\nexplicit terms, that if Kentucky will declare her independence, and\\nempower some proper person to negotiate with him, that he has au-\\nthority, and will engage to open the navigation of the Mississippi, for\\nthe exportation of their produce, on terms of mutual advantage. But\\nthat this privilege never can be extended to them while part of the\\nThe difficulty of communicating news to the West may be judged of by the follow-\\ning extract from a letter by John Brown to Judge Muter.\\nAn answer to your favor of the 16th of March was together with several other letters,\\nput into the hands of one of General Harmar s officers, who set out in May last for the\\nOhio, and who promised to forward them to the district but I fear they have miscarried,\\nas I was a few days ago informed that his orders had been countermanded, and that he\\nhad been sent to the garrison at West Point. Indeed I have found it almost impracticable\\nto transmit a letter to Kentucky, as there is scarce any communication between this place\\nand that country. A post is now established from this place to Fort Pitt, to set out once\\nin two weeks, after the 20th instant; this will render the communication easy and\\ncertain. (Marshall, i. 304.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "314 A seventh Convention called. 1788.\\nUnited Slates, by reason of commercial treaties existing between tbat\\ncourt and other powers of Europe.\\nAs there is no reason to doubt the sincerity of this declaration, I have\\nthought proper to communicate it to a few confidential friends in the\\ndistrict, wiih his permission, not doubting but that they will make a\\nprudent use of the information which is in part confirmed by des-\\npatches yesterday received by Congress, from Mr. Carmichal, our minis-\\nter at that court, the contents of which I am not at liberty to disclose.*\\nBut even under the excitement produced by sucli prospects\\noffered from abroad, and such treatment at the hands of their fel-\\nlow-citizens, the members of the July Convention took no hasty\\nor mischievous steps. Finding their own powers legally at an\\nend in consequence of the course pursued by Congress, they deter-\\nmined to adjourn, and in doing so advised the calling of a seventh\\nConvention to meet in the following November, and continue in\\nexistence until January, 1790, with full power\\nTo take such measures for obtaining admission of the district, as a\\nseparate and independent member of the United States of America and\\nthe navigation of the Mississippi as may appear most conducive to those\\nimportant purposes and also to form a constitution of government for\\nthe district, and oi ganize the same when they shall judge it necessary\\nor to do and accomplish whatsoever, on a consideration of the state of\\nthe district, may in their opinion promote its interests.!\\nThese terms, although they contain nothing necessarily imply-\\ning a separation from Virginia against her wish, or directly autho-\\nrizing the coming Convention to treat with Spain, were still sup-\\nposed to have been used for the purpose of enabling or even\\ninviting that body to take any steps, however much against the\\nletter of the law; and as Mr. Brown s letters showed that strong\\ntemptations were held out to the people of the District to declare\\nthemselves independent and then enter into negotiations with\\nSpain, George Muter, Chief Justice of the District, on the 15th of\\nOctober, published a letter in the Kentucky Gazette, calling atten-\\ntion to the fact that a separation without legal leave from the\\nparent State would be treason against that State, and a violation\\nof the Federal Constitution then just formed.\\nThis letter and the efforts of the party who favored strict adhe-\\nSee Marshall s History of Kentucky, i. p. 305.\\nt See Marshall s History of Kentucky, i. p. 290.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "1788. Connolly in Kentucky. 315\\nrence to legal proceedings, were not in vain. Tlie elections took\\nplace, and on the 4th of November the Convention met; the con-\\ntest at once began, but the two parties being happily balanced,\\nboth in and out of the Convention, the greatest caution was\\nobserved by both, and all excess prevented. An address to the\\npeople of the District was proposed by Wilkinson, the purpose of\\nwhich was doubtless to procure instructions as to the contested\\npoints of illegal independence and negotiation with Spain, but\\nthe plan of issuing such a paper was afterwards dropped, Congress\\nwas memorialized respecting the Mississippi, Virginia was again\\nasked for an act of separation, and the Convention quietly ad-\\njourned until the 1st Monday of the following August.* It is not\\nimprobable that one tranquilizing influence was the contradiction,\\nby members of Congress, of the report that the navigation of the\\nMississippi was to be relinquished by the United States. This\\ncontradiction had been authorized on the 16th of September. f It\\nwas during the autumn of this same year of trouble and intrigue,\\nthat there appeared again in Kentucky, John Connolly, formerly of\\nPittsburgh, of whom we last heard as organizing an expedition to\\nattack the frontiers in 1781. Of his purposes and movements\\nnothing of consequence can be added, we believe, to the follow-\\ning statement sent by Colonel Thomas Marshall, to General Wash-\\nington, in the month of February, 1789.\\nAbout this time, (November 17S8,) arrived from Canada the famous\\nDoctor (now Colonel) Connolly his ostensible business was to inquire\\nafter, and repossess himself of, some lands he formerly held at the Falls\\nof Ohio II but I believe his real business was to sound the disposition\\nof the leading men of this district respecting this Spanish business.\\nHe knew that both Colonel Muter and myself had given it all the oppo-\\nsition in Convention we were able to do, and before he left the district,\\npaid us a visit, though neither of us had the honor of the least acquaint-\\nance with him.\\nHe was introduced by Colonel John Campbell, formerly a prisoner\\ntaken by the Indians, and confined in Canada, who previously informed\\nus of the proposition he was about to make. He (Connolly) presently\\nentered upon his subject, urged the great importance the navigation of\\nSee Marshall, i. 2SS to 341.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Marshall gives all the papers.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler 162 to 181\u00e2\u0080\u0094 SH\\nto 523. Carey s Museum, April 17S9, p. 331 to 333.\\nt Secret Journals, iv. 449 to 454.\\nSee Ante, p. 228.\\n11 See Ante, pp. 152, Note. 229.\\nHis old co-purchaser of the land at the Falls,.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "316 Statement of Colonel Thomas Marshall. 1788.\\nthe Mississippi must be of to the inhabitants of the western waters,\\nshowed the absolute necessity of our possessing it, and concluded with\\nassurances that were we disposed to assert our right respecting that\\nnavigation, Lord Dorchester* was cordially disposed to give us powerful\\nassistance, that his Lordship had (I think he said) four thousand British\\ntroops in Canada besides two regiments at Detroit, and could furnish us\\nwith arms, ammunition, clothing, and money that, with this assistance,\\nwe might possess ourselves of New Orleans, fortify the Balize at the\\nmouth of the river, and keep possession in spite of the utmost efforts of\\nSpain to the contrary. He made very confident professions of Lord\\nDorchester s wishes to cultivate the most friendly intercourse with the\\npeople of this country, and of his own desire to become serviceable to\\nus, and with so much seeming sincerity, that had I not before been\\nacquainted with his character as a man of intrigue and artful address, I\\nshould in all probability have given him my confidence.\\nI told him that the minds of the people of this country were so\\nstrongly prejudiced against the British, not only from circumstances\\nattending the late war, but from a persuasion that the Indians were at\\nthis time stimulated by them against us, and that so long as those sava-\\nges continued to commit such horrid cruelties on our defenceless fron-\\ntiers, and were received as friends and allies by the British at Detroit,\\nit would be impossible for them to be convinced of the sincerity of\\nLord Dorchester s offers, let his professions be ever so strong and that,\\nif his Lordship would have us believe him really disposed to be our\\nfriend, he must begin by showing his disapprobation of the ravages of\\nthe Indians.\\nHe admitted of the justice of my observation, and said he had urged\\nthe same to his Lordship before he left Canada. He denied that the\\nIndians are stimulated against us by the British, and says Lord Dor-\\nchester observed that the Indians are free and independent nations, and\\nhave a right to make peace or war as they think fit, and that he could\\nnot with propriety interfere. He promised, however, on his return to\\nCanada to repeat his arguments to his Lordship on the subject, and\\nhopes, he says, to succeed. At taking his leave he begged very po-\\nlitely the favor of our correspondence we both promised him, provi-\\nded he would begin it, and devise a means of carrying it on. He did\\nnot tell me that he was authorized by Lord Dorchester to make us these\\noffers in his name, nor did I ask him but General Scott informs me\\nthat he told him that his Lordshij? had authorized him to use his name\\nin this business.!\\nFormerly Sir Guy Carlton.\\nt See Butler, 520. Colonel George Morgan at Burr s trial in 1S07, stated that Mr.\\nVigo, of VincenneSj was, as he believed, concerned with Connolly. (American State\\nPapers, xx. 503.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "1789. Treaty with the Iroquois and other tribes oj Indians. 317\\nColonel George Morgan, during this year, was induced to\\nremove for a time to the Spanish territories west of the Missis-\\nsippi, and remained at New Madrid between one and two months;\\nthence he went to New Orleans.*\\n1789.\\nPreparations, as we have stated, had been made early in 1788=,\\nfor a treaty with the Indians, and during the whole autumn, the\\nrepresentatives of the Indian tribes were lingering about the Mus-\\nkingum settlement: but it was not till January 9th of this year\\nthat the natives were brought to agree to distinct terms. On that\\nday, one treaty was made with the Iroquois,f confirming the pre-\\nvious one of October, 1784 at Fort Stanwix and another with the\\nWyandots, Delawares, Ottawas, Chippeways, Pottawatimas and\\nSacs, confirming and extending the treaty of Fort Mcintosh, made\\nin January, 1785. Of the additions, we quote the following:\\nArt. 4. It is agreed between the said United States and the said\\nnations, that the individuals of said nations shall be at liberty to hunt\\nwithin the territory ceded to the United States, without hindrance or\\nmolestation, so long as they demean themselves peaceably, and offer no\\ninjury or annoyance to any of the subjects or citizens of the said Uni-\\nted States.\\nArt. 7. Trade shall be opened with the said nations, and they do\\nhereby respectively engage to afford protection to the persons and pro-\\nperty of such as may be duly licensed to reside among them for the\\npurposes of trade, and to their agents, factors, and servants but no\\nperson shall be permitted to reside at their towns, or at their hunting\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 504. Dr. Hildreth, (American Pioneer, i. 128,) saya he\\nfounded New Madrid. See also Flint s Ten Years Recollections; account of New\\nMadrid.\\nt Collection of Indian Treaties. Land Laws, 123.\\nLand Laws, 149. See also Carey s Museum for April, 1789, p. 415.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "318 Treaties of Fort Harmar. 1789.\\ncamps, as a trader, who is not furnished with a license for that purpose,\\nunder the hand and seal of the Governor of the territory of the United\\nStates northwest of the Ohio, for the time being, or under the hand and\\nseal of one of his deputies for the management of Indian Affairs to\\nthe end that they may not be imposed upon in their traffic. And if any\\nperson or persons shall intrude themselves without such license, they\\npromise to apprehend him or them, and to bring them to the said Gover-\\nnor, or one of his deputies, for the purpose beforementioned, to be dealt\\nwith according to law; and that they may bedefended against persons\\nwho might attempt to forge such licenses, they further engage to give\\ninformation to the said Governor, or one of his deputies, of the names\\nof all traders residing among them, from time to time, and at least once\\nin every year.\\nArt. 8. Should any nation of Indians meditate a war against the\\nUnited States, or either of them, and the same shall come to the know-\\nledge of the beforementioned nations, or either of them, they do hereby\\nengage to give immediate notice thereof to the Governor, or, in his\\nabsence, to the officer commanding the troops of the United States at\\nthe nearest post. And should any nation, with hostile intentions against\\nthe United Slates, or either of them, attempt to pass through their\\ncountry, they will endeavor to prevent the same, and, in like manner,\\ngive information of such attempt to the said Governor or commanding\\nofficer, as soon as possible, that all causes of mistrust and suspicion may\\nbe avoided between them and the United Slates in like manner, the\\nUnited States shall give notice to the said Indian nations, of any harm\\nthat may be meditated against them, or either of thern, that shall come\\nto their knowledge and do all in their power to hinder and prevent the\\nsame, that the friendship between them may be uninterrupted.*\\nBut these treaties, if meant in good faith by those who made\\nthem, were not respected, f and the year of which we now write\\nsaw renewed the old frontier troubles in all their barbarism and\\nvariety. The Wabash Indians especially, who had not been\\nbound by any treaty as yet, kept up constant incursions against the\\nKentucky settlers, and the emigrants down the Ohio and the\\nKentuckians retaliated, striking foes and friends, even the peace-\\nable Piankeshaws who prided themselves on their attachment to\\nthe United States. Nor could the President take any effectual\\nsteps to put an end to this constant partisan warfare. In the first\\nSee Land Laws, p. 152.\\nSee post for a full discussion of these points. Carey s Museum, April, 1789, p. 416.\\nMarshall, i. 348. 354. American State Papers, vol. v. 84, 85. Carey s Museum,\\n:\u00c2\u00ab,!ay, 17S9, p. 504. 60S.\\nJ Genera! Knox. American State Papcrsj v. 13.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "1789. Troubles with the Indians. 319\\nplace, it was by no means clear that an attack by the forces of the\\ngovernment upon the Wabash tribes, could be justified Says\\nWashington\\nI would have it observed forcibly, that a war with the Wabash Indians\\nought to be avoided by all means consistently with the security of the\\nfrontier inhabitants, the security of the troops, and the national dignity.\\nIn the exercise of the present indiscriminate hostilities, it is extremely\\ndifficult, if not impossible, to say that a war without further measures\\nwould be just on the part of the United Stales. But, if, after mani-\\nfesting clearly to the Indians the disposition of the General Government\\nfor the preservation of peace, and the extension of a just protection to\\nthe said Indians, they should continue their incursions, the United Slates\\nwill be constrained to punish them with severity.*\\nBut how to punish them was a difficult question, again, even\\nsupposing punishment necessary. Says General Knox\\nBy the best and latest information it appears that, en the Wabash and\\nits communications, there are from fifteen hundred to two thousand war-\\nriors. An expedition against them, with a view of extirpating them, or\\ndestroying their towns, could not be undertaken with a probability of\\nsuccess, with less than an army of two thousand five hundred men.\\nThe regular troops of the United States on the frontiers are less than\\nsix hundred of that number not more than four hundred could be\\ncollected from the posts for the purpose of the expedition. To raise,\\npay, feed, arm, and equip one thousand nine hundred additional men,\\nwith the necessary officers, for six months, and to provide every thing in\\nthe hospital and quartermaster s line, would require the sum of two\\nhundred thousand dollars, a sum far exceeding the ability of the United\\nStates to advance, consistently with a due regard to other indispensable\\nobjects.t\\nSuch, however, were the representations of the Governor of the\\nnew territory,!: and of the people of Kentucky, that Congress,\\nupon the 29th of September, empowered the President to call out\\nthe militia to protect the frontiers, and he, on the 6th of October,\\nauthorised Governor St. Clair to draw 1500 men from the western\\ncounties of Virginia and Pennsylvania, if absolutely necessary;\\nordering him, however, to ascertain, if possible, the real disposi-\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 97, f Ibid. v. 13, Ibid, v. 84 to 93.\\nH Ibid, V. 84 to 93. Judge Innis (p. 88) says that in seven years, 1500 persons,\\n20,000 horses, and 15,000 pounds worth of property had been destroyed and talten away\\naway by the savages.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "320 Muskingum Settlements spread. 1789.\\nlion of the Wabash and IlUnois Indians.* In order to do this,\\nspeeches to them were prepared, and a messenger sent among\\nthem, of whose observations we shall have occasion to take notice\\nunder the year 1790.\\nKentucky, especially, felt aggrieved this year by the withdrawal\\nof the Virginia scouts and rangers, who had hitherto helped to\\nprotect her. This was done in July by the Governor, in conse-\\nquence of a letter from the federal executive, stating that national\\ntroops would thenceforward be stationed upon the western streams.\\nThe Governor communicated this letter to the Kentucky conven-\\ntion held in July, and that body at once authorised a remonstrance\\nagainst the measure, representing the inadequacy of the federal\\ntroops, few and scattered as they were, to protect the country,\\nand stating the amount of injury received from the savages since\\nthe first of May. t\\nNor was the old Separation sore healed yet. Upon the 29th of\\nDecember, 1788, Virginia had passed her third Act to make Ken-\\ntucky independent but as this law made the District liable for a\\npart of the state debt, and also reserved a certain control over the\\nlands set apart as army bounties, to the Old Dominion, it was by\\nno means popular; and when, upon the 20th of July, the Eighth\\nConvention came together at Danville, it was only to resolve upon\\na memorial requesting that the obnoxious clauses of the late law\\nmight be repealed. This, in December, was agreed to by the\\nparent State, but new proceedings throughout were at the same\\ntime ordered, and a ninth Convention directed to meet in the fol-\\nlowing July+\\nNorth of the Ohio, during this year there was less trouble from\\nthe Indians than south of it, especially in the Muskingum country.\\nThere all prospered the Reverend Daniel Story, under a resolu-\\ntion of the directors of the Ohio Company, passed in March, 1788,\\nin the spring of this year came westward as a teacher of youth and\\na preacher of the Gospel. By November, nine associations,\\ncomprising two hundred and fifty persons, had been formed for the\\npurpose of settling different points within the purchase and by\\nthe close of 1790, eight settlements had been made two at Belpre,\\n(belle prairie,) one at Newbury, one at Wolf Creek, one at Duck\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 97. 101, 102.\\nt Marsliall, 1. 952. American State Papers, v. 84, c.\\nt Ibid, 342. 350.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler, 187.\\nU American Pioneer, i. 86.\\nHere was built the first mill in Ohio. (American Pioneer, ii. 99. and plate.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "1789. Fort Washington founded. 321\\nCreek, one at the mouth of Meigs Creek, one at Anderson s\\nBottom, and one at Big Bottom.*\\nBetween the Miamies, there was more alarm at this period, but\\nno great amount of actual danger. Upon the 15th of June, news\\nreached Judge Symmes that the Wabash Indians threatened his\\nsettlements, and as yet he had received no troops for their\\ndefence, except nineteen from the Falls, f Before July, however,\\nMajor Doughty arrived at the Slaughter House, and com-\\nmenced the building of Fort Washington on the site of Losanti-\\nville. In relation to the choice of that spot, rather than the one\\nwhere Symmes proposed to found his great city, Judge Burnet\\ntells the following story\\nThrough the influence of the judge, (Symmes,) the detachment sent\\nby General Harmar, to erect a fort between the Miami rivers, for the\\nprotection of the settlers, landed at North Bend. This circumstance\\ninduced many of the first emigrants to repair to that place, on account\\nof the expected protection, which the garrison would afford. While the\\nofficer commanding the detachment was examining the neighborhood,\\nto select the most eligible spot for a garrison, he became enamored with\\na beautiful black-eyed female, who happened to be a married woman.\\nThe vigilant husband saw his danger, and immediately determined to\\nremove, with his family, to Cincinnati, where he supposed they would\\nbe safe from intrusion. As soon as the gallant officer discovered, that\\nthe object of his admiration had been removed beyond his reach, he\\nbegan to think that the Bend was not an advantageous situation for a\\nmilitary work. This opinion he communicated to Judge Symmes, who\\ncontended, very strenuously, that it was the most suitable spot in the\\nMiami country and protested against the removal. The arguments of\\nthe judge, however, were not as influential as the sparkling eyes of the\\nfair female, who was then at Cincinnati. To preserve the appearance\\nof consistency, the officer agreed, that he would defer a decision, till he\\nhad explored the ground, at and near Cincinnati and that, if he found it\\nto be less eligible than the Bend, he would return and erect the garrison\\nat the latter place. The visit was quickly made, and resulted in a con-\\nviction, that the Bend was not to be compared with Cincinnati. The\\ntroops were accordingly removed to that place, and the building of Fort\\nWashington was commenced. This movement, apparently trivial in\\nitself, and certainly produced by a whimsical cause, was attended by\\nresults of incalculable importance. It settled the question at once,\\nwhether Symmes or Cincinnati, was to be the great commercial town\\nHarris Tour, 191, 192.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f Symmes Letters in Cist s Cincinnati, 231. 229. 219.\\n21", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "322 Reason for placing the Fort at Cincinnati. 1789.\\nof the Miami purchase. This anecdote was communicated by Judge\\nSymmes, and is unquestionably authentic. As soon as the troops re-\\nmoved to Cincinnati, and established the garrison, the settlers at the\\nBend, tlien more numerous than those at Cincinnati, began to remove\\nand in two or three y^rs, the Bend was literally deserted, and the idea\\nof establishing a town at that point, was entirely abandoned.\\nThus, we see, what great results are sometimes produced, by trivial\\ncircumstances. The beauty of a female, transferred the commercial\\nemporium of Ohio, from the place where it was commenced, to the\\nplace where it now is. Had the black-eyed beauty remained at the\\nBend, the garrison would have been erected there, population, capital,\\nand business would have centered there, and our city must have been\\nnow of comparatively small importance.*\\nWe suspect the influence of this bright-eyed beauty upon the\\nfate of Cincinnati, is over estimated, however. Upon the 14th of\\nJune, before Fort Washington was commenced, and when the\\nonly soldiers in the purchase were at North Bend, Symmes writes\\nto Dayton:\\nIt is expected, that on the arrival of governor St. Clair, this purchase\\nwill be organized into a county it is therefore of some moment which\\ntown shall be made the county town. Losantivilie, at present, bids the\\nfairest it is a most excellent site for a large town, and is at present the\\nmost central of any of the inhabited towns but if Southbend might be\\nfinished and occupied, that would be exacdy in the centre, and probably\\nwould take tlie lead of the present villages until the city can be made\\nsomewhat considerable. This is really a matter of importance to the\\nproprietors, but can only be achieved by their exertions and encourage-\\nments. The lands back of Southbend are not very much broken, after\\nyou ascend the first hill, and will afford rich supplies for a county town\\nA few troops stationed at Southbend will eHect the settlement of this\\nnew village in a very short time.t\\nThe truth is, that neither the proposed city on the Miami, North\\nBend or South Bend, could compete, in point of natural advan-\\ntages, with the plain on which Cincinnati has since arisen and had\\nFort Washington been built elsewhere, after the close of the\\nIndian war, nature would have ensured the rapid growth of that\\npoint where even the ancient and mysterious dwellers along the\\nOhio had reared the earthen walls of one of their vastest temples. f\\nTransactions Historical Society, Ohio, p. 17.\\nt Cisfs Cincinnati, p. 230.\\nX See Transactions of Ohio Historical Society, part ii. vol. i. 35. Drake s Picture of\\nCiuciooatij 202.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "1790-9^. Indian Wars. 323\\nWe have referred to Wilkinson s voyage to New Orleans, in\\n1787; in January of this year, (1789,) he fitted out twenty-five\\nlarge boats, some of them can-ying three pounders and all of them\\nswivels, manned by 150 men, and loaded with tobacco, flour, and\\nprovisions, with which he set sail for the south; and his lead\\nwas soon followed by others.* Among the adventurers was Col-\\nonel Armstrong of the Cumberland settlements, who sent down\\nsix boats, manned by thirty men these were stopped at Natchez,\\nand the goods being there sold without permission, an oflficer and\\nfifty soldiers were sent by the Spanish commander to arrest the\\ntransgressors. They, meanwhile, had returned within the lines\\nof the United States and refused to be arrested this led to a con-\\ntest, in which, as a cotemporary letter states, five Spaniards were\\nkilled and twelve wounded, f\\n1790 t\u00c2\u00a9 1790.\\nTThe most important and interesting events connected with the\\nWest, from the commencement of 1790 to the close of 1795, were\\nthose growing out of the Indian wars. In order to present them\\nin one unbroken and intelligible story, we shall abandon for a\\ntime our division by single years, and relate the events of the six\\nreferred to as composing one period. But to render the events of\\nthat period distinct, we must recal to our readers some matters\\nthat happened long before.\\nAnd in the first place, we would remind them that the French\\nmade no large purchases from the western Indians so that the\\ntreaty of Paris, in 1763, transferred to England only small grants\\nabout the various forts, Detroit, Vincennes, Kaskaskia, c. Then\\nfollowed Pontiac s war and defeat and then the grant by the\\nIroquois at Fort Stanwix, in 1768, of the land south of the Ohio\\nLetter in Carey s Museum for February, 1789. p. 209. 313.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Wilkinson s Memoirs,\\nII. 113.\\nCarey s Museum, April, 1789, p. 417.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "324 Mode of acquiring Indian lands. 1790-95.\\nand even this grant, it will be remembered, was not respected by\\nthose who actually hunted on the grounds transferred.* Next\\ncame the war of 1774, Dunmore s war, which terminated without\\nany transfer of the Indian possessions to the whites and when, at\\nthe close of the Revolution,^ in 1783, Britain made over her\\nwestern claims to the United States, she made over nothing more\\nthan she had received from France, save the title of the Six\\nNations and the southern savages to a portion of the territory south\\nof the Ohio as against the Miamis, western Delawares, Shawa-\\nanese, Wyandots or Hurons, and the tribes still farther north and\\nwest, she transferred nothing. But this, apparently, was not the\\nview taken by the Congress of the time and they, conceiving\\nthat they had, under the treaty with England, a full right to all the\\nlands thereby ceded, and regarding the Indian title as forfeited by\\nthe hostilities of the Revolution, proceeded, not to buy the lands\\nof the savages, but to grant them peace, and dictate their own\\nterms as to boundaries.! In October, 1784, the United States\\nacquired in this way whatever title the Iroquois possessed to the\\nwestern country, both north and south of the Ohio, by the second\\ntreaty of Fort Stanwix a treaty openly and fairly made, but one\\nthe validity of which many of the Iroquois always disputed.\\nThe ground of their objection appears to have been, that the treaty\\nwas with a part only of the Indiaji nations, whereas the wish of\\nthe natives was, that every act of the States with them, should\\nbe as with a confederacy, embracing all the tribes bordering upon\\nthe great lakes. Our readers may remember that the instructions\\ngiven the Indian commissioners in October, 1783, proA ided for\\none convention with all the tribes and that this provision was\\nchanged in the following March for one, by which as many sepa-\\nrate conventions were to be had, if possible, as there were\\nseparate tribes. |1 In pursuance of this last plan, the commission-\\ners, in October, 1784, refused to listen to the proposal which is\\nsaid then to have been made for one general congress of the\\nnorthern tribes,\u00c2\u00a7 and in opposition to Brant, Red Jacket and other\\ninfluential chiefs of the Iroquois, concluded the treaty of Fort\\nAnte, pp. no, 121.\\nt See in proof, the Report to Congress of October 15, 17S3, (Old Journals, iv. 294;) the\\ninstructions to the Indian commissioners, October luth, 17S3, (Secret Journals, i. 257\\nthe various treaties of 1784, S5, and 86 {anir) General Knox s Report of June 15,\\n1789, (American State Papers, v. 13); and the distinct acknowledgment of the commie-\\nsioners in 1793, (American State Papers, v. 353.)\\nt Ante p. 259. B A nte p. 260. See post-", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Indian objections to treaties. 325\\nStanwix. Then came the treaty of Fort Mcintosh, in January,\\n1785, with the Wyandot, Delaware, Chippewa and Ottawa\\nnations open to the objections above recited, but the vaUdity of\\nwhich, so far as we know, was never disputed, at least by the\\nWyandots and Delawares although the general council of north-\\nwestern Indians, representing sixteen tribes,* asserted in 1793,\\nthat the treaties of Fort Stanwix, Fort Mcintosh and Fort Finney,\\n(mouth of Great Miami) were not only held with separate tribes,\\nbut were obtained by intimidation, the red-men having been\\nasked to make treaties of peace, and forced to make cessions of\\nterritory. f The third treaty made by the United States was with\\nthe Shawanese at Fort Finney, in January, 1786 which it will\\nbe remembered the Wabash tribes refused to attend. The fourth\\nand fifth, which were acts of confirmation, were made at Fort\\nHarmar, in 1789, one with the Six Nations, and the other with\\nthe Wyandots and their associates, namely, the Delawares, Otta-\\nwas, Chippeways, Pottawamies, and Sacs. This last, fifth treaty,\\nthe confederated nations of the lakes especially refused to acknow-\\nledge as binding: their council using in relation to it, in 1793,\\nthese words:\\nBrothers: A general council of all the Indian confederacy was held,\\nas you well know, in the fall of ihe year 1788, at this place and that\\ngeneral council was invited by your commissioner Governor St. Clair,\\nto meet him for the purpose of holding a treaty, with regard to the lands\\nmentioned by you to have been ceded by the treaties of Fort Stanwix\\nand Fort Mcintosh.\\nBrothers We are in possession of the speeches and letters which\\npassed on that occasion, between tliose deputed by the confederate In-\\ndians, and Governor St. Clair, the commissioner of the United States.\\nThese papers prove that your said commissioner, in the beginning of\\nthe year 1789, after having been informed by the general council, of the\\npreceding fall, that no bargain or sale of any part of these Indian lands\\nwould be considered as valid or binding, unless agreed to by a general\\ncouncil, nevertheless persisted in collecting together a few chiefs of two\\nor three nations only, and with them held a treaty for the cession of an\\nimmense country, in which they were no more interested, than as a\\nbranch of the general confederacy, and who were in no manner au-\\nthorized to make any grant or cession whatever.\\nBrothers How then was it possible for you to expect to enjoy peace,\\nand quietly to hold these lands, when your commissioner was informed,\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 357. f Ibid, v, 356,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "326 Treaty of Fort Harmar^ 1790-95..\\nlong before he held the treaty of Fort Hatmar, that the consent of a\\ngeneral council was absolutely necessary to convey any part of these\\nlands to the United States.*\\nAnd in 1795, at Greenville, Massas, a Chippewa chieftain, whc-\\nsigned the treaty at Fort Harmar, said\\nElder Brother When you yesterday read to us the treaty of Mus-\\nkingum, I understood you clearly at that treaty we had not good inter-\\npreters, and we were left partly unacquainted with many particulars of\\nit. I was surprised when I heard your voice, through a good interpre-\\nter, say that we had received presents and compensation for those lands\\nwhich were thereby ceded. I tell you, now, that we, the three fires^\\nnever were informed of it. If our uncles, the Wyandots, and grandfathers,\\nthe Delawares, have received such presents, they have kept them to\\nthemselves. I always thought that we, the Ottawas, Chippewas, and\\nPottawattamies, were the true owners of those lands, but now I find\\nthat new masters have undertaken to dispose of them so that, at this\\nday, we do not know to whom they, of right belong. We never re-\\nceived any compensation for them. I don t know how it is, but ever\\nsince that treaty we have become objects of pity, and our fires have\\nbeen retiring from this country. Now, elder brother, you see we are\\nobjects of compassion and have pity on our weakness and misfortunes\\nand, since you have purchased these lands, we cede them to you they\\nare yours.t\\nThe Wyandots, however, acknowledged even the transfer made\\non the Muskingum to be binding: Brother, said Tarke, who\\nsigned foremost among the representatives of that tribe at Green-\\nville, and who had also signed at Fort Harmar,\\nYou have proposed to us to build our good work on the treaty of\\nMuskingum that treaty I have always considered as formed upon the\\nfairest principles. You took pity on us Indians. You did not do as\\nour fathers the British agreed you should. You might by tliat agree-\\nment have taken all our lands but you pitied us, and let us hold part.\\nI always looked upon that treaty to be binding upon the United States\\nand U3 Indians.!\\nThe truth in reference to this treaty of Fort Harmar seems tO\\nhave been, that the confederated nations, as a whole, did not\\nsanction it, and in their council of 17S8 could not agree one with\\nAmerican State Papers, v. p. 356. t American State Papers, v. p\u00c2\u00bb570^\\nI American State Papers, v. p. 571.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Indian relations in 1789. 327\\nanother in relation to it. I have still my doubts, says Brant,\\nbefore the council met\\nI have still my doubts whether we will join or not, some being\\nno ways inclined for peaceable methods. The Hiirons, Chippewas,\\nOttawas, Pottawattimies, and Delawares, will join with us in trying\\nlenient steps, and having a boundary line fixed and, rather than\\nenter headlong into a destructive war, will give up a small part of their\\ncountry. On the other hand, the Shawanese, Miamis and Kickapoos,\\nwho are now so much addicted to horse-stealing, that it will be a diffi-\\ncult task to break them of it, as that kind of business is their best har-\\nvest, will of course declare for war, and not giving up any of their\\ncountry, which, I am afraid, will be the means of our separating. They\\nare, I believe, determined not to attend the treaty with the Americans.\\nStill I hope for the best. As the major part of the nations are of our\\nopinions, tlie rest may be brought to, as nothing shall be wanting on\\nmy part to convince them of iheir error.*\\nLe Gris, the great chief of the Miamies, in April, 1790, said tog\\nGamelin,! that the Muskingum treaty was not made by chiefs or\\ndelegates,! but by young men acting without authority, although\\nTarke, the head of the Wyandots, signed and sanctioned it, as\\nwell as Captain Pipe of the Delawares, while Brant himself was\\npresent.\\nThus then stood the relations of the Indians and the United\\nStates in 1789. Transfers of territory had been made by the Iro-\\nquois, the Wyandots, the Delawares and the Shawanese, which\\nwere open to scarce any objection; but the Chippeways, Ottawas,\\nKickapoos, Weas, Piankeshaws, Potawatimies, Eel River Indi-\\nans, Kaskaskias, and above all the Miamies, were not bound by\\nany existing agreement to yield the lands north of the Ohio. If\\ntheir tale is true, the confederated tribes had forbidden the treaty\\nof Fort Harmar, and had warned Governor St. Clair that it\\nwould not be binding on the confederates.U They wished the\\nOhio to be a perpetual boundary between the white and red men\\nof the West, and would not sell a rod of the region north of it.\\nSo strong was this feeling that their young men, they said, could\\nStone, ii. 278. f See post as to Gamelin s mission.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 94. Stone, ii. 281.\\nAll of these appeared at the Treaty of Greenville.\\nT When this confederacy was formed ve do not learn its existence is first seen by its\\ncouncil of November, 1786, whose address, referred to p. 300, may be found American\\nState papers, v. 8.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "328 Grounds of United States claims. 1790-95.\\nnot be restrained from warfare upon the invading Long Knives,\\nand thence resulted the unceasing attacks upon the frontier sta-\\ntions and the emigrants.\\nIt was not, therefore, without reason, that Washington expressed\\na doubt as to the justness of an offensive war upon the tribes of\\nthe Wabash and Maumee and had the treaty of Fort Harmar\\nbeen the sole ground whereon the United States could have\\nclaimed of the Indians the Northw^est Territory, it may be doubted\\nwhether right would have justified the steps taken in 1790, 91,\\nand 94: but the truth was, that before that treaty, the Iroquois,\\nDelawares, Wyandots, and Shawanese had yielded the south of\\nOhio, the ground on which they had long dwelt; and neither the\\nsale to Putnam and his associates, nor that to Symmes, was\\nintended to reach one foot beyond the lands ceded. Of this we\\nhave proof in the third article of the ordinance of 1787, passed the\\nday before the proposition to sell to the Ohio Company was for\\nthe first time debated which article declares that the lands of the\\nIndians shall never be taken from them without their consent. It\\nappears to us, therefore, that the United States were fully justified\\nin taking possession of the northwest shore of the Belle Riviere,\\nand that without reference to the treaty at Fort Harmar, which we\\nwill allow to have been, if the Indians spoke truly, (and they were\\nnot contradicted by the United States commissioners,) morally\\nworthless. But it also appears to us, that in taking those steps in\\n1790 and 1791, which we have presently to relate, the federal\\ngovernment acted unwisely; and that it should then, at the outset,\\nhave done what it did in 1793, after St. Clair s terrible defeat,\\nnamely, it should have sent commissioners of the Jiighest character\\nto the lake tribes, and in the presence of the British^ learnt their\\ncauses of complaint, and offered fair terms of compromise. That\\nsuch a step was wise and just, the government acknowledged by\\nits after-action and surely none can question the position that it\\nwas more likely to have been effective before the savages had\\ntwice defeated the armies of the confederacy than afterward. The\\nfull bearing of these remarks wnll be best seen, however, when the\\nwhole tale is told, and to that we now proceed.\\nIn June, 1789, Major Doughty, with a hundred and forty men,\\nbegan the building of Fort Washington at Cincinnati. Upon the\\n29th of December, General Harmar himself came down with three\\nSee ante p. 319.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "1790 95. Gamelinh mission. 329\\nhundred additional troops.* On the 1st or 2d of January,! 1790,\\nSt. Clair arrived at Losantiville,| changed its name to Cincinnati,\\nin honor of the society so called, and organized Hamilton county.||\\nOn the 8th of that month, he was at Fort Steuben, (Jeffersonville\\nopposite Louisville,) whence he proceeded to Kaskaskia, where\\nhe remained until the 11th of June, when, having learned from\\nMajor Hamtramck, commanding at Vincennes, the hostile feeling\\nof the Wabash and Maumee tribes, he started for Fort Washing-\\nton, which point he reached upon the 13th of July.\\nThe feeling alluded to had been ascertained in the following\\nmanner. Washington having desired that great pains should be\\ntaken to learn the real sentiments of the northwestern Indians, Gov- w\\nernor St. Clair instructed Major Hamtramck at Vincennes, (Fort\\nKnox,) to send some experienced person to ascertain the -^{jws\\nand feelings of the Miamis and their confederates. The person\\nchosen was Anthony Gamelin, who, on the fifth of April, pro-\\nceeded upon his mission. The Piankeshaws, Kickapoos, and\\nOuitenons, (Ouias or Weas,) all referred him to their elder breth-\\nren, the Miamis, so that he had to journey on to the point where\\nthe Miamis, Chaouanons,1I (Shawnees) and Delawares resided\\nupon the 23d of April he reached that point and upon the 24th\\nassembled the savages.\\nI gave to each nation, he says, two branches of wampum, and began\\nthe speeches, before the French and English traders, being invited by\\nthe chiefs to be present, having told them myself I would be glad to\\nhave them present, having nothing to say against any body. After the\\nspeech, I showed them the treaty concluded at Muskingum, [Fort Har-/\\nmar,] between his excellency Governor St. Clair and sundry nations,\\nwhich displeased them. I told them that the purpose of this present\\ntime was not to submit them to any condition, but to offer them the\\nCist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 124.\\nt American Pioneer, ii. 148. Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 124.\\nI Losantiville (sometimes called Losantibnrgh, American Pioneer, ii. 400) was properly\\ntlie name of Filson s plat; [antep. 305.) Ludlow s, which was not exactly the same, was\\nnot named until St. Clair, in January, 1790, called it Cincinnati, but meanwhile went by\\nthe old name. (Transactions Ohio Historical Society, part second, vol. i. 33. Symmea\\nMS. Letters. Also Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 9.)\\n5 As to bounds of county, c. see Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 241.\\nAmerican Pioneer, ii. 220. In Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, this post is called Fort\\nFinney in Imlay, (p. 34, note,) Fort Fejfjfing; in the map of the Falls, same vol. Fort\\nFenny.\\nf The old French orthography used by Charlevoix and all others.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "330 Gamelin s Journal. 1790-95.\\npeace, which made disappear their pleasure. The great chief told me\\nthat he was pleased with the speech that he would soon give me an\\nanswer. In a private discourse with the great chief, he told me not to\\nmind what the Shawanees would tell me, having a bad heart, and being\\nthe perlurbators of all the nations. He said the Miamies had a bad\\nname, on account of mischief done on the River Ohio but he told me\\nit was not occasioned by his young men, but by the Shawanese his\\nyoung men going out only for to hunt.\\nThe 25th of April, Blue Jacket, chief warrior of the Shawanese, in-\\nvited me to go to his house, and told me, My friend, by the name and\\nconsent of the Shawanese and Delawares I will speak to you. We are\\nall sensible of your speech, and pleased with it: but, after consultation,\\nwe cannot give an answer without hearing from our father at Detroit;\\nand we are determined to give you back the two branches of wampum,\\nand to send you to Detroit to see and hear the chief, or to stay here\\ntwenty nights for to receive liis answer. From all quarters we receive\\nspeeches from the Americans, and not one is alike. We suppose that\\nthey intend to deceive us. Then take back your branches of wampum.\\nThe 26lh, five Pottawattamies arrived here with two negro men,\\nwhich they sold to English traders. The next day I went to the great\\nchief of the Miamies, called Le Gris. His chief warrior was present.\\nI told him howl had been served by the Shawanese. He answered me\\nthat he had heard of it: tliat the said nations had behaved contrary to\\nhis intentions. He desired me not to mind those strangers, and that he\\nwould soon give me a positive answer.\\nThe 28ih April, the great chief desired me to call at the French tra-\\nder s and receive his answer. Don t take bad, said he, of what I\\nam to tell you. You may go back when you please. We cannot give\\nyou a positive answer. We must send your speeches to all our neigh-\\nbors, and to the lake nations. We cannot give a definitive answer\\nwithout consulting the commandant at Detroit. And he desired me to\\nrender him the two branches of wampum refused by the Shawanese\\nalso, a copy of speeches in writing. He promised me that, in thirty\\nnights, he would send an answer to Post Vincennes, by a young man\\nof each nation. He was well pleased with the speeches, and said to be\\nworthy of attention, and should be communicated to all their confede-\\nrates, having resolved among them not to do any thing without an unani-\\nmous consent. I agreed to his requisitions, and rendered him the two\\nbranches of wampum, and a copy of the speech. Afterwards, he told\\nme that the Five Nations, so called, or Iroquois, were training some-\\nthing that five of them, and three Wyandots, were in this village with\\nbranches of wampum. He could not tell me presently their purpose;\\nbut he said I would know of it very soon.\\nThe same day. Blue Jacket, chief of the Shawanees, invited me to", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Gamelin s Journal. 331\\nhis house for supper; and, before the other chiefs, told me that, after\\nanother deliberation, they thought necessary that I sliould go myself to\\nDetroit, for to see the commandant, who would get all his children\\nassembled for to hear my speech. I told them I would not answer them\\nin the night that I was not ashamed to speak before the sun.\\nThe 29th April I got them all assembled. I told them that I was not\\nto go to Detroit that the speeches were directed to the nations of the\\nriver Wabash and the Miami and that, for to prove the sincerity of the\\nspeech, and the heart of Governor St. Clair, I have willingly given a\\ncopy of the speeches, to be shown to the commandant of Detroit and,\\naccording to a letter wrote by the commandant of Detroit to the Miamies,\\nShawanese, and Delawares, mentioning to you to be peaceable with the\\nAmericans, I would go to him very willingly, if it was in my directions,\\nbeing sensible of his sentiments. I told them 1 had nothing to say to\\nthe commandant neither him to me. You must immediately resolve,\\nif you intend to take me to Detroit, or else I am to go back as soon as\\npossible. Blue Jacket got up and told me, My friend, we are well\\npleased with what you say. Our intention is not to force you to go to\\nDetroit: it is only a proposal, thinking it for the best. Our answer is\\nthe same as the Miamies. We will send, in thirty nights, a full and\\npositive answer, by a young man of each nation, by writing to Post\\nVincennes. In the evening. Blue Jacket, chief of the Shawanese,\\nhaving taken me to supper with him, told me, in a private manner, that\\nthe Shawanee nation was in doubt of the sincerity of the Big Knives,\\nso called, having been already deceived by them. That they had first\\ndestroyed their lands, put out their fire, and sent away their young men,\\nbeing a hunting, without a mouthful of meat also, had taken away\\ntheir women wherefore, many of them would, with great deal of pain,\\nforget these affronts. Moreover, that some other nations were appre-\\nhending that offers of peace would, may be, tend to take away, by\\ndegrees, their lands and would serve them as they did before a cer-\\ntain pioof that they intend to encroach on our lands, is their new settle-\\nment on the Ohio. If they don t keep this side fof the Ohio] clear, it\\nwill never be a proper reconcilement with the nations Shawanese, Iro-\\nquois, Wyandots, and, perhaps many others. Le Oris, chief of the\\nMiamies, asked me, in a private discourse, what chief had made a treaty\\nwith the Americans at Muskingum, [Fort Harmar.] I answered him\\nthat their names were mentioned in the treaty. He told me he had\\nheard of it some time ago but they are not chiefs, neither delegates,\\nwho made that treaty they are only young men, who without authority\\nand instructions from their chiefs, have concluded that treaty, which\\nwill not be approved. They went to the treaty clandestinely, and they\\nintend to make mention of it in the next council to be held.*\\nAmerican State Papers, v. p. 93.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "332 Jgency of Britain. 1790-95.\\nOn the 8th of May, Gamelin returned to Fort Knox, and on the\\n11th merchants from the Upper Wabash arrived, bringing news\\nthat parties from the north had joined the Wabash savages that\\nthe whole together had ah eady gone to war upon the Americans\\nand that three days after Gamelin left the Miamis, an American\\ncaptive had been burned in their village all which things so\\nplainly foretold trouble on the frontier, that St. Clair, as we have\\nstated, hastened to Fort Washington to concert with General\\nHarmar a campaign into the country of the hostile tribes.\\nBefore we proceed with the history of Harmar s campaign,\\nhowever, it seems proper to give in one view all that w^e know\\nrelative to the agency of the British in keeping up Indian hostility\\nafter the peace of 1783.\\nMost of the tribes, as our readers have seen, adhered to Eng-\\nland during the Revolutionary struggle. When the war ceased,\\nhowever, England made no provision for them, and transferred\\nthe Northwest to the United States, without any stipulation as to\\nthe rights of the natives. The United States, regarding the lands\\nof the hostile tribes as conquered and forfeited, proceeded to give\\npeace to the savages, and to grant them portions of their own\\nlands. This produced discontent, and led to the formation of the\\nconfederacy headed by Brant. f To assist the purposes of this\\nunion, it was very desirable that the British should still hold the\\nposts along the lakes, and supply the red men with all needful\\nthings. The forts they claimed a right to hold, because the Ame-\\nricans disregarded the treaty of 1783 the trade with the Indians,\\neven though the latter might be at war with the United States,\\nthey regarded as perfectly fair and just. Having thus a sort of\\nlegal right to the position they occupied, the British did, undoubt-\\nedly and purposely, aid and abet the Indians hostile to the United\\nStates. In 1785, after the formation of his confederacy. Brant\\nw^ent to England, and his arrival was thus announced in the\\nLondon prints\\nThis extraordinary personage is said to have presided at the late grand\\nCongress of confederate chiefs of the Indian nations in America, and to\\nbe by them appointed to the conduct and chief command in the war\\nwhich they now meditate against the United States of America. He\\ntook his departure for England immediately as that assembly broke up;\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 87\\nf Hecke welder s Narrative, 379. Stone s Life of Brant, ii. 247. 248.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Brands Movements. 333\\nand it is conjectured that his embassy to the British Court is of great\\nimportance. This country owes much to the services of Colonel Brant\\nduring the late war in America. He was educated at Philadelphia is\\na very shrewd, intelligent person, possesses great courage and abilities\\nas a warrior, and is inviolably attached to the British nation.*\\nOn the 4th of January, 1786, he visited Lord Sidney, the Colo-\\nnial Secretary, and after plainly and boldly stating the trouble of\\nthe Indians at the forgetfulness of Britain the encroachments of\\nthe Americans and their fear of serious consequences, i. e. war,\\nhe closed with these words\\nThis we shall avoid to the utmost of our power, as dearly as we love\\nour lands. But should it, contrary to our wishes, happen, we desire\\nto know whether we are to be considered as His Majesty s faithful\\nallies, and have that support and countenance such as old and true\\nfriends expect.!\\nThe English minister returned a perfectly non-committal answer\\nand when the Mohawk chieftain, upon his return, met the confed-\\nerated natives in November, 1786, he could give them no\\ndistinct assurances of aid from England. But while all definite\\npromises were avoided, men situated as John Johnson, the Indian\\nsuperintendent, did not hesitate to write to him\\nDo not suffer an idea to hold a place in your mind, that it will be for\\nyour interests lo sit still and see the Americans attempt the posts. It is\\nfor your sakes chiefly, if not entirely, that we hold them. If you be-\\ncome indiff erent about them, they may perhaps be given up what secu-\\nrity would you then have You would be left at the mercy of a people\\nwhose blood calls idoud for revenge whereas, by supporting them, you\\nencourage us to hold them, and encourage the new settlements, already\\nconsiderable, and every day increasing by numbers coming in, who find\\nthey cant live in the States. Many thousands are preparing to come in.\\nThis increase of his majesty s subjects will serve as a protection for\\nyou, should the subjects of the vStales, by endeavoring to make farther\\nencroachments on you, disturb your quiet. J\\nThis letter was written in March, 1787 and two months after-\\nwards. Major Matthews, who had been in the suite of the Gover-\\nnor of Canada, Lord Dorchester, after being appointed to com-\\nSione, ii. 249. t Ibid, 254. |Ibi(l, ii. 268.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "334 British Views. 1790-95.\\nmand at Detroit, speaks still more explicitly, and in the Governor s\\nname also, His Lordship was sorry to learn, he says\\nTliat while the Indians were soliciciting his assistance in their prepara-\\ntions for war, some of the Six Nations had sent deputies to Albany to\\ntreat with the Americans, who, it is said, have made a treaty with them,\\ngranting permission to make roads for the purpose of coming to Nia-\\ngara but that, notwithstanding these things, the Indians should have\\ntheir presents, as they are marks of the King s approbation of their\\nformer conduct. In future his lordship wishes them to act as is best for\\nIheir interest; he cannot begin a war with the Americans, because some\\nof their people encroach and make depredations upon parts of the In-\\ndian countiy but they must see it is his lordship s intention to defend\\nthe posts and that while these are preserved, the Indians must find\\ngreat security therefrom, and consequently the Americans greater diffi-\\nculty in taking possession of their lands but should they once become\\nmasters of the posts, they will surround the Indians, and accomplish\\ntheir purpose with little trouble. From a consideration of all which, it\\ntherefore remains with the Indians to decide what is most for their own\\ninterest, and to let his lordship know their determination, that he may\\ntake his measures accordingly but, whatever their resolution is, it\\nshould be taken as by one and the same people, by which means they\\nwill be respected and becon.e strong but if they divide, and act one\\npart against the other, they will become weak, and help to destroy each\\nother. This is the substance of what his lordship desired me to tell\\nyou, and I request you will give his sentiments that mature considera-\\ntion which their justice, generosity, and desire to promote the welfare\\nand happiness of the Indians, must appear to all the world to merit.\\nIn your letter to me, you seem apprehensive that the English are not\\nvery anxious about the defence of the posts. You will soon be satisfied\\nthat they have nothing more at heart, provided that it continues to be the\\nwish of the Indians, and that they remain firm in doing their part of the\\nbusiness, by preventing the Americans from coming into their country,\\nand consequently from marching to the posts. On the other hand, if the\\nIndians think it more for their interest that the Americans should have\\npossession of the posts, and be established in their country, they ought\\nto declare it, that the English need no longer be put to the vast and un-\\nnecessary expense and inconvenience of keeping posts, the chief object\\nof which is to protect their Indian allies, and the loyalists who have suf-\\nfered with them. It is well known that no encroachments ever have or\\never will be made by the English upon the lands or property of the In-\\ndians in consequence of possessing the posts, how far that will be the\\ncase if ever the Americans get into them, may very easily be imagined,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "1790-95. British Agents urge Indians to War. 335\\nfrom their hostile perseverance, even without that advantnge, in driving\\nthe Indians off their lands and taking possession of them.*\\nThese assurances on the part of the British, and the delay of\\nCongress in replying to the address of the confederated nations,\\ndated December, 1786, led to the general council of 17S8 but\\nthe divisions in that body, added to the uncertain support of the\\nEnglish government, at length caused Brant for a time to give up\\nhis interest in the efforts of the western natives, among whom the\\nMiamies thenceforth took the lead although, as our extracts from\\nGamelin s journal show, a true spirit of union did not, even in\\n1790, prevail among the various tribes. f At that time, however,\\nthe British influence over the Miamis and their fellows, was in no\\ndegree lessened, as is plain from the entire reference of their\\naffairs, when Gamelin went to them, to the commandant at Detroit.\\nNor can we wonder at the hold possessed over the red men by\\nthe English, when such wretches as McKee, Elliott and Girty,|\\nwere the go-betweens, the channels of intercourse. You invite\\nus, said one of the war-chiefs to Gamelin, to stop our young\\nmen. It is impossible to do it, being constantly encouraged by\\nthe British.\\nWe confess, said another, that we accepted the axe, but it is by the\\nreproach we continually receive from the English and other nations,\\nSee Stone ii. 271.\\nSee also Stone ii. 290, note. Some of the Delawares and Miamies so far quarrelled\\nthat the former left for the Mississippi.\\nI Girty we have already spoken of. Alexander McKee, (sometimes written McKay\\nand McGee) was an Indian agent before the Revolution. Major Rogers, in 1760, sent a\\nMr. McGee from Detroit to the Shawanese town on the Ohio, to receive the French sta-\\ntioned there, (Journal, 229) this may have been McKee In 1773, the Rev. D. Jones\\nfound Alexander McKee living about three miles from Paint Creek, Ohio, among the\\nShawanese. (See his journal in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 262.) On the 29th of\\nFebruary, 1776, Colonel Butler, the refugee hero of Wyoming and Indian Agent for Eng-\\nland, wrote to McKee, then residing as Indian agent at Fort Pitt, to come to Niagara\\nin consequence of which the committee of Western Augusta obliged him to bind himself\\nto have nothing to do with the Indians on account of Great Britain and this parole Con-\\ngress accepted. (American Archives, fourth series, v. 818. 820. 1692. Old Journals, ii.\\n67.) In 1778, however, he left Pittsburgh, with Simon Girty, Matthew Elliott and others,\\nto join the British. (Heckewelder s Narrative, 170.) He became a colonel, and was a\\nleader among the northwest Indians from that time till his death. He had stores at the\\nfalls of the Maumee. (See American State Papers, v. 243. 351. Some of his letters\\nwere taken at Proctor s defeat in 1813. (See Armstrong s Notices, i. appendix No. 2,\\n188. Brown s History of War of 1812, ii. appendix.) Matthew Elliott had been a\\ntrader in 1776 he was taken by the British and joined them, for which he received a\\ncaptain s commission. In 1790-95 he lived at the mouth of Detroit river, and carried\\non trade and farming. (See Heckwelder s Narrative, 147, 170.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "336 Bntish supply Indians. 1790-95.\\nwhich received the axe first, calling us women at the present time,\\nthey invite our young men to war as to the old people, they are wish-\\ning for peace.*\\nEvery peaceful message from the officers of the crown was\\nstopped on its way to the excited children of the forest but every\\nword of a hostile character, exaggerated and added to.f\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 93.\\nt It is hard to say how far the British agents aided the savages in 1790 and 1791. The\\nfollowing is from a certificate by Thos. Rhea, taken by the Indians in May, 17Sl,and\\nwho escaped in June. He is stated to have been untrustworthy, (American State Papers,\\nV. 198.) but his account is in part confirmed by other evidence.\\nAt this place, the the Miami, were Colonels Brant and McKee, with his son\\nThomas; and Captains Bunbury and Silvie, of the British troops. These officers, kc.\\nwere all encamped on the south side of the Miami, or Ottawa river, at the rapids above\\nlake Erie, about eighteen miles they had clever houses, built chiefly by the Pottawati-\\nmies and other Indians; in these they had stores of goods, with arms, ammunition, and\\nprovision, which they issued to the Indians in great abundance, viz corn, pork, peas,\\nc. The Indians came to this place in parties of one, two, three, four, and five hundred\\nat a time, from different quarters, and received from iMr. McKee and the Indian officers,\\nclothing, arms, ammunition, provision, c. and set out immediately for the upper Miami\\ntowns, where they understood the forces of the United States were bending their course,\\n[Scott s expedition,] and in order to supply the Indians from other quarters collected\\nthere. Pirogues, loaded with the above mentioned articles, were sent up the Miami\\nriver, wrought by French Canadians. About the last of May, Captain Silvie purchased\\nme from the Indians, and I staid with him at this place till the 4th of June, (the king s\\nbirth day,) when I was sent to Detroit. Previous to leaving the Miami river, I saw one\\nMr. Dick, who, with his wife, was taken prisoner near Pittsburgh, in the Spring I\\nbelieve, by the Wyandotts. Mr. McKee was about purchasing Mr. Dick from the\\nIndians, but found it difficult. Mrs. Dick was separated from him, and left at a village at\\nsome distance from this place. I also saw a young boy, named Brittle, (Brickell, proba-\\nbly, see his narrative, Am. Pioneer, i. 43,) who was taken in the spring, from near a mill,\\n(Capt. O Hara s,) near Pittsburgh, his hair was cut, and he was dressed and armed for war;\\ncxmld not get speaking to him. About the 5th June, in the Detroit river, I met from\\nsixty to one hundred canoes, in three parties, containing a large party of Indians, who\\nappeared to be very wild and uncivilized; they were dressed chiefly in buffalo and other\\nskin blankets, with otter skin and other fur breech cloths, armed with bows, and arrows,\\nand spears they had no guns, and seemed to set no store by them, or know little of\\ntheir use, nor had they any inclination to receive them, though offered to them. They\\nsaid they were three moons on their way. The other Indians called them Mannitoos.\\nAbout this time there was a field day of the troops at Detroit, which I think is from five\\nto six hundred in number; the next day a field day of the French militia took place, and\\none hundred and fifly of the Canadians, with some others, turned out volunteers to join\\nthe Indians, and were to set off the 8th for the Miami village, with their own horses,\\nafler being plentifully supplied with arms and ammunition, clothing, and provision, c.\\nto fit them for the march. While I was at the Miami or Ottawa river, as they call it, I\\nhad mentioned to Colonel McKee, and the other ofiicers, that I had seen Colonel\\nProcter, on his way to Fort Franklin that I understood that he was on his way to the\\nthe Miami, or Sandusky, with some of the Scnccas, and that he expected the Cornplanter\\nwould accompany him, in order to settle matters with the hostile nations and that he\\nexpected to get shipping at Fort Erie, to bring him and these people to the Miami, or\\nSandusky, c. That the officers, in their conversation with each other, said, if they were", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Preparations for Harmar^s Campaign. 337\\nAt the time of Gamelin s mission, the spring of 1790, before\\nany act of hostility on the part of the United States had made\\nreconciliation impossible, and before the success of the savages\\nhad made their demands such as could not be granted, we cannot\\nbut think it would have been true wisdom to have sent to the\\nnorthern tribes, not an Indian trader, but such a representation as\\nwas sent three years later.* Such, however, was not the course\\npursued. Governor St. Clair, under the acts of Congi ess passed\\nthe previous year,t on the 15th of July, called upon Virginia for\\n1,000, and upon Pennsylvania for 500 militia. Of these, 300\\nwere to meet at Fort Steuben (Jeffersonville) to aid the troops\\nfrom Fort Knox (Vincennes) against the Weas and Kickapoos of\\nthe Wabash 700 were to gather at Fort Washington, (Cincinnati;)\\nand 500 just below Wheeling; the two latter bodies being intend-\\ned to march with the Federal troops, from Fort Washington, under\\nGeneral Harmar, against the towns at the junction of the St.\\nMary and St. Joseph. The Kentucky militia men began to come\\nin at Fort Washington about the middle of September, the 15th\\nat Fort Erie, he should get no shipping there, c. That the Mohawks and other Indians,\\nthat could speak English, declare that if he (meaning Colonel Procter,) or any other\\nYankee messenger, came there, they should never carry messages back. This was fre-\\nquently expressed by the Indians; and Simon Girty, and a certain Patt Hill, declared\\nProcter should not return, if he had a hundred Senecas with him and many other such\\nthreats were used, and every movement, appearance, and declaration, seemed hostile\\nto the United States. And I understood that Colonel McKee, and the other officers,\\nintended only to stay at the Miami till they had furnished the war parties of Indians with\\nthe necessaries mentioned above, to fit them for war, and then would return to Detroit.\\nThat Elliott had returned to Detroit, and Simon Girty, and that Girty declared he would\\ngo and join the Indians, and that Captain Elliott told him he was going the next day, with\\na boat load of goods for the Indians, and that Girty might have a passage with him.\\nThat on the 7th of June, the ship Dunmore sailed for Fort Erie, in which I got a pas-\\nsage. We arrived there in four days. About the 12th of June I saw taken into this\\nvessel, a number of cannon, eighteen pounders, with other military stores, and better\\nthan two companies of artillery troops, destined, as I understood, for Detroit and the\\nupper posts some of the artillery-men had to remain behind, for want of room in the\\nvessel. I have just recollected that, while I was at the Ottawa river, I saw a party of\\nwarriors come in with the arms, accoutrements, clothing, c. of a sergeant, corporal,\\nand, they said, twelve men, whom they had killed in some of the lower posts on the\\nOhio; that a man of the Indian department offered me a coat, which had a number of\\nbullet and other holes in it, and was all bloody, which I refused to take, and Colonel\\nMcKee then ordered me clothes out of the Indian store. (Am. State Papers, v. ]96.)\\nIt may be said Colonel Procter in 1791, was in danger of assassination. (Rhea s\\naccount. American State Papers, v. 196. See above,) but that was after Harmar s\\nattack.\\nt See Ante, p. 319.\\n:J American State Papers, v. 94, 92.\\n22", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "338 StaU of the Kentucky Troops. 1790-95.\\nbeing the day named. Of their fitness for service we may judge\\nby Major Ferguson s evidence.\\nThey were very ill equipped, being almost destitute of camp kettles\\nmd axes nor could a supply of these essential articles be procured.\\nThere arms were, generally, very bad, and unfit for service as I was\\nthe commanding officer of artillery, ihey came under my inspection, in\\nmaking what repairs the time would permit and as a specimen of their\\nbadness, I would inform the court, that a rifle was brought to be repair-\\ned without a lock, and another without a stock. I often asked the\\nowners what induced them to think that those guns could be repaired at\\nthat time And they gave me for answer, that they were told in Ken-\\ntucky that all repairs would be made at Fort Washington. Many of\\nthe officers told me, that they had no idea of there being half the num-\\nber of bad arms in the whole district of Kentucky, as was then in the\\nhands of their men. As soon as the principal part of the Kentucky\\nmilitia arrived, the General began to organize them in this he had\\nmany difficulties to encounter. Colonel Trotter aspired to the command,\\nalthough Colonel Hardin was the eldest officer, and in this he was en-\\ncouraged both by men and officers, who openly declared, unless Colonel\\nTrotter commanded them, they would return home. After two or three\\ndays the business was settled, and they [i. e. the Kentucky men] were\\nformed into three battalions, under the command of Colonel Trotter, and\\nColonel Hardin had the command of all the militia, [both Pennsylvania\\nand Virginia.] As soon as they were arranged, they were mustered\\ncrossed the Ohio, and, on the 26th, marched, and encamped about ten\\nmiles from Fort Washington. The last of the Pennsylvania militia ar-\\nrived on the 25th September. They were equipped nearly as the Ken-\\ntucky, but were worse armed several were without any. The General\\nordered all the arms in store to be delivered to those who had none, and\\nthose whose guns could not be repaired. Amongst the militia were a\\ngreat many hardly able to bear arms, such as old, infirm men, and young\\nboys they were not such as might be expected from a frontier country,\\nviz. the smart active woodsman, well accustomed to arms, eager and\\nalert to revenge the injuries done them and their connexions. No, there\\nwere a great number of them substitutes, who probably had never fired\\na gun. Major Paul, of Pennsylvania, told me, that many of his men\\nwere so awkward, that they could not take their gun locks off to oil\\nthem, and put them on again, nor could they put in their flints so as to\\nbe useful and even of such materials, the numbers came far short of\\nwhat was ordered, as may be seen by the returns.*\\nAmerican SUte Papers, xii. 20.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "1790-95, Expedition against the Miami Villages. 339\\nTrouble had been anticipated from the aversion of the frontier\\nmen to act with regular troops,* General Harmar had been\\nwarned on the subject by the Secretary of War, and every pains\\nhad been taken to avoid the evils apprehended. Notice had also\\nbeen given to the British that the troops collected were to be used\\nagainst the Indians alone, so that no excuse might be given\\nMcKee Co., for co-operation;! and when upon the 30th of\\nSeptember Harmar left Fort Washington, every step seemed to\\nhave been taken which experience or judgment could suggest to\\nsecure the success of the expedition. The same seems to have\\nbeen true of the march, the Court of Inquiry held in 1791, hav-\\ning approved every arrangement. On the 13th of October, the\\narmy being then thirty or thirty-five miles from the Miami villages,\\nit was determined, in consequence of information given by a cap-\\ntured Indian, to send forward Colonel John Hardin with a\\ndetachment of 600 militia men and one company of regulars, to\\nsurprise the enemy, and keep them in their forts until the main\\nbody could come up with the artillery.\\nOn the 14th this party marched forward, and upon the next day\\nabout three o clock reached the villages, but they were deserted.\\nOn the morning of the 17th the main army arrived, and the work\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 100.\\nt American State Papers, v. SG.\\nI The troops were organized and moved forward, as follows\\nThe Kentuckians composed three battalions, under the Majors Hall, McMullen and\\nRay, with Lieutenant Colonel Commandant Trotter at their head. The Pennsylvanians\\nwere formed into one battalion, under Lieutenant Colonel Tnibley and Major Paul, the\\nwhole to be commanded by Colonel John Hardin, subject to the orders of General Har-\\nmar. The 30th, the General having got forward all the supplies that he expected, he\\nmoved out with the federal troops, formed into two small battalions, under the imme-\\ndiate command of Major Wyllys and Major Doughty, together with Captain Ferguson s\\ncompany of artillery, and three pieces of ordinance. On the 2d of October, General\\nHarmar joined the advanced troops early in the morning the remaining part of the day\\nwas spent in forming the line of march, the order of encampment and battle, and explain-\\ning the same to the militia field officers. General Harmar s orders will show the several\\nformations. On the 4th the army took up the order of march as is described in the orders.\\nOn the 5th a reinforcement of horsemen and mounted infantry joined from Kentucky.\\nThe dragoons were formed into two troops; the mounted riflemen made a company, and\\nthis small battalion of light troops were put under the command of Major Fontaine.\\nThe whole of General Hamar s command then may be stated thus;\\n3 battalions of Kentucky militia,^\\n1 do. Pennsylvania do. S 1133\\n1 do. Light troops mounted do.\\n2 do. Federal troops, 320\\nTotal, 1453\\n(American State Papers, xii. 24.)\\n3 American State Papers, xii. 30 to 33 all the plans are given.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "340 Bestruction of Villages and other property 1790-95,\\nof destruction commenced; by the 21st, the chief town, five other\\nvillages, and nearly 20,000 bushels of corn in ears had been\\ndestroyed. When IIpj mar reached the Maumee towns and\\nfound no enemy, he thought of pushing forward to attack the Wea\\nand other Indian settlements upon the Wabash, but was prevented\\nby the loss both of pack horses and cavalry horses, which the\\nIndians seem to have stolen in quantities to suit themselves, in\\nconsequence of the wilful carelessness of the owners, who made\\nthe United States pay first for the use of their nags, then for the\\nnags themselves, f The Wabash plan being dropped, Colonel\\nTrotter was despatched with 300 men to scour the woods in\\nsearch of an enemy, as the tracks of women and children had\\nbeen seen near by and we cannot give a better idea of the utter\\nwant of discipline in the army, than by some extracts^ from the\\nevidence of Lieutenant (afterwards Captain) Armstrong this\\ngentleman was with Trotter during the 18th of October, and also\\nwith Hardin, who, on the 19th, took the command. General Har-\\nraar being much dissatisfied with Trotter s ineffective Indian chase\\nof the previous day.\\nAfter we had proceeded about a mile, says Armstrong, the cavalry\\ngave chase to an Indian, who was mounted, him they overtook and\\nkilled. Before they returned to the column a second appeared, on which\\nthe four field olficers left their commands and pursued, leaving the troops\\nnear half an hour without any directions whatever. The cavalry came\\nacross the second Indian, and, after he had wounded one of their party,\\nkilled him also. When the infantry came up to this place they imme-\\ndiately fell into confusion, upon w^hich I gained permission to leave them\\nsome distance on the road, where I formed an ambuscade. After I had\\nbeen some time at my station, a fellow on horseback came to me who\\nhad lost the party in pursuit of the first Indian he was much frighten-\\ned, and said he had been pursued by fifty mounted Indians. On my\\ntelling this story to Colonel Trotter, notwithstanding ray observations\\nto him, he changed his route, and marched in various directions until\\nnight, when he returned to camp.\\nOn our arrival in camp. General Harmar sent for me, and after asking\\nrae many questions, ordered one subaltern and twenty militia to join my\\ncommand. AVith these I reached the river St. Joseph about ten at\\nLieutenant Denny. American State Papers, xii. 25.\\nt Major Ferguson. American State Papers, xii. 21.\\nSlightly altered in language see also Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 195-6.\\nU He was promoted, says Judge Burnet, March 1791. He resigned his commission in\\n1793, and was afterwards Colonel of the militia. See Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i.\\n7, 37, 66.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Fergusoii s Account of Harmar^s First Action. 341\\nnight, and with a guide proceeded to an Indian town, about two\\nmiles distant, where I continued with my parly until the morning of\\nthe nineteenth. About nine o clocic I joined the remainder of the de-\\ntachment under Colonel Hardin. We marched on the route Colonel\\nTrotter had pursued the day before, and after passing a morass about\\nfive miles distant, we came to where the enemy had encamped the day\\nbefore. Here we made a short halt, and the commanding officer\\ndisposed of the parties at a distance from each other after a halt of\\nhalf an hour, we were ordered to move on, and Captain Faulkner s\\ncompany was left on the ground the Colonel having neglected giving\\nhim orders to move on. After we had proceeded about three miles, we\\nfell in with two Indians on foot, who threw off their packs, and the\\nbrush being thick, made their escape. I then asked Colonel Hardin\\nwhere Captain Faulkner was He said he was lost, and then sent\\nMajor Fontaine with part of the cavalry in search of him, and moved\\non with the remainder of the troops. Some time after, I informed\\nColonel Hardin a gun had fired in our front, which might be considered\\nas an alarm gun, and that I saw where a horse had come down the road,\\nand returned again but the Colonel still moved on, giving no orders,\\nnor making any arrangements for an attack. Some time after, I dis-\\ncovered the enemy s fires at a distance, and informed the Colonel, who\\nreplied, that they would not fight, and rode in front of the advance,\\nuntil fired on from behind the fires when he, the Colonel, retreated,\\nand with him all the militia except nine, who continued with me, and\\nwere instantly killed, with twenty-four of the federal troops seeing my\\nlast man fall, and being surrounded by the savages, I threw myself into\\na thicket, and remained there three hours in day-light during that time\\nI had an opportunity of seeing the enemy pass and re-pass, and con-\\nceived their numbers did not amount to one hundred men some were\\nmounted, others armed with rifles, and the advance with tomahawks\\nonly. I am of opinion that had Colonel Trotter proceeded, on the 18lh,\\nagreeably to his orders, having killed the enemy s sentinels, he would\\nhave surprised their camp and with ease defeated them or had Colonel\\nHardin arranged his troops, or made any military disposition, on the\\n19th, that he would have gained a victory. Our defeat I therefore\\nascribed to two causes the unofficer-like conduct of Colonel Hardin,\\n(who I believe was a brave man,) and the cowardly behaviour of the\\nmilitia many of them threw down their arms loaded, and I believe that\\nnone, except the party under my command, fired a gun.t\\nVarious accounts in addition to this statement by Annstrong, say tliat he was in a\\nswamp or pond, up to his neck (Butler, 192. Cist, in his Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 183.)\\nOther accounts say he was merely concealed in the swamp, or up to his waist in water,\\n(McClung s Sketches, 241. Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 39.) Our readers must take their\\nchoice among the different statements as to the Lieutenant s position.\\nt American State Papers, xii. p. 26.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "342 Jealousy between the Regulars and Militia. 1790-95.\\nAt tills time probably the jealousy between the regulars and\\nmilitia which had been anticipated, and which had threatened\\ntrouble at Fort Washington, began effectually to work mischief;\\nthe regular troops disliked to be commanded by Trotter and Har-\\ndin, the army officers despised the militia, and the militia hating\\nthem, were impatient under the control of Harmar and his staff.\\nAgain, the rivalry between Trotter and Hardin was calculated to\\nmake the elements of discord and disobedience yet more wide-\\nspread so that all true confidenee between the officers and men\\nwas destroyed, and with it, of necessity, all true strength.\\nBut though the troops had been disappointed and defeated, the\\nhouses and crops had been burned and wasted, and upon the 21st\\nof October, the army commenced its homeward march. But Har-\\ndin was not easy under his defeat, and the night of the 21st being\\nfavorable, he proposed to Harmar to send back a detachment to\\nthe site of the villages just destroyed, supposing the savages\\nwould have already returned thither!- The General was not very\\nwalling to try farther experiments, but Hardin urged him, and at\\nlast obtained an order for 340 rnilitia, of which 40 were mounted,\\nand 60 regular troops; the former under Hardin himself, the latter\\nunder Major Wyllys. How they fared shall be told by Captain\\nAsheton, an actor in the affray.\\nThe detachment marched in three columns, the federal troops in the\\ncentre, at the head of which I was posted, with Major Wyllys and\\nColonel Hardin in my front the militia formed the columns to the right\\nand left. From delays, occasioned by the militia s halting, we did not\\nreach the banks of the Omee [Maumeej till some time after sun-rise.\\nThe spies then discovered the enemy, and reported to Major Wyllys, who\\nhalted the federal troops, and moved the militia on some distance in\\nfront, where he gave his orders and plan of attack to the several com-\\nmanding officers of corps. Those orders were not communicated to\\nme. Major Wyllys reserved the command of the federal troops to\\nhimself. Major Hall, with his battalion, was directed to take a circuit-\\nous route round the bend of the Omee River, cross the Pickaway Fork,\\n(or St. Mary s) which brought him directly in the rear of the enemy,\\nand there wait until the attack should commence with Major M Mullen s\\nbattalion. Major Fontaine s cavalry, and Major Wyllys with the federal\\ntroops, who all crossed the Omee at, and near, the common fording\\nplace. After the attack commenced, the troops were by no means to\\nseparate, but were to embody, or the battalions to support each other, as\\ncircumstances required. From this disposition it appeared evident, that\\nit was the intention of Major Wyllys to surround die enemy, and that", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Harmar^s Second Action. 343\\nif Colonel Hall, who had gained his ground undiscovered, had not wan-\\ntonly disobeyed his orders, by firing on a single Indian, the surprise\\nmust have been complete. The Indians then fled with precipitation, the\\nbattalions of militia pursuing in different directions. Major Fontaine\\nmade a charge upon a small party of savages he fell the first fire, and\\nhis troops dispersed. The federal troops, who were then left unsup-\\nported became an easy sacrifice to much the largest party of Indians\\nthat had been seen that day. It is my opinion that the misfortunes of\\nthat day were owing to the separation of troops, and disobedience of\\norders. After the federal troops were defeated, and the firing in all\\nquarters nearly ceased. Colonel Hall and Major McMuUen, with their\\nbattalions, met in the town, and after discharging, cleaning, and fresh\\nloading their arms, which took up about half an hour, proceeded to join\\nthe army unmolested. I am convinced that the detachment, if it had\\nbeen kept embodied, was sufficient to have answered the fullest expecta-\\ntions of the General, and needed no support but I was informed a\\nbattalion under Major Ray was ordered out for that purpose.*\\nWhen Hardin returned to camp after this skirmish, he wished\\nthe General either to send another party, or take the whole army to\\nthe battle ground, but Harmar would not favor either plan. He\\ndid not wish, he said, to divide his troops; he had little food\\nfor his horses; and he thought the Indians had received a very\\ngood scourging upon the next morning, accordingly, the army\\ntook up its line of march for Fort Washington, in a regular, soldier-\\nlike way. Two men, says Hardin, wished to have another tussle\\nwith the Miamies of the whole army only two f Before reach-\\ning Fort Washington, however, new trouble occurred.\\nAt old Chillicothe, on Little Miami, says Colonel Hardin, a number\\nof the militia, contrary to orders, fired off their guns. I endeavored to\\nput a stop to such disorderly behavior, and commanded that those offend-\\ners that could be taken should be punished agreeably to general orders\\nand having caught a soldier myself in the very act of firing his gun, or-\\ndered a file of men to take him immediately and carry him to the six\\npounder, and for the drummer to tie him up and give him six lashes I\\nwas shortly after met by Colonel Trotter and Major McMuUen, and a\\nnumber of militia soldiers, who in an abrupt manner asked me by what\\nAmerican State Papers, xii. 28. See account in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 1S3\\nalso,McClunK s (Sketches of Western Adventure, p. 241,) and others. We prefer that of\\nan eye-witness. We have verbally changed Asheton s statement, which is given in the\\nthird person. See also Hardin s deposition, American State Papers, xii. 34.\\ntSee in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 105, an account of Harmar s Campaign, by one\\npresent.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "344 Indian view of Harmar^s Campaign. 1790-95.\\nauthority I ordered that soldier whipped I replied in support of general\\norders on which a very warm dispute ensued between Colonel Trotter,\\nMajor McMullen, and myself. The General being informed of what\\nhad happened, came forward, and gave Colonel Trotter and Major Mc-\\nMullen a very severe reprimand, ordered the federal troops to parade,\\nand the drummer to do his duty, swearing he would risk his life in sup-\\nport of his orders the man received the number of lashes ordered, and\\nseveral that were confined were set at liberty numbers of the militia\\nseemed much pleased with what was done. This intended mutiny\\nbeing soon quashed, the army proceeded in good order to Fort Wash-\\nington. When the army arrived at the mouth of Licking, the General\\ninformed me he had determined to arrest some of the militia officers for\\ntheir bad conduct, and send tliem home with disgrace but I opposed\\nhis intention, alleging that it would be a disgrace to the whole militia\\nthat he would perhaps stand in need of their assistance on some future\\noccasion, and it would sour their minds and cause them to (urn out with\\nreluctance and that his discharging them generally with honor perhaps\\nwould answer a better purpose the General readily indulged my\\nrequest.*\\nTo this last act, which caused much discontent among the fron-\\ntier men; to the two defeats of the 19th and 22d of October (for\\nsuch they were and to the want of any efficiency on the part of\\nHarmar, who, though guilty of no breach of military care or common\\nskill, acted like an old woman, compared with such men as Clark,\\nand Mad Anthony, must be ascribed the great unpopularity of\\nthis campaign. The army, as a whole, effected all that the popu-\\nlar expeditions of Clark in 1782, and of Scott and Wilkinson in\\n1791, did, we mean the annihilation of towns and corn, and was\\nby Harmar and St. Clair considered very successful ;t but in real-\\nity, in the view of the Indians, it was an utter failure and defeat.\\nTheir account of it was this\\nThere have been two engagements about the Miami towns, between\\nthe Americans and the Indians, in which it is said, the former had about\\nfive hundred men killed, and that the rest have retreated. The loss was\\nonly fifteen or twenty on the side of the Indians. The Shawanese,\\nMiamis, and Pottawottamies were, I understand, the principal tribes\\nwho were engaged but I do not learn that any of the nations have\\nAmerican State Papers, xii. 35.\\nt This is clear, as we know, from Harrnar s general orders, upon October 21, when he\\ntook up his march for Fort Washington, and from his report to the Secretary of War.\\n(American State Papers, v. J 05. 104.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Letter from Rufus Putnam,. 345\\nrefused their alliance or assistance, and it is confidently reported that\\nthey are now marching against the frontiers on tha Ohio.*\\nNor was the report of the invasion of the settlements on the\\nOhio shore far from the truth.\\nOn the evening of the 2d [Jan. 9 1] says Rufus Putnam, writing to the\\nPresident between sunset and daylight-in, the Indians surprised a new\\nsettlement of our people, at a place on the Muskingum, called the Big\\nBottom, nearly forty miles up the river, in which disaster eleven men,\\none woman, and two children^ were killed three men are missing, and\\nfour others made their escape. Thus, sir, the war, which was partial\\nbefore the campaign of last year, is, in all probability, become general\\nI think there is no reason to suppose that we are the only people on\\nwhom the savages will wreak their vengeance, or that the number of\\nhostile Indians have not increased since the late expedition. Our situa-\\ntion is truly critical; the Governor and Secretary both being absent, no\\nassistance, from Virginia or Pennsylvania can be had. The garrison ai;\\nfort Harmar, consisting at this time of little more than twenty men, can\\nafford no protection to our settlements, and the whole number of men,\\nin all our settlements, capable of bearing arms, including all civil and\\nmilitary officers, do not exceed two hundred and eighty-seven, and these,\\nmany of them, badly armed. We are in the utmost danger of being\\nswallowed up, should the enemy push the war with vigor during the\\nwinter; this I believe will fully appear, by taking a short view of our\\nseveral settlements, and I hope justify the extraordinary measures we\\nhave adopted, for want of a legal authority in the territory to apply for\\naid in the business. The situation of our people is nearly as follows\\nAt Marietta are about eighty houses, in the distance of one mile, with\\nscattering houses about three miles up the Ohio. A set of mills at Duck\\nCreek, four miles distant, and another mill two miles up the Muskingum.\\nTwenty-two miles up this river is a settlement, consisting of about\\ntwenty families about two miles from them, on Wolf Creek, are five\\nfamilies and a set of mills. Down the Ohio, and opposite the Little\\nKenawha, commences the settlement called Belle Prairie, which extends\\ndown the river, with little interruption, about twelve miles, and contains\\nbetween thirty and forty houses. Before the late disaster, we had\\nseveral other settlements, which are already broken up. I have taken\\nthe liberty to enclose the proceedings of the Ohio company and justices\\nof the sessions on this occasion, and beg leave, with the greatest defe-\\nrence, to observe, that, unless Government speedily send a body of\\ntroops for our protection, we are a ruined people. The removal of the\\nSee Stone, ii, 294.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "346 Plan of another Campaign. 1790-95.\\nwomen and children, etc. will reduce many of the poorer sort to the\\ngreatest straits but if we add to this the destruction of their corn,\\nforage, and cattle, by the enemy, which is very probable to ensue, I\\nknow of no way they can be supported; but, if this should not happen,\\nwhere these people are to raise bread another year, is not easy to con-\\njecture, and most of them have nothing left to buy with. But my fears\\ndo not stop here we are a people so far detached from all others, in\\npoint of situation, that we can hope for no timely relief, in case of emer-\\ngency, from any of our neighbors and, among the number that com-\\npose our present military strength, almost one half are young men, hired\\ninto the country, intending to setde by and by these, under present\\ncircumstances, will probably leave us soon, unless prospects should\\nbrighten; and, as to new settlers, we can expect none in our present\\nsituation so that, instead of increasing in strength, we are likely to\\ndiminish daily and, if we do not fall a prey to the savages, we sliall\\nbe so reduced and discouraged as to give up the settlement, unless Gov-\\nernment shall give us timely protection. It has been a mystery with\\nsome, why the troops have been withdrawn from this quarter, and col-\\nlected at the Miami; that settlement is, I believe, within three or four\\ndays march of a very populous part of Kentucky, from whence, in a\\nfew days, they might be reinforced with several thousand men, whereas,\\nwe are not within two hundred miles of any settlement, that can proba-\\nbly more than protect themselves.*\\nThe spirit thus manifested by the tribes which had just been\\nattacked, and the general feelings along the frontier in rela-\\ntion to Harmar s expedition, made the United States Government\\nsensible that their first step in the conduct of backwoods warfare,\\nhad been a failure, and that prompt and strong measures, calcu-\\nlated either to win, or force a state of peace, must be adopted. f\\nThe plan which was resorted to was a three-fold one; 1st, to send\\na messenger to the western Indians wath offers of peace, to be ac-\\ncompanied by some of the Iroquois chieftains favorable to America\\n2d, at the same time to organize expeditions in the west, to strike\\nthe Wea, Miami and Shawanee towns in case it should be clear\\nthe peace messenger Avould fail in his mission and 3d, to prepare\\na grand and overwhelming force Avith which to take possession of\\nthe country of the enemies and build forts in their midst4 The\\nSee American State Papers, v. 121. See a full account of the settlement on Big Bot-\\ntom, and the attack upon it: by Dr. Hildreth, American Pioneer, ii. 101.\\nSee Knox s Report, American State Papers, v. 112.\\nI The act for protecting the frontier was signed March 3d, 1791. (American State\\nPapers, xii. 36.) St. Clair was appointed to the command on the 4th. (do.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Views of British in 1191. 347\\nperson selected to convey messages of peace was Colonel Thomas\\nProcter, who received his commission upon the 10th or 11th\\nof March, 1791, and upon the 12th left Philadelphia for the settle-\\nment of Cornplanter, or Captain O Beel or Abeel, the chief warrior\\nof the Senecas, and the firm friend of Washington and the Union.\\nThis chief, with others of similar sentiments, had been in Philadel-\\nphia in the previous December, and had promised to use all their\\ninfluence to secure peace.* To them Procter was sent, in the hope\\nthat they would go with him westward, and be the means of\\npreventing farther bloodshed. In this hope, however, Washington\\nand Knox were disappointed; for, when, with great, difficulty, the\\nAmerican messenger had prevailed upon certain of the Iroquois to\\naccompany him, provided a water passage could be had, the\\nBritish commandant at Niagara would not allow an English vessel\\nto be hired to convey the ambassadors up Lake Erie and as no\\nother could be obtained, the whole enterprise failed.\\nBut in order to understand the difficulties which Proctor met\\nwith, we must look at the views of the British, and of those Indi-\\nans who remained firm to the British at this period. After Har-\\nmar s campaign, the tribes of the north-west sent a deputation to\\nLord Dorchester to learn what aid England would give them in\\nthe contest now fairly opened. What answer precisely was given\\nby the governor we do not know, but his wishes seem to have\\nbeen that peace might be restored and preserved.! Colonel Gor-\\ndon, the British commandant at Niagara, who afterward stopped\\nProcter, was also an advocate of peace and on the 4th of March\\nwrote to Brant in these words\\nI hope you will embrace the present opportunity of the meeting of\\nthe chiefs of the Five Nations in your neighborhood, to use your endea-\\nvors to heal the wounds between the Indians and Americans. I dare say\\nthe States wish to make peace on terms which will secure to the Indians\\ntheir present possessions in the Miami country, provided the young men\\nare restrained from committing depredations in future.|\\nBrant himself, on the 7th of March, writing to McKee, (the\\nagent among the Miamies,) says:\\nI have received two letters from the States, from gentlemen who have\\nbeen lately in Philadelphia by which it appears the Americans secretly\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 140 to 145. Cornplanter, like Brant, was a half breed his\\nfather s name was O Beel See a particular account of him in Day s Historical Collec-\\ntions of Pennsylvania, 655 also Stone s Life of Red Jacket.\\nt Stone, ii. 296. 298. See Stone, ii. 297.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "348 Reasons of Indian and British Dissatisfaction. 1790-95.\\nwish to accommodate the matter which I should by all means advise,\\nif it could be effected upon honorable and liberal terms, and a peace be-\\ncome general.*\\nWith these views prevailing, Avhy did Brant, Gordon, and the\\nother officers of Britain do so little afterwards to preserve pacific\\nrelations First, it would seem that the Mohawk chieftain was\\noffended by the favor shown Cornplanter, his deadly foe,t and by\\nthe attempt of the Americans to divide the Iroquois and in regard\\nto the latter point at least the British sympathized with him. 2dly,\\nit is clear that the representatives of England, in Canada, w^ere\\noffended, and we think naturally, at the entire disregard shown\\nby the American Government of their influence over the savages\\nof the north-west. Those tribes w^ere closely connected with the\\nBritish agents, and under their control, and Lord Dorchester, Col-\\nonel Gordon and Brant looked for an appeal to them as mediators\\nin the quarrel about to burst forth or at any rate, for an accept-\\nance by the Americans of their mediation, if asked by the Indi-\\nans: an acceptance of the kind given in 1793, after St. Clair s\\ndefeat; and which was not, of course, dishonorable or degrading.\\nThirdly, both the Indians and English w^ere puzzled and excited\\nby the seeming (though our readers will know in no degree actual)\\nwant of good faith on the part of the States which, at the same\\nmoment almost, commissioned Scott to war upon the Miamies,\\nProcter to treat of peace w^ith them, St. Clair to invade and take\\npossession of their lands, and Pickering to hold a council with\\ntheir brethren for burying the fatal hatchet, and quenching the de-\\nstructive brand.\\nFrom the inconsistent proceedings of the Americans, says Colonel\\nGordon to Brant, upon the 11th of June, I am perfectly at a loss to\\nunderstand their full intentions. Whilst they are assembling councils at\\ndifferent quarters with the avowed purpose of bringing about a peace,\\nthe Six Nations have received a speech from General St. Clair, dated at\\nPittsburgh, 23d April, inviting them to take up the hatchet against their\\nbrothers the western nations.\\nCan any thing be more inconsistent? or can they possibly believe the\\nIndians arc to be duped by such shallow artifices This far from being\\nthe case; the Indians at Buffalo Creek saw the business in its proper\\nlight, and treated the invitation with the contempt it deserved. It must\\nSee Stone, ii. 298.\\nt American State Papers, v. 167; stated by General Knox,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "1790-95. BranVs Movements in 1791. 349\\nstrike you very forcibly, that in all the proceedings of the different\\nCommissioners from the American States, they have cautiously avoided\\napplying for our interference, as a measure they affect to to think per-\\nfectly unnecessary wishing to impress the Indians with the ideas of\\ntheir own consequence, and of the little influence, they would willingly\\nbelieve, we are possessed of. This, my good friend, is not the way to\\nproceed. Had they, before matters were pushed to extremity, request-\\ned the assistance of the British government to bring about a peace on\\nequitable terms, I am convinced the measure would have been fully ac-\\ncomplished long before this time.\\nI would, however, willingly hope they will yet see the propriety of\\nadopting this mode of proceeding and that peace, an object so much\\nto be desired, will at length be permanently settled.\\nI am the more sanguine in the attainment of my wishes, by your\\nbeing on the spot, and that you will call forth the exertion of your influ-\\nence and abilities on the occasion.*\\nThe Americans also were desirous to enlist Brant as a peace-\\nmaker, and Governor Clinton, of New York, was written to by\\nGeneral Knox, in the hope that he might influence the Mohawk\\nleader; but the chieftain was beyond his reach, in the far west,\\namong the tribes who were likely to be foremost in the contest\\nnor could any learn whether he went thither as a peace-maker or\\npromoter of war. Early in May the United States Government was\\ninformed that he had revived his plan of a great Indian confed-\\neracy;! and about the 19th of that month Procter, at Buffalo,\\nheard from the West that Brant was there not to pacify, but\\nto inflame the Miamies and their allies but yet, as the chiefs of\\nthe Six Nations represented his purpose to be that of a messenger\\nsent to learn the feelings of the western tribes, and asked Procter\\nagain and again to wait his return, the impression produced\\nupon the American Government was that he had nothing in view\\nbut the cessation of hostilities.\\nBefore Procter, his mission proving in vain, left Buffalo creek,\\nwhich he did upon the 21st of May, measures had been taken to\\nsecure a council of the Six Nations on the 16th of June, at the\\nPainted Post, near the junction of the Conhocton and Tioga rivers.\\nThe purpose of this council was to secure the neutrality of the\\nIroquois by presents and fine words and the plan appears to have\\nStone, ii. 300. t American State Papers, v. 168,\\nDo. 161. H Do. 163, 165, c.\\nDo. 177. Knox s letters of June 9th and 16th to St, Clair\u00e2\u0080\u0094 also do. 181", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "350 ScoWs Expedition, 1791. 1790-95.\\nsucceeded. The treaty, says Knox, writing to St. Clair on the\\n4th of August, closed on the 15th, (of July,) and the Indians\\nreturned satisfied. Colonel Pickering did not attempt to persuade\\nany of them to join our army, as he found such a proposal would\\nbe very disagreeable to them.\\nIt had been calculated when Procter left Philadelphia upon the\\n12th of March, that he would either succeed or distinctly fail in\\nhis enterprise, in time to reach Fort Washington by the 5th of\\nMay. This expectation, as we have seen, was entirely defeated,\\nas he was so delayed that he did not reach Buffalo creek until the\\n27th of April, and did not make his first application for a vessel\\nto cross Lake Erie until May 5th, But upon the above calculation\\nmistaken as it proved, were based the arrangements of the United\\nStates for carrying into effect the second part of the plan for the\\ncampaign, the desultory operations (as they were termed) for\\nannoying the enemy in case Procter failed. These operations\\nwere to be carried out by the backwoodsmen under their own\\ncommanders.\\nThe inhabitants of Kentucky, in December, 1790, after Harmar s\\nreturn, had petitioned Congress for permission to fight the Indians\\nin their own way, and upon the 9th of March, 1791, orders were\\nissued to Brigadier General Charles Scott, authorizing him, in con-\\njunction with Harry Innis, John Brown, Benjamin Logan, and\\nIsaac Shelby, to organize an expedition of mounted volunteers\\nagainst the nations upon the Wabash, to start upon May 10th,\\nunless countermanded.! These orders in substance were obeyed.\\nThe troops were however delayed for news from the north but by\\nthe 23d of May, no news of peace arriving, the detachment took up its\\nline of march from the Ohio Colonel John Hardin, who burned to\\nretrieve his fame, acting as a volunteer, without commission, and hav-\\ning the post of commander of the advanced party and director of the\\nguides. On the 1st of June the towns of the enemy were discov-\\nered of the after movements no fairer view can probably be given\\nthan by General Scott himself. Having noticed the villages,\\nI 1 mm ed lately detached Colonel John Hardin, says he, with sixty\\nmounted infantry, and a troop of light-horse under Captain McCoy, io\\nattack the villages to the left, and moved on briskly with my main body\\nin order of battle, towards the town, the smoke of which was discerni-\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 181.\\nt American State Papers, v. 129. St. Clair was empowered to postpone the expedition,\\nand did so. See his Narrative, p. 7.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "1790-95. ScoWs Expedition. 351\\nble. My guides were deceived with respect to the situation of the town:\\nfor, instead of standing at the edge of the plain through which I march-\\ned, I found it on the low ground bordering on the Wabash on turning\\nthe point of woods, one house presented in my front. Captain Price\\nwas ordered to assault that with forty men. He executed the command\\nwith great gallantry, and killed two warriors.\\nWhen I gained the summit of the eminence which overlooks the vil-\\nlages on the banks of the Wabash, I discovered the enemy in great con-\\nfusion, endeavoring to make their escape over the river in canoes. I\\ninstantly ordered Lieutenant Colonel-commandant Wilkinson to rush for-\\nward with the first battalion. The order was executed with prompti-\\ntude, and this detachment gained the bank of the river just as the rear\\nof the enemy had embarked and, regardless of a brisk fire kept up\\nfrom a Kickapoo town on the opposite bank, they, in a few minutes, by\\na well directed fire from their rifles destroyed all the savages with which\\nfive canoes were crowded. To my great mortification the Wabash was\\nmany feet beyond fording at this place: I therefore detached Colonel\\nWilkinson to a ford two miles above, which my guides informed me\\nwas more practicable. [[Wilkinson moved the first battalion up to the\\nfording place, found the river impassable, and returned to Ouiatenon.]\\nThe enemy still kept possession of the Kickapoo town I determined\\nto dislodge them and for that purpose ordered Captain King s and\\nLogsdon s companies to march down the river below the town, and\\ncross, under the conduct of Major Barboe. Several of the men swam\\nthe river, and others passed in a small canoe. This movement was un-\\nobserved and my men had taken post on the bank before they were\\ndiscovered by the enemy, who immediately abandoned the village.\\nAbout this time word was brought to me that Colonel Hardin was en-\\ncumbered with prisoners, and had discovered a stronger village further\\nto my left than those I had observed, which he was proceeding to attack.\\nI immediately detached Captain Brown with his company, to support\\nthe Colonel but the distance being six miles, before the Captain ar-\\nrived the business was done, and Colonel Hardin joined me a little before\\nsunset, having killed six warriors, and taken fifty-two prisoners. Cap-\\ntain Bull, the warrior who discovered me in the morning, had gained the\\nmain town, and given the alarm, a short time before me but the villages\\nto my left were uninformed of my approach, and had no retreat.\\nThe next morning I determined to detach my Lieutenant Colonel-\\ncommandant, with five hundred men, to destroy the important town of\\nKeth-tip-e-ca-nunk, eighteen miles from my camp, on the west side of\\nthe Wabash but, on examination, I discovered my men and horses to\\nbe so crippled and worn down by a long laborious march, and the active\\nexertions of the preceding day, that three hundred and sixty men only\\ncould be found in a capacity to undertake the enterprise, and they pre-", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "352 Wilkinson s Expedition. 1790-95.\\npared to march on foot. Colonel Wilkinson marched with this detach-\\nment at half after five in the evening, and returned to my camp the next\\nday at one o clock, having marched thirty-six miles in twelve hours, and\\ndestroyed the most important settlement of the enemy in that quarter of\\nthe federal territory.\\nMany of the inhabitants of the village [Ouiatenon] were French, and\\nlived in a state of civilization. By the books, letters, and other docu-\\nments, found there, it is evident that place was in close connection with,\\nand dependent on, Detroit. A large quantity of corn, a variety of house-\\nhold goods, peltry, and other articles were burned with this village,\\nwhich consisted of about seventy houses, many of them well finished.*\\nAs the expedition under Scott, although successful, had not\\nreached the higher towns upon the Wabash, Governor St. Clair\\nthought it best to send another, (the Secretary of War having au-\\nthorized such a step,) against the villages on Eel riA^er and Wil-\\nkinson was appointed to command. He marched from near Fort\\nWashington, upon the first of August, and on the 7th reached the\\nWabash just above the mouth of the river he was in search of.\\nWhile reconnoitering, however, in the hope of surprising the na-\\ntives, word was brought him that they were alarmed and flying; a\\ngeneral charge was instantly ordered.\\nThe men, says Wilkinson, forcing their way over every obstacle,\\nplunged through the river with vast intrepidity. The enemy was unable\\nto make the smallest resistance. Six warriors, and (in the hurry and\\nconfusion of the charge) two squaws and a child, were killed, thirty-\\nfour prisoners were taken, and an unfortunate captive released, with the\\nloss of two men killed and one wounded.\\nI found this town scattered along Eel River for full three miles, on an\\nuneven, scrubby oak barren, intersected alternately by bogs almost im-\\npassable, and impervious thickets of plum, hazle, and black jacks.\\nNotwithstanding these difficulties, if I may credit the report of the\\nprisoners, very few who were in town escaped. Expecting a second\\nexpedition, their goods were generally packed up and buried. Sixty\\nwarriors had crossed the Wabash to watch the paths leading from the\\nOhio. The head chief, with all the prisoners, and a number of families,\\nwere out digging a root which they substitute in the place of the potato\\nand about one hour before my arrival, all the warriors, except eight, had\\nmounted their horses, and rode up tlie river to a French store to pur-\\nchase ammunition. This ammunition had arrived from the Miami vil-\\nlage that very day, and the squaws informed me was stored about two\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 131.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Purpose of St. Claires Campaign. 353\\nmiles from the town. I detached Major Caldwell in quest of it but he\\nfailed to make any discovery, although he scoured the country for seven\\nor eight miles up the river.\\nI encamped in the town that night, and the next morning I cut up\\nthe corn, scarely in the milk, burnt the cabins, mounted the young war-\\nriors, squaws, and children, in the best manner in my power, and leaving\\ntwo infirm squaws and a child, with a short talk, I commenced my\\nmarch for the Kickapoo town in the prairie.*\\nThe Kickapoo prairie metropolis was not reached; the horses\\nwere too sore, and the bogs too deep but various cornfields were\\ndestroyed,! and a respectable Kickapoo town given to the flames\\nfor which the General was duly thanked by his country. IVIean-\\ntime, while Procter was attempting to hurry the slow-moving Iro-\\nquois, who told him it took them a gi eat while to think J and\\nWilkinson was floundering up to his arm-pits in mud and water,\\namong the morasses of the Wabash the needful preparations\\nwere constantly going forward for the great expedition of St. Clair,\\nwhich, by founding posts throughout the western country, from the\\nOhio to Lake Erie, and especially at the head of the Maumee,\\nwas to give the United States a sure means of control over the\\nsavages. At a very early period (1785) the admirable position of\\nthe Miami village at the junction of the St. Mary and St. Joseph,\\nhad struck Washington s sagacious mind, as we know from his\\ncorrespondence and when Harmar s expedition was undertaken,\\none purpose of it would doubtless have been the founding of a\\na military post at the Miami town, had it been compatible with\\nthe public finances.^ But Harmar s defeat having proved the ne-\\ncessity of some strong check upon the northern savages, it became\\nthe main purpose of the effort of 1791, to build a fort at the point de-\\nsignated, which was to be connected by other intermediate stations,\\nwith Fort Washington and the Ohio. Of this we have proof in the\\nlanguage of the Government after St. Clair s defeat: the great\\nobject of the late campaign, says General Knox in his official\\nreport, dated December 26, 1791, was to establish a strong-\\nmilitary post at the Miami village and this language is used more\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 134.\\nt Wilkinson says 430 acres of corn.\\nThis was said by the quick-witted Red Jacket. American State Papers, v- 157.\\nI His own words see his official report American State Papers, v. 134.\\nSparks Washington, ix. 109.\\nSee Knox s letter to St. Clair, September 12, 1790. American State Papers, v. 100-\\n23", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "354 Instructions to St. Clair. 1790-95.\\nthan once.* This object, too, was to be attained, if possible, even\\nat the expense of a contest which might be otherwise avoided f\\nbut the instructions to St, Clair upon this and other points, we\\nprefer to give in the clear and condensed language of Knox him-\\nself, omitting such portions only, as have not a bearing upon the\\ngeneral subject, and treat of details merely.\\nThe President of the United States having, by and with the advice\\nand consent of the Senate, appointed you a major general in the service\\nof the United States, and of consequence invested you with the chief\\ncommand of the troops to be employed upon the frontiers during the\\nensuing campaign, it is proper that you should be possessed of the\\nviews of the government respecting the objects of your command. I\\nam, therefore, authorized and commanded, by the President of the Uni-\\nted States, to deliver you the following instructions, in order to serve as\\nthe general principles of your conduct.\\nBut, it is only general principles which can be pointed out. In the\\nexecution of the duties of your station, circumstances which cannot\\nnow be foreseen may arise to render material deviations necessary. Such\\ncircumstances will require the exercise of your talents. The Govern-\\nment possesses the security of your character and mature experience,\\nthat your judgment will be proper on all occasions. You are well in-\\nformed of the unfavorable impressions which the issue of the last expe-\\ndition has made on the public mind, and you are also aware of the\\nexpectations which are formed of the success of the ensuing campaign.\\nAn Indian war, under any circumstances, is regarded by the great\\nmass of the people of the United Slates as an event which ought, if\\npossible, to be avoided. It is considered that the sacrifices of blood\\nand treasure in such a war far exceed any advantages which can possibly\\nbe reaped by it. The great policy, therefore, of the General Govern-\\nment, is to establish a just and liberal peace with all the Indian tribes\\nwithin the limits and in the vicinity of the territory of the United States.\\nYour intimations to the hostile Indians, immediately after the late expe-\\ndition, through the Wyandots and Delawares the arrangements with\\nihe Senecas who were lately in this city, that part of the Six Nations\\nshould repair to the said hostile Indians, to influence them to pacific\\nmeasures together with the recent mission of Colonel Procter to them\\nfor the same purpose, will strongly evince the desire of the General\\nGovernment to prevent the effusion of blood, and to quiet all dis-\\nturbances. And when you shall arrive upon the frontiers, if any other\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 197. 198.\\nAmerican State Papers, 181. The posts were to be established whether the Indians\\nremained hostile or not.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "1790-95, Instructions to St. Clair. 355\\nor further measures to effect the same object should present, you will\\neagerly embrace them, and the reasonable expenses thereof shall be de-\\nfrayed by the public. But, if all the lenient measures taken, or which\\nmay be taken, should fail to bring the hostile Indians to a just sense of\\ntheir situation, it will be necessary that you should use such coercive\\nmeans as you shall possess, for that purpose. You are informed that,\\nby an act of Congress, passed the 2d instant, another regiment is to be\\nraised, and added to the military establishment, and provision made for\\nraising two thousand levies, for the term of six months, for the service\\nof the frontiers. It is contemplated that the mass of the regulars and\\nlevies may be recruited and rendezvous at Fort Washington, by the 10th\\nof July. In this case, you will have assembled a force of three thou-\\nsand effectives at least, besides leaving small garrisons on the Ohio, in\\norder to perform your main expedition, hereinafter mentioned. But, in the\\nmean time, if the Indians refuse to listen to the messengers of peace sent to\\nthem, it is most probable they will, unless prevented, spread themselves\\nalong the line of frontiers, for the purpose of committing all the depreda-\\ntions in their power. In order to avoid so calamitous an event. Briga-\\ndier General Charles Scott, of Kentucky, has been authorized by me,\\non the part of the President of the United States, to make an expedi-\\ntion against the Wea, or Ouiatanon towns, with mounted volunteers, or\\nmilitia from Kentucky, not exceeding the number of seven hundred and\\nfifty, officers included. You will perceive, by the instructions to Bri-\\ngadier General Scott, that it is confided to your discretion, whether there\\nshould be more than one of the said expeditions of mounted volunteers\\nor militia. Your nearer view of the objects to be effected, by a second\\ndesultory expedition, will enable you to form a better judgment than\\ncan at present be formed, at this distance. The propriety of a second\\noperation would, in some degree, depend on the alacrity and good com-\\nposition of the troops of which the first may have been formed of its\\nsuccess of the probable effects a second similar blow would have upon\\nthe Indians, with respect to its influencing them to peace or, if they\\nshould be still hostilely disposed, of preventing them from desolating\\nthe frontiers by their parties.\\nYou will observe, in the instructions to Brigadier General Scott,\\nwhich are to serve as a basis for the instructions of the commanders who\\nmay succeed him, that all captives are to be treated with great humanity.\\nIt will be sound policy to attract the Indians by kindness, after demon-\\nstrating to them our power to punish them, on all occasions. While you\\nare making such use of desultory operations as in your judgment the\\noccasion may require, you will proceed vigorously, in every operation\\nin your power, for the purpose of the main expedition and having as-\\nsembled your force, and all things being in readiness, if no decisive in-\\ndications of peace should have been produced, either by the messengers", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "356 Instructions to St. Clair. 1790-%.\\nor by the desultory operations, you will commence your march for the\\nMiami village, in order to establish a strong and permanent military post\\nat that place. In your advance, you will establish such posts of com-\\nmunications with Fort Washington, on the Ohio, as you may judge pro-\\nper. The post at the Miami village is intended for the purpose of\\navveing and curbing the Indians in that quarter, and as the only preventive\\nof future hostilities. It ought, therefore to be rendered secure, against\\nall aUempts and insults of the Indians. The garrison which should be\\nstationed there ought not only to be sufficient for the defence of the\\nplace, but always to afl ord a detachment of five or six hundred men,\\neither to chastise any of the Wabash, or other hostile Indians, or to\\nsecure any convoy of provisions. The establishment of such a post is\\nconsidered as an important object of the campaign, and is to take place\\nin all events. In case of a previous treaty, the Indians are to be con-\\nciliated upon this point, if possible and it is presumed, good arguments\\nmay be offered, to induce their acquiescence. The situation, nature,\\nand construction of the works you may direct, will depend upon your\\nown judgment. Major Ferguson, of the artillery, will be fully capable of\\nthe execution. He will be furnished with three five and a half inch\\nhowitzers, three six pounders, and three three-pounders, all brass, with\\na sufficient quantity of shot and shells, for the purpose of the expedi-\\ntion. The appropriation of these pieces will depend upon your orders.\\nHaving commenced your march, upon the main expedition, and the\\nIndians continuing hostile, you will use every possible exertion to make\\nthem feel the efiects of your superiority and after having arrived at\\nthe Miami village, and put your works in a defensible state, you will\\nseek the enemy with the whole of your remaining force, and endeavor^\\nby all possible means, to strike them with great severity. It will be left\\nto your discretion whether to employ, if attainable, any Indians of the\\nSix Nations, and the Chickasaws or other southern Nations. Most\\nprobably the employment of about fifty of each, under the direction of\\nsome discreet and able chief, would be advantageous, but these ought\\nnot to be assembled before the line of march is taken up, because they\\nare soon tired and will not be detained. The force contemplated for the\\ngarrisons of the Miami village, and the communications, has been from\\na thousand to twelve hundred non-commissioned officers and privates.\\nThis is mentioned as a general idea, to which you will adhere, or from\\nwhich you will deviate, as circumstances may require. Tha garrison\\nstationed at the Miami village, and its communications, must have in\\nstore, at least six months good salted meat, and flour in proportion.\\nIt is hardly possible, if the Indians continue hostile, that you will be\\nsuffered quietly to establish a post at the Miami village conflicts, there-\\nfore may be expected and it is to be presumed that disciplined valor\\nwill triumph over the undisciplined Indians. In this event it is probable", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Instructions to St. Clair. 357\\nthat the Indians will sue for peace if this should be the case, the dig-\\nnity of the United States will require that the terms should be liberal. In\\norder to avoid future wars, it might be proper to make the Wabash, and\\nthence over to the Miami, and down the same to its mouth at Lake\\nErie, the boundary, excepting so far as the same should relate to the\\nWyandots and Delawares, on the supposition of their continuing faith-\\nful to the treaties. But, if they should join in the war against the\\nUnited States, and your army be victorious, the said tribes ought to be\\nremoved without the boundary mentioned. You will also judge whether\\nit would be proper to extend the boundary, from the mouth of the River\\nau Panse of the Wabash, in a due west line to the Mississippi. Few\\nIndians, besides the Kickapoos, would be affected by such a line this\\nought to be tenderly managed. The modification of the boundary must\\nbe confided to your discretion, with this single observation, that the\\npolicy and interest of the United States dictate their being at peace with\\nthe Indians. This is of more value than millions of uncultivated acres,\\nthe right to which may be conceded by some, and disputed by others.\\nThe establishment of a post at the Miami village will probably be re-\\ngarded, by the British officers on the frontiers, as a circumstance of\\njealousy it may, therefore, be necessary that you should, at a proper\\ntime, make such intimations as may remove all such dispositions. This\\nintimation had better follow than precede the possession of the post,\\nunless circumstances dictate otherwise. As it is not the inclination or\\ninterest of the United States to enter into a contest with Great Britain,\\nevery measure tending to any discussion or altercation must be pre-\\nvented. The delicate situation of affairs may therefore render it impro-\\nper at present to make any naval arrangement upon Lake Erie. After\\nyou shall have effected all the injury to the hostile Indians of which\\nyour force may be capable, and after having established the posts and\\ngarrisons at the Miami village and its communications, and placing the\\nsame under the orders of an officer worthy of such high trust, you will\\nreturn to Fort Washington on the Ohio,\\nIt is proper to observe, that certain jealousies have existed among the\\npeople of the frontiers, relative to a supposed interference between their\\ninterest, and those of the marine States that these jealousies are ill\\nfounded, with respect to the present Government, is obvious. The\\nUnited States embrace, with equal care, all parts of the Union; and, in\\nthe present case, are making expensive arrangements for the protection of\\nthe frontiers, and partly in the modes, too, which appear to be highly\\nfavored by the Kentucky people.\\nThe high stations you fill, of commander of the troops, and Governor\\nof the Western Territory, will afford you frequent opportunities to im-\\npress the frontier citizens of the entire good disposition of the General", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "358 St. Clair prepares for Campaign.. 1790-95\\nGovernment towards them in all reasonable things, and you will render\\nacceptable service, by cordially embracing all such opportunities.*\\nUnder these instructions St. Clair proceeded to organize his\\narmy. At the close of April he was in Pittsburg, toward which\\npoint troops from all quarters, horses, stores, and ammunition were\\ngoing forward. The forces, it was thought, would be assembled\\nby the last of July or first of August, f By the middle of July,\\nhowever, it was clear that the early part of September would be\\nas soon as the expedition could get under way J but the com-\\nmander was urged to press every thing, and act with the utmost\\npromptness and decision. But this was more easily urged than\\naccomplished. On the 15th of May, St. Clair had reached Fort\\nWashington, and at that time, the United States troops in the\\nwest amounted to but two hundred and sixty-four non-commission-\\ned officers and privates fit for duty; on the 15th of July this num-\\nber was more than doubled, however, as the first regiment, con-\\ntaining two hundred and ninety-nine men, on that day reached Fort\\nWashington. General Butler, who had been appointed second in\\ncommand, was employed through part of April and May in obtain-\\ning recruits but when obtained, there was no money to pay them,\\nnor to provide stores for them. In the quarter master s department,\\nmeantime, every thing went on slowly and badly; tents, pack-sad-\\ndles, kettles, knapsacks, and cartridge boxes were all deficient\\nin quantity and quality. 1I Worse than this, the powder was poor\\nor injured, the arms and accoutrements out of repair,** and not\\neven proper tools to mend them.ff And as the troops gathered\\nslowly at Fort Washington, after wearisome detentions at Pitts-\\nburg and upon the river, a new source of trouble arose in the hab-\\nits of intemperance indulged and acquired by the idlers: to with-\\ndraw them from temptation, St. Clair was forced to remove his\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 171.\\nt American State Papers, 176. Letter of May 12th. The original plan had been to\\nhave all ready by July 10. (St. Clair s Narrative, 7.)\\n4 American State Papers, v. 179. Letter of July 14.\\nI American State Papers, v. 180.\\nAmerican State Papers, xii. 36. Seventy-five at Fort Washington, forty-five at Fort\\nHarmar, sixty-one at Fort Steuben, and eighty-three at Fort Knox.\\n1 American State Papers, v. 36. 42.\\nAmerican State Papers, 36. 42. St. Clair s Narrative, p. 9 to 13.\\ntt American State Papers, xii. 36. 37. Of six hundred and seventy-five stand of arms at\\nFort Washington, (destined by St. Clair for the militia,) scarce any were in order; and\\nwith two travelling forges furnished by the quartermaster there were no anvils.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "1990-95. St. Clair marches JVorth. 359\\nmen, now numbering two thousand, to Ludlow s station, about\\nsix miles from the Fort by which, however, he more than doubled\\nhis cost of providing for the troops.* Here the army continued\\nuntil September 17th, when, being two thousand three hundred\\nstrong,t exclusive of militia, it moved forward to a point upon the\\nGreat Miami, where Fort Hamilton was built, the first in the pro-\\nposed chain of fortresses. This being completed, the troops\\nmoved on forty-four miles farther, and on the 12th of October\\ncommenced Fort Jefferson, about six miles south of the town of\\nGreenville, Darke county. On the 24th the toilsome march\\nthrough the wilderness began again. At this time the commander-\\nin-chief, whose duties through the summer had been very severe,\\nwas suffering from an indisposition which was by turns* in his\\nstomach, lungs and limbs; provisions were scarce, the roads wet\\nand heavy, the troops going with much difficulty, seven miles\\na day; the militia deserting sixty at a time.| Thus toiling along,\\nthe army, rapidly lessening by desertion, sickness, and troops sent\\nto arrest deserters, on the 3d of November reached a stream,\\ntwelve yards wide, which St. Clair supposed to be the St. Mary\\nof the Maumee, but which was in reality a branch of the Wabash,\\njust south of the head waters of the stream for which the com-\\nmander mistook it. Upon the banks of this creek the army now\\nabout fourteen hundred strong, encamped in two lines.\\nThe right wing, says St. Clair, in his letter to the Secretary of War,\\nafter the battle, composed of Butler s, Clark s, and Patterson s Bat-\\ntalions, commanded by Major General Butler, formed the first line, and\\nthe left wing, consisting of Bedinger s and Gaither s battalions, and the\\nsecond regiment, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Darke, formed the\\nsecond line, with an interval between them of about seventy yards,\\nwhich was all the ground would allow. The right flank was pretty well\\nsecured by the creek a steep bank, and Faulkner s corps, some of the\\ncavalry, and their picquets, covered the left flank. The militia were\\nthrown over the creek, and advanced about one quarter of a mile, and\\nencamped in the same order. There were a few Indians who appeared\\non the opposite side of the creek, but fled with the utmost precipitation,\\non the advance of the militia. At this place, which I judged to be about\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2American State Papers, xii. 37. The cost per ration at the Fort was sis and three-\\nquarter ninetieths of a dollar at the station, fifteen and one quarter: the former had\\nbeen contracted for.\\nfThis includes the garrisons of Forts Washington and Hamilton. (St. Clair s letter of\\nOctober 6. American State Papers, v. 136.)\\nSt. Clair s Journal. (American State Papers, v. 136-7.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "360 St. Clair s Defeat. 1790-95.\\nfifteen miles from the Miami village, I determined to throw up a slight\\nwork, the plan of which was concerted that evening with Major Fergu-\\nson, wherein to have deposited tlie men s knapsacks, and every thing\\nelse that was not of absolute necessity, and to have moved on to\\nattack the enemy as soon as the first regiment was come up. But\\nthey did not permit me to execute either: for, on the 4th, about half an\\nhour before sunrise, and when the men had just been dismissed from\\nparade, (for it was a constant practice to have them all under arms a con-\\nsiderable time before day- light,) an attack was made upon the militia.\\nThose gave way in a very little time and rushed into camp through\\nMajor Butler s Battalion, (which, together with a part of Clarke s, they\\nthey threw into considerable disorder, and which, notwithstanding the\\nexertions of both those officers, was never altogether reiiiedied,) the\\nIndians following close at their heels. The fire, however, of the front\\nline checked them but almost instantly a very heavy attack began upon\\nthat line and in a few minutes it was extended to the second likewise.\\nThe great weight of it was directed against the centre of each, where\\nthe artillery was placed, and from which the men were repeatedly\\ndriven with great slaughter. Finding no great effect from our fire, and\\nconfusion beginning to spread from the great number of men who were\\nfalling in all quarters, it became necessary to try what could be done\\nby the bayonet, Lieutenant Colonel Darke was accordingly ordered to\\nmake a charge with part of the second line, and to turn the left flank of\\nthe enemy. This was executed with great spirit. The Indians in-\\nstantly gave way, and were driven back three or four hundred yards\\nbut for want of a sufficient number of riflemen to pursue this advantage,\\nthey soon returned, and the troops were obliged to give back in their\\nturn. At this moment they had entered our camp by the left flanii,\\nhaving pushed back the troops that were posted there. Another charge\\nwas made here by the second regiment, Butler s and Clarke s battalions,\\nwith equal effect, and it was repeated several times and always with\\nsuccess but in all of them many men were lost, and particularly the\\nofficers, which, with so raw troops, was a loss altogether irremediable.\\nIn that I just spoke of, made by the second regiment ;nid Butler s bat-\\ntalion. Major Butler was dangerously wounded, and every officer of the\\nsecond regiment fell except three, one of which, Mr. Greaton, was shot\\nthrough the body.\\nOur artillery being now silenced, and all the officers killed except\\nCaptain Ford, who was very badly wounded, and more than half of the\\narmy fallen, being cut off from the road, it became necessary to attempt\\nthe regaining it, and to make a retreat, if possible. To this purpose\\nthe remains of the army was formed as well as circumstances would\\nadmit, towards the right of the encampment, from which, by the way of\\nthe second line, another charge was made upon the enemy, as if with", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "1790-95. St. Clair s Defeat. 361\\nthe design to turn their right flank, but in fact, to gain the road. This\\nwas eff ected, and as soon as it was open, the militia took along it, fol-\\nlowed by the troops Major Clarke, with his battalion, covering the\\nrear.\\nThe retreat, in those circumstances, was, you may be sure, a very\\nprecipitate one. It was, in fact, a flight. The camp and the artillery\\nwere abandoned but that was unavoidable for not a horse was left\\nalive to have drawn it off had it otherwise been practicable. But the\\nmost disgraceful part of the business is, that the greatest part of the\\nmen threw away their arms and accoutrements, even after the pursuit,\\nwhich continued about four miles, had ceased. I found the road\\nstrewed with them for many miles, but was not able to remedy it for,\\nhaving had all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that could\\nnot be pricked out of a walk, I could not get forward myself; and the\\norders I sent forward either to halt the front, or to prevent the men\\nfrom parting with their arms, were unattended to. The rout conti-\\nnued quite to Fort Jeff erson, twenty-nine miles, which was reached a\\nlittle after sun-setting. The action began about half an hour before\\nsunrise, and the retreat was attempted at half an hour after nine o clock.\\nI have not yet been able to get returns of the killed and wounded but\\nMajor General Butler, Lieutenant Colonel Oldham, of the militia,\\nMajor Ferguson, Major Hart, and Major Clarke, are among the former:\\nColonel Sargent, my Adjutant General, ^Lieutenant Colonel Darke,\\nLieutenant Colonel Gibson, Major Butler, and the Viscount Malartie,\\nwho served me as an Aid-de-camp, are among the latter and a great\\nnumber of captains and subalterns in both.\\nI have now, sir, finished my melancholy tale a tale that will be felt\\nsensibly by every one thai has sympathy for private distress, or for pub-\\nlic misfortune. I have nothing, sir, to lay to the charge of the troops,\\nbut their want of discipline, which, from the short lime they had been\\nin service, it was impossible they should have acquired, and which ren-\\ndered it very difficult, when they were thrown into confusion, to reduce\\nthem again to order, and is one reason why the loss has fallen so heavy\\non the officers, who did every thing in their power to effect it. Neither\\nwere my own exertions wanting: but, worn down with illness, and\\nsufl ering under a painful disease, unable either to mount or dismount a\\nhorse without assistance, they were ^not so great as they otherwise\\nwould, and perhaps ought to have been. We were overpowered by\\nnumbers; but it is no more than justice to observe, that, though com-\\nposed of so many different species of troops, the utmost harmony pre-\\nvailed through the whole army during the campaign. At Fott Jeffer-\\nson I found the first regiment, which had returned from the service\\nthey had been sent upon, without either overtaking the deserters, or\\nmeeting the convoy of provisions. I am not, certain, sir, whether I", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "362 St. Clair s Defeat. 1790-95.\\nought to consider the absence of this regiment from the field of action,\\nas fortunate or otherwise. I incline to think it was fortunate for, I\\nvery much doubt whether, had it been in the action, the fortune of the\\nday had been turned; and, if it had not, the triumph of the enemy\\nwould have been more complete, and the country would have been des-\\ntitute of every means of defence. Taking a view of the situation of\\nour broken troops at Fort JeTerson, and that there was no provision\\nin the fort, I called upon the field officers, viz Lieutenant Colonel\\nDarke, Major Hamtrarack, Major Zeigler, and Major Gailher, together\\nvt^ith the Adjutant General, [Winlhrop Sargent,] for their advice what\\nvi^ould be proper further to be done and it was their unanimous opinion,\\nthat tlie adiiliou of the first regiment, unbroken as it was, did not put\\nthe army on so respectable a foot as it was in the morning, because a\\ngreat part of it was now unarmed; that it had been then found unequal\\nto the enemy, and should they come on, which was possible, would be\\nfound so again that the troops could not be thrown into the fort, both\\nbecause it was too small, and that there were no provisions in it that\\nprovisions were known to be upon the road, at^the distance of one, or at\\nmost two marches that, therefore, it would be more proper to move\\nwithout loss of time, to meet the provisions, when the men might have\\nthe sooner an opportunity of some refreshment, and that a proper\\ndetachment might be sent back with it, to have it safely deposited in the\\nfort. This advice was accepted, and the army was put in motion at ten\\no clock, and marched all night, and the succeeding day met with a\\nquantity of flour. Part of it was distributed immediately, part taken\\nback to supply the army on the march to Fort Hamilton, and the\\nremainder, about fifty horse loads, sent forward to Fort Jefferson. The\\nnext day a drove of cattle was met with for the same place, and I have\\ninformation that both got in. The wounded, who had been left at that\\nplace, were ordered to be brought to Fort Washington by the return\\nhorses.\\nI have said, sir, in a former part of this letter, that we were over-\\npowered by numbers. Of that, however, I have no other evidence\\nbut the weight of the fire, which was always a most deadly one, and\\ngenerally delivered from the ground few of the enemy showing them-\\nselves afoot, except when they were charged and that, in a few\\nminutes our whole camp, which extended above three hundred and fifty\\nyards in length, was entirely surrounded and attacked on all quarters.\\nThe loss, sir, the public has sustained by the fall of so many officers,\\nparticularly General Butler and Major Ferguson, cannot be too much\\nregretted; but it is a circumstance that will alleviate the misfortune\\nin some measure, that all of them fell most gallantly doing their duty.\\nI have had very particular obligations to many of them, as well as to\\nthe survivors, but to none more than Colonel Sargent. He has dis-", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "1790-95. St. Clair s Defeat. 363\\ncharged the various duties of his office with zeal, with exactness, and\\nwith intelligence, and on all occasions afforded ine every assistance in\\nhis power, which I have also experienced from my aid-de-camp, Lieu-\\ntenant Denny, and the Viscount Malartie, who served with me in the\\nstation as a volunteer.*\\nTo this description by the commander, we add the following\\nsketch by a subordinate actor in the scene, whose account brings\\nvividly to view the confusion both of the battle and flight.\\nOn the fourth [of November] at daybreak, I began to prepare for\\nreturning [to Fort Washington,!] and had got about half my luggage\\non my horse, when the firing commenced. We were encamped just\\nwithin the lines, on the right. The attack was made on the Kentucky\\nmilitia. Almost instantaneously the small remnant of them that escaped\\nbroke through the line near us, and this line gave way. Followed by a\\ntremendous fire from the enemy, they passed me. I threw my bridle\\nover a stump, from which a tent pole had been cut, aud followed a short\\ndistance, when finding the troops had halted, I returned and brought\\nmy horse a little farther. I was now between the fires, and finding the\\ntroops giving way again, was obliged to leave him a second time. As\\nI quilted him he was shot down, and I felt rather glad of it, as I con-\\ncluded that now I shall be at liberty to share in the engagement. My\\ninexperience prompted me to calculate on our forces being far superior\\nto any that the savages could assemble, and that we should soon hav\u00c2\u00ab\\nthe pleasure of driving them. Not more than five minutes had yet\\nelapsed, when a soldier near me had his arm swinging with a wound.\\nI requested his arms and accoutrements, as he was unable to use them,\\npromising to return them to him, and commenced firing. The smoke\\nwas settled down to about within three feet of the ground, but I gen-\\nerally put one knee to the ground, and with a rest from behind a tree,\\nwaited the appearance of an Indian s head from behind his cover, or\\nfor one to run and change his position. Before I was convinced of my\\nmistaken calculations, the battle was half over and I had become famil-\\niarized to the scene. Hearing the firing at one time unusually brisk\\nnear the rear of the left wing, I crossed the encampment. Two levy\\nofficers were just ordering a charge. I had fired away my ammunition,\\nand some of the bands of my musket had flown off I picked up\\nanother, and a cartridge box nearly full, and pushed forward with about\\nthirty others. The Indians ran to the right, where there was a small\\nravine filled with logs. I bent my course after them, and on looking\\nround, found I was with only seven or eight men, the others having\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 137.\\nt He was in the quirter-master general s service so that he fought on his own hook.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "364 Van Cleve s account of St. Clair s Defeat. 1790-95.\\nkept straight forward, and halted about thirty yards off. We halted\\nalso, and being so near to where the savages lay concealed, the second\\nfire from them left me standing alone. My cover was a small sugar\\ntree or beech, scarcely large enough to hide me. I fired away all\\nmy ammunition I am uncertain whether with any effect or not.\\nI then looked for the party near me, and saw them retreating and half\\nway back to the lines. I followed them running my best, and was\\nsoon in. By this time our artillery had been taken, I do not know\\nwhether the first or second time, and our troops had just retaken it, and\\nwere charging the enemy across the creek in front and some person\\ntold me to look at an Indian running with one of our kegs of powder,\\nbut I did not see him. There were about thirty of our men and offi-\\ncers lying scalped around the pieces of artillery. It appeared that the\\nIndians had not been in a hurry, for their hair was all skinned off.\\nDaniel Bonham, a young man raised by my uncle and brought up\\nwith me, and whom I regarded as a brother, had by this time received\\na shot through his hips, and was unable to walk. I procured a horse\\nand got him on. My uncle had received a ball near his wrist that\\nlodged near his elbow. The ground was literally covered with dead\\nand dying men, and the commander gave orders to take the way\\nperhaps they had been given more explicitly. Happening to see ray\\nuncle, he told me that a retreat was ordered, and that I must do the best\\nI could, and take care of myself. Bonham insisted that he had a better\\nchance of escaping than I had, and urged me to look to ray own safety\\nalone. I found the troops pressing like a drove of bullocks to the right.\\nI saw an officer whom I took to be Lieutenant Morgan, an aid to Gen-\\neral Butler, with six or eight men, start on a run a little to the left of\\nwhere I was. I immediately ran and fell in with them. In a short\\ndistance we were so suddenly among the Indians, who were not ap-\\napprised of our object, that they opened to us, and ran to the right and\\nleft without firing. I think about two hundred of our men passed\\nthrough them before they fired, except a chance shot. When we had\\nproceeded about two miles, most of those mounted had passed me. A\\nboy had been thrown or fell off a horse, and begged my assistance, I\\nran, pulling him along about two miles further, until I had become\\nnearly exhausted. Of the last two horses in the rear, one carried two\\nmen, and the other three. I made an exertion and threw him on\\nbehind the two men. The Indians followed but about half a mile\\nfurther. The boy was thrown off some time after, but escaped and got\\nin safely. My friend Bonham I did not see on the retreat, but under-\\nstood he was thrown off about this place, and lay on the left of the\\ntrace, whore he was found in the winter and was buried. I took the\\ncramp violently in my thighs, and could scarcely walk, until I got\\nwithin a hundred yards of the rear, where the Indians were tomahawk-", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Van Cleveh account of St. Claires Defeat. 365\\ning the old and wounded men and I stopped here to tie my pocket\\nhandkerchief around a man s wounded knee. I saw the Indians close\\nin pursuit at this time, and for a moment my spirits sunk, and I felt in\\ndespair for my safety. I considered whether I should leave the road,\\nor whether I was capable of any further exertion. If I left the road,\\nthe Indians were in plain sight and could easily overtake me. I threw\\nthe shoes off my feet, and the coolness of the ground seemed to revive\\nme. I again began a trot, and recollect that, when a bend in the road\\noffered, and I got before half a dozen persons, 1 thought it would\\noccupy some time for the enemy to massacre them, before my turn\\nwould come. By the time I had got to Stillwater, about eleven miles,\\nI had gained the centre of the flying troops, and, like them, came to a\\nwalk. I fell in with Lieutenant Shaumburg, who, I think, was the only\\nofficer [of artillery that got away unhurt, with Corporal Mott, and a\\nwoman who was called red-headed Nance. The latter two were both\\ncrying. Mott was lamenting the loss of a wife, and Nance that of an\\ninfant child. Shaumburg was nearly exhausted, and hung on Mott s\\narm. I carried his fusee and accoutrement?, and led Nance and in\\nthis sociable way we arrived at Fort Jefferson a little after sunset.\\nThe commander-in-chief had ordered Colonel Darke to press for-\\nward to the convoys of provisions, and hurry them on to the army.\\nMajor Truman, Captain Sedan and my uncle were setting forward with\\nhim. A number of soldiers, and packhorsemen on foot, and myself\\namong them, joined them. We came on a few miles, when all, over-\\ncome with fatigue, agreed to halt. Darius Curtus Orcutt,* a packhorse\\nmaster, had stolen at Jefferson one pocket full of flour and the other\\nfull of beef. One of the men had a kettle, and one Jacob Fowler and\\nmyself groped about in the dark, until we found some water, where\\na tree had been blown out of root. We made a kettle of soup, of\\nwhich I got a small portion among the many. It was then concluded\\nas there was a bend in the road a few miles further on, that the Indians\\nmight undertake to intercept us there, and we decamped and travelled\\nabout four or five miles further. I had got a rifle and ammunition at\\nJeflerson, from a wounded militiaman, an old acquaintance, to bring in.\\nA sentinel was set, and we lay down and slept, until the governor\\ncame up a few hours afterward. I think I never slept so profoundly.\\nI could hardly get awake, after I was on my feet. On the day before\\nthe defeat, the ground was covered with snow. The flats were now\\nfilled with water frozen over, the ice as thick as a knife blade. I was\\nworn out with fatigue, with my feet knocked to pieces against the roots\\nin the night, and splashing through the ice without shoes. In the morn-\\nOrcutt s packhorses were branded D. C. 0., and it was a standing joke, when any one\\nasked what the brand meant, to answer that D. C. stood for Darby Carey, and the round\\nfor his wife.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "366 Effect of St. Clair s Defeat. 1790-95.\\ning we got to a camp of packhorseraen, and amongst them I got a\\ndoughboy or water-dnmpling, and proceeded. We got within seven\\nmiles of Hamilton on this day, and arrived there soon on the morning\\nof the sixth.*\\nThus were all the plans, hopes and labors of Washington, Knox\\nand St. Clair, in reference to the Indian campaign, in one day,\\noverthrown. The savages, again victorious, could neither be ex-\\npected to make terms or exercise forbearance; and along the\\nwhole line of the frontier there were but few that did not feel\\nanxiety, terror, or despair. f In its effects^ this was a second\\n13. Vancleve, in American Pioneer, ii. 150.\\nt \\\\Vc give in illustration the following. Representation from the inhabitants of\\nthe foiMi of Pittsburg, dated, Pif/shitrgh, Dece7nber Wth, 1191 Sir: In consequence of\\nthe late intelligence of the fate of the campaign to the Westward, the inhabitants of the\\ntown of Pittsburg have convened, and appointed us a committee for the purpose of ad-\\ndressing your Excellency. The late disaster of the army must greatly effect the safety\\nof this place. There can be no doubt but the enemy will now come forward, and with\\nmore spirit, and greater numbers, than they ever did before, for success will give con-\\nfidence and secure allies.\\nWe seriously apprehend that the Six Nations, heretofore wavering, will now avow\\nthemselves at least their young men will come to war. Be that as it may, the Indians\\nat present hostile, are well acquainted with the defenceless situation of this town.\\nDuring the late war there was a garrison at this place, though, even then, there was not\\nsuch a combination of the savage nations, nor so much to be dreaded from them. At\\npresent, we have neither garrison, arms, nor ammunition to defend the place. If the\\nenemy should be disposed to pursue the blow they have given, which it is morally certain\\nthey will, they would, in our situation, find it easy to destroy us and, should this place\\nbe lost, the whole country is open to them, and must be abandoned. A. Tannehill and\\nothers, to the Governor of Pennsylvania.\\nMeiaorial fro7a the inhabitants of the co^mty of Westmoreland, Washington, Fayette,\\nand Alleghany to the Governor of Pennsylvania: To his Excellency Thomas Mifflin,\\nEsq., Governor of the State of Pennsylvania: Your Excellency is well aware\\nof the great extent of our frontier and, when you consider the high degree of\\nspirit which the savages, animated by two successive victories, entertain, you may more\\neasily conceive, than we can describe, the fears which pervade the breasts of those men,\\nwomen and children, who are more immediately subject to their barbarities and depreda-\\ntions. Had the people a sufficiency of arms in their hands, they might, in some measure,\\ndefend themselves until the General Government, to whose care the common defence is\\nentrusted, sliould adopt efficient steps for that purpose. At the same time, we beg leave\\nto state to your Excellency, what occurs to us as the most speedy and effectual mode.\\nWhen the extent of country to be protected is taken into view, we conceive that eight\\nhundred effective men will not be deemed more than sufficient. They should be active\\npartisans, under experienced officers, and provided with good rifles, to suit the grand\\nobject of meeting tlie enemy upon equal terms of scouting, and giving the alarm when\\nneedful. Such a body should have encouragement proportioned to the price of common\\nlabor in this country, which averages at fifty shillings per month, as the pay allowed to\\nIn Braddock s battle of one thousand two hundred men, seven hundred and fourteen\\nwere killed and wounded in St. Clair s, of fourteen hundred men, eight hundred and\\nninety-four of Braddock s officers, eighty-six in number, sixty-three were killed and\\nwounded j of St. Clair-s, sixty-one out of about an equal number, (86 to 90.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Causes of St. Clai/rh Defeat. 367\\nBraddock s defeat, was it so in its causes 1- General Knox as-\\nsigned as the chief reasons of St. Clair s overthrow, 1st, the defi-\\nciency of good troops 2d, the want of appropriate training among\\nthose he (St. Clair) had 3d, the lateness of the season.* The\\ncommittee of the House of Representatives which examined the\\nmatter, upon the 8th of May 1792 reported the causes of the\\ncatastrophe of the previous November to have been, in their\\nopinion, 1st, the delay in preparing estimates, c., for the de-\\nfence of the frontiers, and the late passage of the Act (March 3d,)\\nfor that purpose 2d, the delay caused by the neglects in the\\nQuartermaster s department: 3d, the lateness of the season when\\nthe expedition was commenced and, 4th, the want of discipline\\nand experience in the troops. This Committee also expressly\\ndeclared General St. Clair free of all blame in relation to every\\nthing both before and during the action. f Will the causes thus\\nassigned fully explain the defeat? In answer it may be observed,\\neven by one wholly ignorant of military matters, that the late pas-\\nsage of an act of Congress, the want of proper measures by the\\nQuartermaster, and the lateness of the season were obviously not\\namong the leading causes of the rout of November 4th, 1791\\nthese things might have prevented the accomplishment of the plan\\nfor erecting a fort at the Miami Village, even had St. Clair been\\nthe troops of the United States would not be a sufficient inducement to able bodied men,\\npossessing the requisite qualifications. We suggest these general ideas from our knowl-\\nedge of local circumstances, which they who are at a distance, unacquainted with the\\nactual situation of the western country, cannot so well perceive. It is not our wish to\\nenter into a minute detail, being convinced that your Excellency is not only fully ac-\\nquainted with, but feelingly alive to, those impressions, which a state such as ours must\\ngive rise to nor can we apply to any person more proper than yourself to procure that\\nassistance which it requires.\\nFrom the Eepresentatives of the Coitnty of Ohio to the Governor of Virginia Sir\\nThe alarming intelligence lately received, of the defeat of the army in the western coun-\\ntry, fills our minds with dreadful fears and apprehensions, concerning the safety of our\\nfellow -citizens in the county we represent, and we confidently hope will be an excuse to\\nyour Excellency, whose zeal has been so frequently evinced in behalf of the distressed\\nfrontier counties, for the request we are now compelled to make. In the course of last\\nvear, upwards of fifty of our people were killed, and a great part of our country plunder-\\ned, notwithstanding the aid afforded by the Pennsylvanians, who joined the Virginians in\\nour defence. The success of the Indians in their late engagement with General St.\\nClair, will, no doubt, render them more daring and bold in their future incursions and\\nattacks upon our defenceless inhabitants those adjoining the county of Harrison, extend\\nin T a hundred miles covering the county of Monongalia and we conceive that not less\\nthan sixty or seventy men will be sufficient to defend them. Through you, sir, we beg\\nleave to request this assistance. (American State Papers, v. 215, 216. 2.22.)\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 198.\\nt American State Papers, xii. 38, 39.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "368 Causes of St. Clair s Defeat. 1790-95.\\nvictorious on that day, but they did not cause his defeat. Was it\\nthen the want of good troops? We think a re-perusal of the\\nGeneral s letter will show that his troops were not worthless by\\nany means the action began about six o clock,* and lasted till\\nhalf-past nine, this could not have been the case with undisci-\\nplined troops, unless they had possessed at least the raw material\\nof soldiers, and had been men who, well situated, would have\\ndone well. However much, then, the troops may have been\\nwanting in a proper training, it seems clear to us that this alone\\nwould not explain the fortune of the day unless the enemy had\\nbeen present in overwhelming numbers and such was not proba-\\nbly the case, the best evidence we have going to show that the\\nIndians were but about 1000 in number,f while the Americans\\nwere 1400. Leaving then the reasons officially assigned, we sug-\\ngest that to the reader ignorant of military science it seems that\\ntwo striking causes of the melancholy result are unnoticed by the\\nSecretary of War and the Committee of Congress: viz., the sur-\\nprise by the Indians, who were in no degree expected by the\\narmy; and the confusion introduced at the outset by the flying\\nmilitia. Had the attack been expected, the troops prepared, all\\nchance of confusion avoided, and had the very able officers who\\ncommanded been obeyed, with all the disadvantage of raw\\ntroops, the event might have been, probably would have been,\\nwholly different. We are then led to ask, how it happened that\\nthe troops Avere surprised: were proper measures taken to guard\\nagainst surprise? The militia, as St. Clair says, were a quarter\\nof a mile in advance of the main army, and beyond the creek;\\nstill farther in advance was Captain Slough, who, with a volunteer\\nparty of regulars, went out to reconnoitre and orders had been\\ngiven Colonel Oldham who commanded the militia to have the\\nwoods thoroughly examined by the scouts and patrols, as Indians\\nwere known to be hanging about the outskirts of the army.\\nIn all this St. Clair seems to have done his entire duty as far as\\nsickness would permit him could he have seen in person to the\\nessential steps it would have been better. During the night Cap-\\ntain Slough, who was a mile beyond the militia, found so large a\\nNovember 4th, sunrise is about half after six.\\nAmerican State Papers, xii. 37. The Secretary of War in December 1791, estimated\\nthe Indians at 3000, but the Committee of the following May, having his and otlier evi-\\ndence cut the number down to 1040. American State Papers, v. 198. American State\\nPapers, xii. 44.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Causes of St. Clair s Defeat. 369\\nbody of savages gathering about him, that he fell back and\\nreported his observations to General Butler. But the General, for\\nreasons unexplained,* made no dispositions in consequence of this\\ninformation, and did not report it to the Commander-in-chief.\\nColonel Oldham also obeyed his orders, the woods were searched,\\nand the presence of the enemy detected, but he too reported,\\nthrough Captain Slough, to General Butler, beyond whom the\\ninformation did not go.f The consequence was that in the morn-\\ning the army was taken unawares and unprepared. But even thus\\ntaken there was a great chance of victory for the United States\\ntroops, had they not been thrown into disorder at the outset by the\\nflight of the militia and this leads us to notice the coincidence of\\ncommon sense uninformed by technical knowledge, with practiced\\nmilitary skill, for both (after Harmar s experience of 1790 with\\nthe western militia,) would have forbidden the step taken by St.\\nClair, when he posted his militia in a body in front of the other\\ntroops. The experience of Hardin, under Harmar, had demon-\\nstrated that militia could not be trusted as a military force opposed\\nto Indians, however brave the individuals; as in the war of the\\nRevolution their untrustworthiness as troops, when opposed to\\nHe was killed in the battle. St. Clair and Butler were not on good terms at the\\ntime. (St. Clair s Narrative, 31 to 36.) Various stories are told as to General Butler s\\ndeath some (see John Johnston s paper in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 299,) say he\\nwas killed by a son of his own, a half-breed Shawanese cliief; Stone (Life of Brant, ii.\\n310,) says he was badly wounded, and being left on the field asked Simon Girty to kill\\nhim, but that he refused, and an Indian then put him out of his pain taking his scalp\\nand heart as trophies others (Butler s Kentucky, 204) say he was wounded and taken\\ninto the American camp, and there, while his wounds were being dressed, killed by au\\nIndian, who in his turn was instantly slain. This last account seems to be disproved by\\nJ. Matson who says, that in the following winter, when Wilkinson sent a party, (of which\\nhe was one,) to the field of St. Clair s defeat, they found, as was thought, Butler s body\\nin the thickest of the carnage. (Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 31.) Colonel Semple,\\nhowever, (St. Clair s Narrative, 221) deposes that he saw four soldiers putting General\\nButler, after his fall, into a blanket. General Butler had been an Indian trader at an\\nearly day the Letters of an American Planter contain a map of the Scioto, taken\\nfrom his Journal it gives the names of eight Indian towns on the upper Scioto they\\nwere Mamaconfink, Puckshenoses, Maquechaick, Blue Jacket s town, Pecowick, Kis-\\npoko, Waccachalla, and Chillichatee these were on Deer Creek, Alleman Creek, c.\\nf Deposition of Captain Slough in St. Clair s Narrative, 213 to 219. Marshall s Ken-\\ntucky, i. 380. St. Clair s report P. S. in American State Papers, v. 138. (Slough is mis-\\nprinted Hough.) There was an Indian camp three quarters of a mile in extent in advance\\nof the position of the militia. (See report of February 1791, in Dillon s Indiana, i. 308.)\\nOldham and Slough were convinced the army would be attacked in the morning, (St.\\nClair s Narrative, pp. 215,217;) yet Oldham took no measures in consequence, and sent\\nhis report to St. Clair in a very indifferent way, and through others. He was killed in the\\nbattle. Had St. Clair received his account he says he should have attacked the Indians.\\n(Narrative, 135.)\\n24", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "370 Causes of St. Clair s Defeat 1790-95.\\nregulars had been experimentally proved: and common sense,\\nif free, unfettered by technical rules, would we think have pre-\\nvented St. Clair placing his militia as he did. With this we say\\nskill agrees, for we find, John Armstrong, the victor of Kittaning,\\nand an experienced Indian warrior saying, placing the militia\\nin a body over the brook, permit me to say, was an unwarrantable\\nstep, where two or three small pickets would have served a better\\npurpose. adds, in words which suggest a third real\\ncause of defeat,\\nIt seems probable, that too much attachment to regular or mili-\\ntary rule, or a too great confidence in the artillery (which it seems\\nformed part of the lines, and had a tendency to render the troops\\nstationary,) must have been the motives, which led to the adopted\\norder of action. I call it adopted, because the General does not\\nspeak of having intended any other, whereby he presented a large\\nand visible object, perhaps in close orders too, to an enemy near\\nenough to destroy, but from their known modes of action compara-\\ntively invisible whereby we may readily infer, that five hundred\\nIndians were fully sufficient to do us all the injury we have sus-\\ntained, nor can I conceive them to have been many more. But tra-\\ngical as the event has been, we have this consolation, that during\\nthe action our officers and troops discovered great bravery, and that\\nthe loss of a battle is not always the loss of the cause. In vain,\\nhowever, may we expect success against our present adversaries,\\nwithout taking a few lessons from them, which I thought Ameri-\\ncans had learned long ago. The principles of their military action\\nare rational, and therefore often successful. We must in a degree\\ntake a similar method in order to counteract them.\\nIf these views are sound, there was no such neglect on St.\\nClair s, as there was on Braddock s part no overweening self-\\nconfidence, or disregard of sound advice there was nothing, abso-\\nlutely nothing, to excuse the abuse and persecution to which he\\nwas afterwards subjected; but there was, 1st, apparent neglect on\\nthe part of General Butler and Colonel Oldham, leading to a sur-\\nprise; 2d, a mistaken position assigned the militia by St. Clair,\\nMilitia men, like the members of a mob, want that feeling of confidence in the col-\\nlective force of the troop which sustains the regular soldier; each man, however brave,\\nTvHows himself unable alone to oppose the enemy, and he feels for the moment as if he\\nwere alone.\\nt Armstrong s letter of December 23d; 1791; to Washington. Sparks Washington,\\n1. 223.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Note.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Plans for further action. 371\\nm accordance with the maxims of most officers of the day: and\\n3d, a needless adherence to military rules on the part of the Com-\\nrnander-in-Chief, which made his force a target for the Indians to\\nshoot at.*\\nOne circumstance connected with this battle, and one of no\\ninconsiderable interest, has been but lately brought to light, and\\nmay even now, perhaps, be doubted it is the presence of Joseph\\nBrant, Thayendanegea, the great Captain of the Mohawks.\\nUntil this was announced in 1838, by Colonel Stone in his life of\\nthat Chieftain, the Little Turtle, Mechecunnaqua, Chief of the\\nMiamis, had been universally regarded as the leader at St. Clair s,\\nas he had been at Harmar s, defeat. Mr. Stone s information was\\nderived from Brant s family but as there might have been error\\nin the tradition, as it is very improbable that he should have\\nbeen there, and no whisper from any source have got abroad in all\\nthe time since elapsed as he had been before and was after-\\nwards a messenger and advocate of peace, and as to believe him\\nat St. Clair s defeat would be to believe him guilty of needless\\ndisguise and deception, we cannot but doubt the correctness of\\nthe tale told Mr. Stone. f But whoever led the savage forces, led\\nthem with ability and valor, and in no recorded battle did the sons\\nof the forest ever show themselves better warriors.\\nIt was on November 4t h that the battle took place on the 8th\\nthe remains of the army reached Fort Washington on the 9th St.\\nClair wrote to the Secretary of War; on the 12th of December\\nthe information was communicated to Congi ess and on the 26th\\nof December General Knox laid before the President two reports,\\nihe second of which contained suggestions as to future operations.\\nAfter noticing the policy of the Government toward the native\\ntribes, the futility of all attempts to preserve peace, and the justice\\nof the United States claim, the Secretary proceeds,\\nHence it would appear, that the principles of justice as well as policy,\\nand it may be added, the principles of economy, all combine to dictate,\\nthat an adequate military force should be raised as soon as possible, placed\\nupon the frontiers, and disciplined according to the nature of the service,\\nin order to meet, with the prospect of success, the greatest probable\\ncombination of the Indian enemy.\\nAlthough the precise manner in which the force to be raised should\\nWayne and Harrison, as all know, avoided this trouble by their open order of battle.\\nt Stone s Brant, ii. 313.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "372 Plans of General Knox. 1790-95.\\nbe employed, cannot be pointed out with propriety at this time, as it will\\ndepend on the circumstances of the moment, yet it may not be improper\\nto observe, that, upon a review of the merits of the main object of the\\nlate campaign, to wit the establishment of a strong military post at the\\nMiami village, with the necessary posts of communication, the necessity\\nand propriety thereof remain the same; that this necessity will probably\\ncontinue until we shall be possessed of the posts upon Lake Michigan,\\nof Detroit, and Niagara, withheld from us by Great Britain, contrary to\\ntreaty. Without remarking upon the principles of this conduct, it may\\nbe observed generally, that every arrangement in the power of the Uni-\\nted States, for establishing the tranquility of the frontiers, will be inferior\\nto the possession of said posts. That it is, however, considered, that^\\nif the said posts were in our possession, we ought also to have a strong\\npost at the Miami village, in order to render the protection effectual, and\\nthat the posts above-mentioned will require garrisons whensoever they\\nshall be given up.\\nThe subscriber having deliberately contemplated the present state of\\naffairs upon the frontiers, from the south to the north, having recurred\\nto the past in order to estimate the probable future events, finds himself\\nconstrained by his public duty, although with great reluctance, to state,\\nas the result of his judgment, that the public service requires an increase\\nof the military force, according to the following arrangement\\nThat the military establishment of the United States shall, during the\\npleasure of Congress, consist of five thousand one hundred and sixty-\\neight non-commissioned, privates and musicians.\\nThat the said non-commissioned officers and privates shall be enlisted\\nto serve three years, unless sooner discharged.\\nThat the said troops be organized as follows\\nOne squadron of cavalry, of four troops, each of 76 non-com-\\nmissioned and privates, 304\\nIt should be a stipulation in the engagements of these men,\\nthat they should serve on foot whenever the service requires the\\nmeasure.\\nOne battalion of artillery, of four companies each, to consist\\nof 76 non-commissioned and privates, 304\\nEach company of artillery to have, as part of its composition,\\nten artificers each, including the pay of artillerists to have ten dol-\\nlars per month.\\nFive regiments of infantry, one of which to be riflemen entire-\\nly, each of three battalions each battalion of four companies\\neach company of 76 non-commissioned and privates amounting,\\nfor each regiment, to 912, 4,560\\n\u00c2\u00a7,168", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Plans of General Knox. 373\\nThat, in addition to the foregoing arrangement, it would be proper\\nthat the President of the United Slates should be authorized, besides\\nthe employment of militia, to take such measures, for the defensive pro-\\ntection of the exposed parts of the frontiers, by calling into service ex-\\npert woodsmen, as patrols or scouts, upon such terms as he may judge\\nproper. That he be further authorized, in case he should deem the\\nmeasure expedient, to engage mounted militia for defensive operations,\\nfor such lime, and on such terms, as he may judge equitable. That he\\nbe further authorized, in case he should deem the measure expedient, to\\nemploy a body of Indians belonging to tribes in alliance with the United\\nStates, to act against the hostile Indians and that he be authorized to\\nstipulate such terms as he shall judge right.\\nThat it does not seem essential, at this time, that there should be any\\nspecial appropriations for the defensive protection, the mounted militia,\\nor the employment of Indians, although the actual expenses for those\\nobjects may amount to considerable sums, because the estimates, before\\nmentioned, comprehend the entire expense, for one year, of the pro-\\nposed establishment as complete. But, let the exertions to complete it\\nbe ever so great, yet it is probable a deficiency will exist, which will of\\ncourse occasion a less expense. The moneys, therefore, which may be\\nappropriated to the establishjnent, and not expended, may be applied to\\nthe extra objects above mentioned. If, however, there should be a de-\\nficiency, it may hereafter be provided for. That the nett pay of the\\nprivate soldier, at present, free of all deductions, is two dollars per\\nmonth. But, as the experience of the recruiting service, of the present\\nyear, evinces that the inducement is insufficient, it seems necessary to\\nraise the pay to three dollars per month, free of all deductions and the\\nnon-commissioned officers in proportion. The rifle corps will require\\nmore. But whether, under present circumstances, even the additional\\npay, and an extension of bounty to eight dollars, would give such an\\nimpulse to the recruiting service, as to fill the battalions immediately,\\nremains to be tried. Nothing has been said upon an increased pay to\\nthe commissioned officers, because a memorial upon that subject has\\nbeen presented to Congress. But it cannot be doubted that a small in-\\ncrease would be highly grateful to the officers, and probably beneficial\\nto the service. The mounted militia is suggested to be used during the\\npreparation for the main expedition, (and afterwards, if circumstances\\nshould render it indispensable.) The effect of such desultory opera-\\ntions upon the Indians will, by occupying them for their own safety,\\nand that of their families, prevent their spreading terror and destruction\\nalong the frontiers. These sort of expeditions had that precise effect\\nduring the last season, and Kentucky enjoyed more repose, and sustain-\\ned less injury, than for any year since the war with Great Britain.\\nThis single effect, independent of the injury done to the force of the", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "374 Pacific Offers to the Iroquois. 1790-95:\\nIndians, is worth greatly more than tlie actual expense of such expedi-\\ntions. But, while it is acknowledged that mounted militia may be very\\nproper for sudden enterprises, of short duration, it is conceived that\\nmilitia are utterly unsuitable to carry on and terminate the war in which\\nwe are engaged, with honor and success. And besides, it would be\\nruinous to the purposes of husbandry, to keep them out long, if it were\\npracticable to accomplish it. Good troops, enlisted for a considerable\\nperiod, armed and well disciplined in a suitable manner, for the nature\\nof the service, will be equal, individually, to the best militia but, when\\nit is considered to these qualities are added, the obedience, the patience,\\nthe promptness, the economy of discipline, and the inestimable value\\nof good officers, possessing a proper pride of reputation, the comparison\\nno longer holds, and disciplined troops attain in the mind, and in actual\\nexecution, that ascendancy over the militia, which is the result of a just\\ncomparative view of their relative force, and the experience of all na-\\ntrons and ages. The expediency of employing the Indians in alliance\\nwith us, against the hostile Indians, cannot be doubted. It has been\\nshown before, how difficult, and even impracticable, it will probably be,\\nto restrain the young men of the friendly tribes from action, and that, if\\nwe do not employ them, they will be employed against us. The justice\\nof engaging them would depend upon the justice of the war. If the\\nwar be just on our part, it will certainly bear the test of examination,\\nto use the same sort of means in our defence, as are used against us.\\nThe subscriber, therefore, submits it as his opinion, that it would be\\nproper to employ judiciously, as to time and circumstances, as many of\\nthe friendly Indians as may be obtained, not exceeding one thousand in\\nnumber.*\\nIn the necessity for a competent army all seem to have agreed,\\nbut it was the wish of Washington that before this army was\\norganized every effort should be again made to prevent bloodshed.\\nColonel Pickering, in his meeting of June and July 1791, with\\nthe Iroquois at the Painted Post, had among other things proposed\\nthat certain Chiefs should, in the follo^ving January, go to Phila-\\ndelphia while Congress was in session and shake hands with their\\nnewly adopted father.\\nThe importance of the proposed visit became more evident after\\nthe news of St. Clair s discomfiture, for the fidelity of the New\\nYork Indians even, was doubted. On the 20th of December,\\n1791, accordingly, we find Knox writing to the Rev. Samuel\\nKirkland, the Iroquois missionary,! pressing through him the invi\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 198-19?. t See ante, p- 144.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Instructions to Pond and Stedman. 375\\ntation given by the commissioner, and especially urging the pres-\\nence of Brant. To aid the proposed peace-measures, a respectful\\nand kind message was sent to the Senecas on the 7th of January,\\n1792; while, to guard against surprise, means were adopted to\\nlearn the purpose of a great council called at Buffalo creek, and\\nalso to ascertain the intentions of the tribes on the Wabash and\\nMiami. This was done in part through the agency of the Rever-\\nend Mr. Kirkland, and partly by the mission of Captain Peter\\nPond and William Stedman, who, on the 9th of January, two days\\nbefore Knox s two plans above referred to were laid before Con-\\ngress, received their instructions as secret messengers or spies\\namong the western Indians from those instructions we quote a few\\nparagraphs.\\nRepair to Niagara and Detroit, without suffering your business to escape\\nyou, until the proper time. When at Detroit, assume the characters of\\ntraders with the Indians a business Mr. Pond is well acquainted with.\\nMix with the Miami and Wabash Indians. Find their views and inten-\\ntions, through such channels as your discretion shall direct. Learn the\\nopinions of the more distant Indians. Insinuate, upon all favorable\\noccasions, the humane disposition of the United States and, if you\\ncan by any means ripen their judgment, so as to break forth openly, and\\ndeclare the readiness of the United States to receive, with open arras,\\nthe Indians, notwithstanding all that is past, do it. If such declaration\\nshould be made, at the Miami or Wabash, and be well received, you\\nmight persuade some of the most influential chiefs to repair to our posts\\non the Ohio, and so, from post to post, to this place.\\nBut, if you should be so fortunate as to succeed in persuading the\\nchiefs of the Miami and hostile, and any other neighboring tribes, to\\nrepair here, every possible precaution must be taken by you, and by the\\ncommanding officer of the troops, who is hereby required to afford the\\nnecessary escorts, in order to guard the Indians from being injured by\\nthe whites.\\nWhile among the Indians, or at Niagara, or Detroit, endeavor to find\\nout the numbers and tribes of the Indians who were in the attack of\\nGeneral St. Clair, and their loss, killed and wounded what number of\\nprisoners they took and what they did with them what disposition\\nthey made of the cannon taken, arms, tents, and other plunder what\\nare their intentions for the next year; the numbers of the association;\\nhow they are supplied with arms, ammunition, and provisions.\\nYou will readily perceive, that the information required must be\\ngiven me at the earliest period possible. You will, therefore, let me\\nknow, by some means which you must devise, your arrival at Niagara,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "376 Wayne selected to Command. 1790-95.\\nDetroit, and the Miami village and^f possible, from thence, what are\\nyour prospects.*\\nPond and his companion, however, could get no farther than\\nNiagara.! While by the northern route this was attempted, Wil-\\nkinson, commanding at Fort Washington, on the 10th of February,\\nw^as instructed to send word to Major Hamtramck^ at Vincennes,\\nthat the Government wished to secure the agency of the French\\ncolonists and friendly Indians in quelling the war-spirit. 1| In\\nFebruary also, further friendly messages were sent to the Senecas,|\\nand an invitation forwarded to Brant from the Secretary of War\\nhimself, asking him to come to Philadelphia in March fifty Iro-\\nquois chiefs reached the city of brotherly love, and in the spirit of\\nlove transacted their business with the American rulers ;1I and during\\nApril and May, Captain Trueman and others were sent from the\\nOhio to the hostile tribes, bearing messages of friendship.** But\\nbefore we relate the unhappy issue of Trueman s expedition, we\\nmust notice the steps taken by the Federal Government in refer-\\nence to military preparations, which were to be looked to in case\\nall else should fail. St. Clair had requested a Court of Inquiry to\\nexamine the reasons of his defeat, and had expressed his wish to\\nsurrender his post as commander of the western forces so soon as\\nthe examination had taken place but this proposition to retain his\\ncommission until after his trial, was rendered nugatory by the fact\\nthat under the existing system no court of inquiry could be consti-\\ntuted to adjudge his case, and Washington accordingly informed\\nhim that it was neither possible to grant him the trial he desired,\\nnor to allow him to retain his position. ff St. Clair having with-\\ndrawn, it became a very difficult question for the Executive to hit\\nupon a person in all respects suited for such a charge. General\\nMorgan, General Scott, General Wayne, Colonel Darke, and\\nGeneral Henry Lee were all thought of and talked of Of these\\nWayne was the one selected, although bis appointment caused,\\nas General Lee, then Governor of Virginia, wrote Washington,\\nextreme disgust among all orders in the Old Dominion. |f But\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 227. t American State Papers, v. 235.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 236. American State Papers, v. 228,\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 228.\\nH American State Papers, v. 229. Sparlis Washington, x. 240.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 229.\\n+t Sparlis Washington, x. 227. 228.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Letters, March 28. April 4.\\nSparks Washington, x. 244. note.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Wilkinson sends to field of St. Clairh Defeat. 377\\nthe President had selected Wayne not hastily nor through parti-\\nality or influence, and no idle words affected him. In June,\\nGeneral Wayne moved westward to Pittsburg, and proceeded to\\norganize the army which was to be the ultimate argument of the\\nAmerican with the Indian confederation. Through the summer of\\n1792, the preparation of the soldiers was steadily attended to;\\ntrain and discipline them for the service they are meant for,\\nsaid Washington, and do not spare powder and lead, so the men\\nbe made marksmen. f In December, 1792,:]: the forces, now\\nrecruited and trained, were gathered at a point about twenty-two\\nmiles below Pittsburg on the Ohio, called Legionville the army it-\\nself having been christened the Legion of the United States, divided\\ninto four sub-legions, and provided with legionary and sub-legionary\\nofficers. II Meantime, at Fort Washington, Wilkinson had suc-\\nceeded St. Clair as commandant, and in January had ordered an\\nexpedition to examine the field of the late disastrous conflict this\\nbody reached the point designated on February 1st, and from the\\nletter of Captain Buntin to St. Clair, relative to what was found there,\\nwe take the following passage.\\nIn my opinion, those unfortunate men who fell in the enemy s hands,\\nwith life, were used with the greatest torture having their limbs torn\\noff; and the women have been treated with the most indecent cruelty,\\nhaving stakes as thick as a person s arm drove through their bodies.\\nThe first, I observed when burying the dead and the latter was dis-\\ncovered by Colonel Sargent and Doctor Brown. We found three\\nwhole carriages the other five were so much damaged that they were\\nrendered useless. By the General s orders, pits were dug in different\\nplaces, and all the dead bodies that were exposed to view, or could be\\nconveniently found (the snow being very deep) were buried. During\\nthis time, there was sundry parties detached, some for our safety, and\\nothers in examining the course of the creek and some distance in ad-\\nvance of the ground occupied by the militia, they found a large camp,\\nnot less than three quarters of a mile long, which was supposed to be\\nthat of the Indians the night before. the action. We remained on the\\nfield that night, and next morning fixed geared horses to the carriages\\nand moved for Fort Jefferson. As there is little reason to\\nbelieve that the enemy have carried off the cannon, it is the received\\nopinion that they are either buried or thrown into the creek, and I think\\nthe latter the most probable but as it was frozen over with a thick ice,\\nSparks Washington, x. 248.\\nt Sparks Washington, x. 257 quoted in substance.\\nLetter of George Wills, American Pioneer, i. 293.\\nU See organization, American State Papers, xii. 40.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "378 Speech to Indians sent by Trueman. 1790-95.\\nand that covered with a deep snow, it was impossible to make a search\\nwith any prospect of success. In a former part of this letter I have\\nmentioned the camp occupied by the enemy the night before the action\\nHad Colonel Oldham been able to have complied with your orders on\\nthat evening, things at this day might have worn a different aspect.\\nWhile Wa^Tie s army were gathering and target-shooting, the\\npeace-measures of the United States were pressed with equal perse-\\nverance. In the first place, the Iroquois, through their chiefs who\\ncame to Philadelphia, were led to act as peace-makers in addition\\nto them, on the 3d of April, Colonel Trueman received his instruc-\\ntions to repair to the Miami village with friendly messages, offering\\nall reasonable terms\\nBrothers The President of the United States entertains the opinion,\\nthat the war which exists is founded in error and mistake on your parts.\\nThat you believe the United Slates want to deprive you of your lands,\\nand drive you out of the country. Be assured this is not so on the\\ncontrary, that we should be greatly gratified with the opportunity of\\nimparting to you all the blessings of civilized life of teaching you to\\ncultivate the earth, and raise corn to raise oxen, sheep, and other do-\\nmestic animals; to build comfortable houses, and to educate your chil-\\ndren, so as ever to dwell upon the land.\\nBrothers The President of the United States requests you to take\\nthis subject into your serious consideration, and to reflect how abund-\\nantly more it will be for your interest to be at peace with the United\\nStates, and to receive all the benefit, thereof, than to continue a war\\nwhich, however flattering it may be to you for a moment, must in the\\nend prove ruinous.\\nThis desire of peace has not arisen in consequence of the late defeat\\nof the troops under Major General St. Clair; because, in the beginning\\nof the last year, a similar message was sent you by Colonel Procter,\\nbut who was prevented from reaching you by some insurmountable dif-\\nficulties. All the Senecas at Buffalo Creek can witness for the truth of\\nthis assertion, as he held, during the month of April last, long confe-\\nrences with them, to devise the means of getting to you in safety.\\nWar, at all times, is a dreadful evil to those who are engaged therein,\\nand more particularly so where a few people engage to act against so\\ngreat numbers as the people of the United States.\\nBrothers Do not suffer the advantages you have gained to mislead\\nDillon, i. 308. See also, Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 30. Several writers have\\ngiven an account of an expedition by General Scott to St. Clair s battle ground, soon after\\nthe contest: the whole story seems to be a fable or myth: no such expedition was\\never made, (Butler s History of Kentucky, 20C.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "1690-95. Instructions to Bufus Putnam. 379\\nyour judgment, and influence you to continue the war but reflect upon\\nthe destructive consequences which must attend such a measure.\\nThe President of the United States is highly desirous of seeing a\\nnumber of your principal chiefs, and convincing you, in person, how\\nmuch he wishes to avoid the evils of war for your sake, and the sake of\\nhumanity.\\nConsult, therefore, upon the great object of peace call in your parties,\\nand enjoin a cessation of all other depredations and as many of the\\nprincipal chiefs as shall choose, repair to Philadelphia, the seat of the\\nGeneral Government, and there make a peace, founded upon the prin-\\nciples of justice and humanity. Remember that no additional lands\\nwill be required of you, or any other tribe, to those that have been\\nceded by former treaties, particularly by the tribes who had a right to\\nmake the treaty of Muskingum in the year 1789.\\nBut, if any of your tribes can prove that you have a fair right to any\\nlands, comprehended by the said treaty, and have not been compeusated\\ntherefor, you shall receive full satisfaction upon that head.\\nThe chiefs you send shall be safely escorted to this city and shall be\\nwell fed and provided with all things for their journey and the faith of\\nthe United Slates is hereby pledged to you for the true and liberal per-\\nformance of every thing herein contained and suggested and all this is\\nconfirmed, in your manner, by the great white belt, hereunto attached.*\\nTo assist farther in attaining the desired objects, Captain Hen-\\ndrick, chief of the Stockbridge Indians, on the 8th of May was\\ndespatched to urge the views of Washington at the approaching\\ncouncil of the north-western confederacy and on the 22nd of the\\nsame month, instructions were also issued to General Rufus Put-\\nnam to go in company with the Moravian missionary, John Heck-\\newelder, into the Indian country and strive to secure peace and a\\npermanent treaty, f Some parts of those orders are deserving of\\nperpetuation in every form, and therefore we extract them.\\nThe chiefs of the Five Nations of Indians, who were so long in this\\ncity, lately, were astonished at the moderation of our claim of land, it\\nbeing very different from what they had been taught, by designing\\npeople, to believe.\\nIt would seem that the Indians have been misled with respect to our\\nclaims, by a certain map, published in Connecticut, wherein are laid\\nout ten new States, agreeably to a report of a committee of Congress.\\nThe United States are desirous, in any treaty which shall be formed\\nin future, to avoid all causes of war, relatively to boundaries, by fixing\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 230. t American State Papers, v. 233\u00c2\u00bb", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Instructions to Rufus Putnam. 380\\nthe same in sucti a manner as not to be mistaken by the meanest capa-\\ncity. As the basis, therefore, of your negotiation, you will, in the\\nstrongest and most explicit terms, renounce, on the part of the United\\nStates, all claim to any Indian land which shall not have been ceded by\\nfair treaties, made with the Indian nations.\\nYou may ray That we conceive the treaty of Fort Harmar to have\\nbeen formed by the tribes having a just right to make the same, and\\nthat it was done with their full understanding and free consent.\\nThat if, however, the said tribes should judge the compensation to\\nhave been inadequate to the object, or that any other tribes have a just\\nclaim, in both cases they shall receive a liberal allowance, on their\\nfinally settling all disputes upon the subject.\\nAs the United States have never made any treaties with the Wabash\\nIndians, although the said Indians have been repeatedly invited thereto,\\ntheir claims to the lands east and south of the said Wabash have not\\nbeen defined.\\nThis circumstance will be a subject of your inquiry with the as-\\nsembled Indian tribes and you may assure the parties concerned, that\\nan equitable boundary shall be arranged with them.\\nYou will make it clearly understood, that we want not a foot of their\\nland, and that it is theirs, and theirs only that they have the right to\\nsell, and the right to refuse to sell, and that the United States will\\nguarantee to them the said just right.\\nThat it is not only the sincere desire of the United States to be at\\npeace with all the neighboring Indian tribes, but to protect them in their\\njust rights, against lawless, violent white people. If such should com-\\nmit any injury on the person or properties of a peaceable Indian, they\\nwill be regarded equally as the enemies of the General Government, as\\nthe Indians, and will be punished accordingly,\\nYour first great object, upon meeting the Indians, will be to convince\\nthem that the United Stales require none of their lands.\\nThe second, that we shall guaranty all that remain, and take the In-\\ndians under our protection.\\nThirdly they must agree to a truce, and immediately to call in all\\ntheir war parties. It will be in vain to be negotiating with them while\\nthey shall be murdering the frontier citizeas.\\nHaving happily effected a truce, founded on the above assurances, it\\nwill then be your primary endeavor to obtain from each of the hostile\\nand neighboring tribes two of the most respectable chiefs, to repair to\\nthe seat of the Government, and there conclude a treaty with the Presi-\\ndent of the United States, in which all causes of difference should be\\nburied forever.\\nYou will give the chiefs every assurance of personal protection while\\non their journey to Philadelphia, and, should they insist upon it, hosta-", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Death of Trueman and Hardin. 381\\nges of officers for the safe return of the chiefs, and, in case of their\\ncompliance, you will take every precaution by the troops for the protec-\\ntion of the said chiefs, which the nature of the case may require.\\nBut if, after having used your utmost exertions, the chiefs should\\ndecline the journey to Philadelphia, then you will agree with them on a\\nplan for a general treaty.*\\nWe have mentioned the invitation given in February by the\\nSecretary of war to Brant to visit Philadelphia Some of his\\nEnglish friends urged the Mohawk by no means to comply with\\nthe request, but he had the independence to think and act for\\nhimself, and on the 20th of June appeared at the then Federal\\ncapitalf He remained there ten or twelve days, and was treated\\nby all with marked attention great pains were taken to make him\\nunderstand the posture of affairs and the wishes of the United\\nStates and in the hope that he would prove a powerful pacificator,\\non the 27th of June a letter was addressed to him by General Knox,\\nlaying before him the wishes of the Government and making him\\nanother messenger of peace. The fact that five independent em-\\nbassies, asking peace, were sent to the inimical tribes; and the\\ntone of the papers from which we have extracted so fully, will de-\\nmonstrate, we think, the wish of the United States, to do the abor-\\nigines entire justice. But the victories they had gained, and the\\nfavorable whispers of the British agents closed the ears of the red\\nmen; and all propositions for peace were rejected in one form or\\nanother. Freeman, who left Fort Washington, April 7th True-\\nman, who left it May 22d for the Maumee, and Colonel Hardin,\\nwho on the same day started for Sandusky, were all murdered ;1[\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 234. t Stone s Brant, ii. 328.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 236.\\nI Letter from Wilkinson to Armstrong, quoted by Dillon, (History Indiana, i. 312.)\\n\u00c2\u00a7For a sketch of Hardin s life, see Marshall, ii. 44 to 51,\\n1 Letter from Wilkinson to Armstrong, in Cist s Miscellany, i. 18. The statements in\\nrelation to Trueman afford a curious example of the uncertainty in matters of detail of even\\nour late Western History. Marshall (ii. 42) and Butler (History Kentucky, 219) say that\\nhe was sent by Wilkinson, whereas he was sent by the Federal Government Atvvater,\\n(History of Ohio, 145,) says he was sent by Wayne; Judge Burnet, (Ohio Historical\\nSociety Transactions, part 2, vol. 1, p. 30, note,) says he was sent by Harmar, soon after\\nhis defeat, at least eighteen months before Wayne was appointed to command but his\\ninstructions, above referred to, are dated April 3d, 1792. The most perplexing account,\\nhowever, is that given by William May, and contained in the American State Papers, v-\\n243, who states that he. May, left Fort Hamilton, on or about the 13tA of April, to fol-\\nlow on the trail of Trueman, who, with a French baker and another man, were sent as a\\nflag to the Indians further on he says, that on the 7th day he discovered Truem\u00c2\u00bbn", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "382 Besult of Putnam s Mission. 1790-95.\\nTrueman, it would seem, however, not by a body of Indians, but\\nby a man and boy whom he met in hunting.* Brant, from sick-\\nness or caution,! did not attend the western council, as had been\\nexpected. Hendricks gave his message into the hands of Colonel\\nMcKee, and kept away from the gathering of the united nations\\nand of the four individual messengers, Trueman, Brant, Hendrick,\\nand Putnam, Putnam alone reached his goal. That gentleman left\\nMarietta, upon the 26th of June, and on the 2d of July was at\\nFort Washington here he heard of Indian hostilities at Fort Jef-\\nferson, and of the probability of Trueman s murder. He found\\nalso that it would be in vain to ask the chiefs under any circum-\\nstances to go to Philadelphia, and that it was extremely doubtful\\nif they could be prevailed on to visit even Fort Washington un-\\nder these circumstances, conceiving it desirable that some step\\nshould be taken at once, he determined to proceed to Fort Knox,\\n(Post St. Vincent,) and there meet such of the Wabash leaders as\\ncould be got together, in the hopes that they might at least be de-\\ntached from the general league. This determination he carried\\ninto effect on the 17th of August, when, with several Indian pris-\\noners to be restored to their friends, and presents for them beside,\\nhe left Cincinnati, and reaching Vincennes in due time, upon the\\n27th of September formed a treaty with the Eel river tribe, the\\nWeas, Illinois, Potawatamies, Musquitoes, Wabash Kickapoos,\\nPiankeshaws, Kaskaskias, and Peorias. This treaty, however,\\nwas never ratified by the Senate, and proved practically of little or\\nno use, although sixteen chiefs of the Wabash tribe were prevailed\\non to go to Philadelphia.il\\nand the two other men lying dead, scalped and stripped. He afterwards gives a partic-\\nular account of Trueman s death, which account he received from an Indian. This state-\\nment appears suspicious, from the fact that General Knox wrote Trueman as late as the\\n22d of May, (American State Papers, v. 234,) and also from the fact that news of his death\\ntirst reached Vincennes, June 2Sth (American State Papers, v. 23S as well as from the\\ncircumstance that May left in pursuit of Trueman oniy ten days after the date of his\\n(Trueman s) instructions at Philadelphia. The whole mystery, however, is cleared up by\\nreading in May s affidavit, Freeman for Trueman Freeman left Fort Washington,\\nApril 7th April 10th, Wilkinson wrote Armstrong to order May to desert, so as to ac-\\nquire information from the Indians; (Dillon s History of Indiana, i. 312; and on or\\nabout the 13th he did so, and on Harmar s trace, which Freeman had been instructed to\\nfollow, found his body.\\nMay s deposition. Brant s Letters, (American State Papers, v. 243. 245;) also,\\nMcKce s account sent Brant, (Stone s Brant, ii. 333.)\\nt Stone, ii. 334. May s deposition.\\nI American State Papers, v. 322. The council probably broke up about the 10 or 12th\\nof October, [do. do.]\\nI American State Papers, v. 238. 239. 240. 319, 338.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Mair Attacked. 383\\nNeither did the efforts of the Six nations in the north-west\\ncouncil* prove more efficacious. On the 16th of November the\\nemissaries of the Iroquois gave an account of their doings to the\\nao-ent for the United States and others at Buffalo creek, and the\\nmode in which the information is communicated is so peculiar\\nthat we should transcribe the speech entire if our limits would\\npermit. t\\nBy this council, it appeared, every thing was referred to another\\ncouncil to be held in the spring, but with the clear intimation that\\nthe Ohio must be the boundary of the American lands, and that\\nthe treaties of Fort Mcintosh and Fort Harmar, must be regarded\\nas null. Soon after this council broke up, on the 6th of Novem-\\nber. Major Adair, commander of the mounted Kentucky infantiy\\nwas attacked by a body of savages in the neighborhood of Fort\\nSt. Clair, twenty miles north of Fort Hamilton. The attack was\\nsudden and violent and with difficulty repelled. The officer in\\ncharge of the station took no part in the conflict as he had been\\nstrictly ordered by General Wilkinson to act only on the defensive,\\nbut Adair s men received ammunition from the fortress, and\\nreturned thither with their wounded. This action, however,\\ntogether with other evidences of continued hostilities |1 did not\\nprevent the United States from taking measures to meet the hostile\\ntribes at the Rapids of the Miami (Maumee) when the leaves\\nwere fully out. For this purpose the President at first selected\\nCharles Carroll and Charles Thompson, but as they declined the\\nnomination, Benjamin Lincoln, Beverly Randolph, and Timothy\\nPickering were, on the 1st of March\u00c2\u00a7 1793, appointed to attend\\nthe proposed meeting which it was concluded should be held at\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2This council was held at the mouth of the Au Glaize, and was one of the largest ever\\nheld beside the Western, New York, and Canadian Indians, there were present twenty-\\nseven other nations among them the Goras, who had been a whole season reaching the\\npoint designated. See Cornplanter s speech to General Wayne, December 8, 1792.\\n(American State Papers, v. 337.)\\nt American State Papers, v. 323-\\n:j; Adair s letter, American State Papers, v. 335. MS. letter of Judge Collins who was\\nin the action. From the latter we learn that the Indians were commanded by Little\\nTurtle, that they were bound for Columbia, at the mouth of the lower Miami, which\\nthey meant to destroy, and attacked Adair for his horses, most of which they got.\\nH July 7th, 1792, the Indians fired on a boat a mile and a half above Fort Washington,\\nand took captive Oliver M. Spencer. See his Narrative, and Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany,\\ni. 46 and 261.\\nSparks Washington,!. 313, 314.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "384 Letter to Governor Simcoe. 1790-95.\\nSandusky.* On the 26tli of April, the Commissioners received\\ntheir instructions; on the 27th General Lincoln left Philadelphia\\nfor Niagara by the way of New York and on the 30th the other\\ntwo started by the route through Pennsylvania, which led up the\\nvallies of the Scuylkill, Susquehannah, Lycoming, and Conhocton\\nand across to the Genesee. These, travelling more rapidly, for\\nLincoln had the stores and baggage, reached Niagara on the\\n17th of May, and were at once invited by Lieutenant General\\nSimcoe to take up their residence at his seat, Navy Hall with\\nthis invitation they complied and remained there until the 28th of\\nJune. The cause of this delay was the belief expressed by\\nMcKee and others that the Indians would not be ready to meet\\nthe Commissioners before the last of June, as private councils had\\nfirst to be held among the various tribes. f While resting in his\\nMajesty s dominion, the ambassadors were nowise idle, and among\\nother interesting documents, on the 7th of June presented the fol-\\nlowing note to Governor Simcoe\\nThe commissioners of the United States for making peace with the\\nwestern Indians beg leave to suggest to Governor Simcoe that the very\\nhigh importance of the negotiation committed to their management,\\nmakes them desirous of using every proper means that may contribute\\nto its success. That they have observed with pleasure the disposition\\nmanifested by the Governor to afford every requisite assistance in the\\npreparatory arrangements for holding the treaty with the hostile Indians.\\nBut, all the facilities thus afforded, and all the expenses incurred by the\\nBritish government on this occasion, will perhaps be fruitless, unless\\nsome means are used to counteract tlie deep rooted prejudices, and un-\\nfounded reports among the Indian tribes for, the acts of a few bad men\\ndwelling among them, or having a familiar intercourse with tliem, by\\ncherishing those prejudices, or raising and spreading those reports, may\\nbe sufhcient to defeat every attempt to accomplish a peace. As an\\ninstance of such unfounded reports, the commissioners have noticed the\\ndeclaration of a Mohawk, from Grand River, thai Governor Simcoe\\nadvised the Indians to make peace, but not to give up any of their\\nlands. The commissioners further observe that if any transactions at\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 343. Washington s answer to the Western Indians in the\\nprevious autumn had caused doubts among them, because it said nothing of the British\\nattending tlie treaty. American State Papers, v. 342.\\nt American State Papers, v. 343, where the Journal of the Commissioners is given;\\nalso Massachusetts Historical Collections, third series, vol. v. 190-196, where General\\nLincoln s Journal is given, together with a drawing of the conference at Niagara, July7tb\\nmade by Colonel Piikington of the British army tliis is also given in Stone s Brant, ii.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Governor Simcoe^s reply. 385\\nformer treaties were exceptionable, the principles of the present treaty-\\nare calculated to remove the causes of complaint for the views of gov-\\nernment are perfectly fair. And, although it is impossible to retrace all\\nthe steps then taken, the United Stales are disposed to recede, as far as\\nshall be indispensable, and the existing state of things will admit and,\\nfor the lands retained, to make ample compensation. The views of the\\nUnited States being thus fair and liberal, the commissioners wish to\\nembrace every means to make them appear so to the Indians, against\\nany contrary suggestions. Among these means, the commissioners\\nconsider the presence of some gentlemen of the army to be of conse-\\nquence for, although the Indians naturally look up to their superinten-\\ndents as their patrons, yet the presence of some officers of the army will\\nprobably induce them to negotiate with greater confidence on the terms\\nof peace. Independently of these considerations, the commissioners,\\nfor their own sakes, request the pleasure of their company. The com-\\nmissioners, feeling the greatest solicitude to accomplish the object of\\ntheir mission, will be happy to receive from the Governor every infor-\\nmation relating to it, which his situation enables him to communicate.\\nHe must be aware that the sales and settlements of the lands over the\\nOhio, founded on the treaties of Forts Mcintosh and Harmar, rendered\\nit impossible now to make that river the boundary. The expression of\\nhis opinion on this point in particular will give them great satisfaction.*\\nTo this note the following answer was sent\\nColonel Simcoe, commanding the King s forces in Upper Canada,\\nhas the honor, in answer to the paper delivered to him this morning by\\nthe commissioners of the United States for making peace with the\\nwestern Indians, to state to those gentlemen, that he is duly impressed\\nwith the serious importance of the negotiation committed to their\\ncharge, and shall be happy to contribute by every proper means that\\nmay tend to its success. He is much obliged to them for the polite\\nmanner in which they have expressed their sense of his readiness to\\nafford them such facilities as may have been in his power, to assist in\\nthe preparatory arrangements for holding the treaty. He is perfectly\\naware that unfounded reports and deep rooted prejudices, have arisen\\namong the Indian tribes but whether from the acts of a few bad men\\nliving among them, he cannot pretend to say. But, he must observe,\\nupon the instance given by the commissioners, of one of those un-\\nfounded reports, that a Mohawk from the Grand River should say, that\\nGovernor Simcoe advised the Indians to make peace, but not to give\\nup their lands, it is of that nature that cannot be true the Indians, as\\nyet, not having applied for his advice on the subject and it being a\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 347.\\n25", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "386 Brant meets the commissioners. 1790-95.\\npoint, of all others, on which they are the least likely to consult the\\nBritish officers commanding in Upper Canada. Colonel Simcoe con-\\nsiders himself perfectly justified in admitting, on the requisition of the\\ncommissioners, some officers to attend the treaty and, therefore, in\\naddition to the gentlemen appointed to control the delivery of the British\\nprovisions, c. he will desire Captain Bunbury, of the fifih regiment,\\nand Lieutenant Givens, who has some knowledge of one of the Indian\\nlanguages, to accompany the commissioners. Colonel Simcoe can give\\nthe commissioners no further information than what is afforded by the\\nspeeches of the confederate nations, of which General Hull has authen-\\ntic copies. But, as it has been, ever since the conquest of Canada, the\\nprinciple of the British government to unite the American Indians, that,\\nall petty jealousies being extinguished, the real wishes of the several\\ntribes may be fully expressed, and in consequence of all the treaties\\nmade with them, may have the most complete ratification and universal\\nconcurrence, so, he feels it proper to state to the commissioners, that a\\njealousy of a contrary conduct in the agents of the United States, ap-\\nappears to him to have been deeply impressed upon the minds of the\\nconfederacy.*\\nOn the day before this correspondence the six Quakers who\\nboth by their own request and that of the Indians, had accom-\\npanied the deputation, together with Heckewelder and others\\nsailed for Detroit to learn how matters stood and on the 26th of\\nthe month the Commissioners themselves, receiving no news from\\nSandusky, prepared to embark for the mouth of Detroit river. On\\nthe 15th of July, while still detained by head winds Colonel\\nButler,! Brant and some fifty natives arrived from the Maumee,\\nand two days after in the presence of the Governor, Brant thus\\naddressed the Americans\\nBrothers We have met to-day our brothers the Bostonians and Eng-\\nlish. We are glad to have the meeting, and think it is by the appoint-\\nment of the Great Spirit. Brothers of the United States We told you\\nthe other day, at Fort Erie, that, at another time, we would inform you\\nwhy we had not assembled at the time and place appointed for holding\\nthe treaty with you. We now inform you that it is because there is so\\nmuch of the appearance of war in that quarter. Brothers We have\\ngiven the reason for our not meeting you and now we request an\\nexplanation of those warlike appearances. Brothers The people you\\nsee here are sent to represent the Indian nations who own the lands\\nnorth of the Ohio, as their common property, and who are all of one\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 347.\\ni The Commander of the Tories at Wyoming, afterwards Indian Agent.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "1790-95, Answer to Captain BranVs speech. 387\\nmind one heart. Brothers We have come to speak to you for two\\nreasons: one, because your warriors being in our neighborhood, have\\nprevented our meeting at the appointed place: the other, to know if you\\nare propeily authorized to run and establish a new boundary line be-\\ntween the lands of the United States, and of the Indian nations. We are\\nstill desirous of meeting you at the appointed place. Brothers: We\\nwish you to deliberate well on this business. We have spoken our\\nsentiments in sincerity, considering ourselves in the presence of the\\nGreat Spirit, from whom, in time of danger, we expect assistance.*\\nOn the following day the Commissioners replied.\\nBrothers You have mentioned two objects of your coming to meet\\nus at this place. One, to obtain an explanation of the warlike appear-\\nances on the part of the United States on the northwestern side of the\\nOhio the other, to learn whether we have authority to run and estab-\\nlish a new boundary line between your lands and ours. Brothers On\\nthe first point we cannot but express our extreme regret, that any\\nreports of warlike appearances, on the part of the United States, should\\nhave delayed our meeting at Sandusky. The nature of the case irre-\\nsistibly forbids all apprehensions of hostile incursions into the Indian\\ncountry north of the Ohio, during the treaty at Sandusky. Brothers:\\nWe are deputed by the Great Chief and the Great Council of the\\nUnited States to treat with you of peace and is it possible that the\\nsame Great Chief and his Great Council could order their warriors to\\nmake fresh war, while we were sitting round the same fire with you, in\\norder to make peace Is it possible that our Great Chief and his Coun-\\ncil could act so deceitfully towards us, their Commissioners, as well as\\ntowards you Brothers We think it is n t possible but we will quit\\narguments and come to facts. Brothers We assure you, that our\\nGreat Chief, General Washington, has strictly forbidden all hostilities\\nagainst you, until the event of the proposed treaty at Sandusky shall\\nbe known. Here is the proclamation of his head warrior, General\\nWayne, to that efifect. But, brothers, our Great Chief is so sincere in\\nhis professions for peace, and so desirous of preventing every thing\\nwhich could obstruct the treaty and prolong the war, that, besides giv-\\ning the above orders to his head warrior, he has informed the Governors\\nof the several States, adjoining the Ohio, of the treaty proposed to be\\nheld at Sandusky, and desired them to unite their power with his to\\nprevent any hostile attempts against the Indians north of the Ohio,\\nuntil the result of the treaty is made known. Those Governors have\\naccordingly issued their orders, strictly forbidding all such hostilities.\\nThe proclamations of the Governors of Pennsylvania and Virginia we\\nAmerican State Papers, v, 344.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "388 Tribes present at tlie Maumee Council. 1790-95.\\nhave here in our hands. Brothers If, after all these precautions of\\nour Great Chief, any hostihties should be committed north of the Ohio,\\nthey must proceed from a few disorderly people, whom no considera-\\ntions of justice or public good can restrain. But we hope and believe\\nthat none such can be found.\\nBrothers After these explanations, we hope you will possess your\\nminds in peace, relying on the good faith of the United States that no\\ninjury is to be apprehended by you during the treaty. Brothers: We\\nnow come to the second point: whether we are properly authorized to\\nrun and establish a new boundary line between your lands and ours.\\nBrothers: We answer explicitly that we have that authority. Where\\nthis line should run, will be the great subject of discussion at the treaty\\nbetween you and us and we sincerely iiope and expect that it may\\nthen be fixed to the satisfaction of both parties. Doubtless some con-\\ncessions must be made on both sides. In all disputes and quariels,\\nboth parties usually take some wrong steps so that it is only by mutual\\nconcessions that a true reconciliation can be effected. Brothers We\\nwish you to understand us clearly on this head for we mean that all\\nour proceedings should be made with candor. We therefore repeat and\\nsay explicitly that some concessions will be necessary on your part, as\\nwell as on ours, in order to establish a just and permanent peace.\\nBrothers After this great point of the boundary shall be fully consid-\\nered at the treaty, we shall know what concessions and stipulations it\\nwill be proper to make on the part of the United States and we trust\\nthey will be such as the world will pronounce reasonable and just.\\nBrothers You have told us that you represent the nations of Indians\\nwho own the lands north of the Ohio, and whose Chiefs are now\\nassembled at the Rapids of the Maumee. Brothers It would be a\\nsatisfaction to us to be informed of the names of those nations, and of\\nthe numbers of the Chiefs of each so assembled. Brothers We once\\nmoie turn our eyes to your representation of the warlike appearances\\nin your country to give you complete satisfaction on this point, we\\nnow assure you as soon as our council at this place is ended, we will\\nsend a messenger on horseback to the Great Chief of the United States,\\nto desire him to renew and strongly repeat his orders to his head war-\\nrior, not only to abstain from all hostilities against you but to remain\\nquietly at his posts until the event of the treaty shall be known.\\nTo the enquiry made by the Agents of the United States as to\\ntribes Brant said,\\nYesterday you expressed a wish to be informed of the names of the\\nnations, and numbers of Chiefs assembled at the Maumee but, as they\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 349,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Meeting of the Council at Sandusky. 389\\nvv^ere daily coming in, we cannot give you exact information. You will\\nsee for yourselves in a few days. When we left it the following nations\\nwere there, to-wit Five Nations, Wyandots, Shawanese, Delawares,\\nMunsees, Miamies, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatamies, Nantikokies,\\nMingoes, Cherokees the principal men of these were there,\\nThe jealousy of the Indians as to hostile movements was owing\\nto the fact that Wayne was at this time gathering horses and\\ncattle, and cutting roads in the heart of the contested country,\\nbeyond Fort Jefferson, within three days journey of the Indian\\nhead quarters, f\\nHis Legion had passed the w^inter of 1792-3 at Legionville,\\nand there remained until the last of April, 93, -when it was taken\\ndown the river to Cincinnati, where it encamped near Fort Wash-\\nington J and there it continued until October, engaged merely in\\ndrilling and preparations, the Commander-in-Chief having been\\ndirected by the Executive to issue a Proclamation forbidding all\\nhostile movements north of the Ohio until the northern Commis-\\nsioners were heard from.|| This proclamation was issued, and the\\ncountry remained tranquil, although, as we have said, prepara-\\ntions were made for action in case it should finally become\\nneedful.\\nWhile Wayne, encountering many obstacles, was perfecting the\\ndiscipline of his soldiers at Hobson s choice, 1I and striving to\\nget forward mounted volunteers from Kentucky, w^ho, after the\\nexperience of 1790 and 1791 could not be had, so strong was\\ntheir repugnance to serve with regulars, the Commissioners\\nhad crossed Lake Erie, and on the 21st of July took up their\\nquarters at the house of the famous or infamous Captain Matthew\\nElliott, at the mouth of Detroit river. ff On the day of their arri-\\nval they wrote to Colonel McKee asking him to hasten the pro-\\nposed meeting at Sandusky, which he promised to do. On the\\n29th of July twenty Indians arrived from the Rapids to see the\\nCommissioners; and on the three following days the white and\\nred men met in council, Simon Girty acting as interpreter. It\\nseemed the confederacy were not satisfied with the meeting\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 350. t American State Papers, v. 351.\\nAmerican Pioneer, 1. 293, American State Papers, v. 342.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 359.\\nf The name of his encampment at Cincinnati said to have been so named because the\\nhigh water when the Legion came down prevented their landing elsewhere.\\nWayne s letter, American State Papers, v. 360. Butler 221.\\n1 1 He had 2000 acres mostly cultivated see description in Weld s travels, (London,\\n2799,) vol. ii. 179,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "390 Speech of the Chief of the Wyandofs in Council. 1790-95\\nbetween Brant and the Commissioners at Niagara, and now\\nwished to know distinctly, and merely, if the United States would\\nor would not make the Ohio the boundary. To this inquiry the\\nCommissioners replied (July 31) in writing, setting forth the\\nAmerican claims, the grounds of them, and the impossibility of\\nmaking the Ohio the line of settlement. The answers to this\\ncommunication, one of which was delivered orally on the spot,,\\nand the other on the 16tli of August, in writing, are so character-\\nistic and able, that on this account, as well as because they were\\nthe ultimata of the Indians in this negotiation, we give entire..\\nBrothers We are all brothers you see here now. Brothers It is\\nnow three years since you desired to speak with us. We heard you\\nyesterday, and understood you well perfectly well. We have a few\\nwords to say lo you. Brothers You mentioned the treaties of Fort\\nStanwix, Beaver creek,* and other places. Those treaties were not\\ncomplete. There were but a few chiefs who treated with you. You\\nhave not bought our lands. They belong to us. You tried lo draw off\\nsome of us. Brothers Many years ago, we all know that the Ohio\\nwas made the boundary. It was settled by Sir William Johnston.\\nThis side is ours. We look upon it as our property. Brothers You\\nmentioned General Washington. He and you know you have your\\nhouses and your people on our land. You say you cannot move them\\noff: and we cannot give up our land. Brothers We are sorry we\\ncannot come lo an agreement. The line has been fixed long agOo\\nBrothers We don t say much. There has been much mischief on\\nboth sides. We came here upon peace, and thought you did the same.\\nWe shall talk lo our head warriors. You may return whence you\\ncame, and tell Washington.\\nThe council here breaking up. Captain Elliott went to the Shawanese\\nchief Ka-kia-pilathy, and told him that the last part of the speech was\\nwrong. That chief came back and said it was wrong. Girty said\\nthat he had interpreted truly what the Wyandot chief spoke. An\\nexplanation took place and Girty added as follows: Brothers: In-\\nstead of going home, we wish you to remain here for an answer from\\nus. We have your speech in our breasts, and shall consult our head\\nwarriors. t\\nThe head warriors having been consulted, the final message\\ncame in these words,\\nTo the Commissioners of the United States. Brothers: We have\\nreceived your speech dated the 31st of last month, and it has been inter-\\nFort Mcintosh. t American State Papers, v. 34ff.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Final action of the General Council. 391\\npreted to all ihe different nations.* We have been long in sending you\\nan answer, because of the great importance of the subject. But we\\nnow answer it fully having given it all the consideration in our power.\\nBrothers You tell us that, afteryou had made peace with the King,\\nour father, about ten years ago, it remained to make peace between\\nthe United States and the Indian nations who had taken part with the\\nKing. For this purpose Commissioners were appointed who sent mes-\\nsages to all those Indian nations, inviting them to come and make\\npeace and, after reciting the periods at which you say treaties were\\nheld, at Fort Stanwix, Fort Mcintosh and Miami, all which treaties,\\naccording to your own acknowledgement, were for the sole purpose of\\nmaking peace, you then say, Brothers, the Commissioners who con-\\nducted these treaties, in behalf the United States, sent the papers\\ncontaining them to the general council of the States, who supposing\\nthem satisfactory to the nations treated with, proceeded to dispose of the\\nlands thereby ceded.\\nBrothers This is telling us plainly, what we always understood\\nto be the case, and it agrees with the declarations of those few who\\nattended those treaties, viz That they went to meet your Commission-\\ners to make peace; but, through fear, were obliged to sign any paper\\nthat was laid before them and it has since appeared that deeds of ces-\\nsion were signed by them, instead of treaties-^ peace.\\nBrothers You then say, after some time it appears that a number\\nof people in your nations were dissatisfied with the treaties of Fort\\nMcintosh and Miami, therefore the council of the United States ap-\\npointed Governor St. Clair their Commissioner, with full power, for\\nthe purpose of removing all causes of controversy, relating to trade,\\nand settling boundaries, between the Indian nations in the northern de-\\npartment, and the United States. He accordingly sent messages, invi-\\nting all the nations concerned to meet him at a council fire he kindled\\nat the falls of the Muskingum. While he was waiting for them, some\\nmischief happened at that place, and the fire was put out so he kindled\\na council fire at Fort Harmar, where near six hundred Indians of differ-\\nent nations attended. The Six Nations then renewed and confirmed\\nthe treaty of Fort Stanwix; and the Wyandots and Delawares renewed\\nand confirmed the treaty of Fort Mcintosh some Oltawas, Chippewas,\\nPottawatamies, and Sacs, were also parties to the treaty of Fort Har-\\nmar. Now brothers, these are your words and it is necessary for us\\nto make a short reply to them.\\nBrothers A general council of all the Indian confederacy was held,\\nIt seems however, that Brant and the Chiefs of the Iroquois who had argued for\\npeace were not consulted. ^Letter of the Commissioners to General Knox. American\\nState Papers, v, 359.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "392 Proceedings of the General Council. 1790-95.\\nas you well know, in the fall of the year 1788, at this place and that\\ngeneral council was invited by your Commissioner Governor St. Clair,\\nto meet him for the purpose of holding a treaty, with regard to the\\nlands mentioned by you to have been ceded by the treaties of Fort\\nStanwix and Fort Mcintosh.\\nBrothers: We are in possession of the speeches and letters which\\npassed on that occasion, between those deputed by the confederated\\nIndians, and Governor St. Clair, the Commissioner of the United\\nStates. These papers prove that your said Commissioner, in the be-\\nginning of the year 1789, after having been informed by the general\\ncouncil of the preceding fall, that no bargain or sale of any part of\\nthese Indian lands would be considered as valid or binding unless agreed\\nto by a general council, nevertheless^)ersisted in collecting together a\\nfew chiefs of two or three nations only, and with them held a treaty for\\nthe cession of an immense country, in which they were no more inter-\\nested, than as a branch of the general cenfederacy, and who were in no\\nmanner authorized to make any grant or concession whatever.\\nBrothers How then was it possible for you to expect to enjoy\\npeace, and quietly to hold these lands, when your Commissioner was\\ninformed, long before he had the treaty of Fort Harmar, that the con-\\nsent of a general council was absolutely necessary to convey any part\\nof these lands to the United States. The part of these lands which the\\nUnited States now wish us to relinquish, and which you say are settled,\\nhave been sold by the United States since that time.\\nBrothers: You say the United States wish to have confirmed all\\nthe lands ceded to them by the treaty of Fort Harmar, and also a small\\ntract at the rapids of the Ohio, claimed by General Clark, for the use of\\nhimself and his warriors. And, in consideration thereof, the United\\nStates would give such a large sum of money or goods, as was never\\ngiven, at any one time, for any quantity of Indian lands, since the white\\npeople first set their feet on this island. And, because these lands did\\nevery year furnish you with skins and furs, with which you bought\\nclothing and other necessaries, the United States will now furnish the\\nlike constant supplies. And therefore, besides the great sum to be\\ndelivered at once, they will every year deliver you a large quantity of\\nsuch goods as are best fitted to the wants of yourselves, your women,\\nand children.\\nBrothers: Money, to us, is of no value; and to most of us un-\\nknown and, as no consideration whatever can induce us to sell the\\nlands on which we get sustenance for our women and children, we hope\\nwe may be allowed to point out a mode by which your settlers may be\\neasily removed, and peace thereby obtained.\\nBrothers We know that these settlers are poor, or they would\\nnever have ventured to live in a country which has been in continual\\ntrouble ever since they crossed the Ohio. Divide, therefore, this large", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Proceedings of the General Council. 393\\nsum of money, which you have offered to us, among these people.\\nGive to each, also, a proportion of what you say you would give to us,\\nannually, over and above this very large sum of money and, as we\\nare persuaded, they would most readily accept of it in lieu of the lands\\nyou sold them. If you add, also, the great sums you must expend in\\nraising and paying armies, with a view to force us to yield you our\\ncountry, you will certainly have more than sufficient for the purpose of\\nre-paying these settlers for all their labor and their improvements.\\nBrothers: You have talked to us about concessions. It appears\\nstrange that you should expect any from us, who have only been defend-\\ning our just rights against your invasions. We want peace. Restore\\nto us our country, and we shall be enemies no longer.\\nBrothers You make one concession to us by offering us your\\nmoney; and another by having agreed to do us justice, after having\\nlong and injuriously withheld it: we mean in the acknowledgement\\nyou have now made, that the King of England never did, nor never had\\na right to give you our country, by the treaty of peace. And you want\\nto make this act of common justice a great part of your concessions;\\nand seem to expect that, because you have at list acknowledged our\\nindependence, we should, for such a favor, surrender to you our\\ncountry.\\nBrothers You have talked, also, a great deal about pre-emption,\\nand your exclusive right to purchase Indian lands, as ceded to you by\\nthe king, at the treaty of peace.\\nBrothers We never made any agreement with the king, nor with\\nany other nation, that we would give to either the exclusive right of\\npurchasing our lands and we declare to you, that we consider ourselves\\nfree to make any bargain or cession of lands, whenever and to whom-\\nsoever we please. If the white people, as you say, made a treaty that\\nnone of them but the king should purchase of us, and that he has given\\nthat right to the United States, it is an affair which concerns you and\\nhim, and not us we have never parted with such a power.\\nBrothers At our general council, held at the Glaize last fall, we\\nagreed to meet commissioners from the United States, for the purpose of\\nrestoring peace, provided they consented to acknowledge and confirm\\nour boundary line to be the Ohio, and we determined not to meet you,\\nuntil you gave us satisfaction on that point that is the reason we have\\nnever met.\\nWe desire you to consider, brothers, that our only demand is the\\npeaceable possession of a small part of our once great country.\\nLook back and review the lands from whence we have been driven to\\nthis spot. We can retreat no farther; because the country behind\\nhardly affords food for its inhabitants and we have, therefore, resolved\\nto leave our bones in this small space to which we are now confined.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "394 Reasons which kept the Indians at War. 1790-1795.\\nBrothers We shall be persuaded that you mean to do us justice, if\\nyou agree that the Ohio shall remain ihe boundary line between us. If\\nyou will not consent thereto, our meeting will be altogether unneces-\\nsary. This Is the great point which we hoped would have been\\nexplained before you left your homes, as our message, last fall, was\\nprincipally directed to obtain that information.\\nDone in general council, at the foot of the Maumee Rapids, the 13th\\nday of August, 1793.\\nNATIONS.\\nWyaiidots, Miamies, Mohicans.\\nSeven Nations, of Canada, Ottawas, Connoys,\\nPottawattimies, Messasagoes, Delawares,\\nSenecas, of the Glaize, Chippewas, Nantakokies,\\nShawanese, Munsees, Creeks,\\nCheiokees.*\\nThis, of necessity, closed the attempts of the United States to\\nmake peace some few further efTorts were made to secure the\\nIroquois to the cause of America, but they ended in nothing and\\nfrom the month of August, the preparations for a decision by arms\\nof the questions pending between the white and red men went\\nforward constantly.\\nBut it is natural to ask what causes led the northwestern savages\\nthus to stake their very existence upon the contest, when terms so\\nliberal were offered by their opponents. We answer first, their\\nprevious success did much and secondly, they hoped for the aid\\nof Britain, and at length of Spain also, on their side^\\nFor several years, said Brant, we were engaged in getting a confed-\\neracy formed, and that unanimity occasioned by these endeavors among\\nour western brethren, enabled them to defeat two American armies.\\nThe war continued without our brothers, the English, giving any assis-\\ntance, except a little ammunition; and they seeming to desire that a\\npeace might be concluded, we tried to bring it about at a time that the\\nUnited States desired it very much, so that they sent commissioners\\nfrom among their first people, to endeavor to make peace with the hos-\\ntile Indians. We assembled also for that purpose at the Miami river\\nin the summer of 1793, intending to act as mediators in bringing about\\nan honorable peace and if that could not be obtained, we resolved to\\njoin our western brethren in trying the fortune of war. But to our sur-\\nprise, when upon the point of entering upon a treaty with the commis-\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 356.\\nfin another portion of the same speech, Captain Brant stated that General Ilaldeman\\nexhorted them to the formation of that union with the different nations.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Lord Dorchester^s Speech. 395\\nsioners, we found that it was opposed by those acting under the British\\ngovernment, and hopes of farther assistance were given to our western\\nbrethren, to encourage them to insist on the Ohio as a boundary between\\nthem and the United States.*\\nThrough Elliott, McKee, and Butler, this confidence in Eng-\\nlish aid was thus excited among the savages, before their final\\nrefusal of the generous terms offered by Washington; and soon\\nafter, the higher functionaries endorsed the representations of their\\nsubordinates. In February, 1794, Lord Dorchester, addressing\\nthe deputies from the council of 1793, said\\nChildren: I was in expectation of hearing from the people of the\\nUnited States what was required by them I hoped that I should have\\nbeen able to bring you together, and make you friends.\\nChildren: I have waited long, and listened with great attention,\\nbut I have not heard one word from them.\\nChildren: I flattered myself with the hope that the line proposed\\nin the year eighty-three, to separate us from the United Slates, which\\nwas immediately broken by themselves as soon as the peace was\\nsigned, would have been mended, or a new one drawn, in an amicable\\nmanner. Here, also, I have been disappointed.\\nChildren Since my return, I find no appearance of a line remains;\\nand from the manner in which the people of the United States rush on,\\nand act, and talk on this side and from what I learn of their conduct\\ntoward the sea, I shall not be surprised if we are at war with them in\\nthe course of the present year and if so, a line must then be drawn by\\nthe warriors.\\nChildren You talk of selling your lands to the state of New York.\\nI have told you that there is no line between them and us. I shall\\nacknowledge no lands to be theirs which have been encroached on by\\nthem since the year 1783. They then broke the peace, and as they\\nkept it not on their part, it doth not bind on ours.\\nChildren They then destroyed their right of pre-emption. There-\\nfore, all their approaches towards us since that time, and all the\\npurchases made by them, I consider as an infringement on the King s\\nrights. And when a line is drawn between us, be it in peace or war,\\nthey must lose all their improvements and houses on \u00c2\u00a9ur side of it.\\nThose people must all be gone who do not obtain leave to become the\\nKing s subjects. What belongs to the Indians will, of course, be\\nsecured and confirmed to them.\\nChildren What farther can I say to you You are witnesses\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Stone, ii. 358o", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "396 British and Spanish aid hoped for. 1790-95.\\nthat on our parts we have acted in the most peaceable manner, and\\nborne the language and conduct of the people of the United Slates with\\npatience. But I believe our patience is almost exhausted.*\\nAnd when, during the summer of 1794, there was a contest\\nbetween the United States and the Six Nations, relative to the\\nerection of a fort by the former at Presqu ile (Erie) on lake Erie,t\\nBrant, in writing to the British authorities, on the 1 9th of July,\\nsays\\nIn regard to the Presq Isle business, should we not get an answer at\\nthe time limited, it is our business to push those fellows hard, and\\ntherefore it is my intention to form my camp at Pointe Appineau and\\nI would esteem it a favor if his Excellency the Lieutenant Governor\\nwould lend me four or five batteaux. Should it so turn out, and should\\nthose fellows not go off, and O Bail continue in the same opinion, an\\nexpedition against those Yankees must of consequence take place.\\nHis Excellency has been so good as to furnish us with a cwt. of\\npowder, and ball in proportion, which is now at Fort Erie but in the\\nevent of an attack upon Le Boeuf people, I could wish, if consistent,\\nthat his Excellency would order a like quantity in addition to be at\\nFort Erie, in order to be in readiness likewise I would hope for a little\\nassistance in provisions.^\\nBut the conduct of England, in sending, as she did. Governor\\nSiracoe in the month of April, 1794 1| to the rapids of the Maumee,\\nthere, within the acknowledged territories of the United States, to\\nerect a fort, was the strongest assurance that could have been\\ngiven to the northwestern tribes, that she would espouse their\\nquarrel. In May of 1794, a messenger from the Mississippi prov-\\ninces of Spain also appeared in the northwest, offering assistance.\\nChildren! (he said) you see me on my feet, grasping the tomahawk\\nThe authenticity of this speech has been questioned it was doubted at the time even.\\nGeorge Clinton of New York sent the proof of its genuineness to Washington, March 20th,\\n1794, and both he and the President thought it authentic. Judge Marshall (Life of\\nWashington, v. 535) states it is not authentic, and Sparks (Washington Papers, x. 394,\\nnote) seems to agree with him but Mr. Stone found among Brant s papers a certified MS.\\ncopy from which the above extracts are taken, (Stone s Brant, ii. 368, note) and Mr.\\nHammond, the British minister, in May, 1794, acknowledged it to be genuine. (Ameri-\\ncan State Papers, i. 462. See also v. 480.)\\nSee the papers relative to this affair at length, American State Papers, v. 503 to 524.\\nThe Americans yielded their right of settlement to prevent trouble. (American State\\nPapers, v. 487.)\\n4;Stone s Brant, ii, 380.\\nLetter of April 17, American State Papers, v. 480.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Causes of the action of England. 397\\nto strike tliem. We will strike together. I do do not desire you to go\\nbefore me, in the front, but to follow me.\\nChildren I present you with a war-pipe, which has been sent in all\\nour names to the Musquakies, and all those nations who live towards\\nthe setting sun, to get upon their feet and take hold of our tomahawk\\nand as soon as they smoked it, they sent it back with a promise to get\\nimmediately on their feet, and join us, and strike this enemy.\\nChildren You hear what these distant nations have said to us, so\\nthat we have nothing farther to do but put our designs into immediate\\nexecution, and to forward this pipe to the three warlike nations who\\nhave so long been struggling for their country, and who now sit at\\nthe Glaize. Tell them to smoke this pipe, and forward it to all the\\nlake Indians and their northern brethren. Then nothing will be\\nwanting to complete our general union from the rising to the setting of\\nthe sun, and all nations will be ready to add strength to the blow we\\nare going to make.\\nThe explanation of the conduct above related on the part of\\nEngland, is not difficult. In March, 1793, Great Britain and\\nRussia had united for the purpose of cutting off all the commerce\\nof revolutionary France, in the hope thereby of conquering her. f\\nIn June, the court of St. James, in accordance with this agreement,\\nissued orders\\nTo stop and detain all vessels loaded vvholly or in part with corn, flour,\\nor meal, bound to any port of France, or any port occupied by the\\narmies of France, and to send them to such ports as should be most\\nconvenient, in order that such corn, meal, or flour might be purchased\\non behalf of his majesty s government, and the ships to be released after\\nsuch purchase, and after a due allowance for freight or that the masters\\nof such ships, on giving due security, to be approved by the court of\\nadmiralty, be permitted to dispose of their cargoes of corn, meal, or\\nflour, in the ports of any country in amity with his majesty\\nAgainst this proceeding the United States protested, while Eng-\\nland justified the measure as a very mild application of interna-\\ntional law. On both sides great irritation prevailed, and during\\nthis period it was that the various acts of Governor Simcoe and\\nothers took place.\\nAs for Spain, she had long been fearful and jealous of the west-\\nern colonists; II she had done all in her power to sow dissensions\\nMS. among the Brant Papers.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Stone, ii. 375, t Pitkin s, U. S. ii. 396.\\nPitkin, ii. 396. H See ante pp. 221, 280, c., and jpost.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "398 Waym^s prospects arid efforts. 1790-95.\\nbetween the Americans and the southern Indians and now hoped\\nto cripple her Anglo-Saxon antagonist by movements at the north.\\nBut the Americans were in nowise disposed to yield even to\\nthis Hydra, \\\\as General Wayne called it, of Indian, British,\\nand Spanish enmity. On the 16th of August, 1793, the fmal\\nmessages took place between the American commissioners and the\\nIndians, at the mouth of Detroit river on the 17th, the commis-\\nsioners left Captain Elliott s on the 23d, reached Fort Erie, near\\nNiagara upon the same day they sent three letters to General\\nWayne, by three distinct channels, advising hira of the issue of\\nthe negotiation. f Wayne, encamped at his Hobson s choice,\\nand contending with the unwillingness of Kentuckians to volun-\\nteer in connection with regular troops, with fever, influenza and\\ndesertion, was struggling hard to bring his army to such form\\nand consistency as would enable him to meet the enemy with\\nconfidence. On the 5th of October, he writes that he cannot hope\\nto have, deducting the sick and those left in garrison, more than\\n2,600 regular troops, 360 mounted volunteers, and 36 guides and\\nspies to go with him beyond Fort Jefferson but he adds\\nThis is not a pleasant picture, but something must be done imme-\\ndiately, to save the frontiers from impending savage fury.\\nI will, therefore, advance to-morrow with the force I have, in order\\nto gain a strong position about six miles in front of Fort Jefferson, so as\\nto keep the enemy in check (by exciting a jealousy and apprehension\\nfor the safety of their own women and children) until some favorable\\ncircumstance or opportunity may present to strike with effect.\\nThe present apparent tranquility on the frontiers, and at the head of\\nthe line, is a convincing proof to me, that the enemy are collected or\\ncollecting in force, to oppose the legion, either on its march, or in some\\nunfavorable position for the cavalry to act in. Disappoint them in this\\nfavorite plan or manoeuvre, they may probably be tempted to attack our\\nlines. In this case I trust they will not have much reason to triumph\\nfrom the encounter.\\nThey cannot continue long embodied for want of provision, and at their\\nbreaking up, they will most certainly make some desperate effdrt upon\\nsome quarter or other should the mounted volunteers advance in force,\\nwe might yet compel those haughty savages to see for peace, before the\\nnext opening of the leaves. Be that as it may, I pray you not to permit\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 304, 308, 325, c. c. (See index of vol. Spain,\\nSpaniards, c.)\\nt American State Papers, v, 357 to 360.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Wayne builds Fort Greenville. 399\\npresent appearances to cause too much anxiety either in the mind of the\\nPresident, or yourself, on account of this army. Knowing the critical\\nsituation of our infant nation, and feeling for the honor and reputation of\\nGovernment, (which I will support with my latest breath) you may rest\\nassured that I will not commit the legion unnecessarily and unless\\nmore powerfully supported than I at present have reason to expect, I\\nwill content myself by taking a strong position advanced of Jefferson,\\nand by exerting every power, endeavor to protect the frontiers, and to\\nsecure the posts and army during the winter, or until I am honored with\\nyour further orders.*\\nOn the 7th the legion left Cincinnati, and upon the 13th, with-\\nout any accident, encamped upon the strong position above\\nreferred to.f Here, upon the 24th of Oct r, he was joined by 1000\\nmounted Kentucky volunteers under Gen. Scott, to whom he had\\nwritten pressing requests to hasten forward with all the men he\\ncould muster. This request Scott hastened to comply with, and\\nthe Governor, upon the 28th of September had ordered, in addi-\\ntion, a draft of militia. The Kentucky troops, however, were\\nsoon dismissed again, until Spring but their march had not been\\nin vain, for they had seen enough of Wayne s army to give them\\nconfidence in it and in him and upon their return home, spread\\nthat confidence abroad, so that the full number of volunteers, was\\neasily procured in the spring.\\nOne attack had been made upon the troops previous to the\\n23d of Oct. and only one a body of two commissioned and ninety\\nnon-commissioned officers and soldiers, conveying 20 wagons of\\nsupplies, was assaulted on the 17th, seven miles beyond Fort St.\\nClair, and Lieutenant Lowry and Ensign Boyd, with thirteen\\nothers, were killed. Although so little opposition had thus far\\nbeen encountered, however, Wayne determined to stay where he\\nwas, for the winter, and having 70,000 rations on hand in Octo-\\nber, with the prospect of 120,000 more, while the Indians were\\nsure to be short Jof provisions, he proceeded to fortify his posi-\\ntion which he named Fort Greenville, and which was situated\\nupon the spot now occupied by the town of that name. This\\nbeing done, on the 23d or 24th of December, a detachment was\\nsent forward to take possession of the field of St. Clair s defeat.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 360.\\nt See in American Pioneer, ii. 290, plate and account of Wayne s mode of encamp-\\nment. Also in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 55, a journal of the march.\\nMarshall, ii, 83, 84. American State Papers, v. 361. Ibid, v. 361.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "400 Indians rely on British. 1790-95.\\nThey arrived upon the spot upon Christmas day. Six hundred\\nskulls, says one present, were gathered up and burled when\\nwe went to lay down In our tents at night, we had to scrape the\\nbones together and carry them out, to make our beds. Here\\nwas built Fort Recovery, which was properly garrisoned, and\\nplaced under the charge of Captain Alexander Gibson. During\\nthe early months of 1794, Wayne was steadily engaged in pre-\\nparing every thing for a sure blow when the time came, and by\\nmeans of Captain Gibson and his various spies, kept himself\\ninformed of the plans and movements of the savages, f All his\\ninformation showed the faith in British assistance which still ani-\\nmated the doomed race of red-men thus, two Pottawatamies,\\ntaken by Captain Gibson, June 5th, in reply to various questions,\\nanswered as follows\\nQ. When did your nation receive the invitation from the British to\\njoin them, and go to war with the Americans\\nA. On the first of the last moon the message was sent by three\\nchiefs, a Delaware, a Shawanee, and a Miami.\\nQ. What was the message brought by those Indian chiefs, and\\nwhat number of British troops were at Roche de Bout, [foot of rapids\\nof the Maumee,] on the 1st of May.\\nA. That the British sent them to invite the Pattawattamies to go to\\nwar against the United States: that they, the British, were then at\\nRoche de Bout, on their way to war against the Americans that the\\nnumber of British troops then there were about four hundred, with two\\npieces of artillery, exclusive of the Detroit militia, and had made a for-\\ntification round Colonel McKee s house and stores at that place, in\\nwhich they had deposited all their stores of ammunition, arms, clothing,\\nand provision, with which they promised to supply all the hostile In-\\ndians in abundance, provided they would join, and go with them to war.\\nQ. What tribes of Indians, and what were their numbers, at Roche\\nde Bout, on the 1st of May\\nA. The Chippewas, Wyandots, Shawanese, Tawas, Delawares, and\\nMiamies. There were then collected about one thousand warriors, and\\nwere daily coming in and collecting from all those nations.\\nQ. What number of warriors do you suppose are actually collected\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 294. Letter of George Will. Dillon s Indiana!. 360--Am-\\ncrican State Papers, i. 458, gives Wayne s statement.\\nt See a very interesting story in McDonald s Sketches (pp. 185, 6, and 7) of the cap-\\nture of Christopher Miller, (a white mau made into an Indian,) by his brother, one of\\nWayne s spies.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Evidence of British Intentions. 401\\nat that place at this time, and what number of British troops and militia\\nhave promised to join the Indians to fight this army\\nA. By the latest and best information, and from our own knowledge\\nof the number of warriors belonging to those nations, there cannot be\\nless than two thousand warriors now assembled and were the Patta-\\nwattamies to join, agreeably to invitation, the whole would amount to\\nupwards of three thousand hostile Indiaas. But we do not think that\\nmore than 50 of the Pattawattamies will go to war.\\nThe British troops and militia that will join the Indians to go to war\\nagainst the Americans, will amount to fifteen hundred, agreeably to the\\npromise of Governor Simcoe.\\nQ. At what time and at what place do the British and Indians mean\\nto advance against this army\\nA. About the last of this moon, or the beginning of the next, they\\nintend to attack the legion of this place. Governor Simcoe, the great\\nman who lives at or near Niagara, sent for the Pattawattamies, and pro-\\nmised them arms, ammunition, provision, and clothing, and every thing\\nthey wanted, on condition that they would join him, and go to war\\nagainst the Americans and that he would command the whole.\\nHe sent us the same message last winter and again, on the first of\\nthe last moon, from Roche de Bout he also said, he was much obliged\\nto us for our past services and that he would now help us to fight, and\\nrender us all the services in his power, against the Americans.\\nAll the speeches that we have received from him, were as red as\\nblood all the wampum and feathers were painted red the war pipes\\nand hatchets were red, and even the tobacco was painted red.\\nWe received four different invitations from Governor Simcoe, inviting\\nthe Pattawattamies to join in the war the last was on the first of last\\nmoon, when he promised to join us with 1500 of his warriors, as before\\nmentioned. But we wish for peace except a few of our foolish young\\nmen.\\nExamined, and carefully reduced to writing, at Greenville, this 7th of\\nJune, 1794.*\\nA couple of Shawanese warriors, captured June 22d, were less\\nsanguine as to their white allies, but still say that which proves\\nthe dependence of Indian action upon English promises. As their\\nevidence gives some data relative to the Indian forces, as well as\\nthe temper of the western tribes, we extract nearly the whole of it.\\nThey say that they left Grand Glaize five moons since, i. e. about\\nthe time that the Indians sent in [i. e. to Wayne the provisions cauld\\nnot be accepted] a flag, with propositions of peace.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 489.\\n26", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "402 Forces of the Indians. 1790-95.\\nThat (hey belonged to a party of twenty, who have been hunting all\\nthis spring on the waters of the Wabash, nearly opposite the mouth of\\nKentucky River, and were on their return when taken. Tlmt, on their\\nway in, they met with a party, consisting of four Indians, i, e. three\\nDelawares and one Pattawattamy, who were then on their way to the\\nBig-bone-lick, to steal horses that this party informed them that all the\\nIndians on White River were sent for to come immediately to Grand\\nGlaize, where the warriors of several nations were now assembled\\nthat the chiefs are yet in council, and would not let their warriors go\\nout that they could not depend upon the British for effectual support\\nthat they were always setting the Indians on like dogs after game,\\npressing them to go to war, and kill the Americans, but did not help\\nthem that unless the British would turn out and help them, they were\\ndetermined to make peace that they would not be any longer amused\\nby promises only.\\nThat the Shawanese have 380 warriors at, and in the vicinity of\\nGrand Glaize and generally can, and do, bring into action about 300.\\nTheir great men, or sachems, are the Black Wolf, and Kakia-pi-la-thy,\\nor Tame-Hawk their principal warriors are Blue Jacket, and Captain\\nJonny that the Delawares have in and about Grand Glaize 480 war-\\nriors that they actually had four hundred in the action against St.\\nClair that the Miamies are at present but about one hundred warriors,\\nwho live near Grand Glaize, several of them having removed towards\\nPost Vincennes, and by the Mississippi that the Wyandots never send\\ninto action more than about one hundred and fifty warriors they live\\nalong the lake, towards Sandusky they don t know the number of the\\nPattawattamies, nor the number of the other Indians or nations that\\nwould actually join in a war, should they determine to continue it that\\nthe Chippewas would be the most numerous, and were generally on the\\nway to the council; but that war or peace depended on the conduct of\\nthe British if they would help them, it would probably be war, but if\\nthey would not, it would be peace that the Indians would no longer\\nbe set on like dogs, by themselves, unless the British would help them\\nto fight that the British were at the foot of the rapids, and had fortified\\nat Roche de Bout; that there were a great number of British soldiers\\nat that place that they told the Indians they were now come to help\\nthem to fight; and if the Indians would generally turn out and join\\nthem, they would advance and fight the American army that Blue\\nJacket had been sent by the British to the Chippewas, and northern\\nIndians, a considerable time since, to invite them, and bring them to\\nRoche de Bout, there to join the British and other hostile Indians, in\\norder to go to war.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 489.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "1790-95, Fort Recovery attacked. 403\\nAnd the conduct of the savages proved these tales not to be\\nfables on the 30th of June, Fort Recovery, the advanced Amer-\\nican post, was assaulted by the Little Turtle, at the head of 1,000\\nto 1,500 warriors;* and although repelled, the assailants rallied\\nand returned to the charge, and kept up the attack through the\\nwhole of that day, and a part of the following. Nor was this\\nassailing force entirely composed of natives; General Wayne, in\\nhis despatch, says his spies report a great number of white men\\nwith the Indians and again they insist\\nThere were a considerable number of armed white men in the rear,\\nwho they frequently heard talking in our language, and encouraging the\\nsavages to persevere in the assault that tlieir faces were generally\\nblacked, except three British officers, who were dressed in scarlet, and\\nappeared to be men of great distinction, from being surrounded by a\\nlarge body of white men and Indians, who were very attentive to them.\\nThese kept a distance in the rear of those that were engaged.\\nAnother strong corroborating fact says General Wayne that there\\nwere British, or British militia, in the assault, is, that a number of ounce\\nballs and buck shot were lodged in the block houses and stockades of\\nthe fort. Some were delivered at so great a distance as not to penetrate,\\nand were picked up at the foot of the stockades.\\nIt would also appear that the British and savages expected to find the\\nartillery that were lost on the 4th of November, 1791, and hid by the\\nIndians in the beds of old fallen timber, or logs, which they turned over\\nand laid the cannon in, and then turned the logs back into their former\\nberth. It was in this artful manner that we generally found them de-\\nposited. The hostile Indians turned over a great number of logs, dur-\\ning the assault, in search of those cannon, and other plunder, which\\nthey had probably hid in this manner, after the action of the fourth of\\nNovember, 1791.\\nI therefore have reason to believe that the British and Indians depend-\\ned much upon this artillery to assist in the reduction of that post for-\\ntimately they served in its defence.t\\nOn the 26th of July, Scott, with some 1600 mounted men from\\nKentucky, joined Wayne at Greenville, i: and on the 28th the\\nlegion moved forward. |1 On the 8th of August, the army was\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 488.\\nMajor McMahon chanced to be before the fort with some troops, when this attack\\ntook place, and was one of the officers killed, but the object of the Indians was to take\\nthe fort. (American State Papers, v. 488, Wayne s Despatches.)\\nMarshall, ii. 13G. American Pioneerj i. 315, Dailj Journal of Wayne s army.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "404 Wayne^s last offer of peace, 1790-95.\\nnear the junction of the Auglaize and Maumee, at Grand Glaize,\\nand proceeded at once to build Fort Defiance where the rivers\\nmeet.* The Indians had hastily abandoned their towns upon\\nhearing of the approach of the army from a runaway member of\\nthe Quarter master s corps, who was afterwards taken at Pitts-\\nburgh.! It had been Wayne s plan to reach the head-quarters of\\nthe savages, Grand Glaize, undiscovered and in order to do this,\\nhe had caused two roads to be cut, one towards the foot of the\\nrapids, (Roche de Bout,) the other to the junction of the St. Mary\\nand St. Joseph, while he pressed forward between the two and\\nthis strategem, he thinks would have been successful but for the\\ndeserter referred to.ij: While engaged upon Fort Defiance, the\\nAmerican commander received full and accurate accounts of the\\nIndians and the aid they would receive from the volunteers of\\nDetroit and elsewhere; he learned the nature of the ground, and\\nthe circumstances favorable and unfavorable and upon the whole,\\nconsidering the spirit of his troops, oflficers and men, regulars and\\nvolunteers, he determined to march forward and settle matters at\\nonce. But yet, true to the last to the spirit of compromise and\\npeace so forcibly taught by Washington, on the 13th of August,\\nhe sent Christopher Miller, who had been naturalized among the\\nShawanese, and had been (see note p. 400) taken prisoner on the\\n11th by Wayne s spies, as a special messenger, offering terms of\\nfriendship in these words\\nTo the Delawares, Shawanes^, Miamies, and Wyandots, and to eacii\\nand every of them, and to all other nations of Indians, norlhwest\\nof the Ohio, whom it may concern\\nI, Anthony Wayne, Major General and Commander-in-chief of the\\nfederal army now at Grand Glaize, and coramissionary plenipotentiary\\nof the United States of America, for settling the terms upon which a\\npermanent and lasting peace shall be made with each and every of the\\nhostile tribes, or nations of Indians northwest of the Ohio, and of the\\nsaid United States, actuated by the purest principles of humanity, and\\nurged by pity for the errors into which bad and designing men have led\\nyou, from the head of my army, now in possession of your abandoned\\nvillages and settlements, do hereby once more extend the friendly hand\\nSee American Pioneer, ii. 3S7, for plan and account of Fort Defiance.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 490 and note. At Greenville, the Delawares asked to\\nhave this man released. (American State Papers, v. 581,) and this, as we learn from Wil-\\nkinson, was done. (Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. appendix. No. xliv.)\\n:J Wayne s letter of August 14th. (American State Papers, v. 490.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Wayne inarches down the Maumee. 405\\nof peace towards you, and invite each and every of the hostile tribe of\\nIndians to appoint deputies to meet me and my army, without delay,\\nbetween this place and Roche de Bout, in order to settle the preliminaries\\nof a lasting peace, which may eventually and soon restore to you the\\nDelawares, Miamies, Shawanese, and all other tribes and nations lately\\nsettled at this place, and on the margins \u00c2\u00a9f the Miami and au Glaize\\nRivers, your late grounds and possessions, and to preserve you and your\\ndistressed and hapless women and children from danger and famine, dur-\\ning the present fall and ensuing winter.\\nThe arm of the United States is strong and powerful, but they love\\nmercy and kindness more than war and desolation.\\nAnd, to remove any doubts or apprehensions of danger to the persons\\nof the deputies whom you may appoint to meet this army, I hereby\\npledge my sacred honor for their safety and return, and send Christo-\\npher Miller, an adopted Shawanee, and a Shawanee warrior, whom I\\ntook prisoner two days ago, as a flag, who will advance in their front to\\nmeet me.\\nMr. Miller was taken prisoner by a party of my warriors, six moons\\nsince, and can testify to you the kindness which I have shown to your\\npeople, my prisoners, that is, five warriors and two women, who are\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2now all safe and well at Greenville.\\nBut, should this invitation be disregarded, and my flag, Mr. Miller,\\nbe detained, or injured, I will immediately order all those prisoners to\\nbe put to death, without distinction, and some of them are known to\\nbelong to the first families of your nations.\\nBrothers Be no longer deceived or led astray by the false promises\\nand language of the bad white men at the foot of the rapids they have\\nneither the power nor inclination to protect you. No longer shut your\\n\u00e2\u0082\u00acyes to your true interest and happiness, nor your ears to to this over-\\nture of peace. But, in pity to your innocent women and children,\\ncome and prevent the further eff*usion of your blood let them experi-\\nence the kindness and friendship of the United Slates of America, and\\nthe invaluable blessings of peace and tranquility.*\\nGrand Glaize, August 13th, 1794. ANTHONY WAYNE.\\nUnwilling to waste time, the troops moved forward on the 15th,\\nand on the 16th met Miller returning, with the message, that if the\\nAmericans would wait ten days at Grand Glaize, they (the Indians)\\nwould decide for peace or war;t which Wayne replied to only by-\\nmarching straight on. On the 18th, the legion had advanced\\nforty-one miles from Grand Glaize, and being near by the long\\nlooked for foe, began to throw up some light works, called Fort\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 490. -l- American Pioneer, i. 317.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "406 Wayne s Battle. 1790-95.\\nDeposite, wherein to place the heavy baggage during the expected\\nbattle. On that day, five of Wayne s spies, among whom was\\nMay, the man who had been sent after Trueman and had pre-\\ntended to desert to the Indians,* rode into the very camp of the\\nenemy in attempting to retreat again. May s horse fell and he was\\ntaken. The next day, the day before the battle, he was tied to a\\ntree and shot at as a target. f During the 19th, the army still\\nlabored on their works: on the 20th, at 7 or 8 o clock, all bag-\\ngage having been left behind, the white forces moved down the\\nnorth bank of the Maumee\\nthe Legion on the right, its flank covered by the Maumee one brigade\\nof mounted volunteers on the left, under Brigadier General Todd, and\\nthe other in the rear under Brigadier General Barbee. A select battalion\\nof mounted volunteers moved in front of the Legion, commanded by\\nMajor Price, who was directed to keep suflSciently advanced, so as to\\ngive timely notice for the troops to form in case of action, it being yet\\nundetermined whether the Indians would decide for peace or war.\\nAfter advancing about five miles, Major Price s corps received so\\nsevere a fire from the enemy, who were secreted in the woods and high\\ngrass, as to compel them to retreat. The Legion was immediately\\nformed in two lines, principally in a close thick wood, which extended\\nfor miles on our left, and for a very considerable distance in front the\\nground being covered with old fallen timber, probably occasioned by a\\ntornado, which rendered it impracticable for the cavalry to act with\\neffect, and afforded the enemy the most favorable covert for their mode\\nof warfare. The savages were formed in^three lines, within supporting\\ndistance of each other, and extending for near two miles at right angles\\nwith the river. I soon discovered, from the weight of the fire and\\nextent of their lines, that the enemy were in full force in front, in pos-\\nsession of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn our left flank.\\nI therefore gave orders for the second line to advance and support the\\nfirst; and directed Major General Scott to gain and turn the right flank\\nof the savages, with the whole of the mounted volunteers, by a circui-\\ntous route at the same time I ordered the front line to advance and\\ncharge with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their coverts at the\\npoint of the bayonet, and when up to deliver a close and well directed\\nfire on their backs, followed by a brisk charge, so as not to give them\\nlime to load again.\\nI also ordered Captain Mis Campbell, who commanded the legionary\\ncavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next the river, and which\\nSee ante p. 381, note.\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 52. 318. American State Papers, v. 243.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Wayne s Battle. 407\\nafforded a favorable field for that corps to act in. All these orders were\\nobeyed with spirit and promptitude but such was the impetuosity of\\nthe charge by the first line of infantry, that the Indians and Canadian\\nmilitia and volunteers, were drove from all their coverts in so short a\\ntime, that although every possible exertion was used by the officers of\\nthe second line of the Legion, and by Generals Scott, Todd, and\\nBarbee, of the mounted volunteers, to gain their proper positions, but\\npart of each could get up in season to* participate in the action; the\\nenemy being drove, in the course of one hour, more than two miles,\\nthrough the thick woods already mentioned, by less than one half their\\nnumbers. From every account the enemy amounted to two thousand\\ncombatants. The troops actually engaged against them were short of\\nnine hundred. This horde of savages, with their allies, abandoned\\nthemselves to flight, and dispersed with terror and dismay, leaving our\\nvictorious army in full and quiet possession of the field of battle, which\\nterminated under the influence of the guns of the British garrison, as\\nyou will observe by the enclosed correspondence between Major Camp-\\nbell, the commandant, and myself, upon the occasion.*\\nThe bravery and conduct of every ofiicer belonging to the army, from\\nthe Generals down to the Ensigns, merit my highest approbation.\\nThere were, however, some whose rank and situation placed their con-\\nduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and which I observed with\\n[numb ER I.]\\nMiami [Maumee] River, August 21, 1794.\\nSir An army of the United States of America, said to be under your command, having\\ntaken post on the banks of the Miami [Maumee] for upwards of the last twenty-four\\nhours, almost within the reach of the guns of this fort, being a post belonging to His\\nMajesty the King of Great Britain, occupied by His Majesty s troops, and which I have\\nthe honor to command, it becomes my duty to inform myself, as speedily as possible, in\\nwhat light I am to view your making such near approaches to this garrison. I have no\\nhesitation, on my part, to say, that I know of no war existing between Great Britain and\\nAmerica.\\nI have the honor, to be, sir, with great respect, your most obedient and very humble\\nservant, WILLIAM CAMPBELL, Major 24th Regiment,\\nCommanding a British post on the banks of the Miami.\\nTo Major General Wayne, c.\\n[number h.]\\nCamp on the Bank of the Miami, [Maumee,] August 21, 1794.\\nSir I have received your letter of this date, requiring from me the motives which\\nhave moved the army under my command to the position they at present occupy, far\\nwithin the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States of America. Without ques-\\ntioning the authority or the propriety, sir, of your interrogatory, I think I may, without\\nbreach of decorum, observe to you, that were you entitled to an answer, the most full\\nand satisfactory one was announced to you from the muzzles of my small arms, yesterday\\nmorning, in the action against the horde of savages in the vicinity of your post, which\\nterminated gloriously to the American arms but, had, it continued until the Indians, c.\\nwere driven under the influence of the post and guns you mention, they would not have\\nmuch impeded the progress of the victorious army under my command; as no such post", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "408 Wayne s Battle. 1790-95.\\npleasure, and the most lively gratitude. Among whom, I must beg leave\\nto mention Brigadier General Wilkinson, and Colonel Hamtramck, the\\ncommandants of the right and left vi ings of the Legion, whose brave\\nexample inspired the troops. To those I must add the names of my\\nfaithful and gallant aids-de-camp, Captains De Butt and T. Lewis, and\\nwas established at the commencement of the present war between the Indians and the\\nUnited States.\\nI have the honor to be sir, with great respect, your most obedient and very humble\\nservant, ANTHONY WAYNE, Major General,\\nAnd Commander-in-chief of the Federal Army.\\nTo Major William Cambell, c.\\n[number III.]\\nFort Miami, August 22d, 1794.\\nSir Although your letter of yesterday s date fully authorises me to any act of hostility\\nagainst the army of the United States in this neighborhood, under your command, yet,\\nstill anxious to prevent that dreadful decision which, perhaps, is not intended to be\\nappealed to by either of our countries, I have forborne, for these two days past, to resent\\nthose insults you have offered to the British flag flying at this fort, by approaching it\\nAvithin pistol shot of my works, not only singly, but in numbers, with arms in their hands.\\nNeither is it my wish to wage war with individuals but, should you, after this, continue\\nto approach my post in the threatening manner you are at this moment doing, my indis-\\npensable duty to my king and country, and the honor of my profession, will oblige me to\\nhave recourse to those measures, which thousands of either nation may hereafter have\\ncause to regret, and which, 1 solemnly appeal to God, I have used my utmost endeavors\\nto arrest.\\nI have the honor to be, sir, with much respect, your most obedient and very humble\\nservant, WILLIAM CAMPBELL, Major 24th Regiment,\\nCommanding at Fort Miami.\\nMajor General Wayne, c.\\n]numbeh IV.]\\nCamp, banks of the Miami, 22d August, 1794.\\nSir: In your letter of the 21st instant, you declare, I have no hesitation, on my part,\\nto say, that I know of no war existing between Great Britain and America. I, on my\\npart, declare the same, and that the only cause I have to entertain a contrary idea at\\npresent, is the hostile act you are now in commission of, i. e. by recently taking post far\\nwithin the well known and acknowledged limits of the United States, and erecting a for-\\ntification in the heart of the settlements of the Indian tribes now at war with the United\\nStates. This, sir, appears to be an act of the highest aggression, and destructive to the\\npeace and interest of the Union. Hence it becomes my duty to desire, and I do hereby\\ndesire and demand, in the name of the President of the United States, that you immedi-\\nately desist from any further act of hostility or aggression, by forbearing to fortify, and by\\nwithdrawing the troops, artillery, and stores, under your orders and direction, forthwith,\\nand removing to the nearest post occupied by his Britannic Majesty s troops at the peace\\nof 17S3, and which you will be permitted to do unmolested by the troops under my\\ncommand.\\nI am, with very great respect, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,\\nANTHONY WAYNE,\\nMajor William Campbell c.\\n[n umber v.]\\nFort Miami, 22d August, 1794.\\nSir: I have this moment to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date; in\\nanswer to which I have only to say, that, being placed here in the command of a British\\npost, and acting in a military capacity only, I cannot enter into any discussion either on", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Wayne s Battle. 409\\nLieutenant Harrison, who, with the Adjutant General, Major Mills,\\nrendered the most essential service by communicating my orders in\\nevery direction, and by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops to\\npress for victory.\\nEnclosed is a particular return of the killed and wounded.* The\\nloss of the enemy was more than that of the Federal army. The woods\\nwere strewed for a considerable distance with the dead bodies of Indians,\\nand their white auxiliaries, the latter armed with British muskets and\\nbayonets .t\\nthe right or impropriety of my occupying my present position. Those are matters that I\\nconceive will be best left to the ambassadors of our different nations.\\nHaving said this much, permit me to inform you that I certainly will not abandon this\\npost, at the summons of any power whatever, until I receive orders for that purpose from\\nthose I have the honor to serve under, or the fortune of war should oblige me. I must\\nstill adhere, sir, to the purport of my letter this morning, to desire that your army, or\\nindividuals belonging to it, will not approach within reach of my cannon, without\\nexpecting the consequences attending it.\\nAlthough I have said, in the former part of my letter, that my situation here is totally\\nmilitary, yet, let me add, sir, that I am much deceived, if His Majesty, the King of Great\\nBritain, had not a post on this river, at and prior to the period you mention.\\nI have the honor to be, sir, with the greatest respect, your most obedient and very\\nhumble servant, WILLIAM CAMPBELL, Major 24th Regiment,\\nCommanding at Fort Miami.\\nTo Major General Wayne, c.\\nThe Legion had twenty-six killed, five of them officers, eighty-seven wounded, thir-\\nteen of them officers the Kentucky volunteers had seven killed all privates, and thirteen\\nwounded, three of whom were officers of the wounded eleven died: making in all,\\ndead and wounded, one hundred and thirty-three. American State Papers, v. 492.\\nt An eye witness [American Pioneer, i. 319] thinks there were near five hundred\\nCanadians in the battle. A Shawanese prisoner taken August 11, testifies thus\\nQuestion. What number of warriors are at McKee s, and what nations do they\\nbelong to\\nAnswer. There are six hundred who abandoned this place on the approach of the\\narmy.\\nShawanese, about 200, but not more.\\nDelawares, 300\\nMiamies, 100\\nWarriors of other tribes, 100\\nTotal, 700\\nQ. What number are expected to assemble, in addition to those now at the foot of\\nthe Rapids?\\nA. In all, about 400 men, viz.\\nWyandots, 300\\nTawas, 240\\nTotal, 540\\nQ. What number of white men are to join, and when\\nA. Mr. or Captain Elliot set out for Detroit six days since, and was to be back yester-\\nday, with all the militia, and an additional number of regular troops, which, with those\\nalready there, would amount to 1000 men. This is the general conversation among the", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "410 Destruction of Villages^ fyc. on the Maumee. 1790-95.\\nWe remained three days and nights on the banks of tlie Maumee, in\\nfront of the field of battle, during which time all the houses and corn-\\nfields were consumed and destroyed for a considerable distance both\\nabove and below Fort Miami, as well as within pistol shot of the garri-\\nson, who were compelled to remain tacit spectators to this general\\ndevastation and conflagration, among which were the houses, stores,\\nand property of Colonel McKee, the British Indian Agent, and princi-\\npal stimulator of the war now existing between the United States and\\nthe savages.\\nThe army returned to this place [Fort Defiance] on the 27th, by\\neasy marches, laying waste the villages and cornfields for about fifty\\nmiles on each side of the Maumee. There remains yet a great number\\nof villages, and a great quantity of corn,* to be consumed or destroyed,\\nupon Auglaize and the Maumee above this place, which will be effected\\nin the course of a few days.t\\nThe loss of the Americans in this action was 33 killed and 100\\nwounded, including 21 officers, of whom, however, but five were\\nkilled.\\nThe army remained at Fort Defiance, busily engaged in\\nstrengthening the works until September 14th, when it marched\\nfor the Miami Villages at the junction of the St. Joseph and St.\\nMary, and began opposite to them, in the bend of the St. Mary,\\nIndians, and Captain Elliot promised to bring that number. Colonel McKee s son went\\nwith Elliot, as also the man who deserted from the army on its march.\\nOne of the Canadians taken in the battle gave the following estimates,\\nThat the Delawarcs have about 500 men, including those who live on both rivers, the\\nWhite river, and Bean creek.\\nThat the Miamies are about 200 warriors, part of them live on the St. Joseph s, eight\\nleagues from this place that the men were all in the action, but the women are yet at\\nthat place, or Piquet s village that a road leads from this place directly to it that the\\nnumber of warriors belonging to that place, when altogether, amounts to about 40.\\nThat the Shawanese have about 300 warriors that the Tawas, on this river, arc 250\\nthat the Wyandots are about 300.\\nThat those Indians were generally in the action of the 20th instant, except some hunt-\\ning parties. That a reinforcement of regular troops, and 200 militia, arrived at fort\\nMiami a few days before the army appeared that the regular troops in the fort amounted\\nto 250, exclusive of the militia.\\nThat about 70 of the militia, including Captain Caldwell s corps, were in the action.\\nThat Colonel McKee, Captain Elliot, and Simon Girty, were in the field, but at a respect-\\nful distance, and near the river.\\nThat the Indians have wished for peace for some time, but that Colonel McKee always\\ndissuaded them from it, and stimulated them to continue the war. Am. S. Papers, v. 494.\\nIn a letter of August 14th, Wayne says, The margins of these beautiful rivers, the\\nMiamies of the Lake and Au Glaize, appear like one continued village for a number of\\nmiles both above and below this place, [Grand Glaize nor have I ever before beheld\\nsuch immense fields of corn in any part of America from Canada to Florida. American\\nState Papers, v. 490.\\nt American State Papers, v. 491. Seethe English account of the battle in Weld s\\nTravels, ii. 211.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Conduct of the Bntish after the Battle. 411\\nthe fortress, which when completed on the 22d of October, was\\nnamed by Colonel Hamtramck who was placed in command,\\nFort Wayne. During this time the troops suffered much from\\nsickness, and also from want of flour, salt, and whiskey; the\\nlatter article sold on the 24th of September, for eight dollars a\\ngallon, and salt was held at six dollars a pint.* On the 28th of\\nOctober the Legion began its return march to Greenville, the\\nvolunteers, who had become dissatisfied and troublesome, having\\nbeen despatched to that post for dismissal on the 12th of that\\nmonth. During this time, (on the 11th or 13th) a brother of the\\nCanadian taken in the action of August 20th, came to General\\nWayne with three Americans whom he had bought from the\\nIndians, to exchange for his captive relation the exchange was\\nagreed to, and the messenger induced to make the following\\nstatement\\nGovernor Simcoe, Colonel M Kee, and Captain Brant, arrived at\\nFort Miami, at the foot of the Rapids, on the 30th ultimo, [September,]\\nBrant had with him one hundred Indians, Mohawks and Messasagoes.\\nGovernor Simcoe sent for the chiefs of the different hostile Indians,\\nand invited them to meet him at the mouth of Detroit River, eighteen\\nmiles below Detroit, to hold a treaty Simcoe, Colonel McKee, and\\nCaptain Brant, together with Blue Jacket, Backongelies, the Little Tur-\\ntle, Captain Jonny, and other chiefs of the Delawares, Miamies, Shavv-\\nanese, Tawas, and Pattawatamies, set out accordingly, for the place\\nassigned for the treaty, about the first instant the Indians are well and\\nregularly supplied with provisions from the British magazines, at a\\nplace called Swan Creek, near Lake Erie.\\nPreviously to the arrival of Governor Simcoe, Blue Jacket, the Shaw-\\nanese chief, two of the principal chief of the Tawas, and the principal\\nchiefs of the Pattawatamies, had agreed to accompany him, the said\\nwith a flag to this place.\\nBlue Jacket informed him, after the arrival of Simcoe, he would not\\nnow go with him, until after the intended treaty but that his wishes,\\nat present, were for peace that he did not know what propositions\\nGovernor Simcoe had to make them, but that he and all the chiefs\\nwould go and hear and, in the interim, desired him, the said\\nto inquire of General Wayne in what manner the chiefs should come\\nto him, and whether they would be safe, in case they should determine\\non the measure, after the treaty with Simcoe, and after the said\\nshould return to Detroit had it not been tor the arrival of Governor\\nSimcoe, Colonel McKee, and Captain Brant, with his Indians, he is\\nconfident the chiefs, already mentioned, would have accompanied him\\nto this place, at this time, as before related.!\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 354. t American State Papers, \\\\r. 526.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "412 Conduct of the Bntish after the Battle. 1790-95.\\nThis communication was further confirmed by statements from\\nthe Wyandots some of whom were in the American interest.*\\nIndeed it appeared afterward that on the 10th of October the In-\\ndians met the British at the Big Rock, and were advised that their\\ngriefs would be laid before the King; and in connection with this,\\nas General Wayne learned from the friendly Wyandots,\\nGovernor Simcoe insisted, that the Indians should not listen to any\\nterms of peace from the Americans, but to propose a truce, or suspen-\\nsion of hostilities, until the spring, when a grand council and assem-\\nblage of all the warriors and tribes of Indians should take place, for the\\npurpose of compelling the Americans to cross to the east side of the\\nOhio and in the interim, advised every nation to sign a deed or con-\\nveyance of all their lands, on the west side of the Ohio, to the King, in\\ntrust for the Indians, so as to give the British a pretext or color for assist-\\ning them, in case the Americans refused to abandon all their posts and\\npossessions on the west side of that river and which the Indians\\nshould warn them to do, immediately after they, the Indians, were as-\\nsembled in force in the spring, and to call upon the British to guaranty\\nthe lands thus ceded in trust, and to make a general attack upon the\\nfrontiers at the same time that the British would be prepared to attack\\nthe Americans, also, in every quarter, and would compel them to cross\\nthe Ohio, and to give up the lands to the Indians.\\nCaptain Brant also told diera, to keep a good heart, and be strong\\nto do as their father advised that he would return home, for the pre-\\nsent, with his warriors, and come again early in the spring, with an addi-\\ntional number, so as to have the whole summer before them, to fight,\\nkill, and pursue the Americans, who could not possibly stand against\\nthe force and numbers that would be opposed to them that he had\\nbeen always successful, and would ensure them victory. But that he\\nwould not attack the Ameiicans at this time, as it would only put them\\nupon their guard, and bring them upon the Indians in this quarter, dur-\\ning the winter; therefore he^ advised them to amuse the Americans\\nwith a prospect of peace, until they should collect in force to fall upon\\nthem early in the spring, and when least expected.\\nThat, agreeably to this plan or advice, the real hostile tribes will be\\nsending flags frequendy during the winter, with propositions of peace,\\nbut this is all fraud and art, to put the Americans off their guard.\\nThe British made large presents to the Indians at the late council, and\\ncontinue to furnish them with provision from Colonel McKee s new\\nstores, near the mouth of the Miamies of Lake Erie, where all the\\nIndians are hutted or in tents, whose towns and property were destroyed\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 548, 527.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "1790-95. The Indians seek Peace, 413\\nlast summer, and who will sign away their lands, and do exactly what\\nthe British request them this was the general prevailing opinion at the\\nbreaking up of the council since which period, the message and pro-\\npositions of the fifth November, addressed to the different tribes of\\nIndians proposing the treaty of the 9th January, 1789, held at the mouth\\nof Muskingum, as a preliminary upon which a permanent peace should\\nbe established, has been communicated to them upon which, a con-\\nsiderable number of the chiefs of several of the tribes assembled again,\\nand were determined to come forward to treat, say about the first of this\\nmoon. But Colonel McKee was informed of it, and advised them\\nagainst the measure, and to be faithful to their father, as they had pro-\\nmised. He then made them additional presents, far beyond any thing\\nthat they had ever heretofore received, which inclined a majority to\\nadhere to Governor Siracoe s propositions, and they returned home\\naccordingly.\\nThat, notwithstanding this, the chiefs and nations are much divided,\\nsome for peace, and some for war the Wyandots of Sandusky are for\\npeace those near Detroit for war the Delawares are equally divided,\\nso are the Miamies, but are dependent upon the British for provisions\\nthe Shawanese and Tawas are for war; the Pattawattamies and Chippe-\\nwas are gone home, sore from the late action.\\nThat such of the chiefs and warriors as are inclined for peace, will\\ncall a council, and endeavor to bring it about, upon the terms proposed,\\nas they wish to hold their lands under the Americans, and not under the\\nBritish, whose title they do not like.*\\nNews also came from the West that the Indians were crossing\\nthe Mississippi; in New York on the 11th of November, Picker-\\ning made a new treaty with the Iroquois; while in the north\\nfewer and fewer of the savages lurked about Forts Defiance and\\nWayne, t Nor was it long before the wish of the natives to make\\npeace became still more apparent; on the 28th and 29th of\\nDecember, the Chiefs of the Chippeways, Ottawas, Sacs, Pottawat-\\namies, and Miamies, came with peace messages to Colonel Ham-\\ntramck,:}: at Fort Wayne, and on the 24th of January, 1795, at\\nGreenville entered, together with the Delawares, Wyandots, and\\nShawanese, into preliminary articles with the Commander-in-\\nChief. The truth was the red men had been entirely disap-\\nAmerican State Papers, t. 54S.\\nt American State Papers, v. 650.\\nSee his letters to Wayne. American Pioneer, ii. 389 to 392.\\nII American State Papers, v. 559. In the articles the Wyandots, Shawanese, Delawares,\\nand Ottawas, are not mentioned, but from General Wayne at the council of Greenyille\\nTve learn they were parties thereto. (American State Papers, v. 566, 567.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "414 Tlie Indians preparing for a definite Treaty. 1790-95.\\npointed in the conduct of their white allies after the action of the\\n20th of August; as Brant said, a fort had been built in their\\ncountry under pretence of giving refuge in case of necessity,\\nbut when that time came the gates were shut against them as\\nenemies. During the winter, Wayne having utterly laid waste\\ntheir fertile fields, the poor savages were wholly dependent on the\\nEnglish who did not half supply them; their cattle and dogs died,\\nand they were themselves nearly starved. f Under these circum-\\nstances, losing faith in the English, and at last impressed with a\\nrespect for American power after the carnage experienced at the\\nhands of the Black Snake, the various tribes, by degrees,\\nmade up their minds to ask for peace during the winter and\\nspring they exchanged prisoners, j] and made ready to meet Gen-\\neral Wayne at Greenville in June for the purpose of forming a\\ndefinite treaty, as it had been agreed should be done by the pre-\\nliminaries of January 24th. One scene among the many of that\\ntime seems deserving of a transfer to our pages it is from the\\nnarrative of John Brickell, who had been a captive for four years\\namong the Delawares, and adopted into the family of Whingwy\\nPooshies or Big Cat, a noted warrior of that tribe.\\nOn the breaking up of spring, Bickell says, we all went up to Fort\\nDefiance, and on arriving on the shore opposite we saluted the fort with\\na round of rifles, and they shot a cannon thirteen times. We then en-\\ncamped on the spot. On the same day Whingwy Pooshies told me I\\nmust go over to the fort. The chiklren hung round me crying, and ask-\\ned me if I was going to leave them I told them I did not know.\\nWhen we got over to the fort and were seated with the officers, Whing-\\nwy Pooshies told me to stand up, which I did he then rose and ad-\\ndressed me in about these words, My son, there are men the same\\ncolor with yourself. There may be some of your kin there, or your\\nkin may be a great way off from you. You have lived a long time with\\nus. I call on you to say if I have not been a father to you If I have\\nnot used you as a father would use a son 1 I said, You have used\\nme as well as a father could use a son. He said, I am glad you say\\nStone s Brant, ii. 390. Several Mohawks were proLiably engaged in the battle of\\nAugust 20th, and Brant would have been with them but for sickness. [Stone ii. 390,\\nnote.] The Mohawk Chief had been in favor of peace, but was soured probably by the\\nPresqu ile business. See Ante, p. 396.\\nf Brickell s Narrative. American Pioneer, i. 53.\\nStone s Brant, ii. 389. American State Papers, v. 550. Hcckeweldcr s Narrative,\\n405.\\nH American Pioneer, i. 54. ^Speech of Buckongehelas. (Am. State Papers, v. 5S2.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "1790-95. J^arrative of John Brickell. 41 5\\nso. You have lived long with me you have hunted for me but our\\ntreaty says you must be free. If you choose to go with the people of\\nyour own color, I have no right to say a word, but if you choose to\\nstay with me, your people have no right to speak. Now reflect on it\\nand take your choice, and tell us as soon as you make up your mind.\\nI was silent a few minutes, in which time it seemed as if I thought of\\nalmost every thing. I thought of the children I had just left crying I\\nthought of the Indians I was attached to, and I thought of my people\\nwhich I remembered and this latter thought predominated, and I said,\\nI will go with my kin. The old man then said, I have raised\\nyou I have learned you to hunt. You are a good hunter you have\\nbeen better to me than my own sons. I am now getting old, and I\\ncannot hunt. I thought you would be a support to my age. I leaned\\non you as on a staff. Now it is broken you are going to leave me\\nand I have no right to say a word, but I am ruined. He then sank\\nback in tears to his seat. I heartily joined him in his tears parted\\nwith him, and have never seen nor heard of him since.*\\nDuring the month of June the representatives of the north-\\nwestern tribes began to gather at Greenville, and on the 16th of\\nthat month Wayne met in council the Delawares, Ottawas, Potta-\\nwatamies, and Eel river Indians; and the conferences, which\\nlasted till August 10th, commenced. On the 21st of June Buck-\\nongehelas arrived; on the 23d, the Little Turtle and other\\nMiamies; on the 13th of July Tarke and other Wyandot Chiefs\\nreached the appointed spot and upon the ISth, Blue Jacket with\\nthirteen Shawanese, and Masass with twenty Chippeways. Most\\nof these, as it appeared by their statements had been tampered\\nwith by McKee, Brant, and other English agents,t even after they\\nhad agreed to the preliminaries of January 24th, and while Mr.\\nJay s treaty was still under discussion. They had, however,\\nall determined to make a permanent peace with the Thirteen Fires,\\nand although some difficulty as to the ownership of the lands to\\nbe ceded, at one time seemed likely to arise, the good sense of\\nWayne and of the Chiefs prevented it, and upon the 30th of July\\nthe treaty was agreed to which was to bury the hatchet for ever.\\nBetween that day and the 3d of August it was engrossed, and\\nSee American Pioneer, i. 54.\\nt See speeches of Blue Jacket and Masass. [American State Papers, v. 568,] and of\\nAgooshaway, an Ottawa. [American State Papers, v. 566.]\\nJay reached England June 15, 1794 his treaty was concluded November 19th it was\\nreceived by the President March 7, 1795; was submitted to the Senate June 8th; was\\nagreed to by them on the 24th of that month and ratified by the President August 14th.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "416 Treaty of Greenville. 1790-95.\\nhaving been signed by the various nations upon the day last\\nnamed, on the 7th was^finally acted upon, and the presents from\\nthe United States distributed forthwith. While the Council was\\nin session some mischief had been done in Virginia by a band of\\nShawanese, but on the 9th of September these also came to Green-\\nville, gave up their prisoners, and asked for forgiveness.\\nThe basis of the treaty of Greenville was the previous one\\nmade at Fort Harmar, and its leading provisions were as follows\\nArt. 1. Hostilities were to cease.\\nArt. 2. All prisoners were to be restored.\\nArt. 3. The general boundary lines between the lands of the United\\nStates and the lands of the said Indian tribes, shall begin at the mouth\\nof Cayahoga river, and run thence up the same to the portage between\\nthat and the Tuscarawas branch of the Muskingum thence down that\\nbranch to the crossing place above fort Lawrence thence westerly, to a\\nfork of that branch of the Great Miami river, running into the Ohio, at\\nor near which foik stood Laromie s store, and where commences the\\nportage between the Miami of the Ohio and St. Mary s river, which is\\na branch of the Miami which runs into Lake Erie thence a westerly\\ncourse, to Fort Recovery, which stands on a branch of the Wabash\\nthence southwesterly, in a direct line to the Ohio, so as to intersect that\\nriver opposite the mouth of Kentucke or Cuttawa river. And in con-\\nsideration of the peace now established of the goods formerly received\\nfrom the United States of those now to be delivered and of the yearly\\ndelivery of goods now stipulated to bs made hereafter; and to indemnify\\nthe United States for the injuries and expenses they have sustained\\nduring the war the said Indian tribes do hereby cede and relinquish,\\nforever, all their claims to the lands lying eastwardly and southwardly\\nof the general boundary line now described and these lands, or any\\npart of them, shall never hereafter be made a cause or pretence, on the\\npart of the said tribes, or any of them, of war or injury to the United\\nStates, or any of the people thereof.\\nAnd for the same considerations, and as an evidence of the returning\\nfriendship of the said Indian tribes, of their confidence in the United\\nStates, and desire to provide for their accommodation, and for that con-\\nvenient intercourse which will be beneficial to both parties, the said In-\\ndian tribes do also cede to the United States the following pieces of land,\\nto wit: 1. One piece of land six miles square, at or near Laromie s\\nstore, before mentioned. 2. 1 piece, two miles square, at the head of\\nthe navigable water or landing, on the St. Mary s river, near Girty s\\ntown. 3. One piece, six miles square, at the head of the navigable\\nwater of the Auglaize river. 4. One piece, six miles square, at the", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Treaty of Greenville. 417\\nconfluence of the Auglaize and Miami rivers, where Fort Defiance now\\nstands. 5. One piece, six miles square, at or near the confluence of\\nthe rivers St. Mary s and St. Joseph s, where Fort Wayne now stands,\\nor near it. 6. One piece, two miles square, on the Wabash river, at\\nthe end of the portage from the Miami of the lake, and about eight miles\\nwestward from Fort Wayne. 7. One piece, six miles square, at the\\nOuatanon, or Old Wea towns, on the Wabash river. 8. One piece,\\ntwelve miles square, at the British fort on the Miami of the Lake, at\\nthe foot of the rapids. 9. One piece, six miles square, at the mouth of\\nthe said river, where it empties into the lake. 10. One piece, six miles\\nsquare, upon Sandusky lake, where a fort formerly stood. 11. One\\npiece, two miles square, at the lower rapids of Sandusky river. 12.\\nThe post of Detroit and all the land to the north, the west, and the\\nsouth of it, of which the Indian title has been extinguished by gifts or\\ngrants to the French or English governments and so much more land\\nto be annexed to the District of Detroit, as shall be comprehended be-\\ntween the river Rosine on the south and Lake St. Clair on the north,\\nand a line, the general course whereof shall be six miles distant from\\nthe west end of Lake Erie and Detroit river. 13. The post of Michil-\\nlimackinac, and all the land on the Island on which that post stands, and\\nthe main land adjacent, of which the Indian title has been extinguished\\nby gifts or grants to the French or English governments; and a piece of\\nland on the Main to the north of the Island, to measure six miles, on\\nLake Huron, or the Strait between Lakes Huron and Michigan, and to\\nextend three miles back from the water on the lake or strait and also,\\nthe Island de Bois Blanc, being an extra and voluntary gift of the Chip-\\npewa nation. 14. One piece of land, six miles square, at the mouth\\nof Chikago river, emptying into the southwest end of Lake Michigan,\\nwhere a fort formerly stood. 15. One piece, twelve miles square, at or\\nnear the mouth of the Illinois river, emptying into the Mississippi. 16.\\nOne piece, six miles square, at the Old Piorias fort and village, near the\\nsouth end of the Illinois lake, on said Illinois river. And whenever the\\nUnited States shall think proper to survey and mark the boundaries of\\nthe lands hereby ceded to them, they shall give timely notice thereof to\\nthe said tribes of Indians, that they may appoint some of their wise\\nchiefs to attend and see that the lines are run according to the terms of\\nthis treaty.\\nAnd the said Indian tribes will allow to the People of the United\\nStates a free passage, by land and by water, as one and the other shall\\nbe found convenient, through their country, along the chain of posts\\nherein before mentioned that is to say from the commencement of the\\nportage aforesaid, at or near Laromie s store, thence, along said portage,\\nto the St. Mary s, and down the same to Fort Wayne, and then down\\nthe Miami to Lake Erie again, from the commencement of the portage\\n27", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "418 Treaty of Greenville. 1790-95.\\nat or near Loraniie s store, along the portage, from thence to the river\\nAuGlaize, and down the same to its junction with the Miami at Fort\\nDefiance; again, from the commencement of the portage aforesaid, to\\nSandusky river, and down the same to Sandusky bay and Lake Erie,\\nand from Sandusky to the post which shall be taken at or near the foot\\nof the rapids of the Miami of the lake and from thence to Detroit.\\nAgain, from the raouih of Chikago, to the commencement of the portage\\nbetween that river and the Illinois, and down the Illinois river to the\\nMississippi also, from Fort Wayne, along the portage aforesaid, which\\nleads to the Wabash, and then down the Wabash to the Ohio. And ihe\\nsaid Indian tribes will also allow to the people of the United States, the\\nfree use of the harbors and mouths of rivers along the lakes adjoining\\nthe Indian lands, for sheltering vessels and boats, and liberty to land\\ntheir cargoes when necessary for their safety.\\nArt. 4. In consideration of the peace now established, and of the ces-\\nsions and relinquishments of lands made in the preceding article by the\\nsaid tribes of Indians, and to manifest the liberality of the United States, as\\nthe great means of rendering this peace strong and perpetual, the United\\nStates relinquish their claims to all other Indian lands northward of the\\nriver Ohio, eastward of the Mississippi, and westward and southward of\\nthe Great Lakes and the waters uniting them, according to the boundary\\nline agreed on by the United States and the King of Great Britain, in\\nthe treaty of peace made between them in the year 1783. But from\\nthis relinquishment by the United States, the following tracts of land\\nare explicitly excepted. 1st. The tract of one hundred and fifty thous-\\nand acres near the rapids of the river Ohio, which has been assigned to\\nGeneral Clark, for the use of himself and his warriors. 2d. The post\\nat St. Vincennes, on the river Wabash, and the lands adjacent, of which\\nthe Indian title has been extinguished. 3d. The lands at all other\\nplaces in possession of the French people and other white settlers\\namong them, of which the Indian title has been extinguished, as men-\\ntioned in the 3d article and 4th. The post of Fort Massac towards the\\nmouth of the Ohio. To which several parcels of land, so excepted,\\nthe said tribes relinquish all the title and claim which they or any of\\nthem may have.\\nAnd for the same considerations and with the same views as above\\nmentioned, the United States now deliver to the said Indian tribes, a\\nquantity of goods to the value of twenty thousand dollars, the receipt\\nwhereof they do hereby acknowledge and henceforward, every year,\\nforever, the United States will deliver, at some convenient place north-\\nward of the river Ohio, like useful goods, suited to the circumstances of\\nthe Indians, of the value of nine thousand five hundred dollars reckon-\\ning that value at the first cost of the goods in the city or place in the\\nUnited States, where they shall be procured. The tribes to which those", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "1790^95. Treaty of Greenville. 419\\ngoods are to be annually delivered, and the proportions in which they\\nare to be delivered, are the following\\n1st. To the Wyandots, the amount of one thousand dollars. 2d. To\\nthe Delawares, the amount of one thousand dollars. 3d, To the Shaw-\\nanese, the amount of one thousand dollars. 4th. To the Miamies, the\\namount of one thousand dollars. 5th. To the Ottawas, the amount of\\none thousand dollars. 6th. To the Chippewas, the amount of one\\nthousand dollars. 7th. To the Potawatimas, the amount of one thousand\\ndollars. Sth. And to the Kickapoo, Wea, Eel River, Piankeshaw, and\\nKaskaskia tribes, the amount of five hundred dollars each.\\nProvided, that if either of the said tribes shall hereafter, at an annual\\ndelivery of their share of the goods aforesaid, desire that a part of their\\nannuity should be furnished in domestic animals, implements of hus-\\nbandry, and other utens3s convenient for them, and in compensation to\\nuseful artificers who may reside with or near them, and be employed\\nfor their benefit, the same shall, at the subsequent annual deliveries, be\\nfurnished accordingly.\\nArt. 5. To prevent any misunderstanding about the Indian lands re-\\nlinquished by the United Stales in the fourth article, it is now explicitly\\ndeclared, that the meaning of that relinquishment is this the Indian\\ntribes who have a right to these lands, are quietly to enjoy them, hunt-\\ning, planting, and dwelling thereon, so long as they please, without any\\nmolestation from the United States but when those tribes, or any of\\nthem, shall be disposed to sell their lands, or any part of them, they are\\nto be sold only to the United States and until such sale, the United States\\nwill protect all the said Indian tribes in the quiet enjoyment of their\\nlands, against all citizens of the United States, and against all other\\nwhite persons who intrude upon the same. And the said Indian tribes\\nagain acknowledge themselves to be under the protection of the said United\\nStates, and no other power whatever.*\\nArt. 6th. The Indians or United States may remove and pun-\\nish intruders on Indian lands.\\nArt. 7th. Indians may hunt within ceded lands.\\nArt. 8th. Trade shall be opened in substance, as by provis-\\nions in treaty of Fort Harmar. (See Ante, p. 317.)\\nArt. 9th. All injuries shall be referred to law, not privately\\navenged and all hostile plans known to either shall be revealed\\nto the other party.\\nArt. 10th. All previous treaties annulled.\\nThis great and abiding peace-document was signed by the\\nvarious nations named in the 4th article and dated August the\\nSee Land Lands, p. 154.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "420 Kentucky admitted to the Union. 1790-95^\\n3d, 1795. It was laid before the Senate December 9th, and\\nratified December 22d. So closed the old Indian wars of the\\nWest.*\\nDuring the six years through which the Indian wars of the West\\ncontinued, many events took place of local importance, to which\\nwe must now refer. And foremost stands the admission of Ken-\\ntucky into the Union. In 1789 she had requested certain changes\\nin the law, authorising separation, which had been passed by\\nVirginia,! and these changes were made; it being requested, how-\\never, at the same time, that a ninth Kentucky convention should\\nmeet, in July, 1790, to express the sentiments of the people of the\\nwestern District, and to take other needful steps. Upon the 26th\\nof July, accordingly, the Convention came together the terms of\\nVirginia were agreed to June 1, 1792, was fixed as the date of\\nindependence and measures adopted to procure the agreement of\\nthe federal legislature. J It was also resolved, that in December,\\n1791, persons should be chosen to serve seven months, who, on\\nthe first Monday in April, 1792, should meet at Danville to form\\na constitution for the coming state, and determine what laws should\\nbe in force. In December, 1790, the President of the United\\nStates presented the subject of the admission of Kentucky to Con-\\ngress, and upon the 4th of February, 1791, that action was taken\\nwhich terminated the long frustrated efforts of the land of Boone,\\nClark, and Logan to obtain self-government. In the following\\nDecember, the elections took place for persons to frame a consti-\\ntution, and in April, 1792, the instrument which was to lie at the\\nbasis of Kentucky law, was prepared, mainly, it would seem, by\\nGeorge Nicholas of Mercer county. H As this charter, however,\\nwas changed in some important features, a few years after, we\\nSec the treaty and minutes of the council, American State Papers, v. 562 to 583.\\nThe treaty alone, Land Laws 154 to 159. In Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, vol. ii. is a\\nseries of papers by John Johnston of Piqua, formerly an Indian Agent in Ohio, c., in\\nwhich the characters of Little Turtle and many other prominent Chiefs of the wars of\\n1-790-95 are drawn they ought to be read by all curious in the Indian character, or iu\\nttie details of western history. In the same work, vol. ii. p. 273, is related an adventure\\nof two American scouts which is among the most striking of the many tales of the kind\\nhow far it is embellished we cannot say.\\nIn Volney s View, pp. 405, 430, c., are some characteristic statements relative to\\nLittle Turtle.\\nt Ante, p. 320. Marshall s Kentucky, i. 360. U Sparks Washington, xii. 13. 32,\\nButler s Kentucky, 196. 1 Marshall s Kentucky, i. 414.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": ".179( -95. Movements of Genet. 421\\nshall not at this time enter into any discussion of its merits and\\ndefects.\\nA second subject to be noticed is the attempt of the agents of\\nthe French minister in the United States, to enlist the citizens of\\nKentucky in an attack upon the dominions of Spain in the south-\\nwest. We cannot, and need not, do more than refer to the state\\nof feeling prevalent in America, in relation to France, from 1792\\nto 1795, On the 21st of January, 1793, the French had taken\\nthe life of their monarch, and upon the l8th of May, M. Genet,\\nwas presented to Washington as the representative of the new\\nrepublic of France.* This man brought with him open instruc-\\ntions, in which the United States were spoken of as naturally neu-\\ntral in the contest between France and united Holland, Spain and\\nEngland and secret instructions, the purpose of which was to\\ninduce the Government, and if that could not be done, the People,\\nof the American republic, to make common cause with the foun-\\nders of the dynasty of the guillotine. f In pursuance of this plan.\\nGenet began a system of operations, the tendency of which was,\\nto involve the People of the United States in a war with the\\nenemies of France, without any regard to the views of the federal\\ngovernment ;f and knowing very well the old bitterness of the\\nfrontier-men in relation to the navigation of the Mississippi, he\\nformed the plan of embodying a band of troops beyond the Alleg-\\nhanies for the conquest of Louisiana. Early in November, 1793,\\nfour persons were sent westward to raise troops and issue commis-\\nsions in the name of the French republic. They moved openly\\n.and boldly, secure in the strong democratic feelings of the inha-\\nbitants of the region drained by the great river which Spain\\ncontrolled and so far succeeded as to persuade even the political\\nfounder of Kentucky, George Rogers Clark, to become a Major\\nGeneral in the armies of France, and Commander-in-chief of the\\nrevolutionary forces on the Mississippi. Nor did the French\\nemissaries much mistake the temper of the people of the West,11\\nPitkin s United States, ii. 359.\\nPitkin s U. States, ii. 360. Marshall s Washington, v. 410. See a pamphlet by Genet,\\ngivins: his instrnctions and the correspondence between the federal government and him-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0self, published in Philadelphia, 1793.\\n:j: See the correspondence between Jefferson and Genet. American State Papers, 141\\nto 188.\\nII See documents, American State Papers, i. 454 to 460.\\nClark s proposals are in Warshall, ii. 103.\\n1! See American State Papers, i. 454 to 460, and Marshall s Kentucky, ii. 99 to 101, as to\\nicorrespondence of Governor Shelby and his course in relation to Genet. Also Butler B\\nKentucky, 224 to 234, and 524 to 531.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "422 Addresses of the Democratic Society. 1790-95.\\nas will be evident from the following extracts, the first of which is\\nfrom an address to the inhabitants of the United States west of\\nthe Alleghany and Appalachian mountains, dated December\\n13th, 1793; the other from a remonstrance to the President and\\nCongress of the United States of America, which is without date,\\nbut was prepared about the same time as the first paper.\\nDecember 13, 1793.\\nFellow-citizens The Democratic Society of Kentucky having had\\nunder consideration the measures necessary to obtain the exercise of\\nyour rights to the free navigation of the Mississippi, have determined to\\naddress you upon that important topic. In so doing they think that\\nthey only use the undoubted right of citizens to consult for their com-\\nmon welfare. This measure is not dictated by party or faction it is\\nthe consequence of unavoidable necessity. It has become so from the\\nneglect shewn by the General Government, to obtain for those of the\\ncitizens of the United States who are interested therein the navigation\\nof that river.\\nExperience, fellow-citizens, has shown us that the General Govern-\\nment is unwilling that we should obtain the navigation of the river\\nMississippi. A local policy appears to have an undue weight in the\\ncouncils of the Union. It seems to be the object of that policy to\\nprevent the population of this country, which would draw from the\\neastern states their industrious citizens. This conclusion inevitably fol-\\nlows from a consideration of the measures taken to prevent the purchase\\nand settlement of the lands bordering on the Mississippi. Among those\\nmeasures, the unconstitutional interference which rescinded sales, by\\none of the States, to private individuals, makes a strildng object. And\\nperhaps the fear of a successful rivalship, in every article of their\\nexports, may have its weight. But, if they are not unwilling to do us\\njustice, they are at least regardless of our rights and welfare. We have\\nfound prayers and supplications of eo avail, and should we continue to\\nload the table of Congress with memorials, from a part only of the\\nwestern country, it is too probable that they would meet with a fate\\nsimilar to those which have been formerly presented. Let us, then, all\\nunite our endeavors in the common cause. Let all join in a firm and\\nmanly remonstrance to the President and Congress of the United States,.\\nstating our just and undoubted right to the navigation of the Mississippi^\\nremonstrating against the conduct of government with regard to that\\nright, which must have been occasioned by local policy or neglect, and\\ndemanding of them speedy and effectual exertions for its attainment.\\nWe cannot doubt that you will cordially and unanimously join in this\\nmeasure. It can hardly be necessary to remind you that considerable\\nq,uantities of beef, pork, flour, hemp, tobacco, (fee, the produce of this", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0452.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Addresses of the Democratic Society. 423\\ncountry, remain on hand for want of purchasers, or are sold at inade-\\nquate prices. Much greater quantities might be raised if the inhabi-\\ntants were encouraged by the certain sale which the free navigation of\\nthe Mississippi would afford. An additional increase of those articles,\\nand a greater variety of produce and manufactures, would be supplied,\\nby means of the encouragement, which the attainment of that great\\nobject would give to emigration. But it is not only your own rights\\nwhich you are to regard remember that your posterity have a claim to\\nyour exertions to obtain and secure that right. Let not your memory\\nbe stigmatised with a neglect of duty. Let not history record that the\\ninhabitants of this beautiful country lost a most invaluable right, and\\nhalf the benefits bestowed upon it by a bountiful Providence, through\\nyour neglect and supineness. The present crisis is favorable. Spain\\nis engaged in a war v/hich requires all her forces. If the present\\ngolden opportunity be suffered to pass without advantage, and she shall\\nhave concluded a peace with France, we must then contend against her\\nundivided strength.\\nBut what may be the event of the proposed application is still uncer-\\ntain. We ought, therefore to be still upon our guard, and watchful to\\nseize the first favorable opportunity to gain our object. In order to this,\\nour union should be as perfect and lasting as possible. We propose that\\nsocieties should be formed, in convenient districts, in every part of the\\nwestern country, who shall preserve a correspondence upon this and\\nevery other subject of a general concern. By means of these societies\\nwe shall be enabled speedily to know what may be the result of our\\nendeavors, to consult upon such further measures as may be necessary\\nto preserve union, and, finally, by these means, to secure success.\\nRemember that it is a common cause which ought to unite us, that\\ncause is indubitably just, that ourselves and posterity are interested,\\nthat the crisis is favorable, and that it is only by union that the object can\\nbe achieved. The obstacles are great, and so ought to be our efforts.\\nAdverse fortune may attend us, but it shall never dispirit us. We may\\nfor a while exhaust our wealth and strength, but until the all important\\nobject is procured, we pledge ourselves to you, and let us all pledge\\nourselves to each other, that our perseverance and our friendship will\\nbe inexhaustible. JOHN BRECKENRIDGE, Chairman.\\nTest Thomas Todd, pi i\\nThomas Bodley, 5\\nTo the President and Congress of the United States of America. The\\nremonstrance of the subscribers, citizens of the Commonwealth of\\nKentucky, showeth\\nThat your remonstrants, and the other inhabitants of the United\\nStates, west of the Allegany and Apalachian mountains, are entitled, by", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0453.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "424 Addresses of the Democratic Society. 1790-95.\\nnature and stipulation, to the free and undisturbed navigation of the\\nriver Mississippi and that, from the year 1783 to this day, they have\\nbeen prevented uniformly, by the Spanish king, from exercising that\\nright. Your remonstrants have observed, with concern, that the General\\nGovernment, whose duty it was to have preserved that right, have used\\nno effectual measures for its attainment; that even their tardy and inef-\\nfectual negotiations have been veiled with the most mysterious secrecy\\nthat that secrecy is a violation of the political rights of the citizen, as it\\ndeclares that the people are unfit to be entrusted with important facts\\nrelative to their rights, and that their servants may retain from them the\\nknowledge of those facts. Eight years are surely sufficient for the dis-\\ncussion of the most doubtful and disputable claim. The right to the\\nnavigation of the Mississippi admits neither of doubt nor dispute.\\nYour remonstrants, therefore, conceive that the negotiations on that sub-\\nject have been unnecessarily lengthy, and they expect that it be de-\\nmanded categorically of the Spanish king whether he will acknowledge\\nthe right of the citizens of the United States to the free and uninter-\\nrupted navigation of the River Mississippi^ and cause all obstructions,\\ninterruption, and hindrance to the exercise of that right, in future, to be\\nwithdrawn and avoided; that immediate answer thereto be required, and\\nthat such answer be the final period of all negotiations upon this subject.\\nYour remonstrants further represent, that the encroachment of the\\nSpaniards upon the territory of the United States, is a striking and\\nmelancholy proof of the situation to which our country will be reduced,\\nif a tame policy should still continue to direct our councils.\\nYour remonstrants join their voice to that of their fellow-citizens in\\nthe Atlantic Stales, calling for satisfaction for the injuries and insults\\noffered to America; and. they expect such satisfaction shall extend to\\nevery injury and insult done or offered to any part of America, by Great\\nBritain and Spain and as the detention of the posts, and the interrup-\\ntion to the navigation of the Mississippi, are injuries and insults of the\\ngreatest atrocity, and of the longest duration, they require the most par-\\nticular attention to those subjects.*\\nBut the government had taken measures to prevent the proposed\\nmovements from being carried into effect. The Governor of Ken-\\ntucky, Isaac Shelby Governor St. Clair and General Wayne,\\nwere all written to and, by the preparation of troops, the renewal\\nof Fort Massac, t the dissemination of just views among the\\npeople, and the request made of the French government that\\nGenet should be recalled, the plans of that mischief-maker and his\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 929, 930.\\nt See American Pioneer, ii. 220. See on the whole subject, Marshall ii. 96 to 122.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0454.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Genefs plans defeated. 425\\nagents were effectually defeated the rulers of France disowned\\nhis acts he was ordered back to Europe and in May 1794 his\\nwestern emissary was forced to write to the Democratic Society of\\nLexington in these words\\nTo the Democratic Society of Lexington.\\nCitizens Events, unforeseen, the effects of causes which it is un-\\nnecessary here to develope, have stopped the march of two thousand\\nbrave Kentuckians, who, strong in their courage, in the justice of their\\nrights, their cause, the general assent of their fellow-citizens, and con-\\nvinced of the brotherly dispositions of the Louisianians, waited only for\\ntheir orders to go, by the strength of their arms, take from the Spaniards\\nthe despotic usurpers of the empire of the Mississippi, ensure to their\\ncountry the navigation of it, break the chains of the Americans, and\\ntheir brethren the French, hoist up the flag of liberty in the name of the\\nFrench republic, and lay the foundation of the prosperity and happiness\\nof two nations situated so, and destined by nature to be but one, the most\\nhappy in the universe.\\nAccept, citizens, the farewell, not the last, of a brother who is deter-\\nmined to sacrifice every thing in his power for the liberty of his country,\\nand the prosperity of the generous inhabitants of Kentucky.\\nSalut en la patrie, AUGUSTS LACHAISE.*\\nA third topic relative to Kentucky, which we have now to\\nnotice as connected with the period we are treating of, is the\\nSpanish] intrigue with Wilkinson, Sebastian, Innis, and Nicholas.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 931. This letter was followed by a meeting in Lexington,\\nwhich denounced Washington and all who supported him, especially Jay. It also pro-\\nposed a convention for the indefinite purpose of deliberating on the steps expedient to\\nsecure the just rights of the people the proposition produced no result. See Butler s\\nKentucky, 234. Up to April, 1794, there were preparations still going on John S. Gano\\nof Cincinnati, on the 8th or 9th of that month, passed through Lexington he found the\\nGenet plan generally liked, cannon casting, ammunition subscribed, and heard of boats\\nbuilding at the Falls. It had been previously dropped for a time from want of funds.\\nSee American State Papers, i. 459, 460.\\nNotwithstanding Genet s defeat, M. Adet, the minister of France in 1796, appears to\\nhave sent emissaries into the West in the spring of that year, to renew the process of\\nexciting disaffection to the Union- They were General CoUot and M. Warin. Informa-\\ntion of the plan having been communicated to the executive, an agent was sent afler the\\nFrenchmen to watch them, and counteract their purposes. This person saw Collot at\\nPittsburgh, and learned his plans; he was to visit Kentucky, Fort Washington, the\\nSouthwest, Vincennes, Kaskaskia and St. Louis he carried strong letters to Wilkinson,\\nand relied especially on Sebastian. The government appears to have brought the whole\\nplot to nought in silence. (See the memoranda of Oliver Wolcott, Secretary of Treasury\\nthe letter of the agent employed; c. c. in George Gibbs Memoirs of the Administra-\\ntions of Washington and John Adams. New York, 1846. Vol. i. 350 to 356.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0455.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "426 Charges against Wilkinson. 1790-95.\\nIn 1787, General Wilkinson had made his first trip to New\\nOrleans in February, 1788, he returned to Kentucky and the\\nfollowing year again visited the south, with which he continued to\\nhold continued intercourse until 1791, when he began to take part\\nin the Indian wars of the northwest. During this period, his\\noperations were, to appearance, merely commercial, and the utmost\\nreach of his plans, the formation of a kind of mercantile treaty\\nwith the Spanish pro\\\\dnces, by which the navigation of the Mis-\\nsissippi might be secured as a privilege, if not a right. We\\ncannot enter into an examination of the mass of evidence brought\\nforward in later times, (from 1807 to 1811,) to sustain the charge\\nbrought against Wilkinson of having received a pension from the\\nSpanish government, in return for which he was to play the traitor\\nto his country and effect a disunion of the States. In 1808, he was\\nbrought before a court of enquiry, and entirely acquitted of the\\ncharge and again, in 1811, he was tried before a court martial,\\nand every particle of evidence that could be found by his most\\ninveterate enemies, without regard to legal formalities, which the\\naccused dispensed with, was gathered to overwhelm him but he\\nwas declared innocent by the court of every charge preferred\\nagainst him. Nor does our own examination of the evidence lead\\nus to doubt the correctness of the decision in his favor the chief\\nwitnesses who criminated him were of the worst character, and\\nmost ^^ndictive tempers,* and not a circumstance was fairly,\\nclearly proved that could not be explained by the avowed mercan-\\ntile relations which he succeeded in establishing with^the Spanish\\ngovernors at New Orleans. Those governors may, very probably,\\nhave hoped to see his business connections turn into political ones,\\nbut there is no cause to think they ever did so.f\\nDepositions of George Mather and Wm. Wickoff, jr. in Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. 103,\\n104. Deposition of A. Ellicott, American State Papprs, xsi. S9. (I2th interrogation.)\\nt The evidence in relation to Wilkinson is in American State Papers, xx, 704 to 713,\\n936 to 939 xxi. 79 to 127; in report of the committee of the House of Representatives,\\nWashington, 1811 in Proofs of the Corruption of General James Wilkinson, by Daniel\\nClark. See also appendix to Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. also his argument to the Court\\nMartial, Memoirs, ii. 41 to 268.\\nA letter in Dillon s Indiana, i. 412, from WUkinson to Captain Buntin, is worthy of\\nnotice, as a proof in favor of Wilkinson s intentions in 1797.\\nFor charges against him, see Memoirs, ii. 35 to 40.\\nFor sentence of Court of Inquiry, do. pp. 12. 13.\\nFor do Court Martial, do. pp. 565 to 576.\\nThe charges before the Court Martial and its sentence, are also in Niles Register, i.\\n469 to 474.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0456.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "1799-95. Sehasiian^s Intrigues. 427\\nAmong the plans of the Spanish officials in Louisiana was one\\nof encouraging emigration thither from the United States, and this\\nhad been fully disclosed to Wilkinson,* who furnished a list of\\nprobable emigrants, and interested himself generally in the matter.\\nAmong the persons recommended by him to Governor Miro, was\\nBenjamin Sebastian, a lawyer of Kentucky, and in September,\\n1789, the Governor wrote to Sebastian relative to the proposed\\nmeasure.! In that letter, the wish of Spain to establish friendly\\nrelations with the Ohio settlers was named, and an offer of certain\\ncommercial privileges held out. The communication thus opened\\nwith Sebastian w^as probably continued and when the Baron de\\nCarondelet succeeded General Miro, he wrote to him in July,\\n1795, the following letter:\\nNew Orleans, July 16, 1795.\\nSir The confidence reposed in you by my predecessor. Brigadier\\nGeneral Miro, and your former correspondence with him, have induced\\nme to make a communication to you highly interesting to the country in\\nwhich you live and to Louisiana.\\nHis Majesty, being willing to open the navigation of the Mississippi\\nto the people of the western country, and being also desirous to establish\\ncertain regulations, reciprocally beneficial to the commerce of both\\ncountries, has ordered me to proceed on the business, and to effect, in a\\nway the most satisfactory to the people of the western country, his\\nbenevolent design.\\nI have, therefore, made this communication to you, in expectation\\nthat you will procure agents to be chosen and fully empowered by the\\npeople of your country to negotiate with Colonel Gayoso on the subject,\\nat New Madrid, whom I shall send there in October next, properly\\nauthorized for that purpose, with directions to continue in that place, or\\nits vicinity, until the arrival of your agents.\\n1 am, by information, well acquainted with the character of some of\\nthe most respectable inhabitants of Kentucky, particulary of Innis,\\nNicholas, and Murray, to whom I wish you to communicate the pur-\\nport of this address and, should you and those gentlemen think the\\nobject of it as important as I do, you will doubtless accede, without\\nhesitation, to the proposition I have made of sending a delegation of\\nyour countrymen, sufficiently authorized to treat on a subject which so\\ndeeply involves the interest of both our countries.\\nI remain, with every esteem and regard, sir,\\nYour most obedient, humble servant,\\nTHE BARON OF CARONDELET.J\\nMemoirs, ii. 1 12. t See his letter, American State Papers, xx. 706.\\nX American State Papers, xx. 926.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0457.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "428 Power s Letter to Sebastian. 1790-95.\\nInnis, Nicholas and Murray were consulted, and the result was\\na visit by Sebastian, first to New Madrid, where he conferred with\\nGayoso, and then to New Orleans, where he met the Baron him-\\nself. Before, however, terms were agreed on, news came that the\\nFederal Government had concluded a treaty with Spain, covering\\nthe whole subject, and the messenger, in 1796, returned to Ken-\\ntucky.* During the summer of the next year, 1797, Thomas\\nPower came to Kentucky from Louisiana, and sent Sebastian the\\nfollowing communication, which he in turn communicated to Innis\\nand Nicholas, who sent through Sebastian a reply which we also\\ngive.\\nHis excellency, the Baron of Carondelet, commander-in-cbief and\\ngovernor of his Catholic Majesty s provinces of West Florida, and\\nLouisiana, having communications of importance, embracing the inte-\\nrests of said provinces, and at the same time deeply affecting those of\\nKentucky, and the western country in general, to make to its inhabi-\\ntants through the medium of the influential characters in this country,\\nand judging it, in the present uncertain and critical attitude of politics,\\nhighly imprudent and dangerous to lay them on paper, has expressly\\ncommissioned and authorized me to submit the following proposals to\\nthe consideration of Messrs. S., N,, L, and M.,t and also of such other\\ngentlemen, as may be pointed out by them, and to receive from them\\ntheir sentiments and determination on the subject.\\n1. The above mentioned gentlemen are immediately to exeit all their\\ninfluence in impressing on the minds of the inhabitants of the western\\ncountry, a conviction of the necessity of their withdrawing and separa-\\nting themselves from the Federal Union, and forming an independent\\ngovernment, wholly unconnected with that of the Atlantic States. To\\nprepare and dispose the people for such an event, it will be necessary\\nthat the most popular and eloquent writers in this State should, in well-\\ntimed publications, expose, in the most striking point of view, the incon-\\nveniences and disadvantages, that a longer connexion with, and depen-\\ndence on the Atlantic States, must inevitably draw upon them, and the\\ngreat and innumerable difficulties in which they will probably be en-\\ntangled if they do not speedily recede from the Union the benefits they\\nwill certainly reap from a secession, ought to be pointed out in the most\\nforcible and powerful manner and the danger of permitting the federal\\ntroops to take possession of the posts on the Mississippi and thus\\nforming a- cordon of fortified places around them, must be particularly\\nexpatiated upon. In consideration of gentlemen s devoting their time\\nDeposition of Innis. (American State Papers, xx. 925 to 927.)\\nt Sebastian, Nicholas, Innis, and Murray.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0458.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Project of Spain to dismember the Union. 429\\nand talents to this object, his excellency the Baron of Carondelet, will\\nappropriate the sum of one hundred thousand dollars to their use, which\\nshall be paid in drafts on the royal treasury at New Orleans or if more\\nconvenient, shall be conveyed at the expense of his Catholic Majesty,\\ninto this country, and held at their disposal. Moreover, should such\\npersons as shall be instrumental in promoting the views of his Catholic\\nMajesty, hold any public employment, and in consequence of taking an\\nactive part in endeavoring to effect a secession, shall lose their employ-\\nment a compensation equal at least to the emoluments of their office,\\nshall be made to them, by his Catholic Majesty, let their efforts be\\ncrowned with success, or terminate in disappoinment.\\n2. Immediately after the declaration of independence. Fort Massac\\nshould be taken possession of by the troops of the new government,\\nwhich shall be furnished by his Catholic Majesty without loss of time,\\ntogether with twenty fieldpieces, with their carriages, and every neces-\\nsary appendage, including powder, ball, c., together with a number of\\nsmall arms and ammunition, sufficient to equip the troops that it shall\\nbe judged expedient to raise. The whole to be transported at his ex-\\npense, to the already named fort Massac. His Catholic Majesty will\\nfurther supply the sum of one hundred thousand dollars for the raising\\nand maintaining the said troops, which sum shall also be conveyed to\\nand delivered at Fort Massac.\\n3. The northern boundary of his Catholic Majesty s provinces of\\nEast and West Florida shall be designated by a line commencing on the\\nMississippi at the mouth of the river Yazoo, extending due east to the\\nRiver Confederation, or Tombigbee provided that all his Catholic Ma-\\njesty s forts, posts, and settlements on the Confederation or Tombigbee\\nare included in the south side of such a line, but should any of his\\nMajesty s forts, posts, or settlements fall to the north of said line, then\\nthe northern boundary of his Majesty s provinces of East and West\\nFlorida, shall be designated by a line beginning at the same point on the\\nMississippi, and drawn in such a direction as to meet the River Con-\\nfederation, or Tombigbee, six miles to the north of the most northern\\nSpanish post, fort, or settlement on the said river. All the lands north\\nof that line shall be considered as constituting a part of the territory of\\nthe new government, saving that small tract of land at the Chickasaw\\nBluffs, on the eastern bank of the Mississippi ceded to his Majesty by\\nthe Chickasaw nation in a formal treaty concluded on the spot in the\\nyear 1795, between his excellency Senor Don Manuel Gayoso de Le-\\nmos, governor of Natchez, and Augleakabee and some other Chickasaw\\nchiefs which tract of land his Majesty reserves for himself. The\\neastern boundary of the Floridas shall be hereafter regulated.\\n4. His Catholic Majesty will, in case the Indian nations south of the\\nOhio, should declare war or commit hostilities against the new govern-", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0459.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "430 Project of Spain to dismember ike Union. 1790-95.\\nment, not only join and assist it in repelling its enemies, but if said\\ngovernment shall at any future time esteem it useful to reduce said In-\\ndian nations, extend its dominion over them, and compel them to submit\\nthemselves to its constitution and laws, his Majesty will heartily concur\\nand co-operate witli the new government in the most effectual manner in\\nattaining this desirable end.\\n5. His Catholic Majesty will not either directly or indirectly inter-\\nfere in the framing of the constitution or laws which the new govern-\\nment shall think fit to adopt nor will he at any time, by any means\\nwhatever, attempt to lessen the independence of the said government,\\nor endeavor to acquire an undue influence in it, but will, in the manner\\nthat shall hereafter be stipulated by treaty, defend and support it in\\npreserving its independence.\\nThe preceding proposals, are the outlines of a provisional treaty,\\nwhich his excellency the Baron of Carondelet is desirous of entering\\ninto with the inhabitants of the western country, the moment they shall\\nbe in a situation to treat for themselves. Should they not meet entirely\\nwith your approbation, and should you wish to make any alterations in,\\nor additions to them, I shall on my return, if you think proper to com-\\nmunicate them to me, lay them before his excellency, who is animated\\nwith a sincere and ardent desire to foster this promising and rising infant\\ncountry, and at the same time, promote and fortify the interests of his\\nbeneficent and royal master, in securing by a generous and disinterest-\\ned conduct, the gratitude of a just, sensible, and enlightened people.\\nThe important and unexpected events that have taken place in Europe\\nsince the ratification of the treaty concluded on the 27th of October,\\n1795, between his Catholic Majesty and the United States of America,\\nhaving convulsed the general system of politics in that quarter of the\\nglobe, and wherever its influence is extended, causing a collision of\\ninterests between nations formerly living in the most perfect union and\\nharmony, and directing the political views of some States towards ob-\\njects the most remote from their former pursuits, but none being so com-\\npletely unhinged and disjointed as the cabinet of Spain, it may be con-\\nfidently asserted, without incurring the reproach of presumption, that\\nhis Catholic Majesty will not carry the above-mentioned treaty into\\nexecution nevertheless the thorough knowledge I have of the disposi-\\ntion of the Spanish Government justifies me in saying that, so far from\\nits being his Majesty s wish to exclude the inhabitants of this western\\ncountry from the free navigation of the Mississippi, or withhold from\\nthem any of the benefits stipulated for them by tlie treaty, it is positively\\nhis intention, so soon as they shall put it in his power to treat with\\nthem, by declaring themselves independent of the Federal Goverraent,\\nand establishing one of their own, to grant them privileges far more\\nextensive, give them a decided preference over the Adantic States in his\\ncommercial connexions with them, and place them in a situation in-", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0460.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Reply of Innis and JVicholas. 431\\nfinitely more advantageous, in every point of view, than that in which\\nthey would find themselves were the treaty to be carried into eflect.\\nTHOMAS POWER.\\nREPLY.\\nSir We have seen the communication made by you to Mr. Sebas-\\ntian. In answer thereto, we declare unequivocally, that we will not\\nbe concerned either directly or indirectly, in any attempt that may be\\nmade to separate the western country from the United States. That\\nwhatever part we may at any time be induced to take in the politics of\\nour country, that her welfare will be our only inducement, and that we\\nwill never receive any pecuniary, or any other reward, for any personal\\nexertions made by us, to promote that welfare.\\nThe free navigation of the Mississippi must always be the favorite\\nobject of the inhabitants of the western country they cannot be con-\\ntented without it; and will not be deprived of it longer than necessity\\nshall compel them to submit to its being withheld from them.\\nWe flatter ourselves that every thing will be set right, by the govern-\\nments of the two nations but if this should not be the case, it appears\\nto us that it must be the policy of Spain to encourage by every possible\\nmeans, the free intercourse with the inhabitants of the western country,\\nas this will be the most efiicient means to conciliate their good will, and\\nto obtain without hazard, and at reduced prices, those supplies which\\nare indispensably necessary to the Spanish Government and its subjects.*\\nWhether Sebastian signed this reply, is not known; but upon\\nproof that he had for years afterwards received two thousand dol-\\nlars annually as a pension from Spain for services rendered,! it\\nwas unanimously adjudged by the House of Representatives in\\nKentucky, on the 6th of December, 1806, that he had been guilty,\\nwhile holding the place of Judge of the Court of Appeals, of car-\\nrying on a criminal intercourse with the agents of the Spanish\\nGovernment, and disgracing his country for pay 4 Before this\\ndecision, however, Sebastian had resigned his place, and thence-\\nforward was lost to the councils of the State.\\nAmerican State Papers, ss. 928, 929. In August, 1796, Spain allied herself with\\nFrance. In December, France quarrelled with the United States, so that Spain at the\\ntime of Power s visit in 1797, was still holding the posts east of the Mississippi, which,\\nby the treaty of 1795, were to be given up, and was in a half hostile attitude towards the\\nUnited States.\\nt Testimony of Thomas Bullitt, Charles Wilkins, c. (American State Papers, xx. 924.)\\nI See entire documents, American State Papers, xx. 922 to 934. Vote of the House.\\nDo. 933. Also, the account in Marshall, ii. 377 to 384.\\nII See Hall s Sketches, ii. 28 to 35. The writer appears to refer entirely to the transac-\\ntions of 1795-6, and to be unaware of the propositions made in 1797. The best argument\\nin Sebastian s favor is that put so well by Wilkinson in his own defence; (Memoirs, ii. 65.\\n66.) viz: no evidence was offered to show that he ever did any thing to favor disunion j\\nhe never earned his pay.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0461.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "432 Factions in the United States. 1790-95.\\nWe have so far said nothing of those political parties which\\ndivided the United States during the administration of Washing-\\nton for though it is not to be doubted that the contests of those\\nparties gave Genet cause to trust in his plans of conquest, and\\nsupported the hopes of Sebastian and his Spanish employers, yet\\ntheir operations were not directly dependent upon the factions\\nwhich rent the country. We have now, however, to speak of an\\nevent that derived its importance from its real or supposed con-\\nnection with those factions, and which it seems proper to introduce\\nby a brief sketch of their origin and character; we refer to the\\npopular movement in western Pennsylvania, growing out of the\\nexcise on domestic spirits; commonly known as the whiskey in-\\nsurrection. When the united colonies of Great Britain had won\\ntheir independence, and the rule of George the 3d over them\\nended, the question, of course, arose as to the nature of the gov-\\nernment which was to succeed. Two fears prevailed among the\\npeople of the freed Provinces. On the one hand a tendency to\\nmonarchy and ultimate tyranny, was dreaded it was thought that\\na foreign despot had been warred with in vain, if by the erection\\nof a strong central or Federal power the foundations of domestic\\ndespotism were laid instead the sovereignty of the several States,\\nbalancing one another, and each easily controlled by the voice of\\nthe people was, with this party of thinkers, to be the security of\\nthe freedom that had been achieved. In Europe, republicanism\\nhad been overthrown by the centralizing process which had sub-\\nstituted the great monarchies for the Feudal system, and the Ital-\\nian and Flemish commonwealths and in America the danger, it\\nwas thought, would be of too great a concentration of power in\\nthe hands of a central Federal sovereignty.* While these views\\nprevailed among one portion of the American people, another por-\\ntion dreaded the excess of popular democratic passions, tending\\nconstantly to anarchy. To this party a strong central power seem-\\ned essential, not only for financial and commercial purposes, but\\nalso to restrain the inevitable disposition of popular governments\\nto the abandonment of all law, all reverence, and all social unity.\\nHistory and reflection, in short, showed men on the one side, that\\nGovernor Harrison, of Virginia, said even of the Constitution, as adopted, that it\\nmust sooner or later establish a tyranny not inferior to the triumvirate or centumviri of\\nRome. See his letter, Sparks Washington, ix. 267, note. George Mason also said of\\nit, that it would cause the Government to commence in a moderate aristocracy, and\\nwould finally produce a monarchy, or a corrupt oppressive aristocracy. See his paper.\\nSparks Washington, ix. 547. See also Elliott s Debates, ii. 52. 213. Wasliington s own", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0462.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Federal and Anti-Federal Views. 433\\nhuman rulers are readily converted into despots on the other,\\nthat human subjects were impatient of even wholesome control,\\nand readily converted into licentious, selfish anarchists.* When at\\nlength the business sufferings of the country, and the worthlessness\\nof the old confederacy, led to the formation of the present constitu-\\ntion, the two bodies of whom we have spoken, were forced to\\ncompromise, t and while the strong Executive, and complete cen-\\ntralization of Hamilton, Jay and Adams had to be abandoned by\\nthem and their friends, the complete independence of the States,\\nand the corresponding nullity of Congress, which Patrick Henry,\\nMason, and Harrison preferred, had also to begiven up, or greater\\nevils follow. In this same spirit of compromise upon which our\\nconstitution rested, Washington framed his cabinet, and directed\\nhis administration, and it seemed possible that in time the bitter-\\nness of feeling which had shown itself before and during the dis-\\ncussion of the great Bond of Union, would die away. But the\\ndifficulties of the first administration were enormous, such as no\\nman but Washington could have met with success, and even he\\ncould not secure the unanimity he wished for.| Among those\\ndiflRculties none were greater than the payment of the public debt,\\nand the arrangement of a proper system of finance. The party\\nwhich dreaded anarchy, which favored a strong central rule, an\\nefficient Federal Government, the Federalists, feeling that the\\nwhole country, as such, had contracted debts, felt bound in honor\\nand honesty to do every thing to procure their payment it also\\nfelt that the future stability and power of the Federal Government\\nviewsonthepointreferredtoin the text, may be found in the same volume, pp. 11. 167.187.\\n203. 211. 258 in a letter to Doctor Gordon, in the North American Review, vol. xxv. p.\\n254. (October, 1827.)\\nFor the views, of\\nHamilton, see North American Review, xxv. 266. Journal of Convention at Phil-\\nadelphia, May 14, 1787, p. 130.\\nJay, Sparks Washington, ix. 510. North American Review, xxv. 263.\\nHenry, Sparks Washington, ix. 266, note Elliott s Debates, ii. 64. 71. 139.\\n147, c.\\nMadison, Sparks Washington, ix. 516. North American Review, xxv. 264.\\nJefferson, Sparks Washington, x. 518 to 526. North American Review, xxv.\\n267 to 269. Jefferson s Writings, ii. 449.\\nKnox, North American Review, xxv. 264.\\nSee Washington s opinions relative to the wickedness of the popular leaders. Sparks\\nWashington, ix. 156. 167. 210.\\nt Jefferson rightly called the constitution an accommodation of interests. Jefferson s\\nWorks, ii. 449.\\nSee Sparks Washington, x. 515 to 526.\\n28", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0463.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "434 Federal and Anti-Federal Views. 1790-95.\\ndepended greatly upon the establishment of its credit at the outset\\nof its career. The dreaders of centralization, the anti-Federalists,\\non the other hand, favoring State sovereignty, and wishing but a\\nslight national union, neither desired the creation of a national\\ncredit, nor felt the obligation of a national debt in the same degree\\nas their opponents, and feared the creation of a moneyed aristocracy\\nby speculations in the public stocks. When, therefore, Mr. Ham-\\nilton, upon whom it devolved, as Secretary of the Treasury, to\\noffer a plan for liquidating the debts of the confederation, attempt-\\ned the solution of the financial problem, he was certain to dis-\\nplease one party or the other. In generalities compromises had\\nbeen found possible, but in details they were not readily admitted.\\nHamilton, moreover, was one of the most extreme friends of cen-\\ntralization, and any measure emanating from him was sure to be\\nresisted. When he brought forward his celebrated series of\\nfinancial measures, accordingly, the whole strength of the two\\ndivisions of which we have been speaking, appeared for and\\nagainst his plans. And it is to be noted, that the question w^as\\nnot a mere question of Finance it involved the vital principles\\nfor and against which the Federal and Anti-federal parties were\\nstruggling. The former actually hoped by means of the Funding\\nand Bank systems, to found a class whose interests would so bind\\nthem to the Government as to give it permanency,* w^hile their\\nopponents actually anticipated the formation of a moneyed aristo-\\ncracy, which would overthrow the power and liberties of the peo-\\nple they felt they were sold to stock-holders, and like the\\nRoman debtors condemned to slavery, f\\nIn the West the opponents of the Central Government Avere nu-\\nmerous. Its formation had been resisted, and its measures were\\nalmost all unpopular. The Indian War was a cause of complaint,\\nbecause Harmar and St. Clair had been defeated ;J the army was\\na cause of complaint, because it was the beginning of a system of\\nstanding armies. The funding system was hated because of its\\ninjustice, inasmuch as it aided speculation, and because it would\\nlead to the growth of a favored class the western posts were held\\nSee letter of Oliver Wolcott, dated March 27, 1790, in Gibbs i. 43.\\nt Address of Democratic Club of Wythe county, Virginia, dated July 4, 1794 it is in the\\nBoston Independent Chronicle of August, 11th, 1794. Jefferson s letter to Washington.\\n(Sparks Washington, x. 519-521.)\\nIn the Democratic newspapers of the time, the Funding system, the Excise, the Bank,\\nand the Indian war are all equally condemned. See, for example, a series of letters on\\nHamilton s financial measures in the Independent Chronicle of Boston, July, August and\\nSeptember, 1794.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0464.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "1790-95. First Steps in Opposition to the Excise. 435\\nby England, the Mississippi closed by Spain, and the frontier\\nravaged by the savages, and against all the Federal Government\\ndid what? Nothing.* So said the leaders of popular feeling. It\\nwas not strange, therefore, that the people of western Pennsylvania,\\nespecially those of foreign birth and descent, should object to the\\npayment of the most unpopular kind cf tax for the support of a\\ngovernment which they disliked and had no faith in. Unable\\nreadily to reach a market with their produce, they concentrated it\\ninto whiskey,! and upon this, while all other agricultural wealth\\nwas untouched, the hated tax gatherer was sent to lay his excise.\\nNor was it the producer only who complained the consumers also\\nfelt aggrieved by the duty laid upon domestic spirits, for they were\\nthe common drink of the nation ;f the star of temperance had not\\nthen arisen. It was in December, 1790, that General Hamilton\\nadvised the excise on spirits ;1| upon the 3d of the ensuing March\\nthe law W as passed and instantly the spirit of opposition showed\\nitself. At first this opposition was confined to efforts to discourage\\npersons from holding offices connected with the excise next asso-\\nciations were formed of those who were ready to forbear com-\\npliance with the law H but as men talked with one another, and\\nthe excise became more and more identified with the tyranny of\\nFederalism, stronger demonstrations were inevitable, and upon the\\n27th of July, 1791, a meeting was called at Brownsville, (Red-\\nstone,) to consider the growing troubles of the western district of\\nPennsylvania.** This meeting, which was attended by influential\\nand able men, agreed to a gathering of representatives from the\\nfive counties included in the fourth survey under the law in ques-\\ntion, ff to be held at Washington, upon the 23d of August. The\\ngathering took place, and we extract from Hamilton s report, of\\nAugust, 1794, the following sentence in relation to it\\n*The abandonment of the works at Presquile (see ante) excited the western Pennsyl-\\nvanians especially.\\nt American Pioneer, ii. 215. A horse could carry only four bushels of rye, but the\\nwhiskey made from twenty-four.\\nI Such was the language of the Pittsburg meeting of August, 1792.\\nH American State Papers, vii. 64.\\nAmerican State Papers, vii. 110.\\nf American State Papers, xx. 107.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 107.\\nt+ These counties were Washington, Alleghany, Westmoreland, Fayette and Bedford.\\n(Letter of George Clymer, supervisor of the District in Gibbs, i. 148. See American\\n^tatePapers, vii. 110.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0465.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "436 Infiammatory Resolutions. 1790-95,\\nThis meeting passed some intern.ediale resolutions, whicli were af-\\nterwards printed in the Pittsburgh Gazette, containing a strong censure\\non the law, declaring that any person who had accepted or might accepi\\nan office under Congress, in order to carry it into effect, should be con-\\nsidered as inimical to the interests of the country; and recommending\\nto the citizens of Washington county to treat every person who had\\naccepted, or might thereafter accept, any such office, with contempt, and\\nabsolutely to refuse all kind of communication or intercourse with the\\nofficers, and to withhold from them all aid, support, or comfort.\\nNot content with this vindictive proscription of those who might\\nesteem it their duty, in the capacity of officers, to aid in the execution\\nof the constitutional laws of the land, the meeting proceeded to accumu-\\nlate topics of crimination of tlie Governmont, though foreign to each\\nother; authorizing by this zeal for censure a suspicion that they were\\nactuated not merely by the dislike of a particular law, but by a disposi-\\ntion to render the Government itself unpopular and odious.\\nThis meeting, in further prosecution of their plan, deputed three of\\ntheir members to meet delegates from the counties of Westmoreland,\\nFayette, and Alleghany, on the first Tuesday of September following, for\\nthe purpose of expressing the sense of the people of those counties in\\naddress to the Legislature of the United States upon the subject of the\\nexcise law and other grievances.*\\nHere, for the first time, the connection of the antagonism to the\\nExcise, with other topics, was brought forward, and a political\\ncharacter given to the movement, by a general assault upon the\\nmeasures of the Federal Government.! This assault assumed a yet\\nmore distinctive character at a subsequent meeting of delegates\\nheld at Pittsburg, upon the 7th of September at which the sala-\\nries of the Federal officers the interest paid upon the national\\ndebt the want of distinction between the original holders of that\\ndebt and those who had bought it at a discount; and the creation\\nof a United States Bank were all denounced in common with the\\ntax on whiskey.! At these meetings all was conducted vAi\\\\\\\\ pro-\\npriety and the resolutions adopted gave no direct countenance to\\nviolence; but when did the leaders of a community, its legislators,\\njudges and clergy, ever express, in any manner, however quiet,\\ntheir utter disregard of law,|| without a corresponding expression\\nby the masses, if uneducated, in acts of violence It was not\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 107. f American State Papers, xx. 107.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 107.\\njThe resolution to give no aid of any kind to the excise officers, involved treachery to\\nthat law wliich requires us to assist in defending life and property against illegal force.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0466.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Violence Begins. 437\\nstrange, therefore, that upon the day previous to the meeting last\\nnamed, the collector for the counties of Alleghany and Washington\\nwas attacked:\\nA party of men, armed and disguised, waylaid him at a place on\\nPigeon Creek, in Washington county, seized, tarred and feathered him,\\ncut off his hair, and deprived him of his horse, obliging him to travel on\\nfoot a considerable distance in that mortifying and painful situation.\\nThe case was brought before the district court of Pennsylvania, out\\nof which processes issued against John Robertson, John Hamilton, and\\nThomas McComb, three of the persons concerned in the outrage.\\nThe serving of these processes was confided by the then marshal,\\nClement Biddle, to his deputy, Joseph Fox, who, in the month of Oc-\\ntober, went into Alleghany county for the purpose of serving them.\\nThe appearances and circumstances which Mr. Fox observed himself\\nin the course of his journey, and learned afterwards upon his arrival at\\nPittsburgh, had the effect of deterring him from the service of the pro-\\ncesses, and unfortunately led to adopt the injudicious and fruitless\\nexpedient of sending them to the parties by a private messenger, under\\ncover.\\nThe deputy s report to the marshal states a number of particulars,\\nevincing a considerable fermentation in the part of the country to which\\nhe was sent, and inducing a belief, on his part, that he could not with\\nsafety have executed the processes. The marshal, transmitting this report\\nto the district attorney, makes the following observations upon it I\\nam sorry to add that he (the deputy) found the people, in general, in\\nthe western part of the State, and particularly beyond the Alleghany\\nMountains, in such a ferment on account of the act of Congress for\\nlaying a duty on distilled spirits, and so much opposed to the execution\\nof the said act, and from a variety of threats to himself personally, (al-\\nthough he took the utmost precaution to conceal his errand,) that he was\\nnot only convinced of the impossibility of serving the process, but that\\nany attempt to effect it would have occasioned the most violent opposi-\\ntion from the greater part of the inhabitants and he declares that, if he\\nhad attempted it, he believes he should not have returned alive.\\nI spared no expense nor pains to have the process of the court execu-\\nted, and have not the least doubt that my deputy would have accomplish-\\ned it, if it could have been done.\\nThe reality of the danger to the deputy was countenanced by the\\nopinion of General Neville, the inspector of the revenue, a man who\\nbefore had given, and since has given, numerous proofs of a steady and\\nfirm temper and what followed is a further confirmation of it.\\nThe person who had been sent with the processes was seized, whip-\\nped, tarred, and feathered and, after having his money and horse taken", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0467.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "438 Farther Excesses. 1790-95\u00c2\u00bb.\\nfrom him, was blindfolded and tied in the woods in which condition he\\nremained for five hours.*\\nThese intemperate expressions of their feelings by word and\\ndeed, startled the government, and puzzled its executive officers\\nit was determined, however, to await the influence of time, thought,\\ninformation, and leniency, and to attempt by a reconsideration of\\nthe law at the earliest possible moment, to do away any real cause\\nof complaint which might exist. f But popular fury once aroused\\nis not soon allayed the worst passions of the same people whO\\nsent out the murderers of the Moravian Indians in 1782^ had been,\\nexcited, and excess followed excess.\\nSome time in October, 1791, an unhappy man, of the name of Wil-\\nson, a stranger in the county, and manifestly disordered in his intellects,\\nimagining himself to be a collector of the revenue, or invested with\\nsome trust in relation to it, was so unlucky as to make inquiries con-\\ncerning distillers who had entered their stills, giving out that he was to\\ntravel through the United States, to ascertain and report to Congress the\\nnumber of stills, c. This man was pursued by a party in disguise\\ntaken out of his bed carried about five miles back, to a smith s shop\\nstripped of his clothes, which were afterwards burnt; and, having been\\nhimself inhumanly burnt in several places with a heated iron, was\\ntarred and feathered, and about day-light dismissed, naked, wounded,\\nand otherwise in a very suffering condition. These particulars are com-\\nmunicated in a letter from the inspector of the revenue, of the 17lh of\\nNovember, who declares that he had then himself seen the unfortunate\\nmaniac, the abuse of whom, as he expressed it, exceeded description,\\nand was sufficient to make human nature shudder. The affair is the\\nmore extraordinary, as persons of weight and consideration in that\\ncounty are understood to have been actors in it, and as the symptoms of\\ninsanity were, during the whole time of inflicting the punishment, ap-\\nparent; the unhappy sufferer displaying the heroic fortitude of a man\\nwho conceived himself to be a martyr to the discharge of some impor-\\ntant duty.\\nNot long after, a person of the name of Roseberry underwent the\\nhumiliating punishment of tarring and feathering with some aggrava-\\ntions, for having in conversation hazarded the very natural and just, but\\nunpalatable remark, that the inhabitants of that county could not reason-\\nably expect protection from a Government whose laws they so strenu-\\nously opposed.\\nThe audacity of the perpetrators of these excesses was so great, that\\nan armed banditti ventured to seize and carry off two persons who were\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 107. t American State Papers, xx. 108.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0468.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Pittsburgh Meeting of Mgust 21stj 1192. 439\\nwitnesses against the rioters in the case of \u00c2\u00a5/ilson, in order to prevent\\ntheir giving testimony of the riot in a court then sitting, or about to sit.*\\nNotwithstanding the course of the western people, the Federal\\nGovernment, during the session of 1791 and 92 proceeded in the\\ndiscussion of the obnoxious statute and upon the 8th of May,\\n17921 passed an amendatory act, making such changes as were\\ncalculated to allay the angry feelings that had been excited, ex-\\ncept in so far as they were connected with political animosities,\\nand which in most districts produced the intended result. But in\\nwestern Pennsylvania opposition continued unabated, and it was\\nannounced that the inspectors who, by the new law were to be ap-\\npointed for all the counties, should not be allowed to open their\\noffices nor was this a mere threat no buildings could be obtained\\nfor the use of the United States and when, at length, in Washing-\\nton, one Captain Faulkner dared to agree that a building of his\\nshould be occupied by the inspector, he was waylaid by a mob, a\\nknife drawn upon him, and was threatened with scalping, loss of\\nproperty by fire, and other injuries, if he did not revoke his agree-\\nment so that upon the 20th of August, under the influence of fear,\\nhe did actually break his contract, and upon the next day adver-\\ntised what he had done in the Pittsburg paper.f\\nOn the day of this advertisement, in the same town in which it\\nappeared, a meeting was held, headed by members of the State\\nLegislature, II judges, clergymen, and other leading characters.\\nThis meeting entered into resolutions not less exceptionable than\\nthose of its predecessors. The preamble suggests that a tax on spiritu-\\nous liquors is unjust in itself and oppressive upon the poor that inter-\\nnal taxes upon consumption must, in the end, destroy the liberties of\\nevery country in which they are introduced that the law in question, from\\ncertain local circumstances, wliich are specified, would bring immediate\\ndistress and ruin upon the western country and concludes with the senti-\\nment, that they think it tlieir duty to persist in remonstrances to Congress,\\nand in every other legal measure that may obstruct the operation of the law.\\nThe resolutions then proceed, first, to appoint a committee to prepare\\nand cause to be presented to Congress, an address, stating objections to\\nAmerican State Papers, sx. 108.\\nSee Hamilton s report upon the objections to the Excise made March 5th, 1792.\\nAmerican State Papers, vii. 150.\\n:j: American State Papers, xx. 108.\\nII Albert Gallatin was secretary of this meeting. The chairman of the committee was\\nDavid Bradford, who was the leader in the more violent scenes throughout. For his views,\\nsee a letter from him in the United States Gazette, of September 9, 1794 also in Bracken-\\nridge, i. 38. See also, Clymer s letter in Gibbs i. 248.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0469.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "440 Measures adopted by Government. 1790-95.\\nthe law, and praying for its repeal secondly, to appoint committees of\\ncorrespondence for Washington, Fayette, and Alleghany, charged to\\ncorrespond together, and with such committees as should be appointed\\nfor the same purpose in the county of Westmoreland, or with any com-\\nmittees of a similar nature that might be appointed in other parts of the\\nUnited Slates; and, also, if found necessary, to call together either\\ngeneral meetings of the people in their respective counties, or confe-\\nrences of the several committees and lastly, to declare that they will\\nin future consider those who hold offices lor the collection of the duty\\nas unworthy of their friendship that they will have no intercourse nor\\ndealings with them, will withdraw from them every assistance, withhold\\nall the comforts of life which depend upon those duties that as men and\\nfellow-citizens we owe to each other, and will upon all occasions treat\\nthem with contempt earnestly recommending it to the people at large\\nto follow the same line of conduct towards them.*\\nWhen notice of this meeting, and of the means used to intimi-\\ndate Faulkner, was given to the government,! Washington issued\\na proclamation, dated September 15th the supervisor of the dis-\\ntrict was sent to the seat of trouble to learn the true state of facts,\\nand to collect evidence;! while the Attorney-general was instruc-\\nted to enquire into the legality of the proceedings of the Pittsburgh\\nmeeting, with a view to the indictment of the leaders. Mr.\\nRandolph, however, felt so much doubt as to the character of the\\nmeeting of August 21, that no prosecutions on that score were\\ninstituted and in serving process upon two persons said to have\\nbeen among the assailants of Faulkner, either an error was made,\\nor the accusation proved to be false, which caused that matter also\\nto be dropped by the government. It was then proposed to\\nattempt a gradual suppression of the resistance to the law, by\\nadopting these measures: 1st, the prosecution of all distillers who\\nwere not licensed, when it could be done with certainty of success,\\nand without exciting violence 2nd, the seizure of all illegal spirits\\non their way to market, when it could be done without leading to\\noutbreaks 3rd, by care that only spirits which had paid duty were\\nbought for the use of the army. The influence of these measures\\nwas in part lost in consequence of the introduction of the whiskey\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 108.\\ntSee Sparks Washington, x. 291. 526 to 533.\\nSee his letter on the subject, Gibbs, i. 148. He found Washington the worst county.\\nH Sparks Washington, x. 305.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 109 Marshall s Washington, v. 365. Findley, in his his-\\ntory of the Insurrection, p. 71, says the accusation was false, and the evidence perjured*", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0470.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Action of the Democratic Societies. 441\\nthat paid no tax into the Northwestern Territory, over which some\\nof the laws relative to the matter did not extend but still their\\neffect was decided in November, 1792, Wolcott wrote that the\\nopposition was confined to a small part of Pennsylvania, and would\\nsoon cease;* and through the whole of 1793, although the Col-\\nlector for Fayette county was obliged by force to give up his\\nbooks and papers, and to promise a resignation while the Inspec-\\ntor of Alleghany was burnt in effigy before the magistrates, and no\\nnotice of the act taken by them and although when warrants were\\nissued for the rioters in the former case, the Sheriff of the county\\nrefused to execute them, yet obedience to the excise became\\nmore and more general, and many of the leading distillers, yielding\\nto the suggestions of pecuniary interest, for the first time entered\\ntheir stills, and abandoned the party of Bradford and his coadju-\\ntors, f This abandonment, the political antagonists of the law by\\nno means relished still even they might have been subdued but\\nfor the introduction, at that very juncture, of Mr. Genet s famous\\nsystem of Democratic Societies, which, like the Jacobin Club of\\nParis, were to be a power above the government. Genet reached\\nthe United States, April 8th on the I8th of May, he was pre-\\nsented to the President and by the 30th of that month the\\nDemocratic Society of Philadelphia was organized. By means\\nof this, its affiliated bodies, and other societies based upon it, or\\nsuggested by it, the French minister, his friends and imitators,\\nwaged their war upon the adminisiration, and gave new energy to\\nevery man who, on any ground, was dissatisfied with the laws of\\nhis country. Among those dissatisfied, the enemies of the excise\\nwere of course to be numbered and there can be little or no doubt\\nthat to the agency of societies formed in the disaffected districts,\\nafter the plan of those founded by Genet, the renewed and exces-\\nsive hostility of the western people to the tax upon spirits is to be\\nascribed. II The proper Democratic Societies, when the crisis\\ncame, disapproved of the violence committed, and so did Gallatin\\nGibbsj i. 83. t American State Papers, xx. 40.\\n:j: Marshall s Washington, v. 426, note.\\ny See Sparks Washington, x. 429, 437, c. The disposition to ascribe the insurrec-\\ntion directly to Genet s Societies, was natural enough in Washington and his friends\\nbut we think the evidence referred to on page 444, and in the note below, disproves the\\nsuspicion of any design, on the part of the proper Democratic Societies, to produce\\nanarchy or separation of the Union.\\nU. S. Gazette, August 26, September 1, September 6, c., 1794. Boston Independent\\nChronicle, August 18, 1794, October 6, 1794.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0471.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "442 Fartlier Outrages in 1794. 1790-95.\\nand many others but, however much they may have disliked an\\nappeal to force, even from the outset, their measures, their extra-\\nvagancies, and political fanaticism, were calculated to result in\\nviolence and nothing else. Through 1793, as we have said, the\\nlaw seemed gaining, but with the next January the demon was\\nloosed again.\\nWilliam Richmond, who had given information against some of the\\nrioters, in the affair of Wilson, had his barn burnt, with all the grain\\nand hay which it contained and the same thing happened to Robert\\nShawhan, a distiller, who had been among the first to comply with the\\nlaw, and who had always spoken favorably of it but in neither of these\\ninstances, (which happened in the county of Alleghany) though the pre-\\nsumptions were violent, was any positive proof obtained.\\nThe inspector of the revenue, in a letter of the 27th of February,\\nwrites that he had received information that persons, living near the\\ndividing line of Alleghany and Washington, had thrown out threats of\\ntarring and feathering one William Cochran, a complying distiller, and\\nof burning his distillery and that it had also been given out that in\\nthree weeks there would not be a house standing in Alleghany county of\\nany person who had complied with the laws in consequence of which,\\nhe had been induced to pay a visit to several leading individuals in that\\nquarter, as well to ascertain the truth of the information as to endeavor\\nto avert the attempt to execute such threats.\\nIt appeared afterwards, that, on his return home, he had been pursued\\nby a collection of disorderly persons, threatening, as they went along,\\nvengeance against him. On their way, these men called at the house\\nof James Kiddoe, who had recently complied with the laws, broke into\\nhis sUU-house, fired several balls under his still, and scattered fire over\\nand about the house.\\nIn May and June new violences were committed. James Kiddoe, the\\nperson above mentioned, and William Cochran, another complying dis-\\ntiller, met with repeated injury to their property. Kiddoe had parts of\\nhis grist-mill at different times carried away and Cochran suffered more\\nmaterial injuries. His still was destroyed; his saw-mill was rendered\\nuseless, by the taking away of the saw and his grist-mill so injured as\\nto require to be repaired, at considerable expense.\\nAt the last visit a note in writing was left, requiring him to publish\\nwhat he had suffered in the Pittsburgh Gazette, on pain of another visit,\\nin which he is threatened, in figurative but intelligible terms, with the\\ndestruction of his property by fire. Thus adding to the profligacy of\\ndoing wanton injuries to a fellow-citizen the tyranny of compelling him\\nbe the publisher of his wrongs.\\nJune being the month for receiving annual entries of stills, endeavors", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0472.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Offenders to he Tned at Philadelphia. 44S\\nwere used to open offices in Westmoreland and Washington, where it\\nit had been hitherto found impracticable- With much pains and diffi-\\nculty, places were procured for the purpose. That in Westmoreland\\nwas repeatedly attacked in the night by armed men, who frequently\\nfired upon it but, according to a report which has been made to this\\nDepartment, it was defended with so much courage and perseverance by\\nJohn Wells, an auxiliary officer, and Philip Ragan, the owner of the\\nhouse, as to have been maintained during the remainder of the month.\\nThat in Washington, after repeated attempts, was suppressed. The\\nfirst attempt was confined to pulling down the sign of the office, and\\nthreats of future destruction the second efi ected the object in the fol-\\nlowing mode About twelve persons, armed and painted black, in the\\nnight of the 6th of June, broke into the house of John Lynn, where\\nthe office was kept, and, after having treacherously seduced him to come\\ndown stairs, and put himself in their power, by a promise of safety to\\nhimself and his house, they seized and tied him threatened to hang\\nhim took him to a retired spot in a neighboring wood, and, there, after\\ncutting off his hair, tarring and feathering him, swore him never again\\nto allow the use of his house for an office, never to disclose their names,\\nand never again to have any sort of agency in aid of the excise having\\ndone which, they bound him naked to a tree, and left him in that situa-\\ntion till morning, when he succeeded in extricating himself. Not con-\\ntent with this, the malcontents, some days after, made him another visit,\\npulled down part of his house, and piit him in a situation to be obiged\\nto become an exile from his own home, and to find an asylum else-\\nwhere.*\\nEven these acts, however, were followed by nothing on the part\\nof the government more stringent than the institution, in the June\\nfollowing, of several suits against the rioters, and also against the\\nnon-complying distillers to serve process in which the Marshal of\\nthe United States himself visited the w-est. This led to the\\ncatastrophe. These suits were in the United States Court, which\\nsat east of the mountains, where the accused must of course be\\ntried. But the seizure of offenders to be tried out of their own\\nneighborhood, was opposed to the feelings of the Americans, and\\nto the principles of that English law upon which they had relied\\nthrough the discussions which preceded the Revolution. The\\nfederal government, it was said, in taking men to Philadelphia,!\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 110.\\nThe writs were there returnable, in the District Court of the United States. (Findley^\\n74.) There was needless excitement caused by this, as the United States Courts had\\nbeen authorised to sit near the troubled district, and the State Courts to try revenue\\ncases. (Findley, 73.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0473.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "444 Mob gather about Jieville s House. 1790-95.\\nto be tried for alledged misdemeanors, was doing what the British\\ndid in carrying Americans beyond the sea. Then was shown, as\\nwe conceive, the power of those societies to which we have\\nreferred. In February, 1794, a society had been formed at Mingo\\ncreek, consisting of the militia of that neighborhood, the same per-\\nsons who led in all future excesses.* In April a second associa-\\ntion of the same character, and a regular Democratic Club, were\\nformed in the troublesome district. In the latter, nothing was\\ndone in relation to the excise, so far as is known,! but in the two\\nfirst-named bodies, there is reason to believe that the worst spirit\\nof the French clubs was naturalized the Excise and the Govern-\\nment thoroughly canvassed and rebellion, disunion and blood-\\nshed, sooner or later made familiar to the minds of all.:}:\\nIt may be readily understood that under such circumstances,\\ngreat excitement was likely to prevail upon slight provocation.\\nNotwithstanding, the Marshal was suffered to serve his writs\\nunresisted, until, when he went with the last process in his\\nhands, he unwisely took with him the Inspector of the county,\\nGeneral John Neville, a man once very popular, but who had\\nbeen, as men considered, bought up by the Government, and had\\nhence become exceedingly hateful to the populace. After serving\\nthis process, the Marshal and Inspector were followed by a crowd,\\nand a gun was fired, though without doing any injury. The\\nMarshal returned to Pittsburgh and the Inspector to his own\\nhouse, but it being noised abroad that both were at General\\nNeville s, a number of militia-men who were gathered under\\nthe United States law, agreed the next morning to pay the Inspec-\\ntor a visit. For some time, Neville had been looking for an\\nattack, knowing his unpopularity and had armed his negroes and\\nbarricaded his windows.H An attack upon his house, with a view\\nto a destruction of his papers, had probably been in contempla-\\ntion, and those who gathered on the morning of the 16th of July,\\nwere determined, we presume, to carry the proposed destruction\\nBrackenridge s Incidents, pp. 25. 148. Findley, 166 Brackenridge, iii. 25.\\nSee the accounts given by Brackenridge of the murderous spirit which filled the\\nignorant and excited country people.\\nII Neville had been an opposer of a State Excise, which had previously existed (see\\nBrackenridge iii. p. 1, c. he had taken the place of Inspector, with the statement that\\nhe did not care what people thought he should have an independent salary of six\\nhundred he was understood to mean pounds, but really meant dollars, (Findley, 79.)\\nBrackenridge, i. 6.\\n5 American State Papers, ix. 110, 111. Findley and Brackenridge.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0474.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "1790-95. J^eville s house destroyed. 445\\ninto effect. When General Neville discovered the party on that\\nmorning around his door, he asked their business, and upon\\nreceiving evasive replies, proceeded at once to treat them as ene-\\nmies shut his door again, and opened a fire, by which six of his\\nsupposed assailants were wounded, one of them mortally.* This,\\nof course, added greatly to the anger and excitement previously\\nexisting; news of the bloodshed were diffused through the Mingo\\ncreek neighborhood, and before nightfall, steps were taken to\\navenge the sufferers. What followed, we will give in the words\\nof General Hamilton, adding afterwards some particulars gathered\\nfrom Findley and Brackenridge.\\nApprehending that the business would not terminate here, he [[Neville]\\nmade application by letter to the judges, generals of militia, and sheriff\\nof the county, for protection. A reply to his application, from John\\nWilkins, jun., and John Gibson, magistrates and militia officers, inform-\\ned him that the laws could not be executed, so as to afford him the pro-\\ntection to which he was entitled, owing to the too general combination\\nof the people in that part of Pennsylvania to oppose the revenue law\\nadding, that they would take every step in their power to bring the\\nrioters to justice, and would be glad to receive information of the indi-\\nviduals concerned in the attack upon his house, that prosecutions might\\nbe commenced against them; and expressing their sorrow that should\\nXhe posse comitatus of the county be ordered out in support of the civil\\nauthority, very few could be gotten that were not of the party of the\\nrioters.\\nThe day following the insurgents reassembled with a considerable\\naugmentation of numbers, amounting, as has been computed, to at least\\nfive hundred and on the 17th of July renewed their attack upon the\\nhouse of the inspector, who, in the interval, had taken the precaution of\\ncalling to his aid a small detachment from the garrison, of Fort Pitt,\\nwhich, at the time of the attack, consisted of eleven men, who had\\nbeen joined by Major Abraham Kirkpatrick, a friend and connexion of\\nthe inspector.\\nThere being scarcely a prospect of effectual defence against so large\\na body as then appeared, and as the inspector had every thing to appre-\\nhend for his person, if taken, it was judged advisable that he should\\nwithdraw from the house to a place of concealment Major Kirkpatrick\\ngenerously agreeing to remain with the eleven men, in the intention, if\\nFindley, 84. Brackenridge, i. 6. The report of the Pennsylvania commissioners,\\n(United States Gazette, August 30th,) in relation to the attack on Neville s house, agreed\\nwith the accounts of Brackenridge and Findley, in the main. Both differ from Hamil-\\nton s, which is doubtless imperfect.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0475.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "446 McFarlane Killed. 1790-95,\\npracticable, to make a capitulation in favor of the property if not, to\\ndefend it as long as possible.\\nA parley took place under cover of a flag, vphich was sent by the in-\\nsurgents to the house to demand that the inspector should come forth,\\nrenounce his office, and stipulate never again to accept an office under the\\nsame laws. To this it was replied that the inspector had left the house\\nupon their first approach, and that the place to which he had retired was\\nunknown. They then declared that they must have whatever related to\\nhis office. They were answered that they might send persons, not ex-\\nceeding six, to search the house, and take away whatever papers they\\ncould find appertaining to the office. But not satisfied with this, they\\ninsisted, unconditionally, that the armed men who were in the house\\nfor its defence should march out and ground their arms, which Major\\nKirkpatrick peremptorily refused considering it and representing it to\\nthem as a proof of a design to destroy the property. This refusal put\\nan end to the parley.\\nA brisk firing then ensued between the insurgents and those in the\\nhouse, which, it is said, lasted for near an hour, till the assailants, ha-\\nving set fire to the neighboring and adjacent buildings, eight in number,\\nthe intenseness of the heat, and the danger of an immediate communica-\\ntion of the fire to the house, obliged Major Kirkpatrick and his small\\nparty to come out and surrender themselves. In the course of the\\nfiring one of the insurgents was killed and several wounded, and three\\nof the persons in the house were also wounded. The person killed, is\\nunderstood to have been the leader of the party, of the name of James\\nMcFarlane, then a major in the militia, formerly a lieutenant in the\\nPennsylvania line. The dwelling-house, after the surrender, shared the\\nfate of the other buildings, the whole of which were consumed to the\\nground. The loss of property to the inspector, upon this occasion, is\\nestimated, and as it is believed with great moderation, at not less than\\nthree thousand pounds.\\nThe marshal, Colonel Presly Neville, and several others, were taken\\nby the insurgents going to the inspector s house. All, except the mar-\\nshal and Colonel Neville, soon made their escape but these were car-\\nried off some distance from the place where the affray had happened,\\nand detained till one or two o clock the next morning. In the course of\\ntheir detention, the marshal in particular sufl ered very severe and hu-\\nmiliating treatment, and was frequently in imminent danger of his life.\\nSeveral of the party frequently presented their pieces at him with every\\nappearance of a design to assassinate, from which they were with diffi-\\nculty restrained by the efforts of a few more humane and more prudent.\\nNor could he obtain safety nor liberty, but upon the condition of a\\npromise, guarantied by Colonel Neville, that he would serve no other\\nprocess on the west side of the Alleghany Mountain. The alternate", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0476.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Attack on Mville. 447\\nbeing immediate death, extorted from the marshal a compliance with\\nthis condition, notwithstanding the just sense of official dignity, and the\\nfirmness of character which were witnessed by his conduct throughout\\nthe trying scenes he had experienced.\\nThe insurgents, on the 18th, sent a deputation of two of their num-\\nber (one a justice of the peace) to Pittsburgh, to require of the marshal\\na surrender of the process in his possession, intimating that his compli-\\nance would satisfy the people, and add to his safety and also to demand\\nof General Neville, in peremptory terms, the resignation of his office\\nthreatening, in case of refusal, to attack the place and take him by\\nforce; demands which both these officers did not hesitate to reject, as\\nalike incompatible with their honor and their duty.\\nAs it was well ascertained that no protection was to be expected from\\nthe magistrates or inhabitants of Pittsburgh, it became necessary to the\\nsafety, both of the inspector and the marshal, to quit that place and, as\\nit was known that all the usual routes to Philadelphia were beset by the\\ninsurgents, they concluded to descend the Ohio, and proceed, by a cir-\\ncuitous route, to the seat of Government; which they began to put in\\nexecution on the night of the 19th of July.*\\nThe following points, which are of great importance, do not\\nappear in the above narrative. First, it seems the attack was so\\ndeliberate that a committee of three was chosen to superintend it,\\nwho sat upon an elevation, and directed the various movements.!\\nSecond, it seems that the object aimed at was the destruction of\\nofficial papers, and not property or life.| Third, McFarlane, the\\ncommander of the rebels, was shot dead, when he exposed him-\\nself in consequence of a call from the house to cease firing this\\nw^as regarded as intentional murder on the part of the defenders.\\nFourth, there is doubt as to the burning having been authorised\\nby the committee of attack.\\nThe attack upon Neville s house was an outrage of so violent a\\ncharacter, and the feeling that caused it was of so mixed a nature\\nthat further movements were of necessity, to be expected. Those\\nwho thought themselves justified, as the early actors in the\\nRevolution had been, would of course go forward those who\\nanticipated the vengeance of the laws, thought it safer to press on\\nand make the rebellion formidable, than to stop and so be unable\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 112,\\nFindlay, 86, 87.--Brackenridge i. 18. Same authorities.\\nII Findlay, 87. Brackenridge, i. 19.\\nFindlay. p. 88, says it was unauthorised See in American Pioneer, ii. 207, an\\naccount of Neville and the attack on his house.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0477.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "448 United States Mail robbed by Bradford. 1790-95.\\nto hope for terms from the government the depraved looked for\\nphinder, the depressed for a chance to rise, the ambitious had the\\ngi-eat men of France in view before them, and the cowardly fol-\\nlowed what they dared not try to withstand.\\nThese various feelings showed themselves at a meeting held\\nJuly 23d at Mingo creek, the particulars of which are given by\\nBrackenridge,t who attended, in a vivid and clear narrative. The\\nmasses were half-mad, filled with true Parisian fury, and drove\\ntheir apparent leaders powerless before them. At this gathering a\\ngeneral convention to meet on the 14th of August, at Parkinson s\\nferry, now Williamsport, upon the Monongahela,| was agreed on;\\nbut the more violent meanwhile determined upon steps that would\\nentirely close the way to reconciliation with the Government\\nthese were 1st, the robbery of the mail, by which they expected\\nto learn who were their chief opponents next, the expulsion from\\nthe country of the persons thus made known and lastly, the seiz-\\nure of the United States arms and ammunition at Pittsburgh.\\nThe leading man in these desperate acts was David Bradford, an\\nattorney and politician of some eminence. The first step was suc-\\ncessfully taken on the 26th of July, and General John Gibson,\\nColonel Presly Neville son of General John Neville, and three\\nothers were found to have written letters in relation to the late\\nproceedings. U This being known, the people of Pittsburgh were\\nrequested by the Jacobins of the country to expel these persons\\nforthwith, and such was the fear of the citizens that the order was\\nobeyed, though unwillingly.** But the third project succeeded\\nless perfectly. In order to effect it a meeting of the masses had\\nbeen called for August 1st at Braddock s field; this call was made\\nin the form usual for militia musters, and all were notified to come\\nBrackenridge tells us this was the case with Bradford himself.\\nt Brackcnridge s Incidents of the Insurrection of 1794. vol. i. 30. Findley, 91.\\nI American Pioneer, ii. 65.\\nH Findley, 93 to 95. Brackenridge, i. 52, c.\\nFindley, 102.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Brackenridge, i. 56.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 iii. 148.\\n*J Brackenridge, i.39.\\nFindley, 93, c. Brackenridge, i. 45, 52. United States Gazette, August 8th, and\\nAugust 21st, 1794. In the Boston Independent Chronicle of August 18th, the proceed-\\nings of the Pittsburgh meeting are given at length. It is in accordance with the terror of\\nthe times that General Gibson, one of the accused, presided at the meeting which on the\\n31st of July, sent away the three letter-writers who were least known. (Edward Day,\\nJames Brison, and Abraham Kirkpatrick a few days after, August 4, his own and Col.\\nNeville s expulsion was agreed on. The meeting of July 31 was in session when a com-\\nmittee from Washington county brought in the news of the intercepted letters.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0478.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Plan to attack the United States Arsenal. 449\\narmed and equipped. Brackenridge was again present, though in\\nfear and trembling. Terror, indeed, appears to have ruled as per-\\nfectly as beyond the Atlantic. The Pittsburgh representatives had\\ngone to the conference from fear of being thought lukewarm in\\nthe rebel cause, and finding themselves suspected passed the day\\nin fear. The object of the gathering, an attack upon the United\\nStates arsenal, had been divulged to few, and upon farther consul-\\ntation was abandoned. But it was determined to march to Pitts-\\nburgh at any rate, for the purpose of intimidating the disaffected,\\nrobbing a few houses, and burning a few stores. The women of\\nthe country had gathered to see the sack of the city at the Fork\\nand it was with difficulty that the conflagration and robbery were\\nprevented the leaders in general opposed the excesses of their\\nfollowers the brother of the murdered McFarlane protected the\\nproperty of Major Kirkpatrick, and as others who were most inter-\\nested in the insurrection, showed equal vigor in the prevention of\\nviolence, the march to Pittsburgh resulted in nothing worse than\\nthe burning of a few barns and sheds.* When a knowledge of\\nthe attack on Neville s house and the subsequent proceedings\\nreached the Federal Government, it was thought to be time to\\ntake decided steps. On the 5th of August, Hamilton laid the\\nwhole matter before the President; Judge Wilson of the supreme\\ncourt having on the 4th certified the western counties to be in a\\nstate of insurrection f and upon the 7th, Washington issued his\\nProclamation giving notice that every means in his power would\\nbe used to put down the rebellion. As it was his wish, however,\\nand also that of Governor Mifflin of Pennsylvania,! that no pains\\nshould be spared to prevent a recourse to arms, Commissioners\\nwere appointed, three by the United States and two by the State,\\nto visit the West, and try to procure an abandonment of the insur-\\nrection without bloodshed. When these messengers reached\\nBrackenridge, i. 66, c.\\nt American State Papers, xx. 85, 106, c.\\nSee the correspondence of Governor Mifflin and Randolph. American State Papers,\\nXX. 97 to 106.\\nII The United States Commissioners were,\\n(James Ross, a Senator in Congress, very popular in vsrestern Pennsylvania.\\n/Jasper Veates, Associate Judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania.\\nWilliam Bradford, Attorney General of the United States.\\nThose of Pennsylvania v^ere,\\nt Thomas McKean, Chief Justice of the State.\\n(William Irvine, Representative in Congress.\\nSee their instructions. American State Papers, xx. 86.\\n29", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0479.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "450 Meeting of the Committee of Conference. 1790-95.\\nthe neighborhood of Pittsburgh the meeting at Parkinson s ferry\\nwas in session,* and Gallatin and others were trying to prevent\\nmatters from becoming worse than they already were.f This\\nmeeting, upon receiving notice of the approach of the Commis-\\nsioners, agreed to send a committee of conference! to treat with\\nthem and at the same time named a standing committee, one\\nfrom each township, making sixty in number, to whom the former\\nwere to report, and who were authorized to call a new meeting of\\ndeputies or recall the old ones, in order to accept or reject the\\nterms offered on the part of Government. On the 21st of August\\nthe Commissioners and Committee of conference met, and after\\nsome discussion agreed upon terms, which the representatives of\\nthe insurgents thought their constituents would do well to accept.\\nThey were then submitted to the standing committee, but in that\\nbody so much fear and mutual distrust prevailed, as to lead to a\\nmere recommendation to the people to accept the terms offered,\\nby a vote of 34 to 23, while the committee themselves failed to\\ngive the pledges which had been required of them. This state of\\nthings and the knowledge of the fact that even the recommenda-\\ntion was obtained only by shielding the voters through a vote by\\nballot, proved to the agents for Government that little was yet\\ndone towards tranquilizing the country. All the committee-men\\nand leaders were in dread of popular violence, and after various\\nletters had passed, and a second committee of conference had\\nagreed that it would be wise to adopt the terms offered by the\\nGovernment, the question was referred to the people themselves\\nwho were to sign their names to pledges prepared for the purpose\\nby which pledges they bound themselves to obey the law and help\\nThe full proceedings of the meeting at Parkinson s ferry may be found in the Boston\\nIndependent Chronicle, of September 1st.\\nt See United States Gazette of September 9th.\\nThe Conferees were from Westmoreland, Alleghany, Fayette, and Washington, and\\nOhio county, Virginia three from each. The correspondence of the Virginia Delegates\\nmay serve to show how illiterate they were, although with them were Gallatin, Bracken-\\nridge and others of equal education. (American State Papers, volume xx, 93.) For\\nanother specimen of the literary ignorance prevalent among the common people, see\\nBrackenridge, i. 77 Note. See in reference to the Conferees, c.. United States Gazette,\\nAugust 22d.\\nII See American State Papers, xx. 87 to 97. United States Gazette, September 6,\\nwhere the reasons which governed the conferees are given. Brackenridge i. 117. A full\\nreport by the Pennsylvania Commissioners is in the Boston Independent Chronicle, for\\nSeptember 22.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 95.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0480.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Call for the Militia by the President. 451\\nits operation, or if unwilling to do this they were to refuse dis-\\ntinctly to sign any such promise. This trial of popular sentiment\\nwas to take place on the 11th of September, in the presence of\\npersons who had been at the Parkinson ferry meeting, or of magis-\\ntrates; and the result of the vote was to be by them certified to\\nthe Commissioners. It would have been well to have given a\\nlonger time that the good disposition of the leaders might have\\nhad an opportunity of spreading among the people, but as the\\nPresident in his proclamation had required a dispersion by the 1st\\nof September, it was thought impossible to wait. On the 11th a\\nvote was taken, but very imperfect and unsatisfactory.* In some\\nportions of the country men openly refused obedience to the law;\\nin some they were silent in some they merely voted by ballot for\\nand against submission and upon the whole gave so little proof\\nof a disposition to support the legal officers that the judges of the\\nvote did not feel willing to give certificates that offices of inspec-\\ntion could be safely established in the several counties, and the\\nCommissioners were forced to return to Philadelphia without hav-\\ning accomplished their objects. f On the 24th of September they\\nreported their proceedings and failure to the President; who, upon\\nthe 25th, called the militia of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Mary-\\nland, and Virginia, into the field under the command of Henry\\nLee, Governor of the State last named. Washington himself\\nvisited the troops and met some deputations from the western\\ncounties, but was unable to accompany the army to Pittsburgh,\\nw^hither, how^ever, General Hamilton went to represent the Execu-\\ntive. II No resistance was oflTered to the army, although the soldiers\\nin many cases showed a spirit as bad as that of the rebels, and\\nmost needless cruelty was in some cases practiced.** Bradford,\\nand a few of the most prominent friends of violence fled to the\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 96-89. United States Gazette, September 22 and 26.\\nFindley, 130. Boston Independent Chronicle, October 2.\\nt American State Papers, xx^ 90. United States Gazette. September 5th and 6th.\\nJosiah Harmar was Adjutant General to the militia of Pennsylvania. (United States\\nGazette, September 12th3 c., c.)\\n11 American State Papers, xx. 97. Sparks Washington, x. 439.\\nSparks Washington, x. 441, note. ^Findley the historian of the insurrection was the\\ndeputy referred to see in his history an account of his mission, c.\\nf See parts of his journal in Sparks Washington, x. 450, note.\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 213. Brackenridge, ii. 79, c.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0481.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "452 Ending of the Whiskey Riots. 1790-95,\\nSpanish provinces of the southwest.* To prevent a renewal of\\nthe insurrection and secure obedience to the law an armed force\\nunder General Morgan remained through the winter west of the\\nmountains.! Thus, at a cost of 669^992. 34 dollars,| the whiskey\\nriots were ended.\\nBut there is reason to think the money was well spent and that\\nthe insurrection was a wholesome eruption. It served several good\\npurposes it alarmed the wiser portion of the Democratic party,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0who saw how much of Jacobin fury lay hidden in the American\\npeople it proved to the wiser part of the friends of the Administra-\\ntion that the societies they so much hated, even if they originated\\nthe evil feelings prevalent in the west, would not countenance\\nthe riotous acts that followed the unruly portion of the western\\npeople w^as awed by the energy of the Executive, and to those\\nwho loved order the readiness of the militia to march to the sup-\\nport of the Government was evidence of a much better disposition\\nthan most had hoped to find,\u00c2\u00a7 In addition to these advantages,\\nwe may name the activity of business caused by the expenditure\\nof so large a sum in the west, and the increase of frontier popula-\\ntion from the ranks of the army.H\\nTurning to the region north of the Ohio, we have to notice, Ist^\\nthe settlement of Galliopolis, commonly called Gallipolis.\\nIn May or June, 1788, Joel Barlow left this country for Europe,\\nauthorized to dispose of a very large body of land in the west.**\\nIn 1790, this gentleman distributed proposals in Paris, for the sale\\nof lands, at five shillings per acre, which promised, says Volney,\\na climate healthy and delightful scarcely such a thing as frost in\\nwinter a river called by way of eminence, The Beautiful,\\nabounding in fish of an enormous size; magnificent forests of a\\ntree from which sugar flows, and a shrub which yields candles\\nBrackenridge and Findley. Marshall s Washington, v. 5S9. In 1S06 Bradford was\\nat Baton Rouge see testimony of John Morgan, American State Papers, xx. 501.\\nt American State Papers, xx. 112. American State Papers, vii. 661.\\nSee Washington s speech of November 19th, in Sparks, xii. 44 to 52.\\nSparks Washington, x. 446. 454. xii. 50. Among those who deserve to be remem-\\nbered in connection with the whiskey riots, is Judge Addison, whose support of the law\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0was marked and temperate see his charge to the Grand Jury of Alleghany county, on the\\n1st of September it is in the United States Gazette of September 13th. The Jury did not,\\nprobably dared not, respond to its views. See a letter by Brackenridge in United States\\nGazette, September 29th.\\nAmerican Pioneer, ii. 214.\\nSparks Washington, vol. ix, p. 386.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0482.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "1790-95, Settlement of Galliopolis. 453\\nrenison in abundance without foxes, wolves, lions or tigers no\\ntaxes to pay no military enrolments no quarters to find for sol-\\ndiers. Purchasers became numerous, individuals and whole fam-\\nilies disposed of their property; and, in the course of 1791, some\\nembarked at Havre, others at Bordeaux, Nantes, or Rochelle,\\neach with his title-deed in his pocket.* Five hundred settlers,\\namong whom were not a few carvers and gilders to his Majesty,\\ncoachmakers, friseurs, and peruke-makers, f and other artizans and\\nartistes equally well fitted for a backwoods life, arrived in the\\nUnited States in 1791-92 and, acting without concert, travelling\\nwithout knowledge of the language, customs or roads, they at last\\nmanaged to reach the spot designated for their residence, after ex-\\npending nearly or quite, the whole proceeds of their sales in\\nFrance.\\nThey reached the spot designated, but it was only to learn, that\\nthe persons whose title-deeds they held did not own one foot of\\nland, and that they had parted with all their worldly goods merely\\nto reach a wilderness, which they knew not how to cultivate, in\\nthe midst of a people, of whose speech and ways they knew\\nnothing, and at the very moment when the Indians were carrying\\ndestruction to every white man s hearth. Without food, without\\nland, with little money, no experience, and with want and danger\\nclosing around them, they were in a position that none but French-\\nmen could be in without despair.\\nWho brought them to this pass Volney says, the Scioto Com-\\npany which had bought of the Ohio Company Mr. Hall says in his\\nLetters from the West (p. 137,) a company who had obtained a\\ngrant from the United States; and, in his Statistics of the West\\n(p. 164,) the Scioto Company, which was formed from or by the\\nOhio Company, as a subordinate. Barlow, he says, was sent to\\nEurope by the Ohio Company; and by them the lands in question\\nwere conveyed to the Scioto Company. Kilbourn says, the Sci-\\noto Land Company, which intended to buy of Congress all the\\ntract between the western boundary of the Ohio Company s pur-\\nchase and the Scioto, directed the French settlers to Gallipolis,\\nsupposing it to be west of the Ohio Company s purchase, though\\nit proved not to be. The Company, he tells us, failed to make\\nView of the climate and soil of the United States, c. The sugar-tree was the maple,\\nand the wax-bearing myrtl\u00c2\u00ab the shrub that yielded candles,\\nf Brackenridge s Recollections, p. 42.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0483.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "454 Suffeiings of Galliopolis Settlers. 1790-95\\ntheir payments, and the whole proposed purchase remained with\\ngovernment.*\\nThe truth undoubtedly is, that those for whom Barlow acted,\\nwere the persons referred to by Doctor Cutler,! who joined with\\nthe Ohio Company in their purchase to the extent of three and one-\\nhalf millions of acres among whom, he says, were many of the\\nprincipal characters of America. These characters, however, never\\npaid for their lands, and could give no title to the emigrants they had\\nallured across tlie ocean. Their excuse was that their agents had de-\\nceived them, I but it was a plea good neither in morals or law. Who\\nthose agents were, and how far they were guilty, and how far the\\ncompany was so, are points wdiich seem to be still involved in doubt.\\nBut, whatever doubt there may be as to the causes of the suffer-\\ning, there can be none as to the sufferers. The poor gilders, and\\ncarvers, and peruke-makers, who had followed a jack-a-lantern\\ninto the literally howding wilderness, found that their lives de-\\npended upon their labor. They must clear the ground build their\\nhouses, and till their fields. Now the spot upon which they had\\nbeen located by the Scioto Company was covered in part w ith\\nthose immense button-wood or Sycamore trees, which are so fre-\\nquent along the rivers of the west, and to remove which is no\\nsmall undertaking even for the American woodman. The coach-\\nmakers were wholly at a loss but at last, hoping to conquer by a\\ncoup-de-main, they tied ropes to the branches, and while one dozen\\npulled at them with might and main, another dozen went at the\\ntrunk with axes, hatchets, and every variety of edged tool, and by\\ndint of perseverance and cheerfulness at length overcome the\\nmonster though not without some hair-breadth escapes for when\\na mighty tree, that had been hacked on all sides, fell, it required a\\nFrenchman s heels to avoid the sweep of the wide-spread branches.\\nBut, when they had felled the vast vegetable, they were little bet-\\nter oif than before for they could not move or burn it. At last a\\ngood idea came to their aid and while some chopped off the\\nlimbs, others dug, by the side of the trunk, a great grave, into\\nwhich, with many a heave, they rolled their fallen enemy.\\nTheir houses they did not build in the usual straggling American\\nKilbourn s Gazcteer, 1831.\\nt See ante, p. 289. This appears to be demonstrated by the fact that Colonel Ducr, who\\napplied to Dr. Cutler to take in another company, did, as the agent of the Scioto Com-\\npany, receive the French and send them to Galliopolis. (American State Papers, xvi.30.)\\ni M. Meulette, one of the settlers, in American Pioneer, ii. 185.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0484.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Settlements in Virginia Reserve. 455\\nstyle, but made two rows or blocks of log cabins, each cabin being\\nabout sixteen feet square while at one end was a larger room,\\nwhich was used as a council-chamber and ball-room.\\nIn the way of cultivation they did little. The land was not\\ntheirs, and they had no motive to improve it; and, moreover, their\\ncoming was in the midst of the Indian war. Here and there a\\nlittle vegetable garden was formed but their main supply of food\\nthey were forced to buy from boats on the river, by w^hich means\\ntheir remaining funds were sadly broken in upon. Five of their\\nnumber were taken prisoner by the Indians food became scarce\\nin the fall, a marsh behind the town sent up miasmata that pro-\\nduced fevers then winter came, and, despite Mr. Barlow s promise,\\nbrought frost in plenty and, by and by, they heard from beyond\\nseas of the carnage that was desolating the fire-sides they had left.\\nNever were men in a more mournful situation but still, twice in the\\nweek, the whole colony came together, and to the sound of the\\nviolin danced off hunger and care. The savage scout that had\\nbeen lurking all day in the thicket, listened to the strange music,\\nand, hastening to his fellows, told them, that the whites would be\\nupon them, for he had seen them at their war dance and the\\ncareful Connecticut man, as he guided his broad-horn in the shadow\\nof the Virginia shore, wondered what mischief the red varmint\\nwere at next or, if he knew the sound of the fiddle, shook his head,\\nas he thought of the whiskey that must have been used to produce\\nall that merriment.\\nBut French vivacity, though it could v/ork wonders, could not\\npay for land. Some of the Gallipolis settlers went to Detroit,\\nothers to Kaskaskia a few bought their lands of the Ohio Compa-\\nny, who treated them with great liberality and, in 1795, Con-\\ngress, being informed of the circumstances, granted to the sufferers\\ntwenty-four thousand acres of land opposite Little Sandy River, to\\nwhich, in 1798, twelve hundred acres more were added which\\ntract has been since known as French Grant.\\nThe influence of this settlement upon the State was unimportant\\nbut it forms a curious little episode in Ohio history, and affords a\\nstrange example of national character.*\\nDuring this period, however, other settlements had been taking\\nplace in Ohio, which, in their influence upon the destinies of the\\nState were deeply felt we mean that of the Virginia Reserve be-\\nSee the communication of Mr. Meulette referred to above. We liave something from\\noral communications. Also American Pioneer, i. 94. 95. American State Papers, xvi. 29.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0485.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "456 Contract of J^athaniel Massie and others. 1790-95.\\ntween the Scioto and Little Miami rivers, that of the Connecticut\\nReserve, and that of Dayton.\\nIn 1787, the reserved lands of the Old Dominion, north of the\\nOhio, were examined, and in August of that year, entries were\\ncommenced.* Against the validity of these entries. Congress, in\\n1788, entered their protest, f This protest, which was practically\\na prohibition of settlement, was withdrawn in 1790. As soon as\\nthis was done, it became an object to have surveys made in the\\nreserved region, but as this was an undertaking of great danger in\\nconsequence of the Indian wars, high prices in land or money had\\nto be paid the surveyors.| The person who took the lead in this\\ngainful but unsafe enterprise, was Nathaniel Massie, then twenty-\\nseven years old. He had been for six years or more in the west,\\nand had prepared himself in Colonel Anderson s office for the de-\\ntails of his business. Thus prepared, in December, 1790, he en-\\ntered into the following contract with certain persons therein named.\\nArticles of agreement between Nathaniel Massie, of one part, and the\\nseveral persons that have hereunto subscribed of the other part, wit-\\nnesseth that the subscribers hereof doth oblige themselves to settle in\\nthe town laid off, on the northwest side of the Ohio, opposite to the\\nlower part of the Two Islands and make said town, or the neighborhood,\\non the northwest side of the Ohio, their permanent seat of residence for\\ntwo years from the date hereof; no subscriber shall absent himself more\\nthan two months at a time, and during such absence furnish a strong\\nable-bodied man sufficient to bear arms at least equal to himself; no sub-\\nscriber shall absent himself the time above mentioned in case of actual\\ndanger, nor shall such absence be but once a year no subscriber shall\\nabsent himself in case of actual danger, or if absent shall return imme-\\ndiately. Each of the subscribers doth oblige themselves to comply with\\nthe rules and regulations that shall be agreed on by a majority thereof\\nfor the support of the settlement.\\nIn consideration whereof, Nathaniel Massie doth bind and oblige\\nhimself, his heirs, c., to make over and convey to such of the\\nsubscribers that comply with the above mentioned conditions, at the\\nexpiration of two years, a good and sufficient title unto one in-lot in\\nsaid town, containing five poles in front and eleven back, one out-lot of\\nfour acres convenient to said town, in the bottom, which the said Massie\\nis to put them in immediate possession of, also one hundred acres of\\nMcDonald s Sketches, 26. American Pioneer, i. 438.\\nOld Journals, iv. 836. Passed July 17th.\\nFrom one-fourth to one-half the lands surveyed, or ten pounds, Virginia currency, per\\nthousand acres, beside chain-men s expenses. (McDonald, 28.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0486.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Connecticut sells her Reserve. 457\\nland, which the said Massie has shown to a part of the subscribers\\nthe conveyance to be made to each of the subscribers, their heirs or\\nassigns.\\nIn witness whereof, each of the parties have hereunto set their hands\\nand seals, this 1st day of December, 1790.*\\nThe town thus laid off was situated some twelve miles above Mays-\\nville, and was called Manchester it is still known to the voyager\\non the Ohio. From this point Massie and his companions made sur-\\nveying expeditions through the perilous years from 1791 to 1796,\\nbut, though often distressed and in danger, they were never weari-\\ned nor afraid and at length, with Wayne s treaty all danger of\\nimportance was at an end.f\\nConnecticut, as we have stated, had,|: in 1786 resigned her\\nclaims to w^estern lands, with the exception of a reserved tract ex-\\ntending one hundred and twenty miles beyond Pennsylvania. Of\\nthis tract, so far as the Indian title was extinguished, a survey was\\nordered in October, 1786, and an office opened for its disposal;\\npart was sold, and in 1792, half a milion of acres were given to\\nthose citizens of Connecticut, who had lost property by the acts of\\nthe British troops, during the Revolutionary War, at New London,\\nNew Haven and elsewhere these lands are known as the Fire-\\nlands and the Sufferers lands, |1 and lie in the western part of\\nthe Reserve. In May, 1795, the Legislature of Connecticut au-\\nthorised a committee to take steps for the disposal of the remainder\\nof their western domain this committee made advertisement ac-\\ncordingly, and before autumn had disposed of it to fifty-six persons,\\nforming the Connecticut Land Company, for one million two hun-\\ndred thousand dollars, and upon the 5th or the 9th of September,\\nquit-claimed to the purchasers the whole title of the State, territo-\\nrial and juridical. These purchasers, on the same day conveyed\\nthe three millions of acres transferred to them by the State, to John\\nMorgan, John Caldwell, and Jonathan Bruce, in trust; and upon\\nthe quit-claim deeds of those trustees, the titles to all real estate in\\nthe Western Reserve, of necessity rest. Surveys were commenced\\nin 1796, and by the close of 1797, all the lands east of the Cuya-\\nAmerican Pioneer i. 72.\\nMcDonald s Sketch of Generd Massie.\\nt p. 284.\\nI American State Papers, v. 696.\\nFor the title of Connecticut and the above facts, see American State Papers, xvi. 94\\nto 98, and American Pioneer, ii. 24.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0487.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "458 Settlement of Dayton. 1790-95.\\nlioga were divided into townships five miles square. The agent\\nof the Connecticut Land Company was General Moses Cleveland,\\nand in honor of him the leading city of the Reserve, in 1796,\\nreceived its name. That township and five others were retained\\nfor private sale, and the remainder were disposed of by a lottery,\\nthe first drawing in which took place in February, 1798.*\\nWayne s treaty also led at once to the foundation of Dayton, and\\nthe peopling of that fertile region. The original proposition by\\nSymmes had been for the purchase of two millions of acres between\\nthe Miamies this was changed very shortly to a contract for one\\nmillion, extending from the great Miami eastwardly twenty miles\\nbut the contractor being unable to pay for all he wished, in 1792,\\na patent was issued for 248,540 acres. But although his tract\\nwas by contract limited toward the east, and greatly curtailed in\\nits extent toward the north by his failure to pay the whole amount\\ndue. Judge Symmes had not hesitated to sell lands lying between\\nthe eastern boundary of his purchase and the Little Miami, and\\neven after his patent issued continued to dispose of an imaginary\\nright in those north of the quantity patented. The first irregularitj-,\\nthe sale of lands along the Little Miami, was cured by the act of\\nCongress in 1792, which authorized the extension of his purchase\\nfrom one river to the other but the sales of territory north of the\\ntract transferred to him by Congress, were so entirely unauthor-\\nized in the view of the Government, that in 1796 it refused to\\nrecognize them as valid, and those who had become purchasers\\nbeyond the patent line, were at the mercy of the Federal rulers,\\nuntil an act was procured in their favor in 1799, by which pre-\\nemption rights were secured to them.f Among those who were\\nthus left in suspense during three years, were the settlers through-\\nout the region of which Dayton forms the centre.\\nSeventeen days after Wayne s treaty, St. Clair, Wilkinson, Jon-\\nathan Dayton and Israel Ludlow contracted with Symmes for the\\nseventh and eighth ranges between Mad river and the Little Miami.\\nThree settlements were to be made, one at the mouth of Mad river,\\none on the Little Miami, in the seventh range, and another on the\\nMad river. On the 21st of September, 1795, Daniel C. Cooper\\nstarted to survey and mark out a road in the purchase, and John\\nDunlap to run its boundaries, which was done before the 4th of\\n*See American Pioneer, ii. 23, c.\\nt See for the full particulars of Symmes contract, American State Papers, xvi. 75. 104.\\n127-", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0488.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Vanous Land Speculations. 45\\nOctober. Upon tlie 4th of November, Mr. Ludlow laid off the\\ntown of Dayton, which was disposed of by lottery.*\\nFrom 1790 to 1795, the Governor and Judges of the North-\\nWest Territory published sixty four statutes. Thirty-four of these\\nwere adopted at Cincinnati, during June, July and August of the\\nlast named year, and were intended to form a pretty complete body\\nof statutory provisions: they are known as the Maxwell Code,\\nfrom the name of the publisher, but were passed by Governor St.\\nClair and Judges Symmes and Turner. Among them was that\\nwhich provided that the common law of England and all statutes\\nin aid thereof made previous to the fourth year of James the 1st,\\nshould be in full force within the territory. Of the system, as a\\nwhole, Mr Chase says, that with many imperfections, it may be\\ndoubted whether any colony, at so early a period after its first\\nestablishment, ever had one so good. t\\nJust after the conclusion of Wayne s treaty, a speculation in\\nMichigan of the most gigantic .kind was undertaken by certain\\nastute Yankees, named Robert Randall, Charles Whitney, Israel\\nJones, Ebenezer Allen, c., who, in connection with varions per-\\nsons in and about Detroit proposed to buy of the Indians eighteen\\nor twenty million acres, lying on lakes Erie, Huron, and Michigan,\\nthe pre-emption right of which they hoped to obtain from the\\nUnited States, by giving members of Congress an interest in the\\ninvestment. Some of the members who were approached, how-\\never, revealed the plan, and Randall, the principal conspirator\\nhaving been reprimanded, the whole speculation disappeared. J\\nAnother enterprise, equally gigantic, but far less objectionable,\\ndates from the 20th of February, 1795 we refer to the North\\nAmerican Land Company, which was formed in Philadelphia un-\\nder the management of Robert Morris, John Nicholson and James\\nGreenleaf. This Company owned vast tracts in various States,\\nwhich, under an agreement bearing date as above, were offered to\\nthe public. II\\nBut we have hitherto taken no notice of the provisions of Jay s\\ntreaty,\u00c2\u00a7 in so far as it concerned the west; nor have we mentioned\\n*_See B. Van Cleves Memoranda, American Pioneer, ii. 294. 295.\\nt Sketch of History of Ohio, p. 27. For the laws from 1790 to 1795, see Chase s\\nStatutes, i. 103 to 204.\\nSee papers and evidence, American State Papers, xx. 125 to 133.\\nII Observations on the North American Land Company, London, 1796. Imlay (Ed\\n1797) p. 572.\\nFor tlie dates in respect to Jay s treaty, see note, p. 415.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0489.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "460 Jafs Treaty. 1790-95.\\nthe negotiations with Spain which secured the use of the Mississip-\\npi. To these we may now turn. The portion of Mr. Jay s treaty\\nwith which we are concerned, is the second article, and that is as\\nfollows\\nArt. 2. His Majesty will withdraw all his troops and garrisons from\\nall posts and places within the boundary lines assigned by the treaty of\\npeace to the United States. This evacuation shall take place on or\\nbefore the first day of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-\\nsix, and all the proper measures shall be taken in the interval by concert\\nbetween the government of the United States and His Majesty s Gover-\\nnor general in America, for settling the previous arrangements which\\nmay be necessary respecting the delivery of the said posts the United\\nStates, in the mean time, at their discretion, extending their settlements\\nto any part within the said boundary line, except within the precincts\\nor jurisdiction of any of the said posts. All settlers and traders within\\nthe precincts or jurisdiction of the said posts, shall continue to enjoy,\\nunmolested, all their property, of every kind, and shall be protected\\ntherein. They shall be at full liberty to remain there, or to remove\\nwith all or any part of their effects and it shall also be free to them to\\nsell their lands, houses or effects, or retain the property thereof, at their\\ndiscretion such of them as shall continue to reside within the said\\nboundary lines shall not be compelled to become citizens of the United\\nStates, or to take any oath of allegiance to the government thereof; but\\nthey shall be at full liberty so to do if they think proper, and they shall\\nmake and declare their election within one year after the evacuation\\naforesaid. And all persons who shall continue there after the expiration\\nof the said year, without having declared their intention of remaining\\nsubjects of His Britannic Majesty, shall be considered as having\\nelected to become citizens of the United States.*\\nTurning to the negotiation with Spain, we find, that in Novem-\\nber, 1794, Thomas Pinckney was despatched to treat with the\\ncourt of Madrid, in relation to boundaries, to the Mississippi, and\\nto general trade. Many reams of paper had been spoiled by pre-\\nvious raessengers, Jay, Carmichael and Short, to little purpose,\\nand it was a matter of three months farther correspondence, to\\nmature the treaty of October 27th, 1795. This treaty, signed by\\nplain Thomas Pinckney, a citizen of the United States, and their\\nenvoy extraordinary to His Catholic Majesty, on the one part,\\nand on the other by the most Excellent Lord Don Manuel de\\nAmerican State Papers, i, 520. For the treaty and correspondence entire, see Am.\\nState Papers i, 470 to 525.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0490.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Treaty mth Spain. 461\\nGodoy and Alvarez de Faria, Rios, Sanchez, Zarzosa, Prince de\\nla Paz, Duke de la Alcudia, Lord of the Soto de Roma and of the\\nState of Albala, Grandee of Spain of the first class, Perpetual Regi-\\ndor of the city of Santiago, Knight of the illustrious order of the\\nGolden Fleece and Great Cross of the royal and distinguished\\nSpanish order of Charles III., Commander of Valencia del Ventoso\\nRivera, and Aceuchal in that of Santiago, Knight and Great Cross\\nof the religious order of St. John, Counsellor of State, First Secre-\\ntary of State and Despatcho, Secretary to the Queen, Superintend-\\nent General of the Ports and highways, Protector of the Royal\\nAcademy of the noble Arts and of the Royal Societies of Natural\\nHistory, Botany, Chemistry, and Astronomy, Gentleman of the\\nKing s chamber in employment. Captain General of his armies,\\nInspector and Major of the Royal Corps of Body Guards, c.,\\nc., c., contains, among other provisions, the following, once\\ndeeply interesting to the West.\\nArt 4. It is likewise agreed that the western boundary of the United\\nStates, which separates them from the Spanish colony of Louisiana^ is\\nin the middle of the channel or bed of the river Mississippi, from the\\nnorthern boundary of the said States to the completion of the thirty-first\\ndegree of latitude north of the equator. And his Catholic Majesty has\\nlikewise agreed that the navigation of the said river, in its whole\\nbreadth, from its source to the ocean, shall be free only to his subjects\\nand the citizens of the United States, unless he should extend this privi-\\nlege to the subjects of other powers by special convention.\\nAnd in consequence of the stipulations contained in the fourth article.\\nHis Catholic Majesty will permit the citizens of the United States, for\\nthe space of three years from this time, to deposit their merchandise\\nand effects in the port of New Orleans, and to export them from thence\\nwithout paying any other duty than a fair price for the hire of the\\nstores and his Majesty promises either to continue this permission, if\\nhe finds, during that time, that it is not prejudicial to the interests of\\nSpain, or, if he should not agree to continue it there, he will assign to\\nthem, on another part of the banks of the Mississippi, an equivalent\\nestablishment.t\\nThis, being approved, closed the Mississippi sore, and defeated\\nthe plans of Sebastian.\\nThe after history of this man of many titles is a lesson worth the study of all those in\\npower: see his memoirs translated, London, 1836; also an article in Westminster Re-\\nview, for April, 1836.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f American State Papers, i. 547. 549. For treaty, see American State Papers, i. 546 to\\n549. For Pinckney s Correspondence, do. 533 to 546. ^For that of Jay, Carmichael and\\nShort, do. 131. 248 to 278. 328. 433 to 446.\\n;t Ante, p. 428.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0491.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "1796.\\nTlie great event of this year was the final transfer of the north-\\nern posts from Britain to the United States, under Jay s treaty.\\nThis was to have taken place on or before the 1st of June,* but\\nowing to the late period at which the House of Representatives,\\nafter their memorable debate upon the treaty, passed the necessary\\nappropriations, it was July before the American Government felt\\nitself justified in addressing the authorities in Canada in regard to\\nDetroit and the other frontier forts. f When at last called upon to\\ngive them up the British at once did so, and Wayne transferred\\nhis head-quarters to the neighborhood of the Lakes, where a\\ncounty named from him was established, including the northwest of\\nOhio, the northeast of Indiana, and the whole of Michigan.\\nMeanwhile the treaty with Spain was likely to become ineffectual\\nin consequence of the alliance of Spain and France upon the 19th\\nof August, and the diflficulties which at the same time arose be-\\ntween the latter power and the United States. 1| Spain took ad-\\nvantage of the new position of affairs to refuse the delivery of the\\nposts on the Mississippi as had been stipulated, and proceeded,\\nas we have already related, to tempt the honesty of leading west-\\nern politicians.^\\nDuring this year settlements went on rapidly in the West.\\nEarly in the year Nathaniel Massie, of whom we have already\\nspoken, took steps to found a town upon the Scioto on a portion\\nof the lands which he had entered. This town he named, when\\nsurveyed, Chillicothe.**\\nSee treaty. Ante, p. 460,\\nt Washington s speech, American State Papers, i. 30.\\nI Chase s Sketch, 27.\\nII Pitkins History United States, ii. 4S4. American State Papers, i. 559 to 760.\\nAdams speed), American State Papers, i. 44. Documents, do. ii. 20 itc, 66 S.c.\\n78 c.\\nH Ante, p. 428.\\nMcDonald s Sketches, 56, GO to 64. McDonald, [p. 62,] says this meant town,\\nand that there was a New and an Old Chillicothe, the former on tlie Little Miami, the\\nlatter on Paint Creek. Boone, Filson, and various others, however, speak of the town\\non the Miami as Old Chillicothe, There was also a CluUicothe on the Maumee. Drake", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0492.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "1796. Death of General Wayne. 463\\nOne hundred in and out-lots in the town, were chosen by lot,\\nby the first one hundred settlers, as a donation, according to the\\noriginal proposition of the proprietor. A number of in and out-\\nlots were also sold to other persons, desiring to settle in the town.\\nThe first choice of in-lots were disposed of for the moderate sum\\nof ten dollars each. The town increased rapidly, and before the\\nwunter of 1796, it had in it several stores, taverns, and shops for\\nmechanics. The arts of civilized life soon began to unfold their\\npower and influence in a more systematic manner, than had ever\\nbeen witnessed by many of its inhabitants, especially those w^ho\\nwere born and raised in the frontier settlements, where neither law\\nnor gospel were understood or attended to.\\nIn September the town of Cleveland was surveyed f during\\nthe spring and summer various families settled along the Great\\nMiami from Middleton to Piqua:| the Iroquois resigned to the\\nConnecticut Land Company, all their claims to the Western Re-\\nserve east of the Cuyahoga while in the more distant West,\\nsettlers and speculators began to appear in larger numbers. From\\nKaskaskia, in January of this year, a petition came signed by four\\npersons, asking that slaves might there be tolerated, which was\\nrefused by Congress. St. Louis at this time contained seventy\\nhouses. Five or six rich families were intermingled with five\\nhundred poorer people and there, as well as at Kaskaskia and\\nother French settlements, the tendency was to concentrate property\\nin a few hands: nearly all of the oldest of western towns belonged\\nto one family.H Toward the close of the year. General Wayne\\non his return from Detroit to the eastern States fell sick and died,\\nat or near Erie, (Presqu ile.)**\\nDuring 1796 Samuel Jackson, and Jonathan Sharpless, erected\\nthe Redstone Papermill, four miles east of Brownsville the\\nfirst manufactory of the kind west of the mountains, ff\\nin his introduction to the Life of Tecumseh, p. 17, tells us that one tribe or sub-tribe\\nof the Shawanese was named Chillicothe were not the towns named from that\\ntribe? Another tribe was named Piqua.\\nMcDonald, 62. f American Pioneer, ii. 24.\\nAmerican Pioneer, ii. 295. |j American Pioneer, ii. 23.\\nAmerican State Papers, xvi. 68: see post.\\nf Volney s View, 381, 376.\\nBurnet s Letters, 49, Allen s American Biography.\\n|-t American Pioneer, i 64.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0493.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "1797.\\nIn 1797, Power, as has been already related, visited, on behalf\\nof Spain Sebastian in Kentucky, and afterwards Wilkinson at\\nDetroit, where that commander had his head-quarters for the\\ntime.* Nor was His Catholic Majesty contented with underhand\\noperations, but proceeded to reinforce and strengthen his upper\\nposts on the Mississippi, and took measures to enlist the Indians\\nin his favor ;t all professedly against England, however.^\\nDaniel Boone during this year removed west of the Mississippi,\\ninto the dominions of Spain: he with his pack-horses, in the\\nmonth of October, left the pleasant valleys of Virginia and Ken-\\ntucky. II He had been for some years a resident of the valley of\\nthe Kenhawa, Kentucky being too attractive to settlers, and his\\nlands so badly entered as to give him no title. In Louisiana he\\nreceived on the 28th of January, 1798, a grant of land from the\\nSpanish Government: this, however, w^as informally made; but\\na petition was offered the Government, and an act of Congress at\\nlength obtained, February 10, 1814, confirming the grant, and\\nsaving from entire poverty the most remarkable of the frontier\\nmen, the beau-ideal of his class.\\nThe occupying claimant law of Kentucky, which was\\nintended to relieve those who were ejected from lands, from the\\nhardship of paying rent for the time they had held them, while\\ntheir improvements were not paid for or regarded, was also\\npassed in this year. It was afterwards decided by the Supreme\\nCourt of the United States, to be unconstitutional, but the justice\\nof that decision was not acquiesced in by the best men of Ken-\\ntucky ,51 and the Appellate Court of that State never recognized it\\nupon the ground that it was not a decision of the majority of the\\nSupreme Court.**\\nDetroit, during 1797, contained, as we learn from Weld,tt three\\nhundred houses.\\nSee Powers Narrative in Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. Appendix, No. xlv. and Wilkin-\\nson s own remarks same volume, p. 214, c.: see also Marshall, ii. 225, c.\\nSee Letter of Winthrop Sargent. American State Papers, ii. 88.\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 78 to 103.\\nII American Pioneer, i. 327. Land Laws, 642.\\nf Marshall, ii. 208, c.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler, 266 to 279.\\nButler, 279. tt Volume ii. 183.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0494.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "1798.\\nOn the 7th of April in this year, an act was passed organizing\\nthe Territory of Mississippi,* and Winthrop Sargent, who had thus\\nfar been Secretary of the north-western, was appointed Governor\\nof the south-western realm belonging to the United States, f Wil-\\nkinson, during this spring, had been ordered to the country still\\nheld by the Spaniards, who, however, abandoned the region in\\ndispute without serious opposition. By the 10th of October, the\\nline dividing the possessions of Spain and the Federal Govern-\\nment was in a great measure run,|| and the head quarters of the\\nAmerican commander were fixed at Loftus Heights, six miles\\nnorth of the 31st degree of north latitude.\\nThe appointment of Sargent to the charge of the South-west\\nTerritory, led to the choice of William Henry Harrison, who had\\nbeen aid-de-camp to General Wayne in 1794, and whose character\\nstood very high in the estimation of all who knew him, to the\\nSecretaryship of the North- West ;1I which place he held until ap-\\npointed to represent that Territory in Congress.\\nAmerican State Papers, sx. 203.\\nt Sargent seems to have been an unpopular man, even more so than St. Clair see\\nBurnet s letters, p. 79. In ISOl, he was accused of misdoings in Mississippi. (American State\\nPapers, xx. 233 to 241.) The following advertisement is from Freeman s Journal, (Cin-\\ncinnati,) of November 26, 1796:\u00e2\u0080\u0094 To the Generous Public In the month of July, 1794, I\\nhad some business to do at Greenville with the army. In my absence, the Great and\\nHonorable Winthrop Sargent, Esq. arrived at this place he got the consent of Mrs. Mun-\\nsell to tarry in my house until my return, which was within a few days. I informed him\\non my arrival, I could not spare that part of my house which he occupied, therefore re-\\nquested him to remove, but as he had got possession, he chose to keep it; after he had\\nlived in it for seventeen weeks, I was obliged to hire my house to get rid of him. On the\\n2d day of this month I made out my bill, and signed my receipt in full sent it by my boy,\\nwith a request for him to send me the money by the boy he would not. On the 19th, I\\nwrote him a few lines, and demanded the money, or my receipt, and in particular an an-\\nswer, but he would not do either as he had got the advantage, he chose to keep it.\\nI write these few lines to let the world know what an exalted character we have got\\nfor a Deputy Governor in this country. LEVI MUNSELL,\\nCincinnati, Hamilton County, North-West of the River Ohio, 25th November, 1796.\\nThe editor of the Kentucky Herald will particularly oblige the subscriber by inserting the\\nabove.\\nI Wilkinson s Memoirs, i. 434.\\nQ American State Papers, xx. 710.\\nWilkinson Memoirs, ii. 133.\\nBurnet, in Ohio Historical Transactions, part 2, vol. i. p 69.\\n30", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0495.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "466 JVullification in Kentucky. 1799.\\nTlic north-western Territory, as may be seen by a reference to\\nthe ordinance of 1787,* was to have a representative assembly as\\nsoon as its inhabitants numbered five thousand. Upon the 29th\\nof October, Governor St. Clair gave notice by proclamation that\\nthe required population existed, and directed an election of repre-\\nsentatives to be held on the third Monday in December.!\\nDuring the summer of 1798, the famous alien and sedition laws\\nwere passed by Congress. They were, by the Democratic party\\nevery where regarded with horror, and hated, and in Virginia and\\nKentucky especially, called forth in opposition the most able men,\\nand produced the most violent measures. The Governor of Ken-\\ntucky called the attention of the Legislature to them, and upon the\\nSth of November resolutions prepared by Mr. Jefferson were intro-\\nduced into the House, declaring that the United States are united\\nby a compact under the style and title of a constitution for the\\nUnited States, that to this compact, each State acceded, as a State,\\nand is an integral party, its co-States forming to itself the other\\nparty that the government created by this compact, was not made\\nthe exclusive or ^/laZ judge of the extent of the powers delegated\\nto itself; but, that as in all other cases of compact among par-\\nties having no common judge, each party has an equal right to\\njudge for himself, as well as of infractions as to mode and manner\\nof redress. And this doctrine was further developed by the\\nmover of the resolutions, Mr John Breckenridge said he, I con-\\nsider the co-States to be alone parties to the federal compact, and\\nsolely authorized to judge in the last resort of the power exercised\\nunder the compact Congress being not a party, but merely the\\ncreature of the compact, and subject as to its assumption of power,\\nto the final judgment of those by whom, and for whose use, itself\\nand its powers were all created. In another passage he says,\\nif upon the representation of the States from whom they derive\\ntheir powers, they should ncA^ertheless attempt to enforce them, I\\nhesitate not to declare it as my opinion, that it is then the right\\nand duty of the several States, to nullify those acts, and protect their\\ncitizens from their operation.\\nTo this doctrine, since disclaimed by Kentucky, in a clear and\\nformal declaration, William Murray, of Franklin, alone offered a\\nsteady opposition, and took the ground since occupied by Mr.\\nAnte p. 295.\\ni Dillon i. 421. Burnet in Ohio Historical Transactions, part 2, vol. i. p. 70.\\nButler 285 to 287. I In 1838. See Butler, 289.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0496.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "1799. J\\\\rorth- Western Legislature organized. 467\\nWebster with so great power; but he argued in vain, the Senate\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2iinanimously passed the resolutions, the House acted with almost\\nequal unanimity, and the Governor gave them his approbation.*\\nA change in the Penal Code of Kentucky took place during\\n1798, by which the punishment of death was confined to the crime\\n-of murder; and for all others the penitentiary system was substi-\\ntuted.!\\n1799,\\nThe election of representatives for the Northwest Territory\\nhaving taken place, they met at Cincinnati upon the 4th of the\\nensuing February, to nominate persons from whom the members\\nof the Legislative Assembly were, according to the Ordinance, to\\nbe selected. This nomination being made, the assembly ad-\\njourned until the 16th of the following September. From those\\nnamed, the President selected as the members of the Council,\\nHenry Vandenburg of Vincennes, Robert Oliver of Marietta,\\nJames Findlay and Jacob Burnet of Cincinnati, and David Vance\\nof Vanceville. From the letters of Jacob Burnet, the first law-\\nmaker and true ruler of this Northwest Territory, we extract the\\nfollowing account of the earliest popular proceedings in the region\\nwherein Freedom first fairly tried her powers.\\nOn the 16th of September, 1799, both branches of the legislature\\nassembled at Cincinnati, and organized for business.^ The Governor\\nmet the two houses in the representatives chamber, and in a very ele-\\ngant address, recommended such measures as he thought were suited\\nto the condition of the country, and would advance the safety and pros-\\nperity of the people. The legislative body continued in session till the\\n19th of December, wiien having finished their business, the governor\\nButler, 285, c. See the Virginia resolutions, the alien and sedition laws, the debate\\nin Virginia, the resolutions of other States, and Madison s Vindication, in a volume\\npublished at Richmond, by Robert I. Smith, in 1832. See also North American Review,\\nvol. 31, (Oct. 1830.) This is a very full and able paper.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Marshall, ii. 254, c. 317.\\nt Butler, 281. Marshall, ii. 238.\\nThey did not organize until the 24th Mr. Burnet alone appearing on behalf of the\\ncouncil on the 16th, and but four representatives, Messrs. Goforth, McMillan, Smith and\\nLudlow. (Chase s Sketch, 28.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0497.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "468 W. H. Harrison chosen Delegate from JY. W. Terr^y. 1799.\\nprorogued them, at their request, till the first Monday in November.\\nThis being the first session, it was necessarily a very laborious one.\\nThe transition from a colonial to a semi-independent government,\\ncalled for a general revision, as well as a considerable enlargement of\\nthe statute-book. Some of the adopted laws were repealed, many oth-\\ners altered and amended, and a long list of new ones added to the code.\\nNew ofiices were to be created and filled the duties attached to them\\nprescribed, and a plan of ways and means devised, to meet the\\nincreased expenditures, occasioned by the change which had just taken\\nplace. As the number of members in each branch was small, and a\\nlarge portion of them either unprepared or indisposed to partake\\nlargely of the labors of the session, the pressure fell on the shoul-\\nders of a few. Although the branch to which I belonged, was com-\\nposed of sensible, strong-minded men, yet they were unaccustomed\\nto the duties of their new station, and not conversant with the science of\\nlaw. The consequence was, that they relied chiefly and almost entirely\\non me, to draft and prepare the bills and other documents, which origi-\\nnated in the council, as will appear by referring to the journal of the\\nsession. One of the important duties which devolved on the legislature\\nwas the election of a delegate to represent the territory in Congress.\\nAs soon as the governor s proclamation made its appearance, the elec-\\ntion of a person to fill that station excited general attention. Before the\\nmeeting of the legislature, public opinion had settled down on William\\nHenry Harrison, and Arthur St. Clair, jun., who were eventually the\\nonly candidates. On the 3d of October, the two houses met in the rep-\\nresentatives chamber, according to a joint resolution, and proceeded^to\\nthe election. The ballots being taken and counted, it appeared that\\nWilliam Henry Harrison had eleven votes, and Arthur St. Clair, jun.,\\nten votes the former was therefore declared to be duly elected. The\\nlegislature, by joint resolution, prescribed the form of a certificate of his\\nelection having received that certificate, he resigned the office of Sec-\\nrectary of the territory proceeded forthwith to Philadelphia, and took\\nhis seat, Congress being then in session. Though he represented the\\nterritory but one year, he obtained some important advantages for his\\nconstituents. He introduced a resolution to subdivide the surveys of\\nthe public lands, and to offer them for sale in small tracts he suc-\\nceeded in getting that measure through both houses, in opposition to the\\ninterest of speculators who were, and who wished to be, the retailers of\\nland to the poorer classes of the community.* His proposition became\\nFrom a circular by Harrison to the people of the territory, dated May 14, 1800, we\\nquote in relation to this matter the following passage\\nAmongst the variety of objects which engaged my attention, as peculiarly interesting\\nto our territory, none appeared to me of so much importance as the adoption of a system\\nfor the sale of the public lands, wluch would give more favorable terms to tliat class of", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0498.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "1799. First laws of the Legislature. 469\\na law, and was hailed as the most beneficent act that Congress had ever\\ndone for the territory. It put it in the power of every industrious man,\\nhowever poor, to become a freeholder, and to lay a foundation for the\\nfuture support, and comfort of his family. At the same session, he\\nobtained a liberal extension of time for the pre-emptioners in the north-\\nern part of the Miami purchase, which enabled them to secure their\\nfarms, and eventually to become independent, and even wealthy.t\\nTo these paragraphs by our first law-maker, may be properly\\nadded the following from Mr. Chase, the first collector of our\\nNorthwestern statutes.\\nThe whole number of acts passed and approved by the governor was\\nthirty-seven. Of these, the most important related to the militia, to the\\nadministration of justice, and to taxation. Provision was made for the\\nefficient organization and discipline of the military force of the territory\\njustices of the peace were authorised to hear and determine all actions\\nupon the case, except trover, and all actions of debt, except upon bonds\\nfor the performance of covenants, without limitation as to the amount in\\ncontroversy and a regular system of taxation was established. The\\ntax for territorial purposes, was levied upon lands that for county pur-\\nposes, upon persons, personal property, and houses and lots.\\npurchasers who are likely to become actual settlers, than was offered by the existing laws\\nupon that subject conformably to this idea, I procured the passage of a resolution at an\\nearly period for the appointment of a committee to take the matter into consideration.\\nAnd shortly after I reported a bill containing terms for the purchaser, as favorable as\\ncould have been expected. This bill was adopted by the house of representatives without\\nany material alteration but, in the senate amendments were introduced, obliging the\\npurchaser to pay interest on that part of the money for which a credit was given from the\\ndate of the purchase, and directing that one half the land (instead of the whole, as was\\nprovided by the bill from the house of representatives,) should be sold in half sections of\\nthree hundred and twenty acres, and the other half in whole sections of six hundred and\\nforty acres. All my exertions, aided by some of the ablest members of the lower house,\\nat a conference ^for that purpose, were not sufficient to induce the senate to recede from\\ntheir amendments but, upon the whole, their is cause of congratulation to my fellow\\ncitizens that terms as favorable as the bill still contains, have been procured. This law\\npromises to be the foundation of a great increase of population and wealth to our coun-\\ntry for although the minimum price of the land is still fixed at two dollars per acre, the\\ntime for making payments has been so extended as to put it in the power of every industri-\\nous man to comply with them, it being only necessary to pay one-fourth part of the money\\nin hand, and the balance at the end of two, three, and four years besides this, the odious\\ncircumstance of forfeiture, which was made the penalty of failing in the payments under\\nthe old law, is entirely abolished, and the purchaser is allowed one year after the last\\npayment is due to collect the money if the land is not then paid for, it is sold, and, after\\nthe public have been reimbursed, the balance of the money is returned to the purchaser.\\nFour land-offices are directed to be opened one at Cincinnati, one at Chillicothe, one at\\nMarietta, and one at Steubenville, for the sale of the lands in the neighborhood of those\\nplaces. (Life of Harrison, by Todd and Drake, p. 20.)\\nt Historical Transactions of Ohio, i. 71.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0499.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "470 Kentucky amends her Constitution. 1799.\\nDuring this session, a bill, authorising a lottery for a public purpose,\\npassed by the council, was rejected by the representatives. Thus early\\nwas the policy adopted of interdicting this demoralizing and ruinous\\nmode of gambling and taxation a policy which, with but a temporary\\ndeviation, has ever since honorably characterized the legislation of Ohio.\\nBefore adjournment, the legislature issued an address to the people, in\\nwhich they congratulated their constituents upon the change in the form\\nof government; rendered an accountof their public conduct as legislators\\nadverted to the future greatness and importance of this part of the Ame-\\nrican empire and the provision made by the national government for\\nsecular and religious instruction in the west; and upon these considera-\\ntions, urged upon the people the practice of industry, frugality, tem-\\nperance and every moral virtue. Religion, morality, and knowledge,\\nsaid they, are necessary to all good governments. Let us, therefore,\\ninculcate the principles of humanity, benevolence, honesty and punctu-\\nality in dealing, sincerity, and charity, and all the social affections.\\nAbout the same time, an address was voted to the President of the\\nUnited States, expressing the entire confidence of the legislature in the\\nwisdom and purity of his administration, and their warm attachment to\\nthe American constitution and government. The vote upon this address\\nproved that the differences of political sentiment, which then agitated\\nall the states, had extended to the territory. The address was carried\\nby eleven ayes against five noes.\\nOn the nineteenth of December, this protracted session of the first\\nlegislature was terminated by the governor. In his speech on this occa-\\nsion he enumerated eleven acts, to which, in the course of session, he\\nhad thought fit to apply his absolute veto. These acts he had not\\nreturned to the legislature, because the two houses were under no obli-\\ngation to consider the reasons on which his veto was founded and, at\\nany rate, as his negative was unqualified, the only effect of such a return\\nwould be to bring on a vexatious, and probably fruitless, altercation\\nbetween the legislative body and the executive. Of the eleven acts\\nthus negatived, six related to the erection of new counties. These were\\ndisapproved for various reasons, but mainly because the governor\\nclaimed that the power exercised in enacting them, was vested by the\\nordinance, not in the legislature, but in himself. This free exercise of\\nthe veto power excited much dissatisfaction among the people, and the\\ncontroversy which ensued between the governor and the legislature, as to\\nthe extent of their respective powers, tended to confirm and strengthen\\nthe popular disaffection.*\\nDuring this year Kentucky proceeded to amend her Constitu-\\ntion, now seven years old. It is not our purpose to enter into the\\nChase s Sketch,, p. 20.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0500.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "1800. Proposal to divide the JV. W. Territory. 471\\ndetails of the several State charters, and we shall only mention the\\nfact that the earliest born of our western commonwealths, when a\\nchange was made in her fundamental law, gave it a more demo-\\ncratic and popular character. This was done by making the\\nchoice of the senate and governor direct, instead of being as\\nformerly through a college of electors and by limiting the veto\\npower.*\\nIn 1799, Kentucky began, or rather threatened to begin, a sys-\\ntem of internal improvements, by a survey of the river upon which\\nher capital stands the work recommended by the engineer, how-\\never, and which might have been done very cheaply, was not\\nundertaken, t\\n1800.\\nThe great extent of the territory northwest of the Ohio made\\nthe ordinary operations of Government extremely uncertain, and\\nthe efficient action of Courts almost impossible. The Committee\\nof Congress who, upon the 3d of March, reported \\\\ipon the\\nsubject, said,\\nIn the three western countries there has been but one court having\\ncognizance of crimes in five years and the immunity which offenders\\nexperience attracts, as to an asylum, the most vile and abandoned crimi-\\nnals, and at the same time deters useful and virtuous persons from ma-\\nking settlements in such society. The extreme necessity of judiciary\\nattention and assistance is experienced in civil as well as criminal cases.\\nThe supplying to vacant places such necessary officers as may be want-\\ned, such as clerks, recorders, and others of Uke kind, is, from the im-\\npossibility of correct notice and information, utterly neglected. This\\nTerritory is exposed, as a frontier, to foreign nations, whose agents can\\nfind sufficient interest in exciting or fomenting insurrection and discon-\\ntent, as thereby they can more easily divert a valuable trade in furs from\\nthe United States, and also have a part thereof on which they border,\\nwhich feels so little the cherishing hand of their proper Government, or\\nso little dread of its energy, as to render their attachment perfectly un-\\nMarshall, ii. 233. 246. 252. 292. 293, c.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler, 290.\\nButler, 293.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Marshall, ii. 317.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0501.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "472 Indiana Territory formed. 1800.\\ncertain and ambiguous. The committee would further suggest, that the\\nlaw of the 3d of March, 1791, granting land to certain persons in the\\nwestern part of said Territory, and directing the laying out of the same,\\nremains inexecuted that great discontent, in consequence of such neg-\\nlect, is excited in those who were interested in the provision of said\\nlaw, and which require the immediate attention of this legislature. To\\nminister a remedy to these evils, it occurs to this committee that it is\\nexpedient that a division of said Territory into two distinct and separate\\nGovernments should be made and that such division be made, by a line\\nbeginning at the mouth of the Great Miami River, running directly\\nnorth, until it intersects the boundary between the United States and\\nCanada.*\\nIn accordance with the spirit of this resolution an act was\\npassed, and approved upon the Tth of May, from which w^e\\nextract these provisions.\\nThat from and after the 4th day of July next, all that part of the\\nterritory of the United States northwest of the Ohio River, which lies\\nto the westward of a line beginning at the Ohio, opposite to the mouth\\nof Kentucky River, and running thence to Fort Recovery, and thence\\nnorth, until it shall intersect the territorial line between the United\\nStates and Canada, shall, for the purposes of temporary government,\\nconstitute a separate territory, and be called the Indiana Territory.\\nSec. 2. And be it further enacted. That there shall be established\\nwithin the said territory a government, in all respects similar to that\\nprovided by the ordinance of Congress, passed on the thirteenth day of\\nJuly, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, for the government\\nof the territory of the United States northwest of the River Ohio and\\nthe inhabitants thereof shall be entitled to, and enjoy, all and singular\\nthe rights, privileges and advantages, granted and secured to the peo-\\nple by the said ordinance.\\nSec. 4. And be it further enacted, That so much of the ordinance\\nfor the government of the territory of the United States northwest of\\nthe Ohio River, as relates to the organization of a General Assembly\\ntherein, and prescribes the powers thereof, shall be in force and operate\\nin the Indiana Territory, whenever satisfactory evidence shall be given\\nto the Governor thereof, that such is the wish of a majority of the free-\\nholders, notwithstanding there may not be therein five thousand free\\nmale inhabitants of the age of twenty-one years and upwards Provided,\\nthat until there shall be five thousand free male inhabitants, of twenty-\\none years and upwards, in said territory, the whole number of Repre-\\nsentatives to the General Assembly shall not be less than seven, nor\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 206.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0502.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "1800. W. H. Harrison appointed Gov. of Indiana Territory. 473\\nmore than nine, to be apportioned by the Governor to the several coun-\\nties in said territory agreeably to the number of free males of the age of\\ntwenty-one years and upwards, which they may respectively contain.\\nSec. 5. And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act contained\\nshall be construed so as in any manner to affect the government now in\\nforce in the territory of the United Stales northwest of the Ohio River,\\nfurther than to prohibit the exercise thereof within the Indiana Terri-\\ntory, from and after the aforesaid fourth day of July next Provided,\\nThat, whenever that part of the territory of the United States which\\nlies to the eastward of a line beginning at the mouth of the Great Miami\\nRiver, and running thence, due north, to the territorial line between the\\nUnited States and Canada, shall be erected into an independent State,\\nand admitted into the union on an equal footing with the original States,\\nthenceforth said line shall become and remain permanently the boun-\\ndary line between such State and the Indiana Territory, any thing in\\nthis act contained to the contrary notwithstanding.\\nSec. 6. And be it further enacted. That, until it shall be otherwise\\nordered by the Legislatures of the said Territories, respectively, Chilli-\\ncothe, on the Scioto River, shall be the seat of the government of the\\nTerritory of the United States northwest of the Ohio River and that\\nSt. Vincennes, on the Wabash River, shall be the seat of the govern-\\nment for the Indiana Territory.\\nThe person appointed to govern the new-made Territory, was\\nWilliam H. Harrison,! whose commission was dated in 1801.\\nWe have already mentioned that Connecticut in her Reserve had\\nretained the jurisdiction thereof as well as the soil. When she\\ndisposed of the soil, however, troubles at once arose, for the set-\\ntlers found themselves without a government upon which to lean.\\nUpon their representation, the mother State, in October 1797,\\nauthorized her Senators to release her jurisdiction over the Re-\\nserve, to the Union; upon the 21st of March, 1800, a Committee\\nof Congress reported in favor of accepting this cession, and upon\\nthe 30th of May, the release was made by the Governor of the\\nState in accordance with a law passed during that month the\\nUnited States issuing letters patent to Connecticut for the soil, and\\nConnecticut transferring all her claims of jurisdiction to the Fede-\\nral Government.:}: At that time settlements had been commenced\\nLand Law8, 451.\\nt Mr. Harrison had in a great measure procured the formation of the separate Territory.\\n(Life of Harrison by Todd and Drake, p. 22.)\\nAmerican State Papers, xvi, 94 to 98. Chase s Statutes, i. 64 to 66.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0503.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "474 Governor St. Claires Speech. 1800.\\nin thirty-five of the townships, and one thousand persons had\\nbecome settlers; mills had been built, and seven hundred miles\\nof road cut in various directions, f\\nCongress having made Chillicothe the Capital of the north-\\nwestern Territory, on the 3d of November 1800, the General\\nAssembly met at that place. At this meeting Governor St. Clair\\nin strong terms expressed his sense of the want of popularity\\nunder which he labored he said,\\nMy term of office, and yours, gentlemen of the House of\\nRepresentatives, will soon expire It is indeed, very uncertain,\\nwhether I shall ever meet another Assembly, in the character I\\nnow hold, for I well know, that the vilest calumnies and the great-\\nest falsehoods, are insidiously circulated among the people, with a\\nview to prevent it. While I regret the baseness and malevolence\\nof the authors and well know that the laws have put the means\\nof correction fully in my power, they have nothing to dread from\\nme but the contempt they justly merit. The remorse of their own\\nconsciences will one day be punishment sufficient Their arts\\nmay however succeed: Be that as it may, of this I am certain,\\nthat, be my successor whom he may, he can never have the inter-\\nests of the people of this Territory more truly at heart than I have\\nhad, nor labor more assiduously for their good than I have done;\\nand I am not conscious that any one act of my administration has\\nbeen influenced by any other motive than a sincere desire to pro-\\nmote their welfare and happiness.\\nNotwithstanding the general dislike felt toward him, however,\\nSt. Clair was re-appointed in 1801 to the place he had so long\\noccupied.\\nToward the close of this year the first Missionary to the Con-\\nnecticut Reserve, came thither under the patronage of the Con-\\nnecticut Missionary Society. He found no township containing\\nmore than eleven families.\\nUpon the 1st of October in this year the secret treaty of St.\\nIldefonso was made between Napoleon as first Consul, and the\\nMr. Badger, (in American Pioneer, ii. 276,) says but thirty-one townships were\\ninhabited there were in the Reserve east of the Cuyahoga one hundred and three town-\\nships. (American Pioneer, ii. 25.)\\nt American State Papers, xvi. 97.\\nBurnet s Letters, p. 73. [American Pioneer, ii. 275.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0504.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "1801. Proceedings of the Legislature at ChiUicothe. 475\\nKing of Spain, whereby the latter agreed to cede to France the\\nProvince of Louisiana.*\\nBy this year s census Kentucky contained 179,875 whites; and\\n40,343 slaves; an increase in ten years of 118,742 whites, and\\n28,913 slaves.!\\n1801.\\nThe Governor and several of the Legislators of the northwestern\\nTerritory having been insulted during the autumn of this year at\\nChillicothe, while the Assembly was in session and no mea-\\nsures being taken by the authorities of the Capital to protect the\\nExecutive, a law was passed removing the seat of Government\\nto Cincinnati again. But it was not destined that the Territo-\\nrial Assembly should meet again anywhere. The unpopularity of\\nSt. Clair already referred to, was causing many to long for a State\\nGovernment and self-rule. This unpopularity arose in part from\\nthe feelings connected with his defeat in part from his being iden-\\ntified with the Federal party then fast falling into disrepute and\\nin part from his assuming powers which most thought he had no\\nright to exercise, especially the power of sub-dividing the coun-\\nties of the Territory.\\nBut the opposition, though very powerful out of the Assembly,\\nwas in the minority, even in the House of Representatives, and\\nduring December 1801 was forced to protest against a measure\\nbrought forward in the Council for changing the Ordinance of\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 507. t Marshall, ii. 332.\\nBurnet s letters, 75. We state the fact as given by Judge Burnet, but cannot recon-\\ncile it with the Journals. On the 16th of December the removal of the Seat of Govern-\\nment was broached in the House. (Journal of House, 62 on the 19th it was fully\\ndebated, (Journal of House, 71 to 73 on the 21st was passed by the House, (Journal\\nof House, 77 on the same day it was passed by the Council, (Journal of Council, 32,\\n33;) on the 24th was signed by the Speaker and President, (Journal of Council, 35,\\nand given the Governor for his approbation, (Journal of House, 89.) On the night of the\\n25th and 26th, the only riots mentioned in the Journals took place. (Journal of Council,\\n39. Journal of House, 98.) On the 2lst of December Mr. Burnet asked leave of absence\\nfor ten days which was granted (Journal of Council, 33.) The Governor s approbation\\nto the bill was given January latj (Journal of House, 108.) Possibly his consent was\\ndetermined by the riots.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0505.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "476 JVeio Orleans closed against Americans. 1802.\\n1787 in such a manner as to make the Scioto and a line drawn\\nfrom the intersection of that river and the Indian boundary to the\\nwestern extremity of the Connecticut Reserve, the limit of the\\nmost eastern State to be formed from the Territory. This change,\\nif made, would long have postponed the formation of a State\\nGovernment beyond the Ohio, and against it Tiffin, Worthington,\\nLangham, Danlinton, Massie, Dunlavy, and Morrow, recorded\\nsolemnly their objections.* Not content with this it was deter-\\nmined that some one should at once visit Washington on behalf of\\nthe objectors, and upon the 20th of December, Thomas Worthing-\\nton obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session. f\\nHis acts and those of his co-laborers belong to the next year.\\n1802.\\nBy the treaty with Spain, New Orleans, or an equivalent\\nestablishment was to be allowed the citizens of the United States\\nas a place of deposite for property sent dowm the Mississippi.\\nUntil the 16th of October, 1802, no change in relation to this\\nplace of deposit took place, but on that day Morales, the intendant\\nof Louisiana, issued an order putting an end to the cherished and\\nall-important privilege granted to the Americans. This led to in-\\nstant excitement and remonstrance, and upon the 7th of January\\nfollowing, to a resolution by the House of Representatives, affirm-\\ning their unalterable determination to maintain the boundaries,\\nand the rights of navigation and commerce through the River\\nMississippi, as established by existing treaties. The act of the\\nIntendant had not, it appeared, been authorized by the Spanish\\nGovernment, and was not acquiesced in by the Governor of Lou-\\nisiana: II but the suspension continued notwithstanding, until the\\n25th of February, 1803, when the port was opened to provisions,\\nJournal of House, SI to 83. See also Journal of Council, 16 and 17. Journal of\\nHouse, 68.\\nJournal of House, 93.\\nSee Documents, American State Papers, ii. 469 to 471. 527. 528. 531. 536. 544. 548.\\nI American State Papers, ii. 528.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0506.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "1802. Worthington obtains the right to form a State. 411\\nupon paying a duty;* and, in April, orders from the King of Spain\\nreached the United States, restoring the right of deposit, f\\nIn January, 1802, a bill was passed the Assembly of the North-\\nWestern Territory, and approved by the Governor, establishing\\na university in the town of Athens.\\nWe have already noticed the dissatisfaction with Governor St.\\nClair, which prevailed in the North-Western Territory, and the\\nwish of a party therein to obtain a State Government, although not\\nyet entitled to ask it under the ordinance. Mr. Worthington left\\nlate in 1801, to urge upon Congress the evils of the proposition to\\nchange the bounds of the north-western States and if advisable, to\\nprocure permission to call a convention for the formation of a State,\\nhaving the boundaries mentioned in the ordinance, namely, the west\\nline of Pennsylvania, the north and south lines of the territory, and\\na line drawn due north from the mouth of the Great Miami.\\nWhile Worthington was journeying, upon the 4th of January,\\nMassie presented a resolution for choosing a committee to address\\nCongress in respect to the proposed State Government |j this,\\nupon the following day, the House refused to pass, however, by a\\nvote of twelve to five.\u00c2\u00a7 An attempt was next made to procure a\\ncensus of the Territory, and an act for that purpose, passed the\\nHouse,ir but the council postponed the consideration of it until the\\nnext session,** which was to commence at Cincinnati on the fourth\\nMonday of the following November.\\nWorthington, meantime, at Philadelphia, pursued the ends of his\\nmission, and used his influenceff to effect that organization,\\nwhich terminating the influence of tyranny, was to meliorate\\nthe circumstances of thousands by freeing them from the domina-\\ntion of a despotic chief. His efforts proved successful, and upon\\nthe 4th of March a report was made to the House in favor of au-\\nthorizing a State Convention. This report went upon the basis\\nthat the Territory, by the United States census made in 1800,\\ncontained more than forty-five thousand inhabitants, and as the\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 556. t American State Papers, ii. 556. 561.\\ni Journal of Council, 53. Journal of House, HI.\\nJournal of the House, 115. H Journal of House, 155.\\nJournal of Council, 78.\\ntt See his letter to Mr. Giles, chairman of the committee of Congress, February 13th,\\n1802. (American State Papers, xx. 328.)\\nSee letter to him by James Finley, chairman, February 12th, 1802. (American State\\nPapers, xx. 329.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0507.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "478 Provisions as to Lands in Ohio. 1802.\\nGovernment since that time had sold half a million of acres, that the\\nterritory east of the Miami, supposing the past rate of increase to\\ncontinue, would, by the time a State government could be formed,\\ncontain the sixty thousand persons contemplated by the ordinance\\nand upon this basis proposed that a convention should be held,\\nto determine, 1st, whether it were expedient to form a State Gov-\\nernment, and 2d, to prepare a Constitution, if such an organization\\nwere deemed best.f In the formation of this State, however, a\\nchange of boundaries was proposed, by which, in accordance with\\nthe Fifth article of the Ordinance of 1787, all of the territory north of\\nline drawn due east from the head of lake Michigan to Lake Erie,\\nwas to be excluded from the new government about to be called\\ninto existence. The report closed as follows\\nThe committee observe, in the ordinance for ascertaining the mode of\\ndisposing of lands in the Western Territory of the 20ih of May, 1785,\\nthe following section, which, so far as respects the subject of schools,\\nremains unaltered\\nThere shall be reserved for the United States out of every township,\\nthe four lots, being numbered 8, 11, 26, 29; and out of every fraction-\\nal part of a township so many lots of the same numbers as shall be\\nfound thereon for future sale. There shall be reserved the lot No. 16,\\nof every township, for the maintenance of public schools within the\\nsaid township also, one-third part of all gold, silver, lead, and copper\\nmines, to be sold, or otherwise disposed of as Congress shall hereafter\\ndirect.\\nThe committee also observe, in the third and fourth articles of the\\nthe ordinance of the 13ih July, 1787, the following stipulations, to wit:\\nArt. 3. Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good\\ngovernment and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of\\neducation shall forever be encouraged, c.\\nArt. 4. The Legislatures of those districts or new States shall never\\ninterfere with the primary disposal of the soil by the United States in\\nCongress assembled, nor with any regulations Congress may find neces-\\nsary for securing the title in such soil to llie bona fide purchasers. No\\ntax shall be imposed on lands the property of the United States and in\\nno case shall non-resident proprietors be taxed higher than residents.\\nThe committee, taking into consideration these stipulations, viewing\\nthe lands of the United Slates within the said territory as an important\\nsource of revenue deeming it also of the highest importance to the\\nstability and permanence of the union of the eastern and western parts\\nt American State Papers, sx. 326.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0508.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "1802. Lands sold by United States to be free from Tax. 479\\nof the United Slates, that the intercourse should, as far as possible, be\\nfacilitated, and their interests be liberally and mutually consulted and\\npromoted, are of opinion that the provisions of the aforesaid articles\\nmay be varied for the reciprocal advantage of the United States and the\\nState of when formed, and the people thereof; they have there-\\nfore deemed it proper, in lieu of the said provisions, to offer the follow-\\ning propositions to the convention of the eastern State of the said terri-\\ntory, when formed, for their free acceptance or rejection, without any\\ncondition or restraint whatever, which, if accepted by the convention,\\nshall be obligatory upon the United States\\n1st. That the section No. 16, in every township, sold, or directed to\\nbe sold by the United States, shall be granted to the inhabitants of such\\ntownship for the use of schools.\\n2d. That the six miles reservation, including the salt springs, com-\\nmonly called the Scioto salt springs, shall be granted to the State of\\nwhen formed, for the use of the people thereof; the same to be\\nused under such terms, conditions, and regulations, as the Legislature of\\nthe said State shall direct: provided the said Legislature shall never sell\\nnor lease the same for a longer term than years.\\n3d. That one-tenth part of the nett proceeds of the lands lying in\\nthe said State, hereafter sold by Congress, after deducting all expenses\\nincident to the same, shall be applied to the laying out and making turn-\\npike or other roads, leading from the navigable waters emptying into\\nthe Atlantic to the Ohio, and continued afterwards through the State\\nof such roads to be laid out under the authority of Congress,\\nwith the consent of the several States through which the roads shall\\npass: provided that the convention of the State of shall, on its\\npart, assent that every and each tract of land sold by Congress shall be\\nand remain exempt from any tax laid by order or under authority of the\\nState, whether for State, county, township, or any other purpose what-\\never, for the term of ten years, from and after the completion of the pay-\\nment of the purchase money on such tract to the United States.*\\nIn accordance with the recommendation of their committee,\\nCongress, upon the 30th of April, passed a law, carrying, with\\nslight modifications, the views above given, into effect. f The\\nprovisions of this law were thought by many in the Territory un-\\nauthorized, but no opposition was offered to the appointment of\\npersons to attend the Convention, and the Legislature even gave\\nway to the embryo Government, and failed to assemble according\\nto adjournment. II The Convention met upon the 1st of November\\nits members were generally Jeffersonian in their national politics,\\nAmorican State Papers, xx. 326, t See this act in Chase, i. 70.\\nBurnet s Letters, 108, 1 Burnet s Letters, 111.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0509.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "480 JVorthern Boundary of Ohio. 1802.\\nand had been opposed to the change of boundaries proposed the\\nprevious year. Before proceeding to business, Governor St. Clair\\nproposed to address them, in his official character, as the chief\\nexecutive magistrate of the territory. This proposition was resist-\\ned, by several of the members but after discussion, a motion was\\nmade and adopted, by a majority of five, that Arthur St. Clair,\\nsen., Esquire, be permitted to address the convention, on those\\npoints, which he deems of importance.\\nHe advised the postponement of a State organization until the\\npeople of the original eastern division were plainly entitled to de-\\nmand it, and were not subject to be bound by conditions.* This\\nadvice, given as it was, caused Jefferson instantly to remove St.\\nClair, but when the vote was taken upon doing that which he ad-\\nvised them not to do, but one of thirty-three, Ephraim Cutler of\\nWashington, voted with the Governor. f\\nOn one point, the proposed boundaries of the new State were\\naltered.\\nTo every person who has attended to this subject, and who has con-\\nsulted the maps of the western country, extant at the time the ordinance\\nof 17S7 was passed that lake Michigan was believed to be, and was\\nrepresented by all the maps of that day, as being very far north of the\\nposition which it has since been ascertained to occupy. I have seen\\nthe map in the department of state, which was before the committee of\\nCongress, who framed and reported the ordinance for the government of\\nthe territory. On that map, the southern boundary of Michigan, was\\nrepresented as being above the forty-second degree of north latitude.\\nAnd there was a pencil line, said to have been made by the committee,\\npassing through the southern bend of the lake, to the Canada line,\\nwhich struck the strait, not far below the the town of Detroit. That\\nline was manifestly intended by the committee and by Congress, to be\\nthe northern boundary of our state and on the principles by which\\ncourts of chancery construe contracts, accompanied by plats, it would\\nseem that the map, and the line referred to, should be conclusive evi-\\ndence of our boundary, without reference to the real position of the\\nlake. Wlien the convention sat, in 1802, the prevailing understanding\\nwas, that the old maps were nearly correct, and that the line, as defined\\nin the ordinance, would terminate at some point, on the strait, above the\\nMaumee bay. While the convention was in session, a man who had\\nhunted, many years, on lake Michigan, and was well acquainted with\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Chase s Sketch, 31.\\nt Chase s Sketch, 31. Burnet s Letters, 110.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0510.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "il802. Harrison treats with Indians, 481\\n^its position, happened to be in Chillicothe and in conversation with\\none of its members, told him, that the lake extended much farther south,\\nthan was generally supposed, and that a map of the country, which he\\nhad seen, placed its southern bend many miles north of its true position.\\nThis information excited some uneasiness, and induced the convention\\nto modify the clause, describing the north boundary, so as to guard its\\nbeing depressed, below the most northern cape of the JVIaumee bay.*\\nWith this change, and some extension of the school and road\\ndonations, the Convention agreed to the proposal of Congress,\\nand upon the 29th of November, theij.- agreement was ratified and\\nsigned f as was also the Constitution of the State of Ohio. Of\\nthis Constitution we shall say nothing farther than that it bore in\\nevery provision the marks of democratic feeling of full faith in\\nthe people. By the people themselves, however, it was never ex-\\namined but no opposition was ofTered to it, and a General Assem-\\nbly was required to meet at Chillicothe on the 1st Tuesday of\\nMarch, 1803.\\nAfter the agreement by Congress to the Constitution of Ohio,\\nand her admission into the Union, the Peninsula of Michigan was\\nwholly within the territory of Indiana.\\nOn the 17th of September, 1802, Governor Harrison, of Indiana\\nTerritory, at Vincennes, entered into an agreement with various\\nchiefs of the Potawatomie, Eel river, Piankeshaw, Wea, Kaskas-\\nkia and Kickapoo tribes, by which were settled the bounds of a\\ntract of land near that place, said to have been given by the Indi-\\nans to its founder; and certain chiefs were named who were to\\nconclude the matter at Fort Wayne. This was the first step\\ntaken by Harrison in those negotiations which continued through\\nso many years, and added so much to the dominions of the Con-\\nfederation. He found the natives jealous and out of temper, ow-\\ning partly to American injustice, but also in a great degree, it was\\nthought, to the acts of the British traders and agents. 1|\\nIn January of this year. Governor Harrison also communicated\\nto the President the following letter, detailing some of the most\\ncurious land speculations of which we have any account.\\nThe court established at this place, under the authority of the Stale of\\nVirginia, in the year 1780, (as I have before done myself the honor to\\nHistorical Transactions of Ohio, p. 115.\\nt Chase s Statutes, i. 74 is the Resolution of November 29th.\\nDawson s Harrison; 27. Dawson s Harrison, 7 to 58.\\n31", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0511.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "482 Land Speculations in Indiana Territory. 1802\\ninform you) assumed to themselves the right of granting lands to every\\napplicant. Having exercised this power for some time without opposi-\\ntion, they began to conclude that their right over the land was supreme,\\nand that they could with as much propriety grant to themselves as to\\nothers. Accordingly, an arrangement was made, by which the whole\\ncountry to which the Indian title was supposed to be extinguished, was\\ndivided between the members of the court and orders to that effect\\nentered on their Journal, each member absenting himself from the court\\non the day that the order was to be made in his favor, so that it might\\nappear to be the act of his fellows only. The tract thus disposed of\\nextends on the Wabash twenty-four leagues from La Pointe Coupee to\\nthe mouth of White River, and forty leagues into the country west, and\\nthirty east from the Wabash, excluding only the land immediately sur-\\nrounding this town, which had before been granted to the amount of\\ntwenty or thirty thousand acres.\\nThe authors of this ridiculous transaction soon found that no advan-\\ntage could be derived from it, as they could find no purchasers, and I\\nbelieve that the idea of holding any part of the land was by the greater\\npart of them abandoned a few years ago however, the claim was dis-\\ncovered, and a part of it purchased by some of those speculators who\\ninfest our country, and through these people, a number of others in dif-\\nferent parts of the United States have become concerned, some of whom\\nare actually preparing to make settlements on the land the ensuing\\nspring. Indeed, I should not be surprised to see five hundred families\\nsettling under these titles in the course of a year. The price at which\\nthe land is sold enables any body to become a purchaser one thousand\\nacres being frequently given for an indifl^erent horse or a rifle gun. And\\nas a formal deed is made reciting the grant of the court, (made as it is\\npretended under the authority of the State of Virginia) many ignorant\\npersons have been induced to part with their little all to obtain this ideal\\nproperty, and they will no doubt endeavor to strengthen their claim, as\\nsoon as they have discovered the deception, by an actual settlement.\\nThe extent of these speculations was unknown to me until lately. I\\nam now informed that a number of persons are in the habit of repair-\\ning to this place, where they purchase two or three hundred thousand\\nacres of this claim, for which they get a deed properly authenticated and\\nrecorded, and then disperse themselves over the United Stales, to cheat\\nthe ignorant and credulous. In some measure, to check this practice, I\\nhave forbidden the recorder and prolhonotary of this county from re-\\ncording or authenticating any of these papers being determined that\\nthe ofScial seals of the Territory should not be prostituted to a purpose\\nso base as that of assisting an infamous fraud.*\\nTo Jas. Madison, Sec y. of State. WM. H. HARRISON.\\nAmerican State Papers, xvi. 123.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0512.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "1803. Treaty with France for Louisiana. 483\\nDuring the session of 1802, the Legislature of Kentucky char-\\ntered an Insurance Company, whose notes payable to bearer\\nwere to be transferred or assigned by delivery; this feature made\\nthe institution a Bank of circulation, and such it became.*\\n1803.\\nUpon the 11th of January, Mr. Jefferson sent a message to the\\nSenate nominating Robert R. Livingston and James Munroe min-\\nisters at the Court of France, and Charles Pinckney and James\\nMunroe at that of Spain, with full power to form treaties for en-\\nlarging and more effectually securing our rights and interests in\\nthe river Mississippi, and in the territories eastward thereof.\\nThis was done in consequence of the order by Morales taking from\\nthe Americans the use of New Orleans as a place of deposit and\\nthe knowledge of the Government of the United States, that in\\nsome form a treaty had been made by which Spain had transfeiTed\\nher interest in Louisiana to France.\\nThe secret J treaty of St. Ildefonso had been formed on the 1st\\nof October, 1800; on the 29th of the next March, Rufus King,\\nthen Minister in London, wrote home in relation to a reported\\ncession of Louisiana, and its influence on the United States on\\nthe 9th of June, 1801, Mr. Pinckney, at Madrid, was instructed\\nin relation to the alledged transfer, and upon the 28th of Septem-\\nber, Mr. Livingston, at Paris, was written to upon the same topic.\\nOn the 20th of November, Mr. King sent from London a copy of\\nthe treaty signed at Madrid, March 21, 1801, by which the Prince\\nof Parma, (son-in-law of the King of Spain,) was established in\\nTuscany this had been the consideration for the grant of Louis-\\niana to France in the previous autumn, and that grant was now\\nconfirmed. From that time till July 1802, a constant correspond-\\nence went on between the American Secretary of State and the\\nMarshall, ii. 3-18.\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 475.\\nIn regard to the secresy practiced, see Mr. Livingston s letters, American State\\nPapers, ii. 512, 513.\\n5 American State Papers, ii. 509.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0513.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "484 Proposed cession of JYew Orleans. 1803.\\nMinisters at Paris, London, and Madrid, relative to the important\\nquestion. What can be done to secure the interests of the Union\\nin relation to the Mississippi Mr. Livingston, in France, was\\nof opinion that a cession of New Orleans might possibly be ob-\\ntained from that power; and to obtain it he advised the payment\\nof a large price if required. Mr. Livingston at the same time\\nwrote and laid before the French leaders an elaborate memoir\\nintended to show that true policy required France not to retain\\nLouisiana,* but when, on the last of August, he again made pro-\\npositions, Talleyrand told him that the First Consul was not ready\\nto receive them. Still the sagacious Ambassador felt persuaded\\nthat the whole would end in a relinquishment of the country, and\\ntransfer of the Capital to the United States; f and pursued his\\nlabors in hope asking from his Government only explicit in-\\nstructions as to how much he might offer France for the Floridas,\\nwhich it was supposed she would soon get from Spain, and also\\nfor New Orleans. His views were acquiesced in by the Presi-\\ndent, and Mr. Munroe went out in March, 1803, bearing in-\\nstructions, the object of which was to procure a cession of\\nNew Orleans and the Floridas to the United States. All idea\\nof purchasing Louisiana west of the Mississippi, was thus far dis-\\nclaimed by Mr. Livingston, in October 1802, and by Mr. Jeffer-\\nson in January 1803. Upon the 10th of the latter month, how-\\never, Mr. Livingston proposed to the Minister of Napoleon to\\ncede to the United States not only New Orleans and Florida, but\\nalso all of Louisiana above the river Arkansas. H But such were\\nnot the views entertained in the Cabinet of the United States, and\\nupon the 2d of March the instructions sent to Messrs. Livingston\\nand Monroe, gave a plan which expressly left to France all her\\nterritory on the west side of the Mississippi.** In conformity\\nwith these orders when Talleyrand, on the 11th of the next month,\\nasked Livingston if he wished all of Louisiana, he answered that\\nhis Government desired only New Orleans and Florida, though in\\nhis opinion, good policy would lead France to cede all west of\\nthe Mississippi above the Arkansas, so as to place a barrier be-\\ntween her own Colony and Canada. Talleyrand still suggested\\nthe cession of the whole French domain in North America, and\\nIt is ill American State Papers, ii. 520 to 524.\\nt American State Papers, ii. 525. American State Papers, ii. 528.\\nII American State Papers, ii. 529. American State Papers, ii. 526, 529.\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 531, 534. American State Papers, ii. 540 to 544.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0514.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "1803. Bargain and purchase of Louisiana. 485\\nasked how much would be given for it Mr. Livingston intimated\\nthat twenty millions (of francs,) might be a fair price this the\\nMinister of Bonaparte said was too low, but asked the American\\nto think of the matter, f He did think of it, and his thought was\\nthat the purchase of Louisiana entire was too large an object for\\nthe United States, and that if acquired it ought to be exchanged\\nwith Spain for the Floridas, reserving only New Orleans. On the\\n12th of April Mr. Munroe reached Paris, and upon the 13th the\\nMinister of the Treasury, Marbois, who was a personal friend of\\nLivingston had with him a long conversation from which it ap-\\npeared that Napoleon, then about to renew his wars with England,\\nwished to sell Louisiana entire, and that the only question was as\\nto price. Bonaparte had named what equalled 125 millions of\\nfrancs, but to this the Republicans turned a deaf ear; offering\\nonly 40 or 50 millions. In a short time, however, a compromise\\ntook place, and the American negotiators, going entirely beyond\\nthe letter of their instructions, agreed to pay 80 millions of francs\\nfor the vast territory upon and beyond the river first navigated by\\nMarquette the treaty was arranged upon the 30th of the month\\nin which the purchase had first been suggested. This act of the\\nMinisters, though unauthorized and unexpected, was at once\\nagreed to by the President Congress was summoned to meet\\nupon the 17th of October, and on that day the treaty was laid\\nbefore the Senate: by the 21st the transfer was ratified, and upon\\nthe 20th of the following December, the Province of Louisiana\\nwas officially delivered over to Governor Clairborne of Mississippi,\\nand General Wilkinson, who were empowered to assume the\\nGovernment.lf\\nTo this transfer of Louisiana Spain at first objected, as she\\nalledged on solid grounds, but early in 1804 renounced her\\nopposition.**\\nFrom what has been said it will be seen that Mr. Jefferson had\\nno agency in the purchase of Louisiana beyond the approval of\\nthe unlooked-for act of his Ministers in France. If any person\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 553. t American State Papers, ii, 552.\\nSee in American State Papers, ii. 557 to 560, the letters of Livingston and Monroe.\\n11 The treaty is in American State Papers, ii. 507 to 508, and in Laws of Missouri (Jef-\\nferson City, 1842,) i. 1 to 4.\\nAmerican State Papers, ii, 566.\\nf American State Papers, ii. 572, 581 to 583.\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 567 to 572, 583.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0515.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "486 History of Symmes^ College Township. 1803.\\ndeserves to be remembered in connection with that great bargain\\nit was Mr. Livingston whose efforts were constant and effectual.\\nAn account of them may be found in his letters, read in the fol-\\nlowing order: 1st, that of May 12, 1803, (American State Papers,\\nii. 557;) 2d, that of December 30, 1801, (do. 512;) and after\\nthat in the order of dates and arrangement. The person through\\nwhom Mr. Livingston obtained the ear of Napoleon was Joseph\\nBonaparte.*\\nDuring June the Chiefs, agreed upon at Vincennes the previous\\nyear, transferred to Governor Harrison, at Fort Wayne, the lands\\nclaimed by the United States, about the Post; and their act\\nwas farther confirmed at the Capital of the Territory in August,\\nby various chiefs and warriors. f\\nOn the 13th of August the Kaskaskias transferred to the whites\\nthrough Harrison, their lands in Illinois.^\\nUpon the 15th of April the House of Representatives of the\\nnew State of Ohio, signed a bill respecting a College Township\\nin the District of Cincinnati. The history of this township is\\nsomewhat curious, and we give it in the w^ords of Judge Burnet.\\nThe ordinance adopted by Congress, for the disposal of the public\\ndomain, did not authorise a grant of college land, to the purchasers, of\\nless than two millions of acres. The original proposition of Mr.\\nSymmes being for that quantity, entitled him to the benefit of such a\\ngrant. It was his intention, no doubt, to close his contract, in confor-\\nmity with his proposal. He therefore stated, in his printed publication,\\nbefore referred to, that a college township had been given and he des-\\ncribed his situation to be, as nearly opposite the mouth of Licking river,\\nas an entire township could be found, eligible in point of soil and situ-\\nation. He also selected, in good faith, one of the best townships in the\\npurchase, answering the description, and marked it on his map, as the\\ncollege township. The township, thus selected, was the third of the\\nfirst entire range, on which the town of Springdale now stands. The\\ntract was reserved from sale, and retained for the intended purpose\\nuntil Mr. Symmes ascertained, that his agents had relinquished one half\\nof his proposed purchase, by closing a contract for one million of acres,\\nby which his right to college lands was abandoned, and of course not\\nprovided for in the contract. He then, very properly, erased the en-\\ndorsement from the map, and offered the township for sale, and as it\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 525, 530, 533.\\nt American State Papers, v. 688.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 687. U Journal of the House, 117.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0516.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "1803. History of Symmes^ College Township. 487\\nwas one of the best, and most desirable portions of his purchase, it was\\nrapidly located. The matter remained in this situation, till the applica-\\ntion in 1792, to change the boundaries of the purchase, and to grant a\\npatent, for as much land, as his means would enable him to pay for.\\nWhen the bill for that purpose was under consideration. General Dayton,\\nthe agent, and one of the associates of Mr. Symmes, being then an\\ninfluential member of the house of representatives, proposed a section,\\nauthorising the President to convey to Mr. Symmes and his associates,\\none entire township in trust, for the purpose of establishing an academy,\\nand other schools of learning, conformably to an order of Congress, of\\nthe 2nd of October, 1787. The fact was, that the right, under the order\\nreferred to, had been lost, by the relinquishment of half the proposed\\npurchase, in consequence of which the contract contained no stipulation\\nfor such a grant. Notwithstanding, from some cause, either want of\\ncorrect information, or a willingness then, to make the gratuity, most\\nprobably the latter, the section was adopted and became a part of the\\nlaw. At that time, there was not an entire township in the purchase,\\nundisposed of. Large quantities of all of them, had been sold by Mr.\\nSymmes, after his right to college lands had been lost, by the conduct\\nof his agents, Dayton and Marsh. It was not, therefore, in his power\\nto make the appropriation required by the act of Congress, though in\\narranging his payment at the treasury, he was credited with the price\\nof the township. The matter remained in that situation, till about the\\ntime the legislature was elected, under the second grade of the territorial\\ngovernment, in 1799. Mr. Symmes then feeling the embarrassment of\\nhis situation, and aware that the subject would be taken up by the legis-\\nlature, made a written proposition to the governor, offering the second\\ntownship of the second fractional range, for the purposes of a col-\\nlege. On examination, the governor found, that he had sold an undi-\\nvided moiety of that township, for a valuable consideration,* in 1788\\nthat the purchaser had obtained a decree in the circuit court of Pennsyl-\\nvania, for a specific execution of the contract and that he had also\\nsold several smaller portions of the same township to others, who then\\nheld contracts for same. As a matter of course the township was\\nrefused. He then appealed from the decision of the governor, to the\\nterritorial legislature. They also refused to receive it, for the same\\nreasons, which been assigned by the governor. A similar refusal was\\nafterward made, for the same reason, by the state legislature to whom it\\nwas again oflfered. I had the charity to believe, that when Mr. Symmes\\nfirst proposed the township, to the governor, it was his intention to buy\\nup the claims against it, which he probably might have done at that\\ntime, on fair, and moderate terms but he omitted to do so, till that\\narrangement became impracticable, and until his embrrrassments pro-\\nduced by the refusal of Congress, to confirm his contract, for the land", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0517.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "488 Indian Treaties. 1804.\\nhe had sold out of his patent, rendered it impossible for him, to make\\nany remuneration to government, or the intended beneficiaries of the\\ngrant. The delegates representing the territory in Congress, were\\ninstructed, from time to time, to exert their influence to induce the gov-\\nernment in some form, to secure the grant, to the people of the Miami\\npurchase. But nothing effectual was accomplished, till the establish-\\nment of the state government in 1803 when a law was passed by Con-\\ngress* vesting in the legislature of Ohio, a quantity of land equal to one\\nentire township, to be located under their direction, for the purpose of\\nestablishing an academy, in lieu of the township already granted, for the\\nsame purpose by virtue of the act, entitled an act authorising the\\ngrant and conveyance of certain lands, to John C. Symmes and his\\nassociates. Under the authority of an act of the Ohio legislature,\\npassed in April, 1803,t Jacob AVhite, Jeremiah Morrow, and William\\nLudlow made a location of these lands, amounting to thirty-six sections,\\nas they are now held by the Miami University. In consequence of the\\nearly sales, by Judge Symmes, these lands were necessarily located\\nwest of the Great Miami river and consequently without the limit of\\nSymmes purchase.^\\n1804.\\nGovernor Harrison, on the iSth of August, purchased from the\\nDelawares their claims to a large tract between the Wabash and\\nOhio II from the Piankeshaws their claims to the same, and also\\nto the land s granted by the Kaskaskias in 1803 from the Sacs\\nand Foxes their title to most of the immense district between the\\nMississippi, Illinois, Fox river emptying into the Illinois, and\\nWisconsin rivers; H comprehending, it is said, more than fifty-\\none million of acres.** This latter treaty was made at St. Louis.\\nDuring 1804 measures were taken to learn the facts as to the\\nsettlements about Detroit, and an elaborate report upon them was\\nmade by C. Jouett, the Indian Agent in Michigan ff from that\\nSee Chase s Statutes, i. 72. See American Pioneer, i. 269.\\nHistorical Transactions of Ohio, i. 152-5.\\nI American State Papers, v. 689. American State Papers, v. 690.\\n1 American State Papers, 693. Dawson s Harrison, 59.\\ni-t American State Papers, xvi. 190 to 192. See on titles in Michigan, American Stats\\nPapers, xvi. 263 to 2S4.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0518.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "1804, Louisiana Organized. 489\\nreport we take some sentences illustrative of the state of the\\ncapital.\\nThe town of Detroit. The charter, which is for fifteen acres square,\\nwas granted in the time of Louis XIV. of France, and is now, from the\\nbest information I have been able to collect, at Quebec. Of those two\\nhundred and twenty-five acres, only four are occupied by the town and\\nFort Lenault. The remainder is a common, except twenty-four, which\\nwere added twenty years ago to a farm belonging to William Macomb.\\nAs to the titles to the lots in town, I should conceive that the citizens\\nmight legally claim, from a length of undisturbed and peaceable posses-\\nsion, even in the absence of a more valid and substantial tenure. Several\\nof those lots are held by the commanding officer as appendages of the\\ngarrison. A stockade encloses the town, fort, and citadel. The pickets,\\nas well as the public houses, are in a state of gradual decay, and, in a\\nfew days, without repairs, they must fall to the ground. The streets are\\nnarrow, straight, regular, and intersect each other at right angles. The\\nhouses are, for the most part, low and inelegant and although many of\\nthem are convenient and suited to the occupations of the people, there\\nare perhaps a majority af them which require very considerable repara-\\ntion.*\\nCongress, during 1804, granted a township of land in Michigan\\nfor the support of a College. f\\nDuring this year, or early in 1805, the Shawanese Prophet,\\nbrother to Tecumthe, began, as it is commonly thought, to excite\\nthe Indians to entertain hostile feelings against the Americans.:}:\\nThis may, however, be doubted as will be seen hereafter.\\nOn the 26th of March a law was passed organizing the country\\npurchased of France into two portions all below the 33d degree\\nof latitude, being formed into the Territory of Orleans, and the\\nremainder into the District of Louisiana. The former was placed\\nunder a proper territorial government; the latter was annexed t\u00c2\u00a9\\nthe domain of Governor Harrison of Indiana.\\nAmerican State Papers, xvi, 191.\\nt Lanman, 230, McAfee. Drake s Life of Tecumseh, 86t\\nLaws of Missouri, i. 5. Land Laws.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0519.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "1805.\\nOn the 11th of January, Congress made Michigan a separate\\nterritory, with Wra. Hull for its Governor the change of govern-\\nment was to take place on June 30th. On the 11th of that month\\na fire at Detroit destroyed all the buildings at that place, public\\nand private, together with much of the personal property of the\\ninhabitants. On the 29th of June, the Presiding Judge reached\\nthe Strait, and upon the 1st of July, the Governor arrived there\\nThey found the people, in part encamped on and near the site of\\nthe destroyed town, and in part scattered through the country.*\\nFrom their report to Congress, made in October, we extract the\\nfollowing passages\\nThe place which bore the appellation of the lown of Detroit, was a\\nspot of about two acres of ground, completely covered with buildings\\nand combustible materials, the narrow intervals of fourteen or fifteen\\nfeet, used as streets or lanes, only excepted and the whole was en-\\nvironed with a very strong and secure defence of tall and solid pickets.\\nThe circumjacent ground, the bank of the river alone excepted, was a\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2wide commons and though assertions are made respecting the exis-\\ntence, among the records of Quebec, of a charter from the King of\\nFrance, confirming this commons as an appurtenance to the town, it\\nwas either the property of the United States, or at least such as indi-\\nvidual claims did not pretend to cover. The folly of attempting to\\nrebuild the town, in the original mode, was obvious to every mind yet\\nthere existed no authority, either in the country, or in the officers of the\\nnew Government, to dispose of the adjacent ground. Hence had already\\narisen a state of dissension which urgently required the interposition of\\nsome authority to quiet. Some of the inhabitants, destitute of shelter,\\nand hopeless of any prompt arrangements of Government, had re-occu-\\npied their former ground, and a few buildings had already been erected\\nin the midst of the old ruins. Another portion of the inabitants had\\ndetermined to take possession of the adjacent public ground, and to\\nthrow themselves on the liberality of the Government of the United\\nStates, either to make them a donation of the ground, as a compensation\\nfor their sufferings, or to accept of a very moderate price for it. If they\\nLanman, 169. American State Papers, xvi. 247. Land Laws, 514.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0520.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "1805. Detroit refounded. 491\\ncould have made any arrangement of the various pretentions of indi-\\nviduals, or could have agreed on any plan of a town, they would soon\\nhave begun to build. But the want of a civil authority to decide inter-\\nfering claims, or to compel the refractory to submit to the wishes of a\\nmajority, had yet prevented them from carrying any particular measure\\ninto execution. On the morning of Monday, the 1st day of July, the\\ninhabitants had assembled for the purpose of resolving on some defini-\\ntive mode of procedure. The Judges prevailed on them to defer their\\nintentions for a short time, giving them assurances that the Governor of\\nthe territory would shortly arrive, and that every arrangement in the\\npower of their domestic Government would be made for their relief. On\\nthese representations they consented to defer their measures for one\\nfortnight. In the evening of the same day the Governor arrived it\\nwas his first measure to prevent any encroachments from being made on\\nthe public land. The situation of the distressed inhabitants then occu-\\npied the attention of the members of the Government for two or three\\ndays. The result of these discussions was, to proceed to lay out a new\\ntown, embracing the whole of the old town and the public lands adja-\\ncent to state to the people that nothing in the nature of a title could be\\ngiven under any authorities then possessed by the Government and\\nthat they could not be justified in holding out any charitable donations\\nwhatever, as a compensation for their sufferings, but that every per-\\nsonal exertion would be made to obtain a confirmation of the arrange-\\nments about to be made, and to obtain the liberal attention of the\\nGovernment of the United States to their distresses.\\nA town was accordingly surveyed and laid out, and the want of\\nauthority to impart any regular title, without the subsequent sanction of\\nCongress, being first impressed and clearly understood, the lots were\\nexposed to sale under that reservation. Where the purchaser of a lot\\nwas a proprietor in the old town, he was at liberty to extinguish his\\nformer property in his new acquisition, foot for foot, and was expected\\nto pay only for the surplus, at the rate expressed in his bid. A consider-\\nable part of the inhabitants were only tenants in the old town, there\\nbeing no means of acquiring any new titles. The sale of course could\\nnot be confined merely to former proprietors, but, as far as possible, was\\nconfined to former inhabitants. After the sale of a considerable part,\\nby auction, the remainder was disposed of by private contract, deduct-\\ning from the previous sales the basis of the terms. As soon as the\\nnecessities of the immediate inhabitants were accommodated, the sales\\nwere entirely stopped, until the pleasure of Government could be con-\\nsulted. As no title could be made, or was pretended to be made, no\\npayments were required, or any moneys permitted to be received, until\\nthe expiration of one year, to afford time for Congress to interpose.\\nThe remaining part was stipulated to be paid in four successive annual", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0521.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "492 Tecumthe and his brother appear. 1805.\\ninstalments. The highest sum resulting from the bids was seven cents\\nfor a square foot, and the whole averaged at least four cents. In this\\nway the inhabitants were fully satisfied to commence their buildings,\\nand the interfering pretensions of all individuals were eventually\\nreconciled.*\\nIn this same report attention was called to the unsettled southern\\nboundary of Michigan, to the state of the land titles generally,!\\nand other important points.\\nWhile in Michigan the territorial government was taking shape,\\nIndiana! passed to the second grade of the same, as provided by\\nthe ordinance, and obtained her General Assembly while various\\ntreaties with the northern tribes were transferring to the United\\nStates the Indian title to large and valuable tracts of country. On\\nthe 4th of July, the Wyandots and others, at Fort Industry, on\\nthe Maumee, ceded all their lands as far west as the western\\nboundary of the Connecticut Reserve ;|1 upon the 21st of August,\\nGovernor Harrison, at Vincennes, received from the Miamies a\\nregion containing two million acres\u00c2\u00a7 within what is now Indiana ;1[\\nand upon the 30th of December, at the same place purchased of\\nthe Piankeshaws a tract eighty or ninety miles wide, extending\\nfrom the Wabash west to the cession by the Kaskaskias in 1803.**\\nAt this time, although some murders by the red men had taken\\nplace in the far west, the body of natives seemed bent on peace. ff\\nBut mischief was gathering. Tecumthe, his brother the prophet\\nand other leading men, had formed at Greenville the germ of that\\nunion of tribes by wdiich the whites were to be restrained in their\\ninvasions. We are by no means satisfied that the Great Indian of\\nlater days used any concealment, or meditated any treachery\\ntoward the United States, for many years after this time. The\\nefforts of himself and his brother were directed to two points\\nfirst, the reformation of the savages, whose habits unfitted them for\\ncontinuous and heroic effort and second, such a union as would\\nmake the purchase of land by the United States impossible, and\\nAmerican State Papers, xvi. 247.\\nt Only six regular titles were found in Michigan (American State Papers, xvi. 305\\nin same volume, p. 263, they are erroneously said to be eight; see American State Papers,\\nxvi. 203 to 284, 305 to 557, 592.\\nDawson s Harrison, 71 to 78. 1| American State Papers, v. 695. 702.\\nHarrison s Letter, American State Papers, v. 701. 1 1bid, v. 696\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 704.\\ntt See Harrison s Letter, American State Papers, v. 705.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0522.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "1805. Burr s Movements. 493\\ngive to the aborigines a strength that might be dreaded. Both\\nthese objects were avowed, and both were pursued with wonder-\\nful energy, perseverance and success in the whole country bor-\\ndering upon the lakes, the power of the Prophet was felt, and the\\nw^ork of reformation went on rapidly.*\\nIt was during this year that Burr paid his first visit to the West.\\nOn the 11th of July, 1804, he had shot General Hamilton, an\\nevent which he felt would ostracise him ;t would force him to\\nseek elsewhere for power, money, and fame. On the 2nd of\\nMarch, 1805, the Vice President took his celebrated leave of the\\nSenate, and upon the 29th of April was at Pittsburgh. His pur-\\npose in going westward was not the gratification of curiosity\\nmerely and from Wilkinson, 1| we learn that he was concerned\\nwith Dayton and others in the projected canal round the Falls, at\\nLouisville a proposal which had been before the United States\\nSenate in January. From Pittsburgh he proceeded down the\\nOhio to Louisville, thence went to Lexington and Nashville by\\nland, and from the latter place passed down the Cumberland, and\\nupon the 6th of June reached Fort Massac.H During his visit to\\nTennessee he was treated with great attention, and both then and\\npreviously had some conversation relative to a residence in that\\nstate, with a view to political advancement.** His intentions,\\nhowever, seem to have been entirely vague among other plans,\\nhe had some thought of trying to displace Governor Claiborne of\\nthe Orleans territory, and took from Wilkinson,f f whom he met at\\nFort Massac, a letter to Daniel Clark, the Governor s most violent\\nfoe. On the 25th of June, Burr reached the capital of the south-\\nwest, where he remained until the 10th of July, when he crossed\\nby land to Nashville, and spent a week with General Jackson a\\nman, he says, in many points after his own heart and upon the\\n20th of August, was at Lexington again from Lexington, he went\\nby the Falls, Vincennes, and Kaskaskia to St. Louis, where he met\\nGeneral Wilkinson about the middle of September. By this time,\\nDrake s Tecumseh, 88. 93. 103. Davis Memoirs of Burr, ii. 327. 367.\\nBurr s Letter in Davis, ii. 359. Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. 274 to 278.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 419 and 479. If His Journal in Davis ii. 368 to 370.\\n**Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. appendix, Ixviii, Colonel Lyon s Deposition.\\ntt Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. 281. Claiborne was made Governor of Mississippi, January\\n6, 1802 and transferred to Orleans Territory, December 10, 1804. (Executive Journals,\\ni. 401. 476.)\\nHis Journal in Davis, ii. 372.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0523.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "494 Burr s plans mature. 1805.\\nall his plans appear to have undergone a change again. At New\\nOrleans he had been made aware of the existence of an associa-\\ntion formed to invade Mexico and wrest it from Spain he was\\nasked to join it, but refused. He saw, however, at that time, if\\nnot before, that, should the disputes relative to boundaries! then\\nexisting between the United States result in war,| an opportunity\\nwould be given to men of spirit to conquer and rule Mexico, and\\nthis idea thenceforth became his leading one.|| But in connection\\nwith this plan of invasion, in case of war, there arose whispers in\\nrelation to effecting a separation of the western from the Atlantic\\nstates of this we have knowledge by a letter from Daniel Clark\\nto General Wilkinson, written September 7th. What Burr s con-\\nversations with the commander at St. Louis were, we are not\\nparticularly told, but we learn that he suggested the Mexican plan,\\nand also intimated that the Union was rotten and the western\\npeople dissatisfied. H Such was the effect of his talk that soon after\\nhe left, Wilkinson wrote to the Secretary of the Navy advising the\\ngovernment to have an eye on Burr, as he was about something,\\nbut whether internal or external, he could not learn.** Thus,\\nduring 1805, the idea of a separation of the western states from\\nthe Union by Burr and Wilkinson, had become familiar to many\\nminds, even though the principals themselves may have had no\\nmore thought of such a thing than of taking possession of the\\nmoon, and dividing her among their friends. ff\\nUpon the 23d of September, Lieutenant Pike, on his way up the\\nMississippi, bought of the Sioux two tracts, one at the mouth of\\nthe St. Croix river, the other at mouth of the St. Peters, including\\nthe Falls of St. Anthony.:j:|\\nIn the bill authorising Ohio to become a State, was the follow-\\ning provision:\\nSpence s deposition in Wilkinson, ii. 283, note\\nt American State Papers, ii. 660 to 669.\\nWilkinson thought they would, and he in a great measure controlled the matter. See\\nhis memoirs, ii. 300 General Adair in Davis, ii. 380.\\nJ See General Adair s testimony in Davis, ii. 379.\\nWilkinson s Memoirs, ii. Appendix, xxxiii. The possibility of a renewed attempt to\\ndismember the Union by Wilkinson, aided by Burr, had been suggested in a western\\npaper, early in the spring of 1S05. (American State Papers, xx. 571.)\\n1 American State Papers, xx. 579. Wilkinson s Testimony at Burr s Trial.\\nDeposition of Captain Hughes, in Wilkinson, ii. Appendix, Ixx.\\ntt See Burr s words in Davis, ii. 37S, note.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 753. 754. 755. See account of Pike s Expeditions in 1805,\\n6 and 7 published at Philadelphia, 1810.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0524.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "1806. Lewis and Clark s Expedition. 495\\nThird, that one twentieth part of the nett proceeds of the lands lying\\nwithin the said State, sold by Congress, from and after the thirtieth day\\nof June next, after deducting all expenses incident to the same, shall be\\napplied to the laying out and making public roads, leading from the navi-\\ngable waters emptying into the Atlantic, to the Ohio, to the said State,\\nand through the same such roads to be laid out under the authority of\\nCongress, with the consent of the several States through which the road\\nshall pass.*\\nIn conformity with this clause, steps were taken during 1805,\\nwhich resulted in the making of the Cumberland, or National road.\\n1806.\\nDuring this year the conviction became more and more strong\\nthat the north-western tribes were meditating hostilities against the\\nUnited States, but nothing of consequence took place ;t although\\nTecumthe and the Prophet constantly extended and confirmed their\\ninfluence. I\\nIn September, 1806, Messrs. Lewis and Clarke returned from\\ntheir exploration of the Missouri and Oregon rivers. This expedi-\\ntion had been suggested by Mr. JefTerson in January, 1803, |1 His\\nviews being sanctioned by Congress, Captain Lewis and Lieuten-\\nant Clarke entered the Missouri, May 14, 1804. The ensuing\\nwinter they spent among the Mandans, and in April, 1805, again\\nset forward. With great difficulty the mountains were passed in the\\nSeptember following, and the Pacific reached upon the 17th of\\nNovember. Here the winter of 1805-6 was passed. On the 27th\\nof March, 1806, the return journey was begun, and the mountains\\nwere crossed late in June.\u00c2\u00a7\\nLand Laws, 476.\\nt Marshall (ii. 479) says that in this year or the next, the first attacks upon the Indians\\nwere made by the whites, and some of the former killed the red men being innocent Of\\nall crime.\\nDawson s Harrison, 83 to 90. Drake s Tecumseh, 89 to 91.\\nI American Slate Papers, v. 684.\\nSee American State Papers, v, 705, c. Lewis and Clarke s Journal,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0525.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "496 Burros Movements. 1806.\\nThe difficulties with Spain began early in the year to assume a\\nserious appearance; in February, acts of a semi-hostile character\\ntook place,* and in August, Spanish troops crossed the Sabine and\\ntook possession of the territory east of that river. This led first to\\na correspondence between Governor Claiborne and the Spaniard\\nin command; and next to a movement by General Wilkinson and\\nhis army to the contested border, f While his troops were at\\nNatchitoches, in immediate expectation of an engagement, Samuel\\nSwartwout reached Wilkinson s camp, with letters from Burr and\\nDayton, of such a character as to bring matters in relation to the\\nconquest of Mexico almost instantly to a crisis.\\nBurr, from January to August, Mr. Davis tells us, w^as most of\\nthe time in Washington and Philadelphia but not idle, for in a\\nletter to Wilkinson, dated April 16th, the conspirator says, Burr\\nwill be throughout the United States this summer; and refers to\\nthe association, as enlarged, and to the project as postponed\\ntill December. In July, Commodore Truxton learned from Burr\\nthat he was interested largely in lands upon the Washita, which\\nhe proposed to settle if his Mexican project failed and in\\nAugust w^e find that he left for the west. On the 21st of that\\nmonth he was in Pittsburg, and there suggested to Colonel George\\nMorgan and his son the probable disunion of the States, growing\\nout of the extreme weakness of the Federal Government If a\\nsuggestion similar to that said to have been made, though in a\\nmuch more distinct and strong form, to General Eaton, in the\\nMarch preceding.** His plans, indeed, whatever their extent,\\nwere before this time fixed and perfected, for it was upon the .29th\\nof July that he wrote from Philadelphia to General Wilkinson the\\nletter confided to Swartwout, which led to the developement of the\\nwhole business this letter we extract, together with Wilkinson s\\ndeposition of December 26th, explanatory of Burr s plans.\\n[Yours, post-marked 13th of May, is received.]* I, Aaron Burr,\\nhave obtained funds, and have actually commenced the enterprise. De-\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 798.\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 801 to 804. See for documents Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii.\\nappendix. Ix. Ixxxvii, to xciii. Also, American State Papers, xx. 561 to 563. 565.\\nMemoirs, ii. 375. He had not entirely given up Eastern politics see Adair s letter\\nin Wilkinson, ii. appendix Ixxvii.\\nU Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. appendix Ixxxiii. American State Papers, xx. 497.\\nt American State Papers, xx. 501 to 504. American State Papers, 493 to 596. 537.\\nThe parts in brackets were omitted in the copy which Wilkinson used, in causing the\\narrest of Bollman and others. (See American State Papers, xx. 471, 472.) This omission\\nwas the ground of the accusatioH hereafter referred to.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0526.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "1806. Burr 3 Letter to Wilkinson. 497\\ntachmenls from different points, and under different pretences, will ren-\\ndezvous on Ohio, 1st November every ihing internal and external\\nfavors views proteclion of England is secured T is going to\\nJamaica, to arrange with the Admiral on that station it will meet on the\\nMississippi. England. Navy of the United States are ready to join,\\nand final orders are given to my friends and followers it will be a host\\nof choice spirits. Wilkinson shall be second to Burr only: Wilkinson\\nshall dictate the rank and promotion of his officers. Burr will proceed\\nwestward 1st. August, never to return with him go his daughter; the\\nthe husband will follow in October, with a corps of worthies.\\nSend forth an intelligent and confidential friend with whom Burr may\\nconfer he shall return immediately with further interesting details: this\\nis essential to concert and harmony of movement send a list of all per-\\nsons known to Wilkinson, west of the mountains, who may be useful,\\nwith a note delineating their characters. By your messenger send me\\nfour or five commissions of your ofiicers, which you can borrow under\\nany pretence you please they shall be returned faithfully. Already\\nare orders to the contractor given, to forward six months provisions to\\npoints Wilkinson may name; this shall not be used until the last mo-\\nment, and then under proper injunctions the project is brought to the\\npoint so long desired. Burr guarantees the result with his life and\\nhonor, with the lives, the honor and fortune of hundreds, the best blood\\nof our country. Burr s plan of operations is, to move down rapidly\\nfrom the Falls on the 15th November, with the first 500, or 1000 men\\nin light boats now constructing for that purpose, to be at Natchez be-\\ntween the 5th and 15ih of December; there to meet Wilkinson there\\nto determine whether it will be expedient in the first instance to seize\\non or pass by Baton Rouge: on receipt of this send an answer; draw\\non Burr for all expenses, c. The people of the country to which we\\nare going, are prepared to receive us their agents now witli Burr say,\\nthat if we will protect their religion and will not subject them to a\\nforeign power, that in three weeks all will be settled. The gods invite\\nto glory and fortune it remains to be seen whether we deserve the\\nboon the bearer of this goes express to you he will hand a formal\\nletter of introduction to you from Burr: he is a man of inviolable honor\\nand perfect discretion formed to execute rather than to project; capable\\nof relating facts with fidelity, and incapable of relating them otherwise;\\nhe is thoroughly informed of the plans and intentions of [Burr,] and\\nwill disclose to you as far as you inquire, and no further he has im-\\nbibed a reverence for your character, and may be embarrassed in your\\npresence put him at ease and he will satisfy you.*\\nJuly 29.\\nWilkinson s Memoirs, ii. 316.\\n32", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0527.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "498 Wilkinson s affidavit. 1806.\\nI instantly resolved says Wilkinson in his affidavit to avail myself\\nof the reference made to the bearer, and, in the course of some days,\\ndrew from him (the said Svvartwont) the following disclosure That\\nhe had been despatched by Colonel Burr from Philadelphia; had passed\\nthrough the States of Ohio and Kentucky, and proceeded from Louis-\\nville for St. Louis, where he expected to find me but discovering at\\nKaskaskias that I had desended the river, he procured a skifT, hired\\nhands, and followed me down the Mississippi to Fort Adams; and from\\nthence set out for Natchitoches, in company with Captains Sparks and\\nHooke, under the pretence of a disposition to take part in the campaign\\nagainst tlie Spaniards, then depending. That Colonel Burr, with the\\nsupport of a powerful association extending from New York to New\\nOrleans, was levying an armed body of seven thousand men from the\\nState of New York and the western States and territories, with a view\\nto carry an expedition against the Mexican provinces and that five\\nhundred men, under Colonel Swartwout and a Colonel or Major Tyler,\\nwere to descend the Alleghany, for whose accommodation light boats\\nhad been built and were ready. I inquired what would be their\\ncourse he said, this territory would be revolutionized, where the\\npeople were ready to join them and that there would be some seizing,\\nhe supposed, at New Orleans that they expected to be ready to embark\\nabout the 1st of February and intended to land at Vera Cruz, and to\\nmarch from thence to Mexico. I observed that there were several\\nmillions of dollars in the bank of this place to which he replied, we\\nknow it full well and, on my remarking that they certainly did not\\nmean to violate private property, he said, they meant to borrow, and\\nwould return it; that they must equip themselves in New Orleans that\\nthey expected naval protection from Great Britain that the captains and\\nthe officers of our navy were so disgusted with the Goverment that they\\nwere ready to join that similar disgusts prevailed throughout the wes-\\ntern country, where the people were zealous in favor of the enterprise\\nand that pilot-boat built schooners were contracted for along our\\nsouthern coast for their service that he had been accompanied from\\nthe falls of Ohio to Kaskaskias, and from tlience to Fort Adams by a\\nMr. Ogden, who had proceeded on to New Orleans with letters from\\nColonel Burr to his friends there. Swartwout asked me whether I\\nhad heard from Dr. Bollman and, on my answering in the negative,\\nhe expressed great surprise, and observed, that the Doctor and a Mr.\\nAlexander had left Philadelphia before him with despatches for me\\nand that they were to proceed by sea to New Orleans, where he said\\nthey must have arrived.\\nThough determined to deceive him, if possible, I could not refrain\\ntelling Mr. Swartwout it was impossible that I could ever dishonor my\\ncommission and I believe I duped him by my admiration of the plan", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0528.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "1806. Suspicions as to BurPs Plans. 499\\nand by observing, thai allhoiigh I could not join in the expedition, the\\nengagements which the Spaniards had prepared for me in my front\\nmight prevent my opposing it. Yet I did, the moment I had deciphered\\nthe letter, put it into the hands of Colonel Gushing, my adjutant and\\ninspector making the declaration that I should oppose the lawless enter-\\nprise with my utmost force. Mr. Swartwout informed me that he was\\nunder engagements to meet Colonel Burr at Nashville on the 20th of\\nNovember, and requested of me to write to him, which I declined and\\non his leaving Natchitoches about the 18th of October, I immediately\\nemployed Lieutenant T. A. Smith to convey the information in sub-\\nstance to the President without the commitment of names for from the\\nextraordinary nature of the project and the more extraordinary appeal to\\nme, I could but doubt its reality, notwithstanding the testimony before\\nme and I did not attach solid belief to Mr. Swariwout s reports respect-\\ning their interttions on this Territory and city, until I received confirma-\\ntory advice from St. Louis.*\\nAfter leaving Pittsburg, Burr went probably direct to Blenner-\\nhassett s Island, where he had stopped the previous summer,\\nwhile passing down the Ohio,t and w^hich he thenceforth made\\nhis head-quarters. This he was probably led to do by the fact\\nthat Blennerhassett, in December, 1805, had written him, that he\\nshould like to take part in any western speculations, or in attack-\\ning Mexico, should a Spanish war actually occur.| This offer,\\ntogether with the supposed wealth of Blennerhassett, and the ad-\\nmirable position of his island for Burr s purposes, made that place\\nthe very one most desirable for him to select as his centre of\\noperations. From this point the Chief made excursions into Ohio\\nand Kentucky, obtaining money, men, boats and provisions.\\nAmong those from whom he received the most aid was Davis\\nFloyd, of Jeffersonville, a member of the Indiana Assembly\\ntliis gentleman, Blennerhassett, Comfort Tyler and Israel Smith,\\nwere Burr s chiefs of division, and led the few followers that at\\nlast went down the river in his company. Meantime the rumor\\nwas prevalent in every man s mouth, H that the settlement of\\nthe Washita lands,** for which the men were nominally enlisted,\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 472.\\nt Colonel Lyon, in Wilkinson, ii. appendix Ixviii.\\nt Davis, ii. 392.\\nII Davis ii. 392. Butler s Kentucky, 312. American State Papers, xx. 499, c_\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 524. Butler s Kentucky, 313.\\nIt David C. Wallace. American State Papers, xx. 535.\\nSee a^ to these lands Lynch s evidence. American State Papers, xx. 599,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0529.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "500 Dizviess makes onth against Burr. 1806\\nwas a mere pretence, and that an attack on Mexico, if not some-\\nthing worse, was in contemplation.* That something w^as looked\\nfor beyond a conquest of the Spanish provinces seemed probable\\nfrom the views expressed in a series of essays called the Que-\\nrist these were published in September in the Ohio Gazette,\\n(Marietta) w^ere written by Blennerhassett, immediately after Burr s\\nvisit to his island, and strongly intimated that; wisdom called on\\nthe western people to leave the Union, f At this time Colonel\\nJoseph Daviess was attorney for the United States in Kentucky^\\nand he, together with others, felt that the General Government\\nought \\\\o be informed of what was doing, and of what w^as rumored\\nMr. Jefferson, accordingly, in the latter part of September received\\nintimations of what was going forward, but as nothing definite\\ncould be charged there was no point of attack, and the Execu-\\ntive and his friends could do nothing farther than watch and wait.\\nAt length, late in October, notice of the building of boats and col-\\nlection of provisions having reached him, the President sent a con-\\nfidential agent\u00c2\u00a7 into the west, and also gave orders to the Goa^-\\nernors and commanders to be upon their guard. Daviess, mean-\\ntime, had gathered a mass of testimony implicating Burr, which led\\nhim to take the step of bringing the subject, in November, before\\nthe United States District Court, making oath, that he was in-\\nformed, and did verily believe, that Aaron Burr for several months\\npast had been, and now is engaged, in preparing and setting on\\nfoot, and in providing and preparing the means for a military ex-\\npedition and enterprize within this district, for the purpose of de-\\nscending the Ohio and Mississippi therewith and making war\\nupon the subjects of the king of Spain. After having read this\\naffidavit, the attorney added, I have information, on which\\nI can rely, that all the western territories are the next object of the\\nscheme and finally, all the region of the Ohio, is calculated, as\\nfalling into the vortex of the newly proposed revolution.\\nUpon this affidavit Daviess asked for Burr s arrest, but the mo-\\ntion was overruled. The accused, however, who saw at once the\\nmost politic course, came into court and demanded an investigation,\\nBurnet s letters, 103. Numermis witnesses at Burr a trial, Richmond,\\nt American State Papers, xx. 527. 528. 535. 525 and 526. See also 531, 532, c.\\nSee the statements and papers in Marshall, ii. 3S5 to 413 424 to 433.\\n5 American State Papers, xx. 468.\\n(j Mr. John Graham, secretary of the Orleans Territory. His evidence is in American-\\nState Papers, xx, 528, c.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0530.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "1806. Governor Tiffin seizes Burr ^s Boats. 501\\nwhich could not be had, however, in consequence of the impossi-\\nbility of obtaining Davis Floyd as a witness. Thus far the public\\ngenerally sympathized with Burr, whose manners secured all\\nsuffrages, and who on the 1st of December was able to write to\\nHenry Clay, his attorney, in these terms: I have no design, nor\\nhave I taken any measure to promote a dissolution of the Union,\\nor a separation of any one or more States from the residue. I have\\nneither published a line on this subject, nor has any one through\\nmy agency or with my knowledge. I have no design to intermed-\\ndle with the government, or to disturb the tranquillity of the United\\nStates, nor of its territories, or of any part of them. I have neither\\nissued nor signed, nor promised a commission to any person, for\\nany purpose. I do not own a musket nor bayonet, nor any single\\narticle of military stores, nor does any person for me, by my au-\\nthority, or my knowledge. My views have been explained to,\\nand approved by, several of the principal officers of government,\\nand, I believe, are well understood by the administration, and seen\\nby it with complacency tiiey are such as every man of honor and\\nevery good citizen must approve. Considering the high station you\\nnow fill in our national councils, I have thought these explanations\\nproper, as well to counteract the chimerical tales, which malevo-\\nlent persons have industriously circulated, as to satisfy you that\\njou have not espoused the cause of a man in any way unfriendly\\nto the laws, the government or the interests of his country.\\nThe agent from government, who was all along actively engaged\\nin procuring evidence relative to Burr s plans, finding abundant\\nproof of his Mexican project, and learning also that he thought the\\nWest ought to separate from the East,f determined in December,\\nto take measures to arrest his boats and provisions. This he\\neffected by an application to the Legislature of Ohio, through Gov-\\nernor Tiffin. I The Legislature authorized the Governor to take\\nthe necessary steps, and before the 14th of December, ten boats\\nwith stores were arrested on the Muskingum, and soon after, four\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2more were seized by the troops at Marietta. Blennerhassett,\\nTyler, and thirty or forty men, on the night of December 10th,\\nButler s Kentucky, 313. 316. See Jefferson s Message, American State Papers, xx. 469.\\nt So Blennerhassett told him. American State Papers, xx. 531.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 629-\\n3 Journal of the Senate, p. 36-\\nSee Governor Tiffin s Letters- Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 259- 260- His message\\n-cf December 15th. Journal of Senate, 36.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0531.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "502 Swartwout and Bollman arrested^ 1806.\\nleft the Island, and proceeded down the river,* barely escaping\\nan arrest by General Tupper, on behalf of the State of Ohio.f\\nOn the 16th, this party united with that of Floyd at the Falls;|\\nand on the 26th, the whole, together, met Burr at the mouth of the\\nCumberland. II On the 29th, the company passed Fort Massac.\\nBut w^hile Daviess and Graham were laboring to put a stop to\\nBurr s progress, the General Government had received information\\nwhich enabled the President to act with decision; this was the\\nmessage of Wilkinson,1I bearing an account of Burr s letter already\\nquoted. This Message was sent from Natchitoches upon the 22d of\\nOctober,** and reached the seat of Government, November 25th\\non the 27th, a proclamation was issued, ff and word sent W estward\\nto arrest all concerned. About the same time, (November 24th\\nor 25th,)|||| Wilkinson, who had done, unauthorized, upon the 1st\\nof November,\u00c2\u00a7\u00c2\u00a7 the very thing he bad been ordered on the 8th to\\ndo, namely, to make an accommodation wdth the Spanish com-\\nmander on the Sabine, HH and fall back to the Mississippi,*** reach-\\ned New Orleans, and prepared to resist any attack thereon at this\\ncity he arrested Swartwout, Peter V. Ogden, who was discharged,\\nhowever, on Habeas Corpus^ and Dr. Erick Bollman,, who had also\\nborne messages from Burr and Dayton. fff\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 500. 596. At former reference date is misstated, should\\nbe Sunday, 7th. See other depositions, pp. 509. 596, c.j c.\\nt American State Papers, xx. 504. 505. 509. 523. 534.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 524.\\nH American State Papers, xx. 522.514. Burr went down the Cumberland, December 22.^\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 469.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx.473. 516.\\nGiven in Wilkinson, ii., appendix xcv.\\nColonel Smith, in Wilkinson ii., appendix xciv.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ft Given in Wilkinson, ii., appendix xcvi.\\nif I Jefferson, in American State Papers, xx. 468.\\n1111 American State Papers, xx. 469. 600.\\nColonel Burling, in Wilkinson, ii., appendix xcvii.\\nn Wilkinson reached Natchitoches, September 24 he at once requested the Spanish\\ncommander to re-cross the Sabine and save bloodshed the Spaniard did as requested;,\\nabout the 30th of September. (American State Papers, xx. 544.) In a week after, Swart-\\nwout arrived. (American State Papers, xx. 557.)\\nJefferson, in American State Papers, xx. 466.\\nttt Wilkinson, ii. 318. American State Papers, xx. 470.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0532.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "1807.\\nWhat Burr may have felt or intended after he met his fugitive\\nfollowers at the mouth of Cumberland river, late in December,\\n1806, it is impossible to say, but it is certain that he went on\\nopenly and boldly, protesting against the acts of Ohio, and avow-\\ning his innocence. If he had relied on Wilkinson, he was as yet\\nundeceived w4th regard to him. On the 4th of January he was at\\nFort Pickering, Chickasaw Bluffs and soon after at Bayou\\nPierre. From this point he wrote to the authorities below, refer-\\nring to the rumors respecting him, alledging his innocence, and\\nbegging them to avoid the horrors of civil war.f Word had just\\nbeen received from Jefferson, however, of the supposed conspi-\\nracy the militia were under arms and the acting Governor of the\\nMississippi Territory, Cowles Mead, on the 16th of January, sent\\ntwo aids to meet Colonel Burr one of these was George Poindex-\\nter. At this meeting, an interview between the acting Governor\\nwas arranged, which took place on the 17th at which time Burr\\nyielded himself to the civil authority. He was then taken to\\nWashington, the capital of the territory, and legal proceedings\\ncommenced. Mr. Poindexter was himself Attorney-general, and\\nas such advised that Burr had been guilty of no crime within Mis-\\nsissippi, and wished to have him sent to the seat of government of\\nthe United States the presiding Judge, however, summoned a\\nGrand Jury, which, upon the evidence before them, presented\\nnot Burr for treason but the acting Governor for calling out the\\nmilitia That evening. Colonel Burr, fearing an arrest by officer\\nsent by Wilkinson, forfeited his bonds and disappeared. f A pro-\\nclamation being issued by the Governor for his apprehension, he\\nwas seized on the Tombigbee river\u00c2\u00a7 on his way to riorida,1I and\\nwas sent at once to Richmond, where he arrived March 26th.\\nOn the 22d of May, Burr s examination began in the Circuit Court\\nof the United States at Richmond, before. Judge Marshall two\\nbills were found against him, one for treason against the United\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 567, 610. f Ibid, 477, 478.\\n4 Poindexter in American State Papers, xx. 56S to 570. Wilkinson in do. 545.^\\nGraham in do. 530 to 531. ^Mead in do. 478.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 602. Davis,, ii. 383. 1 Butler, 318.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0533.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "504 Burros trial and purposes. 1807.\\nStates, the other for a misdemeanor in organizing an enterprise\\nagainst Mexico, while at peace with the United States but on\\nboth these charges the Jury found him not guilty,* upon the\\nprinciple that the offence, if committed anywhere, was committed\\nout of the jurisdiction of the Court, f The Chief Justice, however,\\nupon the latter charge, subsequently ordered his commitment for\\ntrial within the proper jurisdiction.! This commitment, however,\\nbeing impliedly upon the supposition that the United States\\nwished, under the circumstances, to proseoute the accused, and\\nthe Attorney for the government declining to do so,]] no further\\nsteps were taken to bring the supposed culprit to justice, and the\\ndetails of his doings and plans have never yet been made known.\\nAlthough a mystery still hangs about Burr s plans, in conse-\\nquence of the discontinuance of the suit by the United States, we\\nthink it has been clearly proved by the trial at Richmond and\\nother evidences\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1st, that Burr w^ent into the West in 1805 with\\nthe feeling that his day at the East was over in New York he\\nfeared even a prosecution if he remained there\\n2nd, that his plans, until late in that year, were undefined\\nspeculations of various kinds, a residence in Tennessee, an ap-\\npointment in the Southwest, were under consideration, but nothing\\nwas determined\\n3d, that he at length settled upon three objects, to one or\\nthe other of w^hich, as circumstances might dictate, he meant to\\ndevote his energies: these were\\nA separation of the West from the East under himself and Wil-\\nkinson\\nShould this be, upon further examination, deemed impossible,\\nthen an invasion of Mexico by himself and Wilkinson, with or\\nwithout the sanction of the federal government\\nAnd in case of disappointment in reference to Mexico, then the\\nfoundation of a new state upon the Washita, over which he might\\npreside as founder and patriarch.^\\nDavis, ii. 385. t Judge Marshall s language, American State Papers, xx. 641.\\ni American State Papers, xx. 645. The verdicts were of September 1st and 15th; the\\ncommitment of October 20th. In the opinion given on this last occasion, the whole sub-\\nject and evidence is reviewed by the Chief Justice. (American State Papers, xx. 641 lo\\n645.)\\n11 Burr s Journal in Davis, ii. 412.\\nAdairs letter in Wilkinson, ii. Apdendix, Ixxvii.\\nt See American State Papers, xx. 530, where Burr speaks to Graham of the Washita\\nlands and a separate government.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0534.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "1807. Burros Purposes. 505\\nThat the Washita scheme was not a mere pretence, we think\\nevident from the fact that Burr actually paid toward the purchase\\nfour or five thousand dollars that it was not the only object, and\\nthat the conquest of Mexico, if it could be effected, was among his\\nsettled determinations, his friends all acknowledged,! but said this\\nconquest was to take place upon the supposition of a war with\\nSpain, and in no other case that Burr may have thought the\\ngovernment would wink at his proceedings, is very possible and\\nthat Wilkinson either meant to aid him, or pretended he would, in\\norder to learn his plans, is certain but the secrecy of his move-\\nments, the language of his letter to Wilkinson in July, 1806, and\\nhis whole character, convince us that he would, if he could, have\\ninvaded Mexico, whether the United States were at war or peace\\nwith Spain.\\nBut we cannot doubt that, going beyond a violation of the laws\\nof the Union, he was disposed to seek a separation of that Union\\nitself. During his visit of 1805, he was undoubtedly made fully\\nacquainted with the old schemes for independence entertained in\\nKentucky, and was led to question the real attachment of the\\nwestern people to the federal government. So long as he thought\\nthere was a probability of disunion, it would naturally be his first\\nobject to place himself at the head of the republic beyond the\\nmountains, and should he find himself deceived as to the extent of\\ndisaffection in the Great Valley, all his means could be brought to\\nbear upon Mexico. His conversations with the Morgans at Pitts-\\nburgh the views of the Querist prepared by Blennerhasset\\nunder Burr s eye ;1I and the declarations of Blennerhasset to Hen-\\nderson and Graham,** seem to leave no room for doubting the fact\\nthat a dissolution of the United States had been contemplated by\\nthe ex Vice-President, although we think there is as little reason to\\ndoubt that it had been abandoned as hopeless, long before his\\narrest.\\nWith regard to Wilkinson, it is not easy to form a decided\\nLynch s testimony, American State Papers, xx. 599.\\nt See Davis, ii. chap. xx.\\nI Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. 311. 312.\\nII See Burr s conversation with Graham, American State Papers, xx. 530.\\nAmerican States Papers, xx. 501. 503.\\n1 American State Papers, xx. 526. 527. 528. Judge Marshall says, (American State\\nPapers, xx. 644,) that the object of these v^ritings vi^as to prepare the western states for\\na dismemberment, is apparent on the face of them.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 525. 526 531.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0535.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "506 Governor Hull buys the East of Middgan. 1807.\\nopinion the strongest fact in his favor is that he informed the gov-\\nernment of Burr s projects, in the fall of 1805 the strongest fact\\nagainst him is, that if innocent, he was able to outwit and entrap\\nso subtle a man as the conspirator. It has been charged against\\nWilkinson that he altered the letter sent him by Burr, and then\\nswore that the copy was a true copy ;f this however is fully\\nexplained by the deposition of Mr. Duncan, Wilkinson s legal\\nadviser at New Orleans, by whom indeed the omission was suf-\\nfered designedly to remain, in opposition to the General s repeated\\nand strong expression of his wish that it should be supplied.\\nAnother charge has been brought against Wilkinson since his\\ndeath, that he claimed of Mexico two hundred thousand dollars for\\nstopping Burr. II This charge seems improbable, and it seems\\nequally improbable that during the persecution of the General in\\n1810, no knowledge of so strange an act, and one of so public a\\nnature, should have been reached by his enemies. As it was not\\nbrought forward till 1836, eleven years after his death, no oppor-\\ntunity has occurred for explaining or disproving it, but it ought\\nnot to weigh against his memory until further evidence is offered\\nin its support.\\nOn the 27th of January, 1807, Governor Hull, of Michigan Ter-\\nritory, had been authorized by the federal government, to enter\\ninto a treaty with the northwestern Indians, for the lands upon the\\neastern side of the Peninsula, and for those west of the Connecti-\\ncut Reserve, as far as the Auglaise.\u00c2\u00a7 The directions then given\\nhaving been repeated in September, a council was held at Detroit,\\nand a treaty made November 17th,11 with the Ottawas, Chippe-\\nways, Wyandots and Pottawatamies, by which the country from\\nthe Maumee to Saginaw bay, on the eastern side of Michigan, was\\ntransferred, with certain reservations, to the United States.**\\nCongress confirmed the old French claims to land in the west,\\nduring this year.ff\\nV A stockade was built round the new town of Detroit. J|\\nDuring this year was brought to a close the movement in favor\\nSee ante p. 494. f Davis, ii, 400.\\nSee his deposition, American State Papers, xx. 560. Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. 332.\\nI Davis, ii. 400 to 404. American State Papers, v. 748.\\nf The treaty, (American State Papers v. 747) reads 7tli Jefferson s message (same\\npage) and the treaty of Brownstown, (p. 7.57) say the 17th.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 747. 745.\\ntt Lanman, 182. U I^^ d, 183.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0536.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "1808. Tficumthe at Tippecanoe. 507\\nof introducing slavery into Indiana territory. It began with the\\npetition of four men in the Kaskaskia region in 1796.*\\nIn 1803, it was again brought before Congress, and reported\\nagainst by Mr. Randolph. f In 1804, it was a third time brought\\nup, and the following resolution offered in the House of Represen-\\ntatives\\nResolved, That the sixth article of the ordinance of 1787, which pro-\\nhibited slavery within the said Territory, be suspended, in a quahfied\\nmanner, for ten years, so as to permit the introduction of slaves, born\\nwithin the United States, from any of the individual States Provided,\\nThat such individual State does not permh the importation of slaves\\nfrom foreign countries. And provided, further. That the descendants of\\nall such slaves shall, if males, be free at the age of twenty-five years,\\nand, if females, at the age of twenty-one years. J:\\nIn 1806, the Report of the Committee offering this resolution\\nwas referred, and the same resolve again offered.]]\\nIn 1807, the subject once more came up upon a representation\\nby the House of Representatives and Legislative Council of the\\nTerritory. The National Representatives were again asked by\\ntheir committee to approve the step,1f but in the Senate a different\\nview was taken, and it was declared inexpedient to suspend the\\nOrdinance.**\\n1808,\\nDuring this year Tecumthe and the Prophet still continued qui-\\netly to extend their influence, professing no other end than a re-\\nformation of the Indians. Before the month of Juneff they had\\nremoved from Greenville to the banks of the Tippecanoe, a tribu-\\ntary of the Upper Wabash, where a tract of land had been granted\\nthem by the Pottawatamies and Kickapoos. In July the Prophet\\nsent to General Harrison a messenger begging him not to believe\\nthe tales told by his enemies, and promising a visit in August\\nAmerican State Papers, xvi. 68\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ante p. 463. t Ibid, 160. Ibid, xx. 387.\\nU Ibid, XX. 450. Ibid, XX. 467. 1 Ibid,. 477. Ibid, 4S5.\\nft Dawson, 106.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0537.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "508 Hostile movements among the Savages. 1809.\\naccordingly, he spent two weeks at Vincennes, and by his words\\nand promises led the Governor to change very much his previous\\nopinion,* and to think his influence might be beneficial rather than\\nmischievous.!\\nOn the 25th of November, Governor Hull met at Brownstown\\nthe Chippeways, Ottawas, Pottawatamies, Wyandots, and Shawa-\\nnese, and obtained from them a grant of a strip of land connect-\\ning the Maumee with the Western Reserve, and another strip con-\\nnecting Lower Sandusky with the country south of the line agreed\\nupon in 1795. These strips were to be used for roads.\\nA hemp mill company M^as incorporated for Madison county,\\nKentucky.\\n1809.\\nThrough this year again we find Tecumthe and his brother\\nstrengthening themselves both openly and secretly. Harrison,\\nhowever, had been once more led to suspect their ultimate designs,\\nand was preparing to meet an emergency whenever it might arise.\\nThe probability of its being at hand was very greatly increased by\\nthe news received from the Upper Mississippi of hostile move-\\nments there among the savages. In reference to these movements\\nand the position of the Shawanese brothers, Harrison wrote to the\\nSecretary of War on the 5th of July as follows\\nThe Shawanese prophet and about 40 followers arrived here about a\\nweek ago. He denies most strenuously any participation in the late\\ncombination to attack our settlements, which he says was entirely con-\\nfined to the tribes of the Mississippi and Illinois rivers and he claims\\nthe merit of having prevailed upon them to relinquish their intentions.\\nI must confess that my suspicions of his guilt have been rather\\nstrengthened than diminished at every interview I have had with hini\\nsince his arrival. He acknowledges that he received an invitation to\\nwar against us, from the British, last fall, and that he was apprised of\\nHarrison had called him a fool, one who spoke the words of the devil, and\\nan imposter. (Dawson, 102.)\\nDawson, 107, 108. Drake s Tecumseh, 104 to 109.\\nJ American State Papers, v. 757. J Marshall, ii. 455.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0538.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "1809, Illinois Territory formed, 509\\nthe intention of the Sacs, Foxes, c. early in the spring, and warmly\\nsolicited to join in their league. But he could give no satisfactory\\nexplanation of his neglecting to communicate to me circumstances so\\nextremely interesting to us, and towards which, 1 bad a few months\\nbefore, directed his attention, and received a solemn assurance of his\\ncheerful compliance with the injunctions I had impressed upon him.\\nThe result of all my enquiries on the subject, is, that the late combi-\\nnation was produced by British intrigue and influence, in anticipation of\\nwar between them and the United States. It was, however, premature\\nand ill judged and ihe event sufficiently manifests a great decline in\\ntheir influence, or in the talents and addiess, with which they have\\nbeen accustomed to manage their Indian relations.\\nThe warlike and well armed tribes of the Potawatamies, Ottawas,\\nChippewas, Delawares and Miamis, I believe neither had, nor would\\nhave joined in the combination and although the Kickapoos, whose\\nwarriors are better than those of any other tribe, the remnant of the\\nWyandot excepted, are much under the influence of the prophet. I am\\npersuaded that they were never made acquainted with his intentions, if\\nthese were really hostile to the United States.*\\nIn this same letter the Governor at the request of the Secretary,\\nDr. Eustis, gives his views of the defence of the frontiers, in\\nwhich portion of his epistle many valuable hints are given in\\nrelation to the course proper to be pursued in ease of a war with\\nEngland.\\nIn September, October, and December, the Governor of Indiana\\nsucceeded in extinguishing the claims of the Delawares, Potta-\\nwatamies, Miamies, Eel river Indians, Weas, and Kickapoos, to\\ncertain lands upon the Wabash which had not yet been purchased,\\nand which were believed to contain copper ore.f\\nThe treaties with the Delawares, Pottawatamies, Miamies, and\\nEel river Indians, were made at Fort Wayne the others at Vin-\\ncennes; they were protested against by Tecumthe in the follow-\\ning year.\\nIn 1809 the western part of the Indiana Territory, long known\\nas the Illinois, was made a separate Territory wuth the name\\nof the great Indian nation which had once lived there.\\nOn the 17th of February the Legislature of Ohio passed the\\ncharter of the Miami University. With regard to this institution\\nDawson, 130.\\nt American State Papers, v, 760, to 763. Dawson, 135 to 137.\\nBrown s Illinois, 272.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Land Laws, 563.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0539.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "510 Hostile inientlons of Tecumtlie. 1810.\\na question at once arose, whether it should be within Symmes\\nPurchase, as it had been originally intended it should be, and as\\nthe charter required or placed upon the lands with which it was\\nendowed, which lands it had been found necessary to select out\\nof the Purchase, as has been already related.* The Legislature\\ndecided that the University should be upon the lands which had\\nbeen appropriated to its support in the township of Oxford,! and\\nthere accordingly it was placed.\\n1810.\\nDuring this year (he hostile intentions of Tecumthe and his fol-\\nlowers toward the United States, were placed beyond a doubt.\\nThe exciting causes were the purchase at Fort Wayne in 1809,\\nwhich the Shawanese denounced as illegal and unjust; and British\\ninfluence. And here, as in 1790 to 1795, it is almost impossible\\nto learn what really was the amount of British influence, and\\nwhence it proceeded whether from the agents merely, or from\\nhigher authority. On the one hand we have many assertions like\\nthe following:\\nFort Wayne, August 7, 1818.\\nSince wrhing you on the 25th ultimo, about one hundred men of the\\nSaukies have returned from the British agent, who supplied them libe-\\nrally with every thing they stood in want of. The party received 47\\nrifles, and a number of fusils, with plenty of powder and lead. This is\\nsending firebrands into the Mississippi country, inasmuch as it will\\ndraw numbers of our Indians to the British side, in the hope of being\\ntreated with the same liberality.\\nJOHN JOHNSON, Indian Agent.\\nVincennes, September 17, 1811.\\nstates that almost every Indian from the country above this\\nhad been, or were then gone to Maiden, on a visit to the British agent.\\nWe shall probably gain our destined point at the moment of their return.\\nIf then the British agents are really endeavoring to instigate the Indians\\nAnte, p. 488.\\nBurnet s letters, 165, 156, American Pioneer, i. 269.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0540.jp2"}, "541": {"fulltext": "1810. Assistance given the Indians by England. 511\\nto make war upon us, we shall be in their neighborliood at the very mo-\\nment when the impressions which have been made against us are most\\nactive in the minds of the savages.\\nsucceeded in getting the chiefs together at Fort Wayne,\\nthough he found them all preparing to go to Maiden. The result of the\\ncouncil discovered that the whole tribes (including the Weas and Eel\\nRivers, for they are all Miamies,) were about equally divided in favor of\\nthe Prophet, and the United States. Lapousier the Wea chief, whom I\\nbefore mentioned to you as being seduced by the Prophet, was repeated-\\nly asked by what land it was that he was determined to defend\\nwith his blood whether it was that which was ceded by the late treaty\\nor not, but he would give no answer.\\nreports that all the Indians of the Wabash have been, or now\\nare, an a visit to the British agents at Maiden. He had never known\\none-fourth as many goods given to the Indians as they are now distribu-\\nting. He examined the share of one man (not a chief,) and found that\\nhe had received an elegant rifle, 25 pounds of powder, 50 pounds of\\nlead, 3 blankets, 3 trouds of cloth, 10 shirts and several other articles.\\nHe says every Indian is furnished with a gun (either rifle or fusil) and\\nan abundance of ammunition. A trader of this country was lately in\\nthe king s stores at Maiden, and was told that the quantity of goods for\\nthe Indian department, which had been sent out this year, exceeded that\\nof common years by 20,000 pounds sterling. It is impossible to ascribe\\nthis profusion to any other motive than that of instigating the Indians to\\ntake up the tomahawk. It cannot be to secure their trade; for all the\\npeltry collected on the waters of the Wabash in one year, if sold in the\\nLondon market, would not pay the freight of the goods which have\\nbeen given to the Indians.*\\nOn the other hand we know that Sir James Craig, the Governor\\nof Canada, wrote on the 25th of November 1810 to Mr. Morier,\\nthe British Minister at Washington, authorizing him to inform the\\nUnited States Government that the northern savages were medi-\\ntating hostilities f we know also that in the following March Sir\\nJames wrote to Lord Liverpool in relation to the Indians, and\\nspoke of the information he had given the Americans, and that his\\nconduct was approved;! we have farther the repeated denial by\\nthe English Minister at Washington of any influence having been\\nexerted over the frontier tribes adverse to the States, by the\\nauthority, or with the knowledge of the English Ministry or the\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 799. 801 to 804.\\nt American State Papers, iii. 453. Gaston in Congress j quoted by Dawson, 175.\\nAmerican State Papers, iii. 462.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0541.jp2"}, "542": {"fulltext": "512 Council at which Tecumthe declares himself. 1810.\\nGovernor of Canada.* These things, we think, must lead us to\\nacquit the rulers of Great Britain, but they do not show who, nor\\nhow high in authority the functionaries were who tried, as Tecum-\\nthe told Harrison, to set the red men, as dogs, upon the whites, f\\nBut however we may think the evil influence originated, cer-\\ntain it is that the determination was taken by the successor of\\nPontiac, to unite all the western tribes in hostility to the United\\nStates, in case that Power would not give up the lands bought at\\nFort Wayne, and undertake to recognize the principle, that no\\npurchases should be thereafter made unless from a Council repre-\\nsenting all the tribes united as one nation. By various acts the\\nfeelings of Tecumthe became more and more evident, but in\\nAugust, he having visited Vincennes to see the Governor, a council\\nwas held at which, and at a subsequent interview, the real position\\nof affairs was clearly ascertained of that council we give the\\naccount contained in Mr. Drake s life of the Great Chieftain.\\nGovernor Harrison had made arrangements for holding the council on\\nthe portico of his own house, which had been fitted up with seats for\\nthe occasion. Here, on the morning of the fifteenth, he awaited the\\narrival of the chief, being attended by the judges of the Supreme Court,\\nsome officers of the army, a sergeant and twelve men, from Fort Knox,\\nand a large number of citizens. At the appointed hour Tecuniseh, sup-\\nported by forty of his principal warriors, made his appearance, the re-\\nmainder of his followers being encamped in the village and its environs.\\nWhen the chief had approached within thirty or forty yards of the\\nhouse, he suddenly stopped, as if awaiting some advances from the\\ngovernor. An interpreter was sent requesting him and his followers to\\ntake seats on the ponico. To this Tecumseh objected he did not\\nthink the place a suitable one for holding the conference, but preferred\\nthat it should take place in a grove of trees to which he pointed\\nstanding a short distance from the house. The governor said he had\\nno objection to the grove, except that there were no seats in in it for\\ntheir accommodation. Tecumseh replied, that constituted no objection\\nto the grove, the earth being the most suitable place for the Indians, who\\nloved to repose upon the bosom of their mother. The governor yielded\\nthe point, and the benches and chairs having been removed to the spot,\\nthe conference was begun, the Indians being seated on the grass.\\nTecumseh opened the meeting by stating, at length, his objections to\\nthe Treaty of Fort Wayne, made by Governor Harrison in the previous\\nyear; and in the course of his speech, boldly avowed the principle of\\nAmerican State Papers, 453. iii. 453,462. -f Dawson, 159.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0542.jp2"}, "543": {"fulltext": "1810. Tecumthe meets Harrison in Council. 513\\nhis party lo be, that of resistance to every cession of land, unless made\\nby all the tribes, who, he contended, formed but one nation. He ad-\\nmitted that he had threatened to kill the chiefs who signed the treaty of\\nFort Wayne and that it was his fixed determination not to permit the\\nvillage chiefs, in future, to manage their affairs, but to place the power\\nwith which they had been heretofore invested, in the hands of the war\\nchiefs. The Americans, he said, had driven the Indians from the sea\\ncoast, and would soon push them into the lakes and, while he disclaim-\\ned all intention of making war upon the United States, he declared it to\\nbe his unalterable resolution lo take a stand, and resolutely oppose the\\nfurther intrusion of the whites upon the Indian lands. He concluded,\\nby making a brief but impassioned recital of ihe various wrongs and\\naggressions inflicted by the white men upon the Indians, from the com-\\nmencement of the revolutionary war down to the period of that council;\\nall of which was calculated to arouse and inflame the minds of such of\\nhis followers as were present.\\nTo him the Governor replied, and having taken his seat, the interpre-\\nter commenced explaining the speech to Tecumseh, who, after listening\\nto a portion of it, sprung to his feet and began to speak with great ve-\\nhemence of manner.\\nThe governor was surprised at his violent gestures, but as he did not\\nunderstand him, thought he was making some explanation, and suffered\\nhis attention to be drawn towards Winnemac, a friendly Indian lying on\\nthe grass before him, who was renewing the priming of his pistol, which\\nhe had kept concealed from the other Indians, but in full view of the\\ngovernor. His attention, however, was again directed towards Tecum-\\nseh, by hearing General Gibson, who was intimately acquainted with\\nthe Shawanoe language, say to Lieutenant Jennings, those fellows\\nintend mischief; you had belter bring up the guard. Ai that moment,\\nthe followers of Tecumseh seized their tomahawks and war clubs, and\\nsprung upon their feet, their eyes turned upon the governor. As soon\\nas he could disengage himself from the arm chair in which he sat, he\\nrose, drew a small sword which he had by his side, and stood on the\\ndefensive. Captain G. R. Floyd, of the army, who stood near him,\\ndrew a dirk, and the chief Winnemac cocked his pistol. The citizens\\npresent were more numerous than the Indians, but were unarmed; some\\nof them procured clubs and brick-bats, and also slood on the defensive.\\nThe Rev. Mr. Winans, of the Methodist church, ran to the governor s\\nhouse, got a gun, and posted himself at the door to defend the family.\\nDuring this singular scene, no one spoke, until the guard came running\\nup, and appearing to be in the act of firing, the governor ordered them\\nnot to do so. He then demanded of the interpreter, an explanation of\\nwhat had happened, who replied thai Tecumseh had interrupted him,\\n33", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0543.jp2"}, "544": {"fulltext": "514 Harrison prepares for Indian hostilities 1811.\\ndeclaring that all the governor had said was false and that he and the\\nSeventeen Fires had cheated and imposed on the Indians.*\\nThe governor then told Tecumseh that he was a bad man, and that he\\nwould hold no further communication with him that as he had come to\\nVincennes under the protection of a council-fire, he might return in\\nsafety, but that he must immediately leave the village. Here the coun-\\ncil terminated.!\\nThe now undoubted purposes of the Brothers being of a char-\\nacter necessarily leading to war, Governor Harrison proceeded to\\nstrengthen himself for the contest by preparing the militia, and\\nposting the regular troops that were with him, under Captains\\nPosey and Cross at Vincennes. J\\n1811.\\nDuring the first half of this year, while the difficulties with Eng-\\nland made a war with her every day more probable, nothing took\\nplace to render a contest with the Indians any the less certain. In\\nJune Harrison sent to the Shawanese leaders a message bidding\\nthem beware of hostilities. To this Tecumthe gave a brief re-\\nply, promising the Governor a visit. This visit he paid in July,\\naccompanied by three hundred followers; but as the Americans\\nwere prepared and determined, nothing resulted from the meeting;\\nand the Chief proceeded to the South, as it was believed, to enlist\\nthe Creeks in his cause.\\nHarrison, meanwhile, had taken steps to increase his regular\\ntroops,1I and had received the promise of strong reinforcements,\\nwith orders, however, to be very backward in employing them**\\nunless in case of absolute need. Under these circumstances his\\nplan as given to the Secretary of War upon the 1st of August was\\nto again warn the Indians to obey the treaty of Greenville, but at\\nDawson s Historical Narrative. t Drake s Life of Teciimscli, 125.\\nDawson, 139, 160, 170, 17.?.\\nII Dawson, 180.\\nDawson, 179 to 187. Drake, 134 to 145. The mother of Tecumthe was a Creek.\\ni! Dawson, 179. Dawson, 190 to 192.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0544.jp2"}, "545": {"fulltext": "1811. Building of Fort Harrison. 515\\nthe same time to prepare to break up the Prophet s establishment,\\nif necessary.*\\nMessages were sent out as proposed, and deputations from the\\nnatives followed, f promising peace and compliance, but the Gov-\\nernor, having received his reinforcements, commenced his pro-\\nposed progress. On the 5th of October he was on the Wabash\\nsixty or sixty-five miles above Vincennes, at w^hich point he built\\nFort Harrison. Here one of his sentinels was fired upon,\\nand news were received from the friendly Delawares which made\\nthe hostile purposes of the Prophet plain. |1 The Governor then\\ndetermined to move directly upon Tippecanoe, still offering peace,\\nhowever. Upon the 31st of October he was near the mouth of\\nthe Vermillion river, where he built a block house for the protec-\\ntion of his boats, and a place of deposite for his heavy baggage\\nfrom that point he advanced without interruption into the imme-\\ndiate vicinity of the Prophet s town, where he was met by ambas-\\nsadors; he told them he had no hostile intentions in case the In-\\ndians were true to existing treaties, and made preparations to\\nencamp.\\nIn a few moments the man who had been with me before matle his\\nappearance. I informed him that my object for the present was to pro-\\ncure a good piece of ground to encamp on, where we could get wood\\nand water; he informed me that there was a creek, to the northwest\\nwhich he thought would suit our purpose. I immediately despatched\\ntwo officers to examine it, and they reported that the situation was ex-\\ncellent.. I then took leave of the chief, and a mutual promise was again\\nmade for a suspension of hostilities until we could have an interview ou\\nthe following day. I found the ground destined for the encampment\\nnot altogether such as I could wish it it was indeed admirably calcula-\\nted for the encampment of regular troops, that vvere opposed to regu-\\nlars, but it afforded great facility to the approach of savages. It was a\\npiece of dry oak land, rising about ten feet above the level of a marshy\\nprairie in front (towards the Indian town) and nearly twice that height\\nabove a similar prairie in the rear, through which and near to this bank\\nran a small stream clothed with willows, and brushwood. Towards\\nthe left flank this bench of high land widened considerably, but became\\ngradually narrower in the opposite direction, and at the distance of one\\nDawson, 192. f Dawson, 196.\\nDawson, 197. Dawson says 65 miles from Vincennes Perkins in Lis History of the\\nWar of 1S12 (p. 94) says 60 miles.\\n!1 Dawson, 197, 198, 199,\\nDawson, 203. Official account, American State Papers, v. 776.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0545.jp2"}, "546": {"fulltext": "516 Battle of Tippecanoe. 1811.\\nhundred and fifty yards from the right flank, terminated in an abrupt\\npoint. The two columns of infantry occupied the front and rear of this\\nground at the distance of about one hundred and fifty yards from each\\nother on the left, and something more than half that distance on tlie\\nright flank these flanks were filled up, the first by two companies of\\nmounted riflemen amounting to about one hundred and twenty men,\\nunder the command of Major-General Wells, of the Kentucky militia,\\nwho served as a major; the other by Spencer s company of mounted\\nriflemen, which amounted to eighty men. The front line was composed\\nof one battalion of United States infantry under the command of Major\\nFloyd, flanked on the right by two companies of mililia, and on the left\\nby one company. The rear line was composed of a battalion of United\\nStates troops under the command of Captain Baen, acting as major, and\\nfour companies of militia infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel Decker.\\nThe regular troops of this line joined the mounted riflemen under Gene-\\nral Wells on the left flank, and Colonel Decker s battalion formed an\\nangle with Spencer s company on the left.\\nTwo troops of Dragoons, amounting to in the aggregate about sixty\\nmen, were encamped in the rear of the left flank, and Captain Parke s\\ntroop, which was larger than the other two, in the rear of the front\\nline. Our order of encampment varied little from that above described,\\nexcepting when some peculiarity of the ground made it necessary. For\\na night attack the order of encampment was the order of battle, and\\neach man slept immediately opposite to his post in the line. In the for-\\nmation of my troops I used a single rank, or what is called Indian file\\nbecause in Indian warfare, where there is no shock to resist, one rank is\\nne irly as good as two, and in that kind of warfare the extension of line\\nis of the first importance. Raw troops also manoeuvre with much more\\nfiicility in single than in double ranks. It was my constant custom to\\nassemble all the field oflicers at my tent every evening by signal, to give\\nthem the watchword and their instructions for the night those given for\\nthe night of the 6th were, that each corps which formed a part of the\\nexterior line of the encampment, should hold its own ground until re-\\nlieved. The dragoons were directed to parade dismounted in case of a\\nnight attack, with their pistols in their belts, and to act as a corps de\\nreserve. The camp was defended by two captains guards, consisting\\neach of four non-commissioned officers and forty-twa privates and two\\nsubalierns guards of twenty non-commissioned officers and privates.\\nThe whole under the command of a field officer of the day. The troops\\nwere regularly called up an hour before day, and made to continue under\\narms until it was quite light. On the morning of the 7th, I had risen\\nat a quarter after four o clock, and the signal for calling out the men\\nwould have been given in two minutes, when the attack commenced. It\\nbegan on our left flank but a single gun was fi.red by the sentinels or", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0546.jp2"}, "547": {"fulltext": "1811. Battle of Tippecanoe. 517\\nby the guard in that direction, which made not the least resistance, but\\nabandoned their officer and fled into camp, and the first notice which\\nthe troops of that flank had of the danger, was from the yells of the\\nsavages within a short distance of ihe line but even under those cir-\\ncumstances the men were not wanting to themselves or to the occasion.\\nSuch of them as were awake, or were easily awakened, seized iheir\\narms and took their stations others which were more tardy, had to\\ncontend with the enemy in the doors of their tents. The storm first\\nfell upon Captain Barton^s company of the 4lh United States regiment,\\nand Captain Geiger s company of mounted riflemen, which formed the\\nleft angle of the rear line. The fire upon these was exceedingly severe,\\nand they suflTered considerably before relief could be brought to them.\\nSome few Indians passed into the encampment near the angle, and one\\nor two penetrated to some distance before they were killed. I believe\\nall the other companies were under arms and tolerably formed before\\nthey were fired on. The morning was dark and cloudy our fires af-\\nforded a partial light, which if it gave us some opportunity of taking\\nour positions, was still more advantageous to the enemy, afiiirding them\\nthe means of taking a surer aim they were therefore extinguished as\\nsoon as possible. Under all these discouraging circumstances, the\\ntroops (19-20ths of whom had never been in action before) behaved in\\na manner that can never be too much applauded. They took their places\\nwithout noise and with less confusion than could have been expected\\nfrom veterans placed in a similar situation. As soon as I could mount\\nmy horse, I rode to the angle that was attacked I found that Barton s\\ncompany had suffered severely and the left of Geiger s entirely broken.\\nI immediately ordered Cook s company and the late Capt. Wentworlh s,\\nunder Lieut. Peters, to be brought up from the centre of the rear line,\\nwhere the ground was much more defensible, and formed across the\\nangle in support of Barton s and Geiger s. My attention was then\\nengaged by a heavy firing upon the left of the front line, where were\\nstationed the small company of United States riflemen (then however\\narmed with muskets) and the companies of Baen, Snelling, and Pres-\\ncott of the 4th regiment. I found Major Daviess forming the dragoons\\nin the rear of those companies, and understanding that the heaviest part\\nof the enemy s fire proceeded from some trees about fifteen or twenty\\npaces in front of those companies, I directed the major to dislodge them\\nwith a part of the dragoons. Unfortunately the major s gallantry deter-\\nmined him to execute the order with a smaller force than was sufficient,\\nwhich enabled the enemy to avoid him in front and attack his flanks.\\nThe major was mortally wounded, and his party driven back. The\\nIndians were however immediately and gallantly dislodged from their\\nadvantageous position, by Captain Snelling at the head of his company.\\nIn the course of a few minutes after the commencement of the attack,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0547.jp2"}, "548": {"fulltext": "518 Battle of Tijypecanoe, 1811.\\nthe fire extended along the left flank, the whole of the front, the right\\nflank, and part of the rear line. Upon Spencer s mounted riflemen,\\nand tlie right of Warwick s company, which was posted on the right of\\nthe rear line, it was excessively severe: Captain Spencer, and his first\\nand second lieutenants, were killed, and Captain Warwick was mortally\\nwounded those companies however still bravely maintained their posts,\\nbut Spencer had suffered so severely, and having originally too much\\nground to occupy, I reinforced them with Robb s company of riflemen,\\nwhich had been driven, or by mistake ordered from their position on the\\nleft flank, towards the centre of the camp, and filled the vacancy that\\nhad been occupied by Robb wiih Prescott s company of the 4lh United\\nStates regiment. My great object was to keep the lines entire, to pre-\\nvent tfie enemy from breaking into the camp until daylight, which should\\nenable me to make a general and effectual charge. With this view, I\\nhad reinforced every part of the line that had suffered much and as\\nsoon as the approach of morning discovered itself, 1 withdrew from the\\nfront line, Snelling s, Posey s, (under Lieutenant Albright,) and Scott s,\\nand from the rear line, Wilson s companies, and drew them up upon the\\nleft flank, and at the same time, I ordered Cook s and Baen s companies,\\nthe former from the rear, and the latter from the front line, to reinforce\\nthe right flank foreseeing that at these points the enemy would make\\ntheir last efforts. Major Wells, who commanded on the left flank, not\\nknowing my intentions precisely, had taken the command of these com-\\npanies, had charged the enemy before I had formed the body of dragoons\\nwith which I meant to support the infantry a small detachment of these\\nwere, however, ready, and proved amply sufficient for the purpose.\\nThe Indians were driven by the infantry, at the point of the bayonet,\\nand the dragoons pursued and forced them into a marsh, where they\\ncould not be followed. Captain Cook, and Lieutenant Larebee had,\\nagreeably to my order, marched their companies to the right flank, had\\nformed them under the fire of the enemy, and being then joined by the\\nriflemen of that flank, had charged the Indians, killed a number, and\\nput the rest to a precipitate flight. A favorable opportunity was here\\noffered, to pursue the enemy with dragoons, but being engaged at that\\ntime on the other flank, I did not observe it, until it was too late.\\nI have thus, sir, given yuu the particulars of an action, wliich was\\ncertainly maintained with the greatest obstinacy and perseverance, by\\nboth parties. The Indians, manifested a ferocity uncommon, even with\\nthem to their savage fury our troops opposed that cool, and deliberate\\nvalor, which is characteristic of the Christian soldier.*\\nThe Americans in this battle had not more than 700 efficient\\nmen, non-commissioned officers and privates f the Indians are\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 777. f Harrison in American State Papers, v. 778.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0548.jp2"}, "549": {"fulltext": "1811. Battle of Tippecanoe. 519\\nbelieved to have had 800 to 1000 warriors.* The loss of the\\nAmerican army was 37 killed on the field, 25 mortally wounded,\\nand 126 wounded,! that of the Indians about 40 killed on the\\nspot, the number of wounded being unknown 4\\nGovernor Harrison, although very generally popular, had ene-\\nmies, and after the battle of Tippecanoe they denounced him, 1st\\nfor suffering the Indians to point out his camping ground 2d, for\\nallowing himself to be surprised by his enemy; and 3d, because\\nhe sacrificed either Daviess or Owen, (accounts differed) by plac-\\nins: one or the other on a favorite white horse of his own, which\\ncaused the savages to make the rider an especial mark. To these\\ncharges elaborate replies have been made;|| we cannot do more\\nthan say, to the 1st, that although as Harrison relates, the Indians\\npointed out the creek upon which was the site of his encampment,\\nhis own ofl[icers found, examined, and approved that particular\\nsite, and other military men have since approved their selection\\nto the 2d the only reply needed is, that the facts were just as sta-\\nted in the despatch we have quoted ;1[ and to the 3d, that Daviess\\nwas killed on foot, and Owen on a horse not General Harrison s\\nthe last story probably arose from the fact that Taylor, a fellow aid\\nof Owen, was mounted on a horse of the Governor s but Taylor\\nwas not killed, though the horse he rode was.**\\nThe battle of Tippecanoe was fought upon the 7th of Novem-\\nber, and upon the 4th of the following month Harrison writes that\\nthe frontiers never enjoyed more perfect repose ff though it seems\\nto be clear that the disposition to do mischief was by no means\\nextinguished among the savages4t\\nDuring this year two events took place, beside the battle of\\nTippecanoe, which make it especially noticeable in the history of\\nthe West the one was, the building of the steamer New Orleans,\\nthe first boat built beyond the Alleghanies the other was the\\nseries of Earthquakes which destroyed New Madrid, and affected\\nDawson, 216. Drake s Tecumseh, 152. Harrison estimated the savages at 600 at\\nleast. American State Papers, v. 778.\\nt American State Papers, v. 779. :t^ Dawson, 216,\\nII See especially Dawson, 204 to 250. Taylor in Dawson, 208, 226.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 McAfee.\\nt Todd and Drake, 34 to 36.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Dawson, 212, 220, c 246, c.\\nHarrison in Todd and Drake 37. ft American State Papers, v. 779.\\nII Dawson, 258 to 268. Marshall, ii. 480, c. John Johnston of Piqua thinks the\\nIndians might have been attached to the Americans. (Cist s Miscellany, ii. 298.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0549.jp2"}, "550": {"fulltext": "520 Great Earthqiuike. 1811.\\nthe whole valley. Of the latter event we give the following\\ndescription from the pen of Dr. Hildreth\\nThe centre of its violence was thought to be near the Little Prairie,\\ntwenty-five or thirty miles below New Madrid the vibrations from\\nwhich were felt all over the valley of the Ohio, as high up as Pitts-\\nburgh. The first shock was felt in the night of the 16lh of December,\\n1811, and was repeated at intervals, wiUi decreasing violence, into\\nFebruary following. New Madrid, having suff ere(l more than any other\\ntown on the Mississippi from its effects, was considered as situated near\\nthe focus from whence the undulations proceeded.\\nFrom an eye-witness, who was then about forty miles below that\\ntown, in a flat boat, on his way to New Orleans with a load of produce,\\nand who narrated the scene to me, the agitation which convulsed the\\nearth and the waters of the mighty Mississippi filled every living crea-\\nture with horror. The first shock took place in the night, while the boat\\nwas lying at the shore in company with several others. At this period\\nthere was danger apprehended from the southern Indians, it being soon\\nafter the battle of Tippecanoe, and for safety several boats kept in com-\\npany, for mutual defence in case of an attack. In the middle of the\\nnight there was a terrible shock and jarring of the boats, so that the\\ncrews were all awakened and hurried on deck with their weapons of\\ndefence in their hands, thinking the Indians were rushing on board.\\nThe ducks, geese, swans, and various other aquatic birds, whose num-\\nberless flocks were quiedy resting in the eddies of the river, were\\nthrown into the greatest tumult, and with loud screams expressed their\\nalarm in accents of terror. The noise and commotion soon became\\nhushed, and nothing could be discovered to excite apprehension, so that\\nthe boatmen concluded that the shock was occasioned by the falling in\\nof a large mass of the bank of the river near them. As soon as it was\\nlight enough to distinguish objects, the crews were all up making ready\\nto depart. Directly a loud roaring and hissing was heard, like the escape\\nof steam from a boiler, accompanied by the most violent agitation of the\\nshores and tremendous boiling up of the waters of the Mississippi in\\nhuge swells, rolling the waters below back on the descending stream,\\nand tossing the boats about so violently that the men with difficulty\\ncould keep on their feet. The sandbars and points of the islands gave\\nway, swallowed up in the tumultuous bosom of the river; carrying\\ndown with them the cotlonwood trees, cracking and crashing, tossing\\ntheir arms to and fro, as if sensible of their danger, while they disap-\\npeared beneath the flood. The water of the river, which the day before\\nIn Carey s Museum for April 1789, p. 363, in an account of the Great Earthquake\\nof 1727. On those of ISII, see also Senator Linn s letter in Wetmore s Missouri Gazet-\\nteer, (St. Louis, 1837,) 134 to 142. Drake s Picture of Cincinnati. Flint s Recollections.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0550.jp2"}, "551": {"fulltext": "1811. Great Earthquake. 521\\nwas tolerably clear, being ratlier low, changed to a reddish hue, and\\nbecame thick with mud thrown up from its bottom; while the surface,\\nlashed violently by the agitation of the earth beneath, was covered with\\nfoam, which, gathering into masses the size of a barrel, floated along\\non the trembling surface. The earth on the shores opened in wide\\nfissures, and closing again, threw the water, sand and mud, in huge jets,\\nhigher than the tops of the trees. Tlie atmosphere was filled with a\\nthick vapor or gas, to which the light imparted a purple tinge, altoge-\\nther different in appearance from the autumnal haze of Indian summer,\\nor that of smoke. From the temporary check to the current, by the\\nheaving up of the bottom, the sinking of the banks and sandbars into\\nthe bed of the stream, the river rose in a few minutes five or six feet;\\nand, impatient of the restraint, again rushed forward wiih redoubled\\nimpetuosity, hurrying along the boats, now set loose by the horror-\\nstruck boatmen, as in less danger on the water than at the shore, where\\nthe banks threatened every moment to destroy them by the falling earth,\\nor carry them down in the vortices of the sinking masses. Many boats\\nwere overwhelmed in this manner, and their crews perished with them.\\nIt required the utmost exertions of the men to keep the boat, of which\\nmy informant was the owner, in the middle of the river, as far from the\\nshores, sandbars and islands, as they could. Numerous boats were\\nwrecked on the snags and old trees thrown up from the bottom of the\\nMississippi, where they had quietly rested for ages, while others were\\nsunk or stranded on the sandbars and Islands. At New Madrid several\\nboats were carried by the reflux of the current into a small stream that\\nputs into the river just above the town, and left on the ground by the\\nreturning water a considerable distance from the Mississippi. A man\\nwho belonged to one of the company boats was left for several hours on\\nthe upright trunk of an old snag in the middle of the river, against\\nwhich his boat was wrecked and sunk. It stood with the roots a few\\nfeet above the water, and to these he contrived to attach himself, while\\nevery fresh shock threw the agitated waves against him, and kept\\ngradually settling the tree deeper into the mud at the bottom, bringing\\nhim nearer and nearer to the deep muddy waters, which, to his terrified\\nimagination, seemed desirous of swallowing him up. While hanging\\nhere, calling with piteous shouts for aid, several boats passed by without\\nbeing able to relieve him, until finally a skiff was well manned, rowed\\na short distance above him, and dropped down stream close to the snag,\\nfrom which he tumbled into the boat as she floated by. The scenes\\nwhich occurred for several days, during the repeated shocks were hor-\\nrible. The most destructive took place in the beginning, although they\\nwere repeated for many weeks, becoming lighter and lighter until they\\ndied away in slight vibrations, like the jarring of steam in an immense\\nboiler. The sulphurated gases that were discharged during the shocks", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0551.jp2"}, "552": {"fulltext": "522 Fitch s Steam-boat. 1811.\\ntainted the air with their noxious effluvia, and so strongly impregnated\\nthe water of the river, to the distance of one hundred and fifty miles\\nbelow, that it could hardly be used for any purpose for a number of days.\\nNew Madrid, which stood on a bluff bank, fifteen or twenty feet above\\nthe summer floods, sunk so low that the next rise covered it to the depth\\nof five feet. The bottoms of several fine lakes in the vicinity were\\nelevated so as to become dry land, and have since been planted with\\ncorn\\nIn the midst of this terrible convulsion the first of western steam-\\ners was pursuing her way toward the south. But before we give\\na sketch of her progress, let us recall to the minds of our readers\\nthe previous steps taken in regard to steam navigation.\\nIn 1781 the invention of Watt s double-acting engine was made\\npublic and in 1784 it was perfected f previous to this time many\\nattempts had been made to apply steam to navigation, but, from\\nwant of a proper engine all had been failures; and the first efforts\\nto apply the new machine to boats were made in America by John\\nFitch and James Rumsey. The conception by Fitch, if we may\\ntrust the statement made by Robert Wickliffe,| was ended as\\nearly as June 1780, anterior to the announcement of Watt s dis-\\ncovery of the double-acting engine, though many years after his\\nsingle engine had been patented.\\nThis conception Fitch said he communicated to Rumsey. The\\nlatter gentleman, however, proposed a plan so entirely different\\nfrom that of his fellow countrymen, (a plan which he is said to\\nhave originated in 1782, that we cannot think him a plagiarist.\\nThe idea of steam navigation was not new; it was the question,\\nHow shall we use the steam which was to be so answered as to\\nimmortalize the successful respondent: and to this question\\nFitch replied. By using W^att s engine so as to propel a system of\\npaddles at the sides of the boat while Rumsey said. By applying\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 129. f Renwick on steam engine, 260.\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 33. Wickliffe says Fitch acquired a pre-emption right in Ken-\\ntucky before 1778. Whittlesey, in his life of the inventor, (Sparks American Biography,\\nvol. xvi. or New Series, vol. vi. p. 104,) tells us he did not go west till 1780. Whittlesey\\nfurther says (pp. 92, 111) that the first idea of using steam occurred to Fitch in 1785, and\\nyet a controversy existed between him and Rumsey as to priority of invention. (Ameri-\\ncan Biography, New Series, vi. 115. American Pioneer, 36,) although Rumsey had\\nexhibited his boat in 1784. (American Biography, New Series, vi. 90. Sparks Wash*\\nington, ix. 68, 104.) There is an error here somewhere but we cannot say where.\\nH It was patented in 1769.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See Renwick, 209.\\n4 Cincinnati Directory, for 1819, p. 64. Others say in 1783 see Whittlesey in Ameri-\\ncan Biography, New Series, vi. 90,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0552.jp2"}, "553": {"fulltext": "1811. First Western Steamer. 523\\nthe old atmospheric engine to pump up water at the bow and force\\nit out at the stern of your vessel, and so drive her by water acting\\nupon water. Referring our readers therefore to the authorities\\nquoted below relative to Fitch and others,* we must be content\\nwith saying that all failed until Fulton, in 1807, launched his ves-\\nsel upon the Hudson. Fitch s failure, however, was not from any\\nfault in his principle, and had his knowledge of mechanics equalled\\nFulton s, or had his means been more ample, or had he tried his\\nboat on the Hudson where coaches could not compete with him,\\nas they did on the level banks of the Delaware,! we cannot doubt\\nhe would have entirely succeeded twenty years before his plans\\nwere realized by the genius of another.\\nWhen Fulton had at length attained, by slow degrees, success\\nupon the Hudson, he began to look elsewhere for other fields of\\naction, and the west which had attracted the attention of both of his\\nAmerican predecessors could not fail to catch his eye. Mr.\\nLatrobe, who spoke as will be seen by authority, says,\\nThe complete success attending the experiments in steam navigation\\nmade on the Hudson and the adjoining waters previous to the year 1809,\\nturned the attention of the principal projectors to the idea of its appli-\\ncation on the western rivers and in the month of April of that year,\\nMr. Roosevelt of New York, pursuant to an agreement with Chancellor\\nLivingston and Mr. Fulton, visited those rivers, with the purpose of\\nforming an opinion whether they admitted of steam navigation or not.\\nAt this time two boats, the North River and the Clermont, were run-\\nning on the Hudson. Mr. R. surveyed the rivers from Pittsburgh to\\nNew Orleans, and as his report was favorable, it was decided to build a\\nboat at the former town. This was done under his direction, and in the\\ncourse of 1811 the first boat was launched on the waters of the Ohio.\\nIt was called the New Orleans, and intended to ply between Natchez\\nin the State of Mississippi, and the city whose name it bore. In Octo-\\nber it left Pittsburgh for its experimental voyage. On this occasion no\\nfreight or passengers were taken, the object being merely to bring the\\nboat to her station. Mr. R., his young wife and family, Mr. Baker the\\nengineer, Andrew Jack the pilot, and six hands, with a few domestics,\\nformed her whole burden. There were no wood-yards at that lime, and\\nRenwick on the Steam-engine, 257 to 269.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Life of Fitch by Charles Whittlesey.\\nSparks American Biography. New Series, vi. 85 to 166. American Pioneer, i. 32 to 37.\\nt This suggestion is made by Whittlesey, (Life of Fitch, 161,) and is the key we think\\nto the problem of Fitch s failure.\\n:j: Mr. Wickliflfe, (American Pioneer, i. 34 to 37,) gives some curious anecdotes relative\\nto Fitch.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0553.jp2"}, "554": {"fulltext": "524 First Western Steamer. 1811.\\nconstant delays were unavoidable. When, as related, Mr. R. had gone\\ndown the river to reconnoitre, he had discovered two beds of coal, about\\none hundred and twenty miles below the Rapids at Louisville, and now\\ntook tools to work them, intending to load the vessel with the coal, and\\nto employ it as fuel, instead of constandy detaining the boat while wood\\nwas procured from the banks.\\nLate at night on the foufth day after quitting Pittsburgh, they arrived\\nin safety at Louisville, having been but seventy hours descending up-\\nwards of seven Imndred miles. The novel appearance of the vessel,\\nand the fearful rapidity with which it made its passage over the broad\\nreaches of the river, excited a mixture of terror and surprise among\\nmany of the settlers on the banks, whom the rumor of such an inven-\\ntion had never reached and it is related that on the unexpected arrival\\nof the boat before Louisville, in the course of a fine still moonlight\\nnight, the extraordinary sound which filled the air as the pent-up steam\\nwas sufl^ered to escape from the valves on rounding to, produced a gene-\\nral alarm, and multitudes in the town rose from their beds to ascertain\\nthe cause. 1 have heard that the general impression among the good\\nKentuckians was, that the comet had fallen into the Ohio but this does\\nnot rest upon the same foundation as the other facts which I lay before\\nyou, and which, T may at once say, I had directly from the lips of the\\nparties themselves. The small depth of water in the Rapids prevented\\nthe boat from pursuing her voyage immediately and during the con-\\nsequent detention of three weeks in the upper part of the Ohio, several\\ntrips were successfully made between Louisville and Cincinnati. In\\nfine, the waters rose, and in the course of the last week in November,\\nthe voyage was resumed, the depth of water barely admitting their\\npassage.*\\nThis steamer, after being nearly overwhelmed by the earth-\\nquakes, reached Natchez at the close of the first week of Jan-\\nuary, 1812.\\nRambler in North America, vol. i. 87.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0554.jp2"}, "555": {"fulltext": "1812.\\nWe have already referred to those causes of complaint on the\\npart of the United States against England, which at length led to\\nthe war of 1812 they were, the interference with American trade\\nenforced by the blockade system; the impressment of American\\nseamen the encouragement of the Indians in their barbarities and\\nthe attempt to dismember the Union by the mission of Henry.*\\nThrough the winter of 1811-12, these causes of provocation were\\ndiscussed in Congress and the public prints, and a war with Great\\nBritain openly threatened even in December, 1811, the proposal\\nto invade Canada in the following spring before the ice broke up,\\nwas debated in the House of Representatives;! and in particular\\nwas urged the necessity of such operations at the outset of the\\nanticipated contest, as should wrest from the enemy the command\\nof the upper lakes, and secure the neutrality or favor of the Indian\\ntribes by the conquest of Upper Canada.^ While, therefore,\\nmeasures were taken to seize the Lower province, other steps were\\narranged for the defence of the northwest frontier against Indian\\nhostility, and which, in the event of a rupture with Great Britain,\\nwould enable the United States to obtain the command of Lake\\nErie. These steps, however, were by no means suitable to the\\nattainment of the object last named; in place of a naval force upon\\nJake Erie, the necessity of which had been pressed upon the exec-\\nutive by Governor Hull of Michigan Territory, in three memori-\\nals, one of them as early as the year 1809, a second dated March\\n6th, and a third on or about April 11th, 1812 and although the\\nsame policy was pointedly urged upon the Secretary of War by\\nGeneral Armstrong, in a private letter of January 2nd,1I yet the\\ngovernment proposed to use no other than military means, and\\nSee the Senate s Manifesto of June 3d, 1812. American State Papers, iii. 567.\\nt Niles Register, i. 459, c.\\nNiles Register, i. 72. 311 ii. 5. 86. 239.\\nII Madison s Message, November 4, 1812. American State Papers, i. 80.\\nHull s Defence, 24. 25 to 32 33.\\nSee this letter, which is a lesson on war, given to Eustis by his successor, in Arm-\\nstrong s Notices, i. appendix, No. 22, p. 234.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0555.jp2"}, "556": {"fulltext": "526 Hull sends his papers, Sfc, by water to Detroit. 1812.\\nhoped by the presence of two thousand soldiers, to effect the cap-\\nture or destruction of the British fleet.* Nay, so bUnd was the\\nWar Department, that it refused to increase the number of troops\\nto three thousand, ahhough informed by General Hull, that that was\\nthe least number from which success could be hoped. f When,\\ntherefore. Governor, now General Hull (to whom, in considera-\\ntion of his revolutionary services, and his supposed knowledge of\\nthe country and the natives, the command of the army destined for\\nthe conquest of the Canadas had been confided) commenced his\\nmarch from Dayton on the 1st of June, it was with means which\\nhe himself regarded as utterly inadequate to the object aimed at,\\na fact which sufficiently explains the conduct of his vacillating,\\nnerveless conduct.l Through that whole month, he and his\\ntroops toiled on toward the Maumee, busy with their roads,\\nbridges and blockhouses. On the 24th, advices from the Secre-\\ntary of War, dated on the 18th, came to hand, but not a word\\ncontained in them made it probable that the long-expected war\\nwould be immediately declared, although Col. McArthur at the\\nsame time received word from Chillicothe warning him, on the\\nauthority of Thomas Worthington, then Senator from Ohio, that\\nbefore the letter reached him, the declaration would have been\\nmade public. H This information McArthur laid before General\\nHull and when, upon reaching the Maumee, that Commander\\nproposed to place his baggage, stores, and sick on board a vessel^\\nand send them by water to Detroit, the backwoodsman warned him of\\nthe danger, and refused to trust his own property on board.** Hull,\\nhowever, treated the report of war as the old story which had been\\ncurrent through all the spring, and refused to believe it possible\\nthat the government would not give him information at the earliest\\nmoment that the measure was resolved on. He, accordingly, on\\nthe 1st of July, embarked his disabled men and most of his goods\\non board the Cuyahoga Packet, sufl^ering his aid-de-camp in his\\ncarelessness to send by her even his instructions and army-roll,\\nand then proceeded upon his way.ff The next day, July 2nd, a\\nMadison s Message, November 4, 1812.\\nHull s trial. General Porter s testimony quoted Armstrong s Notices, i. 50.\\ni^ In relation to Hull s appointment, see the statement by John Johnston of Piqua,\\n(Cist s Miscellany, ii. 293.)\\np McAfee s History, 50 to 56. McDonald s Life of McArthur.\\nHull s Defence, 7.\\n1 Hull s Defence, 10. Ibid, 11. ft Ibid, 16.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0556.jp2"}, "557": {"fulltext": "1812. Blunders of the Government. 527\\nletter of the same date with that received upon the 24th of June,\\nreached him, and apprised him that the declaration was indeed on\\nthat day made and before his astonishment was over, word was\\nbrought of the capture of his packet off Maiden, with all his official\\npapers. The conduct of the executive at this time was certainly\\nmost remarkable having sent an insufficient force to effect a most\\nimportant object, it next did all in its power to ensure the destruc-\\ntion of that force. On the 1st of June, Mr. Madison recommended\\nwar to the Senate ;t on the 3d of June, Mr. Calhoun reported in\\nfavor of it, and in an able manifesto set forth the reasons and on\\nthe 19th proclamation of the contest was made.|| Upon the day\\npreceding. Congress having passed the needful act, the Secretary\\nof War wrote to General Hull one letter saying nothing of the\\nmatter, and sent it by a special messenger, and a second contain-\\ning the vital news, w^hich he confided to a half organized post as\\nfar as Cleveland, and thence literally to accident. Nor is this\\nall while the General of the northwestern army was thus, not\\nuninformed merely, but actually misled, letters franked by the Sec-\\nretary of the Treasury of the United States bore the notice of what f\\nhad been done to the British post of St. Joseph, near the north?\\nwestern shore of lake Huron and also to Maiden, which place it\\nreached upon the 2Sth of June.H And as if to complete the circle\\nof folly, the misled General, through neglect,** suffered his official\\npapers, which he owned ought never to have been out of his pos-\\nsession, to pass into that of the foe, and thus informed them of his\\npurposes and his strength.\\nThat strength, however, was such, compared with their own,\\nthat no effort was made to prevent the march of the Americans to\\nDetroit, nor to interfere with their passage across the river to\\nSandwich, where they established themselves on the 12th of July,\\npreparatory to attacking Maiden itself, and commencing the con-\\nquest and conversion of Upper Canada. ff And here, at once, the\\nincapacity of Hull showed itself; by his own confession he took\\nevery step under the influence of two sets of fears he dared not,\\nHull s Defence, 11, 12. t American State Papers, iii. 405.\\n:j: American State Papers, iii. 567. ||Niles Register, ii. 273.\\nArmstrong s Notices, i, 48. Hull s Defence, 11. 14, 15.\\nArmstrong s Notices, i. appendix. No. 6, p. 195.\\nHull s Defence, 17. There is no reason to think that Hull knew these papers were\\nsent he expressly denies it.\\n+t McAfee, 60.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0557.jp2"}, "558": {"fulltext": "528 Hull retires to Detroit. 1812.\\non the one hand, act boldly for fear that his incompetent force\\nwould be all destroyed while, on the other hand, he dared not\\nrefuse to act, for fear his militia, already uneasy, would utterly\\ndesert him.* Thus embarrassed, he proclaimed freedom and the\\nneed of submission to the Canadians;! held out inducements to\\nthe British militia to desert, and to the Indians to keep quiet, and\\nsat still at Sandwich, striving to pacify his bloodthirsty back-\\nwoodsmen, who itched to be at Maiden. To amuse his own\\narray, and keep them from trying dangerous experiments, he found\\ncannon needful to the assault of the British posts, and spent three\\nweeks making carriages for five guns,:}: While these were under\\nway, Colon^el Cass and Colonel Miller, by an attack upon the\\nadvanced parties of the enemy, demonstrated the willingness and\\npower of their men to push their conquests, if the chance were\\ngiven, but Hull refused the opportunity and when at length the\\ncannon were prepared, the ammunition placed in wagons, and the\\nmoment for assault agreed on, the General, upon hearing that a\\nproposed attack on the Niagara frontier had not been made, and\\nthat troops from that quarter were moving westward, suddenly\\nabandoned the enterprise, and with most of his army, on the night\\nof the 7th of August, returned to Detroit,\u00c2\u00a7 having effected nothing\\nexcept the destruction of all confidence in himself on the part of\\nthe whole force under his control, officers and privates.\\nMeantime, upon the 29th of July, Colonel Proctor had reached\\nMaiden, and perceiving instantly the power which the position of\\nthat post gave him over the supplies of the army of the United\\nStates, he commenced a series of operations the object of which\\nwas to cut off the communications of Hull with Ohio, and thus not\\nmerely neutralize all active operations on his part, but starve him\\ninto surrender or force him to detail his whole army in order to\\nkeep open his way to the only point from which supplies could\\nreach him.U A proper force on lake Erie, or the capture of\\nMaiden, would have prevented this annoying and fatal mode of\\nwarfare, but the imbecility of the government and that of the\\nGeneral, combined to favor the plans of Proctor. Having by his\\nmeasures stopped the stores on their way to Detroit, at the river\\nRaisin, he next defeated the insufficient band of two hundred men\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Hull s Defence, 42. 49, 50. t See the Proclamation, McAfee, 61.\\nHu g Defence, 59, 60. See McAfee, 60, c.\\nMcAfee, 64, c. See Cass Letter of July 17, 1S12, in Niles Register, ii. 3S3.\\nII Hull s Defence, 70, 71. McAfee, 76, 77. H Armstrong s Notices, i. 24, 25.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0558.jp2"}, "559": {"fulltext": "1812. HuWs Surrender. 529\\nunder Van Home, sent by Hull to escort them and so far with-\\nstood that of five hundred under Miller,t as to cause Hull to recall\\nthe remnant of that victorious and gallant band, though it had\\ncompletely routed the British and Indians.l By these means\\nProctor amused the Americans until General Brock reached\\nMaiden, which he did upon the 13th of August, and prepared to\\nattempt the conquest of Detroit itself. And here again occurred a\\nmost singular want of skill on the part of the Americans. In\\norder to prevent the forces in Upper Canada from being combined\\nagainst Hull, General Dearborn had been ordered to make a diver-\\nsion in his favor at Niagara and Kingston but in place of doing\\nthis, he made an armistice w ith the British commanders, which\\nenabled them to turn their attention entirely to the more distant\\nwest, and left Hull to shift for himself, II On the 14th of August,\\ntherefore, while a third party, under McArthur, w^as despatched\\nby Hull, to open his communications with the river Raisin, though\\nby a new and impracticable road. General Brock appeared at\\nSandwich, and began to erect batteries to protect his farther ope-\\nrations.** These batteries Hull would not suffer any to molest,\\nsaying that if the enemy would not fire on him he would not on\\nthem;tt and though, when summoned to surrender upon the 15th,\\nhe absolutely refused, yet upon the 16th, without a blow struck,\\nthe Governor and General crowned his course of indecision and\\nunmanly fear, by surrendering the town of Detroit and territory of\\nMichigan, together with fourteen hundred brave men longing for\\nbattle, to three hundred English soldiers, four hundred Canadian\\nmilitia disguised in red coats, and a band of Indian allies. ]||j\\nFor this conduct he was accused of treason and cowardice, and\\nfound guilty of the latter. Nor can we doubt the justice of the\\nsentence. However brave he may have been personally, he was\\nas a commander a coward and moreover, he was influenced, con-\\nMcAfee, 73 to 75. t McAfee, 77 to S2.\\nSee on this expedition, Armstrong s Notices, i. 2C to 30 and especially Dalliba s\\nNarrative. Hull sent a written order to return, while Miller and his men thought only\\nof advancing. (Dalliba, 35.)\\ny Armstrong s Notices, i. 31, note. Ibid, i. appendix. No. 10, p. 206.\\nIbid, i. 97. 207. McAfee, 84, 85.\\ntt Dalliba s testimony, Hull s Trial, quoted in Armstrong s Notices, i. 33, note.\\n:j:^ See his answer, McAfee. 86. HI See terms of capitulation, McAfee, 90.\\nSee charges and sentence in Hull s Trial the charges are in Hull s Defence also.\\n34", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0559.jp2"}, "560": {"fulltext": "530 Macldnac and Fort Dearborn lost. 1812.\\nfessedly, by his fears as a father, lest his daughter and her children\\nshould fall into the hands of the Indians.* In truth his faculties\\nseem to have been paralyzed by fear ;t fear that he should fail,\\nfear that his troops would be untrue to him, fear that the savages\\nwould spare no one if opposed with vigor, fear of some undefined\\nand horrid evil impending. Mc Afee accuses him of intempe-\\nrance, J but no effort was made on his trial to prove this, and we\\nhave no reason to think it a true charge but his conduct was like\\nthat of a drunken man, without sense or spirit.\\nBut the fall of Detroit, though the leading misfortune of this\\nunfortunate summer, was not the only one. Word, as we have\\nstated, had been sent through the kindness of some friend under a\\nfrank from the American Secretary of the Treasury, informing the\\nBritish commander at St. Joseph, a port about forty miles from\\nMackinac, of the declaration of war while Lt. Hanks, command-\\ning the American fortress itself, received no notice from any\\nsource. The consequence was an attack upon the key of the\\nnorthern lakes on the 17th of July by a force of British, Canadians\\nand savages, numbering in all 1021 the garrison amounting to but\\nfifty-seven effective men, felt unable to withstand so formidable a\\nbody, and to avoid the constantly threatened Indian massacre, sur-\\nrendered as prisoners of war and were dismissed on parole.\\nLess fortunate in its fate was the garrison of Fort Dearborn at\\nChicago. General Hull sent word to the commander at that fortress,\\n(Captain Heald,) of the loss of Mackinac, and directed him to distri-\\nbute his stores among the Indians, and retire to Fort Wayne. Heald\\nproceeded to do this, but it was soon evident that the neighboring\\nsavages were not to be trusted, and he in consequence determined\\nnot to give them, what they most of all wanted, the spirit and the\\npowder in the fortress. This they learned, and this it was, as\\nBlackhawk asserted, which led to the catastrophe. On the 15th\\nof August, all being ready, the troops left the fort, but before they\\nhad proceeded more than a mile and and a half, they were attack-\\nHull s Defence, 101.\\nt See the evidence of many officers quoted in his evidence, 179 to 210.\\nMcAfee, 82.\\nH The British account of Hull s surrender maybe found in Niles s Register, iii, 14,33, 265\\nto 2G7. Cass account do. 37 to 39. Hull s do. 53 to 57. Articles of Cajjitulation, do.\\n13. Various anecdotes, do. 44.\\nSee report of Lieutenant Hanks, McAfee 71, 72. Also, British account, which makea\\nthe assailing party less, iu Nilcs llegister, ii. 413, 425.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0560.jp2"}, "561": {"fulltext": "J812, Captain Z. Taylor^ s defence of Fort Harrison. 531\\ned by the Indians, and two-thirds of them (from 50 to 60) mas-\\nsacred at once.*\\nThus, by the middle of August the whole northwest with the\\nexception of Fort Wayne and Fort Harrison was again in the\\nhands of the British and their red allies. Early in September\\ntiiese two posts were also attacked, and the latter, had it not been\\ndefended with the greatest vigor, would have been taken. Its\\ndefender was Captain Taylor, now General Taylor, the comman-\\nder of the army in Mexico, and at present the most eminent of\\nAmerican military men and that his present position is derived\\nfrom the possession of true merit was proved by his conduct at\\nFort Harrison no less than by his behavior at Palo Alto, Resaca\\nde Palma, and Monterey, as the following account will show.\\nLetter from Captain Z. Taylor, commanding fort Harriston, Indiana Territory, to General\\nHarrison.\\nFort Harrison, September 10th.\\nDear Sir On Thursday evening, the third instant, after retreat beat-\\ning, four guns were heard to fire in the direction where two young men\\n(citizens w ho resided here) were making hay, about four hundred yards\\ndistance from the fort. I was immediately impressed with the idea that\\nthey were killed by the Indians, as the Prophet s party would soon be\\nhere for the purpose of commencing hostilities, and that they had been\\ndirected to leave this place, as we were about to do. I did not think it\\nprudent to send out at that late hour of the night to see what had become\\nof them and their not coming in convinced me that I was right in my\\nconjecture. I waited until eight o clock next morning, when I sent out\\na corporal with a small party to find them if it could be done without\\nrunning too much risk of being drawn into an ambuscade. He soon\\nsent back to inform me that he had found them both killed, and wished\\nto know my further orders I sent the cart and oxen, had them brought\\nin and buried they had been shot with two balls, scalped, and cut in\\nthe most shocking manner. Late in the evening of the fourth instant,\\nold Joseph Lenar and between 30 and 40 Indians arrived from the Pro-\\nphet s town, v/ith a white flag among whom were about ten women,\\nand the men were composed of chiefs of the different tribes that com-\\npose the Prophet s party. A Shawanee man, that spoke good English,\\ninformed me tliat old Lenar intended to speak to me next morning, and\\ntry to get something to eat.\\nAt retreat beating I examined the men s arms, and found them all in\\ngood order, and completed their cartridges to fifteen rounds per man.\\nCaptain Heald s account may be found in Niles Register, iii. 155 and a letter from\\nWalter Jordan who was present, in same work, vol. iv. 160. See also, Brown s Illinoi*,\\n306 to 316,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0561.jp2"}, "562": {"fulltext": "532 Captain Z. Taylor s Letter. 1812,\\nAs I had not been able to mount a guard of more than six privates and\\ntwo non-commissioned ofTicers for some time past, and sometimes part\\nof them every other day, from the unhealthiness of the company I\\nhad not conceived my force adequate to the defence of this post should\\nit be vigorously attacked, for some time paat.\\nAs I had just recovered from a very severe attack of the fever, I was\\nnot able to be up much through the night. After tatoo, I cautioned the\\nguard to be vigilent, and ordered one of the non-commissioned officers,\\nas the sentinels could not see every part of the garrison, to walk round\\non the inside during the whole night, to prevent the Indians taking any\\nadvantage of us, provided they had any intention of attacking us.\\nAbout 11 o clock I was awakened by the tiring of one of the sentinels;\\nI sprang up, ran out, and ordered the men to their posts when my\\norderly sergeant, who had charge of the upper block-house, called out\\nthat the Indians had fired the lower block-house, (which contained the\\nproperty of the contractor, which was deposited in the lower part, the\\nupper having been assigned to a corporal and ten privates as an alarm\\npost.) The guns had began to fire pretty smartly from both sides. I\\ndirected the buckets to be got ready and water brought from the well,\\nand the fire extinguished immediately, as it was perceivable at that\\nthat time but from debility or some other cause, the men were very\\nslow in executing my orders the word fire appeared to throw the\\nwhole of them into confusion and by the time they had got the water\\nand broken open the door, the fire had unfortunately communicated to a\\nquantity of whiskey (the stock having licked several holes through the\\nlower part of the building, after the salt that was stored there, through\\nwhich they had introduced the fire without being discovered, as the\\nnight was very dark) and in spite of every exertion we could make use\\nof, in less than a moment it ascended to the roof and baffled every eflort\\nwe could make to extinguish it. As that block-house adjoined the bar-\\nracks that make part of the fortifications most of the men immediately\\ngave themselves up for lost, and I had the greatest difficulty in getting\\nmy orders executed and, sir, what from the raging of the fire the\\nyelling and howling of several hundred Indians the cries of nine\\nwomen and children (a part soldiers and a part citizens* wives, who\\nhad taken shelter in the fort) and the desponding of so many of the\\nmen, which was worse than all I can assure that my feelings were\\nunpleasant and indeed there were not more than ten or fifteen men\\nable to do a great deal, the others being sick or convalescent and ta\\nadd to our other misfortunes, two of the strongest men in the fort, and\\nthat I had every confidence in jumped the picket and left us. But my\\npresence of mind did not for a moment forsake me. I savv, by throwing\\noff a part of the roof that joined the block-house that was on fire, and\\nkeeping the end perfectly wst, the whole row of buildings might be", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0562.jp2"}, "563": {"fulltext": "1812. Captain Z. Taylor^s Letter. 533\\nsaved, and leave only an entrance of eighteen or twenty feet for the\\nentrance of the Indians after the house was consumed and that a\\ntemporary breast-work might be executed to prevent their even entering\\nthere I convinced the men that this might be accomplished and it ap-\\npeared to inspire them with new life, and never did men act with more\\nfirmness and desperation. Those that were able (while the others kept\\nup a constant fire from the other block-house and the two bastions)\\nmounted the roofs of the houses, with Dr. Clark at their head, who\\nacted with the greatest firmness and presence of mind the whole time\\nthe attack lasted, which was seven hours, under a shower of bullets,\\nand in less than a moment threw off as much of the roof as was neces-\\nsary. This was done only with a loss of one man and two wounded,\\nand I am in hopes neither of them dangerously the man that was\\nkilled was a lillle deranged, and did not get off the house as soon as\\ndirected, or he would not have been hurt and although the barracks\\nwere several times in a blaze, and an immense quantity of fire against\\nthem, the men used such exertions that they kept it under and before\\nday raised a temporary breast-work as high as a man s head, although\\nthe Indians continued to pour in a heavy fire of ball and an innumerable\\nquantity of arrows during the whole time the attack lasted, in every part\\nof the parade. I had but one other man killed, nor any other wounded\\ninside the fort, and he lost his life by being too anxious he got into\\none of the gullies in the bastions, and fired over the pickets, and called\\nout to his comrades that he had killed an Indian, and neglecting to stoop\\ndown in an instant he was shot dead. One of the men that jumped the\\npickets, relumed an hour before day, and running up towards the gate,\\nbegged for God s sake for it to be opened. I suspected it to be a strata-\\ngem of the Indians to get in, as I did not recollect the voice. I directed\\nthe men in the bastion, where I happened to be, to shoot him let him be\\nwho he would, and one of them fired at him, but fortunately he ran up\\nto the other bastion, where they knew his voice, and Dr. Clarke direct-\\ned him to lie down close to the pickets behind an empty barrel that\\nhappened to be there, and at day-light I had him let in. His arm was\\nbroke in a most shocking manner; which he says was done by the\\nIndians which I suppose, was the cause of his returning I think it\\nprobable that he will not recover. The other they caught about 130\\nyards from the garrison, and cut him all to pieces. After keeping up a\\nconstant fire until about six o clock the next morning, which we began\\nto return with some effect after day-light, they removed out of the reach\\nof our guns. A party of them drove up the horses that belonged to the\\ncitizens here, and as they could not catch them very readily, shot the\\nwhole of them in our sight, as well as a number of their hogs. They\\ndrove off the whole of the cattle, which amounted to 65 head, as well\\nas the public oxen. I had the vacancy filled up before night, (which", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0563.jp2"}, "564": {"fulltext": "534 Captain Z. Taylor s Letter. 1812.\\nwas made by the burning of the block-house) with a strong row f\\npickets, which I got by pulling down the guard-house. We lost the\\nwhole of our provisions, but must make out to live upon green corn\\nuntil we can get a supply, which I am in hopes will not be long. I\\nbelieve the whole of the Miamies or Weas, were among the Prophet s\\nparty, as one chief gave his orders in that language, which resembled\\nStone Eater s voice, and I believe Negro Legs was there likewise. A\\nFrenchman here understands tlieir different languages, and several of the\\nMiamies or Weas, that have been frequently here, were recognized by\\nthe Frenchman and soldiers, next morning. The Indians suffered smart-\\nly, but were so numerous as to take off all that were shot. They con-\\ntinued with us until the next morning, but made no further attempt upon\\nthe fort, nor have we seen any thing more of them since. I have de-\\nlayed informing you of my situation, as I did not like to weaken the\\ngarrison, and I looked for some person from Vincennes, and none of my\\nmen were acquainted with the woods, and therefore I would either have\\nto take the road or the river, which I was fearful was guarded by small\\nparties of Indians that would not dare attack a company of rangers that\\nwas on a scout; but being disappointed, I have at length determined to\\nsend a couple of my men by water, and am in hopes they will arrive\\nsafe. I think it would be best to send the provisions under a pretty\\nstrong escort, as the Indians may attempt to prevent their coming. If\\nyou carry on an expedition against the Prophet this fall, you ought to\\nbe well provided with every thing, as you may calculate on having\\nevery inch of ground disputed between this and there that they can\\ndefend with advantage. Z. TAYLOR.\\nHis Excellency Gov. Harrison.\\nFort Harrison, September 13, 1812.\\nDear Sir I wrote you on the lOlh instant, giving you an account of\\nthe attack on this place, as well as my situation, which account I at-\\ntempted to send by water, but the two men whom I dispatched in a\\ncanoe after night, found the river so well guarded, that they were obliged\\nto return. The Indians had built afire on the bank of the river, a short\\ndistance below the garrison, which gave them an opportunity of seeing\\nany craft that might attempt to pass, and were waiting with a canoe\\nready to intercept it. I expect the fort, as well as the road to Vincennes,\\nis as well or better watched than the river. But my situation compels\\nme to make one other attempt by land, and my orderly sergeant, with\\none other man, sets out to night with strict orders to avoid the road in\\nthe day time, and depend entirely on the woods, although neither of\\nthem have ever been in Vincennes by land, nor do they know any\\nthing of the country, but I am in hopes they will reach you in safety.\\nI send them with great reluctance from their ignorance of the woods. I", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0564.jp2"}, "565": {"fulltext": "1812. W. H. Harrison Commander-in-Chief. 535\\nthink it very probable there is a large party of Indians waylaying the\\nroad between this and Vincennes, likely about the Narrows, for the pur-\\npose of intercepting any party that may be coming to this place, as the\\ncattle they got here will supply them plentifully with provisions for\\nsome time to come.\\nZ. TAYLOR.*\\nHis Excellency Gov. Harrison.\\nBut before the surrender of Hull took place, extensive prepara-\\ntions had been made in Ohio, Kentucky, Virginia, and Pennsyl-\\nvania, to bring into service a large and efficient army.f Three\\npoints needed defence. Fort Wayne and the Maumee, the Wabash,\\nand the Illinois River the troops destined for the first point were\\nto be under the command of General Winchester, a revolutionary\\nofficer resident in Tennessee and but little known to the frontier\\nmen ;t those for the Wabash were to be under Harrison, whose\\nname since the battle of Tippecanoe was familiar everywhere\\nwhile Governor Edwards of the Illinois Territory, was to com-\\nmand the expedition upon the river of the same name. Such were\\nthe intentions of the Government, but the wishes of the people\\nfrustrated them, and led, first, to the appointment of Harrison to\\nthe command of the Kentucky volunteers, destined to assist Hull s\\narmy, II and next to his elevation to the post of commander-in-\\nchief over all the forces of the west and north-west: this last ap-\\npointment was made September 17th, and was notified to the\\nGeneral upon the 24th of that month. Meantime Fort Wayne\\nhad been relieved, and the line of the Maumee secured ;1f so that\\nwhen Harrison found himself placed at the head of military affairs\\nin the west, his main objects were, first, to drive the Indians from\\nthe western side of the Detroit River; second, to take Maiden;\\nand third, having thus secured his communications, to recapture\\nthe Michigan Territory and its dependencies.** To do all this\\nbefore winter, and thus be prepared to conquer Upper Canada,\\nHarrison proposed to take possession of the Rapids of the Maumee\\nNiles Register, iii. 90. McAfee, 153.\\nMcAfee, 102 to 110.\\ni Armstrong s Nctices, i. 52 to 66. Appendix, No. 8. p. 203. McAfee, 131.\\nI The propriety of this step was much questioned see McAfee, 107, c. Armstrong s\\nNotices, i. 58.\\nMcAfee 140.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Also, Letter of Secretary of War, McAfee 118.\\nSee the details in McAfee, 120 to 139.\\nArmstrong s Notices, i. 59. McAfee, 142.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0565.jp2"}, "566": {"fulltext": "536 Expeditions of General Hopkins. 1812.\\nand there to concentrate his forces and his stores in moving upon\\ntliis point he divided his troops into three columns, the right to\\nmarch from Wooster through Upper Sandusky, the centre from\\nUrbana by Fort McArthur on the heads of the Scioto, and the left\\nfrom St. Mary s by the Au-Glaize and Maumee, all meeting, of\\ncourse, at the Rapids.* This plan, however, failed the troops of\\nthe left column under Winchester, worn out and starved, were\\nfound on the verge of mutiny, and the mounted men of the centre\\nunder General Tupper were unable to do any thing, partly from\\ntheir own want of subordination, but still more from the shiftless-\\nness of their commander;! this condition of the troops, and the\\nprevalence of disease among them, together with the increasing\\ndifficulty of transportation after the autumnal rains set in, forced\\nupon the commander the conviction that he must wait until the\\nwinter had bridged the streams and morasses with ice,| and even\\nwhen that had taken place he was doubtful as to the wdsdom of an\\nattempt to conquer without vessels on Lake Erie.||\\nThus, at the close of the year 1812, nothing effectual had been\\ndone towards the reconquest of Michigan Winchester, with the\\nleft wing of the army was on his way to the Rapids, his men\\nenfeebled by sickness, want of clothes, and want of food the\\nright wdng approaching Sandusky and the centre resting at Fort\\nMcArthur.\\nSeveral smaller operations, however, had taken place since the\\n1st of October, with various success. Early in that month Gene-\\nral Hopkins led a corps of 2000 mounted volunteers from Vin-\\ncennes against the Kickapoo villages upon the Illinois but being\\nmisled by the guides, after w^andering in the prairies for some days\\nto no purpose, the party returned to the capital of Indiana not-\\nwithstanding the wishes and commands of their general officers. H\\nChagrined at the result of this attempt, the same commander in\\nNovember led a band of infantry up the Wabash, and succeeded\\nin destroying several deserted villages, and losing several men in\\nan ambuscade. His enemy, declining a combat, and the cold\\nproving severe, he was forced to retire to Vincennes again.**\\nGovernor Edwards, meanwhile, had marched against the natives\\nMcAfee, 142, c. 192, c. at the latter reference Harrison s letter is given.\\nt McAfee, 146 to 151. General Tupper s account is in Niles Register, iii. 167.\\nt McAfee, 164, 165. fl McAfee, 187. 196 to 199. Dawson, 333 to 341.\\nMcAfee, 201, 199, 168.\\nMcAfee, 158. General Hopkins account is in Nilcs Register, iii. 2C4\u00c2\u00bb\\nMcAfee, 160.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Hopkins account is in Niles Register, iii. 264.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0566.jp2"}, "567": {"fulltext": "1813. Winchester s movements. 537\\nat the head gf Peoria Lake, and killed twenty of them without loss\\nto himself.* Still later, in December, General Harrison despatch-\\ned a party of 600 men against the Miami villages upon the Mis-\\nsissinneway, a branch of the Wabash. This body, under the com-\\nmand of Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, destroyed several villages,\\nand fought a severe battle with the Indians, who were defeated\\nbut the severity of the weather, the number of his wounded (forty-\\neight,) the scarcity of provisions, and the fear of being attacked\\nby Tecumthe, at the head of 600 fresh savages, led Colonel\\nCampbell to retreat immediately after the battle, without destroy-\\ning the principal town of the enemy. The expedition, however,\\nwas not without results, as it induced some of the tribes to come\\nopenly and wholly under the protection and within the borders of\\nthe Republic!\\n1813.\\nOn the 10th of January, Winchester with his troops reached\\nthe Rapids, General Harrison with the right wing of the army\\nbeing still at Upper Sandusky, and Tupper with the centre at\\nFort Mc Arthur.:}: From the 13th to the 16th messengers arrived\\nat Winchester s camp from the inhabitants of Frenchtown on the\\nriver Raisin, representing the danger to which that place was\\nexposed from the hostility of the British and Indians, and begging\\nfor protection.il These representations and petitions excited the\\nfeelings of the Americans, and led them, forgetful of the main\\nobjects of the campaign, and of military caution, to determine\\nupon the step of sending a strong party to the aid of the sufferers.\\nOn the 17th, accordingly, Colonel Lewis was despatched wuth\\n550 men to the river Raisin, and soon after Colonel Allen followed\\nwith 110 more. Marching along the frozen borders of the Bay\\nand Lake, on the afternoon of the 18th the Americans reached\\nMcAfee, 162.\\nt McAfee, 176 to 182. Campbell s and Harrison s accounts are in Niles Register, iii.\\n316,331.\\ni McAfee, 202, 203. B McAfee, 204.\\nSee Colonel Allen s speech in Armstrong s Notices, i. 67.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0567.jp2"}, "568": {"fulltext": "538 Defeat at FrencUown. 1813.\\nand attacked the enemy who were posted in the village, and after\\na severe contest defeated them. Having gained possession of the\\ntown, Colonel Lewis wrote for reinforcements and prepared himself\\nto defend the position he had gained.* And it was evident that all\\nhis means of defence would be needed, as the place was but eighteen\\nmiles from Maiden where the whole British force was collected\\nunder Procter. Winchester, on the 19th, having heard of the\\naction of the previous day, marched with 250 men, which was\\nthe most he dared detach from the Rapids, to the aid of the captor\\nof Frenchtown, which place he reached on the next evening.\\nBut instead of placing his men in a secure position, and taking\\nmeasures to prevent the secret approach of the enemy, Winchester\\nsuffered the troops he had brought with him to remain in the open\\nground, and took no efficient measures to protect himself from\\nsurprise, although informed that an attack might be expected at\\nany moment, f The consequence was that during the night of the\\n21st the whole British force approached undiscovered, and erected\\na battery within 300 yards of the American camp. From this,\\nbefore the troops were fairly under arms in the morning, a dis-\\ncharge of bombs, balls, and grape-shot, informed the devoted\\nsoldiers of Winchester of the folly of their commander, and in a\\nmoment more the dreaded Indian yell sounded on every side.\\nThe troops under Lewis were protected by the garden pickets\\nbehind which their commander, who alone seems to have been\\nupon his guard, had stationed them; those last arrived were, as\\nwe have said, in the open field, and against them the main effort\\nof the enemy was directed. Nor was it long so directed without\\nterrible results the troops yielded, broke and fled, but fled under\\na fire which mowed them down like grass Winchester and Lewis,\\n(who had left his pickets to aid his superior oflRcer,) were taken\\nprisoners. Upon the party who fought from behind their slight\\ndefences, however, no impression could be made, and it was not\\ntill Winchester was induced to send them what was deemed an\\norder to surrender that they dreamed of doing so. This Procter\\npersuaded him to do by the old story of an Indian massacre in\\ncase of continued resistance, to which he added a promise of help\\nand protection for the wounded, and of a removal at the earliest\\nLewis account may be found in Niles Register, iv. 49.\\nt McAfee, 211. Winchester in his own account owns that he entirely disregarded the\\nwarning given him.\\n4 He says he did not mean it for an order, but merely for advice.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0568.jp2"}, "569": {"fulltext": "1813. Massacre of the Wounded. 539\\nmoment without which last promise the troops of Lewis refused\\nto yield even when required by their General.* But the promise,\\neven if given in good faith, was not redeemed, and the horrors of\\nthe succeeding night and day will long be remembered by the\\ninhabitants of the frontier. Of a portion of those horrors we give\\na description in the words of an eye-witness.\\nNicholasville, Kentucky, April 24th, 1813.\\nSir Yours of the 5lh instant, requesting me to give you a statement\\nrespecting tlie late disaster at Frenchlown, was duly received. Rest as-\\nsured, sir, that it is with sensations the most unpleasant that I undertake\\nto recount the infamous and barbarous conduct of the British and Indians\\nafter the battle of the 22d January. The blood runs cold in my veins\\nwhen I think of it.\\nOn the morning of the 23d, shortly after light, six or eight Indians\\ncame to the house of Jean Baptiste Jereaume, where I was, in company\\nwith Major Graves, Captains Hart and Hickman, Doctor Todd, and fif-\\nteen or twenty volunteers, belonging to different corps. They did not\\nmolest any person or thing on their first approach, but kept sauntering\\nabout until there was a large number collected, (say one or two hundred)\\nat which time they commenced plundering the houses of the inhabitants,\\nand the massacre of the wounded prisoners. I was one amongst the first\\nthat was taken prisoner, and was taken to a horse about twenty paces\\nfrom the house, after being divested of part of my clothing, and com-\\nmanded by signs there to remain for further orders. Shortly after being\\nthere, I saw them knock down Captain Hickman at the door, together\\nwith several others with whom I was not acquainted. Supposing a\\ngeneral massacre had commenced, I made an effort to get to a house\\nabout one hundred yards distant, which contained a number of wounded,\\nbut on my reaching the house, to my great mortification, found it sur-\\nrounded by Indians, which precluded the possibility of my giving notice\\nto the unfortunate victims of savage barbarity. An Indian chief of the\\nTawa tribe of the name of M Carty, gave me possession of his horse\\nand blanket, telling me by signs, to lead the horse to the house which I\\nhad just before left. The Indian that first took me, by this time came\\nup and manifested a hostile disposition towards me, by raising his tom-\\naliawk as if to give me the fatal blow, which was prevented by ray very\\ngood friend M Carty. On my reaching the house which I had first\\nstarted from, I saw the Indians take off several prisoners, which I after-\\nwards* saw in the road, in a most mangled condition, and entirely strip-\\nped of their clothing.\\nMessrs. Bradford, Searls, Turner and Blythe, were collected round a\\nMcAfee, 215.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0569.jp2"}, "570": {"fulltext": "540 Massacre of the Wounded at Frenchtown. 1813.\\ncarryall, which contained articles taken by the Indians from the citizens.\\nWe had all been placed there, by our respective captors, except Blythe,\\nwho came where we were entreating an Indian to convey him to Maiden,\\npromising to give him forty or fifty dollars, and whilst in the act of plead-\\ning for mercy, an Indian more savage than the other, stepped np behind,\\ntomahawked, stripped and scalped him. The next that attracted my at-\\ntention, was the houses on fire that contained several wounded, whom I\\nknew were not able to get out. After the houses were nearly consumed,\\nwe received marching orders, and after arriving at Sandy Creek, the In-\\ndians called a halt and commenced cooking after preparing and eating\\na little sweetened gruel, Messrs. Bradford, Searls, Turner and myself,\\nreceived some, and were eating, when an Indian came up and proposed\\nexchanging his moccasins for Mr. Searls shoes, which he readily com-\\nplied with. They then exchanged hats, after which the Indian inquired\\nhow many men Harrison had with him, and, at the same time, calling\\nSearls a Washington or Madison, then raised his tomahawk and struck\\nhim on the shoulder, which cut into the cavity of the body. Searls then\\ncaught hold of the tomahawk and appeared to resist, and upon my tell-\\ning him his fate was inevitable, he closed his eyes and received the\\nsavage blow which terminated his existence. I was near enough to\\nhim to receive the brains and blood, after the fatal blow, on my blanket.\\nA short time after the death of Searls, I saw three others share a similar\\nfate. We then set out for Brownstown, which place we reached about\\n12 or 1 o clock at night. After being exposed to several hours inces-\\nsant rain in reaching that place, we were put into the council house, the\\nfloor of which was partly covered with water, at which place we re-\\nmained until next morning, when we again received marching orders\\nfor their village on the river Rouge, which place we made that day,\\nwhere I was kept six days, then taken to Detroit and sold. For a more\\ndetailed account of the proceedings, I take the liberty of referring you\\nto a publication which appeared in the public prints, signed by Ensign\\nJ. L. Baker, and to the publication of Judge Woodward, both of which\\n1 have particularly examined, and find them to be literally correct, so far\\nas came under my notice.\\nI am, sir, with due regard, your fellow-citizen,\\nGUSTAVUS M. BOWER,\\nSurgeon s Mate 5th Regiment Kentucky Volunteers.\\nJesse Bledsoe, Esq., Lexington.*\\nAmerican State Papers, xii. 372, Do. 367 to 375.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0570.jp2"}, "571": {"fulltext": "1813. Harnson retreats from the Maumee. 541\\nOf the American army, which was about 800 strong, one-third\\nwere killed in the battle and the massacre which followed, and\\nbut 33 escaped.*\\nGeneral Harrison, as we have stated, was at Upper Sandusky\\nwhen Winchester reached the Rapids; on the night of the 16th\\nword came to him of the arrival of the left wing at that point,\\nand of some meditated movement. He at once proceeded with\\nall speed to Lower Sandusky, and on the morning of the iSth\\nsent forward a battalion of troops to the support of Winchester.\\nOn the 19th he learned what the movement was that had been\\nmeditated and made, and with additional troops he started in-\\nstantly for the falls where he arrived early on the morning of the\\n20th here he waited the arrival of the regiment with which he\\nhad started, but which he had outstripped this came on the even-\\ning of the 21st, and on the following morning, was despatched to\\nFrenchtown, while all the troops belonging to the army of Win-\\nchester yet at the falls, 300 in number, were also hurried on to the\\naid of their commander.f But it was of course, in vain; on that\\nmorning the battle was fought, and General Harrison with his rein-\\nforcements met the few survivors long before they reached the\\nground. A council being called it was deemed unwise to advance\\nany farther, and the troops retired to the Rapids again: here,\\nduring the night another consultation took place, the result of\\nwhich was a determination to retreat yet farther in order to preA ent\\nthe possibility of being cut off from the convoys of stores and\\nartillery upon their way from Sandusky. On the next morning,\\ntherefore, the block-house which had been built was destroyed,\\ntogether with the provisions it contained, and the troops retired to\\nPortage river IS miles in the rear of Winchester s position, there\\nto await the guns and reinforcements which were daily expected,\\nbut which, as it turned out, were detained by rains until the 30th\\nof January.! Finding his army 1700 strong. General Harrison on\\nthe 1st of February again advanced to the Rapids where he took\\nup a new and stronger position, at which point he ordered all the\\ntroops as rapidly as possible to gather. He did this in the hope of\\nbeing able before the middle of the month to advance upon Mal-\\nMcAfee, 221. See the accounts of Winchester and Major Madison in Armstrong s\\nNotices, i. Appendix No. 7, p. 196. In Niles Register, iv. 9 to 13, may be found the\\nBritish account, Winchester s, and one accompanied by a diagram: same vol. p. 29, is a\\nfuller account by Winchester, and on page 83 one by Lewis and the other officers.\\nt McAfee, 209 to 211, 227 to 235. McAfee, 236 to 239.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0571.jp2"}, "572": {"fulltext": "542 Plan of a new Campttign. 181 3.\\nden, but the long continuance of warm and wet w eather kept the\\nroads in such a condition that his troops were unable to join him,\\nand the project of advancing upon the ice was entirely frustrated;\\nso at length the winter campaign had to be abandoned, as the\\nautumnal one had been before.\\nSo far the military operations of the northwest had certainly\\nbeen sufficiently discouraging; the capture of Mackinac, the sur-\\nrender of Hull, the massacre of Chicago, and the overwhelming\\ndefeat of Frenchtown, are the leading events. Nothing had been\\ngained, and of what had been lost nothing had been retaken: the\\nslight successes over the Indians by Hopkins, Edwards, and\\nCampbell, had not shaken the powder or the confidence of Tecum-\\nthe and his allies, while the fruitless efforts of Harrison through\\nfive months to gather troops enough at the mouth of the Maumee\\nto attempt the reconquest of Michigan, w^hich had been taken in a\\nweek, depressed the spirits of the Americans, and gave new life\\nand hope to their foes.\\nAbout the time that Harrison s unsuccessful campaign drew\\nto a close, a change took place in the War Department, and\\nGeneral Armstrong succeeded his incapable friend. Dr. Eustis.\\nArmstrong s views were those of an able soldier in October,\\n1812, he had again addressed the Government through Mr. Gal-\\nlatin, on the necessity of obtaining the command of the lakes,*\\nand when raised to power determined to make naval operations\\nthe basis of the military movements of the north w^est. His views\\nin relation to the coming campaign in the West, were based upon\\ntwo points, viz. the use of regular troops alone, and the command\\nof the lakes, which he W as led to think could be obtained by the\\n20th of June. t\\nAlthough the views of the Secretary, in relation to the non-\\nemployment of militia, were not, and could not be, adhered to,\\nthe general plan of merely standing upon the defensive until the\\ncommand of the lake was secured, was persisted in, although it\\nwas the 2nd of August instead of the 1st of June, before the ves-\\nsels on Erie could leave the harbor in which they had been built.\\nAmong these defensive operations of the spring and summer of\\n1813, that at Fort or Camp Meigs, the new post taken by Harrison\\nArmstrong s Notices, i. 177, note. Steps to command the lake had been taken lie-\\nfore October. See Niles Register, iii. 142. 127.\\nt Armstrong s Notices, i. appendix. No. 23, p. 245. The Secretary and General did\\nnot entirely agree as to the plans of the campaign. See the Notices, i. 176, c. Mc-\\nAfee, 249, c. Full accounts of the arrangement of the army in this year, may be seen\\nin Niles Register, iv. 145. 158. 187.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0572.jp2"}, "573": {"fulltext": "1813. Siege of Fort Meigs. 543\\nat the Rapids, and that at Lower Sandusky, deserve to be espe-\\ncially noticed. It had been anticipated that, with the opening of\\nspring, the British would attempt the conquest of the position\\nupon the Maumee, and measures had been taken by the General\\nto forward reinforcements, which were detained however, as usual,\\nby the spring freshets and the bottomless roads. As had been\\nexpected, on the 28th of April, the English forces began the\\ninvestment of Harrison s camp, and by the 1st of May had com-\\npleted their batteries meantime, the Americans behind their tents\\nhad thrown up a bank of earth twelve feet high, and upon a basis\\nof twenty feet, behind which the whole garrison withdrew the\\nmoment that the gunners of the enemy were prepared to commence\\noperations. Upon this bank, the ammunition of his Majesty was\\nwasted in vain, and down to the 5th, nothing was effected by\\neither party. On that day. General Clay, with 1200 additional\\ntroops, came down the Maumee in flatboats, and, in accordance\\nwith orders received from Harrison, detached 800 men under\\nColonel Dudley to attack the batteries upon the left bank of the\\nriver, while, with the remainder of his forces, he landed upon the\\nsouthern shore, and after some loss and delay, fought his way into\\ncamp. Dudley, on his part, succeeded perfectly in capturing the\\nbatteries, but instead of spiking the cannon, and then instantly\\nreturning to his boats, he suffered his men to waste their time, and\\nskirmish with the Indians, until Proctor was able to cut them off\\nfrom their only chance of retreat taken by surprise, and in disor-\\nder, the greater part of the detachment became an easy prey, only\\n150 of the 800 men escaping captivity or death.* This sad result\\nwas partially, though but little, alleviated by the success of a sortie\\nmade from the fort by Colonel Miller, in which he captured and\\nmade useless the batteries, that had been erected south of the\\nMaumee. t The result of the day s doings had been sad enough\\nfor the Americans, but still the British General saw in it nothing to\\nencourage him his cannon had done nothing, and were in fact no\\nlonger of value his Indian allies found it hard to fight people\\nwho lived like groundhogs news of the American successes\\nbelow had been received and additional troops were approaching\\nfrom Ohio and Kentucky. Proctor, weighing all things, determined\\nto retreat, and upon the 9th of May returned to Maiden.\\nHarrison s Report, t McAfee, 264 to 272. See Tecumthe s Speech, McAfee,\\n11 For account ofseige of Fort Meigs, by Harrison, c. see Niles Register, iv. 191, c.,\\n210, k.c. For diary of seige, do. iv. 243 for British account, do. iv. 272. O Fallon s\\n(aid to Ge. Harrison) is in National Intelligencer, June 16, 1S40.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0573.jp2"}, "574": {"fulltext": "544 Vessels at Erie in danger. 1813.\\nThe ship-building going forward at Erie had not, meanwhile,\\nbeen unknown to or disregarded by the English, who proposed\\nall in good time to destroy the vessels upon which so much\\ndepended, and to appropriate the stores of the republicans the\\nordnance and naval stores you require, said Sir George Prevost\\nto General Proctor, must be taken from the enemy, M hose\\nresources on lake Erie must become yours. I am much mistaken,\\nif you do not find Captain Barclay disposed to play that game.\\nCaptain Barclay was an experienced, brave, and able seaman, and\\nwas waiting anxiously for a sufficient body of troops to be spared\\nihm, in order to attack Erie Avith success; ^a sufficient force\\nwas promised him on the 18th of July, at which time the British\\nfleet went down the lake to reconnoitre, and if it were wise, to\\nmake the proposed attempt upon the Americans at Erie none,\\nhowever, was made.f About the same time, the followers of\\nProctor again approached Fort Meigs, around which they remained\\nfor a week, effecting nothing, though very numerous. The pur-\\npose of this second investment seems, indeed, rather to have been\\nthe diversion of Harrison s attention from Erie, and the employment\\nof the immense bands of Indians which the English had gathered\\nat Maiden, I than any serious blow and finding no progress made.\\nProctor next moved to Sandusky, into the neighborhood of the\\ncommander-in-chief. The principal stores of Harrison were at\\nSandusky, while he was himself at Seneca, and Major Croghan at\\nFort Stephenson or Lower Sandusky. This latter post being\\ndeemed indefensible against heavy cannon, and it being supposed\\nthat Proctor would of course bring heavy cannon, if he attacked it,\\nthe General and a council of war called by him, thought it wisest\\nto abandon it but before this could be done after the final deter-\\nmination of the matter, the appearance of the enemy upon the\\n31st of July made it impossible. The garrison of the little fort\\nwas composed of 150 men, under a commander just past his 21st\\nyear, II and with a single piece of cannon, while the investing\\nforce, including Tecumseh s Indians, was, it is said, 3,300 strong,\\nand with six pieces of artillery, all of them, fortunately, light ones.\\nProctor demanded a surrender, and told the unvarying story of\\nLetter of July 11th, given in Armstrong s Notices, i. Appendix, No. 19, p. 22S.\\nt Letter of General DeRottenburg, in Armstrong s Notices, i. Appendix, No. 19, p. 229.\\nMcAfee, 343.\\nMcAfee, 297 to 299 2,500 warriors were about Maiden.\\n1 General Harrison, quoted in McAfee, 329.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0574.jp2"}, "575": {"fulltext": "1813. Croghmi s defence of Fort Stephenson. 545\\nthe danger of provoking a general massacre by the savages, unless\\nthe fort was yielded to all which the representative of young\\nCroghan replied by saying that the Indians would have none left\\nto massacre, if the British conquered, for every man of the garri-\\nson would have died at his post.* Proctor, upon this, opened his\\nfire, which being concentrated upon the northwest angle of the\\nfort, led the commander to think that it was meant to make a\\nbreach there, and carry the works by assault he therefore pro-\\nceeded to strengthen that point by bags of sand and flour, while\\nunder cover of night he placed his single six pounder in a position\\nto rake the angle threatened, and then, having charged his infant\\nbattery with slugs, and hidden it from the enemy, he waited the\\nevent. During the night of the 1st of August, and till late in the\\nevening of the 2d, the firing continued upon the devoted northwest\\ncorner then, under cover of the smoke and gathering darkness, a\\ncolumn of 350 men approached unseen to within 20 paces of the\\nwalls. The musketry opened upon them, but with little effect, the\\nditch was gained, and in a moment filled with men at that instant,\\nthe masked cannon, only thirty feet distant, and so directed as to\\nsweep the ditch, was unmasked and fired, killing at once 27\\nof the assailants the eflfect was decisive, the column recoiled, and\\nthe little fort was saved with the loss of one man on the next\\nmorning the British and their allies, having the fear of Harrison\\nbefore their eyes, were gone, leaving behind them in their haste,\\nguns, stores, and clothing, f\\nFrom this time all were busy in preparing for the long antici-\\npated attack upon Maiden. Kentucky especially sent her sons in\\nvast numbers, under their veteran Governor, Shelby, and the yet\\nmore widely distinguished Richard M. Johnson. On the 4th of\\nAugust, Perry got his vessels out of Erie into deep water but for\\na month was unable to bring matters to a crisis: on the 10th of\\nSeptember, however, the fleet of Barclay was seen standing out of\\nport, and the Americans hastened to receive him. Of the contest\\nwe give Perry s own account.\\nUnited States schooner Ariel, Put-in-l3ay,\\n13th September, 1813.\\nSir: In my last I informed you that we had captured the enemy s\\nfleet on this lake. I have now the honor to give you the most impor-\\nMcAfee, 325.\\nt McAfee, 3.24 to 32S. The accounts by Croghan and Harrison are in Nilea Register,\\niv. 388 to 390. A further account and plan ofthe fort in do, v. 7 to 9.\\n35", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0575.jp2"}, "576": {"fulltext": "546 Verryh Victory. 1813.\\ntant particulars of the action. On the morning of the 10th instant, at\\nsunrise, tliey were discovered from Put in-Bay, where I lay at anchor\\nwith the squadron under my command. We got under weigh, the wind\\nlight at S. W. and stood for them. At 10 A. M. the wind hauled to\\nS. E. and brought us to windward formed the line and brought up.\\nAt 15 minutes before 12, the enemy commenced firing; at 5 minutes\\nbefore 12, the action commenced on our part. Finding their fire very\\ndestructive, owing to their long guns, and its being mostly directed to\\nthe Lawrence, I made sail, and directed the other vessels to follow, for\\nthe purpose of closing with the enemy. Every brace and bow line\\nbeing shot away, she became unmanageable, notwithstanding the great\\nexertions of the Sailing Master. In this situation she sustained the\\naction upwards of two hours, within canister shot distance, until every\\ngun was rendered useless, and a greater part of the crew either killed or\\nwounded. Finding she could no longer annoy the enemy, I left her in\\ncharge of Lieutenant Yarnall, who, I was convinced, from the bravery\\nalready displayed by him, would do what M ould comport with the\\nhonor of the flag. At half past 2, the wind springing up. Captain\\nElliott was enabled to bring his vessel, the Niagara, gallantly into close\\naction I immediately went on board of her, when he anticipated my\\nwish by volunteering to bring the schooners, which had been kept\\nastern by the lightness of the wind, into close action. It was with un-\\nspeakable pain that I saw, soon after I got on board the Niagara, the\\nflag of the Lawrence come down, although I was perfectly sensible that\\nshe had been defended -to the last, and that to have continued to make a\\nshow of resistance would have been a wanton sacrifice of the remains of\\nher brave crew. But the enemy was not able to take possession of her,\\nand circumstances soon permitted her flag again to be hoisted. At 45\\nminutes past two, the signal was made for close action. The Nia-\\ngara being very little injured, I determined to pass through the enemy s\\nline, bore up and passed ahead of tlieir two ships and a brig, giving a\\nraking fire to them from the starboard guns, and to a large schooner and\\nsloop, from the larboard side, at half pistol shot distance. The smaller\\nvessels at this time having got within grape and canister distance, under\\nthe direction of Captain Elliot, and keeping up a well directed fire, the\\ntwo ships, a brig, and a schooner, surrendered, a schooner and sloop\\nmaking a vain attempt to escape.\\nThose officers and men who were immediately under my observation\\nevinced the greatest gallantry, and I have no doubt that all others con-\\nducted themselves as became American officers and seamen.*\\nMeanwhile the American army had received its reinforcements,\\nAmerican State Papers, Slv. 295. For Perry s Letters, see Niles s Register, v. GO to\\n(62. Sec also Cooper s Naval History Life of Commodore Elliott, (Philadelphia, 1836;)\\nTristam Burgess account of the battle, with diagrams, (Boston, 1839.)", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0576.jp2"}, "577": {"fulltext": "1S13. Battle of the Thames. bAl\\nand was only waiting the expected victory of the fleet to embark.\\nOn the 27th of September, it set sail for the shore of Canada, and\\nin a few hours stood around the ruins of the deserted and wasted\\nMaiden, from which Proctor had retreated to Sandwich, intending\\nto make his way to the heart of Canada, by ^the valley of the\\nThames.* On the 29th, Harrison was at Sandwich, and McArthur\\ntook possession of Detroit and the territory of Michigan. At this\\npoint Colonel Johnson s mounted rifle regiment, which had gone\\nup the west side of the river, rejoined the main army. On the\\n2nd of October, the Americans began their march in pursuit of\\nProctor, whom they overtook upon the 5th. He had posted [_his\\narmy with its left resting upon the river, while the right flank was\\ndefended by a marsh the ground between the river and the marsh\\nwas divided lengthwise by a smaller swamp, so as to make two\\ndistinct fields in which the troops were to operate. The British\\nwere in two lines, occupying the field between the river and small\\nswamp the Indians extended from the small to the large morass,\\nthe ground being suitable to their mode of warfare, and unfavor-\\nable for cavalry. Harrison at first ordered the mounted Kentucki-\\nans to the left of the American army, that is, to the field farthest\\nfrom the river, in order to act against the Indians, while with his\\ninfantry formed in three lines and strongly protected on the left\\nflank to secure it against the savages, he proposed to meet the\\nBritish troops themselves. Before the battle commenced, how-\\never, he learned two facts, which induced him to change his\\nplans one was the bad nature of the ground on his left for the\\noperations of horse the other was the open order of the English\\nregulars, which made them liable to a fatal attack by cavalry.\\nLearning these things, Harrison, but whether upon his own sug-\\ngestion or not, we cannot say, ordered Colonel Johnson with his\\nmounted men to charge, and try to break the regular troops, by\\npassing through their ranks and forming in their rear. In arrang-\\ning to do this, Johnson found the space between the river and\\nsmall swamp too narrow for all his men to act in with effect so,\\ndividing them, he gave the right hand body opposite the regulars\\nin charge to his brother James, while crossing the swamp with the\\nremainder, he himself led the way against Tecumthe and his\\nsavage followers. The charge of James Johnson was perfectly\\nsuccessful the Kentuckians received the fire of the British, broke\\nthrough their ranks, and forming beyond them, produced such a\\nSee ofBcial accounts in Niles Register, v. 117.\\ny", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0577.jp2"}, "578": {"fulltext": "548 Battle of the Thames. 1813:\\npanic by the novelty of the attack, that the whole body of troops\\nyielded at once. On the left the Indians fought more obstinately,\\nand the horsemen were forced to dismount, but in ten minutes Te-\\ncumthe was dead,* and his followers, who had learned the fate of\\ntheir allies, soon gave up the contest: in half an hour all was\\nover, except the pursuit of Proctor, who had fled at the onset.\\nThe whole number, in both armies, was about 5000, the whole\\nnumber killed less than fort)--, so entirely w-as the affair decided by\\npanic. We have thus given an outline of the battle of the\\nThames, which practically closed the war in the northwest and\\nto our own we add part of Harrison s official statement.\\nThe troops at my disposal consisted of about 120 regulars of the 27th\\ntegiment, five brigades of Kentucky volunteer militia infantry, under\\nhis excellency Governor Shelby, averaging less than 500 men, and\\nColonel Johnson s regiment of mounted infantry, making in the whole\\nan agregate something above 3,000.t No disposition of an army, op-\\nposed to an Indian force, can be safe unless it is secured on the flanks\\nand in the rear. I had, therefore, no difficulty in arranging the infantry\\nconformabl to my general order of battle. General Trotter s brigade\\nof 500 men, formed the front line, his right upon the road and his left\\nupon the swamp. General King s brigade as a second line, 150 yards\\nin the rear of Trotter s and Chiles s brigade as a corps of reserve in the\\nrear of it. These three brigades formed the command of major-General\\nHenry the whole of General Desha s division, consisting of two bri-\\ngades, were formed en potence upon the left of Trotter.\\nWhilst I was engaged in forming the infantry, I had directed Colonel\\nJohnson s regiment, which was still in front, to be formed in two lines\\nopposite to the enemy, and upon the advance of the infantry, to take\\nground to the left and forming upon that flank to endeavor to turn the\\nright of the Indians. A moment s reflection, however convinced me\\nthat from the thickness of the wootls and swampiness of the ground,\\nthey woidd be unable to do any thing on horseback, and there was no\\ntime to dismount them and place their horses in security I, therefore,\\ndetermined to refuse my left to the Indians, and to break the British\\nlines at once, by a charge of the mounted infantry the measure was\\nnot sanctioned by any thing that I had seen or heard of, but I was fully\\nconvinced that it would succeed. The American backwoodsmen ride\\nbetter in the woods than any other people. A musket or rifle is no im-\\nAs to who killed Tecumthe, see Drake s life of that chief, p, 199 to 219, ani Atwater a\\nHistory of Ohio, 236.\\nt This estimate was too high, there were not more than 2^500. The British were nearly\\nas numerous. See McAfee, Dawson, c.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0578.jp2"}, "579": {"fulltext": "1813. Battle of the Thames. 549\\npediment to them, being accustomed to carry them on horseback from\\ntheir earliest youth. I was persuaded too, that the enemy would be\\nquite unprepared for the shock, and that they could not resist it. Con-\\nformably to this idea, I directed the regiment to be drawn up in close\\ncolumn, with its right at the distance of fifty yards from the road, (that\\nit might be in some measure protected by the trees from the artillery)\\nits left upon the swamp, and to charge at full speed as soon as the enemy\\ndelivered their fire. The few regular troops of the 27th regiment under\\ntheir Colonel (Paull) occupied, in column of sections of lour, the small\\nspace between the road and the river, for the purpose of seizing the\\nenemy s artillery, and some ten or twelve friendly Indians were directed\\nto move under the bank. The crotchet formed by the front line, and\\ngeneral Desha s division was an important point. At that place, the\\nvenerable governor of Kentucky was posted, who at the age of sixty-\\nsix preserves all the vigor of youth, the ardent zeal which distinguished\\nhim in the revolutionary war, and the undaunted bravery which he mani-\\nfested at King s Mountain. With my aids-de-camp, the acting assistant\\nadjutant general, Captain Butler, my gallant friend Commodore Perry,\\nwho did me the honor to serve as my volunteer aid-de-camp, and Briga-\\ndier General Cass, who having no command, tendered me his assistance,\\nI placed myself at the head of the front line of infantry, to direct the\\nmovements of the cavalry, and give them the necessary support. The\\narmy had moved on in this order but a short distance, when the mount-\\ned men received the fire of the British line, and were ordered to charge\\nthe horses in the front of the column recoiled from the fire another\\nwas given by the enemy, and our column at length getting in motion,\\nbroke through the enemy with irresistible force. In one minute the\\ncontest in front was over the British officers seeing no hopes of redu-\\ncing their disordered ranks to order, and our mounted men wheeling\\nupon them and pouring in a destructive fire, immediately surrendered.\\nIt is certain that three only of our troops were wounded in this charge.\\nUpon the left, however, the contest was more severe wiih the Indians.\\nColonel Johnson, who commanded on that flank of his regiment, received\\na most galling fire from them, which was returned with great effect.\\nThe Indians still further to the right advanced and fell in with our front\\nline of infantry, near its junction with Desha s division, and for a mo-\\nment made an impression upon it. His excellency, Governor Shelby,\\nhowever, brought up a regiment to its support, and the enemy receiving\\na severe fire in front, and a part of Johnson s regiment having gained\\ntheir rear, retreated with precipitation. Their loss was very considera-\\nble in the action, and many were killed in their retreat.*\\nNiles Register, v. 130. Dawson, 427.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0579.jp2"}, "580": {"fulltext": "550 Holmes^s Expedition. 1814.\\nThose who wish to see a fuller account, are referred to the\\nauthorities below, many of which are easily accessible.*\\n1814.\\nWe have said that the battle of the Thames practically closed\\ntlie war in the northwest: the nominal operations which followed\\nwere as follows,\\nFirst, was undertaken an expedition into Canada in February\\n1814, by Captain Holmes, a gallant young officer whose career\\nclosed soon after. In the previous month the enemy had taken\\npost again upon the Thames, not far above the field of Proctor s\\ndefeat; Holmes directed his movement against this point. Before\\nhe reached it, however, he learned that a much stronger force than\\nhis own was advancing to meet him, and taking up an eligible\\nposition upon a hill, he proceeded to fortify his camp, and waited\\ntheir approach. They surrounded and attacked his entrenchments\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0with great spirit, but being met with an obstinacy and courage\\nequal to their own, and losing very largely firom the well-directed\\nfire of the unexposed Americans, the British were forced to retreat\\nagain, without any result of consequence to either party. f\\nSecond a fruitless attempt was made by the Americans to\\nretake Mackinac. It had been proposed to do this in the autnmn\\nof 1813, after the battle of the Thames, but one of the storms,\\nwhich at that season are so often met with upon the Lakes, by\\nobliging the vessels that were bringing stores from below to throw\\nover the baggage and provisions, defeated the undertaking. J\\nEarly in the following April the expedition up Lake Huron was\\nonce more talked of; the purpose being twofold, to capture Mack-\\ninac, and to destroy certain vessels which it was said the English\\nDawson, 425 to 432.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Drake s Tecumseh, 193 to 219.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Atwater s Ohio, 233 to 238.\\nButler s Kentucky, 433 to 448 Hall s Life of Harrison.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Todd and Drake s Life of\\nHarrison. See American accounts of the battle of the Thames, in Niles Register, v.\\n129 to 134. British accounts do. 285. See also letter from R. M. Jolmsoii in Arm-\\nstrong s Notices. Appendix, vol. i. The whole number of troops furnished by Ken-\\ntucky up, to this time, was supposed to be about 17,400: see particulars in Niles Reg-\\nister, T. 173.\\nt McAfee, 441 to 444. Holmes own account is in Niles Register, vi. 115. See iflso,\\ntame vol. p. 80.\\nMcAfee, 403.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0580.jp2"}, "581": {"fulltext": "1S14. Major Holmes killed at Fort Mackinac. 551\\nwere building in Gloucester bay, at the southeast extremity of the\\nLake. This plan, however, was also abandoned in part, from a\\nwant of men; in part, from a belief that Great Britain did not, as\\nhad been supposed, intend to make an effort to regain the command\\nof the Upper Lakes and also, in part, from a misunderstanding\\nbetween General Harrison and Colonel Croghan, who commanded\\nat Detroit, on the one hand, and the Secretary of War on the\\nother. General Armstrong had seen fit to pass by both the officers\\nnamed, and to direct his communications to Major Holmes their\\njunior, a breach of military etiquette that offended them both,\\nand, in connection with other matters of a similar kind, led Gen-\\neral Harrison to resign his post.* No sooner, however, had the\\nplan of April been abandoned than it was revived again, in con-\\nsequence of new information as to the establishment at Gloucester\\nbay, or properly at Mackadash.f In consequence of the orders\\nissued upon the 2d of June, 750 men under Colonel Croghan\\nembarked in the American squadron commanded by Sinclair, and\\nupon the 12th of July entered Lake Huron. After spending a\\nweek in a vain effort to get into Mackadash in order to destroy the\\nimaginary vessels there building, the fleet sailed to St. Josephs,\\nwhich was found deserted thence a small party was sent to St.\\nMary s falls, while the remainder of the forces steered for Macki-\\nnac. At the former point the trading house was destroyed, and\\ntlie goods seized at Mackinac the result was far different the\\ntroops landed upon the west of the island upon the 4th of August,\\nbut after a severe action, in which Major Holmes and eleven\\nothers were killed, still found themselves so situated, as to lead\\nCroghan to abandon the attempt to prosecute the attack; and\\nMackinac was left in the possession of the enemy. Having failed\\nin this effort, it was determined by the American leaders to make\\nan attempt to capture the schooner Nancy, which was conveying\\nsupplies to the island fortress. In this, or rather in effecting the\\ndestruction of the vessel, they succeeded, and having left Lieu-\\ntenant Turner to prevent any other provisions from Canada reach-\\ning Mackinac, the body of the fleet sailed for Detroit, which it\\nreached, shattered and thinned by tempests. Meanwhile the crew\\nof the Nancy, who had escaped, passed over to Mackinac in a\\nboat which they found, and an expedition was at once arranged\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2McAfee, 414 to 422. Harrison s resignation is on 419.\\ntMcAfee, 421 to 425 Armstrong s letters are given.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0581.jp2"}, "582": {"fulltext": "552 McJirthur ^s Expedition. 1814.\\nby Lieut. Worsley who had commanded them, for frustrating all\\nthe plans of Croghan and Sinclair. Taking with him 70 or 80 men\\nin boats, he first attacked and captured the Tigress, an American\\nvessel lying off St. Josephs and next, sailing down the Lake in\\nthe craft thus taken, easily made the three vessels under Turner,\\nhis own. In this enterprize, therefore, the Americans failed sig-\\nnally at every point.*\\nIn the third place, an attempt was made to control the tribes of\\nthe Upper Mississippi by founding a fort at Prairie du Chien.f\\nEarly in May Governor Clarke of Missouri was sent thither, and\\nthere commenced Fort Shelby without opposition. By the middle\\nof July, however, British and Indian forces sent from Mackinac\\nsurrounded the post, and Lieutenant Perkins, having but 60 men\\nto oppose to 1200, and being also scant of ammunition, after a\\ndefence of some days, was forced to capitulate so that there again\\nthe United States was disappointed and defeated.:}:\\nA fourth expedition was led by General McArthur, first against\\nsome bands of Indians which he could not find and then across\\nthe peninsula of Upper Canada to the relief of General Brown at\\nFort Erie. T4ie object of the last movement was either to join\\nGeneral Brown, or to destroy certain mills on Grand river, from\\nwhich it was known that the English forces obtained their supplies\\nof flour. On the 26th of October, McArthur, with 720 mounted\\nmen, left Detroit, and on the 4th of November was at Oxford:\\nfrom this point he proceeded to Burford, and learning that the\\nroad to Burlington was strongly defended, he gave up the idea of\\njoining Brown and turning toward the Lake by the Long Point\\nroad, defeated a body of militia who opposed him, destroyed the\\nmills, five or six in number, and managing to secure a retreat along\\nthe Lake shore, although pursued by a regiment of regular troops\\nnearly double his own men in number, on the 17th reached\\nSandwich again with the loss of but one man. This march,\\ntliough productive of no very marked results, was of consequence\\nfrom the vigor and skill displayed both by the commander and his\\ntroops. Had the summer campaign of 1812 been conducted with\\nequal spirit Michigan would not have needed to be retaken, and\\nMcAfee, 422 to 437. The official accounts arc in Niles Register, vii. 4 c.j 18,\\n156, 173, and Appendix to same vol. 129 to 135.\\nSec letter of Governor Edwards to Governor Shelby. (Niles Register, iv. 148,)\\ndated March 22, 1813.\\nMcAfee, 439 to 442.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0582.jp2"}, "583": {"fulltext": "1816. Peace with Indians and with England. 553\\nthe labors of Perry and Harrison would have been uncalled for in\\nthe northwest.*\\nWith McArthur s march through Upper Canada the annals of\\nwar in the northwest close.\\nMeanwhile, upon the 22d of July, a treaty had been formed at\\nGreenville, under the direction of General Harrison and Governor\\nCass, by which the United States and the faithful Wyandots,\\nDelawares, Shawanese, and Senecas, gave peace to the Miamies,\\nWeas, and Eel river Indians, and to certain of the Pottawatamies,\\nOttawas, and Kickapoos and all the Indians engaged to aid the\\nAmericans should the war with Great Britain continue.! But\\nsuch, happily was not to be the case, and on the 24th of Decem-\\nber the treaty of Ghent was signed by the representatives of Eng-\\nland and the United States. J This treaty during the next year\\nwas followed by treaties with the various Indian tribes of the west\\nand northwest, giving quiet and security to the frontiers once\\nmore. II\\nOn the 26th of February the body of John Cleves Symmes,\\nthe founder of the Miami settlement, was buried at North Bend.\u00c2\u00a7\\n1816.\\nOn the I8th of March Pittsburgh was incorporated as a City\\nit had been incorporated as a Borough on the 22d of April, 1794.\\nIn 1817 it contained five glass-houses, four air-furnaces, one\\nhundred and nine stores, eight steam-engines in mills, 1,303\\nhouses, 8,000 people, and manufactured 400 tons of nails by\\nsteam.ll\\nOn the 28th of December the Bank of Illinois, at Shawneetown,\\nMcAfee, 444 to 453. McArthur s own account is in Niles Register, vii.239, 282, c.\\nt American State Papers, v. S26 to 836. Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 298.\\nHolmes Annals, ii. 471.\\nD American State Papers, vi. 1 to 25, 93 to 95, 128.\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 120.\\nf American Pioneer, i. 307, 309. This paper contains many facts respecting Pittsburgh.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0583.jp2"}, "584": {"fulltext": "554 Bajiks in Ohio. 1817.\\n111., was incorporated for twenty years, with a capital of $300,000,\\none-tliird subscribed by the State.*\\nColumbus was this year made permanently the Capital of Ohio.\\n1817.\\nCongress in 1804 had granted to Michigan a township of land,\\nfor the support of a College in this year, (1817,) the Universit)- of\\nMichigan was established by the governor and judges. f\\nDuring 1817, an effort was made to extinguish the Indian title\\nwithin the State of Ohio, and had the Miamies attended the coun-\\ncil, held at the Rapids of the Maumee, in September, it probably\\nwould have been done.| As it was, Cass and McArthur purchased\\nof the other tribes nearly the whole north-w^est of the Buckeye\\nState the number of acres, exclusive of reservations, being esti-\\nmated at 3,694,540, for w^hich were paid 140,893 dollars being\\n3 cents and 8 mills an acre.\u00c2\u00a7\\nA full history of banking in Ohio would as much exceed our\\nlimits as we fear it would the patience of our readers. But as\\nabout this time the disposition to an excess in the creation of such\\ninstitutions was plainly manifested, it may not be improper to\\nmention the leading acts of the Legislature in reference to the\\nsubject.\\nThe earliest bank chartered was the Miami Exporting Com-\\npany of Cincinnati, the bill for which passed in April 1803.11\\nBanking was with this Company a secondary object, its main\\npurpose being to facilitate trade, then much depressed nor was\\nit till 1808 that the first bank, strictly speaking, that of Marietta,\\nwas chartered. ff During the same session the proposition of found-\\ning a state bank was considered, and reported upon by Mr. Worth-\\nington it resulted in the establishment of the bank of Chillicothe.f^\\nBrown s Illinois. 429. See post, A. D. 1843. Lanman, 230, and note.\\nCass and McArthur, in American State Papers, vi.l38.\\nJ American State Papers, vi. 131 to 140; and 166.\\nSee details in American State Papers, vi, 149, 150.\\nf Chase s Statutes, iii. 2019. Burnet s letters, 149.\\n+t Chase s Statutes, iii. 2022. Journal of the House, 1807-8, pp. 103, 106, 122.\\nSee Journal of the House, 110, 111, 121, 125, 134.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Chase s Statutes, iii. 2025.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0584.jp2"}, "585": {"fulltext": "1817. Banks in Ohio. 555\\nFrom that time charters were granted to similar institutions up to\\nthe year 1816, when the great banking law was passed, incorpora-\\nting twelve new banks, extending the charters of old ones, and\\nmaking the State a party in the profits and capital of the institu-\\ntions thus created and renewed, without any advance of means on\\nher part. This was done in the following manner each new bank\\nwas at the outset to set apart one share in twenty-five for the State,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0without payment, and each bank, whose charter was renewed, was\\nto create for the State stock in the same proportion each bank,\\nnew and old, was yearly to set apart out of its profits a sum which\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0would make, at the time the charter expired, a sum equal to one\\ntwenty-fifth of the whole stock, which was to belong to the State\\nand the dividends coming to the State were to be invested and\\nreinvested until one-sixth of the stock was State property the\\nlast provision was subject to change by future legislatures.*\\nThis interest of the State in her banks continued until 1825,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0when the law was so amended as to change her stock into a tax\\nof two per cent upon all dividends made up to that time, and four\\nper cent upon all made thereafter.! But before the law of 1816,\\nin February, 1815, Ohio had begun to raise a revenue from her\\nbanking institutions, levying upon their dividends a tax of four\\nper cent.^ This law, however, was made null with regard to such\\nbanks as accepted the terms of the law of 1816. After 1825, no\\nchange was made until March, 1831, when the tax was increased\\nto five per cent.|[\\nTwo important acts have been more lately passed by the legis-\\nlature, to which we can do nothing more than refer. In 1839, a\\nlaw was enacted, appointing bank commissioners, who were to\\nexamine the various institutions and report upon their condition.\\nThis inquisition was resisted by some of the banks, and much con-\\nti oversy followed, both in and out of the general assembly. In\\n1845 a new system of banking was adopted, embracing both a\\nState bank with branches, and independent banks.lT\\nChase ii. 913 to 924. See especially sections 34, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40.\\nt Chase, ii. 1463. Chase, ii. S68. Chase, iii. 1820.\\nRevised Statutes of 1841, Art. Banks, Reports of Bank Commissioners, 1839, 0.\\nf Laws of 184.5. p. 24 to 34.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0585.jp2"}, "586": {"fulltext": "1818.\\nOn the 18th of April, Congress authorized the people of Illinois\\nto form a State constitution this was done during the ensuing sum-\\nmer, and adopted August 26th. The northern boundary of the\\nState as fixed by Congress, was lat. 42^ 30 but the right to go\\nso far north has been disputed, Governor Doty, of Wisconsin,\\nhaving asserted that the north line under the ordinance of 1787,\\nmust be a due east and west line, drawn through the head of Lake\\nMichigan this claim, however, it is not supposed will be much\\ninsisted on.*\\nAll the territory north of the new State of Illinois was attached\\nto Michigan.!\\nGreat emigration took place to Michigan in consequence of the\\nsale of large quantities of public lands.\\nBy various treaties the Indian title in Indiana, Illinois, and the\\nnorth-west, was still further extinguished. 1|\\n1819.\\nThe Walk-in-the-Water, the first steam-boat in the upper lakes,\\n(Erie, Huron, and Michigan,) began her trips, going once as far as\\nMackinac. The following sketch of the lake trade since that\\ntime wc take from the National Intelligencer.\\nIn 1826 the first steamboat was seen on the waters of Lake Michigan,\\na pleasure trip having been made during that year to Green Bay; and,\\nalthough during the following years similar trips were made to that\\nplace, it was not until 1832 that a boat visited Chicago. In 1833, the\\ntrade upon the upper lakes was carried on by eleven steam-boats, costing\\nBrown s Illinois, 350 to 352, and note iii. p. 353. See post, 1S37.\\nt Lanman, 225. Lanman, 221.\\nB American State Papers, vi. 167 to 179. Lanman, 222.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0586.jp2"}, "587": {"fulltext": "1819. Trade of the Lakes. 557\\nabout $360,000, and two trips were made to Chicago and one to Green\\nBay, In 1834, there were eighteen boats, costing $600,000, and three\\ntrips were made to Chicago and one to Green Bay. The commerce\\nwest of Detroit, at that time, and for many years afterwards, being al-\\nmost entirely confined to the Indian trade and to supplying the United\\nStates military posts, some small schooners were also employed. The\\ntrade rapidly increased with the population, until, in 1840, there were\\nupon the Upper Lakes forty-eight steamers of from 150 to 750 tons\\nburden, and costing $2,200,000 the business west of Detroit producing\\nto the owners about $201,000. In 1841 the trade had so augmented as\\nto employ six of the largest boats in running from Buffalo to Chicago,\\nand one to Green Bay, and during that year the sailing vessels had in-\\ncreased to about 250, of from 30 to 350 tons, costing about $1,250,000.\\nIn 1845 there were upon the upper Lakes sixty vessels, including pro-\\npellers, moved by steam, measuring 23,000 tons, and 320 sailing ves-\\nsels, costing $4,600,000, some of them measuring 1,200 tons. The in-\\ncrease in that year was 47 vessels, carrying 9,700 tons, and costing\\n$650,000 and since the last fall 16 steamers and 14 sailing vessels of\\nthe largest class have been put under construction. In 1845, there were\\nupon Lake Ontario fifteen steam-boats and propellers, and about 100\\nsailing vessels, having a burden of 18,000 tons, and costing $1,500,000,\\nmany of which, by using the Welland Canal, carry on business with\\nChicago and other places on the western lakes. Since the close of the\\nlast season many additional vessels have been built on this lake.\\nThe commerce of the port of Buflialo alone during the year 1845,\\namounted to $33,000,000 in value and that of all the other places on\\nthe lakes exceeding that amount, would make an aggregate of full\\n$70,000,000, while even this would be greatly augmented if we could\\nadd the value of the commerce of the upper lakes, which, by the way\\nof the Welland Canal, goes direct to the Canadian ports. The steam-\\nboats alone leaving Buffalo for the west in the year 1845, carried from\\nthat place 97,736 passengers, of whom 20,636 were landed at Detroit,\\n1,670 at Mackinac, 12,775 at Milwaukie, 2,790 at Southport, 2,750 at\\nRacine, and 20,244 at Chicago. If to this aggregate we were to add\\nthe numbers arriving at Buffalo from the west, and the numbers leaving\\nthere in sailing vessels, the multitudes going between other places on\\nthose lakes, and some 50,000 who were passengers in the vessels on\\nLake Ontario, we would have a grand total of at least 250,000 passen-\\ngers on the lakes during the last year, whose lives were subjected to all\\nihe risks attending the navigation of those waters, exclusive of the offi-\\ncers and crews of all the vessels engaged in that navigation. During the\\nlast five years upwards of four hundred lives and property worth more\\nthan a million of dollars have been lost on the lakes.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0587.jp2"}, "588": {"fulltext": "558 Contest of Ohio with United States Bank. 1819.\\nOn the 24tli of September Lewis Cass concluded at Saginaw a\\ntreaty with the Chippewas, by which another large part of Michi-\\ngan was ceded to the United States.*\\nOn the 30th of August, Benjamin Parke, for the United States,\\nbought at Fort Harrison, of the Kickapoos of Vermillion River,\\nall their lands upon the Wabash ;t while on the 30th of July, at\\nEdwardsville, Illinois, Auguste Chouteau and Benjamin Stephen-\\nson, bought of the main body of the same tribe their claims upon\\nthe same waters, together with other lands reaching west to the\\nmouth of the Illinois River.l\\nIn this year the United States appropriated $10,000 annually\\ntoward the civilization of the Indians, but no part was at first ex-\\npended, as the best modes of effecting the object w^ere not apparent.\\nDuring 1819 also, a report was made to Congress upon the ]Mis-\\nsouri fur trade, exhibiting its condition at that time and tracing its\\nhistory: it may be found in the 6th volume of the American State\\nPapers, p. 201.\\nThe second United States bank was chartered in 1816. On\\nthe 28th of January 1817 this bank opened a branch at Cincinnati\\nand on the 13th of October following another branch at Chillico-\\nthe, which did not commence banking, however, until the next\\nspring. These branches Ohio claimed the right to tax, and\\npassed a law by which, should they continue to transact business\\nafter the 15th of September 1819, they were to be taxed fifty\\nthousand dollars each, and the State Auditor was authorized to\\nissue his warrant for the collection of such tax.H This law was\\npassed with great deliberation apparently, and by a full vote.\\nThe branches not ceasing their business, the authorities of the\\nState prepared to collect their dues; this, however, the bank in-\\ntended to prevent, and for the purpose of prevention, filed a Bill\\nin Chancery in the United States Circuit Court, asking an injunc-\\ntion upon Ralph Osborn, Auditor of State, to prevent his proceed-\\nAmerican State Papers, vi. 194 to 200. Governor Cass estimated the purchase at G\\nmillion acres.\\nt American State Papers, vi. 196, 197, 198.\\nAmerican State Papers, vi. 196, 197.\\nI See Calhoun in American State Papers, vi. 200, 201. Also post A. D. 1S24.\\nState of the case forthe appellants c (Cincinnati 1823,) p, 3. Report of Ohio Legis-\\nlature in American State Papers, xxi, 647,\\nf State or the case, c; 3, 4 American State Papers, xxi, G46, 647 Chase s Statutes,\\nii, 1072,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0588.jp2"}, "589": {"fulltext": "1S19. Ohio seizes Bank Property. 559\\ning in the act of collection.* Osborn, by legal advice, refused to\\nappear upon the 4th of September, the day named in the writ,\\nand in his absence the court allowed the injunction, though it\\\\\\n-required bonds of the bank, at the same time, to the extent of\\n$100,000; which bonds w^ere given. On Tuesday the 14th of\\nSeptember, as the day for collection drew nigh, the bank sent an\\nagent to Columbus, who served upon the Auditor a copy of the\\nPetition for Injunction, and a subpoena to appear before the court\\nupon the 1st Monday in the following January, but who had no\\ncopy of the Writ of Injunction which had been allowed. The\\npetition and subpoena Osborn enclosed to the Secretary of State,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2who was then at Chillicothe, together with his warrant for levying\\nthe tax requesting the Secretary to take legal advice, and if the\\npapers did not amount to an Injunction to have the warrant exe-\\ncuted but if they did, to retain it. The lawyers advised that the\\npapers were not equivalent to an injunction, and thereupon the\\nState Writ for collection was given to John L. Harper, with direc-\\ntions to enter the banking house and demand payment of the tax\\nand upon refusal, to enter the vault and levy the amount required\\nhe was told to offer no violence, and if opposed by force, to go at\\nonce before a proper Magistrate and depose to that fact. Harper,\\ntaking wdth him T. Orr and J. McCollister, on Friday, September\\n17th, w^ent to the bank, and first securing access to the vault,\\ndemanded the tax payment was refused, and notice given of the\\nInjunction which had been granted ;f but the officer, disregarding\\nthis notice, entered the vault, and seized in gold, silver and notes\\n$98,000, which upon the 20th he paid over to the State Treasurer,\\nH. M. Curry. I The officers concerned in this collection were\\narrested and imprisoned by the United States Circuit Court for a\\ncontempt of the injunction granted, and the money taken was\\nreturned to the bank. The decision of the Circuit Court was in\\nFebruary 1824 tried before the Supreme Court and its decree\\naffirmed, whereupon the State submitted. Meantime, however,\\nin December 1820 and January 1821 the Legislature of Ohio had\\npassed the following resolutions:\\nState of the case, c; 4 Chillicothe Supporter of September 22d, 1819, quoted in\\nLiberty Hall of Cincinnati, of September 24th,\\nState of the case, c; 5,\\nI State of the case, 7 Chillicothe Supporter of September 22d,\\nJ Chase s Sketch, 43, Chase s Sketch, 43.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0589.jp2"}, "590": {"fulltext": "560 JYuUification in OJiio. 1819.\\nResolved by the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, That,\\nin respect to the powers of the Governments of the several States\\nthat compose the American Union, and the powers of the Federal\\nGovernment, this General Assembly do recognise and approve the\\ndoctrines asserted by the Legislatures of Kentucky and Virginia in\\ntheir resolutions of November and December, 1798, and January,\\n1800, and do consider that their principles have been recognised\\nand adopted by a majority of the American people.\\nResolved, further, That this General Assembly do assert, and\\nwill maintain, by all legal and constitutional means, the right of\\nthe States to tax the business and property of any private corpora-\\ntion of trade, incorporated by the Congress of the United States,\\nand located to transact its corporate business within any State.\\nResolved, farther. That the bank of the United States is a pri-\\nvate corporation of trade, the capital and business of which may\\nbe legally taxed in any State where they may be found.\\nResolved, further, That this General Assembly do protest against\\nthe doctrine that the political rights of the separate States that\\ncompose the American Union, and their powers as sovereign\\nStates, may be settled and determined in the Supreme Court of\\nthe United States, so as to conclude and bind them in cases con-\\ntrived between individuals, and where they are, no one of them,\\nparties direct.\\nIn accordance with these resolves the bank was for a time\\ndeprived of the aid of the State laws in the collection of its debts,\\nand the protection of its rights and an attempt was made, though\\nin vain, to effect a change in the Federal Constitution which\\nwould take the case out of the United States tribunals.!\\nAmerican State Papers, xxi. 653, 654.\\nt Chase s Sketch, 44.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Chase s Statutes, ii. 11S5, 1198.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0590.jp2"}, "591": {"fulltext": "1820.\\nToward the close of this yeai- Missouri entered the Union. It\\nwill be remembered that the vast country known as Louisiana and\\ntransferred by France to the United States in 1803, was divided\\ninto the Territory of Orleans, and District of Louisiana, the latter\\nbeing annexed to Indiana; this was in March 1804.* In March\\n1805 the District of Louisiana became the Territory of Louisiana\\nunder its own territorial government.! In June 1812 this became\\nthe Territory of Missouri, having then for the first time, a General\\nAssembly.:}: Thus it continued until, late in 1819, application\\nwas made for admission into the Union there being then in\\nthe Territory nearly one hundred thousand persons. Upon this\\napplication arose that debate and agitation in reference to the\\nadmission of new slave States into the Confederacy, which will\\never be remembered in our country. The result of the whole was\\na law, passed March 6 1820, authorizing the people of Missouri\\nto form a Constitution to suit themselves, slavery or no slavery,\\nbut prohibiting, thenceforward, all servitude in the United States\\nTerritories and the States formed therefrom north of thirty six and\\na half degrees of north latitude. The provisions of Congress\\nhaving been agreed to in July by the Missouri Convention, H and\\na Constitution having been formed, on the 23d of November the\\nact of admission was completed.**\\nIn November 1819, Governor Cass had written to the War\\nDepartment, proposing a tour along the southern shore of Lake\\nSuperior, and toward the heads of the Mississippi the purposes\\nbeing to ascertain the state of the fur trade, to examine the copper\\nregion, and especially to form acquaintance and connections with\\nthe various Indian tribes. ff In the following January the Secre-\\ntary of War Wrote approving the plan, and in May the expedition\\nAnte, p. 489.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Land Laws, 503 to 510.\\nt Laws of Missouri, i. 6 to 8.\\nLaws of Missouri, i. 9 to 13. Land Laws, 614.\\nAmerican State Papers, xxi. 557.\\nLaws of Missouri, i. 628 to 631. 1 Laws of Missouri, i. 632 to 634.\\nAmerican State Papers, xxi. 625. Land Laws, 761, 793, 828.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ft American State Papers, vi. 3l\u00c2\u00a7.\\n36", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0591.jp2"}, "592": {"fulltext": "562 Canals talked of in Ohio. 1S22.\\nstarted. A full account of it by Mr. Schoolcraft is easily accessi-\\nsible,* and we need only say that it was attended with as much\\nsuccess as could have been hoped for.\\nDuring this year and from this time forward treaties were made\\nwith the western and northwestern tribes extinguishing by degrees\\ntheir title throughout a great part of the original northwestern terri-\\ntory of these treaties we shall not, hereafter, speak particularly,\\nexcept inasfar as they stand connected with the Blackhawk war\\nof 1832. The documents can be found in the sixth volume of\\nthe American State Papers; up to 1826 in the Land Laws, p. 1056;\\nin the Executive Papers published since 1826; and up to\\n1837 in the Collection of Indian Treaties published at Washing-\\nton in that year, f\\n1822.\\nUpon the 31st of January the Ohio Assembly passed a law\\nauthorizing an examination into the practicability of connecting\\nLake Erie with the Ohio river by a canal.\\nThis act grew out of events a sketch of which we think it may\\nbe worth while to present.\\nOne of the earliest of modern navigable canals was made in\\nLombardy in 1271; it connected Milan with the Tesino. About\\nthe same time, or perhaps earlier, similar works were commenced\\nin Holland. It was not, however, till 1755 that any enterprize of\\nthe kind was undertaken in England; this was followed, three\\nyears later, by the Duke of Bridgewater s first canal constructed\\nby Brindley. 1| In 1765 an act of Parliament authorized the great\\nwork by which Brindley and his patron proposed to unite Hull\\nand Liverpool: the Trent and the Mersey. This great under-\\ntaking was completed in 1777. The idea thus carried into\\neffect in Great Britain was soon borne across the Atlantic. The\\nPublished at Albany 1821, i. vol.\\nt See list of Indian lands in each State and Territory in 1S25, in American State\\nPapers, vi. 545.\\nCanal Documents published by Kilbourn, p. 26.\\nPenny Cyclopedia article canal. American State Papers, sx. 832 to 834.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 834.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0592.jp2"}, "593": {"fulltext": "rS22. History of Canals in Ohio. 563\\ngreat New York canal was suggested by Gouverneur Morris,\\nm 1777; but, as early as 1774, Washington tells us that he\\nhad thought of a system of improvements by which to connect the\\nAtlantic with the Ohio; which system, ten years later, he tried\\nmost perseveringly to induce Virginia to act upon with energy.\\nIn a letter to Governor Harrison, written October 10th 1784,* he\\nalso suggests that an examination be made as to the facilities for\\nopening a communication, through the Cuyahoga, and Muskingum\\nor Scioto, between Lake Erie and the Ohio. Such a communica-\\ntion had been previously mentioned by Jefferson in March, 1 7S4;\\nhe even proposed a canal to connect the Cuyahoga and Big\\nBeaver. Three years later, Washington attempted to interest the\\nfederal government in his views, and exerted himself, by all the\\nmeans in his power, to learn the exact state of the country about\\nthe sources of the Muskingum and Cuyahoga. After he was\\ncalled to the presidency, his mind was employed on other subjects;\\nbut the whites who had meantime began to people the West, used\\nthe course which he had suggested, (as the Indians had done\\nbefore them,) to carry goods from the Lakes to the settlements on\\nthe Ohio so that it was soon known definitely, that upon the\\nsummit level were ponds, through which, in a wet season, a com-\\nplete water connection was formed between the Cuyahoga and\\nMuskingum.\\nFrom this time the public mind underwent various changes;\\nmore and more persons becoming convinced that a canal between\\nthe heads of two rivers was far less desirable, in every point of\\nview, than a complete canal communication from place to place,\\nfollowing the valleys of the rivers, and drawing water from them.\\nIn 1815, Dr. Drake, of Cincinnati, proposed a canal from some\\npoint on the Great Miami to the city in which he resided and in\\nJanuary, 1818, Mr., afterwards Governor BrovN n, writes thus,\\nExperience, the best guide, has tested the infinite superiority of\\nthis mode of commercial intercourse over the best roads, or any\\nnavigation of the beds of small rivers. In comparing it with the\\nlatter, I believe you will find the concurrent testimony of the most\\nskilful and experienced engineers of France and England, against\\nthe river, and in favor of the canal, for very numerous reasons.\\nMeanwhile along the Atlantic various experiments had been\\ntried both in regard to improving rivers and digging canals. In\\nSparks Washington, ix. 68.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0593.jp2"}, "594": {"fulltext": "564 Histwy of Canals in Ohio. 1822,\\nOctober 1784, Virginia, acting under the instigation of Washing-\\nton, passed a law for clearing and improving the navigation of\\nJames river: in March 1792, New York established two Com-\\npanies for Inland Lock Navigation; the one to connect the\\nHudson with Lake Champlain, the other to unite it with Lake\\nOntario, whence another canal was to rise round the Great Falls\\nto Erie.f These enterprises, and various others were presented tO\\nCongress by Mr. Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury, in an elabo-\\nrate report made April 4th, 18084 Subsequent to this report, in\\nApril 1811, the General Assembly of New York passed a law for\\nthe Great Erie canal, and at the head of the Commissioners was\\nGouverneur Morris, who had proposed the plan thirty-four years\\nprevious. II To aid her in this vast work New York asked the\\npower of the Federal Government, and Ohio passed resolutions\\nin favor of the aid being given.^ No great help however was\\ngiven and New York with the strength imparted by the energy\\nof Clinton, carried through her vast work; and when Ohio began\\nto speak of similar efforts, through the same voice that had en-\\ncouraged her during her labors, the Empire State spoke encour-\\nagement to her younger sister.** When, therefore, Governor\\nBrown in his inaugural address of December 14, 1818, referred\\nto the necessity of providing cheaper ways to market for the\\nfarmers of Ohio, he spoke to a people not unprepared to respond\\nfavorably. In accordance with the Governor s suggestion, Mr.\\nSill, on the 7th of January 1819, moved that a committee be\\nappointed to report on the expediency of a canal from the Lake to\\nthe Ohio this was followed on the next day by a further commu-\\nnication from Governor Brown, and the subject was discussed\\nthrough the winter. In the following December the Executive\\nagain pressed the matter, and in January 1820 made a full state-\\nment of facts relating to routes so far as they could be ascertained.\\nFarther information was communicated in February, and on the\\n20th of that month an Act passed, appointing Commissioners to\\nSee the Act and subseqnent ones in Gallatin s Report of ISOS. (American State\\nPapers, xx. 798 to 804.) See also, American State Papers, 1006.\\nt See as above, American State Papers, xx. 781 to 789 as to progress of the work.\\nDitto, 769 to 780.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 724 to 921.\\nII This Act is in American State Papers^ xxi. 166.\\nAmerican State Papers, xxi. 1C5. American State Papers, xxi, 178,\\nAtwatcr 8 History, 251, 252.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0594.jp2"}, "595": {"fulltext": "1822. History of Schools in Ohio. 565\\ndetermine the course of the proposed canal, provided Congress\\nwould aid in its construction, and seeking aid from Congress.\\nThat aid not having been given, nothing was done during 1820 or\\n1821, except to excite and extend an interest in the subject, but\\nupon the 3d of January 1822, Micajah Williams, chairman of a\\ncommittee to consider that part of the Governor s message relating\\nto internal improvements, offered an elaborate report upon the\\nsubject; and brought in the bill to which we have already-\\nreferred as having been passed upon the 31st of the last men-\\ntioned month.*\\nThe examination authorized by that law was at once com-\\nmenced, Mr. James Geddes being the engineer.\\nUpon the same day (December 6, 1821) on which Mr. Williams\\nmoved for a committee on canals, Caleb Atwater moved for one\\nupon schools and on the same day that the law above referred to\\nwas passed, one was also passed authorizing the appointment of\\nCommissioners to report to the next Legislature a plan for estab-\\nlishing a complete system of Common Schools. To the history of\\nthat subject we next ask the reader s attention.\\nThe Ordinance of 1787 provided, that, religion, morality,\\nand knowledge being necessary to good government and the hap-\\npiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall be\\nfor ever encouraged. In the previous Ordinance of 1785, regu-\\nlating the sale of lands in the West, section No. 16 of every town-\\nship was reserved for the maintenance of public schools within\\nthe said township. And the Constitution of Ohio, using the\\nwords of the Ordinance of 1787, says, that schools and the\\nmeans of instruction shall for ever be encouraged by legislative\\nprovision. In accordance with the feelings shown in these\\nseveral clauses, the Governors of Ohio always mentioned the\\nsubject of education with great respect in their messages,! but\\nnothing was done to make it general. It was supposed, that\\npeople would not willingly be taxed to educate the children of\\ntheir poor neighbors not so much because they failed to perceive\\nthe necessity that exists for all to be educated, in order that the\\nCommonwealth may be safe and prosperous but because a vast\\nnumber, that iJved in Ohio, still doubted whether Ohio would be\\nThe messages, resolutions, reports and laws are all in the Public Documents con-\\ncerning the Ohio canals, compiled and published by John Kilhourn, Columbus, 182S:\\np. 2 to p. 31.\\nt See especially Governor Worthington s messages, and that of 1819 in particular.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0595.jp2"}, "596": {"fulltext": "566 mstory of Schools in Ohio. 1822.\\ntheir ultimate abiding-place. They came to the West to make\\nmoney rather than to find a home, and did not care to help edu-\\ncate those whose want of education they might never feel.\\nSuch was the state of things imtil about the year 1816, at which\\ntime several persons in Cincinnati, who knew the benefits of a\\nfree-school system, united, and commenced a correspondence with\\ndifferent portions of the State. Their ideas being warmly re-\\nsponded to, by the dwellers in the Ohio Company s purchase, and\\nthe Western Reserve more particularly, committees of correspond-\\nence were appointed in the different sections, and various means\\nwere resorted to, to call the attention of the public to the subject;\\namong the most eflScient of which was the publication of an\\nEducation Almanac at Cincinnati. This work was edited by\\nNathan Guilford, a lawyer of that place, who had from the first\\ntaken a deep interest in the matter. For several years this gen-\\ntleman and his associates labored silently and ceaselessly to diffuse\\ntlieir sentiments, one attempt only being made to bring the subject\\niiito the legislature this was in December 1819, when Ephraim\\nCutler of Washington county brought in a bill for establishing\\ncommon schools, which was lost in the Senate.* At length, in\\n1821, it having been clearly ascertained, that a strong feeling\\nexisted in favor of a common school system through the eastern\\nand northeastern parts of the State, and it being also known that\\nthe western men, who were then about to bring forward their\\ncanal schemes, wished to secure the assistemce of their less imme-\\ndiately benefited fellow citizens, it was thought to be a favorable\\ntime to bring the free school proposition forward which, as we\\nhave stated above was done by Mr. Atwater.\\nAtwater s History, 254. In speaking of common schools we mean always free\\nschools established upon a State system. In January 1S21, a law was passed in Ohio\\nauthorizing Township Common Schools in which the tuition, c.j was to be paid by th\u00c2\u00bbss\\nparents who were able to pay. See Chase, ii. 1176.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0596.jp2"}, "597": {"fulltext": "1S23.\\nOn the 3d of January, Mr. Worthington, on behalf of the canal\\ncommissioners, presented a report upon the best route for a canal\\nthrough the State, and a farther examination was agreed upon\\nwhich was made during the year.\\nThe friends of the common school system continued their efforts,\\nand although they did not succeed in procuring an Assembly fa-\\nvorable to their views, they diffused information and brought out\\ninquiry, t\\nOn the 14th of February the General Assembly of Illinois ap-\\npointed five commissioners, to devise measures for uniting the\\nwaters of Lake Michigan and the Illinois River. The plan of a\\ncanal at this point had been entertained for some years a full\\nreport respecting it having been made to the War Department, by\\nMajor Stephen H. Long, in March, 1817, and laid before Con-\\ngress in December, 1819.\\nMichigan during this year was invested with a new form of Ter-\\nritorial Government Congress having authorized the appointment\\nof a Legislative Council of nine members, to be chosen by the\\nPresident from eighteen candidates elected by the people.\\n1824.\\nThe friends of canals, and those of free common schools in\\nOhio, finding a strong opposition still existing to the great plans\\nof improvement offered to the people, during this year strained\\nevery nerve to secure an Assembly in which, by union, both\\nmeasures might be carried. Information was diffused and interest\\nexcited by every means that could be suggested, and the autumn\\nOhio Canal Documents, 31 to 53. i Brown s Illinois, 416.\\nAtwater s History, 262. Lanman s Michigan, 227.\\nAmerican State Papers, xxi. 555 to 557.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0597.jp2"}, "598": {"fulltext": "568 Canal and School Laws passed. 1825.\\nelections were in consequence such as to ensure the success of the\\ntwo bills which were to lay the foundation of so much physical and\\nintellectual good to Ohio,*\\nThe subject of civilizing the Indians was taken up as early as\\nJuly, 1789, and were kept constantly in view by the United States\\nGovernment from that time forward; in 1819, ten thousand dollars\\nannually were appropriated by Congress to that purpose, and great\\npains were taken to see that they were wisely expended. f In INIarch\\nof this year a report was made by Mr. McLean, of Ohio, upon the\\nproposition to stop the appropriation above named against this\\nproposition he reported decidedly, and gave a favorable view of\\nwhat had been done, and what might be hoped for.|\\n1825.\\nUpon the 4th of February a law was passed by Ohio, authorizing\\nthe making of two canals, one from the Ohio to Lake Erie, by the\\nvalleys of the Scioto and Muskingum the other from Cincinnati\\nto Dayton and a canal fund was created the vote in the house\\nin favor of the law was 58 to 13, in the senate 34 to 2.|(\\nUpon the day following, the law to provide for a system of com-\\nmon schools was also passed by large majorities.\u00c2\u00a7\\nThese two laws were carried by the union of the friends of each,\\nand by the unremitting efforts of a few public-spirited men.\\nSee the names of the members of the Ohio Assembly for 1S24-5, and their votes in\\nAtwater, 363.\\nfSee American State Popers, vols, v. and vi. indexes. See particularly vi. 646 to 654.\\nAmerican State Papers, vi. 457 to 459.\\nU Ohio Canal Documents, 158 to 166.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Chase ii, 1472.\\nChase ii. 1466.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0598.jp2"}, "599": {"fulltext": "1832.\\nIn 1804 General Harrison purchased Trom the Sacs and Foxes,\\nat St. Louis, an immense extent of country west of the Mississippi,\\nas we have ah-eady stated.* This purchase, some of the chiefs\\nsaid, was unauthorised by the proper persons among the Indians\\nand when settlers began to press upon them, enmity, as in all such\\ncases, sprang up in the bosoms of the red men. No trouble of\\nconsequence occurred, however, until after the United States gov-\\nernment, in 1825, acted as mediator between the Sioux on the\\none hand, and the Sacs and Foxes, the Chippeways, and the\\nloways on the other.f This led the whites in 1827, to interfere\\nbetween the contending tribes, in a manner which roused the\\nhostility of the natives, and caused the murder of several Ameri-\\ncans, and an attack upon two boats carrying United States stores.\\nGeneral Atkinson thereupon marched into the Indian country and\\nseized the culprits, who were tried and a part condemned, and\\nexecuted in December, 1828. Among those discharged was\\nBlackhawk,! a Sac chief belonging to a leading family of that\\ntribe, and at that time sixty years old.]] Two years, later, in July,\\n1830, a treaty was made at Prairie du Chien by which the Sacs\\nand Foxes ceded to the United States all their lands east of the\\nMississippi; to this cession Blackhawk objected as unfair and\\nillegal, and refused to vacate the lands upon which he and his\\nparty were living the old Sac village at the mouth of Rock river.\\nThis led to a declaration by Governor Reynolds of Illinois, upon\\nthe 28th of May, 1831, that the State was invaded by a hostile\\nband of savages he thereupon ordered out the militia, and called\\nupon General Gaines for regular troops these troops, in June\\n1831, took possession of the disputed ground without opposition;\\nthe Indians crossed to the west side of the Mississippi, and a treaty\\nwas made.\u00c2\u00a7 In 1832, however, Blackhawk again crossed into\\nSee A, D. 1804. American State Papers, vi. 608.\\nJl Brown s Illnois, 357.\\nO Life of Blackhawk, dictated by himself, (Cincinnati, 1833,) pp. 13 104.\\nLife of Blackhawk by himself, 102 to 107,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Drake s Life of Blackhawk, 102 to 117.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0599.jp2"}, "600": {"fulltext": "570 Blackhawk War, 1832.\\nElinois, notwithstanding he was warned against doing so by\\nGeneral Atkinson, who commanded at Fort Armstrong in Rock\\nIsland.* Troops, both regular and militia, w ere at once mustered\\nand marched in pursuit of the native band.f Among the troops\\nwas a party of volunteers under Major Stillman, who, on the 14th\\nof May was out upon a tour of observation, and close in the neigh-\\nborhood of the savages. On that evening, having discovered a party\\nof Indians, sent, Blackhawk says, with a friendly message. Still-\\nman seized some of them and killed others. This done, the whites\\ngalloped forward to attack the remainder of the savage band, but\\nhe w^as met with so much energy and determination, that he and\\nhis followers took to their heels in utter consternation. Such was\\ntlie issue of the first action in the Blackhawk war, the whites being\\n200 in number, the red men from 40 to SO.:]:\\nThe attack by Stillman s party made longer peace hopeless;\\nand although Blackhawk had with him but a few warriors of his\\nown tribe, the majority still adhering to Keokuk, who was a friend\\nof the whites, and had made the sale at Prairie du Chien,|l and\\ntliough he had no hope of aid from the other Indian nations, he\\ncould not retreat. On the 21st of May a party of his warriors,\\nabout seventy in number, attacked the Indian Creek settlement in\\nLa Salle county, Illinois, killed fifteen persons, and took two\\nyoung women prisoners these were afterwards returned to their\\nfiiends late in July, through the efforts of the Winnebagoes.\u00c2\u00a7 On\\ntlie following day a party of spies was attacked and four of them\\nslain, and other massacres followed. Meanwhile 3000 Illinois\\nmilitia had been ordered out, who rendezvoued upon the 20th of\\nJune, near Peru; these marched forward to the Rock River,\\nwhere they were joined by the United States troops, the whole being\\nunder the command of General Brady. Six hundred mounted men\\nwere also ordered out, while General Scott, with nine companies\\nof artillery, hastened from the seaboard by the way of the lakes to\\nChicago, moving with such celerity, that some of his troops, we\\nare told, actually went 1800 miles in eighteen days; passing in\\nBuilt in 1816. (Drake s Blackhawk, 92.)\\nf Life of Blackhawk by himself, 113 to 118.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Drake s Blackhawk, 146.\\nBrown, 363, note. Report carried the number up to 1500. Blackhawk says forty.\\nSee Blackhawk s Life by himself, 118 to 124 Brown, 361 Drake 147 to 156.\\nJ See Drake s account of Keokuk in his Life of Blackhawk, 128 to 142.\\nThe narrative of one of them, Mrs. Muuson, may be found in Brown s lUinoisj 382.\\nSee Blackhawk s Life by himself, 129,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0600.jp2"}, "601": {"fulltext": "1832. Close of Blackhawk War. 571\\ntliat time from Fort Munroe on the Chesapeake to Chicago.?\\nLong before the artillerists could reach the scene of action, how-\\never, the western troops had commenced the conflict in earnest,\\nand before they did reach the field, had closed it. On the 24th of\\nJune, Blackhawk and his two hundred warriors were repulsed^ by\\nMajor Demont with but one hundred and fifty militia: this skirmish\\ntook place between Rock river and Galena. The army then\\ncontinued to move up Rock river, near the heads of which it was\\nunderstood that the main party of the hostile Indians was collected\\nand as provisions were scarce, and hard to convey in such a coun-\\ntry, a detachment was sent forward to Fort Winnebago, at the\\nportage between the Wisconsin and Fox rivers to procure supplies.\\nThis detachment, hearing of Blackhawk s whereabouts, pursued\\nand overtook him on the 21st of July, near the Wisconsin river\\nand in the neighborhood of the Blue Mounds. General Henry,\\nwho commanded the party, formed with his troops three sides of a\\nhollow square, and in that order received the attack of the Indi-\\nans two attempts to break the ranks were made by the natives in\\nvain and then a general charge was made by the whole body of\\nAmericans, and with such success that, it is said, fifty-two of the\\nred men were left dead upon the field, while but one American\\nwas killed and eight wounded. f\\nBefore this action Henry had sent word of his motions to the\\nmain army, by whom he was immediately rejoined, and on the\\n28th of July the whole crossed the Wisconsin in pursuit of Black-\\nhawk, who was retiring toward the Mississippi. Upon the bank\\nof that river, nearly opposite the Upper loway, the Indians were\\novertaken and again defeated, on the 2nd of August, with a loss\\nof one hundred and fifty men, while of the whites but eighteen\\nfell.| This battle entirely broke the power of Blackhawk; he\\nfled, but was seized by the Winnebagoes, and upon the 27th was\\ndelivered to the officers of the United States, at Prairie du Chien.\\nGeneral Scott, during these months of July and August, was\\ncontending with a worse than Indian foe. The Asiatic cholera\\nhad just reached Canada passing up the St. Lawrence, at Detroit\\nBrown s Illinois, 373,\\nBlackhawk gives a very different account; see his Life, 131. Drake suggests that the\\nwriter of Blackhawk s own life, misinterpreted him. See Drake s Life of Blackhawk, 159.\\nSee Drake, 166, c Brown, 369, c. both give the official account. Blackhawk\\ngays that he and his men wished to surrender, but the whites fired on his flag of truce.\\n(His Life, 134\u00e2\u0080\u0094135:) Throcmortoji s letter (Brown, 370\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Drake, 163) confirms tli^\\nchiefs statement.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0601.jp2"}, "602": {"fulltext": "57^ Cholera^ and Flood in Ohio. 1832.\\nit overtook the western-bound armament, and thenceforth the camp\\nbecame a hospital. On the 8th of July, his thinned ranks landed\\ny at Fort Dearborn or Chicago, but it was late in August before they\\nreached the Mississippi. The number of that band who died from\\nthe cholera must have been at least seven or eight times as great\\nas that of all who fell in battle.*\\nIn September the Indian troubles were closed by a treaty which\\nrelinquished to the white men thirty millions of acres of land, for\\nwhich stipulated annuities were to be paid. To Keokuk a reser-\\nvation of forty miles square was given, in consideration of his\\nfidelity while Blackhawk and his family were sent as hostages to\\nFort Monroe in the Chesapeake, where they remained till June,\\n1833.1 The chief afterwards returned to his native wilds, where\\nhe died.\\nBlackhawk cannot rank with Pontiac or Tecumthe he fought\\nonly for revenge, and showed no intellectual power but he was\\na fearless man, and devoid of cunning and deceit.\\nThe same disease which decimated General Scott s troops,\\nduring the autumn of this year and the summers of 1833 and 1834,\\nspread terror through the whole West, though during the last year\\nit was comparatively mild. We have room to notice only three\\nfacts in relation to it the first is, that other diseases diminished\\nwhile it prevailed; the second, that many points which were\\nspared in 1832, (as Lexington, Ky.) were devastated in 1833;\\nthe third, that its appearance and progress presented none of the\\nevidences of infection or contagion.\\nA visitation less fatal than the cholera, but for the time most\\ndisastrous, had come upon the valley of the Ohio in the preceding\\nFebruary. A winter of excessive cold was suddenly closed by\\nlong continued and very heavy rains, which, unable to penetrate\\nthe frozen ground, soon raised every stream emptying into the\\nOhio to an unusual heighth. The main trunk, unable to discharge\\nthe water which poured into it, overflowed its banks and laid the\\nwhole valley, in many places several miles in width, under water.\\nIn Stillman s defeat,\\n12\\nCholera at Detroit,\\n2 died.\\nLost by Stephenson and Dodge,\\n7\\nat Fort Gratiot, near\\n200\\nAt battle of Wisconsin\\n1\\non lake Michigan,\\n30\\nMississippi\\n18\\nat Fort Dearborn,\\n90\\nBy Demont,\\naaer leaving Ft. D.\\n(See Brown s Illinois, 373, ;c.)\\nFull accounts are given in Drake s Life, 200, c_; Brown s Illinois, 376 j and in the\\nCliief s autobiography.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0602.jp2"}, "603": {"fulltext": "1S37. Michigan becomes a State. 573\\nThe towns and villao;es alonoj the river banks were flooded in\\nsome instances so deeply as to force the inhabitants to take refuge\\non the neighboring hills; and the value of the property injured\\nand destroyed must have been very great, though its amount could\\nnot, of course, be ascertained. The water continued to rise from\\nthe 7th to the 19th of February, when it had attained the height of\\n63 feet above low water mark at Cincinnati.*\\n1837.\\nIn April, 1834, a census had shown that Michigan possessed a\\npopulation sufficient to entitle her to admission into the Union. In\\nMay, 1835, a convention, held at Detroit, prepared a State consti-\\ntution, and asked to it the assent of Congress. This Congress\\nrefused, but passed a conditional act, by which the applicant might\\nbecome a State should certain stipulations be assented to this\\nassent was to be signified through a convention, and one met\\nfor the purpose in September, 1836 this body declined acceding\\nto the conditions. Thereupon a second convention was chosen\\nwhich in the following December accepted the terms offered, and\\nafter some discussion in Congress in relation to the legality of this\\nacceptance, Michigan was recognised as a Sovereign State of the\\nUnion.\\nThe question which caused the difficulty above referred to, and\\nwhich at one time threatened civil war, was this What is the\\ntrue southern boundary of Michigan The ordinance of 1787,\\nprovided for the formation in the North West Territory of three\\nStates, and also provided that Congress might form one or two\\nothers north of an east and west line drawn through the head, or\\nsouthern extremity of Lake Michigan. This, at the time Ohio\\nhad been admitted, was construed to mean that the two northern\\nStates, the offspring of the will of Congress, must not come south\\nof the east and west line specified, but might by Congress be\\nlimited to a line north of that. In accordance with this view,\\nSee Papers of the time. A letter from Morgan Nc\\\\ille, in the introduction to Flint s\\nGeography Cincinnati; 1832.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0603.jp2"}, "604": {"fulltext": "574 Riots at Alton. 1837.\\nOhio, as already related,* was made to extend northward so as to\\ninclude the Maumee Bay. This construction of the ordinance\\nMichigan disputed, and when Ohio sent surveyors to mark out the\\nboundary as defined by Congress, the territorial authorities of\\nMichigan drove them away by an armed force and placed a mili-\\ntary party in the disputed district. At this time commissioners\\nwere sent by the President, who prevailed upon the parties so\\nfar to recede, as to allow the people of the district to acknowledge\\neither jurisdiction until the question was settled by the proper\\nauthority; and thus matters stood stood until, when she asked for\\nadmission among the States, Michigan was told that she could be\\nadmitted only on condition she recognized the boundary as claimed\\nby Ohio this at length she did, as we have seen, and then became\\none of the federal sisterhood. f\\nDuring tliis year occurred the riots at Alton, Illinois, which re-\\nsulted in the death of Elijah P. Lovejoy. Mr. L. was a clergy-\\nman, who had been engaged in editing a paper at St. Louis. His\\nstrong anti-slavery views, as avowed in his papers, aroused the\\nenmity of the Missouri people, and he was forced to leave the\\nState. He then established himself at Alton, but there also his\\nsentiments caused excitement, and his press was destroyed. A\\nsecond press was procured, and destroyed but, nothing daunted,\\nMr. Lovejoy determined upon procuring a third. At this time\\ngreat excitement existed in Alton, in consequence of a claim put\\nforward by some opponents to instant abolition, to sit in a conven-\\ntion called upon the subject of slavery this excitement went so\\nfar as to threaten a riot| but it was prevented. In this convention it\\nwas resolved to re-establish the Observer, Mr. Lovejoy s paper,\\nat Alton, II which resolution was agreed in by one meeting of citi-\\nzens, w^hile another advised Mr. Lovejoy to be no longer iden-\\ntified with any newspaper establishment in their city.^ His\\nanswer to that advice, in which he avowed his intention to go on\\ncost what it would, will rank hereafter high among the records of\\nearnest, soul-felt, eloquence,** but at the time it was unable to pre-\\nvent the adoption of a course which was a passive sanction of\\nAnte, p. 480.\\nt See on this subject Lanman, 241 to 244. Burnet s Letters, 76. Papers of the day.\\nCongress Documents.\\nBeecher on Alton Riots, 36. Beecher on Alton Riots, 44.\\nBeecher on Alton Riots, 46 to 49, 50. H Beecher on Alton Riots, 73.\\nBeecher on Alton Riots, 85 to 91.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0604.jp2"}, "605": {"fulltext": "1837. Death of Lovejoy. 575\\nmob-law.* And the occasion for mob-law soon came. News\\nbeing received that the third press was coming from St. Louis,\\nthose who wished its destruction waited its arrival, but that being\\npurposely delayed by its friends, it did not arrive until three in the\\nmorning of the 7th of September. It was then placed, without\\nopposition, in the store of Messrs. Godfrey Oilman, where thirty\\nor more of Lovejoy s friends, organized as a legal volunteer com-\\npany, were waiting its reception. When it was known the next\\nday (the 7th,) that the press had been stored, such threats of ven-\\ngeance were uttered as Induced the mayor to lay the matter before\\nthe Common council, but no steps were taken to prevent an out-\\nbreak. About ten o clock at night, a number of Mr. Lovejoy s\\nfriends being at the store where the press was, armed and authorized\\nby the mayor to defend themselves if attacked,! a body of men,\\nalso with arms, demanded the press. Mr. Oilman, the owner of\\nthe store, refused to give it up. The store was then attacked and\\nguns fired on both sides by which one without was killed. The\\nmob then prepared to set fire to the roof by ascending a ladder\\nplaced against the side of the store where there were no windows\\nor doors. At this moment the mayor came upon the ground but\\nhe could do nothing. Being requested by the leaders of the mob\\nto enter the building and again demand the press, he did so,\\nbut the demand was again refused. At this time he once more\\nauthorized the besieged to defend themselves. The rioters finding\\nthe press withheld, recommenced the attack upon the roof, and\\nthose within found their only hope to lie in going out of the store\\nto the corner of the building, and firing upon those persons upon\\nthe ladder. This was done once successfully, and the mob driven\\nback; but upon a second attempt, while Mr. Lovejoy, standing\\nwithout the store at the corner, was looking round for his foes, he\\nwas fired upon from some place of concealment five balls entered\\nhis body, and in a few moments he died. His friends were forced\\nsoon after to escape as they best could, and the press was destroy-\\ned. The conflict lasted from one hour and a half to two hours;\\nthe bells were rung, and the streets were crowded, the night being\\na moonlight one. Indictments were afterwards found both against\\nthe assailants and the defendants of the store both were tried, and\\nboth acquitted. J\\nThe meeting declined to pass a resolution pledging themselves to aid the mayor in\\ncase of violence. Beechcr, 96.\\nBeecher on Alton Riots, 105.\\nBeecher s Narrative. Brown s History, 460 to 463.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0605.jp2"}, "606": {"fulltext": "1843.\\nAmong the events of this year, deserving notice, was the liqui-\\ndation of the Illinois State Bank and we shall here say what we\\nhave to say in relation to banking in Illinois.\\nIn 1816, the bank of Shawanee-town was chartered for twenty\\nyears, with a capital of $300,000, one third of w^hich was to be\\nsubscribed by the State. In 1821 this institution closed its doors,\\nand remained dormant, till 1835, when its charter was extend-\\ned to 1857, and it resumed business. Two years later, in March,\\n1837, the^ capital was increased by 1,400,000 dollars, all subscribed\\nby the State. But the great crash which soon prostrated business\\nthroughout the United States, involved this with other institutions\\nof a like kind in difficulties too great to be surmounted and\\nthough the State, in 1841, offered to relieve the bank from a for-\\nfeiture of its charter provided it would pay $200,000 of the State\\ndebt, in 1843 it was found necessary to close its concerns once\\nmore.\\nThe State Banks were not more fortunate. The constitution of\\nIllinois like that of Indiana, provided that no other than a State\\nbank and its branches should be allowed. In March, 1819, a\\nState bank was accordingly chartered, with a nominal capital of\\nfour millions, but its stock was not sold. In 1821, another State\\nbank, with a capital of half a million w*as chartered, to be managed\\nby the Legislature. This went into operation, but with little or no\\nreal capital, so that its bills were soon at an enormous discount,\\nand it failed. In February, 1835, a third State bank was formed,\\nwith a capital of a million and a half, which in 1837, was increas-\\ned to three and a half millions of dollars this institution survived\\ntill January, 1843, when the Legislature were forced to close its\\ndoors its bills being worth about fifty cents on the dollar.*\\nSee on Illinois banksj Brown s History, 42S to 441,", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0606.jp2"}, "607": {"fulltext": "1844.\\nOn the 27th of June the Mormon leader, Joseph Smith, was\\nkilled at Carthage, Illinois, by an armed mob.\\nThe history of Mormonism cannot yet be written its votaries\\nlare even now (October, 1846) struggling and starving among the\\nvast plains and mountains of the immense country beyond the^\\nMississippi the news of the conquest of Nauvoo are but a few\\nweeks old. Still we are bound to present some outlines of the rise\\nand progress of this remarkable system. Smith, its reputed foun-\\nder, was born in Vermont, about 1807, and reared in New- York\\nhis education was imperfect,! and his family are said to have been\\nsuperstitious.^ When about fifteen or sixteen years old he began\\nto see visions, 11 which continued through some seven years. At\\nlength on the 22d of September, 1827, the records upon which\\nMormonism rests, were delivered to the prophet. These re-\\ncords, says Cowdrey,\\nWere engraved on plates which had the appearance of gold, Each\\nplate was not far from seven by eight inches in width and length, being\\nnot quite as thick as common tin. They were filled on both sides with\\nengravings, in Egyptian characters, and bound together in a volume, as\\nthe leaves of a book, and fastened at the edge with three rings running\\nthrough the whole. This volume was something near six inches in\\nthickness, a part of which was sealed. The characters or letters upon\\nthe unsealed part, were small and beautifully engraved. The whole\\nbook exhibited many marks of antiquity in its construction, as well as\\nmuch skill in the art of engraving. With the records was found a curi-\\nous instrument, called by the ancients, Urim and Thummim, which con-\\nsisted of two transparent stones, clear as crystal, set in two rims of a\\nbow this was in use in ancient times by persons called Seers it was\\nan instrument, by the use of which they received revelations of things\\ndistant, or of things past or future.\\nThe story of his gold plates getting abroad, the holder was way-\\nlaid by robbers and persecuted by fanatics, until he was forced to\\nflee into Pennsylvania to his father-in-law: there he began the\\nBrown s Illinois, 488. t Brown s Illinois, 386. Hunt s Mormon War, 5.\\nJ Smith s own account in Brown s Illinois, 388 to 390, and Cowdrey s 390 to 392. As\\nto Cowdrey, see Hunt s Mormon War. 10.\\n37", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0607.jp2"}, "608": {"fulltext": "578 Rigdon converted. 1844.\\nwork of translation. The issue of this work was, The Book of\\nMormon. This book gives the history of Lehi and his posterity,\\nfrom about 660 B. C. to 400 A. D. these Hved for the most part\\nin America, Lehi and his sons having emigrated thither. After\\nthe emigration, terrible wars took place between the Nephites or\\nfaithful, and the Lamanites or heathen, in which all the former\\nwere destroyed except Mormon, his son Moroni, and a few others.\\nMormon and his son abridged the records of their ancestors, and\\nadded their own, and thus the Book was completed.*\\nAn account referred to in the note, gives us reason to think this\\nBook was not written by Smith, but by one Spalding, as a sort of\\nromance, and that it was seen and stolen by Sidney Rigdon,\\nafterwards Smith s right hand man, and by him made known to\\nthe Prophet.\\nRigdon, however, had at first no open connection with Smith,\\nand was converted by a special mission sent into his neighborhood\\nin October 1830.f From the time of Rigdon s conversion the\\nprogress of Mormonism was wonderfully rapid, he being a man of\\nmore than common capacity and cunning. Kirtland, Ohio, be-\\ncame the chief city for the time being, while large numbers went\\nto Missouri in consequence of revelations to that effect. In July\\n1833, the number of Mormons in Jackson county Missouri, was\\nover 1200.:}: Their increase having produced some anxiety among\\nthe neighboring settlers a meeting was held in the month just\\nnamed from whence emanated resolutions forbidding all Mormons\\nthenceforth to settle in that county, and intimating that all who\\ndid not soon remove of their own will would be forced to do so.||\\nAmong the resolutions was one requiring the Mormon paper to be\\nstopped, but as this was not at once complied with the office of\\nthe paper was destroyed. Another large meeting of the citizens\\nbeino- held, the Mormons became alarmed and contracted to re-\\nmove.H Before this contract, however, could be complied with,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2violent proceedings were again resorted to:** houses were de-\\nstroyed, men whipped, and at length some of both parties were\\nAs to the true origin of this Book, we have a full statement, which seems worthy of\\ncredit, made by Mrs. Spalding, the widow of the alledged author. It may be found in the\\nWestern Messenger for August, 1839, p. 2SS.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See also Hunt, 12 to 90. Brown s Illinois,\\n392, 402.\\nHunt, 93 to 112. Hunt, 128. See the resolutions in Hunt, 129, 130.\\nThe Mormons were allowed two hours to determine upon their course. (Hunt, 130.)\\n5 See contract la Hunt, 131.\\nThe contract was for removal before January and April 1834, (see it in Hunt 131,)\\n.but the Mormons were attacked in October 1833.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0608.jp2"}, "609": {"fulltext": "1844. Troubles in Missouri. 579\\nkilled. The result was a removal of the Mormons across the\\nMissouri into Clay county.\\nThese outrages being communicated to the Prophet at Kirtland,\\nhe took steps to bring about a great gathering of his disciples,\\nwith which, marshalled as an army, in May, 1834, he started for\\nMissouri, which in due time he reached, but with no other result\\nthan the transfer of a certain portion of his followers as permanent\\nsettlers to a region already too full of them. At first the citizens of\\nClay county were friendly to the persecuted but ere long trouble\\ngrew up, and the wanderers were once more forced to seek a new\\nhome, in order to prevent outrages. This home they found in\\nCaldwell county, where, by permission of the neighbors and State\\nlegislature, they organized a county government, the country hav-\\ning been previously unsettled. Soon after this removal, numbers\\nof Mormons flocking in, settlements were also formed in Davis\\nand Carroll: the three towns of the new sect being Far West in\\nCaldwell Adam-on-di-ah-mond, called Diahmond or Diahman,\\nin Davis and Dewit, in Carroll. Thus far the Mormon writers\\nand their enemies pretty well agree in their narratives of the Mis-\\nsouri troubles but thenceforth all is contradiction and uncertainty.\\nThese contradictions we cannot reconcile, and we have not room\\nto give both relations referring our readers, therefore, to Hunt and\\nGreene, we will, in a few words state our own impressions of the\\ncauses of the quarrel and the catastrophe.\\nThe Mormons, or Latter-day Saints held two views which they\\nwere fond of dwelling upon, and which were calculated to alarm\\nand excite the people of the frontier. One was, that the West\\nwas to be their inheritance, and that the unconverted dwellers\\nupon the lands about them were to be destroyed, and the saints to\\nsucceed to their property.f The destruction spoken of was to be,\\nas Smith taught, by the hand of God but those who were threat-\\nened naturally enough concluded that the Mormons might think\\nthemselves instruments in His hand to work the change they fore-\\ntold and desired. They believed also, with or without reason,\\nthat the saints, anticipating, like many other heirs, the income of\\ntheir inheritance, helped themselves to what they needed of food\\nand clothing or, as the world called it, were arrant thieves.\\nWe have quoted Hunt, Anti- mormon, who gives the documents for the Mormon\\nview of same events, see Facts, c. by John P. Greene. Cincinnati, 1339 pp. 10\\nto 12. 17. 18.\\nt See Smith in Hunt, 1 40. 142, Same work, 128 182, c.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0609.jp2"}, "610": {"fulltext": "580 Mormons expelled from Missouri. 1844,\\nThe other offensive view was, the descent of the Indians from\\nthe Hebrews, taught by the Book of Mormon, and their ultimate\\nrestoration to their share in the inheritance of the faithful from\\nthis view, the neighbors were easily led to infer a union of the\\nSaints and savages to desolate the frontier. Looking with suspi-\\ncion upon the new sect, and believing them to be already rogues\\nand thieves, the inhabitants of Carrol and Davis countigs were of\\ncourse opposed to their possession of the chief political influence,\\nsuch as they already possessed in Caldwell, and from the fear that\\nthey would acquire more, arose the first open quan-el. This took\\nplace in August, 1838, at an election in Davis county, where their\\nright of suffrage was disputed. The affray which ensued being\\nexaggerated, and some severe cuts and bruises being converted\\ninto mortal wounds by the voice of rumor, a number of the Mor-\\nmons of Caldwell county went to Diahmond, and after learning\\nthe facts, by force or persuasion induced a magistrate of Davis,\\nknown to be a leading opponent of theirs, to sign a promise not to\\nmolest them any more by word or deed. For this Joe Smith and\\nLyman Wight were arrested and held to trial. By this time the\\nprejudices and fears of both parties were fully aroused each anti-\\ncipated violence from the other, and to prevent it each proceeded\\nto violence. The Mormons of Caldwell, legally organized, turned\\nout to preserve the peace and the Anti-mormons of Davis, Carrol,\\nand Livingston, acting upon the sacred principle of self-defence,\\narmed and embodied themselves for the same commendable pur-\\npose. Unhappily, in this case, as in many similar ones, the\\npreservation of peace was ill confided to men moved by mingled\\nfear and hatred and instead of it, the opposing forces produced\\nplunderings, burnings, and bloodshed, which did not terminate\\nuntil Governor Boggs, on the 27th of October, authorised General\\nClark, vv ith the full military power of the State, to exterminate or\\ndrive from Missouri, if he thought necessary, the unhappy follow-\\ners of Joe Smith. t Against the army, 3500 strong, thus brought\\nto annihilate them, and which was evidently not a mob, the 1400\\nMormons made no resistance 300 fled, and the remainder surren-\\ndered. The leaders were examined and held to trial, bail being\\nrefused while the mass of the unhappy people were stripped of\\ntheir property to pay the expenses of the war, and driven, men,\\nSee Hunt, 280, c.\\nf See his order in Greene s pamphlet, 26.\\nGreene, 32 The evidence oa the examination is in Hunt, 193 to 274.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0610.jp2"}, "611": {"fulltext": "1844. Mormons receivedin Illinois. 581\\nwomen, and children, in mid winter, from the state, naked\\nand starving. Multitudes of them were forced to encamp without\\ntents, and with scarce any clothes or food, on the bank of the\\nMississippi, which was too full of ice for them to cross.* The\\npeople of Illinois, however, received the fugitives, when they\\nreached the eastern shore, with open arms, and the saints entered\\nupon a new, and yet more surprising series of adventures, than\\nthose they had already passed through.\\nThe Mormons found their way from Missouri into the neighbor-\\ning state, through the course of the year 1839, and missionaries\\nwere sent abroad to paint their sufferings, and ask relief for those\\nwho were thus persecuted because of their religious views al-\\nthough their religious views appear to have had little or nothing to\\ndo with the opposition experienced by them in Missouri. After\\nwandering for a time in uncertainty, the Saints fixed upon the site\\nof Commerce, a village on the Mississippi, as the spot upon which\\nto rest and there, in the spring of 1840, began the city of Nau-\\nvoo. To this city, the legislature of Illinois which met in the\\nensuing winter, proceeded to grant most extraordinary privileges.\\nThe size was to be indefinitely large and power was also given\\nto buy property elsewhere the city laws were not made void, if\\ncontrary to state laws, as is usual in such charters and the\\npowers bestowed upon the Mayor were enormous a Nauvoo\\nLegion was provided for, armed from the public arsenals, and the\\nuse of this corps was given to the Mayor, as far as he should need\\nit, for city purposes a University, an Agricultural Manufacturing\\nAssociation, and a Hotel with a capital of one hundred and fifty\\nthousand dollars, were also chartered. Under this extraordinary\\nact, Joe Smith, who had escaped from Missouri, proceeded as\\nMayor, Commander of the Legion, Tavern-keeper, Prophet and\\nPriest, to play what pranks he pleased. On the 8th of Decem-\\nber, 1843, says Judge Brown,\\nAn extra ordinance was passed by the city council of Nauvoo, for\\nthe extra case of Joseph Smith by the first section of which it is\\nenacted, That it shall be lawful for any officer of the city, with or\\nwithout process, to arrest any person who shall come to arrest Joseph\\nSmith with process growing out of the Missouri difficulties anil the\\nperson so arrested, shall be tried by the municipal court upon testimony,\\nand if found guilty, sentenced to the municipal prison for life.\\nOn the 17th of February, 1842, an ordinance was passed, entitled,\\nAn ordinance concerning marriages, by the second section of which\\nSee Greene, p. 40", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0611.jp2"}, "612": {"fulltext": "582 Joe Smith killed. 1844.\\na person is authorised to marry with, or without license. We* have a\\nstatute, requiring a license in all cases, from the clerk of the commis-\\nsioner s court.\\nOn the 21st of November, 1843, an ordinance was passed by the city\\ncouncil, making it highly penal, even to one hundred dollars fine, and\\nsix month s imprisonment, for any officer to serve a process in tlie city\\nof Nauvoo, unless it be examined by, ar d receive the approval and\\nsignature of the mayor of said city, on the back of said process.\\nUnder these proceedings, difficulties soon arose. Some of\\nSmith s followers becoming opposed to him, had established a new\\npaper, the Nauvoo Expositor. This the Prophet, as president\\nof the council, pronounced a nuisance, and proceeded to abate\\nit, or destroy it, by force. Those interested procured a writ from\\nthe proper court for the arrest of the leader, but the writ was not\\nendorsed by the Mayor and could not be executed. Then arose\\nthe question How long shall the laws of the State be thus set at\\ndefiance and men through all the country round about vowed\\nto see the warrants executed at the point of the bayonet. Tw^o or\\nthree thousand men, some from Missouri and loway, being gath-\\nered against the city of the Saints, Governor Ford came forward as\\na pacificator. Of w hat followed, we give a description in the\\nwords of Judge Brow^n.\\nOn Monday, the 24th of June, 1844, Lieutenant General Joseph\\nSmith, the prophet, and General Hyrum Smith, liis brother, hav-\\ning received assurances from Governor Ford of protection, in company\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2with some of their friends, left Nauvoo for Carthage, in order to surren-\\nder themselves up as prisoners, upon a process which had previously\\nbeen issued, and was then in the hands of a public officer to be exe-\\ncuted. About four miles from Carthage, they were met by Captain\\nDunn and a company of cavalry, on their way to Nauvoo, with an\\norder from Governor Ford for the State arms in possession of the Nau-\\nvoo legion. Lieutenant General Smith having endorsed upon the order\\nhis admission of its service, and given his directions for their delivery,\\nreturned with Captain Dunn to Nauvoo, for the arms thus ordered by\\nGorernor Ford to be surrendered. The arms liaving been given up in\\nobedience to the aforesaid order, both parties again started for Carthage,\\nwhither they arrived a little before twelve o clock, at night. On the\\nmorning of the 25th, an interview took place between the Smiths and\\nGovernor Ford. Assurances of protection by the latter were repeated,\\nand the two Smiths were surrendered into the custody of an officer.\\nBail having afterward been given for their appearance at court, to\\nThat is, the state of Illinois. Brown s Illinois, 398.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0612.jp2"}, "613": {"fulltext": "1845. Cincinnati Observatory. 583\\nanswer the charge for abating the Nauvoo Expositor, a mittimus\\nwas issued on the evening of the 25th, and the two Smiths were com-\\nmitted to jail on a charge of treason, until delivered by due course of\\nlaw. On the morning of the 26th, another interview was had between\\nthe Governor and the accused, and both parties seemed to be satisfied.\\nInstead of being confined in the cells, the two Smiths, at the instance of\\ntheir friends, were put into the debtor s room of the prison, and a guard\\nassigned for its, as well as tlieir security. During this time their\\nfriends, as usual, had access to them in jail, by permission of the gov-\\nernor. On the same day, (June 26,) they were taken before the magis-\\ntrate who had committed them to prison, and further proceedings, on\\nthe complaint for treason, were postponed until the 29lh. On the\\nmorning of the 27th, Governor Ford discharged a part of the troops\\nunder his command, and proceeded with a portion of the residue,\\na single company only, to Nauvoo; leaving the jail, the prisoners, and\\nsome two or three of their friends, guarded by seven or eight men, and\\na company of about sixty militia, the Carthage Grays, a few yards dis-\\ntant in reserve.\\nAbout six o clock in the afternoon of the 27th, during the absence of\\nGovernor Ford, the guard stationed at the prison were overpowered by\\nan armed mob in disguise; the jail broken and entered, and the two\\nSmyths, (Joseph and Hyrum,) without any pretence of right or author-\\nity whatever, were wantonly slain. Having effected their object, all of\\nwhich was accomplished in a few minutes, they immediately dispersed.*\\nThe Mormons, who appear to have ascribed the outrage to per-\\nsons from Missouri,! were prevailed upon to continue quiet, and\\nno farther outbreak occurred, until those troubles began which\\nhave so lately ended in their expulsion from Nauvoo4\\nIn June of this year occurred a rise of the Mississippi, which\\ncaused vast suffering and extensive damage. Many towns were\\nentirely under water.\\n1845.\\nMay 8th. On this day the first observations of consequence\\nwere made at the Cincinnati Observatory they were upon the\\nTransit of Mercury. This Observatory, one of the first in the\\nworld in respect to the power of its Equatorial, is entirely the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Brown, 487.\\nI The account of the Mormons in Illinois we take entirely from Brown. A trustworthy\\nand full history of Mormonism up to the destruction of Nauvoo, is much to be desired.\\nSee the letter of Richards and others (leading Mormons) in Brown, 489.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0613.jp2"}, "614": {"fulltext": "584 Cincinnati Observatory. 1845.\\nresult of the energy, perseverance, and patience, of one man,\\nOlmsted M. Mitchell. Mr. Mitchell, then a Professor in the Cin-\\ncinnati College, in the spring of 1842 delivered in Cincinnati a\\ncourse of lectures upon Astronomy, in order to see if the subject\\ncould be made popular. He perfectly succeeded. About May\\n1st of that year he began to ask the citizens of Cincinnati to con-\\ntribute toward the purchase of a Great Equatorial Telescope to be\\nmounted in or near that city. During the same month, through\\nhis exertions, a Society was organized wiiose object it was to\\nfound an Observatory and prosecute Astronomical researches.\\nThis Society soon took into consideration the best mode of pro-\\ncuring a first rate Instrument, and upon deliberation, authorized\\nProfessor Mitchell to go to Europe and obtain one. He left Cin-\\ncinnati for this object on the 11th of June, 1842. Having visited\\nLondon and Paris, Mr. M. determined that his mission could be\\nsatisfactorily accomplished only by going to Munich, where Frau-\\nenhofer had established his celebrated manufactory of achromatic\\nrefracting lenses. At that place Mr. M. made his contract, and\\nreturning to England stayed for awhile as an operative in the\\nGreenwich Observatory, in order to learn the detail of observa-\\ntion, and thence returned to the United States.\\nIn November 1843 the Corner Stone of the Cincinnati Observ-\\natory was laid by John Quincy Adams, and an address w^as deliv-\\nered by that venerable statesman and student. The building,\\nhowever, was not really commenced until the following May, and\\nwas then carried forward only by the energy and untiring per-\\nseverance of Mr. Mitchell, who at the same time planned, directed,\\ncontracted, raised, or rather made funds, acted as paymaster, ad-\\nvised the mechanics, and labored by their side. In April, 1845,\\nthe Observatory building was finished. Meantime the Telescope\\nhad been paid for, mostly by the single subscriptions of men\\nlaboring to support their families; its cost being $10,000.\\nIt was received at Cincinnati in the spring of 1845, and was\\nmounted about the close of April; every arrangement having\\nbeen made by the projector and executor of the whole plan.\\nThis we note, as the First Observatory ever erected by The\\nPeople in modern times.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0614.jp2"}, "615": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nAdair, Major, attacked,\\nAdet s intriguea,\\nAkamsca or Arkansas,\\nAlabama, or Ocliequiton river,\\nAlbany, Indians met at, 1*75,\\npaee\\n383\\n425\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note\\n8\\n44\\n147\\nAlleghanies explored by Spottgwood, 42\\nAllonez, Claude, founds earliest permanent\\nmission in the northwest, 4\\nAlton, riots at, 574\\nAnderson, Colonel, surveyor, 266\\nAnthony, St. falls of, discovered by Hennepin, 16\\nArbuckle, Capt. couiniands at Pt. Pleasant, 163\\nArkansas reached by Marquette, 8\\nfort built on, by Tonti. 27\\nArmstrong attacks Kittaning, 79\\nGen. John, secretary of war, 542\\nArtagueite, d commissary of Louisiana, 33\\ngoes against Chickasaws, 37\\nhis fate, 37\\nAssassination of Jumonville, alledged 64\\nAssumption fort, (Memphis,) army at, 1739, 38\\nAthens, university of, in Ohio, 477\\nBaggatiway.an Indian game,\\nBank, first. In Kentucky,\\nUnited States, in Ohio,\\nBanks in Illinois,\\nin Ohio,\\nBarclay, Captain,\\nBattle of Point Pleasant,\\n92\\n4S:i\\n558\\n576\\n554\\n544\\n130\\nBeaujeu, M. de, commands fleet bound to\\nmouth of Mississippi, 20\\nBeleter yields Detroit, 88\\nBenham, Captain, his adventures, 217\\nBienville sounds Mississippi, and turns back\\nEnglish, 32. 44\\ngoes against Chickasaws, 37\\nBig Bottom settlements destroyed, 345\\nBig Gate, Clark s treatment of, 194\\nBiloxi, bay of, d lberville at, 32\\nBlackhawk war, 569 to 572\\nBlue Licks, Boone taken at, 195\\nbattle of 252 to 254\\nBolt, captain, travels of. 45\\nBoone, Daniel, explores Kentucky, 114 to 1J8\\nhis character, 136\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note\\nconducts in surveyors, 128\\nemployed by Transylvania co. 135 to 137\\nrescues his daughter, l. 5\\ntaken prisoner and escapes, 195 to 198\\nat battle of blue Licks, 253. 255\\nmoves to Missouri, 464\\nBoone, Squire, 116. 117\\nBoonsborough founded, 138\\nBouquet, Colonel, 80. 87. 88. 97. 100\\nBoundary, Indian, proposed and agreed\\nto, 1768, 101. 106, 107\\nBowman, Col. John, 165. 168. 174. 185. 217\\nBowman, Major, or Capt. Joseph, 202 to 213\\nBraddock.Gen. his march and defeat, 67 to 78\\nBraddock s road, 80\\nBradstreet, General, 80. 99\\nBrant, Joseph, 145. 332, c. 347, c. ^71. 37G.\\n381. 382. 380\\nBrickell s account of his captivity, c. 414\\nBritish influence over Indians, 332 to 336. 347 to\\n349. 510\\nBrodliead, Col. Dauiel, 216. 265\\npage\\nBrown, John, representative from Ky. 312. 313\\nBrownsville, (Redstone) 64\\nBryant s station attacked, 249 to 252\\nBurk, the historian. note, 63\\nBullitt, Captain, gallant conduct of, 85\\ngoes west, 110. 119\\nButler, William, Indian trader, 123\\nButler, General, 358. 369 and note\\nBuntin, Captain, 377\\nBurr first visits west, 493\\nhis movemenis in 1806, 496 to 502\\nhis letter to Wilkinson, 496\\nhis arrest and trial, 503\\nhis plans, 504\\nByrd s invasion of Kentucky, 224\\nCanada, Upper, explored by French 4\\nCatarocouy, fort, or fort Frontenac, 10\\nCadillac de la Motte founds Detroit. 30\\nCahokia founded by Pinet, 30\\nCadillac, with Crozat, takes Louisiana, 34\\nCahokia in 1750, 38\\nCarolana, province of, 43\\nCarlisle, treaty at, in 1753, 57\\nCanada given up by French, 1760, 86\\nCarver, Captain, 93\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note. 177\\nCamp Charlotte, 131\\nCarondelet, or Vide poche, history of, 161\\nBaron, 427\\nCampaign of 1812 in N.W. blunders in, 527\\nHarrison s plans, 535\\nof 1813, plans for, 542\\nCampbell, Col. in 1812, 537\\nCass s expedition, 1820, 561\\nCanals in England, United States and Ohio, 562\\nto 565. 567. 568\\nin Illinois, 567\\nCessions of land to Union, 225 to 228. 230. 258.\\n284\\nCeleron places medals along the Ohio, 51 and note\\nChickasaws visited by English, 32. 36\\nwar with French, 37. 38\\nofl^ended by Americans, 222\\nCharlevoix s account of N.Orleans, 35\\nChartres, fort, 36\\nChoclaws and French, 37\\nCherokees attack Carolina, c. 86\\nclaim Kentucky, 108\\nsella portion of their claim, 107 note\\nattack whites, 1774, 123\\nChristian, Col. commands. 1774, 130, 131\\nChillicothe, Indian town on Scioto, 131. 462 note\\ndo Little Miami.\\n195. 462\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note\\nfounded, 462\\nChouteau, Auguste and Pierre, 180. 183\\nCholera in west, 571. 572\\nCincinnati founded. 308\\ngrowth owing to Fort Washington, 321\\nnamed by St. Clair, 329\\nObservatory, 583\\nClark, George Rogers, his account of\\nCresap s conduct in 1774, J25 to 127\\nhis steps in Kentucky, 1776, 156\\nprocures powder, 1776, 160\\nprocures the erection of Kentucky\\ninto a county, 161\\ncarries powder down the Ohio, 161", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0615.jp2"}, "616": {"fulltext": "586\\nINDEX.\\nClark, George Rofjers, his brother s Btatement\\nas to Dunniore, in 1775,\\nhis journal, 1777,\\nproposes to conquer Illinois,\\nreceives his Instructions, 1778\\ndescends lo the falls,\\ncoiKjuers KaskaUla. c.\\ntreats with the Indians,\\nhears of Hamilton s plans,\\ninarches against Vincennes,\\nhis elforis and sufferings,\\nsummons Hamilton to yield,\\ntakes Vincennes,\\neml)arra5sed by paper money,\\nbuilds foit Jefferson,\\nattacks Indians on Miamis,\\ntu attack Detroit,\\nmade commander in west,\\nattacks Indians on Mlaniis,\\nhis commission withdrawn,\\npram of land to,\\npage\\n133\\n164\\n174\\n184\\n1S5\\n186 to 189\\n169 to 194\\niiOl\\n202\\n203 lo 207\\n209. 211\\n212\\n213\\npaee\\n30\\nnote\u00e2\u0080\u0094 30\\nib.\\n88\\nDetroit founded by de la Motto Cadillac\\nits extent,\\nfirst grants at,\\nvisited by Rogers,\\nyielded by Ueleter,\\nattacked by Pontlac,\\nsize of, in 1707,\\nin 17G5,\\nproposition to take, 1776 and 7,\\nraiyht have been talten by Clark,\\n214 and note\\nproposal to attack in 1760-1 208\\nsteps relative to, in 1783, ECO\\nin 1804 and 5, 489. 490\\n222 Delawares, treaty with, at Pittsburgh, 1778, 200\\n224 Delaware objects to land claims of Vir-\\n228 ginia, c.\\nDebts in west in early times,\\nDenroan and others purchase site of Cincin-\\nnati,\\nDeposite, fort, built,\\n93 to .17\\n93--note\\n104\\n175\\n226\\n242\\ntreats with Indians, 1780. 276 to 278 note j Detiaiice, fort, built, c.\\ngoes up Wabash and fails, 1786, 279 Dearborn, fort. (Chicago) taken, 1812,\\nhis Illegal acts at Vhicennes 281 Diego MIruelo visits Florida,\\nijecomes leader under Genet s influence, 421 D lliervllle,\\nClarkesville founded. 260 Disunion, Spanish plan of,\\nCleveland founded, 463\\nClay, General, 1813, 543\\nConnecticut cedes her western lands, 284 and note\\nreserve settled, 457. 473\\nCompany, Mississippi, (company of West\\nand company of Indies.) 34 to 36\\nCoze, Dr. Daniel, claims to Carolana, 43\\nhis accounts, c. 43. 44\\nContrecccur commands at fort Duquesne, 63. 64\\n111\\n119\\n122. 123\\n129\\n404.\\nConnolly, John, explores west,\\nowns part of Louisville,\\nbis conduct at Pittsburgh, 1774,\\nattacks friendly Indians,\\nplot of 1775, 151\\nin 1780. 228\\nhis land at falls, 229\\nvisits Kentucky, 1788, 315\\nCornstalk tries to preserve peace, 129\\nat battle of Point Pleasant, 130\\nmakes peace, 132\\nbetrayed by the Americans and killed, 162\\nCornplanter.\\nCongo creek,\\nColbert leads Chickasaws,\\nCommissioners, Indian,\\nConvention, first Kentucky,\\n347\\nsecond\\ndo\\nthird\\ndo\\nfourth\\ndo\\nfifth\\ndo\\nsixth\\ndo\\nseventh\\ndo\\neighth\\ndo\\nninth\\ndo\\nand note\\n131\\n234\\n259. 383. 300\\n265\\n271\\n274. 279\\n274. 285\\n285. 313\\n314. 31a\\n320\\n420\\nCrevecceur, fort, built by LaSalle, 14\\nCrozat Louisiana transfened to, 33\\nhis plans all frustrated, 34\\nCroghan, Myjor, (1813.) defence of fort\\nStephenson, 544\\nattacks Mackinac, c. 551\\nCroghan, George, visits west, 1765, 101 to 104\\noath of, relative to claim of Iro-\\nquois, 47, note,\\ndeed to. by Iroquois. 107 note\\nCresap, Capt. Michael, murder of Logan s\\nfamily, c. 123 to 127\\nCrawford sent against Mingoes, 132\\nsent west, 1777, 175\\nCrawford s expedition and death, 245 to 24*^\\nCumberland lort built, 66\\nCuller, Dr. agent for Ohio company, 288, c.\\nCumberland road, origin of, 494\\n304\\n405\\n4111\\n530\\n1\\n31, c.\\n428\\nnote 7\\n107\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note\\n273. 321\\nDog feast of Indians,\\nDonaldson, Col. deeds of Kentucky to.\\nDoughty, Major,\\nDorchester, Lord, his speech to Indians,\\n395. 396\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note\\nDress used in west in early times, 235. 236\\nDuquesne, fort, plan of, 63 note\\nto be attacked, 67\\ntaken by Forbes, 80. 85\\nDuquesne commander of Indians, 198\\nDunniore, Lord, said to have allowed\\nsurveys, 1769, 109\\nsends Conolly to fort Pitt, 122\\nis said to have thanked Cresap, 123 note\\nprepares for Indian war, 128\\nreproved for Conolly s conduct, 130\\nprepares to invade Indian country, 130\\ncnteis the Shawanese country and\\nmakes peace, 131\\nhis conduct in 1774, 133 and note.\\n153- note\\ndenounces Transj^MM^a company, 137\\nDunmore s war, 121 to 133\\nDunniore fort, at Pittsburgh, built, c. 123\\nDuer, Col. his connection with the Ohio\\ncompany, 289. 454 note\\nDudley, Colonel, at fort Meigs, 1813, 543\\nEarthquake of 1811, 520\\nEducation provided for in Kentucky, 223\\nEdwards, Governor, in 1812, 536\\nEllinipsico, son of Cornstalk, killed. 163\\nElliott, Matthew, 131\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note. 335\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note\\nEnglish claliris to tlie West. 43. 46. 47\\nEnglish traders in N. West, 50 and note\\nWest, 46 -note\\non Great Miami, 51.53\\nMaumee, 52\\nand French in 1753. 56\\nEngland, conduct in relation to Indians,\\n1790\u00e2\u0080\u009495, 332. 384. 394. 400. 403. 411\\nrelations to U. States, 1790-95, 397\\nErie, (Prejqu lle.) 396\\nvessels built at, in 1813, 542. 544\\nEstill s defeat, 248\\nEvans maps of West, 52 note. Ill note\\nExcise on spirits, 1791, 435\\nFauquier, Governor, of Virginia, 79\\nFalls of the Ohio visited and surveyed,\\n52. 109, 119\\nDablon and Marquette found a mission\\nal St. Mary s falls.\\nDates, difiiculty in lettling,\\nDanville founded,\\nDayton eettled,\\nFederalism and anti-federalism, 432\\nFInley explores Kentucky, 114\\nFincaslle county, Va, includes Kentucky, 119\\nFincastle fori, at Wheeling, 169\\n252 note I Fighting in West, in early times, 243\\n261 Filson s work on Kentucky, 263\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note\\n45S Filson, John, 304", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0616.jp2"}, "617": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n587\\npagfi\\nritch, John, 522\\nFJovd, John. 119\\nhis letter, 1776. 155\\nFloyd, Colonel, saved by Wells, 233\\nFlood in the Ohio, I8H2, 572\\nin Mii-sisslppi, IF44, ,583\\nFood in West in early limes, 235\\nForbe?, General, 80 to 85\\nFork of Ohio, post at. 60 to 64\\nFort Assumption, Memphis, 38\\nDearhorn, Chira^o, 530\\nDefiance, on Manmee, 404 410\\nDeposite, on Manmee, 405\\nDunmore, Pitaburgh, 123\\nDuquesne, Pitt^burgh, 63\\nFenney. Finney or Ferring, Jefferson-\\nvIIIp, 329, note.\\nFinney, mouth of Great Miami, 275\\nGreenville, Greenville, 399\\nHamilton, Hamilton, Ohio, 359\\nHarrison. on Wahash, 515,531\\nHenry, Wheeling, 169\\nJefferson, near Granville, Ohio, 359. 398\\nJefTerson, on Mississippi, 222\\nKiiox, Vincennes. 329\\nMac Arthur, on Scioto, 536.537\\nMeigs, on Maumee, 541.543\\nMiami, British post on Maun ee, 396, 407,\\nnote,\\nPitt, Pittsburg. 63\\nRecovery, ground of S*. Clair s defeat ,3 4C0\\n403.\\nSackville, Vincennes, 213\\nSi. Clair, 20 miles north of Fort Jeffer-\\nson, 383\\nSchuyler, Rome. N. York, 146. 267\\nSlielby, on upper Mississippi, 552\\nStanwix, Rome, N. Y. 267. ]()7\\nStephenton, Lower Sandusky, 544\\nSteuben, Jeffersonville. 337\\nWashington, Cincinnati, 321\\nWayne, at head of Manmee, 411. 531. 535\\nFranklin, Benjamin, helps Braddock, 68. 69\\nconrern(;d in Walpole Co. 105 to 109\\nFranklin, Governor, concerned in Walpole Co. 105\\nFreeman, sent to Indians, 1792, 381 note.\\nFrench in West, 4. 5. 41. note\u00e2\u0080\u0094 53. 54. 56. 58\\nnote. 62. 61. 101 to 104. 181 note.\\nFrench account of the death of Jumonville, 64\\nFrench Creek\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Riviere aux Bceufs, 53. 59\\nFrenchtown, battle and massacre of, 533 to 540\\nFrontenac, Count, 10\\nFort. 10\\nFry, Joshua. 34 note, 62\\nGallisoniere sends Celeron to Ohio, 51\\nGallipo is, T9, 452 to 455\\nGage.Genetal, 7 105. 106\\nhis proclamations, 176. 177\\nGamelin sent to Wabash tribes, 329 to 331\\nGenet s intrigues, c. 421\\nGist, Christ r, goes down Ohio, 1751, 52 note.\\nsurveys south of Ohio, 52. )6\\nlives west of Laurel Hill, 56. 64\\ngoes west with Washinston, 58. 60 note.\\nwarns Wasliinston of vicinity of French, 64\\nWashinston at house of, 65\\ncrosses Kentucky and Ohio, lilt note.\\nGibson s evideuce as to Logan speech, 132\\nGibson. Colonel Jolin, at Fort Laurens, 201\\nGirty Simon and his brothers, 170 note, 248. 251\\nGower, fort, 131\\nGrifhn.huili by La Salle. 12\\nGravier, father, founds Kaskaskia, 50\\nGreenbriar Co. 50. 53\\nGreat Meadows, 64. 65\\nGrant, Major, defeated, 1758, 84\\nGrant, Colonel, defeats Cherokees, 86\\nGreathon e kills Indians, 1774, 124. 128\\nGreen, Thomas, 281\\nGreenville, fort, built, 399\\ntreaty of, 415\\npaje\\nHanbury, Mr. of London, member of Ohio Co. 50\\nHalf-king, Iroquois chief, 59, 61, 63\\nHarrod, James, goes to Kentucky, 121\\nHart, Colonel, buys land of Cherokees, 1^6\\nHand, GeneVal, at Fort Pitt, 169, 199\\nHamilton, Governor, takes Vincennes, 201\\nsummoned to yield, 209\\nhis reply, 210\\nmeets Clark, 211\\ncapitulates, 212\\nhis treatment in Virginia, 213\\nHamilton, Fort, built, 359\\nHamilton s fianancial measures, 434\\nHabits and manners of the West, 235\u00e2\u0080\u0094244\\nHarmar, Fort, commenced, 273\\nHarmar, treaties of, 317\\nHarmar, General, i28\\nhis campaign, 337 to 345\\nHarrison, Wm. H. Secretary of N. W. Terr. 465\\nDelegate in Congress, 468\\nGovernor Indiana Territory, 473\\ntreats with Indians, .c. 481. c.\\nW. H. appointed to command in N. W. 535\\nhis plans, 535\\nhis conduct after movemeuts of Win-\\nchester, 541\\nat Maiden, c., 547\\nresizns, 551\\nHarrison, Fort, built, 515\\nFort, defence of, by Z. Tavlor, 531\\nHardin, Colonel John, 338 to 344. 350. 381\\nHennepin, Louis, his character, 30\\nmeets La Salle, 1768, H\\nsent to explore Mississippi, 14\\nhis adventures, 15\\nhis return, 16\\nworks and their authenticity. 16. note.\\nHeath, Sir Robert, grant to Charlps T. 43\\nHenry, Alexander, goes to Mackinac, 89\\nHenry, Fort, at Wheelins, 169\\nbesieged by Indians, 169 to 174\\nHenderson, Col Richard, 135\\ngoes west his letter, 138\\ncalls settlers together, 140\\nbis address, 141 to 143\\nruns south line of Kentucky, 223\\nHenderson Co. grant of land to. S20\\nHelm, Captain, his conduct at Vincennes, 202\\nHeckewelder, Mary,liorn, 231\\nHendrick, chief of Stockbridge Indians, 379\\nHoward, John.coes down the Ohio, 45\\nHolderness, Secretary of State, authorises col-\\nonists to resist French. 1783. 60\\nHouses in West, in early times, 235. 237\\nHousebuilding in West in early times, 240\\nHouse-warming, 241\\nHospitalilv, 243\\nHopkins, General, in 1812, 536\\nHolmes, expedition, 1814, 550\\nkilled, 551\\nHuronsor Wyandots, note, 4\\nHutchins, Thomas, 176. 178. 288\\nHull, Wm., Governor of Michigan, 490\\ncommands N. W. army, 526\\nhis progress and conduct, 526 to 529\\nhis surrender, 529.\\nhis fccntence, 529\\nIllinois, tribe first visited, 7\\nIllinois country, productions of 33- 51\\ntransferred to England, 176\\nstate of. from 1762 to 1777, 176,187 not_e.\\nnilnois and Wabash Companies, 177\\nIllinois settlements in 1781, tc. 271\\nIllinois Banks, 553.576\\nIllinois, State formed, 556\\nIndians, western, in 1762, 87\\nin 1763, 91\\nlands protected, 97\\nin 1764, 99\\nin 1765, 101\\nin 1766, 105\\nin 1770 to 1773, 110,119.121", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0617.jp2"}, "618": {"fulltext": "588\\nINDEX.\\npage\\nIndians, western, murdored in 1774, 123 to 1\\njoin English, c. 148. 15:!\\nin 1774, 129\\nin 1775, 144. 146\\nattaek Kentucliy, 152. 15.i\\nin 1776, 1G2\\nattack Kentucky, l J4\\ntlireaten to unite. 200\\nin 1785, 272\\nto be attacked, 279\\nin 1790, 323. c.\\nin 1791, 34(3\\nin 1793. 394\\nwish for peace, 1794-5, 413\\nIndian Councils, 146. 147, and note\\nIndians, commissioners to treat with, 259. 301)\\nattempts to civilize, 568\\nIndian wars renewed, 318. 321\\nIndian Departments, 146\\nIndiana, the tract so called in 1769, 10\\nterritory formed^ 471 to 473\\nInnis, Judge, 428\\nInsurrection, whiskey, 435 tn 452\\nIroquois, in Illinois, 1680, 15. 46. 4\\nplace their lands under England, 46\\nnames of, c. 46, note.\\nclaims to West, 46. 47. note\\ntreaty with, 1744, 4\\nBell lands south of Ohio, 10\\njoin Eimland, 1775, 145\\nduring Revolution, 214 to 216\\nJay, John, minister to Spain, 222\\nhis treaty witli England, 415, note. 459\\nJefTerson, fort, (on Mississippi,) built_1780,\\nattacked and aliandoned, 234\\nJefferson fort (in Ohio) built, 359\\nJoliet goes with Marquette to seek the Missis-\\nsippi, 5\\nloses his papers, 8\\nJoutel, historian of La Salle s voyage to mouth\\nof Mississippi, 21\\ngoes to explore coast of Gulf, 21\\ncommands at bay of St. Louis, 23\\nhis troubles, 24\\nreaches Mississippi and Illinois, 27\\nJohnson, Sir William, at Niagara, 99\\nmakes treaty, 1765, 101\\nproposes new colony, 109\\nsends to Indians to keep peace, 129\\nhis death, 145\\nJohnson, Guy, influences Indians, 1775, 145. 148\\nmeets Indians, 1777, 163\\nJolly s statement as to Greathouse, 1774, 12H\\nJones, goes with Clark to Va. 1776, ,.160\\nis killed on his return, 161.\\nJumonville, death of 64.\\nKitskeiskia, founded by Gravier, 30\\nriver, villages near in 1721, 36\\nin 1750, 38\\nin 1770 and 71, 176. 17H\\nKeith, Governor, wishes West secured, 42\\nKentucky, Indian claims to, 46. 107. 108. 110\\nexplored. 111 to 119\\nfirst settlers, 121, 138\\nfirst families in, 1-19\\nrecognised as part of Virginia, 152 to 161\\n157 to 159\\n164 to 168\\n1741\\n229\\n234\\n235\\n2611\\n265\\n76,\\npetiiions Virginia, 1\\nin 1777,\\nchooses burge.sses,\\ndivided into three counties,\\norganised, 1781,\\nemigration of girls to,.^.\\nreorganised,\\nrapid growth of,\\nproposes separation from Virginia, 266. 271.\\n282. 285. 23b. 320.\\nviews upon federal conslitulion, 287\\ndisappointed in not being made a state\\nin 1788, 312\\nadmitted to the TTnion, 42(i\\namends her constitution, 470\\npage\\nKentucky talks of internal improvements, 471\\nKenton, Simon, 197\\nKittaninu Armstrong attacks, 79\\nKirkland, Rev. Samuel, among Iroquois, 144. 374\\nKtioi, Col. James, in West, 119\\nKnives, Long or Big, 180. 187\\nKnox, plans of, after St. Clair s defeat, 371\\nLa Salle, his enterprises, 9to27\\nLake trade, 556\\nLa Hontan, his travels. 29\\nLaclede founds St. Louis, 179\\nLa Barre, Governoi of Canada, dsfames La\\nSalle, 20\\nLaw, John and his doings in France, 34\\nLancaster, treaty of, 1744, 47. 49, note.\\nLand-laws of Virginia, 1779, 218 to 220\\nLand Commissioners, 220\\nLe Caion, explores Upper Canada, 4\\nLe Clercq s account of La Salle, 16. note.\\nLe Sueur, seeks and finds copper on St.\\nPeter s River, 33 and note.\\nLee, Colonel Thomas, treats at Lancaster, 49\\nforms Ohio Company, 49. 50\\nLewis, Andrew, General, surveys for Green-\\nbriar Company, 53\\ngoes against Indians, 1756, 79\\ntaken prisoner, 17.58, 84\\nprepares to invade Indian country, 130\\nlights battle of Point Pleasant. 130\\nobliged to return by Lor l Dunmore, 131\\ncommissioner to treat with Indians,\\n1778, 200\\nLexington, Ky. settled, 217\\nLegionville, 377\\nLewis and Clarke, their expedition, 495\\nLewis, Colonel, in 1813, 537 to 539\\nLaurens, fort, 200. 201\\nLittle Meadows, 64\\nLittle Turtle, 371. 420, note\\nLogan, Secretary of Pennsylvania, wislies\\nwest secured, 42\\nLogan, murder of the family of, 123 to 128\\nhis revenge, 129\\nhis speech, 132\\nLogan, Benjamin, crosses mountains, 1775, 141\\nhis rescue of Harrison. 166\\ngoes to Holston for powder, 167\\ncalls convention, 1784, 265\\nattacks Shawnee towns, 279\\nLouisiana taken possession of for France by\\nLa Salle. 18\\nsupposed wealth of. 33\\ntransferred to Crozat, 33\\nresigned by liiin and given to Missis-\\nsippi Company, 34\\nwest of Mississippi transferred to Spain, 176\\nmeasures relative to purcliase of liv U.\\nStates, 483 to 488\\norganised, 489\\nLonsdale, lord, proposes to colonize Louisiana, 44\\nLogstown, Weiser, sent to, 45\\ntreaty of in 1752, 54\\nwhere situated, 54.55 ic notes.\\nLoyal Co. 50\\nLous Hunters, IH\\nLouisville, neighborhood of peopled, 223\\nestablished by law, 229\\npopulation of, 1784, 265, note.\\nLoramie s store, 224\\nLosantiville, 305. 329. note.\\nLovejoy killed, 575\\nLuth, Sieur du, meets Hennepin, 16\\nLyman, General, asks grant of land, 106\\ngoes to Naictiez, 120\\nLudlow, Israel, 308\\nMarquette and Dablon found St. Mary s mis\\nsion, 4\\nMarquette founds station St. Ignatius, at Mac-\\nkinac, 5\\nMarquette s expedition, 5 to 9\\nMascouiens, note 6\\nMary St., falls of first visited, 4", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0618.jp2"}, "619": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n589\\npage.\\nMatagorda bay, bay of St. Louis, or bay of\\nSt. Bernard, La Salle in, 20\\nMassac, fort, or Massiac, 41, note\\nMarslie s account of Lancaster treaty, 1T44, 47\\nMackinac attacked, 1814. 551\\ntaken, 17(i3, 9-2\\ntaken, 1812, 530\\nMcDonald niarclips into Indian country, 129\\nMassaclmsetts Council fear Indians, 1775, 144\\nMcCollocli, Major, his escape, 1777, 173\\nMay, George, surveyor in Kentucky,\\n220. 224. 234. 256.\\nMaulding, settles on Red river, 223\\nMartin s station taken, 224\\nMaiden, Hull prepares to attack, 527\\nMackiiilo li,Fort, 199\\nMassacre of Chicago, 1812, 530\\nMaryland objects to land claims of Virgin-\\nia, c. 226\\nMassacre at Frenclitown, 1813. 539\\nMarriages in West in early times, 237 to 240\\nMac Gary, liis conduct at Blue Licks, 253\\nMacArtliur s expedition into Canada, 552\\nMarshall, Thomas, surveyor in Kentucky,\\n234. 256.\\nMarietta founded, c. 302\\nMcKee, Alcxandfer, Indian agent, 335, note.\\nMay, William, sent to Indians, 1792, c.\\n381, note, 406.\\nMcFarland, killed attacking Neville shouse, 446\\nMaiden deserted by British, 547\\nMesnard founds mission on Lake Superior, 4\\nMesconsin or Wisconsin river, 6\\nMercer, C. F. has original papers, 49, note.\\nColonel, sent to Eugland, 91\\nMedals placed by French along Ohio, 51\\nMeadows, Great and Little, 64\\nMeadow Indians, Clark s treatment of, 192\\nMeigs, fort, built, 541\\nbesieged, 543\\nMississippi, reached by De Soto, 3\\nreached by Marquette, 6\\nnames of, note, 9. 22. 31.\\nmouth reached by La Salle, 18\\nd Iberville,\\nMississippi Company, or Company of West,\\nor Company of Indies,\\ntakes Louisiana,\\nresians it again,\\n1769,\\n31\\n34\\n35\\n36\\n108\\nMississippi, troubles with Spain, relative to,\\n221.280.285\\nviews of Washington respecting, 1787, 287\\ntrade opened upon, 286, 309. 323\\nMianiis river of La Salle same as St. Josephs\\nof lake Michigan, 13\\nMiami confederacy, was it conquered by the\\nIroquois, 46. 47. note.\\nMiami Great, fort and trading station, built\\non, 1752, 51\\nMiami village on Maumee, importance of, 353\\nMiami University, steps relating to, 486. 509\\nMissouri river, names of, 7,11,43\\nMissouri admitted lo Union, 561\\nMilitary duty in earlv times, 242\\nMilitary claimants of Virginia lands, 266\\nMiller, Christopher, 400. note, 404\\nMiro, Governor, 427\\nMill, first, ill West, 320, note.\\nMill for paper-making, first in West, 463\\nMitchell. Professor, 584\\nMississinnevvay expedition, 1812, 537\\nMichigan admit ted to Union, 573\\nwar with Ohio, 574\\nMobile, f.Hinded by D Iberville, 33\\nMontour, interpreter at Logstown, 55 note.\\nMontour, Caiharine, 55 note.\\nMoravians in the West. 149.150\\nMoravians taken by British to Sandusky, 231\\ntried at Detroit, 232\\nthreatened by Americans, 233\\nmurdered by Americana, 244\\nMoravians, befriended I)y British,\\nMorgan, George, at New Madrid,\\nMormoiiisni, its rise and history,\\nMurray, of Kentucky,\\npage.\\n248\\n317 note.\\n577 to 583\\n428\\nNames of tribes, lakes, c. c. 9. note, 11. note.\\nNatchez, toundation of, 33\\ncontest of natives of, and French, 30\\nGeneral Lyman, goes to, c. 120 ic note.\\nNew Orleans laid out, 35\\nCharlevoix s description of, 33\\na place oi deposit, 461\\nceases to be, 478\\nNew York, proceedings in relative to war of\\n1754, 61.62\\nproposes to cede lands, 227\\nNeedham, journal of Mr. 43\\nNew Mexico, explored from Boston, in 1678,\\n44. 45\\nNecessity. Fort, built and taken, 65\\nNewtown, battle of, 215\\nNew Jersey objects to land claims of Virgi-\\nnia, :c. 223\\nNew Madrid, 317 and note.\\nNe\\\\ ille. General John, 437. 444. note.\\nNicholas. of Kentucky, 42S\\nNorthwest taken formal possession of by\\nFrench, 5\\nmeasures to defend the, 1812, 525\\nNorth American Land Company. 459\\nNullification in Kentucky, 466\\nin Ohio, 560\\nObservatory, Cincinnati, 583\\nOrhequiton, or Alabama river, 44\\nOccupying claimant law of Kentucky, 464\\nOhio River, when first visitedj ;c.\\n42. 45 and notes.\\nOhio Company of 1748, 49 note,50. 87. 105. lOff\\nOhio Company of 1786, 283. 288\\nconclude purchase, 291\\nprepare to settle, 299\\nreach the Muskingum; 301\\nfound Marietta, c. 301 to 305\\nsettlements of spread, 320\\nstale of settlements, 1791, 345\\nOhio, stale of, measures in relation to forming,\\n475,477 to 480\\nOldham, Colonel, 368, 369 note.\\nOrdinance for government of Northwest Ter-\\nritory, 292 to 298\\ndividing lands in Northwest territory, 269\\nOrleans Territory formed, 489\\nOswego, British and Indians meet at, 163\\nOuabouskigon or Ohio, 7\\nPamphilo de Narivaez, explores Florida 1\\nParis, peace of 89\\nParsons, General, letter from, 275\\nPatterson, Colonel, 304. 308\\nPinet, father, founds Cahokia, 30\\nPickawillany, 54 and note.\\nPitt Fort, plan of, 63, note.\\nattacked by Indians, 1763, 9S\\ndismantled, 123\\nPittsburgh, Indians meet at 1775, 146. 147\\nPipe, Captain. 148\\nPittinan, Captain, visits Illinois, 176\\nPittsburgh, laid out, c. 264\\nArthur Lee s account of, 265\\nvarious facts as to, 5.53\\nPickering, treats with Iroquois, 1791, 349\\nPonce de Leon discovers Florida, 1\\nPownall s Topography, 52, note.\\nPost s missions lo the western Indians, 83 to 85\\nPost settles on the Muskingum, 149\\nPosts of Northwest retained by British, 260 to 264\\ngiven up to United States, 462\\nPosts (mails) in West, 313. note.\\nPontiac, visits Major Rogers, 88\\nvisits Henry, 89\\nunites Indians against English, 91\\nattacks Detroit, 93 to 97\\nissu\u00c2\u00ab3ba-rk money, 99f", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0619.jp2"}, "620": {"fulltext": "590\\nINDEX.\\nPage\\nPontiac deserted by his followers, 97\\nkilled in Illinois, 100\\nPoint P! ;asant, lialtle of, 130. 131\\nPond s mission, 1772, 375\\nPower, Thomas, 4 J8\\nPrudhoniine lost at Chicltasaw blufl?, 17\\nFort, La Salle at, 19\\nFort, liuilt, 17\\nProresverlial of L Salle as to discovery of\\nMississippi, 17\\nPresqu ile (Krie) French fortify, .OH\\ntalseii by Indians, 1763, 96. note.\\nProclamation of 1763, 97\\nPriming Presses, first in West, 287 and note.\\nPuans, bay of, same as Green bay, I\\nPutnam, Rufus, 283. 379. 382\\nRaystown (Bedford) march from by Forbes, 81\\nRay, Jame?, supplies Harrodslmrgh, 1777, 16G\\nRandall and others, land speculators, 4.59\\nRedstone (Brownsville) 64\\nRedbawk killed, 163\\nReynolds Girty, 251\\nReligion in West in early times, 24-1\\nRecovery, Fort, buiU, 40(1\\naiiarked, 4o:\\nReserve, Virginia, northwest of Ohio, eettled, 455\\nConnecticut, 457, 47;\\nRigdon, Sidney, 578\\nRock Fort on Illinois river, ]9\\nRoclieblave commands Kaskaskia, 1778, 186.189\\nRosalie, Fort, (Natchez,) 33\\nRogers, Major, Robert, goes to Detroit, 8\\ncrosses Ohio, 81\\nRogers, Colonel, attacked by Indians, 1779, 21\\nRuddle s station taken, 224\\nSaint Mary, falls of, visited by French,\\nSaint Anthony, falls of, discovered by Henne-\\npin, 16\\nSaint Loui-, fort on Illinois river, 19\\nSaint Loui* bay, (Matagorda bay. La Salle in, ?2\\nSaint Bernard bay, (same as bay of St. Louis,) 22\\nSaint Jerome, or Wabash, river, 41\\nSaint Pierre, French commander in West, in\\n1753, 60\\nSandy Creek voyage, 79\\nSaint Clair, Arthur, arrests Connolly, 1774, 122\\naccuses Connolly, 123\\nSaint Louis, orizin of and history, 178 to 183\\nSaint Josephs taken by Spaniards, 230\\nSt. Clair asks court of Inquiry, 376\\nfield i.fhis defeat visite 1, 377. 399\\nfort, 383\\nGovernor, his unpopularity, 474\\nSaint Ildefonso, treaty ot, 474\\nSt Clair s expedition, 353to370\\nSargent Win hrop, 465, note.\\nSchools in Ohio, 565. 568\\nScioto, attempt to settle on, 1785, 271\\nSenat, a Jesuit, killed among Chickasaws. 37\\nSeven years war begins, 78\\nSeduction in West rare in early times, 243\\nSebastian s Intrigues with Spain, 427\\nShelby, Governor, goes to aid HarribOn, 545\\nFort, founded and taken, 552\\nEvan and Isaac, at battle of Point Plea-\\nsant, 131\\nShingiss, Delaware warrior, 59 t note.\\nShepherd, Colonel, commands fort Henry, 169\\nSix Nations or Iroqnois, (see Iroquois) 46. note.\\nSinicoe, Governor, 364.411.\\nSlanderers in West in early time?, 243\\nSlavery in Northwest Territory, 292\\nSlough, Captain, 368, 369 and note.\\nSmith, Jainos, Colonel, at Fort Pitt, 76\\nin Kentucky, 111\\nSmyth, Dr. his travels and account of Hender-\\nson, 135\\nSmith, Joe, 577\\ndeath of, 582\\nSoto, Ferdinand de. goes to Florida, 2\\ncrossed Mississippi. 3\\ndies, 3\\npage.\\nDe Soto, authorities, in relation to, note 2\\npots wood, Governor, crosses Alleghanies, 42\\nSpanish claims to Mississippi and West, 221. 2?0\\nS|)aniards lake SI. Josephs, S .iO\\nSpanish property seized at Vincennes, 281\\nStotio, Capiain, account of French at Fort\\nDu Uuesne, 6 J note.\\nhostage of French, 65\\nStan wi.\\\\ lort,f Fort Schuyler or Rome,) 106.146\\nStirling, Captain, takes possession of Illinois. 176\\ntjpaiii, attempts 10 separate Ihe^wesiern slates\\nfrom Union, 313. 427\\nai tempts to excite Indians, (1790-9:;)\\n396. 397\\ndifficulties with in 1797, c, 464, 465\\n18( 6, 496\\nSpanish intrigues in Kentucky, 426\\nSpeculations in land in West, 459. 481\\nSlates, names of proposed western, 292\\nStites, Benjamin, 299. 305. 307\\nStory, Daniel, first teacher and preacher in\\nOhio Company s purchase, 320\\nStedman s mission, 1792, 375\\nSteamboats in West, 522 to 524\\nSuperior, lake, visited by French, 4\\nSullivan, invades lands of Iroquois, 215\\nSymraes, J.C. applies for land, 299\\nissues proposals, to. 304 to 309\\nhis contract, ,c. 305, note. 458\\nTaylor, Captain (now General) Z. defends\\nfort Harrison, 531\\nTennessee river, English forts on, 45\\nTeedyuscung, 82. 83. 85\\nTerritory northwest of Ohio, cessions of, 225.\\n230. 258. 284\\nsettlers forbidden to enter, 2)7. 260. 270\\nordinance respecting sale of lands in, 269\\nlaws passed in, to 1795, 459\\nchooses representatives, 466. 457\\nlaws passed by representatives, 469\\ndivisions among the people tff, 475\\nTerritory Mississippi, 465\\nIllinois formed, (fee. 509\\nOrleans. 489\\nIndiana formed, c. 472\\nMichigan formed, c. 490\\nIndiana, slavery in, 506\\nTecunithe, his elTorts, c. 489. 492. 495. 507. 508\\n510\\nmeets Harrison, 1810, 512\\ngoes south, 1811, 514\\nkilled, 548\\nThompson, Gen, surveys on Licking, 120\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note\\nThel t in west in early tlinei, 242\\nThames, battle of, 547 to 550\\nTippecanoe, battle of, 515\\nTigress taken by British, 553\\nTodd, Colonel, in 1776, 161\\nTonti, La Salle s lieutenant, 10\\nleft at fort Crevecoi-ur, 14\\nforced to leave the Illinois. 15\\nsent to Count Frontenac in lfit 2, 19\\nremains in west till 1700, or later, 28. 29\\nTramontine order founded by Spotlswtod, 42\\nTrent, William, sent to Ohio, 51. 57\\ncommands on frontier, 60. 62\\ndeed to, by Iroquois, 1768, 107\\nTreaty of Lancaster, 47\\nLogstown, 54\\nWinchester, 57\\nCarlisle, 57\\nEaston, 81 and note. 81. 85\\nFort Pitt in 1760, 87\\nParis, 1763. 89. 90\\nDetroit, 1764, 99\\nMuskingum, 1784, 100\\nGerman Flats, 1765, 181\\nFort Slanwii, 1768, 106 to 108\\nLochaber, 1770, 107- note. 103\\nWataga, 1785, 136\\nwith Delawares, 1778, 200\\nofGreenville, 1814, 553", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0620.jp2"}, "621": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\n591\\nPaee\\nTreaty of Ghent, 553\\nof Great Britain and U. Statee, 1783, 256. -261\\nfort Sianwix. ]7f4, 207. 324\\nMcintosh, 1785. 2C7. 3 J5\\nFinney, mouth of Great Miami,\\n1786, 274. 325\\nHarmar, 1789. 317. 325\\nwith G. Britain, 1795, 415\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note. 459. 462\\nwith Spain, 1795. 460\\nof Greenville, 1794, 415 to 420\\nTreaties with Indians, 481. 486. 488. 402. 494.\\n506. 508. 509. 558\\nTransylvania company, 135\\npurchase lands, 137\\ndenounced by Dunmore, 137\\norganise government, 141 to 144\\nTruman, his mission to Indians, 378. 381\u00e2\u0080\u0094 note\\nTwigtvveea, who they were, 52 and note\\nrelations v.ith Pennsylvania, .C. 54 note\\nkilled in defendmg English, 53\\nin 1765, 103\\nTupper. Benjamin, 283\\nGeneral, in 1812, 536\\nTurner, Lieutenant, conquered, 552\\nVandalia, the tract so called, 1768, 109\\nVandreuil feats English in West, 50\\nVanbram, interpreter at capitulation of fort\\nNecessity, 65\\nVenancro, Washington at, c. 59 note. 51 note\\nFrench at, 52 and note. 61\\nVincennes, when founded, 30 note. 40\\nin 1705, 101\\nkilled among Chickasaws, 37\\nbesieged by Clark, 207\\nVivier. letter-i from, relative to West, 38. 39\\nVirginians buy west of Irotjuois, 1744, 48\\nFrench idea of, 186. 187\\nVirginia sends Commissioners west, 1753, 57\\nraises troops, 60. 62\\nchanges organization of troops, 66\\nin 1756, 78\\nland laws, 218. 227\\nfirst land cession, 230\\nsecond do 257\\nagrees to independence of Kentucky.\\n27:t and note\\nreserve, northwest of Ohio, settled, 455\\nWabash, early used by travellers, 41. 52\\nsettlements in 1765, 102. 103\\nWabash and Illinois companies, 177\\nWabash Indians and U. S. 318. 331. 320. 350, c.\\nPage\\nWalker, Dr: 107 and note. Ill and note. 223\\nWalpole CO. 1U5. 106. lOD\\nWappotomicn attacked, 1774, 129\\nWarrior s road, 55 and note. 114\\nWar of 18 12, causes of, 525\\nWashington, L. A. concerned in Ohio co. 50\\nGeorge, sent west, 58\\nduring war, 60 to 66\\nbuvs western lands, 110 and nota\\ngoes west, 1770, 110. 119. 121\\nviews as to Mississippi, 287\\nviews on settling West, 257\\nWashington, fort, 321\\nWataga treaty, 136\\nWayne, his movements in West, 376. 377. 389.\\n398. 403. 406 to 410. 411\\ndeath of, 463\\nWayne, fort, 411\\nWeiser, Conrad, 45. 48 and note\\nWells. Samuel, noble act of, 234\\nWest in 1750, 38. 3.5\\nEnglish claim to, 43. 46. 47\\nreentered by English, 1760, 88\\ngrants in, by Virginia, 87\\ntrouble respecting, 257\\ncession of, to U. States, 225. 230. 258. 284\\nmiinners and habits of, 235 to 244\\nWestfall, 131\\nWetzell, Lewis, 233\\nWheeling, 168 to 174\\nWhileeyes, Captain, 128. 148\\nWhiskey insurrection, 432 to 452\\nWinchester, treaty at, in 1753, 57\\nWinchester, General, in 1812, 535\\nat rapids of Maumee, 537\\nWill s Creek, Cumoerland, 58. 60. 64\\nWilkinson, James, in Lexington, 265\\nacquires influence, 272\\ngoes to New Orleans, 286.309.323\\ngoes against Wabash Indians, 352\\ncharges, .c. against 426\\nhis connection with Burr, 505\\nWood, Colonel, his travels, 43. 44. 46 note\\nWorsley, Lieut, takes Tigress, c. 552\\nWyandots, or Hurons, note 4\\nZane, family of, settle at Wheeling, 121\\nColonel, opposes Cresap, 123. 125\\nIsaac, captive amor.g the Indians,\\n169 and note\\nElizabeth, heroic conduct of, 172\\nZeisberger settles in Alleghany, c. 130", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0621.jp2"}, "622": {"fulltext": "ERRORS AND OMISSIONS.\\nSome typf gi-apliical errors, not noticed below, are to be found in this volume, but the\\ndeader can correct them without difficulty.\\nPage 30 Note t 1st line, after Paris, 1781, insert voK vi.\\n35 Note* 2nilline, after Indiana insert vol. i.\\n41 Note t ast line, for ii read No. 2.\\n43 Note l8t line, for 354 read 34-1.\\n50 25tli line, for 57 read 1751.\\n52 Note 1 1st line, for typography read topography.\\n54 Note t 4th line, place the colon after Pickaway.\\n57 Note 2nd line, for 484 read 434.\\ndo Instead of the note 1| Sparks, Wash. vol. ii. p. 930, read Spark s FrankMn, iii. 230.\\nand for hi tlie 4th note, read\\n58 Note t, for 328 read 428.\\n68 In 5th line from bottom, after appendix to the iiisert 2d volume of the.\\n84 Transpose the notes.\\n91 5th line, for 1764 read 1774.\\n96 Notef, for 83 read 106.\\n107 Note 1st line, for was read were.\\n116 In the head line, for 1767 read 1769.\\n127 3d line, for Wangusta, read West Augusta.\\n131 last line, for Fort read Camp.\\n138 Note after series insert vol. ii.\\n152 Note Cth line, after series insert vol. i. 278.\\n178 2d line from bottom, for Abbudie read Abbadie.\\n202 23d line, for Colonel Bowman read Major Bowman. N. B. JoBn Bowihan was Col.\\nJoseph Bowman, Captain, and tlien Major.\\n260 Note II for G. W. Leigh read B W.\\nS68 Note 1st line, for say read says.\\n278 Note after Hall insert the Wilderness and War path.\\n336 Note f 2d line, for 1781 read 1791.\\n341 In head line, for Ferguson s read Armstrong s.\\n406 3d line, for Trueman read Freeman.\\n510 6th line from bottom, for Johnson read Johnston.\\n526 12th line, for conduct read cause.\\n529 Insert as a note to the passageending red coats, in 5th line from bottom Brock s oiiiciai\\nreport, quoted by Armstrong, i. 35.\\n530 Note ti for in his evidence read in his defence.\\n543 Note for 72 read 372.\\n553 Under the head of 1816 should be inserted the admission of Indiana to the Union.", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0622.jp2"}, "623": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0623.jp2"}, "624": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0624.jp2"}, "625": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0625.jp2"}, "626": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "1954", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00pe_0626.jp2"}}